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Τ Η Ε
H ISTOR
Y
OF
2105
E N G L A N D,
4
FROM
The Invaſion of JULIUS CÆSAR
TO
The REVOLUTION in 1688.
IN EIGHT VOLUMES.
By DAVID HUME, Eſq.
VOL. I.
A NEW EDITION, Corrected.
L O N D ON:
Printed for T. CADELL, (Succeſſor to A. Millar) in the Strand.
M DCC LXX.
1
作
​sh
1
Τ Η Ε
L
I
F
Е.
OF
DA VIDHU M E, Eſq.
+
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.
VOL. I.
1
+
+
with
产
​4
4
1
1
{
1
1
C
M Y OWN
L
1
F
E.
..
I!
T is difficult for a man to ſpeak long of himſelf without
vanity; therefore, I ſhall be ſhort. It may be thought an
inſtance of vanity that I pretend at all to write my life; but
this Narrative ſhall contain little more than the Hiſtory of
my Writings; as, indeed, almoſt all my life has been ſpent
in literary purſuits and occupations. The firſt ſucceſs of moſt
of my writings was not ſuch as to be an cbject of vanity.
1
I was born the 26th of April 1711, old ſtyle, at Edinburgh.
I was of a good family, both by father and mother: niy fa-
ther's family is a branch of the Earl of Home's, or Hume's ;
and
a
ir
M Y OWN L I F E.
and
my
anceſtors had been proprietors of the eſtate, which my
brother poſſeſſes, for ſeveral generations. My mother was
daughter of Sir David Falconer, Preſident of the College of
Juſtice : the title of Lord Halkerton came by ſucceſſion to her
brother.
My family, however, was not rich, and being myſelf a
younger brother, my patrimony, according to the mode of
my country, was of courſe very flender. My father, who
paſſed for a man of parts, died when I was an infant, leaving
me, with an elder brother and a fifter, under the care of our
mother, a woman of ſingular merit, who, though young and
handſome, devoted herſelf entirely to the rearing and edu-
cating of her children. I paſſed through the ordinary courſe
of education with ſucceſs, and was ſeized very early with a
paſſion for literature, which has been the ruling paſſion of my
life, and the great ſource of my enjoyments. My ſtudious dif-
poſition, my ſobriety, and my induſtry, gave my family a no-
tion that the law was a proper profeſſion for me; but I found
an unſurmountable averſion to every thing but the purſuits of
philoſophy and general learning; and while they fancied I was
poring upon Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and Virgil were the au-
thors which I was ſecretly devouring.
My very flender fortune, however, being unſuitable to this
plan of life, and my health being a little broken by my ardent
application, I was tempted, or rather forced, to make a very
feeble trail for entering into a more active ſcene of life. In
1734, I went to Briſtol, with ſome recommendations to emi-
nent merchants, but in a few months found that ſcene totally
unſuitable
1
4
M YO W N L I F E.
unſuitable to me. I went over to France, with a view of pro-
ſecuting my ſtudies in a country retreat ; and I there laid that
plan of life, which I have ſteadily and ſucceſsfully purſued. I
reſolved to make a very rigid frugality ſupply my deficiency
of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to
regard every object as contemptible, except the improvement
of my talents in literature.
simenei
DURING my retreat in France, firſt at Reims, but chiefly at
La Fleche, in Anjou, I compoſed my Treatiſe of Human Nature.
After paſſing three years very agreeably in that country,
I came over to London in 1737. In the end of 1738, I pub-
liſhed my Treatiſe, and immediately went down to my mother
and my brother, who lived at his country-houſe, and was em-
ploying himſelf very judiciouſly and ſucceſsfully in the ima
provement of his fortune.
Never literary attempt was more unfortunate than my
Treatiſe of Human Nature. It fell dead-boril from the
preſs, without reaching ſuch diſtinction, as even to excite
a murmur among the zealots. But being naturally of a cheer-
ful and fanguine temper, I very ſoon recovered the blow,
and profecuted with great ardour my ſtudies in the country. In
1742, I printed at Edinburgh the firſt part of my Eſſays :
the work was favourably received, and ſoon made me entirely
forget my former diſappointment. I continued with my mo-
ther and brother in the country, and in that time recovered
the knowledge of the Greek language, which I had too much
neglected in my early youth.
1
Iv
vi
M Y
L I K E.
O W N
IN 1745, I received a letter from the Marquis of An-
nandale, inviting me to come and live with him in England;
I found alſo, that the friends and family of that young no-
bleman were deſirous of putting him under my care and di-
rection, for the ſtate of his mind and health required it.-I
lived with him a twelvemonth. My appointments during
that time made a conſiderable acceſſion to my ſmall fortune.
I then received an invitation from General St. Clair to attend
him as a ſecretary to his expedition, which was at firſt meant
againſt Canada, but ended in an incurſion on the coaſt of
France. Next year, to wit, 1747, I received an invitation
from the General to attend him in the ſame ſtation in his mili-
tary embaſſy to the courts of Vienna and Turin. I then wore
the uniform of an officer, and was introduced at theſe courts
as aid-de-camp to the general, along with Sir Harry Erſkine
and Captain Grant, now General Grant. Theſe two years were
almoſt the only interruptions which my ſtudies have received
during the courſe of my life: I paſſed them agreeably, and in
good company; and my appointments, with my frugality,
had made me reach a fortune, which I called independent,
though moſt of my friends were inclined to ſmile when I ſaid
ſo; in ſhort, I was now maſter of near a thouſand pounds.
I HAD always entertained a notion, that my want of ſucceſs
in publiſhing the Treatiſe of Human Nature, had proceeded
more from the manner than the matter, and that I had been
guilty of a very uſual indiſcretion, in going to the preſs too
early. I, therefore, caſt the firſt part of that work anew in
the Enquiry concerning Human Underſtanding, which was
publiſhed while I was at Turin. But this piece was at firſt little
more
MY OWN LIFE.
vii
more ſucceſsful than the Treatiſe of Human Nature. On my
return from Italy, I had the mortification to find all England
in a ferment, on account of Dr. Middleton's Free Enquiry,
while my performance was entirely overlooked and neglected.
A new edition, which had been publiſhed at London of my
Eſſays, Moral and Political, met not with a much better re-
ception.
1
Such is the fource of natural temper, that theſe diſappoint-
ments made little or no impreſſion on me. I went down in
1749, and lived two years with my brother at his country-
houſe, for my mother was now dead. I there compoſed the
ſecond part of my Eſſay, which I called Political Diſcourſes,
and alſo my Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals,
which is another part of my treatiſe that I caſt anew. Mean-
while, iny bookfeller, A. Millar, informed me, that my
förmer publications (all but the unfortunate Treatiſe) were
beginning to be the ſubject of converſation; that the ſale of
them was gradually increaſing, and that new editions were
demanded. Anſwers by Reverends, and Right Reverends,
came out two or three in a year; and I found, by Dr. War-
burton's railing, that the books were beginning to be eſteemed
in good company. However, I had fixed a reſolution, which
I inflexibly maintained; never to reply to any body; and not
being very iraſcible in my temper, I have eaſily kept myſelf
clear of all literary ſquabbles. Theſe ſymptoms of a riſing
reputation gave me encouragement, as I was ever more diſpoſed
to ſee the favourable than unfavourable ſide of things; a turn
of mind which it is more happy to poſſeſs, than to be born to
an 'eſtáte of ten thouſand a year.
IN
8
11
I
viii
O W N L I F E.
M Y
1-
HE
IN 1751, I removed from the country to the town, the true
ſcene for a man of letters. In 1752, were publiſhed at Edin-
burgh, where I then lived, my Political Diſcourſes, the only
work of mine that was ſucceſsful on the firſt publication. It
was well received abroad and at home. In the ſame year was
publiſhed at London, my Enquiry concerning the Principles
of Morals; which, in my own opinion (who ought not to
judge on that ſubject) is of all my writings, hiſtorical, phi-
loſophical or literary, incomparably the beſt. It came unno-
ticed and unobſerved into the world.
1
♡
IN 1752, the Faculty of Advocates choſe me their Librarian,
an office from which I received little or no emolument, but
which gave me the command of a large library. I then
formed the plan of writing the Hiſtory of England; but being
frightened with the notion of continuing a narrative through a
period of 1700 years, I commenced with the acceſſion of the
Houſeof Stuart, an epoch when, I thought, the miſrepreſentations
of faction began chiefly to take place. I was, I own, fanguine
in my expectations of the ſucceſs of this work. I thought
that I was the only hiſtorian, that had at once neglected pre-
ſent power, intereſt, and authority, and the cry of popular
prejudices ; and as the ſubject was ſuited to every capacity,
I expected proportional applauſe. But miſerable was my dif-
appointment: I was aſſailed by one cry of reproach, diſap-
probation, and even deteftation; Engliſh, Scotch, and Iriſh,
Whig and Tory, churchman and ſectary, freethinker and re-
ligioniſt, patriot and courtier, united in their rage againſt the
man, who had preſumed to ſhed a generous tear for the fate
of Charles I. and the Earl of Strafford; and after the firſt
cbullitions
✓
M Y
ix
OWN LIFE.
ebullitions of their fury were over, what was ſtill more mora
tifying, the book ſeemed to ſink into oblivion. Mr. Millar
told me, that in a twelvemonth he fold only forty-five copies
of it. I ſcarcely, indeed, heard of one man in the three king-
doms, conſiderable for rank or letters, that could endure the
book.! I muſt only except the primate of England, Dr. Her-
ring, and the primate of Ireland, Dr. Stone, which ſeem
two odd exceptions. Theſe dignified prelates ſeparately ſent
me ineffages not to be diſcouraged.
+
I WAS, however, I confeſs, diſcouraged; and had not the
war been at that time breaking out between France and Eng-
land, I had certainly retired to ſome provincial town of the
former kingdom, have changed my name, and never more
have returned to my native country. But as this ſcheme was
not nov practicable, and the ſubſequent volume was conſiderably
advanced, I reſolved to pick up courage and to perſevere.
In this interval, I publiſhed at London my Natural Hiſtory
of Religion, along with ſome other ſmall pieces : its public
entry was rather obſcure, except only that Dr. Hurd wrote a
pamphlet againſt it, with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance,
and fcurrility, which diſtinguiſh the Warburtonian ſchool.
This pamphlet gave me ſome conſolation for the otherwiſe in-
different reception of my performance.
i
IN 1756, two years after the fall of the firſt volume, was
publiſhed the ſecond volume of my Hiſtory, containing the
period from the death of Charles I. till the Revolution. This
performance happened to give leſs diſpleaſure to the Whigs,
VOL. I.
b
and
N
MY LIFE.
OWN OWN
1
and was better received. It not only roſe itſelf, but helped to
buoy up its unfortunate brother. '
But though I had been taught by experience, that the Whig
party were in poſſeſſion of beſtowing all places, both in the
ſtate and in literature, I was ſo little inclined to yield to their
ſenſeleſs clamour, that in above a hundred alterations, which
farther ſtudy, reading, or reflection engaged me to make in
the reigns of the two firſt Stuarts, I have made all of them in-
variably to the Tory ſide. It is ridiculous to conſider the
Engliſh conſtitution before that period as a regular plan of
liberty.
t
IN 1759, I publiſhed my Hiſtory of the Houſe of Tudor.
The clamour againſt this performance was almoſt equal to that
againſt the Hiſtory of the two firſt Stuarts. The reign of Eli-
zabeth was particularly obnoxious. But I was now callous
againſt the impreſſions of public folly, and continued very
peaceably and contentedly in my retreat at Edinburgh, to
finiſh, in two volumes, the more early part of the Engliſh
Hiſtory, which I gave to the public in 1761, with tolerable,
and but tolerable ſucceſs.
But, notwithſtanding this variety of winds and ſeaſons, to
which my writings had been expoſed, they had ſtill been
making ſuch advances, that the copy-money given me by the
bookſellers, much exceeded any thing formerly known in
England; I was become not only independent, but opulent.
I retired to my native country of Scotland, determined never
more to ſet. my foot out of it;; and retaining the ſatisfaction
of
MY O W N
xi
L I F E.
of never having preferred a requeſt to one great man, or even
making advances of friendſhip to any of them. As I was
now turned of fifty, I thought of paſſing all the reſt of my
life in this philoſophical manner, when I received, in 1763,
an invitation from the Earl of Hertford, with whom I was
not in the leaſt acquainted; to attend him on his embaſſy to
Paris, with a near proſpect of being appointed ſecretary to
the embaſſy ; and, in the meanwhile, of perforining the func-
tions of that office. This offer, however inviting, I at firſt
declined, both becauſe I was reluctant to begin connexions
with the great, and becauſe I was afraid that the civilities
and gay company of Paris, would prove diſagreeable to
a perſon of my age and humour: but on his lordſhip's re-
peating the invitation, I accepted of it. I have every reaſon,
both of pleaſure and intereſt, to think myſe.f happy in my
connexions with that nobleman, as well as afterwards with his
brother, General Conway.
"Those who have not ſeen the ſtrange effects of modes, will
never imagine the reception I met with at Paris, froni inen
and women of all ranks and ſtations. The more I refiled from
their exceſſive civilities, the more I was loaded with them.
There is, however, a real fatisfaction in living at Paris, from
the great number of ſenſible, knowing, and polite company
with which that city abounds above all places in the univerſe.
I thought once of ſettling there for life.
I was appointed ſecretary to the embaſſy; and, in ſummer
1765, Lord Hertford left me, being appointed Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland. I was chargé d'affaires till the arrival of the
Duke
b 2
1
d
xit
M Y OWN L I F E.
Duke of Richmond, towards the end of the year. In the
beginning of 1766, I left Paris, and next ſummer went to
Edinburgh, with the ſame view as formerly, of burying my-
ſelf in a philoſophical retreat. I returned to that place, not
richer, but with much more money, and a much larger income,
by means of Lord Hertford's friendſhip, than I left it; and I
was deſirous of trying what ſuperfluity could produce, as I
had formerly made an experiment of a competency. But in
1767, I received from Mr. Conway an invitation to be Under-
fecretary; and this invitation, both the character of the perſon,
and my connexions with Lord Hertford, prevented me from
declining. I returned to Edinburgh in 1769, very opulent
(for I poſſeſſed a revenue of 1000 l. a year), healthy, and
though ſomewhat ſtricken in years, with the proſpect of en-
joying long my eaſe, and of ſeeing the increaſe of my re-
putation.
In ſpring 1775, I was ſtruck with a diſorder in my bowels,
which at firſt gave me no alarm, but has ſince, as I apprehend
it, become mortal and incurable. I now reckon upon a ſpeedy
diſſolution. I have ſuffered very little pain from my diſorder ;
and what is more ſtrange, have, notwithſtanding the great de-
cline of my perſon, never ſuffered a moment's abatement of my
fpirits ; inſomuch, that were I to name the period of my life,
which I ſhould moſt chooſe to paſs over again, I might be
tempted to point to this later period. I poſſeſs the ſame ardour
as ever in ſtudy, and the ſame gaiety in company. I confider,
beſides, that a man of ſixty-five, by dying, cuts off only a few
years of infirmities; and though I ſee many ſymptoms of my
literary reputation's breaking out at laſt with additional luſtre,
9
I knew
I
1
MY OWN
0 W N L I F E.
xiii
I knew that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is dif-
ficult to be more detached from life than I am at preſent.
11
To conclude hiſtorically with my own character. I am, or
rather was (for that is the ſtyle I muſt now uſe in ſpeaking of
inyſelf, which emboldens me the more to ſpeak my ſentiments);
I was, I ſay, a man of mild diſpoſition, of command of tem-
per, of an open, ſocial, and cheerful humour, capable of at-
tachment, but little ſuſceptible of enmity, and of great mode-
ration in all my paſſions. Even my love of literary fame, my
ruling paſſion, never ſoured my temper, notwithſtanding my
frequent diſappointments. My company was not unacceptable
to the young and careleſs, as well as to the ſtudious and li-
terary; and as I took a particular pleaſure in the company of
modeſt woinen, I had no reaſon to be diſpleaſed with the re-
ception I met with from them. In a word, though moſt men
any wiſe eminent, have found reaſon to complain of calumny,
I never was touched, or even attacked by her baleful tooth:
and though I wantonly expoſed myſelf to the rage of both
civil and religious factions, they ſeemed to be diſarmed in
iny
behalf of their wonted fury. My friends never had occaſion
to vindicate any one circumſtance of my character and conduct:
not but that the zealots, we may well ſuppoſe, would have
been glad to invent and propagate any ſtory to my diſadvantage,
but they could never find any which they thought would wear
the face of probability. I cannot ſay there is no vanity in
making this funeral oration of myſelf, but I hope it is not a
miſplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is eaſily
cleared and aſcertained.
April 18, 1776..
!
1
5
+
1
L Ε Τ Τ Ε R
FROM
A D A M S M I T H, LL.D..
TO
WILLIAM STRA H A N, Eſq:
1
ܕܪ
T
f
វ
!
។
|
1.
.
A
Kirkaldy, Fifeſhire, Nov. 9, 1776.
.
DEAR SIR,
T is with a real, though a very melancholy pleaſure, that
I ſit down to give you ſome account of the behaviour of our
late excellent friend, Mr. Hume, during his laſt illneſs.
1 I
THOUGH, in his own judgment, his diſeaſe was mortal
and incurable, yet he allowed himſelf to be prevailed upon,
by the entreaty of his friends, to try what might be the effects
of a long journey. A few days before he ſet out, he wrote
that account of his own life, which, together with his other
papers, he has left to your care. My account, therefore,
ſhall begin where his ends.
He ſet out for London towards the end of April, and at
Morpeth met with Mr. John Home and myſelf, who had
both come down from London on purpoſe to ſee him, expecting
to have found him at Edinburgh. Mr. Home returned with
him, and attended him during the whole of his ſtay in Eng-
land, , with that care and attention which might be expected
from a temper' ſo perfectly friendly and affectionate. As I
had written to my mother that ſhe might expect me in Scotland,
I was under the neceſſity of continuing my journey. His
diſeaſe ſeemed to yield to exerciſe and change of air, and when
VOL. 1.
he
с
1
xviii
L ETTER FROM
he arrived in London, he was apparently in much better
health than when he left Edinburgh. He was adviſed to go to
Bath to drink the waters, which appeared for ſome time to have
ſo good an effect upon him, that even he himſelf began to
entertain, what he was not apt to do, a better opinion of his
own health. His fymptoms, however, ſoon returned with
their uſual violence, and from that moment he gave up
all thoughts of recovery, but ſubmitted with the utmoſt cheer-
fulneſs, and the moſt perfect complacencý, and refignation.
Upon his; return to Edinburgh, thaugh he found himſelf much
weaker, yet his cheerfulnefs never abated, and he continued
to divert himſelf, as uſual, with correcting his own works for
a new. edition, with reading books of amuſements, with the
converſation of his friends; and, fometimes in the evening,
with a party at his favourite game of whiſt.. His cheerfulneſs
was ſo great, and his, converſation and amuſements run fo
much in their uſual ſtrain, that, notwithſtanding, aļl bad ſym-
toms, many people could not believe he was dying. “ I ſhall
“ tell your friend, Colonel Edmondſtone,” ſaid Doctor Dundaş
to him one day, “ that I left you much better, and in a fair
way of recovery."
" Doctor,” ſaid he," as I believe you
" would not chuſe to tell any thing but the truth, you had
« better tell him, that I am dying as faſt as my enemies, if I
" have any, could wiſh, and as eaſily and cheerfully as my
d's beſt friends could deſire.” Colonel Edmondſtone foon
afterwards came to ſee. him, and take leave of him ; and.on.
his way home, he could not forbear. writing him a letter
bidding him once more an eternal adieu, and applying to him,
as, to a dying man, the beautiful French verſes in which the
Abbé Charlieu, in expectation of his ow.n death, laments his
approaching
is
1
+
1
DR. ADAM SM I T H.
Xix
1
4
1
approaching ſeparation from his friend, the Marquis de la Fare.
Mr. Hume's magnanimity and firmneſs were ſuch, that his
moſt affectionate friends knew, that they hazarded nothing in
talking or writing to him as to a dying man, and that ſo far
from being hurt by this frankneſs, he was rather pleaſed and
flattered by it. I happened to come into his room while he
was reading this lectzer, which he had juſt received, and
which he immediately ſhowed me. I told him, that though I
was ſenſible how very much he was weakened, and that appear-
ances were in many reſpects very bad, yet his cheerfulneſs
was ſtill ſo great, the ſpirit of life ſeemed ſtill to be ſo very
ſtrong in him, that I could not help entertaining ſome faint
hopes. He anſwered, “ Your hopes are groundleſs. An ha-
“bitual diarrhoea of more than a year's ſtanding, would be
a very bad diſeaſe at any age: at my age it is a mortal one.
.6 When I lie down in the evening, I feel myſelf weaker than
« when I role in the morning; and when I riſe in the morn-
4. ing, weaker than when I lay down in the evening. I am
« ſenſible, beſides, that ſome of my vital parts are affected,
v ſo that I muſt foon die,” « Well," ſaid I, " if it muſt be
" ſo, you have at leaſt the ſatisfaction of leaving all your
" friends, your brother's family in particular, in great pro-
rs {perity.” He ſaid that he felt that ſatisfaction ſo ſenſibly,
that when he was reading a few days before, Lucian's Dia-
logues of the Dead, among all the excuſes which are alleged
to Charon for not entering readily into his boat, he could not
find one that fitted him; he had no houſe to finiſh, he had
no daughter to provide for, he had no enemies upon whom he
wiſhed to revenge himſelf.
“ I could not well imagine," ſaid
he," what excuſe I could make to Charon in order to obtain
a little
с 2
i
-
1
..
LETTER FROM
a
**
little delay. I have done every thing of confequence which
“ I ever meant to do, and I could at no time expect to leave
my relations and friends in a better ſituation than that ini
" which I am now likely to leave them ; I, therefore, have
" all reaſon to die contented.” He then diverted himſelf
with inventing ſeveral jocular excuſes, which he ſuppoſed he
might make to Charon, and with imagiging the very ſurly an-
fwers which it might ſuit the character of Charon to return to
them. Upon further conſideration," ſaid he, “ I thought
"" I might ſay to him, Good Charon, I have been correcting
my works for a new edition. Allow me a little time, that
"I may ſee how the Public receives the alterations." But
Charon would anſwer, “ When you have ſeen the effect of
" theſe, you will be for making other alterations.
There
o will be no end of ſuch excuſes ; ſo, honeſt friend, pleaſe ſtep
“ into the boat.” But I might ftill urge, “ Have a little
par
“ tience, good Charon, I have been endeavouring to open
“ the eyes of the Public. If I live a few years longer, I may
" have the ſatisfaction of ſeeing the downfal of ſome of the
“ prevailing ſyſtems of ſuperſtition." But Charon would
then loſe all temper and decency. “ You loitering rogue, that
« will not happen theſe many hundred years. Do you fancy
“ I will grant you a leaſe for ſo long a time? Get into the
" boat this inſtant, you lazy loitering rogue."
.
But, though Mr. Hume always talked of his approaching
diſſolution with great cheerfulneſs, he never affected to make
any parade of his magnanimity. He never mentioned the ſubject
but when the converſation naturally led to it, and never dwelt
longer upon it than the courſe of the converſation: happened to
require:
D R. ADAM SMI T A.
xsi
require: it was a ſubject indeed which occurred pretty fre-
quently, in conſequence of the inquiries which his friends, who
came to ſee him, naturally made concerning the ſtate of his
health The converſation which I mentioned above, and which
paſſed on Thurſday the 8th of Auguſt, was the laſt, except
one, that I ever had with him. He had now become ſo
very
weak, that the company of his moſt intimate friends fatigued
him; for his cheerfulneſs was ſtill ſo great, his complaiſance
and ſocial diſpoſition were ſtill ſo entire, that when
any
friend
was with him, he could not help talking more, and with
greater exertion, than ſuited the weakneſs of his body. At
his own deſire, therefore, I agreed to leave Edinburgh, where
I was ſtaying partly upon his account, and returned to my,
mother's houſe here, at Kirkaldy, upon condition that he
would ſend for me whenever he wiſhed to ſee me; the phy-
fician who ſaw him moſt frequently, Doctor Black, under-
taking, in the mean time, to write me occaſionally an account
of the ſtate. of his health.
1
On the 22d of Auguſt, the Doctor wrote me the following
letter:
" Since my laft, Mr. Hume has paſſed his time pretty eaſily,
but is much weaker. He fits up, goes down ſtairs once a day,
and amuſes himſelf with reading, but ſeldom ſees any body.
He finds that even the converſation of his moſt intimate friends
fatigues and oppreſſes him ; and it is happy that he does not
need it, for he is quite free from anxiety, impatience, or low
fpirits, and paſſes his time very well with the alliſtance of
amuſing books."
I.RECEIVED
L.
xxii
LETTER FROM
.
I received the day after a letter from Mr. Hume himſelf, of
which the following is an extract.
Edinburgh, 23d Auguſt, 1776.
« MY DEAREST FRIEND,
“ I AM obliged to make uſe of my nephew's hand in writ-
ing to you, as I do not riſe to-day.
*
" I GO very faſt to decline, and laſt night had a ſmall fever,
which I hoped might put a quicker period to this tedious
illneſs, but unluckily it has, in a great meaſure, gone off. I
cannot ſubmit to your coming over here on my account, as it
is poſſible for me to ſee you ſo ſmall a part of the day, but
Doctor Black can better inform you concerning the degree of
ſtrength which may from time to time remain with me. A-
dieu, &c."
3
Three days after I received the following letter from
Doctor Black.
Edinburgh, Monday, 26th Auguſt, 1776.
« DEAR SIR,
« YESTERDAY about four o'clock afternoon, Mr. Hume
expired. The near approach of his death became evident in
the night between Thurſday and Friday, when his diſeaſe be-
came exceſſive, and ſoon weakened him ſo much, that he could
no longer riſe out of his bed, He continued to the laſt per-
fectly ſenſible, and free from much pain or feelings ofi diſtreſs.
He never dropped the ſmalleſt expreſſion of impatience ; but
when he had occaſion to ſpeak to the people about him, always
did
I
1
f
.
D R. ADAM SM Í T H.
&xiii
1
did it- wiili affection and teridertiefs. I thought it improper
to write tơ bring you over; eſpecially as I heard that he had
di&átéd á lētter to you defiring ýbù not to come. When he
Bécämë vërý weak, it coſt Hiin an effort t8 fpeák; and he died
in fìch a happy compoſure of minds that nothing could ex-
ceed it.
LE
1
THỨs died our moſt excellent; and never to be forgotten
friend; concerning whoſe philoſophical opinions men will;.
no doubt, judge variouſly, every one approving, or condemn-
ing them, according as they happen to coincide or diſagree
with his own; but concerning whoſe character and conduct
there can ſcarce be a difference of opinion. His temper, in-
deed, ſeemed to be more happilý balanced, if I may be al-
lowed ſuch an expreſſion, than that perhaps of any other man
I have ever known. Even in the loweſt ſtate of his fortune,
his great and neceſſary frugality never hindered him from ex-
erciſing, upon proper occaſions, acts both of charity and
gene-
roſity. It was a frugality founded, not upon avarice, but
upon the love of independency. The extreme gentleneſs of
his nature never weakened either the firmneſs of his mind, or
the ſteadineſs of his reſolutions. His conſtant pleaſantry was
the genuine effuſion of good-nature and good-humour, tem-
pered with delicacy and modeſty, and without even the ſlighteſt
tincture of malignity, ſo frequently the diſagreeable ſource of
what is called wit in other men. It never was the meaning
of his raillery to mortify; and therefore, far from offending,
it feldom failed to pleaſe and delight, even thoſe who were the
objects of it. To his friends, who were frequently the objects
of it, there was not perhaps any one of all his great and
amiable
1
1
.
+
xxiv
&c.
L E T T E R,
amiable qualities, which contributed more to endear his con-
verſation. And that gaiety of temper, ſo agreeable in ſociety,
but which is ſo often accompanied with frivolous and ſuperficial
qualities, was in him certainly attended with the moſt ſevere
application, the moſt extenſive learning, the greateſt depth of
thought, and a capacity in every reſpect the moſt comprehenſive.
Upon the whole, I have always conſidered him, both in his
lifetime and ſince his death, as approaching as nearly to the idea
of a perfectly wiſe and virtuous man, as perhaps the nature of
human frailty will permit.
I ever am, dear Sir,
1
Moſt affectionately your's,
ADAM SMITH.
I
A
I
C ο Ν Τ' Ε Ν Τ S
T E T S
A
OF THE.
F I R S T
V O L U M E.
CHAP: I..
Romans,
The Britains,
The kingdom of Kent
Eaſt-Anglia of Mercia
of Weſex.
Saxons, the Heptarchy.
of Northumberland of
-of Elex of Suſſex
Page 1
CHA P. II.
Egbert Ethelwolf Etbelbald and Ethelbert
Ethered Alfred the Great Edward the Elder
Athelſtan Edmund Edred Edwy
gar-
Edward the Martyr.
Ed-
70:
f
CH A P. III.
Ethelred
fide
dicauute
Settlement of the Normans Edinund Ironza
Canute the Great Harold Harefoot Har..
Edward the Confeſor Harold.
141
VOL.I.
A
APPEN
1
C ο Ν Τ Ε Ν Τ S.
--
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI X
I.
The ANGLO-SAXON Government and MANNERS.
First Saxon government Succeſſion of the King's The
Wittenagemot
The ariſtocracy The ſeveral orders
of men Courts of juſtice
Criminal law Rules
of proof Military force
Public revenue
Value
of money
Manners.
217
CH A P. IV.
WILLIAM
THE CONQUEROR.
1
Conſequences of the battle of Haſting's Submiſion of the
Engliſh Settlement of the government King's return
to Normandy Diſcontents of the Engliſh Their in-
ſurrections Rigours of the Norman government New
inſurrections New rigours of the government
Intro-
duction of the feudal law Innovation in ecclefiaftical
governinent Inſurrection of the Norman barons
Dif-
pute about inveſtitures Revolt of prince Robert
Domeſday-book The New foreſt War with France
Death and character of William the Conqueròr. 253
CH A P. V.
1
WILLIAM RUFUS.
4
Acceſſion of William Rufus Conſpiracy againſt the King
Invafion of Normandy The Cruſades Acquiſition of
Normandy Quarrel with Anſeln, the primate-Death
and character of William Rufus.
313
С НАР.
CO N T E N T S.
CH A P. VI.
Η Ε Ν R Υ Ι.
The Cruſades Acceſſion of Henry Marriage of the
King Invaſion of duke Robert Accommodation with
Robert Attack of Normandy Conqueſt of Normandy
Continuation of the quarrel with Anſelm, the primate
Compromiſe with him Wars abroad Death
of prince William
King's ſecond marriage - Death
and character of Henry.
339
CHA P. VII.
S T E P H E N.
Acceſion of Stephen War with Scotland Inſurrection
in favour of Matilda Stephen taken priſoner Ma-
tilda crowned Stephen releaſed Reſtored to the
Continuation of the civil wars mm Compromiſe
between the King and prince Henry-
Death of the King. 382
crow1 w
CH A P. VIII.
H E N R Y II.
ment
State of Europe
of France
-Firſt acts of Henry's goveril-
Diſputes between the civil and eccleſiaſtical powers
Thomas a Becket, archbiſhop of Canterbury Quarrel
between the King and Becket Conſtitutions of Clarendor
Baniſhment of Becket Compromiſe with him
His return from baniſhment
His murder Grief
and
ſubmiſſion of the King.
405
CH A P.
1
2
CO N T E N T S.
CH A P. IX.
State of Ireland Conqueſt of that iſland
The King's
accommodation with the court of Rome ---- Revolt of young
Henry and his brothers Wars and inſurrections War
with Scotland Penance of Henry for Becket's murder
William, King of Scotland, defeated and taken priſoner
The King's accommodation with his fouls The King's equi-
table adminiſtration Cruſades Revolt of prince
Richard Death and character of Henry Miſcella-
neous tranſactions of his reign.
464
ka
1
1
.
T H E
H I STORY
IS
OF
E N G
N G L A N D.
!
17
L
CH A P. I.
The Britains, Romans, Şaxons, om the Heptarchy.
- The Kingdom of Kent of Northumberland of Eaſt-
Anglia of Mercia of Elex of Suflex-
- of
Weſlex.
The BRITAIN S.
***
>
I.
T
HE curioſity entertained by all civilized nations, of CHAP.
enquiring into the exploits and adventures of their
anceſtors, commonly excites a regret that the hiſtory
of remote ages ſhould always be ſo much involved in
obſcurity, uncertainty, and contradiction. Ingenious men, pof-
ſeſſed of leiſure, are apt to puſh their reſearches beyond the
period in which literary monuments are framed or preſerved,
without reflecting, that the hiſtory of paſt events is immedi-
ately loſt or disfigured when intruſted to memory and oral tra-
dition, and that the adventures of barbarous nations, even if
they were recorded, could afford little or no entertainment to
VOL.I.
B
thoſe
A
HISTORY OF ENGLAND .
C H A P.
I.
thoſe born in a more cultivated age. The convulſions of a civi-
lized ſtate uſually compoſe the moſt inſtructive and moſt inte-
reſting part of its hiſtory; but the ſudden, violent, and unpre-
pared revolutions, incident to Barbarians, are ſo much guided
by caprice, and terminate ſo often in cruelty, that they diſguſt
us by the uniformity of their appearance; and it is rather for-
tunate for letters that they are buried in ſilence and oblivion.
The only certain means, by which nations can indulge their
curioſity in reſearches concerning their remote origin, is to
conſider the language, manners and cuſtoms of their anceſtors,
and to compare them with thoſe of the neighbouring nations.
The fables which are commonly employed to ſupply the place
of true hiſtory, ought entirely to be diſregarded ; and if any
exception be admitted to this general rule, it can only be in fa-
vour of the ancient Grecian fictions, which are fo celebrated
and fo agreeable, that they will ever be the objects of the at-
tention of mankind. Neglecting therefore, all traditions or
rather tales concerning the more early hiſtory of Britain, we
ſhall only conſider the ſtate of the inhabitants, as it appeared
to the Romans on their invaſion of this country: We ſhall
briefly run over the events, which attended the conqueſt made
by that empire, as belonging more to Roman than Britiſh ſtory i
We ſhall haſten through the obſcure and unintereſting period
of Saxon annals: And ſhall reſerve a more full narration for
thoſe times, when the truth is both fo well aſcertained and ſo
complete as to promiſe ſome entertainment and inſtruction to
the reader.
0
ALL antient writers agree in repreſenting the firſt inhabitants
of Britain as a tribe of the Gauls or Celtæ, who peopled that
iſland from the neighbouring continent. Their language was
the ſame, their manners, their government, their ſuperſtition;
varied
:.-
THE BRITAIN S.
3
С НА Р.
1.
1
.
varied only by thoſe ſmall differences, which time or a com-
munication with the bordering nations muſt neceſſarily intro-
duce. The inhabitants of Gaul, eſpecially in thoſe parts which
lye contiguous to Italy, had acquired, from a commerce with
their ſouthern neighbours, ſome refinement in the arts, which
gradually diffuſed themſelves northwards, and ſpread but a very
faint light over this iſland. The Greek and Roman navigators
or merchants (for there were ſcarce any other travellers in thoſe
ages) brought back the moſt ſhocking accounts of the ferocity
of the people, which they magnified, as uſual, in order to ex-
cite the admiration of their countrymen. The ſouth-eaſt parts,
however, of Britain had already, before the age of Cæſar,
made the firſt and moſt requiſite ſtep towards a civil ſettlement;
and the Britains, by tillage and agriculture, had there encreaſed
to a great multitude. The other inhabitants of the iſland ſtill
maintained themſelves by paſture: They were clothed with ſkins
of beaſts : They dwelt in huts, which they reared in the foreſts
and marſhes, with which the country was covered: They ſhift-
ed eaſily their habitation, when actuated either by the hopes of
plunder or the fear of an enemy: The convenience of feeding
their cattle was even a ſufficient motive for removing their ſeats:
And being ignorant of all the refinements of life, their wants
and their poſſeſſions were equally ſcanty and limited.
+
1
The Britains were divided into many ſmall nations or tribes;
and being a military people, whoſe ſole property was their arms
and their cattle, it was impoſſible, after they had acquired a
reliſh of liberty, for their princes or chieftains to eſtabliſh
any
deſpotic authority over them. Their governments, though mo-
narchical, were free, as well as thoſe of all the Celtic na-
tions; and the common people feem even to have enjoyed more
. Cæfar, lib. 4. o Diod. Sic. lib. 4. Mela, lib. 3. cap. 6. Strabo, lib. 4.
liberty
B2
3
A
4
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP.
J.
liberty among them', than among the nations of Gaul", from
whom they were deſcended. Each ſtate was divided into fac-
tions within itſelf : It was agitated with emulation towards
the neighbouring ſtates : And while the arts of peace were yet
unknown, wars were the chief occupation, and formed the
chief object of ambition, among the people.
1
THE religion of the Britains was one of the moſt conſider-
able parts of their government; and the Druids, who were
their prieſts, poſſeſſed great authority among them. Beſides
miniſtring at the altar, and directing all religious duties, they
preſided over the education of youth; they enjoyed an immu-
nity from wars and taxes; they poſſeſſed both the civil and cri-
minal juriſdiction; they decided all controverſies among ſtates
as well as among private perſons, and whoever refuſed to ſub-
mit to their decree was expoſed to the moſt ſevere penalties.
The ſentence of excommunication was denounced againſt him :
He was forbid acceſs to the facrifices or public worſhip: He
was debarred all intercourſe with his fellow-citizens, even in
the common affairs of life: His company was univerſally ſhun-
ned, as profane and dangerous : He was refuſed the protection
of law : And death itſelf became to him an acceptable relief
from the miſery and infamy to which he was expoſed. Thus,
the bands of government, which were naturally looſe among
that rude and turbulent people, were happily corroborated by
the terrors of their ſuperſtition,
+
No ſpecies of ſuperſtition was ever more terrible than that of
the Druids. Beſides the ſevere penalties, which it was in the
power of the eccleſiaſtics to inflict in this.world, they inculcated
the eternal tranſmigration of ſouls; and thereby extended
.. Dion Caſſius, lib. 75.
d Cæſar, lib. 6.
• Tacit. Agr.
Cæfar, lib. 6. Strabo, lib. 4.
their
THE BRITAIN S.
5
С НАР.
I.
!
their authority as far as the fears of their timorous votaries.
They practiſed their rites in dark groves or other ſecret recef-
ſess; and in order to throw a greater myſtery on their religion,
they communicated their doctrines only to the initiated, and
ftriąly forbad the committing them to writing ; left they ſhould
at any time be expoſed to the examination of the profane vul-
gar. Human ſacrifices were practiſed among them: The ſpoils
of war were often devoted to their divinities; and they puniſh-
ed with the fevereſt tortures whoever dared to ſecrete any part
of the conſecrated offering: Theſe treaſures they preſerved in
woods and foreſts, fecured by no other guard than the terrors of
their religion ; and this conqueſt over human avidity may be
regarded as more ſignal than their prompting men to the moſt
extraordinary and moſt violent efforts. No idolatrous worſhip
ever attained ſuch an aſcendant over mankind as that of the an-
tient Gauls and Britains; and the Romans, after their conqueſt,
finding it impoſſible to reconcile thoſe nations to the laws and
inſtitutions of their maſters, while it maintained its authority,
were at laſt obliged to aboliſh it by penal ſtatutes; a violence,
which had never in any other inſtance been practiſed by theſe
tolerating conquerors'
X
1
The ROM A N S..
T
1
HE Britains had long remained in this rude but inde-
pendant ſtate, when Cæfar, having over-run all Gaul
by his victories, firſt caſt his eye on their illand. He was not
allured either by its riches or its renown; but being ambitious
of carrying the Roman arms into a new world, then moſtly
unknown, he took advantage of a ſhort interval in his Gaulic
& Plin. lib. 12. cap. 1.
# Cæfar, lib. 6.
Sueton, in Vita Claudii.
wars,
6
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
I;
С НАР.
I.
55:
wars, and made an invaſion on Britain. The natives, informed
of his intention, were ſenſible of the unequal conteſt, and
endeavoured to appeaſe him by ſubmiſſions, which, however,
retarded not the execution of his deſign. After ſome reſiſtance,
Anno ant. C. he landed, as is ſuppoſed, at Deal; and having obtained feve-
ral advantages over the Britains, and obliged them to promiſe
hoſtages for their future dutiful behaviour, he was conſtrained,
by the neceſſity of his affairs, and the approach of winter, to
withdraw his forces into Gaul. The Britains, relieved from
the terror of his arms, neglected the performance of their
ſtipulations; and that haughty conqueror reſolved next ſum-
mer to chaſtiſe them for this breach of treaty. He landed with
a greater force; and though he found a more regular reſiſtance
from the Britains, who had united under Caſſivelaunus, one of
their petty princes; he diſcomfited them in every action. He
advanced into the country; paſſed the Thames in the face of the
enemy;
took and burned the capital of Caſſivelaunus; eſtabliſh-
ed his ally, Mandubratius, in the ſovereignty of the Trino-
bantes; and having obliged the inhabitants to make him new ſub-
miſſions, he again returned with his army into Gaul, and left the
authority of the Romans more nominal than real in this iſland.
.
The civil wars, which enſued, and which prepared the way
for the eſtabliſhment of monarchy in Rome, ſaved the Britains
. from that yoke, which was ready to be impoſed upon them.
Auguſtus, the ſucceſſor of Cæſar, content with the victory ob-
tained over the liberties of his own country, was little ambi-
tious of acquiring fame by foreign wars; and being apprehen.
five left the ſame unlimited extent of dominion, which had
ſubverted the republic, might alſo overwhelm the empire, he
recommended to his ſucceſſors never to enlarge the territories
of the Romans. Tiberius, jealous of the fame, which might
7
be
1
THE ROMANS.
7
CHAP
I.
be acquired by his generals, made this advice of Auguſtus a
pretence for his inactivity. The mad fallies of Caligula, in
which he menaced Britain with an invaſion, ſerved only to ex-
poſe himſelf and the empire to ridicule: And the Britains had
now, during almoſt a century, enjoyed their liberty unmo-
leſted; when the Romans, in the reign of Claudius, began to
think ſeriouſly of reducing them under their dominion. With-
out ſeeking any more juſtifiable reaſons of hoſtility than were
employed by the latter Europeans in ſubjecting the Africans
and Americans, they ſent over an army under the command of A. D. 430
Plautius, an able general, who gained ſome victories, and made
a conſiderable progreſs in ſubduing the inhabitants. Claudius
himſelf, finding matters ſufficiently prepared for his reception,
made a journey into Britain; and received the ſubmiſſion of
ſeveral Britiſh ſtates, the Cantii, Atrebates, Regni, and Trino-
bantes, who inhabited the ſouth-eaſt parts of the iſland, and
whom their poſſeſſions and cultivated manner of life rendered
willing to purchaſe peace at the expence of their liberty. The
other Britains, under the command of Caractacus, ſtill main-
tained an obſtinate reſiſtance, and the Romans made little pro-
greſs againſt them; till Oftorius Scapula was ſent over to com-
mand their armies. This general advanced the Roman con-
queſts over the Britains; pierced into the country of the Silures,
a warlike nation, who inhabited the banks of the Severne; de-
feated Caractacus in a great battle; took him priſoner, and
fent him to Rome, where his magnanimous behaviour procured
him better treatment than thoſe conquerors uſually beſtowed
on captive princes'.
A, D. :0.
1
NOTWITHSTANDING theſe misfortunes, the Britains were
not fubdued; and this iſland was regarded by the ambitious
k Tacit. Agr.
I Tacit. Ann. lib. 12,
Romans
1
1
8
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
.
СНАР.
1.
A. D. 59.
Romans as a field in which military honour might ſtill be ac-
quired. Under the reign of Nero, Suetonius Paulinus was in-
veſted with the command, and prepared to ſignalize his name
by victories over theſe barbarians. Finding that the iſland of
Mona, now Angleſey, was the chief feat of the Druids, he
reſolved to attack it, and to ſubject a place, which was the center
of their ſuperſtition, and which afforded protection to all their
baffled forces. The Britains endeavoured to obſtruct his land-
ing on this ſacred iſland, both by the force of their arms and
the terrors of their religion. The women and prieſts were in-
termingled with the ſoldiers upon the ſhore; and running
about with flaming torches in their hands, and toſſing their
diſhevelled hair, they ſtruck greater terror into the aſtoniſhed
Romans by their howlings, cries, and execrations, than the
real danger from the armed forces was able to inſpire. But
Suetonius, exhorting his troops to deſpiſe the menaces of a
ſuperſtition, which they deſpiſed, impelled them to the attack,
drove the Britains off the field, burned the Druids in the ſame
fires which they had prepared for their captive enemies, de-
ſtroyed all the confecrated groves and altars; and, having thus
triumphed over the religion of the Britains, he thought his
future progreſs would be eaſy, in reducing the people to fub-
jection. But he was diſappointed in his expectations. The
Britains, taking advantage of his abſence, were all in arms;
and headed by Boadicea, queen of the Iceni, who had been
treated in the moſt ignominious manner by the Roman tri-
bunes, had already attacked with ſucceſs ſeveral ſettle-
ments of their inſulting conquerors. Suetonius haſtened to
the protection of London, which was already a flouriſhing
Roman colony; but he found on his arrival, that it would be
requiſite for the general ſafety to abandon that place to the mer-
cileſs fury of the enemy. London was reduced to aſhes; ſuch
of
!
IT
1
YA
1
TH E ROM AN S.
.
9
j
СНАР.
1.
hopes of
of the inhabitants as remained in it, were cruelly maſſacred
the Romans and all ſtrangers, to the number of 70,000, were
put to the ſword without diſtinction; and the Britains, by ren-
dering the war thus bloody, ſeemed determined to cut off all
peace or compoſition with the enemy. But this cru-
elty was revenged by Suetonius in a great and deciſive battle,
where 80,000 of the Britains are ſaid to have periſhed; and
Boadicea herſelf, rather than fall into the hands of the enraged
victor, put an end to her own life by poiſon". Nero ſoon af-
ter recalled Suetonius from a government, where by ſuffering
and inflicting ſo many ſeverities, he was judged improper for
compoſing the angry and alarmed minds of the inhabitants.
After ſome interval, Cerealis received the command from Ver-
paſian, and by his bravery propagated the terror of the Roman
arms. Julius Frontinus ſucceeded Cerealis both in authority
and reputation: But the general, who finally eſtabliſhed the
dominion of the Romans in this iſland, was Julius Agricola,
who governed it in the reigns of Veſpaſian, Titus, and Domi-
tian, and diſtinguiſhed himſelf in that ſcene of action.
Ali
This great commander formed a regular plan for ſubduing
Britain, and rendering the acquiſition uſeful to the conquerors.
He carried his victorious arms northwards, defeated the Bri-
tains in every encounter, pierced into the inacceſſible foreſts
and mountains of Caledonia, reduced every thing to ſubjection
in the ſouthern parts of the iſland, and chaced before him all
the men of fiercer and more intractable ſpirits, who deemed
war and death itſelf leſs intolerable than fervitude under the
victors. He even defeated them in a deciſive action, which
they fought under Galcacus, their leader; and having drawn
a rampart, and fixed: a chain of garriſons, between the firths
m Tacit. Ann. lib. 14.
Vol. I.
of
С
r
A
+
.
10
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
1.
of Clyde and Forth, he thereby cut off the ruder and more
barren parts of the iſland, and ſecured the Roman province
from the incurſions of the barbarous inhabitants ".
arts of
DURING theſe military enterpriżes, he neglected not the
peace.
He introduced laws and civility among the
Britains, taught them to deſire and raiſe all the conveniencies
of life, reconciled them to the Roman language and manners,
inſtructed them in letters and ſcience, and employed every ex-
pedient to render thoſe chains, which he had forged, both eaſy
and agreeable to them. The inhabitants having experienced
how unequal their own force was to reſiſt that of the Romans,
acquieſced in the dominion of their maſters, and were gradually
incorporated as a part of that mighty empire.
1
X
This was the laſt durable conqueſt made by the Romans;
and Britain, once fubdued, gave no farther inquietude to the
victor. Caledonia alone, defended by its barren mountains,
and by the contempt which the Romans entertained of it,
ſometimes infeſted the more cultivated parts of the iſland by
the incurſions of its inhabitants. The better to ſecure the
frontiers of the empire, Hadrian, who viſited this iſland, built
a ſtrong rampart between Tyne and the firth of Solway: Lol-
lius Urbicus, under Antoninus Pius, repaired that of Agricola;
Severus, who made an expedition into Britain, and carried his
arms into the moſt northern extremity of it, added new forti-
fications to the wall offAdrian; and during all the reigns of
the Roman emperors, ſuch a profound tranquillity prevailed in
Britain, that little mention is made of the affairs of that iſland
by any hiſtorian. The only incidents which occur, are ſome
feditions or rebellions of the Roman legions quartered there,
.
n Tacit. Agr.
o Ibid,
and
1
THE ROM AN S.
IL
CHAP
J.
and ſome uſurpations of the imperial dignity by the Roman
governors. The natives, diſarmed, diſpirited, and ſubmiſſive, baina
had loſt all deſire and even idea of their former liberty and
independance.
But the period was now come, when that enormous fabric
of the Roman empire, which had diffuſed ſlavery and oppref-
ſion, together with peace and civility, over fo conſiderable a
part of the globe, was approaching towards its final diffolu-
tion. Italy, and the center of the empire, removed, during ſo
many ages, from all concern in the wars, had entirely loſt the
military ſpirit, and were peopled by an enervated race, equally
diſpoſed to ſubmit to a foreign yoke, or to the tyranny of
their own rulers. The emperors found themſelves obliged
to recruit their legions from the frontier provinces, where the
genius of war, though languiſhing, was not totally extinct ;
and theſe mercenary forces, careleſs of laws and civil inſtitu-
tions, eſtabliſhed a military government, no leſs dangerous to
the ſovereign than to the people. The farther progreſs of the
fame diſorders introduced the bordering barbarians into the
ſervice of the Romans; and thoſe fierce nations, having now
added diſcipline and ſkill to their native bravery, could no
longer be reſtrained by the impotent policy of the emperors,
who were accuſtomed to employ one in the deſtruction of the
others. Senſible of their own force, and allured by the prof-
pect of ſo rich a prize, the northern barbarians, in the reign
of Arcadius and Honorius, aſſailed at once all the frontiers of
the Roman empire; and having firſt ſatiated their avidity by
plunder, began to think of fixing a ſettlement in the waſted
provinces. The more diſtant barbarians, who occupied the de-
ſerted habitations of money ormer, advanced in their acquiſitions,
and preſſed with their incumbent weight the Roinan fate, al-
C2
ready
12
.
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НА Р.
I.
ready unequal to the load which it ſuſtained. Inſtead of arm-
and ing
ing the people in their own defence, the emperors recalled
all the diſtant legions, in whom alone they could repoſe confi-
dence; and collected the whole military force for the defence
of the capital and center of the empire. The neceſſity of ſelf-
preſervation had ſuperſeded the ambition of power; and the
ancient point of honour, of never contracting the limits of the
empire, could no longer be attended to in this deſperate extre--
mity.
from
BRITAIN by its ſituation was removed from the fury of
theſe barbarous incurſions; and being alſo a remote province,
not much valued by the Romans, the legions, which defended-
it, were carried over to the protection of Italy and Gaul..
But that province, though ſecured by the ſea againft the in-
roads of the greater tribes of barbarians, found enemies on
its frontiers, who took advantage of its preſent defenceleſs
ſituation. The Picts and Scots, who dwelt in the northern
parts, beyond the wall of Antoninus, made incurſions upon
their peaceable and effeminate neighbours; and beſides the
temporary depredations which they committed, theſe combined
nations threatened the whole province with ſubjection, or,
what the inhabitants more dreaded, with plunder and devaſta-
tion. The former people ſeem to have been a tribe of the na--
tive Britiſh race, who, having been chaced into the northern
parts by the conqueſts of Agricola, had there intermingled
with the ancient inhabitants : The other were derived from:
the ſame Celtic origin, had firſt been eſtabliſhed in Ireland,
had ſent over a colony to the north-weſt coaſts of this iſland,
and had long been accuſtomed, as well from their old as their new
ſeats, to infeſt the Roman province or pyracy and rapine.
Theſe tribes, finding their more opulent neighbours expoſed
8
ta
2
THE ROM AN S.
13
С НА Р.
I.
to invaſion, ſoon broke over the Roman wall, no longer de-
fended by the Roman arms; and though a contemptible ene-
my in themſelves, met with no reſiſtance from the unwarlike
inhabitants. The Britains, accuſtomed to have recourſe to the
emperors for defence as well as government, made fupplications
to Rome; and one legion was ſent over for their protection.
This force was an over-match for the barbarians, repelled their
invaſion, routed them in every engagement, and having chaced
them into their ancient limits, returned in triumph to the de-
fence of the ſouthern provinces of the empire'. Their retreat
brought on a new invaſion of the enemy. The Britains made
again an application to Rome, and obtained again the aſſiſtance
of a legion, which proved effectual for their relief: But the
Romans, reduced to extremities at home, and fatigued with
theſe diſtant expeditions, informed the Britains that they muſt
no longer look to them for ſuccour, exhorted them to arm
in their own defence, and urged, that as they were now their
own maſters, it became them to protect. by their: valour that
independance which their ancient lords had conferred upon
them That they might leave the iſland with the better
grace, the Romans afliſted them in erecting anew the wall of
Severus, which was built intirely of ſtone, and which the
Britains had not at that time artizans ſkilful enough to repair '.
And having done this laſt good office to the inhabitants, they
bid a final adieu to Britain, about the year 448; after being
maſters of the moſt conſiderable part of it during the courſe of.
near four centuries.
9
P Gildas, Bede, lib. 1. cap. 1.2. Paull. Diacon. Alured. Beverl. p. 43. ex edit.
Hearne.
4 Bede, lib. 1. cap. 12. Gul. Malm. p. 8. Ann. Beverl. p. 44:
s Bede, lib. 1. cap. 12.
A
erlo. p. 44.
14
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
The BR I TA IN S.
СНАР.
I.
T
HE abject Britains regarded this preſent of liberty as
fatal to them; and were in no condition to put in prac-
tice the prudent counſel given them by the Romans, of arming
in their own defence. Unaccuſtomed both to the perils of war,
and to the cares of civil government, they found themſelves
incapable of forming or executing any meaſures for reſiſting
the incurſions of the bárbarians. Gratian alſo and Conſtantine,
two Romans who had a little before aſſumed the purple in Bri-
tain, had carried over into the continent the flower of the
Britiſh youth; and having periſhed in their unſucceſsful at-
tempts on the imperial throne, had deſpoiled the iſland of thoſe,
who, in this deſperate extremity, were beſt able to defend it.
The Picts and Scots, finding that the Romans had finally relin-
quiſhed Britain, now regarded the whole as their prize, and
attacked the northern wall with redoubled forces. The Bri-
tains, already ſubdued by their own fears, found the ram-
parts but a weak defence for them; and deſerting their ſtation,
left the country entirely open to the inroads of the barbarous
cnemy.
The invaders carried devaſtation and ruin along with
them; and exerted to the utmoſt their native ferocity, which
was not mitigated by the helpleſs condition and ſubmiſſive
behaviour of the inhabitants. The unhappy Britains had. a
third time recourſe to Rome, which had declared its reſolution
for ever to abandon them.
Ætius, the patrician, ſuſtained, at
that time, by his valour and magnanimity, the tottering ruins
of the empire, and revived for a moment among the degenerate
Romans the ſpirit, as well as diſcipline of their anceſtors.
The Britiſh ambaſſadors carried to
the letter of their coun-
. Gildas, Bede, lib, 1. Ann, Juvent. p. 45.
tryinen,
THE BRITAIN S.
15
CH AP
I.
trymen, which was inſcribed, The Groans of the Britains. The
tenor of the cpiſtie was ſuitable to its ſuperſcription. The barba. La
A. D. 448.
rians, ſay they, on the one hand, chace us into the ſea; the fea,
on the other, throws us back upon the barbarians ; and we have
oilly the hard choice left us, of periſling by the ſword or by the
waves'. But Ætius, preſſed by the arms of Attila, the moſt
terrible enemy that ever aſſailed the empire, had no leiſure to
attend to the complaints of allies, whom generoſity alone could
induce him to aſſiſt". The Britains, thus rejected, were redu-
ced to deſpair, deſerted their habitations, abandoned tillage,
and flying for protection to the foreſts and mountains, ſuf-
fered equally from hunger and froin the enemy. The barba-
rians themſelves began to feel the preſſures of famine in a
country which they had ravaged; and being harraſſed by the
diſperſed Britains, who had not dared to reſiſt them in a body,
they retreated with their ſpoils into their own country
The Britains, taking advantage of this interval, returned to
their uſual occupations; and the favourable ſeaſons, which
ſucceeded, feconding their induſtry, made them foon forget
all their paſt miſeries, and reſtored to them great plenty of all
the neceſſaries of life. No more can be imagined to have
been poſſeſſed by a people fo rude, who had not, without the
aſſiſtance of the Romans, art of maſonry ſufficient to raiſe a
ſtone rampart for their own defence: Yet the Monkiſh hiſto-
rians *, who treat of thoſe events, complain of the luxury of
the Britains during this period, and afcribe to this vice, not
to their cowardice or improvident councils, all their ſubſequent
calamities.
* Gildas, Bede, lib. in cap. !
Chron. Sax. p. 1:. Edit. 16
* Gildas, Bede, lib. 1. cap. 14.
almeſbury, lib. 1. cap. 1.
Ann, Beverl. p. 45.
v Ann. Beverf. p. 45.
I
THE
"
16
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
сн. АР.
CHAP
1.
The Britains, entirely occupied in the enjoyment of the
preſent interval of peace, made no proviſions for reſiſting the
cnemy, who, invited by their former timid behaviour, foon
threatened them with a new invaſion. We are not exactly
informed what ſpecies of civil government the Romans on
their departure had left among the Britains; but it appears
probable, that the great men in the different diſtricts aſſumed
a kind of regal, though precarious authority; and lived in a
great meaſure independant of each other. To this diſunion
of councils were alſo added the diſputes of theology; and the
diſciples of Pelagius, who was himſelf a native of Britain,
"having encreaſed to a great multitude, gave alarm to the clergy,
who ſeem to have been more intent on refifting them, than on
oppoſing the public enemy". Labouring under theſe domeſtic
evils, and menaced with a foreign invaſion, the Britains attend-
ed only to the ſuggeſtions of their preſent fears; and follow-
ing the councils of Vortigern, prince of Dumnonium, who,
though ſtained with every vice, poſſeſſed the chief authority
among them”, they ſent into Germany a deputation to invite
over the Saxons for their protection and aſſiſtance.
A
The SA X ON S.
F all the barbarous nations, known either in ancient or
modern times, the Germans ſeem to have been the moſt
diſtinguiſhed both by their manners and political inſtitutions,
and to have carried to the higheſt pitch the virtues of valour
and love of liberty; the only virtues which can have place
y Gildas, Uſher Ant. Brit. p. 248. 347.
z Gildas, Bede, lib. 1. cap. 17. Conſtant. A erm. Matth. Weſt. anno 446.
H. Hunting. lib. 2. Ann. Beverl. p. 51. Spelmap. 47, 48.
· Gildas, Gul, Malm. p. 8.
among
>
THE SAXONS,
17
С НА Р.
I.
among an uncivilized people, where juſtice and humanity are
commonly neglected. Kingly government, even when eſta-
bliſhed among the Germans, (for it was not univerſal) poſſeſſed
a very limited authority; and though the fovereign was uſually
choſen from amongſt the royal family, he was directed in every
meaſure by the common conſent of the nation, over whom he
preſided. When any important affairs were tranſacted, all the
warriors met in arms; the men of greateſt authority employed.
perſuaſion to engage their conſent; the people expreſſed their
approbation by rattling their armour, or their diſſent by mur-
murs; there was no neceſſity for a nice ſcrutiny of votes among
a multitude, who were uſually carried with a ſtrong current
to one ſide or the other; and the meaſure, thus ſuddenly cho-
ſen by general agreement, was executed with alacrity, and
pro-
ſecuted with vigour. Even in war, the princes governed more
by example than by authority : But in peace, the civil union
was in a great meaſure diffolved, and the inferior leaders ad-
miniſtered juſtice, after an independant manner, each in his
particular diſtrict. Theſe were elected by the votes of the
people in their great councils ; and though regard was paid
to nobility in the choice, their perſonal qualities, chiefly their
valour, procured them from the ſuffrages of their fellow-citizens
that honourable but dangerous diſtinction. The warriors of
each tribe attached themſelves to their leader, with the moſt.
devoted-affection and moſt unſhaken conſtancy. They attended
him as his ornament in peace, as his defence in war, as his
council in the adminiſtration of juſtice. Their conſtant emula-
tion in military renown diſſolved not that inviolable friendſhip
which they profeſſed to their chieftain and to each other. To
die for the honour of their band was their chief ambition': To
ſurvive its diſgrace, or the death of their leader, was infamous.
They even carried into the field their women and children, who
VOL, I.
D
adopted
1
1
mar
18
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
С НАР.
1.
adopted all the martial ſentiments of the men: And being thus:
impelled by every human motive, they were invincible; where
they were not oppoſed, either by the ſimilar manners and inſti--
tutions of the neighbouring Germans, or by the ſuperior difu.
cipline, arms, and numbers of the Romans
b
1
The leaders and their military companions were maintained
by the labour of their ſlaves, or by that of the weaker and leſs
warlike part of the community, whom they defended. The
contributions, which they levied, went not beyond a bare ſub-
fiſtence; and the honours, acquired by a ſuperior rank, were:
the only reward of their ſuperior dangers and fatigues. All :
the refined arts of life were unknown among the Germans ::
Tillage itſelf was almoſt wholly neglected : They ſeem to have
been even anxious to prevent any improvements of that nature;.
and the leaders, by annually diſtributing anew all the land:
among the inhabitants of each village, prevented them from
attaching themſelves to particular poſſeſſions, or making any
ſuch progreſs in agriculture as might divert their attention
from military expeditions, the chief occupation of the commu-
nity.
The Saxons had been for ſome time regarded as one of the
inoſt warlike tribes of this fierce people, and had become the
terror of the neighbouring nations. They had diffuſed them-
felves from the northern parts of Germany and the Cimbrian:
Cherſoneſus, and had taken poſſeſſion of all the ſea-coaſt from:
the mouth of the Rhine to Jutland ; whence they had long in-
feſted by their pyracies all the eaſtern and ſouthern parts of
c Cæſar, lib. 6. Tacit. ibid.
Cæſar, lib.6. Tacit. de Mor. Germ.
d. Amm. Marcell. lib. 28. Olofius..
4
Britain,
:
THE SA X ONS.
Ig
СНАР.
1.
Britain, and northern of Gaulº. In order to oppoſe their in-
roads, the Romans had eſtabliſhed an officer, whom they called
Count of the Saxon Shore; and as the naval arts can only flouriſh
among a civilized people, they ſeem to have been more ſuc-
ceſsful in repelling the Saxons than any of the other barbarians,
by whom they were invaded. The diſſolution of the Roman
power
invited them to renew their inroads; and it was an ac-
ceptable circumſtance, that the deputies of the Britains appeared
among them, and prompted them to undertake an enterprize,
to which they were of themſelves ſufficiently inclined'.
HENGIST and Horſa, were two brothers, who poſſeſſed great
credit among the Saxons, and were much celebrated both for
their valour and nobility. They were believed, as moſt of
the Saxon princes, to be ſprung from Woden, who was wor-
fhipped as a god among thoſe nations, and they are ſaid to be
his great grandſons & ; a circumſtance which added much to their
authority. We ſhall not attempt to trace any higher the ori-
gin of thoſe princes and nations. It is evident what fruitleſs
labour it muſt be to ſearch in thoſe barbarous and illiterate ages :
for the annals of a people, when their firſt leaders, known in
any: true, hiſtory, were believed by them to be the fourth in
deſcent from a fabulous deity, or from a man, exalted by igno-
rance into that character. The dark induſtry of antiquarians,
led by fanciful analogies of. names, or by uncertain traditions,
would in vain attempt to pierce into that deep obſcurity, which
covers the remote: hiſtory.rf thoſe nations.
i
These two brothers, obſerving the other provinces of Ger-
many to be occupied by a warlike and neceſſitous people, and
¢ Amm. Marcell. lib. 27. cap. 7. lib. 28. cap. 7.
f Will. Malm. p. 8.
& Bede, lib. 1. cap. 15. Saxon Chron. p. 13. Nennius, cap. 28.
D 2
the
1
?
20
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
1.
the rich provinces of Gaul already conquered or over-run by.
other German tribes, found it eafy to perſuade their country-
men to embrace the fole enterprize, which promiſed a favour-
able opportunity of diſplaying their valour and gratifying their
avidity. They embarked their troops in three veſſels, and
about the years 449 or 450 ", carried over 1600 men, who
landed in the iſle of Thanet, and immediately marched to the
defence of the Britains againſt the northern invaders. The
Scots and Picts were unable to reſiſt the valour of thefe auxilia-
ries; and the Britains, applauding their own wiſdom in calling
over the Saxons, hoped thenceforth to enjoy peace and ſecurity
under the powerful protection of that warlike people.
But Hengiſt and Horſa, perceiving, from their eafy victory
over the Scots and Picts, with what facility they might fubdue
the Britains themſelves, who had not been able to reſift thoſe
feeble invaders, were determined to conquer and fight for
their own grandeur, not for the defence of their degenerate
allies. They ſent intelligence to Saxony of the fertility and
riches of Britain; and repreſented as certain the ſubjection of a
people, ſo long diſuſed to arms, who, being now cut off from the
Roman empire, of which they were a province during fo many
ages, had not yet acquired any union among themſelves, and
were devoid of all affection to their new liberties, and of all
national attachments and regards'. The vices and pufillani-
mạity of Vortigern, the Britifh leader, were a new ground of
hope; and the Saxons in Germany, following ſuch agreeable
proſpects, foon reinforced Hengiſt and Horſa with 5000 meny
who came over in ſeventeen veſſels. The Britains began now
1
F
* Saxon Chroni le, p. 12. Gul. Malm. po 11. Huntington, lib. 2. p. 309. Ethele
werd. Brompton, f-728.
1 Chron. Sax. p. 12.
Ang. Beverl. p. 49.
to
THE SAXONS.
옥​I
CHAP .
1.
to entertain apprehenſions of their allies, whoſe numbers they
found continually augmenting; but thought of no remedy, ex-
cept in a paſſive ſubmiſſion and connivance. This weak expe-
dient foon failed them. The Saxons fought a quarrel by com-
plaining that their ſubſidies were ill paid, and their proviſions
withdrawn*: And immediately taking off the maſk, they
formed an alliance with the Pias and Scots, and proceeded to
open hoſtility againſt the Britains'.
i
THE Britains, impelled by theſe violent extremities, and
full of indignation againſt their treacherous auxiliaries, were
neceſſitated to take arms; and having depoſed Vortigern, who
had become odions from his vices, and from the bad event of
his rath councils, they put themſelves under the command of
his ſon, Vortimer". They fought many battles with their
enemies; and though the victories in theſe actions be diſputed
between the Britiſh and Saxon annaliſts, the progreſs ſtill made
by the Saxons prove that the advantage was commonly on their
ſide. In one battle, however, fought at Eglesford, now Ails-
ford, Horſa, the Saxon general, was ſlain; and left the ſole
command over his countrymen in the hands of Hengiſt
This active general, continually reinforced by freſh numbers
from Germany, carried devaſtation into the moſt remote cor-
ners of Britain ; and being chiefly anxious to ſpread the terror
of his arms, he ſpared neither age, nor fex, nor condition,
wherever he marched with his victorious forces. The private
and public edifices of the Britains were reduced to aſhes : The
n
4
$
k Bede, lib. 1. cap. 15. Nennius, cap. 35. Gildas, $ 23.
* Bede, lib. 1. cap. 15. Gildas Saxon Chron. p. 12, 13. Ann. Beverli p.-50.
m Math. Weft. A. D. 454.. Gul. Malm. p.9.
* Math. Weit. A.D. 455. Saxon Chron. f. 13. Nennius, cap.-46.
prieſts:
+
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
22
-
С НА Р.
1.
prieſts were ſlaughtered on the altars by thoſe idolatrous rava-
gers : The biſhops and nobility ſhared the fate of the vulgar:
The people flying into the mountains and deſerts, were inter-
cepted and butchered in heaps : Some were glad to accept of
life and ſervitude under their victors : Others, deſerting their
native country, took ſhelter in the province of Armorica;
where being charitably received by a people of the ſame lan-
guage and manners, they ſettled in great numbers, and gave
the country the name of Brittanyº.
The Britiſh writers afſign one cauſe, which facilitated the
entrance of the Saxons into this iſland ; the love, with which
Vortigern was at firſt ſeized for Rovena, the daughter of
Hengiſt, and which that artful warrior made uſe of to blind
the eyes of the imprudent monarch”. The ſame hiſtorians.
add, that Vortimer died; and Vortigern, being reſtored: ta.
the throne, accepted of a feſtival from Hengiſt, at Stonehenge;
where
300 of his nobility were treacherouſly ſlaughtered, and
himſelf detained captive'. But theſe ſtories ſeem to have been
invented by the Welſh authors, in order to palliate the weak.
reſiſtance made at firſt by their countrymen, and to account for.
the rapid progreſs and licentious devaſtations of the Saxon's ".
AFTER the death of Vortimer, Ambrofius, a Britain, thos.
of Roman deſcent, was inveſted with the command over his
countrymen, and endeavoured, not without ſucceſs, to unite
them in their reſiſtance againſt the Saxons. Theſe conteſts
1
o Bcdc, lib. 1. cap. 15. Uſher, p. 226. Gildas, $ 24.
” Nennius. Galfr. lib. 6. cap. 12.
9 Nennius, cap.47. Galfr.
Stillingheet's Orig. Britt. p. 324, 325.
increaſed
+
T HE SAXON S.
23
CHAP
I.
increaſed the ánimoſity between the two nations, and rouzed
the military ſpirit of the ancient inhabitants which had before
been funk into ſuch a fatal lethargy. Hengiſt, however, not-
withſtanding their oppoſition, ſtill kept his ground in Britain;
and in order to divide the forces and attention of the Britains,
he called over a new tribe of Saxons, under the command of
his brother Octa, and of Ebiſla, the ſon of Octa.; and he ſettled
them in Northumberlandi He himſelf remained in the ſouthern
parts of the iſland, and laid the foundation of the kingdom of
Kent, comprehending the county of that name, Middleſex,
Effex, and part of Surrey. He fixed his royal ſeat at Canter-
bury; where he
where he governed about forty years, and he died in or.
near the year 488; leaving his new-acquired dominions to his
poſterity.
THE ſucceſs of Hengiſt excited the avidity of the other
northern Germans; and at different times, and under different
leaders, they flocked over in multitudes to the invaſion of this
iſland. Theſe conquerors were chiefly compoſed of three tribes,,
the Saxons, Angles, and Jutes', who paſſed, all of them, un-
der the common appellation, ſometimes of Saxons, ſometimes
of Angles; and ſpeaking the ſame language, and being governed:
by the ſame inſtitutions, they were naturally led, from theſe
cauſes, as well as from their common intereſt, to unite them-
felves againſt the ancient inhabitants. The reſiſtance however,
though unequal, was ſtill maintained by the Britains ; but be-
s Bede, lib. 1. cap. 15. Ethelwerd, p. 833. edit. Camdeni.
Chron. Sax, p. 12..
Ann. Beverl. p. 78. The inhabitants of Kent and the Iſle of Wight were Jutes. E.flexgo
Middleſex, Surrey, Suflex, and all the ſouthern counties to Cornwal, were peopled by
Saxons : Mercia and other parts of the kingdom were inhabited by Angles.
came
24
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
I.
came every day more feeble: And their misfortunes admitted
of few intervals, till they were driven into Cornwal and Wales,
and received protection from the remote ſituation or inacceſſible
mountains of thoſe countries.
1
The firſt Saxon ſtate, after that of Kent, which was eſta-
bliſhed in Britain, was the kingdom of South-Saxony. In the
year 477', Alla, a Saxon chieftain, brought over an army
from Germany; and landing on the ſouthern coaſt, proceeded
to take poſſeſſion of the neighbouring territory. The Britains,
now armed, abandoned not tamely their poſſeſſions ; nor were
they expelled, till defeated in many battles by their warlike
invaders. The moſt memorable action, mentioned by hiſtorians,
is that of Mearcredes-Burn'; where, though the Saxons ſeem
to have obtained the victory, they ſuffered ſo conſiderable a
loſs, as ſomewhat retarded the progreſs of their conqueſts.
But Ælla, reinforced by freſh numbers of his countrymen, again
took the field againſt the Britains; and laid ſiege to Andred-,
Ceaſter, which was defended by the garriſon and inhabitants
with deſperate valour". The Saxons, enraged by this reſiſtance,
and by the fatigues and dangers which they had ſuſtained, re-
doubled their efforts againſt the place, and when maſters of it,
put all their enemies to the ſword without diſtinction. This
deciſive advantage ſecured the conqueſts of Ælla, who aſſumed
the name of King, and extended his dominion over Suſſex and
a great part of Surrey. He was ſtopped in his progreſs to the
eaſt by the kingdom of Kent: In that to the weſt by another
tribe of Saxons, who had taken poſſeſſion of that territory.
THESE Saxons, from the ſituation of the country, in which
they ſettled, were called the Weſt-Saxons, and landed in the
* Saxon. Chron. A. D. 485.
i Chron. Sax. p. 146 Ann, Beverl. . p. 81.
Flor, Wigorn.
w Hen. Huntin. lib. 2.
year
THE SA X ON S.
:23
CHAP
I.
2
5
'year 495, under the command of Cerdic, and of his fon Ken-
rick. The Britains were, by paſt experience, ſo much on their
guard, and ſo well prepared to receive the enemy, that they
gave battle to Cerdic the very day of his landing; and though
vanquiſhed, ſtill defended, for ſome time, their liberties againſt
the invaders. None of the other tribes of Saxons met with
ſuch vigorous reſiſtance, or exerted ſuch valour and perſeverance
in puſhing their conqueſts. Cerdic was even obliged to call
for the aſſiſtance of his countrymen from the kingdoms of
Kent and Suſſex, as well as from Germany, and he was thence
joined by a freſh army under the command of Porte, and of
his ſons Bleda and Meglar. Strengthened by theſe ſuccours,
he fought in the year 508 a deſperate battle with the Britains,
commanded by Nazan-Leod, their leader, who was victorious
in the beginning of the action, and routed the wing in which
Cerdic himſelf commanded. But Kenric, who had prevailed
in the other wing, brought timely aſſiſtance to his father, and
reſtored the battle, which ended in a complete victory on the
ſide of the Saxons -. Nazan-Leod periſhed, with 5000 of his
army: But left 'the Britains more weakened than diſcouraged
by his death. The war ſtill continued, though the ſucceſs was
commonly on the ſide of the Saxons, whoſe ſhort ſwords and
cloſe manner of fighting, gave them great advantage over the
miſfile weapons of the Britains. Cerdic was not wanting to
his good fortune; and in order to extend his conqueſts, he laid
fiege to Mount Badon or Baneſdowne near Bath, whither the
moſt obſtinate of the diſcomfited Britains had retired. The
fouthern Britains in this extremity applied for aſſiſtance to
Arthur, prince of the Silures, whoſe heroic valour now ful-
+
1
y Chron. Sax. p. 17.
* Will. Malm, lib. 1. cap. 1. p. 12. Chiron. Sax. p. 15.
* H. Hunting. lib. 2, Ethelwerd, lib. 1. Chron. Sax. p. 17,
VOL. I.
I
tained
+
1
26
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НА Р.
I.
tained the declining fate of his country. This is that Arthur
ſo much celebrated by the ſongs of Thalieſſin, and the other
Britiſh bards, and whoſe military atchievements have been
blended with ſo many fables as to give occaſion for entertain-
ing a doubt of his real exiſtence. But poets, though they
disfigure the moſt certain hiſtory by their fictions, and uſe
ſtrange liberties with truth where they are the fole hiſtorians,
as among the Britains, have commonly fome foundation for
their wildeſt exaggerations. Certain it is, that the fiege of
Badon was raiſed by the Britains in the year 520, and the
Saxons there diſcomfited in a great battle. This misfortune
ſtopped the progreſs of Cerdic; but was not ſufficient to wreſt
from him the conqueſts, which he had already made. He
and his ſon, Kenric, who ſucceeded him, eſtabliſhed the king-
dom of the Weſt-Saxons or of Weſſex, over the counties of
Hants, Dorſet, Wilts, Berks, and the Iſle of Wight, and left
their new-acquired dominions to their poſterity. Cerdic died
in 534", Kenric in 560 °.
.
1
WHILE the Saxons made this progreſs in the ſouth, their
countrymen were not leſs active in other quarters. In the year
527 °, a great tribe of adventurers, under ſeveral leaders, landed:
on the eaſt-coaſt of Britain; and after fighting many battles,
of which hiſtory has preſerved no particular account, they
eſtabliſhed three new kingdoms in this iſland. Uffa aſſumed
the title of king of the Eaſt-Angles in 575; Crida that of Mercia:
in 585'; and Erkenwin that of Eaſt-Saxony or Eflex nearly
about the ſame time; but the year is uncertain. This latter
kingdom was diſmembered from that of Kent, and comprehended
!
+
· Hunting. lib. 2.
Gildas, Saxon Chron. H. Hunting.. lib. 2.
< Will. Malm. Ethelwerd. H. Huntingdon, lib, 2. d H. Huntingdon, lib. 2.
· H. Huntingdon, lib. 2. i Math. Weſt. Huntingdon, lib. 2.
Eflex,
8
1
*
THE SAXONS.
27
1
CHAP
I.
Eflex, Middleſex, and part of Hertfordſhire. That of the Eaſt-
Angles, the counties of Cambridge, Suffolk, and Norfolk :
Mercia was extended oyer all the middle counties, from the
banks of the Severn, to the frontiers of theſe two kingdoms.
1
4
h
The Saxons, ſoon after the landing of Hengiſt, had been
planted in Northumberland; but meeting with an. obſtinate
reſiſtance, and making but finall progreſs in ſubduing the inha-
bitants, their affairs were in ſo unſettled a condition, that none
of their princes for a long time aſſumed the appellation of king.
At laſt in 547 %, Ida, a Saxon prince of great merit who
claimed a deſcent, as did all the other princes of that nation,
from Woden, brought over a reinforcement from Germany,
and enabled the Northumbrians to carry on their conqueſts
againſt the Britains. He entirely ſubdued the county, now
called Northumberland, the biſhopric of Durham, as well as
ſome of the ſouth-eaſt counties of Scotland; and he aſſumed
the crown under the title of King of Bernicia. Nearly about
the ſame time, Alla, another Saxon prince, having conquered
Lancaſhire, and the greateſt part of Yorkſhire, received the
appellation of King of Deïri'. Theſe two kingdoms were
united in the perſon of Ethelfrid, grandſon of Ida, who mar-
ried Acca, the daughter of Ælla ; and expelling her brother,
Edwin, eſtabliſhed one of the nioſt powerful of the Saxon king-
doms, under the title of Northumberland. How far his doini-
nions extended into the country now called Scotland is uncer-
tain; but it cannot be doubted, that all the lowlands, eſpeci-
ally the eaſt-coaſt of that country, were peopled in a great
meaſure from Germany; though the expeditions, made by the
feveral Saxon adventurers, have eſcaped the records of hiſtory.
କୁ
Chron. Sax. p. 19.
h Will. Malmf. p. 19.
i Ann. Beverl. p. 78.
E 2
The
9
f
/
16
28
HISTORY OF ENGLAND:
be
.
CHAP
1.
,
*The language, ſpoke in theſe countries, which is purely Saxong,
is a ſtronger proof of this event, than can be oppoſed by the
imperfect, or rather fabulous annals,, which are obtruded on
us by the Scots hiſtorians.
The: H E P T A R CH Y.
HUS: was eſtabliſhed, after a violent conteſt of near a:
kingdoms, in Britain ; and the whole fouthern part of the :
ifland, except Wales and Cornwal, had totally changed its in-.
habitants, language, cuſtoms, and political inſtitutions. . The
Britains, under the Roman dominion; had made ſuch advances
towards arts and civil manners, that they had built twenty-.
eight conſiderable cities within their province, beſides a great
number of villages and country-ſeats "; but the fierce conque-
rors, by whom they were now ſubdued, threw: every thing :
back into ancient barbarity; and thoſe few natives, who were
not either maſſacred or expelled their habitations, were reduced
to the moſt abject-llavery.. None of the other northern con-
querors, the Franks, Goths, Vandals, or Burgundians, though
they over-ran the ſouthern provinces like a mighty torrent,
made ſuch devaſtations in the conquered territories, or were
inflamed into ſuch a violent animoſity againſt the ancient inha--
bitants. As the Saxons came over at intervals in ſeparate bodies,
the Britains, however at firſt unwarlike, were tempted to make
reſiſtance; and hoſtilities, being thereby prolonged, proved
more deſtructive to both parties, eſpecially to the vanquiſhed.
The firſt invaders from Germany, inſtead of excluding other :
1
.
* Gildas. . Bede, lib. 1.
adventurersgi.
9
1
THE HEPTARCHY:
29
С НАР..
1.
+
adventurers, who muſt ſhare with them the ſpoils and property
of the antient inhabitants, were obliged to invite over freſh
fupplies from their own country; and a total extermination
of the Britains became the ſole expedient for providing a ſettle-
ment and ſubfiſtance to the new planters. Hence there have
been found in hiſtory few conqueſts more ruinous than that of
the Saxons ; and few revolutions more violent than that which
they introduced
A
So long as the conteſt was maintained with the natives, the
leveral Saxon princes preſerved an union of councils and inte--
reſts ; but after the Britains were ſhut up in the barren coun-
tries of Cornwal and Wales, and gave no farther inquietude
to the conquerors, the band.of alliance was in a great meaſure
diſſolved among the princes of the Heptarchy;., and though
one prince ſeems ſtill to have been allowed, or to have aſſumed,
an aſcendant over the whole, his authority, if it ought ever to
be deemed regular. or- legal, was extremely limited ; and each
ſtate acted as if it had been totally ſeparate, and independant
of the reſt. Wars, therefore, and revolutions and diffentions
were unavoidable among a turbulent and military people; and
theſe events, however intricate or confuſed, ſhould now become
the objects of our attention. But, added to the difficulty of
carrying on at once the hiſtory of ſeven independant kingdoms,
there is a great diſcouragement to a writer, ariſing from the
uncertainty, at leaſt .barrenneſs, of the accounts tranſınitted to
us. The Monks, who were the only, annaliſts during thoſe
ages, lived remote from public affairs, conſidered the civil
tranſactions as entirely ſubordinate to the ecclefiaftical, and be-
fides partaking of the ignorance and barbarity, which were
then univerſal, were ſtrongly infected with credulity, with the
Idve.of wonder, and with a propenſity to impoſture; vices al-
mott:
LE
E
}
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
.30
CHAP
I.
1
moſt inſeparable from their profeſſion, and manner of life.
The hiſtory of that period abounds in namies, but is extremely
barren of events; or the events are related ſo much without
circumſtances and cauſes, that the moſt profound or moſt elo-
quent writer muſt deſpair of rendering them either inſtructive
or entertaining to the reader. Even the great learning and
vigorous imagination of Milton ſunk under the weight; and
this author ſcruples not to declare, that he eſteems the ſkir-
miſhes of kites or crows equally deſerving of a particular
narrative, as the confuſed tranſactions and battles of the Saxon
Heptarchy". In order, however, to connect the events in
Come tolerable meaſure, we ſhall give a ſuccinct account of the
ſucceſſions of kings, and of the more remarkable revolutions in
each particular kingdom; beginning with that of Kent, which
was the firſt eſtabliſhed.
The Kingdom of KENT.
SCUS ſucceeded his father, Hengiſt, in the kingdom of
Kent; but ſeems not to have poſſeſſed the military repu-
tation enjoyed by that conqueror, who firſt made way for the
entrance of the Saxon arms into Britain. All the Saxons, who
fought the fame of. valour, or new eſtabliſhments by arms, flock-
ed to the ſtandard of Ælla, king of Suſſex, who was carrying on
ſucceſsful war againſt the Britains, and laying the foundations
of a new kingdom. Eſcus was contented to poſſeſs in tranquil-
lity the kingdom of Kent, which he left in 512 to his ſon
Octa, in whoſe time the Eaſt-Saxons eſtablihed their monarchy,
and diſinembered the provinces of Effex and Middleſex from
1 Milton in Kennet, p. 50.
that
1
1
1
1
a
.
Τ Η Ε Η Ε Ρ Τ Α R C Η Υ. ,
31
С НАР.
I..
that of Kent. His death, after twenty-two years reign, made
room for his ſon Hermenric. in 534. who performed nothing
memorable during a reign of thirty-iwo years: "*cept aſſociat-
ing with him his ſon, Ethelbert, in the goveriment, in order
the better to ſecure the ſucceſſion in his raini';, and prevent
fuch revolutions as are incident to a turbulent and barbarous
monarchy.
*
4.
ETHELBERT revived the reputation of his family, which,
had languiſhed for ſome generations. The inactivity of his-
predeceſſors, 'and the ſituation of his country, ſecured from all'
hoſtility with the Britains, ſeem to have much weakened the
warlike genius of the Kentiſh Saxons; and Ethelbert, in his
firſt attempt to aggrandize his country, and diſtinguiſh his own,
name, met with very bad ſucceſs". He was twice diſcomfited
in battle by Ceaulin, king of Weflex; and obliged to yield the
fuperiority in the Heptarchy to that ambitious monarch, who
preſerved no moderation in his victory, and by ſubjecting the
kingdom of Suſſex, excited jealouſy in all the other princes.
An aſſociation was formed againſt him; and Ethelbert, entruſt-
ed with the command of the allies, fought him in a great battle,
and obtained a deciſive victory". Ceaulin died ſoon after; and
Ethelbert ſucceeded as well to his aſcendant among the Saxon'
ftates, as to his other ambitious and exorbitant projects. He
reduced all the princes, except the king of Northumberland,
to a ſtrict dependance upon him; and even eſtabliſhed himſelf
by force on the throne of Mercia, the moſt extenſive of the
Saxon kingdoms. Apprehenſive; however,, of a dangerous
league againſt him, like that by which he himſelf had been
enabled to overthrow Ceaulin, he had the prudence to reſign
the throne of Mercia to Webba, the rightful heir, the ſon of
m Chron. Sax. p. 21,.
# H. Hunting. lib. 2.
Criday,
1
1
t
32
HISTORY OF ENGLAN:D.
4
CIIAP
I.
Crida, who had firſt founded that monarchy. But.governed
boom ſtill by ambition more than by juſtice, he gave Webba poffef-
fion of the crown on ſuch conditions, as rendered him little
better than a tributary prince under his artful benefactor.
+
But the moſt memorable and molt fortunate event, which
diſtinguiſhed the reign of this great prince, was the introduction
of the Chriſtian religion among the Engliſh Saxons. The
ſuperſtition of the Germans, particularly that.of the Saxons,
was of the groffeſt and moſt barbarous kind; and being founded
on certain traditional tales, received from their anceſtors, not
reduced to any ſyſtem, not ſupported by political inſtitutions,
like that of the Druids, it ſeems to have made little impreſſion
on its votaries, and to have eaſily reſigned its place to the
new doctrine, promulgated to them. Woden, whom they be-
lieved the anceſtor of all their princes, was regarded as the god
of war, and, by a natural conſequence, became their ſupreme
deity, and the chief object of their religious worſhip. They
believed, that, if they obtained the favour of this divinity by
their valour, (for they made leſs account. of the other virtues)
they would be admitted after their death into his hall, and
repoſing on couches, would ſatiate themſelves with ale from the
ſkulls of their enemies, whom they had ſlain in battle. Incited
by this idea of paradiſe, which gratified at once the paſſion of
revenge and that of intemperance, the ruling inclinations of
barbarians, they deſpiſed the dangers of war, and encreaſed
their native ferocity againſt the vanquiſhed by their religious
prejudices. We know little of the other theological tenets of
the Saxons : We only learn that they were idolaters; that they
worſhipped the ſun and moon; that they adored the god of
thunder, under the name of Thor; that they had images in
their temples; that they practiſed facrifices; believed firmly in
ſpells
5
F
1
Τ Η Ε Η Ε Ρ Τ Α R C Η Υ.
33
I.
Apells and inchantments ; and admitted in general a ſyſtem of CHAP.
doctrines, which they held as ſacred, but which, like all other
ſuperſtitions, muſt bear the air of the wildeſt extravagance, if
propounded to thoſe who are not familiarized to it from their
earlieſt infancy.
The conſtant hoſtilities which the Saxons maintained againſt
the Britains, would naturally indiſpoſe them from receiving the
Chriſtian faith, when preached to them by ſuch inveterate
enemies; and perhaps the Britains, as is objected to them by
Gildas and Bede, were not overfond of communicating to their
cruel invaders the doctrine of eternal life and ſalvation. But
as a civilized people, however ſubdued by arms, ſtill maintain
a ſenſible fuperiority over barbarous and ignorant nations, all
the other northern conquerors of Europe had been already in-
duced to embrace the Chriſtian faith, which they found eſta-
bliſhed in the empire; and it was impoſſible but the Saxons,
informed of this event, muſt have regarded with ſome degree
of veneration a doctrine which had acquired the aſcendant over
all their brethren. However limited in their views, they
could not but have perceived a degree of cultivation in the
ſouthern counties beyond what they themſelves poſſeſſed ; and
it was natural for them to yield to that ſuperior knowledge, as
well as zeal, by which the inhabitants of the Chriſtian king-
doms were even at this time diſtinguiſhed.
But theſe cauſes might long have failed of operating their
effect, had not a favourable incident prepared the means of
introducing Chriſtianity into Kent. Ethelbert, in his father's
lifetime, had married Bertha, the only daughter of Caribert,
king of Paris", one of the deſcendants of Clovis, the conqueror
A Greg. of Tours, lib. 9. cap. 26. H. Hunting. lib. 2.
VOL.I.
T
of
1
1
1
+
.
at
4
34
1
HISTORY OF ENGLAND:
vo
c H AP.
1.
of Gaul; but before he was admitted to this alliance, he was
obliged to ſtipulate, that the princeſs ſhould enjoy the free exerciſe
of her religión; a conceſſion not. difficult to be obtained from
the idolatrous Saxons '. Bertha brought over a French biſhop
to the court of Canterbury; and being zealous for the propa-
gation of her religion, ſhe had been very affiduous in her devo-.
tional exérciſes, had, ſupported the credit of her faith by an
irreproachable conduct, and had employed every art of inſi-
nuation and addreſs to reconcile her huſband to her religious
principles. Her popularity in the court, and her influence over
Ethelbert, had. ſo well paved the way for the reception of the
Chriſtian. doctrine, that Gregory, ſirnamed the Great, the
preſent Roman pontiff, began to entertain hopes of effectuating
a project which he himſelf, before he mounted the papal throne,
had once embraced for. converting the Britifh Saxons.
A
1
IT fiappened; that this prelate, being then in a private
ſtation, had obſerved in the market-place of Rome ſome Saxon
youths expoſed to ſale, whom the Roman merchants, in their
trading voyages to Britain, had bought of their mercenary
parents. Struck with the beauty of their fair complexions and
blooming countenances, Gregory aſked to what country they
belonged; and being told they were Angles, he replied, that
they ought more properly to be denominated angels; and it.
was a pity that the Prince of Darkneſs ſhould enjoy ſo fair a
prey, and that ſo beautiful a frontiſpiece ſhould cover a mind
devoid of internal grace and righteouſneſs. Enquiring farther :
concerning the name of their province, he was informed, that
it was Deiri, a diviſion of Northumberland: Dëïri! replied he,,
that is good! They are called t, the mercy of God froin his
anger,
• Bede, lib. 1. cap. 25. Brompton, p. 725.-
9.
Dc
--
"THE HEPTARCHY.
35
С НАР.
I.
De ira. But what is the name of the king of that province ?
He was told it was Ælla or Alla: Alleluiah, cried he: We muſt
endeavour that the praiſes of God be ſung in their country.
Moved by theſe alluſions, which appeared to him ſo happy, he
determined to undertake himſelf a miſſion into Britain ; and
having obtained the Pope's permiſſion, lie prepared for that
dangerous journey: But his popularity at home was ſo great,
that the Romans, unwilling to expoſe him to ſuch hazards,
oppoſed his deſign; and he was obliged for the preſent to lay
aſide farther thoughts of executing that pious purpoſe ?
V
The controverſy between the Pagans and the Chriſtians
was not entirely cooled in that age; and no pontiff before
Gregory had ever carried to greater exceſſes his intemperate
zeal againſt the former religion. He had waged war with all
the precious monuments of the ancients, and even with their
writings; which, as appears from the ſtrain of his own wit,
as well as the ſtyle of his compoſitions, he had not taſte nor
genius ſufficient to comprehend. Ambitious to diſtinguiſh his
pontificate by the converſion of the Britiſh Saxons, he pitched
on Auguſtine, a Roman monk, and ſent him with forty aſſo-
ciątes to preach the goſpel in this iſland. Theſe miſſionaries,
terrified with the dangers, which might attend their propoſing
a new doctrine to fo fierce a people, of whoſe language they
were entirely ignorant, ſtopped ſome time in France, and ſent
back Auguſtine to lay the hazards and difficulties before the
Pope, and crave his permiſſion to deſiſt from the undertaking.
But Gregory exhorted them to perſevere in their purpoſe,
adviſed them to chuſe ſome interpreters from among the Franks,
who ſtill ſpoke the ſame language with the Saxons ļ, and
1
p Bede, lib. 2. cap. 1. Spell. Conc. p. 91.
:
9 Rede, lib 1. cap. 2 3. .
recommended
F2
7
+
36
HISTORY OF ENGLAND: ,
11
С НАР.
I.
recommended them to the good offices of Queen Brunehauty,
who had at this time uſurped the ſovereign power in their
country. This princeſs, though ſtained with every vice of
treachery and cruelty, either poſſeſſed' or pretended great zeal
for the caufe ; and Gregory acknowledged; that to her friendly
affiſtance was in a great meaſure owing the ſucceſs of that
undertaking'
3
AUGUSTINE, on his arrival in Kent in the year 597.,.
found the danger much leſs than he had apprehended. Ethela.
bert, already well-diſpoſed towards the Chriſtian faith, aſſigned
him a habitation in the iſle of Thanet; and ſoon after admitted
him to a conference. Apprehenſive, however, that ſpells or
enchantments, might be employed againſt him by prieſts, who
brought an unknown worſhip from a diſtant country, he had
the precaution of receiving them in the open air, where he
believed the force of their magic would be more eaſily diffi-.
pated': Here Auguſtine, by means of his interpreters, delivered
to him the tenets of the Chriſtian faith, and promiſed him
eternal joys above, and a kingdom in heaven without end, if he
would be perfuaded to receive that falutary doctrine. "." Your
“ words and promiſes," replied Ethelbert, are fair; but be-
“ cauſe they are new and uncertain, I cannot entirely yield to
" them; and relinquiſh the principles, which I and my an-
“ ceſtors have fò long maintainedYou are welcome, however,
to remain here in peace; and as you have undertaken ſo
long a journey, folcly, as appears, for what you believe to
i Greg. Epift. lib. 9. epiſt. 56. Spell. Conc. p. 82.
* Higden, Polychron. lib. 5. Chron. Sax. p. 23.
+ Bede, lib. 1. cap. 25. H. Hunting. lib. 3. Brompton, p. 729. Parker Antiq..
Buit. Eccl. p. 61.
u Bede, lib. I. cap: 25. Chron. W. Thorn. p. 1759..
66 be
-
1
d
Τ Η Ε Η Ε Ρ Τ Α R CH Υ.
37
* be for our advantage, I will ſupply you with all neceſſaries; CHAP.
" and permit you to deliver your doctrine to my ſubjects"."
L.
.
AUGUSTINE, encouraged by this favourable reception, and
feeing now a proſpect of ſucceſs, proceeded with redoubled zeal
to preach the gofpel to the Kentiſh Saxons. He attracted their
attention by the auſterity of his manners, by the ſevere
penances
to which he ſubjected himſelf, by the abftinence and ſelf-denial
which he practiſed: And having excited their wonder by a
courſe of life, which appeared fo contrary to nature, he pro-
cured more eaſily their belief for miracles, which, it was pre-
tended, he wrought for their converſion': Influenced by theſe
motives, and by the declared favour of the court, numbers of
the Kentiſh men were baptized; and the King himſelf was
perſuaded to ſubmit to that rite of Chriſtianity. His example
wrouglit powerfully on his ſubjects; but he employed no force
to bring them over to the new doctrine. Auguſtine thought
proper, in the commencement of his miffion, to aſſume the
appearance of the greateft lenity; and he told Ethelbert, that
the ſervice of Chriſt muſt be entirely voluntary, and that no.
violence ought ever to be uſed in propagating fo falutary a
doctrine 2
.
1
f
1
The intelligence received of theſe ſpiritual conqueſts con-
veyed great joy to the Romans;; who now exulted as much in
thoſe peaceful trophies, as their anceſtors had ever done in their
moſt fanguinary triumphs, and moſt ſplendid victories. Gre-
gory wrote a letter to Ethelbert, in which, after informing hin
that the end of the world was approaching, he exhorted him
to diſplay his zeal in the converſion of his ſubjects, to exert
- Bede, lib. I. cap. 25. H. Hunting. lib. 3. Brompton, p.729.
.
-J. Rede, lib. s. cap: 26. z Dede, lib. 1. cap. 26. H. Hunting. lib. 3.
rigour
38
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
I.
1
CHAP. rigour againſt the worſhip of idols, and to build up the good
work of holineſs by every expedient of exhortation, terror,
blandiſhment or correction : A doctrine more ſuitable to that
age, and to the uſual papal maxims, than the tolerating prin-
ciples which Auguſtine had thought it prudent to inculcate,
The pontiff alſo anſwered ſome queſtions, which the millionary
had put concerning the government of the new church of
England. Beſides other queries, which it is not neceſſary here
to relate, Auguſtine aſked, Whether couſin-germans might be
allowed to marry ? Gregory anſwered, that that liberty had
indeed been formerly granted by the Roman law; but that
experience had ſhown, that no poſterity could cver come from
ſuch marriages; and he therefore prohibited them. Auguſtine
aſks, Whetber a woman pregnant might be baptized? Gregory
anſwers, that he fees no objection. How. Soon after the birth
the child might receive baptiſin? It was anſwered, Immediately,
if neceſſary. How ſoon a bufvand might have commerce with
his wife after her delivery? Not till ſhe had given ſuck to her
child; a practice to which Gregory exhorts all women. How
Joon a man might enter the church, or receive the facrament,
after having had commerce with his wife? It was replied,
that unleſs he had approached her without deſire, merely for
the ſake of propagating his ſpecies, he was not free from ſin;
but in all caſes it was requiſite for him, before he entered the
church, or communicated, to purge himſelf by prayer and
ablution; and he ought not, even after uſing theſe precautions,
to participate immediately of the ſacred duties. There are
ſome other queſtions and replies ſtill more indecent and more
ridiculous. And on the whole, it appears, that Gregory and
his
* Bede, lib. 1. cap. 32. Brompton, p. 732. Spell. Conc. p. 86.
• Bede, lib. I. cap. 27. Spell. Conc. p. 97, 98, 99, &c.
. Auguſtine alks, Si mulier menftrua confuetudine tenetur, an ecclefiam intrare si licet,
1
+
THE HEPTAR CH Y..
39:
С НА Р.
I.
his miſſionary, if fympathy of manners have any influence,
were better calculated than men of more refined underſtandings,
for making a progreſs with the ignorant and barbarous Saxons.
sed
ws
The more to facilitate the reception of Chriſtianity, Gregory
injoined Auguſtine to remove the idols from the Heathen altars,
but not to deſtroy the altars themſelves; becauſe the people,
he ſaid, would be allured to frequent the Chriſtian worſhip,
when they found it celebrated in a place, which they were ac-
cuſtomed to revere as ſacred. And as the Pagans practiſed facri-
fices, and feaſted with the prieſts on their offerings, he alſo
exhorted the miſſionary to perſuade them, on Chriſtian feſtivals,
to kill their cattle in the neighbourhood of the church, and to
indulge themſelves in thoſe cheerful entertainments to which
they had been habituated. Theſe political compliances ſhow,
that, notwithſtanding his ignorance and prejudices, he was
not unacquainted with the arts of governing mankind. Au-
guſtine was conſecrated archbiſhop of Canterbury, was endowed
by Gregory with authority over all the Britiſh churches, and
received the pall, a badge of eccleſiaſtical honour, from Rome :
Gregory alſo adviſed him not to be too much elated with his
gift of working miracles."; and as Auguſtine, proud of the
ſucceſs of his miſſion, ſeemed to think himſelf entitled to ex-
tend his authority over the biſhops of Gaul, the Pope informed
:
aut facræ communionis facramenta percipere? Grcgory anſwers, Santæ communionis myf.
terium in eiſdem diebus percipere non debet prohiberia. Si autem ex veneratione magna per-
cipere non præfumitur, laudanda eft. Auguſtine alks, Si poft illufionem, qxe per fonunun
folet accidere, vel corpus Domini quilibet accipere valeat ; vel, fi facerdos fit, facra myf-
teria celebrare? Gregory anſwers this learned queſtion by many learned diſtinctions..
• Bede, lib. 1. cap. 30. Spell. Conc. p. 89. Greg. Epift. lib. 9. epift. 71..
4. Chron. Sax. p. 23, 24.
H.Hunting. lib. 3. Spell. Conc. p. 83. Bede, lib. I. Greg. Epift, lib.9. epift. 60.
him,
܂ .܆
40
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP. him, that they lay entirely without the bounds of his jurif-
diction .
1.
;
The marriage of Ethelbert with Bertha, and much more
his embracing Chriſtianity, begot a connexion of his ſubjects
with the French, Italiaps, and other nations on the continent,
and tended to reclaim them from that grofs ignorance and bar-
barity, in which all the Saxon tribes had been hitherto
involved". He alſo enacted', with the conſent of the ſtates
of his kingdom, a body of laws, the firſt written laws pro-
mulgated by any of the northern conquerors ; and his reign
was in every reſpect glorious to himſelf, and uſeful to his
people. He governed the kingdom of Kent fifty years; and
dying in 616", left the ſucceſſion to his ſon, Eadbald. This
prince, ſeduced by a paſſion for his mother-in-law', deſerted
for ſome time the Chriſtian faith, which permitted not theſe
inceſtuous marriages; and his whole people immediately re-
turned with him to idolatry.. Laurentius, the ſucceſſor of
Auguſtine, found the Chriſtian worſhip wholly abandoned, and
was preparing to return into France, in order to ſave himſelf
the mortification of preaching the goſpel without fruit to the
infidels. Mellitus and Juſtus, who had been conſecrated biſhops
of London and Rocheſter, had already departed the kingdom ";
when Laurentius, before he ſhould entirely abandon his dig-
nity, made one effort to reclaim the King. He appeared be-
fore that prince; and throwing off his veſtment, ſhowed his
body all torn with bruiſes and ſtripes, which he had received.
Eadbald, wondering that any man ſhould have dared to treat
in that manner a perſon of his rank, was told by Laurentius,
.
0
1
& Bede, lib. 1. cap. 27.
2 Chron. Sax. p. 25.
# Bede; lib. 2. cap. 5.
b Will. Malm. p. 10.
1 Wilkins Leges Sax. p. 13.
Higden, lib. 5. H. Hunting. lib.'3. Chron. Sax. p. 26.
that
THE HEPTARCH Y.
41
+
C H A P.
1.
that he had received this chaſtiſement from St. Peter, the prince
of the apoſtles, who had appeared to him in a viſion, and
ſeverely reproving him for his intention to deſert his charge,
had inflicted on him theſe viſible marks of his diſpleaſure".
Whether. Eadbald was. ſtruck with the miracle, or influenced
by ſome other motive, he divorced himſelf from his mother-
in-law, and returned to the profeſſion of Chriſtianity ° : His
whole people returned with him. Eadbald reached not the
fame nor authority of his father, and died in 640, after a reign
of twenty-five years '; leaving two ſons, Erminfrid and Er-
combert.
1
ERCOMBERT, though the youngeſt ſon, by Emma, a French
princeſs, found means to mount the throne. He is celebrated
by Bede for two exploits, for eſtabliſhing the faſt of Lent in
his kingdom, and for utterly extirpating idolatry'; which,
notwithſtanding the prevalence of that papal Chriſtianity
preached to the Saxons, had hitherto' been allowed a tolera-
tion by the two preceding monarchs. He reigned twenty-
four years; and left the crown to Egbert, his ſon, whº reigned
years. This prince is renowned for his encouragement
of learning; but infamous for putting to death his two couſin-
germans, ſons to Erminfrid, his uncle". The eccleſiaſtical
writers praiſe him for his beſtowing on his ſiſter Domnona,
fome lands on the Iſle of Thanet, where ſhe founded a mona-
ftery:
nine years.
The bloody precaution of Egbert could not fix the crown
on the head of his ſon, Edric. Lothaire, brother to the deceaſed
* Bede, lib. 2. cap. 6. Chron. Sax. p 26. Higden, lib. 5.
• Brompton, P. 739.
8 Chron. Sax. p. 30.
9 Bede, lib. 3. cap. 8. H. Hunting. lib. 3. Chron. Sax. p. 31. Ann. Beverl. p. 80.
Will. Malm. p. 1l.
VOL.I.
G
prince,
42
HISTORY OF ENGLAND
I.
CHAP prince, took poſſeſſion of the kingdom; and; in order to ſecure-
the power in his family, he aſſociated with him Richard, his fon;
in the adminiſtration of the government. Edric, the diſpof-
Tefled prince, had recourfe to Edilwach, king of Suſſex, for
aſſiſtance in maintaining his right; and being ſupported by
that prince, fought a battle with his uncle, who was defeated
and ſlain. Richard: fled into Germany, and died' at laſt in
Lucca, a city of Tuſcany. William of Malmeſbury aſcribes
Lothaire's bad fortune to two crimes, his concurrence in thic
murder of his couſins, and his contempt of reliques,
But as
LOTHAIRE reigned eleven years; Edric, his ſucceſſor, only
two. Upon the death of the latter, which happened in 686,
Widred, his brother, obtained poſſeſſion of the crown.
the ſucceſſion had been of. late ſo much disjointed by revolu-
tions and uſurpations, faction began to prevail among the nobi-
lity; which invited Cedwalla, king of Weſſex, with his brother
Mollo, to attack the kingdom. Theſe invaders committed
great devaſtations in Kent; but the death of Mollo, who was
flain in a ſkirmiſh'; gave a ſhort breathing-time to that
kingdom. Widred reſtored the affairs of Kent; and after a
reign of thirty-two years “, left. the crown to his poſterity.
Eadbert, Ethelbert, and Alric, his deſcendants, ſucceſſivelý
mounted the throne. After the death of the laſt, which hap-
pened in 794, the royal family of Kent was extinguiſhed; and
every
factious leader, who could entertain hopes of aſcending
the throne, threw the ſtate into confufion. * Egbert; who firſt
ſucceeded, reigned but two years ; Cuthred, brother to the
king of Mercia, fix years ; Baldred, an illegitimate branch of
the royal family, eighteen :. And after a troubleſome and premo
urgen
u Cbron. Sax. p. 52.
• Will. Malm. p. 11. * Higden, lib. 5.
... Will.. Malmeſ. lib. 1. cap. 1. p. lla,
1
carious
9
THE HEP TARCH Y.
43
។
CHAP
1.
carious government, he was, in the year 723, expelled by
Egbert, king of Weſſex, who diffolved the Saxon heptarchy,
and united the ſeveral kingdoms under his dominion.
A
mo
The Kingdom of NORTHUMBERLAND.
DELFRID, king of Bernicia, having married Acca, the
daughter of Alla, king of Deïri, and expelled her infant
brother, Edwin, had united all the counties north of Humber,
into one monarchy, and acquired a great aſcendant in the
heptarchy. He alſo ſpread the terror of the Saxon arms 10
the neighbouring people ; and by his victories over the Scots
and Picts, as well as Welſh, extended on all ſides the bounds
of his dominions. Having laid ſiege to Cheſter, the Britains
marched out with all their forces to engage him; and they
were attended with a body of 1250 monks from the monaſtery
of Bangor, who ſtood at a ſmall diſtance from the field of
battle, in order to encourage the combatants by their preſence
and exhortations. Adelfrid enquiring about the purpoſe of this
unuſual appearance, was told, that theſe prieſts had come to
pray againſt him: Then they are as much our enemies, ſaid hes
as thoſe who intend to fight againſt us': And he immediately
fent a detachment, who fell upon them, and committed ſuch
flaughter, that only fifty eſcaped with their lives. The Britains,
aſtoniſhed at this event, received a total defeat: Cheſter was
obliged to ſurrender : And Adelfrid, purſuing his victory, made
himſelf maſter of Bangor, and entirely demoliſhed the mona-
ſtery; a building ſo vaſt, that there was a mile's diſtance from
·onc gate of it to another; and it contained two thouſand one
y Brompton, p. 779.
Trivet. apud Spell. Conc p. 111.
G9
hundred
1
44
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
I.
hundred monks, who are ſaid to have been there maintained
by the fruits of their own labour .
- Mode
NotwITHSTANDING Adelfrid's ſucceſs in war, he lived in
inquietude on account of young Edwin, whom he had unjuſtly
diſpoſſeſſed of the crown of Deïri. This prince, now grown
to man's eſtate, wandered from place to place, in continual
danger from the attempts of Adelfrid; and received at laſt
protection in the court of Redwald, king of the Eaſt-Angles;
where his engaging and gallant deportment procured him the
affections of every one. Redwald, however, was ſtrongly ſoli-
cited by the King of Northumberland to kill or deliver
up
his
gueſt: Rich preſents were promiſed him, if he would comply;
and war denounced againſt him, in caſe of his refuſal. After
rejecting ſeveral meſſages of this kind, his generoſity began to
yield to the motives of intereſt; and he retained the laſt am-
baſlador, till he ſhould come to a reſolution in a caſe of ſuch
importance. Edwin, informed of his friend's heſitation, was
yet determined at all hazards to remain in Eaſt-Anglia ; and
thought, that if the protection of that court failed him, it were
better to die than prolong a life ſo much expoſed to the perſe-
cutions of his powerful rival. This confidence in Redwald's
honour and friendſhip, with his other accompliſhments, engaged
the Queen on his fide; and ſhe effectually repreſented to her
huſband the infamy of delivering up to certain deſtruction their
royal gueſt, who had fled to them for protection, againſt his
cruel and jealous enemiesº. Redwald, therefore, embracing
more generous reſolutions, thought it ſafeſt to prevent Adelfrid,
before he was aware of his intention, and to attack him while
he was yet unprepared for defence. He marched ſuddenly
a Bede, lib. 2. cap. 2.
W. Malmeſ, lib. I. cap. 3.
► W. Malmef. lib. 1. cap. 3. H. Hunting. lib. 3. Bede.
7
with
THE HEPTARCHY,
45
1
C H A P. ,
I.
with an army into the kingdom of Northumberland, and fought
a battle with Adelfrid ; in which that monarch was defeated and
killed, after revenging himſelf by the death of Regner, fon to
Redwald. His own ſons, Eanfrid, Oſwald, and Ofwy, yet
infants, were carried into Scotland; and Edwin obtained poſſef-
fion of the crown of Northumberland,
EDWIN was the greateſt prince of the heptarchy during his
time, and diſtinguiſhed himſelf, both by his influence over the
other kingdoms ", and by the ſtrict execution of juſtice in his
own dominions. He reclaimed his ſubjects from the licentious
life to which they had been habituated ; and it was a common
ſaying, that in his reign a woman or child"might openly carry
every where a purſe of gold, without any danger of violence or
robbery. There is a remarkable inſtance, tranſmitted to us,
of the affection borne him by his ſervants. Cuichelme, king
of Weſſex, was his enemy; and finding himſelf unable to
maintain open war againſt ſo gallant and powerful a prince, he
determined to make uſe of treachery againſt him, and he em-
ployed one Eumer for that criminal purpoſe. The aſſaſſin, hav-
ing obtained admittance, by pretending to deliver a meſſage
from Cuichelme, drew his dagger, and ruſhed upon the King.
Lilla, an officer of his army, feeing his maſter's danger, and
having no other means of defence, interpoſed with his own
body between the King and Eumer's dagger, which was puſhed
with ſuch violence, that, after piercing Lilla, it even wounded
Edwin: And before the affaflin could renew his blow, he was
diſpatched by the guards'.
* Bede, lib. 2. cap. 12. Brompton, p.781.
• H. Hunting. lib 2. Bede, W. Malmeſ.
p.27. Higden, lib. 5. H. Hunting. lib. 3.
+ Chron. Sax. p. 27.
* Bede, lib. 1. cap. 2. Chron. Sax..
THE
46
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
!
CHAP
I.
1
The Eaſt-Angles conſpired againſt Redwald, their-King;
and having put him to death, they offered their crown to Ed-
win, of whoſe valour and capacity they had had experience,
while he reſided among them. But Edwin, from a ſenſe of
gratitude towards his benefactor, obliged them to ſubmit to
Earpwold, the ſon of Redwald; and that prince preſerved his
authority, tho' on a precarious footing, under the protection
of the Northumbrian monarch 5.
1
EDIVIN, after his .acceſſion to the crown, married Ethel-
burga, the daughter of Ethelbert, King of Kent; and this
princeſs, emulating the glory of her mother Bertha, who had
been the inſtrument of converting her huſband and his people
to Chriſtianity, carried Paullinus, a learned biſhop, along with
her"; and beſides ſtipulating a toleration for the exerciſe of her
own religion, which was readily granted her, ſhe uſed every
reaſon to perſuade the King to embrace it. Edwin, like a pru-
dent prince, heſitated on the propoſal; but promiſed to exa-
mine the foundations of that doctrine; and if he found them
ſatisfactory, he declared himſelf willing to be converted'. Ac-
cordingly hc held.ſeveral conferences with Paullinus, canvaſſed
the arguments propounded with the wiſeſt of his counſellors,
retired frequently from company, in order to revolve alone that
important queſtion; and, after a ſerious and long enquiry, de-
clared in favour of the Chriſtian religion k. The people foon
after imitated his example. Beſides the authority and influ-
ence of the King, they were inoved by another ſtriking ex-
ample. Coifi, the high-prieſt, being converted after a public con-
ference with Paullinus, led the way in deſtroying the images,
i Bede, lib. 2. cap. 9.
- 1 Gul. Malmcf. lib. 1. cap. 3. H. Hunting. lib. 3.
* Bede, lib. 2. cap. 6. Malmeſ, lib. 1. cap. 3.
which
}
4
1
!
THE HEPTAR CH Y.
47
which he had ſo long worſhipped, and was forward in making CHAP.
this atonement for his paſt idolatry'..
I.
This able prince periſhed with his ſon, Osfrid, in a great
battle which he fought againſt Penda, king of Mercia, and
Cædwalla, king of the Britains m. That event, which happened
in the forty-eighth year of Edwin's age and ſeventeenth of
his reign", divided the monarchy of Northumberland, which
He had united in his perſon. Eanfrid, the ſon of Adelfrid, re-
turned with his brothers, Oſwald and Ofwy, from Scotland,
and took. poſſeſſion of Bernicia, his paternal kingdom: Oſric,
Edwin's couſin-german, eſtabliſhed himſelf in Deiri, the inhen
ritance of his family; but to which the fons of Edwin had a
preferable title. Eadfrid, the eldeſt ſurviving ſon, fled to
Penda, by whom he was treacherouſly ſlain. The younger
fon, Vuſcfræa, with Yfli, the grandſon of Edwin, by Osfrid,
fought protection in Kent, and not finding themſelves in ſafety
there, retired into France to King. Dagobert, where they
died ..
OSRIC, King of Deïri, and Eanfrid of Bernicia returned
to Paganiſm ; and the whole people ſeem to have returned with
them ; ſince Paullinus, who was conſecrated firſt archbiſhop of
York, and who had converted them, thought proper to retire
with Ethelburga, the Queen Dowager, into Kent. Both theſe
Northumbrian kings periſhed: ſoon after, the firſt in battle a-
gainſt Cædwalla, the Britain; the ſecond by the treachery of that
prince. Oſwald, the brother of Eanfrid, of the race of Berni-
cia, united again the kingdom of Northumberland in the
year
434, and reſtored the chriſtian religion in his dominions. He
1 Bede, lib. 2. cap. 13. Drompton, Higden, lib. 5.
on Matth. WdI. p.: 114.
Chron. Sax. p. 29.
* W. Malmeſ. lib. d. cap. 3•
Bede, lib. 2. cap. 28.
gained
18
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
t
CHAP
I.
gained a great and well-diſputed battle againſt Cædwalla ; the
laſt vigorous effort which the Britains made againſt the Saxons.
Oſwald is much celebrated for his fanctity and charity by the
Monkiſh hiſtorians '; and they pretend, that his reliques
wrought miracles, particularly the curing a fick horſe, which
had approached the place of his interment”.
1
He died in battle againſt Penda, King of Mercia, and was
ſucceeded by his brother, Oſwy; who eſtabliſhed himſelf in the
government of all the Northumbrian kingdom, by putting to
death Ofwin, the ſon of Oſric, the laſt king of the race of
Deiri'. His fon Egfrid ſucceeded him ; who periſhing in
battle againſt the Picts, without leaving any children, becauſe
Adelthrid, his wife, refuſed to violate her vow of chaſtity', Al-
fred, his natural brother, acquired poſſeſſion of the kingdom,
which he happily governed for nineteen years; and he left it
to Ofred, his ſon ; a boy of eight years of age.
This prince,
after a reign of eleven years, was murdered by Kenred his
kinſman', who, after enjoying the crown only a year, periſhed
by a like fate. Ofric, and after him Celwulph the ſon of Ken-
red, next mounted the throne, which the latter relinquiſhed in
the year 738, in favour of Eadbert his couſin-german, who imi-
tating his predeceſſor, abdicated the crown, and retired into a
monaſtery". Ofwolf, ſon of Eadbert, was ſlain in a fedition,
a year after his acceſſion to the crown*; and Mollo, who was
not of the royal family, ſeized the crown. He periſhed by the
treachery of Ailred, a prince of the blood; and Ailred, having
ſucceeded in his deſign upon the throne, was ſoon after ex-
Chron. Sax. p. 31.
P Matth. Wcít. p. 115. Simeon Dunelm. cap. 2.
9 Bede, lib. 3. cap. 9.
: W. Malmef. lib. 1. cap. 3. Matth. Weft. p. 118.
• Bede, lib. 4. cap. 19.
i W. Malmcf. lib. 1. cap. 3.
» Simeon Dunclm.
* Simeon Dunelm. lib. 2. cap. 4.
lib. 2. cap. 1.3. Chron. Saxi cap. 59.
pelled
f
THE HEPTARCHY.
49
CH A P.
1.
1
pelled by his ſubjects". Ethelred, his ſucceſſor, the ſon of Mollo,
ſhared a like fate. Celwold, the next king, the brother of
Ailfred, was depoſed and llain by the people, and his place
was filled by Ofred, his nephew, who, after the ſhort reign of a
year, made way for Ethelbert, another ſon of Mollo, whoſe
death was equally tragical with that of almoſt all his pre-
deceſſors. After Ethelbert's death an univerſal anarchy pre-
vailed in Northumberland"; and the people, having, by ſo
many fatal revolutions, loſt all attachment to their govern-
ment and princes, were well prepared for ſubjection to a fo-
reign yoke; which Egbert, King of Weſſex, finally impoſed
upon them.
The Kingdom of EAST-ANGLIA.
HE hiſtory of this kingdom contains nothing memorable,
except the converting to chriſtianity Earpwold, the fourth
king and great-grandſon of Uffa, the founder of the monarchy.
The authority of Edwin, king of Northumberland, on whom
that prince entirely depended, engaged him to take this ſtep:
But ſoon after, his wife, who was an idolatreſs, brought him
back to her religion *; and he was found unable to reſiſt thoſe
allurements, which have ſeduced the wiſeſt of mankind. After
his death, which was violent, like that of moſt of the Saxon
princes, who did not early retire into monaſteries, Sigebert, his
fucceffor, and half-brother, who had been educated in France,
reſtored chriſtianity, and introduced learning among the
Angles . Some pretend that he founded the univerſity of Cam-
» Chron. Sax. p. 61.
z W. Malmeſ. lib. 1. cap. 3.
* Bede, lib. 2. cap.
15. Bromp. W. Malmer. lib. 1. cap. 5. H. of Huntingdon ſays it was Redwald
who apoſtatized, lib. 3• 6 Bede, lib. 2. cap. 15. lib. 3. cap. 22.
Vol. I.
H
bridge,
59
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
I.
CHA.P. bridge, or rather fome ſchools in that place. It is almoſt im-
med poſſible, and quite needleſs to be more particular in relating the
tranſactions of the Eaſt-Angles. What advantage or entertain.
ment can it give the reader to hear a long bedę-roll of barbarous
names, Egric, Annas, Ethelbert, Ethelwald, Aldulf, Elkwald,
Beorne, Ethelred, Ethelbert, who ſucceſſively murdered, ex
pelled, or inherited from each other, and obſcurely filled the
throne of that kingdom. Ethelbert, the laſt of theſe princes,
was treacherouſly murdered by Offa, king of Mercia, in the
year 792, and his ſtate was thenceforth united with that of Offa,
as we ſhall relate preſently.
un
&
The Kingdom of MERCI A.
MERCIA, the largeſt, if not the moſt powerful kingdom
of the Heptarchy, comprehended all the middle counties
of England ; and as its frontiers extended to thoſe of all the
other fix kingdoms, as well as to Wales, it received its name
from that circumſtance. Wibba, the ſon of Grida, founder of
the monarchy, being placed on the throne by Ethelbert, king
of Kent, governed his paternal dominions by a very precarious
authority; and after his death, Ceorl, his kinſman, was, by
the influence of the Kentiſh monarch, preferred to his ſon,
Penda, whoſe turbulent diſpoſition appeared dangerous to that
prince. Penda was thus fifty years of age before he mounted
the throne ; and his temerity and martial diſpoſition were found
nowiſe abated by time, experience, or reflection. He engaged
in continual hoſtilities againſt all the neighbouring ſtates ; and,
by his injuſtice and violence, rendered himfelf equally odious, to
his own ſubjects and to ſtrangers, Sigebert, Egric, and Annas,
three kings of Eaſt-Anglia, periſhed in battle againſt him; as
did
THE HEPTARCHY.
51
CHAP
I.
did alſo Edwin and Oſwald, the two greateſt princes who had
reigned over Northumberland“. At laſt, Ofwy, brother to Of-
wald, having defeated him in a great battle, freed the world
from this fanguinary tyrant". Peada, his ſon, obtained the
crown of Mercia in 655, and lived under the protection of Oſ-
wy, whoſe daughter he had eſpouſed. This princeſs was edu-
cated in the chriſtian faith, and ſhe employed her influence with
ſucceſs, in converting her huſband and his ſubjects to that reli-
gion. Thus the fair ſex have had the merit of introducing the
chriſtian doctrine into all the moſt conſiderable kingdoms of the
Saxon Heptarchy. Peada died a violent death'. His ſon,
Wolfhere, ſucceeded to the government; and after having
reduced to dependance the kingdoms of Effex, and Eaſt-Anglia,
he left the crown to his brother, Ethelred, who, though a lover
of
peace,
ſhowed himſelf not unfit for military enterprizes.
Beſides making a ſucceſsful expedition into Kent, he repulfod
Egfrid, king of Northumberland, who had invaded his domi-
nions; and he flew in battle Elfwin, the brother of that prince.
Deſirous, however, of compoſing all animoſities with Egfrid,
he payed him a ſum of money, as a compenſation for the loſs of
his brother. After a proſperous reign of thirty years, he re-
-ſigned the crown to Kendred, ſon of Wolfhere, and retired
into the monaſtery of Bardney & Kendred returned the preſent
of the crown to Ceolred, the ſon of Ethelred ; and making a
pilgrimage to Rome, paſſed his life there in pennance and devo-
tion. The place of Ceolred was ſupplied by Etlielbald', great-
d
5.
f
- Higden, lib. 5. Brompton, p.771. Ann. Beverl. p. 85. Higden, lib. 5.
W. Malmeſ. lib. 1. cap. 3. Flor. Wigorn. p. 560.
• Bede, lib. 3. cap. 21.
Brompton, p. 771. Higden, lib. H. Hunting. lib. 3. Simeon Dunelm. lib. 1.
cap. 4. Ann. Beverl. p. 86.
Hugo Candidus, p. 4. ſays, that he was trea-
cherouſly murdered by his queen, from whoſe perſuaſion he had embraced chriſtianity ;
but this account of the matter is found in that hiſtorian alone. & Bede, lib. 5.
h Malmel. lib. 1. cap.4. Bede, lib. 5. cap. 24.
Ingulph. p. 2.
grand
Cap. 24.
H 2
-
11
52
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CII AP.
1.
grand nephew to Penda by Alwy, his brother; and this prince,
being ſlain in a mutiny, was ſucceeded by Offa, who was a
degree more remote from Penda, by Eawa, another brother.
This prince, who mounted the throne in 755", had ſome
great qualities and was ſucceſsful in his warlike enterprizes againſt
Lothaire, king of Kent, and Kenwulph, king of Weſſex. He
defeated the former in a bloody battle at Otford upon the Darent,
and reduced his kingdom to a ſtate of dependance: He gained
a victory over the latter at Benſington in Oxfordſhire ; and con-
quering that county, together with that of Gloceſter, annexed
it to his other dominions. But all theſe ſucceſſes were ſtained
, by his treacherous murder of Ethelbert, king of the Eaſt-Angles,
and his violent ſeizure of that kingdom. This young prince,
who is ſaid to have poſſeſſed great merit, had made ſuit to
Elfrida, the daughter of Offa, and was invited with all his
retinue to Hereford, in order to folemnize the nuptials. Amidſt
the joy and feſtivity of theſe entertainments, he was ſeized by
Offa, and ſecretly beheaded : And though Elfrida, who abhor-
red her father's treachery, had time to give warning to the
Eaſt-Anglian nobility, who eſcaped into their own country,
Offa, having extinguiſhed the royal family, ſucceeded in his
project of ſubduing that country'. The treacherous prince,
deſirous of re-eſtabliſhing his character in the world, and per-
haps of appeaſing the remorſes of his own conſcience, payed
great court to the clergy, and practiſed all the monkiſh devo-
tions, which were ſo much eſteemed in that ignorant and ſuper-
ftitious
age. He gave the tenth of all his goods to the church";
beſtowed rich donations on the cathedral of Hereford; and even
made a pilgrimage to Rome, where his great power and riches
3
* Chror. Sax. f. 59.
308. Brompton, p.773.
Brompton, p. 750, 751, 752.
m Spell. Conc. p.
7
could
THE HEPTARCHY.
53
.
СНАР,
I.
could not fail of procuring him the papal abſolution. The better
to ingratiate himſelf with the ſovereign pontiff, he engaged to
pay him a yearly donation for the ſupport of an Engliſh college
at Rome ", and in order to raiſe the ſum, he impoſed a tax of
a penny on each houſe poſſeſſed of thirty pence a year. This im-
poſition, being afterwards levied from all England, was com-
monly denominated Peter's pence°; and though conferred at firſt
as a gift, was afterwards claimed as a tribute by the Roman
pontiff. Carrying his hypocriſy ſtill farther, Offa, feigning
to be directed by viſions from heaven, diſcovered at Verulam,
the relicts of St. Alban, the martyr, and endowed a magnificent
monaſtery in that place !. Moved by all theſe acts of piety,
Malmeſbury, one of the beſt of the old Engliſh hiſtorians, de-
clares himſelf at a loſs to determine 9 whether the merits or
crimes of this prince preponderated. Offa died, after a reign of
thirty-nine years, in 794'.
This prince was become ſo conſiderable in the Heptarchy,
that the Emperor Charlemagne entered into an alliance and
friendſhip with him ; a circumſtance, which did him honour ;
as diſtant princes then had uſually very little communication
with each other. That emperor being a great lover of learning
and learned men, in an age which was very barren of that
ornament, Offa, at his deſire, ſent him over Alcuin, a clergyman
much celebrated for his knowledge, who received great honours
from Charlemagne, and even became his preceptor in the ſci-
ences. The chief reaſon, why he had at firſt deſired the com-
pany of Alcuin, was that he might oppoſe his learning to the
hereſy of Felix, biſhop of Urgel in Catalonia; who maintained,
that Jeſus Chriſt, confidered in his human nature, could more
in Spell. Conc, p. 230, 310, 312.
W. Malmef. lib. I, cap. 4.
• Higden, lib. 5.
. Lib. I. cap. 4.
P Ingulph. p. 5.
& Chron. Sax. p. 65.
properly
1
1
54
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
--
I.
CHAP. properly be denominated the adoptive than the natural ſon of
God'. This hereſy was condemned in the council of Francfort,
held in 794, and conſiſting of 300 biſhops. Such were the
queſtions which were agitated in that age, and which employed
the attention, not only of cloyſtered ſcholars, but of the wiſeſt
and greateſt princes".
EGFRITH ſucceeded to his father, Offa, but ſurvived him
only five months"; when he made way for Kenulph, a defcen-
dant of the royal family. This prince waged war againſt
Kent; and taking Egbert, the king, priſoner, he cut off his
hands, and put out his eyes; leaving Cuthred, his own brother,
in poſſeſſion of the crown of that kingdom. Kenalph was
killed in an inſurrection of the Eaſt-Anglians, whoſe crown
his-predeceſſor, Offa, had uſurped. He left his ſon, Kenelm,
a minor; who was murdered the ſame year by his ſiſter,
Quendrade, who had entertained the ambitious views of
aſſuming the government. But ſhe was ſupplanted by her
uncle, Ceolulf; who, two years after, was dethroned by Beor-
nulf. The reign of this ufurper, who was not of the royal
family, was ſhort and unfortunate: He was defeated by the
Weſt-Saxons, and killed by his own ſubjects, the Eaſt-Angles.
Ludican, his ſucceſſor, underwent the ſame fate?; and Wig-
laff, who mounted this unſtable throne, and found every thing
in the utmoſt confuſion, could not withſtand the fortune of
Egbert, who united all the Saxon kingdoms into one great
monarchy.
• Dupin, cent. 8. chap. 4.
? Offa, in order to protect his country from Wales, drew a rampart or ditch of a
hundred miles in length from Balingwerke in Flintſhire to the South-ſea near Briſtol.
See Speed's Deſcription of Wales.
u Ingulph. p. 6.
* Ingulph. p. 7
Brompton, p. 776.
y Ingulph. p.7.
2 Ann. Beverl. p. 87.
The
A
THE HEPTARCHY.
55
4
The Kingdom of ESSE X.
С НА Р.
1.
E
THI
HIS kingdom made no great figure in the Heptarchiy;
and the hiſtory of it is very imperfect. Sleda, ſucceeded
his father, Erkenwin, the founder of the monarchy; and, made
way for his ſon, Sebert, who, being nephew to Ethelbert, king
of Kent, was perſuaded by that prinçe to embrace the chriſtian
religion. His ſons and conjunct ſucceſſors, Sexted and Seward,
relapſed into idolatry, and were ſoon after flain in a battle
againſt the Weſt-Saxons. To ſhew the rude manner of living,
in that age'; Bede tells us", that theſe two kings. expreſſed
great deſire to eat the white. bread; diſtributed by Mellitus, the
biſhop, at the communion. But on his refuſing them, unleſs.
they would ſubmit to be baptized, they expelled him their
dominions. The names of the other princes, who reigned fuc-
ceſſively in Eſſex, are Sigebert the little, Sigebert the good,
who, reſtored, chriſtianity, Swithelm, Sigheri, Offa. This laſt
prince, having, made a vow of chaſtity, notwithſtanding his.
marriage. with Keneſwitha,. a Mercian princeſs, daughter to
Penda, went in pilgrimage to Rome, and ſhut himſelf up during
the reſt of his life in a cloyſter. Selred, his fucceffor, reigned
thirty-eight years; and was the laſt of the royal line : The
failure of which threw the kingdom into great confuſion, and
reduced it to dependance under Mercia “. Switherd firſt ac-
quired the crown, and his death made way for Sigeric, who
ended his life in a pilgrimage to Rome. His fucceffor, Sigered,
unable to defend his kingdom, fübmitted to the viâorious arms
of Egbert
a Chron. Sax. p. 24.
P: 738, 743. Dede,
• Lib. 2. cap. 5.
· H. Hunting. lib. 3. Brompton,
à Malmef. lib. 1. cap. 6.
The
4.
56
I
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHA P.
1.
The Kingdom of SUS SE X.
Hн
TH
HE hiſtory of this kingdom, the ſmalleſt in the Hep-
tarchy, is ſtill more imperfect than that of Eſſex. Ælla,
the founder of the monarchy, left the crown to his ſon, Ciſſa,
who is remarkable chiefly for his long reign of ſeventy-fix
years. *During his time, the South-Saxons fell almoſt into a
total dependance on the kingdom of Weſſex; and we ſcarce
know the names of the princes, 'who were poffefled of this
titular ſovereignty. Adelwalch, the laſt of them, was ſubdued
in battle by Ceadwalla, king of Weſſex, and was ſlain in the
action ; leaving two infant fons, who, falling into the hand
of the conqueror, were murdered by him. The abbot of Red-
förd oppoſed the order for this barbarous execution ; but could
prevail on Ceadwalla only to ſuſpend it, till they ſhould be
baptized. Bercthun and Audhun, two noblemen of character,
reſiſted ſome time the dominion of the Weſt-Saxons ; but
their oppoſition ſerved only to prolong the miſeries of their
country; and the ſubduing this kingdom, was the firſt ſtep,
which the Weſt-Saxons made towards acquiring the ſole mo-
narchy of England.
The Kingdom of W ESSE X.
6
THE kingdom of Weſſex, which finally ſwallowed up all
the other Saxon ſtates, met with great reſiſtance on its
firſt eſtabliſhment; and the Britains, who were now enured to
• Brompton, p. 800.
arms,
.
THE HEP T ARCHY.
57
, ,
С НА Р.
I.
}
arms, yielded not tamely their poſſeſſions to theſe invaders.
Cerdic, the founder of the monarchy, and his ſon, Kenric,
fought many ſucceſsful, and ſome unſucceſsful battles, againſt
the natives; and the martial fpirit, common to all the Saxons,
was, by means of theſe hoſtilities, carried to the greateſt height
among this tribe. Ceaulin, the ſon and ſucceſſor of Kenric,
who began his reign in 560, was even more ambitious and
enterprizing than his predeceſſors; and by waging continual
war againſt the Britains, he added a great part of the counties
of Devon and Somerſet to his other dominions. Carried away by
the tide of ſucceſs, he invaded the other Saxon ſtates in his
neighbourhood, and becoming terrible to all, he provoked a
general confederacy againſt him. This alliance proved ſuc-
ceſsful under the conduct of Ethelbert, king of Kent; and
Ceaulin, who had loſt the affections of his own ſubjects by his
violent diſpoſition, and had now fallen into contempt from his
misfortunes, was expelled the throne', and died in exile and
miſery. Cuichelme and Cuthwin, his ſons, governed jointly
the kingdom, till the expulſion of the latter in 591, and the
death of the former in 593, made way for Cealric, to whom
ſucceeded Ceobald in 593, by whoſe death, which happened in
611, Kynegils inherited the crown. This prince embraced
chriſtianity, through the perſuaſion of Oſwald, king of Nor-
thumberland, who had married his daughter, and who had
attained a great aſcendant in the heptarchy. Kenwalch next
ſucceeded to the monarchy, and dying in 672, left the fuccef-
ſion ſo much diſputed, that Sexburga, his widow, a woman of
merit“, kept poſſeſſion of the government till her death, which
.
Wie
.
P. 94.
s Chron. Sax. p. 22,
& Higden, lib. 5. Chron. Sax. p. 15. Ann. Beverl.
h Bede, lib. 4. cap. 12.
Chron. Sax.. p. 41.
.
VOL. I.
I
happened
58
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHIP.
1.
happened two years after. Eſcwin then peaceably acquired the
crown; and, after a ſhort reign of two years, made
way
for
Kentwin; who governed nine years. Ceodwalla, his ſucceſſor,
mounted not the throne without oppoſition ; but proved a
great prince, according to the ideas of thoſe times; that is, he
was enterprizing, warlike, and ſucceſsful. He fubdued entirely
the kingdom of Suſſex, and annexed it to his own dominions.
He made deep impreſſions upon Kent; but mệt with reſiſtance
from Widred, the king, who proved ſucceſsful againſt Mollo,
brother to Ceodwalla, and flew him in a ſkirmiſh'. Ceodwalla
at laſt, tired with wars and bloodſhed, was ſeized with a fit of
devotion ; beſtowed ſeveral endowments on the church, and
made a pilgrimage to Rome, where he received baptiſm, and
died in 689 * Ina, his ſucceſſor, inherited the military virtues
of Ceodwalla, and added to them the more valuable ones of
juſtice, policy, and prudence'. He made war upon the Britains
in Somerſet; and having finally ſubdued that province, he
treated the vanquiſhed with an humanity, hitherto unknown
to the Saxon conquerors. He allowed the proprietors to retain
poſſeſſion of their lands”, encouraged marriages and alliances
between them and his antient ſubjects", and gave them the
privilege of being governed by the ſame laws. Theſe laws he
augmented and aſcertained °; and though he was diſturbed by
ſome inſurrections at home, his long reign of thirty-ſeven
years may be regarded as one of the moſt glorious and moſt
proſperous of the heptarchy. In the decline of his age, he
.
p. 46.
1 H. Hunting. lib. 4. Brompton, p. 757.
k Bede, lib. 5. cap. 7. W.
Malmeſ. lib. 1. cap. 2. Ethelwerd, lib. 2. cap. 10. M. Welt. p. 128. Chron. Sax.
I w. Malmeſ. lib. 1. cap. 2.
m Vita Adelhelm. p. 32, See alſa
LL Inæ, $ 24. Wilkins, p. 18. * Concil. Mag. Brit. tom, da p. 74.
• Wilkios, p. 14
made
1
1
THE HEP TARCH Y,
59
made a pilgrimage to Rome; and after his return, he ſhut
himſelf up in a cloyſter, where he died ?.
СНАР,
İ.
THOUGH the Kings of Weſſex had always been princes of
the blood, deſcended from Cerdic, the founder of the monarchy,
the order of ſucceſſion had been far from exact; and a more
remote prince had often found means to mount the throne, in
preference to one deſcended from a nearer branch of the royal
family. Ina, therefore, having no children of his own, and
lying much under the influence of Ethelburga, his Queen, left
by will the ſucceſſion to Adelard, her brother, who was his re-
mote kinſman ?: But this deſtination took not place without
fome difficulty. Oſwald, a prince more nearly allied to the
crown, took arms againſt Adelard'; but he being ſuppreſſed,
and dying ſoon after, the title of Adelard was not any farther
diſputed; and in the year 741, he was ſucceeded by his couſins
Cudred. The reign of this prince was diſtinguiſhed by a great
victory, which he obtained, by the means of Edelhun, his
ge-
neral, over Ethelbald, king of Mercia : His death inade
way
for Sigebert, his kinſman, who governed fo ill, that his people
roſe in an inſurrection, and dethroned him", crowning Cenulph
in his ſtead. The exiled prince' found a refuge with duke Cum-
bran, governor of Hampſhire ; who, that he might add to his
other kindneſs towards Sigebert, gave him many falutary coun-
ſels for his future conduct, accompanied with ſome reprehenſions
for the paſt. But theſe were ſo much reſented by the ungrateful
prince, that he conſpired againſt the life of his protector, and
treacherouſly murdered him. After this infamous action, he
p Bede, lib. 5. cap. 7 Chron. Sax. p. 52. Higden, lib. 5.' W. Malm. lib. i.
4 W. Malmef. lib. 1. cap. 2.
cap. 2. H. Hunting. lib. 4. M. Weſt. p. 135.
Brompton, p. 768.
Chron. Sax. p. 55.
* Brompton, p. 769. Chron.
u W. Malmeſ. lib. 1. cap. 2, Erompton, p. 770. Chron. Sax. p. 56
I 2
was
Sax. p. 56.
60
HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
1
CHAP
1.
was forſaken by every body; and ſkulking about in the wilds
and foreſts, was at laſt diſcovered by a fervant of Cumbran,
who inſtantly took revenge upon him for the death of hiç
maſter *
1
.
CENULPH, who had obtained the crown on the expulſion of
Sigebert, was fortunate in many expeditions againſt the Britains
of Cornwal ; but afterwards loſt ſome reputation by his ill ſuc-
ceſs againſt Offa, king of Mercia '. Kynehard alſo, brother to
the depoſed Sigebert, gave him diſturbance ; and though ex-
pelled the kingdom, he hovered on the frontiers, and waited
an opportunity of attacking his rival. The King had an intrigue
with a young woman, who lived at Merton in Surrey ?'; whi-
ther having ſecretly retired, he was on a ſudden invironed, in
the night-time, by Kynehard and his followers, and after mak-
ing a vigorous reſiſtance, was murdered, with all his attendants.
The people and nobility of the neighbourhood, riſing next day
in arms, took revenge on Kynehard for the ſlaughter of their
King, and put every one to the ſword, who had been engaged
in that criminal enterprize”. This event happened in 784.
BRITHRIC next obtained poſſeſſion of the government, tho?
very remotely deſcended from the royal family ; but enjoyed not
that dignity without inquietude. Eoppa, nephew to King Ina,
by his brother Ingild, who died before that prince, begot Eata,
father to Alchmond, from whom ſprung Egbert, a young
prince of the moſt promiſing hopes, who gave great jealouſy to
Brithric, the preſent King, both becauſe he ſeemed by his birth
better intitled to the crown, and becauſe he had acquired, to an
* Higden, lib. 5. W. Malmef. lib. 1. cap. 2.
z Flor. Wigorn. p. 576. Chron. Sax. p. 57, 63.
Iloyeden, p. 409
Chron. Sax. p. 16.
y W. Malmeſ. lib. 1. cap. 2.
a Flor. Wigorn. p. 576.
eminent
1
1
.
THE HEFTARCHY,
6,
I,
eminent degree; the affections of the people.. Egbert, ſenſible CHAP,
of his danger from the ſuſpicions of Brithric, withdrew fecretly
into France"; where he was well received by Charlemagne, the
reigning monarch. By living in the court, and ſerving in the
armies of that prince, the moſt able and moſt generous who had
appeared in Europe during ſeveral ages, he acquired thoſe accom-
pliſhments which afterwards enabled him to make ſuch a ſhining
figure on the throne. And familiarizing himſelf to the manners
of the French, who, as Malmeſbury obſerves, were eminent
both for valour and civility, above all the weſtern nations, le
learned to poliſh the rudeneſs and barbarity of the Saxon cha- .
racter : His early misfortunes proved thus of infinite advantage
to him,
I
It was not long before Egbert had opportunities of diſplaying
his natural and acquired talents. Brithric, King of Weſſex, had
married Eadburga, natural daughter of Offa, King of Mercia,
a profligate woman, equally infamous for:cruelty and for incon- .
tinence. Having great influence over her huſband, ſhe often
incited him to deſtroy ſuch of the nobility as were obnoxious to
lier; and where this expedient failed, ſhe ſcrupled not being her-
felf active in traiterous attempts againſt them. She had mixed
a cup of poiſon for a young nobleman, .who had acquired her
huſband's friendſhip, and had on that account become the object :
of her jealouſy: But unfortunately, the King drank of the fatal : .
cup along with his favourite, and ſoon after expired. This
event, joined to her other crimes, rendered Eadbúrga ſo odious,
that ſhe was obliged to fly into France; wlience Egbert was at
the ſame time recalled by the. nobility, in order to aſcend the
e H.-Hunting. lib. 4.
d Lib. 2. cap. 11.
• Prompton; p. 740, 750.
W. Malmef. lib. 1. cap. 2. H. Hunting. lib. 4 f Higden, lib. 5. M. Wett.
p. 152. Affer. in vita Alfredi, p. 3. ex edit. Camdeni,
6
thron:
M
62
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH AP.
I.
throne of his anceſtors . He attained that dignity in the laſt
year of the eighth century.
In the kingdoms of the heptarchy, an exact rule of ſucceſſion
was either unknown or not ſtrictly obſerved; and thence the
reigning prince was continually agitated with jealouſy againſt
all the princes of the blood, whom he ſtill conſidered as rivals,
and whoſe death alone could give him entire ſecurity in his pof-
ſeſſion of the throne. From this fatal cauſe, together with the
admiration of the monaſtic life, and the opinion of merit, at-
tending the preſervation of chaſtity even in a married ftate,
the royal families had been entirely extinguiſhed in all the king-
doms except that of Weſlex; and the emulations, ſuſpicions,
and conſpiracies, which had formerly been confined to the
princes of the blood alone, were now diffuſed among all the no-
bility in the ſeveral Saxon ſtates. Egbert was the ſole deſcendant
of thoſe firſt conquerors who ſubdued Britain, and who en-
hanced their authority by claiming a pedigree from Woden,
the ſupreme divinity of their anceſtors. But that prince, tho'
invited by this favourable circumſtance to make attempts on the
neighbouring Saxons, gave them for ſome time no diſturbance,
and rather choſe to turn his arms againſt the Britains in Corn-
wal, whom he defeated in ſeveral battles ". He was recalled
from the conqueſt of that country by an inroad. made into his
dominions by Bernulf, King of Mercia.
1
The Mercians, before the acceſſion of Egbert, had very
nearly attained the abſolute ſovereignty over the heptarchy:
They had reduced the Eaſt-Angles under ſubjection, and eſta-
6 Chron. Sax. A. D. 800. Brompton, p. 801.
7
h Chron. Sax. p. 69.
bliſhed
THE HEPT ARCHY.
63
1
CH A P.
I.
bliſhed tributary princes in the kingdoms of Kent and Effex.
Northumberland was involved in anarchy; and no ſtate of any
conſequence remained but that of Weſſex, which, much infe-
rior in extent to Mercia, was ſupported by the great qualities
alone of its ſovereign. Egbert led his army againſt the inva--
ders; and encountering them at Ellandun in Wiltſhire, obtained
a complete victory, and by the ſlaughter executed on them in
their flight, gave a mortal blow to the power of the Mercians:
Whilſt he himſelf, in proſecution of his victory, entered their
country on the ſide of Oxfordſhire, and threatened the heart
of their dominions; he ſent an army into Kent, commanded
by Ethelwolph, his eldeſt ſon'; and expelling. Baldred, the
tributary king, foon made himſelf maſter of that country. The
kingdom of Eſſex was conquered with equal facility; and the
Eaſt-Angles, from their hatred to the Mercian government,
which had been eſtabliſhed over them by treachery and violence,
and probably exerciſed with tyranny, immediately roſe in arms,
and craved the protection of Egbert K. Bernulf; the Mercian
king, who marched againſt them, was defeated and lain; and
two years after, Ludecan, his ſucceſſor, met with the ſame
fate. Theſe inſurrections and calamities facilitated the enter-
prizes of Egbert, who advanced into the heart of the Mercian
territories, and made eaſy conqueſts over a diſpirited and divided
people. In order to engage them more eaſily to ſubmiſſion, he
allowed Wiglef, their countryman, to retain the title of King,
whilſt he himſelf exerciſed the real powers of ſovereignty'.
The anarchy, which prevailed in Northumberland, tempted
him to carry ſtill farther his victorious arms; and the inha-
bitants, unable to reſiſt his power, and deſirous of poſſeſſing
fome eſtabliſhed form of government, were forward, on his
| Ethelwerd, lib. 3. cap. 2.
Ethelwerd, lib. 3. cap. 3•
1
Ingulph. p. 7, 8, 10.
firſt
+
.
*
64
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
C H A P.
1.
firſt appearance, to ſend deputies, who ſubmitted to his autho-
drity, and expreſſed their allegiance to him as their ſovereign.
-Egbert, however, ſtill allowed to Northumberland, as he had
done to Mercia and Eaſt-Anglia, the power of electing a king,
who paid him tribute, and was dependant on him.
Thus were united all the kingdoms of the heptarchy in one
great ſtate, near four hundred years after the firſt arrival of the
Saxons in Britain; and the fortunate arms and prudent policy
of Egbert at laſt effectuated what had been ſo often attempted
in vain by ſo many princes". Kent, Northumberland, and
Mercia, which had ſucceſſively aſpired to general dominion,
were now incorporated in his empire; and the other ſubor-
dinate kingdoms ſeemed willingly to ſhare the ſame fate. His
territories were nearly of the ſame extent with what is now
properly denominated England; and a favourable proſpect was
afforded the Anglo-Saxons, of eſtabliſhing a civilized monarchy,
poſſeſſed of tranquillity within itſelf, and ſecure againſt foreign
invaſion. This great event happened in the year 827".
4
The Saxons, though they had been ſo long ſettled in the
illand, ſeem not as yet to have been much improved beyond
their German anceſtors, either in arts, civility, knowledge,
humanity, juſtice, or obedience to the laws. Even Chriſtianity,
though, among other advantages, it opened the way to con-
nexions between them and the more poliſhed ſtates of Europe,
had not hitherto been very effectual, in baniſhing their igno-
rance, or ſoftening their barbarous manners. As they received
that doctrine through the corrupted channels of Rome, which
had ſtrongly.tinctured the original purity of the Chriſtian faith,
åt carried along with it a great mixture of credulity and ſuper-
1
m. Chron. Sax. p. 71.
s Ibid.
1
ftition,
Τ Η Ε Η Ε Ρ Τ Α R C Η Υ.
65
СНАР.
1.
ftition, equally deſtructive to the underſtanding and to morals.
The reverence towards ſaints and reliques ſeems to have almoſt
ſupplanted the adoration of the ſupreme Being: Monaſtic obſer-
vances were eſteemed more meritorious than the active virtues :
The knowledge of natural cauſes was neglected from the uni-
verſal belief of miraculous interpoſitions and judgments: Bounty
to the church atoned for all violences againſt ſociety: And the
remorſes for cruelty, murder, treachery, aſſaſſination, and the
more robuſt vices, were appeaſed, not by amendment of life,
but by penances, ſervility to the monks, and an abject and
illiberal devotion. The reverence for the clergy had mounted
ſo high, that wherever a perſon appeared in a facerdotal habit,
though on the high-way, the people flocked around him; and
ſhowing him all marks of profound reſpect, received every
word he uttered as the moſt ſacred oracles !. Even the mili-
tary virtues, ſo inherent in all the Saxon tribes, began to be
neglected ; and the nobility, preferring the ſecurity and ſloth
of the cloyſter to the tumults and glory of war, valued them-
felves chiefly on the endowment of monaſteries, of which they
aſſumed the government”. The ſeveral kings too, being ex-
tremely impoveriſhed by continual benefactions to the church,
to which the ſtates of the kingdom weakly conſented, could
beſtow no rewards on valour or military ſervices, and retained
not even ſufficient influence to ſupport their government'.
3
+
de
Mujer
II.
• Theſe abuſes were common to all the European churches; but the prieſts in Italy,
Spain, and Gaul, made fome atonement for them by other advantages, which they
rendered ſociety. For ſeveral ages, they were almoſt all Romans, or, in other words,
the ancient nacives; and they preſerved the Roman language and laws, with ſome re-
mains of the former civility. But the prieſts in the heptarchy, after the firſt miffion-
aries, were wholly Saxon, and almoſt as ignorant and barbarous as the laity. They
Contributed, therefore, little to the improvement of the ſociety in knowledge or the arts.
p Bede, lib. 3. cap. 26. 9 Bede, lib. 5. cap. 23. Epiftola Bedæ ad Egbert.
· Bedæ Epift. ad Egbert.
VOL. I.
K
ANOTHER
1
1
JIH
1
1
66
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
I.
ANOTHER inconvenience, which attended this corrupt fpe-
cies of Chriſtianity, was the ſuperſtitious attachment to Rome,
and the gradual ſubjection of the kingdom to a foreign jurif-
diction. The Britains had never acknowledged any ſubordina-
tion to the Roman pontiff, and had conducted all eccleſiaſtical
government by their domeſtic fynods and councils : But the
Saxons, receiving their religion from Roman monks, were
taught at the ſame time a profound reverence to that ſee, and
vrere naturally led to regard it as the capital of their religion.
Pilgrimages to Rome were repreſented as the moſt meritorious
acts of devotion. Not only noblemen and ladies of rank un-
dertook this tedious journey '; but kings themſelves, abdi-
cating their crowns, fought for a ſecure paſſport to heaven at
the feet of the Roman pontiff. New reliques, continually ſent
from that endleſs mint of ſuperſtition, and magnified by lying
miracles, invented in convents, operated on the aſtoniſhed
minds of the multitude. And every prince attained the eu-
logies of the monks, the only hiſtorians of thoſe ages, not
in proportion to his civil and military virtues, but to his de-
voted attachment towards their order, and his ſuperſtitious
reverence for Rome.
-
The ſovereign pontiff, encouraged by this blindneſs and ſub-
miſſive diſpoſition of the people, advanced every day in his
enterprizes on the independance of the Engliſh churches. Wil-
frid, biſhop of Lindisferne, the fole prelate of the Northum-
brian kingdoin, gave the finiſhing ſtroke to this ſubjection in
the eighth century, by his making an appeal to Rome againſt
the deciſions of an: Engliſh ſynod, which had abridged his
dioceſe by the erection of ſome new biſhoprics“. Agatho, the
* Append. to Bede, numb. 10. ex edit. 1722. Spelm. Conc. p. 108, 109.
Bede, lib. 5. cap. 7.
u Sce Appendix to Bede, numb. 16. Higden, lib. 5.
Marth. Welt. p. 124. Brompton, p. 793, 794.
pope,
ایر
.
1
1
1
1
THE HEPTARCH Y.
67
1
С НА Р.
A
1.
pope, readily embraced this precedent of an appeal to his court;
and Wilfrid, though the haughtieſt and moſt luxurious prelate
of his age", having obtained with the people the character of
-fanctity, finally prevailed in the conteſt.
V
The great topic, by which Wilfrid confounded the imagi-
nations of men, was, that St. Peter, to whoſe cuſtody the keys
of heaven were entruſted, would certainly refuſe admittance to
every one who had been wanting in reſpect to his ſucceſſor.
This conceit, well calculated for vulgar conceptions, had a
powerful operation on the people during ſeveral ages; and has
not even at prefent loſt all influence in the catholic countries.
1
1
ܕ ܕ
HAD this abject ſuperſtition produced general peace and tran-
quillity, it had made ſome atonement for the ills attending it;
but, added to the uſual avidity of men for power and riches,
it engendered frivolous controverſies in theology, which were
ſo much the more fatal, as they admitted not, like the others,
of any final determination from eſtabliſhed poſſeſſion. The
diſputes, excited in Britain, were of the moſt ridiculous kind,
and entirely worthy of thoſe ignorant and barbarous ages.
There were ſome intricacies, obſerved by all the Chriſtian
churches, in adjuſting the day of keeping Eaſter; which de-
pended on a complicated conſideration of the courſe of the
ſun and moon: And it happened that the miſſionaries, who
had converted the Scots and Britains, had followed a different
calendar from what was obſerved at Roine, in the
Auguſtine converted the Saxons. The prieſts alſo of all the
Chriſtian churches were accuſtomed to ſhave part of their head;
but the form given to this tonſure, was different in the former
age when
1
* Eddius vita Vilfr. $ 24, 60.
K 2
from
68
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
},
from what was practiſed in the latter. The Scots and Britains
pleaded the antiquity of their uſages: The Romans, and their
diſciples, the Saxons, inſiſted on the univerſality of theirs.
That Eaſter muſt neceſſarily be kept by a rule, which compre-
hended both the day of the year and age of the moon, was
agreed by all; that the ſhaving of a prieſt could not be omitted
without the utmoſt impiety, was a point undiſputed : But the
Romans and Saxons called their antagoniſts ſchiſmatics; be-
cauſe they celebrated Eaſter on the very day of the full moon
in March, if that day fell on a Sunday, inſtead of waiting till
the Sunday following; and becauſe they ſhaved their whole
forehead from car to ear, inſtead of making that tonſure on
the crown of the head, and in a circular form. In order to
render their antagoniſts odious, they affirmed, that once in
ſeven years they concurred with the Jews in the time of cele-
brating that feſtival': And that they might recommend their
own form of tonſure, they maintained, that it imitated ſym-
bolically the crown of thorns worn by our Saviour in his
paſſion; whereas the latter was invented by Simon Magus,
without any regard to that repreſentation. Theſe contro-
verſies had from the beginning excited ſuch animoſity between
the Britiſh and Roman prieſts, that, inſtead of concurring in
their endeavours to convert the idolatrous Saxons, they refuſed
all communion together, and each regarded his opponent as
no better than a Pagan". The diſpute laſted more than a
century; and was at laſt finiſhed, not by mens perceiving the
folly of it, which would have been too great an effort for
human reaſon to accompliſh, but by the entire victory of the
Romiſh ritual over the Scots and Britiſh. Wilfrid, biſhop of
y Bede, lib. 2. cap. 19.
z Bede, lib. 5. cap. 21. Eddius, $ 24.
* Bede, lib. 2. cap. 2, 4, 20. Eddius, $ 12, • Bede, lib. 5. cap. 16, 22.
Lindisferne,
Mart
7
THE HEPTAR CH Y.
69
CHAP
1.
Lindisferne, acquired great merit, both with the court of Rome
and with all the ſouthern Saxons, by expelling the quartode-
ciman ſchiſm, as it was called, from the Northumbrian kingdom,
into which the neighbourhood of the Scots had formerly intro-
duced it .
A
i
!
THEODORE, archbiſhop of Canterbury, called, in the year
680, a fynod at Hatfield, conſiſting of all the biſhops in Bri-
tain'; where was accepted and ratified the decree of the La-
teran council, ſummoned by Martin the firſt, againſt the hereſy
of the Monothelites. The council and fynod maintained, in
oppoſition to theſe heretics, that though the divine and human
nature in Chriſt made but one perſon; yet had they ſtill different
inclinations, wills, acts, and ſentiments, and that the unity of
the perſon implied not any unity in the conſciouſneſs. This
opinion it ſeems ſomewhat difficult to comprehend; and no one,
unacquainted with the eccleſiaſtical hiſtory of thoſe ages,
could
imagine the height of zeal and violence with which it was then
inculcated. The decree of the Lateran council calls the Mono-
thelites impious, execrable, wicked, abominable, and even dia-
bolical ; and curſes and anathematizes them to all eternity'.
.
The Saxons, from the firſt introduction of Chriſtianity
among them, had admitted the uſe of images; and perhaps,
Chriſtianity, without ſome of thoſe exterior ornaments, had not
made ſo quick a progreſs with theſe idolaters : But they had not
paid any ſpecies of worſhip or addreſs to images; and this abuſe
never prevailed among Chriſtians, till it received the fanction of
the ſecond council of Nice.
d
• Bede, lib. 3. cap. 25. Eddius, $12.
Spell. Conc. vol. 1. p. 171.
Spell. Conc. vol. 1. p.fits.
Spell. Conc. vol. 1. p. 172, 173, 174.
f
.
F
++
+
3-
12
1
,
4*
3
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
po
1
CH A P. II.
Q
Egbert Ethelwolf Ethelbald and Ethelbert
Ethered Alfred the Great
Edward the elder
Athelftan Edmund Edred Edwy
gar
Edward the Martyr.
Ed-
1
E G B E R T.
CHAP
IT.
TH
827
i.
HE Kingdoms of the Heptarchy, 'though united by ſo
recent a conqueſt, ſeemed to be firmly cemented into one
ſtate under Egbert; and the inhabitants of the ſeveral provinces
had loſt all deſire of revolting from that conqueror, or of reſtor-
ing their independent governments. Their language was every
where ncarly the ſame; their cuſtoms, laws, inſtitutions civil
and religious; and as the race of the antient kings was totally
extinct in all the ſubjected ſtates, the people readily transferred
their allegiance to a prince, who ſeemed to merit it, by the
ſplendor of his victories, the vigour of his adminiſtration, and
the ſuperior nobility of his birth. An union alſo in govern-
ment opened to them the agreeable proſpect of future tranquil-
lity; and it appeared more probable, that they would thence-
forth become terrible to their neighbours, than be expoſed to
their inroads and devaſtations. But theſe flattering views were
foon overcaſt by the appearance of the Danes, who, during
fome centuries, kept the Anglo-Saxons in perpetual inquietude,
committed the moſt barbarous ravages upon them, and at laſt
reduced them to grievous fervitude.
The emperor Charlemagne, though naturally generous and
humane, had been induced by bigotry to exerciſe great ſeverities
* 6
againſt
V
--
1
E G B E R T.
71
CHAP
II.
*
+
againſt the Pagan Saxons in Germany, whom he ſubdued; and
beſides often ravaging their country by fire and ſword, he
had in cool blood decimated all the inhabitants for their re-
volts, and had obliged them, by the moſt rigorous edicts, to
make a ſeeming compliance with the chriſtian doctrine. That
religion, which had eaſily made its way among the Britiſh-
Saxons by inſinuation and addreſs, appeared ſhocking to their
German brethren, when impoſed on them by the violence of
Charlemagne; and the moſt generous and warlike of theſe Pagans
had fled northward into Jutland, in order to eſcape the fury of
his perſecutions. Meeting there with a people of ſimilar man-
ners, they were readily received among them; and they ſoon
ſtimulated the natives to concur in enterprizes, which both
promiſed revenge on the haughty conquerors, and afforded ſub-
ſiſtence to thoſe numerous inhabitants, with which the northern
countries were now overburthened. They invaded the
pro-
vinces of France, which were expoſed by the degeneracy and
diffentions of Charlemagne's poſterity; and being known there
under the general name of Normans, which they received from
their northern ſituation, they became the terror of all the maritime
and even of the inland countries. They were alſo tempted to
viſit England in their frequent excurſions; and being able by
ſudden inroads to make great progreſs over a people, who were ,
not defended by any naval force, who had relaxed their military
inſtitutions, and who were funk into a ſuperſtition, which had
become odious to the Danes and antient Saxons, they made no
diſtinction in their hoſtilities between the French and Engliſh
kingdoms. Their firſt appearance in this iſland was in the
year 787 ", •when Brithric reigned in Weſſex. A ſmall body of
them landed in that kingdom, with a view of learning the ſtate
2
1
*
1
1
& Ypod. Neuſtria, p. 414.
h Chron. Sax. p. 64.
of
h
M
72
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
&
CHAP
. U.
832.
of the country; and when the magiſtrate of the place queſtioned
them concerning the reaſon of their enterprize, and cited théin
to appear before the king, and account for their intentions,
they killed him, and flying to their ſhips, eſcaped into their own
country. The next alarm was given to Northumberland in the
year 794'; when a body of theſe pirates pillaged a monaſtery;
but their ſhips being much damaged by a ſtorm, and their leader
ſlain in a ſkirmiſh, they were at laſt defeated by the inhabitants,
and the remainder of them put to the ſword. Five years after
Egbert had eſtabliſhed his monarchy over England, the Danes
landed in the Iſle of Shepey, and having pillaged it, eſcaped
with impunity *. They were not fo fortunate in their next
year's enterprize, when they diſembarked from thirty-five ſhips,
and were cncountered by Egbert, at Charmouth in Dorſetſhire.
The battle was bloody; but though the Danes loſt great num-
bers, they maintained the poſt, which they had taken, and
made good their retreat to their ſhips'. Having learned by
experience, that they muſt expect a vigorous reſiſtance from
this warlike prince, they entered into an alliance with the Bri-
tains of Cornwal; and landing two years after in that country,
made an inroad with their confederates into the county of De-
von; but were met at Hengeſdown by Egbert, and totally de-
feated m. While England remained in this ſtate of inquietude,
and defended itſelf more by temporary expedients than by any
regular plan of adminiſtration, Egbert, who alone was capable
of providing effectually againſt this new evil, unfortunately
died; and left the government to his fon Ethelwolf.
838.
Chron. Sax. p 65. Alur, Beverl. p. 108. * Chron. Sax. p. 72. Mat. Weft.
p. 155 | Chron. Sax. p. 72. 'Ethelward, lib. 3. cap. 2. Matth. Weft. p. 1550
mo Chron. Cax. p. 72.
ETHEL
.
1
"
E T H EL WOLF.
73
E T H EL WOL F.
CHAP ,
II.
TH
HIS prince had neither the abilities nor vigour of his
father ; and was better qualified for governing a convent
than a kingdom". He began his reign with dividing his
dominions, and delivering over to his eldeſt ſon Athelſtan, the
new conquered provinces of Eſſex, Kent, and Suſſexº. But
no inconveniencies ſeem to have ariſen from this partition ; as
the continual terror of the Daniſh invaſions prevented all do-
meſtic diffention. Afleet of theſe ravagers, conſiſting of thirty-
three fail, appeared at Southampton; but were repulſed with
great loſs by Wolfhere, governor of the neighbouring county P.
The ſame year, Æthelhelm, aſſiſted by the inhabitants of Dorſet-
ſhire, routed another band which had diſembarked at Portf-
mouth; but he obtained the victory after a furious engagement,
and he bought it with the loſs of his life ! Next year, the
Danes made ſeveral inroads into England ; and fought battles,
or rather ſkirmiſhes, in Eaſt-Anglia and Lindeſey and Kent
where, though they were ſometimes repulſed and defeated,
they always obtained their end of committing ſpoil upon the
country, and carrying off their booty. They avoided coming
to a general engagement, which was not ſuited to their plan of
operations. Their veſſels were ſmall, and ran eaſily up the
creeks and rivers ; where they drew them aſhore, and having
formed an entrenchment around them, which they guarded
with part of their number, the remainder ſcattered them-
felves every where, and carrying off the inhabitants, and
cattle, and goods, they haſtened to their ſhips, and quick-
ly diſappeared. If the military force of the county was
;
na
* W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 2,
• W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 2. Ethelward, lib. 3.
cap. 3
P Chron. Sax. p. 73. Ethelward, lib. 3. cap. 3. Matth. Weft. p. 155.
· Chron. Sax. p: 73. H. Hunting. lib. 5.
Matth, Weſt. 156.
VOL.I.
L
aſſembledo
74
.
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
C H A P.
II.
aſſembled, (for there was no time for troops to march from a
diſtance) the Danes were either able to repulſe them and to
continue their ravages with impunity, or they betook them-
ſelves to their veſſels; and ſetting fail, invaded ſuddenly ſome
diſtant quarter, which was not prepared for their reception.
Every part of England was held in continual alarm; and the
inhabitants of one county dared not to give aſſiſtance to thoſe of
another, left their own family and property ſhould in the mean
time be expoſed by their abſence to the fury of theſe barbarous
ravagers'. All orders of men were involved in this ruin; and
the prieſts and monks, who had been commonly ſpared in the
domeſtic quarrels of the heptarchy, were the chief objects on
which the Daniſh idolaters exerciſed their rage and animoſity.
Every ſeaſon of the year was dangerous; and no man could
eſteem himſelf a momentin ſafety, becauſe of the abſence of the
enemy.
851.
THESE incurſions had now become almoſt annual; when
the Danes, encouraged by their ſucceſſes againſt France as well
as England (for both kingdoms were alike expoſed to this
dreadful calamity) invaded the laſt in fo-numerous a body, as
ſeemed to threaten it with univerſal ſubjection. But the
Engliſh, more military than the Britains, whom, a few cen-
turies before, they had treated with like violence, rouzed them-
ſelves with a vigour proportioned to the exigency. Ceorle, go-
vernor of Devonſhire, fought a battle with one body of the
Danes at Wiganburgh', and put them to rout with great
llaughter. King Athelſtan attacked another at ſea near Sand-
vich, funk nine of their ſhips, and put the reſt to fright ".
· Alured Beverl. p. 108.
Simeon Dunelm. p. 127.
* H. Hunt. lib. 5. Ethelwerd, lib. 3. cap. 3.
u Chron. Sax. p. 74. Afierius, p. 2.
A body
3
4
11
E T H EL WOL F.
75
3
CHAP
II.
A body of them, however, ventured, for the firſt time, to take
up winter quarters in England; and receiving in the ſpring a
ſtrong reinforcement of their countrymen in 350 veſſels, they
advanced from the Iſle of Thanet, where they had ſtationed
themſelves; burnt the cities of London " and Canterbury; and
having put to flight Brichtric, who now governed Mercia,
under the title of King, they marched into the heart of Surrey,
and laid every place waſte around them *. Ethelwolf, excited
by the urgency 'of the danger, marched againſt them, at the
head of the Weſt-Saxons; and carrying with him his ſecond
fon, Ethelbald, gave them battle at Okely, and gained a very
bloody victory over them. This advantage procured but a
ſhort reſpite to the Engliſh. The Danes ſtill maintained their
ſettlement in the Iſle of Thanet; and being attacked by Ealher
and Huda, governors of Kent and Surrey, though defeated in
the beginning of the action, they finally repulſed the aſſailants,
and killed both the governors 2. They removed thence to the
Iſle of Shepey; where they took up their winter quarters,
that they might extend farther their devaſtation and ravages.
in
8
8:30
This unſettled ſtate of England hindered not Ethelwolf
from making a pilgrimage to Rome; whither he carried his
fourth, and favourite ſon, Alfred, then only ſix years of age .
He paſſed there a twelvemonth in exerciſes of devotion; and
failed not in that moſt eſſential part of devotion, liberality to the
church of Rome. Beſides giving preſents to the moſt diſin-
guiſhed.ecclefiaftics; he made a perpetual grant of three hun-
dred mancụſes a year to that fee; one third to ſupport the
+
b
o W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 2.
* Matth. Weft. p.-157
y Chron. Sax. 75.
Aſferius, p. 2.
z Chron. Sax. p. 76. Afferius, p. 2.. Simeon Dun. p. 120.
- Afferius, p. 2.
Chron. Sax. 76. Hunt. lib.
5.
H A mancus was about the
weight of our preſent half crown : See Spelman's Gloſſary, in verbo Mancus.
L 2
lamps
76
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
C H A P.
II.
lamps of St. Peter's, another thoſe of St. Paul's, a third to the
pope himſelf
In his return home, he married Judith,
the daughter to the emperor, Charles the Bald d; but on his
landing in England, he met with an oppoſition, which he little
looked for.
His eldeſt ſon, Athelſtan, being dead; Ethelbald, the ſecond,
who had aſſumed the government, formed, in conjunction with
many of the nobles, the project of excluding his father from
a throne, which his weakneſs and ſuperſtition ſeem to have
rendered him ſo ill-qualified to fillº. The people were divided
between the two princes; and a bloody civil war, joined to all
the other calamities, under which the Engliſh laboured, ap-
peared unavoidable; when Ethelwolf had the facility to yield
to the greateſt part of his ſon's pretenſions'. He made with
him a partition of the kingdom; and taking to himſelf the
eaſtern part, which was always at that time eſteemed the leaſt
conſiderable, as well as the moſt expoſed , he delivered over
to Ethelbald the ſovereignty of the weſtern. Immediately after,
he ſummoned the ſtates of the whole kingdom, and with the
fame facility, conferred a perpetual and important donation on
the church.
The eccleſiaſtics, in thoſe days of ignorance, made rapid
advances in the acquiſition of power and grandeur; and incul-
cating the moſt abſurd and moſt intereſted doctrines, though
they met ſometimes, from the contrary intereſts of the laity,
with an oppoſition, which it required time and addreſs to over-
come, they found no obſtacle in their reaſon or underſtanding.
lib. 5:
c W. Malmer. lib. 2. cap. 2.
d Aflerius, p. 2.
Chron. Sax. p. 76. H. Hunt.
Ethelwerd, lib. 30 cap. 3. Simeon Dunelm. p. 140,
c W. Malm. lib.
f Flor. Wigorn, p. 583. & Afferius, p. 3.· W. Malm. lib. 2.
2,,cap. 2.
cap. 2. Matth. Weft. p. 158.
Not
ETHEL WOL F.
77
С НА Р.
II.
land;
Not content with the donations of land made them by the
Saxon princes and nobles, and with the temporary oblations
from the devotion of the people, they had caſt a wiſhful
eye on
a vaſt revenue, which they claimed as belonging to them, by a
divine,.indefeizable and inherent title. However little verſed
in the ſcriptures, they had been able to diſcover, that the prieſts,
under the Jewiſh law, poſſeſſed a tenth of all the produce of
; and forgetting what they themſelves taught, that the
moral part only of that law was obligatory on Chriſtians, they
inſiſted, that this donation was a perpetual property, conferred
by heaven on thoſe who officiated at the altar. During fome
centuries, the whole ſcope of ſermons and homilies was directed
to this purpoſe; and one would have imagined, from the
general tenor of theſe diſcourſes, that all the practical parts of
Chriſtianity were comprehended in the exact and faithful
pay-
ment of tythes to the clergy. Encouraged by their ſucceſs in
inculcating theſe doctrines ; they ventured farther than they
were warranted even by the Levitical law, and pretended to
draw the tenth of all induſtry, merchandize, wages of labourers,
and pay of ſoldiers'; nay, fome canoniſts went fo far as to
affirm, that the clergy were entitled to the tythe of the profits,
made by courtezans in the exerciſe of their profeſfion". Tho'
pariſhes häd been inſtituted in England by Honorius, archbiſhop
of Canterbury, near two centuries before', the eccleſiaſtics had
never yet been able to get poffeffion of the tythes; and they
therefore ſeized the preſent favourable opportunity of making
that acquiſition; when a weak, ſuperſtitious prince was on the
throne, and when the people, diſcouraged by their loſſes from
the Danes, and terrified with the fear of future invaſions, were
ſuſceptible of any impreſſion, which bore the appearance of re-
i
Padre Paolo, ſopra beneficii ecclefiaftici, p. 51, 52. edit. Colon. 1675.
Spell, Conc. vol. 1. p. 268.
k Padre Paolo, p. 132.
1 Parker, p. 77
7
ligion.
78
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
II.
CHAP. ligion'. So meritorious was this conceſſion deemed by the
Engliſh, that, truſting entirely to ſupernatural aſſiſtances, they
neglected the ordinary means of ſafety; and agreed, even in
the preſent deſperate extremity, that the revenues of the church
ſhould be exempted from all burthens, though impoſed for
national defence and ſecurity".
1
ETHELBALD and ETHELBERT.
857
EI
THELWOLF lived only two years after making this
grant"; and by his will he left England ſhared between
his two eldeſt ſons, Ethelbald and Ethelbert; the weſt lying
under the government of the former; the eaſt under that of
the latter°, Ethelbald was a profligate prince; and marrying
Judith, his mother-in-law, gave great offence to the people';
but moved by the remonſtrances of Swithun, biſhop of Win-
cheſter, he was at laſt prevailed on to divorce her. His reign
was ſhort'; and Ethelbert, his brother, ſucceeding to the
government, behaved himſelf, during a five years reign, in a
manner more worthy of his birth and ſtation. The kingdom,
however, was ſtill infeſted by the Danes, who made an inroad
and facked Wincheſter'; but were there defeated. A body
alſo of theſe pirates, who were quartered in the Iſle of Thanet,
having deceived the Engliſh by a treaty, unexpectedly broke
into Kent, and committed great outrages '.
260.
Ingulf. p. 862. Selden's Hift. of tythes, c. 8. m Aflerius, p. 2. Chron.
Sax, p. 76, W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 2. Ethelwerd, lib. 3. cap. 3. M. Weſt. p. 158.
Ingülf. p. 17.
Ann. Beverl. p. 95.
Chron. Sax. p. 76. Affer. p. 4.
. H. Hunt, lib. 5. P W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 3. Ingulf. p. 17.
9 Chron.'
Sax. p. 77
" W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 3. Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. 1. Ann.
Beverl. p.95
s-Chror. Sax. p. 78.
E THE-
1
E T H E RE D.
79
E T H E RE D.
СНАР.
II.
866.
ETHELBERT was fucceeded by his brother Ethered,
who, though he defended himſelf with bravery, enjoyed,
during his whole reign, no tranquillity from theſe Daniſh
irruptions. His younger brother, Alfred, ſeconded him in
all his enterprizes ; and generouſly facrificed to the public good
all reſentment, which he might entertain, on account of his
being excluded by Ethered from a large patrimony, which had
been left him by his father.
-
..
The firſt landing of the Danes in the reign of Ethered was
among the Eaſt-Angles, who, more anxious for their preſent
ſafety than for the common intereſt, entered into a ſeparate
treaty with the enemy; and furniſhed them with horſes, which
enabled them to make an irruption by land into the kingdom of
Northumberland'. They there ſeized the city of York; and
defended it againſt Oſbricht, and Ælla, two Northumbrian
princes, who periſhed in the affault". Encouraged by theſe
ſucceſſes, and by the ſuperiority, which they had acquired in
arms, they now ventured, under the command of Hinguar
and Hubba, their chieftains, to leave the ſea-coaſt, and pene-
trating into Mercia, they took up their winter-quarters at Not-
tingham, where they threatned the kingdom with a final ſub-
jection. The Mercians applied to Ethered for fuccour in this
extremity; and that prince, with his brother, Alfred, con-
ducting a great army to Nottingham, obliged the enemy to
diſlodge from this poſt, and to retreat into Northumberland *.
870.
t Aſſer. p. 5:
p. 141.
Chron. Sax. p. 78. Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. I. Simeon Dunelm,
u Affer. p. 6. Chron. Sax. p. 79. H. Hunt. lib. 5.,
* Ibid.
Their
1
80
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP.
II.
Their reſtleſs diſpoſition, and their avidity for plunder, allowed
them not to remain long in theſe quarters: They broke into
Eaſt-Anglia, defeated and took priſoner, Edmund, the king of
that country, whom they afterwards murdered in cool blood' ;
and committing the moſt barbarous ravages on the people, par-
ticularly on the monaſteries”, they gave the Eaſt-Angles great
cauſe to repent of the temporary relief, which they had obtained,
by afſifting the common enemy.
KA14
11
871.
.
The next ſtation of the Danes was at Reading; whence
they infeſted the neighbouring country by their incurſions '.
The Mercians, deſirous of ſhaking off their dependance on
Ethered', refuſed to join him with their forces; and that
prince, attended by Alfred, was obliged to march againſt the
enemy, with the Weſt-Saxons alone, his hereditary ſubjects.
The Danes being defeated in an action, ſhut themſelves up in
their garriſon; but quickly making thence an irruption, they
routed the Weſt-Saxons, and raiſed the fiege. An action foon
after enſued at Afton', in Berkſhire, where the Engliſh, in
the beginning of the day, were in danger of a total defeat.
Alfred, advancing with one diviſion of the army, was ſurrounded
by the enemy in diſadvantageous ground; and Ethered, who
was at that time hearing maſs, refuſed to march to his affiſtance,
till the prayers ſhould be finiſhed : But as he afterwards ob-
tained the victory, this ſucceſs, not the danger of Alfred, was
aſcribed by the monks to the piety of that monarch. This
battle of Afton did not terminate the war: Another battle was
W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 3.
H. Hunt. lib. 5.
y Aller. p. 4.
Math. Weſt. p. 164.
a M. Weit.
Alur. Beverl. p. 102.
z Chron. Sax. p. 80. Ingulf. p. 22, 23.
b W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 3.
c Hearne's notes to Spelman's
d Affer.
Life of Alfred, p.41. Chron. Sax. p. 81. Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. 4.
p. 7. W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 3. Flor. Wigorn. p. 586, 587. Simeon Dunelm. p. 125.
Brompton, p. 808. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 205. Alur. Beverl. p. 102.
p. 155.
a little
✓
A L F R E D.
81
a little after fought at Baſing; where the Danes were more CH A P.
II.
ſucceſsful*; and being reinforced by a new army from their
own country, they became every day more terrible to the
Engliſh. Amidſt theſe confuſions, Ethered died of a wound,
which he had received in an action with the Danes; and left
the inheritance of his cares and misfortunes, rather than of
his grandeur, to his brother, Alfred, who was now twenty-
of age.
two years
1
A L F R E D.
871.
THIS prince gave very early marks of thoſe great virtues
and ſhining talents, by which, during the moſt difficult
times, he ſaved his country from utter ruin and ſubverſion.
Ethelwolf, his father, the year after his return with Alfred
from Rome, had again ſent the young prince thither with a
numerous retinue; and a report being ſpread of the King's
death', the pope, Leo III. gave Alfred the royal unctions;
whether prognoſticating his future greatneſs from the appear-
ances of his pregnant genius, or willing to pretend, even in
that age, to the right of conferring kingdoms. Alfred, on his
return home, became every day more the object of his father's
moſt tender affections ; but being indulged in all youthful
pleaſures, he was much neglected in his education; and he had
already reached his twelfth year, when he was yet totally igno-
rant of the loweſt elements of literature. His genius was firſt
rouzed by the recital of Saxon poems, in which the Queen
f Chron. Sax. p. 77.
• Aſfer. p.7. Chron. Sax. p. 81.
8 Afler. p. 21
W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 2. Ingulf, p. 869. Simeon Dunelm. p. 120, 139. Abbaſ,
Ruval. p. 352. Ann. Beverl. p. 96.
Yol. I.
M
took
82
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH A P.
II.
took delight; and this ſpecies of erudition, which is ſometimes
able to make a confiderable progreſs even amongſt barbariang,
expanded thoſe noble and elevated ſentiments, which he had
received from nature". Encouraged by the Queen, and ſtimu-
lated by his own ardent inclination, he ſoon learned to read.
theſe compoſitions; and proceeded tlience to acquire the know-
ledge of the Latin tongue, where he met with authors, that
better prompted his heroic ſpirit, and directed his generous
views. Abſorbed in theſe elegant purſuits, he regarded his ac-
ceſſion to royalty rather as an object of regret than of triumph';.
but being called to the throne, in preference to his brother's
children, as well by the will of his father, a circumſtance
which had great authority with the Anglo-Saxons", as by the
vows of the whole nation and the urgency of public affairs--,
lie ſhook off his literary indolence, and exerted himſelf in the
defence of his people. He had ſcarce buried his brother, when
he was obliged to take the field; in order to oppoſe the Danes,
who had ſeized Wilton, and were exerciſing their uſual ravages:
on the countries around. He marched againſt them with the
few troops, which he could affemble on a ſudden; and giving
them battle, gained at firſt an advantage, but by his purſuing
the victory too far; the ſuperiority of the enemy's numbers
prevailed, and recovered them the dày . Their loſs, however,
in the action was ſo conſiderable, that, fearing Alfred' would
receive daily reinforcements from his ſubjects, they were con-
tented to ſtipulate for a fafe retreat, and promiſed to depart the
kingdom. For that purpoſe they were conducted to London,
h
I Aſier. p. 7.
Affer. p. 5. M. W'cft. p. 167. Mor. Wigorn. p. 587. Simeon Dunelm. p. 122,
141. Brompton, p. 814.
* Ibid. p. 22• Simeon Du-
nelm. p. 121.
| Simeon D'uncim. p. 127.
m Affer. p. 8. Chron. Sax.
p. 82. H. Hunt. lib.5. Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. 3.
and
1
A L F R E DE
8.
.
II.
1
and allowed to take up winter-quarters there; but, careleſs of CHAP.
their engagements, they immediately ſet themſelves to the com-
mitting ſpoil in the neighbouring country. Burrhed, King
of Mercia, in whoſe territories London was fituated, made a
new ftipulation with them ', and engaged them, by preſents of
money, to remove to Lindeſey in Lincolnſhire • ; a country
which they had already reduced to ruin and deſolation. Find-
ing therefore no object in that place, either for their rapine or
violence, they ſuddenly turned back upon Mercia, in a quarter
where they expected to find it without defence; and fixing their
ſtation at Repton in Derbyſhire', they laid the whole country
deſolate, with fire and ſword. Burrhed, unable to withſtand
an enemy, whom no force could reſiſt, and no treaties bind,
abandoned his kingdom, and flying to Rome, took ſhelter in a
cloyſter ?. He was brother-in-law to Alfred, and the laſt who
bore the title of king in Mercia.
The Weſt Saxons were now the only remaining power in
England ; and though ſupported by the vigour and abilities of
Alfred, they were unable to ſuſtain the efforts of thoſe
ravagers,
who from all quarters invaded them. A new ſwarm of Danes
came over this year under three princes, Guthrum, Oſcitel,
and Amund'; and having firſt joined their countrymen at
Repton, they ſoon found the neceflity of ſeparating, in order to
provide for their ſubſiſtence. Part of them, under the command
of Haldene, their chieftain', marched into Northumberland,
wwhere they fixed their reſidence'; part of them took quarters
at Cambridge", from whence they diſlodged in the enſuing
876-
. Afler. p. 8. H. Hunt. lib. 5. • M. Weſt. p. 168.
P Aſler. p. 8.
8 Chron. Sax. p. 82. Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. 4. Flor. Wigorn. P. 589.
Simeon Dunelm. p. 127. Am. Beverl. p. 96.
* H. Hunting. lib. 5.
• Chron. Sax. p. '83.
+ Affer. p. 8. Chron. Sax. p. 83.
u Affer. p. 8.
Chron. Sax. p. 83.
ſummer,
M 2
84
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
II.
CHAP. ſummer, and ſeized Wereham, in the county of Dorſet, the
very center of Alfred's dominions *. That prince fo ftraitened
them in theſe quarters, that they were content to come to a
treaty
with him, and ſtipulated to depart his country', Alfred,
well acquainted with their uſual perfidy, obliged them to ſwear
upon the holy reliques to the obſervance of the treaty ?; not that
he expected they would pay any veneration to the reliques ;
but he hoped, that, if they now violated this oath, their im-
piety would infallibly draw down upon them the vengeance of
heaven. But the Danes, little apprehenſive of this danger, ſud-
denly, without ſeeking for any pretext, fell upon Alfred's army;
and having put it to rout, marched weſtward, and took poſſeſſion
of Exeter. The prince collected new forces; and exerted ſuch
vigour, that he fought in one year eight battles againſt the
enemy', and reduced them to the utmoſt extremity. He
hearkened however to new propofals of peace; and was fatis-
fied to ſtipulate with them, that they would ſettle ſomewhere
in England *; and would not permit the entrance of more
ravagers into the kingdom. But while he was expecting the
execution of this treaty, which it ſeemed the intereſt of the
Danes themſelves to fulfil, he heard that another body had
landed, and having collected all the ſcattered troops of their
countrymen, had ſurpriſed Chippenham, then a conſiderable
town, and were exerciſing their uſual ravages all around
them.
!
This laſt incident quite broke the ſpirit of the Saxons, and
reduced them to deſpair. Finding that, after all the miſerable
P.168.
* H. Hunt, lib.5. M. Weſt.
y Chron. Sax. p. 83.
Affer. p. 8.
a Affer. p. 8. Chron. Sax. p. 83. H. Hunt. lib. 5. Flor. Wigorn. p. 590. .
Aſſer.
p. 8. The Saxon Chronicle, p. 82. ſays nine battles.
Alur. Beverl. p. 104.
Aſfer. p.9. H. Hunt. lib. 5.
havock,
c Affer. p. 91
3
-
A L F R · E D.
85
II.
havock, which they had undergone in their perſons and in their CHAP.
property; after all the vigorous actions, which they had ext
erted in their own defence; a new band, equally greedy of ſpoil
and ſlaughter, had diſembarked among them; they believed
themſelves abandoned by heaven to deſtruction, and delivered
over to thoſe ſwarms of robbers, which the fertile north thus
inceſſantly poured forth againſt them. Some left their country,
and retired into Wales or fled beyond ſea : Others ſubmitted to
the conquerors, in hopes of appeaſing their fury by a ſervile
obedience ® : And every man's attention being now engroſſed in
concern for his own preſervation, no one would hearken to the
exhortations of the King, who fummoned them to make, un-
der his conduct, one effort more in defence of their prince,
their country, and their liberties. Alfred himſelf was obliged
to relinquiſh the enſigns of his dignity, to diſmiſs his fervants,
and to ſeek ſhelter, in the meaneſt diſguiſes, from the purſuit
and fury of his enemies. He concealed himſelf under a pea-
fant's habit, and lived ſome time in the houſe of a neat-herd,
who had been entruſted with the care of ſome of his cows f.
There paſſed here an incident, which has been recorded by all
the hiſtorians, and was long preſerved by popular tradition ;
though it contains nothing memorable in itſelf, except ſo far as
every circumſtance is intereſting, which attends ſo great virtue
and dignity, reduced to ſuch diſtreſs. The wife of the neat-
herd was ignorant of the condition of her royal gueſt; and ob-
ſerving him one day bufy by the fire-ſide in trimming his bow
and arrows, ſhe deſired him to take care of ſome cakes, which
were toaſting, while ſhe was employed elſewhere in other do-
meſtic affairs. But Alfred, whofe thoughts were otherwiſe en-
gaged, neglected this injunction; and the good woman, on her
return, finding her cakes all burnt, rated the King very ſeverely;
Chron. Sax. p. 84. Alured Beverl. p. 105.
f Affer. p.9.
aud
86
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
II.
and upbraided him, that he always ſeemed very well pleaſed
to eat her warm cakes, tho' he was thus negligent in toaſting
thcm 8.
ht
By degrees, Alfred, as he found the ſearch of the enemy be-
come more reiniſs, collected fome of his retainers, and retired
into the center of a bog, formed by the ſtagnating waters of the
Thone and Parrct, in Somerſetſhire. He here found two acres
of firm ground; and building a habitation on them, rendered
himſelf ſecure by its fortifications, and ſtill more by the un-
known and inacceſſible roads which led to it, and by the foreſts
and moraſſes, with which it was every way environed. This
place he called Æthelingey, or the Iſle of Nobles"; and it now
bears the name of Athelney. He thence made frequent and un-
expected ſallies upon the Danes, who often felt the vigour of
his arm, but knew not from what quarter the blow came. He
ſubſiſted himſelf and his followers by the plunder which he ac-
quired; he procured them conſolation by revenge; and from
ſmall ſucceſſes, he opened their minds to hope, that, notwith-
tanding his preſent inisfortunes, more important victories might
at length attend his valour!.
ALFRED lay here concealed, but not unactive, during a
twelvemonth; when the news of a proſperous event reached
his cars, and called him to the field. Hubba, the Dane, hav-
ing ſpread devaſtation, fire, and ſlaughter, over Wales, had
landed in Devonſhire from twenty-three veſſels, and laid ſiege
to the caſtle of Kinwith, a place ſituated near the mouth of the
ſmall river Tau". Oddune, earl of Devonſhire, with his fol-
• Affer. p. 9;. M. Weſt. p. 170.
* Chron. Sax. p. 85. W. Malm. lib. 2.
cap. 4• Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. 4• Ingulf, p. 26. *M, Weſt. p. 170. Simeon
Dunelm. p. 128.
.4
lowers,
& Affer. p. 10.
ALFRED
87
СНАР.
II.
lowers, had taken ſhelter there ; and being ill ſupplied with
proviſions, and even with water, le determined, by ſome vi-
gorous blow, to prevent the neceſſity of ſubmitting to the bar-
barous enemy'. He made a ſudden ſally on the Danes before
fun-riſing; and taking them unprepared, he put them to rout,
purſued them with great flaughter, killed Hubba himſelf, and
got poſſeſſion of the famous Reafen, or enchanted ſtandard, in
which the Danes put great confidence ". It contained the figure
of a raven, which had been inwove by the three fiſters of
Hinguar and Hubba, with many magical incantations, andi
which, by its different movements, prognoſticated, as the Danes
believed, the good or bad ſucceſs of any enterprize".
WHEN Alfred'obſerved this ſymptom of ſucceſsful reſiſtance in
his ſubjects, he left his retreat; but before he would aſſemble
them in arms, or urge them to any attempt, which, if unfortu--
nate, might, in their preſent deſpondency, prove fatal, he rear
fólved, himſelf, to inſpect the ſituation of the enemy, and to
judge of the probability of fireceſs. For this purpoſe he' entered
their camp under the diguiſe of a harper, and paſſed unſuf-
pected through every quarter. He fo entertained them with his
muſic and facetious humours; that he met with a welcome re-
ception ; and was even introduced to Guthrum, their prince's
tent, where he remained-fome days. He remarked the ſupine
ſecurity of the Danes, their contempt of the Engliſh, their neg-
ligence in foraging and plundering; and their diffolute waſting
of what they gained by rapine and violence. Encouraged by
theſe favourable appearances; lie ſecrétlý fent out his emiffaries
to the moſt conſiderable of his ſubjects, and ſummoned thein.
to a rendezvous, along with their warlike followers, at Brixton,
1
Flor. Wigorn. 590.
P. 355. Alured Beverl. p. 105
m Affer p. 10. Chron. Sax. p. 84. Abbas Rieval..
& Affer. p. 10.
o W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4.
ON'
88
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
11.
1
on the borders of Selwood foreſt ? The Engliſh, who had
hoped to put an end to their calamities by ſervile ſubmiſſion,
now found the inſolence and rapine of the conqueror more into-
lerable than all their paſt fatigues and dangers; and at the ap-
pointed day, they joyfully reſorted to their prince. On his ap-
pearance before them, they received him with ſhouts of ap-
plauſe”; and could not ſatiate their eyes with the ſight of this
beloved monarch, whom they had long regarded as dead, and
who now, with voice and looks expreſſing his confidence of fuc-
cefs, called them to liberty and to vengeance. He inſtantly con-
ducted them to Eddington, where the Danes were encamped ;
and taking advantage of his previous knowledge of the place,
he directed his attack againſt the moſt unguarded quarter of the
enemy. The Danes, ſurpriſed to ſee an army of Engliſh, whom
they conſidered as totally ſubdued, and ſtill more aſtoniſhed to
hear Alfred was at their head, made but a faint reſiſtance, not-
withſtanding their ſuperiority of number; and were foon put to
flight with great ſlaughter'. The remainder of the routed
army, with their prince, was beſieged by Alfred in a fortified
camp, to which they fled; but being reduced to extremity by
want and hunger, they had recourſe to the clemency of the
victor, and offered to ſubmit on any conditions. The King,
no leſs generous than brave, gave them their lives; and even
formed a ſcheme for converting them, from mortal enemies, into
faithful ſubjects and confederates. He knew, that the kingdoms
of Eaſt-Anglia and Northumberland were left totally deſolate
by the frequent inroads of the Danes ; and he now purpoſed to
re-people them by ſettling there Guthrum and his followers.
}
P Chron. Sax. p. 85.
9 Affer. p. 10. Chron. Sax, p. 85. Simeon Dunelm.
* Aſſer. p. 10.
p. 128. Alured Beverl. p. 105. Abbas Rieval. p. 354.
Chron. Sax. p. 85. Ethelwerd, lib. 4. cap. 4. • Afler. p. 10. Chron. Sax. p. 85.
Alured Beverl, p. 105.
He
{
A L F R E D.
89
5
C H A P.
II.
1
He hoped that the new planters would at laſt betake themſelves
to induſtry, when, by reaſon of his reſiſtance, and the exhauſted
condition of the country, they could no longer ſubſiſt by plun-
der; and that they might ſerve him as a rampart againſt any
future incurſions of their countrymen. But before he ratified
theſe mild conditions with the Danes, he required, that they
ſhould give him one pledge of their ſubmiſſion, and of their
inclination to coaleſce with the Engliſh, by declaring their
converſion to Chriſtianity'. Guthrum and his army had no
averſion to this propoſal; and, without much inſtruction, or
argument, or conference, they were all admitted to baptiſm.
The King anſwered for Guthrum at the font, gave him the
name of Athelſtan, and received him as his adoptive ſonº
880.
)
The fucceſs of this expedient ſeemed to correſpond to Alfred's
hopes: The greater part of the Danes ſettled peaceably in their
new quarters *: Some ſmaller bodies of the ſame nation, which
were diſperſed in Mercia, were diſtributed into the five cities of
Darby, Leiceſter, Stamford, Lincoln, and Nottingham, and
were thence called the Fif or Five-Burgers. The more turbulent
and unquiet made an expedition into France under the command
of Haſtings ' ; and except by a ſhort incurſion of Danes, who
failed
up
the Thames and landed at Fulham, but ſuddenly re-
treated to their ſhips, on finding the country in a poſture of de-
fence ?, Alfred was not for ſome years infeſted by the inroads
of theſe barbarians ?.
1
+ Chron. Sax..p. 85.
u Afler. p. 10.
Chron. Sax. p 90.
* Afer. p. 11. Chron. Sax. p. 86. Simeon Dunelm. p. 129. Alured Beverl. p. 106.
Y W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ingulf, p. 26.
2 Chron. Sax. p. 86. Alured
Beverl. p. 106.
a Aſler. p. ll.
VOL. I.
N
THE
i
*
+
go
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
II.
+
1
.
4
CH A P. The King employed this interval of tranquillity in reſtoring
med order to the ſtate, which had been ſhaken by ſo many violent
convulſions, in eſtabliſhing civil and military inſtitutions, in
compoſing the minds of men to induſtry and juſtice, and in
providing againſt the return of like calamities. He was, more
properly than his grandfather Egbert, the ſole monarch of the
Engliſh, (for ſo the Saxons were now univerſally called) becauſe
the kingdom of Mercia was at laſt incorporated in his ſtate, and
was governed by Ethelbert, his brother-in-law, who bore the
title of Earl: And though the Danes, who peopled Eaſt-Anglia
and Northumberland, were, for ſome time, ruled immediately
by their own princes, they all acknowledged a ſubordination to
Alfred, and ſubmitted to his ſuperior authority. As equality
among ſubjects is the great ſource of concord, Alfred
gave the ſame laws to the Danes and Engliſh, and put
them entirely on the ſame footing in the adminiſtration both
of civil and criminal juſtice. The fine for the murder of a
Dane was the ſame with that for the murder of an Engliſhman;
the great ſymbol of equality in thoſe ages.
The King, after rebuilding the ruined cities, particularly
London, which had been deſtroyed by the Danes in the reign
of Ethelwolf, eſtabliſhed a regular militia for the defence of
the kingdom. He took care that all his people ſhould be armed
and regiſtered ; 'he aſſigned them a regular rotation of duty ;
he diſtributed part into the caſtles and fortreſſes, which he
erected at proper places; he required another part to take the
field on any alarm, and to aſſemble at ſtated places of rendez-
• Aſler. p. 15. Chron. Sax. p. 88. M. Weft. p. 171. Simeon Dunelm. p. 131.
Brompton, p. 812. Alured Beverl. ex edit, Hearne, p. 106.
• Aſler. p. 18.
Ingulf, p. 27.
VOUS ;
?
1
+
A L F R E D.
91
СНАР.
II.
vous; and he left a ſufficient number at home, who were em-
ployed in the cultivation of the land, and who afterwards took
their turn in military ſervice. The whole kingdom was like
one great garriſon ; and the Danes could no ſooner appear in
one place, than a ſufficient number was aſſembled to oppoſe
them, without leaving the other quarters defenceleſs or dif-
armed
1
But Alfred, ſenſible that the proper method of oppoſing an
enemy, who made incurſions by ſea, was to meet them on their
own element; took care to provide himſelf with a naval power,
which, though the moſt natural defence of an iſland, had hi-
therto been totally neglected by the Engliſh. He encreaſed the
ſhipping of his kingdom both in number and force, and trained
his ſubjects in the practice, as well of ſailing, as of naval ac-
tion. He diſtributed his armed veſſels in proper ſtations around
the iſland, and was ſure to meet the Daniſh ſhips either before
or after they had landed their troops, and..to purſue them in all
their incurſions. Though the Danes might ſuddenly, by ſur-
prize, diſembark on the coaſt, which was generally become de-
folate by their frequent ravages, they were encountered by the
Engliſh fleet in their retreat; and eſcaped not, as formerly,
by abandoning their booty, but paid, by their total deſtruc-
tion, the penalty of the diſorders which they had committed.
In this manner, Alfred repelled ſeveral inroads of theſe pyra-
tical Danes, and maintained his kingdom, during ſome years,
in ſafety and tranquillity. A fleet of a hundred and twenty
ſhips of war were ſtationed upon the coaſt; and being provided
of warlike engines, as well as of expert ſeamen, both Friſians
+
d Chron. Sax. p. 92, 93•
$
Affer. p. 9. M. Weſt. p. 179.
Spelman's life of Alfred, p. 147. edit. 1709.
N2
and
1
:
1
92
HISTORY OF ENGLAND. .
1
CHAP
II.
893
IL
and Engliſh, (for Alfred ſupplied the defects of his own ſubjects
by engaging able foreigners in his ſervice) maintained a ſuperi-
ority above thoſe ſmaller bands, with which England had been
ſo often infeſted %. But at laſt Haſtings, the famous Daniſh
chieftain, having ravaged all the provinces of France, both
along the ſea-coaſt and the rivers of the Loire and Seine, and
being obliged to quit that country, more by the deſolation which
he himſelf had occaſioned, than by the reſiſtance of the inhabi-
tants, appeared off the coaſt of Kent with a fleet of 330 fail.
The greater part of the enemy diſembarked in the Rother; and
ſeized the fort of Apuldore. Haſtings himſelf, commanding a
fleet of eighty fail, entered the Thames “, and fortifying Mil-
tin in Kent, began to ſpread his forces over the country, and
to commit the moſt deſtructive ravages. But Alfred, on the
firſt alarm of this deſcent, flew to the defence of his people, at
the head of a ſelect band of ſoldiers, whom he always kept
about his own perſon'; and gathering to him the armed militia
from all quarters, appeared in the field with a force ſuperior to
the enemy k. All fraggling parties, whom neceſſity or love of
plunder had drawn to a diſtance from their chief encampment,
were cut off by the Engliſh '; and theſe pyrates, inſtead of en-
creaſing their ſpoil, found themſelves cooped up in their fortifi-
cations ", and obliged to ſubſiſt by the plunder which they had
brought from France. Tired of this ſituation, which muſt in
the end prove ruinous to them, the Danes at Apuldore roſe ſud-
denly from their encampment, with an intention of marching
towards the Thames, and paſſing over into Effex: But they
eſcaped not the vigilance of Alfred, who encountered them at
h Chron.
& Aller. p. 11. Chron. Sax. p. 86, 87. M. Weſt. p. 176.
i Affer. p. 19.
k Chron.
5.
Sax, p. 91, 92. H. Hunt. lib.
I Chron. Sax. p. 92.
* Flor. Wigorn. P. 595.
Sax. p. 92.
Farnham,
V
AL FR
93
E D.
II.
Farnham, put them to rout", ſeized all their horſes and bag- CHAP.
gage, and chaced the runaways on board their ſhips, which car-
ried them up the Colne to Merſey in Effex, where they en-
trenched themſelves. Haſtings, at the ſame time, and probably,
by concert, made a like movement; and deſerting Milton, took
poſſeſſion of Bamflete, near the iſle of Canvey in the ſame
county '; where he haſtily threw up fortifications for his de-
fence againſt the power of Alfred.
1
1
1
UNFORTUNATELY for the Engliſh, Gothrun, prince of the
Eaſt-Anglian Danes, had died; as had alſo Guthred, whom the
King had appointed governor of the Northumbrians; and theſe
reſtleſs tribes being no longer reſtrained by the authority of
their princes, and being encouraged by the appearance of ſo
great a body of their countrymen, broke into rebellion, ſhook
off the authority of Alfred, and yielding to their inveterate
habits of war and depredation", embarked on board two hun-
dred and forty veſſels ?, and appeared before Exeter in the weſt
of England. Alfred loft not a moment in oppoſing this new
enemy. Having left fome forces at London to make head
againſt Haſtings and the other Danes, he marched ſuddenly to
the weſt'; and falling on the rebels before they were aware,
purſued them to their ſhips with great ſlaughter. The enemy,
ſailing next to Suſſex, began to plunder the country near
Chicheſter; but the order, which Alfred had every where
eſtabliſhed, fufficed here, without his preſence, fôr the defence
of the place; and the rebels, meeting with a new repulſe,
where many of them were killed, and ſome of their ſhips
!
1
L
n Chron. Sax. p. 93. Flor. Wigorn. p. 595.
P. Chron. Sax. p. 92.
9 Flor. Wigorn. p. 596.
P. 93. H. Hunt, lib. s.
& Chron. Sax. p. 93.
I Chron Sax.
1
+
taken,
1
!
1
+
1
1
HISTORY
94
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
IL
taken', were obliged to put again to ſea, and were diſcouraged
from attempting any other enterprize.
។
}
MEANWHILE, the Daniſh invaders in Eſſex, having united
their force under the command of Haſtings, advanced into
the inland country, and made ſpoil of all around them; but
had foon reaſon to repent of their temerity. The Engliſh
army, left in London, aſſiſted by a body of the citizens, at-
tacked the enemy's entrenchments at Bamflete, overpowered
the garriſon, and having executed great ſlaughter upon them,
carried off the wife and two ſons of Haſtings *. Alfred gene-
rouſly ſpared theſe captives; and even reſtored them to Haſt-
ings", on condition that he ſhould depart the kingdom.
meter
1
it
But though the King had thus honourably rid himſelf of
this dangerous enemy, he had not entirely ſubdued or expelled
the invaders. The pyratical Danes willingly followed in an
excurſion any proſperous leader, who gave them hopes of
booty, but were not ſo eaſily induced to relinguiſh their enter-
prize, or ſubmit to return, baffled, and without plunder, into
their native country. Great numbers of them, after the de-
parture of Haſtings, ſeized and fortified Shobury at the mouth
of the Thames; and having left a garriſon there, they coaſted
along the river, till they came to Boddington in the county of
Gloceſter ; where, being reinforced by ſome Welſh, they threw
up entrenchments, and prepared for their defence. The King
herë ſurrounded them with the whole force of his dominions
and as he had now a certain proſpect of victory, he reſolved to
truſt nothing to chance, but rather to maſter his enemies by
I
;
F
. Chron. Sax, p. 95. Flor. Wigorn. p. 596.
w M. Weſt. p. 179.
M. Weft. p. 178.
7
Chron, Sax. p. 94.
x Chron. Sax. p. 94.
famine
A L F R E D.
95
CHAP
II.
ng
famine than aſſault. They were reduced to ſuch extremities,
that, having eat their own horſes, and having many of them
periſhed with hungery, they made a deſperate fally upon the
Engliſh ; and though the greater number fell in the action,
a conſiderable body made their eſcape”. Theſe roved about
for ſome time in England, till purſued by the vigilance of
Alfred; they attacked Leiceſter with ſucceſs, defended them-
ſelves in Hartford, and then fled to Quatford, where they were
finally broken and ſubdued. The ſmall remains of them either
diſperſed themſelves among their countrymen in Northumber-
land and Eaſt-Anglia", or had recourſe again to the ſea, where
they exerciſed pyracy, under the command of Sigefert, a Nor-
thumbrian. This free-booter, well acquainted with Alfred's
naval preparations, had framed veſſels of a new conſtruction,
higher, and longer, and ſwifter, than thoſe of the Engliſh:
But the King foon ſhowed his ſuperior ſkill, by building veſſels
ſtill higher, and longer, and ſwifter, than thoſe of the Nor-
thumbrians "; and falling upon them, while they were exer-
ciſing their ravages in the weſt, he took twenty of their ſhips;
and having tried all the priſoners at Wincheſter, he hanged
them as pyrates, and as the common enemies of mankind'.
The well-timed ſeverity of this execution, together with
the excellent poſture of defence, eſtabliſhed every where, re-
ſtored full tranquillity in England, and provided for the future
fecurity of the government. The Eaſt-Anglian and Northum-
brian Danes, on the firſt appearance of Alfred upon their fron-
tiers, made anew the moſt humble ſubmiſſions to him; and
11
Sax. p. 95.
z Chron.
y Chron. Sax. p. 94. M. Weſt. p. 179. Flor. Wigorn. p. 596.
a Chron. Sax. p. 97.
• Chron. Sax. p. 98. H.
Hunt. lib. 5. Alur. Beverl. p. 107.
Chron. Sax. p. 99. H. Hunt.
lib. 5. M. Weſt. p. 180. Alured Beverl. p. 107.
he
1
90
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
С НАР.
II.
he thought it prudent to take them under his immediate'go-
vernment, without eſtabliſhing over them a viceroy of their
own nation. The Welſh alſo acknowledged his authority;
and this great prince had now, by prudence and juſtice and
valour, eſtabliſhed his ſovereignty over all the ſouthern parts
of the iſland, from the Engliſh channel to the frontiers
of Scotland: When he died, in the vigour of his
age
and the full ſtrength of his faculties, after a glorious reign of
twenty-nine years and a half^; in which he deſervedly attained
the appellation of Alfred the Great, and the title of Founder of
the Engliſh monarchy.
gar.
А
.
The merit of this prince, both in private and public life,
may with advantage be ſet in oppoſition to that of any monarch
or citizen, which the annals of any age or any nation, can
preſent to us. He ſeems indeed to be the model of that perfect
character, which, under the denomination of a fage or wiſe
man, the philoſophers have been fond of delineating, rather as
a fiction of their imagination, than in hopes of ever ſeeing it
really exiſting :. So happily were all his virtues tempered to-
gether; ſo juſtly were they blended; and ſo powerfully did
each prevent the other from exceeding its proper bounds! He
knew how to conciliate the moſt enterprizing ſpirit with the
cooleſt moderation; the moſt obſtinate perſeverance with the
eaſieſt flexibility; the moſt ſevere juſtice with the gentleſt
lenity; the greateſt vigour in command with the greateſt affa-
bility of deportment'; the higheſt capacity and inclination for
ſcience, with the moſt ſhining talents for action. His civil and
his military virtues are almoſt equally the objects of our admi-
ration ; excepting only, that the former, being more rare
។
.
• Affer. p. 21. Chron. Sax.
p.95
.
Flor. Wigorn. p. 598.
r Allcr. p. 13.
among
7
1
A L F R E D.'.
97
.
CHAP
11.
among princes, as well as more uſeful, ſeem chiefly to chal-
lenge our applauſe. Nature alſo, as if deſirous, that fo bright
a production of her ſkill ſhould be ſet in the faireſt light, had
beſtowed on him all bodily accompliſhments, vigour of limbs,
dignity of ſhape and air, with a pleaſant, engaging and open
countenance 8.
Fortune alone, by throwing him into that
barbarous age, deprived him of hiſtorians worthy to tranſmit
his fame to poſterity; and we wiſh to ſee him delineated in
more lively colours, and with more particular ſtrokes, that we
may at leaſt perceive ſome of thoſe ſmall ſpecks and blemiſhes,
from which, as a man, it is impoſſible he could be entirely ex-
empted.
!
But we ſhould give but an imperfect idea of Alfred's merit,
were we to confine our narration to his military exploits, and
were not more particular in our account of his inſtitutions for
the execution of juſtice, and of his zeal for the encouragement
of arts and ſciences.
After Alfred had ſubdued and ſettled or expelled the Danes,
he found the kingdom in the moſt wretched condition ; lying
in deſolation from the ravages of thoſe barbarians, and thrown
into diſorders, which were calculated to perpetuate its miſery.
Though the great armies of the Danes were broke, the country
was full of ſtraggling troops of that nation, who, being accuf-
tomed to live by plunder, were become incapable of induſtry,
and who, from the natural ferocity of their manners, indulged
themſelves in the commiſſion of violence, even beyond what
was requiſite to ſupply their neceſſities. The Engliſh them-
ſelves, reduced to the moſt extreme indigence by theſe conti-
1
N
& Aſſer. p. 5.
O
Vol. I.
nued
/
مم
1
ih
!
1
98
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НА Р.
II.
nued depredations, had ſhaken off all bands of government ;
u and thoſe who had been plundered to-day, betook themſelves
to a like diſorderly life, and from deſpair joined next day the
robbers in pillaging and ruining their fellow-citizens". Theſe
were the evils, for which it was neceſſary that the vigilance
and activity of Alfred ſhould provide a remedy.
That'he might render the execution of juſtice ſtrict and re-
gular, he divided all England into counties; theſe counties he
ſubdivided into hundreds; and the hundreds into tythings
Every houſeholder was anſwerable for the behaviour of his.
family, and his flaves, and even of his gueſts, if they lived
above three days in his houſek. Ten neighbouring houſe-
holders were formed into one corporation, who, under the name
of a tything, decennary, or fribourg, were anſwerable for each
other's conduct, and over whom one perſon, called a tything-
man, headbourg, or borſholder, was appointed to preſide.
Every man was puniſhed as an outlaw, who did not regiſter
himfelf in ſome tything': And no man could change his habi-
tation, without a warrant and certificate from the borſholder of
the tything, to which he formerly belonged.
것
​WHEN any perſon in any tything or decennary was guilty of
a crime, the borſholder was ſummoned to anſwer for him; and
if he was not willing to be ſurety for his appearance and his
clearing himſelf, the criminal was committed to priſon, and
there detained till his trial. If he fled, either before or after
finding fureties, the borſholder and decennary became liable
to enquiry, and were expoſed to the penalties of law". Thirty-
* W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4. M. Weſt. p. 177.
1 W. Malm, lib, 2.
cap.4. Ingulf, p. 28. Brompton, p. 818. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 22.
i Leg. St Edw. cap. 27.
s Ingulf, p. 28.
in W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4.
one
.
1
1
A L F R E D.
99
CHAP
II.
one days were allowed them for producing the criminal; and
if that time elapſed without their being able to find him, the
borſholder, with two other members of the decennary, was
obliged to appear, and together with three chief members of
the three neighbouring decennaries (making twelve in all) to
ſwear that his decennary was free from all privity both of the
crime committed, and of the eſcape of the criminal. If the
borſholder could not find ſuch a number to anſwer for their
innocence, the decennary was compelled by fine to make fatif-
faction to the King, according to the degree of the crime ". By
this inſtitution every man was obliged from his own intereſt to
keep a watchful eye over the conduct of his neighbours; and
was in a manner ſurety for the behaviour of thoſe who were
placed under the diviſion, to which he belonged: Whence theſe
decennaries received the name of frank-pledges.
1
Such a regular diſtribution of the people, with ſuch a ſtrict
confinement in their habitation, may not be neceſſary in times,
when men are more enured to obedience and juſtice ; and it
might perhaps be regarded as deſtructive of liberty and com-
merce in a poliſhed ſtate; but it was well calculated to reduce
theſe fierce and licentious people under the falutary reſtraint of
law and government. But Alfred took care to temper theſe
rigours by other inſtitutions favourable to the freedom and ſe-
curity of the citizens; and nothing could be more popular and
liberal than his plan for the adminiſtration of juſtice. The
borſholder ſummoned together his whole decennary to aſſiſt him
in deciding any leſſer difference, which occurred among the
members of this ſmall community. In affairs of greater mo-
ment, in appeals from the decennary, or in controverſies ariſing
* Leges St. Edw. cap. 20. apud Wilkins, p. 202.
0
between
!
4
.
100
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
11
II.
CHAP.. between members of different decennaries, the cauſe was brought
before the hundred, which conſiſted of ten decennaries, or a
hundred families of freemen, and which was regularly aſſem-
bled once in four weeks, for the deciding of cauſes º Their
method of deciſion deferves to be noted, as being the origin of
juries; an inſtitution, admirable in itſelf, and the beſt calcu-
lated for the preſervation of liberty and the adminiſtration of
juſtice, that ever was deviſed by the wit of man. Twelve free-
holders were choſen ; who having ſworn, together with the
hundreder or preſiding magiſtrate of that diviſion, to adminiſter
impartial juſtice', proceeded to the examination of that cauſe,
which was ſubmitted to their juriſdiction. And beſide theſe
monthly meetings of the hundred, there was an annual meeting,
appointed for a more general inſpection of the police of the
diſtrict ; for the enquiry into crimes, the correction of abuſes in
magiſtrates, and the obliging every perſon to ſhew the decen-
nary in which he was regiſtered. The people, in imitation of
their anceſtors, the antient Germans, aſſembled there in arms;
whence a hundred was ſometimes called a wapentake, and
its court ſerved both for the ſupport of military diſcipline, and
for the adminiſtration of civil juſtice.
The next ſuperior court to that of the hundred was the
county-court, which met twice a year after Michaelmas and
Eaſter, and conſiſted of all the freeholders of the county, who
poſſeſſed an equal vote in the deciſion of cauſes. The biſhop
preſided in this court, together with the alderman; and the
proper object of the court was the receiving appeals from the
1
9 Leg. Edw. cap. 2.
P Fædus. Alfred, and Gothurn, apud Wilkins,
cap. 3. p. 47. Leg. Ethelftani, cap. 2. apud Wilkins, p. 58. LL. Ethelr. 64. Wil-
kins, p. 117
9 Spellman in voce Wapentake.
hundreds
A L F R E D.
IOI
C H A P..
II.
end
1
A
1
1
Wigorn. p. 594. Abbas Rieval. p. 355.
hundreds and decennaries, and the deciding ſuch controverſies
as aroſe between mlen of different hundreds. Formerly, the al-
derman poffeffed both the civil and military authority ; but
Alfred, ſenſible that this conjunction of powers rendered the
nobility dangerous and independant, appointed alſo a ſheriff in
each county ; who enjoyed a co-ordinate authority with the
former in the judicial function'. His office alſo impowered
him to guard the rights of the crown in the county, and to levy
the fines impoſed; which in that age formed no contemptible
part of the public revenue..
There lay an appeal, in default of juſtice, from all theſe
courts-to the king himſelf in council ; and as the people, ſen-
ſible of the equity and great talents of Alfred, placed their
chief confidence in him, he was ſoon overwhelmed with appeals
from all parts of England. He was indefatigable in the diſpatch
of theſe cauſes *; but finding that his time muſt be entirely en-
groſſed by this branch of duty, he reſolved to obviate the incon-
venience, by correcting the ignorance or corruption of the in-
ferior magiſtrates, from which it aroſe . He took care to
have his nobility inſtructed in letters and the laws": He choſe
the earls and ſheriffs from among the men moſt celebrated for:
probity and knowledge: He puniſhed feverely all malverſation :
in office * : And he removed all the earls, whom he found un-
equal to the truſt'; allowing only ſome of the moſt elderly to
ferve by a deputy, till their death ſhould make room for more
worthy ſucceſſors.
THE better to guide the magiſtrates in the adıniniſtration of
juſtice, Alfréd framed a body of laws; which, though now loft,
' Ingulf, p. 870.
s Affer. p. 20.
• Affer. p. 18, 21. Flor. .
u Flor. Wigorn. p. 594. Brompton,
* Le Miroir de Juſtice, chap. 2.
y Affer. p. 20.
ſerved:
1
1
f
p. 814
-
1
1
C
---
102
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НАР,
II.
LAW,
ſerved long as the baſis of Engliſh juriſprudence, and is gene-
rally eſteemed the origin of what is denominated the COMMON
He appointed regular meetings of the ſtates of England
twice
a year
in London ? ; a city which he himſelf had repaired
and beautified, and which he thus rendered the capital of the
kingdoin. The ſimilarity of theſe inſtitutions to the cuſtoms
of the antient Germans, to the practice of the other northern
conquerors, and to the Saxon laws during the Heptarchy, pre-
vents us from regarding Alfred as the ſole author of this plan of
government; and leads us rather to think, that, like a wiſe
man, he contented himſelf with reforming, extending, and
executing the inſtitutions, which he found previouſly eſtabliſhed.
But on the whole, ſuch ſucceſs attended his legiſlation, that
every thing bore ſuddenly a new face in England: Robberies
and iniquities of all kinds were repreſſed by the puniſhment or
reformation of the criminals : And ſo exact was the general
police, that Alfred, it is ſaid, hung up, by way of bravada,
golden bracelets near the highways; and no man dared to touch
them. Yet amidſt theſe rigours of juſtice, this great prince
preſerved the moſt ſacred regard to the liberty of his people ;
and it is a memorable ſentiment preſerved in his will, that it
was juſt the Engliſh ſhould for ever remain as free as their own
- thoughts.
As good morals and knowledge are almoſt inſeparable, in
every age, though not in every individual; the care of Alfred
for the encouragement of learning among his ſubjects was ano-
ther uſeful branch of his legiſlation, and tended to reform the
Engliſh from their former diffolute and barbarous manners :
D W. Malmeſ. lib. 2.
Le Miroir de Juſtice.
• Ingulf, p.27
cap. 4. M. Welt. p. 177. Brompton, p. 818.
c Affer. p. 24.
. But
+
+
j
A L F R E D.
IO3
II.
A
But the King was guided in this purſuit leſs by political views, CHA P.
than by his natural bent and propenſity towards letters. When
he came to the throne, he found the nation ſunk into the groſſeft
ignorance and barbariſm, proceeding from the continued diſor-
ders in the government, and from the ravages of the Danes :
The monaſteries were deſtroyed, the monks butchered or diſ-
perſed, their libraries burnt;, and thus the only ſeats of erudition
in thoſe ages were totally. ſubverted “. Alfred himſelf com-
plains, that on his acceſſion he knew not one perſon, ſouth of
the Thames, who could ſo much as interpret the Latin ſervice;.
and
very
few in the northern parts, who had reached even that
pitch of erudition. But this. prince invited over the moſt ce-
lebrated ſcholars from all parts of Europe'; he eſtabliſhed ſchools
every where for the inſtruction of his people; he founded, or
at leaſt repaired ? the univerſity of Oxford, and endowed it.
with many privileges, revenues and iinmunities; he enjoined
by law all freeholders poſſeſſed of two hydes of land or more to
ſend their children to ſchool for their inſtruction'; he gave pre-
ferment both in church and ſtate to ſuch only as had made
ſome proficiency in knowledge * : And by all theſe expedients
he had the pleaſure before his death, to ſee a great change on,
the face of affairs, and in a work of his, which is ſtill extant,
he congratulates himſelf on the progreſs which learning, under
his patronage, had already made in England '.
But the moſt effectual expedient, employed by Alfred, for
the encouragement of learning, was his own example, and the
f
c Affer. p. 25.
h
p. 207
Affer. p. 18.
Math. Weſt. p. 167. Chron.
Abb. de St. Petri de. Burgo, p. 21. .
& Affer. p. 16. Anglia Sacra, vol.i.
A hyde contained land ſufficient to employ one plough. See
H. Hunt. lib. 6. in A. D. 1008. Annal. Waverl. in A. D. 1083. Gervaſe of Tilbury
fays it commonly contained about 100 acres. i Abbas Rievallenſis, apud Spel.
W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4.
I Affer. p. 26, 27.
conftant
!
1
104
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
C H A P.
II.
conſtant aſſiduity, with which, notwithſtanding the multiplicity
and
urgency of his affairs, he employed himſelf in the purſuits
of knowledge. He uſually divided his time into three equal
portions; one was employed in ſleep, and the refection of his
body by diet and exerciſe; another in the diſpatch of buſineſs;
a third in ſtudy and devotion : And that he might more exa&tly
meaſure the hours, he made uſe of burning. tapers of equal
lengths, which he fixed in lanthorns "; an expedient ſuited to
that rude age, when the geometry of dialling and the me-
.chaniſm of clocks and watches were totally unknown. And by
ſuch a regular diſtribution of his time, tho’he often laboured
under great bodily infirmities ", this martial hero, who fought
in perſon fifty-ſix battles by ſea and land °, was able, during a
life of no extraordinary length, to acquire more knowledge,
and even to compoſe more books, than' moſt ſtudious men,
though bleſt with the greateſt leiſure and application, have, in
more fortunate ages, made the object of their uninterrupted
induſtry.
SENSIBLE, that the people, at all times, eſpecially when
their underſtandings are obſtructed by ignorance and bad edu-
cation, are not much ſuſceptible of ſpeculative inſtruction,
Alfred endeavoured to convey his morality by apologues, pa-
rables, ſtories, apophthegms, couched in poetry; and beſides
propagating among his ſubjects, former compoſitions of that
kind, which he found in the Saxon tongue”, he exerciſed his
vein in inventing works of a like nature ?, as well as in tran-
:m Affer. p. 20.
W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ingulf. p. 870. Flor: Wigorn. p. 594.
Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 22. Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. p. 208.
Affer. p. 4. 12; 13, 17. M. Weſt. p. 167. Flor. Wigorn. p. 588...
o W. Malm. lib. 4. cap. 4.
P Affer. p. 13. Flor. Wigorn. 598.
9 Spelman, p. 124. Abbaf. Rieval. p. 355. Ann. Beverl. p. 96.
6
ſlating
in
7
1
1
3
A L F R E D.
3
105
1
CHAP
II.
flating froin the Greek the elegant fables of Æfop. He alſo
gave Saxon tranſlations of Orofius's and Bede's hiſtories; and
of Boethius concerning the confolation of philoſophy'. And
he deemed it nowiſe derogatory from his other great characters
of ſovereign, legiſlator, warrior, and politician, thus to lead
the way to his people in the purſuits of literature.
.
+
MEANWHILE, this prince was not negligent in encouraging
the vulgar and mechanical arts, which have a more ſenſible,
though not a cloſer connexion with the intereſts of ſociety. He
invited, from all quarters, induſtrious foreigners to re-people
his country, which had been laid deſolate by the ravages of the
Danes.
He introduced and encouraged manufactures of all
kinds; and no inventor or improver of any ingenious art did he
ſuffer to go unrewarded. He prompted men of activity to be-
take themſelves to navigation, to puſh commerce into the moſt
diſtant countries, and to acquire riches by propagating induſtry
among their fellow-citizens. He ſet apart a ſeventh portion of
his own revenue for the maintaining a number of workmen,
whom he conſtantly employed in rebuilding the ruined cities;
caſtles, palaces, and monaſteries“. Even the elegancies of life
were brought to him from the Mediterranean and the Indies *;
and his ſubjects, by feeing thoſe productions of the peaceful arts,
were taught to reſpect the virtues of juſtice and induſtry, from
which alone they could ariſe. Both living and dead, Alfred was
regarded, by foreigners no leſs than his own ſubjects, as the
greateſt prince after Charlemagne who had appeared in Europe
during ſeveral ages, and as one of the wiſeſt and beſt who had
ever adorned the annals of any nation.
I
1
1
" W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 4. Brompton, p. 814.
* Afer. p. 13. Flor.
Wigorn. p. 588.
i Affer p. 20.
# Affer. p. 20. W. Malm.
lib. 2. cap. 4. Flor. Wigorn. p. 594.
* W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 4.
VOL.I.
P
ALFRED
106
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
2
CH A P.
Il.
ALFRED had, by his wife, Ethelſwitha, the daughter of a
Mercian earl, three ſons and three daughters. The eldeſt ſon,
Edmund, died without iſſue, in his father's lifetime. The
third, Ethelward, inherited his father's paſſion for letters, and
lived a private life. The ſecond, Edward, ſucceeded to his-
power; and paſſes by the appellation of Edward the Elderg-
being the firſt of that name who ſat on the Engliſh throne.
EDWARD the Elder.
901.
TH
HIS prince, who equalled his father in military talents,
though inferior to him in knowledge and erudition
found immediately, on his acceſſion, a ſpecimen of that turbu--
lent life, which attended all princes, and even all individuals,,
in an age when men, leſs reſtrained by law or juſtice, and leſs
occupied by induſtry, had no other aliment for their inquietude,
but wars, inſurrections, convulſions, rapine, and depredation.
Ethelwald, his couſin-german, fon to King Ethelbert, the elder
brother of Alfred, inſiſted on his preferable right to the
throne ^; and arming his partizans, took poſſeſſion of Win-
burne, where he ſeemed determined to defend himſelf to the laſt
extremity, and to await the iſſue of his pretenſions. But
when the King approached the town with a.great army, Ethel-
wald, having the proſpect of certain deſtruction, made his
eſcape, and fled firſt into Normandy, and thence into Northum-
berland ‘; where he hoped, that the people, who had been re-
cently ſubdued by Alfred, and who were impatient of peace,
would, on the intelligence of that great prince's death, ſeize the
z W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 5. Hoveden, p. 421.
» Chron. Sax. p. 102. H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 352.
a Chron. Sax. p. 99, 100*
c Brompton, p. 832
firſt
EDWARD THE ELDER.
107
CHAP
11.
pad
firſt pretence or opportunity of rebellion. The event did not
diſappoint his expectations : The Northumbrians declared for
him "; and Ethelwald, having tlius connected his intereſt with
the Daniſh tribes, went beyond ſea, and collecting a body of
theſe free-booters, he excited the hopes of all thoſe who had
been accuſtomed to ſubfift by rapine and violence The Eaſt-
Anglian Danes joined his party: The Five-burgers, who were
feated in the heart of Mercia, began to put themſelves in mo-
tion; and the Engliſh found that they were again menaced
with thoſe convulſions, from which the valour and policy of
Alfred had ſo lately redeemed them. The rebels, headed by
Ethelwald, made an incurſion into the counties of Gloceſter,
Oxford, and Wilts; and having exerciſed their ravages in theſe
places, they retired with their booty ; before the King, who
had aſſembled his army, was able to approach them. Edward,
however, who was determined that his preparations ſhould not
be fruitleſs, conducted his forces into Eaſt-Anglia, and retali-
ated the injuries which the inhabitants had committed, by
ſpreading the like devaſtation among them '. Satiated with
revenge, and loaded with booty, he gave orders to retire : But
the authority of theſe antient Kings, which was feeble in peace,
was not much better obeyed in the field; and the Kentiſh men,
greedy of more ſpoil, ventured, contrary to repeated orders, to
ſtay behind him, and to take up their quarters in Bury
This diſobedience proved in the iſſue fortunate to Edward.
The Danes aſſaulted the Kentiſh men; but met with ſo ſtout a
reſiſtance, that though they gained the field of battle, they
bought that advantage by the loſs of their braveſt leaders, and
among the reſt, by that of Ethelwald, who periſhed in the
• Chron. Sax. p. 100.
H. Hunt. lib. 5. P. 352.
c Chron. Sax. p. 160.
Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 24.
fH. Hunting. lib. 5. P. 352.
Brompton, p. 832.
& Chron. Sax, p. 101. H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 352.
P2
action
1
108
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
-
СНАР,
I.
action - The King, freed from the fear of fo dangerous a
competitor, made peace on advantageous terms with the Eaſt-
Angles !
11
In order to reſtore England to ſuch a ſtate of tranquillity as
it was then capable of attaining, nought was wanting but the
ſubjection of the Northumbrians, who, aſſiſted by the ſcattered
Danes in Mercia, continually infeſted the bowels of the king-
dom. Edward, in order to divert the force of theſe enemies,
prepared a fleet to attack them by fea; hoping, that when his
forces appeared off their coaſt, they muſt at leaſt remain at
home, and provide for their defence “. But the Northum-
brians were leſs anxious to ſecure their own property than
greedy to commit ſpoil on their enemy; and concluding, that
the chief force of the Engliſh was embarked in the fleet, they
thought the opportunity favourable, and entered Edward's ter-
ritories with all their forces'. The King, who was prepared
againſt this event, attacked them on their return. at Tetenhall
in the county of Stafford, put them to rout, recovered all the
booty, and purſued them with great ſlaughter into their own
country".
ALL the reſt of Edward's reign was a ſcene of continued
and ſucceſsful action againſt the Northumbrians, the Eaſt-Angles,
the Five-burgers, and the foreign Danes, who invaded him from
Normandy and Britanny". He was as provident in putting
his kingdom in a poſture of defence, as vigorous in affaulting
A
+ Chron. Sax. p. 101. Brompton, p. 832.
i Chron. Sax. p. 102. Bromp-
ton, p. 832. Math. Weft. p. 181.
* H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 352.
1 Chron. Sax. p. 102. flor. Wigorn. p. 599.
m Hoveden, p. 421. H.
Hunting. lib. 5. P. 352.
Chron. Sax. p. 105. Brompton, p. 833.
the
+
!
1
Korean
1
+
EDWARD THE ELDER.
109
СНАР.
II.
1
the enemy'. He fortified the towns of Cheſter, Eddeſbury,
Warwic, Cherbury, Buckingham, Towceſter, Maldon, Hun-
tingdon, and Colcheſter. He fought two great battles at Tems-
ford and Maldon'. He vanquiſhed Thurketill, a great Daniſh
chieftain, and obliged him to retire with his followers into
France, in queſt of ſpoil and adventures ?. He fubdued the
Eaſt-Angles, and forced them to ſwear allegiance to him: He
expelled the two rival princes of Northumberland, Reginald
and Sidroc, and acquired, for the preſent, the dominion of that
province: Several tribes of the Britains were ſubjected by him.;
and even the Scots, who, during the reign of Egbert, had,
under the conduct of Kenneth, their king, encreaſed their
power, by the final ſubjection of the Picts, were however ob-
liged to give him marks of ſubmiſſion'. In all theſe fortu-
nate atchievements he was aſſiſted by the activity and prudence
of his fitier Ethelf da, who was widow to Ethelbert, earl of
Mercan, and who, aiter her huſband's death, retained the
go-
vernpicüt of that province'. This princeſs, who had been re-
duced to extremity in child-bed, refuſed afterwards all com-
merce with her huſband; not from any weak fuperftition, as
was common in that age, but becauſe ſhe deemed all domeſtic
occupations unworthy of her maſculine and ambitious fpirit .
She died before her brother"; and Edward, during the remain-
der of his reign, took upon himſelf the immediate government
of Mércia, which before had been in ſome meaſure indepen-
1
1
!
1
1
1
o W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 5. Hoveden, p. 421.
p Chron. Sax. p.,108.
Flor. Wigorn. p. 601.
9 Chron. Sax. p. 106.
s Chron. Sax.
p. 110. Hoveden, p. 421.
· H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 353.
: W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 5. Math. Weit. p. 182. Ingulf, p. 28. Higden, p. 261.
u Chron. i ax. p. 109.
dant
1
IIO
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH AP.
II.
dant of the crown. The Saxon Chronicle fixes the death of
this prince in 925': His kingdom devolved to Athelſtan, his
natural fon?
A T H ELS T A Ne
1925
THI
HE ſtain in this prince's birth was not, in thoſe times,
deemed ſo conſiderable ,as to exclude him from the
throne:; and Athelſtan, being of an age, as well as of a capa-
city, fitted for government, obtained the preference to Edward's
younger children, who, though legitimate, were of too tender
years to rule a nation ſo much expoſed both to foreign invaſion
and to domeſtic convulſions. Some diſcontents, however, pre-
vailed on his acceſſion; and Alfred, a nobleman of conſiderable
power, was thence encouraged to enter into a conſpiracy againſt
him. This event is related by hiſtorians with circumſtances,
which the reader, according to the degree of credit he is diſ-
poſed to give them, may impute either to the invention of
monks, who forged them, or to their artifice, who found means
to make them real. Alfred, it is ſaid, being ſeized upon ſtrong
ſuſpicions, but without any certain proof, firmly denied the
.conſpiracy imputed to him; and in order to juſtify himſelf, he
offered to ſwear to his innocence before the Pope, whoſe perſon,
it was ſuppoſed, contained ſuch ſuperior fanctity, that no one
could preſume to give a falſe oath in his preſence, and yet hope
to eſcape the immediate vengeance of heaven. The King
accepted of the condition, and Alfred was conducted to Rome;
x Chron. Sax p. 110. Prompton, p. 831.
y Page 110.
- W. Malmeſ, lib. 2. cap. 5. Brompton, p. 831. Math, Weſt. p. 180.
where,
(
#t
Α Τ Η Ε Ι S Τ Α Ν,
III
С НА Р.
II.
where, either conſcious of his innocence, or neglecting the
ſuperſtition, to which he appealed, he ventured to make the
oath required of him, before John, who then filled the papal
chair. But no ſooner had he pronounced the fatal words,
than he fell into convulſions, of which in three days after he
expired. The King, as if the guilt of the conſpirator were
now fully aſcertained, confiſcated his eſtate, and made a preſent
of it to the monaſtery of Malmeſbury * ; ſecure that no doubts
would ever thenceforth be entertained concerning the juſtice of
his proceedings.
The dominion of Athelftan was no ſooner eſtabliſhed over
his Engliſh ſubjects, than he endeavoured to give ſecurity to
the government, by providing againſt the inſurrections of the
Danes, which had created ſo much diſturbance to his predeceſſors.
He marched into Northumberland ; and finding, that the in-
habitants bore with impatience the Engliſh' yoke, he thought it
prudent to give Sithric, a Daniſh nobleman, the title of King,
and to attach him to his intereſts, by marrying him to his
ſiſter, Editha". But this policy proved by accident the ſource
of dangerous conſequences. Sithric died in a twelyemonth
after; and his two ſons by a former marriage, Anlaf and
Godfrid, founding pretenſions on their father's elevation,
aſſumed the fovereignty, without waiting for Athelſtan's conſent.
They were ſoon expelled by the power of that monarch; and
the former took ſhelter in Ireland, as the latter did in Scotland;
where he received, during ſome time, protection from Con-
ſtantine, who then enjoyed the crown of that kingdom. The
·
a Alured Beverl.
• W. Malmeſ,
z W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 6. Spell. Conc. p. 407.
p. 109. W. Malineſ. lib. 2. cap. 6. Hoycden, p. 422.
lib. 2. cap. 6.
2
Scottiſh
1
-
I12
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
11.
Scottiſh prince, however, continually ſolicited, and even me-
naced, by Athelſtan, at laſt promiſed to deliver up his gueſt;
but ſecretly deteſting this treachery, he gave Godfrid warning
to make his eſcape"; and that fugitive, after ſubſiſting by
pyracy
for ſome years, freed the King, by his death, from any
farther anxiety. Athelſtan, reſenting Conſtantine's behaviour,
entered Scotland with a great army; and ravaging the.country
with impunity“, he reduced the Scots to ſuch diſtreſs, that
their King was.content to preſerve his crown, by making the
moſt humble ſubmiſſions to the enemy. The Engliſh hiſtorians
aſſert, that Conſtantine did homage to Athelſtan for his whole
kingdom ; and they add, that the latter prince, being urged by
his courtiers to puſh the preſent favourable opportunity, and en-
tirely ſubdue Scotland, replied, that it was more glorious to confer
-than conquer kingdoms'. But thoſe annals, ſo uncertain and
imperfect in themſelves, loſe all credit, when national prepof-
feſſions and animofities have place: And on that account, the
Scots hiſtorians, who, without having any more knowledge of
the matter, ſtrenuouſly deny the fact, ſeem more worthy of
belief.
1
CONSTANTINE, whether he owed the retaining his crown
to the moderation of Athelſtan, who was unwilling to employ
all his advantages againſt him, or to the policy of that monarch,
who eſteemed the humiliation of an enemy a greater acquiſi-
tion than the ſubjection of a diſcontented and mutinous people,
thought the behaviour of the Engliſh more an object of reſent-
ment than of gratitude. He entered into a confederacy with
CW. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 6.
Chron. Sax. p. 111. Haveden, p. 422.
H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 354.
• Hoveden, p. 422.
f W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 6. Brompton, p. 838. Higden, p. 262, Anglia Sacra,
vol. 1. p. 212.
Anlaf,
Α Τ Η Ε Ι S Τ Α Ν.
I13
C H A P.
11.
h
Hunting. lib. 5. p. 354. Olberne, p. 80.
Anlaf, who liad collected a great body of Daniſh pyrates, whom
he found hovering in the Iriſh ſeas; and with ſome Welſh
.princes, who were terrified with the growing power of
Athelſtan: And all theſe allies made by concert an irruption
with a great army into England. Athelſtan, collecting his forces,
met the enemy near Brunſbury in Northumberland, and de-
feated them in a general engagements. This victory was
chiefly aſcribed to the valour of Turketul, the Engliſh chan-
cellor : For in thoſe turbulent ages, no one was ſo much occu-
pied in civil employments, as wholly to lay aſide the military
character
There is a circumſtance, not unworthy of notice, which
hiſtorians relate with regard to the tranſactions of this war.
Anlaf, on the approach of the Engliſh army, thought, that he
could not venture too much to enſure a fortunate event; and
employing the artifice formerly practiſed by Alfred againſt the
Danes, he entered the enemy's camp in the habit of a minſtrel,
The ſtratagem was for the preſent attended with a like ſucceſs.
He gave ſuch fatisfaction to the ſoldiers, who flocked about
him, that they introduced him to the King's tent; and Anlaf,
having played before that prince and his nobles during their
repaſt, was diſmiſſed with a handſome reward. His prudence
kept him from refuſing the preſent; but his pride determined
him, on his departure, to bury it, while he fancied that he
was uneſpied by all the world. But a ſoldier in Athelſtan's
camp, who had formerly ſerved under Anlaf, had been ſtruck
8 Chron. Sax. p. 112, 113.
W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 6. Ethelwerd, cap. 5. H.
.
Math. Weft. p. 186. Ingulf, p. 37:
The office of chancellor among the Anglo-Saxons reſembled more that of a ſecre-
tary of State, than that of our preſent chancellor. See Spellman in voce Cancellarius.
VOL. I.
Q
with
1
II4
HISTORY OF ENGLAND
1,
СНАР.
II.
with ſome ſuſpicion on the firſt appearance of the minſtrel ; and
was engaged by curioſity to obſerve all his motions. He re-
garded this laſt action as a full proof of Anlaf's diſguiſe ; and
he immediately carried the intelligence to Athelſtan, who blamed
him for not ſooner giving him information, that he might have
frized his enemy. But the ſoldier told him, that as he had
formerly ſworn fealty to Anlaf, he could never have pardoned
himſelf the treachery of betraying and ruining his ancient
maſter; and that Athelſtan himſelf, after ſuch an inſtance of
his criminal conduct, would have had equal reaſon to doubt of
his allegiance. Athelſtan, having praiſed the generoſity of
the foldier's principles, reflected on the incident, which he
foreſaw might be attended with important confequences. He
removed his ſtation in the camp; and as a biſhop arrived that
evening with a reinforcement of troops, (for the eccleſiaſtics
were then no leſs warlike than the civil
' magiſtrates) he occupied
with his train that very place which had been left vacant by
the King's removal. The precaution of Athelſtan was found
prudent: For no ſooner had darkneſs fallen, than Anlaf broke
into the camp, and haſtening directly to the place where he had
left the King's tent, put the biſhop to death, before he had
time to prepare for his defence'.
THERE fell feveral Daniſh and Welſh princes in the action of
Brunſbury k; and Conſtantine and Anlaf made their eſcape with
difficulty, leaving the greateſt part of their army on the field of
battle. After this ſucceſs, Athelſtan enjoyed his crown in tran-
quillity; and he is regarded as one of the ableſt and moſt active
of thoſe ancient princes. He paſſed a remarkable law, which
was calculated for the encouragement of commerce, and which
* Brompton, p. 839. In:
i W. Malmcf. lib. 2. cap. 6. Higden, p. 263.
guf, p. 29.
8
it
E D M U N D.
115
СНАР.
U.
it required fome largeneſs of mind, in that age, to have deviſed:
That a merchant, who had made three long ſea-voyages on
his own account, ſhould be admitted to the rank of a thane or
gentleman. This prince died at Gloceſter in the year 941),
after a reign of fixteen years; and was ſucceeded by his brother
Edmund
E
DM U N D.
941,
+
EDMUND, on his acceſſion, met with diſturbance from
the reſtleſs Northumbrians, who lay in wait for every
opportunity of breaking into rebellion. But marching fud-
denly with his forces into their country, he ſo overawed the
rebels, that they endeavoured to appeaſe him by the moſt
humble ſubmiſſions m. In order to give him the ſurer pledge of
their obedience, they offered to embrace Chriſtianity; a religion
which the Engliſh Danes had frequently profeſſed, when re-
duced to difficulties, but which, for that very reaſon, they
regarded as a badge of ſervitude, and ſhook off as ſoon as a
favourable opportunity offered. Edmund, truſting little to their
ſincerity in this forced ſubmiſſion, uſed the precaution of re-
moving the Five-burgers from the towns of Mercia, in which
they had been allowed to ſettle ; becauſe it was always found,
that they took advantage of every commotion, and introduced
the rebellious or foreign Danes into the heart of the kingdom".
He alſo conquered Cumberland from the Britains.; and con-
ferred that territory on Malcolin, King of Scotland, on condi-
4
I Chron. Sax. p. 114.
m W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 7. Brompton,
P. 857.
n Chron. Sax. p. 114. H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 355. Bromp-
tor, p. 57. Chron. de Muilroſe, p. 148. Higden, p. 263. Alur. Beverl. p. 110.
Q 2
tion
+
116
HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
A
СНАР. tion that he ſhould do him homage for it, and protect the north
11.
wed from all future incurſions of the Danes ,
EDMUND was very young when he came to the crown;
yet was his reign ſhort, as his death was violent. One day,
as he was folemnizing a feſtival in the county of Gloceſter, he
remarked, that Leolf, a notorious robber, whom he had fen-
tenced to baniſhment, had yet the boldneſs to enter the hall
where he himſelf dined, and to fit at table with his attendants.
Enraged at this inſolence, he ordered him to leave the room;
but on his refuſing to obey, the King, whoſe temper, naturally
choleric, was inflamed by this additional inſult, leaped on him
himſelf, and ſeized him by the hair : But the ruffian, puſhed
to extremity, drew his dagger, and gave Edmund a wound,
of which he immediately expired.". This event happened
in the year 946°, and in the ſixth year of the King's reign.
Edmund left male-iſſue, but ſo young, that they were inca-
pable of governing the kingdom ; and his brother, Edred, was
promoted to the crown.
E DRE D.
946.
TH
HE reign of this prince, as that of his predeceſſors, was
diſturbed by the rebellions and incurſions of the Northum-
brian Danes, who, though frequently quelled, were never en-
tirely ſubdued, nor had ever paid a ſincere allegiance to the
• Chron. Sax. p. 115. W. Malmeſ, lib. 2. cap.7. Hoveden, p. 423. Brompton,
p. 357. Flor, Wigorn. p. 604.
P W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 7. Hove .
den, p. 423. Chron. de Muilroſe, p. 148.
9 Chron. Sax. p. 115. Math.
Welt. p. 188. Ingulf, p. 29. Brompton, p. 858.
.
crown
E D R E Di
117
-
CH A P..
IT,
crown of England. The ſucceſſion of a new King ſeemed to
them a favourable opportunity for ſhaking off the yoke; but
on Edred's appearance with an army, they made him their
wonted ſubmiſſions; and the King having waſted the country
with fire and ſword, as a puniſhment of their rebellion', obliged
them to renew their oaths of allegiance ; and he ſtraight retired
with his forces. The obedience of the Danes laſted no longer
than the preſent terror.. Provoked at the devaſtations of Edred,
and even reduced by neceſſity to ſubſiſt on plunder, they broke
into a new rebellion, and were again ſubdued': But the King,
now inſtructed by experience, took better precautions againſt
their future revolt. He fixed Engliſh garriſons in their moſt
conſiderable towns; and placed over them an Engliſh governor,
who might watch all their motions, and ſuppreſs their inſur-
rections on the firſt appearance. He obliged alſo Malcolm,
King of Scotland, to renew. his homage for the lands which he
held in England
EDRED, though not unwarlike, nor unfit for active life, lay
under the influence of the loweſt ſuperſtition, and had blindly
delivered over his conſcience to the guidance of Dunſtan, com-.
monly called St. Dunſtan, abbot of Glaſtenbury", whom he
advanced to the higheſt offices, and who covered, under the
apo.
pearance of ſanctity, the moſt violent and moſt inſolent ambition.
Taking advantage of the implicit truſt repoſed in him by the
King; this churchman imported into England a new. order
of monks, who much changed the ſtate of eccleſiaſtical af...
fairs, and excited, on their firſt eſtabliſhment, the moſt violent:
commotions.
den, p. 423
* Hoveden, p. 423. Wallingford, p. 541.
• Ethelwerd, cap. 7. Hove. .
* Matth. Weſt. p. 186. Higden, p. 263.
* W. Malmefi
lib. 2. cap. 7. Brompton, p. 862.
FROM:
118
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НАР.
II.
1
From the introduction of Chriſtianity among the Saxons,
there had been monaſteries in England; and theſe eſtabliſhments
had extremely multiplied, by the donations of the princes and
nobles ; whoſe ſuperſtition, derived from their ignorance and
precarious life, and encreaſed by remorſes for the crimes into
which they were ſo frequently betrayed, knew no other expe-
dient for appeaſing the Deity than a profuſe liberality towards
the eccleſiaſtics. But the monks had hitherto been a fpecies of
fecular prieſts, who lived after the manner of the preſent canons
or prebendaries, and were both intermingled, in ſome degree,
with the world, and endeavoured to render themſelves uſeful to
it. They were employed in the education of youth *: They
had the diſpoſal of thţir own time and induſtry: They were not
ſubjected to the rigid rules of an order : They had made no
vows of implicit obedience to their ſuperiors ' : And they ſtill
retained the choice, without quitting the convent, either of a
married or a ſingle life ?. But a miſtaken piety had produced
in Italy a new ſpecies of monks, called Benedictines; who, car-
ying'farther the plauſible principles of mortification, ſecluded
themſelves entirely from the world, renounced all claim to li-
berty, and made a merit of the moſt inviolable chaſtity. Theſe
practices and principles, which ſuperſtition at firſt engendered,
were greedily embraced and promoted by the policy of the court
of Rome. The Roman pontiff, who was making every day
great advances towards an abſolute ſovereignty over the eccleſi-
aitics, perceived, that the celibacy alone of the clergy could
break off entirely their connexion with the civil power, and de ,
j?riving them of every other object of ambition, engage them to
promote, with unceaſing induſtry, the grandeur of their own or-
x Ciberne in Anglia Sacra, tom. 2. p. 92,
y Oſborne, p. 910
.2 See Wharton's notes 10 Anglia Sacra, tom. 2. p. 91. Gerraſe, p. 16.45: Chron. :
Wint M€. apud Spell. Conc. p 4;4.
der.
--
E DRED.
I-IO
If.
t
der. Fie was ſenſible, that ſo long as the monks were indulged CHAP..
in marriage, and were allowed families, they never could be
fubjected to a ſtrict rule, or reduced to that ſlavery under their
Luperiors, which was requiſite to procure to the orders, iſſued
from Rome, a ready and zealous obedience. Celibacy, there-
fore, began to be extolled, as the indiſpenſible duty of prieſts;
and the Pope undertook to make all the clergy throughout the
weſtern world renounce at once the privilege of marriage : A
fortunate policy, but at the fame time an undertaking the moſt
difficult of any, ſince he had the ſtrongeſt propenſities of human
nature to encounter, and found, that the ſame connexions with
the female ſex, which generally encourages devotion, was here
unfavourable to the ſucceſs of his project. It is no wonder,
therefore, that this maſter-ſtroke- of art ſhould have met with
violent contradiction, and that the intereſts of the hierarchy;
and the inclinations of the prieſts, being now placed in this
fingular oppoſition, ſhould, notwithſtanding the continued ef-
forts of Rome, have retarded the execution of that bold ſcheme;
during the courſe of near three centuries.
:
As the biſhops and parochial clergy lived apart with their
families, and were more connected with the world, the hopes
of ſucceſs with them were fainter, and the pretence for making
them renounce marriage was much leſs plauſible. But the
pope, having caſt his eye on the monks as the baſis of his au
thority; was determined to reduce them under ſtrict rules of
obedience, to procure them the credit of ſanctity by an appear-
ance of the moſt rigid' mortification, and to break off all their
other tyes which might interfere with his ſpiritual policy.
Under pretence, therefore, of reforming abuſes, which were;
in ſome degree, unavoidable in the antient eſtabliſhinents, he
had already ſpread over the ſouthern countries of Europe the
fevere:
1
1
+
1
120
HISTORY OF ENGLAND. .
CH AP.
II.
ſevere laws of tlie monaſtic life, and began to form attempts
towards a like innovation in England. The favourable opportu-
nity offered itſelf (and it was greedily ſeized) ariſing from the
weak ſuperſtition of Edred, and the violent impetuous character
of Dunſtan.
DUNSTAN was born of noble parents in the weſt of Eng-
land ; and being educated under his uncle, Aldhelm, then
Archbiſhop of Canterbury, had betaken himſelf to the eccleſia-
ftical life, and had acquired ſome character in the court of Ed-
mund. He was, however, defamed to that prince as a man of
licentious manners *; and finding his fortune blaſted by theſe
ſuſpicions, his ardent ambition prompted him to repair his in-
diſcretions by running into an oppoſite extreme. He ſecluded
himſelf entirely from the world; he framed a cell ſo ſmall that
he could neither ſtand erect in it, nor ſtretch out his limbs du-
zing his repoſe; and he here employed himſelf perpetually either
in devotion or in manual labour'. It is probable, that his brain
became gradually crazed by theſe folitary occupations, and that
he imagined chimeras, which, being believed himſelf and his
ſtupid votaries, procured him the general character of fanctity
among the people. He fancied, that the devil, among the fre-
quent viſits, which he paid him, was one day more earneſt than
uſual in his temptations; till Dunſtan, provoked at his impor-
tunity, ſeized him by the noſe with a pair of red hot pincers,
as he put his head into the cell; and he held him there, till that
malignant ſpirit made the whole neighbourhood reſound with
his bellowings. This notable exploit was ſeriouſly credited and
extolled by the public; it is tranſmitted to poſterity. by one
who, conſidering his age, may paſs for a writer of fome ele-
gance'; and it inſured to Dunſtan, a reputation, which no
:
Olberne, p. 96.
Olberne, p. 95. Maith. Weft. p. 187.
.
6
c Olberne, p. 97.
real
E DR E D.
II
1
II.
rcal piety, much leſs virtue, could, even in the moſt enligh- CILA P.
tened period, have ever been able to procure him with the
people.
SUPPORTED by the character, obtained in his retreat, Dun-
ſtan appeared again in the world ; and gained ſuch an afcend-
ant over Edred, who had ſucceeded to the crown, as made him,
not only the director of his conſcience, but his counſellor in
the moſt momentous affairs of government. He was placed
at the head of the treaſury , and being thus poſſeſſed both of
power at court, and of credit with the populace, he was enabled
to attempt with ſucceſs the moſt arduous undertakings. Find-
ing, that his advancement had been owing to the opinion of his
auſterity, he profeſſed himſelf a partizan of the rigid monaſtic
rules; and after introducing that reformation into the convents
of Glaſtenbury and Abingdon, he endeavoured to render it uni-
verfal in the kingdom.
The minds of men were already well prepared for this inno-
vation. The praiſes of an inviolable chaſtity had been carried
to the higheſt extravagance by ſome of the firſt preachers of
chriſtianity among the Saxons: The pleaſures of love had been
repreſented as incompatible with chriſtian perfection : And a
total abſtinence from all commerce with the ſex was deemed
ſuch a meritorious pennance, as was ſufficient to atone for the
greateſt enormities. The conſequence ſeemed natural, that
thoſe at leaſt who officiated at the altar ſhould be clear of this
pollution; and when the doctrine of franſubſtantiation, which
1
u Olberne, p. 102. Wallingford, p. 541.
R
VOL. I.
was
.
I
I 22
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH A P.
II.
was now creeping in “, was once fully eſtabliſhed, the reverence
to the real body of Chriſt in the euchariſt, beſtowed on this ar-
gument an additional force and influence. The monks knew
how to avail themſelves of all theſe popular topics, and to ſet off
their own character to the beſt advantage. They affected the
greateſt auſterity of life and manners: They indulged them-
ſelves in the higheſt ſtrains of devotion: They inveighed bit-
terly againſt the vices and pretended luxury of the age : They
were particularly vehement againſt the diffolute lives of the fe-
cular clergy, their rivals : Every inſtance of libertiniſm in that
order was repreſented as a general corruption : And where other
topics of defamation were wanting, their marriage became a
fure object of invective, and their wives received the name of
concubine, or other more opprobrious appellation. The ſecular.
clergy, on the other hand, who were numerous and rich, and.
pofſeffed of the eccleſiaſtical dignities, defended themſelves with
vigour, and endeavoured to retaliate upon their adverſaries.
The people were thrown into agitation; and few inſtances
occur of more violent, diffentions, excited by the moſt material
differences in religion; or rather by the moſt frivolous : Since
it is a juſt remark, that the more affinity there is between theo-
logical parties, the greater commonly is their animoſity.
The progreſs of the monks, which was become conſiderable,
was ſomewhat retarded by the death of Edred, their partizan,
who expired after a reign of nine years'. He left children;
but as they were infants, his nephew, Edwy, ſon to Edmund,
was placed on the throne,
• Spell. Conc. vol. 1. p. 452.
i Chron. Sax. p. 115.
3
t
>
E · D W Y.
123
2
E D W Y.
EDY
С НА Р.
11.
955
DWY, at the time of his acceſſion, was not above fixteen
or ſeventeen years of age, was poſſeſſed of the inoſt amiable
figure, and even endowed, according to authentic accounts,
with the moſt promiſing virtues 8. He would have been the
favourite of his people, liad he not unhappily, on the com-
mencement of his reign, been engaged in a controverſy with
the monks, whoſe rage neither the graces of the body nor the
virtues of the mind could mitigate, and who have purſued his
memory with the ſame unrelenting vengeance, which they ex-
erciſed againſt his perſon and dignity during his ſhort and un-
fortunate reign. There was a beautiful princeſs of the royal
blood, called Elgiva, who had made impreſſion on the tender
hcart of Edwy; and as he was of an age, when the force of
the paſſions begins firſt to be felt, he had ventured, contrary to
the advice of his graveſt counſellors, and the remonſtrances of
the more dignified eccleſiaſtics ", to eſpouſe her; though ſhe
was within the degrees of affinity, prohibited by the canon-law'.
As the auſterity, affected by the monks, made them particularly
violent on this occaſion, Edwy entertained a ſtrong prepoſſeſſion
againſt them; and ſeemed on that account determined not to
ſecond their project, of expelling the ſeculars from all the con-
vents, and of acquiring to themſelves poſſeſſion of thoſe rich
eſtabliſhments. The war was therefore declared between the
King and the inonks; and the former foon found reaſon to re-
pent his provoking ſuch dangerous enemies. On the day of his
coronation, his nobility were aſſembled in a great hall, and
were indulging themſelves in that riot and diſorder, which,
% H, Hunting. lib. 5. p. 356.
h W. valncf. lib. 2. cap: 7.
i lbid.
from
R2
A
I24
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
II.
1
from the example of their German anceſtors, had become habi-
tual to the Engliſh *; when Edwy, attracted by ſofter plea-
ſures, retired into the Queen's apartment, and in that privacy,
gave reins to his fondneſs towards his wife, which was only
moderately checked by the preſence of her mother. Dunſtan
conjectured the reaſon of the King's retreat; and carrying along
with him, Odo, archbiſhop of Canterbury, over whom he had
gained an entire aſcendant, he burſt into thie apartment, up-
braided Edwy with his laſciviouſneſs, probably beſtowed on the
Queen the moſt opprobrious epithet which can be applied to her
ſex, and tearing him from her arms, puſhed him back, in a
diſgraceful manner, into the feſtival of the nobles '. Edwy,
though young and oppoſed by the prejudices of the people,
found an opportunity of taking revenge for this public inſult.-
He queſtioned Dunſtan concerning the adminiſtration of the
treaſury during the reign of his predeceſſor”; and when that
miniſter refuſed to give any account of money, expended, as he
affirmed, by the late King's orders, he accuſed him of malver-
fation in his office, and baniſhed him the kingdom". But
Dunſtan's cabal was not unactive during his abſence: They
filled the people's ears with high panegyrics on his fanctity:
They exclaimed againſt the impiety of the King and Queen:
And having poiſoned the minds of men by theſe declamations,
they proceeded to fill more outrageous violences againſt the:
royal authority. Archbiſhop Odo ſent into the palace a party
of ſoldiers, who feized the Queen, and having burned her face
.
k Wallingford, p. 542
1 W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 7. Ofberne; p. 83.
105. M. Weft. p. 195, 196.
#1 Wallingford, p. 542. Alur. Beverl.
* W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 7. Hoveden, p. 425. Olberne, p. 84.
106. Brompton, p. 863.
with
P. 112.
!
:
*
1.3
E D W Y.
125
с нАР.
II.
with a red hot iron, in order to deſtroy that fatal beauty, which
had ſeduced Edwy, they carried her by force into Ireland, there
to remain in perpetual exile '. Edwy, finding it in vain to
reſiſt, was obliged to conſent to his divorce, which was pro-
nounced by Odo'; and a cataſtrophe, ſtill more diſmal, awaited
the unhappy Elgiva. That amiable princeſs, being cured of
her wounds, and having even obliterated the ſcars, with which
Odo liad hoped to deface her beauty, returned into England,
and was flying to the embraces of the King, whom ſhe ſtill
regarded as her huſband; when ſhe fell into the hands of a
party, whom the primate had ordered to intercept her. No-
thing but her death could now give ſecurity to Odo and the
monks; and her moſt cruel death was requiſite to ſatiate their
vengeance. She was hamſtringed; and expired a few days af-
ter at Gloceſter in the moſt acute torments
1
The Engliſh, blinded with ſuperſtition, inſtead of being
fhocked with this inhumanity, exclaimed that the misfortunes
of Edwy and his ſpouſe were a juſt judgment for their diffolute
contempt
of the eccleſiaſtical ſtatutes. They even proceeded to
rebellion againſt their ſovereign; and having placed Edgar at
their head, the younger brother of Edwy, a boy of thirteen
years of age, they foon put him in poſſeſſion of Mercia, Nor-
thumberland, Eaſt-Anglia ; and chaсed Edwy into the ſouthern
countries'. That it might not be doubtful at whoſe inſtigation
this revolt was undertaken; Dunſtan returned into England,
and took upon him the government of Edgar and his party.
1
• Ofberne, p. 84. Gervaſe, p. 1644.
• Olberne, p. 84. Gervaſe, p. 1645, 1645.
Wigorn. p. 605. Math. Welt. p. 196.
P-107. Brompton, p. 863.
P Hoveden, p. 425.
r Olberne, p. 106. Flor.
• Hoveden, p. 425. Oſberne,
He
.
1
126
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CILAP
11.
+
He was firſt inſtalled in the fee of Worceſter, then in that of
London', and, on Odo's death, and the violent expulſion of
Brighthelin, his ſucceſſor, in that of Canterbury“; all which
he long kept poſſeſſion of. Odo is tranſınitted to us by the
monks under the character of a man of .piety: Dunſtan was
even canonized; and was one of thoſe numerous faints of the
fame ſtamp who diſgrace the Romiſh calendar. Meanwhile the
unhappy Edwy was excommunicated *, and purſued with unre-
lenting vengeance; but his death, which happened ſoon after,
freed his enemies from all farther inquietude; and gave Edgar
peaceable poſſeſſion of the government'.
1
+ Chron. Sax. p. 117. Flor. Wigorn. p. 605. Wallingford, p. 544.
*. Hoveden, p. 425. Ofberne, p. 109. Brompton, p. 864.
Brompton, p. 864. Flor. Wigorn. p. 605.
Math. Weft. p. 196. Higden,.p. 267.
* Brompton, p. 863.
y There is a ſeeming contradi&tion in antient hiſtorians with regard to ſome circum-
ſtances of the ſtory of Edwy and Elgiva. It is agreed, that this prince had a violent
paſſion for his ſecond or third couſin, Elgiva, whom he married, though within the
degrees prohibited by the canons. It is alſo agreed, that he was dragged from a
lady on the day of his coronation, and that the lady was afterwards treated with
the fingular barbarity above mentioned. The only difference is, that Ofberne and.
ſome others call her his trumpet, not his wife, as ſhe is ſaid to be by. Malmeſbury.
But this difference is eaſily reconciled : For if Edwy married her contrary to the canons,
the monks would be ſure to deny her to be his wife, and would inſiſt that ſhe could be
nothing but his trumpet : So that, on the whole, we may eſteem this repreſentation
of the matter as certain ; at leaſt, as by far t’e moſt probable. If Edwy had only
kept a miſtreſs, it is well known, that there were methods of accommodation with the
church, which would have prevented the clergy from proceeding to ſuch extremities
againſt him : But his marriage, contrary to the canons, was an inſult on their autho,
sity, and called for their higheit reſentment,
1
1
1
1
E D G A R.
127
E D G A R..
TH
С НА Р.
11.
HIS prince; who mounted the throne in ſuch early youth,
ſoon diſcovered an excellent capacity in the adminiſtra-
tion of affairs ; and his reign is one of the moſt fortunate;
which we meet with in the antient Engliſh hiſtory. . He ſhowed
no averſion to war; he made the wifeſt preparations againſt
invaders: And by this vigour and forefight, he was enabled;
without any danger of ſuffering inſults, to indulge his incli-
nation towards peace, and to employ himſelf in ſupporting
and improving the internal government of his kingdom . He
maintained a body of diſciplined troops; which he quartered
in the north, in order to keep the mutinous Northumbrians in
ſubjection, and to repel the inroads of the Scots. He built and .
fupported. a powerful navy.“; and that he might retain the
feamen in the practice of their duty, and preſent perpetually a
formidable armament to his enemies, he ſtationed thrce ſqua-
drons off the coaſt, and ordered them to make, from time to
time, the circuit of his dominions. The foreign Danes dared
not to approach a country which appeared in ſuch a poſture of
defence: The domeſtic Danes ſaw inevitable deſtruction to be
b
z Chron. Sax. p. 116. Knighton, p. 2313. Erompton, p. 864,569. Flor. Wigorn.
p. 605. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 29.
* Higden, p. 265.
Many of the Engliſh hiſtorians make Edgar's ſhips amount to an extravagant num-
ber, to 3000, or 36c0: See Hoveden, p. 426. Flor. Wigorn. p. (07. Abbas Rieval.
p. 360. But Brompton, p. 869, ſays that Edgar had 400veſſels. How can theſe
accounts be reconciled to probability, and to the ſtate of the navy in the time of
Alfred W. 'Thorne makes the whole number amount only to 300, which is more
probable. The fleet of Ethelred, Edgar's ſon, muſt have been ſhort of 1000 fhips ;
yet the Saxon Chronicle, p. 137, ſays it was the greateſt navy that ever had been feen
in England.
the
1
Scorpion
128
ENGLAND.
HISTORY OF OF
С НА Р.
II.
the conſequence of their tumults and inſurrections: The neigh-
bouring princes, of Wales, Scotland, the Iſle of Man, the
Orkneys, and even of Ireland, were reduced to pay ſubmiſ ,
ſions to ſo formidable a prince. He carried his ſuperiority to
a great height, and might have excited an univerſal combina-
tion againſt him, had not his power been ſo well eſtabliſhed, as
to deprive his enemies of all hopes of ſhaking it. It is ſaid,
that reſiding once at Cheſter, and having propoſed to go by
water to the abbey of St. John the Baptiſt, he obliged eight of
his tributary kings tº row him in a barge upon the Dee 4.
The English hiſtorians are ford to mention the name of
Kenneth III. King of Scots among the number: The Scots
hiſtorians, either deny the fact, or.affert, that their King, if
ever he acknowledged himſelf a vaſſal to Edgar, did him ho-
mage, not for his crown, but for the dominions, which he
held in England.
But the chief means, by which Edgar maintained his autho-
rity, and preſerved public peace, was the paying court to
Dunſtan and the monks, who had at firſt placed him on the
throne, and who, by their pretenſions to ſuperior fanctity
and purity of manners, had acquired an aſcendant over the
people. He favoured their ſcheme for diſpoſſeſſing the ſecular
canons of all the monaſteries º; he beſtowed preferment on
none but their partizans; he allowed Dunſtan to reſign the
fee of Worceſter into the hands of Oſwald, one of his creatures,
• Spell. Conc. p. 432.
d W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 406.
H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 356. Brompton, p. 869. Flor, Wigorn. p. 607. Math. Weft.
c Chron. Sax. p. 117,
p. 192. Higden, p. 267. Alur. Beverl. p. 112.
118. W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 425, 426. Olberne, p. 112. Gervaſe,
p. 1616. Brompton, p. 867. Flor. Wigorn. p. 605, 606.
Math. Weft. p. 195.
Diceto, p. 458. Higden, p. 264. Spell. Conc. p. 433, 438, 439, 413.
. W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 425.
and
/
.
E D G A R.
129
II.
and to place Ethelwold, another of them, in that of Wincheſter S; CHA P.
he conſulted theſe prelates in the adminiſtration of all ecclefi-
aſtical affairs, and even in that of many civil; and though
the vigour of his own genius prevented him from being impli-
citly guided by them, the King and the biſhops found ſuch
advantages in their mutual harmony, that they acted always in
concert, and united their influence in preſerving the peace
and tranquillity of the public.
In order to compleat the great work of placing the new
order of monks in all the convents, Edgar ſummoned a general
council of the prelates and the heads of the religious orders.
He here inveighed againſt the diffolute lives of the ſecular
clergy; the ſmallneſs of their tonſure, which, it is probable,
maintained no longer any reſemblance to the crown of thorns ;
their negligence in attending the exerciſe of their function ;
their mixing with the laity in the pleaſures of gaming, hunt-
ing, dancing and ſinging, and their openly living with con-
cubines, by which it is commonly ſuppoſed he meant their
wives. He then turned himſelf to Dunſtan the primate; and
in the name of King Edred, whom he ſuppoſed to look down
from heaven with indignation againſt all thoſe enormities, he
thus addreſſed him. “ 'Tis you, Dunſtan, by whoſe advice I
« founded monaſteries, built churches, and expended my trea-
«i fure in the ſupport of religion and religious houſes. You-
was my counſellor and aſſiſtant in all my ſchemes : You was
“ the director of my conſcience: To you I was obedient in all
things. When did you call for ſupplies, which I refuſed
" Was my aſſiſtance ever wanting to the poor? Did I deny
you?
8 Gervaſe, p. 1646. Brompton, p.864. Flor. Wigorn. p. 606. Chron. Abb. St.
Petri de Burgo, p. 27, 28.
VOL.I.
S
“ ſupport
1
130
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
3."
4
CHAP
II.
ſupport and eſtabliſhments to the clergy and the convents?
“ Did I not hearken to your inſtructions, who told me, that
" theſe charities were, of all others, the moſt grateful to my
“ Maker, and fixed a perpetual fund for the ſupport of religion?
“ And are all our pious endeavours now fruſtrated by the dif-
“ folute lives of the prieſts ? Not that I throw any blame on
you: You have reaſoned, beſought, inculcated, inveighed :
« But it behoves you now to uſe ſharper and more vigorous
“ remedies ; and conjoining your ſpiritual authority with the
“ civil power, to purge effectually the temple of God from
" thieves and intruders “.” It is eaſy to imagine that this
harangue had the deſired effect; and that, when the King
and prelates thus concurred with the popular prejudices, it
was not long before the monks prevailed, and eſtabliſhed their
new rules in almoſt all the convents.
1
1
We may remark, that the declamations againſt the ſecular
clergy are, both here and in all the hiſtorians, conveyed in ge-
neral terms; and as that order of men are commonly reſtrained
by the decency of their character, not to mention ſuperior mo-
tives, it is difficult to believe that the complaints againſt their.
diffolute manners could be ſo univerſally juſt as is pretended.
It is more probable, that the monks paid court to the populace
by an affected auſterity of life; and, repreſenting the moſt in-
nocent liberties, taken by the other clergy, as great and unpar-
donable enormities, thereby prepared the way for the increaſe
of their own power and influence. Edgar, however, like a
true politician, concurred with the prevailing party; and he
cven indulged them in pretenſions, which though they might,
when complied with, engage the monks to ſupport royal au-
1
n Abbas Rieval. p. 350, 361. Spell. Conc. p. 4;6, 477, 478.
thority
+
E D G A R.
IGT
C'H A P.
I.
thority during his own reign, proved afterwards very danger-
ous to his ſucceſſors, and gave diſturbance to the whole civil
power. He ſeconded the policy of the court of Rome, in grant-
ing to ſome monaſteries an exemption from epiſcopal juriſdic-
tion: He allowed the convents, even thoſe of royal foundation,
to uſurp the election of their own abbot: And he admitted their
forgeries of anticnt charters, by which, from the pretended
grant of former kings, they aſſumed many privileges and
exemptions:
1
These merits of Edgar have procured hiin the higheſt pas
negyrics from the monks; and he is tranſmitted to us not only
under the character of a conſummate ſtateſman and an active
prince, praiſes to which he ſeems to have been entitled, but
under that of a great faint and a man of virtue. But nothing
could more betray both his hypocriſy in inveighing againſt the
licentiouſneſs of the ſecular clergy, and the intereſted ſpirit of
his partizans, in beſtowing ſuch eulogies on his piety, than the
uſual tenor of his conduct, which was licentious to the higheſt
degree, and violated every law, human and divine. Yet thoſe
very monks, who, as we are told by Ingulf, a very antient hi-
ſtorian, had no idea of any moral or religious merit, except
chaſtity and obedience, not only connived at his enormities,
but loaded him with the higheſt praiſes. Hiſtory, how-
ever, has preſerved ſome inſtances of his amours, from which,
as from a ſpecimen, we may form a conjecture of the reſt,
EDGAR broke into a convent, carried off Editha, a nun, by
force, and even committed violence on her perſon ". For this
Chron. Sax. p. 118.
W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 8. Seld-ni Spicileg. ad Eadm. p.
$49, 15.
k W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 8. Olberne, p. 3. Diceto, p.
457. Iligden, p. 263, 267, 268. Spell. Conc. p. 481.
S.
act
4
d
132
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
II.
act of ſacrilege and brutality he was reprimanded by Dunſtan;
and that he might reconcile himſelf with the church, he was
obliged, not to ſeparate from his miſtreſs, but to abſtain from
wearing his crown during ſeven years, and to deprive himſelf
fo long of that uſeleſs ornament': A puniſhment very unequal
to that inflicted on the unfortunate Edwy, who, for a marriage,
which, in the ſtricteſt ſenſe, could only deſerve the name of
irregular, was expelled his kingdom, ſaw his Queen treated
with ſingular barbarity, was loaded with calumnies, and has
been repreſented to us under the moſt odious colours. Such is
the aſcendant which may be attained, by hypocriſy and cabal,
over mankind !
12
THERE was another miſtreſs of Edgar, called Elfleda, with
whom he firſt formed a connexion by a kind of accident. Paſ-
ſing one day by Andover, he lodged in the houſe of a nobleman,
whoſe daughter, being endowed with all the graces of perſon
and behaviour, enflamed him at firſt ſight with the higheſt de-
fire, and he reſolved by any expedient to gratify.it. As he had
not leiſure to employ courtſhip or addreſs for attaining his pur-
poſe, he went directly to her mother, declared the violence of
his paſſion, and deſired that the young lady might be allowed
to paſs that very night with him. The mother was a woman
of virtue, and determined not to diſhonour her daughter and her
family by compliance; but being well acquainted with the im-
petuoſity of the King's temper, ſhe thought it would be eaſier
as well as ſafer, to deceive than refuſe him. She feigned there-
fore a ſubmiſſion to his will; but fecretly ordered a waiting maid,
of no diſagreeable figure, to ſteal into the King's bed, after all
the company ſhould be retired to reſt. In the morning, before
day-break, the damſel, agreeably to the injunctions of her mil-
&
1
1
1
1
F
V
i Olberne, p.sil.
2
treſs,
+
1
E D G A R.
133
СНАР.
II.
1
treſs, offered to retire; but Edgar, who had no reſerve in his
pleaſures, and whoſe love to his bedfellow was rather enflamed
by enjoyment, refuſed his conſent, and employed force and
entreaties to detain her. Elfleda, truſting to her own charms,
and to the love with which, ſhe hoped, ſhe had now inſpired
the King, made probably but a faint reſiſtance; and the return
of light diſcovered the deceit to Edgar. He had paſſed a night
ſo much to his fatisfaction, that he expreſſed no diſpleaſure
with the old lady on account of her fraud ; his love was
transferred to Elfleda; ſhe became his favourite miſtreſs; and
maintained her aſcendant over him, till his marriage with El-
fridam
The circumſtances of his marriage with this lady were more
fingular, and more criminal. Elfrida was daughter and heir of
Olgar, earl of Devonſhire; and though ſhe had been educated
in the country, and had never appeared at court, ſhe had filled
all England with the reputation of her beauty. Edgar himſelf,
who was indifferent. to no accounts of this nature, found his
curioſity excited by the frequent panegyrics which he heard of
Elfrida ; and reflecting on her noble birth, he reſolved, if he
found her charms anſwerable to their fame, to obtain pofleffion
of her on honourable terms. He cominunicated his intention
to earl Athelwold, his favourite; but uſed the precaution, be-
fore he made any advances to her parents, to order that noble-
man, on ſome pretence, to pay them a viſit, and to bring him
a certain account of the beauty of their daughter. Athelwold,
when introduced to the young lady, found general report to
have fallen much ſhort of the truth; and being actuated by the
moſt vehement love, he determined to facrifice to this new paf-
1
1
* W. Malmcf, lib. 2. cap. 8. Higden, p. 268.
ነ 1
fion
1
134
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
H A .
11.
fion all his .fidelity to his maſter, and to the truſt repoſed in him.
He returned to Edgar, and told him, that the riches alone, and
high quality of Elfrida, had been the ground of the admiration
paid her, and that her charms, far from being any wiſe extra-
ordinary, would have been overlooked in a woman of inferior
ſtation. When he had, by this deceit, diverted the King from
his purpoſe, he took an opportunity, after ſome interval, of
turning again the converſation on Elfrida ; and he remarked,
that, though the parentage and fortune of the lady had not
produced on him, as on others, any illuſion with regard
to her beauty, he could not forbear reflecting, that ſhe
would on the whole be an advantageous 'match for him,
and might, by her birth and riches, make him a ſufficient com-
penſation for the homelineſs of her perſon. If the King, there-
fore, gave his approbation, he was determined to make
propo-
fals in his own behalf to the earl of Devonſhire, and doubted
not to obtain his, as well as the young lady's conſent to the mar-
riage. Edgar, pleaſed with an expedient for eſtabliſhing his
favourite's fortune, not only exhorted him to execute his pur-
poſe, but forwarded its ſucceſs by his recommendations to the
parents of Elfrida ; and Athelwold was ſoon made happy in the
poſſeſſion of his miſtreſs. Dreading, however, the detection
of the artifice, he employed every pretence for detaining Elfrida
in the country, and for keeping her at a diſtance from Edgar.
THE violent paſſion of Athelwold had concealed from him the
neceſſary conſequences, which muſt attend his conduct, and the
advantages, which the numerous enemies, that always purſue
a royal favourite, would, by its means, be able to make againſt
him. Edgar was ſoon informed of the truth ; but before he
would execute vengeance on Athelwold's treachery, he reſolved
3.0 ſatisfy himſelf with his own eyes of the certainty and full
extent
1
}
E D G A R.
135
*
C H A P.
II.
extent of his guilt. He told him, that he intended to pay
him a viſit in his caſtle, and be introduced to the acquain-
tance of his new married wife; and Athelwold, as he
could not refuſe this honour, begged only leave to go be-
fore him a few hours, that he might the better prepare
every thing for his reception. He then diſcovered the
whole matter to Elfrida ; and begged her, if ſhe had
any
regard, either to her own honour or to his life, to conceal from
Edgar, by every circumſtance of dreſs and behaviour, that fatal
beauty, which had ſeduced him from fidelity to his friend, and
had betrayed him into ſo many falſehoods. Elfrida promiſed
compliance, though nothing was. farther from her intentions.
She deemed herſelf little beholden to Athelwold for a paſſion,
which had deprived her of a crown; and knowing the force of
her own charms, ſhe did not deſpair even yet of reaching that
ſtation, of which her huſband's artifice had bereaved her. She
appeared before the King with all the advantages, which the
richeſt attire, and the moſt engaging airs could beſtow upon
her, and ſhe excited at once in his boſom the higheſt love to-
wards herſelf, and the moſt furious deſire of revenge againſt her
huſband. He knew, however, how to diffemble theſe paſſions;
and ſeducing Athelwold into a wood, on pretence of hunting,
he ſtabbed him with his own hand, and ſoon after publickly
eſpouſed.Elfrida "..
BEFORE we conclude our account of this reign, we muſt
mention two circumſtances, which are remarked by hiſtorians,
The reputation of Edgar állured a great number of foreigners to
viſit his court; and he gave them encouragement to reſide in
n W. Malmeſ. lib. 2 cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 426. Brompton, p. 865, 856. Flor.
Wigorn. p. 606. Higden, p. 268.
Eng-
1
136
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP. Englandº.
Il.
England º. We are told, that they imported all the vices of
their reſpective countries, and contributed to corrupt the fim-
ple manners of the natives P: But as this ſimplicity of man-
ners, ſo highly and often ſo injudiciouſly extolled, preſerved
them not from barbarity and treachery, the greateſt of all vices,
and the moſt incident to a rude uncultivated people, we ought
perhaps to deem their acquaintance with foreigners ratlier an
advantage; as it tended to enlarge their views, and to cure
them of thoſe illiberal prejudices and ruſtic manners to which
iſlanders are often ſubject.
ANOTHER remarkable incident of this reign was-the extir-
pation of wolves from England. This advantage was attained
by the induſtrious policy of Edgar. He took great pains in
hunting and purſuing thoſe ravenous animals; and when he
found, that they had all taken ſhelter in the mountains and fo-
reſts of Wales, he changed the tribute of money impoſed on
the Welſh princes by Athelftan, his predeceſſor', into an an-
nual tribute of three hundred heads of wolves; which produced
ſuch diligence in hunting them, that the creature has been no
more ſeen in this iſland.
EDGAR died, after a reign of ſixteen years, and in the thirty-
third of his age. He was ſucceeded by Edward, whom he had
by his firſt marriage with the daughter of Earl Ordmer'.
• Chron. Sax. p. 116. H. Hunting. lib. 5. p. 356. Brompton, p. 865.
P W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap.
8.
9 W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 6. Brompton,
· W. Malmeſ, lib. 2. cap. 8. Hoveden, p. 426. Knighton, p. 2313*
1
p. 838.
EDWARD
1
?
137
EDWARD THE MARTYR.
1
EDWARD the Martyr.
С НАР.
II.
973
THE fucceffion of this prince, who was only fifteen years
of age at his father's death, did not take place without
much difficulty and oppoſition. Elfrida, his ſtep-mother, had
a fon, Ethelred, ſeven years old, whom ſhe attempted to raiſe
to the throne : She affirmed, that Edgar's marriage with the
mother of Edward, was expoſed to inſuperable objections; and
as ſhe had poffeffed great credit with her huſband, ſhe had
found means to acquire partizans, who ſeconded all her preten-
ſions. But the title of Edward was ſupported by many advan-
tages. He was appointed ſucceffor by the will of his father :
He was approaching to man's eſtate, and might ſoon be able
to take into his own hands the reins of government: The prin-
cipal nobility, dreading the imperious temper of Elfrida, were
averſe to her ſon's government, which muſt enlarge her autho-
rity, if not put her in poſſeſſion of the regency: And above
all, Dunſtan, whoſe character of ſanctity had given him the
higheſt credit with the people, had eſpouſed the cauſe of Edward,
over whom he had already acquired a great aſcendant '; and
he was determined to execute the will of Edgar in his favour.
To cut off all pretenſions, Dunſtan reſolutely anointed and
crowned the young prince at Kingſton; and the whole kingdom,
without farther oppoſition, ſubmitted to him “.
: Hoveden, p. 427. Eadmer, p. 3.
+ Eadmer, ex edit. Seldeni, p. 3•
" W. Malm. lib. 2. cap. 9. Hoveden, p. 427. Ofberne, p. 113. Gervaſi, p. 1547.
Knighton, p. 2313. Brompton, p. 872. Flor. Wigorn. p. 607. Chron. Abb. St.
Petri di Burgo, p. 29.
VOL.I.
H
H
IT
5
138
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
JI.
It was of great importance to Dunſtan and the monks, to
place on the throne a King favourable to their cauſe : The fe-
cular clergy had ſtill partizans in England, who deſired to keep
them in poſſeſſion of the convents, and of the eccleſiaſtical au-
thority. On the firſt intelligence of Edgar's death. Alfere,
duke of Mercia, expelled the new orders of monks from all the
monaſteries which lay within his juriſdiction *; but Elfwin,
duke of Eaſt-Anglia, and Brithnot, duke of the Eaſt-Saxons,
protected them within their territories, and inſiſted upon the ex-
ecution of the late laws enacted in their favoury. In order to ſet-
tle this controverſy, there were ſummoned ſeveral fynods, which,
according to the practice of thoſe times, conſiſted partly of eccleſi-
aſtical members, partly of the lay nobility. The monks were able
to prevail in theſe aſſemblies; tho', as it appears, contrary to the
ſecret wiſhes, if not the declared inclination, of the leading men
in the nation. They had more invention in forging miracles to
ſupport their cauſe; or having been ſo fortunate as to obtain, by
their pretended auſterities, the character of piety, their miracles
were better credited by the populace:
In one fynod, Dunítan, finding the majority of votes againſt
hiin, roſe up, and informed the audience, that he had, in that
inſtant, received an immediate revelation in behalf of the
monks; and the aſſembly was ſo aſtoniſhed at this intelligence,
or probably ſo overawed by the populace, that they proceeded
no farther in their deliberations. In another fynod, a voice
iſſued froin the crucifix, and informed the members, that the
eſtabliſhment of the monks was founded on the will of heaven,
Chron. Sax. p. 123.
W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 9.
Hoveden, p. 427. Brompton,
p. 870. Flor. Wigorn. p. 607.
y Hoveden, p. 427. Brompton, p. 870. .
Higden, p. 269.
2 W. Malmcf. lib. 2. cap. 9.
3
and
៦
EDWARD THE MARTYR.
139
L
CHAP
IT.
and could not be oppoſed without impiety'. But the miracle
perforined in the third fynod was ſtill more alarming: The
door of the hall in which the aſſembly met, ſunk of a ſudden,
and a great number of the members were either bruiſed or
killed by the fall. It was remarked, that Dunſtan had pre-
vented that day the King from attending the ſynod, and that
the beam on which his own chair ſtood, was the only one
which did not ſink under the weight of the aſſembly : But
theſe circumſtances, inſtead of begetting any ſuſpicion of con-
trivance, were regarded as the ſureſt proof of the immediate
interpoſition of providence, in behalf of theſe favourites of
heaven
EDWARD lived four years after his acceſſion, and there
paffed nothing remarkable during his reign. His death was
memorable and tragical. This young prince was endowed
with the moſt amiable innocence of manners; and as his own
intentions were always pure, he was incapable of entertaining
any ſuſpicion againſt others. Though his ſtepmother had
oppoſed his ſucceſſion, and had raiſed a party in favour of her
own ſon, he always ſhowed her marks of the greateſt regard,
and even expreſſed, on all occaſions, the moſt tender affection
towards his brother'. He was hunting one day in a foreſt in
Dorſetſhire; and being led by the chace near Corſe-caſtle,
where Elfrida reſided, he took the opportunity of paying her
a viſit, unattended by any of his retinue, and he thereby pre-
.
a W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 9.
Oſborne, p. 112.
Gervaſe, p. 1647. Brompton,
b Chron. Sax. p. 124.
W, Malmef. lib. 2.
P. 870. Higden, p. 269.
cap. 9. Hoveden, p. 427. H. Iunting. lib. 5. p. 357. Gervaſe, p. 1647. Bromp-
ton, p. 870.
Flor. Wigorn. p. 637. Higden, p. 269. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de
c Chron. Sax. p. 124.
d W. Malmeſ. lib. 2,
cap. 9. Brompton, p. 873. Math. Weft. p. 193. Wallingford, p. 545.
ſented
Burgo, p. 29.
T2
140
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
II.
ſented her with the occaſion, which ſhe had long wiſhed for.
After he had mounted his horſe, he deſired ſome liquor to be
brought him; and while he was holding the cup to his head,
a fervant of Elfrida approached him, and gave him a ſtab
behind. The prince, finding himſelf wounded, 'put ſpurs to
his horſe; but becoming faint by loſs of blood, he fell from
the ſaddle, his foot ſtuck in the ſtirrup, and he was dragged
along by his unruly horſe, till he expired. Being tracked by
the blood, his body was found, and was privately interred at
Wereham by his ſervants.
+
The youth and innocence of this prince, with his tragical
death, begot ſuch compaſſion among the people, that they
believed miracles to be wrought at his tómb'; and they gave
him the appellation of martyr, though his murder had no
connexion with any religious principle or opinion. Elfrida
built monaſteries, and performed many penances, in order to
atone for her guilt, but could never, by all her hypocriſy or
remorſes, recover the good opinion of the public, though ſo
eafily deluded in thoſe ignorant ages.
c' W. Malmeſ. lib. 2. cap. 9. Hoveden, p. 427. Gervaſe, p. 1647. Knighton,
p. 2313. Brompton, p. 873.
f W. Malmef. lib. 2. cap. 9. Knigh-
ton, p. 2313. Brompton, p. 874, 875, 876. Math. Weft. p. 194. Higden, p. 269.
Knighton, p. 2313, 2314. Brompton, p. 876.
E T H E L R E D.
TAI
1
1
CH A P. III.
Ethelred Settlement of the Normans
Edmund Ironſide
Canute the Great Harold Harefoot Hardin
canute Edward the Confeſſor Harold.
E T H E L R E D.
TI
À
HE freedom which England had ſo long enjoyed from
СНАР.
III.
the depredations of the Danes, ſeems to have proceeded, too
978.
partly from the eſtabliſhments which that pyratical nation had
obtained in the north of France, and which employed all
their fuperfluous hands to people and maintain them; partly
from the vigour and warlike ſpirit of a long race of Engliſh
princes, who preſerved the country in a poſture of defence by
fea and land, and either prevented or repelled every attempt of
the invaders. But a new generation of men being now ſprung
up in the northern regions, who could no longer diſburthen
themſelves on Normandy; the Engliſh had reaſon to dread,
that they would again viſit an iſland, to which they were
invited, both by the memory of their paſt ſucceſſes, and by the
expectation of aſſiſtance from their countrymen, who, though
long eſtabliſhed in the kingdom, were not yet thoroughly
united with the natives, nor had entirely forgot their inve-
terate habits of war and depredation. And as the preſent
King was a minor, and even when he attained to man's eſtate,
never diſcovered either courage or capacity ſufficient to govern
his own ſubjects, much leſs to repel a formidable enemy, the
8
people
1
-
14
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP. people might juſtly expect to ſuffer thc worſt calamities from
ſo dangerous a criſis.
III.
661.
991,
The Danes, before they durſt attempt any important enter-
prize againſt England, made a ſmall incurſion, by way of trial ;
and having landed from ſeven veſſels near Southampton, they
ravaged the country, . enriched themſelves by ſpoil, and de-
parted with impunity'. Six years after, they made a like
attempt in the weſt, and met with like ſucceſs"; and the
invaders, having now found affairs in a very different ſitu-
ation from that in which they formerly appeared, encouraged
their countrymen to aſſemble a greater force, and to hope for
more conſiderable advantages. They landed in Eſſex under the
command of two chieftains; and having defeated and ſlain
at Maldon, Brithnot, duke of that county', who ventured
with a ſmall force to attack them, they ſpread their devaſta-
tions over all the neighbouring provinces. In this extremity,
Ethelred, to whom hiſtorians give the epithet of the Unready“,
inſtead of rouſing his people to defend with courage their
honour and their property, hearkened to the advice of Siricius,
archbiſhop of Canterbury, which was ſeconded by many of the
degenerate nobility; and paying the enemy the ſum of ten
thouſand pounds, he bribed them to depart the kingdom".
This ſhameful expedient was attended with the ſucceſs which
might be expected. The Danes appeared next year off the
caſtern coaſt, in hopes of fubduing a people, who defended
i Chron. Sax. p. 185. H. Hunt. p. 357. Hoveden, p. 427. Chron, St. Petri de
ke Chron. Sax,
Burgo, p. 30. Sim. Dun. p. 161. Brompton, p. 875.
p. 126. Hoveden, p. 427. Sim. Dun. P.
161.
*H. Hunting. p. 357.
Hoveden, p. 428.
Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. p. 225.
n Chron,
W. Malm. p. 62. H. Hunt. p. 357. Hoveden, p. 428.
themſelves
Sax. p. 126,
ro
Ε Τ Η Ε L R Ε D.
143
A
СНАР.
III.
themſelves by their money, which invited aſſailants, inſtead of
their
arms, which repelled them. But the Engliſh, ſenſible of
their folly, had, in the interval, met in a great council, and
had determined to aſſemble at London a fleet capable of re-
pulſing the enemyº; though that judicious meaſure failed of
ſucceſs, from the treachery of Alfric, duke of Mercia, whoſe
name is infamous in the annals of that age, by the calamities
which his repeated perfidy brought upon his country. This
nobleman had, in 983, ſucceeded to his father, Alfere, in that
extenſive command; but being deprived of it two years after,
and baniſhed the kingdom”, he was obliged to employ all his
intrigue, and all his power, which was too great for a ſubject,
to be reſtored to his country, and reinſtated in his authority.
Having had experience of the credit and malevolence of his
cnemies, he thenceforth truſted for ſecurity, not to his ſervices
or to the affections of his fellow-citizens, but to the influence
which he had obtained over his vaſſals, and to the public cala-
mities, which, he thought, muſt, in every revolution, render
his aſſiſtance neceſſary. Having fixed this reſolution, he deter-
mined to prevent all ſuch ſucceſſes as might eſtabliſh the royal
authority, or render his own ſituation dependant or precarious.
As the Engliſh had formed the plan of ſurrounding and
deſtroying the Daniſh fleet in harbour, he privately informed
the
enemy of their danger; and when they put to ſea, in con-
fequence of this intelligence, he deſerted, with the ſquadron
under his command, the night before the engagement, and
thereby diſappointed
diſappointed all the efforts of his countrymen '.
Ethelred, enraged at his perfidy, ſeized his ſon, Alfgar, and
•
Chron. Sax. p. 126.
Burgo, p. 31. Brompton, p. 879. .
. p. 62. Higden, p. 270.
P Chron. Sax. p. 125. Chron. St. Petri de
9 Chron. Sax. p. 127. W. Malm.
Ordered
144
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
.
С НАР,
III.
ordered his eyes to be put out'. But ſuch was the power of
Alfric, that he again forced himſelf into authority, and tho'
he had given this ſpecimen of his character, and received this
grievous provocation, it was found neceſſary to entruſt him
anew with the government of Mercia. This conduct of the
court, which, in all its circumſtances, is fo barbarous, impru-
dent, and weak, both merited and prognoſticated the moſt
grievous calamities.
0
993
V
The northern invaders, now well acquainted with the de-
fenceleſs condition of England, made a powerful deſcent, under
the command of Swein, King of Denmark, and Olave, King
of Norway; and failing up the Humber, ſpread on all ſides
their deſtructive ravages. Lindeſey was laid waſte; Banbury
was deſtroyed '; and all the Northumbrians, though moſtly of
Daniſh defcent, were obliged either to join the victors, or to
ſuffer under their depredations. A powerful army was aſſem-
bled to oppoſe the invaders, and a general action enſued; but
the Engliſh were abandoned in the battle, by the cowardice or
treachery of their three leaders, all of them men of Daniſh
race, Frena, Frithegiſt, and Godwin, who gave the example
of a ſhameful flight to the troops under their command".
ENCOURAGED by this ſucceſs, and ſtill more by the con-
tempt which it inſpired of their enemy, the pirates ventured to
attack the center of the kingdom; and entering the Thames in
minety-four veſſels, laid ſiege to London, and threatened it with
· Chron. Sax. p. 128. W. Malm. p. 62. H. Hunt. p. 358. Higden, p. 270.
* H. Hunt. p. 357. Higden, p. 270.
+ Chron. Muilr. p. 152. Sim.
Dan. p. 162.
» Chron. Sax. p. 128. H. Hunt. p. 357. Hoveden, p. 428.
Brompton, p. 880.
total
1
)
E T H EL RE D.
145
IIT.
T
total deſtruction. But the citizens, alarmed with the danger, CHA P.
and firmly united among themſelves, made a bolder defence than
the cowardice of the nobility and gentry gave the invaders rea-
ſon to apprehend *; and the beſiegers, after ſuffering the greateſt
hardſhips, were finally fruſtrated in their attempt. In order to
revenge themſelves, they laid waſte Effex, Suffex, and Hamp-
ſhire; and having there procured horſes, they were thereby
enabled to ſpread, into the more inland counties, the fury of
their depredations y. In this extremity, Ethelred and his no-
bles had recourſe to the former expedient; and ſending ambaſ-
fadors to the two northern kings, they promiſed them ſubſiſtence
and tribute, on condition they would, for the preſent, put an
end to their ravages, and ſoon after depart the kingdom. Sweyn
and Olave agreed to the terms, and peaceably took up
their
quarters at Southampton, where the ſum of fixteen thouſand
pounds was paid them . Olave even made a journey to An-
dover, where Ethelred reſided; and he received the rite of
confirmation from the Engliſh biſhops, as well as many rich
preſents from the King. He here promiſed, that he would
never more infeſt the Engliſh territories, and he faithfully ful-
filled that engagement ". This prince receives the appellation
of St. Olave from the church of Rome; and notwithſtanding
the general preſumption, which lies, either againſt the under-
ſtanding or morals of every one, who in thoſe ignorant ages
was dignified with that title, he ſeems to have been a man of
merit and of virtue, Sweyn, though leſs ſcrupulous than
y Chron. ,
* W. Malm. p. 63. H. Hunt. p. 358. Hoveden, p. 428.
Sax. p. 128. W. Malm. p. 63. H. Hunt. p. 358. Hoveden, p. 428. Sim. Dun. p.
162, 163
z Chron.Sax. p. 129. Hoveden, p. 428. Chron. Mailr. p. 152.
a Chron. Sax. p. 129.
H. Hunt. p. 358. Hoveden, p. 428. Chron. Mailr. p. 152.
Sim. Dun. p. 163. Brompton, p. 880.
Olave,
VOL.I.
U
I
146
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
I
СНАР.
III.
Olave, was obliged, upon the departure of the Norwegian
princes to evacuate alſo the kingdom with all his followers.
997:
998.
This compoſition brought but a ſhort interval to the miſeries
of the Engliſh. The Daniſh pirates appeared ſoon after in the
Severne; and having committed ſpoil in Wales, as well as in.
Cornwall and Devon, they failed round to the fouth-coaſt, and
entering the Tamar, compleated the devaſtation of theſe two
counties. They then returned to the Briſtol-channel ; and
penetrating into the country by the Avon, ſpread themſelves
over all that neighbourhood, and carried fire and ſword even
into Dorſetſhire •. They next changed the ſeat of war; and
after ravaging the Iſle of Wight, they entered the Thames, and
Medway, and laid ſiege to Rocheſter, where they defeated the
Kentiſh-men in a great battle. After this victory, the whole
province of Kent was made a fcene of ſlaughter, fire and deva-
ſtation. The extremity of theſe miſeries forced the Engliſh
into councils for common defence both by ſea and land; but the
weakneſs of the King, the diviſions among the nobility, the
treachery of fome, the cowardice of others, the want of con-
cert in all, fruſtrated every endeavour; and their fleets and
armies either came too late to attack the enemy, or were repulſa
ed with diſhonour; and the people were thus equally ruined by
reſiſtance or by ſubmiſſion. The Engliſh, therefore, devoid
both of prudence and unanimity in council, of courage and con-
duct in the field, had recourſe to the ſame weak expedient,
which by experience they might have already found ſo ineffec-
1
«H. Humph.
Chron. Sax. p. 129. Hoveden, p. 428. Sim. Dun. 163.
. Chron.
358. Hoveden, p. 429. Chron. Mailr. p. 153. Brompton, p. 882.
Sax. p. 129, 130. W. Malm. p. 63. Hoveden, p. 429. Higden, p. 271. Sim.
Dun.p. 164
tual;
+
Ε Τ Η Ε 1 R Ε D.
147
CH AP.
III.
tual; and they offered the Danes to buy peace by paying them
a large ſum of money. Theſe ravagers roſe continually in their
demands; and now required the payment of 24,000 l. which
the Engliſh were ſo mean and imprudent as to ſubmit to
The departure of the Danes procured them a ſhort interval of
repoſe, which they enjoyed as if it were to be perpetual, with-
out making any effectual preparations for giving them a more
vigorous reception upon their next return.
Besides receiving this ſum, the Danes were engaged by an-
other circumſtance to depart a kingdom, which appeared fo little
in a ſituation to reſiſt their efforts : They were invited over by
their countrymen in Normandy, who at this time were hard
preſſed by the arms of Robert, King of France, and who found
it difficult to defend the ſettlement, which with ſo much ad-
vantage to themſelves and glory to their nation, they had made
in that country. It is probable, alſo, that Ethelred, obſerving
the cloſe connexions, thus maintained among all the Danes,
however divided in government or ſituation, was deſirous of
procuring an alliance with that formidable people; and for this
purpoſe, being now a widower, he made his addreſſes to Emma,
ſiſter to Richard II. duke of Normandy, and he foon fucceeded
in his negotiations. The princeſs came over this year to Eng-
land, and was married to Ethelred '.
1001,
of the Nora
mans,
In the end of the ninth and beginning of the tenth century ; Settlement
when the north, not yet exhauſted by that multitude of people
or rather nations, whom ſhe had ſucceſſively emitted, ſent forth
a new race, not of conquerors, as before, but of pirates and ra-
1
· Hoveden, p. 429. Chron. Mails. p. 153. Sim. Dun. p. 154. Liceto, p. 461.
* H. Hunt. p. 359. Higden, p. 271.
vagers,
1
U
1
+
148
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
ITI.
vagers, who infeſted the countries, poſſeſſed by her once war-
like fons; there lived Rollo, a petty prince or chieftain in Den-
mark, wlioſe valour and abilities foon drew the attention of his
countrymen. He was expoſed in his youth to the jealouſy of
the King of Denmark, who attacked his ſmall, but independant
principality; and who being foiled in every aſſault, had re-
courſe at laſt to perfidy for effectuating his purpoſe, which he
had ſo often attempted in vain by force of arms': He lulled
Rollo into ſecurity by an inſidious peace; and falling ſuddenly
upon him, he murdered his brother and his braveſt officers, and
forced him to fly for ſafety into Scandinavia. Here many of his
antient ſubjects, induced partly by affection to their prince,
partly by the oppreſſions of the Daniſh monarch, ranged them-
ſelves under his ſtandard, and offered to follow him in every
enterprize. Rollo, inſtead of attempting to recover his pater-
nal dominions, where he muſt expect a vigorous reſiſtance from
the Danes, determined to purſue an eaſier, but more important
undertaking, and to make his fortune, in imitation of his coun-
trymen, by pillaging the richer and more ſouthern coaſts of
Europe. He collected a body of troops, which like that of all
theſe ravagers, was compoſed of Norwegians, Swedes, Friſians,
Danes, and adventurers of all nations, who, being accuſtomed
to a roving, unſettled life, took delight in nothing but war and
plunder. His reputation drew him aſſociates from all quarters;
and a viſion, which he pretended to have appeared to him in
his ſleep, and which according to his interpretation of it, prog-
noſticated to him the greateſt ſucceſſes, proved alſo a powerful
incentive with thoſe ignorant and ſuperſtitious people 6.
f Dudo ex edit. Ducheſne, p.70, 71. Gul. Gemeticenis, lib. 2. cap. 2, 3.
6 Dudo, p. 71. Gul. Gem. in epiſt. ad Gul. Conq.
THE
1
7
i
E T H EL RE D.
149
P
С НА Р.
III.
The firſt attempt of Rollo was on England, near the end of
Alfred's reign; when that great monarch, having ſettled Guth-
run and his followers in Eaſt-Anglia, and others of theſe free-
booters in Northumberland, and having reſtored peace to his
barraſſed country, had eſtabliſhed the moſt excellent military,
as well as civil inſtitutions among the Engliſh. The prudent
Dane, finding that no advantages could be gained, over ſuch a
people, governed by ſuch a prince, foon turned his enterprizes
againſt France, which he found more expoſed to his inroads ";
and during the reigns of Eudes, an ufurper, and of Charles the
Simple, a weak prince, he committed the moſt deſtructive rav-
ages on both the inland, and maritime provinces of that king-
dom. The French, having no means of defence againſt a chief-
tain, who united all the valour of his countrymen with the po-
licy of more civilized nations, were obliged to ſubmit to the
expedient practiſed by Alfred, and to offer the invaders a ſettle-
inent in ſome of thoſe provinces, which they had depopulated by
their arms!
1
The reaſon why the Danes for many years purſued meaſures
ſo different from thoſe embraced by the Goths, Vandals, Franks,
Burgundian's, -Lombards, and other rörthern conquerors, was
the great difference, in the method of attack which was practiſed
by theſe ſeveral nations, and to which the nature of their par
cular ſituations neceſſarily confined them. The latter tribes,
living in an inland country; made incurſions by land upon the
Roman empire; and when they entered far into the frontiers,
they were obliged to carry along with them their wives and
families, whom they had no hopes of foon re-viſiting, and who
could not otherwiſe participate of their plunder. This circum-
Stance quickly made them think of forcing a ſettlement in the :
>
1
o Gul. Gemet. lib. 2. cap. 6.
i Dudo, p. 82.
provinces,
1
1
150
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
III.
provinces, which they had over-run; and theſe barbarians,
ſpreading themſelves over the country, found an intereſt in pro-
tecting the property and induſtry of the people, whom they ſub-
dued. But the Danes and Norwegians, invited by their mari-
time ſituation, and obliged to maintain themſelves in their un-
cultivated country by fiſhing, had acquired ſome experience of
navigation ; and in their military excurſions purſued the me
thod practiſed againſt the Roman empire by the more early Sax-
ons: They made deſcents in ſmall bodies from their ſhips or
rather boats, and ravaging the coaſts, returned with the booty
to their fainilies, whom they could not conveniently carry along
with them in theſe hazardous enterprizes. ' But when they in-
creaſed their armainents, made incurſions into the inland coun-
tries, and found it ſafe to remain longer in the midſt of the
enfeebled enemy, they had been accuſtomed to crowd their vef-
fels with their wives and children, and having no longer any
temptation to return into their own country, they willingly em-
braced an opportunity of ſettling in the warm climates and cul-
tivated fields of the ſouth.
/
AFFAIRS were in this ſituation with Rollo and his followers,
when Charles propoſed to relinquiſh to them the province for-
merly called Neuſtria, and to purchaſe peace of them on theſe
hard conditions. After all the terms were fully agreed, there
appeared only one circumſtance ſhocking to the haughty Dane :
He was required to do homage to Charles for his province, and
to put himſelf in that humiliating poſture, impoſed on vaffals
by the rights of the feudal law. He long refuſed to ſubmit to
this indignity; but being unwilling to loſe ſuch important ad-
yantages for a mere ceremony, he made a ſacrifice of his pride
to his intereſt, and acknowledged himſelf in form the vaſſal of
8
the
+
I
Ε Τ Η Ε L - R Ε D.
151
CH A P.
ILL
the French monarch ". Charles gave him his daughter, Giſla,
in marriage; and that he might bind him faſter to his intereſts,
made him a donation of a conſiderable territory, beſides what
he was obliged to ſurrender to him by his ftipulations. When.
ſome of the French nobles informed him, that, in return for fo
generous a preſent, it was expected, that he ſhould throw him-
ſelf at the King's feet, and make ſuitable acknowledgments for
his bounty , Rollo replied, that he would rather break off the
whole treaty; and it was with ſome difficulty they could per-
ſuade him to make that compliment by one of his captains. The
Dane, commiſſioned for this purpoſe, full of indignation at the
order, and deſpiſing ſo unwarlike a prince, caught Charles by
the foot, and pretending to carry it to his mouth, that he
might kiſs it, overthrew him before all his 'courtiers. The
French nation, ſenſible of their preſent weakneſs, found it prun
dent to overlook this infult '.
ROLLO, who was now in the decline of life, and was tired.
of wars and depredations, applied himfelf with mature councils.
to the ſettlement of his new acquired territory, which was thence-
forth called Normandy; and he parcelled it out among his cap-
tains and followers.' He followed in this partition the cuſtoms
of the feudal law, which was then univerſally eſtabliſhed in the
fouthern countries of Europe, and which ſuited the peculiar
circumſtances of that age. He treated the French ſubjects who
ſubmitted to him, with mildneſs and juſtice; he reclaimed his
ancient followers from their ferocity and violence; he eſtabliſhed
law and order throughout his ſtate ; and after a life, ſpent in
1
Ypod. Neuſt, p. 417
i Gul. Gemet. lib. 2. cap. 17.
tumults:
1
159
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
A
CHAP
II.
tumults and ravages, he died peaceably in a good old age, and
left his dominions to his pofterity
k
WILLIAM I. who ſucceeded him, governed the dutchy for
twenty-five years; and during this time, the Normans were
thoroughly intermingled with the French, had acquired their
language, had imitated their manners, and had made ſuch
pro-
greſs towards cultivation, that, on the death of William, his
fon, Richard, though a minor ', inherited his dominions: A
certain proof, that the Normans were already well advanced in
civility, and that their government could now reſt ſecure on its
laws and civil inſtitutions, and was not wholly ſuſtained by the
abilities of the Sovereign. Richard, after a long reign of fifty-
four years, was ſucceeded by his ſon of the ſame name in
the year 996 "; which was eighty-five years after the firſt
eſtabliſhment of the Normans in France. This was the duke,
who gave his ſiſter, Emma, in marriage to Ethelred, King
of England, and who thereby formed connexions with a
country, which his poſterity was ſo ſoon after deſtined to
ſubdue.
11
:
1
+
The Danes had been eſtabliſhed during a longer period in
England than in France; and though the fimilarity of their
original language to that of the Saxons invited them to a more,
early coalition with the natives, they had found, as yet, fo
little example of civilized manners among the Engliſh, that
they retained all their ancient ferocity, and valued themſelves
only on their national character of military bravery. The
recent, as well as more ancient atchievements of their coun,
k Gul. Gemet. lib 2. cap. 19, 20, 21.
Gul. Geraet. lib. 4. cap. 1.
1 Order. Vitalis, p. 459,
Order. Vitalis, p. 459.
trymen,
2
Ε Τ Η Ε Ι R Ε D.
155
С НАР,
III.
trymen, tended to ſupport this idea ; and the Engliſh princes,
particularly Athelſtan and Edgar, ſenſible of that ſuperiority,
had been accuſtomed to keep in pay bodies of Daniſh troops,
who were quartered about the country, and committed many
violences upon the inhabitants. Theſe mercenaries had attained
to ſuch a height of luxury, according to the old Engliſh writers",
that they combed their hair once a day, bathed themſelves once
a week, changed their cloaths frequently; and by all theſe arts
of effeminacy, as well as by their military character, had ren-
dered themſelves ſo agreeable to the fair ſex, that they debauched
the wives and daughters of the Engliſh, and had diſhonoured
many families. But what moſt provoked the inhabitants, was,
that, inſtead of defending them againſt invaders, they were
ever ready to betray them to the foreign Danes, and to affo-
ciate themſelves with all the ſtraggling parties of that nation.
The animoſity between the inhabitants of Engliſh and Daniſh
race, had, from theſe repeated injuries, riſen to a great height;
when Ethelred, from a policy incident to weak princes, em-
braced the cruel reſolution of maſſacring the latter throughout
all his dominions". Secret orders were diſpatched to commence
the execution every where on the ſame day; and the feſtival
ICOZ.
Nov., 13
m Wallingford, p. 547.
^ Almoſt all the antient hiſtorians ſpeak of this maſſacre of the Danes as if it had
been univerſal, and as if every individual of that nation throughout England had been
put to death. But the Danes were almoſt the fole inhabitants in the kingdoms of
Northumberland and Eaſt-Anglia, and were very numerous in Mercia. This repreſen-
tation therefore of the matter is abſolutely impoflible. Great reſiſtance must have been
made, and violent wars enſued; which was not the caſe. This account given by
Wallingford, though he ſtands ſingle, muſt be admitted as the only true one.
told, that the na ne Lurdane, lord Dane, for an idle lazy fellow, who lives at other
people's expence, came from the conduct of the Danes, who were put to death. But
the Engliſh princes had been entirely mahers for feveral generations; and on'y fup-
ported a military corps of that nation. It ſeems probable, therefore, that it was thcie
Danes only that were put to death.
VOL. I.
y
of
We are
154
HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
1
CHAP
P.
111.
of St. Brice, which fell on a Sunday, the day on which the
Danes uſually bathed themſelves, was choſen for that purpoſe.
It is needleſs to repeat the accounts tranſmitted of the barba-
rity of this maſſacre: The rage of the populace, excited by
ſo many injuries, fanctified by authority, and ſtimulated by
example, diſtinguiſhed not between innocence and guilt, ſpared
neither ſex nor age, and was not ſatiated without the tortures,
as well as death, of the unhappy victims. Even Gunilda,,
Hiſter to the King of Denmark, who had married Earl Paling,
and had embraced Chriſtianity; was, from the advice of Edric,
earl of Wilts, ſeized and condemned to death by Ethelred,
after ſeeing her huſband and children, butchered before her
face. This unhappy: princeſs foretold, in the agonies of
deſpair, that her murder would ſoon be avenged by the total
ruin of the Engliſh nation...
1
1003
Never was prophecy better fulfilled; and never did bar-
barous policy prove more fatal to the actors. Sweyn and his
Danes,. who wanted but a pretence. to invade the Engliſh, ap-
peared off the weſtern coaſt, and threatened to take full revenge
for the ſlaughter of their countrymen. Exeter fell firſt into
their hands, from the negligence or treachery of earl Hugh, a
Norman, who had been made governor by the intereſt of
Queen Emma'. They began to ſpread' tlieir devaſtations over
the country; when the Engliſh, fenſible of what outrages they
muſt now expect from their barbarous and offended enemy,
aſſembled more early and in greater numbers, than uſual, and
1
o W. Malm. p. 64. H. Hunt: p. 360. Hoveden, p. 4293 Hiġđerr; p. 271. Ab-
bas Rieval. p. 362. Brompton, p.885. Math. Weft. p. 200. Ypod. Neuft. p427.
PW.Malm. p. 69.
4 Chron. Sax. p. 133. H.Hunt, p. 360. Hovedea,
P. 429. Sim. Dun. p. 165.
made:
E T H E L R E D.·
155
CHAP P.
III.
made an appearance of vigorous reſiſtance. But all theſe pre-
parations were fruſtrated by the treachery of duke Alfric, who
was intruſted with the command, and who, feigning ſickneſs,
refuſed to lead the army againſt the Danes till it was difpirited,
and at laſt diſſipated, by his fatal miſconduct'. Alfric foon.
.
after died; and Edric, a greater traitor than he, who had mar-
ried the King's daughter, and had acquired a total aſcendant
over him, fucceeded Alfric in the government of Mercia, and
in the command of the Engliſh armies '. A great famine,
proceeding partly from the bad feaſons, partly from the decay
of agriculture, added to all the other miſeries of the inhabi-
tants The country, waſted by the Danes, harraſſed by the
fruitleſs' expeditions of its own forces, was reduced to the ut-
moſt deſolation ; and at laſt ſubmitted to the infamy of pur-
chaſing a precarious peace from the enemy, by the payment of
30,000 pounds".
10074
The Engliſh endeavoured to employ this interval in making
preparations againſt the return of the Danes, which they had
reaſon foon to expect. A law was made, ordering the propri-
etors of eight hydes of land to provide themſelves of a horſe-
man and a compleat ſuit of armour'; and thoſe of 319 hydes
to equip a ſhip for the defence of the coaſt. When this
navy
was aſſembled, which muſt have conſiſted of near eight hun-
Chron. St. Petri de
+ Chron. Sax. p. 133. H. Hunt. p. 360. Hoveden, p. 429.
s W. Malm,
Burgo, p. 33. Sim. Dun. p. 165. Brompton, p. 885.
Chron. Sax. p. 133.
p. 63. Hoveden, p. 430. Chron. Mail. p. 154.
W. Malm. p. 63. H. Hunt. p. 360.
u Chron. Sax. p. 136. W. Malm.
* Chron.
p. 63. H. Hunt. p. 360. Hoveden, p. 430. Higden, p. 272.
Sax.
p. 136. H. Hunt. p. 360. Hoveden, p. 430. Sim. Dun. p. 166.
166. Brompton,
p. 887. Math. Weit. p. 198. Flor. Wigorn. p. 617.
dred
X2
1:56:
HISTORY OF ENGLAND:
С НА Р.
II.
dred veſſels', all hopes of its ſucceſs were diſappointed by the
factions, animofities, and diſſentions of the nobility. Edric
had impelled his brother Brightric to advance an'accuſation of
treaſon againſt Wolfnoth, governor of Suſſex, the father of
the famous earl Godwin ; and that nobleman, well acquainted
with the malevolence as well as power of his enemy, found no
other means of ſafety but in deſerting with twenty ſhips to the
Danes. Brightric purſued him with a fleet of eighty fail
but his ſhips being ſhattered in a tempeft, and ſtranded on the
coaſt, he was ſuddenly attacked by: Wolfnoth, and all his
veſſels burnt and deſtroyed.".. The imbecility of the King was
little capable of repairing this miſcarriage::The treachery of
Edric fruſtrated every plan of future defence * :: And the
Engliſh navy, diſconcerted, diſcouraged, and divided, was at
laft ſcattered into its ſeveral harbours ...
L
It is impoſſiblė, or would be tedious, to relate particularly
all the miſeries to which the Engliſh were thenceforth expoſed..
We hear of nothing but the ſacking and burning of towns;
the devaſtations of the open country; the appearance of the
enemy in every quarter of the kingdom; their cruel diligence
in diſcovering any corner which had not been ranſacked by
their former violence. The broken and disjointed narration of
the antient hiſtorians is here well adapted to the nature of the
war, which was conducted by ſuch ſudden inroads, as would
have been dangerous even to an united and well governed king-
y There were 243,600 hydes in England. Conſequently the ſhips equipped muſt be
785. The cavalry was 30,450 men.
2 Chron. Sax. p. 137. W. Malm. p. 63. Hoveden, p. 430. Sim. Dun. p. 166.
· Hoveden, p. 431. Sim. Dun. p. 167. Brompton, p.887-
> H. Hunt. p. 361.
dom,
7
A
t
Ε Τ Η Ε L R Ε D.
157
С НА Р.
III.
dom, but proved fatal, where nothing but a general conſter-
nation, and mutual diffidence and diſſention prevailed. The
governors of one province refuſed to march to the aſliſtance of
another, and were at laſt terrified from aſſembling their forces
for the defence of their own province, General councils
were ſummoned; but either no reſolution was taken, or none
was executed. And the only expedient, in which the Engliſh
agreed, was the baſe and imprudent one, of buying anew a
peace of the Danes by the payment of 48,000 pounds .
1011,
This meaſure did not bring them even that ſhort interval
of repoſe which they had expected from it. The Danes,
neglecting all engagements, continued their devaſtations and
hoſtilities ; levied a new contribution of 8000 pounds from the
county of Kent alone; murdered the archbiſhop of Canterbury,
who had refuſed to countenance this exaction"; and the Engliſh
nobility found no other reſource than that of ſubmitting every
where to the Daniſh monarchy. ſwearing allegiance to him, and
delivering him hoſtages for their good behaviour'. Ethelred,
equally afraid of the violence of the enemy, and the treachery
of his own ſubjects, fled into Normandy, whither he had ſent
before him Queen: Emma, and her two ſons, Alfred and Ed-
ward. Richard received his unhappy gueſts with a generoſity
which does honour to his memory
1013.
The King had not been above ſix weeks in Normandy, when
kie heard of the death of Sweyn,. who expired at Gainſborough,
1014;
• Chron. Sax. p: 140..
d Hoveden, p. 432. Chron. Mail. p. 154.
Chiron, St. Petri de Burgo, P-356. Sim. Dun. p. 169.
e Chron. Sax.
P. 142. Eadmer, p. 4.
Sim. Dun. p. 169, 170.
& Chron.
Sax. p. 144. W. Malm. p. 70.
..
before
9
158
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
III.
before he had time to eſtabliſh himſelf in his new-acquired
u dominions". The Engliſh prelates and nobility, taking advan-
tage of this event, ſent over a deputation to Normandy, inviting
Ethelred to return to them, expreſſing a deſire of being go-
verned again by their native prince, and intimating their hopes,
that, being now better taught by experience, he would avoid
all thoſe errors, which had been attended with ſuch misfor-
tunes to himſelf and to his people'. But the miſconduct of
Ethelred was incurable; and on his reſuming the government,
he diſcovered the ſame incapacity, indolence, cowardice, and
credulity, which had ſo often expoſed him to the inſults of his
enemies. His ſon-in-law, Edric, notwithſtanding his repeated
treaſons, retained ſuch influence at court, as to infil into the
King jealouſies of Sigefert and Morcar, two of the chief nobles
of Mercia : Edric allured them into his houſe, where he mur-
dered them *., while Ethelred participated in the infamy of
this action, by confiſcating their eſtates, and thruſting into a
convent the widow of Sigefert. She was a woman of ſingular
beauty and merit; and in a viſit which was paid' her, during
her confinement, iy prince Edmond, the King's eldeſt ſon, ſhe
inſpired him with ſo violent an affection, that he releaſed her
from the convent, and ſoon after married her without his fa-
ther's confent.
MEAN while the Engliſh found in Canute, the ſon and
ſucceſſor of Sweyn, an enemy no leſs terrible than the prince,
from whom death had fo lately delivered them. He ravaged
► Sim. Dun. p. 170,
i Chron. Sax. p. 145.
W. Malmeſ. p.71.
Hoveden, p. 433. Higden, p. 273. Sim. Dun. p. 171. Diccto, p. 466. Alured Be-
verl. p. 115.
k W. Malmef. p.71. H. Hunt. p. 362. Hoveden,
1 W. Malm. p.71.
p. 433. Sim. Dun. p.171. Brompton, p. 892, 893.
the
E T H E L R E D.
159
СНАР.
III.
1019
den, D. 434. Sim. Dun. P: 172...
the eaſtern coaſt with mercileſs fury, and put afhorc all the
Engliſh hoſtages at Sandwich, after having cut off their
hands and noſes m. He was obliged, by the neceſſity of his
affairs; to make a voyage to Denmark; but returning ſoon
after, he continued his depredations along the ſouthern coaſt;
and even broke into the counties of Dorſet, Wilts, and So-
merſet; where an army was aſſembled againſt him, under the
command of prince Edmond and duke Edric. The latter ſtill
continued his perfidious machinations; and after endeavouring
in vain to get the prince into his power, found means to
diffipate the army, and he then openly deſerted to Canute
with forty veſſels "..
NOTWITHSTANDING this misfortune, Edmond was not diſ-
concerted; but aſſembling together all the force of England,
was in a condition to give the enemy battle. The King had
had ſuch frequent experience of perfidy among his ſubjects,
that he had loſt all confidence in them; and he remained at
London, pretending ſickneſs, but really from apprehenſions, that
they intended to buy their peace, by delivering him into the
hands of his enemiesº. The army called aloud for their fove-
reign to march at their head againſt the Danes; and on his
refuſal' to take the field, they were fo diſcouraged; that theſe
vaft preparations became ineffectual for the defence of the
kingdom.'. Edmond, deprived of all regular reſources to
maintain the foldiers, was, obliged to commit equal ravages
with thoſe practiſed by the Danes."; and after making ſome
* Chron: Sax..p. 145. W. Malm..p. 71. Hoveden, p. 433. Higden, p. 273.
*. Chron.. Sax. p. 146. W. Malm. p.71. H.Hunt. p. 362. Hoveden, p. 433.
• Sim. Dun. p. 172. Brompton, p. 893.
P Chroni. Sax. p. 147. Hove-
4. Chron. Sax. p. 147. Hoveden, p. 434.
fruitleſs
160
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
III.
1016.
CHAP. fruitleſs expeditions into the northi, which had ſubmitted in
tirely to Canute's power, he retired to London, determined
there to maintain to the laſt extremity the ſmall remains of
Engliſh liberty. He here found every thing in confuſion by the
death of the King, who expired after an unhappy and inglo-
rious reign of thirty-five years. He left two ſons by his firſt
marriage, Edmond, who ſucceeded him, and Edwy, whom
Canute afterwards murdered'. His two ſons by the ſecond
marriage, Alfred and Edward, were immediately upon Ethel-
red's death, .conveyed into Normandy by Queen Emma.
E D M O N D Ironſide.
TH
HIS prince, who received the name of Ironſide from his
hardy valour, poffefſed courage and abilities, fufficient to
have ſaved his country froin ſinking into theſe calamities, but
not to raiſe it from that abyſs of miſery into which it had al-
ready fallen. Among the other misfortunes of the Engliſh,
treachery and diſaffection had crept in among the nobility and
prelates; and Edmond found no better expedient to prevent
the further progreſs of theſe fatal evils, than to lead his army
inſtantly into the field, and to employ them againſt the common
enemy. After meeting with ſome fucceſs at Gillingham •, he
prepared himſelf in one general engagement to decide the fate
of his crown, and at Scoerſton, in the county of Gloceſter, he
offered battle to the enemy, who were commanded by Canute
· W. Malm. p. 72. H. Hunt.
* Hoveden, p.436. Chron. Mailr. p. 155.
;P. 363. Hoveden, p. 434. Higden, p. 273.
and
T
h
774
1
1
Ş
+
EDMOND IRONSIDE.
161
С НАР.
Ill.
and Edric. Fortune in the beginning of the day declared for
him ; but Edric, -hiaving cut off the head of one Oſmer, whoſe
countenance reſembled that of Edmond, fixed it on a ſpear,
carried it through the ranks in triumph, and called aloud to the
Engliſh, that it was time for them to fly; for behold! the
head of their ſovereign'. And though Edmond, obſerving the
conſternation of the troops, took off his helmet", and ſhowed
himſelf to them, the utmoſt he could gain by his activity and
valour was to leave the victory undecided. Edric took now a
ſurer method to ruin him, by pretending to deſert to him; and
as Edmond was well acquainted with his power, and probably
knew no other of the chief pobility in whom he could repoſe
more confidence, he was obliged, notwithſtanding the repeated
perfidy of the man, to give him a conſiderable command in the
royal army*. A battle foon after epſued at Aflington in Ellex;
where Edric, flying in the beginning of the day, occaſioned the
total defeat of the Engliſh, followed by a.great ſlaughter of the
nobility'. The indefatigable Edmond, however, had ſtill re-
ſources; and aſſembling a new army at Gloceſter, was again in
a condition to diſpute the field; when the Daniſh and Engliſh
nobility, equally harraſſed with theſe convulſions, obliged their
kings to come to a compromiſe, and to divide the kingdom be-
tween them by treaty. Canute reſerved to himſelf the northern
diviſion of Mercia, Eaſt-Anglia, and Northumberland, which
he had entirely ſubdued : The ſouthern parts were left to Ed-
mond”. This prince ſurvived the treaty about a month ; and
2
* W. Malm. p. 72. Hoveden, p. 435. Higden, p. 273.
* W. Malm. p. 72. Hoveden, p. 435.
p. 72. Hoveden, p. 435. Higden, p. 274. Wallingford, p. 549.
p. 72.
UW. Malm.
y W. Malm.
% W, Malm. p. 72.
VOL. I.
Y
was
1
1
1
.
162
HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
1
CHAP
JI.
was murdered at Oxford by two of his chamberlains, accom-
plices of Edric“, who thereby made way for the ſucceſſion of
Canute the Dane to the crown of England.
1
1
1
CAN U T E the Great.
1917,
ܕ
TH
HE Engliſh, who had been unable to defend their coun
try, and maintain their independency, under fo active and
brave a prince as Edmond, could, after his death, expect no-
thing but total ſubjection from Canute, who, active and brave
himſelf, and at the head of a great force, was ready to take ad-
vantage of the minority of Edwin and Edward, the two ſons
of Edmond. Yet this conqueror, who was commonly. ſo little
ſcrupulous, ſhowed himſelf anxious to cover his injuſtice under
plauſible pretences ; and before he ſeized the dominions of the
Engliſh princes, he ſummoned a general aſſembly of the ſtates of
England, in order to fix the ſucceſſion of the kingdom. He
here ſuborned fome nobles to depoſe, that, in the treaty of Glo-
ceſter, it was verbally agreed, that in caſe of Edmond's death,
Canute ſhould either be his fucceffor in his dominions, or be
tutor to his children (for hiſtorians vary in this particular):
And this evidence, fupported by the great power of Canute,
determined the ſtates immediately to put the Daniſh monarch
in poſſeſſion of the government. Canute, jealous of the two
young princes, but ſenſible that he ſhould render himſelf ex-
4
- H. Hunt. p. 363. Higden, p. 274. Chron. St, Petri de Burgo, p. 36. Diceto, p.
466. Brompton, p. 906.
Hoveden, p. 336. Higden, p. 274. Sim.
Dun. p. 195. Abbas Rieval. p. 565. Brompton, p. 907.
1
tremely
1
+
.
A
CANUTE THE GREAT.
163
CHAP
111.
tremely Odious, if he ordered them to be diſpatched in England,
ſent them abroad to his ally, the king of Sweden, whom he de-
fired, ſo ſoon as they arrived at his court, to rid him, by their
death, of all farther anxiety. The Swediſh monarch was too
generous to comply with this requeſt; but being afraid to draw
on himſelf a quarrel with Canute; by protecting the Engliſh
princes, he ſent them to Solomon, King of Hungary, to be edu-
cated in his court C. The elder, Edwin, was afterwards mar-
ried to Solomon's ſiſter ; but he dying without iſſue, that prince
gave his ſiſter-in-law, Agatha, daughter of the Emperor
Henry II. in marriage to Edward, the younger brother ;. and ſhe
bore him Edgar Atheling, Margaret, afterwards . Qucen of
Scotland, and Chriſtina, who retired into a convent.
A
t
CANUTE, tho' he had reached his great point of ambition,
in obtaining poſſeſſion of the Engliſh crown, was obliged at firſt
to make great ſacrifices to it; and to gratify the chief of the no-
bility, by. beſtowing on them the moſt extenſive governments
and juriſdictions. He created Thurkill earl or duke of Eaſt-
Anglia, (for theſe titles were then nearly of the ſame import)
Yric of Northumberland, and Edric of Mercia ; reſerving only
to himſelf the adminiſtration of Weſſex But ſeizing after-
wards a favourable opportunity, he expelled Thurkill and Yric
from their governments, and baniſhed them the kingdom º:
He put to death many of the Engliſh nobility, on whoſe fidelity
he could not rely, and whom he hated on account of their infi-
delity to their native prince'. And even the traitor, Edric,
1
+
13
c W. Malm. A 73. Hoveden, p. 436.
Chron. Mailr. p. 155. Higden, p. 275.
Sim. Dun. p. 176. Diceto, p. 465.
• Chron. Sax p. 151. W. Malm.
.
P:73. Hoveden, p. 436. Higden, p. 274. Brompton, p. 906.
Hoveden,
f H. Hunt. p. 363. Abbas Rieval. p. 365.
having
P. 437
YA
1
164
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
IN
III.
CHAP. liaving had the aſſurance to reproach him with his ſervices, was
condemned to be executed, and his body to be thrown into the
Thames ; a ſuitable reward for his multiplied acts of perfidy and
rebellion f
CANUTE alſo found himſelf obliged in the beginning of his
reign, to load the people with heavy taxes, in order to reward
his Daniſh followers; and he exacted from them at one time
the ſum of 72,000 pounds; beſides 11,000 pounds, which he
levied upon London alone He was probably willing, from
political motives, to mulet ſeverely that city, on account of its
affectionate adhering to Edmond, and its refifting, during the
late reign, the Daniſh power in two obſtinate ſieges. But
theſe rigors were imputed to neceſſity; and Canute, like a wiſe
prince, was determined, that the Engliſh people, now deprive
ed of all their dangerous leaders, ſhould be reconciled to the
Daniſh yoke, by the juſtice and equality of his adminiſtra-
tion. He ſent back to Denmark as many of his followers
as he could ſafely ſpare: He reſtored the Saxon cuſtoms in a
general aſſembly of the ſtates of the kingdom *: He made no
diſtinction between Danés-and Engliſh in the diſtribution of juf-
tice': And he took care, by a ſtrict execution of law, to pro-
tect the lives and properties of all his people. The Danes were
gradually incorporated with his new ſubjects; and both were
glad to breathe a little from thoſe inultiplied calamities, from
which the one, no leſs than the other, had, in their fierce conteſt
for power, experienced ſuch fatal conſequences.
$
+
1
* W. Malm. p. 73. Hoveden, p. 436.
& Chron. Sax. p. 151. H.
Hunt p. 363. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 37.
h W. Malm. p. 72. In
one of theſe fieges, Canute diverted the courſe of the Thames, and by that means brought
his ſhips above London bridge.
Ingulf, p. 58.
k Chron. Sax,
I W. Malm. p. 72.
p. 151. Chron. Mails. p. 155. lligden, p. 275.
THE
1
1
CANUTE THE GREAT.
165
.
CHAP
III.
The removal of Edmond's children into fo diſtant a country
as Hungary, was, next to their death, regarded by Canute as
the greateſt ſecurity of his government; and he had no farther
anxiety, except with regard to Alfred and Edward, who were
protected and ſupported by their uncle, Richard, duke of Nora
mandy. Richard even fitted out a great armament, in order
to reſtore the Engliſh princes to the throne of their anceſtors
and though the navy was diſperſed by a ſtorm, Canute ſaw the
danger to which he was expoſed, from the animoſity of ſo war-
like 'a people as the Normans. In order to acquire the friend-
fhip of the duke, he paid his addreſſes to Queen Emma, the
ſiſter of that prince; and promiſed, that he would leave the
children whom he ſhould have by that marriage, in poſſeſſion
of the crown of England. Richard complied with his demand,
and ſent over Emma to England, where ſhe was ſoon after mar-
ried to Canute ". The Engliſh, though they diſapproved of her
eſpouſing the mortal enemy of her former huſband and liis fa-
mily, were pleaſed to find at court a ſovereign to whom they
were accuſtomed, and who had already formed connections with
them: And thus Canute, beſides ſecuring, by his marriage,
the alliance of Normandy, gradually acquired, by the ſame
means, the confidence of his own people". The Norman prince
did not long ſurvive the marriage of Emma; and he left the
inheritance of the dutchy to his eldeſt ſon of the ſame name ;:
who, dying a year after him without children, was ſucceeded
by his brother Robert, a man of valour and ability.
CANUTE, having ſettled his power in England beyond all
danger of a revolution, made a voyage to Denmark, in order
** Chron. Sax. p. 151. W. Malmeſ. p. 73
W. Malmeſ, p. 73
Higden, p. 275.
to
KIR
Someone
14
166
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IIT.
to reſiſt the attacks of the King of Sweden; and he carried
along with him a great body of the Engliſh, under the command
of earl Godwin. This nobleman had here an opportunity of
performing a ſervice, by which he both rcconciled the King's
inind to the Engliſh nation, and gaining to himſelf the friend-
ſhip of his ſovereign, laid the foundation of that immenſe for-
tune which he acquired to his family. He was ſtationed next the
Swediſh camp; and obſerving a favourable opportunity, which
he was obliged ſuddenly to ſeize, he attacked the enemy in the
night, drove them from their trenches, threw them into dif-
order, purſued his advantage, and obtained a deciſive victory over
them. Next morning, Canute, ſeeing the Engliſh camp entirely
abandoned, imagined that theſe diſaffected troops had deſerted
enemy; and he was agreeably ſurpriſed to find that they
were at that time engaged in purſuit of the diſcomfited Swedes,
He was ſo pleaſed with this ſucceſs, and the manner of obtain-
ing it, that he beſtowed his daughter in marriage upon God-
win, and treated him ever after with the moſt entire confidence
and regard.
+
1
to the
1
1
1028.
In another voyage, which he made afterwards to Denmark,
Canute attacked Norway, and expelled the juſt, but unwar-
like Olaus, from his kingdom, of which he retained poffeffion
till the death of that prince P. He had now by his conqueſts
and valour attained the utmoſt height of his ambition; and hava
ing leiſure from wars and intrigues, he felt the unſatisfactory
nature of all human enjoyments; and equally. weary of the
glories and turmoils of this life, he began to caſt his view to-
1
1
Weit. p. 207
• W. Malm. p. 73. H. Hunt. p. 364. Higden, p. 275. Brompton, p. 908. Math.
2 Chron. Sax. p. 15. H. Hunt. p. 364. Hoveden,
p. 437. Chron. Mailr, p. 155. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 38.
wards
k
4
.
ch
!
;
III.
-
1
Higden, p. 275. Sim. Dun. p. 178.
CANU TE THE GREAT:
167
wards that future exiſtence, which it is ſo natural for the human CHAP.
mind, whether ſatiated by proſperity or diſguſted with adver-
ſity, to make the object of its attention. Unfortunately, the
ſpirit which prevailed in that age gave a wrong direction to his
devotion ; and inſtead of making atonement to thoſe whom he
had injured by his former acts of violence, he employed himſelf
entirely in thoſe exerciſes of piety, which the monks repreſented
as the moſt meritorious. He built churches, he endowed mo-
naſteries ?, he enriched the eccleſiaſtics, and he beſtowed reve-
nues for the ſupport of chantries at Allington and other places,
where he appointed prayers to be ſaid for the ſouls of thoſe who
had there fallen in battle againſt him'. He even undertook a
pilgrimage to Rome', where he ſojourned a conſiderable time;
beſides obtaining from the Pope fome privileges for the Engliſh
fchool erected there, he engaged all the princes through whoſe
dominions he was obliged to paſs, to defiſt from thoſe heavy im-
poſitions and tolls, which they were accuſtomed to exact from
the Engliſh pilgrims. : By this ſpirit of devotion, no leſs than
by his equitable and politic adminiſtration, he gained, in a good
meaſure, the affections of his ſubjects.
CANUTE, who was the greateſt and moſt powerful prince of
his time, ſovereign of Denmark and Norway, as well as of Eng-
land, could not fail to meet with adulation from his courtiers
;
a tribute which is liberally paid even to the meaneſt and weakeſt
princes. Some of his flatterers breaking out, one day, in ad-
miration of his grandeur, exclaimed that every thing was poſ-
ſible for him : Upon which the monarch, it is ſaid, ordered his
9 Ingulf, p 61.
* W. Malm. p. 73. Liceto, p. 457.
s Chron.
H. Hunt. p. 364. Hoveden, p. 437. Ingulf, p. 59. Chron. Mails.
: W. Malm. p. 74, 75. Hoveden, p. 437. Ingulf, p. 59, 60,
Şax. p. 153.
P. 155.
chair
.
1
1
+
01
t
bH
168
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НАР.
JIT:
!
chair to be ſet on the ſea-ſhore, while the tide was making; and
as the waters approached, he commanded them to retire, and
to obey the voice of him who was lord of the ocean.
He feigned
to fit ſome time in expectation of their ſubmiſſion; but when
the ſea ſtill advanced towards him, and began to waſh him with
its billows, he turned to his courtiers, and remarked to them
that every creature in the univerſe was feeble and impotent, and
that power reſided with one Being alone, in whoſe hands were
all the elements of nature, who could fay to the ocean, Thus far
ſhalt thou go, and no farther, and who could level with his nod
the moſt towering piles of human pride and ambition"
.
1031.
The only memorable action which Canute perforined after his
return from Romc, was an expedition againſt Malcolm, King
of Scotland. During the reign of Fthelred, there had been
impoſed a tax of a ſhilling a hide on all the lands of England,
which was commonly called Danezelt ; becauſe the revenue ḥad
been employed, either in buying peace with the Danes, or in
making preparations againſt the inroads of that hoſtile nation.
That prince had required, that the ſame tax ſhould be paid. by
Cumberland, which was held by the Scots; but Malcolm, a
warlike prince, told him, that, as he was always able to repulſe
the Danes by his own power, he would neither ſubmit to buy
peace of his enemies, nor pay others for reſiſting them. Ethel-
red, offended at this reply, which contained a ſecret reproach
of his own conduct, undertook an expedition againſt Cumber-
land; and though he committed ravages upon the country ,
he could never bring Malcolmn to a temper more ſubmiſſive or
compliant. Canute, after his acceſſion, ſummoned the Scottiſh
4
Higden, p. 276. Brompton, p. 912. Matth Weſt. p. 203. Anglia Sacra, vol. 1.
p. 232.
a Chron. Sax. p. 153, 154.
b Chron. Abb. St. Petri
de Burgo, p. 33. Sim. Dun. p. 164. Flor. Wigorn. p. 610.
King
+
HAROLD H* A REFO O T.
169
CH A P.
III.
King to acknowledge himſelf a vaſſal for Cumberland to the
crown of England; but Malcolm refuſed compliance, on pre-
tence that he owed this ſubmiſſion only to thoſe princes, who
by right of blood inherited that kingdom. Canute was not of
a temper to bear this inſult; and the King of Scotland foon
found, that the ſceptre was in very different hands froin thoſe
of the feeble and irreſolute Ethelred. Upon Canute's appearing
on the frontiers with a formidable army, Malcolm agreed, that
his grandſon and heir, Duncan, whom he put in poſſeſſion of
Cumberland, ſhould make the ſubmiſſions required, and that
the heirs of Scotland ſhould always acknowledge themſelves
vaffals to England for that province º.
CANUTE paſſed four years in peace after this enterprize, and
he died at Shaftſbury d; leaving three fons, Sweyn, Harold,
and Hardicanute. Sweyn, whom he had by his firſt marriage
with Alfwen, daughter of the earl of Hampſhire, was crowned
in Norway: Hardicanute, whom Emma had born him, was in
poſſeſſion of Denmark: Harold, who was of the fame marriage
with Sweyn, was at that time in England.
HAROLD HAREFOOT.
THO
1035.
HOUGH Canute, in his treaty with Richard, duke of
Normandy, had ſtipulated, that his children by Emma
ſhould ſucceed to the crown of England, he had either thought
himſelf freed from that engagement by the death of Richard,
CW, Malm. p. 74.
Chron. Sax. p. 154. W. Malm. p. 76.
Z
VOL.I.
or
It
170
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
III.
or eſteemed it dangerous to leave an unſettled and newly-con-
quered kingdom in the hands of ſo young a prince as Hardi-
canute; and he therefore appointed by his will, Harold fuc-
ceffor to the crown. This prince was beſides upon the ſpot; he
was favoured by all the Danes'; and he got immediately por-
feffion of his father's treaſures, which might be equally uſeful,
whether he found it neceſſary to proceed by force or intrigue,
in inſuring his ſucceſſion. On the other hand, Hardićanute
had the ſuffrages of the Engliſh, who, on account of his being
born among them of Queen Emma, regarded hiſ as their
countryman; he was favoured by the articles of treaty with
the duke of Normandy; and above all, his party was eſpouſed
by earl Godwin, the moſt powerful nobleman in the kingdom,
eſpecially in the province of Weſſex, the chief ſeat of the an-
tient Engliſh" Affairs were likely to come to a civil war;
when, by the interpoſition of the nobility of both parties, "a
compromiſe was made; and it was agreed, that Harold ſhould
enjoy, together with London, all the provinces north of the
Thames, while the poſſeſſion of the ſouth ſhould remain to
Hardicanute : And till that prínce ſhould appear and take 'poſ-
fefſion of his dominions, Emma fixed her reſidence at Win-
cheſter, and eſtabliſhed her authority over her ſon's ſhare of the
partition'.
MEANWHILE, Robert, duke of Normandy, died in a pil-
grimage to the Holy Land, and being ſucceeded by a fon, yet
a minor, the two Engliſh princes, Alfred and Edward, 'who
• Hoveden, p. 437. Chron. Mailr. p. 156. Sim. Dun. p. 179.
f Chron.
Sax. p. 154. W. Malm. p. 76. H. Hunt. p. 364. Ingulf, p. 61. Higden, p. 276.
: Hoveden, p. 438. Sim. Dun. p. 179.
Chron. Sax. p. 154. W.
Malm. p. 76. Higden, p. 276. Math. Weft. p. 209.
i Chron, Sax,
p. 154. H. I{unt. p. 364. Ingulf, p. 61.. Chron. Mailr. p.156.
7
found
3
HAROLD HAREFOOT.
171
СНАР.
III,
Sax. p. 155. W. Malm. p. 76.
found no longer any countenance or protection in that country,
gladly embraced the opportunity of paying a viſit, with a nume-
rous retinue, to their mother Emma, who ſeemed to be placed
in a ſtate of ſo much power and ſplendor at Wincheſter. But
the face of affairs ſoon wore a melancholy aſpect. Earl Godwin
had been gained by the arts of Harold, who gave him hopes,
that he would eſpouſe his daughter; and while the treaty was
yet a ſecret, theſe two tyrants laid a plan for the deſtruction of
the Engliſh princes. Alfred was invited to London by Harold
with many profeſſions of friendſhip; but when he had reached
Guilford, he was ſet upon by Godwin's vaſſals, about fix
hundred of his train were murdered in the moſt crucl manner,
he himſelf was taken priſoner, his eyes were put out, and he
was conducted to the monaſtery of Ely, where he died ſoon
afterk. Edward and Emma, apprized of the fate, which was
awaiting them, fled beyond ſea, the former into Normandy,
the latter into Flanders': While Harold, triumphing in his
bloody policy, took poſſeſſion, without reſiſtance, of all the
dominions aſſigned to his brother.
This is the only memorable action, performed, during a
reign of four years, by this prince, who gave ſo bad a ſpecimen
of his character, and whoſe bodily accompliſhments alone are
known to us, by his appellation of Harefoot, which he acquired
from his agility in running and walking. He died the 14th of
April, 1039" ; very little regretted or eſteemed by his ſubjects;
and left the ſucceſſion open to his brother, Hardicanute.
* H. Hunt. p. 365. Ypod. Neuſtr. p. 434. Hoveden, p. 438. Chron. Mailr. på
156. Higden, p. 277. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 39. ,
Ab.
bas Rieval. p. 366, 374. Brompton, p. 935. Gul. Gem. lib. 7. cap. 11. Math.
Weſt
. p. 209. Flor. Wigorn. p. 622. Alur. Beverl. p. 118.
1 Chron.
in Chron. Sax. p. 155.
Z 2
..
172
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
III.
H A R D I CAN U T E.
1089.
HARDICANUTE.: or Canute the Hardy, that is, the
robuſt (for he too is chiefly known by his bodily accom-
pliſhments) though, by remaining ſo long in Denmark, he had
been deprived of his ſhare in the partition of the kingdom,
had not abandoned his pretenſions, and had determined, be-
fore Harold's death, to recover by arms, what he had loſt,
either by his own negligence, or by the neceſſity of his affairs.
On pretence of paying a viſit to the Queen Dowager in Flanders,
he had aſſembled a fleet of fixty fail, and was preparing to
make a deſcent on England", when intelligence of his brother's
death induced him to fail immediately to London, where he
was received in triumph, and acknowledged King without
oppoſition.
THE firſt act of Hardicanute's government afforded the
Engliſh a very bad prognoſtic of his future conduct. He was
ſo enraged at Harold, for depriving him of his ſhare of the
kingdom, and for murdering his brother, Alfred, that, in an
impotent deſire of revenge againſt the dead, he ordered his body
to be dug up, and to be thrown into the Thames : And when
it was found by ſome fiſhermen, and buried in London, he or-
dered it again to be dug up, and to be thrown again into the
river : But it was fiſhed up a ſecond time, and then interred
with great ſecrecy · Godwin, equally ſervile and inſolent,
1
* Hoveden, p. 438. Sim. Dun. p. 180.
o W. Malm. p. 76.
Hoveden, p. 438. Ingulf, p. 62. Chron. Mailr. p. 156. Higden, p. 276. Chron.
St. Petri de Burgo, P. 39.
Sim. Dun, p. 180. Brompton, p. 933
Brompton, p. 933. Flor. Wigorn.
p. 623.
ſubmitted
HAR DICA NU T E.
173
ſubmitted to be his inſtrument, in this unnatural and brutal
action.
CHAP .
III.
That nobleman knew, that he was univerſally believed to
have been an accomplice in Alfred's death, and that he was on
that account very obnoxious to Hardicanute; and perhaps he
hoped, by diſplaying this rage againſt Harold's memory, to
juſtify himſelf from having had any participation in his counſels.
But prince Edward, being invited over by the King his half-
brother', immediately on his appearance, entered an accuſa-
tion againſt Godwin for the murder of Alfred, and demanded
juſtice for that act of barbarity: Godwin, in order to appeafe
the King, made him a magnificent preſent of a galley with a
gilt ſtern, rowed by fourſcore men, who wore each of them a
gold bracelet on his arm, weighing fixteen ounces, and was
armed and cloathed in the moſt ſumptuous manner. Hardi-
canute, pleaſed with the ſplendor of this ſpectacle, quickly for-
got his brother's murder; and on Godwin's ſwearing that he
was innocent of that crime, he allowed him to be acquitted ?
.
THOUGH Hardicanute, before his acceffion, had been called
over by the vows of the Engliſh, he ſoon loſt the affections
of the nation by his miſconduct; but nothing appeared more
grievous to them, than his renewing the impoſition of Dane-
gelt, and obliging the nation to pay a great ſum of money
to the fleet, which brought him over from Denmark. The
diſcontents went high in many places; and in Worceſter the
populace roſe, and put to death two of the collectors. The
A n
Chron. Sax. p. 156. W. Malm. p. 76. H. Hunt. p. 365.
9 W. Malm.p. 77. Hoveden, p. 439. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 39. Sim. Dun.
P. 180.
TW. Malm. p. 76,
King,
.م
174
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НА Р.
III.
King, enraged at this oppoſition, ſwore vengeance againſt the
city, and ordered three noblemen, Godwin, duke of Weſſex, Si-
ward, duke of Northumberland, and Leofric, duke of Mercia,
to execute his menaces with the utmoſt rigor. They were
obliged to ſet fire to the city, and deliver it up to be plundered
by their foldiers; but they faved the lives of the inhabitants ;
whom they confined in a ſmall iſland of the Severn, called
Beverey, till, by their interceſſion, they were able to appeaſe
the King, and obtain the pardon of the ſupplicants '.
This violent government was of very ſhort duration, Har,
dicanute died in two years after his acceſſion, at the marriage
of a Daniſh lord, which he had honoured with his preſence :
His uſual habits of intemperance and gluttony were ſo well
known, that, notwithſtanding his robuſt conſtitution, his ſudden
death gave as little ſurprize, as it did ſorrow, to his ſubjects.
t
EDWARD the CONFESSOR.
1041.
THE
HE Engliſh, on the death of Hardicanute, ſaw a favour-
able opportunity offered for recovering their liberty, and
for ſhaking off the Daniſh yoke, under which they had ſo long
laboured. Sweyn, King of Norway, the eldeſt ſon of Canute,
was abſent; and as the two laſt Kings had died without iſſue,
there appeared none of that race, whom the Danes could fup-
port as ſucceſſor to the throne. Prince Edward was fortunately
at court on his brother's demiſe; and though the deſcendants
Hoveden, p. 439. Higden, p. 276. Sim. Dun. p. 185.
+ Hoveden, p. 439. Sim. Dun. p. 181. Flor. Wigorn. p. 623.
of .
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR.
175
III.
of Edmond Ironſide were the true heirs of the Saxon family, CHAP.
yet their abſence in ſo remote a country as Hungary, appeared
a fufficient reaſon for their excluſion, to a people like the
Engliſh, ſo little accuſtomed to obſerve a regular order in the
ſucceſſion of their monarchs. All delays might be dangerous ;
and the preſent occaſion muſt haſtily be embraced ; while the
Danes, without concert, without a leader, aſtoniſhed at the
pre-
ſent incident, and anxious only for their perſonal ſafety, dared
not to oppoſe the united voice of the nation.
But this concurrence of circumſtances in Edward's favour
might have failed of its effect, had his ſucceſſion been oppoſed
by Godwin, whoſe power, alliances, and abilities, gave him a
great influence at all times, much more amidſt thoſe ſudden
opportunities, which always attend a revolution of
govern-
ment, and which, either ſeized or neglected, commonly prove
fo' deciſive. There were circumſtances, which divided men's
hopes and fears with regard to their expectations of Godwin's
conduct. On the one hand, the credit of that nobleman lay
chiefly in Weſſex, which was almoſt entirely inhabited by Eng-
"liſh; and it was therefore preſumed, that he would ſecond the
wiſhes of his people, in reſtoring the Saxon line, and in hum-
bling the Darjes, from whom he, as well as they, had reaſon to
dread, as they had already felt, the moſt grievous oppreſſions.
On the other hand, there ſubſiſted a declared animoſity between
Edward and Godwin, on account of Alfréd's murder ; of which
the latter had publicly been accuſed by the prince, and which
he might believe ſo deep an offence, as could never, on account
any ſubſequent merits, be ſincerely pardoned. . But their
common friends here interpoſed; and repreſenting the neceſſity
of their good correſpondence, obliged them to lay aſide all
jealouſy
of
176
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
Ill.
jealouſy and rancour, and concur in reſtoring liberty to their
native country. Godwin only ftipulated, that Edward, as a
pledge of his ſincere reconcilement, ſhould promiſe to marry
his daughter, Editha”; and having fortified himſelf by this
alliance, he ſummoned at Gillingham a general council of the
nation, and prepared every meaſure for ſecuring the ſucceſſion
to Edward. The Engliſh were unanimous and zealous in their
reſolutions; the Danes were divided and diſpirited : Any ſmall
oppoſition, which appeared in this affembly, was brow-beaten
and ſuppreſſed ; and Edward was crowned King, with the
higheſt demonſtrations of duty and affection *.
The triumph of the Engliſh, upon this ſignal and deciſive
advantage, was at firſt attended with ſome inſult.and violence
againſt the Danes; but the King, by the mildneſs of his cha-
racter, ſoon reconciled the latter to his adminiſtration, and the
diſtinction between the two nations gradually diſappeared. They
were interſperſed with the Engliſh in moſt of the provinces ;
they ſpoke nearly the ſame tongue; they differed little in their
manners and laws ; the prevalence of domeſtic diffentions in
Denmark, prevented, for a long time, any powerful invaſion
from thence ', which might awaken their animoſities; and as
the Norman conqueſt, which enſued foon after, reduced both
nations to equal ſubjection, there is no farther mention in hiſtory
of any difference between them. The joy, however, of their
preſent deliverance made ſuch impreſſion on the minds of the
Engliſh, that they inſtituted an annual feſtival for celebrating
» W. Malm. p. 80. H. Hunt. p. 365. Ingulf, p. 62. *W, Malm, p. 80.
In the year 1046, the Danes made an invaſion from twenty-five ſhips, the only
one we read of during this reign. Chron. Sax. p. 158. King Edward remitted the
tax called Danegelt. Brompton, p. 942, Chron. Dunſtaple, 1. i. p. 18.
that
:
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR,
177
CHAP
III,
that
great event; and it was obſerved in ſome counties, even to
the age of Spellman ?.
The popularity, which Edward enjoyed on his acceſſion,
was not deſtroyed by the firſt act of his adminiſtration, the re-
fuming all the grants of his immediate predeceſſors; an at-
tempt, which is commonly attended with the moſt dangerous
conſequences. The poverty of the crown convinced the nation,
that this act of violence was become abſolutely neceſſary; and as
the loſs fell chiefly on the Danes, who had obtained large grants
from the late Kings, their countrymen, on account of their
ſervices in ſubduing the kingdom, the Engliſh were rather
pleaſed to ſee them reduced to their primitive poverty. The
King's ſeverity alſo towards his mother the Queen-dowager,
though expoſed to ſome more cenfure, met not with very ge-
neral diſapprobation. He had hitherto lived on very indifferent
terms with that princeſs: He accuſed her of neglecting him
and his brother during their adverſe fortune : He remarked,
that as the ſuperior qualities of Canute, and his better treatment
of her, had made her entirely indifferent to the memory of
Ethelred, ſhe alſo gave the preference to her children of the
ſecond bed, and always regarded Hardicanute as her favourite.
The ſame reaſons had probably made her unpopular in Eng-
land; and though her benefactions to the monks obtained her
the favour of that order, the nation was not, in general, dif-
pleaſed to ſee her ſtripped by Edward of immenſe treaſures
which ſhe had amaffedHe confined her, during the remain-
der of her life, in a monaſtery at Wincheſter; but carried no
farther his rigour againſt her. The ſtories of his accuſing her
;
2 Spellm. Gloffary in verbo Hocday.
Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 237:
• W. Malm. p. 64, 80. Brompton, p. 906.
< Cliror, Sax. p. 137. W.
Malm. p. 80. Hoveden, p. 439. Higden, p. 277.
VOL. I.
Аа
of
3
<
178
HISTORY OF ENGLAND:
1
1
СНАР.
III.
of a participation in her ſon, Alfred's murder, and of a crimi-
nal correſpondence with the biſhop of Wincheſter, and alſo of
her juſtifying herſelf by treading unhurt with her bare feet over
nine burning plow-ſharcs, were the inventions of the monkiſh
hiſtorians, and were propagated and believed from the filly won-
der of pofterity":
The Engliſh flattered themſelves, that, by the acceſſion of
Edward, they were delivered for ever from the dominion of
foreigners ; but they ſoon found, that that evil was not yet
entirely removed. The King had been educated in Normandy;
and had contracted many intimacies with the natives of that
country, as well as an affection to their inanners The
court of England was ſoon filled with Normans, who being
diſtinguiſhed both by the favour of Edward, and by a degree
of cultivation ſomewhat ſuperior to that of the Engliſh in thoſe
ages, ſoon rendered their language, cuſtoms and laws faſhion-
able in the kingdom. The ſtudy of the French tongue became
general among the people. The courtiers affected to imitate
that nation in their drefs, equipag'e, and entertainments : E-
ven the lawyers employed a foreign language in their deeds
and papers': But above all, the church felt the influence and
dominion of theſe ſtrangers : Ulf and William, two Normans,
who had formerly been the King's chaplains, were created bi-
ſhops of Dorcheſter and London. Robert was promoted to the
fee of Canterbury S, and always enjoyed the higheſt favour of
his maſter, of which his abilities rendered him not unworthy.
And though the King's prudence or his want of authority,
made him confer almoſt all the civil and military employments
f
Ingulph, p. 62.
Ingulph, p. 62.
Higden, p. 277.
£ Chron. Sax. p. 161,
1
on
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR.
179
;
СНАР.
111.
on the natives, the eccleſiaſtical preferments fell often to the ſhare
of the Normans; and as the latter poſſeſſed Edward's confidence,
they had ſecretly a great influence on public affairs, and
excited the jealouſy of the Engliſh, particularly of earl God-
win".
1
ܪ
This powerful nobleman, beſides being duke or earl of Weſ-
ſex, had, annexed to his government, the counties of Kent and
Suffex. His eldeſt ſon, Swayn, poſſeſſed the ſame authority in
the counties of Oxford, Berks, Glocefter and Hereford: And
Harold, his ſecond ſon, was duke of Eaſt-Anglia, augmented
by the government of Eſſex i The exorbitant authority of his
family was ſupported by immenſe poſſeſſions and powerful alli-
ances; and the abilities, as well as ambition, of Godwin him-
felf contributed to render it ſtill inore dangerous. A prince of
greater capacity and vigour than Edward would have found it
difficult to ſupport the dignity of the crown under ſuch circum-
ſtances; and as the haughty temper of Godwin made him often
forget the reſpect, due to his prince, Edward's animoſity againſt
him was grounded on perſonal as well as political conſidera-
tions, on recent as well as more antient injuries. The King,
in purſuance of his engagements, had indeed married Editha,
the daughter of Godwink; but this alliance became rather the
ſource of enmity between them. Edward's hatred of the father
was transferred to that princeſs; and Editha, tho' pofſeffed of
many amiable accompliſhments, never could acquire the con-
fidence and affection of her huſband. It is even pretended,
that, during the whole courſe of her life, he abſtained from all
commerce of love with her; and ſuch was the abſurd adinira-
" W. Malm. p. 85.
P. 184.
| Hoveden, p. 441. Higden, p. 279. Sim. Dun.
k Chron. Sax. p. 157.
A a 2
tion,
}
A
180
HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
CHAP
III.
tion, paid to an inviolable chaſtity, during thoſe ages, that his:
conduct in this particular is highly celebrated by the monkiſh
hiſtorians, and contributed to his acquiring the title of faint and
confeffor!.
1048.
The moſt popular pretence, on which Godwin could ground
his diſcontents againſt the King and his adminiſtration, was to
complain of the influence of the Normans in the government;
and a declared oppoſition had thence ariſen. between him, and
theſe favourites. It was not long before this animoſity broke:
into action. Euftace, count of Bologne, having paid a viſit to
the King, paſſed by Dover on his return; and one of his train,
being refuſed acceſs to a lodging, which had been aſſigned him,.
attempted to make his way by force, and he wounded the ma-
fter of the houſe in the conteſt. The townſmen revenged this
inſult by the death of the ſtranger; the count and his train took
arms, and murdered the townſman in his own houſe; a tumult
enſued; near twenty perſons were killed on each ſide; and
Euſtace, being overpowered with numbers, was obliged by flight
to ſave his life from the fury of the populace ". He hurried im-
mediately to court; complained of the uſage he had met with;
the King entered zealouſly into the quarrel, and reſented that a
ſtranger of ſuch diſtinction, whom he had invited over to his
court, ſhould, without any juſt cauſe, as he believed, have felt
ſo ſenſibly the inſolence and animoſity of his people. He gave
orders to Godwin, in whoſe government Dover lay, to go im-
mediately to the place, and to puniſh the inhabitants for the
crime : But Godwin, who deſired rather to encourage, than re-
preſs, the popular diſcontents againſt foreigners, refuſed obe-
1 W. Malm. p. 80. Higden, p. 277. Abbas Rieval. p. 366, 377. Math. Weft. p.
221. Chron. Thom. Wykes, p. 21. Anglia Sacra, vol. 1. p. 241.
m Chron Sax.
p. 162. W. Malm. p. 81. Hoveden, p..441. Higden, p. 279. Sim. Dun. p. 184.
6
dience,
1
187
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR.
"
CHAP
III.
dience, and endeavoured to throw the whole blame on the count
of Bologne, and his retinue". Edward, touched in fo fenGble
a point, faw the neceſſity of exerting the royal authority ; and
he threatened Godwin, if he perſiſted in his diſobedience, to:
make him feel the utmoſt effects of his reſentment.
The earl, perceiving a rupture to be unavoidable; and pleaſed:
to embark in a cauſe, where it was likely he would be fupe.
ported by his countrymen, prepared for his own defence, or
rather for an attack on Edward; and under pretence of repreſ-.
ſing ſome diforders on the Welſh frontier, he fecretly aſſembled.
a great army, and was approaching, the King, who reſided,
without any military force, and without ſuſpicion, at Glo-.
ceſter'. Edward then applied for protection to Siward, duke
of Northumberland, and Leofric, duke of Mercia, two power-
ful' noblemen, whoſe jealouſy of Godwin's greatneſs, as well
as their duty to the crown, engaged them to defend the King in
this extremity. They haſtened to him with ſuch of their fol-
lowers as they could aſſemble on the ſudden; and finding the
danger ftill greater than they had apprehended; they iſſued or-..
ders for muſtering all the forces within their government, and
for marching them without delay to the defence of the King's .
perſon and authority”Edward, meanwhile, endeavoured to.
protract time by negotiation; while Godwin, who thought the
King entirely in his power, and who was willing to ſave appear-..
ancés, fell into the ſnare; and not ſenſible, that he ought to .
have no farther reſerve after he had proceeded ſo far, he loſt:
1
o Chron,
* Chron. Sax. p. 163. W. Malm. p. 83. Higden, p. 279.
Sax. p. 163. W. Malm. p. 81. p Hoveden, p. 441. Sim. Dun. p. 184.
the:
+
182
HISTORY OF ENGLAND
СНАР.
Hl.
the favourable opportunity of rendering himſelf maſter of the
governinent.
The Engliſh, though tliey had not a very high idea of Ed-
ward's vigour and capacity, bore him great affection on account
of his humanity, juſtice, and piety, as well as of the long race
of their native kings, from whom he was deſcended ; and they
haítened from all quarters to defend him from the preſent dan-
ger. His army was now ſo conſiderable, that he ventured to
take the field; and marching to London, he ſummoned a great
council of the kingdom, to judge of the rebellion of Godwin
and his ſons. Theſe noblemen pretended at firſt that they
were willing to ſtand their trial; but having in vain endea-
voured to make their adherents perſiſt in rebellion', they of-
fered to come to London, provided they might receive hoſtages
for their ſafety '; and this propoſal being rejected, they were
obliged to diſband the remains of their forces, and to have
recourſe to flight'. Baldwin, earl of Flanders, gave protection
to Godwin and his three ſons, Gurth, Sweyn, and Tofti ; the
latter of whom had married the daughter of that prince : Ha-
rold and Leofwin, two others of his ſons, took ſhelter in Ire-
land. The eſtates of the father and fons were confiſcated :
Their governments were given to others : Queen Editha was
confined to a monaſtery at Warewel : And the greatneſs of this
family, once ſo formidable, ſeemed now to be totally ſupplanted
and overthrown".
r
1
1
9 Hoveden, p. 441. Sim. Dun. p. 185.
· Higden, p. 279.
s Chron. Sax. p. 164. W. Malm. p. 81, 82. + Hoveden, p. 441. Higden,
p. 279. Alur. Beverl, p. 120.
u Chron. Sax. p. 165. W. Malm. p. 82.
Hoveden, p. 441. Chron. Mailr. p. 157.
BUT
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR
183
СНАР. .
III.
1052.
But Godwin had fixed his authority on too firm a baſis, and
he was too ſtrongly ſupported by alliances both abroad' and at
home, not to occaſion farther diſturbances, and make new ef-
forts for his re-eſtabliſhment. The earl of Flanders allowed him
to purchaſe and hire ſhips within his harbours ; and Godwin,
having manned them with his followers, and with free-booters
of all nations, put to fea, and attempted to make a deſcent at
Sandwich. The King, informed of his preparations, had
equipped a conſiderable fleet, much ſuperior to that of thie
enemy; and the earl haſtily, before their appearance, madle his
retreat into the Flemiſh harbours * The Engliſh court, allured
by the preſent ſecurity; and devoid of all vigorous councils, al-
lowed the ſeamen to diſband, and the fleet to go to decay ';
while Godwin, expecting this event, kept his men in' a readi-
neſs for action. He put to ſea immediately, and failed to the
Ile of Wight, where he was joined by Harold with a ſquadron,
which that nobleman had collected in Ireland. He was now
maſter of the ſea; and entering every harbour in the ſouthern
coaſt, he ſeized all the ſhips ”, and ſummoned his followers in .
thoſe counties, which had ſo long been ſubjected to his govern-
ment, to aſſiſt him in procuring juſtice to himſelf, his family, and
his country, againſt the tyranny of foreigners. Reinforced
by great numbers from all quarters, he entered the Thames; and
appearing at London, threw every thing into confuſion. The
King alone ſeemed reſolute to defend himſelf to the laſt extre--
mity; but the interpoſition of the Engliſh nobility, many of
whom favoured Godwin's pretenſions, made Edward hearken
to terms of accommodation ; and the feigned humility of the
earl, who diſclaimed all intentions of offering violence, to his.
1
* Sim. Dun. p. 186.
y Chron. Sax, p. 166. z Chron. Sax. p. 166. .
* Hoveden, p. 442. Sim. Dun. p. 186. Flor. Wigorn. p. 628.
ſovereign,
184
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
III.
CHAP. fovereign, and deſired only to juſtify himſelf by a fair and open
trial, paved the way for his inore eaſy admiſſion. It was ſtipula-
ted that he ſhould give hoſtages for his good behaviour, and that
the primate and all the foreigners ihould be baniſhed : And
by this treaty, the preſent danger of a civil war was obviated,
but the authority of the crown was conſiderably impaired, or
crather entirely annihilated. Edward, ſenſible that he had
not power ſufficient to ſecure Godwin's hoſtages in England,
ſent them over to his kinſman, the young duke of Normandy".
Godwin's death, which happened ſoon after, while he was
ſitting at table with the King; prevented him from eſta-
bliſhing fully the exorbitant authority which he had acquired,
and from reducing Edward to ſtill greater ſubjection'. He was
ſucceeded in the government of Weſſex, Suſſex, Kent, and
Eflex, and in the office of ſteward of the houſehold, a place of
great power, by his ſon, Harold, who was actuated by an am-
bition equal to that of his father, and was ſuperior to him in
addreſs, in inſinuation, and in virtue. By a modeſt and gentle
demeanor, he acquired the good-will of Edward ; at leaft, fof-
tened that hatred which the prince had ſo long borne his family);
and gaining every day new partizans by his bounty and affabi-
lity, he proceeded, in a more filent, and therefore a more dan-
gerous manner, to the increaſe of his authority. The King,
Chron. Sax. p. 167. W. Malm. p. 82,
Chron. Sax. p. 167, 168.
W. Malm. p. 82. Chron. Mailr. p. 157. Higden, p. 279.
d W. Malm.
p. 82. Hoveden, p. 449.
• W. Malmeſ. p. 81. H. Hunt. p. 366.
^ The ingenious author of the article Godwin, in the Biographia Britannica, has
endeavoured to clear the memory of that nobleman, upon the fuppofition, that all
the Engliſh annals had been falſified by the Norman hiſtorians after the conqueſt. But
zthat this ſuppoſition has not much foundation, appears hence, that almoft all theſe
hiſtorians have given a very good character of his fon Harold, whom it was much more
the intereſt of the Norman cauſe to blacken,
& Brompton, p. 948.
who
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR.
185
CHAP
Ill.
1
Mailr, p. 158. Higden, p. 281.
who had not ſufficient vigour directly to oppoſe his progreſs,
knew of no other expedient than that hazardous one, of raiſing
him a rival in the family of Leofric, duke of Mercia, whoſe
ſon, Algar, was inveſted in the government of Eaſt-Anglia,
which, before the baniſhment of Harold, had belonged to this
latter nobleman. But this policy, of balancing oppoſite par-
ties, required a more ſteady hand to manage it than that of
Edward, and naturally produced faction, and even civil broils,
among nobles of ſuch mighty and independant authority. Al-
gar was ſoon after expelled his government by the intrigues
and power of Harold"; but being protected by Griffith, prince
of Wales, who had married his daughter, as well as by the
power of his father, Leofric, he obliged Harold to ſubmit to
an accommodation, and was reinſtated in the government of
Eaſt-Anglia. This peace was not of long continuance: Harold,
taking advantage of Leofric's death, which happened ſoon after,
expelled Algar anew, and baniſhed him the kingdom!: And
though that nobleman made a freſh irruption into Eaſt-Anglia
with an army of Norwegians, and overrun the country", his
death foon freed Harold from the pretenſions of ſo dangerous
a rival. Edward, his eldeſt ſon, was indeed advanced to the
government of Mercia ; but the balance, which the King deſired
to eſtabliſh between thoſe powerful families, was wholly loſt,
and the influence of Harold entirely preponderated.
THE death of Siward, duke of Northumberland, inade the
way ſtill more open to the ambition of that nobleman. Siward,
beſides his other merits, had acquired honour to England, by
- Chron. Sax. p. 169. H. Hunt. p. 366. Hoveden, p. 443. Ingulf, p.66. Chron.
| Hoveden, p. 444.
k Ingulf,
p. 66. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 44.
VOL. I.
his
1055
1
Bb.
186
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
III.
his ſucceſsful conduct of the only foreign enterprize which was
undertaken during the reign of Edward. Duncan, King of
Scotland, was a prince of a very gentle diſpoſition, but pof-
feſſed not vigour ſufficient to govern a country ſo turbulent,
and fo much infeſted by the intrigues and animoſities of the
great. Macbeth, a powerful nobleman, and nearly allied to
the crown, not contented with curbing the King's authority,
carried farther his peſtilent ambition: He put his fovereign to
death; chaced Malcolm Kenmure, his fon and heir, into Eng-
land ; and uſurped the crown. Siward, whoſe daughter was
married to Duncan, embraced, by Edward's orders, the protec-
tion of this diſtreſſed family: He marched an army into Scot-
land; and having defeated and killed Macbeth in battle, he
reſtored Malcolm to the throne of his anceſtors'. This ſervice,
added to his former connexions with the royal family of Scot-
land, brought a great acceſſion to the authority of Siward in
the north; but as he had loſt his eldeſt ſon, Ofbern, in the
action with Macbeth, it proved in the iſſue fatal to his family.
His ſecond ſon, Walthoef, appeared, on his father's death,
too young to be entruſted with the government of Northum-
berland; and Harold's influence obtained that dukedom to his
brother, Toftim.
t
1
THERE are two circumſtances related of Siward, which dif-
cover his high ſenſe of honour and his martial diſpoſition.
When intelligence was brought him of his ſon Ofbern's death,
he was inconſolable ; till he heard, that the wound was received
in the breaſt, and that he had behaved with great gallantry in
edit. 1715
1 W. Malm. p.79. Hovden, p.443. Chron. Mailr. p. 158. Buchanan, p. 115.
* H. Hunt. p. 366.
the
1
1
EDWARD THE CONFESSO R.
187
---
CHAP
III.
#
the action". When he found his own death approaching, he
ordered his fervants to clothe him in a complete ſuit of armour;
and fitting erect on the couch, with a ſpear in his hand, de-
clared, that, in that poſture, the only one worthy of a warrior,
he would patiently await the fatal momentº.
THE King, now worn out with cards and infirmities, felt
himſelf far advanced in the decline of life; and liaving no
iſſue himſelf, began to think of fixing a ſucceſſor to the king-
dom. He ſent a deputation into Hungary, to invite over his
nephew, Edward, ſon to his elder brother, and the only re-
maining heir of the Saxon line'. That prince, whoſe ſucceſ-
fion to the crown would have been eaſy and undiſputed, came
over to England with his children, Edgar, furnamed Atheling,
Margaret, and Chriſtina; but his death, which happened a
few days after his arrival, threw the King into new difficulties.
He ſaw, that the great power and ambition of Harold had
tempted him to think of obtaining poſſeſſion of the throne on
the firſt vacancy, and that Edgar, on account of his youth and
inexperience, was very unfit to oppoſe the pretenſions of ſo
popular and enterpriſing a rival. The animoſity which he
had long borne Earl Godwin, made him averſe to the fuccef-
ſion of his ſon ; and he could not, without extreme reluctance,
think of an increaſe of grandeur to a family, which had riſen
on the ruins of royal authority, and which, by the murder of
Alfred, his brother, had contributed ſo much to the weakening
of the "Saxon line. In this uncertainty, he ſecretly caſt his
eye towards his kinſman, William duke of Normandy, as the
only perſon whoſe power, and character, and capacity, could
^ H. Hunt. p. 366. Higden, p. 280. Brompton, p. 946.
Higden, p. 281. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 43. Diceto, p. 477.
P H. Hunt. p. 366. Hoveden, p. 444. Ingulf, p. 66. Chron. Mailr. p. 158.
ſupport
Bь 2
&
.
*
188
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НАР.
Ill.
ſupport any deſtination which he might make to the exclu-
ſion of Harold, and his family”.
THIS famous prince was natural ſon of Robert, duke of Nor-
mandy, by Harlotta, daughter of a tanner in Falaiſe !, and
was very early eſtabliſhed in that grandeur, from which his
birth ſeemed to have ſet him at ſo great a diſtance. While he
was but nine years of age, his father had reſolved to undertake
a pilgrimage to Jeruſalem ; a faſhionable act of devotion, which
had taken place of the pilgrimages to Rome, and which, as
it was attended with more difficulty and danger, and carried
thoſe religious adventurers to the firſt fources of Chriſtianity,
appeared to them much more pious and meritorious. Before
his departure, he aſſembled the ſtates of the dutchy; and
informing them of his purpoſe, he engaged them to ſwear
allegiance to his natural ſon, William, whom, as he had no
legitimate iſſue, he intended, in caſe he ſhould die in the pil-
grimage, to leave ſucceſſor to his dominions'. As he was a
prudent prince, he could not but foreſee the great inconveni-
ences which muſt attend his journey, and this ſettlement of
his ſucceſſion; ariſing from the natural turbulency of the greatz,
the claims from other branches of the ducal family, and the
power of the French monarch : But all theſe views were ſuper-
feded by the prevailing zeal for pilgrimages*; and probably,
the more important they were, the more would Robert exult
in facrificing them to what he imagined to be his religious duty.
1
This prince, as he had apprehcıded; died in his pilgri-
mage; and the minority of his fon was attended with all thoſe
P Ingulf, p. 68.
• Y pod. Neuft. p. 452,
9 Brompton, p.910.
r W. Malm. p. 95.
+
incon
1
1
EDWARD THE CONFESSO R.
189
.
CH AP.
III.
inconveniencies, which were unavoidable in his ſituation. The
licentious nobles, freed from the awe of ſovereign authority,
broke out into perſonal animoſities againſt each other, and made
the whole country a ſcene of war and devaſtation'. Roger,
count of Toni, and Alain, count of Britanny, advanced pre-
tenſions to tlie dominion of the ſtate; and Henry I. King of
France, thought the opportunity favourable for reducing the
power of a vaſfal, who had at firſt acquired his ſettlement in
ſuch a violent and invidious manner, and who had long appeared
formidable to his ſovereign". The regency eſtabliſhed by Ro-
bert experienced great difficulties in ſupporting the govern-
ment under this complication of dangers; and the young
prince, when he came to age, found himſelf reduced to a very
low condition. But the great qualities, which he foon đif-
played in the field and in the cabinet, gave encouragement
to his friends, and ſtruck a terror into his enemies. He op-
poſed himſelf on all ſides againſt his rebellious ſubjects, and
againſt foreign invaders; and by his valour and conduct
pre-
vailed in every action.
action. He obliged the French King to grant
him peace on reaſonable terms; he expelled all pretenders to
the ſovereignty; and he reduced his turbulent barons to pay
ſubmition to his authority, and to ſuſpend their mutual ani-
mofities. The natural ſeverity of his temper appeared in a
rigorous adminiſtration of juſtice; and having found the happy
effects of this plan of government, without which the laws
in thoſe ages became totally impotent, he regarded it as a fixed. .
maxim, that an inflexible conduct was the firſt duty of a
ſovereign.
1
# W.. Malm, p:95: Gul. Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 1o.
u W. Malm. p.-97..
ΤΗ ε:
190
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НА Р.
III.
The tranquillity which he had eſtabliſhed in his dominions
had given William leiſure to pay a viſit to the King of Eng-
land during the time of Godwin's baniſhment; and he was
received in a manner ſuitable to the great reputation which he
had acquired, to the relation by which he was connected with
Edward, and to the obligations which that prince owed to his
family". On the return of Godwin, and the expulſion of the
Norman favourites, Robert, archbiſhop of Canterbury, had,
before his departure, perſuaded Edward to think of adopting
William as his ſucceſſor; a council, which was favoured by the
King's averſion to Godwin, his prepoſſeſſions towards the Nor-
mans, and his eſteem of the duke. That prelate, therefore,
received a commiſſion to inform William of the King's inten-
tions in his favour; and he was the firſt perſon who opened
the mind of the prince to entertain theſe ambitious hopes'.
But Edward, irreſolute and feeble in his purpoſe, finding that
the Engliſh would more eaſily acquieſce in the reſtoration of the
Saxon line, had, in the mean time, invited his brother's de-
ſcendants from Hungary, with a view of having them recog-
nized heirs to the throne”. The death of his nephew, and
the inexperience and unpromiſing qualities of young Edgar,
made him reſume his former intentions in favour of the duke
of Normandy; though his averſion to hazardous enterprizes
engaged him to poſtpone the execution, and even to keep his
purpoſe ſecret from all his minifters.
i
HAROLD, mean while, proceeded, after a more open man-
ner, in increaſing his popularity, in eſtabliſhing his power,
* Hoveden, p. 442. Ingulf, p. 65. Chron. Mailr. p. 157. Higden, p. 279.
y Ingulf, p. 68. Gul. Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 31. Order. Vitalis, p. 492.
z W. Malm. p. 93. H. Hunt. p. 366.
and
1
1
I9I
c H A P.
III.
mer, lib. 1. p. 4. Alured Beverl. p. 125.
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR.
and in preparing the way for his advancement on the firſt
vacancy of the throne ; an event which, from the age and in-
firmities of the King, appeared not very diſtant. But there
was ſtill an obſtacle, which it was requiſite for him previouſly
to overcome. Earl Godwin, when reſtored to his power and
fortune, had given hoſtages for his good behaviour;
and among
the reſt one ſon and one grandſon, whom Edward, for greater
ſecurity, had ſent over to be kept in Normandy. Harold,
though not aware of the duke's being his competitor, was
uneaſy, that ſuch near relations ſhould be detained priſoners
in a foreign country; and he was afraid, leſt William ſhould,
in favour of Edgar, retain theſe pledges as a check on the
ambition of any other pretender. He repreſented, therefore,
to the King, his unfeigned ſubmiſſion to royal authority, his
ſteady duty to his prince, and the little neceſſity there was,
after ſuch a uniform trial of his obedience, to detain any longer
thoſe hoſtages, who had been required on the firſt compoſing
of civil diſcords. By theſe topics, enforced by his great power,
he extorted the King's conſent to releaſe them; and to effectuate
his purpoſe, he immediately proceeded, with a numerous re-
tinue, on his journey to Normandy. A tempeſt drove him on
the territory of Guy, count of Ponthieu, who, being informed
of his quality, immediately detained him priſoner', and de-
manded an exorbitant ſum for his ranſom. Harold found
means to convey intelligence of his ſituation to the duke of
Normandy; and repreſented, that, while he was proceeding
to his court, in execution of a commiſſion from the King of
England, he had met with this harſh treatment from the mer-
cenary diſpoſition of the count of Ponthieu.
* Brompton, P- 947.
• Hoveden, p. 449. Brompton, p. 947. Ead-
• Hoveden, p. 449.
4
WILLIAN
1
יור
F
1
1
7
192
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
II.
(2
WILLIAM was immediately ſenſible of the importance of the
incident. He foreſaw, that, if he could once gain Harold, either
by favours or menaces, his way to the thron: of England would
be open, and Edward would meet with no farther obſtacle in
executing the favourable intentions which he had entertained
in his behalf. He ſent, therefore, an ambaſſador to Guy, in
order to demand the liberty of his priſoner; and that nobleman,
not daring to refuſe ſo great a prince, put Harold into the
hands of the Norman ambaſſador, who conducted him to Roüen.
William received him with every demonſtration of reſpect and
friendſhip; and after ſhowing himſelf diſpoſed to comply with
his deſire, in delivering up the hoſtages, he took an oppor-
tunity of diſcloſing to him the great ſecret of his pretenſions
to the crown of England, and of the will wluich: Edward in-
tended to make in his favour. He deGred the aſſiſtance of
Harold in perfecting that deſign; he made profeſſions of the
utmoſt gratitude in return for fo great an obligation; he pro-
miſed that the preſent grandeur of Harold's family, which
fupported itſelf with difficulty under the jealouſy and hatred of
Edward, ſhould receive new increaſe from a ſucceſſor, who
would be ſo ſenſibly beholden to him for his advancement.
Harold was ſurprized with this declaration of the duke; but
being ſenſible that he could never recover his own liberty,
much leſs that of his brother and nephew, if he refuſed the
demand, he feigned a compliance with William, renounced all
hopes of the crown for himſelf, and profeſſed his fincere inten-
tion of ſupporting the will of Edward, and ſeconding the
pretenſions of the duke of Normandy. William, to tie him
faſter to his intereſts, beſides offering him his daughter in
4
법
​Gul. Gemet. lib. 7.
4 W. Malm. p. 93. Hoveden, p. 449. Brompton, p. 947-
cap. 31.
marriage,
1
+
A
i
EDWARD THE CONFESSO R.
193
С НАР.
III.
marriage, required him to take an oath, that he would fulfil
his promiſes; and in order to render that oath inore binding,
he employed an artifice, well ſuited to the ignorance and ſu-
perſtition of the age. He ſecretly conveyed under the altar,
on which Harold agreed to ſwear, the reliques of ſome of
the moſt reſpected martyrs ; and when Harold had taken
the oath, he ſhowed him the reliques, and admoniſhed him
to obſerve religiouſly an engagement, which had been rati-
fied by ſo tremendous a fanction'. The Engliſh nobleman was
aſtoniſhed; but diſſembling his concern, he renewed the fame
profeſſions, and was diſmiſſed with all the marks of mutual
confidence by the duke of Normandy.
1
}
WHEN Harold found himſelf at liberty, his ambition ſug-
geſted caſuiſtry ſufficient to juſtify to him the violation of an
oath, which had been extorted from him by fear, and which,
if fulfilled, might be attended with the ſubjection of his
native country to a foreign power. He continued ſtill to
practiſe every art of popularity; to encreaſe the number of
his partizans; to reconcile the minds of the Engliſh to the
idea of his ſucceſſion; to revive their hatred to the Normans;
and by an oftentation of his power and influence, to deter the
timorous Edward from executing his intended deſtination in
favour of William. Fortune, about this time, threw two inci-
dents in his way, by which he was enabled to acquire general
favour, and to increaſe the character, which he had already
attained, of virtue and capacity.
+
e W. Malm. p. 93. H. Hunt. p. 366. Hoveden, p. 449. Ingulf, p. 68.
? Wace, p. 459, 460. MS. penes Carte, p. 354. W. Malm, p. 93. H. Hunt. p.
366. Hoveden, p. 449. Brompton, p. 947.
VOL.I.
THE
Сс
1
194
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
JIL.
T
The Welſh, though a leſs formidable enemy than the Danes,
had been long accuſtomed to infeſt the weſtern borders; and af-
ter comınitting ſpoil on the low countries, they uſually made a
haſty retreat into their mountains, where they were ſheltered
from the purſuit of their enemies, and were ready to ſeize the
firſt favourable opportunity of renewing their depredations.
Griffith, their preſent prince, had much diſtinguiſhed himſelf
in theſe incurſions ; and his name had become ſo terrible to the
Engliſh, that Harold found he could do nothing more accep-
table to the public, and more honourable to himſelf, than the
ſuppreſſing of ſo dangerous an enemy. He formed the plan of
an expedition againſt Wales; and having prepared ſome light-
armed foot to purſue the natives into their faſtneſſes, fome ca-
valry to ſcour the open country, and a ſquadron of ſhips to at-
tack the ſea-coaſt, he employed at once all theſe forces againſt
the Welſh, proſecuted his advantages with vigour, made no in-
termiſſion in his aſſaults, and at laſt reduced the enemy to ſuch
diſtreſs, that, in order to prevent their total deſtruction, they
made a ſacrifice of their prince, whoſe head they cut off, and
ſent to Harold; and they were contented to receive as their
ſovereigns two Welſh noblemen appointed by Edward to rule
over them. The other incident was no leſs honourable to
Harold.
Tosti, brother of this nobleman, had been created duke of
Northumberland; but being of a violent, tyrannical temper,
had practiſed ſuch cruelty and injuſtice upon the inhabitants,
that they roſe in rebellion againſt him, and chaced him from
his
government. Morcar and Edwin, two brothers, who pof-
& Chron. Sax. p. 170. W. Malm. p. 79. H. Hunt. p. 3'7. Hoveden, p. 445.
Ingulf, p. 68. Chron. Mailr. p. 159. Higden, p. 283. Siin. Dun. p. 192.
feſſed
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR.
195
C H A P..
III.
1
1
ſeſſed great power in thoſe quarters, and who were grandſons
of the great duke, Leofric, concurred in the inſurrection; and
the former, being elected duke, advanced with an army, to op-
poſe Harold, who was commiſſioned by the King to reduce and
puniſh the Northumbrians. Before the armies came to action,
Morcar, well acquainted with the generous diſpoſition of the
Engliſh commander, endeavoured to juſtify his conduct; and
repreſented to him, that Tofti had behaved in a manner unwor-
thy of the ſtation to which he was advanced, and no one, not
even a brother, could ſupport ſuch tyranny, without partici-
pating, in ſome degree, of the infamy attending it; that the
Northumbrians, accuſtomed to a legal adıniniſtration, and re-
garding it as their birth-right, were willing to ſubmit to the
King, but required a governor who would pay regard to their
rights and privileges; that they had been taught by their an-
ceſtors, that death was preferable to ſervitude, and had come to
the field determined to periſh, rather than ſuffer a renewal of
thoſe indignities, to which they had been ſo long expoſed ; and
they truſted, that Harold, on reflection, would not defend in
another that violent conduct, from which he himſelf in his own
government, had always kept at fo great a diſtance 5 This
vigorous remonftrance was accompanied with ſuch a detail of
facts, fo well ſupported, that Harold found it prudent to aban-
don his brother's cauſe; and returning to Edward, he perſuaded
him to pardon the Northumbrians, and to confirm Morcar in
the government'. He even married the ſiſter of that noble-
man *; and by his intereſt procured Edwin, the younger bro-
ther, to be elected into the government of Mercia. Toſti in a
h
Higden, p. 283.
Chron. Sax. p. 171. W. Malm. p. 83. H. Hunt.
k Order. Vitalis, p. 492.
Po 377. Higden, p. 283. Sim. Dun. p. 193.
ссе
rage
196
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IR.
rage departed the kingdom, and took ſhelter in Flanders with
carl Baldwin, his father-in-law'.
By this marriage, Harold broke all meaſures with the duke
of Normandy; and William clearly perceived, that he could no
longer rely on the oaths and promiſes, which he had extorted
from him. But the Engliſh nobleman now thought himſelf in
ſuch a ſituation, that it was no longer neceſſary for him to dil-
femble. He had, in his conduct againſt the Northumbrians,
given ſuch a ſpecimen of his moderation as,had gained him the
affections of his countrymen. He ſaw, that almoſt all England
was under the command of himſelf or his friends; while he
poffefſed the government of Weſſex, Morcar that of Northum-
berland, and Edwin that of Mercia. He now openly aſpired to
the ſucceſſion; and inſiſted, that, ſince it was neceſſary, by the
confeſſion of all, to ſet aſide the royal family, on account of the
imbecility of Edgar, the ſole ſurviving heir, there was no one
ſo capable of filling the throne, as a nobleman, of great power,
of mature age, of long experience, of approved courage and
ability, who being a native of the kingdom, would effectually
lecure it againſt the dominion and tyranny of foreigners. Ed-
ward, broken with age and infirmities, ſaw the difficulties too
great for him to encounter ; and though his inveterate prepof-
ſeſſions kept him from ſeconding the pretenſions of Harold, he
took but feeble and irreſolute ſteps for ſecuring the ſucceſſion to
the duke of Normandy“. While he continued in this uncer-
tainty,
| H. Hunt. p. 367. Higden, p. 283. Sim. Dun. p. 193. Alur. Beverl. p. 122.
m The whole ſtory of the tranſactions between Edward, Harold, and the duke of
Normandy is told fo differently by the antient writers, that there are few important
paſſages of the Englifh biſtory liable to fo great uncertainty. I have followed the ac-
count,
EDWARD THE CONFESSOR.
197
.
1
С НАР,
III.
tainty, he was ſurpriſed by ſickneſs, which brought him to his
grave, on the fifth of January 1066, in the ſixty-fifth year of
his
age,
and twenty-fifth of his reign.
4
This prince, to whom the monks gave the title of ſaint
and confeſſor, was the laſt of the Saxon line, who ruled in Eng-
land ; and though his reign was peaceable and fortunate, he
owed this proſperity leſs to his own ability than to the conjunc-
tures of the times. The Danes, employed in other enterprizes,
attempted not thoſe incurſions, which had been ſo troubleſome
to all his predeceſſors, and fatal to ſome of them. The facility
count, which appeared to me the moſt confiftent and probable. It does not ſeem likely,
that Edward ever executed a will in the duke's favour, much leſs that he got it ratified
by the ſtates of the kingdom, as is affirmed by ſome. The will would have been known
to all, and would have been produced by the Conqueror, to whom it gave ſo plauſible,
and really fo juſt a title ; but the doubtful and ambiguous manner in which he ſeems
always to have mentioned it, proves, that he could only plead the known intentions of
that monarch in his favour, which he was deſirous to call a will. There is indeed a
charter of the Conqueror preſerved by Dr. Hickes, vol. 1, where he calls himſelf rex
hereditarius, meaning heir by will; but a prince, poffefſed of ſo much power, and at.
tended with ſo much fucceſs, may employ what pretences he pleaſes: It is ſufficient to
refute his pretences to obſerve, that there is a great diffidence and variation among
the hiſtorians with regard to a point, which, had it been real, muſt have been agreed
upon by all of them.
Again, fome hiſtorians, particularly Malmſbury and Matthew Weſtminſter, affirm
that Harold had no intention of going over to Normandy, but that taking the air in a
pleaſure boat on the coaſt, he was driven over by ſtreſs of weather to the territories of
Guy count of Ponthieu : But beſides that this ſtory is not probable in itſelf, and is con.
tradicted by most of the ancient hiſtorians, it is refuted by a very curious and authentic
monument lately diſcovered. It is a tapeſtry, preſerved in the ducal palace of Rouen,
and ſuppoſed to have been wrought by orders of Matilda, wife to the emperor : Atlcaſt
it is of very great antiquity. Harold is there repreſented as taking his departure from
King Edward in execution of ſome commiſſion, and mounting his veſſel with a great train.
The deſign of redeeming his brother and nephew, who were hoſtages, is the moſt likely
cauſe that can be aſſigned ; and is accordingly mentioned by Eadmer, Hoveden, Bromp-
ton, and Simeon of Durham. For a farther account of this piece of tapeſtry, fee Hiſtoire
de l'Academie de Literature, tom. ix. page 535
of
198
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
Ill.
of his diſpoſition made him acquieſce under the government of
Godwin, and his fon Harold; and the capacity, as well as the
power
of theſe noblemen, enabled them, while they were en-
truſted with authority, to preſerve domeſtic
peace
and tranquil-
lity. The moſt commendable circumſtance of Edward's govern-
ment was his attention to the adminiſtration of juſtice, and his
compiling for that purpoſe a body of laws, which he collected
from the laws of Ethelbert, Ina, and Alfred. This compilation,
though now loſt (for the laws that paſs under Edward's name
were compoſed afterwards *) were long the objects of affection
to the Engliſlı nation.
EDWARD the Confeffor was the firſt who touched for the
King's evil: The opinion of his fanctity procured belief to this
cure among the people; and his ſucceſſors regarded it as a part
of their power and grandeur to uphold the ſame opinion. It
has been continued down to our time; and the practice was firſt
dropped by the preſent royal family, who obſerved, that it
could no longer give amazement even to the populace, and was
attended with ridicule in the eyes of all men of underſtanding,
H A ROL D.
1066
January,
HAROLD had ſo well prepared matters before the death of
the King, that he immediately ſtepped into the vacant
throne; and his acceſſion was attended with as little oppoſition
and diſturbance, as if he had ſucceeded by the moſt undoubted
hereditary title. The citizens of London were his zealous par-
2
Spelm, in verbo Balliva,
tizans :
2
H A ROLD.
199
СНАР.
Ull.
tizans : The biſhops and clergy had adopted his cauſe: And all
the moſt powerful nobility, connected with him by alliance or
friendſhip, willingly ſeconded his pretenſions. The title of Ed-
gar Atheling was ſcarce ever mentioned : Much leſs, the claim
of the duke of Normandy: And Harold, aſſembling the council,
received the crown from their hands, without waiting for any
regular meeting of the ſtates, or ſubmitting the queſtion to their
free choice or determination •. If there were any malcontents
at this reſolution, they were obliged to conceal their ſentiments;
and the new prince, taking a general ſilence for conſent, and
founding his title on the ſuppoſed fuffrages of the people, which
appeared unanimous, was; on the day immediately fucceeding
Edward's death, crowned and anointed King, by Aldred arch-
biſhop of York. The whole nation ſeemed joyfully to ſwear
allegiance to him.
The firſt fymptoms of danger, which the King diſcovered,
came from abroad, and from his own brother, Toſti, who had
ſubmitted to a voluntary baniſhment in Flanders. Enraged at
the ſucceſsful ambition of Harold, to which he himſelf had fal-
len a ſacrifice, he filled the court of Baldwin with complaints of
the injuſtice, which he had ſuffered: He engaged the intereſt
of that family againſt his brother: He endeavoured to form in-
trigues with ſome malcontent nobility of England : He fent
his emiffaries to Norway, in order to rouze to arms the free-
booters of that kingdom, and excite their hopes of reaping ad-
vantage from the unſettled ſtate of affairs on the uſurpation of
the new King: And that he might render the combination more
G. Pic. p196. Ypod. Neuſt. p. 436. Order. Vitalis, p. 492. M. Welt. p. 221,
W. Malm.p. 93. Ingulf, p. 68. Brompton. p. 957. Knyghton, p. 2339. H. Hunt.
p. 210. Many of the hiſtorians ſay, that Harold was regularly elected by the ſtates :
Some, that Edward left him his fucceffor by will.
formidable,
4
200
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
C H A P.
II.
formidable, he made a journey to Normandy; in expectation
that the duke, who had married Matilda, another daughter of
Baldwin, would, in revenge of his own injuries, as well as
thoſe of Toſti, ſecond, by his councils and forces, the projected
invaſion of England.
1
The duke of Normandy, when he firſt received intelligence
of Harold's intrigues and acceſſion, had been moved to the
higheſt pitch of indignation ; but that he might give the better
colour to his pretenſions, he ſent over an embaſſy to England,
upbraiding that prince with his breach of faith, and ſummon-
ing him to reſign immediately poſſeſſion of the kingdom. Ha-
rold replied to the Norman ambaſſadors, that the oath with
which he was reproached, had been extorted by the well grounded
fear of violence, and could never, for that reaſon, be regarded
as obligatory: That he had had no commiſſion, either from the
late King or the ſtates of England, who alone could diſpoſe of
the crown, to make any tender of the ſucceſſion to the duke of
Norinandy; and if he, a private perſon, had aſſumed ſo much
authority, and had even voluntarily ſworn to ſupport the duke's
pretenſions, the oath was unlawful, and it was his duty to ſeize
the firſt opportunity of breaking it : That he had obtained the
crown by the unanimous ſuffrages of the people; and ſhould
ſhow himſelf totally unworthy of their favour, did he not ſtre-
nuouſly maintain thoſe national liberties, with which they had
entruſted him: And that the duke, if he made any attempt by
force of arms, ſhould experience the power of an united nation,
conducted by a prince, who, ſenſible of the obligations, im-
poſed on him by his royal dignity, was determined, that
the ſame moment ſhould put a period to his life and to his
government d.
e Order. Vitalis, p. 492.
4 W. Malm. p. 99. Higden, p. 285.
Matth. Weſt. p. 222. De Geft. Angl. incerto auctore, p. 331.
7
THIS
1
1
1
H A ROL D.
201
СНАР.
III,
11
This anſwer was no other than William expected; and he
had previouſly fixed his reſolution of making an attempt upon
England. Conſulting only his courage, his reſentment, and his
ambition, he overlooked all the difficulties, which muſt attend
an attack of a great kingdom by ſuch inferior force, and he ſaw
only the circumſtances, which would facilitate his enterprize.
He conſidered, that England, ever ſince the acceſſion of Canute,
had enjoyed a moſt profound tranquillity, during a period of
near fifty years ; and it would require time for its ſoldiers, ener-
vated by long peace, to learn diſcipline, and its generals expe-
rience. He knew, that it was entirely unprovided of fortified
towns, by which it could prolong the war; but muſt venture
its whole fortune in one deciſive action againſt a veteran enemy,
who, being once maſter of the field, would be in a condition
to over-run the kingdom. He ſaw that Harold, though he had
given proofs of vigour and bravery, had newly mounted a
throne, which he had acquired by faction, from which he had
excluded a very antient royal family, and which was likely to
totter under him by its own inſtability, much more if ſhaken
by any violent external impulſe. And he hoped, that the very
circumſtance of his croſſing the ſea, quitting his own country,
and leaving himſelf no liopes of retreat; as it would aſtoniſh
the enemy by the boldneſs of the enterprize, would inſpirit his
ſoldiers from deſpair, and rouze them to ſuſtain the reputation
of the Norman arms.
He
The Normans, as they had long been diſtinguiſhed by valour
among all the European nations, had at this time attained to
the higheſt pitch of military renown and glory. Beſides aca
quiring by arms ſuch a noble territory in France, beſides defend-
VOL. I.
Dd
ing
.
1
20%
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Ill.
CHAP. ing it againſt continual attempts of the French monarch and all
its neighbours, beſides exerting many actions of vigour under
their prefent ſovereign; they had, about this very time, re-
vived their antient fame, by the moſt hazardous exploits, and
the moſt wonderful ſucceſſes, in the other extremity of Europe.
A few Norman adventurers in Italy had acquired ſuch an aſcen-
dant, not only over the Italians and Greeks, but the Germans,
and Saracens, that they expelled thoſe foreigners, procured to
themſelves ample eſtabliſhments, and laid the foundation of the
opulent kingdom of Naples and Sicily. Theſe enterprizes of
meň, who were all of them vaſſals in Normandy, many of them
baniſhed for faction and rebellion, excited the ambition of the
haughty William ; who diſdained, after ſuch examples of for-
tune and valour, to be deterred from making an attack on a
neighbouring country, where he could be ſupported by the
whole force of his principality.
}
*.
THE ſituation alſo of Europe inſpired William with hopes,
that, beſides his brave Normans, he might employ againſt
England the flower of the military force, which was diſperſed
in all the neighbouring ſtates. France, Germany, and the low
countries, by the progreſs of the feudal inſtitutions, were divided
and ſubdivided into many principalities and baronies; and the
poffeffors, enjoying the civil juriſdiction within themſelves, as
well as the right of arms, acted, in many reſpects, as indepen-
dant fovereigns, and maintained their properties and privileges,
leſs by the authority of laws, than by their own force and
valour. A military ſpirit had univerſally diffuſed itſelf through-
out Europe; and the ſeveral leaders, whoſe minds were ele-
vated by their princely ſituation, grecdily embraced the moſt
hazardous enterprizes, and being accuſtomed to nothing from:
e Gul. Gemet. lib.;cap.-30.
their
1
1
H A RD D.
203
CHAP
III.
their infancy but recitals of the ſucceſs attending wars and
battles, they were prompted by a natural ambition to imitate
thoſe adventures which they heard ſo much celebrated, and
which were ſo much exaggerated by the credulity of the
age.
United, however looſely, by their duty to one ſuperior lord,
and by their connexions with the great body of the commu-
nity, to which they belonged, they deſired to ſpread their
fame each beyond his own diſtrict; and in all aſſemblies, whe-
ther inſtituted for civil deliberations, for military expeditions,
or merely for ſhow and entertainment, to outſhine each other
by the reputation of ſtrength and proweſs. Hence their genius
for chivalry; hence their impatience of peace and tranquillity;
and hence their readineſs to embark in any dangerous enter-
prize, however little intereſted in its failure or ſucceſs.
H
WILLIAM, by his power, his courage, and his abilities, had
long maintained a pre-eminence among thoſe haughty chief-
tains; and every one who deſired to diſtinguiſh himſelf by his
addreſs in military exerciſes, or his valour in action, had been
ambitious of acquiring a reputation in the court and in the
armies of Normandy. Entertained with that hoſpitality and
courteſy, which diſtinguiſhed the age, they had formed attach-
ments with the prince, and greedily attended to the proſpects
of glory and advantage, which he promiſed them in return
for their concurrence in an expedition againſt England. The
more grandeur appeared in the attempt, the more it ſuited their
romantic ſpirit: The fame of the intended invaſion was already
diffuſed every where: Multitudes crowded to tender to the
duke their ſervice, with that of their vaſſals and retainers":
And William found leſs difficulty in compleating his levies,
f Gul. Pictavenfis, p. 198.
Dd2
than
204
HISTORY OF ENG.LAND.
1
С НАР.
IU.
than in chuſing the moſt veteran and experienced forces, and
and in rejecting the offers of thoſe, who were impatient to acquire
fame under fo renowned a leader.
BESIDES theſe advantages; which William owed to his
per-
fonal valour and good conduct; he was beholden to fortune for
procuring him ſome aſſiſtances, and alſo for removing many
obſtacles, which it was natural for him to expect in an under-
taking, where all his neighbours were ſo deeply intereſted.
Conan, Count of Britanny, was his mortal enemy; and in
order to throw a damp upon the duke's enterprize, he choſe
this conjuncture for reviving his claim to Normandy itſelf; and
required, that, in caſe of William's ſucceſs againſt England,
the poſſeſſion of that dutchy might devolve to him &.
But
Conan died ſuddenly after. making this demand; and Howel,
his ſucceſſor, inſtead of adopting the malignity, or rather the
prudence of his predeceſſor, zealouſly ſeconded the duke's views,
and ſent his eldeſt ſon, Alain Fergant, to ſerve under him with
a force of five thouſand Britons. The counts of Anjou, and
of Flanders encouraged their ſubjects to engage in the expedi-
tion; and even the court of France, though it might juſtly
fear the aggrandizement of fo dangerous a vaſfal, purſued not
its intereſts on this occaſion with ſufficient vigour and reſo-
lution. Philip I. the reigning French monarch, was a minor
and William, having communicated his project to the council,
having deſired aſſiſtance, and offered to do homage, in caſe of
his ſucceſs, for the crown of England, was indeed openly or-
dered to lay afide all thoughts of the enterprize; but the earl
of Flanders, his father-in-law, being at the head of the regency,
& Gul, Gemet. lib. 7, cap. 33.
favoured
+
H A ROL D.
205
:
1
II.
favoured under-hand his levies, and ſecretly encouraged the CHAP.
adventurous nobility to inlift under the ſtandard of the duke of
Normandy:
The Emperor, Henry IV. beſides giving openly all his :
vaffals permiſſion to embark in this expedition, which ſo much
engaged the attention of Europe, promiſed his protection to
the dutchy of Normandy during the abſence of the prince,
and thereby enabled him to draw his whole force to the :
attack of England ". But the moſt important ally, whom
William gained by his negotiations, was the pope, who had:
a mighty influence over the antient barons, no leſs devout in
their religious principles than valorous in their military enter-
prizes. The Roman pontiff, after an inſenſible progreſs during
ſeveral ages of darkneſs, and ignorance, began now to lift his
head openly above all the princes of Europe; to aſſume the
office of a mediator, or: even an arbiter, in the quarrels of
the greateſt monarchs; to interpoſe himſelf in all ſecular
affairs; and to obtrude his dictates as ſovereign laws on his
obſequious diſciples. It was a ſufficient motive to Alexander IL
.
the reigning pope, for embracing William's quarrel, that he
alone had made an appeal to his tribunal, and rendered him
umpire of the diſpute between him and Harold; but there
were other advantages, which, that pontiff foreſaw, muſt reſult
from the conqueſt of England by the Norman arms. That
kingdom, though at firſt converted. by Romith miffionaries,
though it had, afterwards advanced fome farther ſteps towards
ſubjection under Rome, maintained ſtill a great independance
in its eccleſiaſtical adminiſtration; and forming a world within
itſelf, entirely ſeparated from the reſt of Europe, it had hitherto
+
1
Gul. Pict, p. 198.
8
proved
206
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
III.
proved inacceſſible to thoſe exorbitant claims, which ſupported
the grandeur of the papacy. Alexander, therefore, hoped,
that the French and Norman barons, if ſucceſsful in their enter-
prize, might import into that country a more devoted reve-
rence to the holy fee, and bring the Engliſh churches to a
nearer conformity with thoſe of the reſt of Europe. He de-
clared immediately in favour of William's claim'; pronounced
Harold a perjured uſurper ; denounced excommunication againſt
him and his adherents; and the more to encourage the duke of
Normandy in his enterprize, he ſent him a conſecrated banner,
and a ring with one of St. Peter's hairs in it. Thus were all
the ambition and violence of that invafion covered over ſafely
with the broad mantle of religion.
The greateſt difficulty, which William had to encounter
in his preparations, aroſe from his own ſubjects in Normandy.
The ſtates of the dutchy were aſſembled at Lillebonne; and
ſupplies being demanded for the intended enterprize, which
promiſed ſo much glory and advantage to their country, there
appeared a reluctance in many members, both to grant ſum's ſo
much beyond the common meaſure of taxes in that age, and
to ſet a precedent of performing their military ſervice out of
their own country. The duke finding it dangerous to ſolicit
them in a body, conferred ſeparately with the richeſt perſons in
the province; and beginning with thoſe whoſe affections he
moſt relied on, he gradually engaged all of them to advance
the ſums demanded. The count of Longueville ſeconded him
in this negotiation; as did the count of Mortaigne, Odo biſhop
of Baieux, and eſpecially William Fitz-Oſborne, count of Bre-
1 W. Malm. p. ico. Ingulf, p. 69. Higđen, p. 285. Brompton, p. 958.
* Baker, p. 22. edit. 168.4.
teüil,
9
14
I-
H A ROLD.
207
CH A P.
III.
teüil, and conſtable of the dutchy. Every perſon, when he
himſelf was once engaged, endeavoured to bring over others;
and at laſt the ſtates themſelves, after ſtipulating that this con-
ceſſion ſhould be no precedent for the future, voted, that they
would aſſiſt their prince to the utmoſt in his intended enterprize'.
WILLIAM had now aſſembled a fleet of 3000 veſſels, great
and ſmall ", and had ſelected an army of 60,000 men from
among thoſe numerous ſupplies, which from every quarter ſoli-
cited to be received into his ſervice. The camp bore a ſplendid,
yet a martial appearance, from the diſcipline of the men, the
vigor of the horſes, the luſtre of the arms, and accoutrements
of both; but above all, from the high names of nobility
who engaged under the banners of the duke of Normandy.
The moſt celebrated were Euſtace, count of Boulogne, Aimeri
de Thouars, Hugh d'Eſtaples, William d'Evreux, Geoffrey de
Rotrou, Roger de Beaumont, William de Warenne, Roger de
Montgomeri, Hugh de Grantmeſnil, Charles Martel, and Geof-
frey Giffard". To theſe bold chieftains William held
up
the
fpoils of England as the prize of their valour ; and pointing
to the oppoſite ſhore, called to them, that there was the field,
on which they muſt erect trophies to their name, and fix their
eſtabliſhments.
WHILE he was making theſe mighty preparations, the duke,
that he might increafe the number of Harold's enemies, ex-
cited the inveterate rancour of Tofti, and encouraged him, in
concert with Harold Halfager, King of Norway, to infeſt the
coaſts of England. Tofti, having collected about ſixty veſſels .
Camden. Introd. ad Pritann. p. 212. 2d edit. Gibf. Vertegan, p. 173.
Ordericus Vitalis, p. 101.
m Gul. Gemet. lib. 7. cap. 34.
in:
-*
.
208
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НА Р.
II.
in the ports of Flanders, put to ſea; and after committing
ſome depredations on the ſouth and caſt coaſts, he failed to Nor-
thumberland, and was there joined by Halfager, who came
over with a great armament of three hundred fail. The com-
bined fleets entered the Humber, and diſembarked the troops,
who began to extend their depredations on all ſides; when
Morcar earl of Northumberland, and Edwin earl of Mercia, the
King's brothers-in-law, having haſtily collected ſome troops,
ventured to give them battle. The action ended in the defeat
and flight of theſe two noblemen !.
HAROLD, informed of this misfortune, haftened with an
army to the protection of his people, and expreſſed the utmoſt
ardour to ſhow himſelf worthy of the crown, which had been
conferred upon him. This prince, though he was not ſenſible
of the full extent of his danger, from the great combination
againſt him, had employed every art of popularity to acquire
the affections of the public; and he gave ſo many proofs of
an equitable and prudent.adminiſtration, that the Engliſh found
no reaſon to repent of the choice which they had made of a
fovereign'. They flocked from all quarters to join his ſtandard;
and as ſoon as he reached the enemy at Standford, he found
himſelf in a condition of giving them battle. The action was
very bloody;. but the victory was deciſive on the ſide of Harold,
and ended in the total rout of the Danes, together with the
death of Tofti and Halfager'. Even the Daniſh fleet fell into
the hands of Harold; who had the generoſity to give prince
-Scptember
2 j.
• Chron. Sax. p. 172. W. Malm. p. 94. H. Hunt. p. 367. Higden, p. 284.
P Chron. Sax. p. 172. W. Malm. p. 94. Hoveden, p. 448. Jngulf, p. 69. Hig-
den, p. 284. Alur. Beverl. p. 123.
4 W. Malm.p. 93. Hoveden, p. 447. Hift. Elienfis, cap. 44. Sim. Dun. p. 193.
"Flor. Wigorn. p. 623.
• Chron. Sax. p. 172, W. Malm. p. 94. H.
Hunt p. 368. Ingolf, p. 69. Hiſt. Rameſ. p. 461.
Olave,
+
11
16
H A RO D.
209
СНАР.
III.
being
panit
Olave, the ſon of Halfager, his liberty, and allow him to de-
part with twenty veſſels '. But he had ſcarce time to rejoice
for this victory, when he received intelligence, that the duke
of Normandy was landed with a great army in the ſouth of
England.
The Norman fleet and army had been aſſembled, early in
the ſummer, at the mouth of the ſmall river Dive, and all the
troops had been inſtantly embarked; but the winds proved
long contrary, and detained them in that harbour. The
authority, however, of the duke, the good diſcipline maintained
among the ſeamen and ſoldiers, and the great care of ſupplying
them with proviſions, had prevented any diſorder; when at laſt
the wind became favourable, and enabled them to fail along
the coaſt, till they reached St. Valori. There were, however,
ſeveral veſſels loſt in this ſhort paſſage; and as the winds again
proved contrary, the army began to imagine, that heaven had
declared againſt them, and that notwithſtanding the Pope's
benediction, they were deſtined to certain ruin". Theſe bold
warriors, who deſpiſed real dangers, were very ſubject to the
dread of imaginary ones ; and many of them began to 'mutiny
ſome of them even to deſert their colours; when the duke, in
order to ſupport their drooping hopes, ordered a proceſſion to
be made with the reliques of St. Valori", and prayers to be
ſaid for more favourable weather. The winds inſtantly changed's
and as this incident happened on the eve of the feaſt of St.
Michael, the tutelar faint of Normandy, the ſoldiers, fancying
they ſaw the hand of heaven in all theſe concurring circum-
Hoveden, p. 448. Ingulph, p. 69. Higden, p. 285. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo,
P. 46.
& Order. Vitalis, p. 500.
u W. Malm. p. Ica.
Higden, p. 285. Order. Vitalis, p. 500. Matth. Paris, edit. Parifis anno 1644. p. 2.
VOL.I.
Еe
ſtances,
#
910
TO
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
III.
Nances, ſet out with the greateſt alacrity ' : They met with no
oppoſition on their paſſage :. A great fleet, which Harold had
aſſembled, and which had cruized all ſummer off the Iſle of
Wight, had been diſmiſſed, on his receiving falſe intelligence,
that William, diſcouraged by the contrary winds and other
accidents, had laid aſide his preparations 2. The Norman
armament, proceeding in great order, arrived, without any
material loſs, at Pevenſey in Suſſex ; and the army quietly dif-
embarked. The duke himſelf, as he leaped on fhore, happened
to ſtuinble and fall; but had the preſence of mind to turn the
omen to his advantage, by calling aloud, that he had taken
poſſeſſion of the country. And a ſoldier, running to a neigh-
bouring cottage, plucked ſome thatch, which, as if giving him
ſeizine of the kingdom, he preſented to his general. The joy
and alacrity of William and his whole army was ſo great, that
they were nowiſe diſcouraged, even when they heard of Harold's
great victory over the Danes; and they ſeemed rather to wait
with impatience the arrival of the enemy 6.
+
1
The victory of Harold, though great and honourable, had
proved in the main prejudicial to his intereſts, and may
be
regarded as the immediate cauſe of his ruin. He loft
many
of
his braveſt officers and ſoldiers in the action; and he diſguſted
the reſt, by refuſing to diſtribute the Daniſh ſpoils among
themº: A conduct which was little agreeable to his uſual
generoſity of temper; but which his deſire of ſparing the people,
in the war which impended over him from the duke of
Normandy, had probably occaſioned. He haſtened by quick
1.
y W. Malm. p. 100.
z Hoveden, p. 448. Sim. Dun. p. 194. Diceto,
p. 479.
a Baker, p. 22.
b Gul, Piet. p. 199.
W. Malm. p. 94. Higden, p. 285.
marches
en
H A Ř O L D.
.IT
CHAP
III.
wi
marches to reach this new invader ; but tho' he was reinforced
at London and other places with freſh troops, he found himſelf
alſo weakened by the deſertion of his old ſoldiers, who from
fatigue and diſcontent ſecretly withdrew from their colours.
His brother Gurth, a man of bravery and conduct, began to
entertain apprehenſions of the event; and remonſtrated with
the King, that it would be better policy to prolong the war, or
at leaſt, to ſpare his own perſon in the action. He urged to
him, that the deſperate ſituation of the duke of Normandy made
it requiſite for that prince to bring matters to a ſpeedy deciſion,
and put his whole fortune on the iſſue of a battle; but that the
King of England, in his own country, beloved by his ſubjects,
provided of every ſupply, had more infallible and leſs dangerous
methods of enſuring to himſelf the victory: That the Norman
troops, elevated on the one hand with the higheſt hopes, and
ſeeing, on the other, no reſource in caſe of a diſcomfiture,
would fight to the laſt extremity; and being the flower of all
the warriors of the continent, muſt be regarded as formidable
to the Engliſh: That if their firſt fire and ſpirit, which is
always moſt dangerous, were allowed to languiſh for want of
action ; if they were harraſſed with ſmall ſkirmiſhes, ſtraitened
in proviſions, and fatigued with the bad weather and deep roads
during the winter-ſeaſon, which was approaching, they muſt
fall an eaſy and a bloodleſs prey to their enemy: That if a
general action was delayed, the Engliſh, ſenſible of the imminent
dlanger, to which their properties, as well as liberties, were
expoſed from theſe rapacious invaders, would haſten from, ali
quarters to his aſſiſtance, and would render his army invincible:
That at leaſt, if he thought it neceſſary to hazard a battle, he
dught not to expoſe his own perſon; but reſerve, in caſe of
diſaſtrous accidents, ſome reſource to the liberty and independance
Ee
of
.
12
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
.
С НАР.
III.
of the kingdom : And that having once been ſo unfortunate, as
to be conſtrained to ſwear, and that upon the holy reliques, to
ſupport the pretenſions of the duke of Normandy, it were better
that another. perſon ſhould command the army, who, not being
bound by theſe ſacred ties, might give the ſoldiers more certain
hopes of a proſperous iſſue to the quarrel 1:
HAROLD was deaf to all theſe remonſtrances; and being
elated withi his paſt proſperity, as well as ſtimulated by his native
courage, he reſolved to give battle in perſon; and for that
purpoſe, he drew near to the Normans, who had removed their
camp and fleet to Haſtings, where they fixed their quarters.
He was ſo confident of ſucceſs, that he fent a meſſage to the
duke, promiſing him a ſum of money, if he would depart the
kingdom without effuſion of blood : But his offer was rejected
with diſdain ; and William, not to be behind with his enemy
in vaunting, ſent him a meſſage by ſome monks, requiring
him either to refign the kingdom, or to hold it of him in
fealty, or ſubmit their cauſe to the arbitration of the Pope;
or to fight him in ſingle combat. Harold replied, that the
God of battles would ſoon be the arbiter of all their differences
rath-oc-
sober.
The Engliſh and Normans now prepared themſelves for this
important deciſion ; but the aſpect of things, on the night
before the battle, was very different in the two camps. The
Engliſh ſpent the time in riot, and jollity, and diſorder; the
Normans in ſilence and in prayer, and in the other functions
of their religion. On the morning, the duke called together
the moſt conſiderable of his chieftains, and made them a ſpeeclt:
1 W. Malm. p. 100. Higden, p. 286. Order. Vitalis, p. 500, Math. Weft. p. 222.
• W. Malm. p. 100. Higden, p. 286. { Higden, p. 286.
6 W. Malm.
p. 101. Ie Geft. Angl. p. 332.
fuitable
H A ROLD.
213
CHAP
1II.
ſuitable to the occaſion. He repreſented to them, that the
event which they and he had long wiſhed for, was approaching ;
and the whole fortune of the war now depended on their ſwords,
and would be decided in a ſingle action: That never army
had
greater motives for exerting a vigorous courage, whether they
conſidered the prize which would attend their victory, or the
inevitable deſtruction which muſt enſue upon their diſcomfiture:
That if their martial and veteran bands could once break thoſe
raw ſoldiers, who had rafhly dared to approach them, they
conquered a kingdom at one blow, and were juſtly entitled to
all its poſſeſſions as the reward of their proſperous valour: That,
on the contrary, if they remitted in the leaſt their wonted
proweſs, an enraged enemy hung upon their rear, the ſea
met them in their retreat, and an ignominious death was the
certain puniſhment of their imprudent cowardice: That by
collecting ſo numerous and brave a hoſt, he had enſured every
human means of conqueſt; and the commander of the enemy,
by his criminal conduct, had given him juſt cauſe to hbpe for
the favour of heaven, in whoſe hands alone lay the event of
wars and battles : And that a perjured uſurper, anathematized
by the ſovereign pontiff, and conſcious of his own breach of
faith, would be ſtruck with terror on their appearance, and
would prognoſticate to himſelf that fate which his multiplied
crimes had ſo juſtly merited". The duke next divided his armý
into three lines : The firſt, headed by Montgomery, conſiſted
of archers and light armed infantry: The ſecond, commanded
by Martel, was compoſed of his braveſt battalions, heavy armed,
and ranged in cloſe order : His cavalry, at whoſe head he placed
himfelf, formed the third line; and were fo difpoſed, that they
Stretched beyond the infantry, and flanked each wing of the
. H. Hunt. p. 368. Brompton, p-959. Gul. Piet. p. 201.
3
army,
14
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
СНАР.
III.
army'. He ordered the ſignal of battle to ſound; and the
whole army, moving at once, and ſinging the hymn or fong of
Roland, the famous peer of Charlemagne *, advanced, in order
and with alacrity, towards the enemy.
+
3
HAROLD had ſeized the advantage of a riſing ground,
and having beſides drawn fome trenches to ſecure his flanks,
he reſolved to ſtand upon the defenſive, and to avoid all action
with the cavalry, in which he was inferior' The Kentiſh
men were placed in the van ; a poſt which they had always
claimed as their due: The Londoners guarded the ſtandard:
And the King himſelf, accompanied by his two valíant brothers,
Gurth and Leofwin, diſmounting from horſeback, placed
himſelf at the head of his infantry, and expreſſed his reſolution
ito conquer or to periſh in the action The firſt attack of the
Normans was deſperate, but was received with equal valour by
the Engliſh; and after a furious combat, which remained long
undecided, the former, overcome by the difficulty of the ground,
and hard preſſed by the enemy, began firſt to relax their vigour,
then to give ground; and confuſion was ſpreading among the
ranks; when William, who found himſelf on the brink of
deſtruction, haſtened, with a ſelect band, to the relief of his
diſmayed forces n His preſence reſtored the action ; the
Engliſh were obliged to retreat with loſs; and the duke ordering
his ſecond line to advance, renewed the attack with freſh forces
and with redoubled courage. Finding, that the enemy, aided
' by the advantage of ground, and animated by the example
of their prince, ſtill made a vigorous reſiſtance, he tried a
-
i Gul. Pict, 201. Order. Vital. p. 501.
k W. Malm. p. 101.
Higden, p. 286. Matth. Welt. p. 223. Du Cange's Gloſſary in verbo Cantilena Ro-
landi,
i Gul. Pi&. p. 201. Order. Vitalis, p. 501.
m W. Malm. p. 101,
n Gul. Pict. p. 202. Order. Vitalis, p. 501.
5
ſtratagein,
1
H A R O L D.
215::
С НА Р.
II.
ſtratagem, which was very delicate in its management, but
which ſeemed adviſeable in his deſperate ſituation, when if he
gained not a deciſive victory, he was totally undone: He
commanded his troops to make a haſty retreat, and to allure
the enemy from their ground by the appearance of flight. The
artifice ſucceeded againſt theſe unexperienced troops, who, heated
by the action, and, fanguine in their hopes, precipitantly
followed the Normans into the plain ... William gave orders,
that at once the infantry ſhould face about upon their purſuers,
and the cavalry make an aſſault upon their wings, and both of
them purſue the advantage, which the ſurprize and terror of
the enemy muſt give them in that critical and deciſive moment. .
The Engliſh were repulſed with great ſlaughter, and drove back.
to the hill; where being rallied again by the bravery of Harold,
they were able, notwithſtanding their loſs, to maintain the
poft and continue the combat. The duke tried the ſame
ſtratagem. a ſecond time with the ſame ſucceſs; ? but even after
this double advantage, he ſtill found a great body of the Engliſh,
who maintaining themſelves in firm array, ſeemed determined
to diſpute the victory to the laſt extremity. He ordered his
heavy armed infantry to make the aſſault upon them ; while
his archers, placed behind, ſhould gall the enemy, who were
expoſed by the ſituation of the ground, and who were intent
in defending themſelves againſt the ſwords and ſpears of the
aſſailants ?. By this diſpoſition he at laſt prevailed: Harold
was ſlain by an arrow, while he was combating with great :
bravery at the head of his inen : His two brothers ſhared the
ſame fate : And the Engliſh, diſcouraged by the fall of theſe
princes, gave ground on all ſides, and were purſued with great :
2
.:
• W. Malmeſ. p. 101. H. Hunting. p. 368. Higden, p. 286. Brompton, p. 960.
Gul. Piet.
9 W. Malm.
M. Paris, p. 3•
p Diceto, p. 480.
p. 101. H. Hunt, p. 369. Ingulf, p. 69. Sim. Dun. p. 19;.
flaughter
p. 202,
216
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
.
III.
CHAP. flaughter by the victorious Normans. A few troops however of
the vanquiſhed dared ſtill to turn upon their purſuers; and taking
thein in deep and miry ground, obtained ſome revenge for the
ſlaughter and diſhonour of the day'. But the appearance of
the duke obliged them to ſeek their ſafety by flight, and darkneſs
faved them from any farther purſuit by the enemy.
Thus was gained by William, duke of Normandy, the
great and deciſive victory of Haſtings, after a battle which was
fought from morning till ſunſet', and which ſeemed worthy,
by the heroic feats of valour diſplayed by both armies, and by
both commanders, to decide the fate of a mighty kingdom.
William had three horſes killed under him; and there fell near
fifteen thouſand inen on the ſide of the Normans: The loſs
was ſtill more conſiderable on that of the vanquiſhed; beſides
the death of the King and his two brothers. The dead body
of Harold was brought to William, and was generouſly reſtored
without ranſom to his mother". The Norman army left not
the field of battle without giving thanks to heaven, in the moſt
folemn manner, for their victory: And the prince, having
refreſhed his forces, prepared to puſh to the utmoſt his advantage
againſt the divided, diſmayed, and diſcomfited Engliſh.
1
1
. Gul. Pi&t. p. 203. Order. Vitalis, p. 501.
Alur. Beverl. p. 124.
Ypod. Neuft. p. 436.
i Gul. Gemet. lib.7.cap. 36.
Malm. p. 102. Higden, p. 286. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 46.
u W:
1
[ 217 ]
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI Χ Ι.
The Anglo-Saxon Government and Manner»
a
Firſt Saxon government Succeſſion of the Kings - The
Wittenagemot The ariſtocracy The ſeveral orders
of men - Courts of juſtice Criminal law Rules
of proof Military force
Public revenue
Value
of money
Mariners.
T
Appendix
I.
HË government of the Germanis, and that of all the
northern nations who eſtabliſhed themſelves on the ruins
df Rome, were always extremely free; and thoſe fierce people,
accuſtomed to independance and enured to arms, were more
guided by perſuaſion than authority, in the ſubmiſſion which
they paid their princes. The military deſpotiſm, which had
taken place in the Roman empire, and which, previouſly to the
irruption of theſe conquerors, had ſunk the genius of men, and
deſtroyed every noble principle of ſcience and virtue, was unable
to reſiſt the vigorous efforts of a free people; and Europe, as
from a new epoch, rekindled her antient ſpirit, and ſhook off
the baſe ſervitude to arbitrary will and authority, under which
ſhe had ſo long laboured. The free conſtitutions then eſtabliſhed;
however impaired by the encroachments of ſucceeding princes,
ſtill preſerve an air of independance and legal adminiſtration,
VOL. I.
Ff
which
4
918
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1.
Appendix which diſtinguiſh the European nations; and if that part of the
and globe maintain ſentiments of liberty, honour, equity, and valour
ſuperior to the reſt of mankind, it owes theſe advantages chiefly
to the ſeeds implanted by thoſe generous barbarians.
Firſt Saxon
1
The Saxons, who ſubdued Britain, as they enjoyed great
government. liberty in their own country, obſtinately retained that invaluable
poſſeſſion in their new ſettlement; and they imported into this
iſland the fame principles of independance, which they had
inherited from their anceſtors. The chieftains (for ſuch they
were more properly than kings or princes) who commanded
them in thoſe military expeditions, ſtill poſſeſſed a very limited
authority; and as the Saxons exterminated, rather than ſubdued
the antient inhabitants, they were indeed tranſplanted into a
new territory, but preſerved unaltered all their civil and mili-
tary inſtitutions. The language was pure Saxon; even the
names of places, which often remain while the tongue entirely
changes, were almoſt all affixed by the new conquerors; the
manners and cuſtoms were wholly German; and the ſame
picture of a fierce and bold liberty, which is drawn by the
maſterly pencil of Tacitus, will apply to theſe founders of the
Engliſh government. The King, fo far from being entitled to
an arbitrary power, was only conſidered as the firſt
among the
citizens; his authority depended more on his perſonal qualities
than on his ſtation; he was even ſo far on a level with the
other inhabitants, that a ſtated price was affixed to his head,
and a legal fine was levied from his murderer, which, though
proportioned to his ſtation, and fuperior to that paid for the life
of a ſubject, was a ſenſible mark of his ſubordination to the
community.
I
It
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν D 1 X
219
I.
1.
1.
It is eaſy to imagine, that an independant people, ſo little
Appendix
reſtrained by laws, and cultivated by ſcience, would not be
very
ſtrict in maintaining a regular ſucceſſion of their princes. Tho' Succeßion of
the Kings.
they paid a great reſpect to the royal family, and aſcribed to
them an undiſputed ſuperiority, they either had no rule, or none
that was ſteadily obſerved, in filling the vacant throne; and
preſent convenience in that emergency was more attended to
than general principles. We are not however to ſuppoſe, that
the crown was conſidered as altogether elective; and that a
regular plan was traced by the conſtitution for ſupplying, by
the ſuffrages of the people, every vacancy made by the demiſe
of the firſt magiſtrate. If any King on his death left a ſon of
an age and capacity fit for government, the young prince
naturally ſtepped into the throne: If he was a minor, his uncle,
or the next prince of the blood, was promoted to the govern-
ment, and left the ſceptre to his poſterity: Any fovereign, by
taking previous meaſures with the leading men, had it greatly
in his power to appoint his ſucceſſor: All theſe changes, and
indeed the ordinary adminiſtration of government, required the
expreſs concurrence, or at leaſt the tacit conſent of the people;
but preſent poſſeſſion, however obtained, went far towards
procuring their obedience, and the idea of any right, which
was once excluded, was but feeble and imperfect. This is ſo
much the caſe in all barbarous monarchies, and occurs fo often
in the hiſtory of the Anglo-Saxons, that we cannot conſiſtently
entertain any other notion of their government. The idea of
an hereditary ſucceſſion in authority is ſo natural to men, and
is ſo much fortified by the uſual rule in tranſmitting private
poffefſions, that it muſt retain a great influence on every ſociety,
who do not exclude it by the refinements of a republican con-
ftitution. But as there is a ſenſible difference between govern-
Ff.:
ment
220
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Appendix ment and private poſſeſſions, and every one is not equally.
1.
mand qualified for exerciſing the one as for enjoying the other, a
people, who are not ſenſible of the general advantages attending,
a fixed rule, are apt to make great leaps in the ſucceſſion, and
frequently to paſs over the perſon, who, had he poſſeſſed the
requiſite years and abilities, would have been thought entitled
to the authority. Thus, theſe monarchies are not, ſtrictly
ſpeaking, either elective or hereditary; and though the deſti-
nation of a prince may often be followed in appointing his
ſucceſſor, they can as little be regarded as wholly teſtamentary.
The ſuffrages of the ſtates may ſometimes eſtabliſh a fovereign;
but they more frequently recognize him whom they find
eſtabliſhed: A few great men take the lead; the people, overa.
awed and influenced, acquieſce in the government; and the
reigning prince, provided he be of the royal family, paſſes :
undiſputably for the legal ſovereign.
+
The Witte.
nagemot.
It is confeſſed, that our knowledge of the Anglo-Saxon:
hiſtory and antiquities is too imperfect to afford us means of
determining with certainty all the prerogatives of the crown
and privileges of the people, or of giving an exact delineation
of that government. It is probable alſo, that the conſtitution
might be ſomewhat different in the different nations of the
Heptarchy, and that it changed conſiderably during the courſe;
of fix centuries, which elapſed from the firſt invaſion of the
Saxons till the Norman conqueſt*. But moſt of theſe differences
and
* We know of one change, not inconſiderablc in the Saxon conſtitution. The
Saxon Annals, p. 49. inform us, that it was then the prerogative of the King to name
the dukes, earls, aldermen and ſheriffs of the counties. Affer, a contemporary writer,
informs us, that Alfred depoſed all the ignorant aldermen, and appointed men of more
capacity in their place : Yet the laws of Edward the Confeffor, $ 35. ſay expreſsly,
that
5
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI X
22T
I.
1
Appendix .
I.
and changes, with their cauſes and effects, are unknown to us:
It only appears, that, at all times, and in all the kingdoms,
there was a national council, called a Wittenagemot or aſſembly
of the wiſe men, (for that is the import of the term) whoſe
conſent was requiſite for enacting laws, and for ratifying the
chief acts of public adminiſtration. The preambles to all the
laws of Ethelbert, Ina, Alfred, Edward the Elder, Athelſtan,
Edmond, Edgar, Ethelred; and Edward the Confeſſor; even
thoſe to the laws of Canute, though a kind of conqueror, put
this matter beyond controverſy, and carry proofs every where
of a limited and legal government. But who were the conſti-.
tuent members of this Wittenagemot has not been determined
with certainty by antiquarians. It is agreed, that the biſhops.
and abbots y were an eſſential part; and it is alſo evident, from
the tenor of theſe antient laws, that the Wittenagemot enacted
ſtatutes which regulated the eccleſiaſtical as well as civil govern-
ment, and that thoſe dangerous principles, by which the church
is totally ſevered from the ſtate, were hitherto unknown to the
Anglo-Saxons ?. It alſo appears, that the aldermen or gover.
nors of counties, who, after the Daniſh times, were often
called carls, were admitted into this council, and gave their
conſent:
.
*
1
that the heretoghs or dukes, and the ſheriffs, were choſen by the freeholders in the
folkmote, a county court, which was aſſembled once a-year, and where all the frec-
holders ſwore allegiance to the King.
y Sometimes abbeſſes were admitted ; at leaſt, they often ſign the King's charters of :
grants. Spellm. Glof. in verbo parliamentum..
z Wilkins paffim.
• It appears from the antient tranſlations of the Saxon annals and laws, and from
King Alfred's tranſlation of Bede, as well as from all the ancient hiſtorians, that
comes in Latin, alderman in Saxon, and earl in Dano-Saxon were quite ſynonimous.
There is only a clauſe of a law of King Athelſtan's, (ſee Spelm. Conc. p. 406.) which .
has ſtumbled ſome antiquarians, and has made them imagine that an carl was ſuperior
922
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Appendix
1.
conſent to the public ſtatutes. But beſides the prelates and
alderinen, there is alſo mention of the wites or wife-men, as a
component part of the Wittenagemot; but who theſe were is
not ſo clearly aſcertained by the laws or the hiſtory of that
period. The matter would probably be of difficult diſcuſſion,
even were it examined impartially; but as our parties have
choſen to divide on this point, the queſtion has been diſputed
with the greater acrimony, and the arguments on both ſides
have become, on that account, the more captious and deceitful.
Our monarchical faction maintain, that theſe wites or fapientes
were the judges or men learned in the law : The popular
party aſſert them to be repreſentatives of the boroughs, or
what we now call the commons.
+
The expreſſions, employed by all the antient hiſtorians in
mentioning the Wittenagemot, ſeem to contradict the latter
ſuppoſition. The members are almoſt always called the prin-
cipes, ſatrape, optimates, magnates, proceres; terms which ſeem
to ſuppoſe an ariſtocracy, and to exclude the commons. The
boroughs alſo, from the low ſtate of commerce, were ſo ſmall
and poor, and the inhabitants lived in ſuch dependance on the
great men', that it ſeems nowiſe probable they would be ad-
mitted as a part of the national councils. The commons are
to an alderman. The weregild or the price of an earl's blood is there fixed at 15,000
thrimſas, equal to that of an archbiſhop; whereas that of a biſhop and alderman is
only 8cco thrimſas. To ſolve this difficulty we muſt have recourſe to Selden's con-
jecture, (ſee his Titles of Honour, chap. v. p. 603, 604.) that the term of earl was in
the age of Athelftan juſt beginning to be in uſe in England, and ſtood at that time for
the atheling or prince of the blood, heir to the crown. This he confirms by a law
of Canute, $ 55. where an atheling and an archbiſhop are put upon the famc footing.
In another law of the fame Athelſtan the weregild of the prince or atheling is ſaid
to be 15,000 thrimſas. See Wilkins, p. 71. He is therefore the fame who is called
earl in the former law.
Brady's treatiſe of Engliſh boroughs, p. 3, 4, 5, &c.
well
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI Χ Ι.
293
Appendiz
1.
well known to have had no ſhare in the governments eſtabliſhed
by the Franks, Burgundians, and other northern nations; and
we may conclude, that the Saxons, who remained longer bar-
barous and uncivilized than theſe tribes, would never think of
conferring ſuch an extraordinary privilege on trade and induſtry.
The military profeſſion alone was honourable among all thoſe
conquerors : The warriors ſubſiſted by their poſſeſſions in land:
They became conſiderable by their influence over their vaſſals,
retainers, tenants, and flaves : And it had need of ſtrong
proofs to convince us that they would admit any of a rank fo
much inferior as the burgeſſes, to ſhare with them in the legiſ-
lative authority. Tacitus indeed affirms, that, among the
antient Germans, the conſent of all the members of the com-
munity was required in every important deliberation ; but he
ſpeaks not of repreſentatives ; and this antient practice, men-
tioned by the Roman hiſtorians, could only have place in ſmall
tribes, where every citizen might without inconvenience be
aſſembled upon any extraordinary emergency.
After princi-
palities became more extenſive; after the differences of property
had formed diſtinctions more important than thoſe ariſing from
perſonal ſtrength and valour; we may conclude, that the na-
tional aſſemblies muſt have been more limited in their number,
and compoſed only of the more conſiderable citizens.
>
1
But though we muſt exclude the burgeffes or commons from
the Saxon Wittenagemot; there is ſome neceſſity for ſuppoſing,
that this aſſembly conſiſted of other members beſides the pre-
lates, abbots, aldermen, and the judges or privy council. For
as all theſe, excepting ſome of the eccleſiaſtics', were antiently
appointed
• There is ſome reaſon to think, that the biſhops were ſometimes choſen by the
Wittenagenot, and confirmed by the King. Eddius, cap. 2. The abbots in the mona-
ſteries
+
24:
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1.
Appendix appointed by the King, had there been no other legiſlative
and authority, the royal power had been in a great meaſure deſpotic,
contrary to the tenor of all the hiſtorians, and to the practice
of all the northern nations. We may, therefore, conclude,
that the more confiderable proprietors of land were, without
any election, conſtituent members of the national aſſembly;
and there is reaſon to think, that forty hydes, or between four
and five thouſand acres, was the eſtate requiſite for entitling
the poſſeſſor to this honourable privilege. There is a paſſage
of an antient author from which it appears, that a perſon of
very noble birth, even one allied to the crown, was not eſteemed
a princeps (the term uſually employed by antient hiſtorians
when the Wittenagemot is mentioned) till lie had acquired a
fortune of that extent. Nor need we imagine, that the public
council would become diſorderly or confuſed by admitting ſo
great a multitude. The landed property of England was prc-
bably in few lands during the Saxon times; at leaſt, during
the latter part of that period : And as men had ſmall ambition
of attending theſe public councils, there was no danger of the
aſſembly's becoming too numerous for the diſpatch of the little
buſineſs, which was brought before them.
ܐ
The ariſto.
cracy.
It is certain, that, whatever we may determine concerning
the conſtituent members of the Wittenagemot, in whom the
legiſlature reſided, the Anglo-Saxon government, in the period
preceding the Norman conqueſt, was become extremely ariſto-
ſteries of the royal foundation were antiently named by the King; though Edgar gave
the monks the clection, and only reſerved to himſelf the ratification. This deſtina-
tion was afterwards frequently violated; and the abbots as well as biſhops were
afterwards all appointed by the court;. as we learn from Ingulf, a writer contemporary
to the conqueft.
u Hift. Llienfis; lib. 2. cap. 40.
cratical:
1
!
A P P E N D I X I.
5
CT
1.
cratical: The royal authority was very limited; the people, Appen lix
cven if adınitted to that aſſembly, were of little or no weight
or conſideration. We have hints given us in the hiſtorians
of the great power and riches of particular noblemen : And it
could not but happen, after the abolition of the Heptarchy,
when the King lived at a diſtance from the provinces, that theſe
great proprietors, who reſided on their eſtates, would much
augment their authority over their vaſſals and retainers, and
over all the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. Hence the
immeaſurable power aſſumed by Harold, Godwin, Leofric,
Siward, Morcar, Edwin, Edric and Alfric, who controlled the
authority of the Kings, and rendered themſelves quite neceſſary
in the government.
The two latter, though deteſted by the
people, on account of their joining a foreign enemy, fill pre-
ſerved their power and influence; and we may therefore con-
clude, that their authority was founded, not on popularity, but
on family rights and poſſeſſion. There is one Athelſtan, men-
tioned in the reign of the king of that name, who is called
alderman of all England, and is ſaid to be half-King; though
the monarch himſelf was a prince of valour and ability. And
we find, that in the latter Saxon times, and in theſe alone, the
great offices went from father to ſon, and became, in a manner,
hereditary in the families 4.
1
d
tatus,
c Hift. Rameſ. $ 3. p. 387.
Roger Hoveden, giving the reaſon why William the Conqueror made Coſpatric
earl of Northumberland, ſays, Nam ex materno fanguine attinebat ad eum honor illius comie
See alſo Sim. Dun. p. 205.
Erat enim ex matro Algitha, filia Uthredi comitis.
We ſee in thoſe inſtances, the ſame tendency towards rendering offices hereditary, which
took place, during a more early period, on the continent; and which had already
operated its full effect.
Vol. I.
THE
Gg
1
226
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Appendix
1.
ta
The circumſtances attending the invaſions of the Danes;
would alſo ſerve much to increaſe the power of the principal
nobility. Theſe free-booters made unexpected inroads on all
quarters ; and there was a neceſſity, that each county ſhould
reſiſt them by its own force, and under the conduct of its own
magiſtrates, and nobility. For the ſame reaſon, that a general
war, managed by the united efforts of the whole ftate, com-
monly increaſes the power of the crown; theſe private wars
and inroads turned to the advantage of the aldermen and
nobles.
1
$
AMONG that military and turbulent people, ſo averſe to com-
merce and the arts, ſo little enured to induſtry, juſtice was
commonly very ill executed, and great oppreſſion and violence
ſeem to have prevailed. Theſe diſorders would be increaſed by
the exorbitant power of the ariſtocracy; and would, in their
turn, contribute to increaſe it. 'Men, not daring to rely on the
guardianſhip of the laws, were obliged to devote themſelves to
the ſervice of ſome chieftain, whoſe orders they followed even
to the diſturbance of the government or the injury of their
fellow-citizens, and who afforded them in return protection from
any inſult or injuſtice by ſtrangers. Hence we find, by the ex-
tracts which Dr. Brady has given us from Domeſday, that
almoſt all the inhabitants even of boroughs, had placed them-
felves in the clientſhip of ſome particular nobleman, whoſe
pa-
tronage they purchaſed by annual payments, and whom they
were obliged to conſider as their ſovereign, more than the King
himſelf, or even the legiſlature. A client, though a freeman,
* Brady's treatiſe of Boroughs, 3, 4, 5, &c. The caſe was the ſame with the freemen
in the country. See pref. to his hift. p. 8, 9, 10, &c.
was
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν D Ι Χ Ι.
127
Appendix
1.
1
was ſuppoſed ſo much to belong to his patron, that his mur-
derer was obliged by law to pay a fine to the latter, as a coin-
penſation for his loſs; in like manner as he paid a fine to the
maſter for the murder of his flave Men, who were of a
more conſiderable rank, but not powerful enough, each to ſup-
port himſelf by his own independent authority, entered into
formal confederacies together, and compoſed a kind of ſeparate
republic, which rendered itſelf formidable to all aggreſſors.
Dr. Hickes has preſerved a very curious Saxon bond of this
kind, which he calls a Sodalitium, and which contains many
particulars characteriſtical of the manners and cuſtoms of the
times'. The aſſociates are there faid to be all of them gentle-
men of Cambridgeſhire ; and they ſwear before the holy re-
liques to obſerve their confederacy, and to be faithful to each
other : They promiſe to bury any of the aſſociates who dies, in
whatever place he had appointed ; to contribute to his funeral
charges, and to attend at his interment; and whoever is wanting
to this laſt duty, binds himſelf to pay a meaſure of honey.
of the aſſociates is in danger, and calls for the affift-
ance of his fellows, they promiſe, beſides flying to his fuccour,
to give information to the ſheriff; and if he be negligent in
protecting the perſon expoſed to hazard, they engage to levy a
fine of one pound upon him : If the preſident of the ſociety
himſelf be wanting in this particular, he binds himſelf to pay
one pound; unleſs he has the reaſonable excuſe of ſickneſs, or
of duty to his ſuperior. When any of the aſſociates is murdered,
they are to exact eight pounds from the murderer; and if he
refuſes to pay it, they are to proſecute him for the ſum at their
joint expence. If any of the aſſociates, who happens to be poor,
kills a man, the ſociety are to contribute by a certain propor-
When any
• LL. Edw. Conf. 98. apud Ingulf.
G
f Diſfert. Epift. p. 21.
tion
1
228
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
1.
Appendix tion to pay his fine : A mark a-piece, if the fine be 700 ſhil-
lings; leſs if the perſon killed be a clown or ceorle; the half of
that ſum, again, if he be a Welſhman. But where any of the
afſociates kills a man, wilfully and without provocation, he muſt
himſelf pay the fine. If any of the aſſociates kills any of his
fellows, in a like criminal manner, beſides paying the uſual
fine to the relations of the deceaſed, he muſt pay eight pounds
to the ſociety, or renounce the benefit of it: In which caſe they
bind themſelves, under the penalty of one pound, never to eat
or drink with him, except in the preſence of the King, biſhop,
or alderman. There are other regulations to protect themſelves
and their ſervants from all injuries, to revenge ſuch as are com-
mitted, and to prevent their giving abuſive language to each
other; and the fine, which they engage to pay for that offence,
is a meaſure of honey.
It is not to be doubted, but a confederacy of this kind
muſt have been a great ſource of friendſhip and attachment;
when men lived in perpetual danger from enemies, robbers and
oppreſſors, and received protection chiefly from their perſonal
valour, and from the aſſiſtance of their friends or patrons. As
animoſities were then more violent, connexions were alſo more
intimate, whether voluntary or derived from blood : The moſt
remote degree of propinquity was regarded : An indelible me-
mory of benefits was preſerved : Severe vengeance was taken
of injuries, both from a point of honour, and as the beſt means
of future ſecurity: And the civil union being weak, many pri-
vate confederacies were entered into to ſupply its place, and to
procure men that fafety, which the laws and their own inno-
cence were not alone able to inſure to them. .
ON
A P P E N D I X
229
I.
ܪ
1.
On the whole, notwithſtanding the ſeeming liberty or rather Appendix
licentiouſneſs of the Anglo-Saxons, the great body of the people, w
in thoſe ages, really enjoyed much leſs true liberty, than where
the execution of the laws is the moſt ſevere, and where ſubjects
are reduced to the ſtricteſt ſubordination and dependance on the
civil magiſtrate. The reaſon is derived from the exceſs itſelf of
that liberty. Men muſt guard themſelves at any price againſt
inſults and injuries; and where they receive not protection from
the laws and magiſtrate, they will ſeek it by ſubmiſſion to fupe-
riors, and by herding in ſome inferior confederacy, which acts
under the direction of a powerful chieftain. And thus all
anarchy is the immediate cauſe of tyranny, if not over the ſtate,
at leaſt over many of the individuals.
The German Saxons, as the other nations of that continent, The feve
were divided into three ranks of men, the noble, the free, and ral orders of
the ſlaves $. This diſtinction they brought over with them into
Britain.
men.
h
The nobles were called thanes; and were of two kinds,
the King's thanes and lefſer thanes. The latter ſeem to have
been dependant on the former; and to have received lands, for
which they paid rent, ſervices, or attendance in peace and war
We know of no other title, which raiſed any one to the rank of
thane, except noble birth and the poſſeſſion of land. The for-
mer was always much regarded by all the German nations even
in their moſt barbarous ſtate; and as the Saxon nobility had few
expenſive pleaſures to diffipate their fortune, and the commons
little trade or induſtry by which they could accumulate richies,
theſe two ranks of men, even though they were not ſeparated
: Nithard, hiſt, lib. 4.
h Spelm. Feuds and Tenures, p. 40.
by
I
230
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Appendix by poſitive laws, might remain long diſtinct, and the noble
families continue many ages in opulence and ſplendor. There
were no middle rank of men, who could mix gradually with
their ſuperiors, and procure to themſelves inſenſibly honour and
diſtinction. If by any extraordinary accident, a mean perſon
acquired riches, a circumſtance ſo fingular made him be known
and remarked; he became the object of envy, as well as indig.-
nation, to all the nobles; he would have great difficulty to de
fend what he had acquired; and he would find it impoſlible
to protect himſelf from oppreſſion, except by courting the
patronage of ſome great chieftain, and paying a large price for
his ſafety.
There are two ſtatutes among the Saxon laws, which ſeem
calculated to confound theſe different ranks of men; that of
Athelſtan, by which a merchant, who had made three long
ſea voyages on his own account, was intitled to the quality of
thane'; and that of the ſame prince, by which a ceorle or huſ-
bandman, who had been able to purchaſe five hydes of land,
and had a chapel, a kitchen, a hall and bell, was raiſed to the
ſame diſtinction *. But the opportunities were ſo few, by which
a merchant or ceorle could thus exalt himſelf above his rank,
that the law could never overcome the reigning prejudices; the
diſtinction between noble and baſe blood would ſtill be inde-
lible; and the well-born thanes would entertain the higheſt
contempt for thoſe legal and factitious ones.
Tlio we are not
informed of
any
of theſe circumſtances by antient hiſtorians,
they are ſo much founded on the nature of things, that we may
admit them as a neceſſary and infallible conſequence of the ſitu-
ation of the kingdom during thoſe ages.
i Wilkins, p. 71.
* Selden, Titles of honour, p. 515. Wilkins, p. 70.
THE
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI X
231
I.,
2
met
1.
The cities appear by Domeſday-book to have been at the Appendix
conqueſt little better than villages'. York itſelf, though it was.
always the ſecond, at leaſt the third " city in England, and was
the capital of a great province, which never was thoroughly
united with the reſt, contained then but 1418 families ".
Malmeſbury tells us that the great diſtinction between the
Anglo-Saxon nobility and the French or Norman, was that the
latter built magnificent and ſtately caſtles ; whereas the former
conſumed their immenſe fortunes on riot and hoſpitality in mean :
houſes. We may thence infer, that the arts in general were
much leſs advanced in England than in France; a greater num-
ber of idle ſervants and retainers lived about the great families;
and as theſe, even in France, were powerful enough to diſturb
the execution of the laws, we may judge of the authority, :
acquired by the ariſtocracy in England. When earl Godwin.
beſieged the Confeſſor in London, he ſummoned together from.
all
parts
his huſcarles, or houſeceorles and retainers, and thereby
obliged his ſovereign to accept of the conditions, which he was-
pleaſed to impoſe upon him.
THE lower rank of freemen were denominated ceorles
among
the Anglo-Saxons; and where they were induſtrious, they
were chiefly employed in huſbandry : Whence a ceorle, and a.
Wincheſter, being the capital of the Weft-Saxon monarchy, was antiently a cond-
derable city. Gul. Piet. p. 210.
m Norwich contained 738 houſes, Exeter, 315, Ipſwich, 538, Northampton, 6c, ·
Hertford, 146, Canterbury, 262, Bath, 64, Southampton, 84, Warwick; 113. Sce
Brady of Boroughs, p. 3, 4, 5, 6, &c. Theſe are the most conſiderable de mentions.
The account of them is extracted from Domeſday-book,
* Brady's treatiſe of boroughs, p. 10. There were fix wards, beſides the archbiſhop's
palace; and five of theſe wards contained the number of fa:nilies here mentioned, which
at the rate of five perſons to a family makes about 7000 ſouls. The fix.h ward was laid .
1
waile.
• P, 102.
See alſo de Gef Angl. p. 333.
huſbandmang..
2
1
1
232
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1.
Appendix huſbandman, became in a manner ſynonimous terms. They
cultivated the farms of the nobility or thanes, for which they
paid rent; and they ſeem to have been removcable at pleaſure.
For there is little mention of leaſes among the Anglo-Saxons :
The pride of the nobility, together with the general ignorance
of writing, muſt have rendered thoſe contracts very rare, and
muſt have kept the huſbandmen in a very dependant condition.
The rents of farms were then chiefly paid in kind'
But the moſt numerous rank by far in the community ſeems
to have been the flaves or villains, who were the property of
their lords, and were conſequently incapable, themſelves, of
all
property. Dr. Brady aſſures us, from a ſurvey of Domeſday-
book ", that, in all the counties of England, the far greater part
of the land was occupied by them, and that the huſbandmen,
and ſtill more the focmen, who were tenants, that could not be
removed at pleaſure, were very few in compariſon. This was
not the caſe with the German nations, as far as we can collect
from the account given us by Tacitus. The perpetual wars in
the heptarchy, and the depredations of the Danes, ſeem to have
been the cauſe of this great alteration with the Anglo-Saxons.
The priſoners taken in battle, or carried off in the frequent in-
roads, were reduced to ſlavery; and became, by right of war',
entirely at the diſpoſal of their lords. Great property in the
nobles, cſpecially if joined to an irregular adminiſtration of juf-
tice, naturally favours the power of the ariſtocracy; but ſtill
more fo, if the practice of ſlavery be admitted, and has become
very common. The nobility not only poſſeſs the influence
1
P LL. (nr, $ 70.
Theſe laws fixed the rents for a hyde; but it is difficult to convert
it into modern meaſures.
9 General preface to his hiſt. p. 7, 8, 9, &c.
* LL, Edg. $14. apud Spellm. Conc. vol. i. p. 471.
which
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI Χ 233
I.
Ι.
Appendix
I.
which always attend riches, but alſo the power which the laws
give them over their ſlaves and villains. It becomes then dif-
ficult, and almoſt impoſſible, for a private man to remain alto-
gether free and independant.
THERE were two kinds of ſlaves among the Anglo-Saxons ;
houſehold flaves, after the manner of the antients, and prædial
or ruſtic, after the manner of the Germans'. Theſe latter
reſembled the ſerfs, which are at preſent to be met with in
Poland, Denmark, and ſome places in Germany. The power
of a maſter over his ſlaves was not unlimited among the
Anglo-Saxons, as it was among their anceſtors. If a man beat
out his ſlave's eye or teeth, the ſlave recovered his liberty':
If he killed him, he paid a fine to the King; provided the
Dave died within a day after the wound or blow: Otherwiſe
it paſſed unpuniſhed". The felling themſelves or children into
, ſlavery was always the practice with the German nations *, and
was continued by the Anglo-Saxons.
The great lords and abbots among the Anglo-Saxons pof-
ſeſſed a criminal juriſdiction within their territories, and could
puniſh without appeal any thieves or robbers whom they caught
there". This inſtitution muſt have had a very contrary effect
to that intended, and muſt have procured robbers a ſure
prom
tection in the lands of ſuch noblemen as did not ſincerely mcan
to diſcourage thoſe irregularities.
*
But though the general ſtrain of the Anglo-Saxon govern- Courts of
juſtice.
ment ſeems to have become ariſtocratical, there were ſtill con-
$17
* Spellm. Gloff. in verb. Servus.
: LL. Ælf. $ 20.
u Ibid.
* Tacit. de morb. Germ.
y LL. lnæ, $11. LL. Ælf.
Higden, lib. 1. cap. 50. LL. Edw. Conf. § 26. Spellm. Conc.
vol. i. p. 415. Glof. in verb. Haligemot et Infangenthefs.
VOL.I.
Hh
fiderable
$12.
234
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Appendix
1.
ſiderable remains of the antient democracy, which were not
indeed ſufficient to protect the loweſt of the people, without
thie patronage of ſome great lord, but might give ſecurity, and
even ſome degree of dignity, to the gentry or inferior nobility.
The adminiſtration of juſtice, in particular, by the courts of De-
ccnnary, the Hundred and the County, were well calculated to
defend general liberty, and to reſtrain the exorbitant
power
of
the nobles. In the county courts or ſhiremotes, all the free-
holders were aſſembled twice a-year, and received
and received appeals from
the other inferior courts. They there decided all cauſes, eccle-
fiaftical as well as civil; and the biſhop, together with the
alderman or earl, preſided over them. The affair was deter-
mined in a ſummary manner, without much pleading, forma-
lity, or delay, by a majority of voices; and the biſhop and
alderman had no further authority than to keep order among
the freeholders, and interpoſe with their opinion'. Where
juſtice was denied during three ſeſſions by the Hundred, and
then by the County court, there lay an appeal to the King's
courtº; but this was not practiſed on flight occaſions. The
alderman had a third of the fines levied in theſe courts f; and
as moſt of the puniſhments were then pecuniary, this per-
quiſite formed a conſiderable part of the profits belonging to
his office. The two thirds alſo, which went to the King, made
no contemptible ſhare of the public revenue. Any freeholder
was fined who abſented himſelf thrice from theſe courts.
As the extreme ignorance of the age made deeds and writings
very rare, the County or Hundred court was the place where
• LL. Edg. $5. Wilkins, p. 78. LL. Canut. $ 17. Wilkins, p. 136.
Hickes Diſfert. Epift. p. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8.
e LL. Edg. 9 2. Wilkins, p. 77. LL. Canut. $ 18. apud Wilkins, p. 136.
ILL. Edw. Conf. § 31.
& LL. Ethelft, $ 20.
the
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI X
235
I.
F
1
Appendix
I.
the moſt remarkable civil tranſactions were finiſhed, in order to
preſerve a memorial of them, and prevent all future diſputes.
Here teſtaments were promulgated, flaves manumitted, bar-
gains of fale concluded; and ſometimes, for greater ſecurity,
the moſt confiderable of theſe deeds were inſerted in the blank
leaves of the pariſh Bible, which thus became a kind of regiſter,
too facred to be falſified. It was not unuſual to add to the deed
an imprecation on all ſuch as ſhould be guilty of that crime".
AMONG a people, who lived in ſo ſimple a manner as the
Anglo-Saxons, the judicial power is always of greater impor-
tance than the legiſlative. There were few or no taxes impoſed
by the ſtates: There were few ſtatutes enacted; and the nation
was leſs governed by laws, than by cuſtoms, which admitted
a great latitude of interpretation. Though it ſhould, therefore,
be allowed, that the Wittenagemot was altogether compoſed of
the principal nobility, the county-courts, where all the free-
holders were admitted, and which regulated all the daily occur-
rences of life, formed a very wide baſis for the government,
and were no contemptible checks on the ariſtocracy. But there
is another power ſtill more important than either the judicial
or legiſlative; and that is the power of injuring or ſerving by
immediate force and violence, for which it is difficult to obtain
redreſs in courts of juſtice. In all extenſive governments, where
the execution of the laws is feeble, this power naturally falls
into the hands of the principal nobility; and the degree of it
which prevails, cannot be determined ſo much by the public
ſtatutes, as by ſmall ſtrokes of hiſtory, by particular cuſtoms,
and ſometimes by the reaſon and nature of things. The High-
lands of Scotland have been long entitled by law to every pri-
1
h Hickes Differt. Epift.
üh?
vilcgc
.
1
236
HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
1
Appendix vilege of Britiſh ſubjects; but it was not till very lately that
the common people could in fact enjoy theſe privileges.
S.
The powers of all the members of the Anglo-Saxon govern-
ment are diſputed among hiſtorians and antiquarians; and the
extreme obſcurity of the ſubject, even though faction had never
entered into the queſtion, would naturally have begot thoſe
controverſies. But the great influence of the lords over their
ſlaves and tenants, the clientſhip of the burghers, the total
want of a middling rank of men, the total want alſo of law-
yers, who did not then form a ſeparate profeſſion, the extent
of the monarchy, the looſe execution of the laws, the continued
diſorders and convulſions of the ſtate; all theſe circumſtances
evince, that the Anglo-Saxon government became at laſt ex-
tremely ariſtocratical; and the events, during the period imme-
diately preceding the conqueſt, confirm this inference or con-
jecture.
Criminal law,
Both the puniſhments inflicted by the Anglo-Saxon courts
of judicature, and the methods of proof employed in all cauſes,
appear ſomewhat ſingular, and are very different from thoſe
which prevail at preſent among all civilized nations.
We muſt conceive, that the antient Germans were very little
removed from the original ſtate of nature: The ſocial confe-
deracy among them was more martial than civil : They had
chiefly in view the means of attack or defence againſt public
enemies, not thoſe of protection againſt their fellow-citizens :
Their poſſeſſions were ſo ſlender and ſo equal, that they were
not expoſed to great danger; and the natural bravery of the
people made every man truſt to himſelf and to his particular
7
friends
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν D I X
237
I.
I
1.
friends for his defence or vengeance. This defect in the poli- Appendix
tical union drew much cloſer the knot of particular confede-
racies : An inſult upon any man was regarded by all his relations
and aſſociates as a common injury: They were bound by honour,
as well as by a ſenſe of general intereſt, to revenge his death,
or any
violence which he had ſuffered :- They retaliated on the
aggreſſor by like violences ; and if he was protected, as was
natural and uſual, by his own clan, the quarrel was ſpread ſtill
wider, and bred endleſs diſorders in the nation.
The Friſians, a tribe of the Gerinans, had never advanced
beyond this wild and imperfect ſtate of ſociety; and the right
of private revenge ſtill remained among them unlimited and
uncontrouled . But the other German nations, in the age of
Tacitus, had made one ſtep farther towards completing the
political or civil union. Though it ſtill continued to be an in-
diſpenſible point of honour for every clan to revenge the death
or injury of their fellow, the magiſtrate had acquired a right
of interpoſing in the quarrel, and of accommodating the diffe-
He obliged the perſon maimed or injured, and the
relations of one killed, to accept of a preſent from the aggreſſor
and his relations', as a compenſation for the injury“, and to
drop all farther proſecution of revenge. That the accommo-
dation of one quarrel might not be the ſource of more, this
preſent was fixed and certain, according to the rank of the
perſon killed or injured, and was commonly paid in cattle, the
chief property of thoſe rude and uncultivated nations. A pre-
fent of this kind gratified the revenge of the injured clan by the
loſs which the aggreſſor ſuffered : It ſatisfied their pride by the
rence.
b LL. Æthelb. § 23.
LL. Ælf. $ 27.
* LL. Friſ. tit. 2. apud Lindenbrog. p. 491.
• Called by the Saxons mægbota.
fubmiflion
238
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Appendix
1.
ſubmiſſion which it expreſſed : It diminiſhed their regret for the
loſs or injury of a kinſinan by their acquiſition of new pro-
perty: And thus general peace was for a moment reſtored to the
ſociety".
t
But when the German nations had been fettled fome time
in the provinces of the Roman empire, they made ſtill a new
ſtep towards a more cultivated life, and their criminal juſtice
gradually improved and refined itſelf. The magiſtrate, whoſe
office it was to guard public peace and to ſuppreſs private ani-
mofities, conceived himſelf to be injured by every injury done
to any of his people; and beſides the compenſation to the
perſon who ſuffered, or to his clan, he thought himſelf entitled
to exact a fine, called the Fridwit, as an atonement for the
breach of peace, and as a reward for the pains which he had
taken in accommodating the quarrel. When this idea, which
is ſo natural, was once ſuggeſted, it was readily received both
by magiſtrate and people. The numerous fines which were
levied, augmented the profits of the King: And the people
were ſenſible, that he would be more vigilant in interpoſing
with his good offices, when he reaped ſuch immediate advantage
by them; and that injuries would be leſs frequent, when, bem
ſides compenſation to the perſon injured, they were expoſed to
this additional penalty“
This ſhort abſtract contains the hiſtory of the criminal jurif-
prudence of the northern nations for ſeveral centuries. The
Tacit. de morb. Germ. The author fays, that the price of the compoſition was
fixed; which mult have been by the laws and the interpoſition of the magistratc.
e Beſides paying money to the relations of the deceaſed and to the King, the murderer
was alſo obliged to pay the matter of a ſave or vaſſal a ſum as a coinpenſation for his
lofs. This was called the Manbote. See Spell. Gloff. in verb. Fredun, Manbot.
ftatc
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν D Ι Χ Ι.
239
1
Appendix
1.
1
+
ſtate of England in this particular, during the period of the
Anglo-Saxons, may be judged of by the collection of antient
laws, publiſhed by Lambard and Wilkins. The chief purport
of theſe laws is not to prevent or ſuppreſs entirely private quar-
rels, which the legiſlators knew to be impoſſible, but only to
regulate and moderate them. The laws of Alfred enjoin, that
if
any one knows, that his enemy or aggreſſor, after doing him
an injury, reſolves to keep within his own houſe and his ozurz
lands', he ſhall not fight him, till he require compenſation for
the injury. If he be ſtrong enough to beſiege him in his houſe,
he may do it for ſeven days without attacking him; and if the
aggreſſor is willing, during that time, to ſurrender himſelf and
his arms, his adverſary may detain him thirty days, but is
afterwards obliged to reſtore him ſafe to his kindred, and be
contented with the compenſation. If the criminal fly to the
temple, that ſanctuary muſt not be violated. Where the aſſailant
has not forcé ſufficient to beſiege the criminal in his houſe, he
muſt apply to the alderman for aſſiſtance; and if the alderman
refuſes aid, the aſſailant muſt have recourſe to the King: And
he is not allowed to aſſault the houſe, till after a refuſal of afſift-
ance from this ſupreme magiſtrate. If any one meets with his
enemy, and is ignorant that he was reſolved to keep within his
own lands, he muſt, before he attacks him, require him to ſur-
render himſelf a priſoner, and deliver up his arms; in which
caſe he may detain him thirty days : But if he refuſes to deliver
up
his. arins, it is then lawful to fight him. A lave may fight
in his maſter's quarrel: A father may fight in his ſon's with
any one, except with his maſter 8.
f The addition of theſe laft words in Italics appears neceſſary from what follows in
flıç Same law,
Z LL. Ælfr. $28. Wilkins, p. 43.
IT
240
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Appendix
1.
It was enacted by King Ina, that no man ſhould take revenge
of an injury till he had firſt demanded compenſation, and had
been refuſed it 6.
KING Edmond, in the preamble to his laws, mentions the
general diſſatisfaction, occaſioned by the multiplicity of private
feuds and battles; and he eſtabliſhes ſeveral expedients to remedy
this grievance. He ordains, that if any one murders another, ,
he may, with the aſſiſtance of his kindred, pay within a twelve .
inonth the fine of his crime; and if they abandon him, he ſhall
alone ſuſtain the deadly feud or quarrel with the kindred of the
murdered perſon: His own kindred are free from the feud, but
on condition that they neither converſe with the criminal, nor
ſupply him with meat or other neceſaries : If any of them, after
renouncing him, receive him into their houſe, or give him
aliſtance, they are finable to the King, and are involved in the
feud. If the kindred of the murdered perſon take revenge of
any
but the criminal himſelf, after he is abandoned by his kin-
dred, all their property is forfeited, and they are declared to be
enemies to the King and all his friends. It is alſo ordained,
that the fine for murder ſhall never be remitted by the King
and that no criminal ſhall be killed who flies to the church, or
any of the King's towns “; and the King himſelf declares, that
his houſe ſhall give no protection to murderers, till they have
ſatisfied the church by their penance, and the kindred of the
deceaſed by making compenſation. There follows the method
appointed for tranſacting this compoſition.
d
THESE attempts of Edmond to contract and diminiſh the
feuds, were contrary to the antient ſpirit of the northern barba-
LL. Inæ, $ 9.
• LL. Edm. $1. Wilkins, p. 73.
LL. Edm. $ 3.
e LL. Edm. § 2.
f LL, Edm. $ 4.
& LL. Edm. $.7.
rians,
1
15
..,
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI X
I.
1
241
Appendix
1.
rians, and were an advance towards a more regular adminiſtra-
tion of juſtice. By the Salic law, any man might, by a public
declaration, exempt himſelf from his family quarrels: But then
he was conſidered by the law as no longer belonging to the
family; and he was deprived of all right of ſucceſſion, as a
puniſhment of his cowardice".
A
1
The price of the King's head, or his weregild, as it was then
called, was by law 30,000 thrimſas, a ſpecies of coin whoſe
value is uncertain. The price of the prince's head was 15,000
thrimſas ; that of a biſhop's or alderman's 8000; a ſheriff's
4000; a thane's or clergyman's 2000; a ceorle's 266. Theſe
prices were fixed by the laws of the Angles. By the Mercian
law, the price of a ceorle's head was 200 ſhillings; that of a
thane's ſix times as much; that of a King's ſix times more.
By the laws of Kent, the price of the archbiſhop's head was
higher than that of the King's *. Such reſpect was then paid
to the eccleſiaſtics ! It muſt be underſtood, that where a perſon
was unable to pay the fine, he was put out of the protection of
law, and the kindred of the deceaſed had liberty to puniſh him
as they thought proper.
SOME antiquarians ' have thought, that theſe compenſations
were only given for man-ſlaughter, not for wilful murder: But
no ſuch diſtinction appears in the laws; and it is contradicted by
the practice of all the other barbarous nations ", by that of the
antient Germans ", and by that curious monument above men-
tioned of Saxon antiquity, preſerved by Hickes. There is in-
A
n Tit. 63
Wilkins, p. 110.
1
- Lindenbrogius, paflim.
Vol. I.
i Wilkins, p. 71, 72.
k LL Elthredi, apud
! Tyrrel introduct, vol. i. p. 126. Carte, vol. i. p. 366.
. Tac. de mor. Germ.
I i
deed
1
242
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Appendix
1.
deed a law of Alfred's, making wilful murder capital º; but
this ſeems only to have been an attempt of that great legiſlator
for eſtabliſhing a better police in the kiagdom, and to have re-
mained without execution. By the laws of the ſame prince, a
conſpiracy againſt the life of the King might be redeemed by a
fine.
The price of all kinds of wounds was likewiſe fixed by the
Saxon laws: A wound of an inch long under the hair was paid
with one ſhilling : One of a like ſize on the face, two ſhil-
lings: Thirty ſhillings for the loſs of an ear; and ſo forth?
There ſeems not to have been any difference made, according
to the dignity of the perſon. By Ethelbert's laws, any one
who committed adultery with his neighbour's wife was obliged
to pay him a fine, and buy him another wife'.
computer
These inſtitutions are not peculiar to the antient Germans.
They ſeem to be the neceſſary progreſs of criminal juriſprudence
among every free people, where the will of the ſovereign is not
implicitly obeyed. We find them among the antient Greeks
during the time of the Trojan war. Compoſitions for murder .
are mentioned in Neſtor's ſpeech to Achilles in the ninth Iliad,
and are called απαναι. The Iriſh, who never had any connec-
tions with the German nations, adopted the ſame practice till
very lately; and the price of a man's head was called among
them his eric; as we learn from Sir John Davis. The fame
cuſtom ſeems alſo to have prevailed among the Jews":
1
• LL. Ælf. $ 12. Wilkins, p. 29. It is probable, that by wilful murder Alfred
means a treacherous murder, committed by one who has no declared feud with another.
PLL. Ælf. $ 4. Wilkins, p. 35:
9 LL. Elfr. $ 40. See alſo LL. Ethelb.
ILL. Ethelb. 32.
• Exod. cap. xxi. 29, 30.
$ 34, &c,
2
THEFT
+
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν D Ι Χ 1.
24.3
::.
1.
Theft and robbery were very frequent among the Anglo- Appendix
Saxons. To impoſe ſome check upon theſe crimes, it was or-
dained that no man ſliould ſell or buy any thing above twenty
pence value, except in open market"; and every bargain of
ſale muſt be executed before witneſſes º Gangs of robbers
much diſturbed the peace of the country; and the law deter-
inined, that a tribe of banditti, conſiſting of between ſeven and
thirty-five perſons, was to be called a turma, or troop: Any
greater company was denoininated an army'. The puniſhments
for this crime were various, but none of them capital $. If any
man could track his ſtolen cattle into another's ground, the
latter was obliged to fhow the tracks out of it, or pay their
value,
TREASON and rebellion, to whatever exceſs they were car-
ried, were not then capital, but might be redeemed by a ſum of
money'. The legiſlators, knowing it impoſſible to prevent all
diſorders, only impoſed a higher fine on breaches of the peace
committed in the King's court, or before an alderman or
biſhop. An alehouſe too ſeems to have been conſidered as a
privileged place; and any quarrels that aroſe there were more
ſeverely puniſhed than elſewhere *.
If the puniſhments of crimes among the Anglo-Saxons ap- Rules of
pear ſingular, the proofs were no leſs ſo; and were alſo the proof.
natural reſult of the ſituation of theſe people. Whatever we
po 8o.
b
I LL. Æthelft. $ 12.
e LL. Æthelſt. § 10. 12. LL. Edg. apud Wilkins,
Hloth. & Eadm. $ 16. LL.
LL. Ethelredi, $ 4. apud Wilkins, p. 103.
Canut. $ 22.
f LL, Inx, § 12.
& LL. Inx, § 37.
Ll. Æthelft. 62. Wilkins, p. 63.
| LL. Ethelredi, apud Wilkins,
P. 110. IL. Ælf. § 4. Wilkins, p. 35.
k LL, Hloth. & Eadm. § 12, 13.
LL. Ethelr, apad Wilkins, p. 117.
I i 2
may
I 4
244
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Appendix
},
1
1
may imagine concerning the uſual truth and ſincerity of men,
who live in a rade and barbarous ſtate, there is much more falfe-
hood, and even perjury, among them than among civilized nati-
ons; and virtuc, which is nothing but a more enlarged and more
cultivated reaſon, never flouriſhes to any degrec, nor is founded
on ſteady principles of honour, except where a good education
becomes general; and men are taught the pernicious conſe--
quences of vice, treachery, and immorality. Even ſuperſtition,
though more prevalent among ignorant nations, is but a poor :
ſupply for the defects of knowledge and education; and our
European anceſtors, who employed every moment the expedient
of ſwearing on extraordinary croſſes and reliques, were lefs..
honourable in all engagements than their poſterity, who from
experience have omitted thoſe ineffectual ſecurities. This ge-
neral proneneſs to perjury was much increaſed by the uſual
want of diſcernment in judges, who could not diſcuſs an intricate
evidence, and were obliged to number, not weigh, the teſti-
mony of the witneſſes'. Hence the ridiculous practice of
obliging men to bring compurgators, who, as they did not pre-
tend to know any thing of the fact, expreſſed upon oath that
they believed the perſon ſpoke true; and theſe compurgators
were in ſome caſes multiplied to the number of three hundred".
The practice alſo of ſingle combat was employed by moſt nations
on the continent as a remedy againſt falſe evidence"; and tho'
! Sometimes the laws fixed caſy general rules for weighing the credibility of witneſſes.
A man whoſe life was eſtimated at 120 ſhillings counterbalanced fix ceorles, cach of
whoſe lives was only valued at twenty ſhillings, and his oath was eſteemed equivalent to
that of all the fix. Sce Wilkins, p.72.
in Præf. Nicol ad Wilkins, p. Ide
" LL. Burgund. cap. 45. LL. Lomb.
lib. 2. tit. 55. cap. 34.
it
+
1
..
A P P E N D I X
I. .
245
Appendix
I.
it was frequently dropt, from the oppoſition of the clergy, it
was continually revived, from experience of the falſehood at:-
tending the teſtimony of witneſſes °. It became at laſt a ſpecies ·
of juriſprudence; and the caſes were determined by law, in
which the party might challenge his adverſary, or the witneſſes,
or the judge himſelf ' : And though theſe cuſtoms were abſurd,
they were rather an improvement on the methods of trial,
which had formerly been practiſed among theſe barbarous na--
tions, and which ſtill prevailed among the Anglo-Saxons. .
ner.
WHEN any controverſy about a fact became too intricate for :
theſe ignorant judges to unravel, they had recourſe to what
they called the judgment of God, that is, to fortune; and their
methods for conſulting this oracle were various:- One of them
was the deciſion by the croſs; and it was practiſed in this man-
When a perſon was accuſed of any crime, he firſt cleared
himſelf by, oath, attended by eleven compurgators : He next
took two pieces of wood, one of which was marked with the
ſign of the croſs; and wrapping both up in wool, he placed :
them on the altar, or on ſome celebrated relique. After Colemn :
prayers for the ſucceſs of the experiment, a prieſt, or in his
ſtead ſome unexperienced youth, took up one of the pieces of
wood, and if hc happened upon that marked with the figure of
the croſs, the perſon was pronounced innocent; if otherwiſe,
guilty. This practice, as it aroſe from ſuperſtition, was abo--
liſhed by it in France. The Emperor, Lewis the Debonnaire,
prohibited that method of trial, not becauſe it was uncertain, ,
but leſt that ſacred figure, ſays he, of the croſs ſhould be
pro
ſtituted in common diſputes and controverſies'. .
+
• LL. Longob. lib. 2. tit. 55. cap. 23. apud Lindenb. p..661.
P Sec
Desfontaines and Beaumanoir.
9 LL. Frifon. tit. 14. apud Linden-
brogium, p, 496. .
Du Cange in verb. Crux.
THE
1.
246
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
י
Appendix
1.
t
to a
The ordeal was another eſtabliſhed method of trial among
the Anglo-Saxons. It was practiſed either by boiling water or
red-hot iron. The water or iron was conſecrated by many
prayers, maſſes, faſtings, and exorciſnis '; after which, the
perſon accuſed either took up a ſtone ſunk into the water
certain depth, or carried the iron a certain diſtance; and his
hand being wrapped up, and the covering ſealed for three days,
if there appeared on examining it no marks of burning, he was
pronounced innocent; if otherwiſe, guilty“. The trial by cold
water was different: The perſon was thrown into conſecrated
water; if he ſwam, he was guilty; if he funk, innocent*. It
is difficult for us to conceive, how any innocent perſon could
ever eſcape by the one trial, or any criminal be convicted by
the other. But there was another uſage admirably calculated
for allowing every criminal to eſcape, who had confidence
enough to try it. A confecrated cake, called a corſned, was
produced; which if the perſon could ſwallow and digeſt, he
was pronounced innocent '.
+
Military
force.
A
The feudal law, if it had place at all among the Anglo-
Saxons, which is doubtful, certainly was not extended over all
the landed property, and was not attended with thoſe conſe-
quences of homage, reliefs ?, wardſhip, marriage, and other
burthens, which were inſeparable from it in the kingdoms of
the continent. As the Saxons expelled or deſtroyed entirely
• Spellm. in verb. Ordeal. Parker, p. 155. Lindenbrog. p. 1297.
+ LL. loæ, $77
u Sometimes the perſon accuſed walked barefoot
over red hot iron.
* Spellman in verb. Ordealium.
y Spellm. in verb. Corſned. Parker, p. 156. Text. Roffenſ. p. 33.
2 On the death of an alderman, a greater or leſſer thane, there was a payment made
to the King of his beſt arms; and this was called his heriot: But this was not of the
nature of a relief. Sce Spellm. of tenures, p. ;2. The value of this heriot was fixed
by Canute's laws, § 69.
the
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν D Ι Χ Ι.
947
Appendix
S.
the antient Britains, they planted themſelves in this iſland on
the ſame footing with their anceſtors in Germany, and found
no occaſion for the feudal inſtitutions ", which were calculated
to maintain a kind of ſtanding army, always in readineſs to
ſuppreſs any inſurrection of the conquered people. The trouble
and expence of defending the ſtate in England lay equally upon
all the land ; and it was uſual for every five hides to equip a.
man for the ſervice. The trinoda neceſſitas, as it was called,
or the burthen of military expeditions, of repairing high-ways,,
and of building and ſupporting. bridges, was inſeparable from
landed property, even though it belonged to the church or
monaſteries, unleſs exempted by a particular charter". The
ceorles or huſbandmen were provided with arms, and were
obliged to take their turn in military duty. There were com-
puted to be 243,600 hides in England"; confequently the
ordinary military force of the kingdom conſiſted of 48,720 men;
though, no doubt, on extraordinary occaſions, a greater power
might be aſſembled. The King and nobility had ſome mili-
tary tenants, who were called Sithcun-menº. And there were
fome lands annexed to the office of alderman, and to other of-
fices; but theſe probably were not of great extent, and were
pofleft only during pleaſure, as in the commencement of the
feudal law in other countries of Europe.
Verue.
The revenue of the King ſeems to have conſiſted chiefly Public re-
in his demeſnes, which were large; and in the tolls and impoſts
which he probably levied ať difcretion on the boroughs and
ſca-ports, that lay within his demeſnes. He could not alienate.
b
* Bracon de Acqu. rer. domin. lib. 2. cap. 16. See more fully Spellman of feuds
and tenures, and Craigius de jure feud. lib. 1. dicģ. 7.
Spellm. Conc.
Spellm. of feuds and tenures,
• Spellm. Conc. vol. i. p. 195.
any
cinæ, $ 51.
d
vol. 1, p. 256.
p. 17.
1
4
:48
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1.
Appendix
any part of his land, even to religious uſes, without the con-
med ſent of the ſtates'. Danegelt was a land-tax of a ſhilling a
hide, impoſed by the ſtates, either for payment of the ſums
exacted by the Danes, or for putting the kingdom in a poſture
of defence againſt theſe invaders ".
Va'ue of
: money.
The Saxon pound, as likewiſe thoſe coined for ſome cen-
turies after the conqueſt, were three times the weight of our
preſent money: There were forty-eight ſhillings in the pound,
and five pence in a ſhilling '; and conſequently a Saxon ſhilling
was a fifth larger than ours, and a Saxon penny three times as
large *. As to the value of money in thoſe times, compared to
the neceſſaries of life, there are fome, though not very certain
means of computation. A ſheep by the laws of Athelſtan was
eſtimated at a ſhilling; that is, fifteen-pence of our money.
The fleece was two-fifths of the value of the whole ſheep';
much above its preſent eſtimations of which the reaſon probably
was, that the Saxons, like the antients, were little acquainted
with any other cloathing but that made of wool. Silk and
cotton were quite unknown: Linen was not much uſed. An
ox was computed at ſix times the value of a ſheep; a cow at
four. If we ſuppoſe, that the cattle in that age, from the
defects of huſbandry, were not ſo large as they are at preſent
in England, we may compute that money was then near ten
times of greater value. A horſe was valued at about thirty-ſix
fhillings of our money, or thirty Saxon Shillings"; a mare a
third leſs. A man at thrce pounds • The board-wages of a
child the firſt year was eight ſhillings, a cow's paſture in ſum-
f Spellm. Conc. vol. i. p. 340.
& Chron. Sax. p. 128.
h LL. Edw.
Con. ſ 12.
LL, Ælf. $ 40.
* Fleetwood's Chron. Pretioſum,
p. 27, 28, &c.
ILL. Inæ, $ 65.
* Wilkins, p. 66.
Wilkins, p. 126.
Ibid.
mer,
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν Ο Ι Χ Ι.
24.9
11
Appendix
1.
aner, and an ox's in winter. William of Malmeſbury men-
tions it as a high price that William Rufus gave fifteen marks
for a horſe, or about thirty pounds of our preſent money ?:
Between the years goo and 1900, Ednoth bought a hide of
land for about 118 ſhillings'. This was a little more than a
fhilling an acre, which indeed appears to have been the uſual
price, as we may learn from other accounts'. A palfrey was
ſold for twelve ſhillings about the year 966'. The value of an
ox in King Ethelred's time was between feven and eight
ſhillings; a cow about ſix ſhillings". Gervas of Tilbury ſays,
that in Henry the firſt's time, bread during a day for a hun-
dred men was rated at three ſhillings, or a ſhilling of that age;
for it is thought that foon after the conqueſt a pound ſterling
was divided into twenty ſhillings : A ſheep was rated at a ſhil-
ling, and fo of other things in proportion. In Athelſtan's time
a ram was valued at a ſhilling, or four-pence Saxon". The
tenants of Shireburn were obliged, at their choice, to pay
either fix-pence or four hens'. About 1232, the abbot of St.
Albans, going on a journey, hired ſeven handſome ſtout horſes;
and agreed, if any of them died on the road, to pay the owner
30 ſhillings a-piece of our preſent money It is to be
remarked, that in all antient times, corn, being a ſpecies of
manufactory, bore always a higher price, compared to cattle,
than it does in our times. The Saxon Chronicle tells us,
that in the reign of Edward the Confeffor there was the moſt
terrible famine ever known; in ſo much that a quarter of wheat
roſe to fixty pennies, or about fifteen ſhillings of our preſent
2
d
1
P LL. Inæ, $ 38.
9 P. 121.
• Hiſt. Elienf. p. 473.
+ Hift. Elicnſ. p. 471.
* Wilkins, p. 56.
y Monaft. Anglic, vol. ii. p. 528.
* Fleetwood, p. 83, 94, 96, 98.
VOL.I.
KK
Hift. Rameſ. p. 115.
u Wilkins, p. 126.
2 Mat. Paris.
• P.157
money,
250
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Appendix money. Conſequently it was as dear as if it now coſt ſeven
pounds ten ſhillings ſterling. This much exceeds the great
famine in the end of Queen Elizabeth; when a quarter of wheat
was ſold for four pounds. Money in this laſt period was nearly
of the ſame value as in our time. Theſe enormous famines are:
a certain proof of bad huſbandry.
On the whole, there are three things to be conſideredz.
wherever a ſum of money is mentioned in antient times. Firſt,,
the change of denomination, by which a pound has been re-
duced to the third part of its antïent weight in ſilver.. Secondly,
the change in value by the greater plenty of money, which
Has reduced the ſame weight of ſilver to ten times leſs value,
compared to commodities; and conſequently a pound ſterling
to the thirtieth part of the antient value. Thirdly, the fewer
people and leſs induſtry, which were then to be found in every
European kingdom. This circumſtance made even the thirtieth
part of the ſum more difficult to levy, and cauſed any ſum to
have more than thirty times more weight and influence both
abroad and at home, than in our times; in the ſame manner
that a fum, an hundred thouſand pounds for inſtance, is at prem
fent more difficult to levy in a ſmall ſtate, ſuch as Bavaria, and
can operate greater effects on ſuch a ſmall community, than on.
England. This laſt difference is not eaſy to be calculated : But
allowing, that England has now above five times more induſtry,
and three tiines more people than it liad at the conqueſt and for
föme reigns after it, we are, upon that ſuppoſition, to conceive,
taking all circumſtances together, every ſum of money men-
tioned by hiſtorians, as if it were multiplied more than an
hundred, fold above a ſum of the fame denomination at preſenti
4
IN
Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI X
251
1.
Appendix
I.
In the Saxon times, land was divided equally among all the
male-children of the deceaſed, according to the cuſtom of Gavel-
kind. Entails were ſometimes practiſed in thoſe times'. Lands
were chiefly of two kinds, bockland, or land held by book or
charter, which were regarded as full property, and deſcended
to the heirs of the poſſeſſor; and folkland, or the land held by
the ceorles and common people, who were removeable at plea-
ſure, and were indeed only tenants during the will of their lords.
The firſt attempt, which we find in England to ſeparate the
eccleſiaſtical from the civil juriſdiction, was that law of Edgar,
by which all diſputes among the clergy were ordered to be
carried before the biſhop". The pennances were then very
ſevere ; but as a man could buy them off by money, or might
ſubſtitute others to perform them, they lay very eaſy upon the
rich
1
Manners
With regard to the manners of the Anglo-Saxons we can
ſay little, but that they were in general a rude, uncultivated
people, ignorant of letters, unſkilled in the mechanical arts,
untamed to ſubmiſſion under law and government, addicted to
intemperance, riot, and diſorder. Their beſt quality was their
military courage, which yet was not ſupported by diſcipline or
conduct. Their want of fidelity to the prince, or to any truſt
repoſed in them, appears ſtrongly in the hiſtory of their latter
period; and their want of humanity in all their hiſtory. Even
the Norman hiſtorians, notwithſtanding the low ſtate of the
arts in their own country, ſpeak of them as barbarians, when
.
3
a Wilkins, p. 83
· LL. Ælf. $ 37. apud Wilkins, p. 43.
Wilkins, p. 96, 97. Spell. Conc. p. 473.
IK k 9
they
+
252
!
HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
1
I.
Appendix they mention the invaſion made upon them by the duke of
m Normandy. The conqueſt put the people in a ſituation of
receiving ſlowly from abroad the rudiments of ſcience and.
cultivation, and of correcting their rough and licentious.
"
manners.
។
:
r
( 253 )
CHA P. IV,
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR .
1
Conſequences of the battle of Haſtings Submiſion of the Eng-
liſh
Settlement of the government King's return to
Normandy Diſcontents of the Engliſh Their infur-
rections Rigors of the Norman government New
inſurrections New rigors of the government
Intro-
duction of the feudal law -- Innovation in ecclefiaftical govern-
Inſurrection of the Norman baronis —
Diſpute
about inveſtitures Revolt of prince Robert Doomf-
day-book The New foreſt War with France
Death and character of William the Conquer.or.'
.
ment
NO
C H A P..
IV.
OTHING could exceed the conſternation which ſeized
the Engliſh, when they received intelligence of the un-
fortunate battle of Haſtings, the death of their King, the 1066.
Conſequen-:
ſlaughter of their principal nobility, and of their braveſt war ces of the
battle of
riors, and the rout and diſperſion of the remainder. But tho' Haſtings. .
the 'loſs, which-they had ſuſtained in that fatal action, was
confiderable, it might eaſily have been repaired. by a great
nation; where the people were generally armed, and where
there reſided ſo many powerful 'noblemen in every province,
who could have aſſembled their retainers, and have obliged the
duke of Normandy to divide his army, and probably to waſte
it in a multitude of actions and rencounters. It was thus, that
the kingdom had formerly reſiſted, for many years, its invaders,
and had been gradually ſubdued, by the continued efforts of the
Romans, Saxons, and Danes; and equal difficulties might have
3
been ::
1
254
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IV.
been apprehended by William in this bold and hazardous
enterprize. But there were ſeveral vices in the Anglo-Saxon
conſtitution which rendered it difficult for the Engliſh to
defend their liberties in ſo critical an emergency. The people
had in a great meaſure loſt all national pride and ſpirit, by their
recent and long ſubjection to the Danes; and as Canute had,
in the courſe of his adminiſtration, much abated the rigors of
conqueſt, and had governed them equitably by their own laws,
they regarded with the leſs terror the ignominy of a foreign
yoke, and deemed the inconveniences of ſubmiſſion leſs formi-
dable than thoſe of bloodſhed, war, and reſiſtance. Their
attachment alſo to the antient royal family had been much
weakened by their habitude of ſubmiſſion to the Daniſh princes,
and by their late election of Harold, or their acquieſcence in
his uſurpation. And as they had long been accuſtomed to
regard Edgar Atheling, the only heir of the Saxon line, as
unfit to govern them even in times of order and tranquillity;
they could entertain ſmall hopes of his being able to repair ſuch
great loſſes as they had ſuſtained, or to withſtand the victorious
arms of the duke of Normandy.
That they might not, however, be altogether wanting to
themſelves in this extreme neceſſity, the Engliſh took ſome
ſteps towards adjuſting their disjointed government, and uniting
themſelves againſt the common enemy. The two potent earls,
Edwin and Morcar, who had fled to London with the remains
of the broken army, took the lead on this occafion; and in
concert with Stigand, archbiſhop of Canterbury, a man pof-
ſeſſed of great authority, and of ample revenues, proclaimed
Edgar King, and endeavoured to put the people in a poſture of
defence, and encourage them to reſiſt the Normans. But the
d Gul. Pictav, p. 207. Order. Vitalis, p. 502. Hoveden, p. 449. Knyghton, p. 2343.
.
terror
1
។
"
1
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
255
CHAP ,
IV.
terror of the late defeat, and the near neighbourhood of the
invaders, encreaſed the confuſion, inſeparable from great revo-
lutions; and every reſolution propoſed was haſty, fluctuating,
variable; diſconcerted by fear or faction; ill planned, and.
worſe executed..
WILLIAM, that his enemies might not have leiſure to
recover their conſternation or unite their councils, immediately
put himſelf in motion after his victory, and reſolved to pro-
fecute an enterprize, which nothing but celerity and vigor
could render finally ſucceſsful. His firſt attempt was againſt.
Romney, whoſe inhabitants he ſeverely puniſhed on account of
their cruel treatment of fome Norman ſeamen and ſoldiers, who;
had been carried thither by ſtreſs of weather or by a miſtake in
their courſe : And. foreſeeing that his conqueſt of England
might ſtill be attended with many difficulties and with much:
oppoſition, he thought it neceſſary, before he ſhould advance
farther into the country, toº make himſelf. maſter of Dover,
which would both ſecure him a retreat in caſe of adverſe for--
tune, and afford him a ſafe landing place for ſuch ſupplies as
might be requiſite for aſſiſting him to puſh. his advantages.
The terror, diffuſed by his victory at Haſtings, was ſo great,,
that the garriſon of Dover, though numerous and well provided
of every thing, immediately capitulated ; and as the Normans,
ruſhing in to take poffeffion of the town, haſtily ſet fire to ſome
of the houſes, William, who was deſirous to conciliate the
minds of the Engliſh by an appearance of lenity and juſtice,,
made reparation to the inhabitants for their loſſes ..
a Gul. Pilav. p;:204;.
T
f: Ibid,
THE
1
:
2:56
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
The Norman army, being much diſtreſſed with a dyſentery,
was obliged to remain here eight days; and the duke, on their
recovery, advanced with quick marches towards London, and
by his approach encreaſed the confuſions, which were already
;fo prevalent in the Engliſh councils. The eccleſiaſtics in parti-
cular, whoſe influence was great over the people, began to
declare in his favour; and as moſt of the biſhops and dignified
clergymen were even then Frenchmen ar Normans, the pope's
bull, by which his enterprize was avowed and conſecrated, was
now openly inſiſted on as a reaſon for general ſubmiſſion. The
ſuperior learning of thoſe prelates, which, during the Con-
feſſor's reign, had raiſed them above the ignorant Saxons,
made their opinions be received with implicit faith; and a
young prince, like Edgar, whoſe capacity was deemed ſo mean,
was but ill qualified to reſiſt the impreſſion, which they made
on the minds of the people. A repulſe, which a body of Lon-
doners received from five hundred Norman horſe, renewed in
the city the terror of the great defeat at Haſtings &; the eaſy
ſubmiſſion of all the inhabitants of Kent was an additional dif-
couragement to them"; the burning of Southwark before their
eyes
made them dread a like fate to their own city; and no man
any longer entertained thoughts but of immediate ſafety and
of ſelf-preſervation. Even the earls, Edwin and Morcar, in
deſpair of making effectual reſiſtance, retired with their troops
to their own provinces '; and the people thenceforth diſpoſed
themſelves unanimouſly to yield to the victor. As ſoon as
William paſſed the Thames at Wallingford, and reached Berk-
of the Enga hamſtead, Stigand, the primate, made ſubmiſſion to him; and
f
2
1
Submiflion
liſh.
I Gul. Piętav. p. 205. Order. Vital. p. 503.
h Gul. Pictav. p. 205. It is pretended, that the Kentiſhmen capitulated for the pre-
fervation of their privileges. See Thom. Spot, apud Wilkins Gloſs..in verbo Bocland.
i Hoveden, p. 449.
before
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
257
?
IV.
before the prince came within ſight of the city, all the chief CHAP.
nobility, and Edgar Atheling himſelf, the new elected King,
came into his camp, and declared their intention of yielding to
his authority". They requeſted him to accept of their crown,
which they now conſidered as vacant; and declared to him, that,
as they had always been ruled by regal power, they deſired to
follow, in this particular, the example of their anceſtors, and
knew of no one more worthy than himſelf to hold the reins of
government !
THOUGH this was the great object, to which the duke's en-
terprize tended, he ſeemed to deliberate on the offer; and being
deſirous, at firſt, of preſerving the appearance of a legal admi-
niſtration, he wiſhed to obtain a more expreſs and formal con-
fent both of his own army and of the Engliſh nation": But
Aimar of Aquitain,'a man equally reſpected for his valour in the
field, and for his prudence in council, reinonſtrating with him
on the danger of delay in fo critical a conjuncture, he laid aſide
all farther fcruples, and accepted of the crown which was
proffered him. Orders were immediately iſſued to prepare every
thing for the cereinony of his coronation ; but as he was yet
afraid to place entire confidence in the Londoners, who were
numerous and warlike, he meanwhile commanded fortreſſes to
be erected in order to curb the inhabitants, and to ſecure his
perſon and government "
STIGAND was not much in the duke's favour, both becauſe
he had intruded into the ſee on the expulſion of Robert, the
Norman, and becauſe he poſſeſſed ſuch influence and authority
* Hoveden, p. 456. Flos, Wigorn. p. 634.
Ord. Vital. p. 503.
- Gul, Pictav. p. 205.
VOL.I.
L1
| Gul. Pist. p. 205.
n bid,
over
2;8
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НА Р.
IV.
26th Dec.
over the Engliſh ° as might be dangerous to a new eſtabliſhed
monarch. William, therefore, pretending that the primate had
obtained his pall in an irregular manner from pope Benedict IX.
who was hiinſelf an uſurper, refuſed to be confecrated by him,
and conferred that honour on Aldred, archbiſhop of York. Weſt-
minſter abbey was the place appointed for that magnificent cere-
mony; the moſt conſiderable of the nobility, both Engliſh and
Norman, attended the duke on this occafion ;. Aldred in a ſhort
ſpeech aſked the former, whether they agreed to accept of Willi-
am as their King; the biſhop of Conſtance put the ſame queſtion
to the latter; and both being anſwered with acclamations ?,
Aldred adminiſtered to the duke the uſual coronation oath, by
which he bound himſelf to protect the church, to adminiſter
juſtice, and to repreſs violence; and he then anointed him and
put the crown upon his head'. There appeared: nothing but
joy in the countenance of the ſpectators: But in that very mo--
ment, there burſt forth the ſtrongeſt ſymptoms of the jealouſy
and animoſity which prevailed between the nations, and which
continually. encreaſed during the reign of this prince. The :
Norman foldiers, who were placed without in order to guard
the church, hearing the ſhouts within, fancied that the Engliſh
were committing violence on their duke; and they immedi-
ately aſſaulted the populace, and ſet fire to the neighbouring
houſes. The alarm was conveyed to the nobility who ſur-
rounded the prince; both Engliſh and Normans, full of appre-
henſions, ruſhed out to ſecure themſelves from the preſent
1
• Eadmer, p.
.
6.
P Gul. Pi&tav: p. 206. Ingulf, p. 69. Malmef. p. 102.
Hoveden, p. 450. Matth. Weſt. p. 245. Flor, Wig. 635. M. Paris, p. 4. Anglia
Sacra, vol. 1. p. 248. Alur, Beverl. p. 127.
9 Order. Vital. p. 503.
- Malmeſbury, p. 271, fays, that he alſo promiſed to govern the Normans and Eng-
lith by equal laws; and this addition to the uſual oath ſeems not improbable, confider-
ing the circumſtances of the times.
danger;
J
+
I
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
2:59
danger; and it was with difficulty, that William himſelf was
able to appeaſe the tumult'.
CHAP
IV.
Settlement of
ment.
The King, thus poſſeſſed of the throne by a pretended deſti 1067:
nation of King Edward, and by an irregular election of the the govern-
people, but ſtill more by force of arms, retired from London to
Berking in Eſſex; and there received the ſubmiſſions of all the
nobility, who had not attended his coronation. Edric, firnamed
the Foreſter, grand-nephew to that Edric, ſo noted for his re-
peated acts of perfidy during the reigns of Ethelred and Edmond;
earl Coxo, a man famous for bravery; even Edwin and Mor-
car, earls of Mercia and Northumberland ; with the other prin-
cipal noblemen of England, came and ſwore fealty to him; were
received into favour; and were confirmed in the poſſeſſion of
their eſtates and dignities. Every thing bore the appearance
of peace and tranquillity; and William had no other occupation
than to give contentment to the foreigners who had helped
him to the throre, and to his new ſubjects, who had ſo readily
ſubmitted to him.
4
He had got poffeffion of the treaſure of Harold, which was
·conſiderable; and being alſo ſupplied with rich preſents from
the opulent men in all parts of England, who were ſolicitous to
gain the favour of their new ſovereign, he diſtributed great
ſums
among his troops, and by this liberality gave them hopes of ob-
taining at length thoſe more durable eſtabliſhments, which they
had expected from his enterprize ". The ecclefiaftics, both at
home and abroad, had much forwarded his ſucceſs; and he
failed not, in return, to expreſs his gratitude and devotion in
s Gul. Piet. p. 206. Order. Vitalis, p. 503.
Order. Vital. p. 506,
u Gul. Piet. p, 206
Gul. Piclav, p. 208.
1. 1 :
the
!
260
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
C + A .
IV.
106;.
the manner which was inoſt acceptable to them : He ſent
Harold's ſtandard to the Pope, accompanied with many valuable
preſents : All the conſiderable monaſteries and churches in
France, where prayers had been put up for his ſucceſs, now
tafted of his bounty *: The Engliſh monks found him well dif-
poſed to favour their order; and he built a new convent near
Haſtings, which he called Battle-Abbey, and which, on pretence
of ſupporting monks to pray for his own ſoul, and that of Ha-
rold, ſerved as a perpetual memorial of his victory Y.
He introduced into England that ſtrict execution of juſtice,
for which his adminiſtration had been ſo celebrated in Nor-
mandy; and even during this violent revolution, every diſorder
or oppreſſion met with the moſt rigorous puniſhment”. His
own army in particular was governed with ſevere diſcipline;
and notwithſtanding the inſolence of victory, care was taken to
give as little offence as poſſible to the jealouſy of the vanquiſhed".
The King appeared folicitous to unite in an amicable manner
the Normans and the Engliſh, by intermarriages and alliances;
and all his new ſubjects who approached his perſon were received
with affability and regard. No ſigns of ſuſpicion appeared,
not even towards Edgar Atheling, the heir of the antient royal
family, whom he confirmed in the honours of earl of Ox-
ford, conferred on him by Harold, and whom he affected to
treat with the higheſt kindneſs, as nephew to the Confeſſor,
his great friend and benefactor . Though he forfeited the
the
* Gul. Pict. p. 206.
y Gul. Gemet. p. 238. Chron. Sax. p. 189. M. Weſt. p. 226. M. Paris, p. 9.
Diceto, p. 482. This convent was freed by him from all cpiſcopal juriſdiâion. Mo-
naft. Ang, tom. I. p. 311, 312.
z Gul. Piet. p. 208. Order. Vital. p. 506.
a Gul. Piet. p. 207.
Order. Vital. p. 505, 506.
b Gul. Pict. p. 208.
eftates
11
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
261
--
D
СНАР.
IV.
1c67. .
+
effates of Harold, and of thoſe who had fought in the battle of
Haſtings on the ſide of that prince, whom he repreſented as
an uſurper, he ſeemed willing to admit of every plauſible
excuſe for paſt oppoſition to his pretenſions, and he received
many into favour, who had carried arms againſt him. He
confirmed the liberties and immunities of London and the other
cities of England; and appeared deſirous of replacing every
thing on antient eſtabliſhments. In his whole adminiſtration,
he bore the ſemblance of the lawful prince, not of the conque-
ror'd; and the Engliſh began to flatter theinſelves, that they
had changed, not the form of their government, but only the
ſucceſſion of their ſovereigns, a matter which gave them ſmall
concern. The better to reconcile his new ſubjects to his autho-
rity, he made a progreſs through ſoine parts of England; and
beſides a ſplendid court and majeſtic preſence, which overawed
the people, already ſtruck with his military fame, the appear-
ance of his clemency and juſtice gained the approbation of the
wiſe, who were attentive to the firſt ſteps of their new ſovereign.
is
But amidſt this confidence and friendſhip, which he expreſ-
fed for the Engliſh, the King took care to place all real power
in the hands of his Normans, and ſtill to keep poffeffion of the
fword, to which, he was ſenſible, he had owed his advancement
to ſovereign authority: He diſarmed the city of London and
other places, which appeared moſt warlike and populous ';
and building fortreſſes and citadels in that capital, as well as in
Wincheſter, Hereford, and the cities beſt ſituated for command-
ing the kingdom, he quartered Norman ſoldiers in all of them,
and left no where any power able to reſiſt or oppoſe him. He
d
T
Gul. Pit. p. 237. Order. Vital. p. ;ch.
Gul. Pia.
P.
209.
f Laker, p. 24.
Order. Vital. p. 505. M. Weſt. p. 225. M. Paris, p. 4.
Crompton, p. 962.
3 Gul, Pi:l. p. 208.
beſtowed
*
.
1
262
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IV.
1067
beſtowed the forfeited eſtates on the moſt powerful of his cap-
tains, and eſtabliſhed funds for the payment of his ſoldiers ...
And thus, while his civil adminiſtration carried the face of a
legal magiſtrate, his military inſtitutions were thoſe of a maſter
and tyrant ; at leaſt of one, who reſerved to himſelf, whenever
he pleaſed, the power of aſſuming that character.
turn to
March.
King's re* By this mixture, 'however, of vigour and lenity, he had ſo
Normandy. pacified the minds of the Engliſh, that he thought he might
ſafely reviſit his native country, and enjoy the triumph and
congratulation of his artient ſubjects. He left the adminiſtra-
tion in the hands of his uterine brcther, Odo, biſhop of Baieux,
and of William Fitz Olbern"; and that their authority might be
expoſed to leſs danger, he carried over with him all the moſt
„conſiderable nobility of England, who both ſerved to grace his
court by their preſence and magnificent retinues, and were detain-
ed as hoſtages for the fidelity.of the nation. Among theſe, were
Edgar Atheling, Stigand the primate, the earls Edwin and Mor-
car, Waltheof, the ſon of the famous and brave earl Şiward, with
others, eminent for the greatneſs of their fortunes and families,
or for their eccleſiaſtical and civil dignities'. He was viſited at
the abbey of reſcamp, where he reſided during ſome time, by
Rodulph, uncle to the French Kings, and by many powerful
princes and nobles, :who, having contributed to his enterprize,
were deſirous of participating in the joy and advantages of its
ſucceſs. His Engliſh courtiers, willing to ingratiate themſelves
Beverl. p. 125.
h Gul. Pi7. p. 208. d Flor. Wigorn. p. 635. Sim. Dunelm. p. 197. Alur.
e Order. Vital. p. 506.
f Gul, Pict. p. 209.
Order. Vital. P. 506. Hoyeden, p. 450. Flor. Wigorn. p 635. Chron. Abb. St.
Petri de Burgo, p.46. Knyghton, p. 2313.
& Gul, Pict. p. 211.
Order. Vital, p. 566.
2
with
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
263
1
CHAP
iv.
1067.
with their new ſovereign, endeavoured to outſhine each other in
equipages and entertainments; and made a diſplay of riches,which
ſtruck the foreigners with aſtoniſhment. William of Poictiers,
a Norman hiſtorian“, who was preſent, ſpeaks with admiration
of the beauty of their perſons, the ſize and workmanſhip of
their ſilver platė, the coſtlineſs of their embroideries, an art in
which the Engliſh then excelled; and he expreſſes himſelf in :
ſuch terms, as would much exalt our idea of the opulence and
cultivation of the people'. But though every thing bore the
face of joy and feſtivity, and William himſelf treated his new
courtiers with great appearance of kindneſs, it was impoſſible to
prevent altogether the infolence of the Normans; and the Eng-
liſh nobles received ſmall pleaſures from thoſe entertainments,
where they conſidered themſelves as led in triumph by their
oftentatious conqueror. -
1
AFFAIRS in England took ſtill a worſe turn during the abſence Diſcontents
of the Eng.
of the fovereign. Diſcontents and complaints multiplied every lifh.
where; ſecret conſpiracies were entered into againſt the go-
vernment; hoſtilities were already begun in many places; and
every thing ſeemed to menace a revolution as rapid as that which :
had placed William on the throne. The hiſtorian_above-men-
tioned, who is a panegyriſt of his maſter, throws the blame en-
tirely on the fickle and mutinous diſpoſition of the Engliſh, and
highly celebrates the juſtice and lenity of Odo's and Fitz
Olbern's adminiſtration ... But other hiſtorians, with more.
h P. 211, 212.
As the hiſtorian chiefly inſits on the ſilver plate, his panegyrics on the Engliſh
magnificence ſhows only how incompetent a judge he was of the matter. Silver was
then of ten times the value, and was more than twenty times more rare chan at preſent;
and conſequently, of all ſpecies of luxury, plate muſt have been the rareſt.
k P.: 212.
probability,
264
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
satie
IV.
CHAP. probability, impute the cauſe chiefly to the Normans, who,
deſpiſing a people that had ſo eaſily ſubmitted to the yoke, en-
1057. vying their riches, and grudging the reſtraints impoſed upon
their own rapine, were deſirous of provoking them to a rebel-
lion, by which they hoped to acquire new confiſcations and for-
feitures, and to ſatisfy thoſe unbounded hopes, which they had
formed in entering on this enterprize!.
It is evident, that the chief reaſon of this alteration in the
ſentiments of the Engliſh, muſt be aſcribed to the departure of
William, who was alone capable of curbing the violence of
his captains, and of overawing the mutinies of the people.
Nothing indeed appears more ſtrange, than that this prince,
in leſs than three months after the conqueſt of a great, warlike,
and turbulent nation, ſhould abſent himſelf, in order to reviſit
his own country, which remained in profound tranquillity,
and was not menaced by any of its neighbours; and ſhould
leave fo long liis jealous ſubjects at the mercy of an inſolent
and licentious army. Were we not aſſured of the folidity of
his genius, and the good ſenſe diſplayed in all other circum-
ſtances of his conduct, we might aſcribe this mcaſure to a vain
oftentation, which rendered hiin impatient to diſplay his pomp
and magnificence among his antient courtiers. It is therefore
more natural to believe, that in fo extraordinary a ſtep, he was
guided by a concealed policy; and that though he had thought
proper at firſt to allure the people to ſubmiſſion by the ſemblance
of a legal adminiſtration, he found, that he could neither ſatisfy
his rapacious captains, nor ſecure his unſtable government,
without exerting farther the rights of conqueſt, and ſeizing the
poſſeſſions of the Engliſh. In order to give a pretence for this
i Order. Vital. p. 507.
violence,
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
265
CI
CHAP
IV.
106Y
violence, he endeavoured, without diſcovering his intentions,
to provoke and allure them into inſurrections, which, he
thought, could never prove dangerous, while he detained all
the principal nobility in Normandy, while a great and victo-
rious army was quartered in England, and while he himſelf
was ſo near to ſuppreſs any tumult ór rebellion. But as no
antient writer has afcribed this tyrannical purpoſe to William,
it ſcarce ſeems allowable, from conjecture alone, to throw ſuch
an imputation upon him.
But whether we are to account for that meaſure from the Their infyr,
rections.
King's vanity or from his policy, it was the immediate cauſe of
all the calamities which the Engliſh endured during this and
the ſubſequent reigns, and gave riſe to thoſe mutual jealouſies
and animoſities between them and the Normans, which were
never appeaſed, till a long tract of time had gradually united
the two nations, and made them one people. The inhabitants
of Kent, who had firſt ſubmitted to the Conqueror, were the
firſt who attempted to throw off the yoke; and in confederacy
with Euftace, count of Bologne, who had alſo been diſguſted
by the Normans, made an attempt, though without ſucceſs, on
the garriſon of Dover ". Edric, the Foreſter, whoſe poſſeſſions
lay on the banks of the Severne, being provoked at the depre-
dations of ſome Norman captains in his neighbourhood, formed
an alliance with Blethyn and Rowallan, two Welſh prieces;
and endeavoured, with their affiſtance, to repel force by force".
But though theſe open hoſtilities were not very conſiderable,
the diſaffection was general among the Engliſh, who had be-
come ſenſible, though too late, of their defenceleſs condition,
and began already to experience thoſe inſults.and injuries, which
m Gul. Gemet. p. 283. Crder. Viual. p. 508. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 245,
Hoveden, p. 450. M. Weil. p. 226. Sim. Dunelm. p. 197,
yol.I.
a nation
4
M m
ܕ
266
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
IV.
10-7.
a nation muſt always espect, that allows itſelf to be reduced
to that deſpicable ſituation. A ſecret conſpiracy was entered
into to perpetrate in one day a general aſſaſſination of the
Normans, like that which had been formerly executed upon the
Danes °; and the quarrel was become ſo univerſal and national,
that the vallals of earl Coxo, having deſired him to head them
in an inſurrection, and finding him reſolute in maintaining his
fidelity to William, put him to death as a traitor to his country'.
Decemb, 6.
1
The King, informed of theſe dangerous diſcontents, haſtened
over to England; and by his preſence, and the vigorous mea-
ſures which he purſued, diſconcerted all the ſchemes of the
conſpirators. Such of them as had been more violent in their
mutiny betrayed their guilt, by flying or concealing themſelves;
and the confiſcation of their cftates, while it increaſed the
number of malcontents, both enabled William to gratify farther
the rapacity of his Norman captains, and gave them the prof-
pect of new forfeitures and attainders ? The King began to
regard all his Engliſh ſubjects as inveterate and irreclaimable
enemies; and thenceforth either embraced, or was more fully
confirmed in his reſolution, of ſeizing their poſſeſſions, and of
reducing them to the moſt abject ſlavery. Though the natural
violence and ſeverity of his temper made him incapable of
feeling any ſcruples in the execution of this tyrannical pur-
poſe, he had art enough to conceal his intention, and to pre-
ſerve ſtill ſome appearance of juſtice in his oppreſſions. He
ordered all the Engliſh, who had been arbitrarily expelled by
the Normans, during his abſence, to be reſtored to their eſtates":
• Gul. Gemet. p. 289.
P Gui. Piet. p. 212. Order. Vital. p. 509.
9 H. Hunt. p. 369. M. Weſt. p. 225.
+ Chron. Sax. p. 173. This fact is a full proof, that the Normans had committed
great injuſtice, and were the real cauſe of the inſurrections of the Engliſh,
But
7
1
1
.*" ...
V
t
1
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
267
С НАР.
IV.
But at the ſame time, he impoſed a general tax on the people,
that of Danegelt, which had been aboliſhed by the Confeſſor,
and which had always been extremely odious to the nation'.
1068.
1
ht
As the vigilance of William overawed the malcontents, their
inſurrections were more the reſult of an impatient humour in
the people, than of any regular conſpiracy, which could give
them a rational hope of ſucceſs againſt the eſtabliſhed power
of
the Normans. The inhabitants of Exeter, inſtigated by Githa,
mother to King Harold, refuſed to admit a Norman garriſon,
and betaking themſelves to arms, were ſtrengthened by the
acceſſion of the neighbouring inhabitants of Devonſhire and
Cornwal'. The King haftened with his forces to chaſtize this
revolt; and on his approach, the wiſer and more conſiderable
citizens, ſenſible of the unequal conteſt, perſuaded the people
to ſubmit, and to deliver hoſtages for their obedience. A ſud-
den mutiny of the populace broke this agreement; and William,
appearing before the walls, ordered the eyes of one of the
hoſtages to be put out, as an earneſt of that ſeverity, which
the rebels muſt expect, if they perſevered in their revolt". The
inhabitants were anew ſeized with terror, and ſurrendering at
diſcretion, threw themſelves at the King's feet, and entreated
for clemency and forgiveneſs. William was not devoid of
generoſity, when his temper was not hardened either by policy
or paſſion: He was prevailed on to pardon the rebels, and
he ſet guards on all the gates, in order to prevent the rapacity
and inſolence of his ſoldiery *. Githa eſcaped with her
treaſures to Flanders The malcontents of Cornwal imi-
tated the example of Exeter, and met with like treatment:
Hoveden, p. 450. Sim. Dunelm. p. 197. Alur. Beverl. p. 127.
u Ibid.
x Jbid.
i Order. Vital. p. 510.
y Hoveden, p. 4;0. Flor. Wigorn. p. 635.
M m 2
And
+
268
HISTORY OF ENGLAND:
CHAP
IV.
cromed
1068.
..
And the King, having built a citadel in that city, which he
put under the command of Baldwin, ſon of earl Gilbert *,
returned to Wincheſter, and diſperſed his army into their
quarters. He was here joined by his wife, Matilda, who had
not before viſited England, and whom he now ordered to be
crowned by archbiſhop Aldred ". Soon after, he brought him.
an acceſſion to his family, by thc birth of a fourth fon, whom
he named Henry. His three elder ſons, Robert, Richard,
and William, ſtill reſided in Normandy.
c
But though the King appeared thus fortunate both in public.
and domeſtic life, the diſcontents of his Engliſh ſubjects aug-
mented daily; and the injuries, committed and ſuffered on.
both ſides, rendered the quarrel between them and the Nor-
mans abſolutely incurable... The inſolence of victorious maſters,
diſperſed throughout the kingdom, ſeemed intolerable to the
natives; and wherever they found the Normans, ſeparate or
aſſembled in ſmall bodies, they fecretly, ſet upon them, and
gratified their vengeance by the ſlaughter of their enemies
But an inſurrection in the north drew thither the general atten-.
tion, and ſeemed to promiſe more important conſequences.
Edwin and Morcar appeared at the head of this rebellion ;
and theſe potent noblemen, before they took arms, ſtipulated
for foreign fuccours, from their nephew Blethin, prince of
North-Wales, from Malcolm, King of Scotland, and from
Sweyn, King of Denmark.
Beſides the general diſcontent,
which had ſeized the Engliſh ; the two earl's were inſtigated
to this revolt by private injuries. William, in order to inſure
them to his intereſts, had, on his acceſſion, promiſed his
!
*
Order. Vital. p. 510.
Flor. Wigorn. p.635.
a Ibid. Hoveden, p 450. M. Weſt. p. 226.
6 M. Weſt, p. 226.
c lbid. p. 225.
daughter
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
269
C H A P.
IV.
1068.
daughter in marriage to Edwin; but either he had never ſeri-
ouſly intended to perform this engagement, or having changed home
his plan of adminiſtration in England from clemency to rigour,
he thought it was to little purpoſe, if he gained one family;
while he enraged the whole nation. When Edwin, therefore,
renewed his applications, he gave him an abfolute refuſalº;
and this diſappointment, added to ſo many other reaſons of
diſguſt, induced that nobleman and his brother to concur with
their enraged countrymen, and to make one effort for the
recovery
of their antient liberties. William knew the impor-
tance of celerity, in quelling an inſurrection, ſupported by ſuch
powerful leaders, and ſo agreeable to the wiſhes of the people;
and having his troops always in readineſs, he advanced by
great journies to the north. On his march he gave orders
to fortify the caſtle of Warwick, of which he left Henry de
Beaumont governor, and that of Nottingham, which he com-
mitted to the cuſtody of William Peverell, another Norman
captain. He reached York before the rebels were in any.
condition for reſiſtance, or were joined by any of the foreign
ſuccours, which they expected, except a ſinall reinforcement
from Wales'; and the two earls found no other means of
fafety; but having recourſe to the clemency of the victor..
Archil, a potent nobleman in thoſe parts, imitated their ex-
ample, and delivered his ſon as a hoſtage of his fidelity ® ;
nor were the people, thus deſerted by their leaders, able to
make any farther reſiſtance. But the treatment, which Wil-
liam gave the chieftains, was very different from that which
fell to the ſhare of their followers. He obſerved religiouſly. ,
the terms, which he had granted to the former ; and allowed
thern, for the preſent; to keep poſſeſſion of their: eſtates
i
Order. Vital. p. 511.
« Ibid.
f Ibid.
8 Ibid.
but
1
270
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
IV.
1069.
but he extended the rigors of his confiſcations over the latter,
and gave away their lands to his foreign adventurers, who,
being planted through the whole country, and being poſſeſſed
of the military power, left Edwin and Morcar, whom he
pretended to ſpare, deſtitute of all ſupport, and ready to
fall, whenever he ſhould think proper to command their ruin.
A peace, which he made with Malcolm, who did him homage
for Cumberland, ſeemed, at the ſame time, to deprive them
of all proſpect of foreign aſſiſtance'.
N
Rigors of the
Norman go-
vernment.
1
1
The Engliſh were now ſenſible, that their final deſtruction
was intended; and that inſtead of a ſovereign, whom they had
at firſt hoped to gain by their ſubmiſſions, they had tamely fur-
rendered theinſelves, without reſiſtance, to a tyrant and a
conqueror. Though the early confiſcation of Harold's fol-
lowers might ſeem iniquitous; being inflicted on men who had
never ſworn fidelity to the duke of Normandy, who were igno-
rant of his pretenſions, and who only fought in defence of
the government, which they themſelves had eſtabliſhed in their
own country: Yet were theſe rigors, however contrary to the
antient Saxon laws, excuſed on account of the urgent necef-
ſities of the prince; and thoſe who were not involved in the
preſent ruin, hoped, that they ſhould thenceforth enjoy without
moleſtation their poſſeſſions and their dignities. But the ſuc-
ceſſive deſtruction of ſo many other families convinced them,
that the King intended to rely entirely on the ſupport and
affections of foreigners ; and they forefaw new forfeitures,
attainders, and violences as the neceſſary reſult of this de-
ſtructive plan of adminiſtration. They obſerved, that no Eng-
liſhman poſſeſſed his confidence, or was intruſted with any
A
+
i Order. Vital. p. 511.
command
1
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
271
A
IV.
10:8,
1
command or authority; and that the ſtrangers, whom a rigorous CHAP.
diſcipline could have but ill reſtrained, were encouraged in
every
act of inſolence and tyranny againſt them. The caſy
ſubmiſſion of the kingdom on its firſt invaſion had expoſed the
natives to contempt; the ſubſequent proofs of their animoſity
and reſentment had made them the object of hatred; and they
were now deprived of every expedient, by which they could hope
to make themſelves either regarded or beloved by their ſovereign.
Impreſſed with the ſenſe of this diſmal ſituation, many Engliſh-
men fled into foreign countries, with an intention of paſſing
their lives abroad free from oppreſſion, or of returning on a
favourable opportunity to aſſiſt their friends in the recovery of
their native liberties k. Edgar Atheling himſelf, dreading the
inſidious careſſes of William, was perſuaded by Coſpatric,
powerful Northumbrian, to eſcape with him into Scotland;
and he carried thither his two ſiſters, Margaret and Chriſtina.
They were well received by Malcolm, who ſoon after eſpouſed
Margaret, the elder ſiſter'; and partly with a view of
ſtrengthening his kingdom by the acceſſion of ſo many ſtrangers,
partly in hopes of employing them againſt the growing power
of William, he gave great countenance to all the Engliſh
exiles“. Many of them fettled there; and laid the foundation
of families which afterwards made a figure in that kingdom.
1
1
WHILE the Engliſh ſuffered under theſe oppreſſions, even
the foreigners were not much at their eaſe; but finding them-
ſelves ſurrounded on all hands by enraged enemies, who took
every advantage againſt them, and menaced them with ſtill
* Order. Vital. p. 508. M. Weſt. p. 225. M. Paris, p. 4. Sim. Dun. p. 197.*
1 Chron. de Mailr. p. 160. H. Hunt. p. 369. Hoveden, p. 450, 452.
m Malmeſ. p. 103. M, Weſt. p. 225. M. Paris, p. 4.
more
न
1
1
+
-72
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
C H A P.
IV.
1068.
more bloody effects of the public reſentment, they began to
wiſh again for the tranquillity and ſecurity of their native
country. Hugh de Grentmeſnil, and Humphrey de Teliol,
though entruſted with great commands, deſired to be diſmiſſed
the ſervice; and ſome others imitated their example: A deſer-
tion which was highly reſented by the King, and which he
puniſhed by the confiſcation of all their poſſeſſions", But
William's bounty to his followers could not fail of alluring
many new adventurers into his ſervice; and the rage of the
vanquiſhed Engliſh ſerved only to excite the attention of the
King and theſe warlike chieftains, and keep them in readineſs
to ſuppreſs every commencement of domeſtic rebellion or foreign
invaſion.
1o 9.
"It was not long before they found occupation for their
New inſure proweſs and military conduct. Godwin, Edmond, and Magnus,
reclions.
three ſons of Harold, had immediately after the defeat at Haft-
ings, fought a retreat in Ireland; where having met with a
kind reception from Dermot and other princes of that country,
they projected an invaſion of England, and they hoped that
all the exiles from Denmark, Scotland, and Wales, aſliſtech
with forces from theſe ſeveral countries, would at once commence
hoſtilities, and rouze the indignation of the Engliſh againſt their
haughty conquerors. They landed in Devonſhire; but found
Brian, ſon of the count of Britanny, at the head of ſome foreign
troops ready to oppoſe them; and being defeated in ſeveral ac-
țions, they were obliged to retreat to their ſhips, and to return
with
great
lofs into Ireland. The efforts of the Normans were
n Order. Vitalis, p. 512.
.. Ypod. Neuſtr. p. 437.
Sacra, vol. i. p. 240.
• Gul. Gemet. p. 290. Order. Vital. 1.513.
? Gul. Gemct..p. 290. Order. Vital. p. 513. Anglia
3
now
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
273
С НАР.
IV.
1669
now directed to the north, where affairs had fallen into the ut-
moſt confuſion. The more impatient of the Northumbrians
had attacked Robert de Comyn, who was appointed governor
of Durham; and gaining the advantage over him from his neg-
ligence, they put him to death in that city with ſeven hundred
of his followers'. This example animated the inhabitants of
York, who, riſing in arms, flew Robert Fitz-Richard, their
governor'; and beſieged in the caſtle William Mallet, on
whom the command now devolved. A little after, the Daniſh
troops landed from 300 veſſels, under the command of Oſberne,
brother to King Sweyn, and accompanied by Harold and Ca-
nute, the two ſons of that monarch'. Edgar Atheling appeared
from Scotland, and brought along with him Coſpatric, Wal-
theof, Siward, Bearne, Merleſwain, Adelin, and other chief-
tains ', who partly from the hopes which they gave of Scottiſh
fuccours, partly from their authority in thoſe parts, eaſily per-
ſuaded the warlike and diſcontented Northumbrians to join the
inſurrection. Mallet, that he might better provide for the de-
fence of the citadel of York, fet fire to fome houſes, which lay
contiguous"; but this expedient proved the immediate cauſe of
his deſtruction. The flames ſpreading into the neighbouring
ſtreets, reduced the whole city to aſhes; and the enraged inha-
bitants, aided by the Danes, took advantage of the confuſion
to attack the caſtle, which they carried by aſſault; and the
2
9 Order. Vital. p. 512. Chron. de Mailr. p. 160. Hoveden, p. 450. M. Paris,
p. 5. Sim. Dun, p. 198.
s Order. Vital. p.512.
* Chron. Sax. p. 174. Order. Vital. p. 513. Hoveden, p. 451. M. Weſt. p. 226.
Order. Vital. p. 513. Hoveden, p. 451. Flor. Wigorn. p. 635. M. Paris, p: 5.
Sim. Dun. p. 198.
Ibid. Brompton, p. 966.
VOL. I.
garriſon,
N 1
274
HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
-
IV.
CHAP. garriſon, amounting to the number of 3000, they put to the
ſword without mercy *.
1069.
This ſucceſs proved a ſignal to many other parts of England,
and gave the people an opportunity of ſhowing their malevo-
lence to the Normans. Hereward, a nobleman in Eaſt-Anglia,
celebrated for valour, aſſembled his followers, and taking ſhelter
in the Iſle of Ely, made inroads on all the neighbouring coun-
try'. The Engliſh in the counties of Somerſet and Dorſet roſe
in arms, and aſſaulted Monitacute, the Norman governor;
while the inhabitants of Cornwal and Devon inveſted Exeter,
which, from the memory of William's clemency, ſtill remained
faithful to him". Edric, the Foreſter, calling in the aſſiſtance
of the Welſh, laid ſiege to Shrewſbury, and made head againſt
earl Brient and Fitz-Olberne, who commanded in thofe quar-
tersThe Engliſh, every where, repenting of their former
eaſy ſubmiſſion, ſeemed determined to make by concert one
great effort for the recovery of their liberty, and for the expul-
ſion of their oppreſſors.
WILLIAM, undiſmayed amidſt this ſcene of confuſion, afſem-
bled his forces, and animating them with the proſpect of new
confiſcations and forfeitures, he marched againſt the rebels in
the north, whom he regarded as the moſt formidable, and whoſe
defeat, he knew, would ſtrike a terror into all the other malcon-
tents. Joining policy to force, he tried, before his approach,
to weaken the enemy, by detaching the Danes from them;
p. 266.
* Order. Vital. p. 513. Hoveden, p. 451. Flor. Wigorn. p. 636. Brompton,
y Ingulf, p. 71. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 47.
2 Order. Vital. p. 514.
a Ibid.
and
1
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
275
С Н А Р.
IV.
1069.
and he engaged Oſberne, by large preſents, and by offering
him the liberty of plundering the ſea-coaſt, to retire without
committing farther hoſtilities into Denmark, Coſpatric, in
deſpair of ſucceſs, imitated the example ; and making his ſub-
miſſions to the King, and paying a ſum of money as an atone-
ment for his inſurrection, was received into favour, and even
inveſted with the earldom of Northumberland. Waltheof, who
long defended York with great courage, was allured with this
appearance of clemency; and as William knew how to eſteem
valour even in an enemy, that nobleman had no reaſon to repent
of this confidence. Even Edric, compelled by neceſſity, made
bis ſubmiſſions to the Conqueror, and received forgiveneſs,
which was ſoon after followed by ſome degree of truſt and fa-
vour". Malcolm, coming too late to ſupport his confederates,
was conſtrained to retire; and all the Engliſh rebels in other
parts, except Hereward, who ſtill kept in his faſtneſſes, diſperſed
themſelves, and left the Normans undiſputed maſters of the
kingdom. Edgar Atheling, with his followers, fought again
a retreat in Scotland from the purſuit of his enemies *.
*
1
of the go-
But the ſeeming clemency of William towards the Engliſh
1070.
leaders proceeded only from artifice, or from his eſteem of in- New rigors
dividuals: His heart was hardened againſt all compaſſion to- vernment.
wards the people; and he ſcrupled no meaſure, however violent
or ſevere, which ſeemed requiſite to ſupport his plan of tyran-
nical adminiſtration. Senſible of the reſtleſs diſpoſition of the
Northumbrians, he determined to incapacitate them ever after
.
Sim. Dun, p. 199.
Hoveden, p. 451. Flor. Wigorn. p. 636. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 47.
· Malmeſ. p. 104. H. Hunt. p. 369.
Hoveden, p. 453, 454. Flor. Wig. p. 636, 637. Sim. Dun. p. 203.
» Hoveden, p. 452
Nn 2
from.
976
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IV.
1070.
from giving him diſturbance, and he iſſued orders for laying
entirely waſte that fertile country, which, for the extent of
ſixty miles, lies between the Humber and the Tees '. The
houſes were reduced to aſhes by the mercileſs Normans, the
cattle ſeized and driven away, the inſtruments of huſbandry de-
ſtroyed ; and the inhabitants compelled either to ſeek for a ſub-
ſiſtence in the ſouthern parts of Scotland, or if they lingered in
England, from a reluctance to abandon their antient habitations,
they periſhed miſerably in the woods from cold and hunger.
The lives of an hundred thouſand perſons are computed to have
been facrificed to this ſtroke of barbarous policy ?, which, by
feeking a remedy for a temporary evil, thus inflicted a laſting:
wound on the power and populouſneſs of the nation.
But William, finding himſelf entirely maſter of a people,,
who had given him ſuch ſenſible proofs of their impotent rage
and animoſity, now reſolved to proceed to extremities againſt
all the natives of England; and to reduce them to a condition,
in which they ſhould no longer be formidable to his govern-
ment. The inſurrections and conſpiracies in ſo many parts of
the kingdom had involved the bulk of the landed proprietors,
more or leſs, in the guilt of treaſon; and the King took advan-
tage of executing againſt them, with the utmoſt rigor, the laws.
of forfeiture and attainder. Their lives were indeed commonly
ſpared; but their eſtates were confiſcated, and either annexed .
to the royal demeſnes, or conferred with the moſt profuſe
bounty on the Normans and other foreigners. While the
King's declared intention was to depreſs or rather entirely ex--
tirpate the Engliſh gentry", it is eaſy to believe, that ſcarce the
y Chron. Sax. p. 174. Ingulf, p. 79. Malmeſu p. 103. Hoveden, p.451. Chron.
Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p.47. M. Paris, p. 5. Sim. Dun. p.19g. Brompton, p..966.
Knyghton, p. 2344. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 702.
& Order. Vital. p. 515.
a Malmeſ. p. 104..
• H. Hunt. p. 370.
form
4
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
277
1
c H A P..
IV.
1070.
form of juſtice would be obſerved in thoſe violent proceedings ";
and that any ſuſpicions ſerved as the moſt undoubted proofs of
guilt againſt a people thus devoted to deſtruction. It was crime
ſufficient in an Engliſhman to be opulent or noble or powerful;
and the policy of the King, concurring with the rapacity of
foreign adventurers, produced almbſt a total revolution in the
property of the kingdom. Antient and honourable fa-
milies were reduced to beggary; the nobles themſelves were
every where treated with ignominy and contempt; they had
the mortification of ſeeing their caſtles and manors poſſeſſed by
Normans of the meaneſt birth and loweſt ſtations “, and they
found themfelves carefully excluded from every road, which
led, either to riches or preferment -
landed pro
As power naturally follows property, this revolution alone
gave great ſecurity to the foreigners; but William, by the new
Introduction
of the feudal.
law..
• There is a paper or record of the family of Sharneborne, which pretends, that that
family, which was Saxon, was reſtored upon proving their innocence, as well as other
Saxon families, which were in the ſame ſituation. Thoagh this paper was able to impoſe
on ſuch great antiquarians as Spellman (ſee Gloff. in verbo Drenges) and Dudgale, (ſee
Baron. vol. i. p. 118.) it is proved by Dr. Brady (ſee anſw. to Petyt, p. 11, 12.) to have
been a forgery; and is allowed for ſuch by Tyrrel, though a pertinacious defender of
his party notions; (ſee his hitt. vol. ii. introd. p. 51.73.) Ingulf, p: 70. tells us, that very
early Hereward, though abſent during the time of the conqueſt, was turned out of all
his eſtate, and could not obtain redreſs. William even plundered the monaſteries. Flor,
Wigorn. p. 636. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 48. M. Paris, p. 5. Sim. Dun.
p. 200.. Diceto, p. 482. Brompton, p. 957. Knyghton, p. 2344. Alur. Beverl.
p. 130. We arc told by Ingulf, that Ivo de Taillebois plundered the monaſtery of Croy-.
land of a great part of its land; and no redreſs could be obtained.
d Order. Vitalis, p. 521. M. Weſt. p. 229..
• The obliging all the inhabitants to put out their fires and lights at certain hours,
upon the founding of a bell,.called the courfeu, is repreſented by Polydore Virgil, lib: 9,.
as a mark of the ſervitude of the Engliſh. But this was a law of police, which Williana
had previouſly eſtabliſhed in Normandy. See du Moulin, hift. de Normandie, p. ito.
The ſame law had place in Scotland. LL. Burgor, cap. 86.
inſtitutions,
12
278
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IV.
1070.
inſtitutions, which he eſtabliſhed, took alſo care to retain for
ever the military authority in thoſe hands, which had enabled
him to ſubdue the kingdom. He introduced into England the
feudal law, which he found eſtabliſhed in France and Nor-
mandy, and which, during that age, was the foundation both
of the ſtability and of the diſorders in moſt of the monarchical
governments of Europe. He divided all the lands of England,
with very few exceptions, beſide the royal demeſnes, into
baronies; and he conferred theſe, with the reſervation of ſtated
ſervices and payments, on the moſt conſiderable of his adven-
turers. Theſe great barons, who held immediately of the crown,
ſhared out a great part of their lands to other foreigners, who
were denominated knights or vaſſals, and who paid their lord
the ſame duty and ſubmiſſion in peace and war, which he him-
felf owed to his ſovereign. The whole kingdom contained
about
700
chief tenants, and 60,215 knights-fees '; and as
none of the native Engliſh were admitted into the firſt rank,
the few, who retained their landed property, were glad to be
received into the ſecond, and under the protection of fome
powerful Norman, to load themſelves and their poſterity with
this grievous burthen, for eſtates which they had received free
from their anceſtors 5. The ſmall mixture of Engliſh, which
entered into this civil or military fabric, (for it partook of both
ſpecies) was ſo reſtrained by ſubordination under the foreigners,
that the Norman dominion ſeemed now to be fixed on the mof:
durable baſis, and to defy all the efforts of its enemies.
f
Order. Vital. p. 523. Secretum Abbatis, apud Selden, Titles of Honour, p. 573.
Spellm. Gloff. in verbo Feodum. Sir Robert Cotton.
6 M. Weſt. p. 225. M. Paris, p. 4. Bracion, lib. 1. cap. II. num. 1. Fleta, lib. 1.
cap. 8. n. 2.
THE
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
279
CH AP.
IV.
1070.
+
The better to unite the parts of the government, and to bind
them into one ſyſtem, which might ſerve both for defence
againſt foreigners, and for the ſupport of domeſtic tranquillity,
William reduced the eccleſiaſtical revenues under the ſame feudal
law; and though he had courted the church on his firſt invaſion
and acceſſion, he now ſubjected it to burthens, which the clergy
regarded as a grievous ſlavery, and as totally unbefitting their
profeſſion. The biſhops and abbots were obliged, when .
required, to furniſh to the King during war a number of
knights or military tenants, proportioned to the extent of pro-
perty poſſeſſed by each fee or abbey; and they were liable, in
caſe of failure, to the ſame penalties which were exacted from
the laity". The Pope and the ecclefiaftics exclaimed againſt
this tyranny, as they called it; but the King's authority was
ſo well eſtabliſhed over the army, who held every thing from
his bounty, that ſuperſtition itſelf, even in that age, when it
was moſt prevalent, was conſtrained to bend under his ſuperior:
influence.
But as the great body of the clergy were ſtill natives; the
King had much reaſon to dread the effects of their reſentment;
and he therefore uſed the precaution of expelling the Engliſh
from all the conſiderable dignities, and of advancing foreigners
in their place. The partiality of the Confeſſor towards the Nor-
mans had been ſo great, that, aided by their ſuperior learning,
it had promoted them to many of the ſees of England; and even
before the period of the conqueſt, ſcarce more than fix or ſeven
of the prelates were natives of the country. But among theſe
was. Stigand, archbiſhop of Canterbury; a man, who, by his
addreſs and vigour, by the greatneſs of his family and alliances,
by the extent of his poffeſſions, as well as by the dignity of his
M. Paris, p. 5. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 248.
Joinvolvi
4
offices
”
The relcaroto
280
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
IV.
107.
CILAP. nfice, and lis authority over the Engliſh, gave jealouſy to the
King'. Though William had, on his acceſſion, affronted this
prclate, by ernploying the archbiſhop of York to officiate at his
confecration, he was careful, on other occaſions, to load him
with honours and careſſes, and to avoid the giving him farther
offence, till the opportunity ſhould offer of effectuating his final
dcſiruction ". The ſuppreſſion of the late rebellions, and th
total ſubjection of the Engliſh, made him hope, that an attempt
againſt Stigand, however violent, would be covered by his
great ſucceſſes, and be overlooked amidſt the other important
revolutions, which affected ſo deeply the property and liberty
of the kingdom. Yet, notwithſtanding theſe mighty advan-
tages, he did not think it ſafe to violate the reverence uſually
paid the primate, but under cover of a new ſuperſtition, which
he was the great inſtrument of introducing into England.
1
2
1
Innovation
in ecclefiar.
tical
nicnt.
govern-
The doctrine which exalted the papacy above all human
power, had gradually diffuſed itſelf from the city and court of
Rome; and was, during that age, much more prevalent in the
ſouthern than in the northern kingdoms of Europe. Pope
Alexander, who had aſſiſted William in his conqueſts, reaſonably
expected, that the French and Normans would import into
England, the fame reverence for his ſacred character, with
which they were imbued in their own country; and would
break the ſpiritual, as well as civil independancy of the Saxons,
who had hitherto conducted their. eccleſiaſtical government,
with an acknowledgment indeed of primacy in the fee of Rome,
but without much idea of its title to dominion or authority.
As ſoon, therefore, as the Norman prince ſeemed fully eſta-
bliſhed on the throne, the Pope diſpatched Ermenfroy, biſhop
i Parker, p. 161.
k Parker, p. 164. Knyghton, p. 2344.
of
+
+
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
281
CHAP .
IV.
1.70.
of Sion, as his legate into England; and this prelate was the
firſt, who had ever appeared with that character in any part of
the Britiſh iſlands. The King, though he was probably led by
principle to pay this ſubmiſſion to Rome, determined, as is
uſual, to employ the incident as a means of ſerving his political
purpoſes, and of degrading thoſe Engliſh prelates, who were
become obnoxious to him. The legate ſubmitted to become the
inſtrument of his tyranny; and naturally thought, that the
more violent the exertion of power, the more certainly did it
confirm the authority of that court from which he derived his
commiſſion. He ſummoned, therefore, a council of the pre-
lates and abbots at Wincheſter; and being aſliſted by two car-
dinals, Peter and John, he cited before him Stigand, archbiſhop
of Canterbury, to anſwer for his conduct'. The primate was
accuſed of three crimes ; the holding the ſee of Wincheſter to-
gether with that of Canterbury; the officiating in the pall of
Robert, his predeceſſor; and the having received his own pall
from Benědict IX. who was afterwards depoſed for fymony,
and for intruſion into the papacy .
Theſe crimes of Stigand
were mere pretences; ſince the firſt had been a practice not un-
uſual in England, and was never any where ſubjected to a higher
penalty than a reſignation of one of the fees; the ſecond was
a pure ceremonial ; and as Benedict was the only Pope who
then officiated, and his acts were never reſcinded, all the pre-
lates of the church, eſpecially thoſe who lay at a diſtance, were
very excuſable for making their applications to him. Stigand's
ruin, however, was reſolved on, and was profecuted with great
ſeverity. The legate degraded him from his dignity, and the
King confiſcated his eſtate, and caſt him into priſon, where he
Flor. Wigorn. p. 636.
m Hoveden, p. 453. Diceto, p. 482.
Knyghton, p. 2345. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 5,6. Ypod. Neuſt. p. 438.
VOL.I.
Oo
continued,
1
/
282
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
c H 4 P.
IV.
1070.
n
continued, in poverty and want, during the remainder of his
life. Like rigour was cxerciſed againſt the other Engliſh pre-
lates: Agelric, biſhop of Seleſey, and Agelmare, of Elmham,
were depoſed by the legate, and impriſoned by the King
Many conſiderable abbots ſhared the ſame fate º: Egelwin,
biſhop of Durham, fled the kingdom ?: Wulſtan, of Worceſter,
a man of an inoffenſive character, was the only Engliſh prelate
who eſcaped this general proſcription !, and remained in pof-
ſeſſion of his dignity. Aldred, archbiſhop of York, who had
ſet the crown on William's head, had died a little before of
ſorrow and vexation, and had left his malediction to that prince,
on account of the breach of his coronation-oath, and of the
extreme tyranny, with which he ſaw he was determined to treat
his Engliſh ſubjects'.
It was a fixed maxim in this reign, as well as in ſome of
the ſubſequent, that no native of the iſland ſhould ever be
advanced to any dignity, eccleſiaſtical, civil, or military'. The
King therefore, upon Stigand's depoſition, promoted Lanfranc,
a Milaneſe monk, celebrated for his learning and piety, to the
vacant fee'. This prelate was very rigid in defending the pre-
rogatives of his ſtation; and after a long proceſs before the
P. 482.
}
Hoveden, p. 453. M. Weſt. p. 226. Flor, Wig. p. 636.
Diceto,
Hoveden, p. 452. M. Weſt. p. 226. M. Paris, p. 5. Anglia
Sacra, vol. i. p. 249.
9 Brompton relates, that Wullan was alſo deprived by the fynod; but refuſing to
deliver his paſtoral ſtaffand ring to any but the perſon from whom he firſt received it, he
went immediately to King Edward's tomb, and ſtruck the ſtaff ſo deeply into the ſtone,
that none but himſelf was able to pull it out: Upon which he was allowed to keep his
biſhopric. This inſtance may ſerve, inſtead of many, as a ſpecimen of the monkish
miracles. See alſo the Annals of Burton, p. 284.
- Malmef. de geſt. Pont. p. 154.
Ingulf, p. 70, 71.
1 Order.
Vital. p. 519. Hoveden, p. 453. Flor. Wig. p. 636. Sim. Dun. p. 202. Iiceto,
p. 483
Popes
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
283
CHAP
IV.
1070.
Pope, he obliged Thomas, a Norman monk, who had been
ap-
pointed to the ſee of York, to acknowledge the primacy of the
archbiſhop of Canterbury". Where ambition can be ſo happy
as to cover its attempts, even to the perſon himſelf, under the
appearance of principle, it is the moſt incurable and inflexible
of all human paſſions. Hence Lanfranc's zeal to promote the
intereſts of the papacy, by which he himſelf augmented his own
authority, was indefatigable *; and inet with proportionable
ſucceſs. The devoted attachment to Rome continually increaſed
in England; and being favoured by the ſentiments of the con-
querors, as well as by the monaſtic eſtabliſhments formerly
introduced by Edred, and by Edgar, it ſoon reached the ſame
height, at which, during ſome time, it had ſtood in France and
Italy'. It afterwards went much farther; being favoured by
that very remote ſituation, which had at firſt obſtructed its
pro-
greſs; and being leſs checked by knowledge and a liberal edu-
cation, which were ſtill ſomewhat more common in the fouthern
countries.
1
t
The prevalence of this ſuperſtitious ſpirit became very dan-
gerous to ſome of William's ſucceſſors, and very incommodious
to moſt of them; but the arbitrary power of this King over the
Engliſh, and his extenſive authority over the foreigners, kept
liim from feeling any preſent inconveniencies from it. He re-
tained the church in great ſubjection, as well as his lay ſubjects;
and would allow none, of whatever character, to diſpute his
Chron. Sax. p. 175, 176. Ingulf, p. 92. M. Paris, p. 6. Diceto, p. 487.
* Selden in
Brompton, p. 970, 971, 472. Spellin. Conc. vol. ii. p. 5.
Fleta, cap. 6.
y M. Weſt. p. 228. Lanfranc wrote in defence of the real preſence againſt Beren.
garius; and in thoſe ages of ſtupidity and ignorance, he was greatly applauded for that
performance,
Oo 2
ſovereign
"
284
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
+
СНАР.
IV.
1070.
ſovereign will and pleaſure. He prohibited his ſubjects to ac-
knowledge any one for Pope whom he himſelf had not previouſly
received: He required, that all the eccleſiaſtical canons, voted
in any ſynod, ſhould firſt be laid before him, and be ratified by
his authority: Even bulls or letters from Rome, before they
were produced, muſt receive the ſame ſanction: And none of
his miniſters or barons, whatever offences they were guilty of,
muſt be ſubjected to ſpiritual cenſures, till he himſelf had given
his conſent to their excommunication ?. Theſe regulations
were worthy of a ſovereign, and kept united the civil and eccle-
fiaſtical powers, which the principles introduced by this prince
had an immediate tendency to ſeparate.
But the Engliſh had the cruel inortification to find, that
their King's authority, however acquired or however extended,
was all employed to their oppreſſion; and that the ſcheme of
their ſubjection, attended with every circumſtance of inſult and
indignity ·, was deliberately formed by the prince, and wan-
tonly proſecuted by his followers'. William had even enter-
tained the difficult project of totally aboliſhing the Engliſh
language; and, for that purpoſe, he ordered, that in all the
ſchools throughout the kingdom, the youth ſhould be inſtructed
in the French tongue, a practice which was continued from
cuſtom till after the reign of Edward III, and was never indeed
totally diſcontinued in England. The pleadings in the ſupreme
courts of judicature were in Frenchº: The deeds were often
drawn in the ſame language : The laws were compoſed in
that idiom“: No other tongue was uſed at court: It became
z Eadmer, p. 6.
* Order. Vital. p. 523. H. Hunt. p. 370.
• Ingulf, p.71.
36 Edw. III. cap. 15. Selden Spicileg. ad Eadmer,
p. 189. Forteſcue de laud. leg. Angl. cap. 48.
Ingulf, p. 71, 88.
Chron, Rothom. A. D. 1066.
the
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
285
С НА Р.
IV.
1070.
the language of all faſhionable focieties ; and the Engliſh
theinſelves, aſhamed of their own country, affected to excel
in that foreign dialect. From this attention of William, and
from the extenſive foreign dominions, long annexed to the
crown of England, proceeded that mixture of French, which
is at preſent to be found in the Engliſh tongue, and which
compoſes the greateſt and beſt part of our language. But
amidſt theſe endeavours to depreſs the Engliſh nation, the King,
moved by the remonſtrances of ſome of his prelates, and by
the earneſt deſires of the people, reſtored a few of the laws of
King Edward ‘; which, though ſeemingly of no great conſe-
quence towards the protection of general liberty, gave them
extreme ſatisfaction, as a memorial of their antient govern-
ment, and an unuſual mark of complaiſance in their impe-
rious conquerors.
1071
The ſituation of the two great earls, Morcar and Edwin,
became now very diſagreeable. Though they had retained
their allegiance; during the general inſurrection of their coun-
trymen, they had not gained the King's confidence, and they
found themſelves expoſed to the malignity of the courtiers, who
envied them on account of their opulence and greatneſs, and
F
• Ingulf, p. 88. Brompton, p. 982. Knyghton, p. 2355. Hoveden, p. 6co.
f what theſe laws were of Edward the Confeffor, which the English, every reign
during a century and a half, deſire ſo paſſionately to have reſtored, is much diſputed
by antiquaria s, and our ignorance of them ſeems one of the greateſt defects in the
antient Engliſh hiſtory. The colleâion of laws iu Wilkins, which paſs under the
name of Edward, are plainly a poſterior and an ignorant compilation. Thoſe to be
found in Ingulf are genuine; but ſo imperfect, and contain fo few clauſes favourable
to the ſubject, that we ſee no great reaſon for contending for them ſo vehemently. It
is probable, that the Engliſh meant the common law, as it prevailed during the reign
of Edward ; which we may conjecture to have been more indulgent to liberty than the
Norman in litutions. The moſt material articles of it were comprehended in Magna
Charta.
។
1
286
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP .
IV.
1071
at the ſame time involved them in that general contempt which
they bore the Engliſh. Senſible that they had entirely loſt
their dignity, and could not even hope to remain long in
ſafety; they determined, though too late, to run the ſame
fate with their countrymen %; and while Edwin retired to
his eſtate in the north, with a vicw of commencing an inſur-
rection, Morcar took ſhelter in the Iſle of Ely with the brave
Hereward, who, ſecured by the inacceſible ſituation of that
place, ſtill defended himſelf againſt the Normans". But this
attempt ſerved only to accelerate the ruin of the few Engliſh,
who had hitherto been able to preſerve their rank or fortune
during the paſt convulſions. William employed all his endea-
vours to ſubdue the Iſle of Ely; and having ſurrounded it with
flat-bottomed boats, and made a cauſeway through the moraſſes
for the extent of two miles, he obliged the rebels to ſurrender
at diſcretion'. Hereward alone forced his way, ſword in hand,
through the enemy; and ſtill continued his hoſtilities by ſea
againſt the Normans, till at laſt William, charmed with his
bravery, received him into favour, and reſtored him to his
eſtate. Earl Morcar, and Egelwin, biſhop of Durham, who
had joined the malcontents, were thrown into priſon, and the
latter ſoon after died in confinement k. Edwin, attempting to
make his eſcape into Scotland, was betrayed by ſome of his
followers ; and was killed by a party of Normans, to the great
affliction of the Engliſh, and even to that of William, who
paid a tribute of generous tears to the memory of this gallant
and beautiful youth'. The King of Scotland, in hopes of pro-
fiting by theſe convulſions, had fallen upon the northern
& Sim. Dun. p. 203. Brompton, p. 96.). Knyghton, p. 2347.
Hoveden, p. 454. Alur. Beverl. p. 131.
1 Chron. Sax p. 181.
Hoveden, p. 454. M. Weſt. p. 227. Flor. Wig. p. 637. M. Paris, p. 5. Sim. Dun.
p. 203. Alur. Beverl. p. 131
k Flor. Wig. p. 637. Sim. Dun. p. 203.
Order. Vital. p. 521. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 48.
9
counties;
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
287
СНАР.
IV.
1071.
counties; but on the approach of William, he retired; and
when the King entered his country, he was glad to make
peace, and to pay the uſual homage to the Engliſh crown m.
To compleat the King's proſperity, Edgar Atheling himſelf,
deſpairing of ſucceſs, and weary of a fugitive life, ſubmitted
to his enemy; and receiving a handſome allowance, was per-
mitted to live in England unmoleſted ". But theſe acts of
generoſity towards the leaders were diſgraced, as uſual, by
William's rigour againſt the inferior malcontents. He ordered
the hands to be lopt off, and the eyes to be put out, of many
of the priſoners, whom he had taken in the Iſle of Ely; and
he diſperſed thein in that miſerable condition through the
country, as monuments of his ſeverity º.
1073
1
The province of Maine in France had, by the will of Hebert,
the laſt count, fallen under the dominion of William fome
years before his conqueſt of England; but the inhabitants, dif-
ſatisfied with the Norman government, and inſtigated by Fulk,
count of Anjou, who had ſome pretenſions to the ſucceſſion,
now roſe in rebellion, and expelled the magiſtrates, whom the
King had placed over them. The full ſettlement of England
afforded him leiſure to puniſh this inſult on his authority;
but being unwilling to reinove his Norman forces from this
iſland, he carried over a confiderable army, compoſed almoſt
entirely of Engliſh', and joining them to ſome troops levied in
Normandy, he entered the revolted province. The Engliſh
appeared ambitious of diſtinguiſhing themſelves on this occa-
m Chron. de Mailr. p. 160. Hoveden, p. 454. M. Weit. p. 227. Chron. Abb. St.
Petri de Burgo, p. 48. M. Paris, p. 5.
Chron. de Mailr. p. 160. Malmeſ. p. 103. Hoveden, p. 452. Flor. Wig. p. 638.
M. Paris, p. 5.
• Hoveden, p. 454. Sim, Lun. p. 203.
.P Chron. Sax. p. 182.
ſion,
+
288
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1071
CHAP. fion, and of retrieving that character of valour, which had
long been national among them ; but which their late eaſy
ſubjcction under the Normans had ſomewhat degraded and
obſcured. Perhaps too they hoped, that, by their zeal and
activity, they might recover thc confidence of their ſovereign,
as their anceſtors had formerly, by like means, gained the
affections of Canute; and inight conquer his inveterate preju-
dices in favour of his own countrymen. The King's military
conduct, ſeconded by ſuch brave troops, ſoon overcame all oppo-
ſition in Maine: The inhabitants were obliged to ſubmit, and
the count of Anjou relinquiſhed his pretenſions.
Inſurrection
of the Nor.
man barons.
But during theſe tranſactions, the government of England
was greatly diſturbed; and that too by thoſe very foreigners,
who owed every thing to the King's bounty, and who were
the ſole object of his friendſhip and regard. The chieftains,
who had engaged with the duke of Normandy in the conqueſt
of England, were endowed with the moſt independant ſpirit;
and though they obeyed their leader in the field, they would
have regarded with diſdain the richeſt acquiſitions, had they
been required, in return, to ſubmit, in their civil government,
to the arbitrary will of one man. But the imperious character
of William, encouraged by his abſolute dominion over the
· Engliſh, and often impelled by the neceſſity of his affairs, had
prompted him to ſtretch his authority over the Normans them-
ſelves, beyond what the free genius of that victorious people
could caſily bear. The diſcontents were become very general
among thoſe haughty nobles; and even Roger, earl of Hereford,
ſon and heir of Fitz-Olberne, the King's chief favourite, was
ſtrongly infected with them. This nobleman, intending to
marry his ſiſter to Ralph de Guader, earl of Norfolk, had
thought
1
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
989
С НАР.
IV.
1074
1
thought it his duty to inform the King of his purpoſe, and to
deſire the royal conſent; but meeting with a refuſal, he
pro-
ceeded nevertheleſs to finiſh the nuptials, and aſſembled all his
friends, and thoſe of Guader, to attend the folemnity. The
two earls, diſguſted with the denial of their requeſt, and
dreading William's reſentment for their diſobedience, here
prepared matters for a revolt.; and during the gaiety of the
feſtival, while the company was heated with wine, they opened
the deſign to their gueſts. They inveighed againſt the arbitrary
conduct of the King; his tyranny towards the Engliſh, whom
they affected on this occaſion to commiſerate ; his imperious
behaviour to his barons of the nobleſt birth; and his apparent
intention of reducing the victors and the vanquiſhed to a like
ignominious ſervitude ': Amidſt their complaints, the indig-
nity of ſubmitting to a baſtard 'was not forgot; the certain
proſpect of ſucceſs in a revolt, by the aſſiſtance of the Danes
and the diſcontented Engliſh, was inſiſted on; and the whole
company, inflamed with the ſame ſentiments, and warmed by
thie jollity of the entertainment, entered, by a folemn engage-
ment, into the deſign of ſhaking off the royal authority".
Even earl Waltheof, who was preſent, inconſiderately expreſſed
his approbation of the conſpiracy, and promiſed his concurrence
towards its ſucceſs".
.
1
This nobleman, the laſt of the Engliſh, who, for ſome gene-
rations, poſſeſſed any power or authority, had, after his capi-
1 W. Malm. p. 104. Flor. Wig. p. 638. Diceto, p. 486. Brompton, p.974. .
Order. Vital. p. 534. M. Paris, p. 7.
$ William was ſo little aſhamed of his birth, that he aſſumed the appellation of
Baſtard in ſome of his letters and charters. Spellm. Gloff, in verb. Baſtardis, Cam-
den in Richmondſvire.
• Malmeſ. p. 104. H. Hunt. P 369. Hoveden, p. 456.
u Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 49. Diceto, p. 486.
Vol.I.
Рp
tulation
290
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
-
СНАР.
IV.
1074.
tulation at York, been received into favour by the Conqueror,
had even married Judith, niece to that prince, and had been
promoted to the earldoms of Huntington and Northampton *.
Coſpatric, earl of Northumberland, having, on ſome new dif-
guſt from William, retired into Scotland, where he received
the earldom of Dunbar from the bounty of Malcolm; Waltheof
was appointed his ſucceſſor in that important command, and
ſeemed ſtill to poſſeſs the confidence and friendſhip of his
fovereign'. But as he was a man of generous principles, and
loved his country, it is probable, that the tyranny exerciſed
over the Engliſh lay heavy upon his mind, and deſtroyed all
the ſatisfaction which he could reap from his own grandeur
and advancement. When a proſpect, therefore, was opened of
retrieving their liberty, he haſtily embraced it; while the fumes
of the liquor, and the ardour of the company, prevented him
from reflecting on the conſequences of that raſh attempt. But
after his cool judgment returned, he foreſaw, that the conſpi-
racy of theſe diſcontented barons was not likely to prove fuc-
ceſsful againſt the eſtabliſhed power of William; or if it did,
that the ſlavery of the Engliſh, inſtead of being alleviated by
that event, would become more grievous, under a multitude
of foreign leaders, factious and ambitious, whoſe union and
diſcord would be equally oppreſſive to the people. Tormented
with theſe reflections, he opened his mind to his wife, Judith,
of whofe fidelity he entertained no fufpicion, but who, having
ſecretly fixed her affections on another, took this opportunity
of ruining her eaſy and credulous huſband. She conveyed
intelligence of the conſpiracy to the King, and aggravated
every circumſtance, which, ſhe believed, would tend to enrage
him againſt Waltheof, and render him abſolutely implacable ?.
+
* Order. Vital. p. 522. Hoveden, p. 454.
z Order. Vital. p. 536.
y Sim. Dun. p. 205.
Meanwhile,
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
291
CHAP
IV.
1074
Meanwhile, the Earl, ſtill unſatisfied with regard to the part
which he ſhould act, diſcovered the ſecret in confeſſion to Lan-
franc, on whoſe probity and judgment he had a great reliance;
and was perſuaded by the prelate, that he owed no fidelity to
thoſe rebellious barons, who had by ſurpriſe gained his conſent
to a crime; that his firſt duty was to his ſovereign and bene-
factor, his next to himſelf and his family, and that if he ſeized
not the opportunity of making atonement for his guilt, by
revealing it, the temerity of the conſpirators was ſo great, that
they would give ſome other perſon the means of acquiring the
merit of the diſcovery. Waltheof, convinced by theſe argu-
ments, went over to Normandy ; but, though he was well
received by the King, and thanked for his fidelity, the account
previouſly tranſmitted by Judith had ſunk deep into William's
mind, and deſtroyed all the merit of her huſband's repentance.
The conſpirators, hearing of Waltheof's departure, imme-
diately concluded the deſign to be betrayed; and they flew to
arms, before their ſchemes were ripe for execution, and before
the arrival of the Danes, in whoſe aid they placed their chief
confidence. The earl of Hereford was checked by Walter de
Lacy, a great baron in thoſe parts, who, ſupported by the
biſhop of Worceſter and the abbot of Eveſham, raiſed ſome
forces, and prevented the earl from paſſing the Severne, or ad-
vancing into the heart of the kingdom. The earl of Norfolk
was defeated at Fagadun, near Cambridge, by Odo, the regent,
aſſiſted by Richard de Bienfaite, and William de Warrenne, the
two juſticiaries of the kingdom. The priſoners taken in this
Ingulf, p.72. Hoveden, p. 456. Diceto, p. 486. Brompton, p.974. Alur.
Beverl. p. 134. Ypod. Neuſt. p. 439.
• Malmel. p. 105. Hoveden, p. 456. Flor. Wig. p. 638.
· Hoveden, p. 456. Flor. Wig. p. 638. Diceto, p. 486.
& Order, Vital. p. 535. Hoveden, p. 456.
Pp?
action
2
1
L
+
292
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
IV.
1071
CHAP. action had their right foot cut off, as a puniſhment of their
treaſon : The earl himſelf eſcaped to Norwich, thence to Den-
mark; where the Daniſh fleet, who had made an unſuccefsful
attempt upon the coaſt of England, ſoon after arrived, and
informed him, that all his confederates were ſuppreſſed, and
were either killed, baniſhed, or taken priſoners'. Ralph re-
tired in deſpair to Brittany, where he poſſeſſed a large eſtate,
and noble juriſdictions
1
The King, who hastened over to England, in order to ſup-
preſs the inſurrection, found, that nothing remained but the
puniſhment of the criminals, which he executed with great fe-
verity. Many of the rebels were hanged; ſome had their
eyes
put out; others their hands cut off ". But William, agreeably
to his uſual maxims, ſhowed more lenity to the leader, the earl
of Hereford, who was only condemned to a forfeiture of his
eſtate, and to impriſonment during the King's pleaſure. He
ſeemed even diſpoſed to remit this laſt part of the puniſhment;
had not Roger, by a freſh inſolence, provoked him to render
his confinement perpetual!. But Waltheof, being an Engliſh-
man, was not treated with ſo much humanity, though his
guilt, always much inferior to that of the other conſpirators,
was atoned for by a very early repentance and return to his
duty. William, inſtigated by his niece, as well as by his rapa-
cious courtiers, who longed for ſo rich: a forfeiture, ordered
1075
f
Chron. Sax..p. 183. M. Paris, p. 7.
Many of the fugitive Normans are thought to have fled into Scotland ;.. where they
were protected, as well as the fugitive Engliſh, by Malcolm. Whence come the many
French and Norman families, which are found at preſent in that country.
& Order. Vital. p. 535. Hoveden, p. 457.
h Chron. Sax. p.. 183.-
H. Hunt. p. 369. Hoveden, p. 457. Diceto, P.486. Brompton, p. 974.
1 Order. Vital. p. 535. Hoveden, p. 457
him
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
293
1
1
IV.
1075
him to be tried, condemned, and executed. The Engliſh, CH A P.
who conſidered this nobleman as the laſt reſource of their
nation, grievouſly lamented his fate, and fancied that miracles
29th April.
were wrought by his reliques, as a teſtimony of his innocence
and fan&ity! The infamous Judith, falling ſoon after under
the King's difpleaſure, was abandoned by all the world, and
paſſed the reſt of her life in contempt, remorſe, and miſery".
NOTHING reinained to complete William's ſatisfaction but
the puniſhment of Ralph de Guader; and he haftened over to
Normandy, in order to gratify. his vengeance on that criminal.
But though the conteſt Teemed very unequal between a private
nobleman and the King of England, Ralph was ſo well fup-
ported, both by the earl of Britanny and the King of France,
that William, after beſieging him for ſome time in Dol, was
obliged' to abandon the enterprize, and make with thoſe power-
ful princes a peace, in which Ralph himſelf was included 1.
England, during his abſence; remained in tranquillity; and
nothing remarkable occurred, except two eccleſiaſtical fynods,
which were fummoned, one at London, another at Wincheſter.
In the former, the precedency among the epiſcopal fees was ſet-
tled, and the ſeat of ſome of them was removed from ſmall vil-
lages to the moſt conſiderable town within the dioceſeº. In
the ſecond was tranſacted a buſineſs of ſome more importance.
1076.
The induſtry and perſeverance are ſurpriſing, with which
Diſpute a
the Popes had been treaſuring up powers and pretenſions during bour'inver
.
titures,
fo
many ages of ignorance; while each pontiff employed every
1 Order. Vital. p. 543.
* Order. Vital. p. 536. Hoveden, p. 457.
m Ingulf, p. 72, 73.
n Chron. Sax. p..
183. Chron. de Mailr. p. 160. H. Hunt. p. 369. Hoveden, p. 457. M. Paris, p. 7.
Ingulf,. . 93. Brompton, p. 975.
feud
4
Malm. p 104.
}
1
.
.
294
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
f
CHAP
IV.
who had lone ?
fraud for advancing purpoſes of imaginary piety, and cheriſhed
u all claims which might turn to the advantage of his ſucceſſors,
1076.
though he himſelf could not expect ever to reap any benefit
from them. All this immenſe ſtore of ſpiritual and civil autho-
rity was now devolved on Gregory VII. of the name of Hilde-
brand, the moſt enterprizing pontiff who had ever filled that
chair, and the leaſt reſtrained by fear, decency, or moderation.
Not contented with ſhaking off the yoke of the Emperors, who
had hitherto exerciſed the power of appointing the Pope on
every vacancy, or at leaſtof ratifying his election; he u ndertook
the arduous taſk of disjoining entirely the eccleſiaſtical from
the civil power, and of excluding profane laymen from the
right which they had aſſumed, of filling the vacancies of biſhop-
rics, abbies, and other ſpiritual dignities y. The ſovereigns,
not by encroachments on the church, but on the people, to
whom it originally belonged ", made great oppoſition to this
claim of the court of Rome; and Henry IV. the preſent em-
peror, defended the prerogative of his crown with a vigour and
reſolution ſuitable to its importance. The few offices, either
civil or military, which the feudal inſtitutions left the ſovereign
the
power of beſtowing, made the prerogative of conferring the
paſtoral ring and ſtaff the moſt valuable jewel of the royal dia-
dem ; eſpecially as the general ignorance of the age beſtowed a
weight on the eccleſiaſtical offices, even beyond the great
extent of power and property which belonged to them. 'Super-
ſtition, the child of ignorance, inveſted the clergy with an au-
thority almoſt facred; and as they poffeſſed the little learning of
the age, their interpoſition became requiſite in all civil buſineſs,
>
Y L'Abbe Conc. tom. I. p. 371, 372. con. 20
benef. ecclef. p. 30.
2 Padre Paolo ſopra
and
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
295
and a real uſefulneſs in common life was thus ſuperaded to the
ſpiritual ſanctity of their character.
С НА Р.
IV.
1076.
When the uſurpations, therefore, of the church had come to
ſuch maturity as to embolden her to attemptextorting the right
of inveſtitures from the temporal power, Europe, eſpecially
Italy and Germany, was thrown into the moſt violent convul-
fions, and the Pope and the Emperor waged implacable war
againſt each other. Gregory even dared to fulminate the ſen-
tence of excommunication againſt Henry and his adherents, to
pronounce him rightfully depoſed, to free his ſubjects from their
oaths of allegiance; and, inſtead of ſhocking mankind by this
groſs incroachment on the civil authority, he found the ſtupid
people ready to ſecond his moſt exorbitant pretenſions. Every
miniſter, fervant, or vaſſal of the Emperor, who received any
diſguſt, covered his rebellion under the pretence of principle;
and even the mother of this monarch, forgetting all the ties of
nature, was ſeduced to countenance the inſolence of his enemies.
Princes themſelves, unattentive to the pernicious conſequences
of theſe papal claims, employed them for their preſent purpoſes :
And the controverſy, ſpreading into every city of Italy, engen-
dered the parties of Guelf and Ghibbelin; the moſt durable and
molt inveterate factions that ever aroſe from the mixture of
ambition and ſuperſtition. Beſides numberleſs aſſaſſinations,
tumults, and convulſions, to which they gave riſe, it is computed
that the quarrel occafioned no leſs than ſixty battles in the
reign of Henry IV. and eighteen in that of his ſucceſſor,
Henry V. when the claims of the ſovereign pontiff finally pre-
vailed ,
* Padre Paolo ſopra bencf. ecclef. p. 113.
1
9
BUT
.. po
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
ہوا ،
296
СНАР.
IV.
1076.
1
But the bold ſpirit of Gregory, not diſmayed with the vi-
gorous oppoſition, which he met with from the Emperor, ex-
tended his uſurpations all over Europe; and well knowing the
nature of mankind, whoſe blind aſtoniſhment ever inclines them
to yield to the moſt impudent pretenſions, he ſeemed deter-
inined to ſet no bounds to the ſpiritual, or rather temporal mo-
narchy, which he had undertaken to erect. He pronounced
the ſentence of excommunication againſt Nicephorus, Emperor
of the Eaſt: Robert Guiſcard, the adventurous Norman, who
had acquired the dominion of Naples, was attacked by the
ſame dangerous weapon: He degraded Boleſlas, King of Po-
land, from the rank of King; and even deprived Poland of the
title of a kingdom: He attempted to treat Philip, King of
France, with the ſame rigour, which he had employed againſt
the Emperor 6: He pretended to the entire property and domi-
nion of Spain; and he ſhared it out amongſt adventurers, who
undertook to conquer it from the Saracens, and to hold it in
vaſſalage of the fee of Rome : Even the Chriſtian biſhops, on
whoſe aid he relied in ſubduing the temporal princes, faw that
he was determined to reduce them to ſervitude; and by aſſum-
ing the whole legiſlative and judicial power of the church, to
concenter all authority in the ſovereign pontiff 4.
A
!
WILLIAM the Conqueror, the moſt potent, the moſt
haughty, and the moſt vigorous prince in Europe, was not,
amidſt all his ſplendid ſucceſſes, ſecure from the attacks of this
enterprizing prelate. Gregory wrote him a letter, requiring
hiin to fulfil his promiſe in doing homage for the kingdom of
England to the fee of Rome, and to ſend him over that tribute,
1
b Epift. Greg. VII. epift. 32. 35. lib. 2. epift. 5.
lib. 1. epift. 7.
d. Greg. Epiſt. lib. 2. epi... 55.
. Epiſt. Greg. VII.
which
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
297
.
С НАР.
IV.
1076.
i
which all his predeceſſors had been accuſtomed to pay to the
vicar of Chriſt. By the tribute, he meant Peter's pence; which,
though at firſt a charitable donation of the Saxon princes, was
interpreted, according to the uſual practice of the Romiſh court,
to be a badge of ſubjection acknowledged by the kingdom.
William replied, that the money ſhould be remitted as uſual
but that he neither had promiſed to do homage to Rome, nor was
it in the leaſt his purpoſe to impoſe that ſervitude on his ſtate.
And the better to ſhow Gregory his independance, he refuſed,
notwithſtanding the frequent complaints of the Pope, the Eng-
liſh biſhops liberty to attend a general council, which that pon-
tiff had ſuminoned againſt his enemies.
1
But though the King ſhowed this vigour in ſupporting the
royal dignity, he was infected with the general ſuperſtition of
the age, and he did not perceive the ambitious ſcope of thoſe
inſtitutions, which, under the colour of ſtrictneſs in religion,
were introduced or promoted by the court of Rome. Gregory,
while he was throwing all Europe into combuſtion by his vio-
lence and impoſtures, affected an anxious care for the purity of
manners; and even the chaſte pleaſures of the marriage-bed
were inconſiſtent, in his opinion, with the fanctity of the facer-
dotal character. He had iſſued a decree prohibiting the mar-
riage of prieſts, excommunicating all clergymen who retained
their wives, declaring all ſuch unlawful commerce to be forni-
cation, and rendering it criminal in the laity to attend divine
worſhip when ſuch profane prieſts officiated at the altar'. This
point was a great object in the politics of the Roman pontiffs ;
and it coſt them infinitely more pains to eſtabliſh it than the
.
Hoveden, p. 455, 457. Flor.
Spicileg. Seldeni ad Eadmer, p. 164.
Wigorn. p. 638. Spell, Concil. fol. 53. A. D. 1076.
VOL.I.
RI
L
propagation
1
F
298
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
.
С НАР.
IV.
1076.
1
propagation of any ſpeculative abſurdity, which they had ever
attempted to introduce. Many ſynods were ſummoned in dif-
ferent
parts of Europe, before it was finally ſettled; and it was
there. conſtantly remarked, that the younger clergymen com-
plied chearfully with the Pope's decrees in this particular, and
tliat the chief reluctance appeared in thoſe who were more
advanced in years: An event ſo little conformable to men's
natural expectations, that it could not fail to be gloffed on, even
in that blind and ſuperſtitious age. William allowed the Pope's
legate to aſſemble, in his abſence, a fynod at Wincheſter, in
order to ſettle the celibacy of the clergy; but the church of Eng-
land could not yet be carried the whole length expected.; and
the fynod was content with decreeing, that the biſhops ſhould
not thenceforth ordain any prieſts or deacons without exacting
froin them a promiſe of celibacy ;. but that none, except thoſe
who belonged to collegiate or cathedral churches, ſhould be
obliged to ſeparate from their wives,
Revolt of
prince Ro.
bert.
The King paſſed ſome years in Normandy; but his long re-
fidence there was not entirely owing to his declared preference
of that dutchy: His preſence was alſo neceſſary for. compoſing
thoſe diſturbances, which had ariſen in that favourite territory,
and which had even originally proceeded froin his own family.
Robert, his eldeſt ſon, firnamed Gambaron or Courthoſe, from
his ſhort legs, was a prince, who inherited all the bravery of his
family and nation ; but without that policy and diffimulation,
by which his father was ſo much diſtinguiſhed, and which, no.
leſs than his military valour, had contributed to his great
fuc-
ceſſes. Greedy of fame, impatient of contradiction, without
reſerve in his friendſhips, declared in his enmities, this prince
could endure no controul even from his imperious father, and
openly
1
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
299
С НАР.
IV.
openly aſpired to that independance, to which his temper, as
well as ſome circumſtances in his ſituation, ſtrongly invited Loan
1076.
him. When Williain firſt received the ſubmiſſions of the
pro-
vince of Maine, he had promiſed the inhabitants that Robert
ſhould be their prince; and before he undertook the expedition
againſt England, he had, on the application of the French court,
declared him his ſucceſſor in Normandy, and had obliged the
barons of that dutchy to do him homage as to their future ſove-
reign. By this artifice, he had endeavoured to appeaſe the jea-
louſy of his neighbours, as affording them a proſpect of ſeparat-
ing England from his dominions on the continent; but when
Robert demanded of him the execution of thoſe engagements,
he
gave
hiin an abſolute refuſal, and told him, according to the
homely ſaying, that he never intended to throw off his clogths, till
he went to bed ", Robert openly declared his diſcontent; and
was ſuſpected of ſecretly inſtigating the king of France and the
earl of Britanny to the oppoſition which they made to William,
and which had formerly fruſtrated his attempts upon the town
of Dol. And as the quarrel ſtill augmented, Robert proceeded
to entertain a ſtrong jealouſy of his two ſurviving brothers, Wil-
liam and Henry, (for Richard was killed in hunting, by a ſtag)
who, by greater ſubmiſſion and complaiſance, had acquired the
affections of their father. In this diſpoſition, the greateſt trifle
ſufficed to produce a rupture between them.
The three princes, reſiding with their father in the caſtle of
l'Aigle in Normandy, were one day engaged in ſport together;
and after much frolic, the two younger took it into their head
& Order. Vital. p. 54;. Hoveden, p. 457. Flor, Wigorn. p. 639.
h Chron. de Mailr. p. 160.
Qq 2
2
to
300
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
IV.
CHAP.. to throw over fome water on Robert as he paſſed through the
court on leaving their apartment'; a paſtime, which he would
1076,
naturally have regarded as innocent, had it not been for the
ſuggeſtions of Alberic de Grentmeſnil, ſon of that Hugh de
Grentmeſnil, whom William had formerly deprived of his
fortunes, when that baron deſerted him during his greateſt
difficulties in England. The young nobleman, mindful of the
injury, perſuaded the prince, that this action was meant as a
public affront, which it behoved him in honour to reſent; and
the choleric Robert, drawing his ſword, ran up ſtairs, with an
intention of taking revenge on his brothers. The whole caſtle
was full of tumult, which the King himſelf, who haſtened froin
his apartment, found ſome difficulty to appeaſe. But he could
by no means appeaſe the reſentment of his eldeſt ſon, who,
complaining of his partiality, and fancying that no proper atone-
ment had been made himn for the inſult, left the court that very
evening, and haſtened to Rouen, with an intention of ſeizing
the citadel of that place! But being diſappointed in this view.
by the precaution and vigilance of Roger de Ivery, the gover-
nor, he fled to Hugh de Neufchatel, a powerful Norman baron,
who gave ;
him protection in his caſtles; and he openly levied
war againſt his father". The popular character of the prince,
and a ſympathy of manners, engaged all the young nobility of
Normandy and Maine, as well as of Anjou and Britanny, to
take part with him; and it was ſuſpected that Matilda; his mo-
ther, whoſe favouritë he was, ſupported him in his rebellion by
ſecret remittances of money, and by the encouragement, which
ſhe gave his partizans.
All the hereditary provinces of William, as well as his
family, were during ſeveral years thrown into convulſion by
i Order. Vital. p. 545.
- Order. Vital. p.545. Hoveden, p. 457. Sim. Dun. p. 210. Diceto, p. 487.
this
1079
k lbid.
1 Ibid.
2
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. .
301
7
IV.
1079.
this war; and he was at laſt obliged to have recourſe to Eng- CHAP,
land, where that ſpecies of inilitary government, which he
had eſtabliſhed, gave him greater authority than the antient
feudal inſtitutions permitted him to cxerciſe in Normandy.
He called over an army of Engliſh under his antient captains,
who foon expelled Robert and his adherents from their retreats,
and reſtored the ſovereign's authority in all his dominions. The
young prince was obliged to take ſhelter in the caſtle of Ger-
Beroy in the Beauvoiſis, which the King of France, who ſecretly
fomented all theſe diſcords, had provided for him. In this
fortreſs he was clofely beſieged by his father, againſt whom,
having a ſtrong garriſon, he made a gallant defence. There
paft under the walls of this place many rencounters, which
reſembled more the fingle combats of chivalry, than the
military actions of armies; but one of them was remarkable
for its circumſtances and its event. Robert happened to en-
counter with the King, who was concealed by his helmet;
and both of them being valiant, a fierce combat enſued, till
at laſt the young prince wounded his father in the arm, and
threw him from his horſe. On calling out for aſſiſtance, his
voice diſcovered him to his ſon, who, ſtruck with remorfe for
his paſt crime, and aſtoniſhed with the apprehenſions of one
much greater, which he had ſo nearly incurred, inſtantly threw
himſelf at his father's feet, craved pardon for his offences, and
offered to purchaſe forgiveneſs by any atonement". The re-
ſentment, harboured by William, was fo inveterate, that he
did not immediately correſpond to this dutiful ſubmiſſion of
his fon with like tenderneſs; but giving him his malediction,.,
departed for his own camp, ;on Robert's horſe, which that prince
i
* Malmeſ. p. 106 . H. Hunt. p. 369. Hoveden, p. 457. Flor. Wig. p. 639.
Sim. Dun. p. 210. Diceto, p. 287. Knyghton, p. 2351. Alur. Beverl. p. 135.
had :
1399
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH A P.
IV.
1072.
1
i
had aſſiſted him to mount °. He ſoon after raiſed the ſiege,
and inarclied with his army to Normandy; where the interpo-
ſition of the Queen and other common friends brought about a
reconcilement, which was probably not a little forwarded by
the generoſity of the ſon's behaviour in this action, and by the
returning ſenſe of his paſt miſconduct. The King ſeemed ſa
fully appeaſed, that lie even carried over Robert with him into
England; where he intruſted him with power to repel an
inroad of Malcolm King of Scotland, and to retaliate by a like
inroad into that country. The Engliſh prince was ſucceſsful,
and obliged the enemy to make ſubmiſſions. The Welſh, unable
to reſiſt William's power, were, about the ſame time, neceſſitated
to make ſatisfaction for their incurſions '; and every thing was
reduced to a full tranquillity in this iſland.
1081.
1
This fate of affairs gave William leiſure to begin and finiſh
Domeſday-
an undertaking, which proves his extenſive genius, and does
book.
honour to his memory: It was a general ſurvey of all the lands
in the kingdom, their extent in each diſtrict, their proprietors,
tenures, value; the quantity of meadow, paſture, wood, and
arable land, which they contained ; and in ſome counties the
number of tenants, cottagers, and ſlaves of all denominations,
who lived upon them. Ho appointed commiſſioners for this
purpoſe, who entered every particular in their regiſter by the
verdict of juries; and after a labour of fix years (for the work
was ſo long in finiſhing) brought him an exact account of all
the landed property of his kingdom'. This monument, called
• H. Hunt. p. 369. Hoveden, p. 457. M. Paris, p. 7. Ypod. Neuſt. p. 439.
P Chron. Sax. p. 184. M. Weſt. p. 228.
9 Chron. Sax. p. 196. Ingulf, p. 79. Chron. T. Tykes, p. 23. H. Hunt. p. 370.
Hoveden, p. 46. M. Weſt. p. 229. Flor. Wigorn. p. 641. Chron. Abb. St. Petri
de Burgo, p. 51. M. Paris, p. 8. The three northern counties, Weſtmoreland, Cum-
berland, and Northumberland, were not comprehended in this ſurvey; I ſuppoſe be-
cauſe of their wild, uncultivated fitnation.
Domeſday-
U)
Ornom Da
Y
Book
K
1
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
303
CHAP
IV.
1081.
Domeſday-book; the moſt valuable piece of antiquity poſſeſſed
by any nation, is ſtill preſerved in the Exchequer; and though
only ſome extracts of it have hitherto been publiſhed, it ſerves
to illuſtrate to us in many particulars the antient ſtate of Enga
land. The great Alfred had finiſhed a like ſurvey of the
kingdom in his time, which was long kept at Wincheſter, and
which probably ſerved as a model to William in this under-
taking
The King was naturally a great ceconomiſt; and though
no prince had ever been ſo bountiful to his officers and ſervants,
it was merely becauſe he had rendered himſelf univerſal pro-
prietor of England, and had a whole kingdom to beſtow. He
reſerved a very ample revenue for the crown; and in the
general diſtribution of land among his followers, he kept poffef-
fion of no leſs than 1422 manors in different parts of Englandi,
which paid him rent either in money, or in corn, cattle,
and the uſual produce of the land. An antient hiſtorian com
putes, that his annual fixed income, beſides eſcheats, fines,
reliefs, and other caſual profits to a great value, amounted to
near 400,000 pounds a-year.'; a fum, which, if all circum-
ſtances be attended to, will appear wholly incredible. A pound
in that age, as we have before obſerved, contained three times.
the weight of ſilver. that it does at preſent; and the fame
weight of ſilver, by the moſt probable computation, would
purchaſe near ten times more of the neceſſaries of life, thougit:
not in the ſame proportion of the finer manufactures. This ...
revenue, therefore, of William would be equivalent to at leaſte
.
1
Ingulf, p. 8.
s Weſt's Enquiry into the manner of creating Peers, P: 24.
1.Order. Vital. P 523. He ſays 1060 pounds and fome odd Tillings and pence.
a-day.
6
mine:
304
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHIP .
IV.
1:81.
nine or ten millions at preſent; and as that prince had neither
fleet nor army to ſupport, the former being only a caſual
expence, and the latter maintained, without any charge to him,
by his military vaffals, we muſt thence conclude, that no em-
peror or prince, in any age or nation, was ever to be compared
to the Conqueror in opulence and riches. This leads us to
ſuſpect a great miſtake in the computation of the hiſtorian;
though, if we conſider that avarice is always imputed to
William as one of his vices", and that having by the ſword
rendered himſelf maſter of all the lands in the kingdom, he
would certainly in the partition retain a great proportion for
his own ſhare; we can ſcarce be guilty of any error in aſſerting,
that no King of England was ever ſo opulent, was ſo able to
ſupport by his revenue the ſplendor and magnificence of a
court, or could beſtow ſo much on his pleaſures or in libera-
litics to his fervants and favourites *.
The new
farcit.
THERE was one pleaſure, to which William, as well as all
the Normans, and antient Saxons, was extremely addicted; and
that was hunting : But this pleaſure he indulged more at the
expence of his unhappy ſubjects, whoſe intereſts he always
diſregarded, than to the loſs or diminution of his own revenue.
Not contented with thoſe large foreſts, which the former Kings
poſſeſſed in all parts of England; he reſolved to make a new
foreſt near Wincheſter, the uſual place of his reſidence: And
for that purpoſe, he laid waſte the country in Hampſhire for
an extent of thirty miles, expelled the inhabitants from their
houſes, ſeized their property, even demoliſhed churches and
convents, and made the ſufferers no compenſation for the injury'.
* Chron. Sax. p. 188, 191, Malmeſ. p. 112. H. Hunt. p. 370. M. W'eft. p. 229, .
Brompton, p. 979.
Forteſcue, de Dom. reg. & politic. cap. ul.
y Malmeſ. p. 3. H. Hunt.. p. 731. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 258.
At
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
305
С НА Р.
ly.
1081..
At the ſame time, he enacted new laws, by which he prohibited
all his ſubjects from hunting in any of his foreſts, and rendered
the penalties much more ſevere than ever had been inflicted for
ſuch offences. The killing of a deer or boar, or even of a
hare, was puniſhed with the loſs of the delinquent's eyes ? ;
and that at a time, when the killing of a man could be atoned
for by paying a moderate fine or compoſition.
1
The tranſactions, recorded during the remainder of this
reign, may be conſidered more as domeſtic occurrences, which
concern the prince, than as national events, which regard
England. Odo, biſhop of Baieux, the King's uterine brother,
whom he had created earl of Kent, and whom he had entruſted
with a great fhare of power during his whole reign ; had
amaſſed immenſe riches; and agreeably to the uſual progreſs
of human wiſhes, he began to regard his preſent acquiſitions
but as a ſtep to farther grandeur. He had formed the chimeo
rical project of buying the papacy; and though Gregory, the
preſent Pope, was not of very advanced
years, the prelate
had confided ſo much in the predictions of an: aſtrologer, that
he made certain account of the pontiff's death, and of attaining,
by his intrigues and money, that envied ſtate of greatneſs".
He reſolved, therefore, to remit all his riches to Italy, and
had perſuaded many conſiderable barons, and among the reſt,
Hugh earl of Cheſter, to take the ſame courſe ; in hopes, that
when he ſhould mount the papal throne, he would beſtow on
them more conſiderable eſtabliſhments in that country. The
King, from whom all theſe projects had been carefully con-
z Chron. Sax. p.191. H.Hunt. P: 371.. M. Weft. p. 229. Diceto, p. 488. An-
glia Sacra, vol. i. p. 258.
• Order. Vital. p. 522. Frag. de Gul. Conq.
P. 29.
Order. Vital. p. 646. Frag. de Gul. Cong. p. 29.
c Ibid.
VOL.I.
cealed,
Rr
306
HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
C С НАР.
IV.
1
1082.
cealed, at laſt got intelligence of the deſign, and ordered Odo
to be arreſted. His officers, from reſpect to the immunities,
which the eccleſiaſtics. now, aſſumed, ſcrupled to execute the
command, till the King himſelf was obliged in perſon to ſeize
him ; and when Odo inſiſted that he was a prelate, and
exempt from all temporal juriſdiction, William replied, that he
arreſted him, not as biſhop of Baieux, but as earl of Kent".
He was fent priſoner into Normandy; and notwithſtanding
all the remonſtrances and menaces of Gregory, was detained
in cuſtody during the remainder of this reign,
,
1083.
1
1087.
War with
France.
ANOTHER domeſtic event gave the King much more concern:
It was the death of Matilda, his confort, whom he tenderly
loved, and for whom he had ever preſerved the moſt ſincere
friendſhip. Three years afterwards he paſſed into Normandy,
and carried with him Edgar Atheling, to whom he very
willingly granted permiſſion to make a pilgrimage into the holy
land'. He was detained on the continent by a miſunderſtanding,
which broke out between him and the King of France, and
which was occaſioned by inroads made into Normandy by
ſome French barons on the frontiers 8, It was little in the
power of princes at that time to reſtrain their licentious nobi-
lity ; but William ſuſpected, that theſe barons dared not to
have provoked his indignation, had they not been aſſured of
the countenance and protection of Philip. His diſpleaſure was
increaſed by the account he received of fome railleries which
that monarch had thrown out againſt him. William, who was
become corpulent, had been detained in bed ſome time by fick
1
1
Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 51. W. Malmef. p. 120.
f W. Malmef. p. 103.
• Order. Vital. p. 647. H. Hunt. p. 370,
& Order. Vital. p. 654, 655
neſs;
7
+
WILLIAM THÉ CONQUEROR.
307
I
2
1
С НА Р.
IV.
1087
h
neſs; upon which Philip expreſſed his ſurpriſe that his brother
of England ſhould be ſo long of being delivered of his big
belly. The King 'ſent him word, that as ſoon as he was up,
he would preſent ſo many lights at Notre-dame, as would
perhaps give little pleaſure to the King of France ; alluding
to the uſual practice at that time of women after child-birth
Immedſately on his recovery, he led an army into the L'Ille
de France, and laid' every thing waſte with fire and ſword:
He took the town of Mante, which he reduced to aſhes'. But
the progreſs of theſe hoſtilities was ſtopt by an accident, which
foon after put an end to William's life. His horſe ſtarting
aſide of a ſudden, the bruiſed his belly on the pommel of the
faddle, and being in a bad habit of body, as well as ſomewhat
advanced in years, he began to apprehend the conſequences,
and ordered himſelf to be carried in a litter to the monaſtery
of St. Gervais. Finding his illneſs increaſe, and being ſenſible
of the approach of death, he diſcovered at laſt the vanity of
all human grandeur, and was ſtruck with remorſe for thofe
horrible cruelties and violenceś, which, in the attainment and
defence of it, he had committed during the courſe of his reigo
over England. He endeavoured to make conipenſation by
preſents to churches and monaſteries.; and he iſſued orders
for the liberty of earl Morcar, Siward Bearne, and other
Engliſh priſoners ". He was even prevailed on,, though not
1
12
# Malmef: p. 11.2.! M. Welt. p. 230. M. Paris, p.9. Brompton, 6.980.. Knygh-
ton, p. 2353. Anglia Sacra, vol. i. p. 262.
* Order. Vitalis, p. 655. Chron. de Mailr. p. 161..
k Malmef. p. 112. M. Paris, p. 1o. Knyghton, p. 2353..
1. Frag. de Gul. Conq. p. 29, 30, 31.
m Chron. de Mailr. p. 161. Hoveden, p. 460. Chron.. Abb. St. Petri de Burgos
P. 52. Diceto, p. 488.
Rr 2
without
1.
A
1
308
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
IV.
without reluctance, to conſent, with his dying breath, to releaſe
his brother, Odo, againſt whom he was extremely incenſed.
1087.
He left Normandy and Maine to his eldeſt ſon, Robert : He
wrote to Lanfranc, deſiring him to crown William King of
England": He bequeathed to Henry nothing but the poſſeſſỉons
of his mother, Matilda; but foretold, that he would one day
gth Sept. furpaſs both his brothers in power and opulence °. He expired
in the fixty-third year of his age, in the twenty-firſt year of
his reign over England, and in the fifty-fourth of that over
Normandy.
Danth
and character
of William
the Conque-
ror.
Few princes have been more fortunate than this great
inonarch, or were better entitled to grandeur and proſperity,
from the abilities and the vigour of mind which he diſplayed
in all his conduct. His ſpirit was bold and enterpriſing, yet
guided by prudence : His ambition, which was 'exorbitant, and
lay little under the reſtraints of juſtice, and ſtill leſs under
thoſe of humanity, ever ſubmitted to the dictates of reaſon
and ſound policy. Born in an age when the minds of men
were intractable and unacquainted with ſubmiſſion, he was
yet able to direct them to his purpoſes; and partly from the
aſcendant of his veheinent character, partly from art and diſſi-
inulation, to cſtabliſh an unlimited authority. Though not
inſenſible to generoſity, he was hardened againſt compaſſion;
and he ſeemed equally oftentatious and equally ambitious of
ſhow and parade in his clemency and in his ſeverity. The
maxims of his adminiſtration were auſtere; but might have
been uſeful, had they been folely employed in preſerving order
* Gul. Gemet. p. 292. Order. Vital. p. 659. Chron. de Mailr. p. 161. Malmeſ.
p. 112. H. Hunt. p. 371. Hoveden, p.460: M. Weſt. p. 230.
• Order. Vital. p.659. Gul. Ncubr. p. 357. Frag. de Gul. Conq. -32.
in
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
309
1
IV,
1087,
in an eſtabliſhed government': They were ill calculated for CH A P.
ſoftening the rigours, which, under the moſt gentle manage- come
ment, are inſeparable from conqueſt. His attempt againſt
England was the laſt great enterprize of the kind, which, during
the courſe of ſeven hundred years, has fully ſucceeded in Europe;
and the force of his genius broke through thoſe limits, which
firſt the feudal inſtitutions, then the refined policy of princes,
have fixed to the ſeveral ſtates of Chriſtendom. Though he
rendered himſelf infinitely odious to his Engliſh ſubjects, he
tranſmitted his power to his pofterity, and the throne is ſtill
filled by his deſcendants : A proof, that the foundations which
he laid were firm and folid, and that, amidſt all liis violences,
while he ſeemed only to gratify the preſent paſſion, he had
ſtill an eye towards futurity.
SOME writers have been deſirous of refuſing to this prince
the title of Conqueror, in the ſenſe which that term commonly
bears; and on pretence, that the word is ſometimes in old books
applied to ſuch as make an acquiſition of territory by any means,
they are willing to reject William's title, by right of war, to
the crown of England. It is needleſs to enter into a contro-
verſy, which, by the terms of it, muſt neceffarily degenerate
into a diſpute of words. It ſuffices to ſay, that the Duke of
Normandy's firſt invaſion of the iſland was hoſtile; that his fub-
ſequent adminiſtration was entirely ſupported by arms; that in
the very frame of his laws he made a diſtinction between the
Normans and Engliſh, to the advantage of the former ; that
he acted in every thing as abſolute maſter over the natives,
whoſe intereſts and affections he totally diſregarded ; and that
if there was an interval when he aſſumed the appearance of a
;
M. Weſt. p. 230. Anglia Sacra, vol.i. p. 2;8.
9 Hoveden, p. 600.
legal
1
310
HISTORY OF ENGLAN D.
A
C С НАР.
IV.
1087,
1
legal magiſtrate, the period was very ſhort, and was nothing
but a temporary facrifice, which he, as has been the caſe with
moſt conquerors, was obliged to make of his inclination to his
preſent policy. Scarce any of thoſe revolutions, which, both .
in hiſtory and in common language, have always been denomi-
nated conqueſts, appear equally violent, or have been attended
with ſo ſudden an alteration both of power and
and
property. The
Roman ſtate, which ſpread its dominion over Europe, left the
rights of individuals, in a great meaſure, untouched; and thoſe
civilized conquerors, while they made their own country the
feat of empire, found, that they could draw moſt advantage from
the ſubjected provinces, by ſecuring to the natives the free en-
joyment of their own laws and of their private poſſeſſions. The
barbarians, who ſubdued the Roman empire, though they fettled
in the conquered countries, yet being accuſtomed to a rude un-
cultivated life, found a ſmall part of the land ſufficient to ſup-
ply all their wants; and they were not tempted to ſeize exten-
five poffeffions, which they neither knew how to cultivate nor
enjoy. But the Normans and other foreigners, who followed
the ſtandard of William, while they made the vanquiſhed king-
dom the ſeat of empire, were yet ſo far advanced in arts as to
be acquainted with the advantages of a large property; and
having totally ſubdued the natives, they puſhed the rights of
conqueſt (very extenſive in the eyes of avarice and ambition,
however narrow in: thoſe of reaſon) to the utmoſt extremity
againſt them. Except the former conqueſt of England by the
Saxons themſelves, who were induced, by peculiar circum-
ſtances, to proceed even to the extermination of the natives, it
would be difficult to find in all hiſtory a revolution more deftruc-
tive,' or attended with a more complete ſubjection of the antient
inhabitants. Contumely ſeems even to have been wantonly
added
4.
V
WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. .
311
1
CHAP
IV.
108.7.
added to oppreſſion '; and the natives were univerſally reduced
to ſuch a ſtate of meanneſs and poverty, that the Engliſh name
became a term of reproach ; and ſeveral generations elapſed bem
fore one family of Saxon pedigree was raiſed to any conſiderable
honours, or could ſo much as attain the rank of barons of the
realm': Theſe facts are ſo apparent from the whole tenor of
the Engliſh hiſtory, that none would have been tempted to deny
or elude them, were they not heated by the controverſies of
faction; while one party was abſurdly afraid of thoſe abſurd con-
fequences, which they ſaw the other party inclined to draw
from this event. But it is evident, that the preſent rights and
privileges of the people, who are'a mixture of Engliſh and Nor-
mans, can never be affected by a tranſaction, which paſſed ſe-
ven hundred years ago; and as all antient authors, who lived
neareſt the time, and beſt knew the ſtate of the country, una-
nimouſly ſpeak of the Norman dominion as a conqueſt by war
H. Hunt. p.370. Brompton, p.980.
s So late as the reign of King Stephen, the earl of Albemarle, before the battle of
the Standard, addreſſed the officers of his army in theſe terms: Proceres Anglie clariſimi,
២
genere Normanni, &c. Brompton, p. 1026. See farther Abbas Rieval. p. 339, &c.
All the barons and military men of England ſtill called themſelves Normans.
* Ingulf, p. 70. H. Hunt. p. 370, 372. M. Weſt. p. 225. Gul. Neub. p. 357.
Alured. Beverl. p. 124. De geft. Angl. p. 333. M. Paris, p. 4. Sim. Dun. p. 206.
Brompton, p. 962, 980, 1161. Gervaſe Tilb. lib. 1. cap. 16. Textus Roffenfis apud
Seld. Spicileg. ad Eadm. p. 197. Gul. Pict. p. 206. Ordericus Vitalis, p. 521. 666.
853. Epiſt. St. Thom. p. 301. Gul. Malmeſ. p. 52. 57. Knyghton, p. 2354. Ead-
mer, p. 110. Thom. Rudborne in Ang. Sacra, vol. i. p. 248. Monach. Roff. in An-
glia Sacra, vol. ii. p. 276. Girald. Cambr. in eadem, vol. ii. p. 413. Hift. Elyenſis,
p. 516. The words of this laſt hiſtorian, who is very antient, are remarkable, and worth
tranſcribing. Rex itaque faetus Willielmus, quid in principes Anglorum, qui tantæ cladi
fuperelle poterant, fecerit, dicere, cum nihil profit, omitto. Quid enim prodejet, fi nec unun
in toto regno de illis dicerem priſtina poteftate uti permiſſum, fed omnes aut in gravem pauper-
tatis ærumnam detruſos, aut exhæredatos, patria pulſos, aut effolis oculis, vel cæteris ampu-
tatis membris, opprobrium hominum factos, aut certe miferrime afflictos, vita privatos. Sie
mili modo utilitate carere exiftimo dicere quid in minorem populum, non folum ab co, fed a fuis
alium fit, cum id di&tu fciamus dificile, et ob immanem crudelitatem fortaſſis incredibile.
and
1
!
2
I
1
312
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IV.
and arms, no reaſonable man, from the fear of imaginary con-
ſequences, will ever be tempted to reject their concurring and
undoubted teſtimony.
1087
KING William had iſſue, beſides his three fons, who ſur-
vived him, five daughters, to wit, (1.) Cicily, firſt a nun in
the monaſtery of Feſcamp, afterwards abbeſs in the holy Tri-
nity at Caen, where ſhe died in 1127. (2.) Conſtantia, mar-
ried to Alan Fergant, earl of Britanny. She died without
iſſue. (3.) Alice, contracted to Harold. (4.) Adela, married
to Stephen, earl of Blois, by whom ſhe had four fons, William,
Theobald, Henry, and Stephen; of whom the elder was
neglected, on account of the imbecillity of his underſtanding.
(5.) Agatha, who died a virgin, but was betrothed to the King
of Gallicia. She died on her journey thither, before ſhe joined
her bridegroom.
prize
shoyd an tacharel
4
1
i
+
Masing
[. 313 ]
CH A P. V.
m
}
WILL I AM RUFU S.
Acceſion of William Rufus Conſpiracy againſt the King
Invaſion of Normandy
The Cruſades Acquiſition of
Normandy Quarrel with Anſelm, the primate
Death and character of William Rufus.
WIL
William
LIAM, ſirnamed Rufus or the Red, from the colour
1087
of his hair, had no ſooner procured his father's recom-
mendatory letter to Lanfranc, the primate, than he haſtened Acceſſion of
to take meaſures for ſecuring to himſelf the government of Rufus.
England. Senſible, that a deed ſo unformal, and ſo little pre-
pared, which violated Robert's right of primogeniture, might
meet with great oppoſition, he truſted entirely for ſucceſs to his
own celerity; and having left St. Gervais, while William was
breathing his laſt, he arrived in England, before intelligence
of his father's death had reached that kingdom . Pretending
orders from the King, he ſecured the fortreſſes of Dover,
Pevenſey, and Haſtings, whoſe ſituation rendered them of the
greateſt importance; and he got poſſeſſion of his father's trea-
ſure at Wincheſter, amounting to the ſum of fixty thouſand
pounds, by which he hoped to encreaſe and encourage his
par-
tizans The primate, whoſe rank and reputation in the king-
dom gave him great authority, had been entruſted with the
care of his education, and had conferred on him the honour of
knighthood"; and being connected with him by theſe ties, and
b
Chron. Sax p. 192.
a W. Malmef. p. 120. M. Paris, p. 10.
Brompton, f. 983.
¢ W. Malmeſ. p. 120. M. Paris, p. 10. Thoin.
Rudborne, p. 263.
VOL.I.
probably
Ss
1
- 5
314
HISTORY OF ENGLAND..
V.
CHAP. probably deeming his pretenſions juſt, declared that he would
pay a willing obedience to the laſt will of the Conqueror, his
1087.
friend and benefactor. Having aſſembled ſome biſhops and ſome
of the principal nobility, he inſtantly proceeded to the cere-
mony of crowning the new King“; and by this diſpatch endea-
voured to prevent all faction and reſiſtance. At the ſame time,
Robert, who had been already acknowledged ſucceſſor to Nor-
mandy, took peaceable poſſeſſion of that dutchy.
1
Conſpiracy
againſt the
King.
Helena
But though this partition appeared to have been made with-
out any violence or oppoſition, there remained in England
many cauſes of diſcontent, which ſeemed to menace that king-
dom with a ſudden revolution. The Norman barons, who
gem
nerally poſſeſſed large eſtates both in England and in their own
country, were uneaſy at the ſeparation of theſe territories; and
foreſaw, that, as it would be impoſſible for them to preſerve
long their allegiance to two maſters, they muſt neceſſarily reſign
either their antient property or their new acquiſitions. Ro-
bert's title to the dutchy they eſteemed inconteſtible; his claim
to the kingdom plauſible; and they all deſired that this prince,
who alone had any pretenſions to unite theſe ſtates, ſhould be
put .
in poffefſion of both. A compariſon alſo of the perſonal
qualities of the two brothers, led them to give the preference to
the elder. The duke was brave, open, ſincere, generous;
and even his predominant faults, his extreme indolence and
facility, were not diſagreeable to thoſe haughty barons, who
affected independance, and ſubmitted with reluctance to a rigo-
rous adminiſtration in their ſovereign. The King, though
equally brave, was violent, haughty, tyrannical ; and ſeemed
diſpoſed to govern more by the fear than by the love of his
1
}
1
d
Hoveden, p. 461.
e Order, Vitalis, p. 666.
I
people,
0
WILLIAM RUF U S.
315
.
.
CHAP
V.
1087
people'. Odo, biſhop of Baieux, and Robert carl of Mon-
taigne, maternal brothers of the Conqueror, envying the great
credit of Lanfranc, which was increaſed by his late ſervices,
enforced all theſe motives with their partizans, and engaged
them in a formal conſpiracy to dethrone the King . They
communicated their deſign to Euſtace, count of Bologne, Roger
earl of Shrewſbury and Arundel, Robert de Beleſme, his eldeſt
fon, William biſhop of Durham, Robert de Moubray, Roger
Bigod, Hugh de Grentmeſnil; and they eaſily procured the af-
fent of theſe potent noblemen. The conſpirators, retiring to
their caſtles, haſtened to put themſelves in a military poſture;
and expecting to be ſoon ſupported by a powerful army from
Normandy, they had already begun hoſtilities in many places ”.
. -
The King, ſenſible of his perilous ſituation, endeavoured to
engage the affections of the native Engliſh; and as that people
were now ſo thoroughly ſubdued that they no longer aſpired to
the recovery of their antient liberties, and were contented with
the proſpect of ſome mitigation in the tyranny of the Norman
princes, they zealouſly embraced William's cauſe, upon receiv-
ing ſome general promiſes of good treatment, and of enjoying
the licence of hunting in the royal foreſts'. The King was
ſoon in a ſituation of taking the field; and as he knew the
danger of delay, he ſuddenly marched into Kent; where his
uncles had already taken poffeffion of the fortreſſes of Pevenſey
and Rocheſter. Both theſe places, he ſucceſſively reduced by
f W. Malmeſ. p. 120. Order. Vitalis, p. 666.
& Hoveden, p. 461.
Sim. Dunelm. p. 214. Diceto, p. 489.
$ Chron. Sax. p. 193. Hove-
den, p. 461. M. Paris, p. 10.
i Chron. Sax. p. 194. W. Malineſ,
p. 120. H. Iunt. p. 372. Hoveden, p. 461. Chron. W. Hemingford, p 462. Sim.
Dunelm.p.414. Alur. Beverl. p. 137-
famine;
SS
יה
.
*
316
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
V.
1087.
famine; and though he was prevailed on by the earl of Cheſter,
William de Warrenne, and Robert Fitz Hamon, who had em-
braced his cauſe, to ſpare the lives of the rebels, he confiſcated
all their eſtates, and baniſhed them the kingdom". This ad-
vantage rendered his negociations more ſucceſsful with Roger
earl of Shrewſbury, whom he detached from the confederates
his powerful fleet, joined to the indolent conduct of Ro-
bert, prevented the arrival of the Norman ſuccours ", all the
other rebels found no reſource but in flight or ſubmiſſion.
Some of them received a pardon; but the greater part were con-
fiſcated; and the King beſtowed their eſtates on the Norman:
barons, who had remained faithful to him
and as
Z
3089.
WILLIAM, freed from the danger of this inſurrection, took
little care of fulfilling his promiſes to the Engliſh, who ſtill
found themſelves expoſed to the ſame oppreſſions, which they,
had. undergone during the reign of the Conqueror, and which
were rather augmented by the violent, impetuous temper of the
preſent monarch. The death. of Lanfranc, who had retained
great influence over him, gave foon after a full career to his
tyranny; and all orders of men found reaſon to complain of an
arbitrary and illegal adminiſtration ·. Even the privileges of
the church, held very facred in thoſe days, were a feeble ram-
part againſt his uſurpations. He ſeized the temporalities of
all the vacant biſhoprics and abbies; he delayed the appoint-
ing of fucceffors to thoſe dignities, that he might the longer
enjoy the profits of their revenue ; he beſtowed. ſome of the
church-lands in property on his captains and favourites; and
1
u Chron. Sax, p. 195. Order. Vital. p. 6'8:
* W. Malm. p. 120.
M. Paris, p. 10.
y Chron. Sax. p. 194. W. Malm. p. 121.
Annal.
Waverl. p. 136.
2 H. Hunt. p. 372,
a W. Malm. p. 122, 123.
• Eadmer, p. 14. M. Paris, p. ll.
he
.
ih
WILLIAM RUFU S.
317
the
С НАР.
V.
1083.
he openly put to fale ſuch ſees and abbies as he thought proper
to diſpoſe of. Though the murmurs of the eccleſiaſtics, which
were quickly propagated to the nation, roſe high againſt
this grievance, the terror of William's authority, confirmed by
the ſuppreſſion of the late inſurrections, retained every one in
ſubjection, and preſerved a general tranquillity in England.
10go.
Invaſion of
ܪ
The King even thought himſelf enabled to diſturb his brother
in the poſſeſſion of Normandy. The looſe and negligent admi- Normandy.
niſtration of that prince had enboldened the Norman barons to
affect a great independancy; and their mutual quarrels and
devaſtations had rendered that whole territory a ſcene of vio-
lence and outrage. Two of them, Walter and Odo, werc
bribed by William to deliver the fortreſſes of St. Valori and
Albemarle into his hands : Others ſoon after imitated the
example; while Philip, King of France, who ought to have
protected his vaſſal in the poſſeſſion of his fief, was, after making
ſome efforts in his favour, engaged by large preſents to remain
neuterº. The duke had alſo reaſon to apprehend danger from
the intrigues of his brother Henry. This young prince, who
had inherited nothing of his father's great poſſeſſions but fome
of his money, had furniſhed. Robert, while he was making
his preparations againſt England, with the ſum of three thou-
fand marks; and in return for fo ſlender a ſupply, had been
put in poſſeſſion of the Cotentin, which comprehended near a
third of the dutchy of Normandy'. Robert afterwards upon
ſome ſuſpicion threw him into priſon; but finding himſelf
expoſed to invaſion from the King of England, and dreading
c Order. Vital. p. 672.
Flaveden, p. 462.
Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, P. 53.
Order. Vitalis, p. 165,
Chron. Sax. p. 196. W. Malmeſ. p. 121..
e Chron. Sax. p. 196. W. Malm. p. 121. Chron.
I T. Rudb. p. 263. W. Gemet..p. 293..
the
4
318
.
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НА Р.
V.
logo.
the conjunction of the two brothers againſt him, he now gave
Henry his liberty, and even made uſe of his aſſiſtance in fup-
preſſing the inſurrections of his rebellious ſubjects. Conan, a
rich burgeſs of Rouen, had entered into a conſpiracy to deliver
that city to William; but Henry, on the detection of his guilt,
carried
up
the traitor to a high tower, and with his own hands
flung him from the battlements
8
The King appeared in Normandy at the head of an army;
and affairs ſeemed to have come to extremity between the bro-
thers; when the nobility on both ſides, ſtrongly connected by
intereſt and alliances, interpoſed and procured an accommo-
dation. The immediate advantage of this treaty accrued to
William, who obtained poffeſſion of the territory of Eu, the
towns of Aumale, Feſcamp, and other places : But in return
he promiſed, that he would aſſiſt his brother in ſubduing Maine,
which had rebelled ; and that the Norman barons, forfeited in
Robert's cauſe, ſhould be reſtored to their eſtates in England.
The two brothers alſo ſtipulated, that on the demiſe of either
without iſſue, the ſurvivor ſhould inherit all his dominions ;
and twelve of the moſt powerful barons on each ſide ſwore,
that they would employ their power to inſure the effectual exe-
cution of the whole treaty*: A ſtrong proof of the great inde-
pendance and authority of the nobles in thoſe ages !
PRINCE Henry, diſguſted, that ſo little care had been taken
of his intereſts in this accommodation, retired to St. Michael's
Mount, a ſtrong fortreſs on the coaſt of Normandy, and infeſted
the neighbourhood with his incurſions'. Robert and William
& Order. Vital. p. 690.
h Chron. Sax. p. 197. W. Malm. p. 121.
Hoveden, p. 462. M. Paris, p.a. Annal, Waverl. p. 137. W. Heming. p. 463.
Sim. Dunelm. p. 216. Brompton, p. 986.
i Chron. de Mailr. p. 161.
with
1
+
WILLIAM RU FU S.
319
14
}
С НАР.
V.
Jogo.
with their joint forces beſieged him in this place, and had
nearly reduced him by the ſcarcity of water; when the elder,
hearing of his diſtreſs, granted him permiſſion to fupply him-
ſelf, and alſo fent him fome pipes of wine for his own table.
Being reproved by William for this ill-timed generoſity, he
replied, What! mall I ſuffer my brother to die of thirſt? Where
Mall we find another, when he is gonek? The King alſo, during
this ſiege, performed an act of generoſity, which was leſs
fuitable to his character. Riding out one day alone, to take a
ſurvey of the fortreſs, he was attacked by two ſoldiers, and
diſmounted. One of them drew his ſword in order to diſpatch
him ; when the King exclaimed, Hald knave! I am the King
of England. The ſoldier ſuſpended his blow; and raiſing the
King from the ground, with expreſſions of reſpect, received a
handſome reward, and was taken into his ſervice Prince
Henry was ſoon after obliged to capitulate ; and being deſpoiled
of all his dominions, wandered about for ſome time with
very
few attendants, and often in great poverty, .
1
1091
The continued inteſtine diſcord among the barons was alone
in that age deſtructive: The public wars were commonly ſhort
and feeble, produced little bloodſhed, and were attended with
no memorable event. To this Norman war, which was fo foon
concluded, there ſucceeded hoſtilities with Scotland, which
were of no longer duration. Robert here commanded his
brother's army, and obliged Malcolm to accept of peace and to
do homage to the crown of England". This peace was not
k W. Malm, p. 121. T. Rudborne, p. 264. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 53-
| W. Malm. p. 121. T. Rudborne, p. 263. Knyghton, p. 2359.
m Chron. Sax. p. 198. H. Hunt. p. 373. Hoveden, p. 462. Chron. de Mailra
p. 161, M. Weft. p. 232.
more
1
/
!
' 320
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
*
CHAP
V.
1093
1
more durable. Malcolm, two years after, levying an army,
invaded England ; and after ravaging Northumberland, he laid
ſiege to Alnwic, where a party of carl Moubray's troops falling
upon him by ſurprize, a ſharp action enſued, in which Malcolm
was ſlain". This incident disjointed for ſome years the fuc-
ceſſion to the Scottiſh crown. Though Malcolm left legitimate
ſons, his brother, Donald, on account of the youth of theſe
princes, was advanced to the throne; but kept not long por-
ſeſſion of the royal dignity. Duncan, natural ſon of Malcolm,
formed a conſpiracy againſt him ; and being aſſiſted by William
with a ſinall force, made himſelf maſter of the kingdom New
broils enſued with Normandy. The frank, open, remiſs temper
of Robert was ill fitted to withſtand the intereſted, rapacious
character of William, who, being ſupported by greater power,
was ſtill encroaching on his brother's poſſeſſions, and exciting
his turbulent barons to rebellion againſt him! The King,
having gone over to Normandy to ſupport his partizans, ordered
an army of twenty thouſand men to be levied in England,
and to be conducted to the ſea-coaſt, as if they were inſtantly
to be embarked.' Here Ralph Flambard, the King's miniſter,
and the chief inſtrument of his extortions, exacted ten ſhillings
a-piece from them, in lieu of their ſervice, and then diſmiſſed
them into their ſeveral counties”. This money was ſo ſkilfully
employed by William, that it rendered him better feryice than
he could have expected from the army. He engaged the French
King by new preſents' to depart from the protection of Robert;
1094
។
n Chron. Sax. p. 199. Hoveden, p. 463. W. Herning. p. 46.4.
• Chron. Sax. p. 199. Hoveden, p. 463.
P M. Paris, p. 12. Annal, Waverl. p. 138.
9 Chron. Sax. p. 201. H. Hunt. p. 373. M. Paris, p. 12. W. Heming. p. 465.
Sim. Dunelm. p. 220.
Chron. Sax. p. 201.
Annal, Waverl. p. 139.
and
W I LLI AM RU FU S.
321
A
С НАР.
1'.
1094
1095
and he daily bribed the Norman barons to deſert his ſervice':
But was prevented from puſhing his advantages againſt the
duke, by an incurſion of the Welſh, which obliged him to
return into England'. He found no difficulty to repel the
enemy; but was not able to make any conſiderable impreſſion
on a country, guarded by its mountainous ſituation. A confpi-
racy of his own barons, which was detected at this time,
appeared a more ſerious concern, and engroſſed all his atten-
tion. Robert Mowbray, earl of Northumberland, was at the
head of this combination; and he engaged in it the count d'Eu,
Richard de Tunbrige, Roger de Lacey, and many others. The
purpoſe of the conſpirators was to dethrone the King, and to
advance in his ſtead, Stephen, count of Aumale, nephew to
the Conqueror'. William's diſpatch prevented the deſign from
taking effect, and diſconcerted the conſpirators. Mowbray
made ſome reſiſtance; but being taken priſoner, was forfeited,
and thrown into confinement, where he died about thirty years
after*. The count d'Eu denied his concurrence in the plot;
and to juſtify himſelf, fought in the preſence of the court at
Windſor, a duel with Geoffrey Bainard, who accuſed him.
But being worſted in the combat, he was condemned to be
caſtrated, and to have his eyes put out'. William de Alderi,
another conſpirator, was ſuppoſed to be treated with more
rigour, when he was ſentenced to be hanged .
1096.
But the noiſe of theſe petty wars and commotions was The Crane
quite ſunk in the tumult of the Cruſades, which now engroſſed ſades.
the attention of Europe, and have ever ſince employed the
1
• Hoveden, p. 464.
+ Chron. Sax. p. 201. W. Heming. p. 465.
" Hoveden, p. 465. Sim. Dun. p. 221.
x Chron. Sax. p. 202, 203.
W. Malmef. p. 124. H. Hunt. p. 373. Annal. Waverl. p. 139.
y W. Malm. p. 124. Hoveden, p. 466.
2 Chron. Sax. p. 204.
VOL. I.
T t
curioſity
:
392
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
V.
1096.
CHAP. curioſity of mankind, as 'the moſt ſignal and moſt durable
monument of human folly, that has yet appeared in any age.
or nation. After Mahomet had, by means of his pretended:
revelations, united the diſperſed Arabians under one head, they
iſſued forth from their defarts in great multitudes ; and being
animated with zeal for their new religion, and ſupported by
the vigour of their new government, they inade deep impreſſion:
on the eaſtern empire, which was far in the decline, with.
regard both to military diſcipline and to civil policy. Jeruſalem,
by its ſituation, became one of their moſt early conqueſts ;
and the Chriſtians had the mortification to ſee the holy ſepulchre,
and the other places, made famous by the preſence of their reli-
gious founder, fallen into the poſſeſſion of infidels. But the
Arabians or Saracens were ſo employed in military enterprizes,
by which they ſpread their empire, in a few years, from the
banks of the Ganges to the Straits of Gibraltar, that they had
no leiſure for theological controverſy; and though the Alcoran,
the original monument of their faith, ſeems to contain ſome
violent precepts, they were much leſs infected with the ſpirit
of bigotry and perſecution than the indolent and ſpeculative
Greeks, who were continually refining on the ſeveral articles
of their religious ſyſtem. They gave little diſturbance to thoſe
zealous pilgrims, who daily flocked to Jeruſalem; and they
allowed every man, after paying a moderate tribute, to viſit
the holy ſepulchre, to perform his religious duties, and to
return in peace. But the Turcomans or Turks, a tribe of
Tartars, who had embraced Mahometiſm, having wreſted Syria
from the Saracens, and having in the year 1065, made them-
ſelves maſters of Jeruſalem, rendered the pilgrimage much
more difficult and dangerous to the Chriſtians. The barbarity
of their manners, and the confuſions attending their unſettled
government,
4
3
WILL I A M'RU F U S.
323
C H 4 P.
V.
1996,
a
government, expoſed the pilgrims to many inſults, robberies,
and extortions; and theſe zealots, returning from their meri-
torious fatigues and ſufferings, filled all Chriſtendom with
indignation againſt the infidels, who profaned the holy city by
their preſence, and derided the ſacred myſteries in the very
place of their completion. Gregory VII. among the other vaſt
ideas, which he entertained, had formed the deſign of uniting
all the weſtern Chriſtians againſt the Mahometans; but his
exorbitant enterprizes upon the civil power of princes, had
created him ſo many enemies, and had rendered his ſchemes
ſo ſuſpicious, that he was not able to make great progreſs in
this undertaking. The work was reſerved for a meaner inſtru-
ment, whoſe low condition expoſed him to no jealouſy, and
whoſe folly was well calculated to coincide with the prevailing
principles of the times.
1
PETER, commonly called the Hermit, a native of Amiens
in Picardy, had made the pilgrimage to Jeruſalem; and being
deeply affected with the dangers, to which that act of piety
now expoſed the pilgrims, as well as with the inſtances of
oppreſſion, under which the eaſtern Chriſtians laboured, he
entertained the bold, and, in all appearance, iinpracticable
project of leading into Afia, from the fartheſt extremities of
the weſt, armies ſufficient to ſubdue thoſe potent and warlike
nations, which now held the holy land in ſlavery and ſubjection .
He propoſed his views to Martin II. who filled the papal chair,
and who, though he was ſenſible of the advantages, which the
head of the Chriſtian religion muſt reap from a religious war,
and though he eſteemed the blind zeal of Peter a proper means
for effecting the purpoſe , reſolved not to interpoſc his
* Gul. Tyrius, lib. i. cap. u. M. Paris, p. 17.
TI2
b Gul. Tyrius, lib. i. cap. 13.
authority,
11
}
1
1
324
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
V.
1096.
authority, till he ſaw a greater probability of ſucceſs. He
ſummoned a council at Placentia, which conſiſted of four
a
thouſand eccleſiaſtics and thirty thouſand ſeculars; and which
was ſo numerous, that no hall could contain the multitude,
and it was neceſſary to hold the aſſembly in a plain. The
harangues of the Pope, and of Peter himſelf, repreſenting the
diſmal ſituation of their brethren in the caſt, and the indignity,
ſuffered by the Chriſtian name, in allowing the holy city to
remain in the hands of infidels, here found the minds of men
ſo well prepared, that the whole multitude, ſuddenly and
violently, declared for the war, and folemnly devoted themſelves
to perform this ſervice, ſo meritorious, as they believed it,
towards God and religion.
But though Italy ſeemed thus to have embraced zealouſly
the deſign, Martin juſtly thought, that, in order to inſure
ſucceſs, it was neceſſary to inliſt the greater and more warlike
nations in the ſame engagement; and having previouſly
exhorted Peter to viſit the chief cities and ſovereigns of
Chriſtendom, he fummoned another council at Clermont in
Auvergne. The fame of this great and pious deſign, being
now univerſally diffuſed, procured the attendance of the
greateſt prelates, nobles, and princes ; and when the Pope and
the Hermit renewed their pathetic exhortations, the whole
aſſembly, as if impelled by an immediate inſpiration, not
moved by their preceding impreſſions, exclaimed with one
voice, It is the will of God, It is the will of God: Words
deemed ſo memorable, and ſo much the reſult of a divine
influence, that they were employed as the ſignal of rendezvous
and battle in all the future exploits of theſe adventurers º.
e Concil. tom. x. Concil. Clarom. Matth. Paris, p. 16. M. Welt. p. 233.
. Hiſtoria Bell, Sacri, tom.i. Mufæi Ital.
6
Men
WILLIAM RUFUS.
325;
1
CHAP
V.
1096.
Men of all ranks flew to arms with the utmoſt ardour; and
án exterior fymbol too, a circumſtance of chief moment, was
here choſen by the devoted combatants. The ſign of the croſs,
which had been hitherto fo much revered among Chriſtians,
and which, the more it was an object of reproach among
infidels, was the more paſſionately cheriſhed by them, became.
the badge of union, and was affixed to their right ſhoulder,
by all who enliſted themſelves in this ſacred warfare.
Europe was at this time ſunk into profound ignorance and
ſuperſtition: The eccleſiaſtics had acquired the greateſt afcend-
ant over the human mind : The people, who, being little re-
ſtrained by honour and leſs by law, abandoned themſelves to
the worſt crimes and diſorders, knew of no other expiation than
the obſervances impoſed on them by their ſpiritual paſtors: And
it was eaſy to repreſent the holy war as an equivalent for all
penances ', and an atonement for every violation of juſtice and
humanity. But amidſt the abject ſuperſtition, which now pre-
vailed, the military ſpirit alſo had univerſally diffuſed itſelf;
and though not ſupported by art or diſcipline, was become the
general paſſion of the nations, governed by the feudal law. All
the great lords poſſeſſed the right of peace and war: They
were engaged in continual hoftilities with each other : The
open country was become a ſcene of outrage and diſorder :
The cities, ſtill mean and poor, were neither guarded by walls,
nor protected by privileges, and were expoſed to each inſult::
Every man was obliged to depend for ſafety on his own force,..
or his private alliances: And valour was the only excellence,
which was held in eſteem, or gave one man the pre-eminence
• Hift. Bell. Sacri, tom. 1. Muſ. Ital. Order. Vital..p: 721,
f Order...
Vital. p. 720.
above:
.
.
326
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
V.
CHAP. above another. When all the particular ſuperſtitions, therefore,
were here united in one great object, the ardour for private
1096
hoſtilities took the ſame direction; and Europe, impelled by its
two ruling paſſions, was looſened, as it were, from its founda-
tions, and ſeemed to precipitate itſelf in one united body upon
the eaſt
All orders of men, deeming the cruſades the only road to
heaven, inliſted themſelves under theſe ſacred banners, and
were impatient to open the way with their ſword to the holy
city. Nobles, artizans, peaſants, even prieſts 5 inrolled their
· names; and to decline this meritorious ſervice was branded with
- the reproach of impiety, or what perhaps was eſteemed ſtill
more diſgraceful, of cowardice and puſillanimity". The infirm
and aged contributed to the expedition by preſents and money ;
and
many
of them, not ſatisfied with the merit of this atone-
ment, attended it in perſon, and were determined, if poſſible,
to breathe their laſt, in ſight of that city where their Saviour
had died for them. Women themſelves, concealing their ſex
under the diſguiſe of armour, attended the camp ; and com-
monly forgot ſtill more the duty of their fex, by proſtituting
themſelves, without reſerve, to the army! The greateſt cri-
minals were forward in a ſervice, which they regarded as a pro-
pitiation for all crimes; and the moſt enormous diſorders were,
during the courſe of theſe expeditions, committed by men enur-
.cd to wickedneſs, encouraged by example, and impelled by
neceſſity. The multitude of the adventurers ſoon became fo
great, that their more fagacious leaders, Hugh count de Ver-
mandois, brother to the French King, Raymond.count of Tho-
ħW. Malm. p. 133:
i Vertot
1
& Order. Vital. p. 720.
Hiſt. de Chev. de Malte, vol. i. p. 46.
louſe,
!
!
+
W-IL LIAM RU F US:
3:27.
YA
V.
.
*
louſe, Godfrey of Boüillon, prince of Brabant, and Stephen CHAP.
count of Blois *, became apprehenſive left the greatneſs of the
armament itſelf would diſappoint its purpoſe; and they per-
1.096.
mitted an undiſciplined multitude, computed at 300,000 men,
to go before them, under the command of Peter the Hermit,
and Walter the Moneyleſs'. Theſe men took the road towards
Conſtantinople through Hungary and Bulgaria; and fruſting,
that heaven, by ſupernatural aſſiſtance, would ſupply all their
neceſſities, they made no proviſion for ſubſiſtance on their march..
They foon found themſelves obliged to obtain by plunder what
they had vainly expected from miracles; and the enraged inha-
bitants of the countries through which they paſſed, gathering :
together in arms, attacked the diſorderly multitude, and put
them to ſlaughter without reſiſtance. . The more diſciplined ar--
mies followed after; and paſſing the ſtraits at Conftantinople, ,
they were muſtered in the plains of Aſia, and amounted in the :
whole to the number of 700,000 combatants -
AMIDST this univerſal frenzy, which ſpread itſelf by con-
tagion throughout Europe, eſpecially in France and Germany,
men were not entirely forgetful of their preſent intereſts; and
both thoſe who went on this expedition, and thoſe who ſtaid
behind, entertained ſchemes.of gratifying, by its means, their
avarice or their ambition. The nobles who enliſted themſelves
were moved, from the romantic ſpirit of the age, to hope for
opulent eſtabliſhments in the eaſt, the chief ſeat of arts and
commerce during thoſe ages; and in purſuit of theſe chimerical
projects, they ſold at the loweſt price their ancient caſtles and
inheritances, which had now loſt all value in their eyes. The. :
| Matth, Paris, p. 17.
m Ibid.
* Sim. Dunelm. p. 222,
P. 20, 210
greater
:328
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
V.
greater princcs, who remained at home, beſides eſtabliſhing
com hd peace in their dominions by giving occupation abroad to the in-
10,5.
quietude and martial diſpoſition of their ſubjects, took the
op-
portunity of annexing to their crown many conſiderable fiefs,
either by purchaſe or by the extinction of the heirs. The Pope
frequently turned the zeal of the cruſades from the infidels
againſt his own enemies, whom he repreſented as equally
criminal with the enemies of Chriſt. The convents and other
religious focieties bought the poſſeſſions of the adventurers; and
as the contributions of the faithful were commonly entruſted to
their inanagement, they often diverted to this purpoſe what was
intended to be employed againſt the infidels". But no one was
a more immediate gainer by this epidemic fury than the King
of England, who kept aloof from all connexions with thoſe
fanatical and romantic warriors.
Acquiſition
of wor.
mandy.
ROBERT, duke of Normandy, impelled by the bravery and
miſtaken generoſity of his ſpirit, had early inliſted himſelf in the
cruſade; but being always unprovided of money, he found,
that it would be impracticable for him to appear, in a manner
ſuitable to his rank and ſtation, at the head of his numerous
vafials and ſubjects, who, tranſported with the general rage,
were determined to follow him into Aſia. He reſolved, there-
fore, to mortgage or rather to ſell his dominions, which he had
not talents to govern; and he offered them to his brother
William, for no greater ſum than ten thouſand marks • The
bargain was ſoon concluded : The King raiſed the money by
violent extortions on his ſubjects of all ranks, even on the con-
* Padre Paolo Hiſt. delle bencf. eccleſiaſt. p. 128.
" W. Malm. p. 123. Chron. T. Wykes, p. 21. Annal. Waverl. p. 139. W.
Heming. p. 457. Flor. Wig. p. 648. Sim. Dunelm. p. 222. Knyghton, p. 2364.
vents,
memoria
+
WILLIAM RUFU S.
329
CHAP
V.
vents, who were obliged to melt their plate in order to furniſh
the quota demanded of them ?: He was put in poffeffion of
Normandy and Maine: And Robert, providing himſelf of a
magnificent train, ſet out for the holy land, in purſuit of glory,
and in full confidence of ſecuring his eternal ſalvation.
109..
The ſmallneſs of this ſum, with the difficulties which William
found 'in raiſing it, fuffices alone to refute' the account, which
is heedleſsly adopted by hiſtorians, of the enormous revenue of
the Conqueror. Is it credible, that Robert would conſign into
the rapacious hands of his brother ſuch conſiderable dominions,
for a fum, which, according to that account, made not a week's
income of his father's Engliſh revenue alone? Or that the
King of England could not on demand, without oppreſſing his
fubjects, have been able to pay him the money? The Conqueror,
it is agreed, was frugal as well as rapacious; yet his treaſure,
at his death, exceeded not 60,000 pounds, which would ſcarce
have been his income for two months : Another certain refuta-
tion of that exaggerated account.
។
The fury of the cruſades, during this age, leſs infected Eng-
land than the neighbouring kingdoms ; probably becauſe the
Norman conquerors, finding their ſettlement in that kingdom
ſtill ſomewhat precarious, dared not to abandon their own
houſes, in queſt of diſtant adventures. The ſelfiſh intereſted
humour alſo of the King, which kept him from kindling in the
general flame, checked its progreſs among his ſubjects; and as
he is accuſed of open profaneneſs !, and was endowed with a
ſharp wit', it is likely that he made the romantic chivalry of
4 G. Ncubr.
P Eadmer, p. 35. W. Malm. p. 123. W. Heming. p. 467.
p. 358. W. Gemet. p. 292.
W. Malm. p. 122.
VOL. I.
Uu
the
1
330
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
V.
10,6.
the cruſades the object of his perpetual raillery. As an inſtance
of his irreligion, we are told, that he once accepted of fixty
marks from a Jew, whoſe eldeſt fon had been converted to Chri-
ſtianity, and who engaged him by that preſent to aſſiſt himn in
bringing back the youth to Judaiſm. William einployed both
menaces and perſuaſion to that purpoſe; but finding the new
convert obſtinate in his faith, he ſent for the father, and told
him, that, as he had not ſucceeded, it was not juſt that he
ſhould keep the preſent; but as he had done his utmoſt, it was
but equitable that he ſhould be paid for his pains; and he would
therefore only retain thirty marks of the money'. At another
time, it is ſaid, he ſent for ſome learned Chriſtian theologians
and ſome rabbies, and bade them fairly diſpute the queſtion of
their religion in his preſence: He was perfectly indifferent
between them, had his ears open to reaſon and conviction, and
would embrace that doctrine, which upon compariſon ſhould be
found ſupported by the moſt ſolid arguments'. If this ſtory be
true, it is probable that he meant only to amuſe himſelf by turn-
ing both into ridicule: But we muſt be cautious of admitting
every thing related by the monkiſh hiſtorians to the diſad-
vantage of this prince: He had the misfortune to be engaged in
quarrels with the eccleſiaſtics, particularly with Anſelm, com-
monly called St. Anſelm, archbiſhop of Canterbury; and it is
no wonder his memory ſhould be blackened by the hiſtorians of
that order.
Quarrel with
Anſelm, the
primate.
After the death of Lanfranc, the King, for ſeveral years,
retained in his own hands the revenues of Canterbury, as he
did thoſe of many other vacant biſhoprics; but falling into a ..
dangerous illneſs, he was ſeized with remorſe, and the clergy
Eadmer, p. 47
-- W. Malm. p. 123.
repreſented
1
WILLIAM RUFUS.
331
1
16
CHAP
V.
1096.
repreſented to him, that he was in danger of eternal perdition,
- if before his death he did not make atonement for thoſe multi-
plied impieties and ſacrileges, of which he had been guilty º.
He reſolved therefore to ſupply inſtantly the vacancy of Canter-
bury; and for that purpoſe he ſent for Anſelm, a Piedmonteſe
by birth, abbot of Bec in Normandy, who was much celebrated
for his learning and devotion. The abbot refuſed earneſtly the
dignity, fell on his knces, wept, and entreated the King to
change his purpoſe * ; and when he found the prince obſtinate
in forcing the paſtoral ſtaff upon him, he kept his fiſt fo faſt
clenched, that it required the utmoſt violence of the byſtanders
to open it, and force him to receive that enſign of ſpiritual
dignity y, William ſoon after recovered his health ; and his
paſſions regaining their uſual force and vigour, he returned to
his former violence and rapine. He detained in priſon ſeveral
perſons whom he had ordered to be freed during the time of his
penitence; he ſtill preyed upon the eccleſiaſtical benefices; the
ſale of ſpiritual dignițies continued as open as ever; and he
kept poſſeſſion of a conſiderable part of the revenues belonging
to the ſee of Canterbury' But he found in Anſelm that
per-
ſevering oppoſition, which he had reaſon to expect from the
oſtentatious humility, which that prelate had diſplayed in
refuſing his promotion.
1
,N
may
The oppoſition of Anſelm was the more dangerous on
account of the character of piety, which he ſoon acquired in
• Eadmer, p. 16. Chron. Sax. p. 198. H. Hunt..p. 373. Hoveden, p. 453. M.
Paris, p. 12. Annal. Waverl. p. 138. T. Rudb. p. 264. Flor. Wigorn. p. 645.
Sim. Dunelm. p. 217. Diceto, p. 450.
* Eadmer, p. 17. Diceto, p. 494. ✓ Eadmer, p. 18.
* H. Hunt.
p. 373. M. Paris, p. 12. Diceto, p. 494.
* Eadmer, p. 19. 43. Chron.
Sax. p. 199:
S u 2
England,
i
1
332
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
V.
CHAP. England, by his great zeal againſt all abuſes, particularly thofe
in dreſs and ornament. There was a mode, which, in that age,
1096.
prevailed throughout Europe, both among men and women,
to give an enormous length to their ſhoes, to draw the toe to a
ſharp point, and to affix to it the figure of a bird's bill, or ſome
fuch ornament, which was turned upwards, and which was
often ſuſtained by gold or ſilver chains tied to the knee. The
ecclefiaftics took exception at this ornament, which, they ſaid,
was an attempt to bely the Scripture, where it is affirmed, that
no man can add a cubit to his ſtature; and they declaimed
againſt it with great vehemence, nay aſſembled ſome fynods,
who abfolutely condemned it. But ſuch are the ſtrange contra-
dictions in human nature ! though the clergy, at that time,
could overturn thrones, and had authority ſufficient to ſend
above a million of men on their errand to the deſarts of Aſia,
they could never prevail againſt theſe long-pointed ſhoes: On
the contrary, that caprice, contrary to all other modes, main-
tained its ground during ſeveral centuries ; and if the clergy
had not at laſt defifted from their perfecutions of it, it might
ſtill have been the prevailing faſhion in Europe.
But Anſelm was more fortunate in decrying the particular
mode, which was the object of his averſion, and which probably
liad not taken ſuch faſt hold of the affections of the people.
He preached zealouſly againſt the long hair and curled locks,
which were then faſhionable among the courtiers; he refuſed
the aſhes on Alh-Wedneſday to thoſe who were fo accoutered;
and his authority and eloquence had ſuch influence, that the
young men univerſally abandoned that ornament, and appeared
in the cropt hair, which was recommended to them by the fer-
I
Qrder. Vital. p. 682. W. Malmeſ. p. 123. Knyghton, p. 2369.
, p
mona
1
mo
WILLIAM RUFUS.
333
mont of the primate. The noted hiſtorian of Anſelm, who was
alſo his companion and ſecretary, celebrates highly this effort
of his zeal and pietyº.
C С НАР,
V.
Commarenant
1096
WHEN William's profaneneſs therefore returned to him with
his health, he was foon engaged in controverſies with this.
auſtere prelate. There was at that time a ſchiſm in the church,
between Urban and Clement, who both pretended to the
papacy"; and Anfelm, who, as abbot of Bec, had already
acknowledged the former, was determined, without the King's:
conſent, to introduce his authority into England. William,
who, imitating his father's example, had prohibited his fubjects.
from recognizing any Pope, whom he had not previouſly
received, was enraged at this pretenſion; and fummoned a
fynod at Rockingham, with an intention of depoſing Anſelm;
but the prelate's fuffragans declared, that, without the papal
authority, they knew of no expedient for inflicting that
puniſhment on their primate'. The King was at laſt engaged
by other motives to give the preference to Urban's title;
Anfelm received the pall from that pontiff; and matters ſeemed
to be tolerably well compoſed between the King and the
primates, when the quarrel broke out afreſh froin a new cauſe.
William had undertaken an expedition againſt Wales, and
required the archbiſhop to furniſh his quota of ſoldiers for
that ſervice; but Anſelm, who regarded the demand as an
oppreſſion on the church, and yet durft not refuſe compliance,
fent them ſo miſerably accoutered, that the King was extremely
diſpleaſed, and threatened him with a proſecution". Anſelm,
Hoveden, p. 463.
c Eadmer, p. 23.
c Eadmer, p. 25. M. Paris, p. 13. Diceto, p. 494. Spelm. Conc..voli ii. p. 16.
& Diceto, p. 495:
h Eadmer,, p. 37, 43.
Eadmer, p. 30.
Qn
334
ENGLAND.
HISTORY OF
3
СНАР.
V.
10gb,
on the other hand, demanded poſitively, that all the revenues
of his fee ſhould be reſtored to him; appealed to Rome againſt
the King's injuſtice'; and affairs came to ſuch extremities,
that the primate, finding it dangerous to remain in the kingdom,
deſired and obtained the King's permiſſion to retire beyond fea.
All his temporalities were confiſcated * ; but he was received
with great reſpect by Urban, who conſidered him as a martyr
in the cauſe of religion, and even menaced the King, on account
of his proceedings againſt the primate and the church, with
the ſentence of excommunication. Anſelm affifted at the
council of Bari, where, beſides fixing the controverſy between
the Greek and Latin churches, about the proceſſion of the
Holy Ghoſt', the right of election to church preferments was
declared to belong to the clergy alone, and ſpiritual cenſures
were denounced againſt all eccleſiaſtics, who did homage to
laymen for their fees or benefices, and on all laymen who
exacted it". The rite of homage, by the feudal cuſtoms, was,
that the vaſſal ſhould throw himſelf on his knees, ſhould
put
his joined hands between thoſe of his ſuperior, and ſhould in
that poſture. ſwear fealty to him". But the council declared it
execrable, that pure hands, which could create God, and
could offer him up as a ſacrifice for the falvation of mankind,
ſhould be put, after this humiliating manner, between profane
hands, which, beſides being inured to rapine and bloodſhed,
were employed day and night in impure purpoſes and obſcene
contacts. Such were the reaſonings prevalent in that age;
reaſonings, which, though they cannot be paſſed over in ſilence,
without omitting the moſt curious and, perhaps, not the leaſt
1
naman
.
i Eadmer, p. 40.
1
* M. Paris, p. 13. Parker, p. 178.
1 Eadmer, p. 49. M. Paris, p. 13. Sim. Dun. p. 224.
m M. Paris, n. 14.
n Spellman, Du Cange, in verb, Hominium.
• W. Heming. p. 467.
Flor, Wigorn. p. 649. Sim. Dunelm. p. 224. Brompton, p. 994.
inſtructive
::
W I L L I A M RUFUS,
335
+
inſtructive part of hiſtory, can ſcarce be delivered with the
requiſite decency and gravity.
С НА Р.
V.
1097
THE ceſſion of Normandy and Maine by duke Robert
increaſed mightily the King's territories; but brought him no
great increaſe of power, becauſe of the unſettled ſtate of theſe
countries, the mutinous diſpoſition of the barons, and the near
neighbourhood of the French King, who ſupported them in
all their inſurrections. Even Helie, lord of la Fleche, a ſmall
town in Anjou, was able to give him inquietude; and this
great monarch was obliged to make ſeveral expeditions abroad,
without being able to prevail over fo petty a baron, who had
acquired the confidence and affections of the inhabitants of
Maine. He was, however, ſo fortunate, as at laſt to take him
priſoner in a rencounter ; but having releaſed him, at the inter-
ceſſion of the French King and the Count d'Anjou, he found
the province of Maine ſtill expoſed to his intrigues and incur-
fions. Helie, being introduced by the citizens into the town
of Mans, beſieged the garriſon in the citadel ; and William,
who was hunting in the new foreſt, when he received this
intelligence, was ſo provoked, that he immediately turned
about his horſe, and galloped to the ſea-ſhore at Dartmouth;
declaring, that he would not ſtop a moment till he had taken
vengeance for this offence. He found the weather fo cloudy
and tempeſtuous, that the mariners pronounced it dangerous
to put to ſea ; but the King hurried on board, and ordered
them to ſet fail inſtantly; telling them, that they never yet
heard of a King that was drowned'. By this vigour and
celerity, he delivered the citadel of Mans from its preſent
1999.
HI
p W. Malm. p. 124. H. Hunt. p. 378. M. Paris, p. 36. Ypod. Neuit. p. 442.
danger à
I
336
APSTÒRY OF ENGLAND.
1
!
V.
CHAP. danger ; and purſuing Helie into his own territories, he laid
ſiege to Majol, a ſmall caſtle in thoſe parts : But a wound,
which he received in the aſſault, obliged him to raiſe the fiege;
and he returned to England.
I 100.
.
I'
T
1
The weakneſs of the greateſt monarchs, during this age,
in their military expeditions againſt their neareſt neighbours,
appears the more ſurpriſing, when we conſider the prodigious
numbers, which even petty princes, ſeconding the enthuſiaſtic
rage of the people, were able to aſſemble, and to conduct
in dangerous enterprizes to the remote provinces of Aſia.
William, earl of Poitiers and duke of Guienne, enflamed with
the glory, and not diſcouraged by the misfortunes, which had
attended the former adventurers in the cruſades, had
put him-
ſelf at the head of an immenſe multitude, computed by ſome
hiſtorians to amount to 60,000 horſe, and a much greater
number of foot", and he propoſed to lead them into the holy
land againſt the infidels. He wanted money to forward the
preparations requiſite for this expedition, and he offered to
mortgage all his dominions to William, without entertaining
any ſcruple on account of that rapacious and iniquitous hand,
into which he reſolved to conſign them'. The King accepted
his offer; and had prepared a fleet, and an army, in order to
eſcort the money, and take poſſeſſion of the rich provinces of
zd Auguft. Guienne and Poictou ; when an accident put an end to his
life, and to all his ambitious projects. He was engaged in
hunting, the ſole amuſement, and indeed the chief occupation
of princes in thoſe rude times, when ſociety was little culti-
vated, and the arts afforded few objects worthy of attention.
.
1
+
H
r.
12
11
8
a W. Malm. p. 149. The whole is ſaid by Order. Vital. p. 789, to amount to
w.
: W. Malmeſ, p. 127.
Walter
300,000 men.
Hi
-
ܕ݂ ܫܽ
WILLIAM RUFU S.
337
CHAP
V.
IICO
The arrow,
Death
Walter Tyrrel, a French gentleman, remarkable for his addreſs
in archery, attended him in this recreation, of which the new
foreſt was the ſcene; and as William had diſmounted after a
chace, Tyrrel, impatient to ſhow his dexterity, let fly an arrow
at a ſtag, which ſuddenly ſtarted before him.
glancing from a tree, ſtruck the King in the breaſt, and inſtantly
flew him"; while Tyrrel, without informing any one of the
accident, put ſpurs to his horſe, haftened to the ſea-shore,
embarked for France, and joined the cruſade in an expedition
to Jeruſalem ; a penance which he impoſed on himſelf for this
involuntary crime. The body of William was found in the
foreſt by the country-people, and was buried without any
pomp or ceremony at Wincheſter. His courtiers were negli-
gent in performing the laſt duties to a maſter who was ſo little
beloved; and every one was too much occupied in the intereſting
object of fixing his ſucceſſor, to attend the funerals of a dead
ſovereign.
and character
Rufus.
THE memory of this monarch is tranſmitted to us with
little advantage by the churchmen, whom he had offended; of William
and though we may ſuſpect in general, that their account of
his vices is ſomewhat exaggerated, his conduct affords little
reaſon for contradicting the character which they have aſſigned
him, or for attributing to him any very eſtimable qualities.
He ſeems to have been a violent and tyrannical prince; a per-
fidious, encroaching, and dangerous neighbour; an, unkind
and ungenerous relation. He was equally prodigal and rapa-
cious in the management of his treaſury; and if he poffcffed
abilities, he lay ſo much under the government of impetuous
paſſions, that he made little uſe of them in his adminiſtration;
• W. Malm. p. 126. H. Hunt. p. 378. M. Paris, p. 37. Petr. Bleſ. p. 110.
VOL. I.
and
XX
338
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CH A P.
V.
1100.
and he indulged entirely that domineering policy, which ſuited
his temper, and which, if ſupported, as it was in him, with
courage and vigour, proves often more ſucceſsful, in diſorderly
times, than the deepeſt foreſight and moſt refined artifice.
years before
The monuments which remain of this prince in England.
are the Tower, Weſtminſter-hall, and London-bridge, which
he built. The moſt laudable foreign enterprize which he
undertook, was the ſending Edgar Atheling, three
his death, into Scotland with a ſmall army, to reſtore prince
Edgar the true heir of that kingdom, ſon of Malcolm, and of
Margaret, ſiſter of Edgar Atheling; and the enterprize proved
ſucceſsful. It was remarked in that age, that Richard, an
elder brother of William's, periſhed by an accident in the new
foreſt; Richard, his nephew, natural ſon of duke Robert,
loſt his life in the ſame place after the ſame manner : And all
men, upon the King's fate, exclaimed, that, as the Conqueror
had been guilty of extreme violence, in expelling all the inha-
bitants of that large diſtrict, to make room for his game, the
juſt vengeance of heaven was ſignalized, in the ſame place,
by the ſlaughter of his poſterity. William was killed in the
thirteenth year of his reign, and about the fortieth of his
agek. As he was never married, he left no legitimate iſſue
behind him.
11
In the eleventh year of his reign, Magnus King of Norway, ,
made a deſcent on the iſle of Angleſea; but was repulſed by
Hugh, earl of Shrewſbury. This is the laſt attempt made
by the northern nations againſt England.
• Chron. Sax. p. 206. W. Malm. p. 122.
Hoveden, p. 466. Chron, Abb. St.
Petri de Burgo, P. 56.
Hoveden, p. 468. Flor. Wig. p. 649. W.
Gemet. p. 296. Sim. Dunelm. p. 225. Brompton, p. 996.
& W. Malm.
to Sim. Dunelm, p. 223,
· P. 127.
come
1
u
( 339 )
1
CH A P. VI.
H E N R Y I.
1
The Cruſades Accellion of Henry Marriage of the
King Invaſion by duke Robert Accommodation with
Robert Attack of Normandy
Conqueſt of Nor-
mandy Continuation of the quarrel with Anfelm, the
primate Compromiſe with him Wars abroad
Death of prince William King's ſecond marriage
Death and character of Henry.
A
СНАР.
VI.
I 100.
+
FTER the adventurers in the holy war were aſſembled
on the banks of the Boſphorus, oppoſite to Conſtan-
tinople, they proceeded on their enterprize; but immediately
experienced thoſe difficulties, which their zeal had hitherto The cruſades. ,
concealed from them, and for which, even if they had foreſeen
them, it would have been almoſt impoſſible to provide a proper
remedy. The Greek Emperor, Alexis Comnenus, who had
applied to the weſtern Chriſtians for ſuccour againſt the Turks,
entertained hopes, and thoſe but feeble ones, of obtaining ſuch
a moderate ſupply, as, acting under his command, might
enable him to repulſe the enemy: But he was extremely
aſtoniſhed to ſee his dominions overwhelmed, on a ſudden, with
ſuch an inundation of licentious barbarians, who, though they
pretended friendſhip, deſpiſed his ſubjects as unwarlike, and
deteſted them as heretical. By all the arts of policy, in which
he excelled, he endeavoured to divert the torrent; but while
he
X X 2
340
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
х
X
СНАР.
VI.
IICO.
.
.
he employed profeſſions, careſſes, civilities, and ſeeming fer-
vices towards the leaders of the cruſade, he ſecretly regarded
thoſe imperious allies as more dangerous-than the open enemies,
,
by whom his empire had been formerly invaded. Having
effectuated that difficult point of diſembarking them ſafely in
Aſia, he entered into a private correſpondence with Soliman,
Emperor of the Turks; and practiſed every inſidious art,
which his genius, his power, or his : Lituation-enabled him to
employ, for diſappointing the enterprize, and diſcouraging
the Latins from making thenceforward any ſuch prodigious
migrations. His dangerous policy was ſeconded by the dif- .
orders, inſeparable from fo vaſt a multitude, who were not
united under one head, and were conducted by leaders of the
moſt independant, intractable ſpirit; unacquainted with. mili-.
tary diſcipline, and ſtill more enemies to civil authority and
fübmifſion. The ſcarcity of proviſions, the exceſſes of fatigue,
the influence of unknown climates, joined; to the want of
concert in their operations, and to the ſword of a warlike
enemy, leſtroyed the adventurers by thouſands, and would
have abated the ardour of men, impelled to war by leſs powerful
motives. Their zeal, however, their bravery, and their irre-
ſiſtible force ſtill carried them forward, and continually advanced
them to the great end of their enterprizes. After an obſtinate
ſiege, they took Nice, the ſeat of the Turkiſh empire; they
defeated Soliman in two great' battles; they made themſelves
maſters of Antioch ; and entirely broke the force of the Turks,
who had ſo long retained theſe countries in ſubjection. --The
foldan of Egypt, whoſe alliance they had hitherto courted,
recovered, on the fall of the Turkiſh power, his former autho-
rity in Jeruſalem; and informed them by his ambaſſadors,
that, if they came diſarmed to that city, they might now per-
form
1
H E N R Y
341
I.;
1
VI.
1.CO.
1
5
form their religious vows, and that all Chriſtian pilgrims, who CH'A Pr!
ſhould thenceforth viſit the holy fepulchre, might expect the
fame good treatment, which they had ever received from his
predeceſſors. The offer was rejected; the foldan was required
to yield: up the city to the Chriſtians; and on his refuſal, the
champions of the croſs - advanced to the ſiege of Jeruſalem,
which they regarded as - the conſummation of their labours.
By the detachments, which they had made, and the diſaſters,
which they had undergone, they were diminiſhed, to the
number of twenty thoufand foot and fifteen hundred horſe ; ;
but theſe were ſtill formidable, from their valóur, their expen
riènce, and the obedience, which, at the price of paſt calamities,
they had learned' to pay to their leaders. After a fiege' of five
weeks, they took Jeruſalem by aſſault; and, impelled by a
mixture of military and religious-rage, they put the numerous
garriſon and inhabitants, to the ſword" without diſtinction.
Neither arms defended the valiant, nor ſubmiſſion the timorous:
No age nor ſex was ſpared : Infants on the breaſt were
pierced by the ſame blow with their mothers, who implored
for mercy: Even a multitude; to the number of ten thouſand
perſons, who had ſurrendered themſelves priſoners, and were
promiſed quarter, were butchered in cool blood by theſe fero-
cious conquerors'. The ſtreets of Jerufalem were covered
with dead bodies * ; -and“ the triumphant 'warriors, after every
enemy was ſubdued and flaughtered, immediately turned them- :
felves, with the ſentiments of humiliation and contrition,
towards the holy ſepulchre. They threw aſide their arms, ſtill
ſtreaming with bloods Thèy advanced with reclined bodies,
and naked feet and head to that facred monument: They ſung
| Vertot, vol. i. p. 57.
Diceto, p. 498.
* M. Paris, p. 34. Order. Vital. p. 756. .
anthéms..
342
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
1
VI.
I100,
CHAP. anthems to their Saviour who had purchaſed their ſalvation by
his death and agony: And their devotion, enlivened by the
preſence of the place where he had ſuffered, fo overcame their
fury, that they diſſolved in tears, and bore the appearance of
every ſoft and tender ſentiment'. So inconſiſtent is human
nature with itſelf! And ſo eaſily does the moſt effeminate ſuper-
ſtition ally both with the moſt heroic courage, and with the
fierceſt barbarity!
THIS great event happened on the fifth of July in the laſt
year of the eleventh century. The Chriſtian princes, and nobles,
after chuſing Godfrey of Boüillon King of Jerufalem, began to
ſettle themſelves in their new conqueſts,; while ſome of them
returned.to Europe, in order to enjoy at home that glory which
their valqur had acquired them in this popular and meritorious
enterprize. Among theſe, was, Robert, duke of Normandy,
who, as he had abandoned the greateſt dominions of any prince,
that attended the cruſade, had:all, along, diſtinguiſhed himſelf
by the moſt intrepid courage ", as well as by that affable diſpo-
fition and unbounded generoſity, which gain the hearts of
ſoldiers, and qualify a prince to ſhine., in a military life. In
paſſing through Italy, he became acquainted with Sibylla,
daughter of the count of Converſana, a young lady of great
beauty and merit, whom he eſpouſed ";, and indulging himſelf
in this new paſſion, as well as fond of enjoying eaſe and plea-
ſure, after the fatigues of ſo many rough campaigns, he
lingered a twelvemonth in that delicious climate; and though
his friends in the narth looked every moment for his arrival,
none of them knew when they could with certainty expect it.
· M, Paris, p. 34. Order. Vital. p. 756.
5 M. Paris, p. 35. W. Heming. p. 467. G. Newbrig. p. 358,
W. Malm. p. 153. Gul. Gemet. p. 299.
Ву
1.
S
H E N R Y
Ii
343
CHAP
VI.
By this delay; he loſt the kingdom of England, which the
great fame he had acquired during the cruſades, as well as his
undoubted title, both by birth, and by the preceding agreement
with his deceaſed brother, would, had he been preſent, have.
infallibly ſecured to him:
I 100.
PRINCE Henry was hunting with Rufus in the new foreſt, Acceſſion of
Henry
when intelligence of that prince's death was brought him; and
being ſenſible of the advantage, attending the conjuncture, he:
hurried to Wincheſter, in order to ſecure the royal treaſure,
which he knew to be a neceſſary implement for facilitating his
deſigns on the crowny. He had ſcarcely reached the place when
William de Breteuil, keeper of the treaſure, arrived, and oppoſed:
himſelf to Henry's pretenſions. This nobleman, who had been
engaged in the ſame party of hunting, had no ſooner heard of
his maſter's death, than he haſtened to take care of his charge;.
and he told the prince, that this treaſure, as well as the crown,
belonged to his elder brother,;who was now his ſovereign; and
that he himſelf, for his part, was determined, in ſpite of all
other pretenſions, to maintain his allegiance to him. But
Henry, drawing his ſword, threatened him with inſtant death,
if he dared to diſobey him; and as others of the late King's.
retinue, who came every moment to Wincheſter, joined the
prince's party, Breteuil was obliged to withdraw his oppoſition,
and to acquieſce in this violence °.
Henry, without loſing a moment, haftened with his money
to London ; and having aſſembled ſome noblemen and prelates,
whom his addreſs, or abilities, or preſents, gained to his fide,
he was ſuddenly elected, or rather ſaluted King; and immedi-
? Order, Vital. P: 782,
2 2
ately
✓
**
344
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH A P.
VI.
11CO.
ately proceeded to the exerciſe of the royal dignity. In leſs
than three days after his brother's death, the ceremonial of his
coronation was performed by Maurice, biſhop.of London, who
was perſuaded to officiate on that occaſion '; and thus, by his
courage and celerity, he intruded himſelf into the vacant throne.
No one had ſufficient ſpirit or ſenſe of duty to appear in defence
of the abſent prince: All men were ſeduced or intimidated :
Preſent poffeffion fupplied the apparent deficiencies of Henry's
title, which was indeed .founded on plain uſurpation : And the
barons, as well as the people, acquieſced in a claim, which,
though it could neither be juſtified nor comprehended, could
now, they found, be oppoſed only through the perils of civil
war and rebellion.
But as Henry eaſily foreſaw, that a crown, uſurped againſt
all rules of juſtice, would ſit very unſteady on his head, he
reſolved, by fair profeſſions at leaſt, to gain the affections of
all his ſubjects. Beſides taking the uſual coronation-oath to
maintain the laws and execute juſtice, he paſſed a charter,
which was calculated to remedy many of the grievous oppreſ-
ſigns, which had been complained of during the reigns of
his father and brother? He there promiſed, that, at the
death of any biſhop or abbot, he never would ſeize the revenues
of the ſee or abbey during the vacancy, but would leave the
whole to be reaped by the ſucceſſor; and that he would never
let to farm any eccleſiaſtical benefice, nor diſpoſe of it for money.
After this conceſſion to the church, whoſe favour was of fo
great
conſequence, he proceeded to enumerate the civil grievances,
which he purpoſed to redreſs. He promiſed, that upon the
death of any earl, baron, or military tenant, his heir ſhould
+
p Chiron. Sax. p. 208. Order. Vital. p.783.
9 Chron. Sax. p. 208. Sim. Dunçim. p. 225. Brompton, p. 297.
be
I
*
H EN R Y I.
345
СНАР.
VI.
I100.
be admitted to the poſſeſſion of his eſtate, on paying a juſt and
lawful relief; without being expoſed to ſuch exorbitant exac-
tions as had been required during the late reigns : He remitted
the wardſhip of minors, and allowed guardians to be appointed,
who ſhould be anſwerable for the truſt: He promiſed not to diſ-
poſe of any heireſs in marriage, but by the advice of all the
barons; and if any baron intended to give his daughter, ſifter,
niece, or kinſwoman, in marriage, it ſhould only be necef-
ſary for him to conſult the King, who promiſed to take no
money for his conſent, nor ever to refuſe permiſſion, unleſs the
perſon, to whom it was propoſed to marry her, ſhould happen
to be his enemy: He granted his barons and military tenants
the
power
of bequeathing by will their money or perſonal
cſtates; and if they neglected to make a will, he promiſed, that
their heirs ſhould ſucceed to them : He renounced the right of
impoſing moneyage, and of levying taxes at pleaſure on the
farms, which the barons retained in their own hands': He
made ſome general profeſſions of moderating fines; he offered
a pardon for all offences; and he remitted all debts due to the
crown: He required, that the vaſſals of the barons ſhould enjoy
the fame privileges, which he granted to his own barons; and
he promiſed a general confirmation and obſervance of the laws of
King Edward. This is the ſubſtance of the chief articles con-
tained in that famous charter .
To give greater authenticity to theſe conceſſions, Henry
lodged a copy of his charter in ſome abbey of each county; as
if deſirous, that it ſhould be expoſed to the view of all his ſub-
• Matth, faris, p. 38. Hoveden, p. 463.
* See Appendix II.
Brompton, p. 1021. Hagultad, p. 316.
VOLI,
Y y
jects,
1
346
HISTORY OF ENGLAN D.
VI.
LIO).
CILAP. jects, and remain as a perpetual rule for the limitation and
direction of his government: Yet is it certain, that, after the
preſent turn was ſerved, he never once thought, during his
reign, of obſerving one ſingle article of it; and the whole fell
ſo much into neglect and oblivion, that, in the following cen-
try, when the barons, who had heard an obſcure tradition of
i, deſired to make it the model of the great charter, which
they exacted from King John, they could only find one copy of
it in the kingdom. But as to the grievances here propoſed to
be redreſſed, they were ſtill continued in their full extent; and
the royal authority, in all theſe heads, lay under no manner of
reſtriction. Reliefs of heirs, fo capital an article, were never
effectually fixed till the time of Magna Charta '; and it is
evident, that the general promiſe here given, of accepting a
juſt and lawful relief; ought to have been reduced to more preci-
ſion, in order to give ſecurity to the ſubject. The oppreſſion
of wardſhip and marriage was perpetuated even till the
age
of
Charles II.: And it appears from Glanville ", the famous juſti-
ciary of Henry II. that in his time, where any man died
inteſtate, an accident which muſt be very frequent, when the
art of writing was ſo little known, the King, or the lord of the
fief, pretended to ſeize all the moveables, and to exclude
every
heir, even the children of the deceaſed: A ſure mark of a tyran-
nical and arbitrary government.
THE Normans indeed, ſettled in England, were, during this
age, ſo violent and licentious a people, that they may be
pro-
· Glanv. lib. 2. cap. 36. What is called a relief in the Conqueror's laws, preſerved
by Ingulf, ſeems to have been the herriot ; fincc reliefs, as well as the other burdens of
the feudal law, were unknown in the age of the Confeffor, whoſe laws theſe originally
" Lib. 7. cap. 16. This practice was contrary to the laws of King Edward, ratified
by the Conqueror, as we learn from Ingulf, p. 91. But laws had at that time very little
influence: Power and violence governed every thing.
nounced
Werc,
H E N R Y I.
347
CHAP .
VI.
IICO.
nounced incapable of any true or regular liberty; which
requires ſuch a refinement of laws and inſtitutions, ſuch com-
prehenſive views, ſuch a ſentiment of honour, ſuch a ſpirit of
obedience, and ſuch a facrifice of private intereſt and connexions
to public order, as can only be the reſult of great reflection and
experience, and muſt grow to perfection during ſeveral ages of
ſettled and eſtabliſhed government. A people, ſo inſenſible to
the rights of their ſovereign, as to disjoint, without neceſſity,
the hereditary ſucceſſion, and permit a younger brother to
intrude himſelf into the place of the elder, whom they eſteemed,
and who was guilty of no crime but being abſent, could not
expect, that that prince could pay any greater regard to their
privileges, or allow his engagements to fetter his power, and
debar him from any conſiderable intereſt or convenience. They
had indeed arms in their hands, which prevented the eſtabliſh-
ment of a total deſpotiſm, and left their poſterity ſufficient power,
wlienever they ſhould attain a ſufficient degree of reaſon, to
acquire true liberty : But their turbulent diſpoſition prompted
them frequently to make ſuch uſe of their arms, that they were
more fitted to obſtruct the execution of juſtice, than to ſtop
the career of violence and oppreſſion. The prince, finding, that
greater oppoſition was often made to him when he enforced the
laws, than when he violated them, was apt to render his own
will and pleaſure the ſole rule of government, and on every
emergence to conſider more the power of the perſons whom he
might offend, than the rights of thoſe whom he might injure.
The very form of this charter of Henry proves, that the Norman
barons (for they, rather than the people of England, are chiefly
concerned in it) were totally ignorant of the nature of limited
monarchy, and were ill qualified to conduct, in conjunction
with their ſovereign, the machine of government. It is an act
Y y 2
of
548
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
VI.
iloo
of his fole power, is the reſult of his free grace, implies ſeveral
articles which bind others as well as himſelf, and is therefore
unfit to be the deed of any one who poſſeſſes not the whole
legiſlative power, and who may not at pleaſure revoke all his
conceflions.
-
KING Henry, farther to encreaſe his popularity, degraded
and committed to priſon Ralph Flambard, biſhop of Durham,
who had been the chief inſtrument of oppreſſion under his bro-
ther *: But this act was followed by another, which was a
direct violation of his own charter, and was a bad prognoſtic of
his ſincere intentions to obſerve it : He kept the fee of Durham
vacant for five years, and during that time retained poſſeſſion
of all its revenues. Senſible of the great authority, which
Anſelm had acquired by his character of piety, and by the per-
fecutions which he had undergone from William, he ſent
repeated meſſages to him at Lyons, where he reſided, and
invited him to return and take poſſeſſion of his dignities'. On
the arrival of the prelate, he propoſed to him the renewal of
that homage which he had done his brother, and which had
never been refuſed by any Engliſh biſhop: But Anſelm had
acquired other ſentiments by his journey to Rome, and gave
the King an abſolute refuſal. He objected the decrees of the
council of Bari, at which he himſelf had aſſiſted ; and he declared
that fo far from doing homage for his ſpiritual dignity, he
would not ſo much as communicate with any eccleſiaſtic who
paid that ſubmiſſion, or who accepted of inveſtitures from
laymen. · Henry, who propoſed, in his preſent delicate fitua-
tion, 'to reap great advantages from the authority and popu-
* Chron. Sax. p. 208. W. Malm. p. 156. Matth. Paris, p. 39. Alur. Lever).
p. 144.
y Chron, Sax, p. 208. Order. Vital, p. 783. Matth. Paris, p. 39.
T. Rudborne, p. 273.
larity
H E N R Y
349
I:
C H A P.
VI.
I too,
larity of Anſelni, dared not to quarrel with him by inſiſting on
his demand ?: He only deſired that the controverſy might be
ſuſpended; and that meſſengers might be ſent to Rome, to
accommodate matters with the Pope, and to obtain his confir-
mation of the laws and cuſtoms of England.
THERE immediately occurred an important affair, in which Marriage of.
the King.
the King was obliged to have recourſe to the authority of
Anſelm. Matilda, daughter of Malcolm III. King of Scotland,
and niece to Edgar Atheling, had, on her father's death, and
the ſubſequent revolutions of the Scottiſh government, been
brought to England, and educated under her aunt, Chriſtina,
in the nunnery of Rumſey. This princeſs Henry propoſed to
marry; but as ſhe had worn the veil, though never taken the
vows, doubts might ariſe concerning the lawfulneſs of the act;
and it behoved him to be very careful not to ſhock, in any par-
ticular, the religious prejudices of his ſubjects. The affair was
examined by Anſelm in a council of the prelates and nobles,
which was ſummoned at Lambeth ; and Matilda there proved,
that ſhe had put on the veil, not with a view of entering into a
religious life, but merely in imitation of a cuſtom, familiar to
the Engliſh ladies, who protected their chaſtity from the brutal
violence of the Normans, by taking ſhelter under that habit,
which, amidſt the horrible licentiouſneſs of the times, was yet
generally revered. The council, ſenſible that even a princeſs
had otherwiſe no ſecurity for her honour, admitted this reaſon
as valid : They pronounced, that Matilda was ſtill free to
marry."; and her eſpouſals with Henry were celebrated by
Anſelm with great pomp and ſolemnity". No act of the King's
reign rendered him equally popular with his Engliſh ſubjects,
1 W. Malm. p. 227.
a Eadmer, p. 57
b Icid.
Hoveden, p. 453
and
350
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
VI.
I TOO.
and tended more to eſtabliſh him on the throne. Tho'Matilda,
during the life of her uncle and brothers, was not heir of the
Saxon line, ſhe was become very dear to the Engliſh on account
of her connexions with it. And that people, who, before the
conqueſt, had fallen into a kind of indifference towards their
antient royal family, had felt ſo ſeverely the tyranny of the
Normans, that they reflected with infinite regret on their former
liberty, and hoped for a more equable and mild adminiſtration,
when the blood of their native princes ſhould be united with that
of their new ſovereigns".
Invaſion by
duke Ro.
bert.
ITOI.
But the policy and prudence of Henry, which, if time had
been allowed for theſe virtues to operate their full effect, would
have ſecured him poffefſion of the crown, ran great hazard of
being fruſtrated by the ſudden appearance of Robert, who returned
to Normandy about a month after the death of his brother Wil-
liam. He took poſſeſſion, without oppoſition, of that dutchy;
and immediately made preparations for recovering England, of
which, during his abſence, he had, by Henry's intrigues, been ſa
unjuſtly defrauded. The great fame which he had acquired in
the Eaſt forwarded his pretenſions; and the Norman barons, fen-
fible of the conſequences, expreſſed the fame diſcontent at the
ſeparation of the dutchy and kingdom, which had appeared on
the acceſſion of William. Robert de Beleſme, earl of Shrewſbury
and Arundel, William de la Warenne, earl of Surrey, Arnulf de
Montgomery, Walter Giffard, Robert de Pontefract, Robert de
Mallet, Yvo de Grentmeſnil, and many others of the principal
nobility°, invited Robert to make an attempt on England, and
M. Paris, p. 40.
e Order. Vital. p. 78;*
promiſed,
1
Η Ε Ν R Υ Ι.
351
С НА Р.
VI.
II01.
promiſed, on his landing, to join him with all their forces.
Even the ſeamen were affected with the general popularity of
his name, and they carried over to him the greateſt part of a
fleet, which had been equipped to oppoſe his paſſage'. Henry,
in this extremity, began to be apprehenſive for his life, as well
as for his crown; and had recourſe to the ſuperſtition of the
people, in order to oppoſe their ſentiment of juſtice. He paid
diligent court to Anſelm, whoſe ſanctity and wiſdom he pre-
tended to revere. He conſulted him in all difficult emergencies;
ſeemed to be governed by himn in every meaſure; promiſed a
ſtrict regard to eccleſiaſtical privileges; profeſſed a great attach-.
ment to Rome, and a reſolution of perſevering in an implicit
obedience to the decrees of councils, and to the will of the fove..
reign pontiff. By theſe careſſes and declarations, he gained
entirely the confidence of the primate, whoſe influence over the
people, and authority with the barons, was of the higheſt fer-
vice to him, in his preſent ſituation. Anſelm ſcrupled not to ,
aſſure the nobles of the King's ſincerity in thoſe profeſſions
which he made, of avoiding the tyrannical and oppreſſive go .
vernment of his father and brother 3: He even rode through
the ranks of the army, recommended to the ſoldiers the defence
of their prince, repreſented the duty of keeping their oaths of
allegiance, and prognoſticated to them all happineſs from the
government of ſo wiſe and juſt a fovereign". By this expedient,
joined to the influence of the earls of Warwick and Mellent,
of Roger Bigod, Richard de Redvers, and Robert Fitz-Hamony...)
powerful barons, who ſtill adhered to the preſent government',
the army were retained in the King's intereſts, and inarched,
& W. Malm. p. 225.
. Chron. Sax. p. 209. Hoveden, p. 469. M. Paris, p. 40. Ann. Waverl. p. 142. .
Brompton, p. 998. Flor. Wigorn. p. 650.
* Eadmer, p. 59. W. Malm. p. 156.
i Order. Vital. p.783.
5
with
}
552
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH AP.
VI.
with an appearance of union and firmneſs, to oppoſe Robert,
who had landed with his forces at Portſmouth.
I101.
Accommo-
dation with
Robert.
The two armies lay in ſight of each other for fome days
without coming to action; and both princes, being apprehenſive
of the event, which would probably be deciſive, hearkened
the more willingly to the mediation of Anſelm and the other
great men, who propoſed an accommodation between them.
After employing ſome negotiation, it was agreed, that Robert
ſhould reſign his pretenſions to England, and receive in lieu
of them an annual penſion of 3000 marks; that if either of
the princes died without iſſue, the other ſhould ſucceed to his
dominions; that the adherents of each ſhould be pardoned,
and reſtored to all their poſſeſſions either in Normandy or
England; and that neither Robert nor Henry ſhould thenceforth
encourage, receive, or protect the enemies of the other *
II02.
1
This treaty, though calculated ſo much for Henry's advan-
tage, he was the firſt who violated. He reſtored indeed the
eſtates of all Robert's adherents; but was ſecretly determined,
that noblemen ſo powerful and ſo ill affected, who had both
inclination and ability to diſturb his government, ſhould not
long remain unmoleſted in their preſent opulence and grandeur.
He began with the earl of Shrewſbury, who was watched for
ſome time by ſpies, and then indicted on a charge, conſiſting of
forty-five articles.
This turbulent nobleman, knowing his
own guilt, as well as the prejudices of his judges, and the
power
of his perſecutor, had recourſe to arms for defence; but being
foon ſuppreſſed by the activity and addreſs of Henry, he was
k Chron. Sax. p. 209. W. Malmef. p. 156. H. Hunt. p. 278. Hoveden, p. 469.
Order. Vitalis, p. 788.
baniſhed
1
H E N R Y
353
I.
-
CHAP
VI.
LI02.
ܙ3ܘ11
baniſhed the kingdom, and his great eſtate was confifcated ".
His ruin involved that of his two brothers, Arnulf de Mont- bd
gomery, and Roger earl of Lancaſter. Soon after followed the
proſecution and condemnation of Robert de Pontefract and
Robert de Mallet, who had diſtinguiſhed themſelves among
Robert's adherents *. William. de Warenne was the next
.
victim : Even William earl of Cornwal, ſon to the carl of
Mortaigne, the King's uncle, having afforded matter of fufpi-
cion againſt him, loſt all the vaſt acquiſitions of his family in
England'. Though the uſual violence and tyranny of the
Norman barons afforded a plauſible pretence for thoſe proſecu-
tions, and it is probable that none of the ſentences, pronounced
againſt theſe Noblemen, was wholly iniquitous; men eaſily
faw or conjectured, that the chief part of their guilt was not
the injuſtice or illegality of their conduct. Robert, enraged
at the fate of his friends, imprudently ventured to come into
England, and he remonſtrated with his brother, in ſevere terms,
againſt this breach of treaty: But met with ſuch bad reception,
that he began to apprehend danger to his own liberty, and was
glad to purchaſe an eſcape, by reſigning his penſion ?.
The indiſcretion of Robert ſoon expoſed him to more fatal
injuries. This prince, whoſe bravery and candor procured
him reſpect, while at a diſtance, had no ſooner attained the
poſſeſſion of power, and enjoyment of peace, than all the
vigour of his mind relaxed, and he fell into contempt among
thoſe who approached his perſon, or were ſubjected to his
authority. Abandoned alternately to diffolute pleaſures and to
u Chron. Sax. p. 210. W. Malm. p. 156, 157. Hoveden, p. 469. Order. Viral.
p. 806, 807, 808.
* Order. Vital. p. 805.
y Chron. Sax. p. 212, W. Malm. p. 157.
Hoveden, p. 470.
2 Chron. Sax. p. 211. W. Malmef. p. 156. Gul, .
Gemet. p. 298. Order. Vital. p. 804. M. Paris, p. 4.0.
VOL.I.
Zz
womaniſh
1
354
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
r
c H A P.
VI.
1103.
Attack of
Normandy.
womaniſh ſuperſtition, he was ſo remiſs, both in the care of
his treaſure and the exerciſe of his government, that his
ſervants pillaged his money with impunity, ſtole from him his
very cloaths, and proceeded thence to practiſe every ſpecies
of extortion on his defenceleſs ſubjects". The barons, whom
a ſevere adminiſtration alone could have reſtrained, gave reins
to their unbounded rapine upon their vaſſals, and inveterate
animofities againſt each other ; and all Normandy, during the
reign of this benign prince, was become a ſcene of violence and
depredation. The Normans at laſt, obſerving the regular
government, which Henry, notwithſtanding his uſurped title,
had been able to eſtabliſh in England, applied to him, that he
might uſe his authority for the ſuppreſſion of theſe diſorders;
and they thereby afforded him a pretence for interpoſing in the
affairs of Normandy. Inſtead of employing his mediation,
to render his brother's government reſpectable, or redreſſing
the grievances of the Normans; he was only attentive to ſupport
his own partizans, and to encreaſe their number by every art
of bribery, intrigue, and inſinuation. Having found, in a
viſit, which he made to that dutchy, that the nobility were
more diſpoſed to pay ſubmiſſion to him than to their legal
fovereign; he collected, by very arbitrary extortions on Eng-
land, a great army and treaſure", and returned next year to
Normandy, in a ſituation to obtain, either by violence or
corruption, the dominion of that province. He took Bayeux
by ſtorm after an obſtinate ſiege: He made himſelf maſter of
Caen by the voluntary ſubmiſſion of the inhabitants : But being
repulſed at Falaiſe, and obliged, by the winter ſeaſon, to raiſe
the ſiege, he returned into England; after giving aſſurances to
1105.
a Order. Vital. p. 814, 815.
• W. Malm. p.154..157. Gul. Gemet.
p. 298. Order. Vital. p. 814.
¢ W. Malmeſ. p. 154. 157, Gul. Neubr.
lib. i. cap. 3. Chron. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 60.
d Eadmer, p. 83.
9
his
Ή Ε Ν R Y
355
1.
his adherents, that he would perſevere in fupporting and
protecting them,
С НАР.
VI.
110.
Next year, he opened the campaign with the ſiege of
T'enchebray; and it became evident, from his preparations Normandy.
and progreſs, that he intended to uſurp the entire poſſeſſion of
Normandy. Robert was at laſt rouzed from his lethargy;
and, being ſupported by the earl of Mortaigne and Robert de
Belleſme, the King's inveterate enemies, he raiſed a conſiderable
army, and approached his brother's camp, with a view of
finiſhing, in one deciſive battle, the quarrel between them.
He was now entered on that ſcene of action, in which alone
he was qualified to excel ; and he ſo animated his troops by
his example, that they made a great impreſſion on the Engliſh,
and had nearly obtained the victory º; when the fight of
Belleſme threw the Normans into diſmay, and occaſioned their
total defeat. Henry, beſides executing great Naughter on the
enemy, made near ten thouſand priſoners ; among whom was
duke Robert himſelf, and all the moſt conſiderable barons, who
adhered to his intereſts'. This victory was followed by the
final reduction of Normandy: Roüen immediately ſubmitted to
the conqueror: Falaiſe, after ſome negotiation, opened its
gates; and by this acquiſition, beſides rendering himſelf
maſter of an important fortreſs, he got into his hands prince
William, the only ſon and heir of Robert: He aſſembled the
ſtates of Normandy; and having received the homage of all
the vafſals of the dutchy, fettled the government, revoked his
brother's donations, and diſmantled the caſtles, lately built, he
returned into England, and carried along with him the duke
• H. Hunt. p. 379. M. Paris, p. 43. Brompton, p. 1002.
* Eadmer, p. go. Chron. Sax. p. 214. Order. Vital. p. 821,
Z z 2
as
356
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
{
С НА Р.
VI.
1106,
as a priſoner. That unfortunate prince was detained in cuſtody
during the remainder of his life, which was no leſs than
twenty-eight years, and he died in the caſtle of Cardiff in
Glamorganſhire; happy, if, without loſing his liberty, he could
have relinquiſhed that power, which he was not qualified
either to hold or exerciſe. Prince William was committed to
the care of Helie de St. Saen, who had married Robert's natural
daughter, and who, being a man of probity and honour,
beyond what was uſual in thoſe ages, executed the truſt with
great affection and fidelity. Edgar Atheling, who had followed
Robert in the expedition to Jeruſalem, and who had lived with
him ever ſince in Normandy, was another illuſtrious priſoner,
taken in the battle of Tenchebray · Henry gave him his
liberty, and ſettled a ſmall penſion on him, with which he
retired; and he lived to a good old age in England, totally
neglected and forgotten. This prince was diſtinguiſhed by
perſonal bravery; but nothing can be a ſtronger proof of his
mean talents in every other reſpect, than that, notwithſtanding
he poſſeſſed the affections of the Engliſh, and enjoyed the only
legal title to the throne, he was allowed, during the reigns of
ſo many violent and jealous uſurpers, to live unmoleſted, and
go to his grave in peace.
1107
A LITTLE after Henry had compleated the conqueſt cf
of the quarreNormandy, and ſettled the government of that province, he
with Anſelm finiſhed a controverſy, which had been long depending between
the primate.
him and the Pope, with regard to the inveſtitures in ecclefia-
ſtical benefices; and though he was here obliged to relinquiſh
ſome of the antient rights of the crown, he extricated himſelf
from the difficulty on eaſier terms than moſt princes, who
2 Chron. Sax. p. 214. Ann. Waverl. p. 144.
jo
1
A
.
1
H E N R Y I.
357
С НА Р.
VI.
W
1
1107-
in that age were ſo unhappy as to be engaged in diſputes with
the apoſtolic ſee. The King's ſituation, in the beginning of
his reign, obliged him to pay great court to Anfelm ; and the
advantages which he had reaped from the zealous friendſhip
of that prelate, had made him ſenſible how prone the minds of
his people were to ſuperſtition, and what an aſcendant the
eccleſiaſtics had been able to aſſume over them. He had ſeen,
on the acceſſion of his brother Rufus, that, though the rights
of primogeniture were then violated, and the inclinations of
almoſt all the barons oppoſed, yet the authority of Lanfranc,
the primate, had prevailed over all other conſiderations; and
his own caſe, which was ſtill more unfavourable, afforded an
inſtance, in which the clergy could ſhow more evidently their
influence, and authority. Theſe recent examples, while they
made him cautious not to offend that powerful body, convinced
him, at the ſame time, that it was extremely his intereſt, to
retain the former prerogative of the crown in filling offices of
ſuch vaſt importance, and to check the eccleſiaſtics in that inde-
pendance, to which they viſibly aſpired. The choice, which
his brother, in a fit of penitence, had made of Anſelm, was ſo
far unfortunate to the King's pretenſions, that this prelate
was celebrated for his piety and zeal and auſterity of manners ;
and though his monkiſh devotion and narrow principles prog-
noſticated no great knowledge of the world nor depth of policy,
he was, on that very account, a more dangerous inſtrument in
the hands of politicians, and retained a greater aſcendant over
the bigotted populace. The prudence and temper of the King
appear in nothing more conſpicuous than in the inanagement
of this delicate affair; where he was always ſenſible that it had
become neceſſary for him to riſque his whole crown, in order
to preſerve the moſt invaluable jewel of it.
* Eadmer, p. 56.
ANSELM
1
358
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НА Р.
VI.
ង។
1107
i
ANSELM had no ſooner returned from baniſhment, than his
refuſal to do homage to the King excited a diſpute, which
Henry evaded at that critical juncture, by promiſing to ſend a
meſſenger, in order to compound the matter with Paſcal the
ſecond, who then filled the Papal chair. The meſſenger, as
was probably foreſeen, returned with an abſolute refuſal of the
King's demands "; and that fortified by many reaſons, which
were well qualified to operate on the underſtandings of men in
thoſe
ages. Paſcal quoted the ſcriptures to prove that Chriſt
was the door; and he thence inferred, that all eccleſiaſtics muſt
enter into the church through Chriſt alone, not through the
civil magiſtrate, or any profane laymen“. “ It is monſtrous,"
added the pontiff, “ that a ſon ſhould pretend to beget his
“ father, or a man to create his God: Prieſts are called gods
" in ſcripture, as being the vicars of God: And will
you, by
your abominable pretenſions to grant them their inveſtiture,
- aſſume the right of creating them?"
d
But however convincing theſe arguments, they could not
perſuade Henry to reſign fo important a prerogative; and per-
haps, as he was poſſeſſed of great reflection and learning, he
thought, that the abſurdity of a man's creating his God, even
allowing prieſts to be gods, was not urged with the beſt grace
by the Roman pontiff. But as he deſired ſtill to avoid, at leaſt
to delay, the coming to any dangerous extremity with the
church, he perſuaded Anſelm, that he would be able, by far-
ther negociation, to attain ſome compoſition with Paſcal; and
d
o W. Malm. p. 225.
© Eadmer, p. 60. This topic is farther
enforced in p. 73, 74. See alſo W. Malm. p. 163.
Eadmer, p. 61. I much ſuſpect, that this text of ſcripture is a forgery of his holi-
neſs: For I have not been able to find it. Yet it paſſed current in thoſe ages, and was
often quoted by the clergy as the foundation of their power. See Epift. St. Thom.
for
p. 169.
Η Ε Ν Ε Υ . Ι.
359
сHAP.
VI.
1107
for that purpoſe, he diſpatched three biſhops to Rome, while
Anſelm fent two meſſengers of his own, to be more fully aſſured
of the Pope's intentions : Paſcal wrote back letters equally
poſitive and arrogant both to the King and primate ; urging to
the former, that, by aſſuming the right of inveſtitures, he
committed a kind of ſpiritual adultery with the church, who
was the ſpouſe of Chriſt, and who muſt not admnit of ſuch a
commerce with any other perſon'; and inſiſting with the latter,
that the pretenſions of Kings to confer benefices was the ſource
of all fimony; a topic which had but too much foundation in
thoſe ages
vo
1
Henry had now no other expedient than to ſuppreſs the
letter addreſſed to himſelf, and to perſuade the three biſhops to
prevaricate, and aſſert, upon their epiſcopal faith, that Paſcal
had aſſured them in private of his good intentions towards
Henry, and of his reſolution not to reſent any future exertion
of his prerogative in granting inveſtitures; though he himſelf
fcrupled to give this aſſurance under his hand, leſt other princes
fhould copy the example and aſſume a like privilege". Anſelm's
two meſſengers, who were inonks, affirined to him, that it
was impoſſible this ſtory could have any foundation; but their
word was not deemed equivalent to that of three biſhops; and
the King, as if he had finally gained his cauſe, proceeded to
fill the ſees of Hereford and Saliſbury, and to inveſt the new
biſhops in the uſual manner!. But Anfelm, who, as he had :
good reaſon, gave no credit to the aſſeveration of the King's
meſſengers, refuſed not only to confecrate them, but even to
communicate with them; and the biſhops themſelves, finding:
e Eadmer, p. 62. W. Malm. p. 225.
f Eadmer, p. 63.
& Eadmer, p. 64, 66.
Eadmer, p. 65. W. Malm. p. 225.
1 Eadmer, p. 66. W. Malm. p. 225. Hoveden, p. 469. Sim. I unelm. p. 228.
bow
360
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
VI.
1107
how odious they were become, returned to Henry the enſigns
of their dignity". The quarrel 'every day encreaſed between
the King and the primate: The former, notwithſtanding the
prudence and moderation of his temper, threw out menaces
againſt all ſuch as ſhould pretend to oppoſe him in exerting the
antient prerogatives of his crown: And Anſelm, ſenſible of his
diſagreeable and dangerous ſituation, deſired leave to make a
journey to Rome, in order to lay the caſe before the ſovereign
pontiff'. Henry, well pleaſed to rid himſelf without violence
of ſo inflexible an antagoniſt, readily granted him permiſſion;
and Anſelm ſet out on his journey. He was attended to the
ſea-coaſt by infinite multitudes, not only monks and clergymen,
but people of all ranks, who ſcrupled not in this manner to
declare for their primate againſt their ſovereign, and who
regarded his departure as the final abolition of religion and true
piety in the kingdom". The King, however, confiſcated all
the revenues of his fee; and fent William de Warelwaft to
negociate with Paſcal, and to find ſome means of accommo-
dation in this delicate affair “.
The Engliſh miniſter told Paſcal, that his maſter would
rather loſe his crown than part with the right of granting invef-
titures. “ And I,” replied Paſcal, “ would rather loſe my
« head than allow him to retain itº.” Henry ſecretly prohibited
Anſelm to return, unleſs he reſolved to conform himſelf to the
laws and uſages of the kingdom; and the primate took
up
his
reſidence at Lyons ?, in expectation, that the King would at
& Hoveden, p. 470. Chron. St. Petride Burgo, p. 59. Flor. Wigorn. p. 651.
1 Eadmer, p. 70. W. Malm. p. 226.
m Eadmer, p. 71.
a W. Malm. p. 226.
• Eadmer, p. 73. W. Malm. p. 226. M. Paris,
P. 40.
Eadmer, p. 74. W. Malm. p. 226. M. Paris, p. 41. Chron.
Dunſtaple, p. 18.
laſt
H E N R Y I.
361
VI.
1107
laſt be obliged to yield the point, which was the preſent object CHAP.
of controverſy between them. Soon after, he was allowed to
return to his inonaſtery at Bec in Normandy; and Henry,
beſides reſtoring to him the revenues of his fee, treated him
with the greateſt reſpect, and held ſeveral conferences with him,
in order to ſoften his oppoſition, and bend him to ſubmiſſion º.
The people of England, who thought all differences now accom-
modated, were inclined to blame their primate for abſenting
himſelf ſo long from his charge; and he daily received letters
from his partizans, repreſenting the neceſſity of his ſpeedy
The total extinction, they told him, of religion and
Chriſtianity was likely to enſuc from the want of his fatherly
care: The moſt ſhocking cuſtoms prevail in England: And the
dread of his ſeverity being now removed, ſodomy and the prac-
tice of wearing long hair gain ground among all ranks of men,
and theſe enormities openly appear every where, without fenſe
of ſhame or fear of puniſhment '.
return.
1
t
The policy of the court of Rome has been commonly much
admired; and men, judging by ſucceſs, have beſtowed the
higheſt eulogies on that prudence, by which a power, from
ſuch ſlender beginnings, could advance, without force of arms,
to eſtabliſh an univerſal and almoſt abfolute monarchy in Europe.
But the wiſdom of ſuch a long ſucceſſion of men, who filled the
papal throne, and who were of ſuch different ages, tempers,
and intereſts, is not intelligible, and could never have place in
The inſtrument, indeed, with which they wrought,
the ignorance and ſuperſtition of the people, is ſo groſs an engine,
of ſuch univerſal prevalence, and ſo little liable to accident or
diſorder, that it may be ſucceſsful even in the moſt unſkilful
1
nature,
Eadıner, p. 81.
q Hoveden, p. 471.
VOL. I.
Аза
hands;
4
362
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
+
VI,
1107.
CHAP. hands; and ſcarce any indiſcretion can fruſtrate its operations.
While the court of Rome was openly abandoned to the moſt
flagrant diſorders, even while it was torn with ſchiſms and
factions, the power of the church made daily a ſenſible progreſs
in Europe ; and the temerity of Gregory and the caution of
Paſcal were equally fortunate in promoting it.. The clergy,
feeling the neceſſity, which they lay under, of being protected
againſt the violence of princes, or vigour of the laws, were
well pleaſed to adhere to a foreign head, who, being removed
from the fear of the civil authority, could freely employ the
power of the whole church in defending her antient or uſurped
properties and privileges, when invaded in any particular
country: The monks, deſirous of an independance on their
dioceſans, profeſſed a ſtill more devoted attachment to the triple
crown.; and the ſtupid people poſſeſſed no ſcience nor-reaſon,
which they could oppoſe to the moſt exorbitant pretenſions.
Nonſenſe paſſed for demonftration: The moſt criminal means
were fanctified by the piety of the end : Treaties were not fup-
poſed to be binding where the intereſts of God were concerned:
The antient laws and cuſtoms of ſtates had no authority againſt
a divine right: Impudent forgeries were received as authentic
monuments of antiquity: And the champions of holy church,
if ſucceſsful, were celebrated as heroes; if unfortunate, were
worſhipped as martyrs; and all events thus turned out equally
to 'the advantage of clerical uſurpations. Paſcal himſelf, the
preſent Pope, was,. in the courſe of this very controverſy con-.
cerning inveſtitures, involved in circumſtances, and neceffitated
to follow a conduct, which would have drawn diſgrace and
ruin on any temporal prince; that had been ſo unfortunate as
to fall into a like ſituation. His perſon was: féized by the Em-
peror Henry V.and he was obliged, by a formal treaty, to reſign
to
2
4
van
+
H = N = Y [.
363
CH A P.
VI.
1107.
to tliat monarch the right of granting inveſtitures, for whicit
they had ſo long contended'. In order to add greater folem-
nity to this agreement, the Emperor and Pope communi-
cated together on the ſame hofte; one half of which was given
to the prince, the other taken by the pontiff: The moſt tremen-
dous imprecations were publicly denounced on either of them
who ſhould violate the treaty: Yet no ſooner did Paſcal recover
his liberty, than he recalled all his conceſſions, and pronounced
the ſentence of excommunication againſt the Emperor, who,
in the end, was obliged to ſubmit to the terms required of him,
and to yield up all his pretenſions, which he never could
recall
The King of England had very nearly fallen into the ſame
dangerous ſituation: Paſcal had already excommunicated the
earl of Mellent, and the other miniſters of Henry, who were
inſtrumental in ſupporting his preteniſions": He daily menaced
the King himſelf with a like ſentence; and he ſuſpended the
blow only to give him leiſure to eſcape it by a timely ſubmiſſion,
The malcontents waited impatiently for the opportunity of dif-
turbing his government by conſpiracies and inſurrections *:
The King's greateſt friends were anxious at the proſpect of an
incident, which would ſet their religious and civil duties at
variance: And the counteſs of Blois, his ſiſter, a princeſs of
piety, who had great influence over him, was affrighted with
the danger of her brother's eternal damnation'. Henry, on
the other hand, ſeemed determined to run all hazards, rather
I
1
· W. Malm. p. 167.
+ Padre Paolo ſopra benef. eccleſ. p. 112. W. Malmeſ. p. 170. Chron. Abb. St.
Petri de Burgo, p. 63. Sim. Dunelm. p. 233.
u Eadmer, p. 79.
* Eadmer, p. 8c.
✓ Eadmer, p. 79.
A a a 2
than
1
t
364
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
VI.
1107.
than reſign a prerogative of ſuch importance, which had been
enjoyed by all his predeceſſors; and it ſeemed probable, from
his great prudence and ability, that he might be able to
ſuſtain his rights, and finally prevail in the conteſt. While
Paſcal and Henry thus ſtood mutually in awe of each other, it
was the more eaſy to bring about an accommodation between
them, and to find a medium, in which they might agree.
1
Compromiſe
with Anſelm.
BEFORE biſhops took poffeffion of their dignities, they had
formerly been accuſtomed to paſs through two ceremonials :
They received from the hands of the ſovereign a ring and croſier,
as fyinbols of their office; and this was called their inveſtiture :
They alſo made thoſe ſubmiſſions to the prince, which were
required of vaſſals by the rites of the feudal law, and which
received the name of homage. And as the King might refuſe
both to grant the inveſtiture and to receive the homage, tho'
the chapter had, by ſome canons of the middle age, been
endowed with the right of election, the ſovereign had in reality
the ſole power of appointing prelates. Urban II. had equally
deprived laymen of the rights of granting inveſtiture and of
receiving homage ²: The Emperors never were able, by all
their wars and negotiations, to make any diſtinction be admitted
between them: The interpoſition of profane laymen, in any
particular, was ſtill repreſented as impious and abominable :
And the church openly aſpired to a total independance on the
ſtate. But Henry had put England, as well as Normandy, in
ſuch a ſituation as gave greater weight to his negotiations; and
Paſcal was for the preſent contented with his reſigning the
right of granting inveſtitures, by which the ſpiritual dignity
was ſuppoſed to be conferred; and he allowed the biſhops to
1
z Eadıner, p. 91. W. Valm. p. 163. Sim. Durelin, p. 230.
do
H E N R Y I.
365
1
СНАР.
VI.
1107
do homage for their temporal properties and privileges. The
pontiff was well pleaſed to have made this acquiſition, which,
he hoped, would in time involve the whole: And the King,
anxious to procure an eſcape from a very dangerous ſituation,
was contented to retain ſome, though a more precarious autho-
rity, in the election of prelates.
AFTER the principal controverſy was accommodated, it was
not difficult to adjuſt the other differences. The Pope allowed
Anſelm to communicate with the prelates, who had already
received inveſtitures from the crown; and he only required
of them fome ſubmiſſions for their paſt miſconduct. He alſo
granted Anſelm a plenary power of remedying every other diſ-
order, which, he ſaid, might ariſe from the barbarouſneſs of the
country. Such was the idea which the Popes then entertained
of the Engliſh; and nothing can be a ſtronger proof of the
miſerable ignorance in which that people were then plunged,
than that a man, who ſat on the papal throne, and who ſubfifted
by abſurdities and nonſenſe, ſhould think himſelf intitled to
treat them as barbarians.
DURING the courſe of theſe controverſies, a ſynod was held
at Weſtminſter, where the King, intent only on the main dif-
pute, allowed ſome canons of leſs conſequence to be enacted,
which tended to promote the uſurpations of the clergy. The
inarriage of prieſts was, prohibited; a point which it was ſtill
found
very difficult to carry into execution: And cven laymen
were not allowed to marry within the ſeventh degree of affinity
d
a Eadmer, p. 91. W. Malm. p. 164. 227. Hoveden, p. 471. M. Paris, p. 43.
T, Rudb. p. 274. Brompton, p. 1000. Wilkins, p. 303. Chron, Dunſt. p. 21.
Eadmer, p. 87.
c Eadmer, p. 91.
+ Eadmer, p. 67,68. Spelm. Conc. vol. ji. p. 22.
By
3
366
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
VI.
1107
By this contrivance, thc Pope augmented the profits, which he
reaped from granting diſpenſations; and likewiſe thoſe from
divorces. For as the art of writing was then rare, and pariſh
regiſters were not regularly kept, it was not eaſy to aſcertain
the degrees of affinity even ainong people of rank; and any
man, who had money ſufficient to pay for it, might obtain a
divorce, on pretence that his wife was more nearly related to
him than was permitted by the canons. The ſynod alſo paſſed
a vote, prohibiting the laity to wear long hair The averſion
of the clergy to this mode was not confined to England. When
the King went over to Normandy, before he had conquered
that province, the biſhop of Seez, in a formal harangue, ear-
neſtly applied to him to redreſs the manifold diſorders under
which the government laboured, and to oblige the people to
poll their hair in a decent form. Henry, though he would
not reſign his prerogatives to the church, was very willing to
part with his hair: He cut it in the form which they re-
quired of him, and obliged all the courtiers to imitate his
example.
Wars a
broad.
The acquiſition of Normandy was a great point of Henry's
ambition ; being the antient patrimony of his family, and the
only territory, which, while in his poffeffion, gave him any
weight or conſideration on the continent: But the injuſtice of
his uſurpation was the fource of great inquietude, involved him
in frequent wars, and obliged him to impoſe on his Engliſh
ſubjects thoſe many heavy and arbitrary taxes, of which all the
hiſtorians of that age unanimouſly complain 8. His nephew,
© Eadmer, p. 68.
f Order. Vital. p. 816.
& Ladmer, p. 83. Chron. Sax. p. 211, 212, 213, 219, 220: 228. H. Hunt.
P, 380. Hoveden, p. 470. Ann, Waverl. p. 143.
9
William,
Η Ε Ν Α Υ Ι.
367
i
VI.
1107
II10,
William, was but fix years of age, when he committed him to CHA P.
the care of Helie de St. Saen; and it is probable, that his rea-
fon for intruſting that important charge to a man of ſuch an
unblemiſhed character, was to prevent all malignant ſuſpicions,
in caſe
any
accident ſhould befal the life of the young prince.
He ſoon repented him of his choice; but when he deſired to
recover poffefſion of William's perſon, Helie withdrew his
pupil, and carried him to the court of Fulk, count of Anjou,
who gave him protection". In proportion as the young prince
grew up to man's eſtate, he diſcovered virtues ſuitable to his
birth; and wandering through different courts of Europe,
excited the friendly compaſſion of many princes, and raiſed a
general indignation againſt his uncle, who had ſo unjuſtly be
reaved him of his inheritance. Lewis the Groſs, fon of Philip,
was at this time King of France, a brave and generous prince,
who having been obliged, during the lifetime of his father, to
fly into England, in order to eſcape the perſecutions of his ſtep-
mother, Bertrude, had been protected by Henry, and had
thence conceived a perſonal friendſhip for him. But theſe ties
were foon diſſolved after the acceſſion of Lewis, who found his
intereſt to be in ſo many particulars oppoſite to thoſe of the
Engliſh monarch, and who became ſenſible of the danger attend-
ing the anriexation of Normandy to England. He joined,
therefore, the counts of Anjou and Flanders in giving diſquiet
to Henry's government; and this monarch, in order to defend
his foreign dominions found himſelf obliged to go over to
Normandy, where he reſided two years. The war which
enſued among theſe princes was attended with no meinorable
tranſaction, and produced only ſlight ſkirmiſhes on the fron-
tiers, agreeably to the weak condition of the ſovereigns in that
h Order. Vital. p. 837
age,
;
368
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
VI.
great and
ho
IL10.
age, whenever their ſubjects were not rouzed by ſome
u urgent occaſion. Henry, by contracting his eldeſt ſon, Wil-
liam, to the daughter of Fulk', detached that prince from the
alliance, and obliged the others to come to an accommodation
with him. This peace was not of long duration. His nephew,
William, retired to the court of Baldwin, earl of Flanders, who
eſpouſed his cauſe; and the King of France, having ſoon after,
for other reaſons, joined the party, a new war was kindled in
Normandy, which produced no event more memorable than
had attended the former. At laſt the death of Baldwin, who
was ſlain in an action near Eu, gave ſome reſpite to Henry,
and enabled him to carry on war with more advantage againſt
his enemies
1118.
k
Lewis, finding himſelf unable to wreſt Normandy from
the King by force of arms, had recourſe to the dangerous
expedient, of applying to the ſpiritual power, and of affording
the eccleſiaſtics a pretence to interpoſe in the temporal concerns
of princes. He carried young William to a general council,
which was aſſembled at Rheims by Pope Calixtus II. preſented
the Norman prince to them, complained of the manifeſt uſur-
pation and injuſtice of Henry, craved the aſſiſtance of the
church for reinſtating the true heir in his dominions, and
repreſented the enormity of detaining in priſon fo brave a
prince as Robert, one of the moſt eminent champions of the
croſs, and who by that very quality was placed under the
immediate protection of the holy ſee'. Henry knew how to
defend the rights of bis crown with vigour, and yet with
dexterity. He had ſent over the Engliſh biſhops to this fynod;
1 Chron. Sax p. 221. W. Malm. p. 160. Knyghton, p. 2380.
k Chron. Sax. p. 222. H. .
Hunt. p. 380. Order, Vital. p. 843. M. Paris, p. 47.
1 Order. Vital. p. 858.
but
+
+
Η Ε Ν R Υ Ι.
369
С НАР.
VI.
1119
but at the ſame time had warned them, that, if any farther
claims were ſtarted by the Pope or the eccleſiaſtics, he was
determined to adhere to the laws and cuſtoms of England,
and maintain the prerogatives tranſmitted to him by his
anceſtors. " Go,” ſaid he to them, “ falute the Pope in my
name, hear his apoftolical precepts; but take care to bring
none of his new inventions into my kingdom.” Finding,
however, that it would be eaſier for him to elude than oppoſe
the efforts of Calixtus, he gave his ambaſſadors orders to gain
the Pope and his favourites by liberal preſents and promiſes.
The complaints of the Norman prince were thenceforth heard
with great coldneſs by the council ; and Calixtus confeſſed,
after a conference, which he had the ſame ſummer with Henry,
that, of all men, whom he had ever yet been acquainted with,
he was beyond compariſon the moſt eloquent and perſuaſive.
The warlike meaſures of Lewis proved as ineffectual as
his intrigues. He had laid a ſcheme for ſurpriſing Noyon;
but Henry, having received intelligence of the deſign, marched
to the relief of the place, and ſuddenly attacked the French at
Andeley, as they were advancing to Noyon. A ſharp action
enſued; where Prince William behaved with great bravery,
and the King himſelf was in the moſt imminent danger.
He was wounded in the head by Criſpin, a gallant Norman
officer, who had followed the fortunes of William " ; but being ra-
ther animated than terrified by the blow, he immediately beat his
antagoniſt to the ground, and ſo encouraged his troops by the
example, that they put the French to total rout, and had
very
nearly taken their King priſoner. The dignity of the perſons,
L.
11
Weſt. p. 239.
m H. Hunt. p. 381. M. Paris, p. 47. Diceto, p. 503. Brompton, p. 1007. M.
Vol.I.
Bbb
engaged
370
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
A
СНАР.
VI.
1119.
engaged in this ſkirmiſh, rendered it the moſt memorable
action of the war: For in other reſpects, it was not of great
importance. There were nine hundred horſemen, who fought
on both ſides ; yet were there only three perſons ſlain. The
reſt were defended by that heavy armour, worn by the cavalry
in thoſe times". An accommodation ſoon after enſued between
the Kings of France and England; and the intereſts of young
William were entirely neglected in it.
Death of
liam.
1120.
But this public proſperity of Henry was much overbalanced
prince Wil. by a domeſtic calamity, which befel him. His only fon, Wil-
liam, had now reached his eighteenth year; and the King,
from the facility, with which he himſelf had uſurped the
crown, dreading, that a like revolution might ſubvert his
family, had taken care to have him recognized ſucceſſor by
the ſtates of the kingdom, and had carried him over to
Normandy, in order to receive the homage of the barons. of
that dutchy. On his return, he fet fail from Barfleur, and
was ſoon carried by a fair wind out of ſight of land. The
prince was detained by ſome accident; and his failors, as well
as their captain, Thomas Fitz-Stephens, having ſpent the
interval in drinking, were ſo fluſtered, that, being in a hurry
to follow the King, they heedleſsly carried the ſhip on a rock,
where ſhe immediately foundered? The prince was put into
the long boat, and had got clear of the ſhip; when hearing
the cries of his natural ſifter, the counteſs of Perche, he ordered
the ſeamen to row back in hopes of ſaving her: But the
numbers, who then crowded in, foon funk the boat; and the
prince with all his retinue periſhed? Above an hundred and
1 Order, Vital. p. 854.
o W. Malm. p. 165.
D Order. Vital. p. 868.
9 W. Malm. p. 165. H. Hunt. p. 381. Hoveden, p. 476. Brompton, p. 1012.
8
forty
wesom
1
H E N R Y I.
371
CHAP
VI.
Il 20
forty young noblemen, of the principal families of England
and Normandy, were loſt on this occaſion. A butcher of
Roüen was the only perſon on board who eſcaped': He clung
to the maſt, and was taken up next morning by fifhermen.
Fitz-Stephens, the captain, took hold alſo of the maſt; but
being informed by the butcher, that prince William had periſhed,
he ſaid, that he could not ſurvive the diſaſter; and he threw
himſelf headlong into the ſea'. Henry entertained hopes for
three days, that his ſon had put into ſome diſtant port of
England : But when certain intelligence of the calamity was
brought him, he fainted away; and it was remarked, that he
never after was ſeen to ſmile, nor ever recovered his wonted
chearfulneſs.
1
natives;
The death of William may be regarded, in one reſpect, as
a misfortune to the Engliſh; becauſe it was the immediate
ſource of thoſe civil wars, which, after the demiſe of the King,
cauſed ſuch confuſion in the nation : But it is remarkable, that
the young prince had entertained a violent averſion to the
and had been heard to threaten, that, when he ſhould
be King, he would make them draw the plough, and would
turn them into beaſts of burthen. Theſe prepoſſeſſions he inhe-
rited from his father, who, though he was wont, when it might
ferve his purpoſes, to value himſelf on his birth, as a native of
England", ſhowed, in the courſe of his government, an
extreme prejudice againſt that people. All hopes of preferment,
to eccleſiaſtical as well as civil dignities, were denied them
during this whole reign ; and any foreigner, however ignorant
1
Sim. Dunelm. p. 242. Alured Beverl. p. 148.
• Order, Vital. p. 868.
* Hoveden, p. 476. Order, Vital. p. 869. Sim. Dunelm. p. 242. Alur. Beverl.
p. 148.
u Gul. Neub. lib. 1. cap. 3.
B b b 2
or
37%
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НАР.
VI.
I [ 20.
or worthleſs, was ſure to have the preference in every competi-
tion. As the Engliſh had given no diſturbance to the govern-
ment during the courſe of fifty years, this inveterate antipathy,
in a prince of ſo much temper as well as penetration, forms a
preſumption that the Engliſh of that age were ſtill a rude and
barbarous people even compared to the Normans, and impreſſes
us with no very favourable idea of the Anglo-Saxon manners.
PRINCE William left no children; and the King had not
.now any legitimate iſſue; except one daughter, Matilda, whom,
in IIIO, he had betrothed, though only eight years of age y,
to the Emperor Henry V. and whom he had then ſent over to be
educated in Germany´. But as her abſence from the kingdom,
and her marriage into a foreign family, might endanger the
ſucceſſion, Henry, who was now a widower, was induced to
marry in hopes of having ſons; and he made his addreſſes to
King's ſecond Adelais, daughter of Godfrey, duke of Lovaine, and niece of
Pope Calixtus, a young princeſs of, an amiable perſon?. But
Adelais brought him no children ; and the prince, who was
moſt likely to diſpute the ſucceſſion, and even the immediate
poſſeſſion of the crown, recovered hopes of ſubverting his
rival, who had ſucceſſively ſeized all his patrimonial dominions.
marriage.
1121.
Z
1
* Eadmer, p. 110.
Lio
y Chron. Sax. p. 215. W. Malm. p. 165. Order, Vital. p. 838.
Henry, by the feudal cuſtoms, was intitled to levy a tax for the marrying his eldeſt
daughter, and he exacted three ſhillings a hyde on all England. H. Hunt. p. 379.
Some hiſtorians (as Brady, p. 270. and Tyrrel, voi. ii. p. 182.) heedleſsly make this ſum
amount to above 800,000 pounds of our preſent money : But it could not exceed
135,00). Five hydes, ſometimes leſs, made a knight's fec, of which there were
about 60,000 in England, confequently near 300,000 h: des; and at the rate of three
hillings a hyde, the ſum would amount to 45,000 pounds, or 135,000 of our preſent
money. Sce Rudborne, p. 257. In the Saxon times, there were only computed
243,600 hydes in England.
Chron. Sax. p. 223. W. Malm. p. 165.
William
I
H E N R Y I.
373
.
CHAP
VI.
I I2I.
+
I 127.
/
William, the ſon of duke Robert, was ſtill protected in the
French court; and as Henry's connections with the count of
Anjou were broke off, by the death of his ſon, Fulk joined
the party of the unfortunate prince, gave him his daughter in
marriage, and aſſiſted him in raiſing diſturbances in Normandy.
But Henry found the means of drawing off the count of
Anjou, by forming anew with him a nearer connexion than
the former, and one inore material to the intereſts of that count's
family. The Emperor, his ſon-in-law, dying without iſſue,
he beſtowed his daughter on Geoffrey, the eldeſt ſon of Fulk,
and endeavoured to enſure her ſucceſſion, by having her recog-
nized heir of all his dominions, and obliging the barons both
of Normandy and England to ſwear fealty to her". He hoped,
that the choice of this huſband would be more agreeable to
all his ſubjects than that of the Emperor; as ſecuring them
from the fears of falling under the dominion of a great and
diſtant potentate, who might bring them into fubjection, and
reduce their country to the rank of a province : But the barons
were diſpleaſed, that a ſtep ſo material to national intereſts had
been taken without conſulting them; and Henry had expe-
rienced too ſenſibly the turbulency of their diſpoſition, not to
dread the effects of their reſentment. It ſeemed probable, that
his nephew's party might gain force from the increaſe of the
malcontents ; and an acceſſion of power, which that prince
inherited a little after, tended to render his pretenſions ſtill
more dangerous. Charles earl of Flanders being aſſaſſinated
during the celebration of divine ſervice, King Lewis imme-
♡ Chron. Sax. p. 230. W. Malm. p. 175. Gul. Gemet. p. 304. Chron. St. Petri
de Burgo, p. 68.
c W. Malm. p. 175. The annals of Waverly, p. 150. ſay, that the King aſked and
obtained the conſent of all the barons,
3
diately
1
.374
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
VI.
11.28.
CHA'P. diately put the young prince in poſſeſſion of that county, to
which he had pretenſions, in the right of his grandmother
Matilda, wife to the Conqueror. But William ſurvived a very.
little time this piece of good fortune, which ſeemed to open the
door to ſtill farther proſperity. He was killed in a ſkirmiſh
with the landgrave of Alſace, his competitor for Flanders ;
and his death put an end, for the preſent, to the jealouſy and
inquietude of Henry
"The chief merit of this prince's government conſiſts in the
profound tranquillity, which he eſtabliſhed and maintained
throughout all his dominions during the greateſt part of his
reign'. The mutinous barons were retained in ſubjection;
and his neighbours, in every attempt which they made upon
him, found him ſo well prepared, that they were diſcouraged
from continuing or renewing their enterprizes. In order to
repreſs the incurſions of the Welſh, he brought over fome
Flemings in the year 1Ill, and ſettled them in Pembrokeſhire,
where they long maintained a different language, and cuſtoms
and manners, from their neighbours &. Though his govern-
ment ſeems to have been arbitrary in England, it was judicious
and prudent; and was as little oppreſſive as the neceſſity of
his affairs would permit. He wanted not attention to the
redreſs of grievances; and hiſtorians mention in particular
the levying purveyance, which he endeavoured to moderate
and reſtrain. The tenants in the King's demeſne lands were at
that time obliged to ſupply gratis the court with proviſions,
and to furniſh carriages on the ſame hard terms, when the
King made a progreſs into any of the counties. · Theſe exac-
d Chron. Sax. p. 231. Gul. Gem. p. 299. Alur. Beverl. p.151.
c Chron. Sax. p. 232.
f Gul. Gemet. p. 302.
& W. Malm. p. 158. Brompton, p. 1003.
o
tions
4
H E N R Y I..
$75
/
СНАР.
VI.,
1128.
tions were ſo grievous, and levied in ſo licentious a manner,
that the farmers, when they heard of the court's approach,
often deſerted their houſes, as if an enemy had invaded them ";
and ſheltered their perſons and families in the woods, froin
the inſults of the King's retinue. Henry prohibited theſe
enormities, and puniſhed the perſons guilty of them by cutting
off their hands, legs, or other members'. But the prerogative
was perpetual ; the remedy applied by Henry was temporary;
and the violence of this remedy, ſo far from giving ſecurity to
the people, was only a proof of the ferocity of the government
in that age, and threatened a quick return of like abuſes.
A
+
One great and difficult object of the King's prudence was the
guarding againſt the encroachments of the court of Rome, and
protecting the liberties of the church of England. The Pope,
in the year. IIOI, had ſent Guy, archbiſhop of Vienne, as,
legate into Britain; and though he was the firſt that for
many
years had appeared there in that character, and his commiſſion;
gave general ſurprize “, the King, who was then in the com ,
mencement of his reign, and was attended with many difficul-.
ties, was obliged to ſubmit to this incroachment on his autho-.
rity. But in the year 1116, Anſelm, abbot of St. Sabas, who ,
was coming over with a like legatine commiſſion, was prohi-
bited to enter the kingdom '; and Pope Calixtus, who in his .
turn was then labouring under many difficulties, by reaſon of
the pretenſions of Gregory, an anti-pope, was obliged to pro-
miſe, that he never would for the future, except when ſolicited
by the King himſelf, ſend any legate into England". Not-
withſtanding this engagement, the Pope, ſo ſoon as he had:
b . Eadmer, p. 94. Chron. Sax. p. 212.
1 Hoveden, p. 474.
19.73.138..
i Eadmer, p. 91
m Eadmer, p. 125%
k Ibid. p. 58,
oppreſſed
376
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
I
СНАР.
VI.
1128,
oppreſſed his antagoniſt, granted the Cardinal de Crema a lega-
tine commiſſion for that kingdom; and the King, who, by
reaſon of his nephew's intrigues and invaſions, found himſelf
at that time in a dangerous ſituation, was obliged to ſubmit to
the exerciſe of this commiſſion ". A fynod was called by the
legate at London ; where, among other canons, a vote paſſed,
enacting ſevere penalties on the marriage of the clergy'; and
the Cardinal, in a public harangue, declared it to be an unpar-
donable enormity, that a prieſt ſhould dare to conſecrate and
touch the body of Chriſt immediately after he had riſen from the
ſide of a ſtrumpet : For that was the decent appellation which
he gave to the wives of the clergy. But it happened, that, the
very next night, the officers of juſtice, breaking into a diſorderly
houſe, found the Cardinal in bed with a courtezan *; an inci-
dent which threw ſuch a ridicule upon him, that he immedi-
ately ſtole out of the kingdom: The fynod broke up; and the
canons againſt the marriage of clergymen were worſe executed
than ever!
Henry, in order to prevent this alternate revolution of con-
ceſſions and encroachments, ſent William, then archbiſhop of
Canterbury, to remonftrate with the court of Rome againſt theſe
abuſes, and to aſſert the liberties of the Engliſh churches. It
was an uſual maxim with every Pope, when he found that he
could not prevail in any pretenſion, to grant princes or ſtates a
power which they had always exerciſed, to reſume at a proper
1
1
h Chron. Sax. p. 229.
Spelm. Conc. vol. ii. p. 34.
k Hoveden, p. 478. M. Paris, p. 48. Matth. Weit. ad ann. 1125. H. Hunting-
don, p. 382. It is remarkable, that this laſt writer, who was a clergyman as well as
the others, makes an apology for uſing ſuch freedom with the fathers of the church ;
but ſays, that the fact was notorious, and ought not to be concealed,
I Chron. Sax. p. 234.
ſeaſon
+
1
H E N R Y I.
377
CH A P. .
VI.
1128.
ſeaſon the claim which ſeemed to be reſigned, and to pretend,
that the civil magiſtrate had poſſeſſed the authority only from a
ſpecial indulgence of the Roman pontiff. After this manner,
the Pope, finding that the French nation would not admit his
claim of granting inveſtitures, had paſſed a bull, giving the
King that authority; and he now practiſed a like invention to
elude the complaints of the King of England. He made the
archbiſhop of Canterbury his legate, renewed his commiſſion
from time to time, and ſtill pretended, that the rights, which
that prelate had ever exerciſed as metropolitan, were entirely de-
rived from the indulgence of the apoſtolic fee. The Engliſh
princes, and Henry in particular, who were glad to avoid any
preſent conteſt of fo dangerous a nature, commonly acquiefced
by their ſilence in theſe pretenſions of the court of Rome ™
A **
1131.
As every thing in England remained in tranquillity, Henry
took the opportunity of paying a viſit to Normandy, to which
he was invited, as well by his affection for that country, as by
his tenderneſs for his daughter, the Empreſs Matilda, who
was always his favourite. Some time after, that princeſs was
delivered of a ſon, who received the name of Henry; and the
1133:
m The legates a latere, as they were called, were a kind of delegates, who poſſeſſed
the full power of the Pope in all the provinces committed to their charge, and were very
buſy in extending, as well as exerciſing it. They nominated to all vacant benefices,
aſſembled fynods, and were anxious to maintain eccleſiaſtical privileges, which never
could be fully protected without incroachments on the civil power. If there was the
leaſt concurrence or oppoſition, it was always ſuppoſed that the civil power was to give
way: Every deed, which had the leaſt pretence of holding of any thing ſpiritual, as
marriages, teſtaments, promiffory oaths, were brought into the ſpiritual court, and
could not be canvaſſed before a civil magiſtrate. Theſe were the eſtabliſhed laws of the
church; and where a legate was ſent immediately from Rome, he was ſure to maintain
the papal claims with the utmoſt rigour: But it was an advantage to the King to have
the archbiſhop of Canterbury appointed legate, becauſe the connexions of that prelate
with the kingdom tended to moderate his meaſures.
Vol. I.
King,
Сcc
378
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
VI.
1133
+
CHAP. King, farther to enſure her ſucceſſion, made all the nobility of
England and Normandy renew the oath of fealty, which they
had already ſworn to her". The joy of this event, and the
fatisfaction which he reaped from his daughter's company, who
bore ſucceſſively two other fonsmade his reſidence in Nor-
mandy very agreeable to him °; and he' ſeemed determined to
paſs the reſt of his days in that country; when an incurſion of
1135 the Welſh obliged him to think of returning into England. He "
was preparing for the journey, when he was ſeized with a ſud-
den illneſs at St. Denis le Forment, from eating too plentifully
of lampreys, a food which always agreed better with his palate"
than his conſtitution”. He died in the ſixty-ſeventh' year of
his age, and the thirty-fifth of his reign; leaving by will his
daughter, Matilda, heireſs of all his dominion's, without mak-
ing any mention of her huſband Geoffrey, who had given him
ſeveral cauſes of diſpleaſure ?
iſt of Dec.
Death
1
and character
of Henry.
This prince was one of the moſt accompliſhed that has filled
the Engliſh throne, and poſſeſſed. all the qualities both of
body. and mind, natural and acquired, which could fit him for
the high ſtation, to which he attained. His perfon was manly,
his countenance engaging, his eyes clear, ferenc, and pene-
trating. The affability of his addreſs encouraged thoſe who
might be overawed by the ſenſe of his dignity or of his wiſdom;
and though he often indulged his facetious humour, he knew
how to temper it with diſcretion, and ever kept at a diſtance
from all indecent familiarities with his courtiers. His ſuperior
eloquence and judgment would have given him an aſcendant
even had he been born in a private ſtation; and his perſonal
bravery would have procured him reſpect, though it had been
o W. Malm. p. 177.
0 H. Hunt. p. 315.
p. 385. M. Paris, p. 50.
9 W. Malm. p. 178.
ieſs
p H. Hunt.
.
!
HENRY
I.
379
CH A .
VI.
1135
1
leſs ſupported by art and policy. By his great progreſs-in lite-
rature, he acquired the name of Beau-clerc or the ſcholar ; but
his application to thoſe ſedentary purſuits abated nothing of the
activity and vigilance of his government; and tho' the learning
of that age was better fitted to corrupt than improve the under-
ſtanding, his natural good ſenſe preſerved itſelf untainted both
from the pedantry and ſuperſtition, which were then fo preva-
lent among men of letters. His temper was very ſuſceptible of
the ſentiments as well of friendſhip as of reſentment'; and his
ambition, though high, might be deemed moderate and reaſon-
able ; had not his conduct towards his brother and nephew
ſhowed that he was too much diſpoſed to facrifice to it all the
maxims.of juſtice and equity. But the total incapacity of Ro-
bert for government-afforded his younger brother a reaſon or
pretence for ſeizing the ſcepter both of Normandy and Eng-
land; and when violence and uſurpation are once begun, necef-
ſity obliges a prince to continue in the ſame criminal courſe,
and engages him in meaſures, which his better judgment and
ſounder principles would otherwiſe have induced him to reject
with warmth and indignation.
KING Henry was much addicted to women; and hiſtorians
mention no leſs than ſeven illegitimate fons and fix daughters,
who were born to him'. Hunting was alſo one of his favou-
rite amuſements; and he exerciſed great rigour againſt thoſe
who encroached on the royal foreſts, which were augmented
during this reign, though their 'number and extent were
already enormous. To kill a ſtag was as criminal as to murder a
man: He made all the dogs be mutilated, which were kept
on the borders of his foreſts: And he ſometimes deprived his
1
- Order. Vital. p. 805.
Gul. Gemet. lib. 8. cap. 29.
Ccc 2
W. Malm. p. 179.
ſubjects
380
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH AP.
VI.
1135
ſubjects of the liberty of hunting on their own lands, or even
cutting their own woods. In other reſpects, he executed juſ-
tice, and that with rigour; the beſt maxim which a prince in
that age could follow. Stealing was firſt made capital in this
reign": Falſe coining, which was then a very common crime,
and which had extremely debaſed the money, was puniſhed
ſeverely by Henry". Near fifty criminals of this kind were at
one time hanged or mutilated; and though theſe puniſhments
ſeem to have been exerciſed in ſomewhat an arbitrary manner,
they were grateful to the people, more attentive to preſent
advantages, than jealous of general laws. There is a code,
which paſſes under the name of Henry I. but the beſt antiqua-
rians have agreed not to think it genuine. It is however a very
antient compilation, and may be uſeful to inſtruct us in the
manners and cuſtoms of the times. It appears from it, that a
great diſtinction was then made between the Engliſh and
Normans, much to the advantage of the latter'. The deadly
feuds and the liberty of private revenge, which had been avowed
by the Saxon laws, were ſtill continued, and were not yet
wholly illegal ?
HENRY, on his acceſſion, granted a charter to London,
which ſeems to have been the firſt ſtep towards rendering that
city a corporation. By this charter, they were empowered to
hold the farm of Middleſex at three hundred pounds a year,
to elect their own ſheriff and juſticiary, and to hold pleas
of the crown; and they were exempted from Scot, Danegelt,
.
u Sim. Dunelm. p. 231. Brompton, p. 1000. Flor. Wigorn. p. 653. Hoveden, p. 471.
* Sim. Durelm. p. 231. Brompton, p. 1000. Hoveden, p. 471.
. Annal. Waverl.
p. 149
y LL. Hen. I. $ 18, 75.
2 LL, Hen. 82.
trials
H E N R Y I.
381
VI.
trials by combat, and lodging the King's retinue. Theſe, CHAP.
with a confirmation of the privileges of their court of Huſtings,
wardmotes, and cominon halls, and their liberty of hunt-
ing in Middleſex and Surrey, are the chief articles of this
charter
1135•
Z
• Lambardi Archaionomia ex edit. Twiſden Wilkins, p. 235.
I
382
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
C.H A P. VII.
S Τ Ε Ρ Η Έ Ν.
Acceſion of Stephen War with Scotland Infurrection
in favour of Matilda Stephen taken priſoner Matilda
crowned Stephen releaſed Reſtored to the crown -
Continuation of the civil wars
Compromiſe between the
King and prince Henry Death of the King.
СНАР.
VII.
1135
IN
the progreſs and ſettlement of the feudal law, the male
ſucceſſion to fiefs had taken place ſome time before the
female was admitted ; and eſtates, being conſidered as military
benefices, not as property, were tranſmitted to ſuch only as
could ſerve in the armies, and perform in perſon the conditions
upon which they were originally granted. But after that the
continuance of rights, during ſome generations, in the ſame
family, had, in a great meaſure, obliterated the primitive idea,
the females were gradually admitted to the poſſeſſion of feudal
property; and the ſame revolution of principles, which procured
them the inheritance of private eſtates, naturally introduced
their ſucceſſion to government and authority. The failure,
therefore, of male-heirs to the kingdom of England and dutchy
of Normandy, ſeemed to leave the ſucceſſion open, without a
rival, to the empreſs, Matilda ; and as Henry had made all his
vaſſals in both ſtates [wear fealty to her, he preſumed, that
they would not eaſily be induced to depart at once from her
hereditary right, and from their own reiterated oaths and engage-
A
2
ments.
S Τ Ε Ρ Η Ε Ν.
383
CHAP
VII.
1135
ments. But the irregular manner, in which he himſelf had
acquired the crown, might inſtruct him, that neither his Nor-
man nor Engliſh ſubjects were as yet capable of adhering tò a
ſtrict rule of government; and as every precedent of this kind
ſeems to give authority to new uſurpations, he had reafon to
dread, even from his own family, ſome invaſion of his daugh-
ter's title, which he had taken ſuch pains to eſtabliſh:
N
ADELA;. daughter of William the Conqueror, had been
married to Stephen, count of Blois, and had brought him ſeve-:
ral fons; among whom, Stephen, and Henry, the two youngeſt,
had been invited over to England by the late King, and had
received great honours, riches, and preferment from the zealous
friendſhip, which that prince bore to every one, that had been
ſo fortunate as to acquire his favour and good opinion. Henry,
who had betaken himſelf to the ecclefiaftical profeſſion, was
created abbot of Glaſtenbury and biſhop of Wincheſter; and
though theſe dignities were conſidérable, Stephen had, from
his uncle's liberality, attained eſtabliſhments ſtill more folid and
durable. The King had married him to Matilda, who was
daughter and heir of Euſtace count of Boulogne, and who
brought him, beſides that feudal ſovereignty in France, an in-
menſe property in England, which, in the diſtribution of lands,
had been conferred by the Conqueror on the family of Boulogne.
Stephen alſo by this marriage acquired a new connexion with
the royal family of England; as Mary, his wife's mother, was
ſiſter to David, the preſent' King of Scotland, and to Matilda,
the firſt wife of Henry, and mother of the empreſs. The
King, ſtill imagining, that he ſtrengthened the intereſt of his
family by the aggrandizement of Stephen, took pleaſure in
t
Gul. Neubr. p. 360. Brompton, p. 1023.
enriching
384
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
VII.
1135
1
CHAP. enriching him by the grant of new poſſeſſions; and he con-
ferred on him the great eſtate forfeited by Robert Mallet in
England, and that forfeited by the earl of Mortaigne in Nor-
mandy. Stephen, in return, profeſſed a great attachment to
his uncle; and appeared ſo zealous for the ſucceſſion of
Matilda, that when the barons ſwore fealty to that princeſs,
he contended with Robert, earl of Gloceſter, the King's natural
ſon, who ſhould firſt be admitted to give her this teſtimony of
devoted zeal and fidelity. Meanwhile, he continued to cul-
tivate, by every art of popularity, the friendſhip and affection
of the Engliſh nation; and many virtues, with which he ſeemed
to be endowed, favoured the ſucceſs of his intentions. By his
bravery, activity and vigor, he acquired the eſteem of the
barons.: By his generoſity, and by an affable and familiar ad-
dreſs, unuſual in that age among men of his high quality, he
obtained the affections of the people, particularly of the Lon-
doners. And though he dared not to take any ſteps towards
his farther grandeur, left he might expoſe himſelf to the jea-
louſy of fo penetrating a prince as Henry; he ſtill hoped,
that, by accumulating riches and power, and by acquiring
popularity, he might ſome time be able to open his way to the.
throne.
No ſooner had Henry expired, than Stephen, inſenſible to
all the ties of gratitude and fidelity, and blind to danger,
gave full reins to his criminal ambition, and truſted, that,
even without any previous intrigue, the celerity of his enter-
prize and the boldneſs of his attempt might overcome the weak
attachment, which the Engliſh and Normans in that age
bore
c W. Malm. p. 192.
Ibid. p. 179 Geft. Steph. p. 928.
to
S T E P H E N.
385
CHAP
VII.
1135
to the laws, and to the rights of their ſovereign. He haſtened
over to England; and though the citizens of Dover, and thoſe
of Canterbury, apprized of his purpoſe, ſhut their gates againſt
him, he ſtopped not till lie arrived at London, where ſome of
the lower rank, inſtigated by his emiſſaries, as well as moved
by his general popularity, immediately faluted him King. His
next point was to acquire the good will of the clergy; and by
performing the ceremony of his coronation, put himſelf in
poſſeſſion of the throne, from which, he was confident, it
would not be eaſy afterwards to expel him. His brother,
the biſhop of Wincheſter, was uſeful to him in theſe capital
articles ; and having gained Roger, biſhop of Saliſbury, who,
though he owed a great fortune and advancement to the favour
of the late King, preſerved no ſenſe of gratitude to that prince's
family, he applied, in conjunction with that prelate, to William,
archbiſhop of Canterbury, and required him, in virtue of his
office, to give the royal unction to Stephen. The primate,
who, as all the others, had ſworn fealty to Matilda, refuſed to
perform this ceremony ; but his oppoſition was overcome by
an expedient equally diſhonourable with the other ſteps, by
which this revolution was effected. Hugh Bigod, ſteward of
the houſehold, made oath before the primate, that the late
King, on his death-bed, had diſcovered a diffatisfaction with
his daughter Matilda, and had expreſſed his intention of leaving
the count of Boulogne heir to all his dominions & William,
either believing or feigning to believe Bigod's teſtimony,
anointed Stephen, and put the crown upon his head; and by
this religious ceremony, that prince, without any ſhadow either
1
his head; and by 22d Decemb.
· H. Hunt. p. 386. Gul. Neubr, p. 360, 362. Ann. Waverl. p. 152.
f Geſt. Steph. p. 929.
· Matth. Paris, p. 5i. Diceto, p. 505. Chron. Dunft. p. 23.
Vol.I.
D dd
of
386
HISTORY OF ENGLAND .
1
С НАР.
VII.
1135
of hereditary title or conſent of the nobility or people, was
allowed to proceed to the exerciſe of ſovereign authority. Very.
few barons attended his coronation"; but none oppoſed his
uſurpation, however unjuſt or flagrant. The ſentiment of relie
gion, which, if corrupted into ſuperſtition, has often little
efficacy in fortifying the duties of civil ſociety, overlooked the
multiplied oaths, taken in favour of Matilda, and only rendered
the people obedient to a prince, who was countenanced by the
clergy, and who had received from the primate the rite of royal
unction and conſecration'..
1
STEPHEN, that he might farther ſecure his tottering throne,
paſſed a charter, in which he made liberal promiſes to all orders
of men ; to the clergy, that he would ſpeedily fill all vacant
benefices, and would never levy the rențs of any of them during
the vacancy; to the nobility, that they ſhould not be proſe-
cuted for hunting in their own foreſts ; and to the people, that
he would remit the tax of Danegelt and reſtore the laws of
King Edward". The late King had a great treaſure at Win-
cheſter, amounting to an hundred thouſand pounds': And
Stephen, by ſeizing this money, immediately turned againſt
Henry's family, the precaution which that prince had employed
for their grandeur and ſecurity: An event, which naturally
attends the policy of amaſſing treaſures. By means of this
money, the uſurper inſured the compliance, though not the
attachment, of the principal clergy and nobility; and not
h Brompton, p. 1023.
Such ſtreſs was formerly laid on the rite of coronation, that the monkiſh writers
never give any prince the title of King, till he is crowned; though he had for ſome
time been in poflellion of the crown, and exerciſed all the powers of ſovereignty.
k W. Malmeſ. p. 179. Hoveden, p.482. M. Paris, p. 51. Hagul.p. 314. Bromp-
ton, p. 1024.
| W. Malm. p. 179. Chron. Sax. p. 238. Geſt. Stephen, p.929. M. Paris, p. 51.
truſting
S T E P H E N.
387
CHAP
VII.
1135-
truſting to this frail ſecurity, he invited over from the conti-
ñent, particularly from Brittany and Flanders, great numbers
of thoſe bravos or diſorderly ſoldiers, with whom every country
in Europe, by reaſon of the general ill police and turbulent
government, extremely abounded". Theſe mercenary troops
guarded his throne, by the terrors of the ſword; and Stephen,
that he might alſo overawe all malcontents by new and addi-
tional terrors of religion, procured a bull froin Rome, which
ratified his title, and which the Pope, ſeeing this prince in
actual poſſeſſion of the throne, and pleaſed with an appeal to
his authority in ſecular controverſies, very readily granted him ".
1
1136.
MATILDA and her huſband, Geoffrey, were as unfortunate
in Normandy as they had been in England. The Norman
nobility, moved by an hereditary animoſity againſt the An-
gevins, firſt applied to Theobald, count of Blois, Stephen's
elder brother, for protection and aſſiſtance ®; but hearing
afterwards, that Stephen had got poſſeſſion of the Engliſh crown,
and having many of them the ſame reaſons as formerly for
defiring a continuance of their union with that kingdom, they
transferred their allegiance to Stephen, and put him in poffef-
fion of their government”. Lewis the younger, the preſent
King of France, accepted the homage of Euſtace, Stephen's
eldeſt ſon, for the dutchy; and the farther to corroborate his
connexions with that family, he betrothed his ſiſter, Conſtantia,
to the young prince. The count of Blois reſigned all his
pretenſions, and received in lieu of them a penſion of two
thouſand marks; and Geoffrey himſelf was obliged to conclude
+
m W. Malmeſ. p. 179.
.
Hagulſtad, p. 259, 313.
Order. Vital. p. 902. M. Paris, p. 51,
P Order. Vital. p. 903.
1 Hoveden, p. 432. Gervaſc, p. 1350.
D d d m
a truce
4
388
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НАР.
VII.
1136,
a truce for two years with Stephen, on condition of the King's
paying him, during that time, an annual penſion of five thou-
ſand'. Stephen, who had taken a journey to Normandy,
finiſhed all theſe tranſactions in perſon, and ſoon after returned
to England.
A
Robert, earl of Gloceſter, natural fon of the late King,
was a man of honour and ability; and as he was much attached
to the intereſts of his ſiſter, Matilda, and zealous for the lineal
ſucceſſion to the crown, it was chiefly from his intrigues and
reſiſtance, that the King had reaſon to dread a new revolution
of
government. This nobleman, when he received intelligence
of Stephen's acceſſion, found himſelf much embarraſſed con-
cerning the meaſures, which he ſhould purſue in that difficult
emergency. To ſwear allegiance to the uſurper appeared to
him very diſhonourable, and a breach of his oath to Matilda:
To refuſe giving this pledge of his fidelity was to baniſh him-
ſelf from England, and be totally incapacitated from ſerving
the royal family, or contributing to their reſtoration.
oration'. He
offered Stephen to do him homage and to take the oath of
fealty ; but with an expreſs condition, that the King ſhould
maintain all his ſtipulations, and ſhould never invade any of
Robert's rights or dignities : And Stephen, though ſenſible,
that this reſerve, ſo unuſual in itſelf, and ſo unbefitting the
duty of a ſubject, was meant only to afford Robert a pretence
for a revolt on the firſt favourable opportunity, was obliged,
by the numerous friends and retainers of that nobleman, to
receive him on theſe terms. The clergy, who could ſcarce,
at this time, be deemed ſubjects to the crown, imitated that
dangerous example; and annexed to their oath of allegiance
M. Paris, p. 52.
• Malmeſ, p. 179.
Ibid.' M. Paris, p. 51.
this
S T E P H E N.
389
VII.
this condition, that they were only bound fo long as the King CHA P.
defended the eccleſiaſtical liberties, and ſupported the diſcipline
of the church". The barons, in return for their ſubmiſſion,
1136.
exacted terins ſtill more deſtructive of public peace, as well as
of royal authority: Many of them required the right of forti-
fying their caſtles, and of putting themſelves in a poſture of
defence; and the King found himſelf totally unable to refuſe
his conſent to this exorbitant deinand". All England was.im-
mediately filled with thoſe fortreſſes, which the noblemen
garriſoned, either with their vaſſals, or with licentious ſoldiers,
who focked to them from all quarters.. Unbounded rapine
was exerciſed upon the people for the maintenance of theſe
troops ; and private animoſities, which had with difficulty been
reſtraineduby law, now breaking out without controul, rendered
England a ſcene of uninterrupted violence and devaſtation.
Wars, between the nobles were carried on with the utmoſt
fury in every quarter; the barons even aſſumed the right of
coining money, and of exerciſing, without appeal, every act
of juriſdiction', and the inferior gentry, as well as the people,
finding no defence from the laws, during this total diſſolution
of ſovereign authority, were obliged, for their immediate
ſafety, to pay court to ſome neighbouring chieftain, and to
purchaſe his protection, both by fubmitting to his exactions,
and by aſſiſting him in his rapine upon others. The erection
of one caſtle proved the immediate cauſe of building many
more ; and even thoſe, who obtained not the King's permiſ-
fion, thought that they were entitled, by the great principle
of ſelf-preſervation, to put themſelves on an equal footing
1
u W. Malm. p. 179.
* Ibid. p. 180.
Trivet, p. 19. Gul. Neubr. p. 372. Chron. Heming. p. 487. Brompton, p. 1035.
with
390
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
VII.
1136
with their neighbours, who commonly were alſo their enemies
and rivals. The ariſtocratical power, which is fo tyrannical
and oppreſſive in the feudal governments, had now riſen to
its utmoſt height, during the reign of a prince, who, tho'
endowed with vigour and ability, had uſurped the throne
without the pretence of a title, and who was neceſſitated to
tolerate in others the ſame violence, to which he himſelf had
been beholden for his ſovereignty.
But Stephen was not of a diſpoſition to ſubmit long to theſe
uſurpations, without making ſome efforts for the recovery of
royal authority. Finding that the legal prerogatives of the
crown were reſiſted and abridged, he was alſo tempted to
make his power the fole meaſure of his conduct; and to violate
all thoſe conceſſions, which he himſelf had made on his accef-
fion", as well as the antient and eſtabliſhed privileges of his
ſubjects. The mercenary ſoldiers, who chiefly ſupported his
authority, having exhauſted the royal treaſure, ſubſiſted by
depredations; and every place was filled with the beſt grounded
complaints againſt the government. The earl of Gloceſter,
having now ſettled with his friends the project of an inſur-
rection, retired beyond ſea, ſent the King a defiance, folemnly
renounced his allegiance, and upbraided him with the breach
of thoſe conditions, which had been annexed to the oath of
fealty, ſworn by that nobleman". David, King of Scotland,
appeared at the head of an army in defence of his nicce's
title, and penetrating into Yorkſhire, committed the moſt bar-
barous devaſtations on that country. The fury of his maſſacres
1137
1138.
War with
Scotland.
1
: W. Malm. p. 180. M. Paris, p. 51.
a W. Malm. p. 180.
H. Hunt. p. 388. Hoveden, p. 482. M. Paris, p. 52. Gul. Neubr. p. 361.
Chron. de Mailr. p. 166. Hagulſtad, p. 260, 316, Brompton, p. 1025.
2
and
S T E P H E N.
391
CHAP
VII.
1138.
1
and ravages enraged the northern nobility, who might other-
wiſe have been inclined to join him; and William earl of Albe-
marle, William Piercy, Robert de Brus, Roger Moubray,
Ilbert Lacy, Walter d'Efpee, powerful barons in thoſe parts,
aſſembled an army, with which they encamped at North-
Allerton, and awaited the arrival of the enemy. A great battle 22d Auguſt
was here fought, called the battle of the Standard, from a high
crucifix, erected by the Engliſh on a waggon, and carried
along with the army as a military enſign”. The King of
Scots was routed with great ſlaughter, and he himſelf, as well
as his ſon, Henry, very narrowly eſcaped falling into the
hands of the Engliſh. This ſucceſs overawed the malcontents
in England, and might have given ſome ſtability to Stephen's
throne, had he not been ſo elated with proſperity as to engage
in a controverſy with the clergy, who were at that time an
overmatch for any monarch. :
22
THOUGH the exorbitant power of the church, in antient
times, weakened the authority of the crown, and interrupted
the courſe of the laws, it may be doubted, whether, in
ages
of
ſuch violence and outrage, it was not rather advantageous that
fome limits were ſet to the power of the ſword, both in the
hands of the prince and nobles, and that men were taught to pay
regard to ſome principles and privileges. The chief misfortune
was, that the prelates on ſome occaſions, acted entirely as
barons, employed military power againſt their ſovereign or
their neighbours, and thereby often increaſed thoſe diſorders,
which it was their duty to repreſs. The biſhop of Saliſbury,
in imitation of the nobility, had built two ſtrong caſtles, one at
z Chron. Sax. p. 241. H. Hunt. p. 388. Hoveden, p. 483. Order. Vital. p. 918.
Chron. Norman. p. 977. Trivet, p. 7.
Sherborne,
+
.
S92
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
VIT.
1139.
CHAP. Sherborne, another at the Devizes, and had laid the foundations
of a third at Malmeſbury: His nephew, Alexander biſhop of
Lincoln, had erected a fortreſs at Newark: And Stephen, who
was now ſenſible from experience of the miſchiefs attending
theſe multiplied citadels, reſolved to begin with deſtroying thoſe
of the clergy, who by their function ſeemed leſs intitled than
the barons to ſuch military ſecurities“. Taking pretence of a
fray, which had ariſen in court between the retinue of the
biſhop of Saliſbury and that of the earl of Britanny, he ſeized
both that prelate and the biſhop of Lincoln, threw them into
priſon, and obliged them by menaces to deliver up thoſe places
of ſtrength which they had lately erected .
30th Aug.
Henry, biſhop of Wincheſter, the King's brother, being
armed with a legatine commiſſion, now conceived himſelf to be
an eccleſiaſtical ſovereign no leſs powerful than the civil ; and
forgetting the ties of blood which connected him with the King,
he reſolved to vindicate the clerical privileges, which, he pre-
tended, were here openly violated. He aſſembled a fynod at
Weſtminſter, and there complained of the impiety of Stephen's
meaſures, who had employed violence againſt the dignitaries
of the church, and had not awaited the ſentence of a ſpiritual
court, by which alone, he affirmed, they could lawfully be
tried and condemned, if their conduct had any wiſe merited
cenſure or puniſhment. The fynod ventured to ſend a ſum-
mons to the King, charging him to appear before them, and
to juſtify his meaſures"; and Stephen, inſtead of reſenting this
indignity, ſựnt Aubrey de Vere to plead his cauſe before that
: Gul. Neubr. p. 362.
Gelt.
+ Chron. Sax. p. 238. W. Malmef. p. 181. Order. Vital. p. 919, 920.
Steph. p. 944. Chron. Norm. p.978. Trivet, p.7. Gervaſe, p. 1345.
· W. Malm. p. 182,
d W, Malm. p. 182. M. Paris, p. 53.
aſſembly.
S T E F H E N.
393
С НА Р.
VII.
1139
afſembly. De Vere accuſed the two prelates of treaſon and fedi-
tion; but the ſynod refuſed to try the cauſe, or examine their
conduct, till thoſe caſtles, of which they had been diſpoſſeſſed,
were previouſly reſtored to them. The biſhop of Saliſbury
declared, that he would appeal to the Pope; and had not Ste-
phen and his partizans employed menaces, and even ſhown a
diſpoſition of executing violence by the hands of the ſoldiery,
affairs had inſtantly come to extremity between the crown and
the mitre f.
Inſurrection
Matilda.
?
While this quarrel, joined to ſo many other grievances,
encreaſed the diſcontents among the people, the Empreſs, in-
vited by the opportunity, and ſecretly encouraged by the legate
himſelf, landed in England, with Robert earl of Glocefter, and 22d Sept.
a retinue of an hundred and forty knights 5. She fixed her in favour of
reſidence at Arundel caſtle, whoſe gates were opened to her by
Adelais, the Queen-dowager, now married to William de
Albini, earl of Suſſex; and ſhe excited by meſſengers her par-
tizans to take arms in every county of England. Adelais, who
had expected that her daughter-in-law, would have invaded the
kingdom with a much greater force, became apprehenſive of
danger"; and Matilda, to eaſe her of her fears, removed firſt
to Briſtol, which belonged to her brother Robert '; thence to
Gloceſter, where ſhe remained under the protection of Miles,
a gallant nobleman in thoſe parts, who had embraced her cauſe.
Soon after, Geoffrey Talbot, William Mohun, Ralph Lovel,
William Fitz-John, William Fitz-Alan, Paganell, and many
other barons, declared for her "; and her party, which was
+
f Ibid.
• W. Malm. p. 183.
W, Malm. p. 183.
W. Malmeſ. p. 184. Gervaſe, p. 1346.
Gelt, Steph. p. 9474 Gervafe,
p. 1346,
k Order Vitalis, p. 917. M. Paris, p. 52.
VOL.I.
Еее
generally
394
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP. generally favoured in the kingdom, ſeemed every day to gain
ground upon that of her antagoniſt.
VII.
1139.
1
1
WERE we to relate all the military events tranſmitted to us
by contemporary and authentic hiſtorians, it would be eaſy to
ſwell our accounts of this reign into a large volume; but thoſe
incidents, ſo little memorable in themſelves, and ſo confuſed
both in time and place, could afford neither inſtruction nor
entertainment to the reader. It ſuffices to ſay, that the war was
ſpread into every quarter; and that thoſe turbulent barons, who
had already ſhaken off, in a great meaſure, the reſtraint of go-
vernment, having now obtained the pretence of a public cauſe,
carried on their devaſtations with redoubled fury, exerciſed im-
placable vengeance on each other, and fet no bounds to their
oppreſſions over the people. The caſtles of the nobility were
become receptacles of licenſed robbers, who, fallying forth day
and night, committed ſpoil on the open country, on the villages,
and even on the cities; put the captives to torture, in order to
make them reveal their treaſures; ſold their perſons to ſlavery;
and ſet fire to the houſes, after they had pillaged them of every
thing valuable. The fierceneſs of their diſpoſition, leading
them to commit wanton deſtruction, fruſtrated their rapacity
of its purpoſe; and the property and perſons even of the eccle-
fiaftics, generally ſo much revered, were at laſt, from ncceſſity,
expoſed to the ſame outrage, which had laid waſte the reſt of
the kingdom. The land was left untilled; the inſtruments of
huſbandry were deſtroyed or abandoned; and a grievous famine,
the natural reſult of theſe diſorders, affected equally both par-
ties, and reduced the ſpoilers, as well as the defenceleſs people,
to the moſt extreme want and indigence !.
1 Chron. Sax. p. 238. W. Malmeſ. p. 185. Gelt. Steph. p.961. M. Paris, p. 53•
Gul. Neubr. p. 372.' Contin. Flor. Wig. p. 665. Gervaſe, p. 1346.
3
AFTER
S T E P H E N.
395
С НА Р.
VII,
114.0.
After ſeveral fruitleſs negotiations and treaties of peace,
which never interrupted thoſe deſtructive hoſtilities, there hap-
pened at laft an event, which ſeemed to promiſe fome end of
the public calamities. Ralph, earl of Cheſter, and his half
brother, William de Roumara, partizans of Matilda, had ſur-
prized the caſtle of Lincoln m; but the citizens, who were bet-
ter affected to Stephen, having invited him to their aid, that
prince laid cloſe ſiege to the caſtle, in hopes of rendering himſelf
foon maſter of the place, either by aſſault or famine. The earl
of Gloceſter haſtened with an army to the relief of his friends i
and Stephen, informed of his approach, marched into the field
with an intention of giving him battle. After a violent ſhock,
the two wings of the royaliſts were put to flight; and Stephen
himſelf, ſurrounded by the enemy, was at laſt, after exerting
great efforts of valour, borne down by numbers, and taken Stephen ta-
ken priſoner.
priſoner". He was conducted to Gloceſter; and though at firſt
treated with humanity, was ſoon after, on ſome ſuſpicions,
thrown into priſon, and loaded with irons º.
1141.
2d Feb.
Stephen's party were entirely broke by the captivity of
their leader, and the barons came in daily from all quarters,
and did homage to Matilda. That princeſs, however, amidſt
all her proſperity, knew, that ſhe was not ſecure of ſucceſs,
unleſs ſhe could gain the confidence of the clergy; and as the
conduct of the legate had been of late very ambiguous, and
ſhowed his intentions to have rather aimed at humbling his
brother, than totally ruining him, ſhe employed every endea-
o Order. Vital. p. 921.
n Gul. Neubr. p. 363. Ann. Waverl. p. 154. Chron. Heming. p. 482. Hagul.
p. 269. Gervaſe, p. 1352, 1354.
• Chron. Sax. p. 241. W. Malm. p. 187. H. Hunt. p. 392. Hoveden, p. 487.
Chron, Norm. p. 979, M. Paris, p. 53, 54. Brompton, p. 1031.
Eee 2
VOUL
396
HISTORY OF ENGLAND,
1
CHAP .
VII.
114.1.
2d March.
vour to fix him in her intereſts. She held a conference with
him in an open plain near Wincheſter; where ſhe promiſed
upon oath, that if he would acknowledge her for fovereign,
would recognize her title as the ſole deſcendant of the late King,
and would return to the allegiance, which he, as well as the
reſt of the kingdom, had ſworn to her, he ſhould in return be
entire maſter of the adminiſtration, and in particular ſhould, at
his pleaſure, diſpoſe of all vacant biſhoprics and abbies. Earl
Robert, her brother, Brian Fitz-Count, Miles of Gloceſter, and
other great men, became guarantees for her obſerving theſe en-
gagements ?; and the prelate was at laſt induced to promiſe her
his allegiance, but that ſtill burdened with the expreſs condition,
that ſhe ſhould on her part fulfil her promiſes. He then con-
ducted her into Wincheſter, led her in procefſion to the cathe-
dral, and with great folemnity, in the preſence of many biſhops
and abbots, denounced curſes againſt all thoſe who curſed her,
poured out bleſſings on thoſe who bleſſed her, granted abſolu-
tion to ſuch as were obedient to her, and excommunicated ſuch
as were rebellious 9. Theobald, archbiſhop of Canterbury,
ſoon after came alſo to court, and ſwore allegiance to the em-
preſs:
Matilda
crowned.
MATILDA, that ſhe might farther enſure the attachment of
the clergy, was willing to receive the crown from their hands;
and inſtead of aſſembling the ſtates of the kingdom, the mea-
ſure which the conſtitution, had it been either fixed or regarded,
ſeemed neceſſarily to require, ſhe was contented, that the legate
ſhould ſummon an eccleſiaſtical council, and that her title to the
throne ſhould there be recognized and acknowledged. The le-
1
p W. Malm. p. 187.
Wig. p. 676.
9 Chron. Sax. p. 242. Contin, Flor,
: W. Malmeſ. p. 187.
gate,
24
S T E P H E N.
397
С НАР.
VII.
1141.
gate, addreſſing himſelf to the aſſembly, told them, that, in the
abſence of the empreſs, Stephen, his brother, had been per-
mitted to reign, and, previouſly to his aſcending the throne,
had ſeduced them by many fair promiſes, of honouring and ex-
alting the church, of maintaining the laws, and of reforming
all abuſes : That it grieved him to obſerve how much that prince
had been in every particular wanting to his engagements; pub-
lic peace was interrupted, crimes were daily committed with
impunity, biſhops were thrown into priſon and forced to ſur-
render their poſſeſſions, abbies were put to ſale, churches were
pillaged, and the moſt enormous diſorders prevailed in the admi-
niſtration : That he himfelf, in order to procure a redreſs of
theſe grievances, had formerly, ſummoned the King before a
council of biſhops ; but inſtead of inducing him to amend his
conduct, had rather offended him by that expedient: That that
prince, however miſguided, was ſtill his brother, and the ob-
ject of his affections; but he muſt however regard his intereſts
as much ſubordinate to thoſe of his heavenly father, who had
now rejected him, and thrown him into the hands of his cne-
mies: That it principally belonged to the clergy to elect and
ordain Kings; he had ſummoned them together for that pur-
poſe; and having invoked the divine afliſtance, he now pro-
nounced Matilda, the only deſcendant of Henry, their late
fovereign, Queen of England. The whole aſſembly, by their
acclamations or filence, gave, or ſeemed to give, their aſſent
to this declaration
The only laymen ſummoned to this council, which decided
the fate of the crown, were the Londoners; and even theſe
• W. Malmeſ, p. 188. This author, a judicious man, was preſent, and ſays, that
he was very attentive to what paſſed. This ſpeech, therefore, may be regarded a
entirely authentic.
terc
398
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH AP.
VII.
1141.
were required, not to give their opinion, but to ſubmit to the
decrecs.of the fynod. The deputies of London, however, were
not ſo paſſive: They inſiſted, that their King ſhould be deli.
vered from priſon; but were told by the legate, that it became
not the Londoners, who were regarded as noblemen in Ing-
land, to take party with thoſe barons, who had baſely forfa.za
their lord in battle, and who had treated holy church will
contumelyIt is with reaſon that the citizens of London
aſſumed ſo much authority, if it be true, what is related by Fitz-
Stephen, a contemporary author, that that city could at this
time bring into the field no leſs than 80,000 combatants ".
LONDON, notwithſtanding its great power, and its attach-
ment to Stephen, was at laſt obliged to ſubmit to Matilda ; and
hier authority, by the prudent conduct of earl Robert, ſeemed
to be eſtabliſhed over the whole kingdom : But affairs remained
not long in this ſituation. That princeſs, beſides the diſadvan-
tages
of her ſex, which weakened her influence over a turbu-
lent and martial people, was of a paſſionate, imperious ſpirit",
and knew not how to temper with affability the harſhneſs of a
refuſal. Stephen's Queen, ſeconded by many of the nobility,
petitioned for the liberty of her huſband; and offered, that, on
this condition, he ſhould renounce the crown, and retire into a
convent'. The legate deſired, that prince Euſtace, his nephew,
might inherit Boulogne and the other patrimonial eſtates of his
4 P. 4
W. Malmeſ, p. 188.
Were this account to be depended on, London muſt at that time have con-
tained near 400,-03 inhabitants, which is above double the number it contained at the
death of Queen Elizabeth. But theſe looſe calculations, or rather gueſſes, deſerve very
littic credit. Peter of Blois, a contemporary writer and a man of ſenſe, ſays there were
only forty thoufand inhabitants in London, which is much more likely.
* Gul. Neubr. p. 363. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 74. Hagul. p. 270.
✓ Contin. Flor. Wig. p. 677. Brompton, p. 1031.
father :
S T E P H E N.
399
:
СНАР.
VII.
father * : The Londoners applied for the eſtabliſhment of King
Edward's laws, inſtead of thoſe of King Henry, which, they
ſaid, were grievous and oppreſſive'. All theſe petitions were
denied in the moſt haughty and peremptory manner.
1141,
A
The legate, who had probably never been ſincere in his
compliance with Matilda's government, availed himſelf of the
ill humour excited by this imperious conduct, and ſecretly inſti-
gated the Londoners to a revolt. A conſpiracy was entered into
to ſeize the Empreſs's perſon; and ſhe ſaved herſelf from the
danger by a precipitate retreat. She fled to Oxford: Soon
after ſhe went to Wincheſter; whither the legate, deſirous to
ſave appearances, and watching the proper opportunity to ruin
her cauſe, had retired. But having aſſembled all his retainers,
he openly joined his force to that of the Londoners, and to
Stephen's mercenary troops, who had not yet evacuated the
kingdom; and he beſieged Matilda in Wincheſter. That
princeſs, being hard preſſed by famine, made her eſcape; but
in the flight, carl Robert, her brother, fell into the hands of
the enemy. This nobleman, though a ſubject, was as much
the life and ſoul of his own party, as Stephen was of the other;
and the Empreſs, ſenable of his merit, conſented to exchange learned
Stephen re-
the priſoners on equal terms“. The civil war was again kindled
with greater fury than ever.
1142.
Earl Robert, finding the ſucceſſes on both ſides nearly
balanced, went over to Normandy, which, during Stephen's
captivity, had ſubmitted to the earl of Anjou ; and he perſuaded
a Contin. Flor. Wig. p. 677. Gervaſe, p. 1355.
2 Brompton, p. 1031.
Trivet, p. 10.
Gul.
Chron. Sax. p. 242. W. Malm. p. 189.
Neubr. p. 363
d Chron. Sax, p. 242. Hoveden, p. 483. Geſt. Steph.
c Chron, Sax. p. 242. M. Paris, p. 5!.
p. 957. Chron. Norm. p. 979.
Geoffrey
400
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
C H A P.
VII.
1143
1146.
Continuation
of the civil
ivars.
Geoffrey to allow his eldeſt ſon, Henry, a young prince of
great hopes, to take a journey into England, and appear
at the head of his partizans'. This expedient, however,
produced nothing deciſive. Stephen took Oxford after a long
fiege: He was routed by earl Robert at Wilton 3: And the
Empreſs, though of a maſculine ſpirit, yet being haraſſed
with a variety of good and bad fortune, and alarmed with
continual dangers to her perſon and family, at laſt retired
into Normandy, whither ſhe had ſent her fon ſome time
before. The death of her brother, which happened nearly
about the ſame time, would liave proved fatal to her inte-
reſts, had not ſome incidents occurred, which checked the
courſe of Stephen's proſperity. This prince, finding, that
the caſtles built by the noblemen of his own party encou-
raged the ſpirit of independance, and were little leſs dangerous
than thoſe which remained in the hands of the enemy, endea-
voured to extort from them a ſurrender of thoſe fortreſſes;
and he alienated the affections of many of them by this equi-
table demand". The artillery alſo of the church, which his bro-
ther had brought over to his fide, had, after ſome interval, joined
the other party. Eugenius III. had mounted the papal throne;
the biſhop of Wincheſter was bereaved of the legatine con-
miffion, which was conferred on Theobald, archbiſhop of
Canterbury, the enemy and rival of the former legate. That
pontiff alſo, having ſummoned a general council at Rheims in
Champagne, inſtead of allowing the church of England, as had
been uſual, to elect its own deputies, nominated five Engliſh
biſhops to repreſent that church, and required their preſence
in the council. Stephen, who, notwithſtanding his preſent
M. Paris, p. 54.
f Chron. Norm. p.979. M. Paris, p. 54.
8 Geit. Steph. p. 960. Tri-
vet, p. ll.
+ Chron. Sax. p. 242. W. Malm. p. 181.
Trivet, p. 16. Chron. Abb. St. Petri de Burgo, p. 75. Hagulit. p. 278.
difficulties,
1
+
1
S T E P H E N.
401
C С НАР.
VII.
1147.
party under
difficulties, was jealous of the rights of his crown, refuſed
them permiſſion to attend '; and the Pope, ſenſible of his
advantage in contending with a prince who reigned by a
diſputed title, took revenge by laying all Stephen's
an interdict k. By this ſentence, which was now firſt known
in England, divine ſervice was prohibited, and all the functions
of religion ceaſed, except the baptiſm of infants and the abſo-
lution of dying perſons. The diſcontents of the royaliſts at
this ſituation were augmented by a compariſon with Matilda's
party, who enjoyed all the benefits of the facred ordinances;
and Stephen was at laſt obliged, by making proper ſubmiſſions-
to the fee of Rome, to remove the reproach from his party'.
1148
The weakneſs of both ſides, rather than any decreaſe of
mutual animoſity, having produced a tacit ceffation of arms
in England, many of the nobility, Roger de Mowbray, Wil-
liam de Warenne, and others, finding no opportunity to exert
their military ardor at home, inliſted themſelves in a new
cruſade, which, with ſurpriſing ſucceſs, after all former diſap-
pointments and misfortunes, was now preached by St. Barnard".
But an event foon after happened, which threatened a revival
of hoſtilities in England. Prince Henry, who had reached his
ſixteenth year, was deſirous of receiving the honour of knight-
hood; a ceremony which every gentleman in that age paſſed
through before he was admitted to the uſe of arms, and
which was even deemed requiſite for the greateſt princes. He
propoſed to receive his admiſſion from his great-uncle, David
King of Scotland; and for that purpoſe, he paſſed through
England with a great retinue, and was attended by the moſt
.
1 Epift. St. Thom. p. 225.
| Epift. St. Thom. p. 226.
Vol, I.
k Chron, W, Thorn. p. 1807.
Hagulft. p. 275, 276.
Fff
conſiderable
ni
402
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНА Р.
VII.
1148.
1150.
conſiderable of his partizans". He ſtaid ſome time with the
King of Scotland; made incurſions into England; and by his
dexterity and vigour in all manly exerciſes, by his valour in
war, and his prudent conduct in every occurrence, he rouzed
the hopes of his party, and gave fymptoms of thoſe great
qualities, which he afterwards diſplayed when he mounted the
throne of England. Soon after his return to Normandy, he
was, by Matilda's confent, inveſted in that dutchy °; and
upon the death of his father, Geoffrey, which happened in
the ſubſequent year, he took poſſeſſion both of Anjou and
Maine, and concluded a marriage, which brought him a great
acceſſion of power, and rendered him extremely formidable to
his rival. Eleanor, the daughter and heir of William, duke
of Guiennc, and earl of Poictou, had been married fixteen
years to Lewis VII. King of France, and had attended hiin
in a cruſade, which that monarch commanded againſt the
infidels : But having there loſt the affections of her huſband,
and even fallen under fome ſuſpicions of gallantry with a
handſome Saracen, Lewis, more delicate than politic, pro-
cured a divorce from her, and reſtored her thoſe rich provinces,
which by her marriage ſhe had annexed to the crown of France P.
Young Henry, neither diſcouraged by the inequality of years,
nor by the reports of Eleanor's gallantry, inade ſucceſsful
courtſhip to that princeſs, and, eſpouſing her ſix weeks after
lier divorce, got poſſeſſion of all her dominions as her dowry'.
The luſtre which he received from this acquiſition, and the
proſpect of his riſing fortune, had ſuch an effect in England,
that when Stephen, deſirous to enſure the crown to his ſon
1152.
» Hoveden, p. 490. Gul. Neubr. p. 378. Gervaſe, p. 1366.
• M. Welt. p. 245.
p Trivet, p. 21.
9 M. Paris, p. 59. Chron. Heming. p. 489. Brompton, p. 1040.
Euſtace,
S T E P H E N.
403
VIT.
Euſtace, required the archbiſhop of Canterbury to anoint that CHAP.
prince as his ſucceſſor, the primate refuſed compliance, and
made his eſcape beyond ſea, to avoid the violence and revenge
of Stephen'.
1133
.
HENRY, informed of theſe diſpoſitions in the people, made
an invaſion on England; and having gained ſome advantage
over Stephen at Malmeſbury, and having taken that place, he
proceeded thence to throw ſuccours into Wallingford, which
the King had advanced with a ſuperior army to beſiege. A
deciſive action was every day expected; when the great men
on both ſides, terrified with the proſpect of farther bloodſhed
and confuſion, interpoſed with their good offices, and ſet on
foot a negotiation between theſe rival princes. The death of
Euſtace, during the courſe of the treaty, facilitated its conclu-
ſion'; and an accommodation was at laſt concluded, by which
Compromiſe
it was agreed, that Stephen ſhould poſſeſs the crown during betwveen the
his lifetime, that juſtice ſhould be adminiſtered in his name, prince Henry.
even in the provinces which had ſubmitted to Henry, and that
this latter prince ſhould, on Stephen's death, ſucceed to the
kingdom, and William, Stephen's fon, to Boulogne, and his
patrimonial eſtate". After all the barons had ſworn to the
obſervance of this treaty, and done homage to Henry, as to
the heir of the crown, that prince evacuated the kingdom ;
and the death of Stephen, which happened next year, after a King.
ſhort illneſs, prevented all thoſe quarrels and jealouſies, which
were likely to have enſued in ſo delicate a ſituation.
King and
Death of the
1154
October ?
H. Hunt. p. 395. Epiſt. St. Thom. p. 225.
s Gervaſe, p. 1367.
+ Trivet, p. 22. Gul. Neubr. p. 379. Chron. Heming. p. 488. Brompton, p. 1037,
Chron. Sax. p. 243. Chron. Norm. p.939. M. Paris, p. 61. Brompton, p. 103,
1038. Rymer, vol. i. p. 13.
Fff 2
ENGLAND
1
.
5
404
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
VIJ.
1154
ENGLAND ſuffered great miſeries during the reign of this
prince; but his perſonal character, allowing for the temerity
and injuſtice of his uſurpation, appears not liable to any great
exception; and he ſeems to have been well qualified, had he
ſucceeded by a juſt title, to have promoted the happineſs and
proſperity of his ſubjects *. He was poffeffed of induſtry, acti-
vity, and courage, to a great degree; was not deficient in
ability; had the talent of gaining mens affections; and not-
withſtanding his precarious ſituation, never indulged himſelf
in the exerciſe of any cruelty or revenge'. His advancement
to the throne procured him neither tranquillity nor happineſs;
and though the ſituation of England prevented the neighbouring
ſtates from taking any durable advantage of her confuſions, her
inteſtine wars and diſorders were to the laſt degree ruinous and
deſtructive. The court of Rome alſo was permitted, during
theſe diſorders, to make farther advances in her uſurpations;
and appeals to the Pope, which had been always ſtrictly pro-
hibited by the Engliſh laws, became now common in every
eccleſiaſtical controverſy.?.
y. M. Paris, p. 51. Hagul. p. 3!26
W. Malmeſ. p. 180.
3 H, Hunt. p.: 395:
.
[ 405
.
CH A P. VIII.
H E N R Y II.
State of Europe
of France Firſt' acts of Henry's
government Diſputes between the civil and eccleſiaſtical
powers Thomas a Becket, archbiſhop of Canterbury
Quarrel between the King and Becket Conſtitutions of
Clarendon
Baniſhment of Becket
Compromiſe with
him His return from baniſhment His murder
Grief and ſubmiſion of the King.
T
VIII.
v
HE extenſive confederacies, by which the European CHAP.
potentátes are now at once united and ſet in oppoſition
to each other, and which, though they diffuſe the leaſt ſpark State Eue-
of diffention through the whole, are at leaſt attended with this rope.
advantage, that they prevent any violent revolutions or con-
queſts in particular ſtates, were totally unknown in antient
ages; and the theory of foreign politics, in each kingdom;
formed a ſpeculation much leſs complicate and involved than at
preſent. Commerce had not yet bound the moſt diftant nations
together in ſo cloſe a chain : Wars, finiſhed in one campaign :
and often in one battle, were little affected by the movements
of remote ſtates : The imperfect communication among the
kingdoms, and their ignorance of each other's ſituation, made
it practicable for a great number of them to combine in one
project or effort: And above all, the turbulent.fpirit and inde-
pendant:
+
7
5
*
1
1
1
406
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Viii.
1134
1
CHAP. pendant ſituation of the barons or great vaffals in each ſtate
gave ſo much occupation to the ſovereign, that he was obliged
to confine his attention chiefly to his own ſyſtem of govern-
ment, and was more indifferent about what paſſed among
his ncighbours. Religion alone, not politics, carried abroad
the views of princes ; and cither fixed their thoughts on the
Holy Land, whoſe conqueſt and defence was deemed a point
of common honour and intereſt, or engaged them in intrigues
with the court of Rome, to whom they had yielded the direc-
tion of eccleſiaſtical affairs, and who was every day aſſuming
inore authority than they were willing to allow her.
BEFORE the conqueſt of England by the duke of Normandy,
this iſland was as much ſeparated from the reſt of the world in
politics as in ſituation ; and except from the inroads of the Da-
niſh pirates, the Engliſli, happily confined at home, had nei-
ther enemies nor allies on the continent. The foreign domi-
nions of William connected them with the Kings and great
vaſſals of France; and while the oppoſite pretenſions of the Pope
and Emperor in Italy produced a continual intercourſe between
Germany and that country, the two great monarchs of France
and England formed, in another part of Europe, a ſeparate
ſyſtem, and carried on their wars and negotiations, without
mccting cither with oppoſition or ſupport from the others.
State of
France.
On the decline of the Carlovingian race, the nobles, in
every
province of France, taking advantage of the ſovereign's weak-
neſs, and obliged to provide, each for his own defence, againſt
of the Norman free-booters, had aſſumed, both in
civil and military affairs, an authority alınoſt independant, and
had reduced, within very narrow limits, the prerogative of
7
their
the ravages
1
{
A
H E N R Y
II.
40.
С НАР.
VIII.
1
1154
their princes. The acceſſion of Hugh Capet, by annexing a
great fief to the crown, had brought ſome addition of power to
the royal dignity; but this fief, though conſiderable for a ſub-
ject, appeared a narrow baſis of force in a prince who was placed
at the head of ſo great a community. The royal demeſnes con-
ſiſted only of Paris, Orleans, Eſtampes, Compiegne, and a few
places, ſcattered over the northern provinces : In all the reſt of
the kingdom, the prince's authority was more nominal than
real: The vaſſals were accuſtomed, nay intitled to make war,
without his permiſſion, on each other : They were even enti-
tled, if they conceived themſelves injured, to turn their arms
againſt their ſovereign: They exerciſed all civil juriſdiction,
without appeal, over their tenants and inferior vaffals: Their
common jealouſy of the crown eaſily united them againſt any
attempt on their exorbitant privileges; and as ſome of them
had attained the power and authority of great princes, even the
ſmalleſt baron was ſure of immediate and effectual protection.
Beſides fix eccleſiaſtical peerages, which, with the other immu-
nities of the church, cramped extremely the general execution
of juſtice; there were fix lay-peerages, Burgundy, Normandy,
Guienne, Flanders, Tholouſe, and Champagne, which forined
very extenſive and puiſſant fovereignties. And though the
combination of all theſe princes and barons could, ori occaſion,
muſter a mighty power : Yet was it very difficult to ſet that
great machine in movement; it was almoſt impoſſible to pre-
ſerve harmony in its parts ; a ſenſe of common intereſt alone
could, for a time, unite them under their ſovereign againſt a
common enemy; but if the King attempted to turn the force
of the community againſt any mutinous vaſſal, the ſame fenſe
of common intereſt made the others oppoſe themſelves to the
ſucceſs of his pretenſions. Lewis the Groſs, the laſt ſovereign,
marched, at one time, to his frontiers againſt the Germans at
the
1
.
403
HISTORY OF ENGLAND:
1
CHAP
VIII.
the liead of an army of two hundred thouſand men; but a petty
lord of Corbeil, of Puiſet, of Couci, was able, at another time,
to ſet that prince at defiance, and to maintain open war againſt
him.
1134
The authority of the Engliſh monarch was much more ex-
tenſive within his kingdom, and the diſproportion much greater
between him and the moſt powerful of his vaſſals. His de-
meſnes and revenue were very large, compared to the greatneſs
of his ſtate: He was accuſtomed to levy arbitrary exactions
from his ſubjects: His courts of judicature exerciſed juriſdiction
in every part of the kingdom: He could cruſh by his
power,
or by a judicial ſentence, well or ill founded, any obnoxious
baron: And though the feudal inſtitutions, which prevailed in
his kingdom, had the ſame tendency, as in other ſtates, to
exalt the 'ariſtocracy, and depreſs the monarchy, it required,
in England, according to its preſent conſtitution, a great com-
bination of the vaſſals to oppoſe their ſovereign lord, and there
had not hitherto ariſen any baron ſo powerful, as of himſelf to
make war againſt the prince, and afford protection to the infe-
rior barons.
iner ;
While ſuch were the different ſituations of France and Eng-
land, and the latter enjoyed ſo great advantages over the for-
the acceſſion of Henry II. a prince of great abilities,
poſſeſſed of ſo many rich provinces on the continent, might
appear an event dangerous, if not fatal, to the French monarchy,
and ſufficient to break entirely the balance between the ſtates.
He was maſter, in the right of his father, of Anjou, Touraine,
and Maine; in that of his mother, of Normandy; in that of his
wife, of Guienne, Poictou, Xaintogne, Auvergne, Perigord,
Angoumois, the Limouſin. He ſoon after annexed Britanny
to
/
1
|
H E N R Y
II.
1
409
C H A P.
VIII.
1151
5
to his other ſtates, and was already poffeffed of the ſuperiority
over that province, which, on the firſt ceſſion of Norinandy to
Rollo the Dane, had, by Charles the Simple, been granted in
vaffalage to that formidable ravager. Theſe provinces compoſed
above a third of the whole French monarchy, and were much
ſuperior, in extent and opulence, to thoſe territories, which
were ſubjected to the immediate juriſdiction and government of
the King. The vaſfal was here more powerful than his liege
lord: The ſituation, which had enabled Hugh Capet to depoſe
the Carlovingian princes, ſeemed here to be renewed, and that
with much greater advantages on the ſide of the vafſal: And
when England was added to ſo many provinces, the French
King had reaſon to apprehend, from this conjuncture, ſome
great diſaſter to himſelf and to his family. But in reality, it
was this circumſtance, which appeared ſo formidable, that
ſaved the Capetian race, and, by its conſequences, exalted them
to that pitch of grandeur, which they at preſent enjoy.
1
The limited authority of the prince in the feudal conſtiti!-
tions prevented the King of England from employing wit!
advantage the force of ſo many ſtates, which were ſubjected to
his government; and theſe different members, disjoined in ſitu-
ation, and diſagreeing in laws, language and inanncrs, were
never thoroughly cemented into one monarchy. He loon be-
came, both from his diſant place of reſidence and froin the
incompatability of intereſts, a kind of forcigner to his French
dominions; and his ſubjects on the continent cənfidered their
allegiance as more naturally due to their fuperior lor, il lived
in their neighbourhood, and who was acknowledged to be the
ſupreme head of their nation. He was always at had to invade
them; thcir immediate lord was often at too great a diſtance to
VOL.I.
protect
Ggg
1
N
1
410
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
>
VIII.
11544
CHAP. protect them; and any diſorder in any part of his diſperſed
dominions gave advantages againſt him. The other powerful
vallals of the French crown were rather pleaſed to ſee the expul-
fion of the Engliſh, and were not affected with that jealouſy,
which would have ariſen from the oppreſſion of a co-vaſſal, who
was of the ſame rank with themſelves. By this means, the King
of France found it more eaſy to conquer theſe numerous pro-
vinces from England, than to ſubdue a duke of Normandy or
Guienne, a count of Anjou, Maine or Poictou. And after
reducing ſuch extenſive territories, which iinmediately incor-
porated with the body of the monarchy, he found greater facility
of uniting to the crown the other great fiefs, which ſtill
remained ſeparate and independant.
But as theſe important conſequences could not be foreſeen
by human wiſdom, the French King remarked with terror the
riſing grandeur of the houſe of Anjou or Plantagenet; and in
order to retard its progreſs, he had ever maintained a ſtrict
union with Stephen, and had endeavoured to ſupport the totter-
ing fortunes of that bold uſurper. But after this prince's death,
it was too late to think of oppoſing the ſucceſſion of Henry, or
preventing the performance of thoſe ſtipulations, which, with
the unanimous conſent of the nation, he had made with his pre-
deceſſor. The Engliſh, tired with civil wars, and diſguſted with
the bloodſhed and depredations, which, during the courſe of fo
inany years, had attended them, were little diſpoſed to violate
their oaths, by excluding the lawful heir from the ſucceſſion of
their monarchy“. Many of the moſt conſiderable fortreſſes were
in the hands of his partizans; the whole nation had had occa-
fion to ſee the noble qualities with which he was endowed
:)
b
· Matth, Paris, f. 65.
Gul. Ncubr. p. 381,
and
+
H E N R Y
4IT
II.
1
С НАР.
1154
and to compare them with the mean talents of William, the fon
of Stephen; and as they were acquainted with his great power, wanneer
and were rather pleaſed to ſee the acceſſion of ſo many foreign
dominions to the crown of England, they never entertained the
leaſt thoughts of reſiſting him. Henry himſelf, ſenſible of the
advantages attending his preſent ſituation, was in no hurry to
arrive in England ; and being engaged in the ſiege of a caſtle
on the frontiers of Normandy, when he received intelligence
of Stephen's death, he made it a point of honour not to depart
from his enterprize, till he had brought it to an iſſue. He
then ſet out on his journey, and was received in England with {th Decemb.
the acclamations of all orders of men, who ſwore with pleaſure
the oath of fcalty and allegiance to him.
N
2
II.
ܝܕܰܕܰ
vernment.
The firſt act of Henry's government correſponded to the high
idea entertained of his vigour and abilities, and prognoſticated Firſt acts of
Henry's go-
the re-eſtabliſhment of juſtice and tranquillity, of which the
kingdom had been ſo long bereaved. He immediately diſmiſſed
all thoſe mercenary ſoldiers, who had committed infinite dif-
orders in the nation; and he ſent them abroad, together with
William d'Ypres, their leader, the great friend and confident of
Stephen He revoked all the grants made by his prede-
ceffors, and even thoſe which neceſſity had extorted from the
Empreſs, Matilda ; and that princeſs, who had reſigned her
rights in favour of Henry, made no oppoſition to a meaſure ſo
neceffary for ſupporting the dignity of the crown.
He repaired
the coin, which had been extremely debaſed during his predc-
ceffor's reign; and he took proper meaſures again the return
of like abuſes”He was rigorous in the executicn of juſtice,
11
1
c Fitz Steph. p.-13. M. Taris, p. 65. Neubr. p. 381, Chron. T. Wykes, f. 30.
4 Neubr. p. 382.
Hoveden, p. 491.
and
G g g 2
re
1
N
412
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
Vill.
1155
and in the ſuppreſſion of robbery and violence; and that he
might reſtore authority to the laws, he cauſed all the new
erected caſtles to be demoliſhed, which had proved ſo many ſanc-
tuaries to freebooters and rebels. The earl of Albemarle,
Hugh Mortimer, and Roger, the ſon of Miles of Gloceſter,
were inclined to make ſome reſiſtance to this falutary meaſure ;
but the approach of the King with his forces, foon obliged them
to ſubmit .
1
1956.
h
Every thing being reſtored to full tranquillity in England,
Henry went abroad in order to oppoſe the attempts of his bro-
ther, Geoffrey, who, during his abſence, had made an incur-
fion into Anjou and Maine,'had advanced ſome pretenſions to
theſe provinces, and had got poffeffion of a conſiderable part of
them On the King's appearance, the people returned to
their allegiance; and Geoffrey, reſigning his claim, for an
a'nnual penſion of a thouſand pounds, departed and took poſ-
ſeſſion of the county of Nantz, which the inhabitants, who had
expelled count Hoel, their prince, had put into his hands'.
Henry returned to England the following year ; and the in-
curſions of the Welſh then provoked him to make an invaſion
1
A
1
Hoveden, p. 491. Fitz-Steph. p. 13. M. Paris, p. 65. Neubr. p. 381. Bromp .
ton, p. 1043.
$ Neubr, p. 38. Chron. W. Heming. p. 491. Gervaſe, p. 1377.
ń William of Newbridge, p. 383. (who is copied by latter hiſtorians) aſſerts, that
Geoffrey had ſome title to the counties of Maine and Anjou. He pretends, that count
Geoffrey, his father, had left himn theſe dominions by a ſecret will, and had ordered that
his b:dy fhould not be buried, till Henry ſhould ſwear to the obſervance of it, which
he, ignorant of the contents, was induced to do. But beſides, that this ſtory is not
very likely of itſelf, and favours of monkiſh lilion, it is found in no other anticnt
writer, and is contradicted by ſome of them, particularly the monk of Marmoutier, who
had better opportunities than Newbridge of knowing the truth. See Vita Gaufr. Duc.
Norman. p. 103
Brompton, p. 1049.
7
upon
!
i
1
1
1
H E N R Y
413
II.
1
СНАР.
VIIT.
+
1157
upon them; where the natural faſtneſſes of the country bred
him great difficulties, and even brought him into danger. His
vanguard, being engaged in a narrow paſs, was put to rout;
and Henry de Eſſex, the hereditary ſtandard-bearer, ſeized with
a panic, threw down the ſtandard, took to flight, and exclaim-
ed that the King was ſlain: And had not that prince immediately
appeared in perſon, and led on his troops with great bravery,
the conſequences might have proved fatal to the whole
army
For this miſbehaviour, Eſſex was afterwards accuſed of felony
by Robert de Montfort; was vanquiſhed in ſingle combat; his
eſtate was confiſcated; and he himſelf was thruſt into a con-
vent! The ſubmiſſions of the Welſh procured them an accom-
modation with England.
175&
1
The martial diſpoſition of the princes in that age engaged
thein to head their own armies in every enterprize, even the
moſt frivolous; and their feeble authority made it commonly
impracticable for them to delegate, on occaſion, the command
to their generals. Geoffrey, the King's brother, died ſoon after
he had acquired poſſeſſion of Nantz; and though he had no
other title to that county, than the voluntary ſubmiſſion or elec-
tion of the inhabitants two years before, Henry laid claim to
the territory as devolved to him by hereditary right, and he
went over to ſupport his pretenſions by force of arms. Conan,
duke or earl of Britanny (for theſe titles are given indifferently
by hiſtorians to theſe princes) pretended that Nantz had been
lately ſeparated by rebellion from his principality, to which of
right it belonged; and immediately on Geoffrey's death, he
took poffeſſion of the diſputed territory. Left Lewis, the French
| M, Paris, p. 70
k Newbr. p. 383. Chron. W. Heming. p. 492.
Newbr. p. 333.
King,
1.
V
--
I
1
.
1
414
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
VIII.
1
1
CHAP. King, ſhould interpoſe in the controverſy, Henry paid hini a
- viſit; and ſo allured him by careſſes and civilities, than an alli-
1158.
ance was contracted between them, and they agreed, that young
Henry, heir of the Engliſh' monarchy, ſhould be affianced to
Margaret of France ", though the former was only five years of
age, and the latter was ſtill in her cradle. Henry, now ſecure
of meeting with no interruption on this ſide, advanced with his
arıny into Britanny; and Conan, in deſpair of being able to
make reſiſtance, delivered up the county of Nantz to the King.
The ability of that monarch procured him farther and more
important advantages from this incident. Conan, haraſſed
with the turbulent diſpoſition of his ſubjects, was deſirous of
procuring to himſelf the ſupport of ſo grcat a monarch ; and he
betrothed his daughter and only child, yet an infant, to Geoffrey,
the King's third ſon, who was of the fame tender
duke of Britanny died about ſeven years after; and Henry, on
pretence of being guardian to his ſon and daughter-in-law, put
himſelf in poſſeſſion of that principality, and annexed it to his
other great dominions
,
years. The
"1159.
The King had a proſpect of making ſtill farther acquiſitions ;
and the activity of his temper allowed no opportunity of that
kind to eſcape him. Philippa, dutcheſs of Guienne, mothei
of Queen Eleanor, was the only iſſue of William IV. count of
Thoulouſe; and ſhould have inherited his dominions, had not
that prince, deſirous of preſerving the ſucceſſion in the male-
line, conveyed the principality to his brother, Raymond de
St. Gilles, by a contract of fale which was in that age regarded
as fictitious and illuſory. By this means, the title to the
m Paris, p. 68. M.Weft. p. 248. Trivet, p. 35.
n Hoveden, p. 51
Neubr. p. 396. Chron. W. Hemirg. p. 456.
5
county
ka
7
H EN RY
415
II.
С НАР.
VIII.
1159.
county
of Thoulouſe came to be diſputed between the male and
female heirs; and the one or the other, as opportunities fa-
voured them, had obtained poſſeſſion. Raymond, grandſon of
Raymond de St. Gilles, was the reigning ſovereign; and on
Henry's reviving his wife's claim, this prince had recourſe for
protection to the King of France, who was ſo much concerned
in policy to prevent the farther aggrandizement of the Engliſh
monarch. Lewis himſelf, when married to Eleanor, had aſſerted
the juſtice of her claim, and had demanded poſſeſſion of Thou-
louſe °; but his ſentiments changing with his intereſt, he now
determined to defend, by his power and authority, the title of
Alfonſo. Henry found, that it would be requiſite to ſupport his
pretenſions againſt potent antagoniſts; and that nothing but a
great army could maintain a claim, which he had in vain aflerted
,
by arguments and manifeftos.
2
An army, compoſed of feudal vaſſals, was commonly very
intractable and undiſciplined, both becauſe of the independant
ſpirit of the perſons who ſerved in it, and becauſe the commands
were not given either by the choice of the fovereign or from
the military capacity and experience of the officers. Each
baron conducted his own vaffals : His rank was greater or leſs,
proportioned to the extent of his property: Even the ſupreme
command under the prince was often attached to birth: And as
the military vaſſals were obliged to ſerve only forty days at
their own charge; though, if the expedition was diſtant, they
were put to great expence; the prince rcaped very little benefit
from their attendance. Henry, ſenſible of theſe inconvenicnces,
levied upon his vaſſals in Normandy and other provinces, which
were remote from Thoulouſe, a ſum of moncy in lieu of their
• Neubr. p. 387. Chron. W. Pening. p. 474.
ſervice;
1
+
+
A
mm
2܆
24
-15
.
$
416
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
C H A P.
VIII.
1159
ſervice ; and this commutation, by reaſon of the great diſtance,
was ſtill more advantageous for his Engliſh vafſals. He im-
poſed, therefore, a fcutage of three pounds on each knight's
fee, a condition, to which, though it was unuſual, and the
firſt perhaps to be met with in hiſtory', the military tenants
willingly ſubmitted ; and with this money, he levied an army
which was more under his command, and whoſe ſervice was
more durable and conſtant. Aſſiſted by Berenger, count of
Barcelona, and Trincaval, count of Niſmes, whom he had
gained to his party, he invaded the county of Thoulouſe; and
after taking Verdun, Caſtelnau, and other places, he beſieged
the capital of the province, and was likely to prevail in the
enterprize; when Lewis, advancing before the arrival of his
main body, threw himſelf into the place with a ſmall reinforce-
ment. Henry was urged by ſome of his miniſters to proſecute
the fiege, to take Lewis priſoner, and to impoſe his own terms
in the pacification ; but he either thought it ſo much his
intereſt to maintain the feudal principles, by which his foreign
dominions were ſecured, or bore ſo much reſpect to his ſuperior
lord, that he declared he would not attack a place defended by
him in perſon; and he immediately raiſed the fiegel. He
inarched into Normandy to protect that province againſt an
incurſion, which the count of Dreux, inſtigated by King
Lewis, his brother, had made upon it. War was now openly
carried on between the two monarchs, but produced no memo-
rable event, and was ſtopped by a ceffation of arms, and
afterwards by a peace, which was not, however, attended with
any confidence or good correſpondence between theſe rival
princes. The fortreſs of Giſors, being part of the dowry
ſtipulated to Margaret of France, had been conſigned by agree-
Pere Daniel, vol. i. p. 1216. Gervaſe, p. 1381.
Fitz-Steph. p. 22. Diceto, p. 531.
ment
1
tuto.
3
1
1
H E N R Y
417
II.,
1
c H A P.
VINI,
1.150.
2
11pt.
ment to the knights templars, on condition that it ſhould be
delivered into Henry's hands, after the celebration of the
nuptials. The King, that he might have a pretence for imme-
diately demanding the place, ordered the marriage to be folem-
nized between the prince and princeſs, though both infants ;
and he engaged the grand-maſter of the Temple, by large
preſents, as was generally ſuſpected, to put him in poſſeſſion of
Giſors : Lewis 'reſenting this fraudulent conduct, baniſhed
the templars from France, and would have made war upon
the King of England, had it not been for the mediation and
authority of Pope Alexander III. who had been chaced from
Rome by the antipope, Victor IV. and reſided at that time in
France. That we may form a notion of the authority poſſeſſed
by the Roman Pontiff during thoſe ages, it may be proper to
remark, that the two Kings had, the year before, met the
Pope at the caſtle of Torci on the Loir; and they gave him
ſuch marks of reſpect, that both diſmounted from their horſes
to receive him, and holding each of them one of the reins of
his bridle, walked on foot by his ſide, and conducted him in.
that ſubmiſſive manner into the caſtle *..
HENRY, ſoon after he had accommodated' his differences
with Lewis by the Pope's mediation, returned to England;
where he commenced an enterprize, which, though required
by ſound policy, and even conducted in the main with prudence,
bred him infinite diſquietude, involved him in great danger,
and was not concluded without ſome loſs and diſhonour.
Hoveden, p. 492. Newbr. p.400.. Diceto, P: 532. Brompton, p. 1450.
s Since the firſt publication of this hiſtory, lord Lyttelton has publiſhed a copy of
the
treaty
between Henry and Lewis, by which it appears, if there were no ſecret
article, that Henry was not guilty of any fraud in this tranſaction.
+ Trivet, p. 48.
Vol.I..
Hhh
THE.
1
1
418
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
11
С НА Р.
VIII.
tween the
civil and eco
clefiaftical
powers,
1
The uſurpations of the clergy, which had at firſt been gra-
dual, were now become ſo rapid, and had mounted to ſuch a
Diſputes be- height, that the conteſt between the regale and pontificale was
really arrived at a criſis in England; and it became neceſſary
to determine whether the King or the prieſts, particularly the
archbiſhop of Canterbury, ſhould be ſovereign of the kingdom a.
The aſpiring ſpirit of Henry, which gave inquietude to all his
neighbours, was not likely to pay long a tame ſubmiſſion to the
encroachments of ſubjects; and as nothing opens men's eyes
ſo readily as their intereſt, he was in no danger of falling, in
this reſpect, into that abject ſuperſtition, which retained his
people in ſubjection. From the commencement of his reign,
in the government of his foreign dominions, as well as of
England, he had ſhowed a fixed purpoſe to repreſs clerical
uſurpations, and to maintain thoſe prerogatives, which had
been tranſmitted to him by his predeceſſors. During the
ſchiſm of the papacy between Alexander and Victor, he had
deterinined, for ſome time, to remain neuter; and when he
was informed, that the archbiſhop of Roüen and the biſhop of
Mans had, from their own authority, acknowledged Alexander
as legitimate Pope, he was ſo enraged, that, though he ſpared
the archbiſhop on account of his great age, he immediately
iſſued orders for overthrowing the houſes of the biſhop of
Mans and archdeacon of Rouenº; and it was not till he had
!
1
: Fitz-Stephen, p. 27.
b Fitz-Stephen, p. 18. This conduct appears violent and arbitrary; but was ſuitable
to the ſtrain of adminiſtration in thoſe days. His father, Geoffrey, though repreſented
as a mild prince, ſet him an example of much greater violence. When Geoffrey was
maſter of Normandy, the chapter of Seez preſumed, without his conſent, to proceed
to the clection of a biſhop'; upon which he ordered all of them with the biſhop elect
to be caſtrated, and made all their teſticles be brought him in a platter. Fitz-Steph.
p. 44. In the war of Thoulouſe Henry laid a heavy and an arbitrary tax on all the
.churches within his dominions. See Epiſt. St. Thom. p. 232:
deliberately
1
+
1
Η Ε Ν R Y
419
II.
CHAP
VIII.
1162.
deliberately examined the matter, by thoſe views, which uſually
enter into the councils of princes, that he allowed that pontiff
to exerciſe authority over any of his dominions. In England,
the mild character and advanced years of Theobald, archbiſhop
of Canterbury, together with his merits in refuſing to put the
crown on the head of Euſtace, ſon of Stephen, prevented
Henry, during the lifetime of that primate, from taking any
meaſures againſt the multiplied encroachments of the clergy:
But after his death, the King reſolved to exert himſelf with
more activity“; and that he might be ſecure againſt any oppo-
ſition, he advanced to that dignity Becket, his chancellor, on
whoſe compliance, he thought, he could entirely depend.
1
June 3..
Thomas a
THOMAS A Becker, the firſt man of Engliſh pedigree; who,
ſince the Norman conqueſt, had, during the courſe of a whole
Becket, arch,
century, riſen to any conſiderable ſtation, was born of reputable biſhop of
Canterburyat
parents in the city of London; and being endowed both with
induſtry and capacity; he early inſinuated himſelf into the
favour of archbiſhop Theobald ", and obtained from that
pre-
late ſome preferments and offices. By their means, he was
enabled to travel for farther improvement to Italy, where he
ftudied the civil and canon law at Bologna“; and on his return,
he appeared to have made ſuch proficiency in knowledge, that:
he was promoted by his patron to the archdeaconry of Canter-
bury, an office of conſiderable truſt and profit'. He was after--
wards employed with ſucceſs by Theobald in tranſacting buſi-
neſs at Rome; and on Henry's acceſſion, he was recommended
to that monarch as worthy of farther prefermente. Henry,,
+
« Fitz-Steph. p. 28.
& Hift. Quadripartita, p. 6. M. Paris, p. 69..
Newbr. p. 3.3:
• Fitz-Steph. p. 12. Brompton, p. 1057
f Hift. Quadr. p. 6. M, Paris, p. 69.
6 Brompton, p. 1057. Ger ..
vaſe, p. 1977
Hhh.2
Wha
420
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
1
CHAP
VIII.
1162.
who knew that Becket had been inſtrumental in ſupporting
that reſolution of the archbiſhop, which had tended ſo much
to facilitate. his own advancement to the throne, was already
prepofſeffed in his favour; and finding, on farther acquaintance,
that his ſpirit and abilities entitled him to any truſt, he ſoon
promoted him to the dignity of chancellor, one of the firſt
civil offices in the kingdom. The chancellor, in that age,
beſides the cuſtody of the great ſeal, had poſſeſſion of all vacant
prelacies and abbies; he was the guardian of all ſuch minors
and pupils as were the King's tenants ; all baronies which
eſchcated to the crown were under his adminiſtration; he was
entitled to a place in council, even though he was not particu-
larly ſummoned ; and as he exerciſed alſo the office of ſecre-
tary of ſtate, and it belonged to him to counterſign all
commiſſions, writs, and letters-patent, he was a kind of prime
miniſter, and was concerned in the diſpatch of every buſineſs
of importance ". After obtaining this high office, Becket, as
he advanced in favour, was made provoſt of Beverley, dean
of Haſtings, and conſtable of the Tower: He was put in pof-
ſeſſion of the honours of Eye and Berkham, large baronies that
had eſcheated to the crown; and to compleat his grandeur, he
was entruſted with the education of Prince Henry, the King's
eldeſt ſon, and heir of the monarchy'. The pomp of his
retinue, the ſumptuouſneſs of his furniture, the luxury of his
table, the munificence of his preſents, correſponded to theſe
great preferments; or rather exceeded any thing, which Eng-
land had ever before ſeen in any ſubject. His hiſtorian and
ſecretary, Fitz-Stephens", mentions, among other particulars,
that his
apartments were every day in winter covered with clean
ſtraw or hay, and in ſummer with green ruſhes or boughs ;
fine!
Fitz-Steph. p. 13.
! Fitz-Steph. p. 15. Hift. Quad. p. 9, 14.
k P.15.
left
1
5
1
H E N R Y
II.
421
1162.
left the gentlemen who paid their-court-to-him, and who could CHAP
P.
VIII.
not, by reaſon of their great number, find a place at table, comme
ſhould foil their fine cloaths by ſitting on a dirty floor'. A
great number of knights were retained in his ſervice; the
greateſt barons were proud of being received at his table; his
houſe was a place of education for the ſons of the chief nobi-
lity; and the King himſelf frequently vouchſafed to partake of
his entertainments. As his way of life was ſplendid and
opulent, his amuſements and occupations were gay, and
partook of the cavalier ſpirit, which, as he had only taken
deacon's orders, he did not think unbefitting his character. He
employed himſelf at leiſure hours in hunting, hawking, gaming,
and horſemanſhip; he expoſed his perſon in ſeveral military
actions ; he carried over, at his own charge, ſeven hundred
knights to attend the King in his wars at Thoulouſe; in the
ſubſequent wars on the frontiers of Normandy, he maintained,
during forty days, twelve hundred knights, and four thouſand
of their train"; and in an embaſſy to France, with which he
was entruſted, he aſtoniſhed that court with the number and
magnificence of his retinue.
-
HENRY, beſides committing all his more important buſineſs
to Becket's management, honoured him with his friendſhip
and intimacy; and whenever he was diſpoſed to relax himſelf
by ſports of any kind, he admitted his chancellor to the party º.
An inſtance of their familiarity is mentioned by Fitz-Stephens,
1
John Baldwin held the manor of Oterarsfee in Ayleſbury of the King in foccage,
by the ſervice of finding litter for the King's bed, viz. in ſummer, graſs or herbs, and
two grey geeſe, and in winter ſtraw and three eels, thrice in a year, if the King ſhould
come thrice in a year to Ayleſbury. Madox, Bar, Anglica, p. 247.
Fitz-Steph. p. 23. Hift. Quad. p.9.
Fitz-Steph. p. 19, 20, 22, 23.
• Fitz-Steph. p. 16. Hift. Quad. p. 8.
which,
Y
422
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
VIII.
1162.
1
CHAP. which, as it ſhows the manners of the age, it may not be im-
proper to relate. One day, as the King and chancellor were
riding together in the ſtreets of London, they obſerved a beggar,
who was ſhivering with cold. Would it not be very praiſe-
worthy, ſaid the King, to give that poor man a warm coat in
this fevere ſeaſon? It would, ſurely, replied the chancellor;
and you do well, Sir, in thinking of ſuch good actions. Then
he ſhall have one preſently, cried the King: And ſeizing
the ſkirt of the chancellor's coat, began to pull it violently.
The chancellor defended himſelf for ſome time; and they had
both of them like to have tumbled off their horſes in the ſtreet,
when Becket, after a vehement ſtruggle, let go his coat;
which the King beſtowed on the beggar, who, being ignorant
of the quality of the perſons, was not a little ſurpriſed with the
preſent.
BECKET, who, by his complaiſance and good humour, had
rendered himſelf agreeable, and by his induſtry and abilities
uſeful, to his maſter, appeared to him the fitteſt perſon for ſup-
plying the vacancy made by the death of Theobald ; and as he
was well acquainted with the King's intentions of retrenching,
or rather confining within the antient bounds, all eccleſiaſtical
privileges, and ſhowed always a ready difpofition to comply
with them', Henry, who never expected any reſiſtance from
that quarter, immediately iſſued orders for electing him arch-
biſhop of Canterbury. But this reſolution, which was taken
contrary to the opinion of Matilda, and many of the miniſters',
9
p Fitz-Steph. p. 16.
4 Fitz-Steph. p. 17.
Fitz-Steph. p. 23. Epift. St. Thom. p. 232.
Epift. St. Thom. p. 167.
drew
H EN RYII
423
CHAP
VIII.
drew after it very unhappy conſequences; and never prince of
ſo great penetration, appeared, in the iſſue, to have ſo little un-
derſtood the genius and character of his minifter.
1167.
1
>
No ſooner was Becket inſtalled in this high dignity, which
rendered him for life the ſecond perſon in the kingdom, with
ſome pretenſions of aſpiring to be the firſt, than he totally alter-
ed his demeanor and conduct, and endeavoured to retrieve the
character of ſanctity, of which his former buſy and oftentatious
courſe of life might, in the eyes of the people, have naturally
bereaved him. Without conſulting the King, he immediately
returned into his hands the commiſſion of chancellor"; pretend-
ing, that he muſt henceforth detach himſelf from ſecular affairs,
and be ſolely employed in the exerciſe of his ſacred function;
but in reality, that he might break off all connexions with
Henry, and appriſe him, that Becket, as primate of England,
was now become entirely a new perſonage. He maintained,
in his retinue and attendants alone, his antient pomp and
luſtre, which was uſeful to ſtrike the vulgar: In his own per-
fon he'affected the greateſt auſterity, and moſt rigid mortifica-
tion, which, he was ſenſible, would have an equal or a greater
tendency to the ſame end. He wore fack-cloth next his ſkin,
which, by his affected care to conceal it, was neceſſarily the
more remarked by all the world*: He changed it ſo feldom, that
it was filled with dirt and vermin ': His uſual died was bread;
his drink water”, which he even rendered farther unpalatable
1
* M. Paris, p. 69. Neubr. p. 393. Diceto, p. 534. Gervaſe, p. 1383.
u Hift. Quad. p. 32. M. Paris, p. 69. Diceto, p. 534.
* Fitz-Steph. p. 24. Hift. Quad. p. 17, 18. Hoveden, p. 520. Trivet, p. 42.
y Fitz-Steph. p. 24.
2 Hoveden, p. 5204
8
by
1
1
។
1
424
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH A P.
VIII.
1162.
by the mixture of unſavoury herbs : He tore his back with the
frequent diſcipline which he inflicted on it: He daily on his
knees waſhed, in imitation of Chriſt, the feet of thirteen beg-
gars, whom he afterwards diſmiſſed with preſents: He gained
the affections of the monks by his frequent charities to the
convents and hoſpitals : Every one who made profeſſion of
fanctity was admitted to his converſation, and returned full of
panegyrics on the humility, as well as the piety and mortifica-
tion, of the holy primate : He ſeemed to be perpetually em-
ployed in reciting prayers and pious. lectures, or in peruſing
religious diſcourſes: His aſpect wore the appearance of ſeriouſ-
neſs, and mental recollection, and ſecret devotion: And all men
of penetration plainly faw, that he was meditating ſome great
deſign, and that the ambition and oftentation of his character
had turned itſelf towards a new and more dangerous object,
1
Kocket.
Becket waited not till Henry ſhould commence thoſe pro-
1.163.
Guarrel le jećts againſt the eccleſiaſtical power, which, he knew, had
King and been formed by that prince: He was himſelf the aggreſſor;
and endeavoured to overawe the King by the intrepidity and
boldneſs of his. enterprizes. He ſummoned the earl of Clare to
ſurrender the barony of Tunbridge, which, ever ſince the con-
queſt, had remained in the family of that nobleman, but which,
as it had formerly belonged to the fee of Canterbury, the pri-
mate pretended his predeceſſors were prohibited by the canons
to alienate. The earl of Clare, beſides the luſtre which he de-a
rived from the greatneſs of his own birth, and the extent of his
poſſeſſions, was allied to all the chief families in the kingdom;
1
· Fitz-Steph. p. 2;. Hift. Quad, p. 19.
his
1
-
Η Ε Ν R Y
425
II.
1
СНАР.
VIIT.
1163.
his ſiſter, wlio was a celebrated beauty, had farther extended his
credit among the nobility, and was even fu ppoſed to have
gained the King's affections; and Becket could not better dif-
cover, than by attacking ſo powerful an intereſt, his reſolution
to maintain with vigour the rights, real or pretended, of
his fee b.
7
1
he
WILLIAM de Eynsford, a military tenant of the crown,
was patron of a living, which belonged to a manor that held of
the archbiſhop of Canterbury; and Becket, without regard to
William's right, preſented, on a new and illegal pretext, one
Laurence to that living, who was violently expelled by Eynf-
ford. The primate, making himſelf, as was uſual in ſpiritual
courts, both judge and party, iſſued out, in a fummary manner,
the ſentence of excommunication againſt Eynsford, who com-
plained to the King, that he, who held in capite of the crown,
ſhould, contrary to the practice eſtabliſhed by the Conqueror, and
maintained ever ſince by his ſucceſſors, be ſubjected to that ter-
rible ſentence, without the previous conſent of the ſovereign ?
Henry, who had now broken off all perſonal intercourſe with
Becket, ſent liin, by a meſſenger, his orders to abſolve Eynſ-
ford; but received for anſwer, that it belonged not to the King
to inform him whom he ſhould abfolve and whom excommu-
nicated. And it was not till after many remonftrances and me-
naces, that Becket, though with the worſt grace imaginable,
was induced to comply with the royal mandate.
1
A
Henry, though he found himſelf thus grievouſly miſtaken
in the character of the perſon whom he had promoted to the
1
M. Paris, p. 70. Diceto,
b Fitz-Steph. Pa 28. Gervaſe, p. 1384.
p. 536.
Fitz-Steph. p. 28.
Voli:
I ii
primacy,
A
1
426
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
VIII.
CHAP. primacy, determined not to deſiſt from his former intention of
retrenching clerical uſurpations. He was entirely maſter of his
1163 extenſive dominions: The prudence and vigour of his admini-
ſtration, attended with perpetual ſucceſs, had raiſed his charac-
ter above that of any of his predeceſſors ® : The
to be weakened by a ſchiſm, which divided all Europe: And he
rightly judged, that, if the preſent favourable opportunity were
neglected, the crown muſt, from the prevalent fuperftition of
the people, be in danger of falling into an entire ſubordination
under the mitre.
papacy ſeemed
+
The union of the civil and eccleſiaſtical powers ferves ex-
tremely, in every civilized government, to the maintenance of
peace and order; and prevents thoſe mutual incroachments,
which, as there can be no ultimate judge between them, are
often attended with the moſt dangerous conſequences. Whc-
ther the ſupreme magiſtrate, who unites theſe powers, receives
the appellation of prince or prelate, it is not material: The
ſuperior weight, which temporal intereſts commonly bear in
the apprehenſions of men above ſpiritual, renders the civil part
of his character moſt prevalent; and in time prevents thoſe groſs
impoſtures and bigotted perſecutions, which, in all falſe reli-
gions, are the chief foundation of clerical authority. But
during the progreſs of eccleſiaſtical uſurpations, the ſtate, by
the reſiſtance of the civil magiſtrate, is naturally thrown into
convulſions; and it behoves the prince, both for his own
intereſt, and for that of the public, to provide in time fufficient
barriers againſt ſo dangerous and inſidious a rival. This pre-
caution had been hitherto much ncglected in England, as well
as in other catholic countries ; and affairs at laſt ſeemed to
Epift. St. Thom. p. 130.
have
i
'
.
1
H E N R Y II.
427
1
СНАР,
VIII.
.
1163.
have come to a dangerous criſis: A ſovereign of the greateſt
abilities was now on the throne: A prelate of the moſt inflexible
and intrepid character was poſſeſſed of the primacy : The con-
tending powers appeared to be arined with their full force, and
it was natural to expect ſome extraordinary event to reſult from
their rencounter.
AMONG their other inventions to obtain money, the clergy
had inculcated the neceſſity of penance as an atonement for ſin;
and having again introduced the practice of paying them large
fums as a commutation, or ſpecies of atonement, for the remif-
ſion of theſe penances, the ſins of the people, by theſe means,
had become a revenue to the prieſts; and the King coinputed,
that, by this invention alone, they levied more money from his
ſubjects, than flowed, by all the funds and taxes, into the royal
exchequer'. That he might eaſe his ſubjects of fo heavy and
arbitrary an impoſition, Henry required, -that a civil officer of
his appointment ſhould be preſent in all eccleſiaſtical courts, and
ſhould, for the future, give his conſent to every compoſition
which was made with ſinners for their ſpiritual offences.
The eccleſiaſtics, in that age, had renounced all immediate
fubordination to the magiſtrate: They openly pretended to an
exemption, in criminal accuſations, from a trial before courts
of juſtice; and were gradually introducing a like exemption in
civil cauſes : Spiritual penalties alone could be inflicted on their
offences : (And as the clergy had extremely multiplied in Eng-
land, and many of them were conſequently of very low cha-
racters, crimes of the deepeſt dye, murders, robberies, adul-
teries, rapes, were daily committed with impunity by the eccle-
fiaftics. It had been found, for inſtance, by enquiry, that no
fiaftics)
f Fitz-Steph. p. 32
lii2
leſs
↑
F
14
-
j
+
428
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
VIII.
.
1163
leſs than an hundred murders had, ſince the King's acceſſion,
been perpetrated by men of that profeſſion, who had never
been called to account for theſe offences; and holy orders were
become a full protection for all enormities. A clerk in Worcef-
terſhire, having debauched a gentleman's daughter, had, at
this time, proceeded to murder the father; and the general
indignation againſt this crime moved the King to attempt the
remedy of an abuſe which was become ſo palpable, and to re-
quire that the clerk ſhould be delivered up, and receive condign
puniſhment from the magiſtrate ". Becket inſiſted on the pri-
vileges of the church; confined the criminal in the biſhop's
priſon, leſt he ſhould be ſeized by the King's officers ; main-
tained that no greater puniſhment could be inflicted on him
than degradation: And when the King demanded, that, imme-
diately after he was degraded, he ſhould be tried by the civil
power, the primate aſſerted, that it was iniquitous to try a man
twice upon the ſame accuſation, and for the fame crime'.
.
1
Henry, laying hold of ſo favourabļe a cauſe, reſolved to
puſh the clergy with regard to all their privileges, which they
had raiſed to an enormous height, and to determine at once
thoſe controverſies, which daily multiplied, between the civil
and eccleſiaſtical juriſdictions. He ſummoned an aſſembly of all
the prelates of England; and he put to them this conciſe and
deciſive queſtion, Whether or not they were willing to ſubmit
to the antient laws and cuſtoms of the kingdom? The biſhops
unanimouſly replied, that they were willing, ſaving their own
1
& Neubr. p. 394.
+ Fitz-Steph. p. 33. Hift. Quad. p. 32.
Fitz Steph. p. 29. Hiſt. Quad. p. 33, 45., Hoveden, p. 492. M. Paris, p. 72.
Diceto, p. 536, 537. Brompton, p. 1038. Gervaſe, p. 1384. Epift. St. Thom.
p. 208, 209.
6
order :
V
.
+
M
+
A
H E N R Y
429.
II.
4
С НАР.
VIII.
1163.
order k: A device by which they thought to elude the preſent
urgency of the King's demand, and yet reſerve to themſelves,
on a favourable opportunity, the power of reſuming all their
pretenſions. The King was ſenſible of the artifice, and was
provoked to the higheſt. indignation. He left the aſſembly, .
with viſible marks of his diſpleaſure: He required the primate
inſtantly to ſurrender the honours and caſtles of Eye and Berk..
ham': The biſhops were terrified, and.expected ſtill farther effects
of his reſentment. . Becket alone was inflexible; and nothing but
the interpoſition of the Pope's legate and almoner, Philip, who
dreaded a breach with ſo powerful a prince at ſo unſeaſonable a .
juncture, could have prevailed on him to retract the ſaving
clauſe, and give a general and abſolute promiſe of obſerving the
antient cuſtoms
nh
m
1
But Henry was not content with a declaration in theſe";
general terms : He reſolved, erc it. was too late, to define ;
expreſly thoſe cuſtoms, with which he required compliance, ,
and to put a ſtop to clerical ufurpations, before they were fully
conſolidated, and could plead antiquity, as they already did a
ſacred authority, in their favour. The claims of the church
were open and viſible. After a gradual and inſenſible progreſs
through many centuries, the maſk had at laſt been taken off,
and ſeveral eccleſiaſtical councils, by their canons, which were
pretended to be irrevocable and infallible, had poſitively defined.
thoſe privileges and immunities, which gave ſuch general of .
fence, and appeared fo dangerous to the civil: magiſtrate.
Henry therefore deemed it neceſſary to define with the fame
5
:
1
k Fitz-Steph. p. 31. Hift. Quad. p. 34. Hoveden, p. 492. Gervaſe, p. 138;.
| Hiſt. Quad. p. 35. Gervaſe, p. 1385.
o Hift. Quadr. p. 37. .
Hoveden, p. 493. Gervaſe, p. 1385.
preciſion
4
1
1
4
430
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
VIII.
1163
CHAP. preciſion the limits of the civil -power;. to oppoſe his legal
cuſtoms to their divine ordinances; to determine the exact
boundaries of the rival juriſdictions; and for this purpoſe, he
1164. ſummoned a general council of the nobility and prelates at
25th Jan.
Clarendon, to whom he ſubmitted this great and important
queſtion.
+
Conftitutions
of Clarendon.
The barons were all gained to the King's party, either by
the reaſons which he urged, or by his ſuperior authority: The
biſhops were overawed by the general combination againſt them:
And the following laws, commonly called the Conſtitutions of
Clarendon, were voted without oppoſition by this aſſembly"
It was enacted, that all ſuits concerning the advowſon and pre-
fentation of churches ſhould be determined in the civil courts :
That the churches, belonging to the King's fee, ſhould not be
granted in perpetuity without his conſent: That clerks, accuſed
of
any
crime, ſhould be tried in the civil courts : That no per-
ſon, particularly no clergyman of any rank, ſhould depart the
kingdom without the King's licence: That excommunicated
perſons ſhould not be bound to give ſecurity for continuing in
their preſent place of abode: That laics ſhould not be accuſed in
ſpiritual courts, except by legal and reputable promoters and
witneſſes : That no chief tenant of the crown ſhould be excom-
municated, nor his lands be put under an interdict, except with
the King's conſent: That all appeals in ſpiritual cauſes ſhould
be carried from the archdeacon to the biſhop, from the biſhop
to the primate, from him to the King; and ſhould be carried
no farther without the King's conſent : That if any law-ſuit
ariſe between a layman and a clergyman concerning a tenement,
and it be diſputed whether the land be a lay or an eccleſiaſtical
/
L
.
A
• Fitz-Steph. p. 33•
fee,
1
1
A
;
1
1
Η Ε Ν R Y
II,
431
С НА Р.
VIII.
1164:
1
fee, it ſhould firſt be determined by the verdict of twelve lawful
men to what claſs it belonged, and if it be found to be a lay-
fee, the cauſe ſhould finally be determined in the civil courts:.
That no inhabitant in demeſne, ſhould be excommunicated for
non-appearance in a ſpiritual court, till the chief officer of the
place, where he reſides, be conſulted, that he may compel him
by the civil authority to give ſatisfaction to the church: That
the archbiſhops, biſhops, and other ſpiritual dignitaries ſhould
be regarded as barons of the realm; ſhould poſſeſs the privileges.
and be ſubjected to the burthens belonging to that rank; and
ſhould be bound to attend the King in his great councils, and
affiſt at all trials, till the ſentence, either of death or loſs of
members, be given againſt the criminal : That the revenue of.
the vacant fees ſhould belong to the King; the chapter, or ſuch.
of them as he ſhall ſuminon, ſhould fit in the King's chapel
till they make the new election with his conſent,, and that the
biſhop-elect ſhould do homage to the crown : That if any baron
or tenant in capite ſhall refuſe to ſubmit to the ſpiritual courts,
the King ſhould employ his authority in obliging him to make.
ſuch fubmiffions; if any of them throw off his allegiance to:
the King, the prelatęs ſhould with their.cenſures aſſiſt the King.
in reducing him: That goods, forfeited to the King, ſhould
not be protected in churches or church-yards : That the clergy
ſhould no more pretend to the right of enforcing payment of
debts contracted by oath or promiſe; but ſhould leave theſe
law-ſuits, as well as others, to the determination of the civil
courts : And that the fons of villains ſhould not be ordained?
clerks, without the conſent of their lord º.
• Hiſt. Quadr. p. 163. M. Paris, p. 70, 71. Spelm. Conc. vol.ii. p., 63.. Gere,
vaſe, p. 1386, 1387. Wilkins, p. 321.
us
THESE
432
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
C H A P.
VIII.
+
These articles, to the number of ſixteen, weré calculated to
na planinare prevent the chief abuſes, which had prevailed in eccleſiaſtical
1164
affairs, and to put an effectual ſtop to the uſurpations of the
church, which, gradually ſtealing on, had threatened the total
deſtruction of the civil power. Henry, therefore, by reducing
theſe cuſtoms to writing and collecting them in a body, endea-
voured to prevent all future diſpute with regard to them; and
by paſſing ſo many eccleſiaſtical ordinances in a national and
civil aſſembly, he fully eſtabliſhed the ſuperiority of the legiſ-
lature above all papal decrees or ſpiritual canons, and gained a
ſignal victory over the eccleſiaſtics. But as he knew, that the
biſhops, though overawed by the preſent combination of the
crown and the barons, would take the firſt favourable oppor-
tunity of denying the authority, which had enacted theſe con-
ſtitutions; he reſolved, that they ſhould all ſet their ſeal to
them, and give a promiſe to obſerve them. None of the pre-
lates dared to oppoſe his will; except Becket, who, though
urged by the earls of Cornwal and Leiceſter, the barons of
principal authority in the kingdom, obſtinately with-held his
conſent. At laſt, Richard de Haſtings, grand prior of the
templars in England, threw himſelf on his knees before him;
and with many tears, entreated him, if he paid any regard,
either to his own ſafety or that of the church, not to provoke,
by a fruitleſs oppoſition, the indignation of a great monarch,
who was reſolutely bent on his purpoſe, and who was deter-
mined to take full revenge on every one, who ſhould dare to
oppoſe him? Becket, finding himſelf deſerted by all the
world, even by his own brethren, was at laſt obliged to comply;
and he promiſed, legally, with good faith, and without fraud
A
* Hift, Quad. p. 38. Hoveden, p. 493.
for
or
Η Ε Ν R Υ.
433
II.
VIII.
1164.
or reſerve', to obſerve them; and took an oath to that purpoſe'. CHAP:
The King, thinking that he had now finally prevailed in this
great enterprize, ſent the conſtitutions to Pope Alexander, who
then reſided in France; and he required that Pontiff's ratifi-
cation of them : But Alexander, who plainly faw, that theſe
laws were calculated to eſtabliſh the independancy of England
on the papacy, and of the royal power on the clergy, con-
demned them in the ſtrongeſt terms; abrogated, annulled, and
rejected them. There were only ſix articles, the leaſt impor-
tant, which, for the ſake of peace, he was willing to ratify.
X
Becket, when he obſerved, that he might hope for ſupport
in an oppoſition, expreſſed the deepeſt forrow for his concef-
fions; and endeavoured to engage all the other biſhops in a
confederacy to adhere to their common rights, and to the
eccleſiaſtical privileges, in which he repreſented the intereſt
and honour of God to be ſo deeply concerned. He redoubled
his auſterities in order to puniſh himſelf for his criminal
compliance': He proportioned his diſcipline to the enormity
of his ſuppoſed offence : And he refuſed to exerciſe any part of
his archiepiſcopal function, till he ſhould receive abſolution
from the Pope, which was readily granted him". Henry,
informed of his preſent diſpoſitions, reſolved to take vengeance
for this refractory behaviour; and he attempted to cruſh him,
by means of that very power which Becket made fuch merit in
ſupporting. He applied to the Pope, that he ſhould grænt the
N
1
i
9 Fitz-Steph. p. 35. Epiſt. St. Thom. p. 25.
Fitz-Steph. p.45. Hiſt. Quad. p. 39. Gervaſe, p. 7386.
· Fitz-Steph. p. 35.
· Hift. Quadr. p. 40, 41. Hoveden, p. 493. M. Paris, p. 71.
* Gervaſe, p. 1388. Parker, p. 203. Epift. St. Thom. p. 40, 41,
VOL. I.
KER
commiſſion
1
1
1
}
1
1
434
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
+
CHAP
VIII.
1164
commiſſion of legate in his dominions to the archbiſhop of
York; but Alexander, as politic as he, though he granted the
commiſſion, annexed a clauſe, that it ſhould not impower the
legate to execute any act in prejudice of the archbiſhop of Can-
terbury* : And the King, finding how fruitleſs ſuch an autho-
rity would prove, fent back the commiſſion by the ſame
meſſengers who brought it'.
.
1
The primate, however, who found himſelf Nill expoſed to
the King's indignation, endeavoured twice to eſcape ſecretly
from the kingdom ; but was as often detained by contrary
winds ? : And Henry haſtened to make him feel the effects
of an obſtinacy, which he deemed ſo criminal. He inſtigated
John, mareſchal of the exchequer, to ſue Becket in the archi-
epiſcopal court for ſome lands, part of the manor of Pageham ;
and to appeal from thence to the King's court for juſtice 6.
On the day appointed for trying the cauſe, the primate ſent
four knights, to repreſent certain irregularities in John's appeal;
and at the ſame time to excuſe himſelf, on account of ſickneſs,
for not appearing perſonally that day in the court. This ſlight
offence (if it even deſerves that name) was repreſented as a
grievous contempt; the four knights were menaced, and with
difficulty eſcaped being ſent to priſon, as offering falſehoods to
the court'; and Henry, being determined to perſecute Becket
to the utmoſt, ſummoned at Northampton a great council,
which he propoſed to make the inſtruments of his vengeance
againſt this inflexible prelate.
1
* Epift. St. Thom. p. 13, 14.
y Hoveden, p. 493. Gervaſe, p. 1388.
2 Fitz-Steph. p. 35. Hift. Quad. p. 42. M. Paris, p. 72.
Hoveden, p. 494. M, Paris, p. 72. Diceto, p.537.
Fitz-Steph. p. 36.
THE
+
1
H E N R Y II.
435
1
VITI.
many
d
1
The King had raiſed Becket from a low ſtation to the higheſt CHAP.
offices, had honoured him with his countenance and friendſhip,
1164.
had truſted to his aſſiſtance in forwarding his favourite project
againſt the clergy; and when he found him become of a ſudden
his moſt rigid opponent, while every one beſide complied with
his will, rage at the diſappointment, and indignation againſt
ſuch ſignal ingratitude, tranſported him beyond all bounds of
moderation; and there ſeems to have entered more of paſſion
than of juſtice or even of policy, in this violent proſecution
The barons, notwithſtanding, in the great council voted what-
ever ſentence he was pleaſed to dictate to them; and the
biſhops themſelves, who undoubtedly bore a ſecret favour to
Becket, and regarded him as the martyr of their privileges,
concurred with the reſt, in the deſign of oppreſſing their pri-
mate. In vain did Becket urge, that his court was proceeding
with the utmoſt regularity and juſtice in trying the mareſchal's
cauſe, which, however, he ſaid, would appear, from the ſheriff's
teſtimony, to be entirely unjuſt and iniquitous: That he him-
ſelf had diſcovered no contempt of the King's court;
the contrary, by ſending four knights to excuſe his abſence,
had virtually acknowledged its authority: That he alſo, in
conſequence of the King's fummons, perſonally appeared at
preſent in the great council, ready to juſtify his cauſe againſt
the mareſchal, and to ſubmit his conduct to their enquiry and
juriſdiction: And that even ſhould he be found to have been
guilty of non-appearance, the laws had affixed a very ſlight
penalty to that offence ; and that, as he was an inhabitant of
Kent, where his archiepiſcopal palace was ſeated, he was by
law entitled to ſome greater indulgence than uſual in the rate
but on
A
a Ncubr. p. 394.
.
Kkk 2
of
3:
r
i
436
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
܀
СНАР.
VIII.
1164
of his fine. He was condemned, notwithſtanding theſe pleas,
as guilty of a contempt of the King's court, and as wanting
in the fealty which he had ſworn to his ſovereign; all his goods
and chattels were confiſcated'; and that this triumph over the
church might be carried to the utmoſt, Henry, biſhop of Win-
cheſter, the prelate who had been ſo powerful in the former
reign, was, in ſpite of his remonſtrances, obliged, by order of
the court, to pronounce the ſentence againſt him. The
primate ſubmitted to the decree ; and all the prelates, except
Gilbert, biſhop of London, who paid court to the King by this
ſingularity, became fureties for him ". It is remarkable, that
ſeveral Norman barons voted in this council; and we may
conclude, with ſome probability, that a like practice had pre-
vailed in many of the great councils fummoned ſince the
conqueft. For the contemporary hiſtorian, who has given us a
full account of theſe tranſactions, does not mention this circum-
ſtance as any wiſe fingular'; and Becket, in all his ſubſequent
remonſtrances with regard to the ſevere treatment, which he
had met with, never founds any objection on an irregularity,
which to us appears very palpable and flagrant. So little
preciſion was there at that time in the government and con-
ſtitution !
The King was not content with this fentence, however
violent and oppreſſive. Next day, he demanded of Becket the
ſum of three hundred pounds, which the primate had levied
from the honours of Eye and Berkham, while in his poſſeſſion.
Becket, after premiſing that he was not obliged to anſwer to
• Fitz-Steph. p. 37, 42.
1 Hift. Quad. p. 47. Hoveden, p. 494. Gervaſe, p. 1389.
& Fitz-Steph. P. 37
6
n Ibid, p. 37
Ibid. p. 36,
this
TU
1
H E N R Y
437
II,
:
VIII,
1164,
this ſuít, becauſe it was not contained in his ſummons; after CHA P.
remarking, that he had expended more than that ſum in the
*repairs of theſe caſtles and of the royal palace at London ;
expreſſed however his reſolution not to allow money to be any
ground of quarrel between him and his ſovereign : He agreed
to pay the ſum;
the ſum; and immediately gave ſureties for it *. In the
ſubſequent meeting, the King demanded five hundred marks,
which, he affirmed, he had lent Becket during the war at
Thoulouſe'; and another ſum to the ſame amount, for which
that prince had been ſurety for him to a Jew. Immediately.
after theſe two claims, he ſtarted a third of ſtill greater im-
portance; He required him to give in the account of his
adminiſtration while chancellor, and to pay the balance due
from the revenues of all the prelacies, abbies, and baronies,
which had, during that time, been ſubjected to his manage-
ment". Becket obſerved, that as this demand was totally unex-
pected, he had not come prepared to anſwer it;. but he requi-
red a delay, and promiſed in that caſe to give ſatisfaction.
The King inſiſted-upon ſureties; and Becket deſired leave to:
conſult with his ſuffragans in a caſe of ſuch importance.".
1
1
It is apparent, from the known character of Henry, and
from the uſual vigilance of his government, that when he
promoted Becket to the ſee of Canterbury, he was, on good
grounds, well pleaſed with his adminiſtration in the former
high office, with which he had entruſted him; and that, even
if that prelate had diffipated money beyond the income of his
place, the King was ſatisfied that his expences were not blame-
able, and had in the main been calculated for his ſervice,
* Fitz-Steph. p. 38.
1 Hift. Quad. P. 47.
m Hoveden, p. 494. Diceto, p. 537.
# Fitz-Steph, p. 38.
? Hoveden, p. 495.
1
Two
r
ܪ
+
4
1
*
438
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
A
+
CHAP
VII.
1164.
Two years had ſince elapſed; no demands had during that
time been made upon him ; it was not till the quarrel aroſe
concerning eccleſiaſtical privileges, that the claim was ſtarted,
and the primate was, of a ſudden, required to produce accounts
of ſuch intricacy and extent before a tribunal, which had
ſhown a determined reſolution to ruin and oppreſs him. To
find ſureties, that he ſhould anſwer fo boundleſs and uncertain
a claim, which, in the King's eſtimation, amounted to 44,000
marks ", was impracticable; and Becket's fuffragans were
cxtremely at a loſs what council to give him, in ſuch a
critical emergency. By the advice of the biſhop of Wincheſter
he offered two thouſand marks as a general fatisfaction for
all demands: But this offer was rejected by the King”. Some
prelates exhorted him to reſign his ſee, on condition of receiving
an acquital: Others were of opinion, that he ought to ſubmit
himſelf entirely to the King's mercy': But the primate, thus
puſhed to the utmoſt, had too much courage to ſink under
oppreſſion: He determined to brave all his enemies, to truſt
to the facredneſs of his character for protection, to involye his
cauſe with that of God and religion, and to ſtand the utmoſt
efforts of royal indignation.
1
After a few days, ſpent in deliberation, Becket went to
church, and ſaid maſs, where he had previouſly ordered, that
the introit to the communion ſervice ſhould begin with theſe
words, Princes fat and ſpake againſt me ; the paſſage appointed
for the martyrdom of St. Stephen, whom the primate thereby
tacitly pretended to reſemble in his ſufferings for the ſake of
righteouſneſs'. He went thence to court arrayed in his ſacred
p Epift. St. Thom. p. 315.
9 Fitz Steph. p. 38.
· Fitz-Steph. P. 39. Gervaſe, p. 1390.
• Hift. Quad. p. 53. Hoveden, p. 494. Neubr. p. 394. Geryaſc, p. 1391.
3
veſtments
6 ;
1
.
H E'N RY
439
II,
CHAP
VII.
1164.
.
veſtments; and as ſoon as he arrived within the palace gates,
he took the croſs into his own hands, bore it aloft as his
protection, and marched in that poſture into the royal apart-
ments. The King, who was in an inner room, was aſtoniſhed
at this parade, by which the primate ſeemed to menace him
and his court with the ſentence of excommunication; and he
fent ſome of the prelates to remonſtrate with him on account
of ſuch audacious. behaviour.
. Theſe prelates complained to
him, that, by ſubſcribing, himſelf, to the conſtitutions of
Clarendon, he had ſeduced them to imitate his example; and
that now, when it was too late, he pretended to ſhake off all
ſubordination to the civil power, and appeared deſirous of
involving them in the guilt, which muſt attend any violation
of thoſe laws, eſtabliſhed by their conſent and ratified by their
ſubſcriptions S. Becket replied, that he had indeed ſubſcribed
the conſtitutions of Clarendon, legally, with good faith, and
without fraud or reſerve, but in theſe words was virtually implied
a ſalvo for the rights of their order, which, being connected with
the cauſe of God and his church, could never be relinquiſhed
by their oaths and engagements: That if he and they had
erred, in reſigning the eccleſiaſtical privileges, the beſt atone-
ment they could now make was to retract their conſent, which
in fuch a caſe could never be obligatory, and to follow the
Pope's authority, who had ſolemnly abrogated the conſtitu-
tions of Clarendon, and had abfolved them from all oaths,
which they had taken to obſerve them: That a determined
reſolution was evidently embraced to oppreſs the church; the
ſtorm had firſt broke upon him; for a flight offence, and which
too was even falſely imputed to him, he had been tyrannically
Hilt. Quad. p. 53.
f Fitz-Steph. p. 40.
Epift. St. Thom. p. 43.
Hoveden, p. 494
& Fitz-Steph. p. 35
Neubr. P. 391-
condemned
f
1
}
1
8
440
HISTORY OF ENGLAND
cH A P.
VIII.
1164.
}
1
condemned to a grievous penalty ; a new and unheard of clain
was ſince ſtarted, in which he could expect no juſtice ; and he
plainly ſaw that he was the deſtined victim, who, by his ruin,
inuſt
prepare
the
way for the abrogation of all ſpiritual immu-
nities: That he ſtrictly inhibited them, who were his ſuffragans,
from afliſting at any ſuch trial, or giving their ſanction to any
ſentence againſt him ; he put himſelf and his fee under the
protection of the ſupreme pontiff; and appealed to him againſt
any penalty, which his iniquitous judges might think
proper
to inflict upon him : And that, however terrible the indigna-
tion of fo great a monarch as Henry, his ſword could only
kill the body, while that of the church, entruſted into the
hands of the primate, could kill the ſoul, and throw the diſo-
bedient into infinite and eternal perdition
1
T
h
cir
APPEALs to the Popc, even in eccleſiaſtical cauſes, had been
aboliſhed by the conſtitutions of Clarendon, and were become
criminal by law; but an appeal in a civil cauſé, ſuch as that of
the King's demand upon Becket, was a practice altogether new
and unprecedented; tended directly to the ſubverſion of the
government; and could receive no colour of excuſe, except
from the determined reſolution, which was but too apparent,
in the King and the great council, to effectuate, without juf-
tice, but under colour of law, the total ruin of the inflexible
primate. The King, having now obtained ſo much a better
pretext for his violence, would probably have puſhed this affair
to the utmoſt extremity againſt him; but Becket
gave him no
leiſure to conduct the proſecution. He refuſed ſo much as to
hear the ſentence, which the barons, ſitting apart from the
Baniſhment
of Becket.
A Fitz-Steph. p. 42, 44, 45, 46. Hift. Quad. p. 57. Hoveden, p. 495. M. Paris,
p.72. Epift, St. Thom. p. 45, 195.
biſhops,
1
1
5
H E N R Y
.441
II.
1
СНАР.
VIII.
1:64.
biſhops, and joined to ſome ſheriffs and barons of the fecond
rank', had given upon the King's claim: He departed from the
palace; aſked Henry's immediate permiſſion to leave Nor-
thampton; and upon meeting with a refuſal,' he withdrew
fecretly; wandered about in diſguiſe for ſome time; and at laſt
took ſhipping and arrived ſafely at Gravelines
k
The violent and unjuſt proſecution of Becket had a natural
tendency to turn the public favour on his ſide, and to make
men forget his former ingratitude towards the King, and his
departure from all oaths and engagements, as well as the enor-
mity of thoſe eccleſiaſtical privileges, of which he affected to
be the champion. There were many other reaſons, which pro-
cured him countenance and protection in foreign countries.
Philip, earl of Flanders ', and Lewis, King of France ", jea-
lous of the riſing greatneſs of Henry, were well pleaſed to give
him diſturbance in his government; and forgetting that this
was the common cauſe of princes, they affected to pity extremely
the condition of the exiled primate; and the latter even hos
noured him with a viſit at Soiſſons, in which city he had in-
vited him to fix his retreat". The
The pope, whoſe intereſts were
more immediately concerned in ſupporting him, gave a bad
reception to a magnificent embaſſy, which Henry ſent to accuſe
him; while he put the greateſt marks of diſtinction on Becket
himſelf, who had come to Sens, in order to juſtify his cauſe
| Fitz Steph.p. 45. This hiſtorian is ſuppoſed to mean the more confiderable vafrals
of the chief barons : Theſe had no title to fit in the great council, and the giving them
a place there was a palpable irregularity: Which however is not infifted on in any of
Becket's remonftrances. A new proof how little fixed the conſtitution was at that
time!
k Hift. Quad. p. 60. 63, 64, &c Hoveden, p. 495. M. Paris, p. 72. Gervaſe,
p. 1393
! Epilt. St. Thom. p. 35.
in Ibid. p. 36, 37
n Hift. Quad. p. 76.
VOL.I.
LII
before
44%
HISTORY OF ENGLAND
CHAP Р.
VIII.
1164.
before the fovereign pontiffº. The King, in revenge, ſequeſ-
tered the revenues of Canterbury; and by a conduct, which
might be eſteemed arbitrary, had there been at that time any
regular check on royal authority, he baniſhed all the primate's
relations and domeſtics, to the number of four hundred', whom
he obliged to ſwear, before their departure, that they would
inſtantly join their patron? But this policy, by which Henry
endeavoured to reduce Becket ſooner to neceſſity, loſt its effect :
The Pope, when they arrived beyond fea, abſolved them from
their oath, and diſtributed them among the convents in France
and Flanders: A reſidence was aſſigned to Becket himſelf in the
convent of Pontigny", where he lived for ſome years in great
magnificence, partly from a penſion granted him on the reve-
nues of that abbey, partly from remittances made him by the
French monarch.
1165.
1
The more to ingratiate himſelf with Pope Alexander, Becket
reſigned into his hands the fee of Canterbury, to which, he
affirmed, he had been uncanonically elected, by the authority
of the royal mandate; and Alexander in his turn, beſides
inveſting him anew with that dignity, pretended to abrogate
by a bull the ſentence which the great council of England had
paſſed againſt him. Henry, after attempting in vain to pro-
cure a conference with the Pope, who departed foon after for
Rome, whither the proſperous condition of his affairs now
invited him; made proviſions againſt the conſequences of that
breach, which impended between his kingdom and the apoſtolic
fee. He iſſued orders to his juſticiaries, inhibiting, under
1
• Fitz-Steph. p. 51. Hift. Quad. p. 72, 73, 77. Hoveden, p. 495. Gervaſe, p.
1393. Trivet, p. 46.
Epiſt. St. 7 hom. p. 766.
9 Fitz-Steph. p. 51, 52. Hift. Quad. p. 82.
, M. Paris, p. 72.
· Fitz-Steph. p. 52. Hift. Quad. p. 79.
fevere
L.
H E N R Y II.
443
i
СНАР.
VIII.
1165
+
ſevere penalties, all appeals to the Pope or archbiſhop; for-
bidding any one to receive any mandates from them, or apply
in any caſe to their authority; declaring it treaſonable to bring
from either of them an interdict upon the kingdom, and puniſh-
able, in ſecular clergymen,, by the loſs of their eyes and by
caſtration, in regulars by amputation of their feet, and in laics
with death; and menacing with ſequeſtration and baniſhment
the perſons themſelves, as well as their kindred, who ſhould
pay obedience to any ſuch interdict : And he farther obliged
all his ſubjects to ſwear to the obſervance of theſe orders .
Theſe were edicts of the utmoſt importance, affected the lives and
properties of all the ſubjects, and even changed, for the time,
'the national religion, by breaking off all communication with
Rome: Yet were they enacted by the ſole authority of the King,
and were derived entirely from his will and pleaſure.
L
I
The ſpiritual powers, which, in the primitive church, were,
in a great meaſure, dependant on the civil, had by a gradual
progreſs reached an equality and independance; and though the
limits of the two juriſdictions were difficult to aſcertain or define,
it was not impoſſible, but, by moderation on both ſides, govern-
ment might ſtill have been conducted, in that imperfect and
irregular manner which attends all human inſtitutions. But
as the ignorance of the age encouraged the ecclefiaftics daily to
extend their privileges, and even to advance maxims totally
incompatible with civil government“; Henry had thought it
high time to put an end to their pretenſions, and formally, in
a public council, to fix thoſe powers, which belonged to the
I
0
i Hift. Quad. p. 88. 167. Hoveden, p. 496. M. Paris, p. 73.
Quis dubitet, ſays Becket to the King, facerdotes Chrifti reguin et princifum omniumque
fidelium patres et magiftros cenferi. Epift. St. Thom. p. 97, 148.
L112
magiſtrate,
1
444
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
C H A P.
VIII.
1165
1
magiſtrate, and which he was for the future determined to main-
tain. In this attempt, he was led to recall cuſtoms, which,
though antient", were beginning to be aboliſhed by a contrary
practice, and which were ſtill more ſtrongly oppoſed by the pre-
vailing opinions and ſentiments of the age. Principle, there-
fore, ſtood on the one ſide; power on the other'; and if the
Engliſh had been actuated by conſcience, more than by preſent
intereſt, the controverſy muſt foon, by the general defection of
Henry's ſubjects, have been decided againſt him. Becket, in
order to forward this event, filled all places with exclamations
againſt the violence which he had ſuffered '. He compared
himſelf to Chriſt, who had been condemned by a lay tribunal”,
and who was crucified anew in the preſent oppreſſions under
which his church laboured: He took it for granted, as a point
inconteſtible, that his cauſe was the cauſe of God”: He aſſumed
the character of champion for the patrimony of the Divinity :
He pretended to be the ſpiritual father of the King and all the
people of England: He even told Henry, that kings reign
folely by the authority of the church "; and though he had
thus torn off the veil more openly on the one ſide, 'than that
prince had on the other, he ſeemed ſtill, from the general fa-
vour borne him by the eccleſiaſtics, to have all the advantages
in the argument. The King, that he might employ the wea-
pons of temporal power remaining in his hands, ſuſpended the
payment of Peter's-pence"; he made advances. towards an alli-
he
+
* Fitz Steph. p. 34. Hoveden, p. 518. Epift. St. Thom. p. 265.
Fitz-Steph p. 53. Epift. St. Thom. p. 63, 64. 226.
2 Epift. St. Thom. p. 63. 105. 194.
• Epift. St. Thom. p. 29, 30, 31. 226.
• Fitz-Steph. p. 46. Epift. St. Thom. p. 52. 148.
e Brady's Append. N° 56. Epiſt. St. Thom. p. 94, 95. 97. 99. 197. Hoveden,
p. 497
& Epift. St. Thom. p. 268, 611.
Epiſt, St. Thom. p. 219.
ance
។
1
!
H E N R Y II.
445
CH A P.
VIII.
1105
ance with the Emperor, Frederic Barbaroffa, who was at that
time engaged in violent wars with Pope Alexander; he dif-
covered ſome intentions of acknowledging Paſcal III. the pre-
ſent anti-pope, who was protected by that Emperor $; and
by theſe expedients he endeavoured to terrify the enterpriſing,
though prudent pontiff, from proceeding to extremities againſt
him,
1165,
But the violence of Becket, ſtill more than the nature of the
controverſy, kept affairs from remaining long in ſuſpenſe be-
tween the parties. That prelate, inſtigated by revenge, and
animated by the preſent glory attending his ſituation, puſhed
inatters to a deciſion, and iſſued out a cenſure, excommunicat-
ing the King's chief ininiſters by name, and comprehending in
general all thoſe who favoured or obeyed the conſtitutions of
Clarendon": Theſe conſtitutions he abrogated and annulled;
he abſolved every one from the oaths which they had taken to
obſerve them; and he ſuſpended the ſpiritual thunder over
Henry himſelf, only that the prince might avoid the blow by a
timely repentance ?
The ſituation of Henry was ſo unhappy, that he could em-
ploy no expedient for ſaving his miniſters from this terrible cen-
fure, but by appealing to the Pope himſelf, and having recourſe
to a tribunal, whoſe authority he had himſelf attempted to
abridge in this very article of appeals, and which, he knew,
1
* Hift. Quad. p. 88. Epift. St. Thom. p. 116. 139.
8 Epiſt. St. Thom. p. 103. 111, 112. M. Paris, p. 75. M. Weſt. p. 249.
A Hoveden. p. 506. W. Weſt. p. 249. Epift. St. Thom. p. 148, 149. 235. 240.
| Fitz Steph. p. 56. Hiſt. Quad. p. 93. M. Paris, p. 74. Beaulieu. Vie de St.
Thom. p. 213. Epift, St. Thom. p. 149. 229. Hoveden, pi 499.
was
+
:
446
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
VIII.
1166.
}
was ſo deeply engaged on the ſide of his adverſaryk. But even
this expedient was not likely to be long effectual. Becket had
obtained from the Pope a legatine commiſſion over England ';
and in virtue of that authority, which admitted of no appeal ",
lie ſummoned the biſhops of London, Saliſbury, and others, to
attend him, and ordered, under pain of excommunication, the
eccleſiaſtics, fequeſtered on his account, to be reſtored in two
months to all their benefices ". But John de Oxford, the
King's agent at Rome, had the addreſs to procure orders for
ſuſpending this ſentence"; and he gave the pontiff ſuch hopes
of a ſpeedy reconcilement between the King and Becket, that
two legates, William de Pavie and Otho, were ſent to Nor-
mandy, where the King then reſided, and endeavoured to find
expedients for that purpoſe P. But the pretenſions of the
parties were, as yet, too oppoſite to admit of an accommodation :
The King required, that all the conſtitutions of Clarendon ſhould
be ratified ?: Becket, that, previouſly to any agreement, he
and his adherents ſhould be reſtored to their poſſeſſions': And
as the legates had no power to pronounce a definitive ſentence
on either ſide, the negotiation ſoon after came to nothing *
The cardinal de Pavie alſo, being much attached to Henry's
intereſts, took care to protract the negotiation ; to mitigate the
Pope, by the accounts which he ſent of that prince's conduct;
and to procure him every poffibile indulgence from the ſee of
1
k Fpiſt. St. Thom. p. 166. 202, 203. 234.
I Fitz-Steph. p. 55. Epift.
St. Thom. p. 179.
Epiſt St. Thom. p. 218. * Epift. St. Thom.
p. 182, 183. 218, 219. 239. • Fpiít. St. Thom. p. 403, 404. 4.28.
P lipilt. St. Thoin. p. 3.9.
9 Hoveden, p. 517. Epift. St. Thom. p. 345.
M. Paris, p. 74. Epift. St. Thom. p. 346. 349. 355.
Gervaſe, p. 1403.
8
Rome.
1
1
H E N R Y
447
II.
{
С НА Р.
VIII.
Rome. It was by his credit, that the King obtained about this
time a diſpenſation for the marriage of his third ſon, Geoffrey,
with the heireſs of Britanny; a conceſſion, which, conſidering
Henry's deinerits towards the church, gave great ſcandal both
to Becket, and to his patron, the King of France.
1166.
1167.
The intricacies of the feudal law had, in that age, rendered
the boundaries of power between the prince and his vaſſals, and
between one prince and another, as precarious as thoſe between
the crown and the mitre; and all wars took their origin from
diſputes, which, had there been
any tribunal poſſeſſed of power
to enforce their decrees, ought only to have been decided before.
a court of judicature. Henry, in proſecution of ſome contro-
verſies, in which he was involved with the count of Auvergne,
a vaſſal of the dutchy of Guienne, had invaded the territories
of that count; who had recourſe to the King of France, his
ſuperior lord, for protection, and thereby kindled a war between
the two monarchs. But this war was, as uſual, no leſs feeble
in its operations, than it was frivolous in its cauſe and
object; and after occaſioning ſome depredations on each others
territories', and ſome inſurrections among the barons of Poictou
and Guienne, was terminated by a peace; the terms of which
were rather diſadvantageous to Henry, and prove, that that
prince had, by reaſon of his conteſts with the church, loſt the
ſuperiority, which he had hitherto maintained over the crown
of France: An additional motive to him for accommodating
thoſe differences.
-
+
The Pope and the King began to perceive, that, in the pre-
ſent ſituation of affairs, neither of them could expect a final
Hoveden, p. 517. M. Paris, p. 75. Diceto, p. 547. Gervaſe, p. 3402, 1403.
Robert de Monte.
and
t
5
448
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
VUI.
1167.
1
and deciſive victory over the other, and that they had more to
fear than hope from the duration of the controverſy. Though
the vigour of Henry's government had confirmed his authority
in all his dominions, his throne might be ſhaken by a ſentence
of excommunication ; and if England itſelf could, by its fitua-
tion, be more eaſily guarded againſt the contagion of ſuperſti-
tious prejudices, his French provinces at leaſt, whoſe commu-
nication was open with the neighbouring ſtates, would be much
expoſed, on that account, to ſome great revolution or convul-
ſion“. He could not, therefore, reaſonably imagine, that the
Pope, while he retained ſuch a check upon him, would formally
recognize the conſtitutions of Clarendon, which both put an
end to papal pretenſions in England, and would give an exam-
ple to other ſtates of aſſerting a like independancy *. Pope
Alexander, on the other hand, being ſtill engaged in danger-
aus wars with the Emperor Frederic, might juſtly apprehend,
that Henry, rather than relinquiſh claims of ſuch importance,
would join the party of his enemy'; and as the trials hitherto
made of the ſpiritual weapons by Becket had not ſucceeded to
his expectation ?, and every thing had remained quiet in all the
King's dominions, nothing ſeemed impoſſible to the capacity
and vigilance of ſo great a monarch. The diſpoſition of minds
on both ſides, reſulting from theſe circumſtances, produced fre-
quent attempts towards an accommodation; but as both parties
knew, that the eſſential articles of the diſpute could not then be
terminated, they entertained a perpetual jealouſy of each other,
and were anxious not to loſe the leaſt advantage in the negotia-
tion'. The nuncios, Gratian and Vivian, having received a
k
a Epift. St. Thom.p. 237.
y Fitz-Ctepl. p. 53. Hift. Quad. p. 75.
a M. Paris, p. 8;.
* Epiſt. St. Thom. p. 276.
2 Epift. St. Thom. p. 241, 254•
commiſſion
1
--
1
+
H EN RY
II.
449
CHAP
VIII.
1168.
1169 .
commiſſion to endeavour a reconciliation, met with the King
at Damfront in Normandy"; and after all differences ſeemed to
be adjuſted, the King offered to ſign the treaty, with a ſalvo to
his royal dignity '; which gave ſuch umbrage to Becket, that
the negotiation, in the end, became fruitleſs, and the excom-
munications were renewed againſt the King's miniſters. Ano-
ther negotiation was conducted at Montmirail, in the preſence
of the King of France and the French prelates ; where Becket
alſo offered to make his ſubmiſſions, with a ſalvo of the honour
of God, and the liberties of the church d; which, for a like
reaſon, was extremely offenſive to the King, and rendered the
treaty. abortive. A third conference, under the ſame mediation,
was broke off, by Becket's inſiſting on the like reſerve in his
ſubmiffions; and even in a fourth treaty, when all the terms were
adjuſted, and when the primate expected to be introduced to the
King, and to receive the kiſs of peace, which it was uſual for
princes to grant in thoſe times, and which was regarded as a
ſure pledge of forgiveneſs, Henry refuſed him that honour
i
upon pretence, that, during his anger, he had made a raih
vow to that purpoſe. This formality ſerved, among ſuch jea-
lous fpirits, to prevent the concluſion of the treaty; and tho'
the difficulty was attempted to be overcome, by a diſpenſation
which the Pope granted Henry from his raſh vow', that prince
could not be prevailed on to depart froin the reſolution which
he had taken,
In one of theſe conferences, at which the French King was
preſent, Henry ſaid to that monarch : “ There have been many
c
6 M. Paris, p. 78.
Rymer, vol, i. p. 29. Gervaſe, p 1407.
a Fitz-Steph. p. 58. Hift. Quad. p. 95. Diceto, p. 552. Gervaſe, p. 1405.
• Hift. Quad. p. 102. M. Paris, p. 82. Gervaſe, p. 1408.
Fitz-Steph. p. 68.
Vol. I.
Mmm
1
56 Kings
450
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
+
c H A P.
VIII.
1169.
Kings of England, ſome of greater, ſome of leſs authority
" than myſelf: There have alſo been many archbiſhops of
• Canterbury, holy and good men, and entitled to every
kind
“ of reſpect: Let Becket but act towards me with the ſame
« ſubmiſſion, which the greateſt of his predeceſſors have paid
" to the leaſt of mine, and there ſhall be no controverſy
" between us 8." Lewis was ſo ftruck with this ſtate of the
caſe, and with an offer which Henry made to ſubmit his cauſe
to the French clergy, that he could not forbear condemning
the primate, and withdrawing his friendſhip from him during
ſome time: But their common animoſity againſt Henry ſoon
produced a renewal of their former good correſpondence ".
117. ALL difficulties were at laſt adjuſted between the parties;
220 July,
and the King allowed Becket to return, on conditions which
may
be eſteemed both honourable and advantageous to that
prelate. I-Ie was not required to give up any of the rights of
Compromiſe
with Becket. the church, or reſign any of thoſe pretenſions, which had been
the original ground of the controverfy. It was agreed, that
all theſe queſtions ſhould be buried in oblivion ; but that Becket
and his adlicrents ſhould, without making further ſubmiſſions,
be reſtored to all their livings', and that even the poſſeſſors of
ſuch benefices as depended on the ſee of Canterbury, and had
been filled during the primate's abſence, fhould be expelled,
and Becket have liberty to ſupply the vacancies k. In return
for conceſſions, which entrenched ſo deeply on the honour and
dignity of the crown, Henry reaped only the advantage of
ſeeing his miniſters abſolved from the ſentence of excommuni-
cation denounced againſt them, and of preventing the interdict,
& Hift. Quad. p. 95. Gervaſe, p. 1405.
* Hift. Quad. p. 99, 100. Gervaſe, p. 1406. Parker, p. 206.
I Gervaſe, p. 1413.
k Fitz-Steph. p.63, (9. Hoveden, p. 520.
7
which,
+
H E N R Y II.
451
CHAP
VIII.
which, if theſe hard conditions had not beeii complied with,
was ready to be laid on all his dominions'. . It was eaſy to ſee
how much he dreaded that event, when a prince of ſo high a
fpirit could ſubmit to terms ſo diſhonourable, in order to
1170.
prevent it:
m
P
But the King attained not even that temporary tranquillity,
which he had hoped to reap from this expedient.. During the
heat of his quarrel with Becket, while he was every day
expecting an interdict to be laid on his kingdom, and even a
ſentence of excommunication to be denounced againſt his
perfon, he had thought it prudent to have his ſon, prince
Henry, aſſociated with him in the royalty, and to make .hiin
be crowned King, by the hands of Roger archbiſhop of York.
By this precaution, he both enſured the ſucceſſion of that
prince, which, conſidering the many paft irregularities in that
point, could not but be eſteemed ſomewhat precarious; and he
preſerved at leaſt his family on the throne, if the ſentence of
excommunication ſhould have the effect which he dreaded,
and ſhould make his ſubjects renounce their allegiance to him".
Though this deſign was conducted with the utmoſt expedition
and ſecrecy, Beckét; before it was carried into execution, had
got intelligence of it; and being deſirous to obſtruct all Henry's
meaſures, as well as anxious to prevent this affront to himſelf,
who pretended a fole right, as archbiſhop of Canterbury,
to officiate in the coronation, he had inhibited all the prclates
of England from alliſting at this ceremonyº, had procured a
+
1 Hit. Quad. p. 104. Brompton, p. 106. Gervaſe, p. 1403. Epiſt. St. Thom.
p.704, 705, 706, 707, 79², 793, 794. Benedict. Abbas, p. 70.
su Hift. Quad. p. 102, 103, Gervaſe, p. 1408.
* litz-Steph, p. 65. Pere Daniel, vol. i. p. 1247.
Epiit. St. Thom. p. 684.686.
M m m 2
mandate
4
o
452
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
VIII..
1170.
mandate to the ſame purpoſe from the Pope', and had incited
the King of France to proteſt againſt the coronation of young
Henry, unleſs the princeſs, daughter of that monarch, ſhould
at the ſame time receive the royal unction. There prevailed
in that age an opinion, which was akin to its other ſuperſti-
tions, that the royal unction was eſſential to the exerciſe of
royal power; and it was therefore natural both for the King
of France, careful of his daughter the princeſs Margaret's
eſtabliſhment', and for Becket, jealous of his own dignity,
to demand, in the treaty with Henry, ſome ſatisfaction in this
eſſential point'. Henry, after apologizing to Lewis for the
omiſſion with regard to Margaret, and excuſing it on account
of the ſecrecy requiſite for conducting that meaſure, promiſed
that the ceremony ſhould be again renewed in the perfons botli
of the prince and princeſs': And he aſſured Becket; that,
beſides receiving the acknowledgments of Roger and the other.
biſhops for the ſeeming affront put on the fee of Canterbury,
he ſhould, as.a farther ſatisfaction, recover his rights by offi-
ciating in this coronation". But the violent ſpirit of Becket;
clated by the power of the church, and by the victory which
he had already obtained over his fovereign, was not content
with this voluntary compenſation, but reſolved to make the
injury, which he pretended to have ſuffered; a handle for
taking revenge op all his enemies. On his arrival in England,
hc met the archbiſhop of York and the biſhops of London and
Saliſbury, who were on their journey to the King in Normandy;
and he notified to the archbiſhop the ſentence of ſuſpenſion
and to the two biſhops that of excommunication, which, at his
p Hift. Quadi p. 103. Epift: St. Thom. p.682. Gervaſë, p. 1412..
9 Epift. St. Thom. p. 708.
· Brompton, p. 1061.
. Gervaſe, p. 14.08.
1. Hoveden, p. 518:
Fpift. St. Thom. p. 803. 810.
ſolicitation,
+
1
1
I
H E N R Y II.
453
1
VIII.
1170.
Becket's re-
baniſhment.
ſolicitation, the Pope had pronounced againſt them". Regi- CHAP.
nald de Warenne, and Gervaſe de Cornhill, two itinerant
juſticiaries, who were making their circuit in Kent, aſked him,
on hearing of this bold attempt, whether he meant to bring. turn from
fire and ſword into the kingdom'? But the primate, heedleſs
of the reproof, proceeded, in the moſt oftentatious manner, to
take poſſeſſion. of his dioceſe. In Rocheſter, and all the towns
through which he paſſed, he was received with the ſhouts and.
acclamations of the people. As he approached. Southwark,
the clergy, the.laity, men of all ranks and ages, came forth.
to meet him, and celebrated with hymns of joy his-triumphant
entrance. And though he was obliged, by orders of the young.
prince, who reſided at Woodſtoke, to return to his dioceſe, he.
found that he was not miſtaken, when he laid his account with
the higheſt veneration of the public. towards his perſon and
his dignity. He proceeded, therefore, with the more courage
to dart his ſpiritual thunders; and he iſſued” the ſentence of.
excommunication againſt Robert de Broc', and Nigel de Sack-
ville, with many of the moſt conſiderable prelates and miniſters,
who had aſſiſted at the coronation of the young prince, and
had been active in the late perſecution of the exiled clergy.
This violent meaſure, by which he, in effect, denounced war.
againſt the King himſelf, is commonly aſcribed to the vindičtive
diſpoſition and imperious character of Becket; but as this
pre-
late was alſo a man of acknowledged abilities, we are not, in
his paſſions alone, to look for the cauſe of his conduct; when
* M. Paris, p. 86. Chron. W. Heming. p.497. Diceto, p. 553. Brompton, p. 10677
Gervafe, p. 1413. M. Weſt. p. 250. Epiſt. St. Thom. p. 816.849.
, Fitz-Steph. .p. 73.
Hift. Quad. p. 112.
Beaulicu. Vie de St. Thom. Px 3950
• Hift. Quad. p. 113. Beaulieu Vie de St. Thoin. p. 397. Fpift. St. Thom. p: 132.
· Fitz Ste, h: p.75. . Hift, Quad. p. 117.
Hoveden, p. 520. Diceto, p. 555
hc
454
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
СН3Р.
VIII:
Comme porno
1170.
lie proceeded to theſc extremities againſt his enemies. His
fagacity had led him to diſcover all Henry's intentions; and
he purpoſed, by this bold and unexpected affäult, to prevent
the execution of them.
: The King, from his experience of the diſpoſitions of his
people, was become ſenſible, that his enterprize had been tớo
bold, in eſtabliſhing the conſtitutions of Clarendon, in defining
all the branches of royal power, and in endeavouring to extort
froin the church of England, as well as from the Pope, an
expreſs avowal of theſe diſputed prerogatives. ' Conſcious alſo
of his own violence, in attempting to break or ſubdue the
inflexible príinate, he was not diſpleaſed to undo that meaſure,
which had given his enemies ſuch advantage againſt him ;
and he was contented, that the controverſy fhould terminate
in that ambiguous manner, which was the utinoſt that princes,
in thoſe ages, could hope to attain in their diſputes with the
fec of Rome. Though he dropt, for the preſent, the proſe-
cution of Becket, he ſtill reſerved to himſelf the right of main-
taining, that the conſtitutions of Clarendon, the original ground
of the quarrel, were both the antient cuſtoms and the preſent
law of the realm: And though he knew, that the papal clergy
affcrted them to be impious in themſelves, as well as abrogated
by the ſentence of the ſovereign pontiff, he propoſed, in ſpite
of their clamours, ſteadily to put thoſe laws in execution..,
and to truſt to his own ability, and to the courſe of events, for
ſucceſs in that perilous enterprize. He hoped, that Becket's
experience of a ſix years exile would, after his pride was
fully gratified by his reſtoration, be ſufficient to teach him
more reſerve in his oppoſition; or if any controverſy aroſe,
1
Epit. St. Thom. p. 837. 839.
he
+
H EN RY
455
II.
VIII.
1170.
1
he expected thenceforth to engage in a more favourable cauſe, CHAP.
and to maintain with advantage, while the primate was now
in his power", the antient and undoubted cuſtoms of the
kingdom againſt the uſurpations of the clergy. But Becket,
determined not to betray the eccleſiaſtical privileges by his con-
nivance *, and apprehenſive lefta prince of ſuch profound
policy, if allowed to proceed in his own way, might probably
in the end prevail, refolved to take all the advantage which
his preſent victory gave him, and to diſconcert the cautious
meaſures of the King, by the vehemence and rigour of his own
conducły. Aſſured of ſupport from Rome, he was little inti-
midated by dangers, which his courage taught him to deſpiſe,
and which, even if attended with the moſt fatal conſequences,
would ſerve only to gratify his ambition and thirſt of glory..
.+
When the ſuſpended and excommunicated prelates arrived-
at Baieux, where the King then reſided, and complained to
him of the violent proceedings of Becket“, he inſtantly per-
ceived the conſequences; was ſenſible, that his whole plan of
operations was overthrown; foreſaw, that the dangerous con-
teſt between the civil and ſpiritual powers, a conteſt which he
himſelf had firſt rouzed, but which lie had endeavoured, by all
his late negotiations and conceſſions, to appeaſe, muſt come to
an immediate and deciſive iſſue; and he was thence thrown
into the moſt violent commotion. The archbiſhop of York
remarked to him, that, ſo long as Becket lived, he could never
expect to enjoy peace.or tranquillity"; and the King himſelf,
Fitz-Steph. p. 65.
* Fpift. St. Thom. p. 345.
y Fitz-Steph. p. 74,
z Epift, St. Thom. p. 318. 848:
Hift. Quad. p. 115. Brompton, p. 1062. Gervaſe, p. 1414,
• Hitt: Qual p.119. Neubr. p. 401. Trivet, p. 52,
• Fitz-Steph. p. 78.
3
being
.
1
456
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НАР.
V:11.
1170.
!
being vehemently agitated, burſt forth into an exclamation
againſt his ſervants, whoſe want of zeal, he ſaid, had ſo long
left him expoſed to the enterprizes of that ungrateful and
imperious prelate“. Four gentlemen of his houſehold, Regi-
nald Fitz-Urſe, William de Traci, Hugh de Moreville, and
Richard Brito, taking theſe paſſionate expreſſions to be a hint
for Becket's death, immediately communicated their thoughts
to each other; and ſwearing to avenge their prince's quarrel,
ſecretly withdrew from court. Some menacing expreſſions,
which they had dropt, gave a ſuſpicion of their deſign; and
the King diſpatched a meſſenger after them, charging them to
attempt nothing againſt the perſon of the primate': But theſe
orders arrived too late to prevent their fatal purpoſe. The
four aſſaſſins, though they took different roads to England,
arrived nearly about the ſame time at Saltwoode near Canter-
bury ; and being there. joined by ſome aſſiſtants, they pro-
ceeded in great haſte to the archiepiſcopal palace”. They
found the primate, who truſted entirely to the facredneſs of his
character, very flenderly attended ; and though they threw out
many menaces and reproaches againſt him, he was ſo incapable
of fear, that, without uſing any precautions againſt their
violence, he immediately went to St. Benedict's church, to hear
veſpers. They followed him thither, attacked him before the
altar, and having cloven his head with many blows, retired
without meeting any oppoſition. This was the tragical end
of Thomas a Becket, a prelate of the moſt lofty, intrepid,
and inflexible fpirit, who was able to cover, to the world
Decemb. 29.
Murder of
Thomas a
Becket,
& Gervaſe, p. 1414. Parker, p. 207.
• M. Paris, p. 86. Brompton, p. 1063. Benedict. Abbas, p. 10.
Hift. Quad. p. 144. Trivet, p. 55.
& Fitz-Steph. p. 78, 79. Hift. Quad. p. 120.
Gervaſe, p. 1414.
Neubr. p. 401. Diceto, p. 555.
* Hoveden, p. 520.
and
H E N R Y
457
II.
VIII,
+
1170.
and probably to himſelf, the enterprizes of pride and ambition, CHA.P.
under the diſguiſe of fanctity and of zeal for the intereſts of
piety and religion: An extraordinary perſonage, ſurely, had
he been allowed to remain in his firſt ſtation, and had directed
the vehemence of his character to the ſupport of law and
juſtice; inſtead of being engaged, by the prejudices of the
times, to facrifice all private duties and public connexions to
tyes,
which he imagined, or repreſented, as ſuperior to every
civil and political conſideration. But no man, who enters into
the genius of that age, cạn reaſonably doubt of this prelate's
fincerity. The ſpirit of ſuperſtition was ſo prevalent, that it
infallibly caught every careleſs'reaſoner, much more every one
whoſe intereſt, and honour, and ambition, were engaged to
ſupport it. All the wretched literature of the times was inliſted
on that ſide: Some faint glimmerings of common ſenſe might
ſometimes pierce through the thick cloud of ignorance, or
what was worſe, the illuſions of perverted ſcience, which had
blotted out the ſun, and enveloped the face of nature: But thoſe
who preſerved themſelves untainted by the general contagion,
proceeded on no principles which they could pretend to juſtify:
They were beholden more to their total want of inſtruction, than
to their knowledge, if they ſtill retained ſome ſhare of under-
ſtanding: Folly was poſſeſſed of all the ſchools as well as all
the churches ; and her votaries aſſumed the garb of philoſophers
together with the enſigns of ſpiritual dignities. Throughout
that large collection of letters, which bears the name of
St. Thomas, we find, in all the retainers of that aſpiring
prelate, no leſs than in himſelf, a moſt entire and abſolute con-
viction of the reaſon and piety of their own party, and a diſdain
of their antagoniſts; nor is there leſs cant and grimace in their
ſtile, when they addreſs each other, than when they compoſe
VOL. I.
manifeſtas
Nnn
458
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CS A P.
VIII.
1170.
manifeſtos for the peruſal of the public. The ſpirit of revenge,
violence, and ambition, which accompanied their conduct,
inſtead of forming a preſumption of hypocriſy, are the fureft
pledges of their fincere attachment to a cauſe, which ſo much
flattered theſe domineering paſſions.
Grief
HENRY, on the firſt report of Becket's violent meaſures,
had propoſed to have him arreſted, and had already taken ſome
ſteps towards the execution of that deſign : But the intelli-
gence of his murder threw that prince into the utmoſt conſter-
nation, and he was immediately ſenſible of the dangerous
conſequences, which he had reaſon to apprehend from ſo unex-
pected an event. An archbiſhop of reputed fanctity, aſſaſſinated
before the altar, in the exerciſe of his function, and on account
of his zeal in maintaining eccleſiaſtical privileges, muſt attain
the higheſt honours of martyrdom; while his murderer would
be ranked among the moſt bloody tyrants, that ever were
expoſed to the hatred and deteſtation of mankind. Interdicts
and excommunications, weapons in themſelves fo terrible,
would, he foreſaw, bę armed with double force; when employed
in a cauſe ſo inuch calculated to work on the human paffions,
and ſo peculiarly adapted to the eloquence of popular preachers
and declaimers. In vain would he plead his own innocence,
and even his total ignorance of the fact : He was ſufficiently
guilty, if the church thought proper to eſteem him ſuch: And
his concurrence'in Becket's martyrdom, becoming a religious
opinion, would be received with all the implicit credit, which
belonged to the moſt eſtabliſhed articles of faith. Theſe confim
derations the King the moſt unaffected concern; and as it
was extremely his intereſt to clear himſelf of all ſuſpicion, he
5
took
/
gave
I
Η Ε Ν R Y
459
II.
:
VIII.
1170,
took no care to conceal the depth of his affliction. He ſhut CHAP.
himſelf up from the light of day and from all commerce with
his ſervants: He even refuſed during three days all food and
ſuſtenance"; The courtiers, apprehending dangerous effects
from his deſpair, were at laſt obliged to break in upon
his foli.
tude; and they employed every topic of conſolation, induced
him to accept of nouriſhment, and occupied his leiſure in tak-
ing precautions againſt the conſequences, which he fo juſtly
apprehended from the murder of the primate.
1
1171
fion of the
A
The point of chief importance to Henry was to convince the
Pope of his innocence; or rather to perſuade him, that he would and ſubmiſ-
reap greater advantages from the ſubmiſſions of England than King.
from proceeding to extremities againſt that kingdom. The
archbiſhop of Rouen, the biſhops of Worceſter and Evreux,
with five others of leſs quality, were immediately diſpatched to
Rome', and orders were given them to perform their journey
with the utmoſt expedition. Though the name and authority
of the court of Rome were ſo terrible in the remote countries of
Europe, which were ſunk in profound ignorance, and were
entirely unacquainted with its character and conduct; the Pope
was ſo little revered at home that his inveterate enemies ſur-
rounded the gates of Rome itſelf, and even controuled his go-
vernment in that city; and the ambaſſadors, who, from a
diſtant extremity of Europe, carried to him the humble, or
rather abject ſubmiſſions of the greateſt potentate of the age,
found the utmoſt difficulty to make their way to him, and to
throw themſelves at his feet. It was at laſt agreed, that
Richard Barre, one of their number, ſhould leave the reſt be
1
· Ypod. Neuſt. p. 447. M. Paris, p. 87. Diceto, p. 556. Gervaſe, p. 1419.
Hift. Quad, p. 143.
Hovden, p. 526. M. Paris, p. 87.
N n n 2
hind,
c
460
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
CHAP
VII).
I!73.
f
hind, and run all the hazards of the paſſage , in order to pre
vent the fatal conſequences which might enſue from any delay
in giving ſatisfaction to his Holineſs. He found on his arrival,
that Alexander was already wrought up to the greateſt rage
againſt the King, that Becket's partizans were daily ſtimulating
him to revenge, that the King of France had exhorted him to
fulininate the moſt dreadful ſentence againſt England, and that
the
very
mention of Henry's name before the ſacred college
was received with every expreſſion of horror and execration
The Thurſday before Eaſter was now approaching, when it is
cuſtomary for the Pope to denounce annual curſes againſt all his
enemies; and it was expected, that Henry ſhould, with all the
preparations peculiar to the diſcharge of that ſacred artillery, be
ſolemnly comprehended in the number & But Barre found
means to appeaſe the pontiff, and to deter him from a meaſure
which, if it failed of ſucceſs, could not afterwards be eaſily
recalled : The anathemas were only levelled in general againſt
all the actors, accomplices, and abettors of Becket's murder
and the abbot of Valaſſe, and the archdeacons of Saliſbury and
Liſieux, with others of Henry's miniſters, who ſoon after arriv-
ed, beſides maintaining their prince's innocence, made oath
before the whole conſiſtory, that he would ſtand to the Pope's
judgınent in the affair, and make every ſubmiſſion, that ſhould
be required of him. The terrible blow was thus artfully
eluded; the cardinals Albert and Theodin were appointed legates
1
b
i
d Hoveden, p. 526. Epift. St. Thom. p. 863.
• FIoveden, p. 523. Spel. Concil. vol. ii. p. 89. Brompton, p. 1065. Epiſt. St.
Thom. p. 855. Benedictus Abbaf. p. 13.
* Hoveden, p. 526. Neubr. p. 402. Epiſt. St. Thom. p. 864.
6 Hoveden, p. 527. Diceto, p. 556. Epift. St. Thom. p. 864.
Diceto, p. 557. Gervaſe, p. 1419. Epift.
St. Thom, p. 865.867.
to
* Gervaſe, p. 1419.
H E N R Y II.
461
1
C H AP.
VIII.
1171.
to examine the cauſe, and were ordered to proceed to Normandy
for that purpoſe *; and though Henry's foreign dominions were
already laid under an interdict by the archbiſhop of Sens,
Becket's great partizan', and the Pope's legate in France, the
expectation, that the monarch would eaſily exculpate himſelf
from any concurrence in the guilt, kept every one in ſuſpence,
and prevented all the bad conſequences, which might be dreaded
from that ſentence.
1
4
The clergy, mean while, though their rage was happily
diverted from falling on the King, were not idle in magnifying
the fanctity of Becket; in extolling the merits of his martyr-
· dom; and in exalting him above all that devoted tribe, who, in
feveral ages, had, by their blood, cemented the fabric of the
temple. Other ſaints had only borne teſtimony in their ſuffer-
ings to the general doctrines of Chriſtianity; but Becket had.
facrificed his life to the power and privileges of the clergy; and
this peculiar merit challenged, and not in vain, a ſuitable ac-
knowledgment to his memory. Endleſs were the panegyrics
on his virtues; and the miracles, operated by his reliques,
were more numerous, more nonſenſical, and more impudently
atteſted, than thoſe which ever filled the legend of any confeſſor
or martyr. Two years after his death he was canonized by
Pope Alexander"; a folemn jubilee was eſtabliſhed for celebrat .
ing his merits; his body was removed to a magnificent ſhrine,
enriched with preſents from all parts of Chriſtendom; pilgri-
mages were performed to obtain his interceſſion with heaven;
and it was computed, that, in one year, above an hundred.
thouſand pilgrims arrived in Canterbury, and paid their devo-.
Time
práce Sony,
* Hoveden, p. 526. Neubr. p. 402. Gervaſe, p. 1419. Hift. Quad. p. 147.
Hoveden, p. 523. Spelm. Concil. vol. ii. p. go.
lan Gaji
* Epift. St. Thom..p.880. Diceto, p. 569.
v na whole pile
ole?
at
tións, hair
نونية {ي
1
462
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
N
C H A P.
VIII.
1171.
tions at his tomb. It is indeed a mortifying reflection to thoſe
who are actuated by the love of fame, ſo juſtly denominated the
laſt infirmity of noble minds, that the wiſeſt legiſlator and moſt
exalted genius, that ever reformed or enlightened the world,
can never expect ſuch tributes of praiſe, as are laviſhed on the
memory
of
a pretended ſaint, whoſe whole conduct was proba-
bly, to the laſt degree, odious or contemptible, and whoſe in-
duſtry was entirely directed to the purſuit of objects pernicious
to mankind. It is only a conqueror, a perſonage no leſs intitled
to our hatred, who can pretend to the attainment of equal re-
nown and glory.
IT
may
not be amiſs to remark, before we conclude this ſub-
ject of Thomas a Becket, that the King, during his controverſy
with that prelate, was on every occaſion more anxious than
uſual to expreſs his zeal for religion, and to avoid all
appear-
ance of a profane negligence on that head. He gave his conſent
to the impoſing a tax on all his dominions for the delivery of
the holy land, now threatened by the famous Saladine; and this
tax amounted to two-pence a pound for one year, and a penny
a pound for the four ſubſequent ". . Almoſt all the princes of
Europe laid a like impoſition on their ſubjects, which received
the name of Saladine's tax. During this period, there came
over from Germany about thirty heretics of both ſexes, under
the direction of one Gerard; ſimple ignorant people, who
could give no account of their faith, but declared themſelves
ready to ſuffer for the tenets of their maſter. They made only
one convert in England, a woman as ignorant as themſelves;
yet they gave ſuch umbrage to the clergy, that they were deli-
vered over to the ſecular arm, and were puniſhed by being burned
Chron. Gervaſe, p. 1399. M. Paris, p. 74.
on
+
:
i
Η Ε Ν R Y
II.
463
С НАР.
VIII.
1171.
on the forehead, and then whipped through the ſtreets. They
ſeemed to exult in their ſufferings, and as they went along,
ſung the beatitude, Bleſſed are ye, when men hate you and per-
ſecute you °. After they were whipped, they were thruſt out
almoſt naked in the midſt of winter, and periſhed through cold
and hunger; no one daring, or being willing, to give them
the leaſt relief. We are ignorant of the particular principles of
theſe people: For it would be imprudent to rely on the repreſen-
tations left of them by the clergy, who affirm, that they denied
the efficacy of the facraments, and the unity of the church. Ic
is probable, that their departure from the ſtandard of orthodoxy
was ſtill more ſubtile and minute. They ſeem to have been the
firſt that ever ſuffered for hereſy in England.
As ſoon as Henry found, that he was in no immediate
danger from the thunders of the vatican, he undertook an ex-
pedition againſt Ireland; a deſign, which he had long projected,
and by which he hoped to recover his credit, ſomewhat impaired
in his late tranſactions with the hierarchy.
• Neubr. p. 391. M. Paris, p. 74. Heming. p. 494.
+
464
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH A P. IX.
H E N R Y II.
State of Ireland Conqueſt of that iſland
The King's ac-
commodation with the court of Rome
Revolt of young
Henry and his brothers ---Wars and inſurrections War
with Scotland Pennance of Henry for Becket's mur-
der William, King of Scotland, defeated and taken pri-
foner The King's accommodation with his fons The
King's equitable adminiſtration Cruſades Revolt of
prince Richard -- Death and character of Henry
Miſcellaneous tranſactions of his reign.
С НАР.
IX.
A
1172.
State of Ire
land.
S Britain was firſt peopled from Gaul, ſo was Ireland pro-
bably from Britain ; and the inhabitants of all theſe coun-
tries ſeem to have been ſo many tribes of the Celtæ, who de-
rive their origin from an antiquity, that lies far beyond the
records of any hiſtory or tradition. The Iriſh, from the begin-
ning of time, had been buried in the moſt profound barbariſm
and ignorance; and as they were never conquered or even
invaded by the Romans, from whom all the weſtern world
derived its civility, they continued ſtill in the moſt rude ſtate of
fociety, and were diſtinguiſhed only by thoſe vices, to which
human nature, not tamed by education nor reſtrained by laws,
is for ever ſubject. The ſmall principalities, into which
they were divided, exerciſed perpetual rapine and violence
againſt cach other; the uncertain ſucceſſion of their princes was
a continued
H E N R Y II.
465
C H A P.
IX.
1172.
a continued ſource of domeſtic convulſions; the uſual title of
each petty ſovereign was the murder of his predeceſſor ;
courage and force, though exerciſed in the commiſſion of crimes,
were more honoured than any pacific virtues; and the moſt
ſimple arts of life, even tillage and agriculture, were almoſt
wholly unknown among them. They had felt the inva-
fions of the Danes and the other northern people; but theſe in-
roads, which had ſpread barbariſm in the other parts of Europe,
tended rather to improve the Iriſh; and the only towns, which
were to be found in the iſland, had been planted along the coaſt
by the freebooters of Norway and Denmark. The other inha-
bitants exerciſed paſturage in the open country; ſought protec-
tion from any danger in their foreſts and moraſſes; and being
divided by the fierceſt animofities againſt each other, were ſtill
more intent on the means of mutual injury, than on the expe-
dients for common or even for private intereſt.
T
BESIDES many ſmall tribes, there were in the age of
Henry II. five principal ſovereignties in the iſland, Munſter,
Leinſter, Meath, Ulſter, and Connaught; and as it had been
uſual for the one or the other of theſe to take the lead in their
wars, there was commonly ſome prince, who ſeemed, for the
time, .to act as monarch of Ireland. Roderic O Connor, King
of Connaught, was then advanced to this dignity '; but his go-
vernment, ill obeyed even within his own territory, was not
capable of uniting the people in any meaſures, either for the
eſtabliſhment of order, or for defence againſt foreigners. The
ambition of Henry had, very early in his reign, been moved,
by the proſpect of theſe advantages, to attempt the ſubjection
of Ireland; and a pretence was only wanting to invade a
p Hoveden, p. 527.
ооо
VOL.I.
people,
1
.
466
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IX.
1172.
people, who, being always confined to their own iſland, had never
given any reaſon of complaint to any of their neighbours. For
this purpoſe, he had recourſe to Rome, which aſſumed a right
to diſpoſe of kingdoms and empires; and not foreſeeing the
dangerous diſputes, which he was one day to maintain with
that fee, he helped, for preſent, or rather for an imaginary,
convenience, to give ſanction to claims which were now be-
come dangerous to all fovereigns. Adrian III. who then filled
the papal chair, was by birth an Engliſhman; and being, on
that account, diſpoſed to oblige Henry, he was eafily perſuaded
to act as maſter of the world, and to make; without any hazard
or expence, the acquiſition of a great iſland to his ſpiritual ju-
riſdiction. The Iriſh had, by precedent miſſions from the Bri-
tains, been imperfectly converted to Chriſtianity; and what the
Pope regarded as the ſureſt mark of their imperfect converſion,
they followed the doctrines of their firſt teachers, and had never
acknowledged any ſubjection to the fee of Rome. Adrian,
therefore, in the year 1156, iſſued a bull in favour of Henry;
in which, after premiſing, that that prince had ever ſhown an
anxious care to enlarge the church of God on earth, and to en
creaſe the number of his faints and elect in heaven; he
repre-
ſents his deſign of ſubduing Ireland as derived from the fame
pious motives: He conſiders his care of applying previouſly for
the apoſtolic fanction as a ſure earneſt of ſucceſs and victory;
and having eſtabliſhed it as a point inconteſtible, that all Chri-
ftian kingdoms belong to the patrimony of St. Peter, he ac-
knowledges it to be his own duty to ſow among them the ſeeds
of the goſpel, which might in the laſt day fructify to their eter-
nal ſalvation: He exhorts the King to invade Ireland, in order
to extirpate the vice and wickedneſs of the natives, and oblige
them
9
2
in
H E N R Y
IT.
467
С НА Р.
IX.
1172.
them to pay yearly, from every houſe, a penny to the fee of
Rome: He gives him entire right and authority over the iſland,
commands all the inhabitants to obey him as their ſovereign,
and inveſts with full power all ſuch godly inſtruments as he
ſhould think proper to employ in an enterprize, thus calculated
for the glory of God and the ſalvation of the ſouls of men ?
Henry, though armed with this authority, did not immedi-
ately put his deſign in execution; but being detained by more
intereſting buſineſs on the continent, waited for a favourable
opportunity of invading Ireland.
1
DERMOT Macmorrogh, King of Leinſter, had, by his
licentious tyränny, rendered himſelf extremely odious to his
ſubjects, who ſeized with alacrity the firſt occaſion that offered,
of throwing off the yoke, which was become grievous and
oppreſſive to them. This prince had formed a deſign on Omachig
wife of Ororic, King of Meath; and taking advantage of her
huſband's abſence, who, being obliged to viſit a diſtant part
of his dominions, had left his Queen ſecure, as he thought, in
an iſland, ſurrounded by a bog, he ſuddenly invaded the place,
and carried off the princeſs. This exploit, though uſual
among the Iriſh, and rather eſteemed a proof of gallantry and
fpirit', provoked the reſentment of the huſband; who, having
collected forces, and being ſtrengthened by the alliance of Ro-
deric, King of Connaught, invaded the dominions of Dermot,
and expelled him from his kingdom. The exiled prince had
recourſe to Henry, who was at that time in Guienne, craved
N
p. 15.
9 M. Paris, .p. 67. Girald. Cambr. Spelm. Concil. vol. ii. p. 51. Rymer, vol. i.
Girald. Cambr. p.76o.
• Spencer, vol. vi.
OOO?
his
1
4
**
468
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
1
C H A P.
IX.
1172.
his aſſiſtance to reſtore him to his ſovereignty, and offered, in that
caſe, to hold his kingdom in vafſalage of the crown of England.
Henry, whoſe views were already turned towards making
acquiſitions in Ireland, readily accepted the offer ; but being
at that time embarraſſed by the rebellions of his French
ſubjects, as well as by his diſputes with the fee of Rome, he
declined for the preſent embarking in the enterprize, and gave
Dermot no farther aſſiſtance than letters patent, by which he
empowered all his ſubjects to aid the Iriſh prince in the recovery
of his dominions! Dermot, ſupported by this authority, came
to Briſtol; and after endeavouring, though for ſome time in
vain, to engage adventurers in the enterprize, he at laſt formed
a treaty with Richard, ſirnamed Strongbow, earl of Strigul.
This nobleman, who was of the illuſtrious houſe of Clare, had
impaired his eſtate by expenſive pleaſures; and being ready for
any deſperate undertaking, he promiſed aſliſtance to Dermot,
on condition of his eſpouſing Eva, the daughter of that prince,
and being declared heir of all his dominions". While Richard
was aſſembling his ſuccours, Dermot went into Wales; and
meeting with Robert Fitz-Stephens, conſtable of Abertivi, and
Maurice Fitz-Gerald, he alſo engaged them in his ſervice, and
obtained their promiſe of invading Ireland. Being now aſſured
of aſſiſtance, he returned privately to his own ſtate; and lurking
in the monaſtery of Fernes, which he had founded, (for this
ruffian was alſo a founder of monaſteries) he prepared every thing
for the reception of his Engliſh allies *
*
1
Conqueſt of
that iſand
THE troops of Fitz-Stephens were firſt ready. That gentle-
man landed in Ireland with an hundred and thirty knights,
* Girald. Cambr. p.761.
1Girald. Cambr. p. 760.
> Girald, Cambr. p. 761.
fixty
1.
H E N R Y
469
II.
IX.
1172.
fixty eſquires, and three hundred archers; but this ſmall body, CHAP.
being brave men, not unacquainted with diſcipline, and com-
pleatly armed, a thing almoſt unknown in Ireland, ftruck a
great terror into the barbarous inhabitants, and ſeemed to
menace them with ſome ſignal revolution. The conjunction of
Maurice de Prendergaſt, who, about the ſame time, brought
over ten knights and fixty archers, enabled Fitz-Stephens to
attempt the ſiege of Wexford, a town inhabited by the Danes;
and after gaining a battle, he made himſelf maſter of the place".
Soon after, Fitz-Gerald arrived with ten knights, thirty eſquires,
and a hundred archers.”; and being joined by the former ad-
venturers, compoſed a force which nothing in Ireland was able
to withſtand. Roderic, the chief monarch of the iſland, was
defeated in battle; the prince of Offory was obliged to ſubmit,
and give hoſtages for his peaceable behaviour; and Dermot,
not content with being reſtored to his kingdom of Leinſter,
projected the dethronement of Roderic, and aſpired to the fole
dominion of the iſland.
annar
In proſecution of theſe views, he ſent over a meſſenger to th
earl of Strigul, challenging the performance of his promiſe,
and diſplaying the mighty advantages which might now be
reaped by a ſmall reinforcement of warlike troops from Eng-
land. Richard, not ſatisfied with the general allowance given
by Henry to all his ſubjects, went to that prince, then in Nor-
mandy; and having obtained a cold or ambiguous permiſſion,
prepared himſelf for the execution of his deſigns. He firſt ſent
over Raymond, one of his retinue, with ten knights and feventy
archers, who landing near Waterford, defeated a body of three
y Girald. Cambr. p. 761, 752.
% Girald, Cambr. p.766
thouſand
1
470
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IX.
1172.
thouſand Iriſh, that had ventured to attack him"; and as
Richard himſelf, who brought over two hundred horſe, and
an hundred archers, joined in a few days after, the victorious
Engliſh, they made themſelves maſters of Waterford, and pro-
ceeded to Dublin, which was taken by aſſault. Roderic, in
revenge, cut off the head of Dermot's ſon, who had been left
as a hoſtage in his hands; and Richard, marrying Eva, became
ſoon after, by the death of Dermot, maſter of the kingdom of
Leinſter, and prepared to extend his dominion over all Ireland.
Roderic, and the other Iriſh princes, were alarmed with the
danger; and combining together, beſieged Dublin with an army
of thirty thouſand men: But earl Richard, making a ſudden
ſally at the head of ninety knights, with their followers, put
this numerous army to rout, chaced them from the field of
battle, and purſued them with great ſlaughter. None in Ireland
now dared to oppoſe themſelves to the Engliſh.
L
HENRY, jealous of the progreſs of his own ſubjects, fent
orders to recall all the Engliſh, and he made preparations to
attack Ireland in perſon : But Richard, and the other adven-
turers, found means to appeaſe him, by making him the moſt
humble ſubmiſſions, and offering to hold all their acquiſitions
in vaſſalage to his crown. That monarch landed in Ireland
at the head of five hundred knights, beſides other ſoldiers; and
found the Iriſh ſo diſpirited by their late misfortunes, that, in
a progreſs which he made through the iſland, he had no other
occupation than to receive the homages of his new ſubjects º.
He left moſt of the Iriſh chieftains or princes in poſſeſſion of
• Girald. Cambr. p. 767.
Girald. Cambr. p. 773.
c Ibid. p. 770.
d Ibid. p. 775.
• Bened. Abb. p. 27, 28.
Ioveden, p. 527. Diceto, p. 559.
their
+
5
H EN R Y II.
471
IX.
1172,
their ancient territories ; beſtowed fome lands on the Engliſh CHA P.
adventurers ; gave earl Richard the commiſſion of ſeneſchal of war
Ireland ; and after a ſtay of a few months, returned in triumph
into England. By theſe trivial exploits, ſcarce worth relating,
except for the importance of the conſequences, was Ireland
ſubdued, and annexed for ever to the Engliſh crown.
11
The low ſtate of commerce and induſtry, during thoſe ages,
made it impracticable for princes to ſupport regular armies,
which might retain conquered countries in ſubjection; and the
extreme barbariſm and poverty of Ireland could ſtill leſs afford
means of bearing this expence. The only expedient by which
a durable conqueſt could then be made or maintained, was by
pouring in a multitude of new inhabitants, dividing among
them the lands of the vanquiſhed, eſtabliſhing them in all
offices of truſt and authority, and thereby transforming the
antient inhabitants into a new people. By this policys tlie
northern invaders of old, and of late the duke of Normandy,
had been able to fix their dominion, and to erect kingdoms,
which remained ſtable on their foundations, and were tranſ-
mitted to the poſterity of the firſt conquerors. But the preſent
ſtate of Ireland rendered that iſland ſo little inviting to the
Engliſh, that only a few of deſperate fortunes could be
perme
ſuaded, from time to time, to tranſport themſelves into itº;
and inſtead of reclaiming the natives from their uncultivated
manners, they were gradually aſſimilated to the antient inha-
bitants, and degenerated from the cuſtoms of their own nation,
It was alſo found requiſite to beſtow great military and arbi-
trary powers on the leaders, who commanded a handful of
men amidſt ſuch hoftile multitudes; and law and equity, in a
1
1
« Brompton, p. 1069. Neubrig. p. 4032
little
1
4
4
to
472
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
C H A P.
IX.
1
1172.
little time, became as much unknown in the Engliſh ſettlements
as they had ever been among the Iriſh tribes. Palatinates were
erected in favour of the new adventurers ; independant autho-
rity conferred; the natives, never fully ſubdued, ſtill retained
their animoſities againſt the conquerors : Their hatred was
retaliated by like injuries; and from theſe cauſes, the Iriſh,
during the courſe of four centuries, remained ſtill ſavage and
untractable; and it was not till the latter end of Elizabeth's
reign, that the iſland was fully ſubdued ; nor till that of her
ſucceſſor, that it gave hopes of becoming an uſeful conqueſt to
the Engliſh nation,
BESIDES that the eaſy and peaceable ſubmiſſion of the Iriſh
left Henry no farther occupation in that iſland, he was recalled
from it by another incident, which was of the laſt importance
to his intereſts and ſafety. The two legates, Albert and Theodin,
to whom was committed the trial of his conduct in the death
of archbiſhop Becket, were arrived in Normandy; and being
impatient of delay, ſent him frequent letters, full of menaces,
if he protracted any longer the making his appearance before
them. He haſtened therefore to Normandy, and had a con-
ference with them at Savigny, where their demands were fo
exorbitant, that he broke off the negotiation, threatened to
return to Ireland, and bade them do their worſt againſt him.
They perceived that the ſeaſon was now paſt for taking advan-
tage of that tragical incident; which, had it been hotly
purſued by interdicts and excommunications, was capable of
throwing the whole kingdom into combuſtion. But the time,
which Henry had happily gained, had contributed to appeaſe
the minds of men: The event could not now have the ſame
!
c Girald. Cambr. p. 778.
1
influence,
I E N R Y II.
4.73
CHAP
IX.
1172,
1
influence, as when it was recent; and as the clergy had
every day looked for an accommodation with the King, they
had not oppoſed the pretenſions of his partizans, who had been
wery induſtrious in repreſenting to the people his entire inno-
cence in the murder of the primate, and his ignorance of the
deſigns formed by the aſſaſſins. The legates, therefore, found
themſelves obliged to lower their terms; and Henry was fo
fortunate as to conclude an accommodation with them. He
declared upon oath, before the reliques of the faints, that ſo
far from commanding or deſiring the death of the archbiſhop,
he was extremely grieved when he received intelligence of it:
But as the paſſion which he had expreſſed on account of that
prelate's conduct, had probably given occaſion to his murder,
he ſtipulated the following conditions, as an atonement for
the offence. He promiſed, that he ſhould pardon all ſuch as
The King's
had been baniſhed for adhering to Becket, and ſhould reſtore tion with
them to their livings; that the fee of Canterbury ſhould be the court of
reinſtated in all its antient poffefſions; that he ſhould pay the
templars a ſum of money ſufficient for the ſubſiſtance of two
hundred knights during a year in the holy land; that he ſhould
himſelf take the croſs at the Chriſtmas following, and, if the
Pope inſiſted on it, ſerve three years againſt the infidels, either
in Spain or Paleſtine ; that he ſhould not inſiſt on the obſervance
of ſuch cuſtoms, derogatory to eccleſiaſtical privileges, as had
been introduced in his own time; and that he ſhould not ſtop
appeals to the Pope in eccleſiaſtical cauſes, but ſhould content
himſelf with exacting ſufficient ſecurity of ſuch clergymen as
left his dominions to proſecute an appeal, that they ſhould
attempt nothing againſt the rights of his crown'. Upon figning
accommoda-
Rome.
..
F M, Paris, p. 83. Benedict. Abb. p. 34. Hoveden, p. 529. Diceto, p. 360.
Chron. Gerv. p. 1422.
VOL.I.
there
P.PP
..;-
+
474
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IX.
zavod
1172.
theſe conceſſions, Henry received abfolution from the legates ;
was confirmed in the grant made by Pope Adrian of Ireland;
and nothing proves more ſtrongly the great abilities of this
monarch, than his extricating himſelf, on ſuch eaſy terms,
from ſo difficult a ſituation. He had always inſiſted, that the
laws, eſtabliſhed at Clarendon, contained not any new claims,
but the anticnt cuſtoms of the kingdom ; and he was ſtill at
liberty, notwithſtanding the articles of this agreement, to main-
tain his pretenſions. Appeals to the Pope were indeed permitted
by this treaty; but as the King was alſo permitted to exact
reaſonable ſecurities from the parties, and might ſtretch his
demands on this head as far as he pleaſed, he had it virtually
in luis power to prevent the Pope from reaping any advantage
by this ſeeming conceſſion. And on the whole, the conſtitu-
tions of Clarendon remained ſtill the law of the realm; tho'
the Pope and his legates ſeem ſo little to have conceived the
King's power to lie under any legal limitations, that they were
ſatisfied with his departing, by treaty, from one of the moſt
momentous articles of theſe conſtitutions, without requiring
any repeal by the ſtates of the kingdom.
11
1
HENRY, freed from this dangerous controverſy with the
eccleſiaſtics and with the fee of Rome, feemed now to have
reached the pinnacle of human grandeur and felicity, and to
be equally happy in his domeſtic ſituation and in his political
government. A numerous progeny of ſons and daughters gave
both luſtre and authority to his crown, prevented the dangers
of a diſputed ſucceſſion, and repreſſed all pretenſions of the
ambitious barons. The King's precaution alſo, in eſtabliſhing
the ſeveral branches of his family, ſeemed well calculated to
.
{ Brompton, p. 1071. Liber. Nig. Scac. p. 47.
6
prevent
Η Ε Ν R Y
475
Il.
1
CH-A P.
1X,
1172.
"
prevent all jealouſies among the brothers, and to perpetuate
the greatneſs of his family. He had ordered Henry, his eldeſt
fon, to be anointed King, and had deſtined him for his ſucceſſor
in the kingdom of England, the dutchy of Normandy, and
the counties of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine ; territories which
lay contiguous, and which, by that means, might eaſily, lend
to each other mutual aſliſtance, both againſt inteſtine commo-
tions and foreign invaſions. Richard, his ſecond ſon, was
inveſted in the dutchy of Guienne and county of Poictou ;
Geoffrey, his third ſon, inherited, in right of his wife, the
dutchy of Brittany; and the new conqueſt of Ireland was
deſtined for the appanage of John, his fourth ſon. He had
alſo negotiated, in favour of this laſt prince, a marriage with
Adelais, the only daughter of Humbert, .count of Savoy and
Maurienne; and was to receive as her dowry very conſiderable
demeſnes in Piedmont, Savoy, Breſſe, and Dauphiny". But
this exaltation of his family excited the jealouſy and envy of
all-his neighbours, who made thoſe very fons, whoſe fortunes
he had fo anxiouſly eſtabliſhed, the means of imbittering his
future life and diſturbing his government.
1
YOUNG Henry, who was riſing to man's eſtate, began to
diſplay his character, and aſpire to independance: Brave, am-
bitious, liberal, magnificent, affable; he diſcovered qualities,
which give great luſtre to youth; prognoſticate a ſhining
fortune ; but, unleſs tempered in mature age with diſcretion,
are the forerunners of the greateſt calamities'. It is ſaid, that
at the time when this prince received the royal unction, his
father, in order to give greater dignity to the ceremony, offi-
Ypod. Neuft. p. 448. Bened. Abb. p. 38. Hoveden, p. 532. Diceto, p. 561,
Brompton, p. 1082. Rymer, vol. i. p. 33.
Chron. Gerv. p. 1.163.
Ppp?
ciated
476
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IX.
1172,
ciated at table as one of the retinue; and obſerved to his folle
that never King was more royally ſerved. It is nothing extra-
ordinary, ſaid young Henry to one of his courtiers, if the soir
of a count ſhould ſerve the ſon of a King. This ſaying, which
might paſs only for an innocent pleaſantry, or even for an
oblique compliment to his father, was however regarded as a
ſymptom of his aſpiring temper; and his conduct foon after
juſtified the conjecture..
1173
Revolt of
young Henry
and his bro-
thers.
HENRY, agrceably to the promiſe which he had given both
to the Pope and French king, permitted his ſon to be crowned
anew by the hands of the archbiſhop of Rouen, and aſſociated
the princeſs Margaret, ſpouſe to young Henry, in this cere-
monyk. He afterwards allowed him to pay a viſit to his
father-in-law at Paris, who took the opportunity of inſtilling
into the young prince thoſe ambitious ſentiments, to which
he was naturally but too much inclined'. Though it had
been the conſtant practice of France, ever ſince the acceſſion
of the Capetian line, to crown the ſon during the lifetime of
the father, without conferring on him any preſent participa-
tion of royalty ; Lewis perſuaded his ſon-in-law, that by this
ceremony, which in thoſe ages was deemed ſo momentous, he
had acquired a title to fovereignty, and that the King could
not, without injuſtice, exclude him from immediate poffefſion
of the whole, or at leaſt a part of his dominions. In con-
fequence of theſe extravagant ideas, young Henry, on his
return, deſired the King to reſign to him either the crown of
k Bioveden, p. 529. Diceto, p. 560. Brompton, p. 1080. Chron. Gerv. p. 1421.
Trivet, p. 58. It appears from Madox's Hiſtory of the Exchcquer, that filk garments
were then known in England, and that the coronation robes of the young king and
queen cot eighty-ſeven pounds ten ſhillings and four pence, money of that age.
Girald, Cambr. p.782.
England
H E N R Y
477
II:
*
CHAP
IX.
England or the dutchy of Normandy "; diſcovered
great
dif
content on the refuſal; ſpoke in the inoſt undutiful terms of
his father; and ſoon after, according to concert, made his
eſcape to Paris, where he was protected and ſupported by the
French monarch ".
1173
While Henry was alarmed with this event, and had tlie
proſpect : of dangerous intrigues, or even of a war, which;
whether ſucceſsful or not, muſt be extremely calamitous and
diſagreeable to him, he received intelligence of new misfortunes,
which muſt have affected him in the moſt ſenſible manner:
Queen Eleanor, who had diſguſted her firſt huſband by her ,
gallantries, was no leſs offenſive to her ſecond, by her jealouſy;
and after this manner, carried to extremity, in the different
periods of her life, every circuinſtance of female weakneſs. She
communicated her diſcontents againſt Henry to her two younger
ſons, Geoffrey and Richard ; perſuaded tliem that they were
alſo entitled to preſent poſſeſſion of the territories aſſigned to
them; engaged them to fly fecretly to the court of France
and was meditating, herſelf, an eſcape to the ſame court, and
had even put on man's apparel for that purpoſe; when ſhe
was ſeized by orders from her huſband, and was thrown into
confinement. Thus, Europe ſaw with aſtoniſhment the beſt
and moſt indulgent of parents at war with his whole family; :
three boys, ſcarce arrived at the age of puberty, require a great :
inonarch, in the full vigour of his age and height of his repu-
tation, to dethrone himſelf in their favour; and ſeveral princes
1
m Bencd. Abb. p. 37. Hoveden, p. 531, · Brompton, p. 1083., . Chron. Gervaſc, ,
p. 1424.
Höveden, p. 533. Diceto, p. 561. Brompton, p. 1083. Heming. p. 479. .
. Bened. Abb. p. 48. Brompton, p. 1083. Neubrig. p. 404.
p Chron. Gerv. p. 1424.
not.
478
HISTORY OF ENGLAND
,
С НАР.
IX.
not aſhamed to ſupport them in theſe unnatural and abſurd
d pretenſions.
11736
1
HENRY, reduced to this perilous and diſagreeable ſituation,
had recourſe to the court of Rome; and though ſenſible of the
danger attending the interpoſition of eccleſiaſtical authority in
temporal diſputes, applied to the Pope, as his ſuperior lord, to
excommunicate his enemies, and by theſe cenſures to reduce to
obedience his undutiful children, whom he found ſuch a reluct-
ance to puniſh by the ſword of the magiſtrate !. Alexander,
well pleaſed to exert his power in ſo plauſible a cauſe, iſſued
the bulls required of himn : But it was ſoon found, that theſe
fpiritual weapons had not equal force as when employed in
a ſpiritual controverſy; and that the clergy were very negli-
gent in ſupporting a ſentence, which was nowiſe calculated to
promote the immediate intereſts of their order.
The King
after taking in vain this humiliating ſtep, was obliged to have
recourſe to arms, and to inliſt ſuch auxiliaries, as are the uſual
reſource of tyrants, and have ſeldom been employed by ſo wiſe
and juſt a monarch.
1
The looſe government, which prevailed in all the ſtates of
Europe, the many private wars carried on among the neighbour-
ing nobles, and the impoſſibility to enforce any general execu-
tion of the laws, liad encouraged a tribe of banditti to diſturb
every where the public peace, to infeſt the high roads, to pillage
the open country, and to brave all the efforts of the civil magi-
ſtrate, and even the excommunications of the church, which
1. Epift. Pétri Blef. epiſt. 136. in Biblioth. Patr. tom. xxiv. p. 1048. His words are,
Veftre juriſdictionis eft regnum Anglia, et quantum ad feudatarii juris obligationem, vobis
duntaxat obnoxius teneor. The ſame paper is in Rymer, vol. i. p. 35. and Trivet, vol. i.
+
P. 62.
were
1
H EN RY
479
II.
CH A P.
IX.
1173
were thundered out againſt them' Troops of them were
ſometimes inliſted in the ſervice of one prince or baron, fome-
times in that of another : They often acted in an independant
manner, under leaders of their own: The peaceable and induf-
trious inhabitants, reduced to poverty by their ravages, were
frequently obliged for ſubſiſtence to betake themſelves to a like
diſorderly courſe of life: And a continual inteſtine war, perni-
cious to induſtry, as well as to the execution of juſtice, was
thus carried on in the bowels of every kingdom'. Theſe def-
perate ruffians received the name ſometimes of Brabançons, fome-
times of Routiers or Cottereaux; but for what reaſon, is not
agreed by hiſtorians : And they formed a kind of ſociety or
government among themſelves, which fet at defiance all the reſt
of mankind. The greateſt monarchs were not aſhamed, on
occaſion, to have recourſe to their aſſiſtance; and as their habits
of war and devaſtation had given them experience, hardineſs,
and courage, they generally compoſed the moſt formidable part
of thoſe armies, which decided the political quarrels of princes.
Several of them were enliſted among the forces levied by
Henry's enemies '; but the great treaſures amaſſed by that
prince enabled him to engage more numerous troops of them
in his ſervice; and the ſituation of his affairs rendered even
ſuch banditti the only forces on whoſe fidelity he could repoſe
any
confidence. His licentious barons, diſguſted with a vigi-
lant government, were more deſirous of being ruled by young
princes, ignorant of public affairs, remiſs in their conduct, and
profuſe in their grants"; and as the King had enſured to his
ſons the ſucceſſion to every particular province of his dominions, ,
the nobles dreaded no danger in adhering to thoſe who, they
T
Neubrig. p. 413.
i Petr. Bleſ. epiſt. 47.
s Chron. Gerv. p. 1461,
# Diceto, P. 570.
1
knew,
S
.
1
480
HISTORY OF ENGLAND
С НА Р.
IX.
1173.
.
knew, muſt ſome time become their ſovereigns. Prompted by
theſe motives, many of the Norman nobility had deſerted to
his fon Henry; the Breton and Gaſcon barons ſeemed equally
diſpoſed to embrace the quarrel of Geoffrey and Richard *.
Difaffection had crept in among the Engliſh; and the earls of
Leiceſter and Cheſter in particular had openly declared againſt
the King': Twenty thouſand Brabançons, therefore, joined
to ſome troops, which he brought over from Ireland, and a
few barons of approved fidelity, formed the ſole force, with
-which he propoſed to reſiſt his enemies ?.
Lewis, in order to bind the confederates in a cloſer union,
Yummoned at Paris an aſſembly of the chief vaſſals of the crown,
received their approbation of his meaſures, and engaged them
by oath to adhere to the cauſe of young
young Henry
. That prince,
in return, bound himſelf by a like tie never to deſert his French
allies; and having made a new great ſeal', he laviſhly diſtri-
buted among them many conſiderable parts of thoſe territories
which he propoſed to conquer from his father “. Philip, court
of Flanders, Matthew, count of Boulogne, his brother, Theo-
bald, count of Blois, Henry, count of Eu, partly moved by the
general jealouſy ariſing from Henry's power and ambition,
Partly allured by the proſpect of reaping advantage from the
inconſiderate temper and the neceſſities of the young prince,
declared openly in favour of the latter. William, King of
> Hoveden, p. 534. Trivet, p.59.
y Y pod. Neuft. p. 448. Brompton, p. 1085. Neubrig. p. 405. Heming. p. 499.
• Hoveden, p. 534. Chron. Gerv. p. 1427. Neubrig. p. 405. Heming. p. 499.
Chron. T. Wykes, p. 32. Trivet, p. 6o.
a Bened. Abb. p. 49. Hoveden, p: 533. Chron. Gerv. p. 1424.
texto. Brompton, p. 1084.
· Bened. Abb. p. 49. Hoveden, p. 533.
Seotland,
1
5
*
H EN RY
II.
481
a
CHAP
IX,
Scotland, had alſo entered into this great confederacy "; and
plan was concerted for a general invaſion on different places of
the King's extenſive and factious dominions.
1172
HOSTILITies were firſt commenced by the counts of Flan-
ders and Boulogne on the frontiers of Normandy. Theſe
princes laid ſiege to Aumale, which, by the treachery of the
count of that name, was delivered into their hands .: That
nobleman ſurrendered himſelf priſoner; and, on pretence of
thereby paying his ranſom, opened the gates of all his other
fortreſſes. The two counts next beſieged and made themſelves
maſters of Drincourt: But the count of Boulogne was here
mortally wounded in the afault; and this event put ſome ſtop
to the progreſs of the Flemiſh arms.
*
-
inſurreclions,
In another quarter, the King of France, being ſtrongly aſſiſted Wars and
by his vaſſals, aſſembled a great army of ſeven thouſand knights
and their followers on horſeback, and a proportionable number
of infantry; and carrying young Henry along with him, laid
fiege to Verneuil, which was vigorouſly defended by Hugh de
Lacy and Hugh de Beauchamp, the governors . After he had
lain a month before the place, the garriſon, being ſtraitened for
proviſions, were obliged to capitulate; and they engaged, if
not relieved within three days, to ſurrender the town, and to
retire into the citadel. On the laſt of theſe days, Henry ap-
peared with his army upon the heights above Verneüil; and
Lewis, dreading an aſſault, fent the archbiſhop of Sens and the
1
Chron. Mailr. p. 172, Brampton, p. 1084.
Ypod. Neuſt, p. 449. Diccto, p. 571.
Hoveden, p.534. Brompton, p. 1085. Neubrig. p. 405. Heming. p. 499.
i Haveden, p. 534.
VOL. I.
Qq 4
count
1
?
..
5
1.
482
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НАР.
1173
count of Blois to the Engliſh camp, and deſired that next day
ſhould be appointed for a conference, in order to eſtabliſh a ge-
neral peace, and terminate the differences between Henry and
his ſons. The King, who paſſionately deſired this accommoda-
tion, and ſuſpected no fraud, gave his conſent; but Lewis, that
morning, obliging the garriſon to ſurrender, according to the
capitulation, ſet fire to the place, and began to retire with his
army". Henry, provoked at this artifice, attacked the rear
with 'vigour, put them to rout, executed ſome ſlaughter, and
took ſeveral priſoners. The French army, as their time of fer-
vice was now expired, immediately diſperſed themſelves into
their ſeveral provinces; and left Henry free to proſecute his
advantages againſt his other enemies.
4
*.??
*
2
4
1
1
The nobles of Brittany, excited by the earl of Cheſter and
Ralph de Fougeres, were all in arms; but their progreſs was
checked by a body of Brabançons, which the King, after Lewis's
retreat, had ſent againſt them. The two armies came to an
action near Dol; where the rebels were defeated, fifteen hun-
dred killed on the ſpot, and the leaders, the earls of Cheſter
and Fougeres, obliged to take ſhelter in the town of Dol'.
Henry haſtened to form the ſiege of that place, and carried on
the attack with ſuch ardour, that he obliged the governor and
garriſon to ſurrender themſelves priſoners of war k. By theſe
vigorous meaſures and happy ſucceſſes, the inſurrections were
entirely quelled in Brittany; and the King, thus fortunate in
* Bened. p. 57, 58, &c. Hoveden, p. 535. Diceto, p. 570, 571, 572. Bromp-
ton, p. 1085, 1085, 1087.
1 Bencd. Abb. p. 63. Hoveden, p. 535.
* Penedict. Abb. p. 64, 65. Hoveden, p. 535. Diceto, p. 574. Neubrig p. 406.
Heming. p. 500. Trivet, p. 61.
all
24
2
H E N R Y
483
II.
i
1
СНАР.
IX.
all quarters, willingly agreed to a conference with Lewis, in
hopes, that his enemies, finding all their mighty efforts entirely
fruſtrated, would agree to terminate hoſtilities on ſome mode-
rate and reaſonable conditions.
1173
The two monarchs met between Trie and Giſors; and
Henry had here the mortification to ſee his three ſons in the
retinue of his mortal enemy. As Lewis had no other pretence
for war than ſupporting the claims of theſe young princes, the
King made them ſuch offers as children might be aſhamed to
inſiſt on, and could be extorted from him by nothing but his
parental affection or by the preſent neceſſity of his affairs '. He
inſiſted only on retaining the ſovereign authority in all his do-
minions ; but offered young Henry half of the revenues of
England, with ſome places of ſurety in that kingdom; or if he
rather choſe to reſide in Normandy, half of the revenues of that
dutchy, with all thoſe of Anjou. He made a like offer to
Richard in Guienne; he promiſed to reſign all Brittany to
Geoffrey ; and if theſe conceſſions were not deemed ſufficient,
he agreed to add to them whatever the Pope's legates, who
were preſent, ſhould require of him “. The earl of Leiceſter
was admitted to this negotiation; and either from the impetuo-
fity of his temper, or from a view of breaking off abruptly a
conference which muſt cover the allies with confuſion, he
gave vent to the moſt violent reproaches againſt Henry, and
he even put his hand to his ſword, as if he meant to attempt
ſome violence upon him. This furious action threw the whole
company into confuſion, and put an end to the treaty ".
1
t
| Hoveden, p. 539.
Hoveden, p. 536. Brompton, p. 1088.
» Hoveden, p. 536.
Q992
THE
484
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
-
CHAP
IX.
1173
1
The chief hopes of Henry's enemies ſeemed now to depend
on the ſtate of affairs in England, where his authority was
expoſed to the moſt imminent danger. One article of young
Henry's agreement with his foreign confederates, was, that
he ſhould reſign Kent, with Dover and all its other fortreſſes,
into the hands of the count of Flanders * ; yet ſo little national
or public ſpirit prevailed among the independant Engliſh nobi-
lity, ſo wholly bent were they on the aggrandizement each of
himſelf and his own family, that, notwithſtanding this perni-
cious conceſſion, which muſt have produced the ruin of the
kingdom, the majority of them had conſpired to make an inſur-
rection and to fupport the prince's pretenfions. The King's
principal reſource lay in the church and the biſhops, with whom
he was now in perfect agreement; whether that the decency of
their character made them aſhamed of ſupporting ſo unnatural
a rebellion, or that they were entirely ſatisfied with Henry's
atonement for the murder of Becket and for his former inva-
fion of eccleſiaſtical immunities. That prince, however, had
reſigned none of the eſſential rights of his crown in the accom-
modation ; le maintained ſtill the ſame prudent jealouſy of the
court of Rome; admitted no legate into England, without his
ſwearing to attempt nothing againſt his royal prerogatives; and
he had even obliged the monks of Canterbury, who pretended
to a free election on the vacancy, made by the death of Becket,
to chooſe Roger, prior of Dover, in the place of that turbulent
prelate.
• pizza
War with
Scotland.
The King of Scotland now made an irruption into Nor-
•thumberland, and committed great devaſtations; but being
a Hoveden, p. 533- Erompton, p.1084« Neubr. p. 508.
+ Haveden, p. 537
oppofed
.
1
1
1
H E N R Y
II.
485
CHAP
IX.
1173.
Y
oppoſed by Richard de Lucy, whom Henry had left guardian
of the realm, he retreated into his own kingdom, and agreed
to a ceſſation of arms. This truce enabled the guardian to
march fouthwards with his army, in order to oppoſe an inva-
fion, which the earl.of Leiceſter, at the head of a great body of
Flemingșhad made upon Suffolk.. The Flemings had been
joined by Hugh Bigod, who made them maſters of his caſtle of
Framingham; and marching into the heart of the kingdom,
where they hoped to be ſupported by. Leiceſter's vaſſals, they
were met by. Lucy, who, aſſiſted by. Humphrey. Bohun, the.
conſtable, and the earls of Arundel, Glocefter, and Cornwal,
liad advanced to Farnham with a leſs numerous, but braver:
army, to oppoſe them. The Flemings, who were moſtly wea-
vers and other tradeſmen (for manufactures were now beginning
to be eſtabliſhed in Flanders) were broke in an inſtant; ten
thouſand of them were put to the ſword, the earl of Leiceſter
was taken priſoner, and the remains of the invaders were glad:
to compound for a ſafe. retreat into their own country.".
1
1174. .
This great defeat did not diſhearten the malcontents; who, .
being ſupported by the alliance of fo many foreign princes; and..
encouraged by the King's own fons, determined to perſevere in:
their enterprize. The earl of Ferrars, Roger de Mowbray, .
Archetil de Mallory, Richard de Moreville, Hamo de. Maſcie,
together with many friends of the earls of Leiceſter and Cheſter, :
roſe in arms; The fidelity of the earls of Clare and Gloceſter:
• M. Paris, p. 89. Hoveden, p. 536. Diceto, p. 573. Brompton, p. 1089..
Neubrig. p. 407,
d M. Paris, p; 89. Bened. Abb. p. 70. Hoveden, p. 536. Diceto, p. 574..
Brompton, p. 1089. Neubr. p. 407. Heming. p. 500.
• Bened, Abb. p. 54. Haveden, p. 537. Neubrig. p. 407.
vas is
1
1
486
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH A P.
IX.
1174.
was ſuſpected; and the guardian, though vigoroully fupported
by Gcoffrey, biſhop of Lincoln, the King's natural fon by the
fair Roſamond, found it difficult to defend himſelf on all quar-
ters, from ſo many open and concealed enemies. The more to
augment the confuſion, the King of Scotland, on the expiration
of the truce, broke into the northern provinces with a vaſt
army of 80,000 men; which, though undiſciplined and dif-
orderly, and better adapted for committing devaſtation, than for
executing any military enterprize, was become dangerous from
the preſent factious and turbulent ſpirit of the kingdom,
Henry, who had baffled all his enemics in France, and had put
his frontiers in a poſture of defence, now found England the
ſeat of danger; and he determined by his preſence to overawe
the malcontents, or by his conduct and courage to ſubdue them.
He landed at Southampton; and knowing the influence of ſu-
perſtition over the ininds of the people, he immediately haſtened
to Canterbury, in order to make atonement to the aſhes of
Thomas a Becket, and tender his ſubmiſſions to a dead enemy.
So foon as he came within fight of the church of Canterbury, he
defcended from horſeback, walked barefoot towards it, pro-
ſtrated himſelf before the ſhrine of the ſaint, remained in faſt-
ing and prayer during a whole day, watched all night the holy
reliques; and not ſatisfied with this hypocritical devotion
towards a man, whoſe violence and ingratitude had ſo long diſ-
quieted his government, and had been the object of his moſt inve-
terate animoſity, he ſubmitted to a penance, ſtill more ſingular
and humiliating. He aſſembled a chapter of the inonks, dif-
robed himſelf before them, put a ſcourge of diſcipline into each
Sth July.
Penance of
Henry for
Becket's
murder,
|
r Heming. p. 501,
-
1
of
1
1
14
!
H E N R Y
II.
4.87
CHAP
IX.
1174.
of their hands, and preſented his bare ſhoulders to the laſhes
which theſe eccleſiaſtics ſucceſſively inflicted upon him. Next
day, he received abſolution ; and departing for London, gót
foon after the agreeable intelligence of a great victory which his
generals had obtained over the Scots, and which, being gained
on the very day of his abſolution, was regarded as the earneſt
of his final reconciliation with Heaven and with Thomas a
Becket.
WILLIAM, King of Scots, though repulfed before the caſtle
of Prudhow, and other fortified places, had been able to commit
the moſt horrible depredations upon the northern provinces ';
but on the approach of Ralph de Glanville, the famous lawyer
and juſticiary, ſeconded by Bernard de Baliol, Robert de Stute-
ville, Odonel de Umfreville, William de Veſci, and other
northern barons, together with the gallant biſhop of Lincoln,
he thought proper to retreat nearer his own country, and fixed
liis ſtation at Alnwic. He had here weakened his army ex-
tremely, by ſending out numerous detachments in order to
extend his ravages; and he lay abſolutely ſafe, as he imagined,
from attack of the enemy. But Glanville, informed of his
ſituation, made a haſty and fatiguing;march to-Newcaſtle;. and
allowing his ſoldiers only a ſmall interyal for refreſhment, he
immediately ſet out towards evening for Alnwic. · He marched
that night above thirty miles; arrived in the morning, under :
cover of a miſty near the Scots camp; and regardleſs of the great: 13th July,
$
1
Liceto, p. 577
: Ypod. Neuſt. p. 450.
M. Paris, p. 90:
Hoveden, p. 539.
Brompton, p. 1095. Chron. Gerv. p. 1427. Néubrig. p. 410. Chron. .Dunſtable, :
p. 35
'Ypod Neut. p. 450.. M. Paris, p. 90. Bened. Abb. p. 83. Hoveden; p. 539.
M. Weft. p. 251.
i Pened. Abb. p. 73. Hoveden, p. 537. Prompton, p: 1090.. Chron. Gerv..
p. 1427. Neubrig. p. 408.
multitude.
4
!
A
438
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
C H A P.
IX.
1174.
multitude of the enemy, he began the attack with his ſmall, but
determined, body of cavalry. William was living in ſuch ſupine
ſecurity, that he took the 'Engliſh at firſt for a body.of his
own ravagers, who were returning to the camp: But the light
of their banners convincing him of his miſtake, he entered on
the action with no more than a body of an hundred horſe, in
confidence, that the numerous army, which ſurrounded him,
William,
would ſoon haſten to his relief. He was diſmounted on the
King of
firſt ſhock, and taken priſoner, while his troops, hearing of
defcated and this diſaſter, fled on all ſides with the utmoſt precipitation k.
taken pri-
ſoner. The diſperſt ravagers made the beſt of their way to their own
country; and diſcord ariſing among them, they proceeded even
to mutual ſlaughter, and ſuffered more from each other's ſword
than from that of the enemy'.
Scotland,
This great and important victory proved at laſt deciſive in
favour of Henry, and broke entirely the ſpirit of the Engliſh
rebels. The biſhop of Durham, who was preparing to revolt,
made his ſubmiſſions "; Hugh Bigod, though he had received
a ſtrong reinforcement of Flemings, was obliged to ſurrender
all his caſtles, and throw himſelf on the King's mercy " ; no
other reſource was left to the earl of Ferrars and Roger de
Moubrayº; the inferior rebels imitating the example, all
England was reſtored to tranquillity in a few weeks; and as
the King appeared to lie under the immediate protection of
heaven, it was deemed impious, any longer to reſiſt him. The
clergy exalted apew the merits and powerful interceſſion of
Becket; and Henry, inſtead of oppoſing this ſuperſtition,
* Bened. Abb. p. 76. Brompton, p. 1091, 1992. Neubrig. p. 408, 409. He
ming. p. 502.
I Ncubrig. p. 409. Heming. p. 502,
m Bened. Abb. p. 76.
Diceto, p. 370,
M. Paris, p. 91. Heming. :p. 504.
plumed
ܪ
܀
S
H ENRY
II.
489
plumed himſelf on the new friendſhip of that ſaint, and pro-
pagated an opinion which was ſo favourable to his intereſts P.
CHAP .
IX.
1174
1
YOUNG Henry, who was ready to embark at Gravelines with
the earl of Flanders and a great army, hearing of the ſuppreſſion
of his partizans in England, abandoned all thoughts of the
enterprize, and joined the camp of the French King, who,
during the abſence of old Henry, had made an irruption into
*Normandy, and had laid ſiege to Roüen?. The place was
defended with great vigour by the inhabitants'; and Lewis,
deſpairing of ſucceſs by open force, tried to gain the town
by a ſtratagem, which, in that ſuperſtitious age, was deemed
very little honourable. He proclaimed in his own camp a
ceſſation of arms on pretence of celebrating the feſtival of St.
Laurence; and when the citizens, ſuppoſing themſelves in
ſafety, were ſo imprudent as to remit their guard, he pro-
poſed to take advantage of their ſecurity. Happily, ſome prieſts
had, from mere curioſity, mounted a ſteeple, where the alarm
bell hung; and obſerving the French camp in motion, they
immediately rang the bell, and gave warning to the inhabi-
tants, who ran to their ſeveral ſtations. The French, who,
on hearing the bell, hurried to the affault, had already mounted
the walls in ſeveral places; but being repulſed by the enraged
citizens, were obliged to retreat with conſiderable lofs Next
day, Henry, who had haſtened to the defence of his Norman
dominions, paſſed over the bridge in triumph; and entered
Roüen in ſight of the French army. The city was now in
abſolute fafety; and the King, in order to brave the French
monarch, commanded the gates, which had been walled up,
Diceto, p. 578.
p Hoveden, p. 539.
9 Brompton, R. 1095.
• Brompton, p. 1096. Neubrig. p. 411. Heming. p. 503.
T
A
VOL. I.
Rrr
to
P
A
4
490
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
IX.
1174
to be opened'; and he prepared to puſh his advantages againſt
the enemy. Lewis faved himſelf from this perilous ſituation
by a new piece of deceit, not ſo juſtifiable. He propoſed a
conference for adjuſting the terms of a general peace, which,.
he knew, would be greedily embraced by Henry; and while
the King of England truſted to the execution of his promiſes.
he made a retreat with his army into France".
th
THERE was, however, a necellity on both ſides for an accom-
modation. Henry could no longer bear to ſee his three fons
in the hands of his enemy; and Lewis dreaded, left this great
monarch, victorious in all quarters, crowned with glory, and
abſolute maſter of his doininions, might take revenge for the
many dangers and diſquietudes, which the arms, and ſtill
more the intrigues of France, had, in his diſputes both with
Becket and his ſons, been able to raiſe him. After making 2
ceſſation of arins, a conference was agreed on near Tours. i
where Henry granted his fons much leſs advantageous terms
than he had formerly proffered.; and he received their ſub-
iniffions. The moſt material of his conceſſions were ſome
The King's
accommoda- penſions which he ſtipulated to pay them, and ſome caſtles
which he granted them for the place of their reſidence; together
with an indemnity to all their adherents, who were reſtored to
thcir eſtates and honours *.
tion with his
fons.
Of all thoſe who had embraced the cauſe of the young
princes, William, king of Scotland, was the only conſiderable
fufferer, by that invidious and unjuſt enterprize. Henry deli-
.
: Hoveden, p. 540.
* Bened. Abb. p. 86. · Brompton, p. 1c9.
* Rymer, vol. i. p. 35. Bened. Abb. p. 88. Hoveden, p. 540.' Diceto, p. 583.
Prompton, p. 1098. Heming. p. 50. Chron. Dunft. p. 36.
vered
5
F
$
f
H E N R Y
II,
191
CHAP .
IX.
1174
1
1175:
1 oth Auguſ,
vered from confinement, without exacting any ranſom, about
nine hundred knights whom he had taken priſoners'; but it
coſt William the antient independancy of his crown as the
price of his liberty. He ſtipulated to do homage to Henry, as
his liege lord, for Scotland and all his other dominions; he en-
gaged that all the barons and nobility of his kingdom ſhould
alſo do homage; that the biſhops ſhould ſwear fealty; that
both ſhould ſwear to adhere to the King of England againſt
their native prince, if the latter ſhould break his engagements;
and that the fortreſſes of Edinburgh, Stirling, Berwic, Roxbo-
rough, and Jedborough ſhould be delivered into Henry's hands,
till the performance of articles. This ſevere and humiliating
treaty was executed in its full rigour. William, being releaſed,
brought up all his barons, prelates, and abbots; and they
did homage to Henry in the cathedral of York, and acknow-
ledged him and his ſucceſſors for their ſuperior lord". The
Engliſh monarch ſtretched ſtill farther the rigour of the con-
ditions which he exacted. He engaged the King and ſtates of
Scotland to make a perpetual ceſſion of the fortreſſes of
Berwic and Roxborough, and to allow the caſtle of Edinburgh
to remain in his hands for a limited time. This was the firſt
great aſcendant which England obtained over Scotland; and
indeed the firſt important event, which had paſſed between
theſe kingdoms. Few princes have been ſo fortunate as to gain
conſiderable advantages over their weaker neighbours with leſs
violence and injuſtice, than was practiſed by Henry againſt the
King of Scotland, whom he had taken priſoner in battle, and
who had wantonly engaged in a war, in which all the neigh-
1
y Neubrig. p. 413.
z M. Paris, p. 91. Chron. Dunſt. p. 36. Hoveden, p. 545.
. M. Weſtm. p. 251
Diceto, p. 584. Brompton, p. 1103. Rymer, vol. i. p. 39. Liber Niger Scac-
carii, p. 36.
a Bened. Abb. p. 113.
Rrr 2
bours
.
492
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
텔
​C! AP.
IX.
bours of that prince, and even his own family, were, without
provocation, combined againſt him b.
1175
.
flration.
King's equi HENRY, having thus, contrary to expectation, extricated
table admini- himſelf with honour from a ſituation, in which his throne was
expoſed to the moſt imminent danger, occupied himſelf for
ſeveral years in the adminiſtration of juſtice, in the execution
of the laws, and in guarding againſt thoſe inconveniences,
which either the paſt convulſions of his ſtate, or the political
inſtitutions of that age, unavoidably occaſioned. The proviſions,
which he made, ſhow ſuch a largeneſs of thought as qualified
him to become a legiſlator; and they were commonly calcu-
lated for the future as well as preſent happineſs of his kingdom.
1176.
He enacted ſevere penalties againſt robbery, murder, falſe
coining, burning houſes; and ordained that theſe crimes ſhould
be puniſhed by the amputation of the right hand and right
foot. The pecuniary commutation for crimes, which has a
falſe appearance of lenity, had been gradually diſuſed; and
ſeems to haye been entirely aboliſhed by the rigour of theſe
ſtatutes. The ſuperſtitious trial by water ordeal, though con-
demned by the church ", ſtill ſubſiſted ; but Henry ordained,
that any man, accuſed of murder or any heinous felony by the
oath of the legal knights of the county, ſhould, even tho'
acquitted by the ordeal, be obliged to abjure the realm -
4
1
Some Scots hiſtorians pretend, that William paid, beſides, 100,000 pounds of
ranfom; which is quite incredible. The ranſom of Richard, who, beſides England,
po-Teſſed ſo many rich territories in France, was only 100,000 marks, and yet was.
levied with great difficulty.
& Bened. Abb. p. 132. Hoveden, p. 549.
Seld. Spicileg. ad Eadm. p. 204.
c Bened. Abb. p. 132.
ALL
!
.
1
9
Salon
is
1
H EN RY
II.
493
IX.
ALL advances towards reaſon and good ſenſe are ſlow and ( CHAP.
gradual. Henry, though ſenſible of the great abſurdity, at-
tending the trial by duel or battle, did not venture to aboliſh
1176...
it: He only admitted either of the parties to challenge a
trial by an aſſize or jury of twelve freeholders. This method
of trial ſeems to have been very antient in England, and was
fixed by the laws of King Alfred : But the barbarous and
violent genius of the age had of late given more credit to
the trial by battle, which had become the general method of
deciding all important controverſies. It was never aboliſhed by
law in England ;' and there is an inſtance of it ſo late as the
reign of Elizabeth: But the inſtitution revived by this King,
being found more reaſonable and more ſuitable to a civilized
people, gradually prevailed over it.
!
The partition of England into four diviſions, and the
appointment of itinerant juſtices to go the circuit in each divi-
fion, and decide the cauſes in the counties, was another impor-
tant ordinance of this prince, had a direct tendency to reſtrain
the oppreſſions of the barons, and to protect the inferior
gentry and common people in their property'. Thoſe juſtices
were either prelates or conſiderable nobility; and beſides
carrying the authority of the King's commiſſion, were able,
by the dignity of their own character, to give weight and
'credit to the laws.
1
That there might be fewer obſtacles to the execution of
juſtice, the King was vigilant in demoliſhing all the new
erected caſtles of the nobility, in England as well as in his
1
« Glanv. lib.ii. cap. 7.
f Hoveden, p.590.
foreign
1
จบ
TW
-494
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
ten
IX.
'
CHAP. foreign dominions ; and he permitted no fortreſs to remain in
hands, whoin he found reaſon to ſuſpect 8.
1176.
But leſt the kingdom ſhould be expoſed by this demolition
of the ſtrong places, the King fixed an aſſize of arms, by which
all his ſubjects were obliged to put themſelves in a ſituation
proper for defending themſelves and the realm. Every man,
poſſeſſed of a knight's fee, was ordained to have for each fee
a coat of mail, a helmet, a ſhield, and a lance; every free
layman poſſeſſed of goods to the value of fisteen marks, was
to be armed in like manner; every one poſſeſſed of ten marks
was obliged to have an iron gorget, a cap of iron, and a lance;
.all burgeſſes were to have a cap of iron, a lance, and a wam-
bais, that is, a coat quilted with wool, tow, or ſuch other
materials". It appears, that archery, for which the Engliſh
were afterwards fo renowned, had not, at this time, become
»very common among them. The ſpear was the chief
weapon
employed in battle.
²
The clergy and the laity were during that age in a ſtrange
• ſituation with regard to each other, and ſuch as may ſeem
totally incompatible with a civilized, and indeed with any
government. If a clergyman was guilty of murder, he could
only be puniſhed by degradation : If he was murdered, the
murderer was only expoſed to excommunication and cccleſi-
aſical cenſures; and the crime was atoned for by penances and
ſubmiſlion'. Hence the aſſaſſins of Thomas a Becket himſelf,
though guilty of the moſt atrocious wickedneſs, and the moſt
& Benedict. Abbas, p. 202. Diceto, p. 585.
* Bened. Abb. p. 305. Chion. Gerv. p. 1459. Annal. Waverl. p. 161.
.d. Petri Bleſſen. epift. 73. apud Bibl. Patr. tom. xxiv. p. 992.
.repugnant
+
1
*
*
4
H E N R Y
II.
495.
+
CH AP.
IX.
1176..
repugnant to the ſentiments of that age, lived ſecurely in their
own houſes, without being called to account by Henry himſelf,
who was ſo much concerned both in honour and intereſt, to
puniſh that crime, and who profeſſed or affected on all occa-
Lions the moſt extreme abhorrence of it. It was not till they
found their preſence ſhunned by every one as excommunicated
perſons, that they were induced to take a journey to Rome,
to throw themſelves at the Pope's feet, and to ſubmit to the
penances impoſed upon them: After which, they continued to
poſſeſs, without moleſtation, their honours and fortunes, and
ſeem even to have recovered the countenance and good opi-
nion of the public. But as the King, by the conſtitutions of
Clarendon, which he endeavoured ſtill to maintain in force
had ſubjected the clergy to a trial by the civil magiſtrate, it
ſeemed but juſt to give them the protection of that
power, to
which they were ſubjected; and it was enacted, that the mur-.
derers of clergymen ſhould be tried before the juſticiary in the
preſence of the biſlıop or his official; and beſides the uſual
puniſhment for murder, ſhould be ſubjected to a forfeiture of:
their eſtates, and a confiſcation of their goods and chattels'..
k
The King paſſed a very equitable law, that the goods of a :
vaffal ſhould not be ſeized for the debt of his lord, unleſs the
vaffal be ſurety for the debt; and that the rents of vaſſals ſhould
be paid to the creditors of the lord, not to the lord himſelf.
It
is remarkable, that this law was cnacted by the King in a
council which he held at Verneuil, and which conſiſted of fome
prelates and barons of England, as well as ſome of Normandy,
Poictou, Anjou, Maine, Touraine, and Brittany; and the
k Chron. Gervaſc, p. 1433.
1
Diceto, p. 592. Chron. Gervaſe, p. 1433.
1
ftatutc.
L.
+
4.96
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
IX.
1176.
ſtatute took place in all theſe different territories : A certain
and proof how irregular the antient feudal government was, and
how near the Kings, in ſome inſtances, approached to deſpotiſın,
though in others they ſeemed ſcarcely to poſſeſs any authority.
If a prince, much dreaded and revered like Henry, obtained but
the appearance of general conſent to an ordinance, which was
equitable and juſt, it became immediately an eſtabliſhed law,
and all the world acquieſced in it. If the prince was hated or
deſpiſed; if the nobles, who ſupported him, had ſmall influ-
ence; if the humours of the times diſpoſed the people to queſtion
the juſtice of his ordinances; the fulleſt and moſt authentic
aſſembly had no authority. Thus all was confuſion and diſor-
der; no regular ideas of a conſtitution prevailed; force and
violence decided every thing.
1
The ſucceſs which had attended Henry in his wars did not
encourage his neighbours to attempt any thing againſt him; and
his tranſactions with them, during the remainder of his reign,
contain little memorable. Scotland remained in that ſtate of
feudal ſubjection, to which he had reduced it; and
gave him no
farther inquietude. He ſent over his fourth ſon, John, into
Ireland, with a view of making a more compleat conqueſt of
that iſland; but the petulance and incapacity of this prince, by
which he enraged the Iriſh chieftains, obliged the King ſoon
after to recall him". The King of France had fallen into a
very abject ſuperſtition; and was induced by a devotion, more
ſincere than that of Henry, to make a pilgrimage to the tomb
m Bened. Abb. p. 248. It was uſual for the Kings of England, after the conqueſt of
Ireland, to ſummon barons and members of that country to the Engliſh parliament.
Molineux's Caſe of Ireland, p. 64, 65, 66.
n Bened. Abb. p. 437, &c.
of
*
H E N R Y
497
II."
i
С НА Р.
IX.
1176.
7
of Becket', in order to obtain his interceſſion for the recovery
of Philip, his eldeſt ſon. He probably thought himſelf well
intitled to the favour of that ſaint, on account of their antient
intimacy; and hoped, that Becket, whom he had protected
while on earth, would not now, that he was ſo highly advanced
in heaven, forget his old friend and benefactor. The monks,
ſenſible that their faint's honour was concerned in the caſe,
failed not to publiſh, that Lewis's prayers were anſwered, and
that the young prince was, by Becket's interceſſion, reſtored to
health”. That King himſelf was ſoon after ſtruck with an apo-
plexy, which deprived him of his judgment: Philip, though a
youth of fifteen, took on him the adminiſtration, till his fa-
ther's death, which happened foon after, opened his way to the
throne; and he proved the ableft and greateſt monarch that had
governed that kingdom, ſince the age of Charlemagne. The
ſuperior years, however, and experience of Henry, while they
moderated his ambition, gave him ſuch an afcendant over this
prince, that' no dangerous rivalſhip, for a long time, aroſe
between them. The Engliſh monarch, inſtead of taking ad-
vantage of his ſituation, rather employed his good offices to
compoſe the quarrels which aroſe in the royal family of France;
and he was ſucceſsful in mediating a reconciliation between
Philip and his mother and uncles ? Theſe ſervices were but
ill requited by Philip, who, when he came to man's eſtate,
fomented all the domeſtic diſcords in the royal family of Eng-
1
• M. Paris, p. 95. Bened. Abb. p. 318. Hoveden, p. 5)2. M. Weſim. p. zzz..
Diceto, p. 604.
Bened. Abb p. 320. Hovedea, p. 592. Brompton, p. 1149.
9 Bened. Abb. p. 325. Hoveden, p. 593. Brompton, p. 1142, Chron. Gervaſe,
p. 1459.
Vol.I.
Sif
land,
1
1
498
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
- CHAP. land, and encouraged Henry's fons in their ungrateful and
undutiful behaviour towards him.
IX.
1180.
Young Henry, equally impatient iof obtaining power, and
incapable of uſing it, renewed to the King his demand of
religning Normandy; and on meeting with a refuſal, he fled
with his confort to the court of France: But not finding Philip,
at that time, diſpoſed to enter into war for his fake, he accepted
of his father's offers of reconciliation, and made his fubmiffions.
It was a cruel circumſtance in the King's fortune, that he could
hope for no tranquillity from the :criminal enterprizes of his
fons but by their mutual diſcord and animofities, which
diſturbed his family, and threw his ſtate into .convulſions.
Richard, whom he had made maſter of Guienne, and who had
diſplayed his valour and military genius, by ſuppreſſing the
revolts of his mutinous barons, refuſed to obey Henry's orders,
in doing homage to his elder brother for that dutchy.;. and he
defended himſelf againſt young Henry and Geoffrey, who,
uniting their arms, carried war into his territories '. The
King with ſome difficulty compoſed this difference; but imme-
diately found his eldeſt ſon engaged in conſpiracies, and ready
to take arms againſt himſelf. While the young prince was con-
ducting theſe criminal deſigns, he was ſeized with a fever at
Martel, a caſtle near Turenne, to which he had retired in dif-
content; and ſeeing the approaches of death, he was at laſt
ftruck with remorfe for his undutiful behaviour towards his fa-
ther. He fent a meſſenger to the King, who was not far
diſtant; expreſſed his contrition for his faults; and entreated
the favour of a viſit, that he might at leaſt dję with the fatiſ-
1183.
Y pod Neuſt. p. 451. Bened. Abb. p. 383. Diceto, p.617
4
faction
H E N R Y
499.
IT.
9
C H A P.
IX.
2
Death of
faction of having received his forgiveneſs. Henry, who had
ſo often experienced the prince's ingratitude and violence, appre-
hended that his ſickneſs was entirely a feint, and he dared not 1183
entruſt himſelf into his ſon's hands : But when he foon after
received intelligence of young Henry's death, and the proofs lith June.
of his ſincere repentance, this good prince was affected with the young
Henry.
deepeſt ſorrow; he thrice fainted away; he accuſed his own
līard-heartedneſs in refuſing the dỹing requeſt of his ſon ; and
He lamented, that he had deprived that prince of the laſt oppor-
tunity of making atonement for his offences, and of pouring
out his foul in the bofom of his reconciled father. Young
Henry died in the twenty-eightli year of his age.
The behaviour of his ſurviving cliildren was ill-calculated to
give the King any confolation for this loſs. As prince Henry
had left no poſterity, Richard was become the heir of all his
dominions; and the King intended, that Johin, his third ſur-
viving fon and favourite, ſhould inherit Guienne: as his
appa:
nage: But Richard refuſed his conſent, fied into that dutchy,
and even made preparations for carıying on war, as well againſt
his father as againſt his brother Geoffrey, who was now put
in
poſſeſſion of Brittany. Henry ſent for Eleanor, his Queen, the
heireſs of Guienne, and required Richard to deliver up to her
the doininion of theſe territories; which that prince, either
dreading an inſurrection of the Gaſcons in her favour, or retain-
ing ſome fenfe, of duty towards her, readily performed; and
he returned peaceably to his father's court. No ſooner was this
quarrel accommodated; than Geoffrey, the moſt vicious per-
haps of all Henry's unhappy family, broke out into violence;
+
- Bened. Abb. p. 392. Hoveden, p. 620. Brompton, p. 1143. Chron. Gervaſe,
p. 1463. Neubrig. p. 422. 1 eming. p. 507.
• Bened. Abb. p. 393. Hoveden, p. 621. Trivet, vol. i. p. 84.
Sff 2
demanded
រ
V
500
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
***
+
CHAP
IX.
1183-
demanded Anjou to be annexed to his dominions of Brittany ;
and on meeting with a refuſal, fled to the court of France, and
levied armies againſt his father". Henry was freed from this
danger by his ſon's death, who was ſlain in a tournament at
Paris *. The widow of Geoffrey, ſoon after his deceaſe, was
delivered of a ſon, who received the name of Arthur, and was
inveſted in the dutchy of Brittany, under the guardianſhip of
his grandfather, who, as duke of Normandy, was alſo ſuperior
lord of that territory. Philip, as. lord paramount, diſputed ſome
time his title to this wardſhip; but was obliged to yield to the
inclinations of the Bretons, who preferred the government of
Henry.
1
Cruſades,
1
But the rivallhip among thefe potent princes, and all their
inferior intereſts, ſeemed now to have given place to the general
paſſion for the relief of the holy land, and the expulſion of the
Saracens. Thoſe infidels, though obliged to yield to the im-
menfe inundation of Chriſtians in the firſt cruſade, had recovered
courage after the torrent was paft; and attacking on all quar-
ters the ſettlements of the Europeans, had reduced them to great
difficulties, and obliged them to apply again for fuccours from
the weſt. A fecond cruſade, under the Emperor Conrade, and
Lewis VII, King of France, in which there periſhed above
200,000 men, brought them but a temporary relief; and theſe
princes, after loſing ſuch immenſe armies, and ſeeing the flower
of their nobility fall by their ſide, returned with little honour
into Europe. But theſe repeated misfortunes, which drained the
weſtern world of its people and treaſure, were not yet ſufficient
+
.
Neubrig. p. 422
3 Bened, Abb. p. 451. Chron. Gervaſe, p. 14804
10
1
h
1
H E N R Y . II.
501
СНАР.
IX.
1183
11
to cure men of their paſſion for thoſe ſpiritual adventures; and a
new incident rekindled with freſh fury the zeal of the ecclefia-
ſtics and military adventurers among the Latin Chriſtians.
Saladin, a prince of great generoſity, bravery, and conduct,
having fixed himſelf on the throne of Egypt, began to extend
his conqueſt over the Eaſt; and finding the ſettlements of the
Chriſtians in Paleſtine an invincible obſtacle to the progreſs of
his arms, he-bent the whole force of his policy and valour to
ſubdue that finall and barren, but important territory. Tak-
ing advantage of diſſentions, which prevailed among the cham-
pions of the Croſs, and having ſecretly gained the count of
Tripoli, who commanded their armies, he invaded the frontiers
with a mighty power; and, aided by the treachery of that
count, gained at Tiberiade a compleat victory over them, which
utterly annihilated the force of the already languiſhing king-
dom of Jeruſalem. The holy city itſelf fell into his hands after
a feeble reſiſtance; the kingdom of Antioch was almoſt entirely.
ſubdued; and cxcept ſome maritime towns, nothing confider-
able remained of thoſe boaſted conqueſts, which, near a century
before, had coſt the efforts of all Europe to acquire'.
1187.
The weſtern Chriſtians were aſtoniſhed on receiving this
diſmal intelligence. Pape Urban III. it is pretended, died of
grief; and his ſucceſſor, Gregory VIII. employed the whole
time of his ſhort pontificate in rouzing to arms all the Chri-
ſtians who acknowledged his authority. The general cry was,
that they were unworthy of enjoying any inheritance in heaven,
who did not vindicate from the dominion of the infidels the
inheritance of God on earth, and deliver from ſlavery that
country which had been conſecrated by the footſteps of their
1
y M. Paris; p. ICO.
Saviour,
502
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH AP.
IX.
1188.
21ſt January
Saviour. William, archbiſhop of Tyre, having procured a
conference between Henry and Philip near Giſors, enforced all
theſe topics ; gave a pathetic deſcription of the miſerable ſtate
of the eaſtern Chriſtians; and employed every argument to
excite the ruling paſſions of the age, ſuperſtition and jealouſy of
military honour. The two monarchs immediately took the
croſs; many of their moſt conſiderable vaſſals imitated the
example“; and as the Emperor Frederic I. entered into the ſame
confederacy, ſome well grounded hopes of ſucceſs were enter-
tained; and men flattered themſelves, that an ente;prize,
which had failed under the conduct of many independant
chieftains, or of imprudent princes, might at all, by thç
efforts of ſuch patent and able monarchs, be brought to a happy
iſſue.
1
The Kings of France and England impoſed a tax, amount-
ing to the tenth of all moveable goods, on ſuch as remained at
home"; but as they exempted from this burden moſt of the
regular clergy, the ſecular aſpired to the ſame privilege; pre-
tended that it was only their duty to aſſiſt the cruſade with
their prayers; and it was with ſome difficulty they were obliged
to deſiſt from an oppoſition, which in them, who had been the
chief inſtigators to theſe pious enterprizes, appeared with the
worſt grace imaginable. This backwardneſs of the clergy is
perhaps a ſymptom, that the enthuſiaſtic ardour, which had at
firſt ſeized the people for cruſades, was now conſiderably
abated by time and ill ſucceſs; and that the frenzy was chiefly
ſupported by the military genius and love of glory in the great
monarchs.
I
z Bened. Abb. p. 531.
• Bened. Abb. p. 498.
.. Neubrig. p. 435. Heming. p. 512.
c Petri Bleffen. epift. 112.
BUT
"
H EN RY
503
II.
1
1
С НА Р.
IX.
chard.
But before this great machine could be put in motion,
there were ſtill many obſtacles to ſurmount. Philip, jealous of
Henry's greatneſs, entered into a private confederacy with 11.89.
young Richard, and working on his ainbitious and impatient
temper, perſuaded him, inſtead of ſupporting and aggrandizing
that inonarchy, which he was one day to inherit, to ſeek
pre-
ſent power and independance, by diſturbing and diſmeinbering
it. In order to give a pretence for hoftilities between the two Reyolt of
Kings, Richard broke into the territories of Raymond, count
prince Ri-
of Tholouſe, who immediately carried his complaints of this.
violence before the King of France as his ſuperior lord. Philip
remonſtrated' with Henry; but received for anſwer; that.
Richard bad confeſſed to the archbiſhop of Dublin, that his
enterprize againſt Raymond had been undertaken by the appro-
bation of Philip himſelf, and was conducted by his authority..
The King:of France, who might have been covered with ſhame
and confuſion: by this detection, ſtill proſecuted his deſign, and
broke into the provinces of Berri and Auvergne, under.colour.
of revenging the quarrel of the count of Tholouſe. Henry
retaliated by making inroads upon the frontiers of France, and
burning-Dreux. As this war, which deſtroyed all hopes of
fucceſs in the projected cruſade, gave great ſcandal, the two
Kings held a conference at the accuſtomed place between
Giſors and Trie, in order to find means of accommodating their
differences: They ſeparated on worſe terms than before ;: and!
Philip, to ſhow his diſguſt, ordered a great elm, under which :
the conferences had been uſually held, to be cut down ‘; as if.
he had renounced all deſire of accommodation, and was detete-
mined to carry the war to extremity againſt the King of Eng--
land. But his own vaſſals refuſed to ſerve under: him in foi
1
Beped. Abb. p. 508,
Bened. Abb. p. 517.532.
invidious:
11
!
1
+
504
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
СНАР.
IX.
1189.
iuvidious a cauſe'; and he was obliged to come anew to a con-
ference with Henry, and to offer terms of peace. Theſe terms
were ſuch as entirely opened the eyes of the King of England,
and fully proved to him the perfidy of his ſon, and his ſecret
alliance with Philip, of which he had before only entertained
ſome ſuſpicions. The King of France required, that Richard
ſhould be crowned King of England in the lifetime of his fa-
ther, ſhould be inveſted in all his tranſmarine dominions, and
ſhould be immediately married to Alice, Philip's ſiſter, to
whom he had formerly been contracted, and who had already
been conducted into England 5. Henry had experienced ſuch
fatal effects, both from the crowning his eldeſt fön, and from
that prince's alliance with the royal family of France, that he
rejected theſe terms; and Richard, in conſequence of his ſecret
agreement with Philip, immediately revolted from him “, did
homage to the King of France for all the dominions which
Henry held of that crown, and received the inveſtitures, as if
he had already been the lawful proprietor. Some hiſtorians
-allert, that Henry himſelf had become enamoured of
young
Alice; and aſſign this as an additional reaſon for his refuſing
theſe conditions : But he had ſo many other juſt and equitable
motives for his conduct, that it is ſuperfluous to aſſign a cauſe,
which the great prudence and advanced age of that monarch
render ſomewhat improbable.
1
.
41
CARDINAL Albano, the Pope's legate, diſpleaſed with theſe
increaſing obſtacles to the cruſade, excommunicated Richard,
as the chief ſpring of diſcord: But the ſentence of excommu-
nication, which, when it was properly prepared, and was zea-
1
Ibid. p 519.
8 Bened. Abb. p. 521. Hoveden, p. 652.
> Brompton, p. 1149. Neubrig. p. 437.
bar.
louſly
home
5
H E N R Y II.
505,
1
IX,
loully ſupported by the clergy, had often great influence in that CHAP.
age, proved entirely ineffectual in the preſent caſe. The chief
barons of Poictou, Guienne, Normandy, and Anjou, being
118).
attached to the young prince, and ſeeing that he had now
received the inveſtiture from their ſuperior lord, declared for
him, and made inroads into the territories of ſuch as ſtill ad-
hered to the old King. Henry, diſquieted by the daily revolts
of his mutinous ſubjects, and dreading ſtill worſe effects from
their turbulent diſpoſition, had again recourſe to papal autho-
rity; and engaged the cardinal Anagni, who had ſucceeded
Albano in the legateſhip, to threaten Philip with laying an in-
terdict on all his dominions. But Philip, who was a prince of
great vigour and capacity, deſpiſed the menace, and told Anagni,
that it belonged not to the Pope to interpoſe in the temporal
diſputes of princes, much leſs in thoſe between him and his
rebellious vaffals. He even proceeded ſo far as to reproach
hiin with partiality, and with receiving bribes from the King
of England'; while Richard, ſtill more outrageous, offered to
draw his ſword againſt the legate, and was only hindered by
the interpoſition of the company, from committing violence
b.
I
upon him
The King of England was now obliged to defend his domni-
nions by arms, and to enter on a war with France and with his
eldeſt ſon, a prince of great valour, on ſuch diſadvantageous
terms. Ferté-Barnard fell firſt into the hands of the enemy:
Mans was next taken by aſſault; and Henry, who had thrown
!
1
- M. Paris, p. 104. Bencd. Abb. p. 542. Hoveden, p. 652.
6 M. Paris, p 104.
T tt
VOL.I.
himſelf
V
506
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CH A P.
18.
1189.
>
1
1
himſelf into that place, eſcaped with ſome difficulty": Am-
boiſe, Chaumont, and Chateau de Loire, opened their gates on
the appearance of Philip and Richard: Tours was inveſted; and
the King, who had retired to Saumur, and had daily inſtances
of the cowardice or infidelity of his governors, expected the
moſt diſmal iſſue to all his enterprizes. While he was in this
ſtate of deſpondency, the duke of Burgundy, the count of
Flanders, and the archbiſhop of Rheims interpoſed with their
good offices; and the intelligence, which he received of the
taking of Tours, and which made him fully ſenſible of the
deſperate ſituation of his affairs, fo ſubdued his ſpirit, that he
fubmitted to all the rigorous terms, which were impoſed upon
him. He agreed, that Richard ſhould marry. the princeſs
Alice; that that prince ſhould receive the homage and oath of
fealty of all his ſubjects both in England and his tranſmarine
dominions ; that lie limfell ſhould pay twenty thouſand.marks
to the King of France as a compenſation for the charges of the
war ; that his own barons fhould engage to make him obſerve
this treaty by. force; and in caſe of his violating it, ſhould pro-
miſe to join Philip and Richard againſt him; and that all his
vaffals, who had entered into confederacy with Richard, ſhould
receive an indemnity for this offence . Disa
Disar
3
1
rea
1
But the mortification, which Henry, who had been accu-.
ſtomed to give the law in moſt treaties, received from theſe
diſadvantageous terms, was the leaſt which he met with on this
occaſion. When he demanded a liſt of thoſe barons, to whom he
• M. Paris, p. 105. Tened, Abb.p. 543. Hoveden,.p. 653.
d. M. Paris, p. 106. Bened. Abb. p. 5ti. Hoveden, p. 653.-
was.
1
H EN RY
507
II.
-
CHAP
IX,
1189.
N
was to grant a pardon for their connexions with Richard; he
was aſtoniſhed to find, at the head of them, the name of his
ſecond ſon, John"; who had always been his favourite, whoſe
intereſts he had ever anxiouſly at heart, and who had even, on
account of his aſcendant over him, often excited the jealouſy of
Richard'. This unhappy father, already overloaded with
cares and forrows, finding this laſt diſappointment in his
domeſtic tenderneſs, broke out into expreſſions of the utmoſt
deſpair, curſed the day in which he received his miſerable being,
and beſtowed, on his ungrateful and undutiful children, a
malediction which he never could be prevailed on to retract
The more his heart was diſpoſed to friendſhip and affection,
the more he reſented the barbarous return, which his four ſons
had ſucceſſively made to his parental care; and this finiſhing
blow, by depriving him of every comfort in life, quite broke
his ſpirits, and threw him into a lingering fever, of which he
foon after expired, at the caſtle of Chinon near Saumur. His
natural ſon, Geoffrey, who alone had behaved dutifully towards
him, attended his corpſe to the nunnery of Fontevrault; where
it lay in ſtate in the abbey-church. Next day, Richard, who
came to viſit the dead body of his father, and who, notwith-
ſtanding his criminal conduct, was not devoid altogether of
generoſity, was ſtruck with horror and remorſe at the fight; and
as the aſſiſtants obſerved, that, at that very inſtant, blood
gulhed out of the mouth and noſtrils of the corpſe", he ex-
claimed, according to a vulgar ſuperſtition, that he was his
father's murderer ; and he expreſſed a deep ſenſe, though too
late, of that undutiful behaviour, which had brought his
parent
to an untimely grave'.
6th July
Death
1
L
• Hoveden, p. 6; 4.
* Hovcden, p. 654.
i M. l'aris, p. 107.
f Bened. Abb. p. 541.
h Pened. Abb. p. 517. Bro.mpton, p. 115!.
T tt
THUS
t
508
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
De a
C II A P.
IX.
1
1193.
and charac-
Thus died, in the fifty-eighth year of his age and thirty-
fifth of his reign, the greateſt prince of his time for wiſdom,
virtue and ability, and the moſt powerful in extent of domi-
ter of Henry, nion of all thoſe that had ever filled the throne of England. His
character, in private as well as public life, is almoſt without a.
blemiſh; and he ſeems to have poffeffed levery accompliſhment
both of body and mind, which makes a man either eſtimable
or amiable. He was of a middle ſtature, ſtrong and well pro-
portioned; his countenance was lively and engaging; his con-
verſation affable and entertaining; his elocution eaſy, perſuaſive,
and ever at command. He loved peace, but pofſeffed both
bravery and conduct in war; was provident without timidity;
fevere in the execution of juſtice without rigour; and temperate
without auſterity. He preſerved health, and kept himſelf from
corpulency, to which he was ſomewhat inclined, by an abſte-
mious diet, and by frequent exerciſe, particularly hunting.
When he could enjoy leiſure, he recreated himſelf either in
learned converſation or in reading; and he cultivated his natu-
ral talents by ſtudy, above any prince of his time. His affec-
tions, as well as his enmities, were warm and durable; and his
long experience of the ingratitude and infidelity of men never
deſtroyed the natural ſenſibility of his temper, which diſpoſed
hiin to friendſhip and ſociety. His character has been trans-
mitted to us by many writers, who were his contemporaries " ;
and it reſembles extremely, in its moſt remarkable ſtrokes, that
of his maternal grandfather Henry I. : Excepting only that am-
bition, which was a ruling paſſion in both, found not in the
firſt Henry ſuch unexceptionable means of exerting itſelf, and
puſhed that prince into meaſures, which were both criminal in
* Petri Tlcl. epift. 46, 47. in Bibliotheca Patrum, vol. xxiv. p. 985, 985, &c.
Cirald Camb p. 73:, &c.
themſelves,
1
H E N R Y
509
II.
I
С НАР.
IX.
tions of this
!
themſelves, and were the cauſe of farther crimes, from which
his grandſon's conduct was happily exempted.
1189.
This prince, like moſt of his predeceſſors of the Norman Miſcellanie-
line, except Stephen, paſſed more of his time on the continent ous tranſac-
than in this iſland: He was ſurrounded with the Engliſh gentry reign.
and nobility, when abroad: The French gentry and nobility
followed him when he reſided in England : Both nations acted
in the government, as if they were the ſame people; and on
many occaſions, the legiſlatures ſeem not to have been dif-
tinguiſhed. As the King and Engliſh barons were all of them
of French extraction, the manners of that people acquired
the aſcendant, and were regarded as the great models of
imitation. All foreign improvements, therefore, ſuch as they
were, in literature and politeneſs, in laws and arts, feem now
to have been, in a good meaſure, tranſplanted into England;
and that nation was become nowiſe inferior, in all the faſhion-
able accompliſhments, to any of its neighbours on the conti-
nent. The more homely, but more ſenſible manners and
principles of the Saxons, were exchanged for the affectations
of chivalry, and the ſubtilties of ſchool philoſophy: The
feudal ideas of civil government, the Romiſh fentiments of
religion, had taken entire pofleffion of the people: By the
former, the ſenſe of ſubmiſſion towards princes was ſomewhat
diminiſhed in the barons; by the latter, the devoted attach-
ment to papal authority was much augmented among the
clergy. The Norman and other foreign families, eſtabliſhed
in England, had now ftruck deep root; and being entirely
coalited with the people, whom at firſt they oppreſſed and dcf-
piſed, they no longer thought that they needed the protection
of the crown for the enjoyment of their fortunes, or confi-
dered
:
510
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
t
CHAP
1989.
That memory
dered their tenure as precarious and dependant. They aſpired
to the ſame liberty and independance, which they ſaw enjoyed
by their brethren on the continent, and deſired to reſtrain
thoſe exorbitant prerogatives and arbitrary practices, which
the neceſſities of war and the violence of conqueſt had at firſt
obliged them to indulge in their monarch.
alſo of a more equable government under the Saxon princes,
which remained with the Engliſh, diffuſed ſtill farther the
ſpirit of liberty, and made the barons both deſirous of more
independance to themſelves, and willing to indulge it to the
people. And it was not long before this ſecret revolution in
the ſentiments of men produced, firſt violent convulſions in the
ſtate, then an evident alteration in the maxims of government.
!
:
The hiſtory of all the preceding kings of England ſince
the conqueſt, give evident proofs of the diſorders attending
the feudal inſtitutions; the licentiouſneſs of the barons, their
ſpirit of rebellion againſt the prince and laws, and of animoſity
againſt each other: The conduct of the barons in the tranf-
marine dominions of thoſe monarchs afforded perhaps ſtill
more flagrant inſtances of theſe convulſions ; and the hiſtory of
France, during ſeveral ages, conſiſts almoſt entirely of narra-
tions of this nature. The cities, during the continuance of
this violent government, could neither be very populous nor
numerous ; and there occur inſtances, which ſeem to prove,
that, though theſe are always the firſt ſeat of law and liberty,
their police was in general very looſe and irregular, and expoſed
to the ſame diſorders, with thoſe by which the country was
generally infeſted.
It was a cuſtom in London for great num-
bers, to the amount of a hundred or more, of the fons
and relations of eminent citizens, to form themſelves into a
licentious
t
HENRY
511
II.
IX.
licentious confederacy, to break into rich houſes and plunder CHA P.
them, to rob and murder the paſſengers, and to commit with
impunity all ſorts of diſorder. By theſe crimes, it had become 1189.
ſo dangerous to walk the ſtreets by night, that the citizens
dared no more to venture abroad after ſun-ſet, than if they had
been expoſed to the incurſions of a public enemy. . The brother
of the earl of. Ferrars had been murdered by ſome of theſe
nocturnal rioters; and the death of a perſon of ſuch noble
birth, which was much more regarded than that of many
thouſands of an inferior ſtation, ſo provoked the King, that he
fwore vengeance againſt the criminals, and became thenceforth
much more rigorous.in.the execution.of the laws'.
THERE is another inſtance given by hiſtorians, which proves.
to what a height ſuch riots had proceeded, and how open theſe
criminals were in coinmitting their robberies. A band of them
had attacked the houſe of a rich citizen, with an intention of
plundering it; had broke through a ſtone wall with hammers
and wedges;. and had already entered the houſe ſword in hand;
when the citizen, armed cap-a-pee and ſupported by his faithful
ſervants; appeared in the paſſage to oppoſe them : He cut.off
the right hand of the firſt robber that entered; and made fuchi
ftout reſiſtance, that his neighbours had leiſure to aſſemble, and
come to his relief. The man, who loſt his hand, was caught;
and was tempted by the promiſe of pardon to reveal his confe-
derates ; among whom was one John Senex, eſteemed among
the richeſt and beſt born citizens of London. He was convicted
by the ordeal trial ;. and though he offered five hundred marks
for his life, the King refuſed the moncy, and ordered him to
be hanged ".
1
con
Y
I Bencd. Abb. p. 196.
m Ibid. p. 197, 198.
HENRY'S
1
+
-512
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAP
{x.
118)
HENRY's exactneſs in adminiſtring juſtice had gained him ſo
great reputation, that even foreign and diſtant princes made
hiin an arbiter, and ſubmitted their differences to his judgment.
Sanchez, King of Navarre, having ſome controverſies" with
Alfonſo, King of Caſtilc, was contented, though Alfonſo had
inarried the daughter of Henry, to chuſe this prince for a
referee; and they agreed, each of them, to conſign three
caſtles into neutral hands, as a pledge of their not departing
from his award. Henry made the cauſe be examined before
his great council, and gave a fentence, which was willingly
ſubmitted to by both parties. Theſe two Spaniſh Kings fent
cach a ſtout champion to the court of England, in order to
defend his cauſe by arms, in caſe the way of duel had been
choſen by Henry".
Henry ſo far aboliſhed the barbarous and abſurd practice of
forfeiting ſhips, which had been wrecked on the coaſt, that
he ordained, if one man or animal was alive in the ſhip, the
veſſel and goods ſhould be reſtored to the owners'.
1
The reign of Henry was remarkable for an innovation,
which was afterwards carried farther by his ſucceſſors, and was
attended with the moſt important conſequences to the govern-
ment. . This prince was diſguſted with the ſpecies of military
force, which was eſtabliſhed by the feudal inſtitutions, and
which, though it was extremely burdenſome to the ſubject,
yet rendered very little ſervice to the ſovereign. The barons,
or militarytenants, came late into the field; they were obliged
to ſerve only for forty days; they were unſkilful and diſorderly
:
n Rymer, vol. iv. p. 43. Bened. Abb. p. 172. Diceto, p. 597. Drompton, p. 1120.
p,
• Rymer, vcl, i. p. 36.
7
in
H EN RY
513
II.
1
С НА Р.
IX.
in all their operations; and they were apt to carry into the
camp the ſame refractory and independant ſpirit, to which
they were accuſtomed in their civil government. Henry,
1189.
therefore, introduced the practice of making a commutation
of their military ſervice for money; and he levied ſcutages from
his baronies and knights fees, inſtead of requiring the perſonal
attendance of his vaſſals. There is mention made, in the hiſ
tory of the exchequer, of theſe ſcutages in his ſecond, fifth,
and eighteenth year ”; and other writers give us an account
of three more of them. When the prince had thus obtained
money, he made a contract with ſome of thoſe adventurers, in
which Europe at that time abounded : They found him ſoldiers
of the ſame character with themſelves, who were bound to ſerve
for a ſtipulated time: The armies were much leſs numerous,
but more uſeful, than when compoſed of all the military vaſſals
of the crown: The feudal inſtitutions began to relax : There
Kings became rapacious for money, on which all their
power
depended : The barons, ſeeing no end of exactions, fought
to defend their property: And as the fame cauſes had nearly
the ſame effect, in the different countries of Europe, the ſeveral
crowns either loſt or acquired authority, according to their
different ſucceſs in this conteſt.
1
This prince was alſo the firſt who levied a tax on the
moveables or perſonal eſtates of his ſubjects, nobles as well
as people. Their zeal for the holy wars made them ſubmit
to this innovation; and a precedent being once obtained, this
taxation became, in following reigns, the uſual method of
fupplying the neceſſities of the crown. The tax of Danegelt,
ſo generally odious to the nation, was remitted in this reig-n.
P Madox, p. 435, 436, 437438.
VOL.I.
9 Tyrrel; vol. . p. 466. from thc records.
Іт
Uuu
514
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
С НА Р.
IX.
1589.
It was an uſual practice of the Kings of England, to repeat
the ceremony of their coronation thrice every year, on aſſem-
bling the ſtates at the three great feſtivals. Henry, after the
firſt years of his reign, never renewed this ceremony, which:
was found to be very expenſive and very uſeleſs. None of his ..
ſucceſſors ever revived it. It is deemed a great act of
this prince, that he mitigated the rigour of the foreſt laws,
and puniſhed any tranſgreſſions of them, not capitally, but by
fines, impriſonments, and other more moderate penalties.
grace in
.
t
SINCE we are here collecting ſome detached incidents, which
ſhow the genius of the age, and which could not ſo well enter
into the body of the hiſtory; it may not be amiſs to mention
the quarrel' between Roger archbiſhop of York, and Richard
archbiſhop of Canterbury. We may judge of the violence of
military men and laymen, when eccleſiaſtics could proceed to
ſuch extremities. Cardinal Haguezun being ſent, in 1176,
as legate into Britain, ſummoned an aſſembly of the clergy at
London; and as both the archbiſhops pretended to ſit on his
right hand, this queſtion of precedency begot a controverſy
between them. The monks and retainers of archbiſhop Richard
fell upon Roger, in the preſence of the cardinal and of the
fynod, threw him on the ground, trampled him under foot, and
ſo bruiſed him with blows, that he was taken up half.dead, and
his life was, with difficulty, ſaved from their violence. The
archbiſhop of Canterbury was obliged to give a large ſum of
money to the legate, in order to ſuppreſs all complaints of
this enormity
: Benod. Abb. p. 138, 139. Trompton, p. 1109.
brig. p. 413.
Chron. Gerv. p. 1433. Neu-
THIS
?
H E N R Y
515
II.
2
CHAP
IX.
1189
This King left only two legitimate ſons, Richard, who ſuc-
ceeded him, and John, who inherited no territory, though his
father had often intended to leave him a part of his extenſive
dominions. He was thence commonly denominated Lackland.
Henry left three legitimate daughters ; Maud, born in 1156,
and married to Henry, duke of Saxony; Eleanor, born in 1162,
and married to Alphonſo, King of Caſtile; Joan, born in 1165,
and married to William, King of Sicily'.
+
1
HENRY is ſaid by antient hiſtorians to have been of a very
amorous diſpoſition ; and they mention two of his natural fons
by Roſamond, daughter of lord Clifford, viz. Richard Longeſ-
pée, or Longſword, (ſo called from the ſword he uſually were)
who was afterwards married to Ela, the daughter and heir of
the earl of Saliſbury; and Geoffrey, firſt biſhop of Lincoln,
and then archbiſhop of York. All the other circumſtances of
the ſtory commonly told of that lady ſeem to be fabulous.
* Diceto, p. 616.
A
1
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