T
2
A
ARTES
LIBRARY
118.17
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN |
TUEBOR
-QUÆRIS-PENINSULAM-AMⱭNAM
CIRCUMSPICE
THIS BOOK
FORMS PART OF THE
ORIGINAL LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
BOUGHT IN EUROPE
1838 TO 1839
BY
ASA GRAY
THE
HISTORY
Of the LIFE of
REGINALD PO L E.
In TWO PARTS.
WIM
1
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE PURCHASERS are defired not to bind the First Part
of this Work till the Second is publiſhed, which will be
within the year: otherwife, the CARDINAL's Effigy, which is
but lately worked off; and the Book, which is fresh from the
Prefs, will be greatly injured: And both Parts may, perhaps,
not be thought too bulky to be bound in one Volume.
Raphart pime!
CARDINAL POLE.
Major sculpt
THE
STORY
OF THE
H
I
L
I
F
E
O F
REGINALD POLE.
I.
PART I.
By THOMAS PHILLIP S.
Omnino fortis animus et magnus duabus rebus maximè cernitur; quarum
una in rerum externarum defpicientia ponitur; cùm perfuafum fit, nil
Hominem, nifi quod honeftum decorumque fit, aut admirari, aut optare,
aut expetere oportere: nullique neque homini, neque perturbationi animi,
nec fortunæ fuccumbere. Altera eft res, ut, cùm ita fis affectus animo,
res geras magnas illas quidem et maximè utiles, fed et vehementer arduas,
plenafque laborum et periculorum.
CICERO de Officiis, lib. i.
OXFORD:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM
JACKSON.
Sold by him, and D. PRINCE, in Oxford; J. PAYNE, Mews-Gate; and
J. MARKS, in St. Martin's-Lane, London; and S. GAMIDGE, at Worceſter.
MDCCLXIV.
( v )
PREFACE.
T
HE Performance which is here offered to the
a offer
Public, is not a Hiſtory of the Times in which
the great Perfon lived, who is the ſubject of it, any
further than he was immediately concerned in the
Tranfactions of them. Had this been the Author's
defign, his Plan would belong to general Hiſtory, not
Biography. Befides, this fubject has been treated by
fo many hands, and in ſo many different manners, that
little new or entertaining could be expected from him
on that head.-Nor is the Reader to look for the cha-
racters and actions of great men, who were cotempo-
rary with the CARDINAL, but as they ferve to make
known and elucidate his.-The Author's deſign is to
place CARDINAL POLE in a true, diftinct, and confpi-
cuous light, and fhew his whole conduct to have been
one uniform fyftem of the moft exalted, and, at the
fame time, the moſt amiable Virtues, which can adorn
a man of Letters, a Patriot, a Chriftian, and a Prelate.
This defign could not have been executed, had he run
into digreffions on Times and Perfons, with which He,
who is the ſubject of the Work, had little more rela-
tion, than of being born in the former, and having
lived
A
vi
PREFACE.
lived with the latter. Such wanderings must often
have made him loſe fight of what both he and the Rea-
der ſhould always have in view; and broken an atten-
tion which ſhould be collected and fixed.His inten-
tion, therefore, is to put down only what his fubject
leads him to; not every thing he could draw to it.
THE Revival, indeed, of Letters, which were fo
great an Ornament to the CARDINAL's Character; the
Revolutions of Religion in his Country, under Henry,
Edward, and Mary, in whofe reigns he lived, and
whoſe tranſactions were, in fome meaſure, either the
ſpring of his own conduct, or the effect of it; the Ge-
neral Council of Trent, at which he prefided, make
theſe great Events a part of His Hiftory, no leſs than
of that of the times. And a Writer muſt congratulate
himſelf, that his Plan neceffarily takes in a variety of
Relations, which, confidered in themſelves, are highly
deferving the accurate furvey of a curious Obferver;
whilft, as Ornaments and occafional Profpects, they
give his principal Figure all the advantage that can be
derived from the vicinity of fuch Objects. If the Figure
feems any where to be held off, it has only been to
avoid fatiety.
GREAT Characters, indeed, are apt to raiſe us to a
ſtrain, which ſobriety of thought cannot always approve;
but when we write on them, this effect is ftill more vi-
fible; and the ſtrength of the impreffion we ourſelves
feel,
PREFACE.
vii
feel, eafily perfuades us we fhall be able to draw our
Readers within the fame Vortex.-When the Author
undertook this Work, he laboured under the oppoſite
prepoffeffion, and faw the difficulty of reconciling an
Engliſh Reader to a Hiſtory, which, on many accounts,
muſt be a cenſure of things and perfons, to which he
has been uſed to give his approbation; and a juſtifi-
cation of what he has been accuſtomed to condemn.-
What encouraged him, was a conſciouſneſs that he had
a greater reſpect for the Public, than Writers often
have for themſelves: and that he had facrificed much
of his own way of thinking for its fake, by ſuppreffing
not only many things which might be liable to raiſe
diſpleaſure; but many, where his claim to approbation,
or, at leaſt, to indulgence, appeared very juftifiable.
However, ſhould any prejudices, notwithſtanding this
caution to remove them, ftill remain, thofe who are
biaffed by them, are defired to ſtep two hundred years
back into the manners, religion, and policy of the Per-
fons they either approve or find fault with; and con-
fider the circumſtances, out of which their reſpective
characters rife, and which form themſelves about them.
To act otherwiſe, is like trying a Man by the Foreſt
Laws, who had lived under thoſe of the Confeffor; or
deciding of the beauty and proportion of the human
body, from the fhadow it happens to caft in fuch or
fuch a pofition: And to fatisfy a Reader either unwil-
A 2
ling
viii
PREFACE.
ling or incapable of judging of men and actions by an
impartial and univerſal ſtandard, is not in the nature
of this undertaking.
BUT the ſubject has difficulties of another kind to
ftruggle with, as being, for the moſt part, relative to
concerns in which this Age thinks itſelf little intereſted;
and may, perhaps, not ſeem buſy enough to furniſh
any thing above a Scene in Still Life. However, on a
nearer furvey, it will be found, that there is fufficient
Action to animate the Canvas, provided the Pencil be
equal to it. For though CARDINAL POLE's life may
not always be ſupplied with that variety and elevation,
which great Exploits, and the opportunity of exerting
fuperior Abilities afford; yet this Denial, as it was ow-
ing to a true Greatneſs of Soul, which placed him
above all unbecoming views, and the purſuit of glory
at the expence of duty; and was, moreover, tried by
every inſtance of adverſe fortune, is fo far from ſinking,
that it raiſes his Character; and makes Him, as Plato
has obſerved, a Spectacle the moft worthy the Supreme
Being of any beneath the Seats of Bliſs.
Ir may ſeem ſomething extraordinary, that fo emi-
nent a Perſon, who was not only an ornament to his
Country, but an honour to Human Nature, fhould,
hitherto, have received fo little juftice in the Engliſh
language, and that the beſt accounts of him have been
tranfmitted to us by Foreigners.-Becatelli, an Italian,
who
PREFACE.
xi
who had been his Secretary, and was, afterwards, Arch-
biſhop of Ragusa, wrote his life. It is a fuccinct and
elegant performance, and was tranflated into Latin, by
Dudithius, another of the CARDINAL's Domeſtics, and
who likewiſe was, afterwards, Biſhop of Tune; and in-
to French, by Maucroix. The Latin tranflation is, at
leaft, equal to the Original; and the Majeſty of that
language ſeems more fuited to the manly character of
a native of Britain than the ſoft elegance of the Italian.
But as each of theſe Likeneſſes, however juſt and beau-
tiful, is brought within the compaſs of a few ſheets, it
appears to a great diſadvantage, without a baſe to raiſe
it to a proper Attitude; or an area, where, befides
the full proſpect, it may be examined in ſeveral unex-
pected appearances, and fide views, and become to the
Obferver's eye, what the Poet fays of the fource of
light, aliufque et idem. To theſe Accounts may be
added that of one of the beſt Judges of men and man-
ners a Nation famous for fagacity ever produced, Gra-
tiani, the learned and eloquent Biſhop of Amelia, who
was cotemporary with our Countryman, and has given
his character in a relation " of the various fortune of
great Men*."-Paul Manutius, a Venetian Printer, at
a time when the Public was as much indebted to that
fet of Men for their own productions, as for publiſhing
thofe of others, drew, likewife, the outlines of his Cha-
*De Cafibus Virorum Illuftrium.
racter,
اسپینٹر
PREFACE.
Parker,
Strype,
Burnet,
Fr. Paolo.
racter, in a moſt finiſhed Epiftle to Pope Pius IV.
which is prefixed to one of his Works.—The moſt dif-
tinguiſhed Writers of the age, and it was the Medicean,
in which Italy ſaw true genius revive, valued themſelves
on nothing more than his friendſhip; and however di-
vided in opinion on other matters, unanimouſly agree
in acknowledging the fuperiority of his merit.-From
thefe chiefly William Joyner collected his fhort Memoirs,
and being great Uncle to the Author, has made the
ſubject deſcend to him by a kind of inheritance.-Se-
veral particulars relating to the CARDINAL's public tranſ-
actions have been preſerved amongſt our own Records;
to all of which accefs has been had, and on theſe au-
thorities whatever is here related, refts.
THE Author might have trifled very learnedly with
the miſrepreſentations of Writers of fome note, to which
the courſe of this work has led him; but he has con-
tented himſelf with relating plain matter of fact, and
producing his vouchers for what he advances; rather
than take up his own and his Reader's time with, firſt,
relating, and, then, refuting what is contrary to it. He
writes a Hiſtory, not a Controverfy; and the province
of the former is to reprefent what has, not what is faid
to have been, but never was. This latter method of
lengthening out Hiftory, is like that of a Guide, who
being to inform a Traveller of his way, fhould enu-
merate the roads He was to avoid, and, at laſt, come
to
PREFACE.
xi
to that he was to take: whereas the more fatisfactory
and expeditious information would be, to begin where
he ended, and omit a Preamble which took up the In-
quirer's time without advancing him on his journey.
BUT as the Epiſtolary intercourfe of a great man,
eſpecially if it be confiderable, and carry, through a
multiplicity of matter, the fame genuine marks of fin-
cerity, is the trueft copy of himfelf, it has been a privi-
lege referved to our times, and for which every Eng-
liſhman owes his gratitude to the Editor's memory, to
ſee a large and complete Collection of CARDINAL
POLE'S Letters *.
THESE not only diſcover his ſentiments and feelings
on the moſt important events of human life, but in-
form us of numberlefs facts and circumftances, in which
the Writer, and thoſe who ſtood in various relations
* Theſe were publiſhed at Bref-
cia, by the care of Cardinal Qui-
rini, in 1754; the collection like-
wife contains CARDINAL POLE's
Apology to Charles the Fifth, and
to the English Parliament; and
a third to Edward the Sixth, in
form of a letter; all which are
frequently referred to in the fol-
lowing Work.
They were procured for the Au-
thor by Mr. Alban Butler, to whom
the Public is indebted for the moſt
ufeful and valuable work, which
has appeared in our languge, on
the Lives of the Saints, and which
has been fo much esteemed in
France, that it is now tranflating
into the language of a Country,
celebrated for Biography, with
large additions by the Author.
This Gentleman's readineſs to af-
fift the Author in this Underta-
king was anfwerable to his exten-
five knowledge, and general ac-
quaintance with whatever has any
relation to Erudition; and has,
therefore, the beft claim to this
acknowledgment.
with
xii
PREFACE.
}
with him, are concerned; and of which no other docu-
ments are extant. The fame may be faid of a confi-
derable treatiſe addreffed to Charles V. under the title
of Apology, which takes in the moſt intereſting tranf-
actions of Henry the Eighth's reign, and makes that
Prince be known from Actions, of which the Writer
might juſtly ſay,
Quæque ipfe miferrima vidi,▾
Et quorum pars magna fui.
THESE Memoirs, the faithful Meffengers of His
heart, afford an opportunity, which hitherto had been
wanting of making the moſt intimate acquaintance
with him, and knowing him from himſelf. And they
fhew his character to have had a peculiar reſemblance
with that of the Country, which gave him birth :
piety and zeal in his Maker's caufe, for which this
Nation has been ſo juſtly celebrated; fimplicity of
mind and manners joined to elevation of genius, and
confummate knowledge; magnanimity and freedom of
fpeech and fentiment; humanity and difintereſtedneſs;
modeſt worth, void of vanity and oftentation, and all
the milder merit of the heart, which are deſervedly
attributed to the English, diftinguiſh Him. Thefe
National Characteriſtics were ftampt on his Counte-
nance, which was open and ingenuous; and let them-
felves down even to his Table, which was fuch as be-
came ancient Engliſh Hofpitality, his own high ſtation,
and
PREFACE.
xiii
and the number of noble and illuftrious Guefts, who,
every where, reſorted to him.
THE abovementioned qualities refpectively fhine in
his public employments; in his domeſtic life; with his
friends; and in his retirements: and are all heightened
by the luftre of Royal extraction, and the moſt excel-
lent endowments both natural and acquired.
His Life has, moreover, this fpecial claim to the
favour and attention of an Engliſh Reader, as the reign,
in which the latter, and more public part of it, was
tranſacted, is one of the moft interefting Epochs of our
Nation and Hiſtory; and he, as a Statefinan, the moſt
confpicuous Perſonage of that Epoch.
It has been already obferved, that the Subject was
new, not having been attempted by any one before in
our language; and the accounts of Becatelli, and his
Tranſlator, as muſt appear to every one who has read
them, contain only the heads of things, a few judicious
and elegant Sketches of a larger draught; and leave
the more important and greater part to be filled up.-——
But, befides the recommendation of Novelty, this fin-
gle fubject is ftored with as much variety, entertain-
ment, and inſtruction, as any that Biography furniſhes.
To fay nothing of the main defign: Henry the Eighth's
divorce from his Queen; his breach with the See of
Rome; the total change of Religion in his Succeffor's
reign; the return to the ancient worſhip under Queen
Mary;
a
P
xiv
PREFACE.
Mary; the Revival of letters; the Council of Trent,
as has been remarked in the beginning of this Preface,
are Incidents which offered themſelves to the Writer in
the fame important view in which he hopes the Reader
will confider them. To theſe I muſt add the Inſtances
of exemplary Virtue, and its Oppofite, in high Life,
and in both Sexes, with which this Date abounds, and
furniſhes thofe leffons of which an Author fhould never
lofe fight. The fame may be faid of the revolutions.
which the fortunes of particular Perfons underwent in
times when the Civil ftate of the Nation had as little
confiſtency as the Religious.
They
THE Hiſtory of CARDINAL POLE's life proceeds.
from one of thefe Incidents to another, with fuch
eaſy tranſitions, that they all contribute to the prin-
cipal purpoſe of the Work, to make his Character
more compleat, and fhew it to greater advantage.
They are interwoven with his Story, and there would
be a Chaſm, if any of them were omitted.
have, moreover, this favourable circumftance, not
only to rife out of the fubject, but to beautify and
enliven it with fo many pleafing or inftructive Scenes,
which relieve the Reader, at the fame time that they
allow the Author to look round him, and embelifh
the Spot he undertook to cultivate, by letting in an
extenſive and delightful Neighbourhood. — The Ad-
vantages of the Subject only are here dwelt on: how
far
PREFACE.
XV
far juftice has been done to it, the judicious Reader
inuft determine.
vol, of the
Hiftory.
THE Author looks on it as a very defirable circum-
ftance, that, at a time, when the Britiſh Nation has
the lead in the Affairs of Europe; and the moſt finiſh- Hooke's 3d
ed Hiſtory that has yet appeared, of a people, to whom Roman
the ſpirit of liberty, and the valour of his Countrymen
give an affinity which is but ill expreffed by ſo diſtant
a word as reſemblance, has been publiſhed; he, like-
wiſe, ſhould have offered to the perufal of the Nobility
and Gentry of this Kingdom, the Life of REGINALD
POLE.-They will not be diſpleaſed, it may be pre-
fumed, to behold, in fo eminent a Perfon, feveral of
thofe qualities, which diſtinguiſh many of them: nor
think it a diſparagement to be referred to an Ori-
ginal recommended by every advantage which can
give dignity to all that is great and good. Some
among them have the honour of deriving an affi-
nity to him by blood*; and every one is entitled
to that more noble and defirable relation, an alliance
to his Virtues.
WITH theſe difpofitions they are requeſted to
read the Hiſtory of his Life; and could the Author
His Grace the Duke of
Beaufort; the Earls of Hunting-
don, Lincoln, Northampton, and
Cheſterfield: the Lords Arundel
of Wardour, and Petre of Writtle;
&c. and the refpective Branches
of theſe illuftrious Families.
Aatter
xvi
PREFACE.
flatter himſelf that the Performance was equal to the
Undertaking, he makes no doubt but they would
diſcover in it, not only every qualification of an all-
accompliſhed Churchman, but alſo, in the moſt ex-
alted fenfe, the Character of a Nobleman of Great-
Britain.
1
CONTENTS.
( xvii)
CONTENTS.
SECTI
Year.
INTRODUCTION to the whole work, page 1. REGINALD POLE'S 1500.
lineage, p. 3. Education at Shene, at Oxford-who the chief 1507.
Profeffors at that University, p. 5. His proficiency.-Henry VIII. 1512.
confers on him feveral Church Preferments,-Civility paid by him to
Sir Thomas More, ibid. His removal to Padua, at the time when Let- 1519.
ters were revived in Italy,—Account of this memorable Event, p. 6.
when its Influence began to be felt in England, p. 11. REGINALD'S
manner of life at Padua, p. 12. Defcription and ftate of this, the
then firſt Seat of Learning in Europe, p. 13. Eraſmus's eſteem of RE--
GINALD, and the complaints he made to him of the treatment he had
met with from Luther, - Occafion of this miſunderſtanding p. 17.
REGINALD, at the age of four and twenty, writes the Life of his friend
Vifits Rome,
Longolius,—and obfervations on all Cicero's works, p. 21.
-The honours paid him on the road, p. 23. Various Incidents, fo-
reign and domeftic, during his ftay at Padua, which intereft all his
future life, p. 24. Charles V. vifits the Engliſh Court, p. ibid. The
See of Saliſbury conferred on Cardinal Campegio, ibid. Martin Luther's
defection from the Church oppoſed by Henry, p. 25, who receives the
thanks of Leo X. the great Patron of Letters, p. 26.
ceeded by Adrian, and he, foon after, by Clement, p. 27. Wolfey ob-
tains the fuppreffion of forty Religious houfes; the event of this grant,
and the general difapprobation it met mith from the Public, ibid.
The battle of Pavia gives Wolfey a pretext to make Henry enter into the
French King's interefts, pag. 28. REGINALD POLE returns to Eng- 1526
land, ibid. The character of Henry at this period of his life and reign,
p. 29. The Learned, who then graced his Court, p. 31. REGINALD'S
reception at Court, p. 33. The King's affection alienated from the
Queen, and placed on Anne Bullen, p. 34. Sues for a Divorce through
the French Intereft, p. 37. Wolfey's hatred of the Emperor, who was
This Pope fuc-
the.
xviii
ENT S.
CONT
E
1
Year.
1528.
1529.
1532.
1533.
1535-
the Queen's Nephew, makes him favour the King's paffion, p. 39. Tho-
mas Cromwell begins to appear on the public Scene; his converfation with
REGINALD, foon after his return to England, p. 41. He obtains leave
to retire from Court, p. 46. The fweating fickneſs breaks out in England,
alarms the King, and, for a while, fufpends his paffion for Anne Bullen,
P. 47. The Pope deputes the Cardinals Wolfey and Campegio to try the
cauſe of the King's divorce, p. 51. REGINALD, diſguſted with theſe mea-
fures, procures the King's confent to go to France, p. 58. The affair of
the Divorce called up to the Court of Rome, ibid. REGINALD employed
by the King to follicit the French Divines in his favour, p. 6o. His be-
haviour on this occafion, and the light in which he confiders the com-
miſſion, and the whole affair of the Divorce, ibid. Returns to Eng-
land, p. 63. Cardinal Wolfey dies, ibid. The King offers the See of
York, vacated by his death to REGINALD, if he will approve of the
Divorce, p. 64. What paffed between them on this occaſion, p. 65.
The King's Supremacy begins to be agitated, p. 69. REGINALD re-
folves on leaving his Country a fecond time, p. 72. The King con-
firmed by Cromwell in the defign of the Divorce, and taking on himſelf
the Supremacy, p. 73. Arguments made ufe of by this Courtier, re-
lated by REGINALD, p. 74. He firſt detects the latent poiſon of Ma-
P.
chiavel's works, p. 79. And retires from England, to be no longer a
Spectator of Evils he could neither prevent nor remedy, p. 80.
SECT. II.
ARRIVES at Avignon, p. 81. Laura's fepulchre difcovered, ibid. Ap-
plies himſelf wholly to facred literature, p. 82. Takes Carpentras in
his way to Padua, and becomes acquainted with Sadolet, ibid. The
high eſteem he is held in by him, ibid. Their meeting gives rife to a
curious and uſeful difquifition concerning profane and facred erudition;
the ſubſtance of which is related, p. 84. The Queſtion decided in fa-
vour of REGINALD, by an eminent cotemporary Critic, p. 98. RE-
GINALD's life at Padua, p. 99. And connections, ibid. The King
takes on himſelf the Supremacy; writes to his Kinſman to fend him
his opinion of that claim, p. 102, et feq. A fketch of REGINALD'S
treatiſe on the Church's Unity, in which he fully declares his mind con-
cerning that queftion, p. 112. Henry's actions which preceded the
Work,
CONTENTS.
Xix
Work, and furniſhed much matter to it, p. 113. Sir Thomas More Year.
beheaded for refufing to acknowledge the King's fupremacy: his cha-
racter, p. 115. John Fisher, Biſhop of Rochester's death, in the fame
caufe; and character given by REGINALD, p. 117. Anne Bullen's ex-
ecution determines the Author to ſend the treatiſe on the Church's Unity,
to the King, p. 123. The manner of her death, and the great lines
of her paft conduct, ibid. A fummary view of Queen Catharine, who
died fome months before her Rival, p. 125. The impreffion REGI-
NALD's work makes on the King, p. 127. Means uſed to prevail on
him to come to England, and to fupprefs the work, ibid. Objections
made to this Performance, p. 131. Preface, by which he addreſſes a
copy of it to the King of Scotland, p. 133. REGINALD receives the
Pope's orders to repair to Rome, p. 135. His letter to him on that
occafion, ibid. Writes to Priuli, on Charles Vth's journey to Italy,
P. 136.
Efforts of Henry to hinder REGINALD's going to Rome,
p. 137. The whole attention of the Engliſh Miniſtry taken up with
him, ibid. Employed by the Pope to draw up a plan of Reformation,
p. 138. The reaſons of its not being publiſhed, p. 139. Highly
commended by Lord Herbert, p. 140.
REGINALD POLE honoured
with the Purple, p. 141.
SECT. III.
CAR-
Bonamico, p. 153.
The merit of Eraf-
INTRODUCTION Cconcerning the dignity of Cardinal, p. 143.
DINAL POLE'S fentiments of it, p. 149. Letters wrote to him on his
promotion, by the Republic of Venice, p. 151.
Hofius, p. 154. Character of the latter, p. 155.
mus, who died about this time, fully ſtated as a Genius, Scholar, and
Chriſtian, p. 157. Exceffive and undeferved praiſes beſtowed on him
by the late Mr. Pope, p. 162. CARDINAL POLE's answer to the ſtate
of Venice, p. 163. Situation of England at this period, p. 164. Sup-
preffion of the leffer Monafteries, ibid. et feq. Infurrection in the
North, p. 168. Fate of the Duke of Norfolk, who quelled it, p. 172.
Reaſons for fending CARDINAL POLE Legate into the Low Countries,
p. 173. His views in accepting the commiffion, and the principles
he proceeded on, fet forth in his letters to the Pope, p. 177,-And
to Cardinal Pio, p. 179,-Who this Prince was, p. 181.
The LE-
GATE
1537-
"
CONTEN NT S.
XX
Year.
GATE gives the fame account of himſelf, afterwards, to Edward VI.
p. 183. Before he fets out on his Embaffy receives a letter from both
Houſes of Parliament, which he anſwers, p. 184. Difappointments
with which the negotiation he is charged with, is attended, p. 192.
His reception in France, p. 193. The Miniſtry requested by Henry
to throw him into chains, p. 194. Withdraws into the Auftrian Ne-
therlands, p. 196. Writes to the Pope, p. 198. Retires to Liege,
p. 201.
Offers made by Henry to have him put into his hands, p. 202.
Manner of ſpending his time at Liege, p. 203. Is recalled to Rome,
p. 206. Generoſity of the Prince of Liege to his Gueſt, during his
ſtay, and at his departure, p. 207. Returns to Rome, p. 211,
j
SECT.
IV.
1538.
$539.
In what
SUPPRESSION of the greater Monafteries in England, p. 213.
light confidered by Sir Edward Coke, and others, p. 218. Some of
the Emoluments the Public received from theſe eſtabliſhments, p. 219.
Particularly with refpect to Learning; the ftate of which is traced out
from the diſſolution of the Abbeys to the reign of Charles II. ibid. et
Seq. Further advantages derived from thefe inftitutions, p. 222.
CARDINAL POLE defcribes the ftately buildings which were deſtroyed,
p. 224. And the plunder of St. Auſtin's fhrine at Canterbury, p. 225.
And of St. Thomas's, Archbishop of that See, p. 226. The caufe, in
which that Prelate fuffered, confidered on the Principles of Civil Go-
vernment, and thoſe of the Author of L'Esprit des Loix, p. 227, &c.
The CARDINAL's occupations at Rome, p. 230. His connections with
Camillus Urfini, the Venetian General, p. 232. His judgment of Kings
and Minitters, p. 233. His letter to Cardinal Beaton, Archbishop of
St. Andrew's, in Scotland, p. 234. Is prefent at the interview of the
Fope, the Emperor, and the French King, at Nice, p. 235. Dif-
tinction fhewn him by the Emperor, p. 236. The Pope publiſhes
the ſentence of Excommunication and Depofition againſt Henry, p. 237.
Difcuffion of the papal claim to the latter power, ibid. et feq. The
CARDINAL'S embaffy to the Emperor, p. 241. Hears of the Execu-
tion of his eldeſt Brother, Lord Montague, and the impriſonment of
his Mother, p. 245.
His fentiments on the misfortunes of his fa-
mily, p. 248. Arrives at Toledo, where the Emperor was,-remon-
ftrates
CONTENTS.
xxi
ftrates to that Prince, on his want of good faith,-Leaves his court, Year.
and fets out for Carpentras, p. 249, et feq. Sir Thomas Wyat, the Eng-
lifh Embaffador at Toledo, refolved to diſpatch him, p. 252. The
CARDINAL declines a fecond journey to the French Court, p. 253.
Writes to Contareni on the infincerity of the French and Imperial Mi-
niſtry, p. 257. Interefts himſelf in the Religious concerns of Germany,
P. 259. His private life at Carpentras,--Reviſes a Work of Sadolet,
p. 261. Further innovations in Religion, in England, inforced by
fanguinary laws, p. 263. The CARDINAL requeſts the Pope to per-
mit him to continue at Carpentras,-And prevails on him, by a very
judicious letter, to lay afide all thoughts of nominating him to the
Biſhoprick of Saliſbury, of which Campegio lately died poffeffed, p. 265.
Sadolet's account of CARDINAL POLE'S comportment under his Do-
meſtic Calamities, p. 268. His own Reflections on the Pope's orders
for him to repair to Rome, p. 269. A remarkable inftance of his
greatnefs of foul, p. 270. Defcription of a place of Devotion, which
he viſits in his return from France to Italy, p. 271. The difpofitions
of his mind towards Henry, p. 272. What happened to him, at Ve-
rona, p. 273. Arrives at Rome,-Writes a treatiſe, which he inſcribes
an Apology, to Charles V.-Account of that Work, p. 275. Charac-
ter of his intimate Friend Bembo, who, this year, was raiſed to the
Purple, p. 276, et feq.
SE C T. V.
THE CARDINAL'S Occupations on his return to Rome, p. 281. His
and Contareni's opinion of fome controverted points at the Diet of Ra-
tifbon, p. 282. Francis I. fignifies his efteem of him: His anfwer to
that Prince's letter, p. 288. The difgrace and death of Thomas Crom-
well, Earl of Effex: The ſteps by which he rofe to power, and his
abuſe of it, p, 289. The CARDINAL's fentiments at the news of his
punishment, p. 293. He is appointed Governour of the Province of
the Patrimony, and the Pope's motives for appointing him, p. 294.
Defcription of the Ecclefiaftical State, in general, ibid. Of the Pro-.
vince of the Patrimony, in particular, p. 295. His letter to the Pope
on being nominated to that Government, p. 297. The Plan of his
Adminiſtration with refpect to Religion, Morals, the diftribution of
1
b
Juſtice,
July, 1540
1541
xxii.
CONTENTS.
:
Year.
1541.
Juftice, and the Encouragement of Arts and Induſtry, p. 298, et feq.
His lenity towards thofe, who were engaged in error; exemplified in
a remarkable inftance; and practiſed by Sadolet, and the beſt and great-
eft men among the Ancients, P. 300, et feq. History of the cele-
brated; Marchionefs of Pefcara, P. 304. Account the LEGATE givest
of his manner of fpending his time in his Government, p. 305. Ad-
venture of one of his Relations, p. 306. Meets the Pope at Civita-
Vecchia, R. 307. Henry VIII. attempts twice to have him affaffinated,.
p. 308. Refolves the Death; of the Countess of Salisbury, his Mother;
27th May. the manner of her trial and condemnation, p.. 310. Her behaviour
at the Scaffold, and a fhort, ſketch of her character, p. 31r. Her Son
receives the news of her execution, and the manner in which he ex-
preffes himſelf on that occafion,. p. 393. A parallel between. his be
haviour on his 'Mothers death, and that of. Cicero, at his Daughter
Tullia's, p. 3.14.
In what terms he writes to his Friends. on this
Cataſtrophe, p. 315-
SECT.
VI..
1
Brief recapitulation of what has been already related, p. 317. Tranfi
tion to the Cauſes, which gave occafion to; the General Council of
Trent, at which CARDINAL POLE prefided, p. 318. A reformation of
manners and difcipline, not of faith; and a fuppreffion of errors lately,
fprung up, the object of this, as of all former general meetings of the
Church, p. 320. Different caufes which had concurred to the cor-
ruption of manners which then prevailed, viz. opulence and diſorders
of the Clergy,-Confequences of the Croisades,-Pedantry, which had
taken. poffeffion of the Schools,-Abufe of learning when it was re--
vived,Difedifying Lives of the Popes, p. 321. Exorbitance in the
grant of Indulgences produces an Event, which haftens the neceffity
of a Reformation, p. 323. Expofition of the Catholic Doctrine con-
cerning theſe Grants, ibid. Luther oppugns them, and other Catho-
lic tenets, p. 324. The Schifm fpreads wider, p. 325. Unavailing
methods uſed to fupprefs it in the Pontificates of Leo, Adrian, and Cle-
ment, p. 326. A detail of the progrefs of Luther and other Reformers
in five and twenty years, p. 328. Character of John Calvin, p. 330..
Cauſes, to which this rapid fuccefs is to be aforibed, ibid. Sadolet
1
writes
CONTENTS.
xxiii
3
The General Council again 1545-
only one of the three former
Henry's attempt to have him
writes to the English CARDINAL on the fallen ftate of Chriftianity, Year.
P. 330. A General Council, to be held at Trent, at length refolved
on, p. 332. Defcription of that City, p. 333. CARDINAL POLE, 1542.
and two other Legates, nominated by Paul III. to prefide at the Coun-
cil, ibid. The Emperor's Ambaffadors ſet out for Trent, p. 334. The
Pope recalls the Legates, and puts off the Council, ibid.
The Eng-
lifh LEGATE's fentiments on this Event, p. 335- Returns to his Go-
vernment, ibid. Lofes his friend, Giberti, Biſhop of Verona; character
of that excellent man, ibid. Henry VIII. invades all the remaining
Religious foundations in England, p. 336.
fummoned, 339. CARDINAL POLE the
Legates appointed to prefide at it, ibid.
murdered, ibid. He addreffes to his Collegues a treatife on the Na-
ture of General Councils,The chief heads of this Work, p. 340, et
feq. Management of the Legates on their arrival at Trent, p. 350.
Strife of the Ambaffadors for precedence, p. 351. Speech of Mendoza,
the Emperor's Ambaffador, to the Fathers, p. 352. Letters of Francis
the First, to the Legates, and to the Council, ibid. Similar behaviour
of Conftantine, at the Council of Nice, p. 353. The Council opened,
P. 354. CARDINAL POLE writes to the Pope, to exhort him to ftea-
dinefs in bringing it to a happy iffue, ibid. The method to be ob-
ferved in the deliberations; particularly, that matters relating to Faith
and Diſcipline fhould be fucceffively treated in each Seffion, regulated
in the firft, p. 355. Other Preliminaries fettled in the ſecond, ibid.
The Symbol received in the third, p. 356. Decree concerning the
Canonical books of Scripture: the Vulgate declared authentic in the
fourth, ibid. A fhört digreffion on the expediency of permitting the
Scripture to be read indifferently by all perfons, ibid. Decree cón-
cerning Original Sin in the fifth Seffion; feveral regulations relating
to the inftruction of the Faithful, p. 357. CARDINAL POLE Confulted
by Cochleus on the cuftom of giving the Eucharift to Children imme-
diately after Baptiſm,-On fome difficulties relative to the Symbol,
p. 358. Leaves Trent, on account of his health, p. 362. Letters
which pafs between him and the other Legates, on that occafion, ibid.
et feq. Refutes the reafon a Lutheran Writer affigned for his leaving
Trent, p. 364. Sixth Seffion; Decree concerning Juftification: re-
vifed and completed, as it is now fet forth, by CARDINAL POLE,
b 2
p. 367.
1546.
xxiv
CONTENTS.
Year.
#548.
*549-
P. 367. The ſubſtance of this Decree, 368. The CARDINAL goes
to Rome, 369. Decree concerning the Refidence of the Clergy, p. 370.
Seventh Seffion; the doctrine of the Sacraments, in general,-Elec-
tion of Biſhops and beneficed Clergymen,-Incompatibility of bene-
fices, Difpenfations, p. 371. The Pope transfers the Council from
Trent to Bologna, P. 3.72. CARDINAL POLE anfwers the Emperor's
objection, to this removal, p. 373. And a treatife, publiſhed by his
orders, intitled the Interim, p. 377. Ninth and tenth Seffions held at
Bologna, without paffing any Decrees; the Council breaks up, p. 378.
Fine Letter of CARDINAL POLE on this fecond diſappointment. p. 379.
Julius III. fucceeds Paul; opens the Jubilee in 1550; manner ob
ſerved in that Ceremony, p. 381. The Council opened a fecond
time, at Trent, on the firſt of May, 1551. p. 382. Eleventh and
twelfth Seffions; Amiot, the French Ambaffador's proteft, p. 383,
Decree concerning the Eucharift and Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiction paffed
in the thirteenth Seffion,-Şafe conduct granted to the Lutherans,
ibid. Fourteenth Seffion, concerning the Sacraments of Penitence,
and the laft Anointing,-The power of Biſhops in partibus restrained;
appeals not to fufpend the correction of abuſes; union of benefices in
different Dioceſes forbid, p. 384. The Ambaffadors of the Lutheran
Princes arrive at Trent, and leave it immediately, p. 385. The Coun-
cil prorogued in the fifteenth Seffion, and fufpended in the fixteenth,
on the 28th of April, 1552, p. 387. Unavailing attempt made by
Julius, and his two immediate Succeffors, towards a reformation of
Manners, and fuppreffing the growth of Error, ibid.. Conference of
Poifi, p. 388. Pius IV. cauſes a third opening of the General Coun-
cil, at Trent, 18th of January, 1562; the folemn manner in which this
is obferved in the feventeenth Seffion, p. 390. Who the Legates were
who prefided, p. 392. A Decree concerning prohibited Books paffed
in the eighteenth Seffion; and fafe-conduct granted to all who diffent-
ed from the Catholic Church, p. 393. The Council adjourned in the
nineteenth and twentieth Seffions, ibid. The French Ambaffadors
arrive at Trent; their demands and behaviour, p. 394. Twenty-firft
Seffion: Decree concerning receiving the Eucharift,-Ufe of the Cup,
-Articles of Difcipline, chiefly with refpect to the difintereftedneſs
becoming Clergymen, p. 396. Twenty-fecond Seffion: Decree con-
cerning the Mafs, p. 398. Repreſentation of a folemn or high. Maſs,
P. 399.
CONTENTS.
XXV
P. 399, et feq. Decency and regularity of the Clergy inforced by
another Decree of the fame Seffion, p. 401. Great difficulties which
the queſtion on the nature of Epifcopal Jurifdiction meets with, ibid.
The Cardinal of Lorrain, at the head of the French Prelates, arrives
at Trent,-Repreſents to the Fathers the ftate of Religion in France,-
Inſtructions he brought with him, p. 402, et feq. Twenty-third Seſ-
fion Expofition of the Catholic Doctrine of holy Order,-Long and
accurate Decree which concerns the different Ranks of the Clergy,
P. 405, et feq. Rumour ſpread of the Council's intention to withdraw
the Clergy from the fecular power,-The fine Addrefs of the Fathers
to Sovereigns, p. 408, et feq. Twenty-fourth Seffion expounds the
Sacrament of Marriage,-Divers regulations relative to the Marriage
Contract, p. 409.
An excellent Decree, which chiefly regards Car-
dinals, Biſhops, and other dignified Clergymen, paffed in the fame
Seffions, p. 410. Twenty-fifth and laft Seffion, held on the 3d of
December, 1563: Sets forth the doctrine of Purgatory,-Invocation
of Saints, Veneration of their Relicks and Images, p. 412, et feq.
Decrees on the reformation of Monafteries, p. 415. For regulating
the furniture, table, &c. of Prelates,-On the caution to be uſed in
Excommunication, p. 416. Continuation of the fame Seffion: The
doctrine of Indulgences expounded,-On the Fafts and Feſtivals,-
a Parochial Catechifm appointed to be compiled, p. 417. The accep-
tation of the Council ordered by the laſt decree of the Seffion, p. 418.
What number of Prelates fubfcribed to it, p. 419. From what time
the decrees were to take place, ibid. By what Kingdoms the Council
has been received, ibid. The Refemblance of the Council of Trent,
with that held by the Apostles at Jerufalem, p. 420. General Charac-
ter of the Prelates who compoſed it, p. 421. The method obferved
in forming the Decrees both of Faith and Diſcipline,-Agreement of
the Doctrine with that of all Antiquity,-Clearneſs and precifion of
the Decifions, and accuracy with which each Article was debated,
P. 422, et feq. Groundleſs objection of Fra Paolo, p. 424. Degree
of perfpicuity which is attainable in divine Truths, p. 425. Style in
which the Decrees of the Council are drawn up, ibid. Intrigues, and
other weakneſſes, with which fome of the Deliberations were attended,
P. 427. Salutary Effects of this great Affembly throughout the whole
Chriſtian World, ibid. to the end of the Section.
SECT.
xxvi
XX
CON T ENT S.
Year.
28th Jan.
1547.
SECT. VII.
Henry VIII. dies, p. 430. Subſtance of his Speech to the Parlia-
ment, towards the end of his reign, ibid. A fhort review of his Cha-
racter, p. 432. Laft Act of Cruelty, p. 433. Remarkable argument
of his want of good faith, related by the CARDINAL, ibid. Manner of
his Death, p. 434.
The CARDINAL endeavours to avail himself of it,
to the advantage of his Country, p. 436. Writes to the Pope, ibid.
Writes to the Engliſh Privy Council, p. 438. Tries to engage the
Emperor in the fame intereft, p. 439. Addreffes an Apology to Ed-
ward VI. brief account of that Performance, p. 440. Edward's dif-
pofitions and education, p. 441. Changes in the ancient worſhip that
take place immediately on his acceffion; exemplified particularly in
what concerns the holy Eucharift, p. 442. Plunder of the Churches,
P. 443. Somerset-Houfe raiſed on complicated rapine and facrilege, ibid.
Further innovations in Religion, p. 444. Various Sects rife up; fo-
reign Sectaries called over, p. 445· Univerſal Conſent of Hiftorians,
as to theſe facts, p. 446. Revolutions in the State, no less than in the
Church, ibid. Infurrections, ibid. The demands of the Infurgents,
P. 447. Duke of Somerset's ambition, abufe of power, and fall, p. 448.
foth Nov. CARDINAL POLE's employment during thefe confufions, p. 449. Death
of Paul III-Deſcription of a Conclave, p. 450. The major part of
the Cardinals agree to chufe CARDINAL POLE, Pope, p. 451. In what
manner be receives the overture, p. 452. Exempt from Ambition,
P. 453. Writes, during the Conclave, on the duties of the Papacy,
ibid. The different impreffion his behaviour makes on two Cardinals,
ibid. His answer to another, who reproached him with afpiring to the
Papacy, p. 454. Calumnies fpread concerning him, ibid. Unani-
mity of the Electors who engaged their votes in his favour, p. 455.
His answer to Cardinal Farnefe, on his defiring him to conſent to his
election, and to receive the homage, p. 457. A fecond Deputation to
him, with the fame Meffage, ibid. Change of affairs in the Conclave,
p. 458. Cardinal de Monti chofen Pope; his Speech to the Englifa
CARDINAL, ibid. The behaviour of the latter, when the Conclave
broke up, p. 459. Occafion, on which he wrote on the Duties of the
Papacy, ibid. Returns to the Government of Viterbo; which, after
three years, he refigns, and retires from public Life, p. 460.
EXPLANATION
1549.
8th Feb.
1550.
#553.
EXPLANATION of the REFERENCES.
CARDINAL POLE's Letters, of which frequent ufe is made in the
following Work, are publiſhed in five Parts, large quarto; and are
referred to in the following, or fome fuch like manner, R. Poli Epift.
pars pag.
When his Life is cited, it is from the Venice edition of
1563;; in:
which the leaves are numbered, not the pages: but when the latter
are referred to, the back fide of the leaf is indicated.
When Lord Herbert is cited, it is always that Nobleman's life of
Henry VIII. fmall folio.
Sadolet's Letters are quoted from the Lyons edit. octavo, year, 1560.
Boffuet's Hift. des Vari. des Egl. Proteft. is cited from the Paris
edit. 1734.
Biſhop Burnet is always quoted from his Hiftory of the Reformation,
printed in 1715.
་
The other References, either cauſe no ambiguity, or are ſo pointed
out, in their proper places, as to clear it up.
ERRORS of the PRESS.
Page 16, line 21, for this, read theſe.
p. 24, 1 24, for Compegio, r. Campegio.
p. 28, in the Margin, for 1427, r. 1527.
p. 51, 1. 27, for privifional, r. provifional.
p. 58, 1. 21, for fovourite, r. favourite,
p. 59, 1. 19, for purchace, r. purchaſe.
p. 61, l. 12, dele in.
p. 66, 1. 16, for Profilite, r. Profelyte.
p. 80, 1. 9, for or, r. nor.
p. 81, l. 11, for improveing, r. improving.
p. 86, 1. 11, før bigins, r. begins.
p. 87, 1. 22, after prepared, add him.
p. 101, 1. laft, Note, ft. Col. for confui-
tudine, r. confuetudine,
p. 126, 1. 12. for hoſband, r. huſband.
p. 139, l. 1, for off, r. of.
p. 157, l. 16, for framed, r. famed.
p. 460, 1. 7, for celebacy, r. celibacy.
1. 4, from the bottom, Note, Col.
2d. for to be put to death, r. and,
therefore, put to death.
p. 163, 1. 1, Note, Col. zd. for honoram,
r, honorem.
p. 171, 1.9, for Malecontents, r. Mal-
contents.
p. 176, l. 5, from the bottom, for enquity,
r. equity.
P. 174, 1. 7, for enmiffion, r. commifion.
p. 179, 1. 5, from the bottom, for furpref-
fed, r. fuppreffed.
L
Page 181. 1. 3, for tumuls, r. tumults.
p. 185, l. 6, from the bottom, for is, r. his.
laft line but one, for cheek, r. check.
p. 203, 1. 6, for afcendants, r. afcendant.
p. 205, 1. 13, for tho, r. to.
p. 210, 1. 25, for ſkelliton, r. ſkeleton.
p. 218, l. 18, for additionel, r. additional,
p. 263, Note, laſt 1. zd. Col. for Auttcor,
r. Auctor.
p. 264, 1. 19, for theirs, r. the.
p. 277, Note, laft line, zd. Col. for vertutis,
r. virtutis,
p. 306. 1. 3, from the bottom, for Gon-
gaza, r. Gonzaga.
P. 323, 1. 4, from the bottom, for tempo-
rate, r. temperate.
P. 327, 1. 21, for lain aſide, r. laid afide.
P. 331, 1. 7, from the bottom, for ſcifm,
r. fchifm.
p. 332, L. 8, Note, Col. ft. for deligimus.
r. diligimus.
1. 6, for errumpunt, r. erumpunt.
P. 333, 1. 12, for Golf, r. Gulf.
P. 395, 1. 6. for who, r. whom.
P. 414, 1. 4. for recufcitated, r. refufcitated.
P. 430, 1. 7. for carrier, r. career.
p. 452, l. 1, Note, Col. ft. for proponore-
atur, r. proponereatur.
P. 453, 1. 20, for two only, r. only two
out of the Herald's Office.
The PEDIGREE of REGINALD POLE, taken out
Sir JEFFRFY POLE, Knight, def-
cended from an ancient Family
in Wales,
EDWARD III. King of England, and France,
and Lord of Ireland, furnamed Windſor, first
Founder of the Moft Noble Order of the
Garter, died June 21, 1377, aged 63 Years,
and was buried at Westminster.
PHILIPPA, third Daughter of William Earl of Henault, died 15th Auguſt,
1369, and was buried at Westminster.
EDMOND, furnamed of Langley, Duke of York, was fifth ISABEL, the younger Daughter, and Coheiress of Peter King of
Son of King Edward III.
Caftile and Leon. She died Anno 1394, (17 Richard II.) was
buried in the Friars Preachers at Langley, (firft Wife.)
RICHARD, furnamed Coningsberg, Earl of Cambridge, was ANNE, Daughter of Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, Sifter, and
fecond Son of Edmond of Langley.
afterwards Heirefs to Edmond Earl of March, (firſt Wife.)
RICHARD, Duke of York, Earl of Cambridge, and Knight
of the Garter, only Son, died the 311t of December,
1460, buried in the College of Fotheringhay.
Sir RICHARD POLE, Knight of the Garter, valiantly ferved King Henry VII. in his Wars in Scotland; and being a Perfon
much accomplished, was made chief Gentleman of the Bedchamber to Prince Arthur, and attending him into Wales, re-
ceived Command to govern in thoſe Parts.
HENRY POLE, Lord Montague,
eldeſt Son, fummoned to Parli-
ament the 21ſt of Henry VIII.
beheaded on Tower-Hill, the
9th of January, in the 30th
Year of the faid King's Reign.
CATHARINE, elder Daughter, and Co-
heire, married Francis Haftings, Earl
of Huntingdon.
JANE, Daughter of George Nevil, Sir GEOFFREY POLE, in Right of
Baron of Abergaveny.
his Wife, of Lordington, in the
County of Suffex, Knight, fe-
cond Son.
WINIFRED, fecond Daughter, and Coheire, married first to Sir Tho-
mas Haflings, Brother to the aforefaid Francis Earl of Huntingdon ;
afterwards to Sir Thomas Barrington, of Barrington-Hall, in the
County of Effex, Knight.
2. THOMAS.
fourth Son.
3. EDMOND.
I. ARTHUR. GEOFEREY POLE, CATHARINE, Daughter CATHARINE,
of
Dutton, of
Dutton, in the County
Palatine of Chefter.
died with-
out Iffue.
5. HENRY.
CATHARINE, firft furvi-
ving Daughter, Wife
of Sir Anthony For-
tefcue, Knt. Marshal
of Ireland.
CECELIE, youngest Daughter of Ralph Nevil, Earl of
Westmorland, died in the Castle of Berkhampstead, the
31ft of May, 1495, (10. Henry VII.) and buried by
her Huſband.
GEORGE, Duke of Clarence, Earl of Warwick and Saliſbury,
fixth Son of Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, buried
at TewkeJoury.
ISABEL, eldeſt Daughter and Coheire of Richard Nevil, Earl
of Westmorland, buried at Tewkesbury.
MARGARET (PLANTAGENET) Countess of Salisbury, only Daughter of George Duke of Clarence, Sifter and Heiress to Ed-
ward Earl of Warwick and Saliſbury, beheaded in the Tower of London, 27th of May, 1541. (33 Hen. VIII.)
CONSTANCE, elder of the two Daughters,
and Coheires of Sir John Packenham, of
Lordington aforefaid, Knight.
ELIZABETH, 2d Daugh.
ter, married William
Nevil, of Torkſey, in
the County of Lin-
coln, Efq;
Į
MARY, third Daughter,
Wife of William Cuf-
fold, of Cuffold, in
the County of South-
ampton, Efq;
ARTHUR POLE, third Son, had Judgment=
of Death paffed on him in the Reign of
Queen Elizabeth; but by Reaſon of his
near Alliance to that Princefs, no Execu-
tion followed.
MARGARET, fourth
Daughter, wed-
ded unto Walter
Windfor.
ANNE, fifth Daughter,
married Hilder-
fham, of Tetfworth,
the County of
Cambridge.
in
L
REGINALD POLE, fourth
Son, made Cardinal on
the 22d of May, 1536,
Archbishop of Canter-
bury, 22d of May, 1555,
(1. and 2. Philip and
Mary) died 17th Nov.
1558, and was buried in
that Cathedral
HENRY POLE,
only Son and
Heir
on
URSULA, only Daughter,
married Henry Ld. Staf-
ford, Son and Heir to
Edmund Stafford, the late
Duke of Buckingham, of
that Family, beheaded
Tower-Hill, 13th
Henry VIII. whofe large
Revenues were his chief-
eft Crimes. The faid
Henry, after his Father's
Death, was by the faid
King, reftored to the
Barony of Stafford afore-
faid.
MARY, elder Daughter, MARGARET, zd Daugh-
and Coheire to her ter, and Coheire to
Brother, married un-
ARTHUR POLE, eldeſt Son, flain at GEOFFREY POLE, fecond Son was JANE, eldeſt Daughter. CATHARINE, fecond Daughter. CONSTANCE, third Daughter. MARTHA, fourth Daughter. MARY, fifth Daughter.
Rome, without Iffue.
living Anno 1606.
to Sir John Stanley,
Knight.
her Brother, Wife to
Sir Thomas Fitzher-
bert, Knt.
THE
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
O F
REGINALD POLE.
SECT. I.
His Education at the Universities of Oxford and Padua. Writes
the Life of his Friend Longolius; and Obfervations on all
Cicero's Works.
His Behaviour at his Return to England, in the Affair of Henry
the Eighth's Divorce.
Refufes the See of York.
茶茶
​T
*XXXX
HE Period, at which Providence was pleafed the
great Perfonage, whofe life I have undertaken to
write, fhould appear in the World, was diſtin-
guiſhed by as many memorable Events, not only
in the Country which gave him birth, but alſo in
the neighbouring Kingdoms, as any Epoch fince the eſtabliſh-
ment of Chriſtianity. Nor was his high deſtiny more confpi-
cuous in being adorned with every accompliſhment fuited to the
dignity of the character he was to ſuſtain, than in having every
opportunity of exerting thofe accompliſhments. The Empire,
with the kingdoms of Caftile and Aragon, and their wide Depen-
dencies, united in the houfe of Auftria, gave a youthful and
B
ambitious
2
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ambitious Prince a weight in the affairs of Europe, which had
not been felt fince Charlemain: and the wealth of a new world,
whofe conqueft was now begun by his arms, added to theſe
dominions, had made his defigns as vaft, as the means he had
to compaſs them. Francis I. a great and gallant Prince, after a
total defeat, was become his prifoner, and carried to Madrid:
and Rome, given up to the plunder of his army, had ſeen the
avarice and barbarity of the Vandals renewed; and the majeſty of
her Churches, and of the firſt Biſhop of the Chriftian world pro-
faned and inſulted by him who ſhould have been their guardian
and protector. France, likewife, was become a compact and
formidable body by a late acquifition of States, which the confi-
dered as fo many vital parts of her Monarchy, rather than accef-
fions to it. Burgundy, Anjou, and Provence, had been united
to her in the reign of Lewis XI. and Anne of Bretany had brought
that Dutchy a Dower to Charles VIII. The Republic of Venice
was arrived to her higheſt pitch of glory; and a martial ſpirit,
not unworthy their ancient reputation, diſtinguiſhed the other
States of Italy.
By the acquifitions of the Spaniards and Portugueſe, a gate
was opened to Chriftianity in the remoteft parts of the eaſt and
weſt Indies; at the fame time that Luther in Germany, and Calvin
in France, began to oppoſe the ancient Faith, and ſet aſide thofe
Principles of belief and practice, the neceffity of which was never
more acknowledged, than fince their influence has ceafed to be
felt. Refentment againſt the Pope, who refuſed to authorize the
lawleſs luft of Henry VIII. had caufed that Prince to difown all
authority of the See of Rome, and make himſelf acknowledged
fupreme Head of the Church of England; by which attempt he
had ſeparated the nation from the Catholic Church; and England
ſaw, in the latter part of this Prince's reign, and in that of his
two immediate Succeffors, three total changes of Religion within
the ſhort ſpace of one and twenty years.
This
OF REGINALD
3
POLE.
THIS Period was not lefs fruitful in the Revolution of Litera-
ture, than in thoſe of civil and religious concerns. The knowledge
of the learned languages, and every branch of uſeful and ornamen-
tal learning, together with the polite Arts, fufceeded an iron
age
of ignorance and barbariſm; and lighted up the facred lamp of Sci-
ence, which, for fome Centuries, had been almoft totally extinct.
NOR were inſtances in excellence of a different and more divine
order wanting to grace the age in which He was born, who was
to do it ſo much honour in his own perſon: and the whole Chrif-
tian World beheld in the general Council of Trent, at which He
prefided, one of the moſt learned and auguſt Aſſemblies, that ever
met on fo important an occafion; and, in the decifions of that Af
ſembly, a moſt compleat and accurate Rule of Faith and Diſcipline,
which error and licentiouſneſs had endeavoured to overthrow.
MOREOVER, that Rules laid down with fo much wifdom and
fanctity might obtain their end, feveral eminent perfons, who
then appeared, and were illuftrious for the purity of their lives,
and an heroic exerciſe of Virtue, inforced by example that Refor
mation of manners, which precept alone cannot effect. This
was the general fituation of the World with reſpect to letters,
and to civil and religious affairs, at the time when the perfon I
am going to ſpeak of, came to perform his part in it.
REGINALD POLE received his birth at a Caſtle which takes its
name from the river Stour, two miles diftant from Stourbridge,
in Staffordshire*. He was born in March, in the year 1500,
which was the fifteenth of Henry the VIIth's reign, and the ninth
of that Prince's age who fucceeded him. His Father, Sir Richard
Pole, was fon to Sir Geoffry Pole, knight, defcended of ancient
Gentry in Wales. A courtly behaviour, and great ſweetneſs of
difpofition joined to equal valour, which he fhewed in Henry's
*Camden's Brit. Staffordshire. The
place now belongs to Mr. Hodgetts, in
right of his wife, as heirefs of a branch
of the Foley family.
B
2
wars
4
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
wars with Scotland, recommended Sir Richard to that Prince's
favour. He
gave him large command in the Country, from which
they both derived their origin; created him Knight of the Garter,
and appointed him chief Gentleman of the Bed-chamber, and
Governor to his eldeft Son, Arthur, Prince of Wales. Thefe
marks of diſtinction were ſtill heightened by allying him to a
perfon of the royal blood, Margaret, Countess of Salisbury, daugh-
ter to George, Duke of Clarence, Brother to Edward the IVth.
and Sifter to the young Earl of Warwick, who was facrificed to the
cruel and wicked policy of Henry VII. and Ferdinand of Aragon,
Father to Queen Catharine. This choice was intended by the
wary Monarch, not only as a reward of his fervices, on whom
it fell; but to quiet his own fears from a revival of the claim of
the Plantagenets, by marrying the next in blood of that family
to a perſon of an unambitious temper, and approved fidelity.
From this marriage ſprang four Sons and a Daughter; Henry, the
first born, Geoffry, Arthur, Reginald, and Urfula, who being all
under age when their Father died, were left to the guardianship
of the Countess their Mother*.
WITH theſe advantages of high birth and the perſonal
merit of his Parents, REGINALD appeared from his infancy
endowed with thoſe difpofitions which reflect a greater luftre,
even on fuch a deſcent, than they derive from it. His Mo-
ther's care was to form him early to the hopes the had con-
ceived of him; and he feconded her views fo well, that having
drawn on himſelf the attention of the times, in which he lived,
* This account is taken from the
Herald's Office, and is fomething dif-
ferent from what Beccatelli and Dudithius
relate, both as to the number of the
children, and the order of their birth.
The words of the latter are thefe." Ex
hoc matrimonio fex liberi fufcepti, ma-
res quatuor, fœminæ duæ. Natu max-
imus, qui ditionis paternæ hareditatem
Et
adiit, Henrici, alter Arturi nomen acce-
pit; tertius is, de quo nunc loquimur,
Reginaldus; quartus Gofredus appellatus
eft. Hi omnes patri fuperftites, pueri
adhuc in matris tutelam venerunt.
filiæ quidem matris curâ et diligentiâ,
honeftè in primis, fanétèque educatæ,
viris in Anglia fummæ nobilitatis nuptui
traditæ funt.
and
OF REGINALD
5
POLE.
and been the object of their love and admiration, his character
has ſtood the teft of the two following ages, and is ſtill freſh
and unfullied.
Ar the age of ſeven years he was fent to the Carthufians of
Shene, near Richmond, in Surry, where there was a Grammar
School: he ftaid there five years, and retained ever after a parti-
cular affection for the place. Having learnt not only the rudi-
ments of polite literature, but attained a proficiency in it much
beyond his years, he was removed to Oxford, became Nobleman
of Magdalene College, and had an apartment affigned him in the
Prefident's lodgings. Thomas Linacre, and William Latimer,
amongſt other eminent men, contributed to bring him acquainted
with the beſt Models of Greek and Roman learning. The former
was an excellent Phyfician, who projected the foundation of a
college for that Faculty; and was the firſt Preſident of that ho-
nourable Body and both he and Latimer were the joint reftorers
of polite learning amongſt us; or, to ſpeak more properly, the
firſt who laid the true foundations, and gave juſt notions of it.
Their writings ftill bear witneſs to the elegance of their taſte,
and the extent of their knowledge.
1515.
Panni pre-
tiofi, et
pellure
UNDER Maſters thus qualified to form a Youth, whofe parts and
deportment ſeemed already to promiſe the figure he afterwards
made, no leſs in the learned, than in the great World, his pro-
grefs repaid their induftry, and furpaffed their expectations. At 27th June,
fifteen he took the Degree of Batchelor of Arts; and petitioned,
according to the cuftom of the times, to wear a gown and robes
fuitable to his extraction and rank; and to be admitted to the
publick Library. At feventeen, he was nominated, by the King,
Prebendary of Rofcomb, in the Cathedral of Salisbury; and of
Yatminfier-Secunda in the fame Church; and had, foon after, by
the fame Royal bounty, the Deanery of Wimburne Minster in
Dorfetfire, and that of Exeter conferred on him. He continued
five or fix years at the Univerſity, and gained a general approba-
pretiofe.
tion,
6
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
}
tion, not only on account of an underſtanding capable of the
higheſt attainments, but alſo for the purity of an irreproachable
life, great modeſty, and a remarkable mildneſs of temper. A ci-
vility which he here fhewed to one, who was now growing up to
be the Ornament and delight of his Country, is not to be omitted,
was it but to make known the early fympathy which at very
diſparate years, united theſe two perfons. Thomas More, who
was afterwards Chancellor, having occafion for the advice of Phy-
ficians, REGINALD had not only fent him the opinion of the
moſt eminent of that profeffion in the Univerſity, but wrote to
the Countess of Salisbury his Mother, to make up the preſcription:
for which More returns his acknowledgements in a very polite
letter addreffed in common to REGINALD, and to John Clement,
who was afterwards Preceptor to More's family, and has been
highly extolled by his Patron, in a letter to Erafmus*. In ano-
ther place he mentions the fingular pleaſure he had received from
the commendations which a latin letter of his favourite daughter
Margaret had deferved from REGINALD; a Youth, fays he, as
learned as he is noble, and as virtuous as learned f. Having
finiſhed a courſe of Philofophy, he gave a public account of his
proficiency in an Academical Exerciſe, which continued feveral
days, to the great fatisfaction of the Audience, who were equally
ftruck with a maturity of knowledge uncommon at fo early a
period of life, and with the graceful behaviour of the noble youth
who was maſter of it‡.
THE elevation and elegance of his genius gave him a ſtrong
byafs to thoſe ſtudies which excite and cultivate true greatneſs
* Epiftola Mori ad Polum et Clemen-
tem.
Epiftola Mori ad Erafmum, in
Mori Vitâ à Stapleton editâ, pag. 221.
+ Vita Mori, pag. 61.
Ad celebrem Oxonienfem academiam
miffus, in dialecticæ et philofophiæ ftu-
diis brevi eos progreflus fecit, ut pene
puer adhuc magna cum laude atque om-
nium admiratione publicam ac folemnem
quandam difputationem, ficuti mos eft,
per aliquot dies habuerit...... Thoma
Linacro et Gulielmo Latimerio, doctiffimis
hominibus, liberalium artium magiftris
ac doctoricus ufus eft. Duditius.
of
OF REGINALD POLE.
7.
of foul; and he had already felt how much the ancient Greek
and Roman Authors contribute to it, both by the precepts they
lay down, and the examples they propofe. Being, therefore,
initiated in a reliſh of this purfuit, he was defirous to profecute
it where there was the fairest profpect of fuccefs: and Italy was
then the Mart of whatever was valuable in theſe acquifitions.
Several very different cauſes had happily concurred to this memo-
rable date of the reftoration of Letters, and to make that country
the feat of them. Ignorance of all ingenuous knowledge, which,
for ſome ages, had ſpread her fable mantle over the reſt of Eu-
rope, feemed to reverence thofe climes, to which polite learning
owed her birth; and Greece ftill continued to nourish Arts of
which the had been the Parent. The Commentaries on Homer,
by Euftathius, bishop of Theffalonica, who lived in the twelfth
century, are alone a ſufficient voucher of the ftate of literature in
Greece, at that time. But that Empire having become the con-
queſt of the Turks, and Conftantinople being taken by them in
the year 1453, the Learned, who were yet numerous in thoſe
parts, could not brook the thought of living under a government,
whoſe baſe was a brutal contempt of knowledge, and ſottiſh ſu-
perftition and the houſe of Medici afforded them an honourable
Refuge in Italy.
THE Republic of Florence had lately fubmitted to their ſway,
and Cofmus the Great, furnamed the father of his people, and the
deliverer of his country, who delighted in learning, drew thoſe to
him who made profeffion of it, by every encouragement which
generofity and difcernment could confer. By their affiftance he
collected that famous Library, which has been the Theme of fo
much Panegeric; and their own works are a ſtill more valuable
monument of their Patron's merit, and their gratitude. The
fame noble inclination diftinguished Laurence, his Grandfon, fa-
ther to Leo X. and who with other encouragements of domeftic
example, had that of his Mother Lucretia, a Lady whoſe beauty
and
8
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
and rank were the leaſt of her commendations. He was the
declared Protector of the Greek Exiles, and employed Laſcar, one
of the moſt illuſtrious, and who defcended from their Emperors,
to purchaſe Manufcripts in that language, and compleat the Col-
lection his Grandfather had begun. He entertained ſeveral about
his perſon with a liberality worthy the furname of the father of
letters, and having lived equally the delight of his own people
and of the neighbouring ftates, he died regretted by all. Had
this Prince's regard to confiderations of a higher and more facred
nature been equal to the other parts of his character, Europe
would have acknowledged in him, to whom he is chiefly in-
debted for her preſent ſtate of learning, one of the greateſt and
moft amiable men fhe can boaſt.
LEO X. One of his Sons, being raiſed to the Popedom, made
Rome, what his Father's Palace had been at Florence, an Academy
of learning and would have held a confiderable rank in this
clafs himſelf, had he remained in a private condition. He had
a happy genius, which had been cultivated by the ableft Mafters.
The Ode with which one of them has honoured an edition of
Horace, by Lambinus, may vie with the moſt finiſhed perform-
ances of the roman Lyric: the turn, the harmony, the orna-
ments, the elegance, are worthy a Medicean Pontificate, or the
Reign of Auguftus.
An emulation, which ſurpriſed even thoſe who were engaged
in it, was equally kept up in the Profeffors, and thoſe who
crowded to their leffons; and converfation, in general, turned
on fuch fubjects, in which few modern companies could have
any fhare. Thefe happy days began under Sixtus IV. but Leo
faw them in all their brightneſs. The State of Venice became,
likewiſe, one of the early and renowned Seats of Letters; and
Padua, at the time I am ſpeaking of, was the chief School of
thofe Arts, which make men valuable in themſelves, and uſeful
to their Country. For it muſt be acknowledged, to the honour
of
}
OF REGINALD
9
POLE.
of Letters, that ſeveral of thoſe who then excelled in them,
joined to their knowledge of books great fkill in affairs of the
higheſt concernment to the Church and State; and revived the
example of the Ancients, whofe management of public bufinefs,
no less than their writings, was the fineſt inftruction of prudence
and practical wisdom; and who were able men as well as great
Scholars. Nature feemed now to make an uncommon effort
in raiſing, almoſt at the fame time, ſo many great perfonages
for the reſtoration of Learning, and to have given them the lead
in merit as much as in time, with reſpect to their followers.
Thoſe who are equal to fuch a difcuffion, have allowed them
this precedence, which muft appear equitable, when we take
into the eſtimate the diſadvantages they lay under, and the dif-
ficulties they were to ftruggle with, by the mere ftrength of
their own genius and induſtry. All their refources were to be
found in themſelves, and, Columbus like, they were to explore
a new World.
THIS ardour for improvement firft employed itſelf on Claffic
learning; and whatever related to any of its branches was atten-
tively confidered by theſe Revivers of it. The Poets, Orators,
and Hiftorians of ancient Greece and Rome, were ftudied with
the utmoſt accuracy. Plato and Ariftotle were no longer read
in barbarous tranſlations, but in their own tongue. That unpro-
fitable application to raiſe and refolve queſtions, and exerciſe the
reaſoning faculty alone, which had, for fo long a time, taken
up the Schools, was, in great meaſure, laid afide; and their
attention turned to enquiries of a more pofitive and real nature;
to reading and criticiſm.
PHYSIC, though fo noble and ufeful a knowledge, had been,
before this Epoch, as low as the other Sciences: but the Greek
Exiles, encouraged by the fame generous Patrons, the Medici,
fet the Faculty on underſtanding and explaining the excellent
Maſters, who had wrote in that language, and examining how
C
far
ΙΟ
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
i
far the Arabians had followed, or departed from them; and thefe
Reſearches opened the way to further improvements,
THE Art of Printing, which had been diſcovered fome time
before, afforded an opportunity of publishing correct Editions of
the Ancients. The learned compared the Manufcripts, com-
poſed Vocabularies and Grammars, cleared up the difficulties of
their favourite Authors, and elucidated every ſubject which could
contribute to the knowledge of Antiquity: the religion and my-
thology, the forms of government, the military force and diſci-
pline. They defcended even to a minute detail of the domeſtic
life of the Ancients, to their drefs, their meals and diverfions;
and have fucceeded fo well, as to abridge the way to knowledge,
and make it not only eafy but delightful. By their labours,
things removed at fo great a diſtance from our times and man-
ners, are become familiar to us, and we as converfant with them
as with the occurrences of common life. On theſe great Ori-
ginals they likewiſe formed their own genius and expreffion;
and transferred the excellence of Greece and Rome into their own.
compofitions: and if ſome of them have been justly charged with
the abuſe and mifapplication of their talents, and other more
capital diſorders, theſe can, with no more equity, be imputed to
learning, than the wanderings and wrecks of wilful and obftinate
Pilots to the invention of the Compafs, or the art of Navigation.
FROM theſe neceffary and uſeful Rudiments of human lite-
rature, they roſe to more important and elevated views, and took
in the Greek and Latin Fathers, Church Hiftory, the Councils
and ancient Canons, which were then little known. They went
up to the origin of Tradition, and drew the Doctrine of Chrif-
tianity from its Source; and the genuine ſenſe of the Scriptures
from an accurate knowledge of the learned languages, In this
manner the rays of truth and difcernment were enkindled,
which then enlightened Mankind, and ſtill continue to ſhine
on it.
AND
OF REGINALD POLE.
II
AND, that the Mind might, at the fame period, awaken all
her faculties, and diſplay her whole ftore, the fine Arts joined
the Sciences in their full majefty; and all Nature opened in the
paintings of Raphael, Michael-Angelo, and Titian; whilft Sculp-
ture and Architecture propoſed thoſe wonderous models of per-
fection, to which after times approach in proportion only as
they fall leſs ſhort of them.
THE effects which this Revolution cauſed were too important
in themſelves, and too vifible in his Character, whofe life I write,
not to require this detail. The times in which he lived, the
employments he went through, were perpetually intereſted in
them he had intimate connections with the chief of thoſe,
from whom Mankind derived this benefit; the encouragement
he gave, and the example he fet, gave him a right to be ranked
amongst them; and his works bear the genuine ftamp of the
Æra in which they were produced.
THIS influence was firſt felt, as has been faid, in Italy, and
the good ſenſe of the English engaged them, very foon, to avail
themſelves of it. Linacre and Latimer, Doctor Pace, Secretary
of State, and Embaffador to Venice and other States of Italy,
Lupfet his Secretary, Tunftal, Biſhop of Durham, and Doctor
Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, to fay nothing of others, had been
brought up in that School, and there laid the foundation of that
reputation which their names ftill enjoy. The celebrated Budé,
in a letter to Linacre, congratulates him on a happineſs, of
which his own education had been deprived *; and Eraſmus
ſeems to think this advantage alone to have been denied to Sir
Thomas Moret.
WERE other arguments wanting, this alone is fufficient to
prove that the Engliſh did not derive Science through any inter-
* O te felicem, cui olim contigit Ita-
licam illam doctrinam auribus etiam, ne
dum occulis, haurire! Id cum animad-
verto, infelicis fortis meæ reminifcor.
Bud. ad Linac.
+ Si hoc ingenium excoluiffet Italia.
C 2
mediate
12
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
mediate Channel, but went up to the Fountain head, and drew
it from the Source itſelf. And Mr. Voltaire, who afferts, that
we owe our learning to France, and that it is of fo modern,
a date as the reign of Lewis XIV. has fallen into one of thofe
many and notorious overfights, into which the vanity peculiar to
his nation, and his own difingenuity fo often betray him*.
THE homebred incitements I have mentioned, befides his own
inclination, determined REGINALD on his journey to Italy. His
Mother and Family confented to a ſtep, which feemed to fecond
the hopes he had already raiſed both in them and the whole
nation and the King, befides the Church benefices conferred
on him, affigned him a penfion fuitable to the fupport of his
rank. This income enabled him to appear at Padua with a dig-
nity becoming fo near a Kinſman of a great King. At his arrival,
he was confidered as the firft perfonage of the Univerſity, and
ftyled, by way of excellence, the Nobleman of England: and his
reputation increaſed in proportion as his character was known.
His firſt care was to ſettle a houſehold, compofed chiefly of fuch
as could be of uſe to him in his favourite ſtudies of eloquence
and polite letters. It was customary, at that time, for men of
eminent birth and opulent fortunes to maintain a certain num-
ber of fuch perfons in their family. They enjoyed the elegant
pleaſure of their converfation, and afforded an honourable ſub-
fiſtence to thoſe who were the ornament of their own age, and
whoſe labours were to be the inſtruction of poſterity. This in-
genuous difpofition, which the revival of learning had raiſed,
prevailed chiefly in Italy, nor could it become any one more than
a Youth of the Royal blood, who was a Candidate of thoſe Arts.
With this view he invited fome eminent perfons to his houſe,
and, amongst others, Lupfet, an Engliſhman, and Longolius a
native of Flanders. It would be needlefs to fay any thing of the
* See Angeloni's Letters, 47th Letter.
moral
1
}
OF
13
REGINALD POLE.
moral merit of theſe two extraordinary young men, fince, with-
out that, all other excellence would have been overlooked by a
Patron, who, even at the age of twenty, made Virtue the
ſtandard of every other qualification. Lupfet, though ſnatched
from the world in his fix and thirtieth year; has left behind him
feveral treatiſes equally learned and polite *; and a ftill more
valuable monument of himſelf, the character of candour, mo-
defty, and religion. But there is fomething fo uncommon in
that of Longolius, that I fhall reſerve what I have to fay of him
to a more proper place.
PADUA was now, as Erafmus obferves, the Athens of Europe,
and had the ſame fuperiority over other places of education, as
the former had in Greece. It was, moreover, at the height of
its Glory, and had been the School of moſt of the great men of
thoſe times. The Univerſity is ſaid to have been founded by
Charlemain, and was greatly augmented in the twelfth and fol-
lowing century. The freedom of the Government, under which
it now flouriſhed, amongſt other reaſons, recommended it to
the Encouragers of thofe Sciences, which are properly called
Liberal. Livy, who was a native; and Virgil refer the origin
of the City to Antenor, two hundred years before the foundation
of Rome. It is fituated near the Brenta, in a fertile plain, and
in the neighbourhood of a rich and delightful country. Like
other Cities of Italy, it has been fubject to frequent revolutions,
and changed its form of Government eight times fince the Ro-
mans were Maſters of it. From them it paffed to Attila; and
from him to Narfes: and then remained long under the So-
vereigns of Lombardy. But their kingdom being deſtroyed by
Charlemain, it flouriſhed under the Kings of Italy. It then be-
came a prey to the Tyrant Onara; and, his family being exter-
*Befides feveral works in Engliſh,
he wrote, pro Erafmo, contra Leium. In
Corruptos Sæculi Mores. De Malis fugi-
endis. De morte non pertimefcenda. Epif-
tolæ varia, &c.
minated
14
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
minated, it was changed into a Commonwealth in the tenth
Century; and continued fo till the Carrari made themfelves
maſters of it, in the thirteenth. Laftly, the Venetians having put
Francis Carrari and his two fons to death, added Padua and its
large dependences to their dominion, in the year 1406. Such
has been the various deſtiny of that City, which was to be the
Seat of thofe Sciences, which have undergone almoſt as many
revolutions. At prefent, the Univerſity fubfifts chiefly on its
ancient fame, and Students go to Padua, as Travellers vifit
Ruins, in confideration of what it formerly was.
BUT at the period I am ſpeaking of, it was the firft School
in Europe of the learned languages, and of every branch of polite
literature, of Philofophy and Phyfic, and of the Canon and Civil
law, which were then thought a neceffary qualification to thoſe
who were defigned for the employments of the State and public life.
The higher and more facred attainments were likewiſe taught
with equal fuccefs, and fome of the moſt finiſhed pieces of Chrif
tian erudition were the fruits of education received here *. The
Works alone of thoſe who, about this time, graced the Uni-
verfity, would furnish a large and valuable Library. Each of
thefe Sciences had their ſeveral Profeffors, who were not only
eminent in that which they taught, but in moſt others: and
their Lectures were frequented by Students of the first quality
and parts, of all nations.
ز
AMONGST theſe the noble Youth of our Country diſtinguiſhed
himſelf by a ready apprehenfion, folid judgement, and unwearied
perfeverance. He had already laid a well fettled foundation
and being eager after knowledge, and having a mind capable of
receiving, with eaſe and diftinction, all the variety of it, his
progrefs was foon the admiration of thoſe who were witneffes to
it. He was, ever after, fenfible of the advantages he received
* Witneſs the Works of Contareni, Sadolet, &c.
from
OF REGINALD POLE.
15
from this inſtitution, and in a letter to the Doge Gritti, who
had ordered the Venetian Embaffador to compliment him, in his
own and the State's name, on his promotion to the Purple, he
expreffes himſelf with great gratitude on this fubject, and gives
Padua the preference, it then deſervedly claimed, to all places
deſtined to the ſame purpoſes*. The concourſe of Foreigners
from the moſt oppoſite regions afforded him an opportunity of
becoming acquainted with various nature, and thofe excellences
and defects, which in great meaſure, are the effect of climate
and conſtitution: and he began a friendſhip with feveral who
afterwards proved the greateſt men in Europe. A further ad-
vantage accrued to him during his refidence here, and for which
he was indebted, not to the place, but to himſelf.
An eaſy
acceſs, noble behaviour, and that favour which always attends
high birth, when it is not, rendered odious by pride, or diſgraced
by fordid and vulgar difpofitions, had recommended him to the
love and eſteem of the ableft Profeffors. They confidered him
not merely as one of their Auditors, but as a perſon, in whoſe
advancement their honour and inclination were particularly con-
cerned: they admitted him to an intimacy, and to all thoſe pri-
vileges which are derived from an intercourſe with able men, and
ſeveral of them have configned, in their writings, the eſteem
they had for him, to poſterity. He received, likewiſe, during 1523.
his ſtay here, a particular mark of regard from his own Country;
Dr. Fox, Biſhop of Winchester, and one of the greateſt perſonages
of thoſe times, having lately founded the College of Corpus Chrifii,
at Oxford, entered and made him Fellow of it.
LEONICUS was one of thoſe whofe lectures he chiefly attended :
he was the firſt, as Cardinal Bembo obferves, who, in Padua,
*In a letter from Rome, 1537.
+ Quæ autem prima illi cura fuit, ut
in præftantiffimi cujufque ejus Academiæ
viri amicitiam et confuctudinem veniret,
præftanti ingenii indole et fingulari mo-
rum fuavitate facilè eft affecutus. Om-
nibus enim chariffimus jucundiffimufque
erat, atque ejus domus ab optimo et eru-
ditiffimo quoq; celebrabatur. Dudithius.
explained
16
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
explained Ariſtotle in the Greek tongue, and did justice even to
the majesty of Plato: and his profound knowledge, amiable cha-
racter, and fanctity of manners have been celebrated by Erafmus*.
Amafæus, who was afterwards Secretary to Julius III. and em-
ployed on very important affairs in the Courts of Germany, was
alfo Profeffor of the Greek and Latin languages, and his writings.
atteft his ſkill in each of them, as well as his elegance and per-
fpicuity. Flaminius, at the fame time, excelled not only in
Poetry and Eloquence, but in Philofophy. His Father, a na-
tive of Imola, had gained great reputation at Bologna, and his
works fhew he deferved it. The Preſident de Thou beſtows the
higheſt commendations on the Son's piety and erudition; and
informs us,
"that having had a great ſhare in REGINALD POLE'S
friendſhip, he was the firft of the Italians, who, at his inſtance,
attempted, in Latin metre, the divine ſtrength and harmony of
the Pfalms." An incident which afterwards happened to Fla-
minius, gave REGINALD an opportunity of exerting a benevolence
which does him as much honour as the moſt ſhining actions of
his life; and was the higheſt and moſt uſeful inftance of friend-
fhip he either did, or could confer on him. Bonamico, another
of thef Worthies, was a Labourer's Son of Baffiano, and muſt
have inherited his Father's obfcurity, had not a fuperior genius
gained the afcendant of his low condition, and manifeſted itſelf,
very early, by an inclination to letters, and a rapid and furpriſing
progrefs in them. The City of Padua having choſen him Pro-
feffor of eloquence, he preferred that ftation to all the emolu-
ments, by which Ferdinand King of Hungary, and Clement VII.
invited him to their Courts. What the Prefident de Thou fays
of Bonamico is too honourable not to be related: "He taught, fays
he, in this celebrated Univerſity, with the admiration of all the
World, and was equally honoured by Italians and Strangers, for
*Vir optimus, fanctiffimus, atque doctiffimus.
+ Thuani Hift. lib. viii.
his
OF REGINALD POLE.
17
his profound knowledge of Antiquity, his extenfive erudition,
his eloquence, and particularly for a clear and ready judgment
Erafmus, likewife, writing to Goes, places Bonamico's merit on
a level with that of Bembo, and Cælius.
THESE were a few of the many who kept up a noble emula-
tion both amongſt themſelves and their Auditors; and each Pro-
feffor had that incitement to glory, which Alexander faid was
wanting to him, at the Olympic Games, a Competitor like him-
ſelf to contend with. The only felicity which now ſeemed to
be denied to Padua, was to have her Chair of Civil Law filled
by the great Alciate. He was a native of Milan, and the firft,
who, for many ages, had united the ftudy of polite Learning and
Antiquity with that of the Law. He taught at Bourges and
Avignon, whither the generofity of Francis I. invited him; and
at Placentia, Ferrara, and Pavia; at the latter of which places
he died in 1550. This liberal and judicious method has lately
been revived in our own Country and Language, with reſpect to
the Common Law of England, by Mr. Blackstone, the Vinerian
Profeffor of that Law, in the Univerſity of Oxford, and one of
its Guardians in the British Senate.
In the midſt of this emulation, our young Countryman formed
himſelf to thofe great and different fcenes he was to engage in,
in the ſubſequent parts of life. At the fame time he cultivated
a correſpondence with ſeveral eminent perfons, to whom his
rifing merit began to be known, and who held it a fingular
honour to have a place in his acquaintance. Bembo, Secretary
to Leo X. who was then at Padua for the recovery of his health,
was of this number. Their intimacy appears from feveral letters
which then paffed between them; though thoſe of Bembo only
are now extant, and they fhew the high reputation which RE-
GINALD already had in Italy. He correfponded alſo with the
* Thuani Hift. Lib. xi.
+ Egregii Litterarum Heroes.
D
famous
18
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
CC
famous Sadolet, as Bembo informs us, though none of their letters
to each other, of this date, are extant; nor, indeed, any of
REGINALD'S during his ſtay at Padua. His fame was not con-
fined to Italy; it was ſpread far beyond the Alps, and had reach-
ed Erafmus, who in one of his lettters to him, fays,
"that
Lupfet had deſcribed him in fuch a manner, that an acquaintance
of feveral months could not have given him a greater infight
into his character; and I rejoice, fays he, that thefe deplorable
times have found fo able a fupport of letters and piety*." He
recommends to him, likewife, a young Polish Nobleman, John
à Lafco, who was going to the Univerſity of Padua.
You
will love him, fays he, becauſe he has all thofe qualities which
make you amiable; noble extraction, high pofts of honour, and
ſtill greater expectations, a wonderful genius, uncommon eru-
dition, and all this without any pride. I have hitherto been
happy in his company, and now loſe it with great regret. A-
mongſt other inducements to take this journey with him, which
would give me a fecond youth, the chief is to converſe with
Pace, my intimate friend; with Lupfet, whom I have always
loved as a Son, and now confider as a Patron; and with you,
my Pole, whom I value above all others: but the fituation of
my affairs detains me here." He informs him, in another letter,
"that Luther had taken offence at a work of controverfy he had
* Lupfetus fuis litteris te totum, orna-
tiffime Pole, fic depinxit, ut mihi notior
effe non poffes, fi menfes aliquot domeſ-
ticam tecum egiffem confuetudinem....
Gaudeo his deploratiffimis temporibus.
exoriri qui bonarum litterarum ac pie-
tatis caufam et tueri poffint et ornare.
Bafilia, 4 Oct. 1525.
+ Non poterat optari comes itineris vel
dux commodior, cujus quàm hactenus fui
convictu fœlix, tam nunc abitu difcru-
cior. Amabis, fat fcio, tui fimilitudi-
nem: Clariffimæ Majorum imagines,
dignitates ampliffimæ, fpes ampliores,
ingenii mira vena, eruditio neutiquam
vulgaris, ne tantillum quidem illi addunt
fupercilii. Et adfunt ifthic quorum con-
fuetudine poffim vel rejuvenefcere, Ri-
chardus Pacaus, Pyladeus amicus; Tho-
mas Lupfetus, quem femper filii loco
dilexi, nunc ut Patronum colo.... Tu,
in primis, mi Pole. Sed alligant me hic
fata mea.
ibid.
publiſhed,
OF REGINALD
16
POLE.
Sckendorf
Hift. Luth
Epift. Eraf.
P. 834.
Edit. Bafil.
apud Froben.
publiſhed, though treated with great moderation; and had wrote
a large volume against him, in a ftyle (theſe are his words)
which no one would ufe against the Turk. I have anfwered,
fays he, a part of it only, having received the work late: and
thus, from a conftant promoter of peace and quiet, am forced
to become a Gladiator, and what is worſe, to combat with wild
beaſts*." In the fame letter, he condoles with him on the death
* Luther offenfus mea diatribi, mo-
deftiffimè difputante, fcripfit in me mag-
num volumen, quale nemo fcriberet in
Turcam. Huic ex parte, refpond:mus;
nam ferò volumen nacti fumus. Ego
ille pacis et quietis femper amantiffimus,
cogor effe Retiarius, nec hoc fatis, co-
gor Ingroμaxe. 4 Mar. 1526.
θηριομαχείν.
The following incident gave occafion to
the Work which Erafmus here complains
of. Luther, in his reply to Henry VIII's
treatife on the Sacraments, had loft all
the regard which was due to the Royal
Opponent; and Erafmus was ſuſpected
of having ſome ſhare in this difrefpectful
piece. On this, the King, whofe Pen-
fioner he was, ordered him to write
againſt Luther's errors; and his Friends
in England let him know, that if he did
not, his penfion would be ſtopped. He
repreſented to the Court, that he had no
part in Luther's infolence; and Tonſtal,
Bishop of London, let him know, the
King was fatisfied with his reaſons; and
preffed him at the fame time, by an ex-
cellent letter, to undertake the defence
of the Church againſt the Hydra which
was riſen againſt her. Theſe remon-
ftrances, and a fear of the King's future
diſpleaſure, and the lofs of his falary made
him refolve on writing. Luther had in-
telligence of it, and fignified to him,
that, as the Lord had not given him
courage to throw off the Mafk entirely,
he would not aſk any thing above his
રઃ
D 2
et 635.
ftrength. That, he apprehended he
might be feduced by his enemies to write
againſt him, which would lay him, Lu-
ther, under the neceffity of coming to an
open rupture. That, Erafmus could not
fail of being worſted when he was beſet
on both fides. Each party, fays he, per-
fectly well underftands that what you call
moderation, is nothing elſe but dupli-
city. All that I require, is, that you
will be a Spectator of the Tragedy, and
not write against me, and I will not trou-
ble you." This letter became public,
and put Erafmus under a neceffity either
of engaging with Luther, or being fuf- ibid. P. 597-
pected of a collufive treaty with him. He
choſe therefore the freedom of our will
for his fubject, and when the work was
printed, he ſent Copies of it to the King of
England, to Biſhop Tonftall, to Cardinal
Wolfey, to the Pope's Secretary, to George,
Brother of the Duke of Saxony, and made
a great merit of having expofed him-
felf, as he ſays, to be ſtoned to death by
the Heretics; but that it would be glori-
ous for him to be the object of their ma-
lice in fo good a caufe. Whilft he endea-
voured by this method to gain the favour
of the Catholics, he took the very oppofite
to fecure that of the Proteftants. "You
will be furpriſed, fays he, to Melancton, ibid. p. 691.
that I ſhould write against Luther; mira-
beris quòd libellum emiferim; but how could
I avoid it? I was a loft man if I had done
otherwife: The Divines and Romifh
Potters,
20
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ibid. p. 613.
of his friend Longolius; though, fays he, "I had reafon to com-
plain of him." The ſubject of this complaint was a very inge-
nious and elegant parallel drawn between him and Budé; in
which, though much is faid in praiſe of the former, for which,
in another place, he had acknowledged his obligations to the
Author, yet, on the whole, the preference is given to Budé *.
Longolius was born at Mecklin, and his memory, parts, and
univerfal knowledge made him the wonder of thoſe times.
Leo X. honoured him with the higheſt marks of his approbation.
At his first fetting out in the carreer of eloquence, he indulged
a luxuriancy of youthful fancy, which his riper years condemned.
He was at Padua, when REGINALD came to the Univerſity,
who received him, as has been faid, into his family. To the
Studies of humanity he had joined thoſe which regard the Faith
and Diſcipline of the Gofpel; and, at a very early period of life,
undertook to refute Luther's whole Syſtem. Death prevented
the execution of the defign, and of five treatifes, in which the
Potters, figuli Romanenfes, had made the
crowned heads believe that I was a Lu-
theran; and my friends, feeing the riſk I
ran of my life, promifed the Pope, that
I would write against Luther. On the
other hand, Luther's letter was become
public, and we feemed to have entered
on articles of mutual agreement. If I
had not done as I did, I was ruined.
you may perhaps tell me, that I have
armed the Tyrants againſt us: not at all,
Melancton: I talk of nothing but peace,
Let all this, my friend, go no further
than ourſelves: I have, indeed too good
an opinion of your probity, to ſuſpect
you will fhew this letter to any body.”
He opens his mind with lefs reſerve to
Vivés: "I have wrote, fays he, a trea-
tife on free will, but, to fpeak what I
really think, I had then loft the freedom
of my own and I believed nothing of
""
what I wrote; verum ut ingenuè dicam,
perdidimus liberum arbitrium: illic mihi
aliud dictabat animus, aliud fcribebat cala-
mus. This work put him on ill terms
with Luther and all his Party. Luther
replied to it, and reproached the Author
with inconftancy and breach of friend-
fhip; and the Lutherans every where
declared againſt him. Erafmus, in his ibid. p. 790.
turn, wrote to Luther with great acri-
mony, and againſt the whole body of his
followers, under the title of Falfe-Gof-
pellers, Pfeudo-Evangelici; and yet by a
ftrange Inconſiſtency, he made Apologies ibid. p. 716,
for fo doing, and declared in favour of &c.
their fentiments,
* Doleo Longolium immaturâ morte
præreptum ftudiis, quanquam in me vi-
detur iniquior, idque fine caufa. Ibid.
Cafe
Senatui Ar-
gent.
OF
21
REGINALD POLE.
Caſe was to have been ſtated, he had only time to finish the firſt.
Being near his end, he dictated a letter to his generous Bene-
factor, who was then abfent, in which he teftifies the invariable
efteem he had ever held him in, and defires the remembrance
of their friendſhip may reach beyond the grave; and bequeaths
him his Library, as the only pledge he could then give him of
his regard *. He died in the flower of his age, being in his
four and thirtieth year, and has been celebrated by the beſt
Judges of merit amongſt his Cotemporaries.
it
BUT no one has contributed fo much to make this extraor-
dinary young man's character known and approved, as the noble
friend, who wrote his life; and who, being intimately acquaint-
ed with him, was as able as willing to do him juftice. The
relation is drawn up with an elegance of diction and fentiment,
and a maturity of thought equal to any age and experience; and
may be doubted, whether it does more credit to the Author
or the Subject. It is prefixed to the Volume of His Letters,
whoſe memory it preferves; and may vie, in a graceful fimpli-
city, and all the native beauties of compofition, with the life
of Atticus, by Nepos. This was the firft fpecimen REGINALD
gave
of the maſterly command he had of the Latin language, and
of a manner of thinking, which always appeared anfwerable to the
energy of that tongue, and to every ſubject he treated in it.
He collected likewiſe, during his ſtay at Padua, the various
readings and emendations of all Cicero's works, to which he
added his own remarks, with an intent to publiſh a compleat
Copy of them. But the exigencies his Country fell into, foon
after, and the occafion fhe had for more ſubſtantial ſervices than
*Etfi fummis totius corporis dolori-
bus oppreffus, dubia fpe vitæ, fpiritum
miferè duco, fecit tamen fummum meum
et perpetuum de te judicium, ut hos
cruciatus nefcio quo modo frangerem,
dum fupremo hoc literarum munere ad
te perfungor.... Peto igitur abs te per
amicitiam noftram, quam ad fummum
perveniffe exiſtmo, ut mortuo mihi me-
moriam benevolentiamque, quam necef-
fitudo noftra poftulat, humaniter ac piè
præftes. Long. Epift. 1. 4. ep. 33.
Claffic
22
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Claffic learning could yield, made him apply himſelf wholly to pro-
cure her aids ſuited to her wants. This caufed theſe
papers to be
firſt laid afide, then neglected, and, at length loft. Had the Au-
thor been bestowed on lefs turbulent times, we fhould have feen
with pleaſure, the firſt ſhoot of a happy and cultivated genius;
and the polite and knowing world would have admired a fecond
Lelius, not transferring the elegance of a Greek Poet into his
friend's compofitions, but benefiting all Mankind by his own
obfervations on the greatest and moft univerfal Mafter of ftyle,
fentiment and inftruction, that ever enlightened the heathen
World.
THESE were his ftudies, his acquaintance, and correfpondents
during his refidence at the Univerſity, which was about fix years.
His birth, the figure he made, and more than thefe adven-
titious recommendations, his real and fingular worth drew on
him, from every quarter, a regard, which his plan of life and
inclination feemed to fhun. His referve in producing himſelf
to public notice was fuch, that he fuppreffed his own name.
when he publiſhed his friend's life; and only mentions himſelf,
when he could not avoid it, and in fo curfory and careleſs a
manner, that the reader would think he was no ways intereſted
in the perfon he fpeaks of. Longolius, in a letter to Saulius,
fays," he was a young man of fingular modefty and few words,
and who had little reliſh for thoſe things which are the general
topics of converfation *." Yet, notwithſtanding theſe fhades and
receſſes, the luminous part of his character ſtill ſtood out, and
there was ſomething fo fuperior in his whole perfon and beha-
viour, that Secretary Bembo, at the first interview he had with
him, made no difficulty to affirm, that he was the moſt learned,
mature and virtuous young man then in Italy.
* Nam Polus nofter eft ille quidem
ingeniofus, et meherculé, elegantiffimi
judicii adolefcens; fed neque qui iftiuf-
modi difputationibus de nunciis magno-
pere capiatur, et mirâ quadam tum mo-
deftia, tum taciturnitate fit præditus.
Long. Epift. 1. 3. ep. 12.
IT
OF REGINALD POLE.
23
Ir was now the Jubilee year, and he fet out for Rome to be 1525
preſent at that Solemnity. But though he travelled as privately
as decency would permit, he was received every where with
particular honours. Prefents were fent to him at Florence and
elſewhere, and he was complimented by the Nobility of the
ſeveral Cities through which he paffed; and theſe marks of dif-
tinction were no where fhewed him with more profufion than
at Rome. He was furpriſed at fo unexpected a treatment, and,
for fome time, at a loſs to gueſs, who had procured it, till he
was informed it was the Bishop of Verona. This Prelate was
Mathew Giberti, one of the moſft celebrated perſonages of thoſe
days, and whoſe praiſes are the worthy ſubject of one of Vida's
Poems. He had been at the head of the Chancery of Rome,
under Leo; and being nominated to the See of Verona, had
erected a Printing-houſe in his Palace, with a view chiefly to
procure for the Public correct editions of the Greek Fathers.
Though he had never feen our young Countryman, and knew
him only from the report of others, particularly of Bembo, his
efteem and love of merit had made him conceive the warmeſt
and moſt zealous affection for him. Of this he, afterwards,
gave fuch proofs as Fable itſelf has fcarcely equalled. Several
of them, which will find their place in this work, are recorded
by the noble youth, on whom they were beſtowed, and make
it difficult to determine whether his merit, or his friend's fenfe
of it, be more honourable. At the time I am fpeaking of, he
had began a correfpondence with this Prelate, of which their
common friend Bembo writes to REGINALD in the following
terms: "He reads your letters over and over, and not content
with thoſe he receives from you, he will fee thofe you write to
me: he fhews them to the beſt Judges, who all agree in ad-
miring the candour, the elegance and good fenſe with which
they are penned: he inquires of your ftudies, and of every thing
which concerns you; in a word, he never ends when your praiſe
and the love and regard he has for you, is the ſubject of his
converfation.
24
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1522
converfation. I congratulate you, that a perſon fo highly valued
and courted by the greateſt Potentates, has of his own accord,
offered you his friendſhip, and I congratulate myſelf on having
been inftrumental to it*."
As Curiofity had no part in his taking this journey to Rome,
having ſatisfied his piety in vifiting the places of devotion, he
left that City without feeing the Pope's Court, and returned
again to Padua, where he spent the greateſt part of the fol-
lowing year.
BUT during the ſtay he made in Italy feveral things had hap-
pened, in which the cauſes were laid of thofe events, which
intereſted all his future life, and in fome of which he began to
diſtinguiſh himſelf almoſt as foon as he returned to his Country.
1520 Charles V. had made two journeys into England, to concert mea-
fures againſt the growing power of France, and a young Mo-
narch at the head of it, as reſtleſs and ambitious as himſelf. He
perceived the aſcendant Cardinal Wolfey had in all the Britiſh
Councils, and let himſelf down to every condefcenfion which
could footh the vanity of that haughty Favourite. Amongſt
other courtly arts, he made him an offer of his inſtereſt in the
Conclave, when the Papacy ſhould be vacated: and, in his
letters to him, afterwards, he treated him with the higheſt re-
gard, and ſubſcribed himſelf his Son.
1518
CARDINAL Compegio had come hither, a few years before,
and though a ſtranger to our language and manners, and with-
out any thought of living amongst us, had obtained the Bi-
fhoprick of Saliſbury, and thus began a connection, which oc-
* Bembi Epiftolæ Familiares, 1. 5.
Venetiis, 1552.
+ The Writers of his Life place his
return to England immediately on his
leaving Rome: yet a letter, which Eraſ-
mus wrote to him at Padua, on the 8th
of March, 1526; and the date of two
of Bembo's letters, one of the 16th of
March, the other in July of the ſame
year, in both which mention is made of
his being ſtill there, neceffarily infer his
going back to that City, and the ſtay I
have mentioned. The difagreement here
of the Writers of his life with matter of
fact is not material; but the reader is en-
titled to accuracy even in things which
are not fo.
cafioned
OF
25
REGINALD
POLE.
cafioned him to be fent over in the caufe of the Divorce. The
errand he now came on, was the project of a Croiſade for the
recovery of the holy Land; an enterprize, in which Chriſtianity
was, in that age, ſtill ſuppoſed to be concerned.
MARTIN LUTHER had already began a defection from the See
of Rome, which though inconfiderable at firſt, foon made that
progrefs, to which fo great a Part of Germany, and other King-
doms and States ftill bear witnefs. The Tenets he advanced had
not been known in any prior age of the Chriftian Church; or,
if ever they were fet on foot, had never failed of being con-
demned, as repugnant to what Antiquity had always held. And
his Doctrine, under the fpecious Name of Reformation, allowed
a great latitude both in belief and practice, and gave riſe to a
variety of jarring opinions, which though they produced endleſs
changes, they wrought no amendment. The character of the
Teacher was, in every refpect, anfwerable to his Doctrine. He
was an Apoftate Monk, who lived in an habitual violation of
engagements confirmed by the moſt folemn vows. A turbulent
and furious fpirit appears through almoſt every page of his Works,
which are numerous; and abound with fuch ribaldry and abufe,
as decency and good ſenſe equally diſown. At length, being loſt
to every human fentiment, this diftemper of his mind tranfported
him fo far, as to give us his Dialogues with the Spirit of Lies, and
the Arguments with which this Inſtructor furniſhed him againſt a
Capital Article of the Catholic Religion. I fhould be wanting
to the reſpect I owe the Reader, was I to put down what he
relates of his execrable intimacies with theſe infernal Inmates *
it being enough for my purpofe, to have obſerved, that he ac-
knowledges his converfion to one of them; and that he was his
Maſter in a principal point of his Reformation †.
* Luth. Conc. de turb. fedand. Luth.
Coll. Menf. Germ. f. 281. In the place
laft cited, he fays, Diabolus frequentiùs et
propiùs mihi condormit quàm mea Catharina.
E
;
+ De abro. Mif. Pri. t. 7. n°. 26.
The Reader will find the paffage at
length in the Appendix, N°. I.
THE
26
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1522
THE riſe of theſe innovations gave Henry VIII. an opportunity
of exerting his zeal for the faith of his Anceſtors, by a work, in
which the principal errors which Luther had advanced, were
refuted; of which the King either was, or defired to be re-
puted the Author. It was fent to Rome, by a folemn Embaffy,
and preſented by Doctor Clark, Dean of Windfor, in the King's
name, to Leo X. in full Confiftory, and received with a diſtinc-
tion which ſo unufual a prefent from a crowned head very well
claimed. The Pope roſe from his throne, kiffed the Embaſſador's
cheek, affured him he would do as much for the approbation
of the Work, as had been done for St. Auguftine's, and St.
Hierome's, in their times; and, by a very honourable decree,
conferred on Henry, and all the fucceeding Kings of England,
the title of Defender of the Faith, which they ftill retain, and
prefix to all Acts which have the fanction of their authority.
The Book is ſtill preſerved in the Vatican Library, and ſhewed to
Strangers, particularly to the Engliſh. There is a Diftich at the
bottom of the laſt page, by which the King addreſſes the Work
to his Holiness, and his Majefty's name in his own hand writing.
SOON after Leo dying was fucceeded by Adrian VI. who had
been Preceptor to the Emperor *. The Profeffors of polite learn-
ing, who had reſorted to his Predeceffor, as to the common Pa-
tron of Claffic merit, promifed themſelves the fame encourage-
ment from him. But Adrian, who had been educated at a
Flemish Univerſity, was fo far from anfwering their expectation,
*Fuit fub Adriano VI. par bonarum
omnium litterarum infortunium. Nam
cùm is Leoni X. fuffectus effet, ad quem
utpote litteratum Principem, magnus
Litteratorum numerus confluxiffet, dum
non minora de Adriano fibi quifque pol-
licetur, ecce adeft mufarum et eloquen-
tiæ, totiufque nitoris hoftis acerrimus,
qui Litteratis omnibus inimicitias minita-
retur: quoniam, ut ipfe dictitabat, Te-
rentiani effent, quos cùm odiffe, atque
etiam perfequi coepiffet, voluntarium
alii exilium, alias atque alias alii latebras
quærentes, tam diu latuere, quoad, Dei
beneficio, altero imperii anno deceffit;
qui fi aliquanto diutius vixiffet, Gottica
illa tempora adverfus bonas artes videba-
tur fufcitaturus. Joa. Pier. Valer. de
Litter, infœli, 1. 2.
that
OF REGINALD POLE.
27
that he treated them with difregard, and called them, from one
of their favourite Authors, Terentians, a term which he, as a
Schoolman, thought reproachful. This caufed them to leave his
Court, and to fear the cloud was again returning, which, for fo
many ages, had intercepted the rays of Science. But he alſo
dying within little more than a year, and a fecond Medicean
Pontiff fucceeding, their apprehenfions ceafed.
IN both theſe vacancies of the See of Rome, the Emperor had
thought of nothing lefs than his engagements to Wolfey; and
though Henry had omitted nothing to advance his Miniſter to
that high dignity, and the Cardinal's activity had exerted itſelf
to the utmoſt, yet, as every promiſe on the Emperor's part had
been broken, fo every meaſure on the King's, and on that of the
party concerned, had proved ineffectual; and Clement VII. was
fubftituted to Adrian.
The year which fucceeded Clement's election a Decree was ob- 1523
obtained from Rome, at the King's and Cardinal's requeſt, to
fupprefs about forty Religious houſes for the founding of two
Colleges. There was a great latitude in the commiffion, and
great complaints made of abuſes in the execution. Thefe reached
the King's ears, who expoftulated with the Cardinal in fuch a
tone, that he thought proper either to excufe or juſtify himſelf
by a very fubmiffive letter. Though this appeafed the King, it
did not ſtop the clamour of the People, who diſliked fuch pro-
ceedings, and looked upon them as the effects of Wolfey's avarice
and ambition: and the cenfure they have met with, in after
times, from Perſons of a different perfuafion from the Church of
Rome, is not lefs fevere. They have treated this fuppreffion as
facrilegious; and obferved, that all, who were concerned in it,
the Pope not excepted, by whofe authority it was carried on,
were remarkably unfortunate *. As to the Foundations, in fa-
* Stow, Spelman, Dugdale, Collier.
E 2
four
28
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
vour of which the Monafteries were fuppreffed, the College at
Ipfwich became a Ruin almoft before it was built; and the other,
at Oxford, was never finiſhed. And this very alienation fur-
niſhed the 19th Article of the Bill of high crimes and mifde-
meanours brought againſt him, who was the Author of it.
1524 THE battle of Pavia, in which the French King was taken
Priſoner, gave a great change to the Engliſh Counſels*; for as
the power of the Emperor was now come to fuch a pitch as to
have no further dependance on us, the deference with which he
had hitherto treated the King, was abated in proportion; and
when he wrote to his Minifter, he reſumed again the Monarch,
and fubfcribed himself Charles without any more ceremony.
This flight, added to his diſappointment in his late viſions of
the Papacy, put Woifey on every method of wreaking his revenge
on him, to whom he imputed it. And now the ftrength of the
houfe of Auſtria becoming formidable, gave him an opportunity
of making his Prince take umbrage at it; and by detaching him
gradually from its intereſts, ally him to its ſworn Rival. He had
already entered on this plan, when, as fhall be feen in its proper
1427 place, the facking of Rome, by the Imperial army, gave a kind
of religious fan&tion to it; and a league was agreed on between
the Kings of England and France; and no meaſures thought too
violent by which the Emperor was to be oppofed. The Divorce,
at this time, was fet on foot by the fame revengeful fpirit; the
immediate refult of which, even before it was accompliſhed, was
his ruin who contrived it.
REGINALD POLE was now fix and twenty years old, and the
reputation he had gained at Padua, joined to the natural tender-
neſs of a mother, made the Countess of Salisbury defirous he
ſhould return to his Country; nor were the reft of his family lefs
preffing on this head. The King's favour, of which he had
*
Embaffy of Monf. Tarbes, amongſt Lominie's collections, 33d vol.
received
OF REGINALD POLE.
29
crown.
received fuch early and repeated inftances, ſeemed a fure pledge
of that promotion and fortune to which perfonal merit could
entitle one who was fo nearly allied to the Royal blood. And
as Henry was magnificent in all his inclinations, there were no
views to which they thought he would not allow his Kinfman
to afpire. In compliance, therefore, with this requeft, he fet
out on his journey to England, where his fame was gone before
him; and to the embraces of a Parent and Family, who feemed
to reft their chief hopes on the expectations they had conceived
of him, and to whom he was no leſs dear than they to him.
WHEN he returned to his Country, the King was in the thirty 1527
fixth year of his
of his age, and the eighteenth of his acceffion to the
His reign had, hitherto, appeared profperous, and he
was accounted one of the greateſt and moſt fortunate Princes
in Europe. The two contending powers, whofe ambition en-
gaged all the neighbouring ftates in their quarrels, France, and
the houſe of Auftria, courted his alliance, and obtained it alter-
nately, as the caprice or views of Wolfey, by whoſe counſel he
was entirely governed, happened to favour one or the other.
The wars he had waged with the former, though neither necef-
fary in themſelves, or advantageous to his people, and carried on
with enormous expence, had, generally, been attended with
fuch circumftances and fuccefs as flattered his vanity, and, by
that means, laid him ftill more open to the afcendant his Mi-
nifter had gained over him, and to the defigns of his Neigh-
bours. He had humbled the Scotch, who, at the inftigation of
France, had taken the advantage of his abfence, and invaded
England: and the juftice and neceffity of repelling an enemy,
had given his arms a lustre, which, till then, had been wanting,
An immoderate propenfion to pleaſure, which went through his
whole reign, diftinguiſhed the beginning of it; and he had
fcarce filled the throne, when the Court, from a Scene of fordid
frugality, which it had been in his Father's time, immediately
became
3༠
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
became the feat of voluptuouſneſs and prodigality. He delighted
in feafting, mufic, and play; and in the exceffive purſuit of
thefe diverfions, as well as in a waſteful and oftentatious manner
of making treaties, and carrying on war, fquandered an almoſt
incredible treaſure, of which the late King's rapine and extor-
fion, had left him the poffeffion. The Annals of his reign are,
for ever, checquered with revels, maſks, and courtly or military
pageants. As he advanced in years, this indulgence to fenfuality
increaſed, and he was known to have raiſed perfons to a con-
fiderable fortune, only for drawing back his chair when they
perceived the fire was uneafy to him; or for roaſting a fucking
pig to his palate. Amongst the various inftances of juſtice, libe-
rality, and other virtues, which recommended the laudable part
of his life, he was never known to have done one fingle act of
clemency. This was attributed to an effeminate diſpoſition of
mind, which inclines to cruelty. It was conftantly obferved,
that he never forgot the flighteſt fufpicion of offence, and never
fpared wherefoever he apprehended refiftance *. His acceffion
had been fignalized by confirming an Act of grace, which his
Father, on his death bed, had granted to all his fubjects: but
the Son excepted thofe, who under pretence of maintaining the
prerogative, had oppreffed the people: and invited every body
to bring in their accuſations againſt them. Dudley and Empſon,
the chief inftruments of iniquity in the former reign, had ſo
ſcreened themſelves by the fubterfuges of the Law, that though
they ſtood convicted in the minds of every Individual of the na-
tion, they could not be legally condemned. In order, therefore,
to bring them to puniſhment for crimes, of which they were
guilty, they were tried and condemned on a frivolous inditement
of treaſon, of which they were innocent. This trefpafs on juf-
* Cum cæterarum virtutum fpeciem
aliquam referret. . . . . Clementiæ nullum
unquam fignum oftendit..... id quod
effæminatæ ejus naturæ multi tribuunt,
talis enim crudelitatem fæpe gignit.
Apologia Reginaldi Poli ad Carolum V.
Cæfarem, N°. 19.
tice
1
OF REGINALD POLE.
3 I
tice carried, however, in fome meafure, its excufe with it, by
delivering up Delinquents, whom the general voice of Mankind
had devoted to deftruction. But the death of the Duke of Buck-
ingham, whoſe large revenues were his crime; and of Edmund,
Earl of Suffolk, who was executed without any trial or form of
juſtice, and was the effect of the King's apprehenfions from the
houfe of York, or of refentment to that Nobleman's Brother,
who was in the French fervice, admitted of no alleviation. This
unfortunate Nobleman had fucceeded to a long deſcent of here-
ditary honours, and was alſo called Pole; but the Achievements
of the two Families being entirely different, there is no reaſon
to think they had any thing common but their name. Thefe
were the Preludes to all thofe acts of blood, which ftained this
Prince's reign, and gave Sir Walter Raleigh occafion to ſay, that
"if all the examples of a merciless Prince were loft, they might
be found in him." The confcioufnefs of his perfonal accom-
pliſhments, which were really great, enflamed both his felf-
conceit and the natural violence of his temper: and from a
conſtant gratification of his inclinations, he grew impatient of
whatever checked them; and, at laſt, broke through all re-
ſtraints, human and divine. His Father, either through igno-
rance of what education was fitting for a young Prince of fuch
expectation, or from an ungenerous and felfifh turn of mind,
which ſeems to have been the principle of his whole conduct,
had diverted his Son's attention from attainments which relate
to the proper diſcharge of the duties of Sovereignity, and trained
him to the learning of the Schools; to the Logic of Ariſtotle, and
the Theology of St. Thomas Aquinas. A ready genius and re-
liſh for letters caufed him to be the declared Protector of all
who excelled in them. Erafmus, in a letter to the Elector of
Mentz, fays, "that learning triumphed in England, and that
the King and Queen, the two Cardinals, and almoſt all the
Biſhops exerted themſelves in promoting and encouraging it."
And
32
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
And in another, of the year 1518, "the King, he fays, who is
the moſt judicious Prince of his age, delights in literature; the
Queen is knowing in a degree very uncommon to her Sex; nor
lefs commendable for piety than knowledge; and, in general,
prudence and erudition are the fureft recommendation to the
favour of both." He then mentions Linacre, the King's Phy-
fician; Cuthbert Tunftal, Maſter of the Rolls; Thomas More, of
the Privy Council; Pace, Secretary of State; William Montjoy,
the Queen's Chamberlain; John Colet, Preacher to their Ma-
jefties; and as yet, he adds, I have only named the chief.
John Stockter, who, befides Scholaſtic Divinity, has an unuſual
infight into the three learned languages, is Clerk of the Clofet."
At length, he concludes, "the Court abounds with fuch emi-
nent men, that it is rather a feat of the Mufes than a Palace,
and may vie with any School of Philoſophy, with Athens itſelf
It was, fome years after, honoured with the preſence of Lewis
Vivés, the ſecond Quintilian that Spain has produced, and who
was fent for from Flanders to inftruct the Princeſs Mary in
the Latin tongue.
Ir may be queftioned if any Court in any age or country
could boaft, at the fame time, a fet of fo many learned men.
The teſtimony alone of Erafmus, fo good a judge, and fo inti-
mately acquainted with them, will fatisfy every Reader; but
thoſe who are converfant with their character and writings, as I
have already ſaid when I had occafion to mention them, will
* Apud Anglos triumphant bonæ lit-
teræ. Rex ipfe cum fuâ Reginâ, Car-
dinales ambo, Epifcopi fere omnes toto
pectore tuentur, fovent, alunt, ornant-
que. . . . . . Linacrus Medicum agit....
Cuthbertus Tonftallus illi eft a Scriniis...
Thomas Morus eft à Confiliis .... Paceus
ab Epiftolis.... Gulielmus Montjoius Re-
ginæ famulitio præfectus eft.... Johan-
nes Coletus eft á facris concionibus. Præ-
cipuos duntaxat recenfui. Johannes
Stockterus, præter Scholafticam hanc
Theologiam, in quâ nemini cedit, tri-
um etiam linguarum haud vulgariter
peritus, à facris. Hujufmodi viris ea
referta eft Regia, verius μovošo quam
aula: quas tu Athenas, quam Stoam,
aut quod Lyceum ejufmodi prætuleris
aulæ ?
Ad Pet. Bemb. Bafiliæ, 1518.
have
OF
33
REGINALD
POLE.
have no need, even of Eraſmus's testimony, to be convinced that
their merit is equal to what he has faid of it.
In all theſe advantages, with which our Country was privi-
ledged, the encouragement given by the King had a principal
part. His difpofitions, in his happier days, were truely royal:
he fhewed a high regard to Religion, wherever it was concerned;
a ſenſe of piety, and a love of juſtice: as yet he had given no
indication of cruelty, except in the two Noblemen above men-
tioned. His generofity not only conferred gratuities on ſuch as
had deſerved them, but invited all who had any claim to excel-
lence, and made no diftinction between his own Subjects and
Foreigners; and he rewarded merit wherever he found it. On
this account ſeveral eminent for learning and arts reforted to
him, from other Countries, as to the Judge and Patron of what
was excellent*. Thus, his general Character, at that period of
his life which anſwers to this part of REGINALD's hiſtory, placed
him on a level with the moſt popular and plaufible Kings.
He received his Kinfman, at his arrival, with every demon-
ſtration of eſteem and favour: faw him at Court with compla-
He was
cence, and diftinguiſhed him on feveral occafions.
pleaſed to bring him acquainted with the merit of his own
Subjects, as he had been with that of foreign Princes; and I
remember, fays REGINALD, that in a full drawing-room, ad-
dreffing his diſcourſe to me, he ſaid, he was of opinion, that, in
all my Travels, I had met with no perfon either in virtue or
learning comparable to the Bishop of Rochester . The Queen's Fisher.
†.
regard for him was equal to that of the King: for though fhe
had not the fame tie of confanguinity, which united him to her
royal Confort; there was another motive, derived from her own
difpofitions, no lefs powerful in his favour. That Princefs had
felt all the horrors of the bloody policy by which the death of
the Earl of Warwick was made a neceffary ftipulation to her
+ Ibid. §. 20.
* Apologia. Reg. Poli, ad Car. V. §. 14.
F
marriage
34
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
marriage, and had often fignified her forebodings of the vengeance
which would wait on it. It was apprehended that the title of
the Houſe of York might one day revive in this young
Prince;
and Henry VII. and Ferdinand had got rid of thofe fears, by an
expedient fuited to both their characters; and by adding the
mockery of juftice to murder, had, on a pretended confpiracy,
taken away the life of a Prince, whofe only guilt was his relation
to the crown. The Queen had already done every thing in her
power to attone for the fin, and repair the injury of ſo foul a
deed. The Countess of Salisbury, Mother to Reginald Pole,
being Sifter to the unfortunate victim of her Father's jealouſy,
ſhe committed the care of the Princefs Mary's education to her :
treated her and all her Children with remarkable affection, and
was accuftomed to fay, her mind would never be at eaſe, unleſs
the Crown reverted again to the Earl of Warwick's family, by a
marriage of one of his Sifter's fons to her daughter; and thus
fome reparation made for the injuftice done to the Brother and
amongſt all that Lady's numerous offspring, the had ever fhewed
a predilection to REGINALD. Nor was the confideration he
was held in confined to the Court or his own Family, but he foon
drew on himſelf the general love and admiration of the whole
nation. His high birth, the rank he held in his Sovereign's fa-
vour; his extraordinary accompliſhments joined to great affabi-
lity, a readineſs to oblige, a blameleſs life, and fingular fenſe of
Religion, were qualities which reflected a luftre on each other,
and made him valuable in proportion as he was known.
HITHERTO his character had only been approved by the in-
nocence of his manners, and a happy and cultivated genius; but
a Scene was now opening, and fuch a part affigned him, as
required all the firmnefs and generofity of a foul fuperior to hope
and fear, and every tender feeling of nature. This was the
King's divorce from the Queen, which, with respect to REGI-
NALD POLE, was one of thoſe trials, to which only the greateſt
men
OF REGINALD POLE.
35
men are expoſed, and to which they alone are equal. As yet
it had been whiſpered only within the walls of the Palace; but
now it began to take air, and to be debated by the King's or-
ders: and the ſubject of this work requiring the Reader fhould
be enabled to make a juft and adequate judgment of it, I fhall
fet it briefly before him.
HENRY VII. of England, and Ferdinand of Spain, had entered
on an alliance with the Emperor, againſt France; and in order
to cement it more firmly, Ferdinand had given his fecond daugh-
ter Jane in marriage to Philip, fon of the Emperor Maximilian;
and Catharine the elder to Arthur, heir apparent to the Britiſh
crown. Neither of theſe matches proved fortunate: Jane, in a
litteral fenfe, loved her huſband to diſtraction; the violence of
her affection having cauſed her to loſe her fenfes; and Catharine
became a widow when he was fcarce a wife. But it being the
mutual intereſt of England and Spain that their union fhould
fubfift, though this tie was broken, a renewal of the alliance
was propofed by marrying Arthur's widow to Henry, the King
of England's only furviving fon : and the Pope's difpenfation for
it was obtained. But the King, whofe ruling paffion was ava-
rice, infifted on an augmentation of the fum which the Princeſs
had already brought with her; and Ferdinand, who was as
unwilling to part with money as Henry was greedy of getting it,
availed himſelf of the Dower fettled on his Daughter, infifted on
her being fent back to him, and raiſed other difficulties from
pecuniary confiderations. Henry, though he faw no other match
more fuitable to his fon, yet, either to work on Ferdinand's
apprehenfions, or for other reaſons, which it ſeems hard to ac-
count for, had caufed the young Prince to enter a proteſt againſt
the marriage. However, he went no farther lengths, and the
proteſt was not notified to the Princefs or her Father. In this
ſuſpenſe the King died.
F 2
THE
36
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE Council of the new Monarch immediately met to deli-
berate if the intended marriage was advantageous to the Realm;
if it was not contrary to the divine law; if the Papal diſpenſation
was valid; and, laſtly, if any freſh difficulty was riſen from the
King's proteft. Doctor Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury,
though, at first, averfe to the match, came over to the general
opinion of the other Counſellors; and the King having had all
the difficulties, which had been propofed, laid before him, ac-
compliſhed his marriage, with the unanimous confent of all the
States of the Kingdom, on the 3d of June, 1509, fix weeks
after his acceffion. Seventeen years had paffed before any doubts
were raiſed concerning the lawfulneſs of this proceeding. The
King, before his nuptials, had profeffed the higheſt perſonal re-
gard for the Princefs; and afterwards, frequently declared he had
found no reaſon to change his opinion of her*. He had found
her a Maid, when he took her to his bed, as he acknowledged
to the Emperor, her Nephew, at a time when he had no
thoughts of a divorce; and the folemn affeveration which the
Queen made, in open Court, when the fact came to be
to be que-
ftioned, appealing to God and the King's Confcience for the
truth of what ſhe ſaid, muſt put it beyond all doubt. He had
feveral children by her, of which the Princeſs Mary only was
living; and any illegitimacy in her birth had been fo little dreamt
of, that he had, fucceffively, been afked in marriage by the
chief crowned heads in Europe.
THE pretence for calling the legality of the King's marriage
in queſtion, was a prohibition recorded in Leviticus, by which
the Jews were forbid to marry the Widow of a deceaſed Brother;
and it was urged, that this Law was equally binding under the
Chriſtian and Mofaical difpenfation; and being founded on the
nature of things, could not be diſpenſed with. This objection
had been fully confidered, when the marriage was in debate;
* R. Poli Apologia, ad Car. V. Cæſ
and
OF REGINALD
37
POLE.
ch. 25.
and anſwered, in the following manner, to the entire fatisfaction
of all parties. That the Law in queſtion, even at the time it
was enacted, admitted of exceptions, which were not only autho-
riſed, but even prefcribed, by God himſelf. That the Lawgiver Deuteron.
had ſuppoſed the cafe of a man dying without Iſſue, and not
only permitted, but commanded his Brother to marry the Wi-
dow, on pain of being declared infamous. In this manner the
queſtion concerning Henry's marriage would have been of no
very difficult folution, had the fearch of truth alone been intend-
ed: but the Abettors of a powerful King's paffion fo perplexed
it, that the heads of men grew giddy in endeavouring to find
any meaning of the Law, but the true; and more efforts were
made to invalidate one lawful marriage, than had been taken to
ratify all the contracts of matrimony fince its firſt inſtitution.
THE Queen now began to be in years, and ſubject to infirmi-
ties, which frequent miſcarriages had brought on: and her ſtate
of health allowed her huſband ſmall hopes of feeing her Mother
of a Son, of which he was very defirous. The diſappointed
ambition of Wolfey in his views on the Papacy, which he im-
puted to Charles V. had, as I have already faid, fpirited up his
The
revengeful temper againſt the Nephew and the Aunt.
Queen, whofe character was extremely decent, like that of her
Mother, whofe memory is yet in veneration amongst the Spa-
niards, had made no fecret of her difapprobation of the Car-
dinal's behaviour, which was quite unbecoming the purple.
The difpofition this Miniſter was in, of feconding his Mafter's
inclinations, however contrary to what duty required of him,
as he himſelf confeffed, when he was going to fall a facrifice to
the very meaſures he had concerted, had either given birth to
the project of the Divorce, or encouraged and flattered the King
in it. Another fpring to thefe proceedings, more powerful than
all the reſt, was the influence of Anne Bullen, who was lately
returned from the French Court, and now began to appear at
that
38
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
that of England, in the bloom of youth, and with all thoſe
blandiſhments, by which art, and a defire to pleaſe, attract
attention. The King, not long after, was feized with a
violent paffion for her, which ſhe practiſed every art to inflame,
yet refuſed to gratify. But as none of theſe reaſons could be
pleaded as arguments for diffolving his marriage, he alledged a
concern for his people on account of the illegitimacy, and, con-
fequently, the doubtful right of the Princeſs Mary to the crown;
and an uneafinefs of confcience concerning the lawfulneſs of mar-
riage with a Brother's Relict. The earlieſt document which re-
mains of theſe proceedings, is a letter of Secretary Pace to the
King, in which he informs him, that he had treated with Dr.
Wakefield of the Divorce, and that the Doctor was ready to re-
folve the queſtion, either in the negative or affirmative, juſt as
the King thought proper, and in fuch a manner as all the Di-
vines in England ſhould not be able to make any reply. This
letter is dated in 1526, and, to Wakefield's eternal infamy, is
ftill extant*. Wolfey had already engaged Longland, Biſhop of
London, the King's Confeffor, a well-meaning but weak man, to
move this doubt to him. A fcruple which favours inclination is
generally well received, and the Cardinal, who had the merit of
raiſing it, propoſed to Henry, the Dutcheſs Dowager of Alençon,
Sifter to the French King; to whoſe intereſts he now endea-
voured to attach him. Some time after, Grammont, Biſhop of
Tarbes, the French Embaffador, overcome by the Cardinal's im-
portunities, repreſented to Henry that his marriage had given
great offence in France, and that his confcience was intereſted
in having the lawfulneſs of it dilucidated. This diſcourſe paffed
at Hampton-Court, where there had been a Ball, which the King
opened with Anne Bullen; and he takes notice of it, a year and
a half after, in a ſpeech to the Lord Mayor, and the Common
Council.
* Le Grand, tom. 3, page 1.
WE
OF REGINALD
39
POLE.
We need go no higher for the motives of Grammont's compli-
ance with Volley's requeft, than the fituation in which his Mafter
now ftood with refpect to England. The alliance of a great and
opulent people was become neceffary to France, in order to
counter-balance the arms of Auftria; and Henry alone could fup-
ply the fum which was to ranfom the Dauphin, and his Brother,
who, on their Father's releafe, were detained Prifoners in Spain.
Reaſons of ſtate are fuppofed to exclude, of courſe, all inquiry
into the equity or injuſtice of meaſures, and being managed by
Churchmen does not always clear them of this cenfure. A
Council of Confcience, as it is termed, is frequently called, that
the moſt iniquitous proceedings may feem to have had the fanction
of a nice and religious fcrutiny. Theſe confiderations engaged
Francis to fupport the caufe of the Divorce both in the Univer-
fities of his own Kingdom, and at the Court of Rome; and that
City being taken, the fame year, by the imperial army, and the 1527
Pope becoming a Priſoner in his own Capital, gave the Kings
of England and France a ſtill more plaufible pretext of uniting
againſt the Emperor; and to Henry an opportunity of availing
himſelf of his good offices to the holy See, and, at the fame
time, of folliciting his own cauſe at her fupreme Court of Judi-
The English, on this occafion, had fignalized their
reſpect and attachment to his Holiness, and the King had fent
him a very liberal remittance. This prefent was accompanied
with a letter, in which he teftifies a readiness to expofe his own
life in avenging the injury done to God and his Church, in the
perfon of her chief Paftor, and to concur with the French King
in any meaſures to prevent the evils which threatened the com-
mon cauſe. And Clement had no fooner recovered his liberty,
but Secretary Knight, and Cafali, an Italian Gentleman and
Agent for Henry, were the first to compliment him on it.
He told them, he had not forgot what the King their Maiter,
and the Cardinal had done for him in the day of his late
cature.
diftrets,
40
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
diſtreſs and that his gratitude ſhould be anſwerable to their good
offices.
On this they opened their commiffion, by taking notice of the
regard which the Engliſh Kings and nation had ever paid to the
Church; and the important fervices they already had and might
ftill do her they then reprefented how much it was for the ho-
nour and intereſt of the holy See to prevent the misfortunes
which hung over the Kingdom, in caſe the King came to die
without a male Heir: and, as the Queen was no longer in a
condition of bearing Children, they humbly intreated his Holineſs
to cauſe the difpenfation, by which the King had married his Bro-
ther's Widow, to be examined. The Pope's anfwer was fo favour-
able, that they immediately went to the Cardinal, whom, he faid,
he ſhould confult on the affair, and fhewed him a copy of the
difpenfation. It was drawn up in England, and anſwered all the
King's purpoſes; but as the Cardinal perceived it could not be
granted without caſting an irreparable blemiſh on the reputation
of all who were concerned in it; at their request, he drew up
another, with which they feemed fatisfied. It enabled the King
to marry whoever he thought proper, provided his marriage with
the Queen was unlawful, and declared fuch.
WOLSEY, in the mean while, was under an uneafineís which
he alone could have expreffed, who felt it. The defire of aveng-
ing himſelf on the Emperor had given place to confiderations of
nearer concern to himſelf. Anne Bullen, on her first coming to
England, had conceived an averſion to him, for his breaking off,
though by the King's orders, a marriage which was on foot
between her and young Piercy, fon to the Earl of Northumber-
land. She had, fince, been informed of his views of giving the
French King's Sifter to Henry; and the high degree of favour
ſhe was now in, could brook no Rival in the King's confidence.
She hated him, and refolved his ruin. Theſe extremities made
him have recourſe to every induſtry to fupport a credit which
was
OF REGINALD
41
POLE.
The
was now in the wane, and was to fill its orb no more.
roads between England and Rome were taken up by Couriers
paffing to and fro': each day gave birth to fome new project,
and meaſures were no fooner taken than changed.
GARDINER and Fox, who were afterwards promoted to the
Sees of Winchester and Hereford, had inftructions not to ceaſe
importuning the Pope till he had granted what they aſked. He
appointed a congregation of Cardinals to examine the affair; but,
whilft it was difcuffing, being, at length, overcome by their
importunity, he told them to return their mafter the following
anſwer. “That, if he was affured of the reaſonableneſs and juſ-
tice of his fuit, he had nothing more to do than to take another
Wife. But, at the fame time, he forewarned him of the ufual
confequences of ſuch proceedings: that the Queen would enter
a proteſt both againſt the place and the Commiffioners, if the
cauſe was tried in his dominions: that the Emperor, her Ne-
phew, would not fail to require that Henry ſhould be prohibited
from entering on a fecond marriage, till the fuit was ended;
and if, notwithſtanding the inhibition, he took this ſtep, the off-
ſpring of ſuch an engagement would be illegitimate.”
THE general fenfe of the Nation concurred with the Pope's
declaration; and the influence of Royal authority, when the Bi-
ſhops were ſummoned to give their opinion, had not prevailed on
them to come to a refolution. This refiftance irritated a paffion
it was defigned to check: it magnified in the King's fancy the
charms of his Miſtreſs, and the Queen's infirmities, and made
him ſo far overlook decency, as to defire the Pope might be
acquainted with them, and cauſe them to be alledged as fuffi-
cient reaſon for his feparation from her.
WHILST the Court and Kingdom, and almoſt all Europe were
thus agitated by the effects of the King's paffion, a new Cha-
racter roſe up, who, foon after, propofed a fhorter way to end
the debate. As he imagined that Kings have no occaſion for
G
any
42
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
any other rule of action befides their own will; and their Coun-
fellors nothing to do, but to confult their inclinations, he in-
ftructed Henry in the arbitrary extent of Prerogative, and became
the Inftrument by which he exerted it. By virtue of theſe prin-
ciples, the King divorced and married as often, and for what
reaſons he thought fit; and, affuming an univerfal fupremacy
both in Church and State, had the whole legiſlative power in-
veſted in himſelf, even by that Parliament, who, by their office,
conftitute a principal part of it. This perfon was Thomas Crom-
well, afterwards Earl of Effex, and the King's Vicar-General,
who has delineated himſelf in ſuch a manner, in a converſation,
with REGINALD POLE, of which he has given us the heads,
that all other portraits muft fall fhort of a piece in which the
Artift draws himſelf.
"SOME time after my return from Italy, fays REGINALD,
Wolfey. I met him in the Cardinal of York's palace, in whofe fervice he
then was, and, after the ufual compliments, he fell into a difcourfe
on the neceffary qualifications of thoſe who are called to the
Councils of Princes. His motive, I fuppofe, was to fift me
concerning the Divorce, which then divided the privy Council,
as he knew my opinion of the affair could not fail of being
aſked. My anſwer was, that I thought it the duty of every
fuch perſon, above all other confiderations, to adviſe what was
moſt conducing to his Prince's honour and intereft, and enlarged
myſelf, from the dictates of reafon, and the beſt Authors, on
the nature of Virtue, in which both honour and intereft are
grounded. He replied, that theſe notions were very plauſible,
when delivered in the Schools or from the Pulpit, but were of
little uſe in the Cabinets of Kings; and, if much inſiſted on,
inftead of being favourably heard, would create hatred and aver-
fion to the Advifer, as they feldom fall in with the Prince's
inclinations, and are quite foreign to what is practiſed in Courts.
That Prudence and Experience chiefly diſcovered themſelves in
propofing
OF REGINALD POLE.
propofing what was feaſonable as to time, place, and other cir-
cumſtances: that men of letters were often deceived, and fell
into difgrace for want of this knowledge: that thoſe very things
which a Prince would hear with approbation from a Preacher,
would be rejected by him with difdain, if urged as the rule of his
proceedings that this was a Science which the Univerſities did
not teach, and, therefore, thofe who came raw from them to
the Council-board, were liable to great overfights. He ftrength-
ened what he was faying by the example of feveral, who, be-
cauſe they would not depart from the principles they had imbibed
there, had forfeited their Prince's favour, were become uſeleſs,
or had brought ruin on themfelves and families. From whence
he concluded, that the chief concern of a perfon in this ſtation,
ſhould be to ſtudy his Prince's inclinations, in which much fa-
gacity was required, as they fometimes lie diſguiſed under appear-
ances of a very different import: that it became Kings to uſe
the fpecious names of religion, equity, and other virtues, though
their defigns were not always regulated by them: that true
ability lay in diſcovering what theſe real intentions were; and,
then, in managing affairs in fuch fort as They might obtain
their ends, and yet no open failure in religion or probity be
obferved and that this ability was feen in proportion as the Mi-
niſter could reconcile the appearances of virtue, which Princes
were unwilling to give up, with the fubftantial intereft of the
ftate. That this was a compendious way to fecure favour and
authority with them, and to be uſeful to one's felf and others.
"THIS was the fum of Cromwell's diſcourſe, which was long;
from whence I gathered, that, if he really thought as he spoke,
and had been Nero's Counſellor, when the murder of his Mother
was in debate; he, who acknowledged no law, when his Prince's
inclination was to be gratified, and made religion and integrity
bend to it, would not have been at a lofs to juſtify that parricide.
However, I made no reply to this barefaced impiety, and only
G 2
faid
43
44
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
faid, I imagined he had entered on the difcourfe for argument
fake, and did not mean to deliver his real fentiments. He made
no apology for any thing he had advanced; but perceiving, as
well he might, both from my countenance and fome words
which dropped from me, that I was rather diſpleaſed than taken
with his Politics, he replied, it was no wonder, if having, as
yet, little uſe of public affairs, I did not comprehend what
experience alone could teach; efpecially as it did not agree with
thoſe tenets, in which I had been brought up: but now, as I
had done with books and retirement, if I would mix in public
life and give myſelf to buſineſs, I ſhould ſee how wide a differ-
ence there was between the maxims of real policy, and thoſe
idle fpeculations, on which men, who have nothing else to do,
difcant in the Schools: that theſe were very unſkilful Teachers
of an Art, which could be learnt from Practice only; and that
a ſhort diſcourſe of an experienced perfon was more to the pur-
pofe than whole Volumes of fuch Philofophers: that if I needs
muſt have books, I fhould, at leaft, read thofe who allow more
to experience than to fpeculation: that he had one of a very
acute Modern, who did not, like Plato, publiſh his own dreams,
and draw up the plan of a Commonwealth, which, for ſo many
ages, had never been reduced to practice, but had laid down
maxims and obſervations, of which daily experience confirmed
the truth: and, if I would give him leave, and promiſe to read
the book, he would fend it me: that he had a great regard for
me, and forefaw to what difficulties I fhould be expofed, if I let
myſelf be carried away by notions of men unacquainted with
the world, though otherwiſe, ever fo learned; and had not a
greater deference to thoſe who had joined eminent parts to a
habit of buſineſs. Having thanked him for his civilities, and
promiſed to read the Work, we parted.
"Soon after, the King not finding that compliance with his
defires, even in thofe who were thought to have given occafion
to
OF REGINALD POLE.
45
to them, which he expected, began to make uſe of this man's
ill-fated abilities, and admit him to his moſt ſecret deliberations;
and, then, the converfation, which had paft between us, was a
ſeaſonable warning to me to fly an unhofpitable fhore. If any
thing could give me a greater inſight into his Character, it was
the book itſelf, he fo much extolled, though never fent me.
I imagine he already repented having laid himfelf fo open; but
being informed of his private readings by thofe who were
acquainted with them, I procured the Work, and was as
eager to peruſe it, as any one could be to intercept difpatches
which diſcovered the defigns of an Enemy. On reading it, I
found, in effect, every ftratagem by which religion, juftice,
and good faith were to be defeated, and every human and divine
virtue become a prey to ſelfiſhneſs, diffimulation, and falfehood.
It was wrote by one Machiavel, a native of Florence, and intitled,
On the Art of Government; and is ſuch a performance, that was II Principe,
Satan himself to leave a Succeffor, I do not well fee by what
other maxims he would direct him to reign*.
He then goes on to give an Abridgement of the work, which had
not been publiſhed many years; and, perhaps, owes its firſt appear-
ance, as well as approbation in this kingdom, to the King's Vicar-
General in Spirituals. But a detail of this fubject belongs to another
place, and ſhall be related from the fame unexceptionable Author.
As yet, He had not been called on to give his opinion of the
Divorce; his ftudies having been of that kind which form a
polite Scholar, not a Divine; his years, alfo, might not appear
fufficiently ripe for fuch a difcuffion: and the caufe being now
before the Biſhop of Rome, its proper Judge, he was fo far from
any obligation of foreftalling the fentence, that filence was both
more prudent and refpectful. He waited, therefore, the occa-
fion to declare himſelf, when his difcretion could as little be
called in queſtion as his fortitude.
* Apol. Reg. Poli, §. 29, et ſeq,
NOTWITHSTANDING
46
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
NOTWITHSTANDING the privilege of fuch a fituation, and
the funshine of royal favour which ftill encompaffed him, he
refolved to withdraw from it. The Court was become a Scene
of intrigue, to which his breaſt was a ftranger. He was a con-
ſtant witneſs to the wanderings of a Prince, to whom he had
the higheſt obligations, and whom he loved with all the fincerity
of a loyal and thankful heart. Nor would his integrity and
gra-
titude allow him to intereft himſelf lefs in the cafe and honour
of the Queen, who was now treated with coldnefs and difregard.
However, that this retreat might not give offence, or draw on
him his Prince's diſpleaſure, he alledged a defire of profecuting
his Studies where he would meet with fewer avocations; and
obtained his Majefty's confent to go to the Carthufians at Shene,
where he had paffed ſeveral years of his youth, and where there
was a very handſome houſe, and every thing fitted to his pur-
poſe within the incloſure of that Monaſtery.
THIS building was raiſed by Doctor John Colet; a name too
refpectable to be flightly paffed over on this occafion. He was
fon to Sir Henry Colet, Lord Mayor of London, and was firſt ſent
to Oxford, and from thence to the Univerſity of Paris, and
laſtly, for the ſtudy of the Canon Law, to Padua. He had made
Tully familiar to him from his childhood, and was very conver-
fant in the writings of the Fathers, and particularly in the holy
Scriptures, of which the commentaries he has left are an abun-
dant proof. On returning to his Country he explained Saint
Paul's epiftles at Oxford, to the univerſal fatisfaction of his Au-
dience, and chiefly of Erafmus, who was then at the Univerſity,
and conftantly attended his lectures. Being, afterwards, ap-
pointed Preacher to the Court, he continued his lectures in St.
Paul's church with equal applauſe; and, amongſt other excel-
lencies, is ſaid to have had the advantage of a graceful perfon
and elocution above any perfon of his age. Henry VII. had
conferred on him the Deanery of that Cathedral, and he em-
ployed
រ
OF REGINALD POLE.
47
ployed the income of this and his other benefices in founding
near it, a free School for 153 poor mens Children, with a Sa-
lary for a Chaplain, Maſter, and Ufher. He died in the year
1519, being only fifty three years old, and his body was found
in a leaden Coffin in the wall of that Church in 1680. Erafmus
always fpeaks of him as one of the moft polite geniufes, able
Divines, and beſt men in England; and that he had, for thirty
years, lamented no death fo much as his. In a letter to the
Biſhop of Hereford, having given, at that Prelate's requeſt, a
ſhort ſketch of his friend's life, he has the following paffage
concerning the houſe which REGINALD chofe for his retirement.
"Several perfons, fays he, wondered he fhould build fo ftately
a fabric within the incloſure of the Carthufians, which is not far
from Richmond Palace. His anſwer was, that he defigned it as
a retreat for his old age, when either broken with years, or unfit
for buſineſs, he ſhould be under a neceffity to withdraw from
the
eyes of the public and that it was his defire to enjoy there
the fociety of two or three chofen friends, amongſt whom he
he uſed to place me: but death prevented that Scheme from
taking effect."
THE Writers of REGINALD'S life have given us no parti-
culars of the two years he paffed here; nor are there any
letters or other pieces to throw any light on the ſubject. We
are informed, in general, that this folitude anſwered the two
purpoſes for which he had made choice of it; to perfect himſelf
in literature, and not be a Spectator of proceedings which he
could not but condemn.
He had not been long at Shene when the Court and the whole
Kingdom were thrown into a ſtrange confternation at the break-
* Multi_mirabantur quòd magnificas
ædes extruxerit intra pomaria Monaf-
terii Carthufienfium, quod non procul ab-
eft à regià quæ dicitur Richmonda: Aie-
bat, fe parare fedem illam fuæ fenectuti,
cûm jam impar laboribus, aut morbo
fractus cogeretur fe fubmovere ab homi-
nem confortio. Illic erat animus philofo-
phari cum duobus aut tribus amiculis ex-
imiis, inter quos me folitus eft numerare;
fed mors antevertit. Epift. p. 435.
1523
ing
48
LIFE
THE HISTORY OF THE
ing out of the fweating fickness, the fatal confequences of which
have been recorded by our Hiſtorians. This peftilential Ephemera
was a fever of one day, and the patient died or recovered within
twenty-four hours after he was feized. It firft appeared in Henry
the feventh's army at their landing from France at Milford-
Haven, in the year 1483, and afflicted England fix feveral times.
within the ſpace of 68 years. On the third return, in 1517, it
was fo violent that it uſually killed in three hours time, and in
ſome towns it ſwept away half the inhabitants.
In the year
1551, which was its laft appearance, it began in Shrewsbury,
where, in a few days, it deftroyed near a thouſand perfons, and
from thence ſpread itfelf over all England. It conſtantly began
with the warm weather, and ceaſed at the approach of winter.
After the firſt vifit, it difappeared during the ſpace of two years
only; one and twenty, after the ſecond; eleven, after the third
and fourth; and then was three and twenty years before it broke
out again, and has never been heard of fince either in our own
or any other country. There was fomething fo peculiar in the
infection, that the Engliſh alone were liable to it. Foreigners
who were amongst us, and even the Scotch, who inhabit the
fame Iſland, were exempt: and it attacked the Engliſh in other
Countries, whilſt it fpared the Natives. Doctor Cajus, our
learned Countryman, who was a ftudent at Padua about the
time I am ſpeaking of, has given us his conjectures concerning
the cauſe of this particularity*. His obfervation, however, that
Foreigners who were then in England, were not feized with it,
admitted of exceptions.
BELLAY, Biſhop of Bayonne, the French Embaffador at the
Engliſh Court, was one of them, and fent the following account
to Anne of Montmorency, high Steward to the French King's
Houſehold. "One of Mrs. Anne Bullen's women, fays he, was
18th June. taken ill of the fweating ficknefs, on Tueſday laft: on this the
thod of improving Medical Knowledge,
page 593.
*Cajus, de Ephemerâ Britannicâ. —
Doctor Hilary's Inquiry into the Me-
King
OF REGINALD POLE.
49
King removed to a feat twelve miles diftant from London; and
the Lady, as I am told, was fent to her Father's in Kent.-As
yet, his paffion for her is not abated: I cannot ſay what effects
abſence and the difficulties he meets with from Rome, may pro-
duce. This diftemper began to appear four days ago, and af-
fords the eaſieſt kind of death imaginable: the help even of
Phyſicians is not neceffary. A flight head ache, and fickneſs at
ftomach is followed by fweating, and if the patient is kept too
warm, or not warm enough, he dies in four, and, fometimes,
in two or three hours, without further trouble.
About two
Wolfey,
Chancel-
lor.
thouſand have already been taken with it. Yeſterday, as I was
going to fign the ſuſpenſion of arms, I beheld an incredible num-
ber of people leave the ſtreets and the ſhops, and make all the
hafte they could to their houſes, to fweat, as foon as they found
themſelves ill. The Prieſts have their hands as full as the Phy-
ficians, and are not numerous enough to bury the dead. The
like diſeaſe raged here twelve years ago, and carried off, as I am
informed, ten thouſand perfons in ten or twelve days; and yet
was not fo contagious as it now is. My Lord Legate came Cardinal
up
to keep Term, but left the town immediately, and there will who was
be neither Term nor Sittings. Every body is in the utmoſt or
confternation."In another diſpatch he writes thus; "The 30th June.
Lady is still at her Father's: the King continues to remove from
one place to another, to fhun the infection: a confiderable num-
ber are dead of it in three or four hours. All the Lords of the
Bedchamber, except one, have already been, or are actually ill
of it. The King keeps himſelf fhut up alone. The contagion
is as rife in the Legate's family: thoſe who only put their hands
out of bed, for the four and twenty hours after they are taken
ill, become ſtiff like a piece of mortar. Yet, after all, the per-
fons who do not expoſe themſelves to the air, eſcape; and,
whatever reports may have been spread, of eleven thouſand,
who have died of the diftemper, two thoufand only have died."
Towards
H
50
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Court.
Towards the end of the Letter," the King, fays he, perceiving
it was to no purpofe to change place, has at length, fixed his
Hampton refidence at a houſe built by my Lord Legate about twenty miles
from hence. I am credibly informed he has made his Will,
and received the Sacraments of Penitence and the holy Euchariſt,
not to be taken unawares. He has not, however, been ill, and,
if he fhould, which God forbid, I do not foreſee he would run
22d July. any great riſk.”—In a third Diſpatch, he ſays, "the diſeaſe
begins to abate in London, and to get ground in places where it
has not yet been felt; and, at preſent, rages in Kent. Mrs.
Bullen and her Father have had it, but are out of danger. On
the day that the Sweating took me, at the Archbishop's of Can-
terbury, eighteen of the family died within four hours. I was
almoſt the only perfon who furvived, and am not yet quite re-
covered. The King is retired to a greater diſtance, and, though
he hopes to eſcape, he takes all precautions againſt what may
happen: confeffes himſelf every day; and receives the bleffed
Sacrament on all Feftivals. The Queen, who is with him, does
the fame; and my Lord Legate, at his refidence. The Lawyers
have lately had full employment; I believe a hundred thoufand
Wills have been made; for thofe who die of this distemper,
loſe their ſenſes when it begins to come to a head. I have fent
his Majeſty's compliments of condolence, on this occafion, to
the King, his Brother; and to my Lord Legate, and doubt not
of their being well received."
BUT as the effects of mere fear are not more laſting than the
danger which occafioned them; for though it checks the action,
it leaves the difpofitions juſt as they were; this apprehenfion was
no fooner over, but Mrs. Anne Bullen appeared again on the
Scene, as before: on which the Embaffador expreffes himſelf
to the High Steward in thefe words; "to tell you my mind,
the King's affections are fo deeply engaged, that nothing lefs
powerful than the hand of God can reſcue him." This miracle,
however,
OF REGINALD POLE.
51
however, was fo far from being wrought in his favour, that
"Mrs Bullen had an apartment adjoining to the King's, fitted
up with the higheft luxury, and more court paid her than to
the partner of his throne." "I fuppofe, adds the Embaffador,
he has a mind to inure his people to patience, and prepare them
for the ftroke he meditates. He continues hardened, and would
proceed to greater extremities, was his power lefs limited."
Theſe were the Preludes to an Event, which not only involved
all His future life, whofe Hiſtory I write, but was permitted by
the unfearchable counfels of Providence, to caufe a total fubver-
fion of that Religion which He afterwards reſtored.
In the mean time, the Court of Rome, prevailed on by the
entreaties of Wolfey, and the indefatigable induftry of Fox and
Gardiner, had carried her condefcention to Henry as far as even
the appearances of equity would allow. He had teftified a great
defire that the cauſe of the Divorce might be tried within his
own kingdom: this was granted; and it was no ſooner known
that Campegio and Wolfey were appointed Judges, but the iſſue
of the Suit was, by the public voice, given in his favour. The
former was eſteemed one of the ableft Canonifts and Negociators
of thoſe times: he was perfonally known to the King, and had
been gratified by him, feveral years before, with the Biſhoprick
of Salisbury. And fo many motives concurred to intereſt Wolfey,
who was joined in the commiffion, in bringing it to the conclu-
fion the King defired, that it is needleſs to inftance any.
THE Pope, to give the King a further mark of his regard,
had ſent a privifional Decree, every way favourable to the Di-
vorce, but which was to be ſeen by him and Wolfey alone, and
then committed to the flames. As to the particulars, whether
it was any more than a draught, and whether the King ever faw
it, is yet a ſecret, and nothing but conjectures, which amuſe
and deceive, can be offered on the fubject*.
* Lord Herbert, in his Life of Henry
VIII. mentions a very ancient Copy of
H 2
this Bull, by which the Pope obliges
himſelf to ratify the fentence of his Le-
gates,
52
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE diftrufts of Wolfey, with refpect to his own fafety, in-
creaſed in proportion as this great affair feemed to draw on to a
conclufion. And now his bewildered imagination fuggefted an
expedient, which haftened the deſtruction he endeavoured to
fhun. He forefaw, that however the cafe in debate turned out,
he was a loft man. If it failed of fuccefs, he would be re-
proached with having engaged his Prince in a purfuit, and want-
ing zeal or ability to extricate him. If the Divorce was obtained,
he was threatened with an equal difafter from Her elevation, on
whom the King had fixed his future choice. In this perplexity
he repreſented to Henry, in a long and earneſt diſcourſe, all the
inconveniencies which were likely to attend the whole affair,
and conjured him by every motive which the fituation of his
own concerns, and the King's honour and eafe could furnish
him with, to lay afide any further thought of it.
Henry heard
him with paffion and diſdain, and treated him in fuch a manner,
as confirmed all the mifgivings of his own mind.
CAMPEGIO was now arrived, and had fignified to the King,
at a public Audience, the Pope's grateful fentiments of the good
offices he had received from him in his late diftrefs; and affured
him, that, on all occafions, and particularly on that which was
under deliberation, he fhould experience whatever a deferving
Son could expect from an indulgent and liberal Father.-But in
their private conferences, he exhorted him, according to the
inſtructions he had brought from Rome, to defift from the deſign
of parting with the Queen; and repreſented the injury he would
do to his reputation, the misfortunes that would enfue to the
gates, and to admit of no appeal from
it. His Lordship owns, this Copy may
not be authentic, and that it is probable,
the Pope granted fomething more. This
is the conjecture of this Nobleman,
which can never be verified. The ftyle
in which the Pope, foon after, wrote to
his Legates, is utterly inconſiſtent with
fuch a conceffion. Gardiner, in his trea-
tife Of true Obedience, where he omits.
nothing that can invalidate the papa!
authority, takes no notice of any fuch.
grant; nor is it mentioned by any of
thoſe Authors who wrote in favour of
the Divorce, in 1530, and the two fol-
lowing years.
common
OF REGINALD POLE.
53
in
engage
common cauſe of Chriſtianity, the broils he muſt
with the Emperor, and the flender fuccour he could expect
from France.
THOUGH this remonftrance made no impreffion on Henry,
yet no favour could be fhewn him whilſt the Queen perfifted
to demand juſtice: and his impatience, after feveral uſeleſs at-
tempts to bring her into his meaſures, not allowing him to wait
the fentence of the Legates, he fent Sir Francis Bryant, and
Vannes to Rome, who were followed foon after, by the Doc-
tors Knight and Benet. The commiffion was as extraordinary
as ever Agents were charged with: and mankind were informed
from a King of England, if other examples had been wanting,
how far the wildneſs of looſe defire can tranſport a perſon, who
thinks he may attempt whatever he imagines he can compaſs.
Their inftructions were to afk the Pope, as of their own motion,
to permit the King to marry again, in cafe the Queen entered
on a Monaftic life; and to legitimate the offspring of both beds.
If that was refufed, then to defire him, to approve the King's
taking on him a religious profeffion in order to induce the Queen
to do the fame; and when they had both made their vows, to
diſpenſe with Henry, and enable him to marry again. If this
propofal was rejected, they were to make another; and petition
that the King might have two Wives, of which there were
feveral precedents under the Levitical law; and that the chil-
dren of each might be deemed lawfully begotten.-If the Pope
diſapproved of theſe overtures, they were inſtructed to mingle
threats with their petitions; and infinuate, that his own election
to the Papacy might be called in queftion, and the authority
hitherto acknowledged in his See, difowned.
THE Pope replied with no lefs temper than prudence," that
it would but ill become the King of England to rife up againſt
that authority which he had fupported by his own writings;
that if the Nation withdrew herſelf from the obedience of the
Church;
54
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Church; if ſhe cauſed a Schiſm, or fell into Herefy, the King
would be accountable, not he. That he had nothing to reproach
himſelf with on that head, and having, hitherto, followed what
duty preſcribed, he would continue to do fo."- He wrote to
Campegio, ſoon after," that though his good will for the King
was very fincere, yet he would not betray his confcience, or vio-
late the laws of juſtice: that all the demands of this Prince were
fo unreaſonable, that he could grant none of them without giving
the higheſt offence to the whole Chriſtian World, and that the
Emperor and King of Hungary infifted on the cauſe being tried
at Rome, and that he found it difficult to deny fo reaſonable
a requeſt."
WHILST theſe things paffed at Rome, every thing in England
ſeemed in readineſs for the decifion of the Cauſe. After ſeveral
hearings, a Patent paffed the Great Seal on the laſt of May, by
which the King and Queen were fummoned to appear before
1529 the Legates, on the eighteenth of the following Month. In this
interval the Council for the King had alledged, at different fit-
tings of the Court, every argument which ſubtlety could fuggeft,
to prove the forgery of the Original of the Diſpenſation which
the Queen had procured from Spain, and which was more ample
than that on which the Legates would have tried the Cauſe.
The Managers for the Queen had not only replied to the objec-
tions, but had proved the piece to be genuine with ſuch evidence,
and from ſo many circumſtances, that the Judges, notwithſtand-
ing their willingneſs to pleaſe the King, did not think proper to
give Sentence againſt it. They had recourſe, therefore, to ano-
ther expedient, which was to write privately to the Pope, that
the affair might be decided at Rome, as the eminence of that
Tribunal was beft fuited to its difficulty and importance.
In the mean while the proceedings of the court went on in
their uſual courſe, and on the day appointed for the King's and
Queen's appearance, the King's Council prefented the letters of
Attorney,
OF REGINALD POLE.
55
Attorney, by which they were empowered to act in his name.
But the Queen tho' ſhe had named her Council, appeared in
perfon, and having declared fhe could not acknowledge the Le-
gates for her Judges, the required her proteſt ſhould be regiſtered:
on which the Legates rofe and adjourned the Court.
r
Ar the following fitting, the King and Queen appeared both in 21st June.
perfon, and the King having anfwered to the citation, the Queen
came from her feat, and cafting herſelf at his feet, befought
him to have pity on her and to do her juſtice: that ſhe was a
helpleſs woman, and a ſtranger, born out of his dominions, with-
out friends or adviſers: that ſhe was ignorant in what ſhe had
offended him, and caufed him to put her away. She called the
fupreme Being to witnefs, fhe had ever been a faithful and hum-
ble wife, always conforming herſelf to his will and pleaſure,
without gainſaying, or fo much as fhowing a diſcontented coun-
tenance: fhe had loved thoſe who loved him, whatever their dif
pofitions were in her regard; fhe had borne him children, and
been his wife twenty years. That ſhe was a Virgin, when he
took her to the marriage-bed, the appealed to God and his own
confcience; and if the fact was otherwife, fhe was content to be put
from him with ſhame. The Kings, their Fathers, ſhe ſaid, were
eſteemed very wife Princes, and could not be fo overſeen in this
match; and how came men to be now more learned and know-
ing than they had been in their days? That it muſt ſeem ſtrange
to her to have her marriage called in queſtion after ſo many
years, and fuch artifice ufed againſt one whofe intentions had
always been upright. Alas, Sir, faid fhe, I am wronged, and
have no Council to ſpeak for me but fuch as are your ſubjects; I
humbly befeech you to ftay thefe proceedings till I have advice
from Spain. If not, your Grace's pleafure be done." Having
faid this, and made a low obeifance, fhe went out of the Court,
and tho' called upon, refuſed to return.
THE
56
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE King feemed almoſt as much affected by her ſpeech as
any of thoſe who were prefent, and declared " he had no reafon
to complain of her: that her virtue could not be fufficiently com-
mended; and that he would be content to live on with her, if
his confcience allowed him fo to do." But notwithſtanding this
declaration in her favour, his proceedings againſt her were not
lefs iniquitous. Her actions were pryed into and conſtrued with
malignity; and a long and lying memorial of her miſdemeanors
was drawn up by the Council, which concluded by humbly in-
treating his Majefty to have no further Intercourſe with her, and
to forbid the Princeſs her daughter to fee her. It may be pre-
fumed that Princes and their Minifters can ftand in need of no-
thing more to deter them from actions fo unworthy their high
ſtation, than their own feelings with reſpect to thoſe who have
been guilty of them, and the affurance that impartial poſterity
will judge them with the ſame rigour.
WHILST theſe meaſures were taking to intimidate the Queen,
the Legates employed entreaties and remonftrances to gain her.
On one of theſe vifits, being at work with her Women, "fhe
thanked them for their good will, and faid fhe would give them
a hearing, tho' fhe imagined they came on a buſineſs, which
required much deliberation. and a brain ſtronger than hers. You
ſee, ſays ſhe, my employment (and fhowed them a Skain of
thread about her neck) in this I ſpend my time with my maids,
who, indeed, are none of the ableſt counſellors; yet I have no
other in England; and Spain, where there are, on whom I could
rely, God knows, is far off." She then repeated the ſubſtance
of what ſhe had ſaid in Court, and added, that thoſe facts were
fufficient Vouchers of the lawfulneſs of her marriage, and her
own uprightneſs, if any any thing could be fo againſt the
blaſt of malice.—Then addreffing her felf to Wolfey,
impute, faid he, my misfortunes to none but you, my Lord of
York. I now fuffer becauſe I could not away with your pride,
" I can
your
OF REGINALD POLE.
57
your riot, whoredom and oppreffions. For part of your hatred
I am beholden to my Nephew, the Emperor; whom, becauſe,
he would not fatisfy your infatiable ambition in advancing you
to the Papacy, you have, ever fince, fought to defpite. You
threatened to be revenged on him and his Friends, and you have
performed your promiſe. You have been the only incendiary
and plotter of all the miſchief and wars againſt him theſe late
years: and, at prefent, you wreck your vengeance on me for
being his Aunt. God only knows, my Lord Cardinal, how
much I fuffer, he will be your Judge and mine."
Wolfey
being about to reply, ſhe would not hear him; and though ſhe
behaved to Campegio with great civility, yet fhe declared the
acknowledged neither of them for her Judges; perfiſted in her
appeal; and, from that time, though often cited, ſhe appeared
no more in the Court.
THE fittings ftill continuing, the Witneffes, who were about
ſeven and twenty, were examined. They had been garbled
chiefly out of the Kinfmen or Creatures of the King and Mrs.
Anne Bullen. The Facts, to which they depofed, were the age
of Prince Arthur and the Lady Catharine, at their marriage; the
confummation of the marriage; and Henry's proteft, in his Fa-
ther's life time, againſt his affiance with the Queen. The depo- 17th July.
fitions being heard, the nullity of the papal difpenfation was
inſiſted on; but the Legates not judging the proofs fufficient,
came to no refolution. At the laſt hearing, when the Court 23d Julz.
was thronged, and every one big with expectation of the fen-
tence, to which they were perfuaded the Judges would now
proceed, Campegio, who all along had acted as Chief in the
whole commiffion, prorogued the Court to the month of October.
The reaſons he affigned for fo doing, were the Queen's refufal to
have the cauſe tried in England, and to acknowledge the Legates
for her Judges: the neceffary time required to reviſe the depo-
fitions: and the Rules of the Roman Court of Judicature, to
I
which
3
1
58
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
which he was obliged to conform: and he affirmed, on his cha-
racter, what he faid to be true. Soon after this declaration, the
Pope notified to the Legates, that he had ordered the cauſe to be
tried at Rome, and cited the King and Queen to appear there;
on which information the Legantine Court was diffolved, and
Campegio ſet out for Italy.
REGINALD POLE had been no otherwife concerned in theſe
tranſactions than his regard for the King, and the common cauſe
of his Country's welfare engaged his diſapprobation of them.
The reaſons already mentioned exempted him from any neceffity
of appearing in them; and a diftant habitation from the Court,
which the forefight of theſe broils had cauſed him to make
choice of, together with a temper which fought retirement, when
duty did not call him forth to action, had, from any thing that
appears, kept him, hitherto, clear of an affair, with which the
Public was now entirely taken up. He had paffed two years at
Shene, in as great tranquility as the Crifis would admit, and had
employed them to thoſe purpoſes, which might enable him to
ferve his country with fuccefs. Being fenfible, however, that he
fhould be no longer indulged in this neutral ſtate, than the
King's capriciouſneſs, or the fuggeſtion of a fovourite did not
find ſome pretext to make him a party in what was now become
a general debate, he thought of withdrawing himſelf at a greater
diſtance from proceedings, the confequences of which he might
fhun, though he could not prevent. As the Courts of England
and France were now in the ftricteſt amity, the jealous temper
of his Prince was likely to take lefs umbrage at his going, for
a time, to that Kingdom, than to any other. He entered on
this meaſure with fuch circumfpection, as not to incur
any abate-
ment of the King's good will, and having fignified an inclina-
tion to viſit the Univerfity of Paris, which he had not yet ſeen,
Henry, though, at firſt, he ſhewed an unwillingneſs, yet, after-
wards, he granted his requeſt with a good grace, and continued
the
OF REGINALD POLE.
the former marks of his bounty, which he had conferred on
him during his ftay at Padua.
"C
59
ber, 1529.
THE French Embaffador, Bellay, notified REGINALD'S jour- 4th 070-
ney to his Court in the moſt honourable terms, and informed
the Count of Montmorency, the high Steward,
that, this young
Nobleman was nearly related to the King, and one of the moſt
learned perfonages of the age: that, his view was to fee France,
and continue his ftudies; that, Henry had ordered him to pay
his reſpects to the King; and that his Family, who were per-
fons of great merit and the firft quality, defired he might be
particularly recommended to him." The manner in which he
mentions the Officers of REGINALD'S houſehold, fhews that he
lived not with dignity only, but fplendour.
THE Divorce being now before that Tribunal, to which all
cauſes of ſuch importance were wont to be referred, nothing
more was to be done, but to wait the decifion. The King,
however, foreſeeing the little profpect of fuccefs, gave a freſh
inſtance of that infincerity, with which he had all along acted.
He imagined a pecuniary influence might purchace of the Schools
what it had failed of at the Court of Rome; and fent his Agents
to have the opinion of the moſt celebrated Univerſities, that is,
to buy their votes. In his own dominions, his inclinations were
ſupported by rewards and hopes of preferment; by the known
violence of his humour, and a kind of defpotiſm, of which, like
an Eaſtern Monarch, he had now poffeffed himſelf: and, in fo-
reign Countries, by large fums, which were employed to prevail
on thoſe who preferred lucre to honour and confcience. Several
particulars of this venal proſtitution have been tranfmitted down
in ſo ſhameful and ridiculous a detail as to raiſe both indignation
and laughter.-Nor was the queſtion to be ſubmitted to the exa-
mination of Catholic Divines only: the Proteftant Doctors of
Germany were likewife to be confulted; and it muſt be acknow-
ledged, to their honour," that though political reaſons might
I 2
have
తం
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
have biaffed them towards a compliance to the King of England
and his Miſtreſs, who was fufpected to be a Lutheran, yet they
choſe to act uprightly, and give their real fentiments, though in
favour of a Prince, (Charles V.) who was their adverſary*.'
THIS irregularity of Henry's proceeding gave great offence to
the judicious of thofe times, as it not only transferred one of
thoſe cauſes, whofe decifion the common confent of the Chriſtian
world had reſerved to the See of Rome, to the wranglings and
uncertainties of the Schools; but becauſe it corrupted the prin-
ciples of thofe places, from whence both the civil and facred
Magiſtrate is taken, and taught them to look on genius and
learning as lucrative ware, and a means not to inftru&t Mankind,
but miſlead them.
THE reputation of the Univerſity of Paris was very high,
and Henry particularly defirous it ſhould declare for the Divorce;
and his Kinſman being there, he ſent him orders to confult the
Doctors, and uſe his beſt endeavours to intereft them in his fa-
vour. What his fentiments were on receiving this commiffion,
and in what manner he executed it, we learn from an account
of his whole conduct in this affair, which he wrote fome
years
after, to the King, when She, on whofe account he now moved
heaven and earth, had finiſhed her life on a Scaffold; and he
had broken through every reſtraint which could withſtand any
of his appetites. He begins with obferving, "that the averfion
which the King's fubjects had to theſe meaſures, was greater
than that of Foreigners, as their affection to him was more fin-
cere; and they more grieved to have fuch inftances of obedience
exacted of them, as could not be fubmitted to but with the
higheſt diſhonour. Amongſt theſe, fays he, I may very well
rank myſelf, and call God to witnefs, I never received fo fenfible.
a ftroke as from the difgraceful commiffion fent me when I was
Larrey, Hift. Ang. 1. 2. p. 295. † Apolog. brev. pro R. Catharina; Lunebourg, 1532.
at
OF REGINALD POLE.
61
at Paris; efpcially as I had retired thither that I might have no
ſhare in deliberations which were carrying on againſt the King's
honour and intereft, within his own palace, under his directions,
and by his authority."-He fays, " he had vainly hoped, that
the decency which the king owed himſelf, would not have ſuf-
fered him to allow ftrangers to meddle in a concern which ought
never to have come to their cognizance.-That, as foon as the
trouble he was in, would permit him, he excufed himſelf on
account of want of experience, and begged that fome perfon,
more converfant in the queſtion, might be entruſted with it.-
That, the King immediately complied with his defire; and, if he
had not, there was no kind of death which he would not have
been more welcome to him than fuch an employment. That,
he never took it on himſelf, though, for a time, he fuffered the
proceedings to go on in his name, as there was another joined
in the commiffion, who did all the buſineſs, of which he had
declared he had not a competent knowledge. That, he might
with truth plead this excufe; not, indeed, from any ignorance of
the cafe, but becauſe the clearer infight he had of it, the leſs
he knew how to act as he was defired."
He then goes on to fhew,
"how inexcufable the King was
in pretending that a difpenfation to marry his Brother's Widow
was invalid, at the fame time that he was fuing for one, which
would enable him to marry a perfon, whoſe Sifter he had cor-
rupted, provided the nullity of his former marriage could be
proved." This he advances in a treatiſe inſcribed to the King,
and delivered to him on the part of the noble Author, by
one of his Gentlemen. He afferts it as a known truth; and,
indeed, had fuch an imputation been flander, or even of doubt-
ful report, it would have been utterly unworthy and inconſiſtent
with his character who relates it; and muft have raiſed the
clamour not only of the English, but of all foreigners againſt
him. It ought, at the fame time, to be remarked, that as he
gives
}
62
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
gives not the leaſt infinuation of any looſeneſs of behaviour in
Anne Bullen, before Henry's paffion for her, or of a criminal
commerce between her Mother and the King, of which ſhe has
been ſaid to be the fruit, theſe reports are to be looked on as
deſtitute of foundation. Had the facts been real, they would
not have eſcaped the knowledge of one fo well informed; nor
been overlooked in a work, where every aggravation, which re-
gards this article is fet forth in all its iniquity, and heightened
with all the colouring that indignation and eloquence can give.
All he fays of her amounts to a farcafm, " that ſhe muſt needs
be chaſte, as ſhe choſe to be the King's Wife, rather than his
Miſtreſs; but that fhe might have learnt, how foon he was
fated with thoſe who had belonged to him in the latter quality;
and, if other examples were wanting, that of her own Sifter
was enough*."
In another place of the fame work, having expoftulated with
him for admitting her into the palace, and to ſtill more intimate
familiarities, whilft the cauſe of his Divorce from the Queen was
yet undecided; he upbraids him with want of the common feel-
ings of humanity, in depriving his Daughter of her right to fuc-
ceffion; and calls up the Ghoft of Henry VII. his Father, to
contemplate with horror this unnatural behaviour in his Son:
eſpecially as that Prince, in order to fecure this fucceffion, had
put to death a moft innocent young man, the Earl of Warwick,
REGINALD POLE'S Uncle, and Nephew to EDWARD the fourth.
"O, fays he, could he but return to life, and fee me, who am
deſcended of the fame family, from which he feared a compe-
titor, fupport the rights of his pofterity, which you his Son
overthrow +."
* Concubina enim tua fieri pudica
mulier nolebat, uxor volebat: Didi-
cerat, opinor, fi nullâ aliâ ex re,
vel Sororis fuæ exemplo, quàm ci-
to te concubinarum tuarum fatietas
caperet.
+ Reg. Polus, de Unit. Eccl. 1. 3. c. 3.
IN
OF REGINALD POLE.
63
In this light did he confider the Divorce, which was then
the theme of all Europe. He received the perfon, who came
over to act in conjunction with him, and who was one of the
Council, with great courteſy, lodged him in his own houſe,
and excufing himſelf, as has been ſaid, from acting in the affair
he was come on, he left the whole management of it to him.
A year paffed in this manner, when he had intelligence from
his family, that his return to England was neceffary, in order to
remove all ſuſpicion of his diſlike to a defign, on which the King
was now wholly bent, which his declining to interfere in it
might occafion. He acquiefced in their advice, and being come 0.7. 1530
back to his Country, again chofe the retirement of Dean Colet's
houſe at Shene.
ABOUT this time Cardinal Wolfey ended a life, which was Nov. 29,
become an object of compaffion even to envy and jealouſy, if
theſe paffions were capable of relenting. During the laſt year
of it, he had experienced an ebb of fortune, which, at length,
left him by as total a deſertion as any of her undeferving Fa-
vourites had ever been reduced to. And ambition, which makes
her Votaries not lefs fervile and complying, than proud and ar-
rogant, fhewed him as mean in his difgrace, as he had been info-
lent in profperity. The Great Seal, and all other Pofts of
honour and profit being taken from him, and all his effects
feized, the moſt powerful and opulent fubject in Europe muſt
have periſhed through want, had not a few well-diſpoſed per-
fons, when intereft had called off all her mercenary train, re-
lieved him. The King, at different intervals of his Miniſter's
diſgrace, had ſhewn him fome faint gleams of returning favour :
but they were always fucceeded by greater hardships, and He
and the Bullen party ſeemed refolved that this Victim of their
ſeveral refentments fhould bleed at every pore, and agonize not
only in expiring, but at every fymptom which brought on his
diffolution. Overcome, at laft, by ill treatment, and the appre-
henfions
6A
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
henfions of worfe, he died on the road from Cawood-Castle, a
a Seat belonging to the Biſhop of York, whither the Earl of Nor-
thumberland was fent, to bring him up to London. His faithful
Domeſtic, Cavendish, has given an account of the penitential
ſentiments in which he paffed the laſt months of a long and
worldly life; and of that memorable ſaying; "that if he had
ſerved his Maker with the fame fidelity as he had his Prince,
he ſhould not have been forfaken in his grey heirs but that his
diſgraces were juft, for having made greater account of the King's
favour, than of the duty he owed his God:" A moral which we
fhould rather learn from the experience of others, than teach
by our own,
THE See of York being vacated by the death of the Cardinal,
gave REGINALD an opportunity of diſplaying a greatneſs of foul,
more remarkable even than the arrogance of him who lately
poffeffed it. It had been repreſented to the King, that, notwith-
ſtanding his Kinſman's youth, the character he had for learning,
prudence, and integrity was fuch, that the chief of the Nobility
would be greatly fwayed either for or againſt the Divorce, as he
ſhould declare himſelf. On this, Henry engaged fome of his Rela-
tions, and other Perfons of the Court to perfuade him to a compli-
ance; and, at the fame time, propoſed a reward which he judged
adequate to the ſervice. His Brothers were the moſt importunate
with him to give this fatisfaction to his Prince, who had hither-
to been at the whole charge of his education; a diſtinction with
which he had favoured no other of the Nobles: and had, likewife
beſtowed on him fo many inftances of royal bounty: and they
repreſented to him, that his filence would involve himſelf and
them in inevitable ruin. The Duke of Norfolk, a few days after
Cardinal Wolfey's death, was fent by the King to let him know,
that he had a long time intended to raiſe him to an emi-
ment dignity in the Church, and, at prefent, an opportunity
offered itſelf, by the vacancy of the See of York, to which he
defigned
OF REGINALD
65
POLE.
defigned to promote him, and had no other objection than the
uncertainty of his difpofitions with refpe&t to the Divorce; as he
ſhould be unwilling to place one in that high ftation who would
oppofe it. REGINALD anfwered, he could not fufficiently ac-
knowledge the King's goodness, and fhould think himfelf ho-
noured enough, in whatever condition, provided he was allowed
to promote his Prince's real interefts; but, that profpect loft, no
advancement, however confpicuous, could be agreeable to him :
and as he did not well fee, how he could abet the Divorce, and,
at the fame time, act a becoming part with respect to his duty
to the King, he rather chofe to be deprived of that mark of his
favour, than accept of it on fuch terms.
THE Duke teftified great difpleafure at this diſcourſe, and
having ſpoke much in defence of the Divorce, he faid, he would
lay afide the character of a Meffenger fent by the King, and talk
to him as a Friend. He then reaſoned on the preſent ſtate of
his affairs; and on the inconveniencies to which he expofed
himſelf by refuſing the King's liberality, and giving his negative
to a cauſe which had many Defenders, and, as yet, had received
no legal condemnation. That though he might think it a point
of duty not to give his affent, yet it did but ill agree with the
reſpect and good will he bore his Benefactor, to prejudice his
fuit by this proceeding: that he might return a more moderate
anſwer, and fatisfy at once both the King and his own confcience.
He, therefore, adviſed him neither to diffemble his doubts concern-
ing what was required of him, nor refuſe the offer of the See of
York; but, as his compliance was the condition on which it
was to be conferred, to defire fome time to deliberate and refolve
on the whole affair. The Duke added, he made no doubt but
the requeſt would be granted, and undertook himſelf to obtain
it. REGINALD approved of the advice, and defired him to effect
it, which he did by obtaining a month's delay.
K
THOSE
66
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THOSE Who intereſted themſelves in his preferment were no
fooner acquainted with this tranfaction, but they employed every
art to ſtagger his reſolution; and as they knew how little he was
affected by thoſe arguments, which to others appear irreſiſtible,
they applied fuch as were more nearly allied to his own difpo-
fitions. They urged, he was not to confider how he could ſerve
the King in an affair, which whether juſtifiable or not, was
already determined; but the proſpect he had of being uſeful to
his Majeſty and the whole nation, on fo many other occafions:
that, if he really felt the zeal he profeffed for his Sovereign, he
would comply with him in this ſingle inftance, in which, if
there was any thing wrong, his credit and favour would, after-
wards, afford him an opportunity to rectify; and though the
courfe he fteered was oblique, it would equally bring him into
the Port.-The King, likewife, during this interval, pleafed with
the hopes of gaining a Profilite of fuch importance, was more
than uſually gracious to him, and fhewed, by his whole beha-
viour, how much he defired his Kinfman's approbation.
THOUGH the inftances of his Friends had not their full effect,
yet the affaults were fo frequent, that he yielded, at length, to
their importunity, and when the term prefixed for declaring
himſelf, was elapfed, told his Brother, Lord Montague, and Dr.
Fox, who came to him on the King's part, that he would fatisfy
him. This affurance was fo agreeable to Henry, that being in-
formed of his coming, he went to meet him in a private Gallery
Whitehall. of York Palace, that he might have the pleaſure of receiving it
from his own mouth. But he had fcarcely began to fpeak,
when his tongue faultered, his memory failed him, and he found
himfelf unable either to utter, or call to mind any thing he
came prepared to fay. He attributes this unexpected change,
to the influence of the King's prefence, and ſays, that as ſoon as
he faw him coming towards him, he was feized with fo lively
an apprehenfion of all the difgrace and evils, which would attend
the
OF REGINALD POLE.
67
the Divorce, that he could, in no wife, prevail on himſelf to
countenance ſo pernicious and fatal a meaſure, and betray one,
whom of all men he moſt loved and valued. Having recollected
himſelf, he entered on a diſcourſe entirely different from what
he had thought on before, and expoſed to the King, with a
moſt ingenuous freedom, the guilt and confequences of the ftep
he meditated. Henry heard him with all the emotions of rage
and diſappointment, often putting his hand to the dagger, which
hung at his belt, and hindered by nothing, but the modeft intre-
pidity of the ſpeaker, from imbruing it in his blood. But as he
was about to foften the liberty he had taken, though fo becom-
ing his high rank, his perſonal integrity, and the ancient fpirit
of the Country, which gave him birth, the King bore with him
no longer, and having teftified his refentment both by looks and
geftures, and fhutting the door with violence againſt him, he
left REGINALD in tears, and retired abruptly into the next ap-
partment, where he remained fome time alone**. He attefts
theſe particulars in fo folemn a manner, that no reaſonable per-
fon can call them in queſtion, and yet fays, he does not defire
to be credited unleſs the whole tenour of his life bore witneſs
to his veracity.He obſerves, on this occafion, that he had
given his Prince a pledge of loyalty and affection, of all others
the leaſt equivocal, in refigning all hopes of advancement in his
Country, and refufing one of the higheſt poſts, rather than
affent to what was against his honour and intereft.At the
!
* Biſhop Burnet treats this conference
between the King and REGINALD POLE,
and what happened at it, "as a roman-
tic adventure, invented by Sanders to fet
off his Hero, and mentioned by no co-
temporary Writer." It is, however, re-
lated by both the Authors of his Life,
who were his Secretaries, and by him-
felf, in his Letters to Edward VI. and
to the Parliament.
+ Teſtor tribunal Dei, apud quem,
fi falfa dico, reum me æternæ pænæ
judico. Epift. Poli ad Parliamentum.
Sed neque de hoc, neque de aliis mihi
fidem adhiberi poftulo, nifi reliquæ meæ
omnes actiones, quæ in hunc ufque diem
funt fecutæ, idem femper teftimonium
præbuerunt. ibid.
K 2
reafons
68
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
fame time he acknowledges, the infufficiency of the King's
reafons for the Divorce, that the wickedness of his purpoſes
ought to have witheld him from paying any deference to the
remonſtrances of his friends and family; and that he had greatly
erred, in vainly pretending, in contradiction to his own better
knowledge, to reconcile fuch unwarrantable meaſures with a dif-
charge of duty.
An affair of this nature could not long be a fecret to the
Public, and the furprife and diſappointment it cauſed to his
Friends was anſwerable to the expectations they had conceived
from a contrary behaviour. As to himſelf, though he was con-
ſcious of having acted that part which alone became him, yet
he felt the uneafinefs of his Prince's diſpleaſure; and having deli-
berated on a proper method to remove it, he thought it moſt
adviſeable to fend him his reafons in writing, with an affurance,
which he knew would be acceptable, that the purport of the
letter had been communicated to nobody. The Duke of Norfolk
had fome intimation of this letter, and fufpecting what was fact,
that he had juftified his late behaviour, was highly offended.
He complained to Lord Montague, that his Brother, not con-
tent with having infulted his Sovereign to his face, had now
added the outrage of doing it by writing. Lord Montague re-
ported this to REGINALD, who replied, that he had wrote, in-
deed, but in a ſtrain fo very different from what the Duke ima-
gined, that he was perfuaded, if the King vouchfafed to read
the letter, he would be appeaſed; and that his Brother might
fatisfy himſelf in this point, by only reporting to his Majeſty the
particulars of the Difcourfe which then paffed between them. He
accordingly waited on the King, who, having heard the meffage
he came on, ftopped, fome time, in a thoughtful poftture (for
he was walking and then taking two or three fteps, " your
Brother, fays he, has rightly gueffed my diſpoſitions, and has gi-
ven me fuch good reaſons for behaving as he did, and with fuch
a fignification
OF REGINALD POLE.
69
a fignification of duty and affection, that I am under a neceffity
of taking all he wrote, in good part; and could he but gain on
himſelf to approve of my feparation from the Queen, no one
would be dearer to me."
ANOTHER of thofe events, of which the times were fo fruit-
ful, gave REGINALD a freſh opportunity of teftifying his ftead-
dineſs, tho' at the riſk of forfeiting the remains of his Sovereign's
favour, which his perfifting to diſapprove the Divorce had already
greatly abated. The King, on Wolfey's difgrace, had feized on
his wealth, which was very great, and caufed him to be declared
liable to the penalties incurred, in certain cafes, by appealing to
the See of Rome, or by the exercife of any power or authority de-
legated from her. Wolfey had in vain pleaded the King's permif-
fion, and that the grant had paffed the great Seal. The Clergy
and the Commons having had recourfe to the Legate's Court,
were likewife fubjected to the fame Statutes: and thus, the far
greater part of the Chattels and Lands of England, by whatever
tenure held, became forfeited to the crown.
It was to no pur-
pofe to alledge, befides the Letters patent, that Wolfey's power
could not fafely have been oppofed: the King infifted on what
the Law, interpreted to his own purpoſes, was made to decree;
and could he have given his Subjects what Caligula wifhed to
the Romans, but one Neck, he would have threatened to ſtrike
it off at a blow.
ABOUT the fame time, feveral new laws concerning the Clergy
were made, and old ones inforced. They were, in general, both
reaſonable and ſalutary, but fo timed, and paffed in fuch a man-
ner, as too plainly thewed a fpleen to their perfons, rather than
a zeal for the reformation of their manners. Some warm de-
bates had happened in both houfes on thefe proceedings, and
fome of the Members had let fall expreffions which beſpoke a
tendency to the opinions which were afterwards introduced.
Fisher, Biſhop of Rochester, replied to theſe Innovators, and, like
another
70
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
another Micajah, foretold the Evils which then impended, and
were, foon after, to involve himſelf and ſo many others. His
difcourfe difpleaſed thoſe who thought themſelves cenfured by it,
and they moved to have him fent to the Tower; but he, with
his uſual intrepidity, reminded them of the Bohemians, who were
not yet recovered of a civil war of above a hundred years, which
the like changes in religion had caufed, and which had fwept
away Millions. Though this anfwer did not fatisfy thofe who
complained of him, they were obliged to put up with it, and
nothing more was then faid on the ſubject: but Cromwell is re-
ported, on this occafion, to have uttered a blafphemy, which
I dare not repeat.
THE Clergy having, as has been faid, incurred a premunire,
and being expoſed to the envy of a Court faction, was now at
the King's mercy; and having offered an enormous fum, by way
of compofition, Cromwell informed the Convocation, that no
compofition would be accepted, unleſs the King was acknow-
ledged Supreme Head and Protector of the Clergy and Church
of England. The novelty of the claim, and its repugnance to
the ſenſe of all Antiquity, caufed it, at firft, to be rejected.
Soon after, it was admitted, with a claufe, by which the Prelates
declared they allowed of it, as far as it was conſiſtent with the
Law of God: but the King inſiſting on a more explicit acknow-
ledgement, this modification was left out; and that affent given,
which Defpotiſm, armed with Terrour extorts.
In this tranfaction, the cafes to which this new jurifdiction
extended, were not ſpecified; nor even what was to be under-
ſtood by it. All mention of the Pope had been avoided; the
cauſe of the Divorce ftill continued to be pleaded before him;
recourſe was had to him in other concerns, on the King's part,
and in the ufual form; and though the English Agents returned
the condeſcention and favour which was fhewn them, with per-
verfeneſs and infolence, yet the King forbore coming to an open
rupture.
OF REGINALD
71
POLE.
ch. 16.
rupture. The fubmiffion which he had lately exacted from the
Clergy, was only an effay towards what he effected two years 1533
after, when the Pope's fupremacy was entirely aboliſhed, and
a power ufurped by Henry of laying waſte that fair Edifice,
which, like all others throughout the Chriftian world, had been
founded by the divine Lawgiver, on the pre-eminence of that St. Mat.
See, and had refted on it, in this kingdom, fince its first
eſtabliſhment, during nine hundred years. This Lay Head-
ſhip, in the moft explicit and univerfal fenfe, paffed then into
a Law, by the advice of a Minifter, to whom the exercife of it
was delegated; and, by the fame Adviſer, an oath and ſtatute
were framed for that purpoſe.
THE Clergy's compofition being accepted on theſe terms, the
Commons were afraid they ſhould be under a neceffity of pur-
chafing theirs at as high a price; and complaints being made
on this head, the King let them know, in an angry tone, that
he was mafter of his own favours, and would diftribute them
in what meaſure he thought fit. He paffed, however, an Act
of Grace in their favour, which together with that granted to
the Clergy, was ratified by the Parliament.
Though REGINALD, in quality of Dean of Exeter, fate in
the lower houſe of Convocation, he had no part in the Act
by which the King was acknowledged fupreme head of the
Church, nor did he ever confent to it. He was prefent, as he
informs us, when the Clergy's compofition was refuſed on their
not admitting that Title, but not when they agreed to it*.
*De Unitate Ecclefiæ, 1. 1. c. 7. et
1. 3. c. 3.
Notwithſtanding this affertion, Bifhop
Burnet fays, he makes no doubt but RE-
GINALD fubfcribed to the title of Supre-
macy: the only reafon he affigns for this
certainty, is, that he was then Dean of
Exeter, and, in that quality, fat in the
lower houfe of Convocation. This, fure,
can have little weight againſt what he
fays of himſelf, in a work addreffed, a
few years after, to the King himſelf,
who must have known how the Fa&t
was. Nor would thofe who wrote
againſt His treatiſe on the Supremacy,
have failed to retaliate, in cafe he
had agreed to it, that he then oppofed
what he had fo lately approved. The
Bishop
72
LIFE
THE HISTORY OF THE
He has not informed us of the reafons of his conduct in this
particular, or how he came to be abfent, at ſo critical a juncture,
from an Affembly, to which he belonged in his fpiritual capa-
city, and where his rank, parts, and character muſt have made
him the chief perfonage. His late difinterefted and intrepid
behaviour in the affair of the Divorce, is a fufficient warrant that
no unbecoming motive regulated his conduct in this: and, if con-
jecture, of which I chufe to be fparing, may have place, it is not
improbable that this abfence was occafioned by circumſtances,
which, though unknown to us, exempted him from giving his
Prince the uneafinefs of an open, and, at the fame time, fruit-
lefs oppofition.
THOUGH the King had not yet withdrawn his favour from
him, it was confiderably abated; and the Courtiers who regu-
late their behaviour by their Prince's difpofitions, began to be
leſs affiduous in the regards they had hitherto fhewed him. It
does not appear, however, that this change had any fhare in the
reſolution he took ſoon after, of retiring a fecond time from
England. This was wholly owing to the character of the Mi-
nifter, to whom Henry, after Wolfey's difgrace, had given all
his confidence; and in whoſe meaſures He already forefaw what-
ever the abuſe of power could effect. This profpect, he fays,
cautioned him to leave, a fecond time, a hoftile land, and forego
the tenderneſs of a Parent, his Family connections, which were
very confiderable; all hopes of rifing to employments anſwerable
to his birth and great attainments; and every confideration
Biſhop, indeed, a few lines lower, de-
ftroys his own argument, weak as it is,
by owning, that, before the Reforma-
tion, there is nothing certain concerning
the method of proceeding in the Convo-
cation, and that he is of opinion, the
Deans fat in the Upper Houſe, after
having told us, that REGINALD, in that
capacity, belonged to the Lower. It is
no wonder that Rapin, Larray, and o-
thers, who copy Dr. Burnet, fhould
have tranflated this flander: but it
feems fomething extraordinary that an
affertion, in which REGINALD's cha-
racter is ſo much interefted, fhould have
eſcaped the notice of Boffuet, Le Grand,
and Niceron, who are very accurate in
remarking the Biſhop's miſtakes. Fleury's
Continuator repeats it almoſt in Burnet's
words, 1. 107.
which
OF
73
REGINALD
POLE.
which can endear a Son, a Brother, and an Engliſh Nobleman
to his Country.
THE Reader has, in another place, been informed from RE-
GINALD's relation, of the fentiments in which Cromwell endea-
voured to initiate him on his firſt coming from the Univerſity
of Padua, and the manner in which he then laid himſelf open
to him and the following account from the fame unexception-
able Voucher difclofes every thing which can contribute to a
compleat knowledge of His character, by whofe counfels Eng-
land was folely governed almoft eleven years.
THE Remonftrances which Wolfey, as has been faid, made to
Henry, though ill received at the time, had made an impreffion :
they had been feconded by the advice of Campegio; and what
paffed between the King and REGINALD had added weight to
all the reft. The delays of the Court of Rome, together with
the great and various inconveniences which would attend the
Divorce, which his own apprehenfions fuggefted, began to ſtag-
ger his refolution in the proſecution of it. A ray of light had,
at length, pierced the chaos of paffion, which had fo long over-
fpread his mind, and let him fee at once the guilt and danger he
was engaged in. He did not conceal the trouble he was under,
nor the thoughts he had of eafing himſelf of it: and fetching a
deep figh before feveral of the Court, as REGINALD POLE re-
lates from one who was prefent, he faid; " that fince the See
of Rome, contrary to his expectations, perfifted in refuſing to
conſent to the Divorce, he would no longer contend with her,
but give up all further thoughts of it." This declaration was
received with fingular joy and applaufe by all who heard it, and
the King continued, fome days, though not refolved, yet con-
ſcious what part he ought to act. In this fufpenfe Cromwell had
acceſs to him, and beginning by the general concern of the
Nation for the diſquietude he laboured under, and how much
the public welfare was intereſted in their Prince's tranquillity,
he ſaid, it was the duty of every loyal and affectionate Subject to
L
contribute
CC
74
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
contribute to it in the beſt manner he was able;, and that this
difpofition had prompted him, however unworthy to be admitted
to his Sovereign's counfels, to lay before him what he had long
meditated on the great object then under confideration."- Being
commended for his zeal, and encouraged to deliver his fenti-
ments with full liberty, he did it in the following manner.
"And left any one ſhould imagine, fays the noble Relator, that
I have adapted a difcourfe to the Character of the perfon, I de-
clare, with the ftricteft regard to truth, that I have only thrown
together, either what, on different occafions I have heard from
himſelf, or learnt from thoſe who were privy to all his defigns, and
have unqueſtionable proofs of every thing I fet down. He infinu-
ated to the King, at ſeaſonable intervals, "that he might, with
great emolument of power, profit, and honour, not only extricate
himſelf from thoſe difficulties which then oppoſed his defires, but
fecure his future life from all fuch oppofition; eſpecially on the
part of his Subjects, who, by this means, would be taught to
fear, not awe their Sovereign.-And, indeed, unleſs this point
was gained, in what was his fituation preferable to a private
fortune? that, ſeveral perfons, though fubject to laws and the
command of Kings, were fo far from being deprived of this
privilege, that they enjoyed it with great fecurity, however con-
trary it might ſeem to thoſe ordinances. Shall a Prince, there-
fore, whofe condition places him above fuch reftraints, ftand in
fuch dread of them, when his happineſs is at ſtake, and be ill at
eaſe, when thoſe, to whom he was born to prefcribe, were free
to act as they pleaſed?—That this manner of reafoning proceeded
from the timidity of thoſe who adviſed it: or from a ſtill more
finiſter motive of levelling the condition of Kings with that of
their people, and not acknowledging that their conduct was re-
gulated by maxims very different from thoſe of the reſt of man-
kind; which was, in effect, to confult not the King's but the
People's advantage, whoſe intereſt it was that their Rulers ſhould
be tied down by the fame obligations which bind themſelves.—
He
OF REGINALD POLE.
75
He did not advance this with a deſign that the King ſhould be
induced to any thing contrary to rectitude, which he knew was
far from his princely mind; but that he ſhould not permit him-
ſelf to be too ftreightly confined by rules, which only ferve for
matter of wrangle to Schoolmen. They, he confeffed, had laid
it down as a principle, that what is right has its origin in the
nature of things, from which neither King nor Subject are al-
lowed to depart, and which no power can either change or anti-
quate. That their error confifted in impofing the fame obli-
gations on perfons, whofe condition was difparate; and they
had gained fo far by their fubtleties, as to fubject Princes to thoſe
forms, to which they thought fit to confine their notions of right
and wrong; whereas experience, a more knowing miſtreſs, ad-
mitted a much greater latitude, and taught, that thofe notions
might undergo the fame revolutions, to which others have been
fubject. That, if Rectitude had a fixed principle in nature, it
would not vary fo often amongſt thoſe who are guided by her
dictates; nor what was called Right in one nation, go under the
oppofite denomination in another; and what has been difhonour-
able in certain times and circumſtances, be reputable in others.-
Having exemplified this in feveral inftances, he draws this infe-
rence; that if the nature of Rectitude was variable, none, fure,
had a better title to change it than Kings, whoſe prerogative it
was to have the very Laws derive their force and ſtability from
their Will.-What he advanced, however, was with no view
to the debate in queftion, concerning which there was no cauſe
to recede from received opinions. The Law of God, which for-
bade marriage with a Brother's Widow, and the decifions of the
Univerſities having declared in his favour, what further room
could there be for doubting or difputing about what was right?
His meaning was, that if, hereafter, the King's inclination ſhould
lead him to depart from the notions of the ordinary World, he
ſhould perſuade himſelf, the People had no title to paſs fentence
on the actions of their Sovereign; nor did it become the Sove-
reign
you
L 2
76
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
reign to pay any fuch deference to thofe, who were to look on
his will as law. In the prefent cafe, the divine Law fo evi-
dently agreed with his defires, that no puniſhment could be too
rigorous for thoſe who withſtood it.-But if any foreign autho-
rity interpofed, particularly that of the Biſhop of Rome, who was
wont to arrogate fuch Cauſes to his Court of Judicature, he did
not deny but all means fhould be tried to obtain a favourable
fentence from him, as it would be of great uſe againſt that
Prince's complaints, who would think himſelf perſonally injured
by the Divorce: Yet if the Roman Pontiff, out of confideration
to the Emperor, obftinately perfifted to refuſe the King's juſt
demands; inſtead of apprehending his judgment, he had a fair
opportunity of freeing himſelf, and his Kingdom from the flavery
of a foreign yoke.-That this yoke which the Pope had laid on
the necks of Kings and States was grievous, and he wondered
they did not confider it in the fame light with the German
Princes, and, like them, ſhake it off.-They had felt no incon-
venience from fuch a conduct, but great increaſe of wealth and
power; and, if he followed their example, who would enjoy fo
great a ſhare of theſe advantages as himſelf?-By affuming the
fupremacy of the Church, in his own dominions, which was due
to him, and could not, without manifold detriment to the
Realm, be allowed to any foreign power, he would ſurpaſs all
his Anceſtors in every princely prerogative.-To whom could
the Title of Head of a Kingdom fo properly belong as to the
King? that two Heads in the fame ſtate was a prodigy; the
fiction of prieftcraft, to ſubtract the Clergy from the juriſdiction
of the Prince. He ſhould therefore reinftate himſelf in what
they had fraudulently ufurped; and, by this means, add a new
luftre to the crown, and be King in a far more extenſive ſenſe
than his Forefathers.-And here, faid REGINALD, having, as
it were, tranſported him to the pinacle of the Temple, from
whence he might furvey the Church's fair poffeffions, the Reli-
gious houſes, which were numerous and opulent, the Biſhopricks,
and
OF
77
REGINALD POLE.
and the whole Patrimony of the Clergy, he told him, all theſe
were his, on the eaſy condition of declaring himſelf what he
really was, the Head of the Church, and caufing that title to be
confirmed by the fupreme Council of the Nation. That, this
would be no difficult matter, if he choſe ſkilful Managers, and
obferved a precaution neceffary in the beginning of all fuch
undertakings, to exact compliance, under the fevereſt penalties;
and ſpared none who dared to tranfgrefs.-He adviſed him,
therefore, to brand with a particular infamy all thofe, who, ei-
ther by word or writing, oppofed his Supremacy; as no treaſon
could be higher, or more injurious to his perfon and prerogative,
than to acknowledge that authority in a foreign power. He had,
confequently, nothing more to do, but to affert a claim, inhe-
rent to the regal dignity, and thus eſtabliſh a reputation fuperior
to the Kings his Predeceffors, who either did not ſee how much
their majeſty was impaired by fubmitting to the Papal jurifdic-
tion; or, if they faw it, were at a lofs how to rid themſelves of
it.-They, he owned, being taken up with foreign wars, and
foreign conqueſts, had given little heed to thoſe domeftic enemies,
who, under the appearance of Religion, fapped the foundation of
government: and confidering in a hoftile light thoſe only who
oppoſed them with open force, had overlooked fuch as attacked
them by ftratagem.—That this had been the work of the Biſhops
of Rome.—But now, a perfect tranquillity at home and abroad,
afforded him a favourable circumftance of recovering what ufur-
pation had, fo long, witheld: of obtaining the defired Object of
his choice and affection; and increafing both his wealth and power:
and, if there remained any further obftacles, he need not doubt
but time and opportunity would remove them. But that, at all
hazards, the Supremacy, in all its latitude, was to be fecured; and,
by this means, true Sovereignty aſcertained to himſelf and his
Succeffors, and a laſting monument left of his own wifdom*.'
* Apol. Reg. Poli, ad Carolum Imp. §. 27. et feq.
REGINALD
78
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
REGINALD obferves, that it would have been difficult for the
moſt conſummate cunning to have propoſed a more enſnaring ſyſ-
tem; and that it was liftened to with a willing ear by him, whoſe
paffions were prepared to receive it. Ambition, avarice, luft, re-
venge, the inſeparable inmates of the breaſts of Tyrants, and the
ufe even of that authority which was fo much exploded in the yet
acknowledged head of the Church, were too fucceſsfully applied
to transfer it elſewhere. Nay, ſays he, the ſemblance of reaſon
was fo plaufible, that fome of my acquaintance, who had a repu-
tation for prudence, and had, hitherto, condemned the King's
deſigns, were prevailed on to approve them. As for the Adviſer,
he was honoured with the King's entire confidence, became his
chief Counſellor, and was inveſted with a power ſuitable to the
plan he was to execute. Some time before, on Wolfey's diſgrace,
whoſe creature and chief Agent he had been, the people, who
were acquainted with his abilities for villany, had doomed him
to the gallows, and no one doubted of his being already in chains
and a dungeon †. Their furprize and forrow were the greater
when they ſaw him at the Helm, and the King's Vicar-general in
his new capacity of Head of the Church; a name which, hither-
to, had been unknown in the lift of the great officers of the
Crown, no less than the title, by virtue of which it was con-
ferred, to the claims of our Sovereigns.
THIS defcription of Cromwell is given by REGINALD POLE,
whom veracity, and the opportunities he had of being acquainted
with him, muſt place above all fufpicion of being either a ſtranger
to his perſon and character, or of mifrepreſenting it. He infert-
ed this account in the Apology he wrote for himſelf, to Charles V.
five
years after his leaving England, and three, before that Minifter
was beheaded, who, at this time, like the deftroying Angel, was
laying his Country waſte, and making it one continued ſcene of
rapine, facrilege, oppreffion, and bloodſhed.
+ Ut inter intimos et primarios Con-
filiarios cognofceretur ille, quem populus
paulo antè ad furcam pofcebat, atque in
carcerem atque vincula conjectum fuiffe
nemo dubitabat. Hæc enim communis
vox omnium erat. ibid.
"THE
F
OF REGINALD POLE.
79
"THE plan he propoſed to the King, continues the fame no-
ble Relator, was drawn from Machiavel's treatife On the Art of 11Principe.
Government, which I have already quoted; and being at Florence,
laft winter, I was defirous to be informed of the occafion on
which the book was wrote, and the Author's intention in writing
it, and, at the fame time, made no fecret of what I thought of
the performance. Thofe, with whom I converſed on the ſubject,
returned me the anſwer which the writer is reported to have made
to the fame objection; that he had not delivered his own fenti-
ments, but thoſe of the perſon, to whom the work was addreſſed;
and who being a Tyrant, though he could not but be pleaſed
with them, yet if they were made the rule of his conduct, he
forefaw, what every one ſkilled in government muſt know, and
experience juſtified, that his reign would be fhort. That this
was the end of his wiſhes, as he abhorred the Prince to
whom he infcribed the work; and writing to a Tyrant, he had
put down what would be agreeable to that character, with no
other view than to urge him on to a ruin, to which he was haften-
ing of his own accord."-The work was then but lately publiſhed,
and it is no ſmall inftance of fagacity in our illuftrious Country-
man to have been the firſt who gave the alarm, both in England
and Florence, before the latter, which had hatched the Viper, was
aware of its poiſon. Leo X. after the work was publiſhed, had
cheriſhed the Author amongſt his intimates: he had efcaped the
cenfure of Adrian VI. and Clement VII. to whom he dedicated
his hiſtory of Florence, had granted an ample privilege to an
edition of all his Works. Yet the foul of one righteous man, and Proverbs,
he a Briton, difcerned more than feven fentinels from a watch-
tower, and, at firſt fight, diſcovered all the danger which they
had overlooked.
}
I SHALL have occafion, in another part of REGINALD's life, to
lay before the Reader the arguments by which he expoſes the
folly and impiety of Machiavel's policy, and proves it to be equally
deſtructive of all private and public good.
BEFORE
80
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
BEFORE he left England, Erafmus, who was then at Friburg,
had teftified to him by letter, "the fatisfaction he had received
in hearing the confideration, in which his Country held him,
was equal to his birth, his probity, and learning*." But theſe
very advantages, fo far from making his abode there deſirable,
were the ſtrongeſt motives for leaving it. He was too confpi-
cuous not to make an explicit declaration of his fentiments foon
neceffary; and his open and ſteady temper admitted neither of
diſguiſe, or the treachery of diffimulation. He owed his Prince
the compliance which gratitude, affection, and loyalty exact;
but, in a duty of a higher order, he was accountable at another
Bar. He alone was to anſwer for any ſtain in his Character; and,
befides the reproach of a perſonal failing, would have ſet a fatal
example, which was fo earneſtly defired from him, of accommo-
dating his counſels to his Sovereign's inclinations, rather than of
promoting his real fervice. No unbecoming motive, therefore,
engaged him to retire from his Country; but a generous and pru-
dent diſpoſition never to betray the cauſe of truth and juſtice, and
yet to defiſt from unavailing contention, which exaſperates law-
leſs power, and arms it with additional means of deftruction.
This inflexible ſteadineſs in the paths of virtue, and a tender re-
gard to all the rights of humanity, continued uniform throughout
his whole life; and ftill reflects a greater honour on his memory,
than his deſcent from the Plantagenets, the high dignities he was
raiſed to, his ſkill in public affairs, and a knowledge and elo-
quence equal to any of the age in which he lived.
*
Mihi fummæ voluptati fuit..... te
iftic et rectè valere, et in ea effe dignitate,
quam, præter imaginum claritatem, et
probitas ifta meretur et eruditio.
SECT.
( 81 )
SECT.
II.
His private Life in France and Italy: infcribes a Work to Henry
VIII. replies to a Letter of both Houses of Parliament, to him.
Draws up a Plan of the Church's Reformation.
EGINALD, by the good offices of fome who
were in favour, had not only obtained the King's
* R confent to croſs the feas, but alſo the continuance
of thoſe annual fupplies he had hitherto never
炭 ​XXXX
ceafed to allow him. The firſt acknowledgment
he made to this royal bounty, was to chufe a place for his abode,
which might conceal him from public obſervation, and, at the
fame time, give him an opportunity of improveing in thoſe at-
tainments, which the exigencies of his Prince and Country chiefly
called for. With this view he pitched on Avignon, a City in
Provence, but fubject, with its territory, to the See of Rome, for
his refidence. On his arrival, the fepulchre of Laura, whom
Petrarch has fo much celebrated, was diſcovered. The inhabi-
tants congratulated themſelves on this incident, no leſs than the
Sicilians had done on the diſcovery of Archimedes's tomb, the
memory of which they had loft; and paid the perfon, who dif-
covered it almoſt the ſame honours the latter had conferred on
Cicero, for the like benefit*. She was a native of that City, and
born about the year 1340. Her wit and beauty diſtinguiſhed
her in an age and country where it was faſhionable for young
Ladies to think they had minds capable of improvement like
thoſe of the other fex, and that the means
reading and converfing with men of fenfe.
of improvement are
Petrarch had a re-
*Bembi Epift. 1. 6. p. 279. Edit, Veneta, 1552.
M
Spect
1
82
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ſpect and affection for her which nothing less than fo extraor-
dinary merit could have lengthened to fuch a date: he loved her
twenty years before her death and ten after, and has given her,
in his verſes, that fecond life which confifts in well-fung praiſe.
AVIGNON was now a celebrated feat of learning, and the great
Alciate, after having honoured it with his lectures on the civil
law, was gone to Beziers, fome time before REGINALD's arrival.
He found, however, Ripa, who fucceeded that Profeffor, and
whom Sadolet commends for his great and comphehenfive eru-
dition;
and Caftellan, Dean of Avignon, whofe learning and
friendſhip for our Countryman are particularly recorded by Bembo.
By the affiftance of fuch company, and the advantages of leiſure
and privacy, he applied himſelf, as he had already done, wholly
to facred literature, from a profpect of what was impending on
his Country. For in a letter to Sadolet, wrote about this time,
"he affures him he had not, for the four laſt years, which take
in one he had ſpent at Paris, the ftay he made in England, and
his refidence at Avignon, even read fo much of Claffic latin, as he
then wrote to him, having been entirely taken up with Theo-
logy*." This is a facrifice to duty, of which they only know
the price, who have experienced the difficulty of making it.
He had ſcarcely continued a year at Avignon, when perceiv-
ing the climate, which is fubject to winds and frequent hurri-
canes, not to agree with his health, he thought of returning to
Padua, where he had fo long experienced both the clemency of
the air, and the good will of the inhabitants. He took Carpentras
in his way thither, of which City the famous Sadolet was then
Biſhop, and began an intimacy, which was fo honourable and
advantageous to them both, and ended only with Sadolet's life,
who died fome years before his friend. At his leaving Avignon,
* Santè adjurare p ffum, me, a qua-
tuor jam annis, ne tantum quidem latině
legifle, quantum nunc ad te fcripfi, The-
ologorum libris avocatus, quos tamen in
hoc genere latinorum Scriptorum non
pono.
Sadolet
OF
83
REGINALD POLE.
Sadolet wrote by him to Giberti, Biſhop of Verona, "that the
bearer, with whofe virtue, nobility and learning he was well
acquainted, was on his return to Italy, and that his chief induce-
ment, as he imagined, was to renew his correfpondence with the
learned of thoſe parts, and particularly with himſelf." And
writing, foon after, to Bonamico, " when REGINALD paffed by
Avignon, his ſtay, fays he, was ſo ſhort, that it hardly allowed
me to contemplate him; and yet, methought, I diſcovered fuch
various excellence in every kind of merit, that from henceforward
I have not only loved, but conceived the higheſt veneration for
him. His genius, his probity and erudition entitle him to our
eſteem; but there is ſtill ſomething more admirable, that fuch a
goodneſs of difpofition, and ſo much humanity ſhould be joined
to an elevated fortune, and royal extraction." In a third letter Non.
to REGINALD, he makes no difficulty of repeating to himſelf
what he had already ſaid of him to others. "I will write to
you, fays he, my real fentiments: I was fo taken with your be-
haviour, your converfation, with your worth and modefty, that
I have never been able to forget our meeting for though the
fhortness of your vifit denied me the advantage of an intimate
acquaintance, yet when I reflect on your manner of life, and on
the opinion fo many great perfonages have entertained of
you,
and fee how perfectly it agrees with my own obfervations, I be-
gin to confider you fuch as you really are."
As REGINALD had let no opportunity flip of improving him-
felf by the advice and difcourfe of able men, Sadolet informs
Giberti, he might know every thing which concerned himſelf,
from his Gueft: " for, fays he, the fhort time he was with me,
he enquired what method I obferved in reading and writing, and
what was the principal view I propofed to myſelf in my
ftudies;
and I have reaped, in my turn, the greateſt fatisfaction from his
acquaintance, having difcovered a genius of the first claſs, a con-
fummate knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages, accom-
M 2
panied
Dec. 1532
84
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
He
panied with humanity, and great elegance of manners.
had, moreover, received his advice on a very important article,
which does equal honour to the enlightened mind of the one,
and the teachable diſpoſition of the other.
SADOLET, from being brought up amongst the Wits of Leo
the Xth's court, had retained a fecret biafs to thofe ftudies,
which were there in requeft: and though, on his advancement
to Epiſcopacy, he had began to apply himſelf to purſuits more
fuited to his character, yet a certain irreſolution ſtill hung on
him, and hindered him from cloſing with what, unquestionably,
had the better claim to his industry. He had now two works
on his hands, a Comment on St. Paul's epiftle to the Romans,
which he undertook, he fays, " becauſe he was defirous to bring
all the affiſtance he could to the caufe of Chriſtianity, which
was almoſt every where in danger; and had endeavoured to treat
the ſubject ſo as to deſerve the approbation of the learned, with
whofe difcernment he was not unacquainted: but whether he
had fucceeded, the event would fhow." The other work was
inſcribed Hortenfius, or a Praife of Philofophy, and is a fecond
part to what he had formerly publiſhed under the title of Pha-
drus. He was in fome doubt which he ſhould finifh firſt, and
Bembo, whom he had confulted, and who, as yet, feems to have
made but a ſlender progreſs in Chriſtian literature, was earneſt
with him in favour of the latter: "Your reputation, fays he, is
concerned in giving this Dialogue your firſt cares. You are en-
gaged to the Public by the pledge you have already given of the
performance. The expectation you have raifed, and fo many
years deferred to gratify, will make you find leſs indulgence than
you had publiſhed nothing on this head." REGINALD's opi-
nion had likewiſe been aſked, and he had delivered it in fo com-
prehenſive a manner, as not only to refolve the question in debate
according to the rules of that prudence, which defcends from the
Father of Lights, but to give the decifive caft to his friend's fu-
ture conduct with reſpect to letters.
if
" I SHALL
OF REGINALD
85
POLE.
very
"I SHALL never forget, fays Sadolet, the faithful and pru-
dent advice you gave me, when I was unrefolved to what kind
of learning I ſhould chiefly apply myſelf, and to what authority
I ſhould pay the greateſt deference. There were not wanting
thoſe who propoſed to me certain plans of ſtudy and writing,
different from what I have now embraced. But, you, rea-
dily and wifely counfelled me to addict myſelf chiefly to thoſe,
whofe emolument extended not only to this life, but to futurity.
This fingle anfwer determined me to betake myſelf to facred
literature, to which my own choice already inclined me. At the
fame time, I could not but admire your fagacity and fenfe of
religion; for though you had been long converſant with a ſet of
men, who are rather averfe to theſe ſtudies; and being yourſelf
adorned with every accompliſhment, to which the ideas of ele-
gance, politenefs and pleafure are annexed, with which the others
are deemed to have little affinity: yet, by the fole effort of dif-
cernment, and goodneſs of difpofition, you have given the pre-
ference, not to what affords prefent entertainment, but what
brings with it the moſt lafting advantages."
WHEN REGINALD left Avignon, Sadolet had juſt finiſhed a Sept. 1552
treatiſe on Education, which was defigned for the uſe of his Ne-
phew, a Youth of very promifing parts, and who fucceeded him
in the Bishoprick of Carpentras, with a reputation not unworthy
fuch an Uncle and Predeceffor. This work was to be delivered
by REGINALD to Bembo, who was then at Venice, in order to be
reviſed by him, before it appeared in print: and REGINALD,
the bearer, was defired to read it, and fend the Author his fenti-
ments of the performance, with the utmoſt freedom. Such offices
are ſeldom aſked with fincerity, or performed with candour, or
taken in good part; but the character of the perfons here con-
cerned, placed them above all fuch exceptions. And as this inci-
dent
gave occafion to the first letter, which has been tranfmitted
to us, of this excellent young man; and it being a finiſhed piece
of
86
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
of that eloquence, which Cicero defines to be " Wiſdom with
the advantages of elocution," I fhall give the reader the chief
heads of it*. They convey a leffon particularly neceſſary to theſe
times, when the precepts of belief and practice, which are de-
rived from revelation, are either contemptuouſly rejected, or im-
piouſly oppoſed; and we feem gone back to the era of an Aure-
lius, or an Antonin, when philofophy, that is, the light of reaſon,
depraved by every weakneſs of vitiated nature, was the fole ac-
knowledged guide of human life. As foon, therefore, as he ar-
rived at Venice, he wrote to his friend in the following manner.
He bigins, " by acknowledging the obligations he had to him,
which were of fuch a nature as to reach beyond the time they
were conferred.-That having been extremely defirous of his
acquaintance, he had reaped that advantage from it, which might
reaſonably be expected from fuch confummate learning and pru-
dence, and had been refolved on feveral important affairs, on
which, he had before been doubtful and fluctuating.—I muſt
apply, fays he, to the entertainment I met with at Sadolet's houſe,
what Timotheus told Plato, the day after he had fupped with him,
that Plato's banquets were not only agreeable at the time when
the Gueſts partook of them, but afterwards. You found, I con-
feſs an expedient, if not to remove, to foften, at leaſt, the con-
cern I felt, in being obliged to leave à perfon, for whom I had
fo great a value, almoft as foon as I was acquainted with him ;
nor did
you ſuffer me to be totally deprived of yourſelf.— The
Companion you gave me, placed you conſtantly in my fight, and
recalled, in fo lively a manner, thoſe amicable and uſeful conver-
fations I had with you, that the impreffion they then made, ſtill
*As the letter is too long to be in-
ferted entire, the reader will find the
original in the Appendix, N°. II. and
may collect from it, the juftneſs of the
following obfervation of Erafmus, on the
Author. "Ciceronis admirator fummus,
et æmulator non infoelix, nihil adhuc fuo
nomine voluit in lucem prodire; quan-
quam in epiftolis familiaribus fatis decla-
rat, quid valeat.” Eraf. Ciceronianus.
continued
OF REGINALD POLE.
87
continued.Who, indeed, could give me a jufter notion of you,
than yourſelf? than your writings? than that very treatiſe which
I was to deliver to Bembo?—He then expreffes the fatisfaction
he had received from a Work, which had caufed him to over-
look all the inconveniencies of a troubleſome journey; and fixed
his attention on that lucid path, by which he leads his Pupil to
true glory. He enters on the particulars of that maſterly pru-
dence, by which age and experience had enabled him to point
out the dangers and obftacles which occur in this purfuit, and
the means by which they were to be fhunned or conquered.
He deſcribes the fatisfaction he felt, in feeing the great Maſter
every where equal to the undertaking, and always rifing to the
dignity of his fubject.-That, as the Sun never withdraws his
rays, but alternately transfers the day to all who ſtand in need
of it; fo, in this illuftrious courfe of merit, the inftructions of
Sadolet had continued ftill the fame; had ſhed an univerſal influ-
ence on education; and, by turns, conferred their aid, and com-
municated their force to every part of it.—That no one had a
better title to fuch an admirable plan than his Nephew, for
whoſe advantage it was drawn up; whofe birth, the domeſtic
diſcipline he had received from his Parents, and a happy difpo-
fition to whatever was laudable, had already prepared for theſe
fublimer leſſons.—And having, at length, faid every thing which
the excellence of the work, and his own reliſh for that excellence,
together with his perfonal regard for the Author, could fuggeft;
and ſaid it with an eloquence both of fentiment and diction not
inferior to the ſubject of his commendation; as the Author had
defired his opinion on the whole performance, he does not dif-
ſemble his diſapprobation of the conclufion; and tells him, he
thinks he ſhould not have finiſhed his plan with what concerns
Philoſophy, but have carried it on ftill further.-I will not dif-
pute, fays he, the excellence of this Science, and the preference it
might have claimed above all others, had your Difciple lived in
the
88
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
}
the early times of Plato and Ariftotle, or in the later age of
Cicero, or had theſe Inftructors been his Guides. In this cafe, he
could not, perhaps, have acquiefced in any attainment more ſafe
and fatisfactory; nor would they have adviſed any other.—But
being born in happier days, in which as feveral new tracts of fea
and land, unknown to Antiquity, had been diſcovered; and Har-
bours which the Ancients had frequented, were become of little
uſe, or lay buried in ruins; fo, under the guidance of the SON
of GOD, a much fafer and calmer haven of the mind had been
opened to us, than the ancient world had ever been acquainted
with. And as Sadolet himself, though he had called at the Ports
of the Ancients, yet had failed by them, nor made any longer
ſtay, than was neceffary to ſtore his Veffel, for the remainder of
the voyage; and, at length, had taken up his ſtation in that haven,
which eternal wiſdom points out; why did he leave ſo promifing
a Youth, whofe courfe he had hitherto fteered, in the unfafe and ru-
inous harbour of Philoſophy, which now no longer deſerved even
that denomination, but was become what the Poet faid of Tenedos,
Nunc tantùm finus et ftatio malefida carinis.
Once bleft with wealth, while Priam held the ſway,
But now a broken, rough and dangerous Bay.
PITT.
That the caution, accuracy, and admirable precepts which were
wrought into the Syftem he had laid down, could never be de-
figned to form a perfon, who was to owe his final inftruction to
Philoſophy, and betake himſelf to her diſcipline; but for one,
who would be able to give the greateſt Maſters in that Science,
were they to return again to life, a new and more excellent mo-
del than they had ever thought of. That this wisdom and
tranquillity were very different from what they had made profeſ-
fion of; was to be derived from other fources; and had the fame
advantage over whatever Philofophy could propofe, as divine
things have above human.-He entreats him, therefore, not to
think
OF
89
REGINALD POLE.
think he had acquitted himſelf of what he owed to fo excel-
lent a young man, if he initiated him in this Science, or even
made him a perfect mafter of it. That he muft proceed beyond
that attainment, nor judge his part performed, till he had brought
him into that facred haven, in which himſelf had found folid
peace of mind, and true glory.-What would the judicious fay,
if a Brother's Son ſhould fix his ftation elſewhere than in the hal-
lowed Seat which Sadolet had chofe for himſelf?—He concludes
with faying, I have enlarged myſelf on this fubject, to obey your
commands of fending you my opinion of a work, which I can-
not fufficiently admire; and, at the fame time, to teftify my
eſteem for facred literature, which I could not without concern,
ſee paffed over in filence, whilft you do fo much honour to the
other branches of learning."
To this Sadolet returned anfwer," that he could not but
greatly approve and love that virtue, and a mind devoted to
God, which appeared in this expoftulation, as in all REGINALD'S
other actions and difcourfes; but, that his reafon for not making
any particular mention of Theology was, becauſe it came under
the general notion of Philofophy, and was the utmoſt height and
perfection of it: that in Philoſophy, as in a great body, there were
feveral parts, and that which treated of God, and the firſt cauſe,
as Ariſtotle had well obſerved, was almoſt alone worthy that ap-
pellation and although the Chriftian Writers of later times
had treated Theology in a different manner, yet thoſe holy and
learned perfonages, a Chryfoftome, a Bafil, and others, had viewed
it in the fame light as he had done, and called it Philoſophy.
Befides, ſays he, as I only bring my Difciple to the twenty-fifth
and then leave him to his own determination, I
year of his age,
did not judge it proper to recommend profeffedly to him a Sci-
ence, which feems fuited to riper and more fedate years.
years. That,
as to what concerns Religion, he had faid as much of it as was
neceffary to be known at fo early a period of life; and, to con-
N
alude,
Venice,
Νοτ.1532
90
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
clude, as he intended to range all Philofophy under its ſeveral heads,
in another treatiſe, called Hortenfius, he had not thought it adviſe-
able to anticipate the commendation of Theology, which was to be
the principal ornament of that Dialogue; and, being reſerved new
Dec. 1532 and entire for the Reader, would give him greater pleaſure.”
THESE reafons did not hinder REGINALD from ftill thinking,
that Sadolet had treated facred literature with lefs attention than
it had a claim to, as we learn from a reply of the latter, where
he fays,
he imagined he had already cleared himſelf, but fince
he perfifted in the charge, he would take care to fatisfy him in
as ample a manner as he could wiſh: and that all he afked, was
an unprejudiced review of the point in debate, which biaffed the
July 1533 judgment to neither fide, in a caufe which was yet undecided."
:
AN incident happened, fome time after, which gave REGI-
NALD an opportunity of refuming the argument; not as a general
defence of Theology, but as an affair, in which he thought the
honour and welfare of an intimate friend not a little intereſted.
On his fixing his refidence at Padua, he had taken into his fa-
mily Lazarus Bonamico, of whom mention has already been made
among the Reſtorers of learning, and whoſe character he repre-
fents to Sadolet in the following words: "Nothing has prevented
me from opening my mind to him, on the ſubject of his Studies, fo
much as my own baſhfulneſs. I could not think it became one ſo
little qualified as myſelf, to adviſe a perſon of his years, learning,
and diſcretion; though I had every reaſon to be perfuaded he
would take, what I had to fay, in good part. I am acquainted
with his humanity, and the integrity of his life. He is exempt
from ambition, and all irregular appetites, and has no defires
but of knowledge and virtue."
THE Univerſity of Padua had appointed him chief Profeffor of
polite letters; an employment which his noble Patron thought
much beneath the eminent qualities he was mafter of, and which,
as he writes to Sadolet," required fomething more elevated, than
to
OF REGINALD POLE.
91
to explain the precepts of ſpeaking, from Tully's Orations; or thoſe
of Huſbandry, from Virgil's Georgics*. On coming to Padua,
fays he, I had fome thoughts of allowing my leiſure hours to
theſe ſtudies, having received here the firſt reliſh for them; tho'
I had laid them afide, fome years, in order to give myſelf wholly
to ſuch as were ſuited to the exigencies of my Country, and the
common cauſe; and I propofed to myſelf great emolument from
the proficiency my
friends had made in them: but I now perceive
that the latter are fo imperious as to demand the whole man,
and not even to allow me the vacancy of a paffing glance, on
what had been the object of my earlieſt inclinations. On this
account, Lazarus is loft to me in every other reſpect but that of
an eaſy and pleafing companion. Our fociety would be much
more beneficial to each other, had we the fame literary pur-
fuits, and a tafte for the fame ftudies; but I have never dared
to open my mind to him on this matter. One great cauſe
of this diffidence was a paragraph in one of your letters, in
which you exhort him to continue in his preſent ſtation, as highly
honourable to himſelf, and of great utility to the youth of Italy‡.
*Cui enim dubium effe poteft, fi vel
ad eam partem Philofophiæ fe conver-
teret, in quâ præcepta vitæ traduntur,
et animi excolendi ratio oftenditur, quan-
to majore cum fructu et dignitate hic
commoraretur, quàm fi apud Oratores
et Poetas manens, orationis formandæ
præcepta ex M. Tullio, vel agri colendi
ex Virgilio repeteret? Epift. R. Poli,
pars I. p. 413.
+ Nofti genus ftudiorum meorum,
quibus me iis proximis annis addixi,
quàm imperiofa ipfa fint, quàm non fa-
cilè aliorum ftudiorum focietatem admit-
tant. Quibus cùm parere neceffe ha-
beam, ad illas elegantiores literas vix
fanè oculos convertere audebam. Sed
tamen in Italiâ, ubi has primum novi,
fperabam me, etfi non plenam vacatio-
nem (nunquam enim hoc poftulaffem)
at faltem tantum temporis à feverioribus
Dominis impetraturum, ut cum veteri-
bus illis amicis, quafi adolefcentiæ meæ
fociis, et fodalibus jucundiffimis, quos
longo intervallo non inviferam, familia-
ritatem renovare poffem; atque hac fpe
fretus Lazarum noftrum, quem magif-
trum atque tutorem harum ingenuarum
atque dulciffimarum artium cognoveram,
in contubernium vocavi, ut eo duce et
adjutore faciliùs quod volebam, confequi
poffem. ibid. p. 410.
‡ Deterreor planè eâ particulâ litera-
rum tuarum, in quâ præfentem Lazari
ftatum et conditionem probare niteris:
hortaris enim ut in fuà ftatione maneat,
N 2
ut
92
OF THE LIFE
THE HISTORY
-He proceeds, to remind Sadolet,
CC
that he cannot be ignorant,
no inconfiderable advantage
though their common friend reaped
from the elegant carreer he was engaged in, yet there were higher
attainments, in which he might exert his parts and induſtry with
greater commendation to himſelf, and profit to his Auditors.-
That he had made great progrefs in Philofophy, with which
Rhetoric and Poetry, either as to ufe or dignity, held no com-
parifon; fince whatever was truly profitable and ornamental in
each of them, was borrowed from the former; and that he owed
the applauſe which attended his lectures, more to this, than to
the other two. That, Pomponatius would have beſtowed fo much
pains to bring him acquainted with the wiſdom of Antiquity, to
little purpoſe, if all theſe acquifitions were to be ſhut up in a
Grammar School, and nothing more was to be expected from
fuch a proficient, than what qualities, fo much inferior to his,
might acquit themſelves of. I cannot, indeed, fays he, think
of this with indifference; and, fetting afide the regard I have for
my friend, I cannot overlook the injury done to Philoſophy itſelf,
as I am writing to one who is her Patron; nor do I fcruple to
afk
your affiftance in a caufe, where your friend's honour, and
that of your favourite Science is concerned. You will do a fignal
ſervice to both, by taking him from the benches of the Rhetori-
cians, and reftoring him to Philofophy, from which he is now a
Truant*-But you will afk me, what Philofophy has to do
ut cùm eam provinciam inftituendi juve-
num animos in politioribus literis fufce-
perit, eam ne relinquat; quam affirmas
maximam illi gloriam, et Italicæ juven-
tuti utilitatem fummam allaturam. Epif
R. Poli, pars 1ª. p. 411.
* Quid verò jam habent Oratorum vel
Poetarum literæ vel dignitatis, vel utilita-
tis, fi cum Philofophorum libris compa-
rantur? quæ, ut tu omnium optimè noſti,
fi quid in fe contineant, quod hominem
ftudiofum vel ornare vel juvare poteft, ex
horum fontibus hauferunt: Atque ex ho-
rum eft doctrinâ, non minus quàm ex ea
quam profitetur, quod Lazarum præcepto-
rem tam gratum acceptumque fuis Audi-
toribus reddit. Sed quid eum Pomponatius,
vir in Philofophorum libris celeberrimus,
tot annos exercuit? quid tot exhauſti la-
bores in veterum Philofophorum libris
evolvendis, fi tandem Philofophiam in
Rhetoris vel potius Grammatici officina
fit conclufurus? fi nihil amplius ab eo
expectetur,
OF REGINALD
93
POLE.
with thoſe ſtudies, in which I defire his fellowſhip, and if I
have forgot the purpoſe, with which I ſet out in the beginning
of this letter? By no means: but fince I perceive this would
be a taſk of great difficulty, I fhall think, I have gained a main
point, if I compaſs what I here mention; and though it would
be more defirable, as we have the fame houſe, to have the
fame ſtudies, yet, if that cannot be, I fhall be pleaſed to have
him in their neighbourhood, as fuch a removal will be both for
his honour and advantage.-For if he applies himſelf to genuine
and real Philoſophy, in fuch a manner as to live according to
her preſcriptions, it would not be long before he came over to
thoſe ſtudies I recommend; becauſe Philofophy will be ſo inge-
nuous as to acknowledge her own infufficiency to detain and
fatisfy a mind defirous of truth and virtue. This conceffion, fays
he, has already been made by Plato, the chief Maſter in this
Science, who being afked, how long he would have his doctrine
followed; anſwered, till a more venerable perſon ſhould appear
in the World, and point out the paths of truth; to whom, as to
a God, Mankind was to yield affent. And this Divine Perfon
having appeared, and eſtabliſhed a holy and everlaſting Law;
what fentiments were we to entertain of Philofophy; but that
ſhe would obey her Parent's orders, and fend her Scholars to the
School fhe indicates? I make no queftion but our friend has
already heard this voice, though, like a modeft Difciple, who
has a high opinion of his Inſtructor, he has not given a willing
ear to what she has faid to her own difparagement; and will
underſtand it better when expounded by one, on whofe judg-
ment he can rely.-That, not to fay any thing of the authority
expectetur, quàm ut Grammatici Scho-
læ, et puerili doctrinæ ferviat? Ama
me, hoc non libentur video, et, ut nihil
jam de amico loquar, hanc tantam Phi-
lofophiæ illatam injuriam reticerc non
poffum, præfertim apud te Philofophiæ
ipfius Patronum; neque certè jam dubi-
tem auxilium tuum implorare, ut una
operà Amici dignitati et Philofophiæ
honori confulas. Quod profectò facies
fi à Rhetorum fcholis abductum in Phi-
lofophiæ eum gremio, unde aufugit, re-
ponas. Ibid. p. 412.
94
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
↑
of the Parent of Philofophy, there was no axiom more univerfally
received, than that the mind of man could never be led to a
perfect perception of truth by human induſtry; to which, if Phi-
lofophy afforded any affiſtance, it was to inform us of our igno-
rance: that this was undiſputed; whereas all other things, tho'
they might ſeem to border on truth, had no certainty: that the
fenſes, without which Reaſon itſelf could make ſo ſhort a pro-
grefs in her inquiry after truth, were very unfafe guides; and,
like an earth-born mift, intercepted her rays, and obſtructed
their full influence on the mind. God himſelf, therefore, in
compaffion to the wanderings of his Creatures, has vouchfafed
to open to them the facred Source of Truth, in which every
thing was liquid and genuine; and therefore, Philofophy, as he
had faid before, if fhe was confiftent with herfelf, could direct
her Pupils to no other difcipline.-From all which it appears,
that by defiring our friend might, by your authority, betake
himſelf to the ſtudy of Philoſophy, I have pleaded the cauſe of
fomething more noble and uſeful, being well perfuaded, that who-
foever intends to be a Philofopher indeed, will never fit down
fatisfied with a Science, which is not ſatisfied with itſelf, but di-
rects her looks to that which derives its origin from heaven, and
without which ſhe has neither foundation or confiftency. Where-
fore, if he gives himſelf a little to this introductory knowledge,
methinks I already ſee him come over to what is more elevated:
and having been fully initiated in this divine diſcipline, if he has
a mind to return again to human Philoſophy, and adorn what he
has a peculiar title to call his own, he will be enabled to do it
with much greater advantage, being furniſhed with thofe aids
which therefore flow from the fource of Truth, that they may
be a rule to other inquiries, and preſcribe its proper bounds to
every thing befides. He concludes, with informing Sadolet, that
whereas theſe were the principal inducements, which would have
engaged him to enter, with Lazarus, on the argument of divine
Philofophy,
OF REGINALD
95
POLE.
Philoſophy, he had never been able to prevail on himſelf to open
his mouth to him on that fubject, unleſs it was indirectly, in
order to come at his real fentiments, by propofing to him the
ſtudies of perfons for whom he has the higheſt regard, and, above
all others, for Sadolet; and put him in mind, by fuch examples, Padua,
what ought to be his own views*.”
THESE were the fentiments of an Engliſh Nobleman at the
age of four and thirty; and as yet he muſt be confidered as a
Layman; for though he was Dean of Exeter, and had other ſpi-
ritual Preferments, yet he was not in holy orders, nor had fo
much as received the first tonfure, which he took, two years
after, on the ſame day that the Pope obliged him to accept the
Purple. His judgment cannot but have great weight, as he
was no leſs converfant in the whole circle of polite learning, than
in that erudition which he here patroniſes with fo much warmth:
Yet there appeared to Sadolet, who was equally fkilled in facred
and profane literature, fomething exceffive in the manner with
which he urged an application to the former, as tending to ex-
clude all other knowledge. He replied, therefore, with his uſual
candour, "that being well acquainted with REGINALD'S difpo-
fitions, his love of virtue, and that generous ardour, which always
carries on great minds to what is moſt excellent, there was no-
thing ſo ſublime to which he might not aſpire: that he had
entertained theſe hopes of him from their firft acquaintance, and
though it gave him
him a fingular fatisfaction to fee his expectations
anſwered, yet he was under no fmall concern to perceive he
made fo flight of attainments, which were of fuch real impor-
tance, that even thoſe of a higher nature, to which his friend
* Hæc verò cum maxima invitamenta
effent ut de cœlefti hac Philofophiâ cum
ipfo agerem, nunquam tamen pudorem
meum vincere potuerunt, ut vel verbum
cum eo de hac re facerem; nifi fortè ob
liquè animum ejus tentarem, cùm doc-
tiffimorum hominum, quos in fummâ
veneratione habet, et maximè tui ipfius
ftudia illi proponerem, ut exemplo eum
veftro admonerem, quò tendere deberet.
Ibid. p. 416.
↑ See his Life by Becatelli and Dudithius.
very
08.1534
96
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
very defervedly gave the preference above all others, could not
fubfift without them: And becauſe, fays he, I have been twice
charged by you on this head, this feems a feaſonable place to
give you my opinion briefly on it.-You would, therefore, have
the, ſtudy of what concerns us, as Chriftians, preferred to all
others; and in this I readily agree with you. Why then do we
employ our time in other Sciences, and particularly in Philo-
ſophy? becauſe we cannot finiſh a building, without laying a
foundation, and raifing the walls. And if it be aſked, what
time and attention are to be employed about theſe, that we may,
at length, wholly give ourſelves to what has the beft claim to
our application; the anſwer is ready, that it is the bufinefs of a
prudent Oeconomiſt to take care of the preſervation and welfare
of the whole family, not of fome one part only; but ſtill ſo to
temper the care of the whole, that the more valuable parts be
chiefly looked to.-That it was vifible, Theology, confidered as
a Science, could not fubfift without Philoſophy, and that nei-
ther could gracefully diſcharge their reſpective duties, if they
were unprovided of language. That the pleaſure of finiſhing a
production in fuch fort as no neglect or deficiency could be dif
covered in it, was too much felt not to be acknowledged; and
rewarded the Artist by a confcioufnefs which was grounded in
nature itſelf.-But, if this fitneſs in the manner of expreffing our-
felves might be overlooked, the fame reaſons might prevail on us
to lay it afide in our geftures, in our voice and countenance; by
all which perfons of an ingenuous education are diſtinguiſhed from
others. That every body was defirous, that even a Servant, be-
fides being honeft and careful, fhould be clean and decent.
Theſe advantages, though not abfolutely neceffary to attain the
chief Good, yet conduced to it, and had this effect, that ſeveral
by this
means, came better informed to the purſuit of it: and it
was much to be feared, if we only retained what was of mere
neceffity, and rejected every thing elſe, inſtead of becoming equal
to
OF REGINALD
97
POLE.
to Angels, we ſhould ceaſe to be on a level with Men. It was,
indeed, our great duty to refer every privilege we enjoyed to God,
the Author, and employ them to his glory; and whoever pro-
ceeded on this principle, and aimed, in all his undertakings, at
what could give luftre and dignity to them, had no cauſe to fear
either being deluded by vain glory, or diverted from the purfuit
of true happineſs.—On theſe motives he was of opinion we ſhould
apply ourſelves to the liberal Arts, as long as we had reaſon to
be fatisfied with our proficiency; and, particularly, to Philoſophy,
from which the higher and more facred attainments drew great
ſupport. That, as to REGINALD's affertion, that Theology ena
groffed his leiſure and attention, ſo as to allow him no vacancy
for any thing elfe, he tells him ingenuouſly, he is at a lofs
in what manner to take fuch a declaration: for if thofe things
only were to be learnt, in which our faith and trust in the divine
goodneſs and veracity are concerned, the writings, in which theſe
points are contained, were neither voluminous nor obfcure: that
the Goſpels alone contained the moſt compleat information on
theſe heads: but, if the precepts there laid down, were to be
expounded with propriety and diftinction; furely, the litigi-
ous and uncouth Writers of later times, who extend fuch a
formidable front in all Libraries, and make the fhelves bend
under them, could not afford us greater affiftance than we receive
from St. Paul, the Law, and the Prophets*. Few Works, fays
he, are neceffary in order to underſtand divine matters, but which
ſhould be properly chofen and well digeſted; and theſe were ſo
far from denying us an opportunity of being converfant in human
literature, that this caufed them to be viewed in a more uſeful
light and added to their dignity. That no one ever dreamed,
that thoſe great men of the Greek and Latin Church, who firft
referferunt inconditis libris, et litigiosè
fcriptis, quàm à Paulo, et Lege veteri
et Prophetis, opis latum iri exiftimas ?
† Si verò illa explicanda funt uberiùs
ct enucleatiùs tractanda, an tu plus in
eo tibi ab infinitis voluminibus iftorum,
qui ætati noftræ propinquiores, omnia
O
illuftrated
98
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
illuftrated the tenets of Chriſtianity, could ever have done it with
ſuch ſucceſs, if they had been deftitute of theſe fuccours: and as
to their common friend Bonamico, on whofe account this dif-
cuffion had, in fome part, been renewed, he had never, indeed,
thought it neceffary to encourage him in the ſtudy, which REGI-
NALD had inforced; as he already had a high veneration for it;
and readily granted that fovereign excellence was not to be at-
tained, unleſs to the various endowments he was mafter of, he
added the moſt noble and neceffary of all informations; of which
he propoſed to give as ample a commendation in Hortenfus, as
Dec. 1534 the nature of the work would admit*."
THIS feems to have been the end of this amicable and learned
controverfy, it being no where taken up in their future corref
pondence. Bunet, in a letter to Selva, has ftated the queftion
in debate, and, having weighed the arguments of each fide,
ſeems to incline in favour of our Countryman; and his authority
is more confiderable, as he was every way qualified to decide in
ſuch a caſe, having joined great and univerfal knowledge to a life
truly Chriſtian; and deſerved, by his writings, the reputation of
having revived in France, under Francis I. the eloquence of the
age of Auguftus. When he accompanied the Embaffadors of that
Prince to Venice, the Learned of Italy made fuch account of him,
that Paul Manutius acknowledges himſelf indebted to him for
all his fkill in writing the latin language with purity. He died
at Turin, in the forty-feventh year of his age, having juſt diſ-
cloſed a merit, to which a longer period would have given its
full maturity. In the letter I have cited, he takes notice of the
fatisfaction he had received from being acquainted with REGI-
NALD'S happy temper, and unfeigned probity; and obſerves of
Sadolet, that though there was no kind of Science in which he
did not excell, yet he was wont to fay, that Plato and Ariftotle,
* Epift. R. Poli, pars I. p. 418.
who
OF REGINALD
99
POLE.
who had confeffedly the lead in Philofophy, were flat and languid
in compariſon of St. Paul.
REGINALD being now fettled at Padua, found there, what
Virgil afcribes to Antenor, its Founder, an agreeable and ſafe
retreat, from the devaſtations of his Country, which Henry's
paffions, and Cromwell, the inftrument of them, were, every day,
fpreading wider. But though this City was his chief refidence,
he made frequent excurfions to Venice; and as he lived every
where with great dignity, the moſt diſtinguiſhed perſons of thoſe
parts reforted to him. At Venice he became acquainted with
Gafpar Contareni, to whom, ever after, he paid the greateſt de-
ference; of which his letters to him are fufficient proof. He was,
at this time, a confpicuous Member of the Senate, and being
afterwards created Cardinal, and employed in various and difficult
negociations, was eſteemed one of the moſt upright and able Mi-
nifters in Europe. Cafa, who wrote his life, fays that, being yet
a Layman, he had acquired a fingular and exquifite infight into all
Chriſtian knowledge, which he made ufe of, not from oftenta-
tion, but as the Rule of Life: and that it was his invariable pur-
pofe, not only to follow what Philofophy preſcribes, in order to
attain virtue and tranquillity; but alſo what the Goſpel enjoins,
with reſpect to fanctity and religion. Caraffa, likewife, who had
been Embaffador from Leo X. to the Court of England, and was,
afterwards founder of the Theatins, and raifed to the Papacy, and
has received the higheſt commendations from Erafmus, was
at Venice, and had contracted an intimacy with REGINALD.
eaſy acceſs, together with his high birth, and much more the
eſteem which his perfonal qualifications had acquired, enabled
him, at Padua, to chufe his Intimates, and this choice was di-
rected by a fimilarity of manners and difpofitions. During his
former abode at this Univerſity, he had honoured Bembo, Laza-
rus Bonamico, and fome others, with a particular friendſhip; and
he now became acquainted, with Genua, Lampridius of Cremona,
and
02
now
An
Æn. . .
ver. 212.
ad Leo X.
Epif. 174.
Lond. 28
Ap. 1515.
100
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
and others, who were at this time, the leading Geniuſes of this
celebrated Seat of the Mufes. Amongſt theſe was Cofmus Gherius,
Biſhop of Fano, who, though very young, was remarkable for
his blameleſs manners, and fingular erudition. To feveral ami-
able qualities, and great ftrength of genius, Genua added a deſcent
from a family, which, after having held the chief command at
Modena and Mantua, retired to that proud City, from which they
took their furname. The principal Univerfities of Italy efteemed
it an honour to have him amongſt their Profeffors; and the Re-
public of Venice acknowledged the fenfe fhe had of his merit, by
the munificence with which the rewarded it. Befides other mo-
numents of his learning, he has left the memory of having had
Zerabella, Tomitani, and Speroni for his Scholars, who were in
their times, what the Steels, the Walsh's, and Addiſons were in
ours; and now are, what theſe will be with thoſe who come
after us.
I ought not to omit, for the credit of the other Sex,
that his four Daughters, Paula, Helen, Laura, and Caffandra,
were in the higheſt eſteem with all the learned in Italy. Gregory
Cortefius, Abbot of St. George's, at Venice, was another of this
lift. Bembo fays, " he had been extremely pleaſed with his let-
ters, and that they furpaffed the opinion he already had of his
elegance. No one, fays he, who does not fee the title prefixed
to them, will fufpect them to be wrote by a Monk, and to ſpeak
plainly, by an ignorant Monk; which adds much to his com-
mendation, for having wiped away a ftain, which has fo long
diſgraced that name*" Had Bembo been witnefs to the obliga-
tions which the learned World has fince had to that order of
men, he would have confeffed, they had made ample amends to
the Public, for a neglect, which, for fo many ages, was not
peculiar to them, but common to all degrees of Mankind. RE-
Aug. 1536 GINALD, in a letter to Contareni, joins to Cortefius, Mark, a Re-
* Ne farà huom, che giudichi non
leggendo il loro titolo, che elle fiano di
I
Monacho, e, per dire più chiaro, di
frate. Bemb. Litt. Ital. vol. 1. 1. 5.
ligious
OF
ΙΟΙ
REGINALD POLE.
ligious man of the fame Convent; "They both were with me,
fays he, when I received his Holinefs's orders to repair to Rome :
their company added new beauties to a place, with whofe agree-
ablenefs you are well acquainted; and I feemed to be in Eden
with Henoch and Elias. How often did we wish you to make a
fourth of our fociety!" Beccatelli, who held a confiderable rank
in the Univerſity, began now his acquaintance with REGINALD,
and having been many years his Secretary, and, at length, Arch-
biſhop of Ragusa, has teftified his gratitude to his noble Patron,
by an elegant relation of the principal actions of his life.
BUT the merit of our Countryman could not appear in a fairer
and ſtronger inſtance, than in the memorable attachment which
it produced in Aloyfius Priuli, a young Venetian nobleman, of an
irreproachable life, and a mind equally capable of buſineſs and
letters, who being at Padua, on account of his ftudies, when
REGINALD came to refide there, was fo taken with his conver-
fation, temper, and manners, and the admirable qualifications he
was endowed with, that he contracted a friendſhip with him, of
which, perhaps, there is no other example either in ancient or
modern ſtory: for, overlooking the love of his family and coun-
try, where he could not have failed to have been raiſed to the
firſt employments, he preferred REGINALD POLE's fociety to all
other advantages; accompanied him in all his journies, fhared
the viciffitude of his fortune, was of fingular fervice to him in
many difficult and important occafions, and never left him, till
death ended an union, which no incident through life had ever
altered*. But, as there will be frequent mention of this illuftri-
ous perſon, at different periods of his Friend's life, the particulars
which relate to him, are referved to their proper places.
*Erat, præterea, in ejus intimis at-
que amiciffimis Aloyfius Priolus, Patri-
cius Venetus, vir ingenio et literarum cog-
nitione excellens ; qui quidem Poli con-
ſuitudine ita captus eft, tantumque animi
inductio, et amor erga illum apud ipfum
valuit, ut totâ vitâ eum fequutus fit, ac,
nifi mors, ipfos inter fe conjunctiffimè
viventes disjungere nihil potuerit. Dud.
in Vit. R. Poli,
THE
4
102
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1536
THE memory of the abovementioned Perfonages, though re-
moved at ſo great a diſtance from our times, and, at a ſtill greater
from our manners, is yet frefh; and their connections with him,
who is the ſubject of this hiftory, made the account which is here
given of them, neceffary.
THIS elegance in his manner of living, and his numerous ac-
quaintance, were no obftacles to great induftry in his literary
purfuits, and to that liberal and univerfal light, in which he con-
fidered them. His Friends excelling in the fame attainments,
greatly forwarded his progreſs; and theſe advantages enabled
him to undertake a very important work, the merit of which
appears lefs in the applauſe of thoſe who were intereſted in de-
fenſe of the cauſe he maintained, than in the pains his adverfaries
were at to anſwer it; the conceffions they have made in its fa-
vour; and the earneſtneſs which the King, to whom it was
addreffed, and who is a great part of the ſubject, ſhewed to have
it fuppreffed. But before I enter on an account of the Work, it
is neceffary to fet before the Reader thofe tranfactions which gave
occafion to it, and furniſh the whole matter.
It was now four years fince REGINALD left England, which
had been a Theatre of as various and deep a Tragedy, as that,
or any other nation, had ever been Spectators of, under the
wildeſt and moſft frantic of their Tyrants. The affair of the Di-
vorce, as I have already related, being brought before the Pope,
and the King and Queen fummoned to make their appearance,
Henry had fent Agents to Rome, who all, except Doctor Benet,
behaved in fuch a manner, as to give that Court, at whofe tri-
bunal their Mafter's caufe was to be decided, too juft reafons of
offence*. He had, moreover, made a laſt effort on the Queen,
to prevail on her to defift from her appeal to Rome, and confent
to have the cauſe tried by a Committee of the Biſhops and Nobi-
* See Caffali's letter, who was Henry's
Agent at Rome, N°. 6. and Rance's,
N°. 62, in the 3d vol. of Le Grand's
Hiftoire du Divorce.
lity :
OF REGINALD POLE.
103
lity: and, at the fame time, ordered the Conclufions of the
Univerſities, which had given their opinion according to his in-
clinations, to be fhewed her. Catharine's anfwers to theſe meſ-
fages were uniform; that their Parents had cauſed the lawfulneſs
of their marriage to be examined by very able men, before it
took place that the Pope had granted the difpenfation; and that
the ſhould deem the contract valid, till the See of Rome declared
it otherwiſe but, nevertheleſs, ſhe begged of the Almighty, to
fet the King, her Hufband's confcience at reft." Henry, little
fatisfied with fo reaſonable a reply, fent her a threatning meffage,
that he would ſee her no more, nor receive any letters from her,
whilſt ſhe perfifted in theſe ſentiments, for having been his Bro-
ther's Wife, ſhe could not be his: and he gave her the choice of
two or three Country feats, to which ſhe might retire.
THE Parliament meeting about the fame time, they nenewed
their attacks on the papal authority and the Clergy: but Henry,
not being then diſpoſed to fall in with their ill humour, com-
plained, in his turn, that they witheld ſeveral of his rights, and
demanded redrefs: this the Commons refufed, and, a miſunder-
ſtanding enſuing, though the King was adviſed to diffolve them,
he did not. Both Houſes being prorogued; they reprefented to
him, at their first meeting, the great Sums which the Court of
Rome drew from England, on various pretexts; and deſired, par-
ticularly, that the Biſhops might be taxed at a very low rate; and
if the Pope refuſed to ſend proper proviſions for their confecration,
that it might be performed by the Metropolitan, or any two Bi-
ſhops appointed by the King, without further trouble. And if
the Kingdom ſhould be laid under an Interdict, or the King or
his Subjects be excommunicated, no regard fhould be paid to fuch
cenfures, and divine Service be celebrated, and the Sacraments
adminiſtered as ufual.
As the fpirit of innovation had now feized the Houſes, they
proceeded, towards the end of the Seffion, to abolish the Oath,
which
104
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
25th of
which the Biſhops take to the Pope, at their confecration, and
drew up another of the like import, which they were to take to
the King. Theſe bills paffed both houſes, but no more was en-
acted on this head; their defign, as it ſeems, being only to inti-
midate the Pope, and conftrain him to come into the King's
meaſures; accordingly they granted his Majeſty full power to
treat with his Holiness about the firft fruits, and to ratify or an-
nul the ſtatute concerning the oath, as he ſhould think fit: They
did not fo much as enter it into the Journal of their proceedings,
his Reign. nor did the King cauſe it to be regiſtered till fome years after.
One of the members having ſpoke againſt the Divorce, in the
houſe of Commons, and moved that the King might be entreated
to cohabit with the Queen; Henry ordered the Speaker to fignify
to them his ſurpriſe, that they ſhould meddle in an affair which
concerned his confcience; that his marriage, after mature delibe-
ration, had been condemned by many able Divines and Canoniſts:
that, at the age of forty, it might be prefumed he had a fuffi-
cient command of his paffions; and, under the preſent uneaſineſs
of his mind, he could do no leſs than live feparately from the
Queen. Thus the Seffions ended on the fourteenth of May; and,
two days after, Sir Thomas More refigned the Seals.
1532
THE King now cauſed a ſtrict inquiry to be made into Hereſy,
in which the Biſhops feconded his capricious and fanguinary incli-
nations, with all the rigour of a Spaniſh Inquifition. A Prieſt
was taken into cuftody, for having afferted, from the Pulpit, the
Pope's fupremacy; and another perfon, accuſed of herefy, was
difmiffed, on appealing to the King, as fupreme head of the En-
glish Church. Clement, though he complained to Henry's Em-
baffadors of theſe proceedings, yet he carried his reſentment no
further: he even permitted the King to employ the revenues of
certain Abbeys towards the founding of fix new Biſhopricks; and,
notwithſtanding the oppofition of Charles the Vth's and Queen
Catharine's Agents, he received Sir Edward Karne, who was fent
to
OF REGINALD POLE.
105
to Rome, in a new character of the King's Apologist, though he Excufator.
came without Credentials. The Doctors Benet and Bonner were
joined with Sir Edward in this commiffion; and, as they had
taken their way through France, they brought with them the
moft preffing recommendations from the French King, the Car-
dinal of Lorain, du Prat, and Grandmont, to the Pope and feve-
ral of the facred College. But as no ftrefs could be laid upon
the merits of the cauſe, the whole plea reſted on the danger of
the King's falling from the Church, and the confequences of fuch
a defection. Thefe Remonftrances having no effect, and the
Engliſh Agents complaining they could find no Italian Advocates
to plead in the King's caufe, the Pope affured them, that thoſe
who would undertake it, had nothing to apprehend and it is
probable he gave them this declaration in writing, fince the Con-
clufions they drew up, which were printed both at Rome and
London, ſet forth, in their title, the Pope's permiffion.
:
He then appointed an Audience for all the Parties concerned, 16th Feb.
and, though at first, he thought it moft convenient to hear them
in open Confiftory, he, afterwards, changed his mind, and re-
folved to give each party a ſeparate hearing. The Emperor's
Embaffadors were first admitted in the Chamber of preſence,
where the Pope was, with the Cardinal Monte. They ſpoke a
confiderable time, and endeavoured, though to no purpoſe, to
perfuade his Holiness, to admit neither Embaſſador nor Apologiſt
from the King of England. The Bishop of Worcester, and Gre-
gory Caffali, Henry's Embaffadors at the Court of Rome, were next
admitted, and they infifted, that the King their Mafter was not
obliged to appear, either in perfon or by proxy, and that the
Court ought to be fatisfied with the Apologift he had fent, and
hear his Advocates; the Pope, as little fatisfied with their de-
mands, as he had been with thofe of the Imperialiſts, received
the Stole from the Cardinal Medici, and entered the Confiftory,
from which every one was ordered to depart. The conference
which
P
106
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
}
which was held with a few Cardinals, on whofe judgment the
Pope chiefly relied, being finiſhed, the Embaffadors, who were
in an anti-chamber, near the Confiftory, with their reſpective
Attornies, were introduced. The Council for Henry opened the
cauſe, with afferting, that Rome not being a ſafe place for the
King to appear in, he was not obliged to pay any regard to the
Pope's citation; and added, there was an Apologiſt, who aſked
to be heard on the footing only of an Engliſhman, who had the
intereſts of his Country at heart. The Queen's Council, who
ſpoke next, reproached thoſe who had pleaded the King's cauſe,
with falſehood and flander, and that, inſtead of ſpeaking to the
cafe in queſtion, they either mifrepreſented, or dropped it: and
both fides being now heated, they loft all reſpect for the Preſence,
came to perſonal invectives, and during five months that the af-
fair was debated, all Rome flocked to the Confiftory as to a Farce,
in which the impertinence of the Actors was the fole entertain-
ment. The Pope, though follicited to condemn the King, ad-
journed the cauſe for fome months, and endeavoured, in the
mean time, to prevail on him to fend his Apologiſt Credentials,
and proper inftructions; which if he complied with, he granted
him full power to appoint whom he pleaſed, to take information
of the affair, in England; and this, he faid, was the laſt effort
of his indulgence; fince the definitive fentence was neceffarily to
be pronounced at Rome: he alfo requeſted the French King, who
was foon to have a conference with Henry, to uſe his intereſt in
order to obtain his confent to fo equitable a propofal. But Henry's
cafe was already defperate; and that very interview, from which
the Pope entertained fome hopes of this Prince becoming more
practicable, on the affair of the divorce, was the prelude to his
final breach with the Queen, and, foon after, with the Catholic
Church. The impotence of his paffion would not allow him to
leave his Miſtreſs behind, when he failed for Calais; near which
place the two Kings were to meet: but being aware of what his
own
OF REGINALD
107
POLE.
own Subjects and Foreigners would think of fo unwarrantable a
behaviour, he imagined a part of the fhame might be concealed,
if ſhe ſeemed to take this journey on any other errand, but the
real. It was intimated, therefore, to Francis, that Henry would
look on it as a courtefy, if he fignified a defire that Mrs. Bullen,
who had lately been created Marchionefs of Pembroke, might
accompany him; to which that gay Monarch readily agreed.
If Sept
› 1532
THE term prefixed for the King's appearance at Rome, either
in perfon or by proxy, was now elapfed, and the proceedings
againſt him, reſumed: but whilft the Engliſh Agents were amu-
fing the Pope and the Emperor with various fhifts and offers on
the
part of their Mafter, he cut, at once, the Knot, which he
had fo long, in vain, endeavoured to untie, and married Mrs.
Anne Bullen as foon as he returned from France. Doctor Lee,
who was afterwards Biſhop of Litchfield, performed the cere-
mony, the King having affured him, he had gained his fuit, and
obtained a diſpenſation to marry whom he thought proper, pro-
vided it was done in private, and without witneffes. The Doc-
tor, though he could not ſuſpect the King would impoſe on him
in a matter of fuch confequence, yet, as he was about to begin
the ceremony, he defired his Majefty to let him fee the Grant he
had from the Pope; the King told him, he would. On which
He went to the Altar, and putting on the veſtments, his diffi-
culties recurred, and, turning to the King, he told him again,
it was by all means proper the Pope's brief ſhould be read before
witneffes. Henry replied, in an angry and reproachful tone, that
it was in a place, to which none but himſelf had acceſs, and
that he ought to be credited on his word: on this, Lee went
on with the ſervice; and, foon after, the new Bride appeared
with Child.
Ar the next meeting of the Parliament, a Law paffed, by
which all appeals to the See of Rome were prohibited; all foreign
juriſdiction, whether temporal or ſpiritual was difowned; it was
P 2
ordered,
1533
108
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1532
if
any
1
ordered, that all fuits fhould be judged within the Kingdom, and
no regard paid to Excommunication on the part of Rome: and,
of the Clergy refuſed to ſubmit to theſe orders, they were
to be imprisoned for a year, and fined at the King's pleafure;
and a Premunire was declared to be incurred by all non-compli-
23d Aug. ance.
Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, dying at this juncture,
Cranmer, by Mrs. Bullen's intereft, was named to that high dig-
nity; and as the diffolution of the King's marriage with the
Queen, had been the principal motive of his promotion, the firſt
return he made to his Patronefs, was to rid her of a Rival, by
declaring the King's contract with his firft Wife, contrary to the
divine law. In confequence of this, orders were iffued to give
her no longer the title of Queen; and the King fo far forgot he
was a Parent, as to treat the Princefs Mary with great rigour,
forbade her to ſee her Mother, and declared her incapable of fuc-
ceeding to the crown; and would, perhaps, have carried his re-
fentments ftill further, if this young Lady had inviolably adhered
to the religious advice and example of her Mother. As to the
new Queen, her Coronation was attended with all that expence
and vanity, which though natural to Henry on other occafions,
were now heightened by love: but this Pageantry, which began
at Greenwich and ended at the Tower, where the Bride landed,
was a memorable contraft of that Scene of diſtraction and infamy,
which, three years after, in the fame place, put a period to her
life, reputation, and royalty.
ROME, where the cauſe of the Divorce, though often adjourn-
ed, had ever been obferved with a watchful eye, and deemed a
capital concern, was not a ſtranger to thefe proceedings. The
Spanish faction infifted on a definitive fentence, and the Pope
ftood in need of all his caution to elude their inftances. He ob-
ſerved this conduct, till the injuftice done to the Queen, the
public fcandal given by the King's fecond marriage, and the re-
peated remonftrances of the Cardinals, who were very much
unfatisfied
;
OF REGINALD POLE.
109
unfatisfied with theſe delays, prevailed on him to decide this long
depending affair, and to fhew no further forbearance towards a
Prince, who kept no meaſures with him. The fentence was,
therefore, pronounced, by which the King's marriage with Ca-
tharine of Aragon was declared valid, and he enjoined to ſeparate
from Anne Bullen, and cohabit with the Queen. Nothing was 22d, Mar.
added concerning the Cenfures the King was to incur, if he did
not comply with the Decree. Theſe, after as patient a delay as
the cafe would admit, were, at length, employed by Clement's
Succeffor, Paul III. and, though fet at nought by the Party
concerned, were neither leſs deſerved or leſs equitable.
THIS ſentence made as little impreffion on Henry, as the other
proceedings of the Court of Rome, which were preparatory to it.
He had already diſclaimed the Authority by which it was pro-
nounced; and he, now, began to aboliſh it, in all its branches,
and to make each of them a diftinct part of the Prerogative of
his own Crown. A Prelate was appointed to inſtruct the People,
every day, from the pulpit at St. Paul's, that the Biſhop of Rome
had no more power out of his Dioceſe, than any other Bishop;
and as the King, during the four laft years, had taken care to
prepare the People for fuch innovations, they now met with lefs
oppofition. In the courſe of this Seffion, the whole Jurifdiction
which had hitherto been acknowledged in the See of Rome, was
transferred to the Sovereign; all cauſes, which had formerly been
determined by appeal to the Pope, were referved to him and his
Council; the Bishops were not to meet, but by his order, and
their ordinances to have no force, till he had approved them:
He was to appoint fixteen members of each houfe, to examine
thoſe already made, and annul all fuch as were contrary to the
Laws of the Realm: on the vacancy of a See, he was to fend a
commiffion to the Dean and Chapter, by which they were em-
powered to proceed to an election; and the Bishop elect was to
be confecrated by four others of the King's appointing: His
power,
1533
A
110
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
power, in a word, was extended to all matters both of diſcipline
and doctrine. Some Laws againſt Heretics made in the reigns
of Richard II. and Henry IV. were repealed: but thoſe who re-
lapfed into errors, or refufed to abjure them, were condemned,
on conviction to be burnt alive, which law the King cauſed to
be executed with great ſeverity. As fupreme head of the Church
of England, he fometimes prefided in perſon at theſe judgments;
and a letter of Cromwell to Sir Thomas Wyat, the King's Embaſ-
fador in Germany, gives the following account of one of theſe
Trials. "The King fat openly in the Hall, and prefided at the
difputation, procefs, and judgement of a miferable Heretic, who
was burned on the twentieth of November. It was a wonder to
fee how princely, with how excellent gravity, and ineſtimable
majefty, his Highneſs exerciſed the very office of fupreme head
of the Church of England.....I wish the Princes and Potentates.
of Chriſtendom to have had a meet place to have ſeen it. Un-
doubtedly they ſhould have much marvelled at his Majeſty's moſt
high wiſdom and judgement, and reputed him no otherwiſe than,
in a manner, the mirror and light of all other Kings and Princes
in Chriftendom *." But, notwithſtanding this fuftian, fuch a
difgraceful Scene does as little credit to the principal Actor, as
to the Sycophant who deſcribes it. The King's marriage with
Anne Bullen was confirmed, and that with Catharine of Aragon,
annulled; and Children born of fuch alliances were declared ille-
gitimate. By virtue of this act, the Princess Mary was excluded
the fucceffion of the crown; and Elizabeth, who was lately born,
looked on as the next Heir. This order, indeed, laſted no longer
than his paffion for the Mother: when that fit was over, the
firſt fruit of his criminal love for her was treated no better than
his lawful Iffue by the Queen: And as the Parliament had no
other rule in making or repealing ftatutes, than the King's capri-
ciouſneſs; his will was no fooner divined, but they affented to it
* Collier's Church Hiſtory, vol. ii. p. 152.
with
OF REGINALD POLE.
III
with fuch abject flattery on his wifdom and goodness; as an En-
gliſh Reader muft bluſh, that the Reprefentatives of his Nation
could have fo thoroughly forgot what they owed to themſelves
and to the Public.
In this manner the ſpiritual Supremacy was conferred on the
King and his Succeffors; and the Throne, though filled by a
Woman, was declared the fole fountain of Jurifdiction, in what-
ever concerned Religion. The Clergy attempted, in vain, to
withſtand this amazing innovation, and repreſented to the King
the inconſiſtency of it with his own moſt folemn declarations,
publiſhed to the whole world, in the work he wrote againſt
Luther, from which, amongſt others, they cited the following
paffage : "That Luther could not deny that all the faithful
Chriſtian Churches of thoſe times acknowledged and reverenced
the See of Rome as their Primary and Mother: and if this con-
ceffion was founded neither on human or divine right, how had
it prevailed fo univerfally? how came all Chriftendom to own
it? when did it begin, or by what means, gain ground? That
the Greeks, before their Schifm, had acknowleged the primacy
of the Latin Church, though the empire was transferred elſewhere.
That Luther, indeed had the impudence to affirm that the Pope's
Supremacy had been ufurped by force and tyranny; but that he
muſt have loſt his fenfes, if he expected to find Mankind ſo ſot-
tishly thoughtleſs and ignorant, as to believe that the Biſhop of
Rome, without arms or temporal force, or human or divine right,
ſhould be able to eſtabliſh an authority over the whole epifcopal
order, through fo many different nations, fo diftant from him,
and which could have no reaſon to dread his power: or that
thofe kingdoms and ſtates ſhould be fo prodigal of their own
liberty, as to fubmit themſelves, for fo many ages, to a foreign
prieſt, if he had no lawful claim to fuperiority." *In this man-
ner thoſe, who dared to diffent from the King reaſoned: But
*Defen. Sacram. contra Luth.
the
112
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
the voice of the Charmer, who charms wifely, was in vain applied to
Palm 58. the Adder, the deaf Adder, that flops her ear.
Wifdom
ch. 14. V.
26, 27.
THIS account of the Divorce was neceffary to place REGINALD'S
conduct in a true light, as he not only refuſed the ſecond Church
preferment in the kingdom, and a diftinguiſhed degree in his
Prince's favour, rather than approve of it; but every where in
his writings repreſents this fhameful aud difaftrous affair, and the
means which were uſed to bring it about, as the effect of thoſe
paffions which chiefly difgrace human nature, and overthrow
ſtates; the inconftancy of luft, falsehood, and revenge. And
that nothing might be wanting to give the iniquity of the whole
proceeding every aggravation it admitted of, which Henry always
took caré fhould be the characteristic of his tranfgreffions; the
impious farce of conſcience was acted, and the fear of an offen-
ded God pretended as the motive of an action, in which all laws,
human and divine, were violated..
BUT the ſcandal of this event was quite funk in the imme-
diate confequence of it, the renouncing the Pope's fupremacy,
and feparating from the Catholic Church, which now engroffed
the attention of all Europe, and involved all REGINALD'S future
life, not only during that Prince's reign who cauſed it, but through
the two following. Henry had no fooner taken on him the title
of Head of the Church, but he was defirous to have his kinf-
man's fentiments of his claim to it. It cannot be fuppofed, that
he entertained any real doubt what they were; but he chofe this
fhould be the date of that implacable enmity, with which he,
ever after, perfecuted him and his Family.
He was at Ravelone, a country feat belonging to his friend
Priuli, at fome diftance from Venice, when he received the
King's orders. They were inforced by the treatifes of Sampfon,
and Gardiner, Bishops of Chichester and Winchester, in defence of
the lay fupremacy. He fent the work of the latter to Contareni,
who was then at Rome, to have his opinion of it; and on re-
ceiving
OF REGINALD POLE.
113
ceiving his anſwer, that the arguments made uſe of were very
weak but fet off with great art; he replied, that it was the
judgment he had made of it, and added, he muſt apply to the
Author what is ſaid of Gameſters, that their dexterity only enables
them to be greater cheats. He had been informed of the fitu-
ation of affairs in England, and had already began a work on the
Church's Unity; and the diſpatches he lately received on the
King's part, diſcovered to him ftill more the neceffity of treating
this Argument in a manner fuited to the prefent exigencies. As
this is the moſt celebrated and important of all REGINALD POLE'S
writings, the Reader will not be difpleafed to learn, from him-
felf, feveral uſeful and entertaining particulars, which have a rela-
tion to the Work, and ferve, more than any thing elſe, to give
an infight into the character of the Author.
"MANY reafons, fays he, writing to Charles V. concurred to
reduce me to the neceffity of undertaking this fubject. The firſt
of which was the King's pofitive commands to write; though
not, indeed, againſt himſelf: yet the fubject, on which he or-
dered me to fend him my opinion, brought on this confequence.
I had retired from my Country and Friends, at a time when
they became moft dear and neceffary, that I might have no fhare
in meaſures which I could not approve, and muſt have been in-
volved in, had I ftayed. I fhould have been under a neceffity
either of acting against my own conviction, the King's honour, and
the welfare of my Country, if I confented to what he required;
or, on my refufal, of provoking his indignation againſt myſelf,
and all who belonged to me.-My tenderneſs for him, however,
was ſuch, that no authority, no perfuafion, had yet been able to
make me depart from the refolution I had taken, of being filent
on theſe matters, though feveral perfons, for whom I had the
greateſt deference, were of opinion I ought to have acted other-
wife. He fent, therefore, his commands, when he had not the
leaſt reaſon to ſuſpect I ſhould interfere with his proceedings;
е
when
114
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
when there was no farther room for deliberation; when his refo-
lution was taken, and he had made it capital for any one to op-
pofe it. This Law was enacted with fuch rigour, that no merit,
however confpicuous could ſcreen thoſe whom it included. Nei-
ther dignity, nor rank, nor learning, nor virtue; nor love and
friendſhip of the longeſt ſtanding, were any plea for exemption;
and the two greateſt Lights, which this Iſland had ſeen, were put
to death for refufing to comply with it.-Thefe examples, he
knew, were come to my knowledge; and he vainly imagined the
the terrour of their influence, and the defire of returning to my
Country and acquaintance, which, otherwife, I muft, for ever,
relinquiſh, would bring me to a compliance: and, in that caſe,
my authority would be of greater weight with my Countrymen,
as I had hitherto been more backward in yielding to his will.
His orders were, that I fhould fend him my opinion in terms fo
clear and explicit, as to exclude all ambiguity and fubterfuge;
and if I failed in fo doing, I fhould incur his higheft difpleaſure.
-And here, fays REGINALD, I must confefs, had the cafe pro-
pofed been of a doubtful nature, and not openly repugnant to the
divine Law; the affection I bore my Country and Relations,
might have been a powerful inducement to act, as I was required.
For, as to the penalties, with which I was threatened, and the
violent deaths of thofe great men, which were placed before my
eyes, they were fo far from alarming my fears, that I faw in them
the ſtrongeſt motives to fupport, with an unfhaken reſolution,
the cauſe in which they had lain down their lives. And, if the
alternative was not to be avoided, I would have renounced what-
ever was deſirable, rather than purchaſe the enjoyment on the
terms the King offered. I was confirmed in theſe ſentiments not
fo much by the many and cogent reafons which I had gathered
from the writings of others, or from what my own thoughts had
fuggefted, in the long and repeated reflections I had made on the
affair, as by that fingle argument with which the blood of theſe
Champions,
OF REGINALD POLE.
115
Champions, fhed in this cauſe, furniſhed me. That the divine
Veracity has always manifeſted itſelf by fuch evidence, we are
affured, firſt, by His death, who was Truth itſelf; and, after-
wards, by thoſe legions of Witneffes, who have attefted the fame
doctrine, in all parts, and through all ages of the world. I be-
held, therefore, the hand-writing of God in their fufferings, whofe
paſt life was a fufficient proof of the favour they had found with
him; and I could not but reverence the fign and fubfcribe to it.
-Thefe confiderations baniſhed from my breaſt all that dread,
which the image of what they had underwent, or any other
apprehenfion from ſtill more affecting fubjects might have raiſed:
they armed me with a generous confidence, and gave me to under-
ſtand what were the true objects of fear and hope. I was encou-
raged to withſtand a Prince, who had appointed fo iniquitous a
puniſhment to fo equitable and religious a tenet; and enabled to
expreſs myſelf with a ſpirit and eaſe, of which, the Work, I be-
lieve, is a proof*."-The two great examples here pointed out,
were Sir Thomas More, and Fisher, Biſhop of Rocheſter, and no-
thing can fo much illuftrate the juftnefs and force of REGINALD'S
reaſoning on the merits of the cauſe he fupports, as the character
of thefe Perfons who died in defence of it.
THE worth of the former is fo univerfally acknowledged, that
it would be needlefs to refume it here, did not the nature of the
work require I ſhould not be quite filent on fuch a fubject. He
was one of the greateſt Ornaments, if not the greateſt, in every
kind of various excellence, this nation has ever boafted. His
prudence, underſtanding, and temper, feemed to vie with each
other, and could be furpaffed by nothing but a diſintereſtedneſs,
probity, and ſenſe of religion, which rendered the man, the ma-
giſtrate, and the chriftian compleat. Theſe more uſeful and valu-
able endowments were heightened by an exquifite erudition, and
* Apologia Reginaldi Poli, ad Caro-
lum V. Cæfarem, fuper quatuor libris
à fe fcriptis, de Unitate Ecclefiæ, No.
2º. et feq.
knowledge
116
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
knowledge not only of the laws of his country, but of thoſe more
extenfive ties which unite all men and all nations; and made
him equal to the embaffies he diſcharged, and the fupreme ma-
giftracy he was inveſted with. The exigencies of the times in-
duced him, in the latter years of his life, to apply himſelf to
Theology; and his proficiency in this Science enabled him to
diſtinguiſh the proper extent of civil power, and of that jurif-
diction, which the Lawgiver of Chriftianity would have exer-
cifed by thoſe only, to whom he committed it. This enlarged
knowledge and capacious mind was rendered amiable by a con-
defcenfion of behaviour, an eafe in public and ordinary occafions,
of which hiſtory affords few or no inftances. He brought up his
family to the fame arts, of which he was fo great a Maſter; and
the letters which he wrote to them are fome of the moſt finiſhed
pieces which the latin language affords. To this integrity of a
Magiftrate, the abilities of a Statefman, and the elegance of a
polite Scholar, he joined the virtues of domeſtic life, the peni-
tence of a Reclufe, and the Chriftian fimplicity of a Child. Be-
ing poffeffed of the firſt poſt which a Layman can be honoured
with, he affifted, in a furplice, as a menial Clerk, the Prieft at
the holy Sacrifice; and going through the Hall, to take his Seat
as High Chancellor, as he paffed by the King's bench, where his
Father was a Judge, he always aſked his bleffing, on his knees.
In the rigours of a prifon, fuch as Henry's temper, and Cromwell,
the inſtrument and deviſer, could inflict; and the captious inter-
rogatories, which were put to him, on his trial, he exerted a
patience and fteadineſs worthy the other parts of his conduct
and made that memorable reply to the Sollicitor General, who
objected to him his difagreement from the fenfe of the nation;
"that if he differed from one kingdom, he had all antiquity and
all other nations on his fide." During an impriſonment of twelve
months, every baſe artifice, by which Tyranny is fupported, and
which Tyrants make uſe of, was practifed to ſhake his reſolution;
but
;
OF REGINALD POLE.
117
cr
but with as little fuccefs as the Lawyer had applied his argument.
He composed, in his confinement, a Commentary on part of our
Saviour's paffion; and, being brought to the fcaffold, laid his
head on the block with the fame chearfulneſs, which accom-
panied him in the actions of ordinary life. His memory has been
borne down the ftream of Time with fo favourable a gale, that
no character feems to have been more cheriſhed. Foreigners,
fays REGINALD POLE, who never faw him, were fo affected
with the news and circumftances of his death, that they could
not refrain from weeping: and, as to myſelf, who write this at
fo confiderable a diſtance of time, though I had few perfonal
connections with him, yet loved and honoured his probity, and
knew the great emoluments his Country received from it; God
is my witneſs, that involuntary tears fall from my eyes, which
blot out what I have wrote, and almoſt hinder me from going
on with the ſubject*.
23
I SHALL give the character of the other of thefe Worthies,
Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, as REGINALD, who feems to have
been particularly acquainted with him, has drawn it. << No-
thing, fays he, addreffing his difcourfe to the Emperor, could be
fo reaſonable a prejudice againſt the new Supremacy as the inte-
grity of the Leaders who oppofed it.-If any one had afked the
King, before the violence of his paffions had hurried him out of
the reach of reaſon and reflection, whom of all the Epifcopal or-
der, he chiefly confidered? on whofe affection and fidelity he
most relied? he would, without any hefitation, have anſwered,
* Apol. ad Carolum V. Cæf. §. 20.
Sir Thomas More's life has been wrote
in latin with great judgment, by Dr.
Stapleton, and printed at Douay, anno
1588; in which there are feveral origi-
nal Letters of the Chancellor: The work
is not uncommon, and is to be found in
moft Sale Catalogues. It was likewife
wrote by his great Grandſon, Roper ;
and, lately, with great candour, by Dr.
Warner. Gratiani, Biſhop of Amelia,
his Cotemporary, has given an abſtract
of his life, and an account of his fuffer-
ings and death, in his treatife De Cafibus
Virorum Illuftrium fui avi, with that
elegance which is peculiar to all his
writings.
the
118
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
35
the Biſhop of Rochester. When the queſtion was not put to him,
he was accuſtomed, of his own accord, to glory that no other
Prince or Kingdom had ſo diſtinguiſhed a Prelate. Of this I was
witneſs, when, turning to me, on my return from my travels,
he ſaid, he did not imagine I had met with any one, in foreign
parts, who could be compared to him, either for virtue or learn-
ing. This advantageous judgement of his Prince, was repaid by
an equal zeal and fidelity in the Biſhop. He conftantly profeffed,
that befides the obligations common to all fubjects, he had that,
of the King being born in his Dioceſe, and refiding more fre-
quently in it than elſewhere: and that his Majeſty's Grandmother,
whoſe Ghoſtly Father he had been, and who furvived the late
King and Queen, had recommended her Grandfon to his pecu-
liar care. She was a perſon, fays REGINALD, of great pru-
dence, who was aware of the dangers of Royalty, when it falls
to the lot of youth; and being about to leave the world, ſhe,
with many tears, entreated the Biſhop, though feveral excellent
men were alſo preſent, to affift the King by his inftructions and
advice; and defired her Grandfon to have a deference for him,
preferably to all others, as what would moſt contribute to his
felicity both here and hereafter. He had, moreover, this induce-
ment to be vigilant in the King's welfare, as he was the only
furviving Counſellor of his late Majefty. The cafe, therefore, of
the Supremacy, which was of the higheſt concernment, and re-
quired the moſt confummate learning, being propofed to him, he
had anſwered in a manner becoming his regard for his Prince,
and his own great knowledge*; nor could he be induced
by threats or promifes, which were firft made ufe of, to recede
from an opinion, which his duty to God, and the fidelity
he owed his Sovereign, had prompted him to deliver. This was
the crime for which Henry cauſed two fentences to be paffed on
* The Speech he made on this occafion, is preferved by Lord Herbert, in his
life of Henry VIII. page 362.
him,
OF REGINALD POLE.
112
him, equally cruel and unjust; by the first, he condemned to
perpetual impriſonment an old man, fo weak, that he almoft
expired when he was led to trial: by the other, after a fifteen
months confinement, in which, as appears from a letter he wrote
to Cromwell*, he was left deftitute of common neceffaries, he
was beheaded. Nor did Henry's unrelenting rage end here; he
ordered the body ſhould remain on the place of execution, which
no one dared approach, unlefs it was to infult, and ftrip of a
tattered Caffock that covered it. This was the end of a Prelate
venerable for his age, learning, virtue, and ſervices; and who was
not only of the Epifcopal order, but had lately been honoured
with the purple.
T
“NOTWITHSTANDING the encouragement which ſuch ex-
amples gave me, this objection, ſays REGINALD, ſtill occurred;
that I could not do juftice to the caufe, in which thefe Chiefs had
ſo conſpicuouſly exerted themſelves, as their very death informed
me, without expofing to infamy a reputation which was dearer
to me than my own. I here, fays he, felt that conflict which
oppofite inclinations never fail to raiſe; and having reprefented
the jarring fentiments of a mind at variance with itſelf, and the
motives which, at length, determined him, he goes on to give
the Emperor the following account of the manner in which he
acquitted himſelf of that difficult task, of reproving and giving
advice to his Sovereign.
"THE Work, fays he, is divided into four books in the first
of theſe, I refute the Supremacy the King has taken on himſelf,
and a treatiſe wrote in defence of it, which, by his orders, was
fent me from England. The fecond afferts the Prerogative of the
See of Rome, and anſwers the objections made against it. In the
third, I found in the King's ear the voice which the guiltless blood
he has fhed, and the horrour of his other actions, raifes up to
* This letter may be feen in Fuller's
Eccl. Hift. who has given a very cir-
cumftantial and interefting account of
Bifhop Fisher's execution.
heaven
170
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
heaven against him: Having thus difcharged what I owed to
Truth and my Country's welfare, in the laſt part I caft myſelf at
the King's feet: I conjure him to take in good part what I had
wrote, as it proceeded from zeal and affection; and, on this con-
fideration, to excufe me, if any where I feem to exceed thoſe
bounds, which cuſtom has preſcribed to Subjects, when they treat
with their Prince."-This is the account which he gave the Em-
peror of the performance, fome years after it was finiſhed: but
the Work itſelf, even whilft he was writing it, gave rife to fome
Anecdotes no leſs pleafing than inſtructive.
As it advanced, he fent the ſheets to be reviſed by Contareni
and Priuli, who were then at Rome, and both were of opinion,
that he had treated Henry with too little referve, who could not
but be highly offended to fee himſelf attacked in fo open a man-
ner, and would wreck his vengeance on the Author, and on all
who belonged to him. To this REGINALD replied, " that their
obſervations were very juft; and that he was aware of them :
but fince flattery and temporizing had hitherto been the fource of
all the Evil, the only remaining hope was in expofing the naked
truth. However, fays he, when you have read the work, if,
notwithſtanding what I have ſaid at the beginning and end, you
ftill think it wants other correctives, I fubmit it to thoſe you judge
proper, having nothing more at heart than your approbation."
In another letter to Priuli he adds, "that he had entered on the
blamable part of the King's character with the utmoſt reluctance ;
that his welfare alone had engaged him to do fo, which he could
never attain, unleſs he was brought to a ſenſe of his failures: and
how can this be compaffed, fays he, unless they are placed be-
fore his eyes, and who will undertake this taſk but myſelf? I ſet
his happineſs above all other confiderations, and there is no facri-
fice I would not make to procure it.—But you will reply, that
I have not taken a proper method to attain it. All I can fay is,
that he has been hitherto treated, to no purpofe, with the greateſt
lenity;
OF REGINALD POLE.
121
lenity; and that nothing has contributed fo much to caft him
into this abyss of exemplary vice, as the diffimulation of it." In
this judgment of Henry, a very fpirited Hiftorian agrees with RE-
GINALD; and obferves, that ſervile adulation cauſed him, among
other evils, to make his own fentiments the ftandard of the reſt
of Mankind *. REGINALD's reaſons ſeem to have fatisfied Conta-
reni, there being nothing more of this objection to be met with
afterwards, in their letters to each other: and when the Work,
four years after, was printed without any alterations, He fpeaks
of it," not only as an elegant and learned performance, but as
the leaft equivocal earneſt the Author could have given his Prince
of his zeal and affection."-The peculiar character of this excel-
lent perfonage, ſeems to place his teſtimony, in this affair, above
all exception; Paul III. fent him to confer with the Proteftants
at Ratiſbon; and all Germany was charmed with his integrity,
learning, prudence, and moderation. His lenity was ſuch in this
Religious negociation, that thofe, to whom his merit was trou-
blefome, accuſed him of favouring heterodox opinions. Time,
indeed, and better information, foon removed the prejudices
which fufpicion and malevoleuce had ſpread through all Italy;
and his character has been tranfmitted to us more pure and valu-
able from this attempt to injure it.
THE Work being now finiſhed, Priuli, who was on his return
from Rome, fignified to REGINALD, Contareni's defire of fhewing
it to the Pope: to which he returned this diſcreet anſwer. "That
Contareni had a right to lay on him whatever commands he
pleaſed: that nothing could be more agreeable to him than that
the Pope ſhould read fome part of what he had wrote; for, as
to the whole, he knew more important affairs would not allow
him leiſure to go through with it: But his unwillingneſs aroſe
from an apprehenfion that it might be known in England, that
* Hume, vol. 1. of the Tudors, p. 22), in the note; and through the King's
whole life.
R
a work,
122
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
a work, which he had addreffed to the King, had, contrary to
all order, been firft fent to the Pope; which proceeding, he ſays,
would be detrimental to him on feveral accounts. That this
apprehenfion was not owing to any diftruft of the Pope's fecrecy;
but, being acquainted with the genius of Courts, he had always
obferved, that though Princes are faid to have many eyes, yet
thoſe who are about their perſons, and watch them, and every
thing that concerns them, have many more. You fee, he con-
cludes, the grounds of my diffidence, which if it can be removed,
I ſhall not only have no reluctance in confenting to Contareni's
propofal, but ſhall greatly rejoice at it*
REGINALD had now nothing more to do, than to fend the
King'a work, which was no more than an implicit deference to his
commands, of giving him his real fentiments on the Supremacy
he had affumed, in the cleareſt and moſt diſtinct terms. Yet he
confeffes, that he ſtill laboured under great difficulties on account
of his family, on whom he forefaw, as it happened, that Henry
would wreck that vengeance, which he could not execute upon
him. At length, fays he, confiderations of a higher order pre-
vailed over the ſtrongeſt ties of nature; and I no longer dared to
refuſe this laſt and greateſt facrifice I owed to duty. He adds,
that, before he had taken this final refolution, as he was looking
over the work, not without fome thoughts of fuppreffing it, and
finding, to his no fmall wonder, thofe fheets to be wanting, in
which the King's reputation had been treated with greater free-
dom, than in the other parts; he ſuſpected they had been pur-
loined with a malevolent defign of fhewing them to his Majeſty,
and raiſing his choler againſt the Author, and that this had deter-
mined him not to delay fending the entire work to him.
AT the fame time, fays hé, "I wrote a private letter to him,
full of affection and duty, that I might diſappoint their malevo-
lence who had fecreted the papers, and incline him to excuſe
* Epift. Reginaldi Poli, p. 1. pag. 443.
the
OF REGINALD POLE.
123
the frankneſs, with which I had given my adviſe, if he did not
think fit to follow it: I affured him, that what I had wrote, had
been wrote to him alone; and been communicated to nobody,
from whom his reputation could fuffer: I begged of him to con-
fult his fame, and thoſe other interefts which were ftill nearer:
that, as for my own part, I defired nothing fo earneſtly, as to
change my ſtyle, and publiſh his praiſes with a joy equal to the
grief I then felt in bewailing his diſorders. That, in the mean
time, I would fupprefs the work as long as I had any hopes of
acknowledging in a more pleaſing argument, how much I was
indebted to him for my education, and fo many other marks of
his royal bounty*.'
A CRISIS happened at this juncture, as REGINALD obſerves,
writing afterwards to Edward VI. which ſeemed, of all others,
the moſt ſuited to awaken in Henry's mind a fenſe of his miſde-
meanors, which was the only purpoſe of the work he was about
to fend him. This was the unfortunate end of Her, who had
been the cauſe of the King's and the Nation's misfortunes.-Anne
Bullen, having been tried by a commiffion of twenty-fix Peers,
was found guilty of incontinency and inceft, and condemned to
be burnt or beheaded, as the King fhould be pleaſed to order;
and the ſentence had been executed accordingly. Her Brother, 19th Mar,
9.1536
the Lord Rochfort, and fome others were condemned and put to
death, at the fame time, as Accomplices in the Queen's guilt.
SHE had been educated at the Court of France, which was
then a School of Gallantry, and had returned to England, a great
proficient in it. Her fkill in mufic, in dancing, and drefs, and
the like accompliſhments, foon captivated a fenfual Prince, who
had no other ſtandard of female merit, but fuch allurements.
She had imbibed the doctrine of Calvin; and the Broachers of
theſe novelties had found no readier method of ſpreading them,
than by infinuating themſelves into the good opinion of the La-
* Apol. R. Poli, ad Car. Cæf. c. 5.
R 2
dies
124
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
}
dies about the Court. They effected this by a particular profef-
fion of polite learning, which then began to appear in France,
and in which ſeveral of Calvin's Diſciples, no leſs than their
Mafter, excelled. But, on coming to England, the fecretly fa-
voured the tenets of Luther: and, indeed, the latitude which the
Patriarch of that Sect allowed his followers, and which he after-
wards extended to licenſe Poligamy, in favour of the Landgrave
of Heffe, could not but appear very commodious to the general
tenour of her life. As ambition was her ruling, though not her
only paffion, that had ſcarcely gained its end, when other incli-
nations, of a lefs fpiritual nature, began to follicit their proper
gratifications, and make her overlook the dangers, with which
ſhe was threatened from his temper, who had put away a lawful
wife to make room for her. Some Writers have afferted, that,
like Agripina, who provoked her own Son to inceſt, with a view
to fecure her power, when the perceived the unweildy habit of
the King's body to be but ill fuited to his impatience of having a
male heir, ſhe judged her Brother's vigour moſt proper to procure
this tie of her huſband's affections, without any risk of diſcovery.
The Letters of Henry to her, which are ftill preferved in the
Vatican Library, do no great honour to his paffion; and there
is one expreffion, amongſt others, as I well remember, below
even the coarſeneſs of Thames-ftreet Gallantry. Whether his Mif-
trefs's qualities were unfit to raiſe a purer flame, or Henry's breaft
was not ſuſceptible of more polite fenfations, certain it is, that
we rather diſcover the King, to whom beaſtly Skelton was Lau-
reat, than the man of elegance who invited over Raphael and
Michael-Angelo. Her fate was confidered not merely as a puniſh-
ment, but as a divine judgement; and the crowd that thronged
to the place of execution, gazed on her with unconcern, as a
fſhew they came to be ſpectators of, but in which they took no
part. Her pride, even then, did not forfake her, and ſhe faw,
with a diſdainful air, the indifference with which the world gave
her
OF REGINALD
125
POLE.
her up; and affuming a haughtiness, which the infamy of the
circumſtances ſhe lay under had not abated, he told them, " fhe
died their Queen, whether they would or not." During her
confinement, her broken fpeeches and whole behaviour had be-
trayed a wild and diſordered mind, and all the dread of approach-
ing death, without any ſenſe of the guilt which had occafioned
it. The Scene being now to cloſe, and the Executioner, who,
on account of his expertneſs, had been fent for from Calais, of-
fering to bare her neck, or which he was, fo foon, to perform
a rougher office, fhe thruſt him from her; and turning to her
Women, gave them a caution, which her own example had fo
little inforced, of behaving in fuch a manner as to keep their ho-
nour unftained. Then laying herſelf down on the Scaffold, and
preferving a decency fhe had been unmindful of in more important.
occafions, the drew her garments below her feet; and received the
ſtroke which finiſhed a life of levity, error, and lewdneſs *.
A FEW months before this memorable Cataftrophe, Catharine
of Aragon ended a life, the whole tenour of which had been as
* Stowe, Fuller, Burnet, Collier, Echard,
and our Hiftorians, in general, feem to
agree in this character of Anne Bullen,
as each of them relates fome of the par-
ticulars here mentioned: Sanders, who
was nearer thoſe times, adds more: and
Gratiani, Biſhop of Amelia, a cotem-
porary Writer, who refided in England,
and who was very converfant in what
concerned it, omits not one of them.
Grat. de Cafibus Virorum Illuftrium fui
Ævi, p. 266.
The whole of this account is greatly
corroborated by what Lord Herbert re-
lates of this unfortunate Woman, and
ftill more by what he infinuates. (life of
Hen. VIII. p. 381.) A letter to the
King, fuppofed to have been wrote by
her, when ſhe was in the Tower, is
cited by our Hiftorians; and given by
Mr. Addiſon, as an inſtance of that elo-
quence, by which Innocence in diſtreſs
expreffes itſelf. But fhe, who was fo
well acquainted with the King's cruel
and unrelenting temper, and yet declares,
on the Scaffold, that there never was a
gentler and more merciful Prince,, might,
with as little regard to veracity, perfift
in the denial of a crime, of which ſhe
ftood convicted. The noble Hiftorian
abovementioned makes it very doubtful,
whether the letter itfelf be genuine, and
fays, he gives it the Reader without any
other credit than that it was faid to be found
among the Papers of Cromwell; and feem-
ed ancient and conſonant to the matter in que-
ftion: yet this, as he confeffes, was only
a Copy, and he had never ſeen the
Original.
different
126
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ch. xxxi,
different from that of this unfortunate Woman, as the manner
in which ſhe concluded it. Anne had teftified, on this occafion,
a triumph inconfiftent both with decency and humanity; and as
the departed Queen was only mourned as Prince Arthur's Relict,
ſhe
fhe had diftinguished herſelf by a drefs, which infulted the me-
mory of a Princeſs, whofe virtues were as great a reproach to her
conduct, as the legitimacy of her marriage had been a legal impe-
diment to her pretenfions. Catharine poffeffed, in an eminent
degree, thofe qualities for which the Spaniards ftill hold her Mo-
ther in veneration; and they had been cultivated by an education
fuited to the piety and ſoftneſs of her own fex, and to the manly
arts of government of ours. The King her huſbond, at the expe-
dition againſt Terouane, left her Regent, and fhe defeated the
Scotiſh army, took the King Priſoner, and fhewed a prudence
and refolution equal to fuch a truſt. Nor was fhe more the
Proverbs, courageous woman, celebrated for the confidence repofed in her, in
public affairs, and when spoils were to reward her valour, than in
thoſe leſs equivocal inftances of ſteadineſs, an unwearied appli-
cation to the duties of her ftation, as Confort, Queen, and Mo-
ther. She ſupported with patience the King's capriciouſneſs,
and the injury done to her bed, and behaved with a dignity,
which, though it did not recall her huſband's affections, yet
would not allow him to deny her his eſteem. The hardships
of her latter years never betrayed her into any conceffion contrary
to her royal ſtate, or prejudicial to her Daughter's rights, when
every method was employed to make her derogate from each.
Though treated with rigour by her Huſband; and flighted by the
Retainers of a Court, who look on no Index, on which royal
favour does not ſhine, the fame greatnefs of mind ſupported her
in fo confpicuous a manner, that the privy Council, in the Ar-
ticles they drew up againſt her, were not ashamed to tax her
with "an undaunted fpirit, and a reſolution that nothing could
ſhake.” This, indeed, muſt have appeared highly criminal in
ver. II.
their
OF
127
REGINALD
POLE.
xii, v. 1.
19.
their eyes, whoſe abject condefcenfion was the very reverſe of
that character, with which they here reproach the Queen. In
the ſpring of life, and amidſt all the blandiſhments of the higheſt Ecclef. ch.
fortune, he had been mindful of her Creator; gave liberal alms;
obferved, with a penitential exactneſs, the faſts appointed by the
Church; and ſpent ſeveral hours of the day in prayer, on her
knees bared; and was a pattern of ſeriouſneſs in the centre of
riot and diffolution. Like the accompliſhed Woman, whoſe
portrait Solomon has drawn, ſhe thought it no diſparagement to
handie the spindle and diſtaff, and taught the Ladies of the Court, Prov. ch.
by this example, to avoid idleness, at the fame time that the xxxi, ver.
inſtructed them in thofe fublimer virtues, which are fo feldom
the inhabitants of the Seats of opulence. Being commanded to
leave the Palace, the retired to Kimbolton, where the paffed the
remainder of her life in fuch exerciſes of Religion as became her
circumſtances; and being near her end, dictated a letter to the
King, which fhewed, at once, the compoſure of her mind, her
conjugal affection, and care for the Princess Mary, the only off-
ſpring that furvived her. The King did not refuſe the tribute of
a tear to the news of her death; and though he profecuted the
memory of her Rival with contempt and execration, he was not
ſo totally loſt to all ſenſe of humanity and worth, as to deny his
eſteem to that of Catharine of Aragon*,
BUT, to go back to REGINALD POLE; he had no fooner heard
the diſgraceful end of Anne Bullen, but he judged it a favourable
circumſtance to apply a remedy to evils, the caufe of which was
now removed. He obferves, that every one forefaw the King,
at this juncture, would either return to the laudable paths he
had forfaken, or wander beyond all hopes of recovery.
For
my own part, fays he, I was willing to expect a change anfwer-
* She died on the 8th of Jan. 1536,
and was buried, by the King's orders,
in the Abby Church of Peterborough.
Stow, Fuller, Collier, Burnet, Echard,
Hume, to fay nothing of the Roman
Catholic Hiftorians, are unaninous in
her commendations.
able
L
128
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
able to the defperatenefs of his cafe, and that he would not be
ſatisfied with a mediocrity in virtue, after having fo fhamefully
deferted her." He feized, therefore, the opportunity, and ſent
the Work on the Church's Unity, to him; not doubting but he
ſhould be able to judge of the impreffion it made, from his man-
ner of receiving it. "In this, fays he, I was not deceived, for
he immediately fent back the perfon, who carried the work,
and wrote to me by the fame Meffenger. He endeavoured, in-
deed, to conceal his real fentiments; and let me know, with
tolerable temper, that he was not diſpleaſed at what I had wrote;
but becauſe the debate was in a matter of great concern, and
much might be ſaid on each ſide of the queſtion, it would be dif-
ficult to diſcuſs it by letters. He ordered me, therefore, to return
immediately to England, and added, he would admit neither of
excufe or delay." Cromwell, likewife, whofe fpiritual and tem-
poral power was uncontrouled, wrote to him to haften his journey
with the utmoſt expedition, as his arrival would be agreeable to
the King, in proportion as it was fpeedy. This artifice muft
have laid Henry quite open, even to a lefs quick-fighted perfon
than him for whom the fnare was defigned, as there was no
change in his proceedings, and REGINALD fays, he faw, like
the cautious animal in the fable, the footsteps of thoſe who went
into the Lion's den, but none of any who came out*. His an-
fwer, therefore, was "that he would return to his Country,
when he could do it with honour and fafety." This was the
ſubſtance of the letter, but ſeveral foothing things were inter-
mixed, to take off the harſhneſs of fuch a refufal; and the fame
Courier, who was a Domeſtic of REGINALD, and who had car-
ried his work to the King, was the bearer; for Cromwell had
exacted a promiſe from him, to come back to England, though
his Lord fhould not†.
* Apol. ad Cæfarem, c. 6. Epift.
41. tom. 1. Ep. Reg. Poli.
+ Epift. Reginaldi Poli, pars 12. pag.
470.
THEIR
OF REGINALD POLE.
129
THEIR impatience to have Him in their power was ſuch,
that before this Meffenger could arrive in England, Cromwell
ſent a ſecond expreſs, with a letter from himſelf, and another,
very prolix one, from Tonftall, Bishop of Durham. REGINALD,
on the death of that unhappy Woman (ſo he ſtiles Anne Bullen)
and the report of Tonſtall being taken into favour, having no rea-
fon to fufpect his fteady adherence to the ancient religion, had
wrote to him, not to be wanting to his King and Country, in ſo
decifive an occafion. But the anſwer he now had from him, let
him ſee, he had never been more deceived than in his opinion of
this Prelate's attachment to tenets, which he then oppugned.
Though he had not yet read the Work, which REGINALD fent
to the King, as appeared by his citing paffages which were not
alledged, and ſtarting difficulties already anſwered, he undertook
to refute it and concluded, with a flourish of oratory, on the
high eſteem REGINALD was held in his Country; on the
King's liberality to him, and on the fentiments of his family and
friends. Theſe remonftrances, fays he, made me bewail, with
greater bitterneſs than before, my Country's misfortunes, and en-
deavour to convey to the King that truth, which fo many mea-
fures contributed to extinguiſh.
CROMWELL, who was now created a Baron, made Privy-
Seal, and Secretary of State, had made a very artful uſe of Ton-
ftall's treatiſe, which he accompanied with a letter to REGINALD,
to the following purpoſe. "The reaſon, my Lord, fays he, of
my writing again to you, ſo ſoon, is, that you might not be ig-
norant of the fide which the Biſhop of Durham has taken, with
reſpect to the King's fupremacy; and may be induced yourſelf,
to embrace an opinion, which will be fo much to your advantage.
You have always confidered this Prelate as your friend, and as a
perſon of ſingular judgment and learning, and your late letters to
him fignify the fame favourable difpofition in his regard. This
made me apprehenfive, that if on your arrival in England, which,
S
I make
139
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
I make no doubt, will be very foon, you found him in different
fentiments from thofe, in which your letter fuppofes him, it
might cauſe a ſhynefs and furprize, which would give you unea-
finefs. To prevent this, I have forwarded, with the utmoſt
expedition, what he has wrote to you on this fubject, that you
may know the real fentiments of one who loves you entirely, but
diffents from you in a point, in which you difagree with every
one, who would be thought to with well to his Prince or Coun-
try. After having faid this, it would be fuperfluous to add any
thing by way of perfuading you to conform to fuch Unanimity,
or to ſet before you the risk you run in oppofing it. For my
own part, I cannot admit the leaft fufpicion but that whatever
have done in this affair, has proceeded from the beſt of in-
tentions; and if you can prevail on yourſelf to acquiefce in the
general fentiments of thoſe who love and honour you, I think, I
may take on myſelf to anſwer for pardon and oblivion of all that
is paft. The King, my Lord, will receive you with open arms,
and place you in a higher degree of favour than you have yet
held *." This was the contents of Cromwell's letter; but though
Prov. ch. the Net be ever fo fine, the Fowler Spreads it in vain for a prey
that has once efcaped it.
i. ver. 17.
you
HENRY, likewiſe, foreſeeing that REGINALD, notwithſtanding
all his ſchemes to enfnare him, might not be prevailed on to put
himſelf in his power, had let himſelf down to a fort of bargain,
and ordered Tonſtal to acquaint him, " that if it did not ſuit his
convenience to come to England, he would urge it no more;
but that he inſiſted on his deftroying what he had wrote; and,
if he complied with this requeſt, he would not only exempt him
from thoſe puniſhments which the laws of the Realm inflicted
on all who refuſed to acknowledge his Supremacy; but allow
him the enjoyment of his Eſtate in whatever Country he choſe to
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 1ª. pag. 470.
refide
OF
131
REGINALD POLE.
refide: that the only condition he preſcribed, was to aboliſh what-
ever he had already wrote, and promiſe never more to write either
against him or his edicts: and this engagement was to be fent
under his hand and feal* So powerful was the impreffion this
Work made on the King and his Counſellors, and they deemed
its fuppreffion of ſuch confequence to the cauſe they were en-
gaged in, as to leave nothing untried to get both the performance
and the Author in their own diſpoſal. But, before I mention
the anſwer he gave to the Secretary's and Bishop Tonftall's letters,
it may be proper to report the judgment which other lefs inte-
reſted Readers have paſſed on the Work.
THE capital, and perhaps, the only material objection made
to it, is a perſonal animofity and ſpirit of revenge, which, is faid
to appear through the whole. The King's crimes are fet forth
in colours which naturally create averfion and horror; and the
Author is accuſed, both in the facts he relates, and in his man-
ner of relating them, frequently to forget that reſpect, from
which no provocation, however atrocious, can exempt a Sub-
ject, when he treats with his Sovereignt. This was the com-
Epift. R. Poli, ad Eduardum VI.
Anglia Regem, de opere adverfus Hen-
ricum Patrem fcripto, cap. 25.
+ This objection has been made, with
great bittetneſs, by Verger, who having
been Biſhop of Capo d'Iftria, became a
Lutheran. He procured a copy of the
1554 work, fome years after it was wrote,
and publiſhed it with the moſt virulent
notes. His chief invectives have no
other foundation than his own miftake.
REGINALD, in the third book, turns his
difcourfe from the King to the Emperor,
and continues, through feveral pages,
in this figure; and Verger reprefents this
diverfion of fpeech as a feparate Work
fent to Charles V. with a view to animate
him againſt Henry.
The argument was taken up, about
five and twenty years ago, though with
much more decency, by Schelhorn, pub-
lic Profeffor at Hamburg: to whoſe can-
dour we are indebted for the long, ele-
gant, and entertaining letter of REGI-
NALD POLE to Edward VI. which had
never been publiſhed (1 tom. Amænit.
Hift. Eccl. et Liter.)
S 2
Gardiner, Tonftal, and Sampfon at-
tacked the dogmatical part of the
Work, and the two laft, with Stokesley,
beſtowed abuſe, very liberally, on the
Author.
plaint
132
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
3555
plaint in England as foon almoſt as the Work was ſent thither,
and Biſhop Tonſtal declaimed againſt the Author on this head,
from the Pulpit, at St. Paul's. REGINALD juftified himſelf, by
obferving, that the King could be wrought on to enter into him-
felf, but from the fole dread of having his actions feen in their real
light that this was equally evident from the fruitless efforts of
milder methods, which had hitherto been applied, and the con-
ſciouſneſs of guilt and infamy, which the late Work had awaken-
ed in his mind: that if a difintereſted zeal for his welfare had
not prevailed on him to write with frankneſs and ſpirit, and even
with an aſperity, which, though the occafion required, was con-
trary to his own temper, the work had been overlooked, and no
further notice taken of it. As to the particular charge of hatred
of his Prince; the reluctance he always fhewed to any one feeing
the Work, but him, for whofe warning he had wrote it, is all
the juftification he can ftand in need of. Priuli and Contareni,
the Reviſers, were the only perfons to whom he communicated
it, before it was fent to England; and he had given the latter
his reaſons for the unwillingneſs he teftified of its being ſhewn to
Clement VII. Being, afterwards, treated with great diſtinction
by his Succeffor Paul III. and lodged in the Palace, that Pontiff,
notwithſtanding his repeated inftances, had never been able to
prevail on him to give him a fight of it: and, three years after,
on his return from an Embaffy in Spain, finding it had been
printed in his abſence, he got all the Copies into his own keep-
ing. At length, the Work having been publiſhed in Germany,
from a pirated Copy, with the moſt virulent notes, he con-
fented it should be publiſhed, and appear in his own name:
but this happened ſeveral years after Henry's death; fo little
ſhare had hatred and revenge, paffions with which REGINALD'S
breaſt was unacquainted, either in penning or publiſhing this
performance.
SOME
OF REGINALD POLE.
133
SOME years after, he wrote a preface, which is imperfect, by
which he addreffes the Work to James V. King of Scotland. A
Copy of it is preferved among the Vatican Manufcripts; but whe-
ther it was ever finiſhed, and fent to the Prince with the work
it was defigned to accompany, does not appear. It begins by a
very copious commendation of the Scottiſh King's and his People's
fteadineſs in the faith of theirAnceſtors, notwithſtanding the defec-
tion of an allied and neighbouring Kingdom. The CARDINAL
particularly extols a remarkable proof of the King's zeal in that
cauſe; for having perceived by the title of ſome books, very richly
ornamented, which the King of England had fent a prefent to
him, that they tended to recommend the meaſures he purſued, he
threw them into the fire, in the preſence of him who brought
them, faying, "it was better he ſhould deftroy them, than they
him.”—He adds, that as the like attempts were ſtill carrying on,
and it could not be expected that all his Subjects would act with
the like caution, he fent him a Work he had wrote fome years
ago, that it might be publiſhed under his protection, and be a
prefervative to all who did not fhut their eyes to truth.-He,
then, enters on Cromwell's conduct, much in the fame manner
as in his Apology to Charles V. but as the fequel of the Preface
is wanting, what more could be faid of it, muſt be furniſhed
only from conjecture *.
THE Work on the Church's Unity is now become ſcarce; a fate
which has attended many others, which have nothing to recom-
mend them to trifling and unprofitable curiofity. But thofe,
whom paffion or prejudice has not prevented from examining
the weight of the arguments, and the gracefulneſs with which
they are employed, have entertained the fame opinion of the
Performance, which the Author, notwithſtanding his modeſty,
when he ſpeaks of himſelf, has expreffed in the following words.
* Epift. Reginaldi Poli, pars 1ª. 172.
"It
134
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
"It has been my endeavour, fays he, to aſcertain the primacy
and indefectibility of the See of Rome, not only againſt all thoſe
who have hitherto denied it, but againſt all future Oppofers,
who may be various and in great number*."
He anſwered Tonftal's letter, which he ſays was rather a Vo-
lume than an Epiftle, by replying to each Article, in which he
had attacked the Work; and "by telling him, it was to little
purpoſe for either of them to carry on a Controverſy, in which,
like the Builders of Babel, they did not underſtand each other:
that, what he termed a proper obedience to the See of Rome,
Tonftal called a flaviſh ſubjection: what one looked on as the
re-eſtabliſhment of the purity of Religion, the other eſteemed its
fubverfion: and thofe whom Tonftal depreciated as Enemies tothe ir
King and Country, he eſteemed their trueſt and beſt friends:"
and then, addreffing his diſcourſe both to the Biſhop and Lord
Cromwel, "in this ſtate of confufion, fays he, I am fenfible of
the right my Country has to all the aid I can lend it: and tho'
the King ſhould be forfaken by all, who, either through hope
or fear, combine to betray him, there will yet be One fuperior
to the influence of fuch motives. As to the beneficial circum-
ftances of life, with which my filence and paffive behaviour was
to be purchaſed, my contempt of them, in compariſon of my zeal
for his Majeſty, ſhall be the return I make Him for my educa-
tion; the diſcharge of what my Country may claim of me; and,
above all, of what I owe to my own Character, as a Chriftian.".
* Epiftola ad Priolum, 8°. Cal. Oct.
1535.
Biſhop Burnet fays, this Work was
more eſteemed for the high quality of the
Author, than for found reafoning. But
the Biſhop is a bold Afferter, and what
has been already faid, refutes this pe-
remptory decifion.
Verger though he commented on it
with all the acrimony of an Adverſary ;
yet, in his Preface, gives the following
advantageous teſtimony of the Perform-
ance; Scripfit Hic libros quatuor de Uni-
tate Ecclefiafticâ; in quos, quicquid un-
quam ab ullo fcriptum pro Pontifice acutè et
callide et fubtiliter fuit, undique congeffit,
magnis eloquentia luminibus.
+ Epift. R. Poli, pars 1. pag. 474.
THE
OF REGINALD POLE.
135
THE Courier, who was to return with theſe letters, was not
yet fet out, when REGINALD received the Pope's orders to re-
pair to Rome: wherefore, that he might maintain the fame in-
genuous candour towards Henry, with which he had hitherto
behaved, he informed him of the Pontiff's orders; and becaufe
he knew they would be difpleafing, he fent him copies of the
Pope's brief and his anfwer; to fatisfy him, that he had no fhare
in this meaſure and difpatched the Exprefs, who had orders to
return with the fame fpeed he came, that is, fays REGINALD,
Relays on the road; the ordinary Poft being of a later date.
c
THE Pope had already invited REGINALD to Rome; but as he
had always declined going, he now laid his pofitive commands
on him, and precluded every pretext of a refuſal, by commu-
nicating to him the bufinefs in which he wanted his affiſtance,
though as yet he had no perfonal knowledge of him, and was
chiefly acquainted with his character from the advantageous ac-
count, which Contareni had given him of it. He answered his
Holiness, therefore, " by commending his defign of calling a
general Council, and bringing to Rome, as a previous meaſure to
it, perſons of known abilities to concert means of facilitating a
happy iſſue to fo neceſſary and arduous an undertaking.-Though
he acknowledged himſelf unequal to ſuch a taſk, yet he had the
event too much at heart, and bore him, from whom the orders
came, too great refpect, not to repair where he was commanded.
-But I am ſurpriſed, fays he, holy Father, how you came to
find me out, as I have lived in a private ſtation, and thought of
nothing leſs than being called out to public life. Had other rea-
fons for treating me with fuch diſtinction been wanting, (which
is by no means the cafe) yet, as you had formerly invited me to
be near your perfon, and I had always found fome excufe to
elude your gracious purpoſes in my regard, this behaviour alone
might have cauſed you not only to lay afide any further thought
of giving me freſh marks of your favour, but even to refuſe, if I
had
per difpofi-
tos equos.
736
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
had fued for them.-But a confideration of another kind occurs
to me on this occafion, which is the diſpleaſure I foreſee this
journey will give a Prince, to whom I have all the obligations
which a Subject can ſtand charged with to his King, or a Child
to a Parent. As he will imagine I am going to renew a cauſe,
which feparated him from the Church, after having deferved
better of her than any other Sovereign, I cannot think of taking
this journey without the utmoft anguiſh. For though the pro-
ſpect his life now yields be ever fo unpromifing, yet when I call
to mind his princely diſpoſitions, and the expectation he raiſed
in his happier years; and reflect, that all human virtue, in what-
ever degree, may be blaſted by too great profperity, I cannot
ceaſe to hope, but thoſe early feeds of virtue will again rear
their heads, and bud forth to his Glory, who is the Author of
of them."-Were other proofs wanting, this alone verifies what
Manutius fays of REGINALD," that his mind was pure from all
ambition and malevolence, and that his countenance and dif-
courſe were a perpetual index of the candour and uprightneſs
of his intentions."
ABOUT this time, Charles V. was expected in Italy, to be
crowned by the Pope; and as REGINALD POLE omitted no op-
portunity of being ferviceable to the common cauſe of Chrifti-
anity, he uſed the moſt preffing terms to Priuli to prevail on
Contareni, who was then at Rome, and had great authority with
the Emperor, to exert it on this occafion; " and if I knew, fays
he, any ſtronger bond than the love of our Redeemer, which
connects heaven and earth, I would conjure you by it. He adds,
that he ſhould not write in this ftile, if he had a lefs veneration
for Contareni, than he ſhould have for Ambrofe, was he then
living; or was not perfuaded that his intereft with the preſent
Emperor was as great as that celebrated Prelate's had been
* Epiſt. R. Poli, to. 1. pag. 467. Epiſt. ad Paulum III.
† Epift. ad Saulium, 1. 1,
with
OF REGINALD
137
POLE.
with Theodofius*."-But though there was a remarkable refem-
blance between the Archbishop of Milan, and Cardinal Contareni,
there was very little between the two Emperors, in whofe reign
they lived; and the narrow, ſelfiſh and tricking temper of Charles
was as different from the openneſs, generoſity, and chriſtian ſpirit.
of Theodofius; as the eloquence, mildneſs, and confummate ſkill
in buſineſs, joined to an invariable attachment to whatever was
laudable, were fimilar in him, who, from being Governour of
Gaul, had been affumed to one of the chief Sees of Christendom;
and him, who, from the weightieft concerns of the ftate of Venice,
was raiſed to the Purple.
REGINALD, in obedience to Paul the third's orders, was now
fet out from Venice in his was to Rome, when a Courier from
England overtook him at Verona. The news of his journey had
already reached the King's ears, and the Courier came furniſhed
with every argument to difconcert it: Lord Cromwell expreffed
himſelf by nothing but threats and invectives: Tonftal renewed
his objections to the papal authority; but the other letters, he
fays, were eloquent indeed, being from the Countess of Saliſbury,
his Mother, and his Brother Lord Montague, in which they en-
treated him by all the ties of duty and affection to deſiſt from a
ſtep which was fo difpleafing to the King; and, if he perfifted
in it, they renounce all friendſhip and connection with him.
The call of Nature is too powerful not to be heard by well-
difpofed minds, however commendable the motives may be for
not yielding to it: and REGINALD confeffes theſe remonftrances
of perſons ſo dear to him, ftaggered his refolution, and made
him think of giving up all thoughts of Rome, not doubting but
the Pope would admit of fo plaufible an excufe. His Compa-
nions on the road were the Theatin Cardinal, who was afterwards
raiſed to the papacy by the name of Paul IV. Matthew Giberti,
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 12. pag. 450.
T
Bishop
138
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
8th Oct.
1536
Biſhop of Verona, Sadolet, and foine others, to whom he com-
municated the doubts and anxieties he laboured under. They
all pleaded the importance of the commiffion, on which the
Pope was about to employ him; the great utility he might pro-
cure his Country in the execution of it; and the example, which
was particularly expected from him, of deference to that Autho-
rity, which his writings had fo well inforced. Thefe arguments
determined him to purfue his journey. In confequence of this
refolution, he wrote to Lord Cromwell, that he was not to be
frightened into any compliance, which he could not juſtify to
himfelf: he took the trouble to unravel all the intricacies of
Tonftal's labyrinth: And, by the moſt dutiful and affectionate
letters to his Mother and his family, he endeavoured to fatisfy
them on the obligation he lay under, on this occafion, to fuperfede
their entreaties. At Bologna he difmiffed the Courier, who, at
leaving England, had been obliged to make oath, he would fet
out as foon as he had received his orders-It must give the
higheſt idea of REGINALD POLE, to fee the King and Miniſters
of a powerful Nation entirely taken up with a private perfon,
who had no means to annoy them, but his perfonal merit; and
had received no other provocation, than the antipathy of good
to bad. Soon after the departure of the English Meffenger, he
fent an Expreſs, from Sienna, to. Contareni, by which he informs
him of the abovementioned, particulars, and tells him withal,
"he is well affured, that as foon as his Adverfaries perceive they
could not gain him by perfuafion, they will make no difficulty
of attempting his life, at, any rate: that, for his own part, it
could not happen fooner than, he defired, if the public good
might be advanced by fuch a facrifice." The event verified
the prediction.
REGINALD, on his arrival at Rome, was lodged in the Pope's
Palace, who provided every thing for his fafety and dignity.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars I. pag. 470.
† Ibid. pag. 483.
This
OF REGINALD
139
POLE.
This Pontiff was off the Farnefian family, and fucceeded Clement
VII. He had fummoned to Rome fome perfons of great abilities
in order to effect a reform of manners, the decay of which, in
all ftates, was but too vifible. Thefe Commiffioners were nine
in number, our Countryman included, five of whom accompanied
him on his journey; with all which, except Frigofe, Archbiſhop
of Salernum, he had perfonal connections. Contareni, who had
lately been honoured with the purple, was the Advifer of this
falutary ſcheme, and had the principal direction of it. He was
of opinion that his Affociates fhould fet down feparately their fen-
timents on each fubject which was to be debated. But Cortefius
deſired REGINALD to diffuade him from this defign: for though
he was fatisfied, that the candour of all who were concerned in
the undertaking was fuch, that they would judge of each other's
performance with as great impartiality, and perhaps greater, than
of their own; yet, he faid, he thought it their duty to abſtain
from every thing, which, in its remoteft tendency, might pre-
judice that perfect harmony which fubfifted between them: that
if Contareni was defirous of making an experiment of the abilities
of his Collegues, it might be done with leſs riſk, by propoſing
different fubjects to each of them.
THOUGH the Commiffioners diſcharged their truft with a zeal
anſwerable to their parts and probity, yet many and various dif-
ficulties occurred when that was to be reduced to practice, which,
till then, had been the object of Theory only. The temper of
the times feemed ill fuited to the change which was projected,
and though the distempered manners of the Chriftian world
called aloud for a remedy, yet there was no favourable Criffs in
which it could be applied with a profpect of fuccefs. Nicholas.
of Schomberg, furnamed the Cardinal of Capua, to whom the
*He was a Dominican, and on ac-
count of his rare merit, had been raiſed
to the purple by Leo X. amongst the few
works he left, one is a difcourfe on the
death of Sir Thomas More.
4
T 3
Plan,
140
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Life of
Hen. VIII.
P. 426.
Sleid.
Com. 1.
12.
Plan, by the Pope's orders, had been privately communicated,
feems to have given the decifive negative againſt its being pub-
liſhed. He repreſented to his Holineſs, that the reformation of
Chriſtianity was an affair of ſuch high importance, that it ſhould
be undertaken and recommended by the concurrent authority of
all the national Churches of which that body is compoſed, ra-
ther than by the papal authority alone: and he adviſed a delay,
till it could be referred to a general Council *.
REGINALD was not yet in holy orders; he had not, as has
been obſerved elſewhere, received even the Clerical tonfure, by
which thoſe are initiated, who defign themſelves for the Clergy;
and he only belonged to that profeffion by the benefices he en-
joyed, and a life which would have done honour to any degree
in it. He was now in the thirty-fixth year of his age, and the
youngeſt of all the Affociates in the late undertaking: and tho'
they were men of the firſt character for learning and probity, yet
-he was the directing mind that guided the whole; and alone
drew up the Plan of Reformation, the fubftance of which had
been the joint labours of them all and when it was printed
ſome years after, it appeared in his name, without any mention
of his Collegues.
*
LORD Herbert fpeaks with great commendation of this per-
formance, and refers his Readers to a Work, where it may be
found. He obferves, that the Plan here laid down gave occafion
to rectify ſeveral abuſes in the Church; and that religious Con-
troverſies, in general, though they produce great Evils, have one
good effect, that they make men more careful, left perfonal
faults ſhould redound to the difcredit of the Religion they pro-
feſs; and are a caution for virtue and good example. This he
*Pallavicini, Hift. Con. Trid. lib.
4. C. 5.
The plan of reformation was printed
at Rome, by Bladi, in 1538, and in-
ferted, by Grabbius, into the collection
of Councils; though omitted, as Poffe-
vin complains, in the latter one of Su-
rius. Perhaps, as it wanted the fanction
of public authority, he might not think
it proper to give it a place in that Wark.
fays
OF REGINALD POLE.
141
fays with an allufion to the new Doctrines which were then
broached in Germany and elsewhere; and which the noble Au-
thor ſuppoſes to have awakened in the Catholic Church, an
attention to the manners of her own Communion, particularly
of the Clergy and the Court of Rome.
BUT though the Pope had laid afide any further thoughts of
this affair, he gave a great inſtance of zeal and prudence in what
was likely to have an immediate influence on the morals of the
Clergy, where a change was loudly called for, and where it was
but fitting it fhould begin. He was fenfible the Sacred College
ſhould be compoſed of perfons whofe examples might recall the
ancient ſplendour of the Priesthood; and, being about to fill the
vacant places, amongſt other perfons of diftinguiſhed merit, he
thought no one would add more luftre to the Purple than our
Countryman.
THE Pope's intention was univerfally applauded, and by none
more than Contareni, who had the chief place in his confidence,
and by the Embaffador and Creatures of Charles V. though from
views as different, as the character of this Cardinal and that of
the Emperour. The approbation of the former proceeded from
real value and love of the perfon, to whom the honour was in-
tended, and a profpect of the advantage that would accrue to the
public: the others gave out indeed, that this promotion would
give the affairs of England a more favourable turn, and might
bring them to a happy iffue. But Beccatelli, REGINALD'S Se-
cretary, has affigned a reafon more fuited to the genius of Courts,
and, therefore more probable; that, by this means, an opinion
would be removed, which feveral perfons were poffeffed of, that
the Princeſs Mary, Henry's daughter, might, one time or other,
chufe REGINALD for her Huſband, from the fingular affection both
ſhe, and the late Queen her Mother had born him from his infancy.
REGINALD was the only perfon who oppofed his promotion:
he fignified to the Pope, with his uſual freedom, that nothing
could
142
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
could be fo ill timed as fuch a ftep: that it would make him for-
feit all his intereſt in England, where he muſt appear a Partiſan
of the Pope, and of the Court of Rome; and would endanger the
lives and fortunes of all that belonged to him: he, therefore,
entreated his Holinefs to defer, to a more feaſonable occafion,
this mark of his goodneſs, which, whenever it was conferred,
would be equally honourable. The Pope feemed fatisfied with
his reafons; and " I, fays Beccatelli, was witneſs to the real
joy this declaration gave him." The following day the Pope
came to the Confiftory, and, whether he had been prevailed
on by the Imperialifts, or of his own motion, he changed his
mind, and ordered the Chamberlain in waiting, to go to REGI-
NALD, with orders for him to receive immediately the Clerical
tonfure, and accept the Purple. "I was alſo prefent fays the
fame Beccatelli, when this meſſage came, and as it was quite un-
looked for, inſtead of rejoicing, it abaſhed and afflicted him ;
but as the command was peremptory, and required preſent com-
pliance, he ſubmitted to the dignity, rather than accepted it."
!
SECT.
( 143 )
SE C T.
III.
T
His Embafies and Employments in Public Life.
HE dignity of CARDINAL, like all other diftinc-
tions amongſt Mankind, has wore various appear-
ances fince its firſt inftitution. The appellation
was transferred from the State to the Church ;
XXXXXX and amongſt the Officers of the Emperor Theo-
dofius, there is mention made of Generals and Governors of Pro-
vinces, who are ftiled Cardinals, becauſe they filled the moft
illuftrious and important charges of the Empire. The name was
derived from the Latin language, and denotes a certain analogy
to a hinge, on which the Door moves, and a mutual connection Cardo
and fitneſs of the office and the perſon who is to diſcharge it.
Saint Gregory the Great, being informed that the Church of
Aleria in Corfica was vacated, wrote to Leo, a Biſhop of that
Iſland, to adminifter the Dioceſe till he had provided it with a
Paftor, who was to be the Cardinal Biſhop of it: and, writing to
the Clergy, Nobility, and Commons of Naples, he approves of
their defire to have Paul, Biſhop of Nei, who was the Admi-
miniſtrator of their Dioceſe, for their Cardinal Biſhop. From
theſe and other paffages in this Pope's letters, it appears, that,
in his time, every Bishop, who, by his ordination, is attached
to a particular Church, was reputed the Cardinal of it. The
fame is to be faid of Priefts and Deacons, with regard to their
reſpective titles and benefices. For the oppofite reafon, thofe Defenfo-
whom the Popes appointed Patrons in foreign Provinces, or their Apocrifi-
Reſidents at Conftantinople, and Embaffadors at other Courts,
though they were Deacons of the Church of Rome, were not
Cardinals. This appellation, when given to the inferior Clergy,
though
res.
arii.
144
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
though it principally denoted the Parochial Priefts, who are fixed
to a determinate Pariſh, and adminifter the Sacraments; be-
longed likewife to fuch as performed the divine fervice in the
Palaces of the Great, becauſe they alſo derived a title from theſe
Chapels and Oratories, and bore a relation to them. In this
manner, there were Cardinal Biſhops, Prieſts, and Deacons,
throughout all the Diocefes of the Chriftian world; and the
Pope, in quality of Biſhop of the particular See of Rome, was
likewife deemed its Cardinal. The Cardinal Prieſts of Rome,
confifted of the Parochial Clergy of the fame City, or of thoſe
who ſerved fome determinate place of public worſhip. The
Cardinal Deacons, and even the under or Subdeacons had alſo a
local Title, by virtue of which they exercifed their functions.
Nor was this the ſtate of the Church of Rome in St. Gregory's
time only, but almoſt 400 years after it.
THE fame regulations were common to other Churches. I
ſhall inſtance this obfervation with reſpect to thefe of France.
Can. 54. The Council of Metz ordains, that Biſhops fhould regulate, ac-
cording to the Canons, the Cardinal Titles which were appro-
priated to different Churches: and Tibald, Biſhop of Soiſſons,
when he ratified the foundation of the Abbey of St. John, made
by Hugh, Lord of Chateau-Thierry, referves to himſelf and his
Succeffors the juriſdiction, as it had been anciently exerted, over
the Cardinal Prieſt of the place, which was one of the twelve
Pariſhes of Soiſſons and the Neighbourhood: and this Foundation
is confirmed, under the fame reſtriction, by Philip I. in the year
1076. The ancient Ritual of the Church of Troyes, in Cham-
paign, fhews that the Bishop of that See had thirteen Cardinal
Prieſts, whoſe Pariſhes are there fet down, to affift him, on
Maundy Thurſday, at the confecration of the holy Oils, and at
the folemn benediction of the Baptifmal fonts, on the eves of
Eafter and Pentecoft. And, as a farther exemplification of this
Diſcipline, there have always been in the Abbey of St. Remigius,
at
OF REGINALD POL E.
145
at Rheims, four Monks with the title of Cardinals, becauſe, on
folemn days, they officiated at the high Altar.
fui ordi-
THE Cardinal Priefts and Deacons of Rome were, at firft, chief-
ly diſtinguiſhed by the great part they had in all affairs which
were brought before the Pope, whom they likewife attended in
the public Ceremonies of Religion; and, on that account, are
faid, by Leo IV. to belong particularly to him. The Bishops of Prefbyteri
Rome were generally chofen out of their order, and feldom from nis.
the Epiſcopal, as it has fince been the practice: and Formofus
even ordered the bones of his Predeceffor to be taken up, and re-
pealed all his Decrees, becauſe, contrary to the Canons, being
Biſhop of Ostia, he had been raiſed to the Papacy. As the Popes
were choſen from the Cardinal Clergy of Rome, this body had
likewiſe the principal fhare in theſe elections; and, at length,
were alone inveſted with the authority of giving a fupreme Head
to the Church. This was eſtabliſhed in a Council of Rome, un-
der Nicholas III. in the year 1059.
THE eminence of the See of Rome gave her Hierarchy a
beauty and ſplendour, which by gradual advances, effaced every
thing elſe. This Capital of the Chriftian world, which, from
the Seat of Empire, was become the Centre of Religion, con-
tained within her precincts five Churches, which were all confi-
fidered as fo many Cathedrals of the Pope, as he is the Patriarch
of the Weſt. Theſe were St. Peter's, in the Vatican, St. Mary
Major's, St. Paul's, St. Lawrence's, and St. John Laterans; and
to each of the four firſt, ſeven Cardinal Prieſts were attributed,
who derived their titles from the moſt ancient Parochial Churches ad annum
1057-
of Rome; and are enumerated by Baronius, from a Ritual pre-
ſerved in the Vatican Library. But the Church of St. John,
being by way of excellence the Pope's Cathedral, had the fix
neighbouring Biſhops of Oftia, Porto, Albano, Frefcati, Sabina,
and Palestrina, who are always Cardinals, and have no other
title but that of their reſpective Dioceſes, annexed to her. The
Bishoprick
U
146
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Biſhoprick of Sylva candida, which formerly was a diſtinct Dio-
cefe and Title, is now united to that of Porto. Thefe Prelates
were Suffragans to the Weſtern Patriarch, and, on account of
their proximity and attendance on him, were ftiled his Collaterals,
and Hebdomadaries. Each of them had his week to affift him in
the divine ſervice, or to perform it in his ſtead, which occafioned
ſhort abſences from their own Sees.
THE Popes, in latter ages, have thought fit to communicate
the dignity of Cardinal of the Church of Rome, to other Biſhops
befides the fix abovementioned. Conrad, Archbishop of Mentz,
is faid to have been the firft who received this honour from Alex-
ander II. which was likewife conferred, by the fame Pontiff, on
Sala of Milan, in 1165. The cuſtom was afterwards introduced
of creating foreign Bishops Cardinals, by the ftile and title of the
ancient Parochial or other Churches of Rome: by which means
thoſe who were Bifhops and Primates in their respective Pro-
vinces, were, in quality of Cardinals, confidered only according
to the rank of their creation. Thus William, Archbishop of
Rheims, was created Cardinal of St. Sabina, which is a Prieſtly
title only, by Clement III. and his Succeffors have retained the
fame ufage, and made it cuftomary.
THE ancient number of the Deacons of Rome, was feven:
they were, afterwards, increafed to fourteen; and, then, to
eighteen. They were called Cardinal Deacons, to diftinguish
them from others, who had no fuch title, by virtue of which they
officiated. At prefent, there are only fourteen, to whom the
dignity of Cardinal is annexed. Theſe with the fifty Cardinal
Prieſts, and fix Biſhops, make up the facred College, which
number it never exceeds. For Mankind being prone to fêt a
value on things, on account of their being rare, and removed
from obvious attainment, it has been the wife polity of the Court of
Rome, to obferve this caution in favour of this illuſtrious Body, and
to caſt round it all thofe decencies which raife and fecure refpect.
1
The
OF REGINALD
147
POLE.
The ſame reſerve as to the number of the Knights Companions,
no leſs than priority of inſtitution, has made the Order of the
Sovereign of Great Britain, more honourable than thoſe of all
other Princes in Europe, which have been communicated with leſs
frugality, whereas this has been confined to its original Few.
;
THE great acceffion of temporal power to the See of Rome,
and the extent of her fpiritual jurifdiction, which ſtill became
more wide as the Goſpel ſpread itſelf over the whole Earth,
ſhewed the expediency of a change in fome points of her primi-
tive Diſcipline. A great and perpetual Council, confifting of
various Departments, became neceffary for the proper diſpatch
of ſuch a multiplicity of affairs; and it was thought proper it
ſhould be compoſed of ſuch of the Roman Clergy, who, by not
having any neceffary local connections, might be free to give
their time and attention to the general concerns of the Church.
Cardinal Prieſts and Deacons, therefore, were no longer looked
upon as Reſidentiaries of the Churches, whoſe title they bore
and as Cardinal Biſhops became the Pope's Suffragans. The
two firſt Orders were chofen from all ranks of the Clergy through-
out Chriſtendom, and the ancient Titles of the Churches of Rome
conferred on the perſons thus chofen, without any obligation of
Refidence; though the third Order, which is made up of Bi-
fhops, is fubject to it. On this eſtabliſhment REGINALD POLE
was firſt created Cardinal of the Church of the Saints Nereus and
Achilleus, who were put to death in the perfecution of Trajan;
and was afterwards promoted to that of St. Mary in Cofmedin.
The firft is an ancient title, in which St. Gregory the Great pro-
nounced his 28th homily on the Gofpels; and fince our Country-
man poffeffed it, has been the Title of the Hiſtorian Baronius,
who rebuilt the Church.
THIS Senate of the Univerfal Church being compofed of
Members of different nations, who are diftinguished either by
birth, or their eminent perfonal qualifications, its authority, at
U 2
all
148
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ti; the
term is
ufed by
Vitruvius.
all times, has been very great, and it has been confidered as the
common Council of the Chriftian World. The appellation of
Pope, which for five or fix hundred years had been given to
all Biſhops, though with a fubordination to thofe of Rome, began
to be appropriated to them alone: and the title of Cardinal,
which had been bore by all Priefts and Deacons, with respect
Incardina- to thofe Churches, into which, as fo many Grooves, to uſe St.
Gregory's expreffion, they were let in and rivetted, became the
peculiar denomination of thoſe of Rome; and they hold the
higheſt rank in the Catholic Church. The greateſt Potentates
eſteem it an honour to have their Brothers and Sons enrolled
amongſt them: they have frequently guided the Councils of the
different ſtates of Europe with great commendation of wiſdom
and ability; and have been employed with fuccefs in the moſt
arduous and important negotiations: and, which is a reflection
ſtill more honourable to themſelves, and of greater edification to
others, Chriſtianity has had in them fome of her moſt able and
learned Defenders, and moſt zealous and regular Prelates. All
the Catholic Kingdoms and States of Europe are in that kind of
relation to the facred College, which Clients bear to their Pa-
trons; and each of them chufes one of its Members as a Protec-
And whoever has feen the whole Body affift the Pope on
folemn occafions, muſt have been ftruck with the fame fentiment
with the Foreigner, who, on beholding the majeſty of the Ro-
man Senate, faid, he had feen a Synod of Kings.
THEIR very drefs, on folemn occafions, became, by degrees,
expreffive of their dignity, and of what thofe engaged themſelves
to, who were inveſted with it. Innocent IV. in a Council held
at Lyons, in 1242, diftinguiſhed it by the Scarlet Hat; and
Paul II. in 1462, extended that colour to their other garments;
though, at fome feaſons of the Ecclefiaftical year, they wear
violet or pale red. The flowing eafe and fhape of the upper
Robes is equally graceful and majeſtic; and the Scarlet colour,
which
OF REGINALD POLE.
149
which is ufually wore, was intended to remind them, that their
ſteadineſs in ſupporting the cauſe of the Goſpel, and following
His example, whofe Vicegerent they reprefent, fhould be proof
to all difficulties, though at the riſk of fhedding their blood*.
THIS brief account of the origin and inftitution of Cardi-
nals, appeared a neceffary introduction to the following part of
his hiſtory, who is, henceforward, to be confidered in that Cha-
racter; and to enable the Reader to judge, through a various
and intricate ſeries of tranfactions, of the fitneſs and propriety of
his behaviour, by firft unravelling the principles on which it
proceeded. The object of Hiſtory being no less to convey in-
ftruction than to record facts, as the ftation in which a chief
Actor is placed gives a peculiar mode to his manners and con-
duct, fomething was to be faid of the first, that theſe may be
ſeen in their real light. It may likewife contribute to remove
thoſe prejudices, which the cauſeleſs fpleen of a mere English
Reader is apt to conceive at the very name of Cardinal, and may
prevail on him to turn his mind from founds to things.
THAT REGINALD POLE confidered the Purple with a propri-
ety of thought becoming what has been faid of it, will appear
from the flighteſt knowledge of his character. The prior part
of his life, though paffed without any view to this dignity, feems
all defigned by Providence, as a preparation to thofe trials, by
which he was to fill up the meaſure of the duties of it: and that
theſe were his fentiments, after he was raiſed to it, his whole
ſubſequent conduct is a proof beyond reply. We cannot, indeed,
have a more unexceptionable voucher of his difpofitions than
himfelf; nor could they be expreffed with greater energy than
in his own words, in a letter to the Pope, where, after giving
him an account of the price which the King of England had fet
* What has been here faid, is chiefly
taken from Bellarmine, Controv. to. 24.
b. 1. ch. 16. Maimbourg's Hiftoire du
Pontificat de Saint Gregoire: and from
the treatiſe, de l'Origin de Cardinaux.
on
150
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
on his head, he delivers himſelf in the following manner. "Who,
therefore, can fecure me from fuch a Foe? the fame Almighty
Being, who now affords me great tranquillity, and exempts me
from all fear of what men can do: who commands me to acquit
myſelf of the obligations which the character I bear brings along
with it, and to leave every thing elfe to his Providence. No
one ever found this truſt to be vain, and his protection has al-
ways fcreened thofe, who place their confidence in him, from
every kind of harm. Now my duty as a Cardinal, as a member
of the facred College, is not only not to fhun danger, when
my
Saviour's honour and his cauſe calls me to it, but to offer myſelf
to all hazards, though at the peril of my own fafety and life.
This is the Inheritance we have received from thofe illuftrious
Cardinals of the Church, the Apostles, whofe Succeffors we glory
to be; and who were fearless, though the power of the whole
earth was armed against them, for maintaining that cauſe in
which we are engaged. I had a lively impreffion of all this be-
fore I was received into the Order; and the fame divine hand,
which then imparted the fentiment, has fince retraced it in every
faculty of my foul, and, when I fet out from Rome, placed all
theſe difficulties before my fight. If, at prefent, he thinks fit
to exerciſe me in them, what have I to fear? ought I not rather
to rejoice, that having the fame caufe in common with thoſe
great men, I may hope to have the fame Protector, and be en-
titled to the fame reward*."
THE new CARDINAL was complimented by letters from fe-
veral perfons of diſtinguiſhed rank and merit. Every one confi-
dered this promotion as an honour to the Pontificate in which it
happened, and to the facred College, into which he was adopted.
It was, moreover, looked upon as an earneſt of that Reformation,
which was loudly called for on all fides; the neceffity of which
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 1ª. pag. 55.
was
OF REGINALD POLE.
151
was but too vifible from the errors which every where fprung up,
from the decay of diſcipline in the Clergy, and the corruption
in the manners of Chriſtians in general. Paul III. who then
filled St. Peter's chair, was a Prince of the Farnefian family, and,
befides other inftances of his regard for the public good, had
ſhewed a caution and fagacity in the choice he made of thoſe,
who were to compofe the fupreme Council of the Church, wor-
thy the chief Magiftracy he bore in it. Their names alone are
a proof how well they deferved this dignity; and three of them
were fucceffively raiſed to the Popedom. The famous Satyrift
Aretini acknowledges this difcernment and care to have been
the deſerved commendation of this reign. It has, indeed, been
objected to this part of Paul's character, that he conferred the
purple on fome of his own family, at an age which ſeems imma-
ture for that dignity: but if the care he took to have them in-
ſtructed in every thing which became their Princely extraction,
and the juſt hopes he had conceived from the elevation of their
genius, be taken into the account, his behaviour, in this parti-
cular, will either not appear unbecoming the other parts of his
conduct, or muſt be placed amongſt thoſe weakneſſes which have
too great a mixture of humanity, not to admit of great alleviation.
The abilities which Alexander Farnefe difplayed very early in
folemn embaffies, foon juftified the opinion the Pope had of him:
and his own fenfe and love of merit appeared, to great advantage,
in the veneration, in which he always held our Countryman;
and the manner in which, at this Pope's demife, he exerted
himſelf to have him chofen in his place. The friendſhip and
zeal of the latter for a perfon fo nearly related to his Benefactor,
appears in the advice which, on feveral important occafions, he
gave this
young Prince, with a dignity and good will to which
his riper years and experience gave both a fanction and weight.
AMONGST other letters wrote to REGINALD on his late pro-
motion, twelve have come down to us; two of which have an
air
152
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
air of elegance and good ſenſe in fo unuſual a degree, on fuch a
fubject, that the Reader cannot but be entertained with them.
The firſt is from the Doge of Venice, Andrew Gritti, and was
delivered to the CARDINAL, at Rome, by the Embaſſador of that
State, on the part of the Republic, and is as follows. "Nothing,
fays the Doge, could have given the Republic and myſelf greater
fatisfaction than the news we received, a few days ago, of your
advancement to the Purple. You cannot doubt of our fincere
joy on this occafion, as it is nothing more than the reſult of that
eſteem and affection we have ever bore you.
it affords us ample matter of applauding the
dom of the Pope, in making fuch a choice.
great inftances of paternal regard which he had already given the
Chriſtian World, he has added this of making you a member of
the facred College, and affociating to you Perfons like yourſelf,
that is, recommended by every ornament which learning and
fanctity of manners can beſtow: and has teftified his own ſenſe
of merit by the illuftrious marks, with which he has diftin-
At the ſame time,
goodneſs and wif-
To the many and
guiſhed yours. On this title alone, had others been wanting,
he muſt have been deemed to have deſerved well of Chriſtianity.
He could not have given a more authentic teſtimony to your vir-
tues, than by placing them in fo fair a light; nor to others a
more complete pattern of a cultivated mind, and an irreproach-
able life, than by propofing you as an Example of both. Our
congratulation, therefore, muſt needs be grounded on the beſt
of motives, as the ſubject of it is the great and perſonal merit,
which makes you equal to the dignity you are inveſted with,
and enables you to exert it in the common caufe of Mankind.
Our earneſt wiſhes are, that the fame all-good and all-powerful
Being, from whom this honour, and the qualifications which
entitle you to it, are originally derived, may continue to profper
and
augment the bleffings he has already conferred. But as the
kind and advantageous fentiments we feel in your regard, cannot
be
OF REGINALD POLE.
153
be brought within the compaſs of a letter, we have ordered our
Embaffador to enlarge himſelf on what is here faid, and declare
more fully the Republic's and my difpofitions in your regard*."
THE other letter is from one, who, by force of genius, raiſed
himſelf from a low condition to the higheſt confideration in the
learned world; and had been fo much diſtinguiſhed by our
Countryman, during his ftay at Padua, as to be admitted into
his family.
This extraordinary perfonage was Bonamico, of
whom mention has been already made, the Son of a Clown of
Baſſano. He begins by obferving," that he is doubtful whether
he ought chiefly to congratulate the CARDINAL or Religion it-
felf, on his promotion; but that there was ample matter for
both. He was now placed on an eminence, from which the in-
fluence of his virtues might be felt by all, and point out to them
the charms and dignity of unaffected Piety; at the fame time,
that Religion had an earneſt that, hereafter, merit and not the
gifts of fortune, as it had hitherto feemed, would be the path
to honour. That, although the fame deference had been paid,
fome time before, to the fingular excellence of Contareni, yet the
Pontif's difpofitions were not fufficiently attefted, as his views
in that promotion were variouſly interpreted: but now, as his
conftancy in referring every thing to the welfare of Chriſtianity
was fo well fupported, every one conceived the juſteſt hopes of
ſeeing the dignity, to which he was raiſed, become more auguſt
and venerable. That, if this method had been formerly purſued,
the facred College would have always preferved the authority
it once enjoyed.-Many things, fays he, might be added on this
head, as arguments that REGINALD's promotion was the choice
of God himſelf, who had placed him as a Watchman of the
common weal, and enlightened him to confider the public wel-
fare as the moſt inviolable of all trufts, and which ought to be
dearer to us than we are to ourſelves.-The generous ardour of
+
Epift. R. Poli, pars 1ª. pag. 2.
X
his
154
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
12th July,
1536
his foul made fuch remonftrances needlefs: he had already fhewed
an heroic refolution in fubmitting to the fevereft trials, and fee-
ing his family ſhare thoſe diſgraces which perfecuted him: but
Providence ſeemed to preſerve his life, that he might affert the
rights of injured Religion, and, by his fingular erudition, his co-
pious and manly eloquence, and a life worthy the beſt and hap-
pieſt ages, reftore her ancient ſplendour.-He wanted, therefore,
no foreign encouragement to perform what the goodneſs of his
own difpofitionss and the views of heaven prompted him to: yet,
though his prudence was no ways inferior to his other qualifica
tions, the importance of fuch a life, and the many confiderations
which were intereſted in its preſervation, made it neceffary that
he ſhould guard it, with greater caution, againſt the iniquity of
his Enemies, and reſerve himſelf for the good of Mankind. That
this was the only change defired in his conduct, as the other parts
of it were ſuch, that they could not be changed for the better*
BESIDES the letters already mentioned, there is a particular
paffage in a third, which the CARDINAL received on the fame
occafion, which affords an opening to fay fomething of Erafmus,
who is mentioned with diſtinction in it, and who died a few
months before the time I am fpeaking of. The letter is from
Stanislaus Hofius, and, amongst other inftances of the Writer's
good fenfe, and the high esteem he had for the perfon, in whoſe
promotion he took fo fincere a part, he tells him, "that one of
the chief topicks of congratulation, was his being affociated to
perfons of ſuch merit as Sadolet and Contareni; and that he could
not have failed of having the late Biſhop of Rochester and Eraf-
mus his fellows in the fame dignity, were they ftill living."
This was not the firft indication Hofius had given of his ſenſe of
* Epift. R. Poli, p. 10 ep, 8.
+ Etfi quid potiffimum tibi gratuler,
nefcio; an quòd cum Sadoletis et Conta-
">
renis cooptatus es, Roffenfes quoque et
Erafmos Collegas habiturus, nifi crudelis
mors hunc illis honorem invidiffet. Ibid.
pag. 17. ep. 12.
Erafmus's
OF
155
REGINALD POLE.
Erafmus's merit. Having finifhed his ftudies, and being to leave
Padua, he was defirous to take Bâle in his way to Poland, on no
other motive then to converſe with ſo celebrated a perfonage.
As he, afterwards, became a more competent Judge of his cha-
racter and writings, he ſeems to have laid aſide the prepoffeffions
of his earlier years; for, ſpeaking to the Reformers,
" he defires
them to give ear to one, who had been long converfant with
them, and was thought, by ſeveral, not very averſe to their te-
nets, infomuch that it was become a kind of proverb, either
Erafmus is a Lutheran, or Luther a Difciple of Erafmus*?
Hofius, of whom I am ſpeaking, had been honoured with our
Countryman's familiarity at the Univerfity of Padua, and encou-
raged by him to purſue the path of true glory, which he had
already entered, and diſtinguiſhed himſelf in it, by his parts,
probity, and literary improvements. They, ever after, re-
tained a fingular regard for each other, as their correfpondence.
and mutual inclination to oblige, which was carried through life,
abundantly teſtify. The connections of this excellent perſon with
the CARDINAL, and the high eſteem in which he has always
been held, both by Proteftants and Catholics, make it proper to
to give the following account of him, before I come to that cele-
brated name, Erafmus.
He was a native of Cracovia, and having been educated with
great care in his Father's houſe, was fent to Padua, where, as
has been faid, he became acquainted with REGINALD POLE;
and, amongſt other advantages, had Bonamico for Profeffor, and
* Audi quid fcribat de vobis, qui ver-
fatus fuit multis annis inter vos, nec val-
de nonnullis vifus eft alienus à doctrinâ
veſtrâ, ita ut quafi vulgò diceretur, aut
Erafmus Lutherizat, aut Lutherus Eraf-
mizat. Contra Pfuedo-Evang.
+ Has Litteras tibi dedi, ex quibus ve-
lim tibi perfuadeas, me, ut indoli tuæ ad
omnem pietatem, virtutem atque doctri-
nam floreſcenti, cùm Petavii adolefcens
litteris operam dares, favebam; fic nunc
poftquam à tuis edoctus fum præclaros
fructus eafdem Virtutes edere, non po-
tuiffe non maximè gaudenti animo au-
dire. Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. pag. 18.
X 2
took
156
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
took his Degrees in the Civil Law. On his return to his Coun-
try, he was appointed Secretary to the King, and, afterwards,
employed in the Chancery. His inclinations leading him to
holy orders, he was, firft, Canon of Cracovia, and, then, Bi-
fhop of Culmes, and fent Embaffador by Sigifmond to Julius III.
and to the Emperour. Being advanced to the See of Wormia,
Pius IV. who was no ftranger to his merit, made ufe of him to
the Emperour Ferdinand, and the King of Bohemia, to obtain
their concurrence for the continuation of the Council of Trent.
The firſt of theſe Princes, after fome difcourfe on the fubject,
embraced him, and faid, "he could refufe nothing to a perfon,
whoſe breaſt was the Temple, and tongue the Organ of the holy
Spirit." The Cardinal's cap being fent to him at Vienna, he
would have declined that honour, had not the Pope, by a pofi-
tive command, over-ruled his modefty; and, at the fame time,
appointed him, with the Cardinal of Mantua and Scripando, to
open again the General Council, which had been interrupted for
fome years. He acquitted himſelf ſo well of this commiffion,
that, at the conclufion of the Council, the Pope acknowledged
his fervices by a very obliging letter. He then retired to his
Biſhoprick in Poland, and finiſhed thoſe excellent works, which
have gained the Author almoſt an equal reputation with all Par-
ties, and been tranflated into various languages, fome of which
went through thirty editions in his life time. The Catholics have
ftiled him a Pillar of the Church, and the Auguftin of his times;
and thoſe of a different perfuafion have honoured him with Enco-
miums ftill more pompous. He was called again to Rome, by
Gregory XIII. in 1572, which was the 76th year of his age, and
made grand Penitentiary. He died foon after, and may be placed
on a parallel with the great Ofius of Corduba, who prefided at the
firſt General Council of Nice, in every thing, but his fall*.
* Refcius, the Writer of Hofius's life,
from whom this account is taken, had
been his Secretary, and was fent by him
to compliment the Duke of Anjou on his
election
OF REGINALD POLE.
157
ERASMUS, as has been faid, died about the time I am ſpeak-
ing of, and the fingular fentiments of good will and eſteem
which he teſtifies, in his letters, to REGINALD POLE, make
fomething more than a bare mention of him, fuitable to the
fubject of this Work. I fhall confider him as a Genius and a
Man of letters, and as one who profeffed the tenets of the Catho-
lic Church; this being the light in which his connections with
our Countryman place him, and in which his Character, in other
reſpects not confpicuous enough for public obfervation, has been
generally viewed. It will appear from hence, whether that great
name has been injured by the Priesthood, and if they have
brought any ſhame on themſelves, by refufing to look on him
as the glory of their profeffion.
If we confider him as a Genius and a Scholar, Envy itſelf muſt
own he holds a rank which very few have ever attained. Born
of mean parentage, and in a Climate as little framed for ripening
minds as improving morals, his native vigour, raiſed him above
theſe diſadvantages: and the unhappineſs of a fordid education,
by which the knavery of his Guardians, after having reduced
him to great ftreights with reſpect to fortune, fought to deprefs
his growing parts, only ferved to make him exert them with
greater fuperiority. Though he came into the world in an age,
when Learning, in all its denominations, was revived in thoſe
fouthern Climes, which Greece had enriched with all her ſtores,
he wanted the favourable circumftance of paffing any part of his
youth amongſt ſuch as were fo capable of forming him to juftnefs
and elegance both of thought, fentiment, and expreffion. But
thefe Checks were compenfated by a beautiful and rich imagi-
election to the crown of Poland. Ba-
thori, who was, afterwards, raiſed to
that dignity, appointed him Embaſſa-
dour to the Court of Rome. Sigifmond,
another King of that nation, employed
him on feveral occafions, in which he
acquitted himſelf with great credit. Be-
fides the life of his Patron, he has left
fome other treatifes, and a volume of
Letters. which have made him known,
with advantage to the learned world.
nation,
158
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
nation, an exquifite difcernment, and a happy memory. His
induſtry could not be furpaffed but by the eaſe with which the
moſt various and difficult attainments became almoſt as familiar
to him, as thofe notions which open on the mind, at the firſt
dawn of reaſon; and in which, Dean Swift, among the Moderns,
feems to be his only Rival. The refult of theſe qualifications
was an incredible infight into facred and profane Antiquity, a
critical judgment, a complete knowledge of the learned lan-
guages, and a happineſs of expreffing himſelf in the Latin,
which few have equalled. His long and entertaining Dialogue
on the Ciceronian Stile, and his other Dialogues; his Letters,
which are very numerous, and take in a moſt unuſual variety
of matter, are proofs of the readineſs of his parts. The editions
of the Fathers, with the fine Prefaces and Dedications prefixed
to fome of them, fhew his extenſive reading; and in moſt of
theſe works the knowledge of men and manners keeps pace with
his ſkill in books. But, what a polite and difcerning age will,
with gratitude, ever acknowledge, he greatly contributed to bring
into difcredit that barbarous gibberish, thofe triffling and unmean-
ing difcuffions, and that dark and pedantic drudgery, which, for
fo many Centuries, had difgraced the Schools, and debaced the
minds and underſtanding of thoſe who frequented them. He in-
troduced Studies of a real and pofitive nature, fuited to uſe and
improvement, and which have a tendency to raiſe, poliſh, and
better Mankind. There are infinite Excellences ſcattered thro'
the moſt exceptionable of his Writings, and the Reader is every
where ftruck with the fruitfulneſs of his genius, and the rapidity
of his pen. Theſe are Commendations to which Erafmus has the
juſteſt claim; and if the other view of this extraordinary perfo-
nage, in which the Chriftian is concerned, no leſs than the Scho-
lar, was equally luminous, the beft of Cauſes would never have
had an abler or more feaſonable Advocate, or a greater Ornament.
Whether this be the Cafe, or not, the Reader, if he happens
to
OF REGINALD POLE.
159
to be unprovided of a more correct Criterion, may judge from
the following.
THERE has ſcarce been any Error advanced against the Reli-
gion which he profeffed, and, I might almoſt add, againſt Chriſ
tianity itſelf, which he has not revived; or any Tenet in that
divine plan of belief and practice, which he has not oppugned
either by prophane fneers or fophiftry. That this licentioufneſs
might ſtill wear the face of reaſon, he has made uſe of the moſt
unfair means which impoſture could ſuggeſt; and vitiated, de-
nied, or ſtrained to a falfe conftruction thoſe documents, by wihch
the doctrines he attacks, are fupported. Had Erafmus barely
rejected the invocation of Saints as not grounded on ſcripture;
and afferted that nothing is to be received but what is delivered
there, he would have done no more than many others who dif-
fent from the Catholic Church: But the manner in which he
has treated the devotion paid to the Mother of our Redeemer, and
the indignity with which he ſpeaks of Her, who was bleſſed among
Women, are flights of impiety too outrageous to be offered even
to the cenfure of a Chriſtian Reader; and muft give no leſs
offence to all fenfible and judicious Proteftants than to Catholics*.
The fix reaſons which he affigns againſt the cuſtom of having
recourfe to her interceffion, at the beginning of fermons, are all
weak, and moſt of them falfe and profanet. In confequence of
theſe Principles, he informs one of his acquaintance, "that Coleto,
though he had wrote fome things to the honour of the Bleffed interEras.
Virgin, it was againſt his will; that his heart had no ſhare in a ep.ed Bas.
compofition, which was undertaken to pleaſe his friend Baffus,
*Colloq. Peregrin. Rel. ergò.
Annot. in Luc. c. 1.
1. The moſt
fhameful part of this commentary, no
longer appears in the place cited; but it
may be ſeen in Erafmus's anſwer to Ed.
Lee, and in Sutor the Carthufian. Salme-
ron and Poffevin make mention of it;
the firft, p. 274, de Maria; the other,
p. 1098. de præpa. ad mortem.
+ Ecclefiaftes.
P. 351.
and
160
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ibid. 244
Fausto,
ib. p. 222
and a woman of quality *." He afferts the Church to be no
where vifible, and was about to compofe the Epitaph of JESUS
CHRIST, as one who was no more, fince Luther's breaft alone
contained a few ſparks of the Gofpel. There are no commenda-
tions which he does not beſtow on Luther's writings and inno-
vations, in which he encourages him to perfift. The priviledges
which he afcribes to the marriage ftate in preference to cele-
bacy, are ſet forth with fuch indecency, that a Cynic could not
have other ideas, nor cloath them in coarfer terms. Though a
Prieſt and advanced in years, he relates his Gallantries in England,
in a ſtyle more becoming the ftews than the Monaftery, in which,
with the other obligations of that ſtate, he had vowed Chaſtity.
When he ſpeaks of auricular Confeffion, every affertion is an
error; and in a treatiſe of it, in two parts, having enumerated
the advantages in the firft, he refutes, in the fecond, all he had
advanced, and concludes it to be a fnare to true piety; for which
he has affigned a reaſon, which ſhall not foul this page. He
* Reliqua omnia penè alieno fcripfi
ftomacho, præfertim Pæana & obfecra-
tionem, quod laboris datum eft animo
Baffi mei, & affectibus Anna Principis
Verianæ. A Panegyrico fic abhorre-
bam, ut non meminerim quicquam fuiſſe
me magis reluctante fcriptum animo.
Interea fervandus animus, ne vel ira,
vel odio, vel gloriâ corrumpatur nam
hæc in medio pietatis ftudio folet infidiari.
Hæc non admoneo ut facias, fed ut quod
facis perpetuò facias. Deguftavi Com-
mentarios tuos in Pfalmos: vehementer
arrident & fpero magnam utilitatem al-
laturos. Eft Antuerpiæ Prior ejus Mo-
nafterii, vir purè Chriftianus, qui te
unicè deamat, tuus olim Difcipulus, ut
prædicat. Is omnium pæne folus Chrif-
tum prædicat. Cæteri ferè aut hominum
fabulas aut fuum quæftum. Dominus
Iefus tibi fuum fpiritum indies uberius
impertiat ad fuam gloriam & publicam
utilitatem.
Theſe Commentaries of Luther on the
Pfalms, with which Erafmus is ſo taken,
and which he hopes will be fo uſeful to
the Public, contain the following doc-
trines, among others equally orthodox
and edifying. That the righteouſneſs of
good works is an impiety: that the
Church is a gulf of God's wrath; Rome,
the Seat of Satan and of Antichrift; the
co-operation of free will, a falfehood and
a folly; the Ceremonies of the Church, a
deftruction of God's Commandments;
good works heinous fins; the private
fpirit of each of the faithful, the true
rule of faith; John Hus, a Martyr to
truth, to be put to death; Theology,
an impiety; private Maffes, a mockery;
and the propofitions he maintained at
Lipfic, fo many Catholic Verities.
difapproves
OF REGINALD POLE.
161
difapproves of the diſtinction of food, the obfervance of Lent, and
other appointed fafts, and of the fingle life of the Clergy. There
is no fort of diſparagement with which he has not loaded the
Monaftic Profeffion; he vilifies their perfons, their habit, ob-
fervances and vows by every indignity which malice can prompt,
or fcurrility utter. The Fathers meet with no better reception.
The Evangelifts themſelves are accuſed of inaccuracy and want
of good faith, when they alledge the teſtimony of the Prophets :
and, by this Critic's good will, one Canonical book ought to re-
ceive a more authentic acknowledgment of divine inſpiration
than another. I omit what he fays againſt the freedom of our
will, and numberlefs other Articles, in all which he diffents
from the ſpirit of the Catholic Church, from the principles of
her approved Writers, and betrays a mind totally warped from
her rule of rectitude.
243
THIS affinity of fentiments produced the confideration, which Ibid. pag.
Luther, in his turn, had for Erafmus: he tells him, " he read
his works with the greateſt application, and found his chief de-
light in them." The Proteftants are agreed with the Catholicks,
on their reſemblance, and give Erafmus a title, which they ef-
teem glorious, of having been the Forerunner of the Reformation.
"It was his writings, fays a celebrated Author of that party, Wolfus.
which encouraged Luther, and determined him to attack the
Church; and in laughing at the Pope, at Confeffion and Cere-
monies, he did no more than Erafmus had done twenty years
before*." He himſelf acknowledges, "that the ftorm which
Lutheranifm had raiſed, was imputed to him." His volatile
temper, together with fome ſelfiſh confiderations, not allowing
him to adhere ſteadily to either fide, a Lutheran Writer expofed
his inconfiftencies in a work addreffed to the Public: and Eraf
mus, in his Apology, appears almoſt as zealous a Defender of
* Zwingl, in art. 20. Friccius, de Repub. Volfius, to. 2, p. 146, 147.
+ Afpergines Huteni.
Y
Luther's
162
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Luther's tenets, as he who broached them*. At the fame time
he behaved with equal infincerity to the Catholics; and thus his
Apologies, instead of exculpating, only fet his unſteadineſs in a
more unfavourable view.
BUT Impiety took a ftill bolder flight, when he endeavoured
to weaken or elude all the proofs which the Scripture furniſhes
of the Divinity of JESUS CHRIST. This muſt appear, at firſt
fight, from his manner of explaining away the force of thoſe
paffages where it is afferted. The Arians, therefore, of thoſe
times, looked on him as their Chief; and Socinus, as one be-
longing to his Sec. The Minifters of Hungary, in their Memo-
rial to their King John, tell him, that Erafmus was the Fore-
runner of their Prophet Servetus; and the Arians of Poland and
Tranfilvania replied to the Catholic Miffioners, that they had re-
ceived their opinions concerning the Trinity, and the ſecond divine
Perfon, from no other fource than the writings of Erafmus†.
AFTER having employed his parts and learning against Reli-
gion; Ridicule was the only remaining weapon, with which he
could attack her; and this he has done with an impiety, which,
till then, had been unheard of. Every Article of Chriſtianity,
thofe Perſons who have moſt honoured it by their lives, the fa-
cred Mother of its Author, the divine Author himfelf, are fet
up, by this fecond Lucian, as objects of laughter and raillery,
and expoſed to the fcorn of Witlings and Unbelievers‡: and, for
this reafon, no works were ever more calculated to corrupt mo-
rals, to infpire irreligion, and furnish her, if not with
arguments,
at leaſt with càvils againſt all that is good and venerable.
I CANNOT diſmiſs this fubject, though perhaps already too
much lengthened out, without obferving, that the motley and
ambiguous Principles of a late celebrated genius, which caufed
Fr. David. Poffev. in Appar.
* Apolog. Senatui Argentin.
+ Memoires d'Hongrie. Provo. des
nouv. Arri. à Erafine. F. Soc. Ep. ad
+ Col. Pereg. Relig. ergò. Enco-
mium Moriæ, five Laus Stultitiæ.
him
OF REGINALD POLE."
163
of himicif
him to addreſs the moſt daring Infidel of the age, as his Guide,
and Philoſopher, ſhould likewiſe have given him the fame advan-
tageous fentiments of Erafmus. Through this Egyptian dark-
nefs, he, who was to Virtue only and her friends a friend, could Mr. Pate
difcry the good and injured man, the honeft mean, the glory of that
Order of men, to whom he belonged, and the great Saint: and
has threatened thofe, who modeftly blamed fome of his own un-
juſtifiable expreffions, to revenge himſelf on them, by writing
the Panegyric of their avowed enemy, in a language which was
to extend farther than that of the Effay on Criticifm*. Could
there be any doubt concerning the principles of fuch a turn of
mind, it is cleared up by the Effay on Man, which fhews the
Poet's Theology to have been congenial with that of his Philo-
fopher Bolingbroke, and his Saint Erafmus. The harmony, in-
deed, of his numbers, charms away that offence, which the
licentious phraſe of the other two provokes; yet ſtill the drift of
the work, and the defign of the Artift, feem to have been the
fame through all three.
BUT to go back to the CARDINAL, whofe late promotion,
and the congratulations he received on it, gave occafion to this
digreffion; in the anſwer which he returned to the Doge's letter,
amongſt other grateful and patriot fentiments, he tells him,
"that though he had received feveral congratulations from per-
fons, on whoſe judgment and affection he could rely, yet as the
voice of his Country, for whofe fake alone he had accepted that
dignity, had been wanting, the others had been accompanied
with a kind of ſadneſs, which embittered every other fatisfac
tion +". He dwells with complacency on the ſtay he made in
the ſtate of Venice, which he fpeaks of as a fecond Country,
* Effay on Criticifin, by Mr. Pofe.
Letter 24. to the Hon. 7. C. Efq;
+ Quia illa una Vox Patriæ aberat,
cujus certè causâ, fi cujus rei in terris
causâ, hunc five honoram, five onus,
ut veriùs appellem, fufcepi, nefcio quo
pacto quafcunque lætitiæ voces audie
bam, eas non fine aliquo doloris fenfu
excipiebam. Ep. R. Pali, pars 23. p. 3-
Y 2
where
164
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
where he had ſpent almoſt the greater and better part of his life,
with thoſe advantages, which he could have met with no where
elfe, and leaſt of all at home. He obferves, that the Education
he received at Padua, which he reprefents as the Seat of what-
ever is uſeful and ornamental, was the true foundation of a happy
and valuable life, and that to have made even a moderate profi-
ciency in that School, was preferable to all other attainments.
That, befides thefe benefits, which were open to every body,
he had perſonal obligations to the Republic, having experienced
great humanity from her excellent Citizens, who had given him
the leaſt equivocal marks of good will, and equalled whatever he
could have looked for, from his nearest Relations. He ends,
with affuring the Doge and Senate, they have a right to expect
from him the zeal and attachment of a native of the State,
which he fhould always teftify by every thing in which their
honour was concerned.
1
BUT though his Country, as he fays, took no fhare in his new
dignity, he had not been long inveſted with it, when the fitu-
ation of affairs in that Kingdom ſeemed to offer him an oppor-
tunity of exerting himſelf in her behalf. That the CARDINAL'S
behaviour in this nice tranſaction may appear in its true light, it
will be neceffary to lay before the Reader a fhort ſketch of the
ftate of England, at this juncture. Henry had no fooner affumed
the fupremacy of the Church, but he thought of making it as
lucrative as he could; and appointed a Vicar in his fpiritual ca-
pacity, every way fuited to fuch a Principal and fuch purpoſes.
This Minifter, Thomas Cromwell, had taken care, as we have
feen above, to inform the King of his talents for deftruction;
and being irreſtrained by any principle, human or divine, and
the brutal favageneſs of his mind equal to his vile extraction, he
was alike qualified to plan and execute his Prince's worſt deſigns.
Though pride and cruelty were the mafter paffions in Henry's
breaft, they did not, as Aaron's ferpent, fwallow up the reſt.
Like
OF REGINALD POLE.
165
Like all Tyrants of his magnitude, he was, by turns, actuated
by others no leſs pernicious to his fubjects; and, amongſt theſe,
Voluptuouſneſs held the first place. It had been confirmed by a
long habit of indulging every appetite, and even preventing thoſe
Calls, by which Nature is prepared for the reliſh of pleaſure.
This had produced a profufion and rapaciouſneſs of every kind,
and in the higheſt degree, of theſe oppofite Vices, and fully ex-
preffed that character which Saluft gives of another fcourge of
of Mankind*. One of the firſt Acts, therefore, of his fpiritual
power, was to fupprefs all Religious Houfes, of both fexes, whofe
yearly Income was under 300 Marks, or two hundred pounds, and
feize the Revenues for his own ufe; and his Vicar Cromwell
ap-
pointed Doctor Lee, a perſon of the utmoſt profligacy, chief
Vifitor both of the manners and property of fuch places. Accu-
fations were received on the bare credit of fuch as were chofen
to anſwer the end of the inſpection; and the moſt unfair and
fhameful methods made ufe of to traduce thofe, whofe caufe
could not be good under fo corrupt a Government: and no Apo-
logy or remonstrance was allowed in favour of the Oppreffed.
We are not, therefore, to wonder, that in the Preamble to the
Act, by which theſe Houſes were diffolved, the motive is brought
from their decay of difcipline, and loofe manners. The Reli-
gious under the age of four and twenty were compelled to leave
their Monaſteries: the reft were left at their own difcretion,
either to ſtay or depart; but thofe who remained were mured
up, and not permitted to go out of their houſes. The ejected
Monks were allowed a Clerical gown and forty fhillings; and
the Nuns obliged to exchange their drefs to that of fecular Wo-
men, and went where they thought fit. The Number of thete
Houſes was about 370, the Revenues of which amounted to
above 30,000l. all which was granted by the Parliament to the
* Peffima atque inter fe diverfa mala, Luxuria atque Avaritia.
King
166
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
King and his Heirs. The Vifitors ſeized alſo the Goods and Cha-
tels of theſe ancient Monuments of devotion, as Lord Herbert calls
them, which, at a low valuation, amounted to 100,000l. a fum
equivalent to five times as much in theſe days; and, adding fa-
crilege to rapine, they plundered the Sanctuary of the facred Veft-
ments, of the Shrines, Jewels, and other ornaments, alledging
they were all for the King's uſe. This plunder of what the ge-
neral opinion and principles of Mankind have fanctified, has
caufed the Hiftorians of the Church of England, to record theſe
facts with every aggravating circumftance that attended them;
and their candour has paffed the fame cenfure on them, as the
Writers of their communion who were the Sufferers*.
THE People were Spectators of theſe innovations, and of the
manner in which they were carried on: and the character of the
chief Promoters was before their eyes; and it was but too vifible
from the King's life and converſation, what were his real motives
in theſe proceedings. They had been witneſſes of the general
regularity which prevailed in theſe Retreats from the World, and
of the unfair methods uſed to mifreprefent them. They beheld
10,000 perfons, according to Lord Herbert's computation, of
both fexes, who after having taken up a courſe of life, eſtabliſh-
ed and fecured to them by all laws, human and divine, were
turned out of their habitations, and wandering about, without
any proviſion made for their fubfiftence, whilft the Commiffioners
rioted in the profit of theſe Confiſcations. Theſe motives alone
were fufficient to rouze their indignation againſt this diffolution;
but there were others, in which they thought themſelves little
leſs concerned than the principal fufferers. There had been great
hoſpitality kept up in thefe places, and, befides the daily alms
diſtributed to the neceffitous, above 10,000 perfons, Maſters and
Servants, were, by this fuppreffion, deprived of a livelihood.
* Stowe, Fuller, Ch. Hift. p. 312. Collier, vol. 2. b. 2. p. 155. and b. 3. p. 180.
† Life of Henry VIII. p. 377.
Confidrations
OF REGINALD POLE.
167
pro-
Confiderations of a higher order contributed to make theſe
ceedings more odious. Moſt of theſe foundations had been made
or endowed by our Nobility and Gentry, and the Churches be-
longing to them were the Repofitaries of the Aſhes and Monu-
ments of their Anceſtors, where ftated offices of Religion were
daily performed for the repoſe of their Benefactors, and the wel-
fare of their Pofterity, and of the whole Nation. But what
cauſed a ſtill greater uneafinefs, was the apprehenfion of a total
ſubverfion of the ancient Worſhip, on which it was viſible that
feveral about the King were wholly intent. They had the ex-
ample of the Barons, who appeared in the field againſt King
John and Henry III. for the redrefs of wrongs lefs deftructive than
thofe then complained of. The Bishops and mitred Abbots, of
whom twenty had a feat in Parliament, had gone into all the
Court meaſures, from a fear of what might befall themſelves, if
they oppoſed them; and though they made fome faint efforts
againſt the fecularizing the Abbey Lands, and for founding
Schools, Hoſpitals, and Colleges, as fuch like purpoſes had a
certain affinity with their original deſtination, and which they
took to be the meaning of the Act, by which they were difcor-
porated; yet they had neither intereft nor courage to purſue a
Scheme, though confirmed by the Royal promife, and therefore
dropped that, and all farther attempt which might endanger
their own Temporalities. As to the leading men of the Laity,
Lord Herbert obferves, that the fhare they had in the fpoils,
cauſed them to abet the means by which they were obtained.
But the Bulk of the People, who were lookers on, and not biaffed
by lucrative reſpects, conceived themſelves injured in many effen-
tial branches of their rights and property, and lamented, without
diſguiſe the injuſtice done to ſo many innocent perſons, and the
wrongs they fuftained themſelves. The Vicar-General, to whofe
councils theſe Acts of violence were chiefly imputed, became the
object of univerfal hatred, and their difcourfes concerning him
were
168
THE HISTORY OF THE LIfe
07. 1535
were as free as their inward refentments. After having, for
fome time, confined the fenfe of their injuries to words and
fentiments, they broke out, at length, into overt Acts of hoſti-
lity, and rofe up in arms, in different parts of the Kingdom.
In this view our civil and church Hiftorians have confidered the
attempt I am going to ſpeak of, and reafoned on it, on theſe
principles; with a defign, it ſeems, to obviate whatever may be
objected to the lawfulneſs of the method of redreſs, by thoſe
who are inattentive to the provocation.
THE first infurrection was in Lincolnshire. The grievances
chiefly complained of, were the fuppreffion of the Monafteries,
the adminiſtration of affairs being entruſted to perfons of baſe
origin, by which Cromwell, who was a Blackſmith's fon, was
perfonally noted; and a juſt apprehenfion, that the Parish Churches
would be plundered, as thofe of the Religious houfes had been;
and the King was befought to refer theſe cauſes of uneaſineſs to
the Nobles of the Realm. The Infurgents were about 20,000;
but having no Leader of reputation, and being come together in
a tumultuous manner, the danger with which the Court was
threatened from fuch an undiſciplined mob, was not confiderable:
and on the Duke of Suffolk's approach, and the King's procla-
mation, with private affurances of pardon, they returned to their
former obedience. About the fame time, there was a rifing in
the North more numerous and formidable, being made up of
men inured to arms, and in the neighbourhood of a nation, at
that time, very averſe to the late innovations in Religious mat-
ters, of which it was feared they would, at this juncture, avail
themſelves. Their attack on the Government was much more
regular, and they were led on by Robert Afk, a Gentleman re-
markable for his talents of managing the Populace. The caufes
affigned for their having recourſe to arms, were much the fame
as had been urged by thoſe who had juft laid them down; the
duty they owed their Maker, their zeal for the King's perfon
and
OF REGINALD
169
POLE.
and iffue; the neceffity of removing vile and ignoble perfons from
the Council; of compelling Apoftate Monks to return to their
Convents, and replacing thoſe who were ejected; of reinftating
the Church in her Rights, and fuppreffing errors. They all took
an oath that theſe were their only inducements of entering into
this Affociation, which was called by the quaint name of the
Pilgrimage of Grace. The badges they wore on their garments,
the emblems interwoven in their banners, and the reprefentation
of their dying Redeemer, carried in their front, were all expref-
five of theſe profeffions. Forty thouſand perfons, chiefly from
the Counties of York, Durham, Lancaster, and Cumberland, among
whom were ſeveral of rank and family, reforted to their ſtandard.
They ſeized on Hull and York; and though the Archbiſhop, Dr.
Lee, and Lord Darcy, threw themſelves into Pomfret Caſtle, in
order to defend it, the refiftance they made was fhort; and, al-
ledging neceffity for what they did, they joined the Victors, whoſe
cauſe they were ſuſpected to favour, and bound themſelves by the
Affociation oath. The firſt ſtep which the King took on this
occafion was fuited to the ufual and known violence of his tem-
per. In order to frighten the Monks from applying to this for-
midable body, and returning to their ancient poffeffions, he or-
dered the Abbots of Salley, Whalley, Norton, and Hexam, to be
dragged out of their Monafteries, and executed by martial law *.
The Duke of Norfolk was appointed to march againſt the Inſur-
gents, and his forces being much inferior, he had recourfe to
ftratagem. Being encamped at Doncafter, a violent rain fwelled
the river, from which the town takes its name, and difappointed
the enemy's defign of paffing it, in order to attack him. The
Duke improved this incident to his advantage, and ſent a Herald
with propoſals of accommodation, and orders to lay down their
arms. The General, Ask, as the Abettor of the civil and reli-
gious Rights of the People, received him, fitting in a chair of
*Collier. vol. 2. pag. 132.
Z
ftate,
170
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Haffey
state, between the Archbishop of York, and Lord Darcey, and a
conference being agreed on, the Duke was met at Doncaster by
TheLords feveral of the Nobility, who were in Afk's army, and a very nu-
Scrcop,
Latimir,
merous Retinue. They were offered a general pardon, fix only
Lumley,
Darcy and excepted by name out of their number, and four more referved
to the King's pleaſure. This propoſal being rejected, the Duke
went with the utmoſt ſpeed to Windfor, where the King then
refided, and returned with equal expedition, and full power to
fign an unlimited pardon, befides feveral grants in favour of the
Church's immunities; on which, they difbanded, and retired to
their reſpective homes. Before the feparation, they bound them-
felves by the moft folemn engagements to return to their Standard,
if the King failed to comply with his promife, and redrefs their
wrongs: and Henry, on his part, thinking the danger over, firſt
delayed, and then refufed to ratify what fear alone had extorted,
and his bad faith made him look on as a temporary expedient,
which was no longer to be regarded, when the end was gained.
Afk's troops were no fooner apprifed of this treachery, but they
repaired again to their General; and the Duke, who had already
experienced the fuccefs of negotiation, entered on it, a fecond
time: but the demands of the adverfe party were now rifen fo
high, that, rather than comply with them, he choſe to decide
the event by the fword. The Enemies refolution and ſpirit were
not abated by their late difperfion, and they had now no hopes
but in themſelves. The River Dun was, as before, between
them and the Royal army, and they refolved to pass it on the
morrow, in order to give battle; when a fecond inundation ren-
dered the river again impaffable. This repeated diſappointment
ftruck them with a kind of panick, and, their provifions failing,
they began to break up and diſperſe. The Duke favoured this
difpofition, by a promiſe of a ſecond general amnesty, which the
King ratified, and they returned home.
BUT
OF REGINALD POLE.
171
BUT though thofe tumults were quelled, the State was too
convulſed to ſettle foon into tranquillity, and a third inſurrection
followed cloſe on the former. Mufgrave and Tilby, at the head
of 8,000 men, laid Siege to Carliſle; but, being repulfed, they
were intercepted in their retreat, by the Duke, who ftill remain-
ed in thoſe parts, and all their Officers, except Mufgrave, to the
number of ſeventy, taken priſoners and put to death. The fame
uneafineſs under the prefent innovations cauſed great numbers of
Melecontents to declare themſelves in other parts of the nation.
Sir Francis Bigot endeavoured to furprize Hull, but without fuc-
ceſs; and by the vigilance of the Duke of Norfolk, this, and fe-
veral other attempts to redrefs prefent grievances, and prevent ftill
greater which hung over the nation, proved ineffectual. Henry's
choler, which the leaſt oppoſition ſet in a flame, was, by theſe fre-
quent provocations, become too violent to be restrained even by
his own moſt folemn engagements; and making uſe of theſe late
infurrections as a pretext not to adhere to the pardon granted to
Afk and his Confederates, he involved the innocent and guilty in
one promifcuous ruin, and ordered the Duke to ſpread the Royal
banner, and execute martial law wherever he thought fit. A
like ſeverity was extended to great numbers of high rank and
quality in different parts of the Kingdom*, till Henry, at length,
fated with blood, publiſhed a new Act of grace, to which, Lord
Herbert fays, he adhered. Our Hiftorians vary in the order of p. 248.
theſe tranſactions, and fome other circumftances, but are unani-
mous as to the cauſe of the infurrection, the motives on which
thoſe who were engaged in it, juftified their proceedings, the
King's want of good faith in fulfilling the promiffes made to
Afk's army, on their diſbanding, and the blood ſpilt in conſe¬
quence of that failure.
* Robert Afk, the Lords Darcy and
Huffey, Sir Robert Conftable, Lady Bul-
mer, Sir Thomas Piercy, Sir Francis Bigot,
Sir Stephen Hambleton, Sir John Bulmer,
George Lumley, Nicholas Tempest, IVil-
liam Thurft, Abbot of Fountains, Adam
Sudbury, Abbot of Gervaux, the Abbot
of Rivers, William Wold, Prior of Brid-
lington; and feveral others of lower rank.
Z 2
I SHALL
172
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
12th Dec.
1546
I SHALL conclude this Article with taking notice of a remark-
able fatality, which attended the General, by whofe conduct, in
great meaſure, the crown, which feemed to totter, had been
fettled on the Tyrant's head. This nobleman was the moſt
powerful of all thoſe who favoured the ancient Religion, and
though throughly perfuaded of her faith and worſhip, had come
into all the meafures which were taken to deftroy both. Lord
Darcy, before his execution, had charged him with giving ſecret
countenance to the Infurgents, whom he was fent to reduce :
but this accufation had either been difcredited or overlooked;
and the other fuccours, by which the Duke fought to make up
the breaches which were daily made in Religion, had been ma-
naged with fuch caution as to eſcape the King's notice, or not
incur his diſpleaſure. Yet, notwithſtanding all his paſt ſervices,
he was, ten years after the period I am ſpeaking of, fent to the
Tower on fuch ſhadows of miſdemeanor, as faying the King
could not hold out long, and that it was to be feared, the reli-
gious diffentions would be fatal to the Nation after his death.
During his confinement he pleaded his innocence, and the merits
of a long life ſpent in the ſervice of the Crown, in a very pathe-
tic letter to the King: but that having no effect, he fhewed the
fame want of reſolution, which he had formerly too often be-
trayed, when the civil and religious Rights of his Country were
at ſtake; and, complying with Henry's temper, had recourſe to
fubmiffion, and the acknowledgment of offences, of which he
was not conſcious; but all to no purpoſe. Both Houfes of Par-
liament, as the moſt expeditious inftrument of the King's Ty-
ranny, were fummoned, not to try, but condemn the Prifoner,
14th Jan. and a bill of Attainder being found againſt him by the Feers,
without examination of Evidence or trial of the Criminal; it
was fent to the Commons, with a meffage from the King, whoſe
health declined very faft, to diſpatch it with all fpeed. Orders
were accordingly iffued for the execution on the 29th of January,
1547
but
OF REGINALD POLE.
173
but the King's death, which happened on the foregoing night,
prevented his reign from being ſtained with this additional act
of blood; and this Nobleman, having continued Priſoner during
Edward's life, was, on Mary's acceffion, reſtored to his liberty,
but only furvived the recovery of it, a year.
His Son, the gallant, polite, and learned Earl of Surrey, on
accufations no leſs trifling, had been ſent to the Tower on the
fame day with his Father; and, notwithſtanding his manly and
eloquent defence, was put to death by a fentence equally unjuſt
and tyrannical. His crimes were, that one of his Domeſtics,
whilſt he was in Italy, had paid a viſit to CARDINAL POLE, and
that the Earl was fufpected of holding a correfpondence with
him. Neither Parliaments nor Juries, in this reign, gave atten-
tion to any thing but the King's will: when that was clear, all
other proofs were out of the queſtion.
BUT, to return to the tumults I was fpeaking of, they plainly
indicated the uneafinefs which fat on the minds of the people in
general, under the late innovations, and were looked upon as
forerunners of a national revolution in favour of the ancient Doc-
trine. The Pope, befides a zeal for reuniting fo fair a portion to
the Catholic Church, and the obligation which his fupreme office
laid him under to endeavour it, had ſeveral particular reafons to
keep no further meaſures with Henry than duty and neceffity
obliged him to. That Prince had not only renounced an obedi-
ence to the See of Rome, which, with all other Chriſtian Princes,
he had hitherto acknowledged, and fupported in an excellent
work againſt Martin Luther; but had, moreover, compelled his
Subjects, and endeavoured by every art and follicitation, to draw
the Kings of France and Scotland into the fame defection. Thefe
reafons induced Paul III. to fend CARDINAL POLE, with the
quality of Legate, into the Low Countries, that being in the
neighbourhood of England, he might, with greater certainty be
informed of the difpofitions of the nation; exert that influence
which
174
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
which his Royal defcent, and the great authority he ſtill had,
gave him; and, if the fituation of affairs was fuch as to make
his going over to that Kingdom adviſable, the journey was left
to his difcretion. He undertook this commiffion at the earneft
inſtance of the Emperour's Embaffadors at Rome and at the Bri-
tiſh Court, the latter of whom communicated his advice by letter.
Whatever had any relation to the cnmmiffion, the road he was
to take, the progrefs of the whole journey was concerted by their
council and exhortation, and almoſt by their compulfion. The
Count of Siplonti, and the Doctor Ortis, who had pleaded Queen
Catharine's cauſe, conſtrained him, againſt his own judgment, to
take the way of France. They were the firft, fays the CARDINAL,
to extol the Biſhop of Verona, who had left every thing that was
dear to him, that he might accompany me, and ſhare whatever I
was to undertake or fuffer in the caufe. The French Embaffadors
declared, not to him alone, but to the Pope, on the part of their
Maſter, when the ſubject of his Embaffy, and his journey to the
French Court was treated of; that his prefence would be highly
agreeable to the King: and tho', fays he, there were not wanting
perfons, who, notwithſtanding theſe fair appearances, foretold me
what I have fince experienced, yet, on my teſtifying ſome diſtruſt,
they replied with emotion, that I did an injury to their Sovereign,
if I had any diffidence in the offer he made me, fince a Legate
from the holy See, whofoever he was, muſt at all times, and on
all occafions, be welcome to the moft Chriftian King*. The
conclufion in fine was, that he fhould take the road of France,
and, if he could not paſs over into England, he was to remain
in Flanders and watch every opportunity of promoting the affair
he was fent on. But, becauſe the purpofe of his Legation ex-
tended beyond what concerned his Country, and he was to treat
of a Peace between the Emperour and the French King, and of
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. pag. 34.
holding
OF REGINALD POLE.
175
holding a general Council, he was to negociate this latter affair
with the different Princes, through whoſe dominions he paffed;
and, if the fituation of things in England made his journey to the
French Court inconvenient, the Bishop of Verona was to go thi-
ther to treat of a Peace and the Council, and then join him*.
He was charged with Credentials from the Pope, to ſeveral Po-
tentates, which fet forth his commiffion, and the Pontiff's de-
fign in conferring it.
THE firft was addreffed to the English Nation, and declared
the fatisfaction his Holiness had received from the late proof they
had given, that their revolt from a faith and obedience, by which
they had till then diſtinguiſhed themſelves, had been conſtrained
and forced on them. They are required to pay the LEGATE that
deference, to which their duty to God, the refpect they owed
the holy See, and the LEGATE's high birth, excellent endow-
ments, and fingular probity intitled him to affift him in the
execution of the Pope's orders, which had been dictated by piety,
and were directed to the glory of God, and their welfare.
THE fecond Letter was to the King of Scotland, James V. who
was exhorted to fupport the LEGATE, by favouring the difpo-
fition which the Engliſh had fhewed to return to the faith of
their Anceſtors. The Pope informs him, that the LEGATE was
to go to the French Court, in order to prevail on the Moft Chrif-
tian King, whofe Daughter James had married, to recommend
to him the fafety of that People, and to engage him to a Peace
with his Imperial Majefty, that a general Council might be held,
errors repreffed, the Church reformed, the Turk, who threatened
Italy with an invafion, be repulfed, and many other Articles be
agreed on, in which the common caufe of Chriſtianity was con-
cerned. That, in all theſe concerns, and eſpecially that in which
the neighbouring Nation was interested, next to his moft Chrif-
* Epift. R, Poli, pars 2ª. pag. 42.
tian
176
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
tian Majeſty, he laid his chief ſtreſs on him, of whoſe piety he
was affured, and who had broken off all commerce with thoſe
who were fallen from what they owed to duty and truth. On
this account he had ordered the LEGATE to communicate all his
defigns to him, which had no other end than the welfare and
tranquillity of the English nation, and the general good of Chrif-
tianity which views were common to him, to the King of
France, and to all Chriftian Princes. He concludes, by entreat-
ing him to concur in cheriſhing the laudable difpofitions of a
People, whofe neighbourhood gave him a facility to affift them,
to which his good will could not be wanting. At the fame time
he fent James a fword and cap of Maintenance, with a fecond
letter which ſet off the typical fignification of each preſent.
THE Contents of the Letter to the French King are much the
fame with the former; but he takes notice, that he had often
endeavoured, as he was bound in duty, to bring about a Peace
between him and the Emperour, but to no effect.
THE Letter to Mary, the Dowager Queen of Hungary, Siſter
to Charles V. and Governeſs of the Low Countries, was much to
the ſame purpoſe: but as it was to a perſon of that Sex, whoſe
reſentments of injured honour are very lively, it infinuated to her
the indignity with which her Aunt Catharine of Aragon had been
treated, as an additional motive to exert herſelf in the caufe of
Religion, Juſtice, and the duties annexed to Royalty. To in-
force this, the holy Father added, that though his own proceed-
ings in this affair had been primarily guided by the great ends of
Enqity, and the obligations which his character of a common
Father of the Faithful brought on him, yet he had not been un-
mindful of the perfonal decency which he owed himſelf*.
THESE Letters feem, in great meaſure, to have been planned
on a Memorial which the CARDINAL had given in to the Pope,
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. pag. 217, inter Monumenta Præliminaria.
as
OF
177
REGINALD POLE.
as foon as he was nominated to this Embaffy. It is wrote in
Italian, and the Original preferved amongst the Vatican Manu-
fcripts. In this he defires that his Credentials for England may
be in honourable terms, in order to give the Nation a proof of
the Pope's regard in fending them a perfon of integrity and mo-
deration, and whofe fole view was to be beneficial to his Country.
He obſerves, that the favours and privileges, which the holy See
is accuſtomed to grant, fhould be difpenfed in fuch manner as
to produce as much edification, as they had formerly caufed fcan-
dal, by being diſtributed for other purpoſes, than thoſe for which
they were intended. He fays, the Refult of what was required
of the Nation ought to be no more, than to have Religious mat-
ters reinstated as they were before the late innovations, with re-
fpect, at leaſt, to the ancient faith, and to whatever was necef
fary in order to a reconciliation with an offended God. That,
as to ſeveral other points, he was of opinion, much condeſcenſion
ſhould be uſed, left while more was infifted on than could be
obtained, every thing fhould be denied: and that in matters, in
which the ſubſtance of Religion was not concerned, more regard
fhould be paid to the exigencies of the preſent times, than to
what had been anciently practiſed. He concludes with theſe
words; "There is one thing more, holy Father, which appears
to me very important, and which I cannot omit without being
wanting to the truft repofed in me. The cafe is very poffible
that the King perceiving the general diſcontent of his Subjects,
may, in order to appeaſe it, promiſe to redress their grievances,
without any defign of doing fo; and, when the danger is over,
may proceed, at different times, and on ſeveral pretexts, to puniſh
the Leaders with death. If the Nation, on this account, fhould
defiſt from any further thought of relief, or want means to pur-
fue it, fome proper perſon ſhould be appointed to keep up their
refolution, and a fufficient fund allowed for that purpoſe *."
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª, pag. 224, inter Monumenta Præliminaria,
A a
Henry's
178
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Heury's faithleſs and revengeful temper had ſuggeſted to the LE-
GATE this precaution, and the Event, as has been ſeen, foon
ſhewed it to have been taken on very good grounds.
In this manner the LEGATE and the Pope, in their letters, ex-
prefs themſelves as to the nature of the Commiffion, and the
Views with which it was undertaken. The principles on which
the latter proceeded, were drawn from that univerfal fuperin-
tendence, which obliged him to watch over the fpiritual welfare
of each part of the Church, and gave him a right to uſe ſuch
means as are proper to effect it. But the LEGATE being a na-
tive of England, it may not be unfeaſonable to ſay ſomething of
the reaſons which induced him to accept of fo delicate a negoti-
ation, and enter on a kind of offenſive ſtate with his Sovereign:
And this cannot be more fully cleared up to the Reader's fatis-
faction, than by laying before him the LEGATE's manner of
reaſoning on it.
He repreſents the Original Contract between the King and
People as no longer fubfifting, having been violated by the for-
mer in many concerns of the higheſt and moſt weighty confe-
quence. That the Grand Charter, which was the bond of this
mutual Covenant, was likewife the baſe of the liberty and pro-
perty of the whole body of the People, and that the rights and
immunities of the Church were fecured by the very firſt Article
of this Bulwark of our Conftitution. That this had been con-
firmed by the repeated Statutes of numberless Parliaments, and
by a Preſcription of above 400 years. That it had been fo-
lemnly ſworn to, by all our Kings, and had been always looked
on as a neceffary condition to their inauguration, and as corelative
to the allegiance paid to their facred Perfons: that his preſent
Majeſty had taken on him this engagement in like manner with
his Predeceffors. But though the Supremacy of the See of Rome
had been conſtantly avowed by the Engliſh Nation, ever fince
ſhe had received Chriſtianity, through a period of 900. years, it
was
OF REGINALD POLE.
179
was now become high treaſon to acknowle ge it, and another
Headship, with which all antiquity was unacquainted, fet up in
its ſtead, and the fame penalty inflicted on thofe who refuſed to
fubmit to it, as on Traitors and Felons. This, fays the LEGATE,
was the only crime of two of the greateſt and moſt valuable men
this or any other nation had been bleffed with, More and Fiſker,
whom the King declared, he had fingled out, that their punish-
ment might be a leffon to all others; and not having ſpared
perfons of fuch eminence, no one, who ſhould gainſay his will,
might flatter himſelf with impunity: And, in confequence of
theſe arbitrary proceedings, he, the LEGATE, had been outlawed.
But the King had not only removed the ancient Landmarks,
which aſcertained the Faith of his People; but invaded their
property, by ejecting many thouſands out of their poffeffions,
and delivering them over to vagrancy and want. Every day gave
birth to the introduction of fome novelty in Religion, or to acts of
rapine and cruelty: and the Parliament was fo far from being a
barrier to theſe outrages, that their flaviſh compliance armed the
King with greater terrour than the moſt abfolute Monarchy, by
making the Reprefentatives of the People their joint Oppreffors.
That the Nation had declared the ſenſe of its wrongs by the
meafures it was now entering on to redress them*.
THESE are the reaſons, which in his letters and other works,
where this part of his conduct is the fubject, he alleges as the
motives of it. As to the manner in which he behaved himſelf
through the whole negotiation, he has given an account of it,
firſt to Cardinal Pio, the Pope's Embaſſador at the French Court,
foon after the Infurrections in England were furpreffed, and when
there was no profpect of fuccefs from that quarter; and, after-
wards to Edward VI. on his acceffion. Both relations are drawn
up with fuch ingenuous candour, that it muſt be very difficult to
queſtion the Writer's veracity, had we no other proof of it but
* Lib. 1. de Unitate Ecclefiæ, paffim.
A a 2
his
?
180
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
his own Word. Thefe documents were made public when the
affair was recent, which must have rendered any miſrepreſentation
of no effect, especially to the latter: The Minifters of that Prince
could not but be informed of every thing that then paffed, and
had the LEGATE been guilty of any impoſture of this kind,
they would not have failed to detect and expoſe it. Yet this is
what was never attempted.
"ONE great purpoſe of my Embaffy, fays he, writing to Pio,
was to promote a Peace between the Emperour and the King of
France, and to diſpoſe them to the convocation of a General
Council. To this I must add what concerned the affairs of my
own Country. My orders were to do every thing within my
power for its welfare, and to fettle its fluctuating ſtate into that
ſteadineſs of religion and manners, in which, for many ages, it
had fet an example to all other Nations. In this I had no other
views than fuch as were drawn from my love for my Country,
my zeal for the King's honour, the tranquility of the Chriftian
Commonwealth, and the fervice of my Maker. This was the
real end I propofed in my legation, with refpect to England, and
is fuch a one, I prefume, as none will blame. The other point
under confideration is, whether the means I employed were fuch
as can be juſtified. There were too methods of applying the cure
to a diſeaſe which had began with the head, and infected the
whole body of the Nation; and though ſeveral judged the rough-
eft remedies neceffary in a cafe fo defperate, and the People, by
rifing in arms, ſeemed to favour this method; for my own part,
I always propoſed the other expedient: it being my conftant opi-
nion, in oppofition to many others, that lenity and moderation
ſhould take place; and if I have erred in any thing, it is in this.
When I fet out for the Court of France, I propoſed to ſuggeſt
no other method. The friendship which fubfifts between the
two Kings, the perfonal regard of one of them for the Pope, and
his reverence for the See of Rome, which the other had renounced,
feemed
OF REGINALD POLE.
181
ſeemed very favourable to bring things to a happy conclufion.
Who indeed could be fo fit for fuch a negociation as this Prince?
eſpecially as the tumuls and feditions in England ſeemed to make
fuch a ſtep adviſeable to him, who gave occafion to them, was
he to confult nothing beyond his own intereft. Had I been
admitted to his Chriftian Majefty's prefence, this is the Sum
of what I was to have propofed: but I was excluded from it,
at the inftance of that Prince, for whofe fake I had undertaken
the journey. I omit many things, on which I had deliberated
for the King of England's honour, and the univerfal joy of Chrif-
tianity. If his Majefty, from any averfion to the Order of Men,
of which I have the honour to be a member, had, at firſt, re-
fuſed to treat with me, I had in my company a perfon, who,
whilſt he had almoſt the fole management of affairs under Cle-
ment VII. had given the ſtrongeſt proofs of affection and zeal for
the King's fervice; whoſe friendſhip the natives of our Country
have experienced on all occafions; and whofe good offices I have
heard his Majeſty often mention with a peculiar fignification of
gratitude. This perfon is the Bishop of Verona, who is in no
leſs eſteem with the Moft Chriftian King, and, which is much
more to his commendation, has, by the integrity of his life, and
a faithful diſcharge of all Epifcopal Duties, given fuch an exam-
ple of an irreproachable Prelate, as is fcarcely to be matched in
a long ſeries of years. I judged this excellent man the moſt likely
to prevail on both Kings to act in a manner agreeable to their
dignity, and what the moſt important interefts required of one:
and with this view I prevailed on him to leave his Bishoprick,
and accompany me*.'
THIS is a part of the letter which the LEGATE wrote to Car-
dinal Pio. It is very long, and I have only cited what relates to
the method he propoſed to follow in what concerned England.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 22. pag. 33.
The
182
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
The knowledge of his character to whom the letter is wrote, and
who had a fingular eſteem for the LEGATE, will give weight to
the contents, and cannot but entertain the Reader, eſpecially as
there will be occafion to mention him elſewhere.
RODOLPHUS PIo defcended from the Princes of Carpi, a ſmall
ftate within the Dutchy of Modena. He was brought up at the
Univerſity of Padua, and going thence to the Court of Rome,
his good qualities recommended him to Clement VII. Being fent
Embaffador to France, his talents for bufinefs began to be as much
taken notice of as his probity had already been, and the fucceed-
ing Popes, on feveral occafions, teftified their confideration for
him. He was promoted to the Purple by Paul III. the
year be-
fore the time I am ſpeaking of, and, ſoon after, fent again Em-
baffador to France. He contributed to the interview of Francis I.
and Charles V. at Nice; and the diſtrict of Ancona being after-
wards committed to his care, he behaved fo as to become a
model of an Ecclefiaftical Governor. He enlarged the Church
of Loretto, which is in that jurifdiction, fortified the Port of An-
cona, reformed abuſes in the adminiſtration of juſtice, eſtabliſhed
order in the civil affairs, and provided for the general tranquillity
and welfare of that Province. The Pope going to meet the Em-
perour between Parma and Placentia, in 1543, he was appointed
Governor of Rome during his abfence, and, afterwards, of that
part of the Ecclefiaftical State, which goes by the name of the
Church's Patrimony. He had the option of three of the prin-
cipal Biſhopricks near Rome, Albi, Frefcati, and Oftia, which are
always conferred on the moſt eminent Cardinals, was Protector
of feveral Religious Orders, and Dean of the facred College. Sa-
dolet compliments him on his fine Library, and its being open to
men of learning*. His merit, and the univerſal eſteem he had
gained, would probably have raiſed him to the Papacy, had he
* Epift. 1. 5. epift. 5.
lived
OF REGINALD POLE.
183
lived to ſee it again vacant. This amiable man died in 1564, in
the fixty-fifth year of his age, and a beautiful Monument, with an
honourable inſcription, has been raiſed to his Memory in the
the Church of the Trinity, on Mount Calius, in Rome, which
Strangers vifit among other Curiofities of that City.
THE LEGATE delivers himſelf to Edward VI. on the ſubject
of his commiffion, with the fame artlefs freedom, with which he
had opened it to Cardinal Pio. "I am charged, fays he, with
having accepted an Embaſſy to ſeveral powerful Princes, with a
defign to ſtir them up to war againſt the King, your Father. I
readily grant, I was fent Embaffador to the Emperor and King of
France, on His part, whofe duty it was to feek, from every quar-
ter, a remedy to thoſe Evils, in which the King had involved
himſelf and the whole Kingdom. But my aim with both theſe
Princes tended to prevail on them to employ gentle and benevolent
methods, in order to raiſe a friend and brother, who was fallen
into the worſt of extremities, and confirm him in his Royal ſtate;
not annoy and oppreſs him. Nothing could be farther from my
diſpoſition than a defign to his diſadvantage, nor did any thing,
which could give the leaſt indication of it, drop from me, on this
occafion. I could not but know of what weight their authority
and example might be, in fo honourable a caufe; and I entreated
them to exert all their influence, that he would no longer perfift
in a feparation from the Church, which was a common Parent,
nor in a difagreement from all other Chriftian Princes. I will
not deny, but that, if offices of perfuafion and friendſhip were
to no effect, I then adviſed them to employ threats, and to
break off all intercourfe and communication with him. This is
all I can be juſtly charged with againſt the King, to whom I
was no otherwiſe an Enemy, than by endeavouring to reſtore him
to himſelf, to his people, and, more than all the reft, to his God.
Nor had I recourſe to this laft expedient, till his cafe was almoſt
deſperate; and then I applied it with the utmoft hazard of my
Din
18+
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
own life; which facrifice I was willing to make, rather than leave
any thing unattempted, which might contribute to bring him to
a fenfe of his condition, and withdraw him from utter ruin *
THESE paffages fufficiently fhew with how little juſtice the
LEGATE has been accuſed of hatred to his Prince, and making
ufe of all arts to diftrefs him. His conduct on this head has been
ſo far miſrepreſented by fome Writers, as to fuppofe he aſpired
to the throne, and gave himſelf all this trouble with that view;
and one of our lateſt and moſt impartial Hiſtorians, who, in ge-
neral, is very equitable to the CARDINAL'S character, counte-
nances this infinuation.
HAVING related the import of the LEGATE's commiffion, and
his behaviour in it, the fame letter to Cardinal Pio informs us of
fome curious Anecdotes which prepared him for the diſappoint-
ment, in which the Whole was to conclude. The journey,
indeed, made his virtues known and admired wherever he came;
and gave proof of that patient wiſdom, which is beſt ſeen where our
hopes are abortive. As to the end for which it was undertaken,
it was quite defeated by the political views of thofe Princes, who
had engaged to fecond it; by the change of affairs in England,
and the ſmall proſpect of theſe taking a more favourable turn.
THE Court of England intereſted itſelf too much in what con-
cerned the CARDINAL, not to be informed of all the Steps he
had taken, and of the report of thoſe he was foon to take; and
this occafioned him to receive a very unuſual mark of the confe-
quence in which he was held, to whatever cauſe he attached
himſelf. Soon after he had ſent the treatiſe of the Church's Unity,
to the King, and as he was ſetting out for the Low Countries,
he received a letter, wrote on the part of both Houſes of Parlia-
ment; and that it might have the greater authority, each of the
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. pag. 306.
Epift. ad Edo R. §. 45.
+ Mr. Hume, vol. 1. of the Tudors,
p. 225.
members
OF REGINALD POLE.
185
members of this illuſtrious body put their name to it. The letter
was a vehement reproof of the abovementioned Work; and of
the Author himſelf, for accepting the Cardinalate, and for
making Rome his refidence; together with an offer of a confe-
rence on the Religious Controverfies, with which England was
taken up, if he came into Flanders without a public character.
If he had not yet accepted the Purple, it was a diffuafive from
fo doing." He begins his reply by the higheft fignification of
eſteem and good will to the auguft Affembly, to whom he wrote;
and defires them to weigh, with their wonted prudence, what
he had to ſay for his writings, and his preſent ſtate of life.-
That being ordered by the King to fend him his opinion of the
Supremacy, he could not but comply with his orders; nor, ac-
cording to the principles of the Religion which he profeffed,
make any
other anſwer than he had made.-He defires them to
read over the Work, and they would fee it contained nothing
more than what he faid; unleſs in the Conclufion, where he
points out to the King, in the plaineſt and ſtrongeſt terms, the
means by which he may recover the reputation he has forfeited,
free himſelf from danger, and recover the favour of God and
Man. And as they had objected, that he had treated his Sove-
reign with too great freedom; he aſks them, in his turn, if he
has feigned any one article in the whole Charge? if he has ad-
vanced a fingle fact, of his own head, or related it, as to the
manner, otherwiſe than it happened? And, this being the cafe,
they muſt blame them, whofe pernicious counſels had drawn the
King into theſe ſhameful meaſures; not him, who, that he might
fee is ſhame, and retrieve his fall, diſguiſed none of his miſdeeds,
though at the riſk of forfeiting his favour.-To their objection,
that he had injured his Prince's honour, he obſerves, this muſt
be in their eſtimate only, who had read the Work; and that the
King was the fole perfon, who, as yet, had a Copy of it; where-
as, had his defign been to hurt his reputation, he might, with
B b
the
186
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
the greateſt fatisfaction of feveral eminent Potentates, have given
it to the Public."
HAVING faid this of the Work, he comes, next, to himſelf.
"My Lords, and Gentlemen, fays he, by whoſe counſel the af-
fairs of this Realm are governed, you have been long acquainted
with me and my family. What is the reafon that I have been
fo long deprived of my country, relations, and of every thing
that is dear to man? am I an Outlaw? is a price put on my head?
am I driven from home for any crime of mine, or of thofe I be-
long to? did I want means or ability to rife to honours in my
Country? I appeal to you, moſt noble Duke of Norfolk, who
have put your name to the letter, in which I am reproached with
ingratitude, and I appeal to your confcience, if, at the time, when
the Pope's authority and the Divorce were firſt called in queftion,
and my opinion aſked, any one would have been promoted to the
See of York preferably to myſelf, had I acquiefced to what the
King defired. I appeal to you,
I appeal to you, I fay, becauſe you diſcourſed me
on this head, not once only, but a fecond and a third time; and,
at length, told me, that the King, feeing I could not be brought
over to his meaſures, had laid afide all further thought of confer-
ring on me the Archbishoprick: but you, from the affection you
bore me, had prevailed on his Majefty to defer nominating any
one elſe, till you had made a laſt effort on me.
What diſpo-
fition did you, my Lord, then diſcover in me? What anſwer did
I make to the offer of ſuch preferment? That the King's honour
and welfare were dearer to me than any emolument I could
propoſe to myſelf, and that I could not affent to what he re-
quired of me, without giving up all concern for both.
He then comes to their objecton of his refiding at Rome, and
defires them to confider; "whether, in this he did any thing
inconſiſtent with his former life.-As it has ever been my fixed
opinion, fays he, that we owe a deference to the Biſhop of Rome,
as to the Vicar of JESUS CHRIST, I was to obey the fummons I re-
ceived
OF REGINALD POLE.
187
ceived from him, to go to Rome. But this has nothing to do
with my attachment to my Sovereign, and is only the effect of
my perfuafion as to a particular tenet. My love for him was ſtill
the fame, though I diſagreed with him in this point.—You may,
perhaps, reply, as, indeed you tell me in your letter, that this
precaution is vain, and deftitute of all foundation: to which, my
Lords, and Gentlemen, I muſt anſwer in the following manner:
Suppofing I had a conteft with you on any military affair, in which
moſt of you are as ſkilfull, as I am ignorant; you might, with
much reaſon, tell me, it was fitting I fhould affent to you ra-
ther than you to me, fo in the preſent Controverfy, about a point
of Doctrine, in which you are lefs expert, and I have ſpent my
life, and given up all other pretentions, that I might be throughly
acquainted with the merits of the caufe; I may juftly aſk you to
defer to me, and to the cauſe of truth, rather than endeavour to
bring me over to your way of thinking.-But, not to ſpeak of my-
ſelf, if you imagine your Anceſtors knew any thing of the matter
in debate, theſe fentiments came ftrongly recommended to you
from them; or, if you confult the upright and learned men in
other Kingdoms, you will find, that each one, in proportion as
he is knowing and pious, is an Abettor of them."
As to what the Parliament had wrote to him, that in accepting
the Cardinalate, he declared himſelf the King's Enemy; he aſks
them," if the King was at enmity with that dignity, in which
there was no malevolence; that quality being inherent not to an
Order, but to the Individuals, of whom it was made up: and a
perfon might be a friend to the King, and yet a Cardinal.—But,
the Pope, you ſay, is the King's enemy. To which he replies,
that he who had the most frequent opportunity of hearing and
knowing the Pontiff's fentiments, had never diſcovered any but
thoſe of a Parent, both towards his Majefty and his People.-
That the honours he had received, were conferred on him with
a view to the credit and emolument of the Engliſh Nation, and
had
Bb 2
188
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
Wolfey.
had been accepted by him with the like difpofitions.-That he
was about to fet out on an Embaffy for their honour and advan-
tage, and nothing ſhould hinder him from exerting himſelf in
ſuch a cauſe. And, whereas they had fignified to him, that if
he came in a private character into the Low Countries, they had
prevailed on the King to fend over fome perfons to confer with
on the diſputes which then divided the Nation; he, likewife,
had obtained of the Pope to treat with them either in France or
Flanders, as ſhould be moſt convenient to the King's majeſty and
to themſelves.-That they ought not to take a cauſeleſs exception
againſt the name of Cardinal, becauſe one of that Order had lately
been the fource of all theſe diſorders; but hope, that though he
had been pernicious, another might be falutary.-That, if this
was to be effected by the beſt of intentions, by care, by a defire
of their welfare and the King's honour, they were affured of all
this, from him.-But if they imagined he was to be prevailed on
to relinquish his principles, he let them know, there was no in-
tereſt, no tie he was not ready to facrifice to them.
He ends with defiring them to weigh well the part they were
to take, the tumults, which the late innovations had raiſed, and
further diſturbances, which might enfue on the like changes;
that the cauſe was of fuch a nature as not to affect only the King's
honour and the Nation's tranquillity, in this tranfitory ſcene, but
extended to a future ſtate of exiſtence; and to a Judgment Seat,
at which thoſe muſt be tried, who prefer the uncertainty of their
own opinions, to that invariable Rule, which he, who is to pre-
fide at that Tribunal, has preſcribed *.'
As foon as it was known that the LEGATE was to take his
road through France, John de Selva, Biſhop of Lavadour, and
Embaffador for that nation to the Republic of Venice, acquainted
him by a very elegant and polite letter, that he had wrote to the
Maitre de high Steward of France, to inform him of the quality of the
Grand
France.
* Apologia ad Anglia Parliamentum, Ep. R. Poli, pars 1. pag. 179.
illuftrious
OF REGINALD POLE.
189
illuftrious Gueſt he was foon to receive, and made no doubt, but
he would ſhew him all the regard he was intitled to *. This Pre-
late had been his cotemporary at Padua, and had there conceived
an admiration for his merit, which he retained ever after. Being
taken off in the prime of life, he had rather an opportunity of
raiſing an expectation, than leaving a great name.
THE LEGATE left Rome early in the year 1537, with a retinue
fuited to his birth, his character, and the importance of the nego-
tiation. Amongst thoſe who accompanied him, were Matthew
Giberti, Bishop of Verona, who from the eſteem he had conceived
for him, on his firſt coming to Italy, would, in a declining age,
undergo the inconveniences of fo long a journey, and all the ha-
zards of an affair, the event of which was very equivocal by
Aloyfius Priuli, a Venetian Nobleman, of whom mention has
been already made; by Becatelli, his Secretary, who was after-
wards Biſhop of Ragufa, and wrote his life; and by feveral other
perfons of rank and merit. He was on his journey in Lent, and
the Diet of that ſeaſon not agreeing with his conftitution, he found
his health and ſtrength much impaired. His Secretary had men-
tioned this in a letter to Contarcni, who writing, foon after, to
the LEGATE, and taking notice of the obligation he was under
of having care of himſelf, entreats him to have a deference, in
what regarded this article, to the advice of the Biſhop of Verona,
and Priuli. I fhould not have mentioned this particular, which
may appear inconfiderable, but as it gave occafion to fome reflec-
tions equally folid and uſeful. "There is no illufion more dan-
gerous, fays that judicious Cardinal, in his letter to the LEGATE,
than what pious, and otherwife prudent men fall into; when
they perfuade themſelves that a confidence in the divine affiſtance
makes caution and forecaſt fuperfluous; whereas theſe notions
are in reality the effect of preſumption and pride." The LEGATE
in his anſwer, which is dated from Bononia, affures him,
"he 28th Feb.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. epiftola 52.
had
190
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
had fubmitted to his opinion, however contrary to his own way of
thinking that his reafon for not deferring fooner to the judgment
of his two friends, was the fear of giving offence, which would
be of fo much more pernicious confequence, as his Character
laid him more open to obfervation, and as he was defirous to
to avoid even the appearance of evil: but if this point could not
be gained without tranfgreffing on a more material duty, he
fhould do as they preſcribed, yet with fuch moderation, as un-
lefs neceffity obliged him, not to depart from the common rule,
and give others a pretext for doing fo." The temper, indeed, of
Mankind has always been fuch, as to exact example from thoſe
who undertake to inftruct or reform; and where this has been
wanting, precepts and difcourfe have been found ineffectual.
He defires Contareni to entreat the Pope to recommend, in his
daily fupplications to Almighty God, both himſelf, and the bufi-
nefs he was charged with, as he had promiſed him on his leav-
ing Rome. He repreſents this as more important than his health,
of which his Friend was fo follicitous, and infifts on it through a
great part of his letter.
"It may feem fingular, fays he, that I
ſhould aſk nothing elfe, when I took leave of his Holinefs, than
what is aſked of the moſt infignificant Monk, that he would be
mindful of me in his prayers: but it can only appear ſo to thoſe
who are ignorant of the efficacy of prayer. It is beyond com-
mon belief, nor do I find words to expreſs the alacrity I have ex-
perienced, on other occafions, when I had recommended my
undertakings to the Almighty, through the petitions of his fer-
vants: nor ſhould I be credited, was I to relate the difficulties,
the anguiſhes of mind, with which my early years were par-
ticularly affailed, and which I have furmounted by this fole me-
thod*." I am affraid the requeſt will, now-a-days, feem ftill
more fingular than at the time it was made; for though the fup-
plications offered to Jupiter, by a Roman Couful, and the public
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. pag. 25.
worſhip
OF REGINALD
191
POLE.
worſhip of Ofiris, by which the laws of Egypt obliged their Kings
to begin the day, give no offence to a learned Antiquary, or a
faſhionable Unbeliever,; he reads, with ſcorn and contempt, that
a Chriſtian Embaffador fhould lay any ftrefs on the interpofition
of the Vicegerent of that Being who over-rules all events, and
beneath whom thofe are bowed who uphold the World. Thus every Job.
moral is well received, provided it be not drawn from Chrifti-
anity; and no Example can want Admirers but his, who is the
way, the truth, and the life.
THE LEGATE being arrived at Placentia, informed Contareni
that, fince the perfon, who was employed to bring him intelli-
gence had left England, he had heard nothing of the meeting in
the North, on which, fays he, every thing depends: and the
winter being long in thoſe parts, he hoped to reach the Neigh-
bourhood, from whence he might be ferviceable to the cauſe,
before it could be convened. Some things, likewiſe, had hap-
pened at Rome fince his departure, which are not ſpecified; and
Contareni having encouraged him to purfue with magnanimity
what he had undertaken, he was very defirous to open his whole
mind to him, on this fubject, as foon as he had leifure, which
his expeditious manner of travelling had hitherto denied him.
Being now at Placentia, he wrote to his Friend," that all his
company was gone out to fee the City, though the decorum of
his Character, or, as he terms it, his golden fhackles did not al-
low him to appear in public. He took, therefore, that oppor-
tunity of throwing himſelf out on paper, on the whole purpoſe
of the Embaffy, with the fame unreſervedneſs they were accuf-
tomed to in their private converfations." His prefent fituation
naturally put him on this review; though, as we learn from his
own account, he had canvaffed the affair very accurately, before
he embarked in it. He was now removed from the avocations
of the Promoters of his Journey, and the Scene of Action was
now at hand. "That I have undertaken, fays he, a great and
difficult
192
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1500
ducats.
difficult affair, no one fees more clearly than myfelf: but this
profpect does not frighten me. It appeared, indeed, fo very in-
tricate to fome of our friends, who have the higheſt reputation
for prudence, that they made no difficulty of faying publickly,
they could not but admire my courage, and, if they had cared
to ſpeak out, they would have faid my raſhneſs. Others, again,
blame my fimplicity in fuffering myſelf to be drawn into an affair
equally troubleſome and hazardous. What can I fay to all this?
I ſhall make no reply to my Objectors, but many things to my-
felf, and to you my friend, alfo, which is the fame as to think
aloud *."...... The reft of the letter is wanting, and we have
reaſon to regret what is loft, as it would, probably, have given
us a great infight into the Writer's fagacity in foreſeeing dangers,
and his ſteadineſs in not being moved at them.
HAVING ftaid a day at Placentia, he continued his journey,
and as foon as he entered the French dominions, was every where
received, by that Monarch's orders, with particular marks of
diſtinction. At Lyons he first perceived that the Appointments
of the Embaſſy were by no means anſwerable to exigencies of ſo
large a Retinue, and wrote to Contareni to afk an augmentation
of the Pope, as all fupplies from his own fortunes were inter-
cepted: And the Pope, on this repreſentation, though he did not
think proper to augment the appointments, it being the regulated
fum for Embaffadors out of Italy, yet he allowed him, by way
of extraordinary fubfidy, to draw for what fums he fhould ftand
in need of
BUT an Incident of far other importance than the above-
mentioned, happened whilſt he was at Lyons, and this was the
news he received of the defeat of the Inſurgents, in which the
Leaders had been taken Priſoners, and put to death. At the
ſame time it was reported, that the King, in order to give fome
fatisfaction to the People, had promiſed the Malecontents a meet-
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. epift. 15.
ing
OF REGINALD POLE.
193
ing at York, where the Religious grievances which had caufed
thefe tumults, fhould be difcuffed: that the day appointed for the
meeting, which was to have been at the end of March, had been
put off to the 24th of June: but, then, even this report had loft
credit, and no other meeting was expected than that which was
lately held at London, where all former proceedings had been rati-
fied with greater violence than they were firft enacted *.
THOUGH this unexpected turn of affairs feemed to difconcert
all the LEGATE's meaſures with refpect to England, he refolved
to leave nothing undone, on his part, in order to bring them to
a defirable conclufion, and fet out for Paris. His entry into that
City was attended with every demonftration of reſpect from the
Clergy and the People; but the King, who with the Court was
at a ſmall diſtance from the Capital, fignified to him, on the very
day of his arrival, that he could not admit him to treat of the
buſineſs he came on, nor even permit him to make any ſtay in
his dominions: he defired him, therefore, not to afk an audience,
which he ſhould be obliged to deny, and to leave the Kingdom
without delay. At the fame time, he affured the LEGATE, that
this proceeding was contrary to his own inclinations, and had
been extorted from him at the inftance of a Prince, who was a
declared enemy to the LEGATE, to his Order, and to the pur-
poſe of his Embaffy: but that the preffing neceffity of his own
affairs did not allow him to act otherwife.
THIS exigency was the flame of war, which had been lighted
up, for fome years, between the Houfes of Auftria and Valois,
and now raged with all that fury which the mad ambition of rival
and powerful Princes can kindle. Some time before, the Em-
perour had entered France, by the Pyrenean Mountains, at the
head of 148,000 men, and had already affigned to the Grandees,
who accompanied him, the feveral Provinces and Departments
Epift. R. Poli, pars 22. epift. 19, Paulo Pont. pag. 51.
Сс
of
194
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
of a Kingdom, which he looked upon as conquered. This for-
midable preparation had that event in which, it were to be wiſh-
ed, all ſuch attempts might end; ſhame and diſappointment. But
this, inſtead of allaying, had only quickened the bent of the con-
tending Parties to annoy one another: and each of them was
defirous that his Rival ſhould declare againſt the King of England,
and, by that means, engage that Prince's intereſt to himſelf.
WITH this view alone, though others were pretended, it may
be prefumed their Embaffadors had been fo importunate for the
LEGATE's departure from Rome, and had promiſed him every
affiftance, by which their reſpective Mafters could further the
fuccefs of it. Henry, who very well knew his own importance,
had given them both to underſtand, that any countenance fhewn
to the LEGATE fhould be followed by a rupture, on his part;
and this check alone on Princes, who were guided by confi-
derations, which began and ended in themſelves, might have
evinced the inutility of any ſcheme to the King of England's
diſadvantage, in which their concurrence was neceffary. Yet,
as the ſpring of Hope ever rifes in the human breaſt, we
ſhall fee, within less than two years after this project was de-
feated, a fecond fet on foot, on the fame foundation, and, like
this, vaniſhing in apparatus.
THE French King's orders to leave his dominions were intimated
to the LEGATE both by letter and a verbal méffage, delivered to
him by one of the Court; and as they contained no more than
the Public was neceffarily to be informed of, no precaution was
made uſe of to conceal them: but there was a fecret Article, de-
manded by the Engliſh Court, which Francis had fuppreffed, for
the honour of his Ally; and which he refuſed to comply with, for
his own. The LEGATE was privately given to underſtand, that
Henry's Embaffadors had infifted on his being caft into irons, and
put into their hands, in order to be conveyed to England. This
demand had likewife reached the ears of fome of his former ac-
quaintance
1
OF REGINALD POLE.
195
quaintance, who were then at Paris, and alarmed them in fuch
a manner, that they came to him immediately on his arrival, and
conjured him to leave the Kingdom with the utmoſt expedition.
He gives an account of theſe particulars in his letters to Cardinal
Pio, and to the Pope; and giving fcope to that indignation,
which naturally rifes in an upright mind, at fuch treatment, he
breaks out into the following reflections: "That this demand
tended to baniſh all good faith from fociety, and was the higheſt
indignity which could be offered the moft Chriftian King: that
the plea of friendſhip, which fubfifted between the two Crowns,
was a vain pretext, as the first law of that facred band was
to aſk nothing of our friends, but what was confiftent with
their honour; and, that a contrary behaviour diffolved the tie.
He could not but wonder at the French King's forbearance in
not ſhewing a ſuitable reſentment at a demand which muſt ſup-
poſe him void of worth and principle, and regardleſs of the com-
mon Rights of Mankind, by which the Character of thofe who
are ſent on public bufinefs has been an inviolable protection to
their Perfons. That this Maxim was fo univerfal, that had he
been fent to a public Robber, inſtead of a King of France, he
could hardly imagine any of the fraternity would have been fo
unmindful of the Law of Nature, as to aſk that he ſhould be de-
livered up to them. He cites what has been celebrated by Ci-
cero as a peculiar inftance of Cato's felicity, that none had ever
dared to aſk any thing of him, which was diſhonourable; and con-
cludes with the mean and contemptible opinion one man muſt
entertain of another, who is not afhamed to make him a pro-
pofal of the greateſt infamy*."
THE French King ſoftened the ſeeming harſhneſs of the orders
for the LEGATE's immediate departure, by treating him in every
other reſpect, with great deference and good will. He caufed
particular honours to be paid him at the time the orders were
Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª, pag. 25, et pag. 50.
Cc 2
intimated.
196
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
intimated. He admitted, at his requeft, the Bishop of Verona
to his prefence, with whom he had repeated conferences; and
appointed a company of his Guards to attend the LEGATE to
the frontiers of his Kingdom.
THE difappointment he met with at the French Court was
only an effay of what he was to encounter in the fequel of this
affair. Had he found there a different welcome, he was only to
to take it in his way to the Netherlands: here he was to take up
his refidence, as a place more fafe and convenient, in cafe England
ſhould be ſhut to him. Though Francis I. had paid no regard
to the fubject of his Embaffy, and caufed him to leave his States.
almoſt as ſoon as he had entered them, yet he had entertained
his Gueſt, in his paffage, with great humanity, and provided him
an honourable Eſcort to the place of his deſtination. The LE-
GATE had promiſed himſelf a ſtill more friendly reception at his
arrival into the Emperor's dominions, and all the affiftance which
that Prince's Embaſſadors had ftipulated before he left Rome.
This is the manner in which he contrafts the behaviour of theſe
Sovereigns. Being come, therefore, to Cambray, which was then
a free and neutral City, he diſpatched one of his retinue to Bruf-
fels, where Eleonora, Sifter to Charles V. the Dowager Queen of
Hungary, and Governeſs of the Low Countries, then kept her
Court. But though the Meffenger carried a letter, by which the
LEGATE notified his arrival to the Biſhop and Prince of Liege,
who was of the Queen's Council, and then at Bruſſels, he was
not permitted to purfue his journey; but after being detained by
the Governor of Valenciennes, who was Brother to the Biſhop of
Cambray, was fent back; and the reafon affigned for this pro-
ceeding, that he came from France, and could not be ſuffered to
go any further till the Queen's pleaſure was known. But the
LEGATE had been informed, that an Agent from the King of
England was lately arrived at that Court; and foon perceived, that
the ſame reaſons of ſtate, which prevailed on the French King to
have
OF REGINALD
197
POLE.
have him quit his dominions in ſuch haſte, now cauſed the Em-
peror to exclude him, and all who belonged to him, from his.
Could he have had any doubt of this fact, what happened during
a whole month he was at Cambray, muſt have put it beyond all
queftion. As none of his own family were allowed to approach
the Queen, he had never ceafed by third perfons to follicit a fafe-
guard into her Brother's territories, without being able to procure
it. At length the Biſhop of Cambray ſent a perfon, on his own
part, to the Prince of Liege; and though it is only one day's jour-
ney, the Meſſenger did not come back till after ten.
On his re-
turn he brought no letter (ſuch was the pedantic formality of
Auftrian politics) but only a verbal meffage from the Prince,
which gave the LEGATE but ſlender hopes of being able to leave,
with fafety, the place where he was; but notified to him the
dangers to which he was expofed, and the fnares which were
laid for him. At the fame time, this generous Prelate made him
an offer of every thing he was maſter of, and took on himſelf to
provide for his fafety and convenience, if he thought proper to
refide in his Principality. The LEGATE, in his preſent circum-
ſtances, would have preferred this party to any other, could it
have been accepted in a manner becoming his character, for he
did not approve of travelling in difguife, as the Prince propofed.
He prevailed therefore on the Biſhop, whofe Gueſt he ſtill was,
to fend his Archdeacon, a perfon of fingular parts and integrity,
to Court, and charged him with proper inftructions. This fe-
cond Meſſenger, after eleven days ftay, returned with an anſwer
from the Queen and the Prince, to the following effect: " that
as foon as the affair had been debated in Council, her Majefty
would fend a proper fafeguard to efcort the LEGATE to Liege,
where his Highneſs promiſed him a reception anſwerable to all
his occafions."
THE fituation he was in at Cambray could not well be more
diſagreeable. The whole Country was infefted by French and
German
198
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
German Freebooters, who made it unfafe to go out of the Gates
of the City; and the Inhabitants fuffered little leſs than in a
Blockade. He had, befides, every thing to apprehend from the
Engliſh, who were continually paffing to and fro, fome of whom
had been taken in a defign on his life. The Bishop, who on his
arrival had received him with great civility, began now, on per-
ceiving the coldness of the Court of Bruffels, to regulate his own
difpofitions by thoſe of his Superiors, and betrayed a change of
behaviour, which could not eſcape the notice of his Gueft. This
In 1542. Courtly Prelate was of the houfe of Crouij, and five years after,
delivered up to the Emperour the City of which he was Biſhop, and
had the principal juriſdiction; and which had preſerved its Liberty
during fome Centuries. In this confinement the LEGate had full
leiſure to write a long and accurate letter to the Pope, in which,
beſides the particulars of his journey fince he left Rome, he replies to
the orders, which the Pontiff, on hearing there was no longer any
proſpect of a change in the Engliſh affairs, had ſent him to repair
to Rome, that he might affift at the general Council, which he
propofed foon to open at Mantua, though it was, afterwards put
off for fome years, and then held at Trent.
"He begins by affuring the Pope of his readineſs to obey his
commands; but as his return to Italy would, at that time, be
very hazardous, and there were fome reafons which feemed to
favour his ſtay in thofe parts, he thought it his duty to lay them
before his Holiness, who might refolve, when he had weighed.
them, on what he judged moſt expedient. But before I enter on
thefe confiderations, fays he, I fhall, moft holy Father, reprefent
to you what may feem to corroborate your own fentiment and
haften my immediate departure. The caufe for which I under-
took this journey, is now become fo defperate, as not to deſerve
the leaſt riſk ſhould be run for it: nor can your Holineſs be taxed
with inconfiderateneſs in undertaking, or with levity in laying it
afide, fince the difference of circumſtances juftifies both proceedings.
Thefe
OF REGINALD POLE.
199
Theſe meaſures were concerted when the People of England were
in arms, and had men of birth and ability to head them, and the
Cauſe, on the whole, promiſed fucceſs. That the Engliſh Miniſtry
were under theſe apprehenſions, is apparent from the efforts they
made to hinder me from a nearer approach: but, now, the In-
furrection is quelled, and the Leaders put to death. If any hopes
yet remain, fome degree of fecurity is neceffary to the perſon who
is to revive them; which is fo far from being the cafe, that I fee
nothing but danger from all parts; and, therefore, the cenfure will
fall, not on my being recalled, but continuing where I am. This
confideration has ſtill more weight, as I feem to be the only Minif
ter who can be charged with ſuch a negotiation; and though that
which I am now engaged in, has proved unfuccefsful, yet his
Holineſs's forecaſt would be acknowledged in fending me, at fuch
a juncture, to a People, difpofed as the English then feemed to
be; though his vigilance and fagacity could not command
events, which were not in Man's diſpoſal, but in the good plea-
fure of the Almighty. He then proceeds to the reaſons which
ſeemed to make a longer ſtay in the neighbourhood of England,
adviſeable: all which, he fays, may be reduced to that capital
one, the caufe, for which the journey was undertaken; for if this
was of fuch moment as to deſerve all the care and expence which
had hitherto been employed, it ought to have no less weight in
preventing it being entirely given up, till it fully appeared whether
any thing further could be effected. That, there could be no
doubt but his precipitate departure would difpirit thoſe whoſe
welfare was fo earnestly defired, and give their Adverfaries all the
advantage they could wish. That, if his Country received no
ſeaſonable affiſtance, but was left at large to tranfmit to poſterity
the errors which then prevailed, fucceeding times would under-
take a difficult and perhaps a fruitless work in endeavouring to
bring her back to her ancient rites: the zeal, therefore, of all
wellwiſhers to the common caufe of Chriftianity fhould be an-
anfwerable
200
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ſwerable to the obftinacy of thoſe who ſtrive to pervert her received
doctrines, and rend, for ever, ſo fair a portion from the commu-
nion of the Catholic Church; nor did it appear how this zeal
could be more effectually exerted, than by placing in their fight
one of their own nation, whoſe reputation had always been un-
blemiſhed, and his religious principles pure and unchanged; whoſe
example and authority might have an influence on them, before
the remembrance of the paths they had forfaken was quite oblite-
rated, and all further concern about them, laid afide: and be fuch
a one as to ſhew more by deeds than ſpeeches, that no dangers
were capable of intimidating him, when the welfare of his Country
was at ſtake. That the natural effect of the King's late proceed-
ings was to exafperate the minds of the people and inſtruct them
in greater caution, as the Infurrection had been appeaſed, firſt,
by fair words and promifes, by which the Leaders were deceived,
and then put to death: but that the fame wrongs ftill fubfifted,
and the fame inclination to redreſs them: and if they had any
hopes in a Chief, opportunities of afferting their rights could
never be wanting in the prefent ferment. This profpect, indeed,
might be diſtant, but ought ftill to be kept in view; and there
was no forbearance but ſhould be ſubmitted to, when fuch a point
was to be gained. He concludes with obſerving, he was not
ignorant that he incurred the indignation of a powerful King, who
was his avowed enemy, and would leave nothing untried to de-
ftroy him that he had already threatened to compaſs this by the
fame means, by which Philip of Macedon faid the ſtrongeſt for-
treffes might be taken, if they were acceffible to Mules laden with
gold, and had declared he would employ 100,000 broad pieces to
18th May, be Maſter of him alive or dead *.” This is the fum of the LE-
GATE's diſpatch, which is penned with fuch judgment, that the
Pope ſent it to be tranſcribed by the Cardinal Alexander Farneſe, as
1537
鼻
​* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª, pag. 46.
a model
OF REGINALD POLE.
201
a model on which public perſons might form their manner
of writing.
His Friend Contareni wrote to him about the fame time, that
his not affuming a public Character, though he was fent on an
embaffy of ſuch confequence, ſeemed to derogate from the dig-
nity of the holy See; and therefore he adviſed him neither to leave
the place with any unbecoming hurry, nor yet be buried there in
obſcurity any longer. To this he replied, that Contareni need be
under no apprehenfions of his not being as confpicuous as his
character required, fince the Court of England, by their Spies and
Emiffaries, took care to make him more known than he defired,
not only in that, but in all the neighbouring ſtates; and that
all his motions were fo narrowly watched, that an Army might
decamp with greater privacy than he could ſtir from one place
to another, *
HAVING ftaid fix weeks at Cambray he ſet out for Liege with
the Eſcort, which, after fuch ungenerous fhuffling, was at laſt,
fent him from Bruſſels: nor did he perform this journey, fhort
as it was, without much danger and difficulty. Soon after his 10th June.
arrival he wrote to the Pope, extolling the generous hofpitality of
the Prince and Biſhop of that City, and the honourable retreat
and daily good offices he received from him. As gratitude feems
to have been a cardinal virtue of our illuftrious Countryman, he
fignified the fame to the facred College, and informs them, more-
over, that the inhabitants of the Capital, at their Prince's deſire,
had teftified ſo much good will and regard for his perfon, that
nothing more was wanting either to his fafety or dignity. He
requeſts them to fignify their acknowledgments to the Prince, for
fuch marks of diftinction fhewn to one of their College; which
they did in a manner fuited to the Prince's defert, and their own
fenſe of it.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. pag. 58, et 59.
D d
+ Ibid. pag. 59, 61, 63.
THIS
30th June.
14
202
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
་
THIS retreat did not fhelter him from Henry's fecret intrigues
and open attempts to rid himſelf of a perſon, whoſe zeal for the ci-
vil and religious rights of his Country made him at once the object
of a Tyrant's hatred and fears. His Agents employed every ſtra-
tagem to oblige him to leave the neighbourhood of England, and
go
back to Rome; and, thefe failing, they refolved to take away
his life. The King had already attainted him of high treaſon,
confifcated all his fortunes, and put a reward of 15,000 crowns
on his head. He had not been many days at Liege, when a let-
ter from the Engliſh Embaſſador at the Court of Bruffels, to one
of his countrymen was intercepted, in which he gave
him re-
peated affurances, "how agreeable the execution of what they
had diſcourſed on, would be to his Britannic Majefty, and that
he might expect a recompenfe anſwerable to the fervice. The
perfon thus employed, fays the LEGATE, came to him under
pretence of being baniſhed his Country, and, wanting other
means of ſubſiſtence, defired to be admitted into his family but
either from the mifgivings of his own mind, or the conſciouſneſs
of guilt, being come to town in the evening, he left it on the
morrow, before break of day; and, if his ftay had been longer,
would have been caft into prifon.* He had feveral other eſcapes
of the fame kind, in which the malevolence of his enemies, and
the watchfulneſs of a good Providence over his prefervation were
equally vifible. But that a more atteſted evidence of Henry's dif-
pofitions might be extant, he made an offer to the Privy Council
of Flanders, of which the Prince of Liege was a member, to
furniſh them with 4,000 Infantry, and keep them ten months in
his
pay, if they furrendered the LEGATE to him. The anſwer he
made, on the Prince's fignifying to him this propoſal, manifeſted
the chriſtian difpofition of his mind, and that contempt of life,
which is one of thoſe qualities which conſtitute Heroic Virtue.
"The King, fays he, is deceived, if he intends me harm: he
Epift. R. Poli, pars 22. pag. 66.
*
2ª.
would
OF REGINALD POLE.
203
would by taking away my life, procure me a repoſe beyond the
reach of any further trouble he could give me; and would be-
have, in my regard, as one who helps another to put off his
cloaths, that he may go to reft." *
of June to
the 21ſt of
Aug. 1537.
His ſtay at Liege was about three months, during which the From the
King of England's afcendants over the Malecontents of the Nation,
and the little proſpect of the French and Imperial Courts intereft-
ing themſelves in their cauſe, gave him fully to underſtand what
was to be the iffue of the Embaffy.-But though all the functions
of the Minifter were locked up, through want of opportunity to
exert them, the Man never appeared in a more amiable and in-
ftructive light. He excelled in domeſtic life, no leſs than in the
moſt exalted ſtations, and practifed, in this Retirement, all thofe
Virtues, which, without putting the faculties to the ſtretch, con-
ſtitute the perfection of our nature. This has been tranſmitted to
us in the following inftances. Contareni, on fending him the
Pope's permiffion to draw on the treaſury for what ſupplies he
found neceffary, had cautioned him to uſe this grant with mode-
ration, as the Exchequer was greatly incumbered. On this he
defired his friend Priuli to ftate the detail of his expence, and
when it was drawn up with the utmoſt precifion, he fent it
to be examined at Rome, as what would clear him from all fufpi-
cion of want of œconomy. But, not content with this, that he
might do juſtice to all who were charged with the management
of his houfhold concerns, he certified, they were fo frugal, that
if the Cenfor Cato himſelf was to overlook the accounts, he
would find nothing to retrench. The Biſhop of Verona, though
he was appointed to affift him in affairs of the higheſt moment,
yet had condefcended to enter into this minute computation: His
preſence alone, ſays the LEGATE, is fufficient to check all ſuper-
fluities, and to caufe decency and order. However unfaſhionable
*Vita Car. Poli, pag. 19.
+ Ibid. pag. 64.
Dd 2
this
204
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
this detail may appear to a fpendthrift and thoughtless Age, it
was in great repute with that People, from whom we are very
fond of drawing parallels, and whofe virtues we admire whilſt
we copy their vices. In the moft flourishing ftate of that Re-
public, they placed Frugality not only among the duties of a
good Citizen, but of a great Magiftrate.
THE manner in which the LEGATE and the principal perfons
of his houſehold ſpent their time during their ſtay at Liege, was
not leſs inſtructive than their economy of the public Money.
The morning, unleſs buſineſs called them abroad, was employed
in their Appartments, till an hour and a half before dinner, when
all met in a domeſtic Chapel, and performed in common, the
divine office, at which the Biſhop of Verona prefided, as Mafter
of Ceremonies. The Mafs fucceeded to this part of the Liturgy,
after which they dined. St. Bernard's works were read at the
beginning of table; they then converſed. When dinner was
ended, the Biſhop generally read to the company a chapter in
Eufebius's Preparation of the Gospel, which uſeful work, as we
learn from the Preface infcribed by Donatus of Verona, to Paul
III. he had lately cauſed to be tranflated into the latin tongue.
When this was over, difcourfe for an hour or two was again re-
fumed, and then each retired till an hour and a half before fup-
per. They all then affembled and fang the remaining part of
the divine Office; and, that being ended, the LEGATE, every
other day, expounded St. Paul's Epiftles, having began with thoſe
to Timothy, in which the Duties of Churchmen, eſpecially of the
higher Order, are fet forth and recommended. He undertook
this taſk at the entreaty of his Houſehold, and acquitted himſelf
of it to the higheſt fatisfaction of them all, and chiefly of the
Biſhop of Verona. "How often have I wiſhed, ſays Priuli, in
in a letter to Becatelli, who was abfent, that you and the Biſhop
of Fano, were preſent at the Lectures of this excellent man; and
were witneffes of the reverence, humility, and judgment with
which
OF REGINALD POLE.
205
which he diſcharges himſelf of this expofition: they are ſo remark-
able, that I can raiſe my Ideas no higher, nor do I think my love
for him makes me partial in this eſtimate. I hope to retain enough
to give you a fpecimen at our first meeting." They fupped after
the Lecture, and then, as it was the Summer ſeaſon, they took
the relaxation of a walk, or a barge on the Maeſe, and in dif-
courfes becoming fuch company. "We conſtantly regret, fays
Priuli, in the fame letter, the abſence of Becatelli and my Lord
of Fano, and defire they might partake with us in this delightful
and irreproachable manner of paffing our time; and we fend up
our joint thankſgivings to the Author of our happineſs. How
often does my Lord LEGATE repeat to me, certè Deus nobis hæc
otia fecit: tho which he never fails to add, why is not my Lord
Contareni with us!*
IT may be with truth afferted, that this great Man poffeffed his
foul in patience and thankfulneſs under thoſe preffures, which
minds leſs inured to Chriſtian Philoſophy, look upon as misfor-
tune and diſtreſs: that the pomp and oftentation of that Court,
which perfecuted him, was effaced by the fhades and by-paths
of his retirements: and his evening walks on the banks of the
Maeſe more illuftrious, in a difcerning eye, than the march of
Francis I. or Charles V. at the head of a hundred thousand men.
I CANNOT but here take notice of a remarkable difference be-
tween this Chriſtian diſtribution of the day which was obſerved
by the LEGATE and his Family, and what Cochley relates to have
been practiſed, much about the fame time, by Luther and his
reforming Companions at Smalcald.
"In this meeting, fays he,
Luther and his Diſciples uſed every artifice to oppoſe the General
Council, which was then about to be held, and there was no ex-
travagance they did not run into, on this ſubject. Whilft the
Pope, in the moſt folemn manner, declared that his only view in
calling the Council was, that the whole World might be united
Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. pag. 104, inter Monum. Preliminaria,
in
206
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
in the Sheepfold of JESUS CHRIST, and each one live foberly,
juſtly, and chaftly, in true faith, hope, and charity, and thus
receive the crown of righteouſneſs; they amufed the Public with
lampoons, Epiftles from Beelzebub, and ſuch like buffooneries*."
The Relator of this fact was a Cotemporary Author, who had
every opportunity of being informed of it, and is fo unexception-
able a Voucher, as to deſerve the following character from Thu-
anus. "John Cochley, fays this Hiftorian, was a native of
Nurembourg, and Canon of Breslaw. He excelled in Theology,
as appears from what he writ in defence of the authority of the
Canons, and of the Catholic Church. His fkill in Controverfy
appeared in the Conferences with the Divines of the Proteſtant
Party at Aufburg, Ratisbon, and Worms, in which he gained great
reputation. He died on the 10th of January 1552 †.
THE cauſe for which the LEGATE's journey was undertaken
having now no appearance of fupport in England, his refidence in
the Neighbourhood of that Kingdom was judged no longer neceſ-
fary: efpecially as thofe Powers, who alone could fhew any
countenance to it, had refuſed to give him fo much as a bare
hearing on it. The dangers likewiſe to which his own life lay daily
open, and the inconveniences to which any longer ſtay might ex-
poſe the generous Prince, in whofe City he was, and who, in
defiance of the threats of the Engliſh Court, continued every
mark of diſintereſted friendſhip to him, moved the Pope to rei-
terate the orders he had lately given him of returning to Rome:
and the General Council which was fixed on the beginning of
November, made his prefence greatly defired at that juncture.
"His Holiness, in his letter, fignifies his concern for the un-
fortunate conclufion of the Embaffy, and for having expofed the
LEGATE to fo many labours and dangers to no purpoſe: that
he comforted himself, however, with the confcioufnefs of his
*Cochlai Comment. de Actis et Scriptis Luth, ad an. 1537. + Thu. Hift. 1. II.
own
OF REGINALD POLE.
207
own integrity, and the LEGATE's fortitude, to whom the detri-
ment of the public caufe had been more grievous than any confi-
deration which touched himfelf: that, this Chriſtian generoſity
appeared both in his and the Bishop of Verona's letters, and it
was but fitting that he, the Pope, fhould enter into the fame fen-
timents, and ſubmit to the divine Appointment: but that he
could do no less than exempt fo valuable a Miniſter from any
further danger, and have him near his perſon, as his prudence
could not but be very ſeaſonable in the many weighty affairs,
which were foon to be difcuffed *. He wrote alfo to the King
of the Romans, "that the LEGATE being to take his road thro'
the ſtates of the Empire, his Majefty was entreated to provide
every thing for his fecurity, and to write to thoſe Princes, through
whoſe territories he was to paſs, to do the fame. He recom-
mended the fame care to the Elector of Cologne.
The
BEFORE the LEGATE left Liege, he thanked, by letter, the
three principal Miniſters at Bruſſels, de Prat, Scerper, and the
Archbiſhop of Palermo, for the inftances of humanity they had
ſhewed him; and informed them of the fignal obligations he had
to the Prince, under whofe hoſpitable roof he ſtill was.
expreffions he makes uſe of ſeem to indicate that theſe Stateſmen
had been fo far ferviceable to him, as was confiftent with the
politics of a Court entirely under the guidance of the Emperour.
They had fignified their difpofitions in his regard to the Bishop
of Verona, who was allowed to go to Bruffels, though the LE-
GATE was not. He defires the Archbiſhop to affure the Queen
of his reſpects; and, the overflowings of a grateful heart breaking
out, he delivers himſelf on the fubject of the Prince of Liege,
with a warmth which might well make thofe Courts bluſh,
which, notwithſtanding all their engagements, had performed
nothing. "He has behaved, fays he, in my regard, not only
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. pag. 273, inter Mon. Præ.
+ Ibidem.
30th June
21st July
1537
with
208
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
21st Aug.
1537
with the tenderneſs of the beft of Friends, but with the muni-
ficence of an opulent Monarch, and I could not but give you the
pleaſure of hearing the commendations of this excellent man,
whom you love and honour*.*
THE princely generofity of this Prelate was the more com-
mendable as it was conferred on a ſtranger; but, as this ftranger
was an Engliſhman, it has a peculiar right to be recorded here
from the following paffage in Priuli's letter to Becatelli.
" To-
morrow we ſet out on our return to Italy. Since my laſt, in
which I gave you an account of the hoſpitality with which the
Prince has regaled my Lord, the LEGATE, and fhewn him, on
all occafions, a more than paternal affection, his Highneſs has
not ceaſed to give him, every day, and almoſt every hour, ſome
freſh demonſtration of theſe difpofitions. Amongſt others, he
cancelled a Note of 1500 crowns, which the LEGATE had taken
up on his coming here, and returned it to him. Two days after,
he made him a prefent of 2000 crowns, requeſting he would
receive them as a token of his love, and lay them out in a fer-
vice of plate, or in whatever manner was moft agreeable to him.
All reſiſtance was to no purpofe; he was conſtrained to accept
the fum, and has already wrote to a friend in Italy, to order the
plate with the Arms of his Benefactor. As the LEGATE had
been informed of the riſk he was to run, in his way to Italy,
from the Engliſh Emiffaries, the Prince has fpent three days in
confulting with thoſe who are acquainted with the roads, and
taking every precaution for the fafety of his noble Gueſt. Such
accuracy and forecaſt does Friendſhip either find or create in great
and elegant minds +."
THAT I may not be wanting to the reputation of a perſon who
deſerved fo well of our Country by his behaviour to one who was
the ornament of it, the Reader will give me leave to trace out a
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. pag. 48, et feq.
+ Ibid. pag. 102, Diatribe. ad Epift.
fhort
OF REGINALD
209
POLE.
ſhort ſketch of his character.
Bouillon, and of Jane of Morlay. His family name was la Marc,
and he received in Baptifm that of Everard. He was chofen Bi-
fhop and Prince of Liege in 1505, and having firſt declared him-
felf in favour of France, and been gratified with the Biſhoprick of
Charters, he afterwards went over to the interefts of Charles V. in
oppoſition to thoſe of Francis I. and greatly contributed, at the
Diet at Frankfort, to have that Prince advanced to the Empire,
on the death of his Grandfather Maximilian. Charles teftified his
gratitude by nominating him to the rich See of Valencia, in Spain,
and procuring for him the Purple, for which he had an extreme
fondneſs, of Leo X. He likewife permitted him to exerciſe, in
the Low Countries, the Legantine Jurifdiction, which had been
granted him by Clement VII. The Prelate had the fatisfaction
of feeing this ſeries of felicity continued to him by the good offices
of his late grateful Gueft. On his arrival at Rome, being informed
that a Kinſman of his Benefactor was defirous to be admitted
into Cardinal Alexander Farnefe's family, he recommended him
to the Pope in ſuch ſtrong terms, that he was immediately placed
in one of the firſt poſts of a houſhold, which was then one of the
moft numerous, noble, and polite in Europe, and where moft
ancient and modern languages were correctly ſpoken by the dif-
ferent perfons who compofed it. But the moſt valuable proof
the LEGATE gave him of his attachment to his real intereft,
was, by feconding the defign he had of reforming his Diocefe.
The manners of the People and Clergy of Liege, were remarkably
corrupt; and, as it generally happens, their averfion to a Reform
was equal to the need they had of it. The great pains the Bi-
ſhop took on this head, fhews the ſenſe he had of his obligations,
and the LEGATE's concurrence with theſe falutary endeavours, is
no leſs commendable. This fpirit of zeal and goodneſs breathes
through the fix Letters which he wrote to him on this ſubject,
and two to the Provoſt of Tongre. There is a remarkable accu-
E e
racy
He was Son to Robert I. Duke of
210
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
racy in them all; a caution to inform the Prince of every thing
it was proper he ſhould know; a fignification of gratitude for his
paſt favours, and of a mind inured to application, which enabled
him to enter into the moſt minute detail, and unite the care of
an Agent to the dignity of an Equal. He procured for his Friend
ſuch an extenſion of the Legantine powers, as the unhappineſs of
thofe times required; and prevailed on him, though fomething
againſt his inclinations, to acquiefce to the form in which this
enlargment was granted, as moft agreeable to his dignity and to
the nature of the commiffion. The three laſt of theſe letters,
which are dated in the beginning of the following year, did not
reach Liege till after the Prince's death, which happened in Fe-
bruary, within half a year after the LEGATE's departure. Erafmus
celebrates this great Prelate for his generous encouragement of
letters, the ſtately buildings with which he adorned not only his
own Principality, but feveral Cities in Flanders, and for fhewing,
by the uſe he made of wealth and honours, how deſerving he
was of both*. Some years before his death he erected a very
fumptuous Memorial of himſelf, and placed it in the midſt of the
Quire of the Cathedral, where it ſtill remains as freſh and unim-
pared as his merits are in the minds of his People. It confifts of
a Tomb, raiſed a confiderable height from the ground; on the
flat of which the Prelate is repreſented, in a kneeling poſture, as
large as life, in his Cardinal's robes; and, at the oppofite end, a
Skelliton of Death, beckoning to him; with other ſmaller emble-
matical Figures. The whole is of caft brafs, gilt at a vaſt ex-
pence, and the workmanſhip ſo exquifite as to pass for one of
the moſt magnificent Monuments in Europe. Several of our cu
rious Countrymen, who have been at the neighbouring Spa, muft
remember they have confidered it in this light.
In this manner an end was put to a Negotiation which had
been entered on by the Pope, from a zeal of uniting England to
* Epift. Eraſm. pag. 1025, ed. Bafil.
the
OF REGINALD POLE.
2II
the Catholic Church; and by the LEGATE, on the fame difin-
tereſted and Chriftian views. The fituation of the Engliſh af-
fairs was fuch, as might promife fuccefs to the enterprize, eſpe-
cially to minds prepoffeffed with an ardent defire of it. The
Emperor and French King had not only encouraged the under-
taking, but engaged to fecond the LEGATE's endeavours, in a
manner anſwerable to the importance of the buſineſs, and their
own power to forward it: but as neither of them had any other
defign, than to make the whole affair fubfervient to their private
ends, they let Henry, and all Europe know, how much his en-
mity was dreaded by her two moſt powerful Princes; and, on
that account, were fo far from affording any aid to the cauſe,
that they were a real and great detriment to it. This very pof-
fible Event the LEGATE himſelf had foreſeen, as appears from
the diffidence, with which he entered on the undertaking, and
the letter he wrote to Contareni from Lyons, when he was en-
gaged in it. His judicious friend Sadolet, writing to him, fome
time after, tells him, "he bore the fruitless fuccefs of the affair
with greater evennefs, as he had, all along, forefeen how it would
end*. But the obedience he owed to the Roman Pontif, the
importunity of the Imperial and French Miniſters, the afliſtance
his Country ſtood in need of, and at that juncture feemed to call
for, cauſed him to liſten to the voice of duty, though at the riſk
of peril and diſappointment.
BEING arrived at Trent, he received a Diſpatch from the Court
of Rome, which was defigned to have reached him before he had
left Liege, and by which the Pope left him at large either to paſs
the winter there, or return to Rome, as he judged moſt conve-
nient. But, he tells Contareni, that, all things confidered, he
looked on it as a fortunate circumftance, not to have received
theſe orders till it was too late to deliberate on the alternative they
propoſed, and that he had complied with his Holiness's firft com-
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª, pag. 71.
E e 2
mands
212
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
mands, before the ſecond had reached him. The Letter to Con-
tareni is writ from Bovolona, a country Seat of the Bishop of
Verona, not far from Hoftilia, a town in the Dutchy of Mantua,
and fituated on the Banks of the Po. That Prelate having af-
fifted him with his prefence, his friendſhip, and every kind of
good offices during the late troubleſome buſineſs, beſtowed on
him, as they were about to take leave of each other, thoſe marks
of generofity, which, as our Countryman obferves, he had a
much better title to receive. "This, he adds, is an obligation
to which I ſhall not be wanting, whenever Providence affords
me the means of liberality, which, at preſent, it ſeems to deny,
in order to make room for that of others."
He was vifited here by the Contareni family, and ſaw them,
he fays, with the fame complacence he was accuſtomed to feel,
on meeting, after a long abfence, his own Relations: and as he
let flip no opportunity of deferving well of literature and Virtue,
he prevailed on Flaminius, who came from Verona, to pay his
reſpects to him, to enrich the Latin Poetry with a tranſlation of
the Pfalms, which, as we have elſewhere ſeen from Thuanus, has
been received with general approbation. From Hoftilia he came
by water to Ferrara; and from thence went to Ravenna, that he
might take Loretto in his way to Rome. On the road he heard
of the death of Cofmus Geri, Bishop of Fano, whom long acquain-
tance, and fimilitude of manners had rendered very dear to him;
and who was taken off in the prime of life, before his friend had
reached Bologna, where he hoped to meet him.
BEING come to Rome, he gave the Pope a full account of his
Embaffy; and, tho' the event had not anſwered expectation, yet
as he had diſcharged it with every commendation which can make
a public character truly valuable, he was received with thoſe tefti-
monies of eſteem, which fhould always accompany real, though
unſucceſsful merit: and the Legantine Commiffion being now at an
end, he returned to the condition of a private CARDINAL.
SECT.
( 213 )
SECT.
IV.
Several interesting Anecdotes of his private Life.
His Embaſſy to Charles V.
Infcribes an Apology to that Prince.
E
XXXXX.
#NGLAND ftill continued to be a ſcene of as
many changes as new paffions roſe in her Mo-
narch's breaſt, or as former ones were not yet fa-
tiated. The plunder of near 400 Religious houſes,
whofe yearly income amounted to 32,000 pounds,
beſides a great ſtock in goods and chattels, and which had been
fufficient for the maintenance of 10,000 religious perfons, and
a much greater number of Retainers, had only increaſed the
cravings of Henry's avarice: and the mere abjuration of the
Papal fupremacy ſeemed but a flight revenge on that See, whoſe
authority was yet revered by fo large a part of his Subjects, and
was ſtill in his way with reſpect to further innovations, on which
he was now wholly bent. In the preamble to the Act for dif
folving the leffer Monafteries, the Parliament, on the report of
the Viſitors, had declared, that, in the greater Houses, thanks be
to God, Religion was well kept up and obferved.* But this was to
little purpoſe with a Prince, who had already fixed their fate, and
whoſe paſſions ran fo ftrong for a diſſolution, that he could ſcarce
endure the report of a fair character given to the Religious.+
There were, at this time, about 700 Religious honfes in
* Anno Hen. VIII.
+ Giffard's, one of the Commiffioners, letter to Cromwell, 19th June, 1537.
England
214
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
;
England and Wales, eight and twenty of which gave their
Abbots a Seat in the upper Houſe of Parliament. The yearly
value of theſe places, exclufive of their moveable goods, which
muſt have been beyond any eftimate, was computed at 135,522
pounds. This Income, however, great as it is, bore a much
leffer proportion to the wealth of the nation than is generally
imagined. The produce of the lands and poffeffions of England,
fometime before this period, had been rated at three millions
and thus what the Monafteries poffeffed did not exceed one twen-
tieth part of the national revenue; a fum much below what a de-
ſign to deſtroy them, firſt gave out, and credulity has ſtill retained.
It could, one would imagine, be no eafy matter to ſeize on ſo
large a property, which was pretty equally divided over the whole
Kingdom, and had been affured to the Poffeffors by every title on
which Right can be founded, by a preſcription of many centuries,
and by the repeated Acts of above thirty Parliaments. As this
fubject is intimately connected with the ſubſequent part of this
hiſtory, and takes in a great variety of curious intelligence, I
ſhall preſent the Reader with fuch a fummary view of it, as may
prepare him for that part of the CARDINAL's conduct which
was intereſted in it, and enable him to judge of theſe inftitutions,
not by the prejudices under which they generally labour in our
Country, but from facts themſelves.
THE Legiſlature having made the abovementioned declaration
in favour of the Monaſteries, no fuch depravity could be ſuppoſed
to have pervaded thefe Retreats, within the fhort space of three
years, which intervened between the diffolution of the greater and
and leffer houſes, as could call for a total extirpation; thofe me-
thods, therefore, were made ufe of, which by endeavouring to
Camden reckons 645. A lift taken
out of the Court of firſt fruits and tythes
makes them amount to 754; this diffe-
rence may have risen from fome.colleges
and fuch like foundations having been
thrown into the number.
+ Fuller fays 27; Lord Herbert 28;
and Sir Ed. Coke, 29.
conceal
OF
215
REGINALD
POLE.
1
conceal half the iniquity of the proceeding, made the whole more
odious. It was judged expedient that the ſeizure ſhould paſs for
a ſurrender and voluntary ceffion on the part of thoſe who were
turned out of their poffeffions. In confequence of this plan, be-
fore the diffolution took place, on a vacancy of the Heads of any
of the Houſes, ſuch perſons were put into their place as ſeemed
moſt likely to be brought over to the meaſures of the Court.
Large penfions for life were offered, and when motives of honour
and conſcience were alleged by the Incumbents for non-compliance,
their behaviour was imputed to diſobedience to the King's plea-
fure and Spiritual Directors were prevailed on to perfuade the
Nuns, they were obliged to fubmit. When theſe methods
failed, the refractory Abbots were, on different pretences, re-
moved, and others more manageable put in their room. Menaces
and rigour fucceeded to the promiſes made to the Monks; and
they were threatened with being accuſed of the moſt infamous
diforders. The Commiffioners took away the Conventual feal
from their houſes, and by this and fuch like means made the
payment of their debts, and their very ſubſiſtence, in ſome mea-
fure, impracticable. They could neither make Leafes, nor difpofe
of their valuable effects. If any of the Religious gave out, that
his ſurrender was involuntary, a mark of diflike was fet on him,
and he was denied that fcanty allowance, which was granted to
his Brethren *. In fo great a number of houſes, very few were
taken by compoſition; the reſt were ſtarved into a ſurrender, or
ſtormed by violence, or gained by thoſe artifices which prevail on
the paffions of Mankind.+ The allowance granted to the Abbots
and other Superiors was proportioned to the readineſs they had
fhewn in giving up their houſes; and each private Religious had
a ſmall yearly pittance, frequently ill paid, as appears from the
*Collier's Ch. Hift. V. 2. B. 3.
p. 136. Dugdale's Hift. of Warwick-
fire, p. 801.
+ Fuller's Ch. Hift. N. B. 6. p. 307.
and p. 346.
complaints
216
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
R
complaints of the Sufferers, and orders for the better obſervance of
Statutes provided in fuch cafes. The Nuns were allowed about
four pounds a year; but no provifion is found to have been made
for ſuch as were lately entered: they were turned out on the world,
and left at large, By this means an incredible number of women
of birth and faſhion, being excluded from a fettlement in the mar-
riage ſtate, could have no rank which they properly filled. Great
intereſt was made in behalf of the Sufferers, from feveral parts of
the Kingdom; eſpecially from Oxfordſhire, in favour of the Mo-
nafteries of the Women. Their lives were fo remarkably blame-
leſs, as to feem to deſerve an exemption from the general ruin.
But neither perſonal merit, nor a regard due to the tenderneſs of
the Sex, was any protection againſt avarice and lawſeſs ſway.
THE Nation, during theſe tranſactions, was amuſed with ru-
mours of an alliance between the Emperor and the French King to
invade England, and that CARDINAL POLE was stirring up all
Europe to a holy war on the fame account; and the People were
taught to believe, that this additionel wealth would enable the King
not only to repel his Enemies, but to regain whatever his Pre-
deceffors had poffeffed in France. The Nobility were induced
to acquiefce to this amazing revolution, by a promiſe of a ſhare
in the plunder, which Henry, as wafteful as rapacious, ſquan-
dered almoſt as ſhamefully as he had acquired it. I fhall in-
ſtance this in two or three examples, though they have nothing
in particular which diſtinguiſhes them from others without num-
ber. A Grant was made of a religious houſe to a Gentlewoman,
for a diſh of puddings, which happened to pleaſe the King's
palate; and ſeveral thoufands a year, which had belonged to
Monafteries, were gamed away at dice. A Ring of Jefus' bells,
remarkable for their fize and harmony, was loft, at one throw,
to Sir Miles Patridge*. Lord Chancellor Audley, employed a
* Stow's Survey of London, in Farringdon-ward. Fuller quoted by Collier, Ch. Hift.
vol. 2, b. 3, pag. 166.
fpecial
OF REGINALD
217
POL E.
fpecial Agent to treat of a furrender with the Abbot of Athely;
and by a perſonal follicitation prevailed on St. Ofith's, in Effex,
to come into the fame meaſures. At the fame time, he entreated
his Majefty to provide him with fomething more lucrative; and,
as an argument to obtain the Abbey of Walden, in the fame
County, out of whofe ruins the ftately fabrick, known by the
name of Audley-End, was built, after having extenuated its value,
he urged the great damages and infamy he had fuftained in ferv-
ing the Crown, for which this grant would make him amends *.
A VERY rational doubt yet remained, how Religious Perſons
could alienate and transfer to the King, a property of which they
themſelves were only Tenants for life: and an Act of Parliament
was framed, in order to remove all future fcruples on this head,
and ſettle Rapine and Sacrilege, as Lord Herbert terms them, on
the King and his Heirs for ever. Both Houſes were informed,
that by this increaſe of the Royal Revenue, the King would be in
a condition to live on his own, to defend his Kingdom, affift his
Confederates, and reward thoſe who deſerved well of him; and
that his Majeſty for ever in time to come, would take care theſe
funds fhould not be turned to private uſe: that, the Exchequer
being thus enriched, 40,000 well-trained Soldiers might be kept
on foot, and the Subject never more charged with fubfidies, fif-
teenths, loans, and common aids; and, that the honour of the
Realm might not feem to fuffer any diminution, by the fuppref-
fion of the nine and twenty Abbots or Priors, who held Baronies
of the Crown, in right of which they were Lords of Parliament,
the number of Peers was to be augmented. On theſe pretexts
the greater Monafteries were all granted to the King, but no pro-
vifion was made for the purpoſes to which the Grant was limited,
or for any part of them. They were given to Him and his Suc-
ceffors, in general terms, to difpofe of as they fhould think fit,
*Dugdale's Antiquities of Warwick-
fire, p. 801.
1 Coke's Inftitutes, part 4. fol. 44.
and N. B. 3d. p. 165.
Ff
to
218
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
to God's honour, and the Welfare of the Realm. It does not appear
to have been debated in either Houfe, whether they had a power
to difpoffefs fome hundred thouſand perfons of their dwelling and
fortunes, whom, a few years before, they had declared to be good
ſubjects; if ſuch as live well come under that denomination.
They ſeem to have as little confidered, whether fome things are
not above the reach of Legiſlature, and if a Statute can unconfe-
crate a Church, and make Sacrilege no crime. All Religions,
natural and revealed, true and falſe, have conſtantly ſuppoſed
Confecrations made to the Supreme Being, to be of a real and
perpetual nature: the confequence of which is, that whatever is
thus transferred, and, as it were, veſted in him, cannot be taken
back without his confent, fignified by thoſe he has appointed In-
terpreters of his will, and Delegates of his power. "Now, fays
Sir Edward Coke, obſerve the conclufion of this Tragedy: In that
very Parliament, when the great and opulent Priory of St. John
of Jerufalem was given to the King, and which was the laft
Monaſtery feized on, he demanded a freſh Subfidy of the Clergy
and Laity; he did the fame again within two years; and again
three years after; and, fince the diffolution, exacted great loans,
and, againſt law, obtained them.” *
NOR is it this great Lawyer alone, who, having related theſe
ſtrange tranſactions, falls into the like reflections on them. I
fhall only fet down the judgment which Proteſtant Writers have
paffed on this matter, as their religious principles cannot make
them fufpected of partiality to the cauſe of the Sufferers, though
their candour has caufed them to do it juftice. I have related
elſewhere the juft and fevere cenfure with which ſome of them
have condemned the firſt innovation of this kind, though made
by the Papal authority, and for purpoſes which ſeemed to anſwer
the chief ends of the original inſtitution. Notwithſtanding which,
they have doubted of the lawfulneſs of the proceeding, have
Coke, where above cited.
remarked
}
OF
REGINALD POLE.
219
..
remarked on the diſappointed views, under cover of which it was
undertaken, and the unhappineſs which attended all thofe who
had any ſhare in it. They have delivered themſelves in ftill
ftronger terms on the fuppreffion of the leffer Monaſteries, and
the diſaſtrous effect it had on ſo many innocent perfons, and on the
Community in general. They have treated this great and final
deſtruction with the fame impartiality, and what might ſeem re-
ſentment and the effect of party ſpirit in a Writer of the Catholic
communion, cannot but be well received from thofe who are
aliens to her worſhip. If theſe fair Reaſoners have thought fo
great a multiplicity of ſuch inſtitutions not neceffary to Religion,
and detrimental to the ftate, their difapprobation has went no
further than to blame the excefs of thefe plans of life, not to
think it lawful to injure the perfons or property of thoſe who are
engaged in them. Had the Monks been heard in their own
cauſe, they could not have pleaded it with greater energy than
theſe advocates have done it for them, on the evidence of facts,
and from a principle which will do honour to their writings,
whilft equity and the lingering fpirit of Religion has yet applaufe
in Britain.
THEY confider the eafe and conveniency which our Gentry and
Nobility enjoyed of providing for younger children, who were
diſpoſed to retire from the world, with the opportunities of ſtudy
and recollection, and an eſtabliſhment for life fuited to the rank
their family held; the charge of which was by this means lef-
fened, and the perpetuity of their eftates better fecured. The
Abbeys were public Schools for education, each of them having
one or more perfons fet apart to inſtruct the Youth of the Neigh-
bourhood, without any expence to the Parent: and young perfons
of the other fex had the fame advantage from the Convents of
Women, where they were taught needle-work, to read their
mother tongue, and had ſometimes a tincture of the latin. Our
beſt, and almoſt our only Hiftorians were perfons of this profeffion.
Retirement
Ff 2
220
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Retirement afforded them leifure for fuch undertakings, and the
Seat which the mitred Abbots held in Parliament brought them
acquainted with public life and the affairs of the Nation. Several
of the Epifcopal Sees were likewife filled by that Order of men,
and many of them had place in the Convocation. They not only
promoted a general literary improvement, as far as it was under-
ftood or attainable in their times, but were induftrious, at diffe-
rent periods of our national calamities, to reſtore learning, and
reſcue their Country from the ignorance into which thoſe diſaſters
had cauſed it to fall, and the Monks preferved what theſe had
fpared. Each of the greater Monafteries had a peculiar refidence
in the Univerſities, and whereas there were, in thoſe times, near
300 Halls and private Schools in Oxford, befides the Colleges,
there were not above eight remaining towards the middle of the
laſt century.* Thefe, before the diffolution, were regularly fup-
plied with Students from their reſpective houſes; but that, and
other changes taking place, this fupply failed: the Nobility and
Gentry called home their Youth, and the whole genius of the
Nation feemed turned from letters to purfuits of a very different
kind. The general difcouragement which the Ecclefiaftical ſtate
lay under made moſt people apply their time and induſtry to what
they thought would be more to their advantage.†
I AM not ignorant that true genius and that diſcernment which
equally diſtinguiſhes the Writer and the Reader, had a very ſhort
date, even in Italy, where it was firft revived, and attained its
greateft perfection: the cauſes of which this Hiſtory is not inte-
reſted to enquire into. The fane may be obſerved with reſpect
to our own Country, where the like advantages ſeem to have dif-
appeared almoſt as foon as they were enjoyed, and not to have
revifited us till after a long period. It muſt, however, be ac-
* Nam licèt 300 olim et adhuc plu-
res, et famâ conftanti et regiftrorum
fide ductus extitiffe crediderim, ad oc-
to jam recidifle deprehendo. Wood,
Antiq. Oxon. pagina 265.
+ Collier's Ch. Hift. V. 2. N. B. 3.
pagina 166.
knowledged
OF REGINALD POLE.
221
knowledged, that, during the interval, we meet with fome as
great names as ever graced the annals of Literature. This ob-
ftruction to improvement, after as fair a proſpect as ever opened
on a Nation muſt, I think, in fome meaſure, be attributed to the
total fuppreffion of that order of men, from which Letters had
hitherto chiefly drawn their fupport and encouragement; and
from other changes, which took their rife in this.-The whole
application of Edward's fhort reign was to finish the Religious de-
ſtruction which his Father began; and that of his Sifter Mary's,
to raiſe up again thofe ruins.-The quaint conceits which pre-
vailed under Elizabeth are now the laughter of every Westminster
ſchoolboy; and the devices and merrie difports, by which the pa-
geantry of her reception was celebrated at Kenilworth Caftle, in
which the courtly humour and wit then in vogue were diſplayed,
are on a level with the rebuffes of a Dutch Schoolmaster, and the
Rareeſhows of May-Fair. Even Spencer's Fairy Queen is no leís
an inftance of the bad taſte of thofe times, than of the Author's
genius. The Reader is vexed and difappointed to find a beautiful
imagination, ſmooth numbers, and great eaſe of expreffion em-
ployed on the affectations and fopperies of Knight-errantry, and on
an allegory that never ends. The difference of manners in that
and the preſent age, neither accounts for the cauſe of this degene-
racy, nor fets the effect in a more favourable light. It means no
more, than that we have a difcernment and elegance of mind,
which they wanted. Manners have changed more fince the ages
of Homer and Terence, and yet their works are ſtill agreeable and
intereſting in proportion to the Reader's judgment and tafte; and
will continue to be ſo in every age.-Though a Bacon and a Ra-
leigh mark the Epoch of James I. the pedant reign of that Mo-
narch was not likely to produce a large crop of excellence, of
which his Majeſty would be thought the ſtandard.—Learning and
the polite Arts flouriſhed under his Son; and a reliſh of them
began to be national: and all the madneſs of the Civil Wars did
not
222
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
not hinder One great genius from forming himſelf to a produc-
tion, which has done as much honour to England, as can be de-
rived from Poetry. But the tranquility of this Prince was of a
thort date and the fanaticifm of the Commonwealth defpifed hu-
man knowledge, and was as declared a foe to taſte and ſcience, as
to order and law. It was not till Charles the fecond's days that
the general ſenſe of the Nation awakened to a difcernment in the
various productions of genius, and returned to the taſte and ele-
gance of Sir Thomas More and the cotemporaries of his Era.
THE Monks were likewife the Guardians of thofe Sources from
whence Knowledge is derived, and moſt of the Records of the age
were lodged with them. Printing was then but a late invention ;
and they had tranfcribed and preferved the chief Manufcripts both
as to number and value. But, at the diffolution, a very different
fate happened to theſe Repofitories of learning; for inſtead of
being removed to public Libraries, they fell, with the Monafte-
ries, to the lot of perfons, who underſtood nothing of their value,
but the price they would yield; and were often thrown into the
Grant as things of ſmall confideration. The avarice of the late
Intruders was fo mean and their Ignorance fo undiſtinguiſhing,
that when the books happened to have coftly covers, they tore
them off, and threw away the works, or turned them to the vileſt
purpoſes. A Citizen, who had purchaſed two magnificent Libra-
ries for forty fhillings, made no other uſe of them, during ten
years, ſays a Proteftant Biſhop, who was acquainted with him,
but as wafte paper.
BESIDES the advantages of Literature, which the Nation re-
ceived from the Monaftic profeffion, there were others ſtill more
diffuſed, and more univerfally felt. The referved Rents of theſe
Landlords were low, and their Fines eafy. A part of the Produce of
the Farm, without money, often diſcharged the Tenant. A bound-
*John Bale's Biſhop of Offory, declaration on Leland's Journal, anno 1549.
lefs
OF REGINALD POLE.
223
leſs Hoſpitality was kept up to all forts of perfons; and public
entertainment given to our Nobility and Gentry, when they tra-
velled. An eſtimate
An eſtimate may be made of their Alms from the follow-
ing inftance. While the Religious Houſes fubfifted, there were
no provifions made by Parliament to relieve the Poor, no Affefs-
ment on the Pariſh for that purpoſe: but, at preſent, this charge on
the Kingdom, amounts, by a low computation, to above 800,000l.
a year. Now if we compare the annual Income of 135,522 pounds,
18 fhillings, and 10 pence, which was the appraiſement of the
Monaftic lands, with the Poors tax, we ſhall ſee what the Na-
tion has gained by the diffolution. Nor does the different valu-
ation of money in thoſe and the preſent times make
any difference
in the nature of the burden, as the poffeffors of the Abbey lands
would find, if this rent-charge, which is drawn on the whole
nation, was levied on them only. To thefe general benefits we
muſt add thoſe which particular parts of the Community found
in theſe Inſtitutions. The Abbeys which held by Knights fer-
vice furniſhed a certain number of Soldiers, proportioned to their
Eſtates, and equipped them for the field, at their own charge.
They paid a fum of money to defray the expence of Knighthood,
when that diſtinction was conferred on their Founder's Heir; and
contributed to a fortune for the marriage of their Lord's eldeſt
Daughter. The Founders likewiſe had the privilege of Corrody,
or of quartering a certain number of poor Servants on the Abbeys;
and thus the aged and worn out with labour, who were no longer
in a condition to fupport themfelves, were not thrown up to
炱
​ftarving, or pariſh collections; but had a comfortable retreat,
where they were maintained during life, without the hardships
or marks of indigence*. On theſe confiderations one of our Hif-
torians has made no difficulty to affert, that it would be but an
act of common juftice, to give the generality of Proteftants a
*Fuller's Ch. Hift. b. 6, pag. 335. Collier's Ch. Hift. vol. 2, b. 3, p. 165,
and 166.
more
224
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
3d Nov.
1640.
more favourable opinion of Monafteries*: and the complicated
and national guilt which was incurred by diffolving them, has
induced others to look on the calamities which trod on the
heels of this iniquity, as fo many indications of a provoked and
avenging God. Of a hundred families of note and fortune,
which were in the County of Norfolk before the diffolution, all
that had enriched themſelves by theſe ſpoils of facrilege, were ei-
ther extinct, or much impared, in Sir Henry Spelman's time, amongſt
which that great and excellent man acknowledges his own ‡.
The day which gave commencement to this crime was thought
ominous; for on the meeting of the long Parliament, from which
the Church of England dates her misfortunes, feveral perfons
entreated Archbiſhop Laud to move the King to have it adjourned
for a ſhort time, it being the fame day on which the Legiſlature,
in Henry the Eighth's reign, began the diffolution of Religious
houfes §. The anger of Heaven exerciſed on the Nobility a ſtill
feverer vengeance than in permitting their poffeffions to moulder
away, and their families to fall; more of that claſs having been
attainted and died by the hand of the executioner within twenty
years after the diffolution, than during the preceding five hun-
dred; which was the ſpace between the Conqueft and that period;
and the Commons, doubtless, in their turn, have drank deep of
this Cup of deadly wine. England fate weeping, fays Camden,
to ſee her wealth exhaufted, her coin embafed, and her Abbeys
demoliſhed, which were the Monuments of ancient piety ||.”
(C
THE King was not fatisfied with breaking up the Communities,
and feizing their poffeffions; he would likewife deftroy their habi-
tations. The CARDINAL, fpeaking of this devaftation, obferves,
*Tanner's Preface to his Notitia Mo-
naftica.
+ Fuller's Ch. Hiſt. b. 6, pag. 371.
+ Spelman, Præf. de non temer Eccleí.
§ Echard, Hiftory of England, vol.
2, pag. 194.
Introduction to the Annals of Q.
Elizabeth, pag. 5,
that
OF REGINALD POLE.
225
that whilſt theſe ftood, they reminded Mankind there had been
a time when they belonged to other Owners; and Henry was de-
firous to efface all fuch Remembrancers *. The buildings, for
the moſt part, were very noble; and, as far as the forecaſt of
their religious Founders could reach, defigned to refift the injuries.
of time, and to be perpetual Sanctuaries of divine worſhip; and
as it was no eafy work to demoliſh ſuch ſtructures by the uſual
methods of pulling down, he cauſed them to be blown up. By
this means, fays the CARDINAL, many noble Edifices, and almoſt
the only ones in England which deferved that name, the Orna-
ments of the Kingdom, which hoftile invafion, and civil wars
had ſpared, and which had ftood the teft of Ages, were, in a
few hours, reduced to heaps of ruin." I fhall only be particular
in two inſtances, which the noble Relator has fet forth in all the
eloquence that ever animated a Grecian or Roman Writer, on
fubjects with which they were most affected+.
THERE was at Canterbury a celebrated Monaftery of St. Auſtin,
by whoſe preaching, labours, and miracles, our Saxon Anceſtors
had received the benefit of Chriftianity; and who, on that ac-
count, had been reverenced, during ſeven centuries, by the whole
Nation, as their Apoſtle. His remains were preferved in a mag-
nificent ſhrine, and had been the object of public veneration thro'
that long tract of time; and there was a ſtately Church adjoin-
ing to the Monaftery, in which divine fervice was performed with
* Apol. ad Carolum V. Cæſ.
+ Ibid. §. 23. et ſeq.
The following lines of Sir
John Denham, who diftinguifhed
himſelf in the Royal caufe of King
Charles I, and was one of the Pa-
rents of Engliſh Poetry, defcribe
a difapprobation of thefe proceed-
ings, in as ftrong and elegant a
ftrain, as would have done honour
to Mr. Pope, had he been pleaſed to do the
ſame juſtice to the cauſe.
Who fees theſe diſmal heaps, but would demand,
What barbarous Invader fack'd the land!
But when he hears, no Goth, no Turk did bring
This defolation, but a Chriftian King;
When nothing but the name of zeal appears,
'Twixt our best Actions, and the worst of theirs,
What does he think our Sacrilege would fpare,
When fuch th' effects of our Devotion are?
G
૦૨
Cooper's Hill.
great
226
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
great magnificence, and daily fupplications offered up for the
King's and the Nation's welfare. The Shrine, by Henry's orders,
was profaned, pillaged, and deftroyed; and the Church and Mo-
naſtery entirely demoliſhed. The incloſure was laid waſte, and
appropriated to wild beaſts'; and a palace raiſed out of the ruins,
for ſomething ſtill more favage, Himſelf.
IN the Cathedral of the fame City was a Tomb facred to the
memory of St. Thomas, Archbishop of that See, and adorned
with every effort of art and magnificence, by which our own
and foreign Countries could exprefs their veneration for him,
whoſe remains it inclofed. The King, who by a rash expreffion
gave occafion to his murder, had teftified the moſt unfeigned
grief, and attoned for it by a very exemplary penitence and
the Perpetrators of the fact lived and died the Outcaſt of Man-
kind. He had been acknowledged by the whole Chriſtian world,
for the space of 300 years, as a great Servant of God, who laid
down his life in his cauſe, and as a principal Patron of the Eng-
liſh nation. His tomb had been vifited from the remoteft parts
of Europe, by perfons of the firſt diftinction, and, amongst others,
by Lewis VII. of France; who enriched it with a donary worthy
fo great a Monarch, and fuited to the importance of the occafion,
which was the recovery of the Dauphin's health. The accounts
of his life, and the manner of his death, which are come down
to us from ſeveral cotemporary Writers, are fo circumftantial, and
related with ſuch ingenuous plainnefs, that they would gain uni-
verſal credit and approbation, even in theſe days of refinement,
did not the caufe prejudice the Reader againſt the conftancy
ſhewed in füffering for it*. On the ftrength of theſe reaſons,
the greatest Scholar, Orator, and Divine of his age, has made
*. John, of: Saliſbury, Biſhop of Char-
ters, who attended St. Thomas in his
exile, and was prefent at his death.
William Fitz-Stephens, who lived with
him, and ſaw him expire; and many
others, efpecially Peter of Blois, in his
75th letter.
+ Lord Bolingbroke fays this of Boffuet,
Biſhop of Meaux.
the
OF
227
REGINALD
POLE.
the following remark; "That if the cauſe, in which this Prelate
died, has appeared equivocal to the low views of worldly pru-
dence, it has pleaſed the Wiſdom of the Almighty to declare in
its favour by Wonders, which were fo frequent, and fo well at-
teſted, by the unanimous agreement of all Authors of thoſe times,
that they cannot be conteſted, without calling in queſtion what-
ever Hiſtory has tranſmitted to us*." A veneration fo well found-
ed, of fuch antiquity, and fo univerfally received did not hinder
the Saint's bones from being burnt, and the aſhes ſcattered in
the wind: and, as this happened about the fame time that the
Iſland of Rhodes was taken by the Turks, it gave the CARDINAL Sept. 1538
an opportunity of contraſting their behaviour, on this occafion,
with Henry's rapine and impiety. Thefe Conquerors, though
under all the prejudices of Mahometan fuperftition, had not re-
moved any of the monuments of the Saints, which they found in
the Iſland, nor offered the leaft infult to them: they had even
allowed the Chriſtians to take away ſeveral of theſe venerable re-
mains, and had behaved, through the whole affair, with the
greateſt decency and humanity†.
THE CARDINAL has confidered this Prelate as a Saint and a
Martyr: but the temper of theſe times feems to require that
ſomething ſhould be faid of him as a MEMBER of the COMMU-
NITY, and one, whoſe high office of Primate, obliged him to be
the Guardian of her liberties; the qualities which fill up the
meaſure of this character, being, in the eye of an Engliſhman,
what makes a Hero, and, which is a ftill more facred name, a
Patriot. Of fixteen Articles, to which Henry II. required the
Archbiſhop to fubfcribe, fix were manifeftly deftructive of thoſe
immunities, which then made no leſs a part of our Conſtitution,
than any others contained in the great Charter; and have, more-
over, the diſtinction to be fet down there at the head of the
+ Epift. R. Poli, pars 1ª. pag. 104.
* Hift. des Varia. des Egl. Prot. t. I,
liv. 7, §. 114.
G g 2
reſt.
228
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
reſt*. He refuſed to betray this truft, and fhewed a fortitude,
which, was the chief Magiftrate of our Metropolis to exert in
defence of its liberty, and die in the cauſe, the whole nation
would think his memory deferving of the greateſt honours. The
cauſe, however, of the Magiftrate, in this fuppofition, would
be as inferior to that in which the Martyr fuffered, as what
concerns a ſingle corporation, to the Rights of a great national
Church. If the plunder therefore of his coftly monument,
of which the gold, jewels, and oriental pearls alone filled two
Chefts, which fix or eight men could do no more than convey
out of the Church†, had not been a fufficient lure to Henry's
avarice, the quality of Affertor of the rights of the Subject muſt
have made him obnoxious to the impotent rage of a lawleſs
Tyrant. He obferved, therefore, a peculiar folemnity in wreck-
ing his vengeance on the memory of him, whofe perfon was re-
moved beyond the reach of his impious attempts. He published
a Proclamation, in which he declared, that having maturely
weighed the merits of the caufe, he had diſcovered that Thomas
Becket had been killed in endeavouring to obſtruct the execution
of the King's orders, and was therefore not a Martyr, but a Re-
bel. But the oppofition and rebellion with which the Prelate is
charged, confifted, as we have feen, in refuſing to give up thofe
Rights, of which he was the principal Guardian; and ſtanding
in the breach againſt an arbitrary power, which would have over-
turned them. Few perfons, I prefume, will be ſo loſt to all juſt-
neſs of fentiment, as to make here any diftinction between the
legal claims of the Clergy and thofe of the Laity; fince he, who
lays down his life in defence of either, equally afferts the common
* Stapleton de verâ causâ Martyris St.
Thom. Cantuar. pag. 36.
+ Stow, Annals of Henry VIII.
The Proclamation is fet down at
length by T. Stapleton, D. D. in his ac-
count of the Archbishop, with a com-
ment on each part of it. It is wrote in
latin, of which language he was a great
Maſter, and printed in the fame volume
with his Life of Sir Thomas More.
cauſe,
OF REGINALD
229
POLE.
cauſe, and preſents his breaſt to that ftroke which was aimed at
his Country. This truth will receive an additional light, when
we reflect, that the immunities in queftion were granted to the
Clergy with a more immediate view to the benefit of the whole
People, than of that very Order, on which the privileges were
conferred. Montefquieu has ftated the cafe with equal candour
and judgment; and as his authority, when it is in behalf of
Ecclefiaftics, will be eafily admitted, I fhall make ufe of it on
this occafion. "I am not prejudiced, fays he, in favour of
Churchmen, but I could wish their juriſdiction was well aſcer-
tained. It is now quite out of the queſtion to debate, if there
was reaſon for enacting it; but we are to look on it as eſtabliſhed,
as making a part of the Laws of our Country, and as having a
a conftant relation to them; that the terms of agreement are to
be reciprocal between two powers, which are acknowledged to
be independent of each other; and that a good Citizen, will be
indifferent whether he maintains the lawful power of his Prince;
or thoſe bounds by which it is circumfcribed. The Power of
the Clergy, continues this Writer, is no lefs dangerous to a Com-
mon-wealth, than convenient in a Monarchy, eſpecially to thoſe
that lean to defpotifm. What would have become of Spain and
Portugal, fince their laws have been no longer in vigour, with-
out this power, which is the only check to arbitrary fway? This
barrier is always uſeful, when others are wanting; for as defpo-
tiſm cauſes the greateſt ills to human nature, an Evil itſelf which
controuls it, becomes a bleffing*." This reflection feems pecu-
liarly adapted to the reign, in which St. Thomas lived: the King
was of a violent and affuming fpirit, as the whole tenour of his
life ſhews: and the Engliſh had every thing to apprehend from
the effects of it. This temper hurried him into frequent frenzies,
of which Hiſtory has recorded ſtrange inſtances; and the Whole
Nation, at his acceffion, was in the utmoſt confternation, left
*Efprit des Loix, tom. 1. liv. 2. ch. 4.
he
230
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
he fhould avail himself of the title of conqueft, and fet afide
the Rights of the People, in imitation of the Founder of the
Norman line. I make no queſtion, but the noble and ingenious
Author, from whom the Public has long expected the Life of
this Prince, will do juftice to a ſubject, which the nature of this
work rather allows the Writer here to hint at, than to treat.
WHILST this devaftation was going on in England, and filling
the reft of Europe with amazement, the CARDINAL after his re-
turn to Rome, and the fruitless attempt, which has been related,
to make up a breach, which Henry every day widened, was taken
up in the private offices of friendſhip. His first care was to fhew
his gratitude to the Biſhop and Prince of Liege in the manner al-
ready fpoke of. He was, at the fame time, very ferviceable to
Albert Pighius, and ſeveral of his letters to him bear witneſs to
his unwearied induſtry in the cauſe of Virtue and Truth, and the
encouragement and affiſtance he gave to thoſe who were able and
willing to promote it. The perfon I am ſpeaking of, who had a
great fhare in his good will, was born at Campen in Over-Yſſel, a
Province of Holland. His Father, who was a Gentleman, took
great care to give him a learned and virtuous education, which
enabled him to become one of the moſt zealous and fucceſsful op-
pofers of the novelties which were introduced in the 16th Century.
He had fent the CARDINAL a copy of two Works; in one of
which he refutes Luther's calumnies againſt the approaching general
Council; and in another defends the cauſe of the Church againſt
what had been publiſhed on that fubject in England. The CAR-
DINAL was highly pleaſed with both, and encouraged the Author
to finiſh a ſtill more important undertaking, in which he af
ferted the Hierarchy. Having, foon after, received this per-
formance, he let him know, he would take the firſt opportunity of
ſhewing it to the Pope; tho' he had already given his Holiness an
account of the Work, and informed him of the merit and abilities
* Affertio Hierarchiæ Ecclefiafticæ.
of
OF REGINALD POLE.
231
•
of the Author. He, every where profeffes the greateſt regard for
him, both as a good man and a uſeful Writer; and though the
commendations of his Ligeoife friends confirmed the advantageous
opinion he had of him, that he ſtood in need of no foreign mo-
tive to love and value a man, whofe virtue and erudition ſpoke ſo
effectually in his own favour. Sadolet was no leſs taken with
the excellence of the latter performance, the various and exten-
five knowledge contained in it, and the propriety with which it
was ſuited to the unhappineſs of thofe times *. Pighius had com-
plained to his Patron, that others who were lefs deferving than he
thought himſelf, had been highly gratified, whilſt he was over-
looked; on which the CARDINAL exhorts him to perſevere in the
laudable career he had entered on, and to fhew his fincerity in the
caufe of Truth by the difintereſtedneſs with which he maintained
it. At the fame time he affures him, that he and ſeveral other
powerful friends would omit nothing to remove the cauſe of this
complaint; and foon after, the Pope, in confideration of the fer-
vices he had done the common caufe, prefented him with two
thouſand ducats, and nominated him Provoft of St. John's Church
in Utrecht. One of the CARDINAL'S letters to him concludes
with this uſeful advice. "As to what concerns the Perfon, on
whoſe account you was in danger of fuffering in your reputation;
I am no farther intereſted, than that you are now at eafe. His
cauſe, which, in your letters, you take fo much to heart, does
not concern me, and therefore, I am not defirous to be informed
of it, eſpecially as it cannot at preſent be defended without cen-
furing that Authority which has condemned it. If you afk my
opinion with reſpect to the part you are to act in it, it is; to give
yourſelf no further concern, as no ſhare in the blame has fallen on
yout." The reputation of this Author has made fome of the Re-
formers defirous he ſhould feem favourable to their party, though
+
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. pag. 110.
+ Ibid. pag. 110, et feq.
$
his
232
LIFE
THE HISTORY OF THE
his principal Works are writ againſt them *. Their claim is
grounded on a few expreffions, in which he delivers himfelf on
ſome tenets in a different manner from ſeveral Catholic Writers;
for which reaſon Tapper, who must always be named with ho-
nour, has reflected on him with great ſeverity.
CAMILLUS URSINI, at this time, was at the head of the Vene-
tian troops in Dalmatia; and, by a rare and happy union, joined
in his perfon the double character of a great General and a per-
fect Chriftian. The eſteem he had of the Engliſh CARDINAL
cauſed him to lay his mind open to him on ſeveral affairs, in
which he conceived the welfare of Europe to be intereſted. The
chief were the Ottoman war, which threatened the ſtate of Venice,
and the reſt of Italy: and the conclufion of a peace between the
Emperor and the King of France. The high reputation he had
acquired by his military exploits, his ſkill in the art of Govern-
ment, and the rank he held in the Republic, allowed him a free-
dom in writing to the greateſt Potentates, at which nothing leſs
than his merit could have hindered them from taking offence.
The CARDINAL, in his anfwer, lets him know, that, according
to his Defire, he had communicated the fubject of his Difpatches
to the Cardinals Contareni and Caraffa, before he had mentioned
them to the Pope: and, fo accurate was he, and ſo little ſparing
of his trouble, he had caufed copies of them to be delivered to
each of them, that they might at leifure confider the contents.
He then informs him, that the Pope having appointed them a
day to make their report of theſe matters, they had divided the
ſubject between them, and agreed on the part of which each was
to ſpeak, that ſo they might avoid confufion, and omit nothing
material in ſuch a multiplicity of Articles, which the Letter,
which he calls a treatiſe, contained. Laftly, he affures him,
* Pontificiorum Achilles Pighius adverfus Lutherum, qui totus nofter eft in
caufâ Juftificationis.
that
OF REGINALD
233
POLE.
of
that his Holineſs had heard them with great attention, and fig-
nified his affection for the Writer, and his fenfe of the importance
of the Diſpatch, and of the judgment with which it was drawn
up. The General having likewiſe ſent the CARDINAL a copy
a letter he had writ to the King of France, he teftifies his appro-
bation of it, but infinuates to him the following caution. “ That,
in writing to Princes, he fhould rather have a regard to their
diſpoſitions, than to his own: that, they were entirely taken up
with views and defigns altogether worldly, whilſt his mind was
fixed on objects of as different a nature as Heaven and Earth.
All I can with, fays he, is, that he may reliſh ſuch pure and
fublime maxims, and act according to them: but I fear they will
have no more influence on his mind, than the Sun-beams on the
Moon, when the earth interpoſes itſelf between her Orb and the
fource of light. He obferves, that this cafe is common to all
Princes; and though the title of moft Chriftian ought to make the
French King an exception from this too general Rule, yet he
would find the fame character in them all, by whatever appella-
tions they were diftinguiſhed. That, the jealoufies, the animo-
fities and wars which then diſturbed the peace of the World,
were but too melancholy a proof of this obfervation: from all
which the CARDINAL inferred, that could he let himſelf down
to offer them nothing more luminous, than fuch vitiated Organs
could ſupport, he would gladly be the bearer of the letters which
conveyed it to them; as he ſhould ſhortly accompany the Pope
to Nice, where he was to meet the Emperor and the King of
France, in order to bring them to a peace." This extraordinary
Perfonage having ferved his Country with great glory, chofe, in
the decline of life, an honourable retreat at Ferrara; that after
having lived for others, he might live for himſelf. But, by CAR-
DINAL POLE's advice, he was called from this retirement, and
nade Governor General of the Church. He filled this Poft with
a dignity equal to the talents he had thewn in more active em-
ployments,
Hh
234
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Kal. Jan.
$538.
ployments, and afforded a very unuſual fight of a Layman and
a Soldier, who was the directing mind of the Councils of the
Pope's Court*.
A LETTER which the CARDINAL wrote foon after his coming
to Rome, has fomething too particular to be here omitted, both
as it has a connection with the concerns of the neighbouring
Kingdom of Scotland, and feems almoft prophetic of the difaftrous
end, which, eight years after, befell him, to whom it was wrote.
David Beaton had fucceeded his Uncle the Chancellor, in the
Archbishoprick of Saint Andrews, and, at James the fifth's recom-
mendation, had been lately created Cardinal. He was fon of
Lord Barflower, of the ancient family of Beaton, and having finiſh-
ed his ſtudies in France, was fent, in the year 1534, Embaffador
to that Court, where he gave ſo much ſatisfaction, that Francis I.
conferred on him the Biſhoprick of Mirepoix. Being returned to
his Country, and raiſed to the higheſt Church preferment in it,
he fhewed great ſkill in public affairs, and the difficult task of
a tumultuons and unfettled Regency, after the death of James.
The troubles which the alterations in Religion had then brought
into Scotland, caufed him to have Wizart, who was the chief
kindler of them, condemned to the flames, and he beheld the
execution from his Palace. This was a ſeverity which thoſe times
could not bear, and with which it were to be wished the lenity of
the Goſpel Spirit had cauſed all times and all Countries to have been
for ever unacquainted: A few days after, a troop of Affaffins feized
on him in his Palace, and one Norman Lefly, a calm and deliberate
Villain, who headed them, turning to his Comrades, told them,
the deed they were about, being the work of the Lord, ought
not to be performed in a hurry. He then pointed his Sword at
the Prelate's breaft, and exhorting him to repentance for Wizart's
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2", pag. 122,
et feq.
His life was publiſhed at Venice, in
1566, and dedicated to three Noblemen
of the Urfini family.
murder,
OF
REGINALD
235
POLE.
murder, but not allowing him leifure to benefit from his fermon,
he thruſt him through the body. In the letrer I have mentioned,
which was on Beaton's being raiſed to the purple, CARDINAL
POLE" had reminded him of the obligation which all, who are
adopted into the facred College, lie under, of being prepared to
lay down their life in the cauſe of truth; that, the very crimſon
colour of their drefs, fhould other remembrancers be wanting,
was fufficient to awaken in them a fenfe of this engagement: and
if the Prophet's queftion, Why is thy garment red? was put to
them; the anſwer fhould be ready, from their actions rather
than their words: and that he made no doubt but this would be
the cafe of the new Cardinal*.' One of the chief duties of a
Paftor is the care to preſerve his Flock from error and ſeduction,
and whoever falls a facrifice to a Chriſtian diſcharge of this duty
of our Religion, as the great Author of it affures us, lays down
his life in defence of his Sheep. It is this kind of vigour and refo-
lution to which the CARDINAL encourages this Prelate; for, as
to all fanguinary and compulfive meaſures either in eſtabliſhing
the Catholic cauſe, or redreffing the injuries done to it, his whole
conduct both in the government of Viterbo, and, afterwards, when
he was Legate in England, fhews his temper and principles to
have been utterly averfe to them.
BUT now a confpicuous Scene was opening in Italy, at which
the Engliſh CARDINAL's prefence was required, and which gave
occafion to a ſecond trial of that patient courage, of which he
had given proof in his late Embaffy. Paul III. had prevailed on
the Emperor and King of France to come to Nice, where he was
to meet them. The motives of this Interview have been as vari-
ouſly related, as the Writers who have treated of it, were en-
gaged in different intereſts, and had different deſigns in repreſent-
ing it. The Cotemporary Authors, who affifted at it, take it
* Keith, Hift. of the Reformat. of Scotland: Hume's 1ft. vol. of the Tudors, pag.
298. Epift. R. Poli, pars 2. pag. 117.
Hh 2
for
236
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
18th
$538
June
for granted that the Pope's views were to appease the feuds which
had long fubfifted between theſe Princes, and unite them in mea-
fures, which might put a ſtop to the changes in Religion, which
now, more than ever, threatened Europe; and to procure their
concurrence in the plan of a general Council, which feemed the
only remedy to theſe evils; and to the happy iffue of which their
authority muſt greatly contribute *. Others, who refine on the
views of Princes, or interpret them by their own malignity, have
deſcribed this meeting as contrived by the Pope to get the Dutchy
of Milan into his own family. But this imputation is fo ground-
leſs, that there are the ſtrongeſt reafons for afferting, that far from
any ſuch mercenary proſpect, He left nothing untried in order to
gain on the Emperor to make this principality over to the Duke
of Orleans §.
THE Pope would have CARDINAL POLE affiſt at this negotia-
tion that he might have the advantage of his counſels, and his
Court be honoured by a perſon whoſe reputation was very high
through all Europe: and he knew the fatisfaction the Emperor
would receive from the fight of a ſtranger who had ſhewn ſuch
difintereſtedneſs and intrepidity where the honour of his family was
concerned. “I remember, fays the Writer of his life, Becatelli,
when the Emperor paid the firſt vifit to the Pope, at a Monaſtery
not far from Nice, and the facred College came out to recive him,
he ordered Granville, his Minifter, to enquire for CARDINAL POLE,
as he greatly defired to ſee him, that he might fignify how ſenſible
he was of the obligations he had for his behaviour in the cauſe of
his Aunt, Queen Catharine. I accompanied the CARDINAL, fays
the fame Hiſtorian, when he went to wait on the Emperor at
Villa Franca, and faw the diſtinction with which he received him.
There were ſeveral who came to pay their Court to his Majeſty,
whom he difmiffed on the CARDINAL's arrival, treated him with
* Sadolet, Camillus Urfini, Contareni,
Car. Pole, and even Aretini himſelf.
+ Seckendorf, Fra. Paulo, Courrayer.
§ Pallav. L. 4. ch. 6.
the
OF
237
REGINALD POLE,
the cordiality of a Brother, and difcourfed with him a confiderable
time." At this meeting, the Emperor and King of France had
affured the Pope they would have no further communication with
Henry, and would employ all their authority to affiſt a once flou-
riſhing Kingdom, which had now no refource but from the good
offices of her Allies.
It was now three years fince the fentence of Excommunication
had been drawn up by Paul III. againſt the King of England, for
his marriage with Anne Bullen, and affuming the Supremacy; but
it had been ſtill fuppreffed, on account of his former merits; from
ſome proſpect of his repentance; and by the interpofition of
Francis I. who during the greater part of this interval had inte-
reſted himſelf very warmly in the cauſe of an Ally, of whoſe haughty
carriage he now began to be weary, and of whoſe aſſiſtance, be-
ing reconciled to the Emperor, he ſtood lefs in need. His late
enormities were of fo deep a dye, that the holy See thought it
neceſſary to declare herſelf, by the moſt folemn and exemplary
proceedings, againſt a guilty and impious Prince. A fecond fen-
tence was accordingly drawn up, by which the penalties of the for-
mer were renewed; and the fresh crimes enumerated which, at
length, had cauſed it to be put in Execution. The Excommuni-
cation was publiſhed with the formalities and in the ſtyle uſual on
fuch occafions. By this the Excommunicated perfon is cut
off from the communion of the Faithful, deprived of the partici-
pation of the Sacraments, forbid to enter the Church, and join in
the exerciſe of any act of religious worſhip: and all Chriftians are
likewiſe prohibited all commerce and communion with him in
any of thefe Articles.
HAD the ſentence extended no further, and not proceeded to
deprive Henry of his Kingdom, to abfolve his fubjects from their
allegiance, and exhort every body to riſe up againſt him as the
declared enemy of God and Man, its juſtice and validity could
never have been called in queftion; the King having drawn on
himfelf
i
238
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
himſelf the utmoſt rigour which Religion, whofe rights his ex-
ceffes had violated, could inflict. Though a Sovereign, he was
liable to theſe penalties no leſs than the meaneſt of his fubjects; the
power of inflicting them having been conferred on the Apoſtles and
their Succeffors, without any exception of perfons. And it is
the triumph of Chriſtianity, that one of the greateſt Emperors the
World ever obeyed, fubmitted to the cenfure of the Church, with
a docility which would have charmed even in a private character.
Nay, it ſeems more than barely probable, that whilft Rome was
yet Pagan, one of her Sovereigns, gave the like inftance of the
Goſpel Spirit, which in a Novice in the School of Chrift, as
Philip was, is ſtill more admirable, than the example of Theodo-
fius; if what is no more than a compliance with duty, by who-
ever performed, has any claim to be qualified with that epithet *.
Diſcretion, indeed, will very rarely allow of this rigour, with ref-
pect to Crowned Heads; and, the cafe fuppofed, not only the
Pope, but the Dioceſan Biſhop has the power to exert it. But
then the confequences are purely fpiritual, and the Subjects of the
excommunicated Prince, under the fame obligations they before
were, as to every inftance of Loyalty, which is not contrary to
the divine Law. This is the plan which the Author of our holy
Religion has laid down, whofe whole conduct manifefted that he
came to reform the vices and errors of Mankind, but left the govern-
ment of human affairs to human inftitutions. When, on earth,
he refuſed to interfere with the fettling a private inheritance,
though at the requeſt of one of the parties, and left it to the legal
proceedings in fuch cafes: He even rejected the propoſal with a
kind of indignation, as foreign to the purpoſe he came on. Nor
do we any where find, that he declared his Vice-gerents in the
Hierarchy to be Umpires and Difpofers of States and Kingdoms:
or that dominion was founded on grace, or that a violation of
* See Tillement's Hiftoire des Empe-
reurs, Tome 3 notes fur Philippe, et
Tome 5. Hiftoire de Theodife, Ar-
ticle 62.
his
OF REGINALD POLE.
239
his law caufed the offender to forfeit what he held by a civil title,
and the public and acknowledged right of mankind. His Apof-
tles, and thoſe who came after them, followed the fame ſcheme,
and, every where, inforce the obedience due to Princes, good or
bad, Chriftians or Infidels.
GREGORY VII. was the firft, who afferted a juriſdiction, un-
known to the firſt 1000 years of the Chriſtian Era, and undertook
to depoſe a Sovereign: and the Popes who have copied his exam-
ple, have fuppofed its lawfulneſs and begun by facts inſtead of
proofs. The maxims, on which this claim ſeemed to be founded,
were, indeed, of an earlier date than this Pontif; and Mankind, in
his age were fo prepoffeft in their favour, that thoſe who took the
depoſed Emperor's part had nothing to allege in his behalf, but Henry
that a Crowned Head could not be excommunicated. But the IVth
Pope had no difficulty to demonſtrate that the power of loofing
and binding was granted to the Church without any ſuch reſtric-
tion. By this new Syſtem the Pope became a kind of univerſal
Monarch, fuperior to all others, even with respect to extent of
temporal power; for by acknowledging in him a right, however
explained, to eſtabliſh and depofe Princes, we muſt fairly own
him to be the only true Monarch; and that the Church, for fo
many centuries, had either overlooked or been ignorant of ſo im-
portant a claim. Theſe notions rofe from a want of knowledge
or an unwillingneſs to diſtinguiſh between the nature of ſpiritual
and temporal juriſdiction; and a fuppofition that a power of a
higher order neceffarily took in whatever was inferior, though al-
together diſparate. Thus, becauſe the power of Excommunica-
ting Princes was fuperior to any earthly claim, they concluded
that He, who by way of excellence, is inveſted with it, had like-
wife that of depofing them. The Schoolmen brought in their
auxiliaries, which were fuited to ſuch a conflict, and by drawing
practical inferences from allegory, and employing the form of
Syllogifin, where matter of fact failed them, they impoſed on
minds
240
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1070
minds more accuſtomed to fubtleties, than to real learning and
the maxims of all antiquity.
BUT this opinion is fo far from making a part of the doctrine
of the Catholic Church, that no Profeffor would be allowed to
maintain it in thofe Countries, which are moſt attached to her
communion; and no book fuffered to appear in public, where it
was afferted. The Pope, who firſt advanced it, was a perſon of
a high ſpirit, and had been brought up in the fevere diſcipline of
a Monaftic life. He was defirous to reſcue the Church from
thofe diforders under which fhe laboured, when he was raiſed to
her government; and to introduce the virtues, of which his own
life was a very eminent pattern. This defign, and the efforts he
made towards its accompliſhment, were worthy the chief Biſhop
of the Church. But he confounded Spiritual Jurifdiction with
Temporal, and attempted on the rights of the latter, which are
derived from human inftitutions, and depend on the laws and
conſtitutions of the reſpective ſtates, in which they have force:
and his conduct exhibited to Europe a dreadful ſcene of bloodſhed,
which did but increaſe the Evils he intended to remove, and in-
volved himſelf in endleſs difficulties. He had the mortification to
fee the overthrow, with which he threatened the Emperor, fall
on Rodolphus, and Victory which he had, with almoſt a prophetic
affurance, chained down to the Camp of his Ally, take her flight
to that of his Enemy. The darkneſs of that undiſtinguiſhing age,
and the uprightneſs of his own intentions, can hardly excufe his
behaviour in this refpect: much lefs can it be cited as a rule by
which others are to act, or as a fanction for fuch proceedings.
THE peace lately concluded between the Emperor and the
King of France, gave the CARDINAL fuch fatisfaction, that,
writing to Contareni, he fays, he could expreſs his joy by nothing
fo well as the behaviour of a Painter of Verona, who, on hearing
the news, after every touch of his pencil, took his hand from
the canvas, to break out into exclamations, at fo unexpected,
and,
OF REGINALD POLE.
241
and, at the fame time, fo wiſhed for an event. When the con-
ference, at which it was concluded, was ended, he spent fome
time at Trevilla. It was a Country Seat of his friend Priuli ;
very elegant and worthy its Maſter *, and at fo convenient a
diſtance from Contareni, that they often faw each other, and
paffed a great part of their time together. His companions in
this delightful folitude, befides thoſe of his own family, were
Bonamico and Gabrieli, two celebrated Profeffors of the Univerſity
of Padua ; Superantius, Gualterucci, and Rullus; who are all
mentioned with diftinction in the letters of Bembo and Sadolet.
The employment of their leiſure hours was ſuch as became per-
fons of their learning, difpofition and character; and the CAR-
DINAL particularly mentions St. Auſtin and St. Bafil as being
almoſt always of the company.
He came to Rome about the beginning of October, and the
Pope judged it proper he ſhould make a journey to Spain, in
order to confer more particularly with the Emperor, who was
then at Toledo, concerning the meaſures which had been agreed
on at Nice: from whence he was to go to the Court of France,
on the fame errand. The minutes of his Inftructions for this
Negociation were theſe. «To lay before his Imperial Majeſty
the whole conduct of the King of England, in order to prevail on
him to uſe his beſt endeavours for bringing back his Kingdom to
a worſhip it had been conftrained to forfake; and putting an end
to enormities no lefs deftructive of Mankind, than hateful to God.
He was to repreſent the Pope's proceeding in the late fentence of
Excommunication and Depofition, as an example which ought
to influence other Princes: that the Emperor would find a con-
formity of fentiments in the King of Scotland, and the new Car-
dinal Beaton, on whofe ability and credit, in thoſe parts, great
ftrefs might be laid and, in conclufion, that all further commu-
nication with Henry ſhould be broke off; and if any other mea-
}
* Bembo's letter to Bruno, vol. 3, of his Italian letters.
Į i
fures
242
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
3
fures were requifite to the end propofed, they were left to the
CARDINAL Legate's difcretion. He was, likewife, to repreſent
the league against the Turk, which was then much talked of, as
unfeaſonable at that juncture, fince it would greatly divert the
attention of the confederate Princes from the more urgent con-
cerns of England, and of the general Council, of putting a check.
to the errors of Luther, and fuch like falutary purpofes. In order
to gain this point, he was to infift on the expence of fuch a
league, the time required to form it, and the uncertainty of the
event. That, fuppofing every thing was to anſwer their moſt
fanguine expectations, and Victory afforded them leifure to concert
meaſures for the relief of England and Germany; yet their Ene-
mies would be beforehand with them, and, by the affiftance of
Engliſh money, of which there was great plenty; and of Lutheran
Soldiers, with whom Germany abounded, make an irruption into
Italy, and involve her Provinces in calamities againſt which there
would be no defence*."
THESE Inftructions are penned in a very looſe ſtyle, for which,
the importance of the matter confidered, it may be hard to ac-
count and they have a hoftile air with refpect to Henry, that it
may ſeem extraordinary, the LEGATE ſhould take upon him ſuch
a commiffion. But the relation in which he then ftood with his
Sovereign, clears up, in fome meaſure, this difficulty. He had
been declared a Traitor, for caufes which, in their nature, do
not ſeem to come under the Article of Treafon; he was out-
lawed, and a reward of 50,000l. fet on his head; and Ruffians,
befides, had been bribed to murder him. He had the precedent
of the Barons, who called over the Dauphin of France, to free
them from the frantic Tyranny of King John: and that, which
happened in his own times, of Henry VII. who, though an
alien to the crown, was chofe by the unanimous confent of the
Nation, to reſcue them from the oppreffion of Richard III.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2", pag. 279, inter Monumenta Præliminaria.
The
OF REGINALD POLE.
243
The evils which oppreffed his Country with reſpect to property,
confcience, and even life itſelf, perfuaded him of the lawfulneſs
of having recourfe to fimilar means, in order to redreſs wrongs
which had no other profpect of remedy. The undeſerved ruin,
in which Henry, about this time, involved his family, and the
other aggravations, with which his perfonal wrongs were attend-
ed: the near alliance he had to the crown, and the obligation
which this. laid him under, of being particularly vigilant for the
welfare of his Country, ſeem to have left him more at large as
to the expedients, which were to refcue it from fuch oppreffion.
THOUGH it does not belong to this place to determine how far
the obligations which bind a Subject to his Prince may be can-
celled by fuch national, as well as perfonal grievances; yet this, I
ſuppoſe, may be advanced, that no provocation or circumſtances
could have made the LEGATE's proceeding more plaufible. Nor
can it be objected, that the negotiation was, in fome part,
grounded on a fuppofition that Henry, in virtue of the Papal fen-
tence, had forfeited his right to the Kingdom; fince whatever
the LEGATE's private opinion might have been of the Pope's de-
pofing power, in general; certain it is, that he never inftigated
the Courts, to which he was fent, to act in confequence of it:
of the truth of this, as I have elſewhere obferved, he himself, in
a moft formal declaration to Edward VI. whofe Minifters could
not have been ignorant of fo recent a fact, is a Voucher above
exception. He feems, indeed, to have fallen into one miſtake,
in making an eſtimate of the Emperor's and the French King's
fentiments by the integrity of his own. They were far from
feeling any thing of the Chriſtian and public fpirit, with which
he was animated; but, guided by the most profound and incor-
rigible of all follies, which fees nothing beyond itſelf, and prefent
convenience; the welfare of a neighbouring Kingdom, the rights
of Religion and Humanity, and their own engagements were no
otherwife fprings of their Councils than they were moved by
private intereſt.
Ii 2
As
244
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
As foon as the Embaffy was refolved on, the LEGATE wrote
to Nicholas Perenot, Lord of Granvelle, to recommend to him
the event of it. This Nobleman was prime Miniſter to Charles V.
and by a rare felicity preferved his Maſter's favour, during twenty
years, and to the end of life. The LEGATE had obferved, at
the conference of Nice, the credit he had with the Emperor,
and became, at the fame time, acquainted with his Son, whom
his Father had brought with him to that celebrated interview.
His quick parts, and afpiring genius, drew on him the obſervation
of our Countryman, as he fignifies in his letter to his Father, and
made him diſcover in early youth, the future Cardinal Granvelle,
who, through forty years, was at the head of the Councils of
Charles, and Philip his Son, and one of the ableft Minifters and
greateſt Men of his age. The CARDINAL mentions this young
Nobleman with particular complacence, and fays, he began to
love him as a Brother, not only for his parts and learning, but
his piety, and the goodneſs of his difpofitions. The latter quali-
fications here taken notice of, do not ſeem to have been after-
wards cultivated with the fame care as thofe, in which merit of
another fort is made to confift. In his letter to Perenot, the
LEGATE entreats him " to lay before his Imperial Majeſty the
deplorable ſtate of the Engliſh nation, in which every thing which
could deferve his regard, was concerned that he had a family
intereſt in the welfare of a people, and the dignity of a Crown,
to which the Princefs Mary was fo nearly allied. He lets him
know, that having been informed of the Scene of Sacrilege,
blood, and devaſtation, which now filled the Kingdom, his re-
ſpect for the religion of his Anceſtors, and love for his Country
cauſed him to recommend to the Emperor what he had faid
to him on that head, at Nice: and being no stranger to that
Miniſter's influence, he could not addrefs himſelf, on fo im-
portant a ſubject, to any one fo properly as to himſelf*
t
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2. pag. 120, inter Monumenta Præliminaria.
ܐܙ
+
He
3
245
OF REGINALD POLE.
He wrote, likewife, to the Emperor's Confeffor, and to the
fame purpoſe.
etas.
THE LEGATE left Rome towards the end of the year, and 30th Nov.
1538
that his journey might be more fecret, and his perfon leſs ex-
pofed to danger from Henry's Emiffaries, it was agreed he ſhould
travel in diſguiſe, and with few Attendants, of which number the
Writer of his life, as he informs us, was one. At Bologna he 6th Jan.
took up
his lodgings at that Gentleman's houſe, and from thence ¹539
wrote to Contareni, that notwithſtanding the intenſe cold, which
had covered the Appenines with fnow, he had performed the
journey with chearfulness; and, though the more difagreeable
part of it ſtill remained, on account of its length and difficulty,
and the ſeverity of the ſeaſon, yet, ſays he, vincit iter durum pi-
Four days after, being arrived at Placentia, he wrote again
to his friend, and informed him, that the Legate of thoſe parts
had delivered to him the Pope's letters to
whofe Courts he was going, and had with
vided for the convenience of his journey.
wrote very accurately, and with the Pope's own hand; and the
CARDINAL fays, he had expected them with great earneſtneſs, as
judging they would be very uſeful both to the public and private
buſineſs he was fent on: This is all we know of them*." Here,
likewiſe, he was met by his faithful friend, the Biſhop of Verona,
who had ſhared with him in all the diſappointments of his former
Embaffy, and whofe converfation greatly relieved the grief, with
which the news he then received, oppreffed him. The Expres
who brought it, either met him at Placentia, or was fent after
him foon after he left Rome,
both the Princes, to
great humanity pro-
Theſe letters were
THE late congrefs of Nice, and the meaſures there agreed on,
had alarmed Henry's fufpicions, and made him refolve to figna-
lize his reſentment on him, to whom he now feemed to impute
whatever thwarted his inclinations. Had his hatred of the CAR-
* Ibid. pag. 142. et feq.
DINAL
216
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
DINAL been lefs inveterate than it already was, the violence of
his temper, and a long habit of acting only by paffion, would
have armed him with all the terrour he now appeared in. The
CARDINAL's perfon being out of his reach, he wrecked the ruin
on his family, and on others of the chief nobility, whofe only
crime was their affinity to him. Henry, Lord Montague, his
eldeſt Brother; Henry Courtenay, Marquis of Exeter, Son to Ca-
tharine, Daughter of Edward IV. Sir Edward Nevil, Brother to
Lord Abergavenny, whoſe Siſter Jane was married to Lord Mon-
tague; Sir Nicholas Carew, Knight of the Garter, and Maſter of
the horfe; Sir Jefferey Pole, another of the CARDINAL'S Bro-
thers, were, by the King's orders, apprehended and committed
to the Tower. It was alleged againſt Lord Montague, the Mar-
quis of Exeter, Sir Edward Nevil, and Sir Jefferey Pole, that
they had contrived to advance the CARDINAL to the crown; and
againſt Sir Thomas Carew, that he was privy to the defign. They
were found guilty and condemned. Sir Jeffery obtained his par-
don, on giving intelligence, as it was reported, which counte-
nanced the condemnation of the reſt. "The particular offences
of theſe very eminent perfons, fays Lord Herbert, are not ſo fully
known to me, that I can fay much of them :" and all the infor-
mation which this accurate Hiftorian could gather from our Re-
cords, amounts to no more, than " that Sir Thomas Wriothefley,
the King's Secretary, who was then at the Court of Bruffels,
wrote to Sir Thomas Wyat, Embaffador in Spain, "that the accu-
fations were great, and duly proved: and that he had elſewhere
read, they had fent the CARDINAL money*." But, fure, no-
thing can form ſo flender an appearance of guilt, as that one Mi-
nifter of fuch a King ſhould write in this manner to another,
concerning a tranfaction, on which the leaſt reflection might
have coft the perſon who made it, his life: and we have ſeen, in
*Life of Henry VIII. pag. 439.
another
OF REGINALD
247
POLE,
another part of this Work, with what fhameleſs and abject flattery
Cromwell wrote to this fame Wyat, of his Maſter's proceedings.
Shortly after, the Countess of Salisbury, Mother to the CAR-
DINAL; Gertrude, Widow to the Marquis of Exeter, and her
Son, a youth, were condemned, as Accomplices of thoſe who
had been put to death: The puniſhment of the Countess was
put off for two years, and Gertrude died a natural death.
THE integrity of the noble Sufferers was fo unconteſted that
the CARDINAL writing afterwards to the Emperor, made no dif-
ficulty to affert of his Brother, the Marquis of Exeter, and Sir
Edward Nevil," that they were eſteemed by all who knew them
and by the whole Kingdom, as inferior to none in nobility, and
to have had few equals in thofe qualifications which adorn it.
"The firſt, ſays he, is above all exception, fince he who put
them to death, had none nearer in blood, after his own Children,
than two of them: no one ever queftioned their duty and allegi-
ance and their whole conduct was faultlefs, unleſs in too great
an obfequiouſneſs to counſels, which were pernicious to the Prince
himſelf; though he thought them deficient in this point. He
adds, that, befides the approved tenour of their life in general,
there were many preſumptions, of their never having entertained
a thought contrary to his dignity. That, in the late tumults,
when his declared enemies were numerous, and entirely addicted
to their families and intereft, they had never abfented themſelves
from the incloſure of his Palace Walls; whereas, had they been
confcious of having given any fign of difaffection, they would
never have remained ſo long at the ſide of ſuch a Tyger; as every
one was apprized of his unrelenting cruelty, which left no hope
for pardon. That, could the Charge brought againſt them have
been made out, and they proved to have taken the ſalutary reſo-
lution of delivering their Country from evils, which juſtify ſuch
an enterprize, this muſt have appeared in the Libel which was
publiſhed to vindicate the murder of fome of the nobleſt and beſt
men
248
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
2nd Sept.
and Sir
men of the Realm. But, having read it very attentively, he could
only diſcover, what he had long fufpected, the Tyrant's hatred to
Virtue and the Nobility. Several other falfehoods, foreign to
the ſubject, fays he, are thrown into the performance, and as he
propoſed to write a refutation of the whole, and fet forth the
merit of the Sufferers, the illegality of their condemnation, and
their tragical and undeferved end; all he ſhould fay there for
their juſtification, was, that they died on account of their high
birth, and becauſe the generofity of their minds was equal to
their deſcent: if theſe had been lefs confpicuous, they might
ftill have lived*
SOME months after, having heard of his Mother's condem-
nation, and writing to Contareni, he adds the following obfer-
vation to what I have cited from his Apology to Charles V.
"The progreffion, fays he, of this man of blood is remarkable.
Bp.Fiber, He began by the Prieftly order, and the Magiftracy, and put to
Tho. More. death the moft eminent and deferving of each; he, then, came
to the Nobility, of which he has taken off the flower; and, at
length, is defcended to Women and innocent Children. My
Mother is not the only perfon of her Sex, who now lies under
fentence of condemnation: the Wife of the Marquis of Exeter,
who was beheaded with my Brother, and is a pattern of all
Chriſtian accompliſhments, and her Son, a youth, are in the
fame caſe: And this fatality has always attended his puniſhments,
that they have fallen on thoſe whom he had moſt reaſon to love
and reward+."
THE Meffenger, who, as has been related, met the LEGATE
at Placentia, had left England, before his Brother, and the other
Noblemen were put to death. The fentence was executed on
the 9th of January, a day before he had given advice of their
condemnation to Contareni. The misfortunes of his family did
Apol. ad Carolum V. pag. 112, et ſeq.
+ Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª, pag. 197.
not
OF REGINALD POLE.
249
not abate his vigour in purſuing the public good, and he ftaid
but one day at Placentia, to recollect his mind from the fadnefs,
with which fuch unexpected tidings had feized it; and receive,
from the Biſhop of Verona, that comfort, with which, as he
expreffes himſelf, the face of a friend never fails to chear our
forrows. He acknowledges, that no vifit was ever more feafon-
able, and that the Prelate, befides other marks of his affection,
had given him a large fupply towards defraying the expence of
his journey, and enabling him to perform it with eaſe*. From
Placentia, having paffed the Alps, and being come into France,
he took the road of Carpentras, that he might ſee his particular
friend, Cardinal Sadolet, who was Biſhop of the place. This
great man was fo taken with the ſteadineſs he made appear under
his preſent trials, that, writing to his friends at Rome, "The
LEGATE, fays he, is truly deferving the fortune, to which his
high birth entitles him; not that, by which he is now perfecuted:
and though I felt a fingular fatisfaction at the fight of a perſon,
who is dear to me, and whoſe abſence I have often regretted;
yet on hearing the diſaſters of his family, which was at the point
of deſtruction, and the cruelty of a mercileſs Tyrant, I muſt have
funk under my grief, had not his virtue and wiſdom, who was
the party concerned, fupported me. He, who in every other
circumſtance of life has behaved with fingular conftancy and mo-
deration, and refigned himſelf to the appointments of Heaven,
with a readineſs to receive whatever the great Ruler of all things
ſhould pleaſe to ordain, difcourfed on his misfortunes, as if he
had no perfonal intereft in them, and feemed only concerned for
the public calamity +."
FROM Carpentras he fet out for Barcelona, where he arrived
about the end of January; and, that he might travel with greater
expedition, he took with him, only four of his Attendants, and
* Epift. R. Pali, pars 2ª, pag, 144,
+ Sadoleti Epift. 12, lib. 13; et 12, lib. 14.
proceeded
Kk
250
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
proceeded to Toledo, where the Court then was. He was no
fooner arrived here, but he perceived the King of England had
been beforehand with him: and that this Negotiation would
prove as fruitless as that he had been fent on, two years before,
to the Neither-lands. Henry was too well acquainted with the
temper of Charles and Francis, not to know the profpect of
private intereſt would foon make them lofe fight of whatever
engagements they had taken at Nice, either to each other, or
againſt himſelf; and had ordered his Embaffador to propofe to
the Emperor an offenfive and defenfive league againſt France,
the common Enemy of both crowns. The Emperor, on his part,
little fatisfied with the peace he had concluded with that Power,
or judging of Francis's difpofitions from his own, forefaw it would
laft no longer than the Convenience which had cemented it: and
he refolved not to alienate the mind of a Prince, who, in cafe of
a rupture with his Rival, might be of great uſe to him. He re-
ceived the LEGATE, therefore, with coldneſs, and fignified to
him, that the preſent juncture was unfeaſonable for the execution
of what the Pope required: and, in order to rid himſelf of a per-
fon, whofe prefence upbraided him with want of good faith in a
matter of high concernment, he adviſed him to go to France,
and found the difpofitions of that Court, by which, he ſaid, he
would regulate his own. The LEGATE, who faw the infincerity
of the propoſal, and that fuch a journey would only ſtrengthen
the alliance between the Courts of England and Spain, judged it
againſt the dignity of his character to be the Dupe of ſuch ſhuf-
fling politics, and expofe himſelf to certain danger, without any
cauſe to juſtify his fo doing. He refolved, therefore, to leave
the Court; but before his departure, he reprefented to the Em-
peror, with his uſual freedom," that though his concern was
very great at the thought of the ſmall fuccour his Country was to
expect from his Majefty, in her day of diſtreſs, yet he was not
without great anxiety on the Emperor's own account: that the
Annals
OF REGINALD POLE.
251
Annals of Providence were ftored with inftances of the Almighty's
refentment againſt fuch of his Servants as had engaged in league
with his Enemies. That, the example of the celebrated Jofias,
ſtood foremoſt in this lift, who, though he was dear to his Ma-
ker, and had gained many fignal Victories by his favour, yet
having got together a great naval force, and feen it deſtroyed
againſt all human appearance, a Prophet was fent to him with
this memorable meffage, becauſe thou hast entered into a league
with a man who has done many ungodly actions, therefore has God
destroyed thy fleet. That, the Emperor might fo much more
justly dread the like puniſhment, as he ſeemed to be the Prince
particularly marked out by Heaven to affift England in her pre-
fent exigencies. That, Henry had begun theſe Evils by an action.
which was highly injurious to his auguſt Houſe; and that the
ties of ancient friendſhip which united him to the Kingdom, now
called him forth in her cauſe." Some time after, writing to
Contareni, he thought he diſcovered this chaſtiſement in the Em-
peror's defeat in Africa, and elſewhere. "If I may ſpeak my
mind, fays he, though perhaps little heed will be given to what
I fay, had that Prince, who is fo cloſely preffed by the Turk,
rejected the alliance of another declared enemy of his God, he
might have found him more propitious in the defence of his Em-
pire." I am very fenfible, that the eminent piety of CARDINAL
POLE, which caufed him to refer every thing to the Supreme
Being, and to what might promote his worship amongst men,
gave him ſeveral ſentiments, which will feem fingular in an age
fo little acquainted with his way of thinking: but I ſhould be
wanting to the good faith of Hiſtory, if, on this confideration, I
omitted what occurs fo often in his life; and be unworthy to
tranfmit his Character to Pofterity, could I think it ſtood in need
of
any Apology for what he muſt have efteemed the moſt valu-
able part of it. The defeat which the LEGATE alludes to in the
*
Reg. Poli Epift. pars 22. pag. 198.
Kk 2
above
252
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
above cited paffage, was a great advantage gained by the Turk
over the combined naval force of the Chriftians. It confifted of
200 Gallies, 36 of which had been furniſhed by the Pope, 82
by the Venetians, and the fame number by the Emperor, and
were commanded by Andrew Doria. A dreadful ftorm of thun-
der and lightning fcattered this Fleet, which, for thofe times,
was formidable, and, night coming on, Barbaroffa, at the head of
24th Sept. 130 Ottoman Veffels, compleated the overthrow on the coaſt of
Dalmatia. Some of the Gallies that had efcaped, appeared again
1538
at Sea in a few days, and took Caftel novo, a ftrong hold on the
fame Coaft; but this was, foon after, retaken by the Turk; and
the Garriſon, which was very numerous, and compofed of fome
of the bravest troops in Europe, commanded by Sarmiento, a
Spaniard, all put to the fword *.
BEFORE the LEGATE left Toledo, Granvelle, the prime Mi-
nifter, let him know, that during the fhort ftay he had made
there, the Engliſh Embaffador, Sir Thomas Wyat, had publicly
given out, that if the King his Mafter would cauſe him to be
proclaimed a Traitor in all the towns of England; and give him,
when he was recalled from his Embaffy, the commiffion to dif
patch him, with ten thouſand pounds to effect it; he would
forfeit his whole eftate, which was very large, if he did not com-
paſs his death within fix months. At the fame time he ſpoke of
Rome, and the neighbourhood, as the fitteft place for ſuch a deed.
The LEGATE had then looked on this difcourfe as the frantic
boaſt of a mad young man, with whofe profligateneſs he was
well acquainted: but what followed cauſed him to make fome
reflections on it: for foon after, the Embaffador was recalled; the
LEGATE was proclaimed a Traitor with a formality, which, till
then, had not been obferved; Wyat was not returned to England;
and ſeveral months after, it was not known where he was.
* Lord Herbert's life of Henry VIII. pag. 436. Epift. R. Poli, pars 2", pag. 196.
† Ibid. pag. 193, 194.
THE
OF REGINALD POLE.
253
THE LEGATE, on leaving Toledo, took the fame road by which
he came, and was no fooner arrived at Carpentras, but he order-
ed Becatelli, his Secretary, to give a full account to Contareni,
who had the Pope's chief confidence, of the reception he had met
with. At the fame time, though he did not think it proper to
go to the Court of France, as the Inſtructions which he received,
on leaving Rome, directed; yet, that nothing on his part might
be wanting to bring the negotiation to a defirable iffue, he fent
one of his houſehold, whom he judged beft qualified for that
purpoſe. It was the Abbé Parpalia, who is mentioned by Fla-
minius, and was, afterwards, one of the LEGATE's Affociates in
the Society of Viterbo. He had been with him at Toledo; was,
as he ſays, perfectly well informed of the nature of the Embaffy,
had long practifed the Spanish and French Courts, and had the
buſineſs he was employed in throughly at heart. But he likewiſe
found this other Mart of Royal alliances foreſtalled by the King
of England*." Henry had already made very preffing overtures
to Francis in order to difunite him from the Emperor: foon after,
he went fo far as to fend the Duke of Norfolk, to offer him his
affiſtance to recover the Dutchy of Milan, to remit all the arrears
of penfions and falt-money, due from that Prince; and with all
induſtry, as Lord Herbert expreffes himſelf, to make him jealous
of the Emperor's ambition. The Abbé, therefore, was received
with a politenefs peculiar to that nation, and heard with great
attention a readiness to come into the meaſures he propofed,
was fignified in general terms; but the real amount of his journey
was no more, than to leave behind him the reputation of a fine
fpeaker. On his return to Carpentras, he was diſpatched to
Rome, to lay before the Pope the whole ſtate of the Embaffy;
* Etenim eodem tempore Anglus utri-
ufque, et Cæfaris et Galli animum vanist
+ Lord Herbert, pag. 451.
ac fallacibus policitationibus pertenta-
Vita Poli, fol. 16. à tergo.
verat.
† Pallav. 1. 4. C. 4.
and
254
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
:
•
and repreſent, amongſt other things, that though the Nuncio at
Toledo had affured his Holinefs, that the LEGATE, at his arrival,
fhould find the Emperor ready to acquit himfelf of his engage
ments, yet he had feen no effect of fuch a declaration: that his
Imperial Majefty had, on the contrary, excufed himſelf from
complying with them, on account of the affairs he had on his
hands, the Ottoman war, and what he had to apprehend from
Lutherans; and had infifted on being affured of the French King's
difpofition, before he entered on action. He was likewife in-
ſtructed to inform the Pope, that if, on the abovementioned de-
claration, and that which the French Court had made to the
fame purpoſe, he still thought it worth while to renew the nego-
tiation, there would be no occafion to fend him again to Spain,
as the Abbé might very well be entruſted with the whole bufi-
nefs and when thefe Princes were come to a final and real refo-
lution, it would be time enough for him, to regulate with them,
on the Pope's part, every thing which concerned the Engliſh na-
tion*. "He wrote, likewife, to Contareni, that Parpalia would
lay before him the account of his Expences, which far exceeded
his Income; though he had laid out in it all his favings; and that
his Journies from Italy to Spain, and from thence to France, had
reduced him very low: but that the importance of the buſineſs,
and the need there was of difpatch, well deferved all this. That,
he made no doubt but his Holiness would vouchfafe to make a
fuitable provifion for this, and other occurrences which might
happen; and that he was well affured his friend's favour and cre-
8th April, dit would not be wanting to him." Contarent, in his anſwer,
informs him, that the Pope was not only entirely fatisfied with
his conduct in the Embaffy, but had, moreover, fpoke of his
prudence, and prefence of mind, in the most honourable terms.
1539
In this interval the death of the Empress Ifabella was an in-
cident which gave occafion to a farther tentative in behalf of the
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª, pag. 150, et feq.
+ Ibidem.
affairs
OF REGINALD
255
POLE.
affairs of England; and was attended with an inftance of the
vanity of human felicity, which deferves to be recorded. She
died at Toledo foon after the LEGATE had left that City; and
Francis Borgia, eldeft Son to the Duke of Gandia, was appointed
by the Emperor to accompany the Corpfe to Granada, the bury-
ing place of the Catholic Kings. Being about to deliver it to the
Clergy of the Cathedral, the leaden Coffin was opened, that the
young
Nobleman might make oath, as the cuftom is in fuch cere-
monies, that it was the Corpfe of the Emprefs. But all that
remained of fo lovely a perfon was a hideous and confufed mafs of
rottennefs and corruption. Thoſe who were to be Vouchers to a
likeness, of which there was not the leaft trace, refuſed to atteft
it; and withdrew at a distance, to fpare themſelves the horror,
cauſed by the fight and ſtench of one who, a few days before,
was accounted the moſt beautiful and fortunate Woman of the
World. Of all the Attendants, there was not a ſingle perfon,
who, on fuch appearances, durft affirm on oath, that to be the
face, on which they had fo often gazed with admiration: the
Marquis, who had the fteadiness to confider it with more atten-
tion than the reft, was not lefs ftaggered, when he was required
to fwear to the identy of the perfon; and he only depofed, that
the care he had taken to have the Corpfe watched, left him no
room to doubt of it being that of the Emprefs. He then com-
pared the attendance which he had lately feen about her, the
Court himſelf had often paid her, the pomp and magnifi-
cence which furrounded her perfon, with the condition in which
fhe then was; and this reflection wrought in him a more ex-
traordinary change than what Death had caufed in the Princefs.
He took a refolution of quitting the world and devoting himſelf
wholly to the Service of God, which he executed, afterwards,
when he was Duke of Gandia, to the wonder and edification of
all Europe *.
f
* Vie de St. F. de Borgia, par. V. J. liv. 1.
THE
256
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE Pope, on this occafion, fent Cardinal Alexander Farnefe,
to make his compliments of condolence to the Emperor; with
orders to call on the English CARDINAL, as he paffed through
Carpentras, and confer with him on a method of bringing that
Prince to a more fatisfactory and explicite declaration with reſpect
to England. We have four letters of this youthful Stateſman,
during the ſhort ftay he made at Toledo; in all which the affairs
of the Engliſh nation are particularly mentioned. The Empe-
ror declared, he would have no miſunderſtanding with Henry till
the tranquility of Germany was fettled; that the King of France
might act as he thought fit; but as foon as Germany gave him no
farther diſturbance, though that Prince fhould refuſe to act in
conjunction with him, he alone would avenge the injury done to
Religion and to his own family: and both the Emperor and his
Minifter Granvelle infifted on CARDINAL POLE's going to the
Court of France *. The reafon affigned was to induce the King
to break off all meaſures with Henry, but the real motive was to
create in him a jealouſy at this journey, and, by this means,
unite him more clofely to the Spaniſh intereſt. The LEGATE,
however, that he might remove from himſelf all appearances of
having been wanting to the fuccefs of the negotiation, wrote to
the Pope's Embaſſador at Paris to know if his preſence at that
Court would be of any ſervice to his Country; and the anſwer he
received, juftifies the prudence of the conduct he had already held
on that head. It was to the following purpoſe;" that he had
not taken upon himſelf to give the LEGATE his opinion on the
fubject of his letter, left he might expoſe him to a ſecond journey
as fruitleſs as that which he had taken in his way to Flanders; but
having communicated it to the Miniſter, who had ſpoken to the
King, he had returned him this anſwer: that, though his Ma-
jeſty's intentions would always be very fincere, with reſpect to
what he had agreed on with the Emperor, whenever that Prince
* Monum. Prælim. Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª.
fhould
OF REGINALD POLE.
257
ſhould think proper to fulfil his part of the engagement, yet he
did not approve of the LEGATE's journey to France, as it would
raiſe fufpicions in the King of England, and render the meaſures
they were to enter on, lefs efficacious. The Embaffador likewife
lets him know, that as foon as he had heard from Farnefe, het
would bring the affair again on the carpet, and as he faw no in-
dication of change of fentiments in the French Miniſtry, pro-
vided they were fure of the Emperor, he had ftill hopes the af-
fair would have the defired Iffue*."
In this manner infincerity was handed about from Toledo to
Paris, and from thence to Toledo; the fole defign of theſe Courts
being to amuſe that of Rome, and avail themſelves of her autho-
rity. They were confcious what part became the high rank they
held, and the variety of expedients they had to execute it, with-
out coming to declared Hoftilities: but becauſe it did not co-
incide with what is termed reafon of State, it was treated with
coldness and irrefolution, and, at length, laid quite afide. Thefe
difpofitions, fo unworthy thoſe who were wholly guided by them,
cauſed the LEGATE to conclude a letter to Contareni with the
following remark: "That he had learnt from the experience of
many years, that no cauſe had a lefs favourable reception with
Mankind, than that which properly regarded God and his wor-
ſhip; though this was what every one allowed to be the purport
of the petition, by which we aſk that his will may be done and
this being the cafe, no one could wonder at the Evils which op-
preſſed Chriſtianity, and for which he faw no other remedy than
earneſt fupplication to the Almighty. That, if after a fincere
change of our own heart, we defire to bring others over to the
fame rectitude, the attempt, however well grounded, will be to
no purpoſe, unleſs their Hearers have a teachable difpofition: we
were, therefore, to have recourfe to prayer, if we defired either
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª, pag. 164.
L1
fafety
Paris, 8th
July.
258
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
ence.
fafety to ourſelves, or relief to public calamities: that, our holy
Faith, and the writings of able men had already taught us the
infufficiency of other remedies; but now we knew it by experi-
Let us then, fays he, firft ufe this means, in our own be-
half; and, afterwards, on that of others. As for myſelf, I am
encompaffed with fuch a variety of afflictions, that I ſcarcely
know how to extricate myſelf*." Theſe were the death of his
elder Brother, his Mother's condemnation, and ſeveral more
of his friends and Relations, either under fentence of death,
or executed.
THUS ended the ſecond and laſt attempt which the CARDINAL
made by the Pope's orders, and at the requeſt of the two moſt
powerful Princes in Europe, in favour of a Kingdom, in whoſe
welfare neither of them intereſted himſelf any further than to
make its wealth and power uſeful to his ambition. If the grounds
on which he proceeded feem too flender for any great hopes of
fuccefs, this difcuffion belonged to another department. He was
only to execute the orders of a higher Power, of whofe good will
to his Country he had no doubt. But it is well worth obſerving,
that a Project which had now been twice vainly attempted; or
rather, had diſappeared as foon as it was concerted; was, a
few years after, brought about as foon almoſt as propoſed; and
the fame perſon, who, for his attachment to the Religion of his
Anceſtors, had, even in foreign realms, been hardly fafe from the
ambuſhes and open violence of his Country, and had been pro-
ſcribed and declared a Traitor; was recalled, by the united au-
thority of the Legiſlature, and the general voice of the People,
to reſtore them to that worship, which had been his only guilt.
The only oppofition he then found, was from the ſelfiſh views of
the fame Emperor, which had cauſed all the diſappointments I
have related; and whofe behaviour on this occafion juftifies
Epift. R. Poli, pars 22, pag. 149.
Tertullian's
OF REGINALD POLE.
259
Tertullian's expreffion, where, fpeaking of the Emperors of his
time, he ſays, "they would long ago have embraced Chriſti-
anity, could they have prevailed on themſelves to comply with
its obligations."
BUT the CARDINAL's concern for the public good was not
confined to his Country. The part he took in the general wel-
fare of Mankind, made him intereft himſelf in that of Germany.
Several States of the Empire were already bewildered in the maze
of novelty, and the reſt ſeemed on the point of lofing themſelves
in the fame labyrinth. At the beginning of this year a Diet had
been held at Frankfort, in order to fettle the affairs of Religion;
of which the Emperor had been the chief promoter, and at which
a great number of Catholics and Lutherans affifted; but without
any one on the part of the Pope. It was, moreover, agreed, that
his Legates fhould be excluded from all future meetings of that
kind; and all religious matters to be carried on under the autho-
rity of Charles and his Brother Ferdinand, who was elected King
of the Romans, and be ratified by them. As no proceeding could
be more irregular, than that the firft Biſhop of the Chriftian
World ſhould not be admitted to debates wherein the chief arti-
cles of Religion were to be difcuffed; and the prerogative of his
See be transferred to a Lay Power; the Pope took the juſteſt of-
fence at it; and Cardinal Aleander expoftulated with Ferdinand,
both by word of mouth and writing, on the fcandal it had cauſed,
and the evil it was likely to produce. He could not be at a lofs
to prove the incongruity of fuch meaſures, and that, under the
pretext of redreffing wrongs, they have ever been the occaſion of
greater miſchiefs than thoſe they were defigned to remedy. This
truth is ſo obvious, that Procopius, a Pagan Writer, obſerves, the
meddling in concerns of Religion, to have been one of the capital
faults in the character of Juſtinian*.
* Heifs, Hif. de l'Emp. Annales Raynaldi; Pallavicini Hif. Conc. Trid. 1. 4.
c. 8. N°. 10.
Apol. cap.
21.
L12
THE
260
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
!
THE Preliminaries being agreed on at Frankfort, the contro-
verted points were to be difcuffed, in the following October, in a
Diet at Nuremberg; and the time drawing near, the Engliſh
CARDINAL made no fcruple of writing to Contareni," that
though the moſt refolute oppofition was to be made to the King
of England's innovations, yet He was not the Prince, from whom
Religion was likely to receive the deepeſt wounds: and that ſuch
a Character as Cato defcribes his to have been, who undertook
the ruin of the Commonwealth with thought and fobriety, was
much more to be feared: that, there were now two of this cha-
racter, and unleſs an obftacle was put to the private meetings,
which were managed by their authority, it required no great
degree of fagacity to foreſee where they would end; and that the
Church was in danger of being rent by more grievous divifions
than ſhe had ſuffered for fome Centuries. That, the Pope's Em-
baffador in Spain had given him the firft intelligence of theſe
matters, which had fince been enlarged on by Farnefe. He con-
cludes, that the affairs of Religion in Germany were in fo critical
a fituation, that, notwithſtanding his love for Contareni, and the
inclination he had for privacy, yet his concern for the common
cauſe prevailed over other confiderations, and made him earneſtly
defire that ſo able a Negotiator might be ſent thither." This
defire of the CARDINAL had its effect; for the Diet, after many
fruitless meetings, at different places, was adjourned to Ratisbon,
in 1541, and Contareni received, as the Pope's Legate, by the
Emperor, who was preſent at the opening of the Affembly. The
fuccefs, indeed, of this meeting was no better than the former
had met with; for the Lutherans infifted on changes and abate-
ments in a Religion, which, as the fame Procopius obſerves, on
fimplex et account of the abfolute fingleness of its fyftem, admits of none. How-
ever, the irregularity in the form of their proceedings, and the
ſcandal cauſed by it, was removed.
abfoluta.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª, pag. 158.
THE
OF REGINALD POLE.
261
tr
THE CARDINAL having acquitted himſelf of what he owed
the Public, fought in the converſation and friendſhip of Sadolet
ſome relief in the affliction with which the ftate of his Country,
and the total ruin which threatened his family, oppreffed him. He
lodged in a Convent, near Carpentras, and not far from his friend's
country houfe; the folitude of the place making him prefer it to
any other, as moft fuited to his preſent ſtate of mind: and as
the fame difpofitions always attended him in the fame circum-
ſtances, the manner of paffing his time in this retirement, was
fimilar to that, which I have related of his occupations at Liège.
But as nothing lets us fo thoroughly into a Character, as fuch
particulars of domeſtic life; and no actions convey more uſeful
and practicable inſtruction, than thoſe which flow from a great
man, when the eyes of the public are off him, I fhall fet down
the brief account he gives of himſelf in a letter to Contareni.
Priuli, fays he, Becatelli, and myſelf, have, for our mutual
confolation, begun a conference on the Pfalms and, to-day,
we came to that which begins, Save me, O Lord, because the
Righteous have failed; becauſe Truth has left the Children of Men.
You know what follows: And certainly, whoever has much
commerce with them, cannot but feel how neceffary it is to beg
of God, to preſerve him from their treachery; and to acknow-
ledge the favour, when he finds in any one that fincerity and good
faith, which becomes his Servants. I have fufficiently experi-
enced this almoſt univerſal depravity, not to own the happineſs I
enjoy, in the intimacy of a few acquaintance, to whoſe upright-
neſs I can now, more than ever before, bear an honourable teſti-
mony. As to what regards myſelf, I fhall only fay, that in all
events, I will never ceaſe to praiſe his goodneſs who has hitherto
protected me. The many diſappointments I meet with in his
cauſe, fhall never make me diftruft feeing it, at length, end to
his honour. We are to perfuade ourſelves, that all great under-
takings, even in the order of Nature, are not brought to fucceed
but
262
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
De Sub-
ftruatione
Ecclefiæ.
but through great difficulties; and thofe enterprizes, by which
the fervice of God is promoted, are, for the moſt part compaſſed
by means, which have appeared impoffible *.' If he had been
let into the knowledge of what was to happen to himſelf a few
years after, in his return to his Country, and the occaſion of it,
he would not have expreffed his forefight in other terms.
THE leiſure he enjoyed here, afforded him an opportunity of
revifing a Work which Sadolet had in hand, on the Reformation
of the Church. It was divided into three parts, of which the
Author had gone through two; and being extremely accurate in
his compofitions, he was defirous that this, which was the most
important of them all, fhould be a finiſhed piece; as we fee by
the earneſtnefs with which he recommends the revifal of it to the
moſt eminent and learned of the facred Colleget. The Scope of
the Work, as we learn from himſelf, was to prop up the fallen
ſtate of Chriſtianity, which now feemed to threaten ruin; and
eſtabliſh ſuch manners, and fuch a difcipline, as might be worthy
our holy faith: and in feveral places it had a great affinity with
Pighius's treatife of the Ecclefiaftical Hierarchy. Sadolet had not
paffed his laſt judgment on that part of the performance on which
he defired the opinion of his friends, when fome ill-minded per-
fons picked out ſeveral paffages which disjoined from the context,
not only miſrepreſented the Author's meaning, but had injured
his reputation. Whereupon CARDINAL POLE entreats Contareni,
who had paffed no cenfure on thoſe places, to vindicate the ho-
nour of fo great and deferving a man, from all imputation of
having advanced any thing foreign to the received tenets of the
Church; and ſtop the mouth of his adverfaries. This work
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª.
+ Sad. Epiſt. l. 13. ad Contarenum, Eau-
retium, Cervinum.
+ Interim verò hoc eum meritò dolet
(quod certè nobis omnibus non minus
moleftum effe debet, pro tanti viri famâ
et Collegii conjunctione) quofdem effe
inventos, qui ex eodem libro, de quo
ipfe nondum judicium firmum fecerat,
quem paucis communicandum, et his
folis, quorum judicium exquirebat, eſſe
has
OF REGINALD POLE..
263
has never appeared in print; either on account of its not having
had the Author's finishing hand: or the plainnefs, with which
he treated the diſorders of his times, and the remedies he judged
proper to be applied to them. Du Pin has not ſo much as taken
notice of it, in his account of the Writers of the 16th Century;
and Niceron has fallen into the fame omiffion; but Montfaucon
mentions it, as extant among the Vatican Manufcripts. The fit- In Bibl.
neſs of the ſubject to the times, to which it was addreffed; the
Author's uncommon follicitude that the performance might be
equal to the undertaking, and the acknowledged accuracy of his
other writings, make the regret for the lofs of this, lefs the ef
fect of curiofity than of reafon.
NOTHING could be more different than this peaceable and ra-
tional Induſtry, in promoting the cauſe of Truth, with which
the CARDINAL and his Friends were taken up; and the boisterous
proceedings by which Henry was giving the Nation to underſtand,
they had exchanged the fupremacy of the Bishop of Rome, for
the arbitrary will of a capricious and bloody Prince. Three years
before the time I am fpeaking of, he drew up a profeffion of
Faith, in which he eſtabliſhed the Sacrament of Penitence, and
auricular Confeſſion: the real preſence of JESUS CHRIST in the
Eucharift; prayer for the Dead; the invocation of Saints, and
the reſpect due to their pictures and images: the Ceremonies
uſed in bleffing water, and the Exorcifms performed in Baptiſm:
The cuſtom of receiving afhes at the beginning of Lent, and of
carrying Palm branches on the Sunday that bears that name:
The proftrations made before the Croſs, and the cuſtom of kif
fing it on good Friday, as a fymbolical language which recalled
the memory of God's benefits, and raiſed the mind to ſpiritual
voluit, nefcio quæ excerpfere, et in vul-
gus protulere, quæ nec cum illius fen-
tentiâ, cùm fcriberet, conveniunt, et
huic infamiam apud ignaros rei veritatis
inurere poffent, tanquam novi et alieni à
confuetà Ecclefiae doctrinâ dogmatis Aut-
tior effe vellet. R. Poli, Epift. pars 2ª,
pag. 146.
M. S.
and
264
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
and heavenly things. In all this there was nothing but what
had been the conftant doctrine of Antiquity, and was then held
and practiſed by the whole Catholic Church: the novelty con-
fifted in this, that whereas thefe articles had hitherto refted on
the Goſpel, and the unanimous conſent of Chriſtianity, the King
would now have them received by virtue of his new Headship;
and therefore added a claufe to which the Chriftian Church had
been yet a ſtranger, by which the Bishops were ordered to publish
them to the People HE had committed to their charge. The Pre-
lates had been heard on theſe heads, as Judges hear their Council,
but the King alone had decided on what was in debate. He
now reduced this profeffion, which was fomething long, and
took in a variety of matter, to the fix following Articles, and re-
commended them by an argument, of which, it muſt be allow-
ed, he was perfectly Maſter. By the firft, the belief of Tran-
fubftantiation was enjoined under pain of the fame forfeitures
which are incurred by felony; and, of being burnt to death.
This article was inforced by a cruelty of a fingular kind, and
well fuited to their Lawgiver's temper; for the abjuration of the
contrary error could not exempt the delinquent from the puniſh-
ment he was liable to by falling into it. Communion in one kind
and the Celebacy of the Priesthood were enacted, by the ſecond
and third Articles, under pain of death; and by the three others,
the perpetual Obligation of Vows of Chaſtity, the Utility of
private Maffes, and the Neceffity of auricular Confeffion. Impri-
fonment, forfeiture, death itſelf was the puniſhment of thoſe
who obftinately denied any of theſe points, or lived in defi-
ance of them*.
It would have been a fufficient difgrace to our Annals, to be
ſtained by ſuch inhuman Edicts, had they been the deed only of
one frantic Tyrant; but fuch was the flavish difpofition of the
* Anno 31. Henry VIII. c. 14. Lord Herbert, pag. 446.
Parliament,
OF REGINALD POLE.
265
Parliament, that they not only paffed all this into a Law; but
gave up, at the fame time, all the Civil and Religious Rights of
the Nation; and, by one liberal furrender, made themſelves of
no farther uſe, and fubverted the Engliſh Conftitution. Theſe
mean Deſerters of their Country's caufe paffed an Act, by which
the power of the whole Legiſlature was annexed to all Royal Pro-
clamations, which were to have the force of perpetual Laws;
and full power given to the King to inflict what puniſhment he
thought fit on the Tranfgreffors. But, that the truft repoſed in
them might receive all the proſtitution, to which ſuch ſhameleſs
Guardians could expoſe it, they acknowledged, that the Statute
here paffed, conferred no new power on his Majeſty, and was
but declarative of a prerogative inherent in the crown, of which
the Statute aſcertained the extent; and, by that means, took
from ill-minded perfons all pretext of diſobeying the King, who,
as they take care to inform the Nation, would bear it full ill*.
A further inſtance of degeneracy was ftill poffible, of which I
ſhall have occaſion to ſpeak afterwards, and the Parliament was
unwilling Poſterity ſhould not be informed they had been capable
of it: and, accordingly, they attainted a perſon of the firſt quality
in England, who was within the Realm, without trial, or citing
her to appear before them.
THE CARDINAL having made fome ſtay in the neighbourhood
of Carpentras, the Pope fignified to him a defire of his returning
to Rome; but the calamities of his family and Country, which
ſeem now to have wholly taken up his mind, and funk his ſpirits,
made him entreat his Holinefs" to fuffer him to remain in foli❤
tude, as what alone was decent in his preſent fituation: that al-
though, in other circumſtances, it would be a fingular pleaſure
to him to pay his refpects to the Pope, and enjoy the converfation
of his Friends; yet, as the diſeaſes of the body often hinder the
* Anno 31, Henry VIII. cap. 8.
M m
mind
266
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
!
Sir Tho.
Wiat.
mind in what it is moſt intent on; fo he now experienced, that
a fick and diftempered ftate of mind, deprived him of the con-
tentment he ſhould take in what would otherwife be moſt agree-
able. That, he hoped to be revifited by more chearful days;
and though his Country lay under every kind of oppreffion, yet
it ftill made a part of his Saviour's Kingdom, to whom all power
in heaven and earth is given: that, he fupported himſelf with
the conſciouſneſs of having given no occafion to thefe difafters;
of having, to the utmoſt of his power, oppofed thoſe who were
the Authors of them; and having never been wanting in his
endeavours to redress them*. He reminds Contareni, that if it
had been always ufual to allow fome ceffation from all public
buſineſs to thoſe who had loft either a Parent, a Wife, or a Child;
with how much more reafon might he, who had loſt, almoſt
in the fame inftant, all who were dearest to him, either by death
or impriſonment, claim this exemption? That the total defola-
tion of the liberties and religion of his Country, was more ſenſible
to him, than any private confideration; and the leaſt he could
do, was to weep in fecret over her Ruins; and withdraw from
the Public, where, as matters now ftood, he could be of fervice
to no body, and muſt be a burden to himſelf. He alleges the
dearneſs of provifions at Rome; and the juſt apprehenſions he was
under from the threats of the Engliſh Embaſſador at the Court
of Spain. He tells his friend, he fuppofes he has heard of his
Mother being fentenced to death, that is, fays he, to life eternal;
for unleſs he underſtood it in that manner, his own life would
be inſupportable to him: and alluding to a paffage in Exodus,
that notwithſtanding this firm perfuafion, he could not bear the
light, unleſs he ſheltered himſelf under the Rock, and was hid
in the Cavern, whilſt the glory of the Lord paffed by†.”
•
He had finiſhed the letter when he received advice from Con-
tareni of the death of Cardinal Campegio, on whom the King,
+ Ibid. pag. 197.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª. Epiſtola 80.
many
OF REGINALD POLE.
267
many years before, had conferred the Biſhoprick of Saliſbury;
though, fince his rupture with the See of Rome, he had deprived
him of the Revenues; and the Pope had thoughts of nominating
CARDINAL POLE to it. It had always been his opinion, that
after the death of the preſent Incumbent, the Pontiff, notwith-
ſtanding the cuſtom of conferring benefices which are vacated in
that Court, ſhould nominate no other perſon to this Biſhoprick ;
but now the preſent occafion of its vacancy, and the offer of it
made to himſelf, led him into a train of thought, with which
the Reader cannot but be entertained. "The refult, fays he to
his Friend, of my mind on this affair, is, that if England recovers
its former ſtate, I can never be at a loſs for Church benefices, if
I defire them but as things now are, I do not ſee what greater
emolument I ſhould receive from the Bishoprick of Salisbury,
than from that of Antioch, were I nominated to it; and if ho-
nour only be intended, you muſt be fenfible how very flender
this is. As I am no ſtranger to my Countrymen, and to what
will chiefly move their ſcorn; I am well affured, they will no
fooner have heard of this collation, but it will become the ſubject
of univerfal raillery: and it is on this account, that I am ex-
tremely defirous the Public may never be informed of your having
any part in this propofal. What muſt well-diſpoſed perſons in
England, who are informed of what I have forfeited and refuſed
in defence of the Apoftolic See, think, when they hear that a
proviſion is made for me, from a benefice, the profits of which
are enjoyed by another? what conftruction can they put on fuch
proceedings? Thoſe of another turn will have ample matter for
mockery, when, after having rejected their fatteft morſels, like
the fleſh pots of Egypt, they ſee me reduced to take up with
offals, whilft they are feafting on the fat and the marrow. I
well remember, when they formerly endeavoured to divert me
from leaving their party, no argument was preffed fo cloſely as
this; they told me, that by fo doing, I gave up all means of
fubfiftence;
M m 2
268
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
fubfiftence; and defired to be credited on what experience had
taught them of the Court of Rome. No one was more eloquent
in this argument than Tonftal, Biſhop of Durham, the moſt learn-
ed perfon of the nation, and who had the highest reputation for
virtue, till he deferted her caufe; and was, at that time, my
deareſt friend. When it was viſible to which fide I inclined, he
wrote to me, by the King's orders, that I was about to quit the
high road to preferment, for a by-way of very uncertain iffue ;
and that I might give credit to him, who was practiſed in thoſe
matters, when he affirmed, my fimplicity would be impoſed on.
The anſwer I made, was, that if I acted with integrity, I could
not be the lofer; and, if I did not, I deſerved to bear the puniſh-
ment. But if they are apprized of my being named to this Bi-
ſhoprick, no ſubject could afford them more matter for ridicule,
or be a ſtronger confirmation of their former predictions; and I
expect fhortly to fee fomething from the Prefs, on this head, as
they have already publiſhed on much more idle fubjects. If it
be replied, that no account is to be made either of what they
think or fay; yet nothing can be reputed a benefit, but what is
grateful to him who receives it; and who is fo well acquainted
with my way of thinking on this whole affair as yourſelf? Where-
fore, though I cannot but acknowledge the diftinction with which
his Holiness treats me on this occafion, yet the favour I now aſk,
preferably to all benefices, is to retire for fome time, till thofe
wounds are healed, which I received by engaging in the public
cauſe. If I obtain this, I ſhall have all I can enjoy in
circumſtances: the reft depends on Heaven*.*
my preſent
BUT though the CARDINAL'S mind laboured under all the op-
preffion he has deſcribed; his grief did not betray him into a
behaviour unbecoming the high character for wisdom and ſteadi-
nefs he had hitherto maintained; and his whole carriage was fo
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2º, Epift. 80. 16th August, 1539.
free
1
OF REGINALD POLE.
269
free from ſadneſs and dejection, that it was a pattern of the con-
trary virtues to all who were witneffes of it. Sadolet, in whofe
neighbourhood he now lived, has done him juftice on this head,
in a letter to Farnefe. "Your intimate Friend POLE, fays he,
a man of the moſt unſhaken conftancy, and whoſe virtue is of a
fuperior order, and worthy our admiration, is now with me. I
have formerly had frequent opportunities of being acquainted
with him; but his character never appeared to greater advantage
than in his preſent adverſe fortune, and the calamities which have
befallen his family. He is therefore held by all here in the higheſt
eftimation, and they look on him as one come down to them
from a happier ſtate of Beings, or brought back from venerable
Antiquity. This opinion is owing to his wiſdom, modeſty, hu-
manity, and religion; and it greatly redounds to the honour of
the holy See, that foreign Countries ſhould behold what ſort of
Men are placed at the helm *."
THE remonftrances which the CARDINAL had made, only de-
layed his journey to Rome a few months; for the Pope either
defirous to have ſo able and experienced an Adviſer near his per-
fon, or becauſe the Emperor had fignified that, fince he did not
go to the French court, it would be agreeable to him that he
fhould be employed elſewhere, ordered him to fet out on his re-
turn to Italy. He left, therefore, the monaftery in the neigh-
bourhood of Carpentras, about the beginning of October, that he
might ſpend ſome time with the Bishop of Verona, of whofe
*POLUS tuus, vir fortiffimi animi,
virtutifque non eximiæ folùm, verùm
etiam admirabilis (quod ipfe et aliàs fæpe
et nunc cùm maximè, in hac iniquitate
fortunæ, acerbifque fuorum eventibus de-
clarat) fumma mea cum voluptate nunc
eſt Carpentoracti. Itaque ab omnibus co-
litur, et in honore habetur, ut non ho-
minem noftri temporis, fed quafi è cœlo
demiffum, aüt ab antiquitate nobis red-
ditum, videantur intueri. Tantà eft is
fapientia, modeſtià, humanitate, religi-
one: quod quidem in gloriam veftri no-
minis cedit, cùm videant hæ nationes
cujufmodi vos viros ad Sedis Apoftolicæ
gubernacula acciendos effe putaveritis.
Fac. Sad. Epift. lib. 12.
+ Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª, pag. 192.
friendſhip
270
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
friendſhip he had received fuch fignal proofs, and arrive at Rome
before the end of the year. He informed Contareni of this de-
fign, and concludes with thefe remarkable lines.
"I have fig-
nified to you every thing which can contribute not only to my
comfort, but to my fafety; and you are not ignorant of what
moment it is to a mind ruffled like mine, not to lie open to new
trials either of grief or fear. I fhun Rome as the place my enemies
have pitched on for my ruin: and though under ſuch an appre-
henfion I may be ſafe, I can never be fecure. I might add, that
it would be a fatisfaction to my family, if any of them yet remain,
to be informed I had obtained every thing I defired for the fafety
of my perfon. I could do no leſs than afk you to impart this to
his Holineſs, that I might acquit myſelf of a duty which felf-
preſervation impoſes on every one, by propofing what I thought
would contribute to it. As to the Ruffian's ftroke, I fhall endea-
vour not to be unprepared for it. My prayers, Contareni, are
conftantly offered up for his Holineſs and yourſelf; and will, I
hope, be leſs interrupted, when thofe ties are loofed by which
I hold to this life; which, if it be for the fervice of my Maker,
cannot happen too ſoon for my deſire †.”
BEFORE he fet out, he received advice from Farneſe, that a
Gentleman of the Pope's bed-chamber, who was going to Toledo,
had orders, amongst other things, to excufe the backwardneſs he
had ſhewn in going to the French Court, on his leaving Spain.
To which he replied with a freedom becoming a native of Eng-
land, and the conſciouſneſs of his own integrity; "that his con-
duct, in that reſpect, ſtood in need of no Apology, as he was fo
far from being backward in taking that journey, had it been
attended with any profpect either of publick benefit, or of His
honour, on whofe part he was to have gone; that no danger,
ſhould have hindered him: That, notwithſtanding the inconve-
+ Epift. R. Poli, pars 22. pag. 195.
niency
OF REGINALD POLE.
271
niency to which ſuch a ſtep would have expoſed himſelf, and the
detriment it muſt have brought on his Country's cauſe and the
dignity of the See of Rome, he had not refuſed the commiffion,
but had waited for fecond orders from him, whoſe Embaſſador he
was, and whofe commands he was difpofed to execute, as foon as
they were intimated to him*." Having added this in his juſtifi-
cation to what he had already wrote to Contareni, he fet out with
all his Retinue, and amongst the reft, Priuli and Becatelli, the
latter of whom was lately recovered of a fever, and had juft
ftrength enough to begin a journey.
NoT far from the great road between Aix and Marſeilles lies
the Sainte-Beaume, which has not only been reverenced for ſeveral
ages on a religious motive, but celebrated by very eminent
Writers, as a fubject equal to their pen. Petrarch, who lived
many years in Provence, has deſcribed it in verſe. It is a won-
derful Cavern formed by Nature in a Rock of incredible height,
and furrounded with a Scenery ſuited to the purpoſes of folitude
and Chriſtian ſeverity. An antient tradition has fuppofed it to
have been the abode of the holy Woman, whofe penitential tears
are recorded in fuch an honourable detail by Saint Luke; and that ch.7.
fhe was Mary Magdalene, and the Siſter of Martha and Lazarus ;
though St. Luke fuppreffes her name, and the other Evangelifts
no where give us to underftand that he was the Magdalene, or
that Magdalene was Lazarus's and Martha's Sifter. The fame
tradition has added, that after our Lord's Afcenfion, they were
all ſhipt off in a fhattered Veffel, in hatred to their divine Matter,
whoſe favourite Difciples they had been, and conducted by Pro-
vidence to the Coaft of Provence, where the Sifters are faid to
have paffed the remainder of their days. The fitnefs of the place
for penitential Exerciſes probably gave birth to this opinion. But
though the hiſtorical facts on which it is grounded be of very
doubtful authority; yet the veneration paid to the memory of an
* Ibid. pag. 197.
illuftrious
272
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
>
illuftrious Penitent, on whofe demonftrations of love towards hist
facred perfon, the Son of God feems to dwell with complacence,
is not lefs commendable; or the prayers offered through her in-
terceffion, leſs efficacious; or the penitential fentiments, with
which this opinion has infpired numberlefs perfons, who refort to
the place, either lefs agreeable to the fupreme Being, or advan-
tageous to themſelves, than if every circumftance of the Legend
was authentic.
The CARDINAL, in his return to Italy, vifited this Sanctuary,
and what happened to him on this occafion affords an inſtance
that the buſy ſcenes of public life are no hindrance to the moſt
intimate communications of the divine Spirit, whofe converſe is
with the fingle minded, in whatever ftation it is their lot to be.
I fhall therefore, make no difficulty, notwithſtanding the falſe
delicacy of a corrupt age, to fet before the Reader the amiable
fimplicity with which he deſcribes the fentiments he felt here,
in a letter to Edward VI. as they greatly corroborate what
he declares in fo many other places, of his difpofitions towards
Henry, even when he ſeemed moft his Enemy; and of his love
and regard for his perfon, though he detefted his deſtructive.
proceedings, and endeavoured all he could to put an end to
them. "When I approached the Sanctuary, fays he, in which
the remains of the holy Penitent are depofited, I was ftruck
with a lively remembrance of the King, who though conta-
minated with every kind of guilt, was yet without remorſe; and
this impreffion cauſed me to ſend up my earneſt ſupplication for
him; and to fall into a fit of weeping as foon as I entered the
Church. My tears continued for fome miles after I had left
the place, and being obferved by one of my Attendants, with
whom I uſed to converfe familiarly, he afked me the cauſe of
them. I not only fatisfied his curiofity, but likewiſe informed
him of what had paffed in my mind, and the petition I had
made to the Father of mercy: that, I had repreſented to him
the
OF REGINALD POLE.
273
the tears I fhed, as the effects of his goodness, and poured out
in his caufe for had any ſelfiſh confideration bedewed my face,
fuch drops would have fued for vengeance rather than mercy; on
one from whom I had received fuch wrongs. But they were
tears, of which I had the example in his bleffed Son, whoſe
prayer was heard, as the Apoſtle fays, for the deference which
was due to him, and who being himſelf pure of all guilt, prayed
for thoſe who laboured under it: That, under favour of his recom-
mendation, I preſumed to offer up mine to the throne of
mercy;
and begged, they might, in virtue of thoſe ſhed by my Redeemer,
for his Enemies, obtain a like propitious grace for the King. I
often repeated, that it was his mercy alone which had opened
theſe fluices of piety and compaffion, and that I hoped he would
admit them into his prefence. This was my filent prayer to God,
but I felt not the inward comfort I defired, as a pledge of my
request being granted. I rather feemed to hear a voice which
increaſed my affliction, and was the fame which faid to the Pro-
phet, who was likewife fupplicating for his Sovereign, Why doft
thou lament a perfon, whom I have caft off*"
BEING arrived at Verona, the CARDINAL experienced the ufual
benevolence and liberality of the Prelate of that City, who, as
has been elſewhere feen, to every qualification fuited to his facred
character, joined that which renders great wealth uſeful to the
real and noble purpoſes, which, according to the true meaning
of the word, conftitute Magnificence. During his ftay here, he
received the following letter from Ifidore Clario, who was then a
private religious man of St. Peter's Monaftery, in Modena, and
was afterwards promoted to the Biſhoprick of Foligno.
"It was
no ſmall joy to me, my Lord, to hear of your fafe Arrival at
Verona, after a troubleſome and dangerous embaffy; but I was
greatly diſappointed at your not taking Modena in your way,
where you would have met with the beſt welcome we could give.
Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. Epift. ad Edouardum VI. §. 46,
N n
The
274
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
r
The favour, I own, was fo far above my deferts, that I had no
reaſon to expect it, and therefore comfort myſelf tho' it was de-
nied me.
I could not, however, on this occafion but call to
mind the advantages I have formerly received from your conver-
fation; and regret the lofs of an opportunity, which perhaps may
never be offered again. I find by experience, that nothing af-
fords more affiſtance in the difficult paths of life, or more power-
fully raiſes our mind above the low joys of the world, than the
converfation of the wife and good; and the advantage we receive
from it is equal, I had almoſt faid, fuperior, to what the beſt
books afford *.
as one
THUANUS fpeaks of this extraordinary perfonage,
fkilled in the learned languages, and not more recommendable
for his excellence in Chriftian erudition, than his blameleſs man-
ners, and a ſpirit that breathed nothing but charity and the refor-
mation of the Church: His liberality and gentleneſs to the Poor,
joined to the purity of his life, raiſed ſuch an opinion of his
fanctity, that, at his death, nothing could hinder the People
from breaking into the chamber where he lay expoſed for forty
hours, without any appearance of putrefaction. He died three
years before the CARDINAL, on the 28th of May, 1555+."
I SHOULD not have mentioned this Prelate in fuch a detail,
was it not to add another inftance to the many, which the courſe
of this hiſtory has already led me to, of the character of CAr-
DINAL POLE's acquaintance; and of the many excellent perſon-
ages in every kind of merit, with which the Church of Rome
abounded, in an age, whofe diforders in general, were very
great and in that Country and order of men, on which the fe-
verity of the cenfure has chiefly fallen. Whereas the character
of Henry and Cromwel, and the rest of his Inftruments; and of
almoſt all the German Reformers furniſhes the ſtrongeſt proof,
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 2ª, pag. 91.
+ Thuan. lib 16, ad annum 1555.
that
OF REGINALD
275
POLE.
that perfons at fuch variance with one another, and whofe lives
were fo remarkably faulty, were never defigned by the Source of
truth and holineſs to enlighten and reform Mankind.
ON the CARDINAL's coming to Rome, he found that his Work
On the Church's Unity, which was one continued difcourfe, had
been divided into four parts, and printed in his abſence, and
without his knowledge. The treatiſe, as has been faid, was
originally defigned for the King of England alone, without any
view of making it public; yet, as the impreffion had been taken
off by the Pope's orders, all he could obtain was, that the Copies
might be in his own keeping, till he had wrote a Preface, which
was much defired. He had already began, in a diſcourſe ad-
dreffed to the Emperor, a brief recapitulation of Henry's life;
which he now judged would ſerve that purpoſe, and be the beſt
Apology for thoſe paffages where the King is treated with great
freedom. But though this work was far advanced, he deferred,
fome years, putting the finifhing hand to it, which, in fome
places, it ftill feems to have never had. His reafon for proceed-
ing with this flowneſs, as he informs Edward VI. was a regard
for the King his Father's character, having obtained a delay of
the publication of the Work, till the Treatife, which was to be
prefixed to it, was finiſhed *."-The facts it contains come down
no lower than the prefent year 1539, and I have had frequent
occafion to refer to it in the courſe of this hiſtory.
THE method he obferves in this Preface, which is one of the
moſt animated pieces that has appeared in any language, is, firſt,
to relate the ſubſtance of the facts, which had hitherto diſgraced
Henry's reign; and, then, to confider them in every light which
can ſet off their deformity; and deſcribe, if poffible, a Scene of
tyranny, rapine, bloodshed, and facrilege, by which the years,
the months, and almoſt the days of thoſe annals are blackened,
Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. Epift. ad Edouardum VI. §. 48.
Nn 2
with
276
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
with a ſtrength of ſentiment and diction equal to fuch horrors.
He omits no circumftance, no reflection, which can add life to
the narrative, and draw, as he ſays, a repreſentation of thoſe Re-
gions of Woe, where nought is heard or feen but wailing and
gnashing of teeth, and the appearance of tormenting fiends.
When he wrote the Work, he was at an age when genius is in
its full vigour; and the facts, which he relates, were recent.
The moſt diſtant were in every one's memory, and moſt of them
were daily tranſacted under their obfervation. The CARDINAL
himſelf had been a Spectator of ſeveral, and was informed of the
reft by witneſſes above all exception, and the univerfal voice of
Europe. Thus the whole narrative comes to us recommended
by every teft of credibility; and the different ſentiments of indig-
nation and pity, which fuch a variety of wickedneſs and miſery
raiſed in the Relator's mind, equally affect the Reader. At the
fame time, He has been no lefs juft to the laudable part of this
Prince's character, in the first years of his reign; and dwells with
complacence, not only on what he had done, that was praiſe-
worthy; but on the expectations he had raiſed of his riper age;
and laments with expreffions, to which nothing but fincerity
could have given utterance, the fall of a King he loved and ho-
noured; and for whofe welfare, even in the midft of his dif
orders, there was nothing he was not difpofed to undertake,
or fuffer.
I SHALL conclude this period of CARDINAL POLE's hiſtory, by
a brief account of Bembo, who was, this year, raiſed to the pur-
ple. The early diſcovery he made, at the Univerfity of Padua,
of our Countryman's genius; and the invariable eſteem with
which he ever after honoured his virtues, deferve this acknow-
ledgment from the Writer of His life, who received thefe marks
of diſtinction from this elegant Judge of merit. The CARDINAL
begins the letter he wrote to him on his promotion," by af-
furing his Friend of the fatisfaction he felt in congratulating him
on
OF
277
REGINALD POLE.
on the fame occafion, on which, fome years before, he had re-
ceived from him a like inſtance of friendſhip. He obſerves, that
to the civilities ufual on fuch occafions, Bembo had added an ad-
vice, for which he was greatly beholden to him, of behaving
himſelf in ſuch a manner as to appear deferving of a dignity,
which required no ſmall ſtock of Virtue: and though he had done
no more than juſt hinted the counſel, yet it had made a laſting
impreffion. That, for his own part, though he felt a joy on
Bembo's promotion, equal to what He had expreffed in his own
regard, yet he could only fignify it by a fincere congratulation;
as his diſparity in age, and all other qualifications, would make
every thing beyond that, improper: all, therefore, he ſhould men-
tion on that head, was, the proſpect he now had of ſeeing before
his eyes a model of thofe qualities, by which the poſt of honour,
in which they were both placed, was chiefly maintained *."
BEMBO, in his reply, having thanked the CARDINAL for the
part he took in his promotion, fays, "his high birth, and his
inclinations not inferior to fuch an extraction, had been the firſt
motive of his regard for him; but that this had been improved
by long acquaintance, and a fimilitude of thoſe ſtudies, in which
they were both engaged: that, he had confidered, with infinite
pleaſure, Pole's inclination to the fine arts, and the progrefs he
made in them; and that, henceforward, he ſhould not only be a
diſtant admirer, but an eye-witneſs of his rare accompliſhments,
and an Aſſociate in the fame counfels. He profeſſes a love for
him, in which he can be rivalled by none but Sadolet: and teſti-
fies his joy that the hazards and fatigues of the late negotiation
had been compenſated by the fociety of that learned and valu-
able man†.”
*Hoc taman, quia ad fructum hujus
gaudii maximè pertinet, adfcribere, ut
fpero, non dedecebit, me maximè abs te
expectare, ut exemplar ante oculos ejus
vertutis habeam, quâ maximè conferva-
tur hæc dignitas, ad quam tu me verbis
paulò antè incitaſti. Epift. R. Poli,
pars 22, pag. 204.
+ P. Bembi Epift. ad Card. Polum.
THIS
278
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
き
​1539
THIS eminent and amiable perfon, of whom mention has been
made in the former parts of this Hiſtory, was a Native of Venice;
which, at that time, was the Seat of freedom, genius, and valour.
His family had given the State great Captains, and excellent
Magiſtrates; and his Father being fent Embaffador to Florence, he
accompanied him, and there formed his Style to that delicacy in
the Tuſcan language, which is ſo much admired in his writings.
Not fatisfied with poffeffing the beauties of this and the Latin
tongue, he took a journey into Sicily, to ftudy the Greek, under
Laſcaris, a celebrated Profeffor, and a native of Greece. He then
heard a courſe of Philoſophy from Leonico, and diſcovered a won-
derful aptitude to every kind of polite literature. His Italian
verſes were read in all polite Affemblies of that knowing age and
Country: the freedom of fome of them may, perhaps, be ex-
cuſed, but others are very licentious. A paffion he entertained
for a young Lady of Venice, threw him into diſorders, for which
the latter part of his life attoned. He had two Sons by her, and
a Daughter named Helen, who was married to a Venetian Noble-
man, and had every commendation, but legitimacy of birth. This
attachment, and his love of Study caufed him to reject the folli-
citations by which his Family preffed him to marry; and the
employments, which were offered him by the Senate: but Leo X.
being raiſed to the Papacy, he drew Bembo from his retirement,
and made him Secretary of State. By this means he was im-
merſed in buſineſs, to which he had hitherto been very averſe;
and as he acted on a principle of honour, his affiduity in the
Office, of which the volumes of elegant letters he left behind him
are proof, impaired his health, and obliged him to have recourſe
to the air of Padua, where he became acquainted with our Coun-
tryman. After Leo's death, he retired to Venice, and divided his
time between books and the converfation of the learned, till the
year I am ſpeaking of; when Paul III. created him Cardinal.
This promotion, of which he had not the leaſt thought, ſo greatly
furprized
OF REGINALD POLE.
279
furprized him, that he was on the point of refufing it; but going
to Church, the morning after he received the news, in order to
afk a fuperior direction in the ſtep he was to take; as he ap-
proached the Altar, the Prieft being come to thoſe words of
JESUS CHRIST to St. Peter, which name Bembo bore, Peter fol-
low me, he took them as addreffed to himſelf, and no longer op-
pofed a dignity, which he had not fought, and now interpreted
it was the will of heaven he ſhould accept. Soon after, writing
to one of his friends, I ſhall be ordained Prieft, fays he, in the
Holidays of Chriftmas, and then prepare myſelf to celebrate the
divine Myfteries: admire the change which the divine goodneſs
has wrought in me.”
BEING now become a refident of Rome," he was honoured,
by all perfons, of the higheft diftinction, in that City; and
particularly, fays the Author of his life, who was acquainted
with them both, by REGINALD POPE, a perfon brought to us,
by Providence, from ſo diſtant a Country as Britain; or rather,
if the expreffion be not too bold, defcended to us from the regions
above: and though no commendation can equal the ſubject when
he is the theme, I ſhall take a more ſuitable opportunity of doing
his merit all the juſtice I am able. At prefent, I fhall only fay,
that it is doubtful, if that Ifland, by having the advantage of
giving birth to fuch a perfon, who ſet us a pattern of genuine
Chriftian piety, has not compenfated the great wrongs ſhe has
done to that caufe. He lived with. Bembo, who was now far ad-
vanced in years, in the greateſt intimacy, and had the higheſt
value for his many and excellent qualities, and chiefly for a can-
dour and openness of temper, which gave him back the likeneſs
of his own difpofitions*." The Pope conferred the Bishoprick of
* Cultus eft Romæ Bembus cùm à bo-
nis plerifque omnibus Contareno, Sadoleto,
Cortefio, Morono Cardinalibus ampliffimis,
hominibufq; eruditiffimis; tum verò præ-
cipuè à REGINALDO POLO, homine, Dei
immortalis, dubio procul, beneficio, ex
ultimâ ufque Britanniâ ad nos vecto, vel
de cœlo potius, fi modo dictu fas eft, lap-
fo; cujus de laudibus, quanquam de tanı
præclara ac divina virtute nemo fatis dignè
unquam
280
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Cafa,
Eugubio, on the new Cardinal, and, afterwards, that of Bergamo;
both which he adminiſtered with an irreproachable life, and the
diſcharge of ſuch duties as thoſe take on them, who befides the
care of themſelves, engage in that of others. He ſurvived his pro-
motion to the purple, eight years; and died of a hurt he received
on horſeback, in the fixty-eighth year of his age. As he was
drawing towards his end, fome of his family, who were acquaint-
ed with the intimacy there had always been between him and
CARDINAL POLE, informed the latter of the dangerous ftate his
friend was in, and deſired him to be preſent in his laſt minutes.
He immediately complied with their requeſt, and had the fatis-
faction, as he ſays, of finding him in thoſe difpofitions with which
the ſpirit of Chriſtianity fooths the terrors of the paffage from time
to eternity, and makes us die the death of the Righteous *. He
was buried at Rome, in the Quire of the Church of the Minerva ;
his Son Torquato having compofed that honourable inſcription,
which ſtill remains. Jerom Quirini, a Noble Venetian, who had
loved and honoured him thro' life, erected to his memory, in St.
Anthony's Church at Padua, a marble Statue, in which, as the Cu-
rious obferve, all the exquifitenefs of Sculpture is exhaufted: And,
that none of thofe diftinctions, which light up the Urn of the illuf-
trious Dead, and wait on their name beyond the grave, might be
wanting to grace Bembo's merit, his life has been wrote by the moft
correct genius of an age which was fruitful in great Originals†.
unquam loquetur, alius mihi profectò di-
cendi locus dabitur. Hoc certè haud fa-
cilè in præfentia dijudicare audeam; pluſ-
ne eam infulam, multis vulneribus Chrif-
tianæ Relpublicæ per fummam impietatem
infligendis, nocuiffe dicam; an quòd in
illo folo talis tantufque vir ortus et pro-
creatus fit, unde veræ planeque Chrifti-
anæ ptetatis vitæque exemplum petere-
mus, profuiffe. Is igitur cum Bembo fa-
miliariffimè vixit; cùmque fenis optimi
multas magnafque animi dotes maximè
fecit; tum vero apertum fimplexque ho-
minis ingenium fuæ ipfius voluntati at-
que naturæ confimile ac par, plurimùm
ſemper adamavit. Cafa in Vitâ Bembi.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. pag. 206.
+ Neque immerito commendati funt,
aut is qui pauca quidem fcripfit, fed in
ſcribendo omnium politiffimus, maxime-
que limatus, idemq; ab omnibus ineptiis
remotiffimus fuit, J. Cafa. Muretus.
SECT.
( 281 )
SECT.
V.
His Behaviour in the Government of Viterbo.
And,
On his Mother being put to Death.
超
​*/ #
烛
​T
HE CARDINAL at his coming to Rome, was met
by Contareni, and his other friends, and welcomed
with every
demonſtration of joy and reſpect, by
all perfons of rank and merit in that City. Soon
after, the Pope appointed him a body guard, as a-
fecurity againſt any attempts on his life, by the Emiffaries of the
King of England; nor was it long before the event fhewed the
expediency of the precaution. During the ſhort ſtay he made at
Verona, he had fignified to Sadolet, in the moſt obliging and af-
fectionate terms, the fenfe he had of his obligations to him,
whilſt he was under his roof, and in his neighbourhood at Car-
pentras; and particularly, of the tears he ſhed at their parting.
Being now arrived at Rome, he received an anſwer from this
po-
lite Prelate, which is penned with a goodneſs of difpofition, and
a dignity peculiar to the Writer. Having faid all that friendſhip
can feel, and elegance expreſs on the merit of a great man, he
recommends to him the cauſe of the Chriſtians, who were debtors
to the Jews, and very numerous, and greatly oppreffed by the
ufury of their Creditors. He had made their cafe known to the
CARDINAL, whilſt he refided in thofe parts, and found no diffi-
culty to engage his good offices for their relief; as the Court of
Rome, which was to interpofe in the affair, ſeems not to have
applied ſo ſpeedy and efficatious a remedy, as the equity of the
cafe, and the greatnefs of the evil called for, and Sadolet defired.
The CARDINAL being on the fpot, where the grievance was to
+
0 0
·
be
282
LIFE
THE HISTORY OF THE
be redreffed, let his Friend know, he hoped his Agents at Rome
had informed him, that proper orders had been given to eaſe his
Dioceſans of the extorfion they laboured under, and reprefs, for
the future, the infatiable avarice of their Oppreffors*.
THE opinion of his parts and credit, and his readineſs to exert
both in the ſervice of his Friends and the Public, afforded him,
foon after the time I am ſpeaking of, an opportunity of deferving
well of one, who ſeems to have held the higheſt rank in his eſ-
teem; and in a caufe, which, of all others, he had moft at heart:
I mean, the checking the increaſe of vice and error, and reclaim-
ing thoſe who were engaged in either. The Pope had appointed
Contareni his Legate at the Diet of Ratifbone, which was to be
promifcuouſly compofed of Catholics and Lutherans, in order to
put an end to the religious diffentions, which, every day, fpread
wider in Germany, and threatened the Empire with the moſt
fatal confequences. Though the Legate's character for wiſdom,
temper, and learning, was inferior to none of the age in which
he lived, and his years gave him a great fuperiority over CARDINAL
POLE, yet he referred all the ſteps he took in this nice negoti-
ation, to his advice; and in the many letters on this head, which
are come down to us, opens himſelf to him in as full and unre-
ferved a manner, as if he had been accountable for his conduct to
no one elfe. I fhall extract from them what may contribute to
make our Countryman known with greater diftinction, the reft
being foreign to the purpoſe of this Hiſtory.
CONTARENI, on his arrival at Ratisbone, was received by the
Emperor, and thoſe who compofed the Affembly, with
great ho-
nours; but he found there none of the Princes of the Empire.
They proceeded fo flowly in this important concern, that, two
months after, the Elector of Metz, and the Landgrave of Heſs,
were the only Perſons of that rank, who came: the others, that
they might cauſe no further delay to his Imperial Majeſty, in the
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 32, pag. 8, et pag. 69.
meaſures
OF REGINALD
283
POLE.
meaſures he ſhould think expedient on that occafion, ſent their
Ambaffadors. On this, the Diet was opened by a folemn Maſs;
and one of the Court having ſpoke briefly in the Emperor's name,
his Majesty's intentions were notified in writing to the following
purpoſe. The Affembly was informed of whatever he had done,
fince their laſt meeting at the fame place: that the motive of his
preſent journey was to restore that tranquillity to Germany, which
the differences in Religion had diſturbed; and to provide againſt
a Turkiſh invaſion, which there were but too just reaſons to ap-
prehend. He defired the Princes to deliberate on both theſe Ar-
ticles, and let him know their reſolution: he ſeemed willing that
the conferences on Religion ſhould continue, but be carried on by
fewer perſons, and the reſult of them be notified to the States of
the Empire, to his Majefty, and to the Legate; that they might
determine what was to be done. Contareni finishes what regards
the public affairs by entreating his friend to recommend fome of
his domeſtic concerns to the Pope; and, among others, the ad-
vancing him two months appointments, as his private fortune
was by no means equal to the charge of the Embaffy. The CAR-
DINAL, in his reply, acquaints the Legate," he had obtained every
thing he defired him to afk of his Holiness; but informs him
alſo, that his own ſtay in Rome was not only become troubleſome,
but unfafe, as the City ſwarmed with Soldiers, on account of
Afcanio Columna's having taken up arms againſt the Pope: and
there were feveral Engliſh in town, whofe looks did not ſpeak in
their favour, and whofe appearance, at that juncture, was liable
to ſuſpicion.” Yet, notwithſtanding any confideration which might
touch himſelf, he did not fet out till he had done his friend all
the ſervice he could; and as for what might hereafter occur, the
Legate had too many attached to his intereſts, to make his ſtay
any longer neceffary. The letter is dated from Capranica, where 22d April,
he was retired; which is a ſmall town in the Province of the 1541
Patrimony, in a very agreeable fituation, between the Lakes of
002
Braciano
284
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Locus Ca-
prarum.
Braciano and Ronciglione. He obferves, at the bottom of the
letter, that this place had been mentioned by Petrarch, under
another name; and though the variation be very immaterial, he
ſeems to remark it with pleaſure, as it reminded him of the ele-
gant Writer, who made ufe of it.
THE CARDINAL had advifed Contareni, to reduce all the Ar-
ticles, on which the Catholic and Lutheran Divines were at vari-
ance, to the fole queſtion of Juftification; as the chief errors of
the latter were owing to this point not being rightly underſtood;
and as the practical inferences with which their Writers were but
too juftly charged, and which were fo injurious to the fanctity
and goodneſs of God, and the morals of Mankind, were no more
than the neceſſary conſequences of ſuch tenets. The Legate lets
him know, he had paid this deference to his opinion; and having
given him an account of what had been agreed, by both parties,
on this capital Controverſy, deſires him to keep it fecret. He
affigns no reaſon for this requeſt: but the CARDINAL, in his
anſwer, tells him, he very well faw what his motive was; and
was forry the condition of the times laid him under this hard
neceffity: that the debate in agitation was of the nature of thoſe,
of which the divine Author of our Religion ſays, "what is whif
pered to you in the ear, proclaim on the houfe-top ;" but that
he ſhould behave as he directed him.
T
THE reafon of the Legate's defire feems to have been the method
he had taken to remove, as much as was confiftent with the inte-
grity of the Chriſtian doctrine, all the prejudices which had been
conceived againſt this point of it: and had, therefore, expreffed
himſelf on the ſubject of Juftification, and the ſeveral tenets which
are connected with it, in a different manner from fome Writers
of great note. He himſelf makes no difficulty in owning, that
he diffented from St. Auſtin, in his opinion of Predeſtination; in
which he took no greater liberty than Sadolet, who declares, that
on the fame ſubjects of grace and free will, he rather leaned to what
the
OF REGINALD POLE.
285
the Greek Fathers, St. Chryfoftome, St. Bafil, and Theophilactus,
and St. Ambrofe amongst the Latin, than to what St. Auftin had
delivered *. The Catholic Church having never cenfured this
difference of opinions, not only private Doctors, but whole Schools
have thought themſelves at large to explain the agreement of pre-
deſtination with the freedom of human choice, and God's gratu-
itous election with the neceflity of good works. Yet, on fo
flender an encouragement, fome Lutheran Writers have vainly
flattered themſelves, that Contareni was an Abettor of their prin-
ciples; and that our Countryman, who every where profeffes an
entire acquiefcence in his doctrine, was a Convert to the fame
Syſtem; though it could not be more openly attacked than by
what each of theſe great men has delivered on this head. The
firſt lays it down as a truth not to be conteſted, that the Repro-
bate are caſt off, only for actual faults which they commit by
refifting the gracious overtures of the divine mercy; and that it
depends on the free determination of our will to overcome this
reluctance.—That, though our Predeſtination is to be attributed
to God, whoſe Grace prevents all efforts on our part, yet it ſup-
pofes our concurrence. He anſwers the trite and impious objec-
tion, “If I am of the number of the Predeftinate, I ſhall be ſaved;
let
my life be ever fo irregular: if, on the contrary, I am doomed
to Reprobation, notwithſtanding all my endeavours, I ſhall be
damned;" by fhewing how weak this way of reafoning would be
with reſpect to all the caſual events of life, which are no leſs fore-
ſeen by an all-knowing Being, than the alternative of our eternal
lot. He, afterwards, proves that Predeftination and Reprobation
*Sunt enim in eo ipfo, de quo loqui-
mur, doctiffimo nimirum fanctiffimoque
Doctore, prorfus manifefta; qui in il-
lam extremam et remotiffimam fenten-
tiam fe contulit, odio Hæreticorum, et
contentione difputandi, ut ego quidem ar-
bitror, magis quàm confideratà et quietâ
ratiocinatione adductus. Nec tamen fi
non confentio cum Auguftino, idcirco ab
Ecclefiâ Catholicà diffentio: quæ tri-
bus tantùm Pelagii capitibus improbatis,
cætera libera ingeniis et difputationibus
reliquit. Sad. ad Contar. lib. 9. Epift.
pag. 338. edit. Lugd.
are
286
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
are not the neceffary caufe either of our being faved or damned;
and though God has known, from all eternity, the different lot
of each Individual, this knowledge neither deftroys the contin-
gency of events, nor the liberty of our will; and that no one can
doubt, but, if he lives well, he fhall be faved; if ill, condemned.
-Thus, as the errors of Fanfenius are faid to have found a Grave
prepared for them in the writings of Sadolet, it may be added,
that Luther's have met with the fame fate in thofe of Contareni
and POLE.
THE treatiſe which the former wrote on Juftification, was
printed with his other Works, at Paris, in the year 1571, and
had been received with the approbation of all intelligent perfons,
when a Dominican Inquifitor, eighteen years after, took it in
his head to mangle, in a Venice edition, by interpolations, and,
what he calls, amendments, the Work of a Man as much his
fuperior in learning as in modefty. In this he has rendered the
Public a fervice of the fame kind with that of a Monkiſh Writer,
fome centuries before, who fancying nothing was wanting to
make the Æneid a perfect Poem, but the gracefulneſs of Rhimes,
very obligingly fubftituted his own gingle to Virgil's harmony.
CARDINAL POLE, who was remarkably converfant in all Conta-
reni's writings, on this fubject, fpeaks of them in terms which
muſt carry the greateſt weight, as being the judgment of fo unex-
ceptionable a Maſter of the whole extent of the Controverſy, that
he is ſuppoſed to have drawn up what the Council of Trent has de-
fined concerning it: the Draught being found, as ſhall be ſeen here-
after, among his other Papers, and publiſhed at Lovain, by Henry
Pening, one of the principal Officers of his Houſehold, and who,
to his long and faithful fervices, added this further inftance of at-
tachment to his Lord, by preferving the document of one of thoſe
tranfactions, which reflect the higheſt honour on his memory.
THE Legate's behaviour at the Diet had been cenfured, as if
he had made larger conceffions to the Lutherans than was con-
fiftent
OF REGINALD
POLE.
287
fiftent with the faith and diſcipline of the Church; and ſome ſe-
vere reflections had paffed on him in the Confiftory, where the
affair was debated. It had even been infinuated that the English
CARDINAL was retired to Capranica, to avoid having a ſhare in
the difficulties in which he forefaw his friend would foon be em-
broiled. On this report, he wrote to the Legate, that if the
ftorm had not been laid almoſt as foon as it was raiſed, he would
have returned to Rome with the utmoſt expedition: but as it was
then over, he thought it more prudent, not to ftir it up again;
eſpecially as the Legate himſelf, when he came from the Diet,
could not fail to give an accurate and fatisfactory accouut of an
affair, in which his reputation was fo nearly concerned, and which
took in the fubftance of his whole commiffion. The event fhew-
ed he was not miſtaken; for though thefe conferences ended as
all fuch meetings ever have, where thoſe who ftand most in need
of entering on a ſearch of truth, are leaſt diſpoſed to it; yet on
the Emperor's putting an end to the Diet, and Contareni's return 28th July,
to Rome, the Pope, inftead of withdrawing the long and unin- 1541.
terrupted confidence he had placed in him, conferred on him the
government of Bologna; and thus difappointed that ill will, by
which Envy ſeldom fails to mark out fuperior merit. He enjoyed
this dignity but a fhort time, and died happy in the mutual and 1 Septem-
deſerved eſteem of CARDINAL POLE, and in fuch a difcharge of aged 9.
the public ſtation he was in, as, by making the people happy,
makes the Governor truly great*,
* This excellent man has left the fol-
lowing works, which are all wrote with
equal judgment, elegance and erudition :
De feptem Ecclefiæ Sacramentis. De op-
timiAntiftitis officio. Scholia in Epiſtolas
Divi Pauli. Confutatio Articulorum
Lutheri. De poteftate Papæ. De libero
arbitrio. De Animæ immortalitate.
This latter treatife was wrote againſt
Pomponatius, under whom he had ftu-
died, and who had the impiety to teach,
that the Soul was, like the Body, mortal.
The Contents of the foregoing Article
are chiefly collected from the letters of
CARDINAL POLE and Contareni to each
other. Ep. Reg. Peli, pars 3. à pag. 11,
ufque ad pag. 31. and from Contareni
Tractatus, five epiftola de Juftificatione.
Ibid. pag. 190.
WHILST
ber, 1542,
59.
288
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
WHILST the CARDINAL received the inftances of esteem,
which I have related, from one of the moſt illuftrious mem-
bers of the facred College, the braveſt Prince in Europe, and
who, from the encouragement he gave to letters, was ftiled the
Father of them, treated him with a diftinction, which does
equal honour to both. -Francis I. who had become acquaint-
ed with him at the conference of Nice, wrote to him in terms
full of eſteem and good will; and, from the opinion he had
of his prudence, defired him to affift with his counſel the
French Embaffador at the Court of Rome. He made, moreover,
an offer of every proof, by which he could realize the fentiments
he had of his merit; but added, that being fenfible of the intereſt
which his virtue gave him with a Monarch infinitely greater than
himſelf, he entreated him to intercede with him on his behalf.-
"The CARDINAL's anfwer was ſuited to this mark of the King's
goodness; which, he fays, was fo much the more acceptable, as
that Prince, to whom he was nearly allied in blood; and the
Country where he received his birth, not only looked on him as
an Outlaw, but endeavoured to hinder others from fhewing him
that humanity, to which their own breaſts were ſtrangers. In
this ſays he, your Majeſty bears a likeneſs of the goodneſs of that
Being, who not only does not caft off thoſe whom the World
undeſervedly rejects, but takes them under his fpecial: protection,
and watches with an attentive und merciful providence over their
welfare. On this account, though I feel all the joy fuch a decla-
ration ſhould give me, yet I fee no leſs reaſon to congratulate you,
Sir, on a difpofition fo becoming your Royal ftate, than to thank
the Almighty that it is exerted in my behalf.-He concludes with
a mention of the Congrefs at Nice, and the Conferences the King
had there with the Pope, Contareni, and himfelf; and of the
many and excellent qualities he had diſcovered in that Monarch,
and which had impreffed on his mind a love and veneration for
his perfon, which he had ever fince retained."
BUT
OF REGINALD POLE.
289
BUT if the hardships the CARDINAL here fpeaks of, and the
diſaſters which had befel his family; the fentence of death, under
which his Mother then lay, and the flavery of his Country, had
been of that kind of Evils, which are alleviated by the puniſh-
ment of the Author; this cordial drop was now adminiſtered by
the flow but fure vengeance, which, at length, overtook him,
who had been the inftrument of them all. This was the execu-
tion of Cromwel, the King's chief Miniſter, which was attended
with every aggravation that can fill up the meaſure of wretch-
edneſs; and make the Criminal feel the whole weight both of
his guilt and puniſhment. From a birth as fordid as can debaſe
even the dregs of the common people, he had been fucceffively
raiſed to the dignities of Maſter of the Rolls, Lord Privy Seal,
and High Chamberlain : had been created Baron Cromwel, Earl
of Effex, and Knight of the Gaṛter: and, though without any
tincture of learning, was made the King's Vicar General in Spi-
rituals; a Poft hitherto unknown to the lift of the great Officers
of the Crown, but which gave him precedence before all the
Nobility, and immediately after the Royal family. He had amaf-
fed an Eſtate out of the fpoils of the Religious houſes, which
would appear utterly incredible, did not our Records defcend to
each particular of that facrilegious plunder which the King's
wafteful temper heaped on him*. And that his own miſtaken
forecait might compleat his ruin, the very meaſure he took to
fecure his power, only ferved to haften his downfall. His admi-
niftration, from the beginning, had been hateful to the Commons,
on every account which can make the exercife of that public
Station unpopular and odious; and the Nobles had their parti-
cular reaſons of averfion, in ſeeing a Blackſmith's Son fet above
them all. Henry Bourchier, the laft Earl of Effex of that name,
was killed by a fall from his horfe, and though he only left a
Daughter, yet that noble family ftill fubfifted in feveral collateral
* Put. 31. Hen. VIII. pag. 5. Dug. Bar. vol. 2. pag. 312.
РР
branches;
290
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
branches; and John de Veres, Earl of Oxford, in whoſe family
the office of High Chamberlain had been many years hereditary,
died in the fame month; and Cromwel obtained both theſe ho-
nours, to the great diſguſt not only of the two intereſted families,
and their alliances; but of the whole body of the Nobility, who
deemed their honours vilified by being communicated to an Up-
ſtart. This general diſcontent reached the King's ears, and made
him not unwilling to regain the People's affection, by giving up
the Object of their refentment. Two years before the period of
his greatneſs, the forebodings of a guilty mind had caufed him
to miſtruſt it would not be durable; and to make the fureft pro-
vifion he could for his family and dependants: and in order to
ftrengthen himſelf againſt the friends of the ancient Religion,
particularly Biſhop Gardiner, and the Duke of Norfolk, who be-
gan to gain the afcendant in the Council, he lately brought about
a match between the King and Anne of Cleves. But the diflike
Henry conceived for his new Bride made him break looſe from
all the reftraints which till then had retarded the Miniſter's fall;
and overturned, in a ſingle inftant, that mighty Coloffus, which
undeſerved favour had been ten years rearing at the coft which
has been mentioned. The Duke of Norfolk, his fworn enemy,
and whoſe Niece was already pitched on to fucceed the German
Princeſs, was ordered to feize him at the Council board, and
commit him to the Tower. A Bill of Attainder, was drawn up
against him*, in which, Lord Herbert fays, " he was charged
with great and enormous crimes, and fuch as deferved the moſt
capital puniſhment." The two Houſes, when they paffed the
Bill, followed likewife the execrable example the Offender him-
felf had ſet them, in the former Seffion, in the Attainders of the
Countess of Salisbury, the Marchionefs of Exeter, and others,
and condemned him without any legal Trial, and unheard. The
*Parl. Rolls, 32 Hen. VIII. A&t. 60.
news
OF REGINALD POLE.
201
news of his impriſonment and approaching doom was no fooner
notified to the People, but the loudeft acclamations teflified the
joy of all Ranks. They had fhewn the fame fentiments ten years
before, when, on his Patron Wolfey's difgrace, they unanimoufly
demanded, as CARDINAL POLE attefts, who was then in Londen,
that he might attone for his miſdemeanors on a gibbet; and now
they comforted themſelves with hopes of better times, when he
was removed, to whom they imputed all their fufferings. Cran-
mer alone fhewed a high efteem and concern for him; and in a
letter to the King, among other arguments by which he endea-
voured to move his compaffion, makes uſe of one which mußt
" that
appear very extraordinary when alleged by an Archbiſhop,
Cromwel had ever loved his Majefty, as he, Cranmer, thought,
no leſs than God." In a letter he wrote to the King, after his
Commitment, *he falls into folly and extravagance; and de-
nies a guilt, with which the whole tenour of his adminiftration
was ſtained; he has recourfe to abject flattery, § and betrays a
cowardly fear of death. Being come to the place of Execution, 28th July,
he faid, " he did not intend, as fome might imagine, to ſay any
thing in his own juſtification; and, if he did, he ſhould be a
very Wretch and he thanked God for the attonement he was
about to make for his fins." Though, in his letter to the King,
he had acquitted himſelf of any wrong or injuſtice, yet here,
* If it were in my power to make
your Majeſty ever young and profperous
(as it is in God's) God knowyth, I
woolde: Yf it had bene, or were in my
power to make you fo riche, as ye myght
enriche alle men, God helpe me, as
I
wolde do it. If it had bene, or were in
my power to make your Majefty fo pu-
yffant, as alle the worlde fholde be com-
pelled to obey you, Chrift knowyth I
wolde.
+ But that I have don any injuftice or
wrong wylfully, I truſt God fhal bare me
wytnefs, and the world not be able to
accuſe me justly.
↑ Such has bene your moft grave and
godly counfayle to me at fundry times.
§ Written with the heavy heart and
trembling hand of your Highnes's moſt
heavy and moſt miferable priſoner and
poor flave T. C. moft gracious Prince, I
cry for mercy, mercy, mercy.-Cot. Lib.
Titus, b. 1. Ditto Otho, c. 10. Bur-
net's Collection of Records to the Hift. of
the Reform. Dug. Bar. vol. 2, pag.
372, 373.
Pp 2
" he
1540.
292
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
See Seat.
I. P42.
" he owned he had lived a Sinner ever fince he came to the ufe
of reaſon; and, fince he was in power, had offended his Prince.
-He defired the People to join with him in begging mercy of
God, and called on each of the three divine Perfons to pardon
him. He asked the Spectators to bear witneſs that he died in
the Catholic Faith, not doubting of any Article, nor of
any Sa-
crament:" and though it had been notorious, that he favoured
all the Novelties of the times, and was himſelf void of every ſen-
timent of Religion, yet he treats all this as falfehood and flander.
-He confeffed, however, that, as God's holy Spirit inftructs us
in truth, fo the Devil is at hand to feduce us; and that he had
been feduced; and entreats the People, a fecond time, to bear
witneſs that he died in the Catholic Faith of the holy Church*.
per-
THIS was the end of one of the worft of men, and moſt
nicious Miniſters that ever directed the Council of a Tyrant, or
oppreffed a Nation. His parts and induſtry, which were both
very great, only added to the public calamity, as they were ever
exerted to the moſt unwarrantable purpoſes, except in the fingle
inſtance of his Patron Wolfey's defence. Notwithſtanding all the
favour which learning met with in his youthful years, he had no
reliſh for it; and, being grown up, he rambled abroad, and was a
common Soldier in the Duke of Bourbon's army, at the facking of
Rome; and there initiated himſelf, by a fuitable prelude, to that
fcene of rapine, facrilege, and bloodſhed, which he was after-
wards to exhibit in his own Country. Whilft he was in foreign
parts, he became acquainted with their manners and language;
and Machiavel's works appearing about this time, and in the
Country where he then was, he not only tafted the Cup, which
contained the poiſon, but drank it off to the dregs; and on RE-
GINALD POLE's return to England from the Univerſity of Padua,
he attempted, as has been feen elſewhere, to make him reliſh
* Hall's Chr. edit. 1550, in Henry VIII. fol. 242. J. Fox, p. 1190.
the
OF REGINALD
POL E.
293
the deadly draught. His impiety went beyond what the Italian
Politician had dared to avow; and, on Archbishop Warham's re-
fiſtance to ſome Court meaſures, he expreffed himſelf in a manner
too fhocking to be repeated to a Chriftian ear*. To all the com-
plicated injuftice and cruelty, which attended the diffolution of
Religious houſes, of which he was the Adviſer, he added infult
and mockery, and employed means to extort the ſurrender of ſc-
veral, more inhuman and iniquitous than the feizure itſelf.
Notwithſtanding the immenfe wealth with which this change of
property had increaſed the Revenue, and the promiſes made to
the People, that they ſhould be eaſed of all future taxes, the Ex-
chequer was ſtill exhauſted, and the Miniſter ſtill found pretexts
to load the Nation with heavier charges than it had yet felt: and
in a Parliament held a few months before he was beheaded, be- 12th Apr.
fides a large fubfidy raiſed on the Clergy, he obtained, though
not without great reluctance, one tenth and four fifteenths of all
the Laity's goods in the Kingdom. But that there might be no
point of public view in which he could be confidered any other-
wife than as an Object of univerfal hatred, in which, Lord Her-
bert ſays, he was held, and which attended him to the Scaffold,
nothing was undertaken or thought on, to the emolument and
honour of England, during his whole Adminiftration; and the
tranfactions of thofe ten years amount to no more than a Tale of
Woe, which blends the Monarch's and the Minifter's crimes with
the Nation's miſery §.
THE first account of Cromwel's death brought likewife the
news that, in his laſt moments, he had given all the figns of a
fincere repentance; and the CARDINAL fignified to one of his
firiends the joy he had felt at this information. Some time after,
*Hift. M. S. cited by le Grand, Hift.
du Divorce, t. I. pag. 243.
+ Sir IV. Dugdale's Antiq. Warw. ed.
1730, vol. 2, pag. 1112, &c. Fuller's
Ch. Hift. b. 6, pag. 318, edit. 1655.
Col. Eccl. Hift. vol. 2, pag. 155, &c.
§ Ld. Herbert's life of Henry VIII. ed.
1649, P. 455, 456, 457, and 461, 462.
having
294
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
having feen perfons who were prefent at the execution, and had
been witneffes of his behaviour, and heard the Criminal's laft words;
he let his friend know, this fecond intelligence had deprived him
of all the fatisfaction which the former had given him; and was of
too equivocal a nature, to ground any confidence of a change of
heart: that, this being the cafe, he would fufpend any further
thought concerning him, and leave his lot to the decifion of an
all-knowing Judge, to whom thofe fecrets are open which are
hid from Men*.
THE Engliſh CARDINAL had now given fuch inftances of his
integrity and abilities, as drew on him the attention of the Court
of Rome, and that approbation, which is but too often the late and
`backward acknowledgement of foreign merit. The intereſts of
the holy See were concerned in making ufe of his prudence and
experience in public affairs: and her reputation in diftinguiſhing
a perſon who had fuffered fo much for his attachment to that
cauſe, of which fhe is, by way of excellence, theProtector. Theſe
confiderations determined Paul III. to confer on him, without
any follicitation on his part, one of the moſt honourable Poſts in
the Papal dominions, as a public mark of the CARDINAL's worth
and his own ſenſe of it. This choice met with the greater appro-
bation, as it was not only a recompenfe of paſt fervices, but gave
him an opportunity of difplaying his talents in a different cha-
racter from any he had hitherto appeared in.
THE Ecclefiaftical State is very confiderable, both as to extent
and fituation. It lies in the heart of Italy, and is bounded, on
the North, by the Venetian Dominions and the Adriatic Sea; on
the Eaft, by the Kingdom of Naples; by the Mediterranean, on
the South; and, on the Weft, by the Dukedoms of Florence and
Modena. The length from North to South, is about 240 miles;
and the greateſt breadth, which is between Ancona and Civita-
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 3ª, pag. 62.
Vecchia,
OF
295
REGINALD POLE.
Vecchia, about 120. Befides thefe dominions, the Dukedom of
Benevento, in the Kingdom of Naples, and the Principality of
Avignon, in Provence, make a part of the Papal poffeffions. The
two Seas which lie on each fide of the Ecclefiaftical State, would
give it great advantages with refpect to commerce, did the in-
duſtry of the Inhabitants bear any proportion to the convenience
of their ſituation; and the flighteſt knowledge of ancient history
informs every Reader, how fruitful and plenteous this Country
formerly was, and ftill might be, was that fpirit revived, without
which the foil is fertile and commercial Seas rowl in vain. Some
ſpots ſtill bear witneſs to the bounty of Nature, and the huſban-
dry of the People; and nothing can be more delightful, or better
cultivated than the Country about Senigalia, Fano, and Pefaro,
on the coaft of the Adriatic. The fame, with refpect to culture,
is the cafe of a great part of the territory of Bologna.
THIS State is divided into feveral Departments, which have
Governors appointed by the Pope, with the quality of Legate, or
of a rank next to that dignity. The chief of theſe Departments
are, that of Rome, which is under the Pope's immediate jurif-
diction; the Province of the Patrimony, Sabina, Ombria, or the
Dukedom of Orvieto, the Marquifate of Ancona, the Dukedom
of Urbino, the greater part of Romagna, properly fo called, which
comprehends Bologna and its Appurtenances, with the Dukedom
of Ferrara.
AMONGST theſe Governments, that of the Province of the Pa-
trimony is the moſt honourable, as it lies in the neighbourhood
of Rome, and makes a valuable part of the Papal dominions. It
compriſes the ancient Hetruria; and, in the infancy of Rome, was
the feat of ſeveral warlike and populous nations, the Volfinii, Tar-
quinii, Falerii, Vejentes, Carites, and others. Theſe, firft, con-
tended with that growing State, and then, being ſubdued and in-
corporated in her, made a part of her ſtrength. But, long before
the end of the Republic, no more remained of theſe ancient King-
doms,
7:
t
296
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
doms, than is now to be found of the Trinobantes, Iceni, and
the other original Inhabitants of Britain; and what a Roman
Hiftorian fays of one of the Royal Cities, that held out a ten
years fiege againſt the whole ftrength of Rome, may ferve as an
Epitaph to them all: "So confiderable were the Vejentes, at that
time; at preſent who remembers there ever was fuch a people?
what remains, what footsteps even of their exiftence? Hiſtory
fcarcely gains credit when the informs us there was fuch a na-
tion*." The Conquerors have undergone the fame Revolution;
and in this extenfive Province, which was fo confiderable a part
of the Roman territory, there are almoſt as few traces of the
Victors as the Vanquiſhed.
THIS fair Domain, in its preſent Condition, was bequeathed
to the holy See by Mathildis, Counteſs of Tuſcany, in the year
1115, and contains feveral confiderable ſtates, befides other divi-
fions of leſs note; to which the Dukedom of Caftro has been fince
added. It is bounded, on the North, by Ombria; and by the
river Tyber, on the Eaft; on the Weft, by the South part of
Tuſcany; and on the South, by that part of the Mediterranean,
which is called the Tuſcan Sea. Its greateſt extent from North
to South is about fifty common Italian miles, and fomething leſs
from Eaſt to Weſt.
THE most important places are Civita-Vecchia, formerly called
Centum Cella, where the Pope's Gallies are ſtationed; Corneto,
which ſtands on an eminence on the banks of the Marta, and
near the ruins of Gravica, and Tarquinia. Tufcalenna, which is
on the borders of the fame River, and has gone by the different
names of Salumbrona, Tufcia, and Tufcana; and, though it gave
its name to all the adjacent Country, it now retains little more of
its once flouriſhing ſtate, than what fooths beauty in decay, the
remembrance of former power. Orti ftands on the Tyber, where
* Hoc tunc Vejentes fuere: nunc fu-
iffe quis meminit? quæ reliquiæ ? quod-
ve veftigium? laborat annalium fides, ut
Vejos fuifle credamus. Florus, l. 1. c. 12.
the
*
OF REGINALD POLE.
297
the Nar falls into that river, and has the title of a Biſhoprick,
which is united to that of Civita-Caftellana. The rivulet Pozzolo
runs by Nepi, mentioned by Livy by the name of Nepate, and is,
likewiſe, a titular Epifcopal See, united to that of Sutri. The
Dukedom of Caftro, which formerly belonged to the Dukes of
Parma, has been in the poffeffion of the Popes fince the year
1649. It was formerly a Bishoprick, but the Inhabitants having
murdered their Prelate, Innocent X. cauſed the City to be rafed
and transferred the See to Acqua-Pendente. The territory of Or-
vieto, which the Romans called Ager Urbevetanus, takes in feve-
ral towns, and among others, that from which the adjoining
Country derives its appellation; Acqua Pendente and Bagnarea,
which was the ancient Balneoregium, and Capranica; of which I
have had occafion to ſpeak elſewhere. Ronciglione, alfo, gives its
name to a finall ftate; and the Dukedom of Bracciano is in the
middle of this Department. Viterbo, the chief City of the Province
of the Patrimony, and the uſual feat of the Governor, lies about
forty Italian miles, north-weſt of Rome. It is called in latin, Viter-
bium, and ſometimes Tetrapolis; and the Inhabitants, the Qurterni
Populi, being one of the four towns which were affociated under
the name of Viterbo, by Defiderius, the laſt King of Lombardy. The
Epiſcopal See was transferred hither from Ferrento, and is immedi-
ately ſubject to the Pope. The monuments of ſeveral Popes, many
ſtately buildings, with public fountains, and other works, both for
convenience and magnificence, contribute to make Viterbo one of
the moſt confiderable Cities of the Ecclefiaftical State.
THE Pope conferred on CARDINAL POLE this Government
with thoſe fignifications of good will which enhance the price of
a benefaction. He let him know, that his approved abilities made
him, the Pope, defirous he ſhould not be at too great a diſtance
from his perfon: that Viterbo, the place of his future reſidence,
was within an eafy day's journey of Rome; and on a fhort warn-
ing, he might have his advice on any emergency: that, in the
choice of the Poft in which he had placed him, among other
confiderations,
Q9
298
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
confiderations, he had confulted the CARDINAL's little reliſh for
the manner of life he was obliged to lead at Rome, and, therefore,
had provided him with a fituation, in which he might be bene-
ficial to others, without depriving himſelf of the advantages of
privacy and retirement. To this gracious declaration of the Pon-
tif, he returned his thanks by the following letter.
·
"YOUR Holineſs, by conferring on me the Government of the
Province of the Patrimony, has exempted me from the neceffity
of feeking, from foreign Princes, a fubfiftence fuitable to my
birth, after having been deprived of my Country, and all that is
dear to me, by Him, in whofe dominions I was born. From
this difagreeable dependence, which is the hard lot of many, your
fingular goodneſs has fet me free; and taken me under the pro-
tection of his Vicegerent, in whofe caufe I have forfeited what-
ever I was otherwife entitled to. Though I propofe, very foon,
to make your Holineſs my beſt acknowledgments, in perfon; the
greatness of the favour, and the feaſonable circumſtances in which
I receive it, being at a time when I ftand moſt in need of ſuch a
maintenance, does not allow me to withold, though for ſo ſhort
a fpace, the fenfe I have of the obligation, and the gratitude I
feel for my Benefactor. I ſhall uſe no effort to make my ex-
preffions, on this occafion, come up to my fentiments; and defire
your Holineſs to be affured, that whatever I could fay would fall
ſhort of them. All I would fignify is, that my future life ſhall at-
teſt the fincerity with which I now own how much I am indebted
to your paternal care, from whofe favour, next to the divine
goodness, I have received the honours and emoluments I en-
joy. Nothing could be more defirable to me, than to employ
them to the honour and ſervice of your Holineſs, and your il-
luftrious family, to which I belong by fo many ties. May a
good Providence long preferve you to us and to the whole Chrif-
ftian Commonwealth *."
་
He had no fooner entered on this high office, but he appeared
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4, pag. 32.
in
OF REGINALD POLE.
299
in a Character which was no longer the effect of inftructions re-
ceived from others, but the genuine refult of his own difpofitions.
This opportunity had hitherto been wanting in his Embaffies,
where his own lights could go no further than they agreed with
the orders he was to execute: and even thefe orders had been
fo counteracted by the Courts, to which he was fent on two very
intricate negotiations, as to give very little opening to his abilities.
The ftation he was now placed in, fet him at large from all fuch
Controul, and fhewed his mind in its native liberty. We have
only to regret, that his adminiftration is not come down to us in
fuch a detail as could not have failed to be honourable to his
memory, and ferviceable to All in power, being a plan not drawn
from ſpeculation, but recommended by action and real life. The
few Sketches, indeed, which have been preferved, are ſufficient
to enable us to trace the juftnefs and excellence of the whole
piece, whofe outlines are fo noble and regular.
His first care, as LEGATE of the holy See, was to imbue the
people committed to his charge with the fpirit of Chriſtianity,
which, in that age, was rare even in the neighbourhood of the
Capital of the Chriftian World. This he effected by the example
of a blameleſs life, which was not only out of the reach of reproach,
but a pattern of every virtue becoming a Prince of the Catholic
Church, and the Governor of a large Province. His Houſehold
The
was chofen from a fimilitude of characters with his own.
chief perfons who compofed it were, Aloyfius Priuli, a Nobleman
of Venice, in whofe commendation our equitable Countrymen
have been as liberal as thofe of his own communion*; Beca-
telli, his principal Secretary; Parpalia, Abbé of St. Salute, Or-
meneto, and others: all perfons of great diſtinction, who had
followed his fortunes, from no other motive than their attach-
ment to his perfon, and admiration of his Virtue. They were
not only eaſy, but at large with respect to circumstances, and yet
* Biog. Brit. Article Pole, (y y y).
Q 9 2
they
300
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
they preferred the fociety of a Foreigner, whofe head was pro-
ſcribed, to independence, and all the advantages they would have
enjoyed in their reſpective Countries. Was their merit unknown
to us by any other particulars, this alone would be fufficient to
annex a very extraordinary idea to it. The many valuable qua-
lities of Henry Pening, his Chamberlain, and Receiver General,
entitle him to a place in the forementioned lift.
THE first care of the new Governor was, as I have faid, to re-
form the manners of the people ſubject to his authority: and the
diforders of the times called for an active and enlightened zeal.
Error, no less than immorality, was to be checked; and the
ſpirit of irreligious giddineſs had not only feized the North, but
had found admittance under the fouthern Climes: and he was
under a neceffity of being particularly watchful to apply fuitable
remedies to vice, and prevent any deviation from truth, or recall
thoſe to it who were gone aftray. His vigilance fucceeded in the
former; and the methods he made uſe of to compaſs the latter,
were gentleneſs and perfuafion. I ſhall exemplify this in one
inſtance, which will make all others unneceffary.— Flaminius
had imbibed, at Naples, the tenets of Valdes, with whom he had
contracted a dangerous intimacy, and was returned to Rome, a
profelite to his impious fyftem. The LEGATE, who had formerly
lived with him in great familiarity, and was acquainted with his
many excellent qualities, was fenfibly affected with his friend's
misfortune, and defirous to retrieve it. Wherefore, without
taking any notice of what had happened, he invited him to pafs
fome time at Viterbo, where he then was, and converfing with
him fometimes on polite literature, in which Flaminius excelled;
and, at others, on Religious matters, he difpofed him gradually
to return to the Catholic doctrine, to which he ever after fted-
faſtly adhered. The LEGATE, in whoſe houfe, ten years after,
he ended his life, in a very Chriſtian manner, was ſo pleaſed
with a Convert of fuch importance, that he uſed to ſay, befides
being
OF REGINALD
301
POLE.
being inftrumental to his friend's happineſs, he had rendered a fin-
gular ſervice to the cauſe of Truth, by reclaiming Flaminius, who
exerted a very fine genius in honour of it, and wrote with equal
elegance in Italian and Latin *.
His intimate friend Sadolet, Biſhop of Carpentras, proceeded on
the fame principles, and wrote, about this time, the following
letter to Alexander Farneſe, the firſt perſon of the Court of Rome.
"I received a few days ago, with that refpect which is due to all
orders of the holy See, a commiffion from the Pope, which au-
thoriſes me to cauſe the Lutherans to be fought after and puniſhed.
It gives me fingular fatisfaction that his Holinefs fhould not think
me unworthy to be entruſted with fuch an affair: and I entreat
your Excellence to fignify my gratitude to him for this mark of
his eſteem. As to the commiffion itſelf, I fhall, if neceffity
obliges me, put it in execution; but I will uſe my beſt endea-
vours to prevent all fuch neceffity. The Arguments I chuſe to
make uſe of, to convince the minds of thoſe who err, tho' in ap-
pearance, and in the opinion of a common Obferver, they may
ſeem to be less vigorous than the cafe requires, are, in reality, far
more efficacious. For it is not a countenance armed with terror,
nor racks and gibbets, but the expofition of Truth itſelf, and,
above all other methods, the lenity of a Chriftian Spirit which
draws from mifguided men that Confeffion of error, in which the
heart has a greater fhare than the tongue +.”
COULD fentiments fo equitable ſtand in need of other arguments
or other authority to recommend them, befides what has been al-
leged from theſe two eminent perfonages; Sulpicius Severus, one
of the greateſt Ornaments of the fourth Century, might be cited;
who blames the Biſhops Idacius and Ithacius for applying to fecu-
lar Judges for the banishment of the Pricillianifts, and reprefents
the proſecution they carried on, at the Emperor's Court, as a
* Vita Poli.
+ Sad. Epift. lib. 12. pag. 442.
fhameful
302
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Peflimo
ſhameful proceeding. The indignation they raiſed againſt them-
exemplo. felves was ſtill greater, when they followed them to Treves, in
quality of Accufers. St. Martin, whofe beloved Difciple Severus
had been, preffed Ithacius to defift from carrying on the cauſe
againſt them, and entreated the Emperor to fpare their lives.
But when, notwithſtanding all his endeavours, they were put to
death, neither He nor St. Ambrofe would have any farther com-
munication with the Profecutors, or the Bishops who continued
in their communion, though they were favoured by the Empe-
ror; and the former reproached himſelf, as long as he lived, for
having, afterwards, cafually communicated with that party; tho'
it was to fave the lives of fome innocent perfons of quality: on
which occaſion, being aſked to give conſent to their proceedings,
he openly refuſed it *. I fhall add one authority more, and then
take leave of a fubject which I am forry fhould have ever ſtood in
need of any proof but its own felf evidence. The followers of Do-
natus, and particularly that branch of them which were called Cir-
concilions, practifed every kind of cruelty on the Catholics; yet
yet St.
Auftin writing to the Pro-conful of Africa, his particular friend,
who was commiffioned to put the imperial laws in execution
against them, delivers himſelf in the following words. "When
you judge cauſes, in which the Church is concerned, how atro-
cious foever the injuries ſhe has ſuffered, may be, we entreat you,
Sir, to forget, on this occafion, that you have power of life and
death; and do not reject a petition on their behalf whofe amend-
ment we daily afk of God. The reſolution of overcoming evil
by good is what we ſhould never depart from; and you are to
remember that none but Ecclefiaftics bring before you any thing
which concerns the Church. Infomuch, that if you puniſh the
guilty with death, you deprive us of the liberty of bringing our
grievances to your tribunal; and leave us to ftill greater outrages,
as our enemies will fee us in the neceffity of letting them take
* Sul. Sev. Hift. lib. 2.
away
OF REGINALD POLE.
303
away our lives rather than cauſe them to forfeit theirs." He
concludes his letter with theſe remarkable words; " However
great an Evil the error is which we wish them to abjure, and
however defirable the Truth we would have them embrace; yet
it is a troubleſome, not a profitable taſk, to employ conſtraint
rather than inftruction*
THE LEGATE'S vigilance in his Government, and his lenity,
in particular, was fo univerfally acknowledged, that, fome years
after, when he was about being raiſed to the Papacy, and thoſe,
who were jealous of his merit, objected to him, that, during his
whole adminiſtration, he had cauſed only two perfons to be put
to death, he made no other anfwer, than that this mildneſs had
not proceeded from indolence; and that he had reafon to thank
Providence for not having been under a neceffity of holding ano-
ther conduct that the change in the manners of the People, and
the difpofitions in which he left them, fo different from thoſe he
had found them in, were the only Certificates he had any need
to produce in his own juftification†.
THOUGH He made what regarded the worship of the fu-
preme Being, both with reſpect to Faith and Practice, the pri-
mary object of his adminiſtration, which Ariftotle has laid down
as a principle in politics, fhould be the chief care of every ruler;
yet his folicitude extended to every diftrict of his charge; parti-
cularly to the diftribution of Justice, and a caution that the
lower and neceffitous clafs of the people were not oppreffed
by their fuperiors. His forecaft went ftill further, and he did
what depended on him to give a lazy and luxurious race of
men a reliſh for induftry. It is cuftomary for the Court of
Rome to affign each town of the Ecclefiaftical State to the
patronage of fome Cardinal; and, in confequence of this
ufage, the LEGATE was appointed Patron of Bagnaria, in the
Province of the Patrimony, and called by the Romans, Balneore-
Vita R. Poli, fol. 19 à tergo.
Epift. 100, aliàs 127.
gium;
304
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Prov. ch.
xxxi. ver.
10.
gium; or, as fome think, Novempagi, by Pliny. He lent the
Inhabitants, whom he found remarkably averſe to labour, a
confiderable fum of money, that they might fet up a woollen
manufacture, and betake themſelves to fomething beyond baſking
in the Sun and warbling to a Guitar *.
His tafte for Literature was too early and deeply impreſt not
to make the encouragement of it a favourite department of his
care. It was the employment of his hours of leifure and retire-
ment. The Viterbo Society, as it was termed, which he efta-
bliſhed and honoured by being a Member of it, was compoſed
of fome of the fineſt Geniuſes, and moſt valuable men of that
age; nor were perfons of the other Sex, whofe minds were fu-
perior to ſcandal and trifle, excluded from the advantages of this
affembly. Victoria, Marchionefs of Pefcara, was one of thoſe
Women, whofe price is far above Rubies; and her connections
with REGINALD POPE were too particular not to have her men-
tioned with honour in the hiſtory of his life. She was daughter
to Fabricius Colonna, and wife to Francis Avalos, Marquis of Pef-
After the battle of Pavia, which was won by her huf-
hand's valour, fhe diffuaded him from accepting the offer of the
crown of Naples, which the Pope and Princes of Italy made him, as
inconſiſtent with his honour. She excelled in polite learning,
and wrote a very fine latin Poem, in which her own name and
her huſband's praiſes are configned to all pofterity. The ſubject
of Vida's third Eclogue, which is infcribed Nicé, is D'Avalo's
funeral, and does equal honour to the Hero and to Her, who is
introduced mourning his death. Though folicited by fome of
the greateſt Princes of Italy, ſhe would never admit any propoſals
of a ſecond marriage, and having fhewn a firmnefs of foul not to
be dazzled with the luftre of a diadem, fhe, at length, retired
from the world, and ended her days in a Monaftery . This
cara.
* Poli Vita.
+ Ep. R. Poli, pars 3ª. pag. 59, et feq.
‡ Jovius, in Vitâ March. Pefc. Gui-
chardini, Thuanus.
Lady
OF REGINALD POLE.
305
Lady bequeathed to the LEGATE ten thouſand crowns, which
he refuſed to accept, and ordered the whole of a legacy ſo confi-
derable, eſpecially in thofe times, to be added to the fortune of
the Marchionefs's Niece, when fhe married Don Garcia of Toledo.
A rare example of generofity, and which, fays the Italian Author
of his life, will have few Imitators *.
THESE are the chief of the few particulars, which, as I have
faid, are come down to us, of the LEGATE's adminiſtration.
What his fentiments were, in general, of the nature and duty of
fuch a charge, may be gathered from what he wrote to his friend
Contareni, on his being appointed, much about the fame time,
Governor of Bologna. "I muſt return you, my Lord, my beſt
thanks for giving me the pleaſure of hearing ſo often from you,
notwithſtanding the multiplicity of your occupations.
I may
with truth affirm, that the tranquillity we here enjoy, as defira-
ble as it is, does not afford us greater fatisfaction than the account
you fent us of a more buſy Scene, in which you are engaged.
Indeed, my Lord, this relation does no more than confirm the
opinion I ever had of the ſtrength of your parts, which can buoy
up where others are depreffed and loft. But
But my fatisfaction was
complete, when I underſtood from the concurrent teftimony of
the Public, that the expectation I had conceived of you, however
great, has been furpaffed by a mind fuperior to that wearinefs and
fatiety, which bufinefs is apt to bring with it, and which caufes
you to find repofe in eafing others of their complaints and hard-
fhips. In this, my Lord, I fee the image of a truly Chriftian
Magiſtrate, who, without regard to his own convenience, pro-
cures the fafety and advantage of thofe committed to him. This
can only be performed by fuch as have learnt from their divine
Maſter, to fhew their affection to Him by the love and care they
beſtow on Mankind +."
In another letter to the fame great perfonage, the ſubject led
* Vita Poli. † Epiſt. R. Poli, pars 3ª, pag. 52. among the Italian letters.
him
Rr
1
306
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
him into the following ſhort account of himſelf: "The content-
ment I find, fays he, in my preſent ſtation, is above any thing I
could have promiſed myſelf; and, though the Poſt I am in brings
with it a certain neceffary occupation, yet this is fo far from
breaking into my plan of life, that it improves and recommendṣ
it. I need not fay any thing of the alacrity I ought to feel in
the adminiſtration of Juſtice, and the affiſtance, I am willing to
hope, all thoſe find, who ſtand in need of it. Thefe employ-
ments do not interrupt my morning hours, which I dedicate to
my ſtudies, and am careful to lay them out to the beſt advan-
tage. All the buſineſs of the Government is tranſacted in the
afternoon; unleſs fomething extraordinary requires immediate
diſpatch: but theſe incidents are rare, and, when they happen,
do not take up above an hour or two*.”
IT fhould not be forgotten, that the Governor, though a CAR-
DINAL, was not yet in holy orders, and had only received the
tonfure, by which thofe are initiated who defign themſelves for
the Clergy. Yet his adminiſtration gained him fo general an
eſteem, that, a few years after, he was choſen to the higheſt and
moſt important poft in which the Chriſtian Hierarchy can place
merit, being, as the fequel of this hiftory will fhew, appointed
one of the three Legates who opened the General Council of
Trent, and prefided at it.
Soon after he had taken poffeffion of his Government, a Youth
of the firſt quality, and his near Kinſinan, had left England, to
avoid the difficulties the King laid him under on the ſcore of
Religion. The LEGATE, to whom he made application, not
judging it proper either that he ſhould come to Rome, or be with
him at Viterbo, defired the Cardinal of Mantua, Hercules Gongaza,
to receive him into his houſehold, and give him fome employ-
ment in it. But that polite Prince, though he readily complied
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 3ª, among the Italian letters, pag. 41.
with
K
OF
REGINALD POLE.
307
with the firſt part of the requeſt, had too great a refpect for the
Royal blood of England, to make uſe of any one about his per-
ſon, who deſcended from it. The young man had not been long
his Gueſt, before he difcovered that his manners were by no
means anſwerable to the zeal he had teftified for his Religion;
and the LEGATE, on the firſt notice of this diſagreeable incident,
would have removed him to a private houſe of a friend of his at
Padua; but the Cardinal would ſtill keep him in his family, till
the reaſons which hindered the LEGATE from having him at Vi-
terbo, had ceaſed. On this, he thanked his noble friend, by a
very elegant letter, for a civility which had been owing to a re-
gard for himſelf; and teftified to him his regret of its not having
been conferred on one more deferving.-We have no further
light on this matter; nor is the perfon's name once mentioned,
or any thing faid by which a conjecture may be made who
he was *.
THE Pope being to go to Civita Vecchia in the ſecond year of
the LEGATE's government, as that place is in the Province of
the Patrimony, his poft required that he ſhould wait on him at
his arrival. He had now been abfent from Rome a confiderable
time, which, he fays, heightened the pleaſure he received from
the fight of a Sovereign, to whom he had ſuch ſignal obligations;
and who, on his part, was no leſs pleaſed to meet the LEGATE.
He was immediately admitted to an audience, and had a long
conference with the Pope on the preſent Criſis of the Chriſtian
World, and the calamities with which it was threatened. Some-
thing, likewife, was brought in of the affairs of England, and of
what might ſeem to give fome profpect of happier days. The
praiſes of Contareni's morals, judgment, and learning were not
forgot; and the Pope entered on the particulars, which, at firſt,
gained him his good will, and caufed him to adopt him into the
* Epift. R.Poli, pars 3. among the Italian letters, pag. 71.
Rr 2
facred
.308
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
7th Feb.
1542.
facred College. The LEGATE fignifies, that his eſteem for the
Cardinal of the holy Crofs, Marcellus Cervini, who came to Ci-
vita Vecchia with the Court, and was afterwards Pope, increaſed
in proportion as he became acquainted with him; becauſe, to uſe
his own expreffion, in which he lets us fee a truly Engliſh fenti-
ment, he diſcovered in him thofe radical qualities, which make an
honeſt man.-He fpeaks with the higheſt commendation of the
parts of Alexander Farnefe, who, likewife, accompanied the Pope,
and fends up the moſt ardent wiſhes, that this
young Prince
young
ufe proper care to be acquainted with that Source of Good, from
which alone all happineſs is derived *.-His ſtay at Civita Vecchia
was ſhort, and he returned to Viterbo on the Pope's fetting out
for Rome.
may
THE news of the LEGATE's promotion foon reached the King
of England, and that reſtleſs curiofity which pries into the cha-
racter of thoſe who are obnoxious to us, informed him, almoſt
at the fame time, that his Kinfman's adminiftration was altogether
unlike that on which he proceeded; and wanted nothing but ex-
tent, to be as glorious to himſelf and beneficial to mankind, as
his own was ignominious and deſtructive. He had bore him an
implacable hatred at a time when he was more the object of com-
paffion than envy; but now he had that additional motive with
which fucceſsful merit furnishes worthlefs men. He perceived
the gradual advances of the LEGATE to confummate fame and
greatneſs; but faw it with impotent indignation. His imagina-
tion was haunted with the idea of a perfon, who continued to
condemn the miſdemeanors of a long and guilty reign; and he
refolved to rid himſelf, at any rate, of thoſe dark, tho' caufe-
lefs fears, againſt which the Guards of Tyrants are no defence.
In confequence of this, he doomed to deſtruction a Prince of his
own blood, and employed the baſeft, as well as moſt iniquitous
* Epiſt. R. Poli, pars 3ª. among the Italian letters, pag. 50.
of
OF REGINALD
306
POLE.
of all means to accompliſh it. Though feveral other projects of
the Affaffination, which was now agreed on, had been ſtrongly
ſuſpected, and publickly talked of, yet the first attempt of this
kind, which came to a legal Trial, was difcovered at Viterbo,
where three Italians were hired by the King for that purpoſe.
The LEGATE, on their conviction, inſtead of treating them ac-
cording to their deferts, mitigated the ſeverity of the laws in their
favour, and having cauſed them to be confined fome time, fet
them again at liberty. This diſappointment, and the LEGATE'S
clemency, ferved only to inftigate Henry's ulcerated breaſt to re-
peat the crime, and find out more fucceſsful Inftruments of it:
and two Engliſhmen, one of which ferved in his lifeguards, and
an Italian, were bribed to be the Affaffins. The Scene laid for
the murder was Capranica, whither the LEGATE was retired
during the fummer heats. But before the deſign was concerted,
the Ruffians, who paffed for Flemish Traders, were ſeized on a
ſuſpicion they had raiſed of themſelves, by being obſerved to be
very inquifitive about the Governor's houſe; and two of them, on
a nearer inquiry, were diſcovered to be Englishmen. Being que-
ftioned ſeparately, and cross-examined, they fell, firſt, into the
groffeft contradictions, and, then, confeffed who they were, and
on what errand they had been fent. A letter was found on the
Italian, which was to have been carried by one of the Engliſh
Accomplices to Caffali, a man of family, and Brother to one who
had been remarkably active for the King, in the caufe of the Di-
vorce. It was penned in the true Cataline ſtyle, and informed
Caffali, he fhould foon hear from him by word of mouth, con-
cerning the affair to which he was already privy *.-This fecond
Act of Villainy being brought to light, the LEGATE would not
have thoſe who were to have been the perpetrators, put to death :
the injury, he ſaid, was done to himſelf; he would, therefore,
* Qui fim ex eo quem ad te mifi, cognofcès. SALUST.
remit
310
THE HISTORY OF HTE LIFE
1539
remit the puniſhment due to it; and only fent the Criminals for
a few days to the gallies*.
WHAT Henry could not effect by his Emiffaries, he refolved
to execute himſelf, as far as lay within his reach; and though he
could not plunge a poinard in the LEGATE's breaft, he wounded
him in a more fenfible part than any which concerned his own
perfon. About three years before the time I am ſpeaking of,
Lord Montague, the LEGATE's elder Brother, and others had
been put to death, by a fentence, in which fome faint appear-
ances of legal proceedings were faved. But the Parliament had,
likewife, attainted fome other perfons of the higheſt quality, in
whoſe cauſe even the farce of Juftice was fuperfeded; the moſt
confpicuous of which, on all accounts, was Margaret, Counteſs
of Salisbury, the LEGATE'S Mother. This quality, and her at-
tachment to the Catholic Religion, were her only crimes. Such
a cauſe, however, was too invidious to be alledged, even by one
who had fet himſelf above all reftraint; and the Countefs's con-
duct being blameleſs, fomething was to be invented which the
King's pleaſure might make high treaſon. On this, a report was
fpread, that ſhe had forbid her Dependants the uſe of the new
tranflation of the Bible into the English tongue, which was pub-
liſhed by the Royal authority; that fome Papal diſpenſations had
been found at her Country feat, at Coudray, and that ſhe kept a
correſpondence with her Son. On a Cabinet Scrutiny it was dif
covered, that theſe Accufations could not be made out; and, if
they could, were infufficient to form any thing capital againſt the
Offender. A more fummary method, therefore, was taken,
which ſuited the King's temper, the flaviſh difpofition to which
he had reduced all orders in the kingdom, and Cromwel's readi-
nefs to execute whatever he commanded. The queftion was put
to the Judges, by this Miniſter, whether the Parliament could at-
taint a perſon, within the realm, without trial, or citing the
* Vita Poli, fol. 42, adversâ pagina. Epift. R. Poli, pars 3ª, pag. 99, et feq.
party
OF REGINALD POLE.
311
party to appear before them. Their anfwer was, that it would
be of the moſt fatal confequence, and that fuch a doubt ought
not to be moved; and they hoped the high Court of Parliament
would never fet the inferior Courts an example of fuch unwar-
rantable proceedings. Being required to be more explicit in their
anfwer, they delivered it as their opinion, that an attainder fo
paffed could not be called in queſtion, but would remain good in
law. This was all the information the King wanted having
learnt by this declaration that ſuch a meaſure, though contrary to
all right, was yet practicable, he refolved to employ it againſt the
Countefs; and Cromwel, on this occafion, produced to the houſe
of Peers a banner, on which was embroidered the Symbol of the
northern Infurgents, which he affirmed to have been found in her
houſe. This was the guilt, and this the proof by which it was
afcertained. The Parliament, without any further enquiry, paf-
fed a bill of Attainder against her, and involved, without any
better proof, as far as appears, Gertrude, Marchioneſs of Exeter,
and fome more. The Marchionefs was pardoned; Sir Adrian
Fortescue, and Sir Thomas Dingley, were put to death; but the
Countess of Saliſbury's execution was deferred for two years, till
the time I am ſpeaking of, during which interval fhe was con-
fined in Prifon*.
Ir was Henry's cuftom to treat thoſe with the greatest rigour.
whom he had honoured moſt with his favour, as foon as they fell
into diſgrace. To omit other inftances, this inhumanity was
remarkable in his behaviour towards the Bishop of Rochester, as
appears from a letter that Prelate wrote to Cromwel whilst he
was priſoner in the Tower, in which he fets forth the great want
he was in of common neceffaries. But though I have met
with no particular detail of the hardships the Countefs underwent
in this long confinement, yet the known cruelty of the King's
* Coke 4th Inftit. pag. 37, et feq.
Rymer, xiv. pag. 652. Lord Herbert's
life of Henry VIII. pag. 447, and 468.
+ Fuller's Ch. Hift.
25th May,
1541.
temper,
312
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
temper, the high degree of favour fhe formerly enjoyed, the ha-
tred he bore the LEGATE; even the proximity of blood in
which ſhe ſtood related to him, and the undeferved execution
of her eldeſt fon, Lord Mongatue, were all incentives of barba-
rity to a brutal nature. But what hurt his pride more than any
thing elſe was an undaunted fpirit, which fhewed her ſuperior to
all the attempts which were made to deprefs it, and never fuf-
fered her to be betrayed into any weakneſs unworthy the whole
tenour of a well spent life. Her behaviour in theſe diftreffed
circumſtances, as Lord Herbert relates, who fays he had it from
very good authority, was ſpirited and intrepid; and no arts could
prevail on her to acknowledge a guilt, of which ſhe was not
confcious. For among
For among the many hateful practices uſed by the
Tyrant to extinguiſh, if poffible, the eternal difference there will
be between good and evil, and make their nature depend on his
caprice, a principal one had always been that thoſe, whom he
treated with the greateſt injuftice, fhould confefs themſelves de-
ſerving of what he inflicted on them, and fue for mercy he did
not intend to fhew. Being brought to the Scaffold, this vene-
rable Matron retained to the laſt the dignity of the long race of
Monarchs from whom he was defcended, and of the cauſe in
which ſhe died, and refuſed to lay her head on the block. The
Executioner telling her, it was cuſtomary ſo to do; ſhe replied,
it was fo for Traitors, but ſhe was none; and, turning about
her grey head, ſhe ſaid, if he would have it, he muſt get it as
he could. At which he aimed feveral fruitleſs blows at her neck,
and mangled her body in a ſhocking manner, till ſhe expired at
his feet. Her laft words were, "Bleffed are they who fuffer
perfecution for righteouſneſs fake*
THE Royal deſcent of this Lady, her marriage, and offspring
have been ſpoken of in the beginning of this Work. Befides
.
*
Epift. R. Poli, pars 3ª. pag. 76.
thefe
OF REGINALD POLE.
313
thefe advantages, fhe was endowed with all thofe which confti-
tute perſonal merit, and would have affured to her an uncommon
regard from any Prince but him in whoſe reign ſhe lived. Her
Brother the Earl of Warwick, had been bafely put to death by
the King's Father, in order to get rid of a Prince, who was the
lineal Heir to the Crown; and the Countefs had fucceeded to all
his rights. The Princess Mary, Henry's daughter, had been
educated by her; and his firſt Wife, Catharine of Aragon, had
honoured her with an unreſerved confidence. Yet all theſe claims
to gratitude, love and refpect, which met in the laſt of the Plan-
tagenets, only contributed to make her finiſh her life in the 70th
year of her age, by the hands of a common Executioner.
THE LEGATE was at Viterbo when the news was brought to
him of this tragical event: and the manner in which he received
it is related by his Secretary Becatelli; and is too particular not
to be fet down in the detail he has given us of it. "I was with
him, ſays he, when he was informed of his Mother's death; and
it was on the following occaſion. He had received feveral letters
from France, Spain, and Flanders, and having read them, he
called me, as his custom was, to return the anfwers. As I was
putting them together, I perceived one to be in Engliſh, and
told him, I need not take that with me, as I did not under-
ftand the language. To which he replied, without the leaft
emotion, I could wish you did, that you might read the good
news it contains; and on my replying, I hope your Excellence
will make me partaker of it; Hitherto, fays he, I have thought
myſelf indebted to the divine goodneſs, for having received my
birth from one of the moſt noble and virtuous women in England;
but, from henceforward, my obligation will be much greater, as
I underſtand that I am now the Son of a Martyr. The King
has cauſed her to be publickly beheaded for her conftancy in the
Catholic faith, though fhe was feventy years of age; and, after
his own Children, the nearest to him in blood. This is the re-
-
S f
compence.
314
LIFE
THE HISTORY OF THE
compence he has thought fit to beftow for the care of his Daugh-
ter's education, and long attendance on her: but may God's will
be done, and may he, in all events, be thanked and praiſed. On
my being feized with furprize and horrour at this relation; Be of
good courage, fays he, we have now one Patron more added to
thoſe we already had in Heaven. Having ſpoken this, he retired
private Oratory, and having paffed fome time in prayer, he
came out with his ufual chearfulneſs*.
>>
On this incident of the LEGATE's behaviour on his Mother's
violent death, I cannot but recall the behaviour of another
great
man on the lofs of a Daughter by a death, which, though un-
timely, was natural. The difference lets us fee how much the
Chriftian Religion, where it is a real, not a nominal guide of fen-
timent and action, made the former fuperior to one of the moſt
boaſted characters of pagan antiquity, and whofe works were as
familiar to him in his early years, as to any one of that claffic age.
The Roman Conful, who forms this contraft, had all the advan-
tages which learning, and the uſe of public life could give to as
fine a genius as Nature ever produced; and yet, when thefe fuc-
cours ſhould have enabled him to bear up againſt an unforeſeen af-
fliction, and fhew a wifdom and ſteadineſs worthy fuch an appa-
ratus, they yield nothing but folly and weakneſs. Having given
himſelf up to unmanly lamentation, he falls into childish impiety,
and rejects the ufual cuftom of raifing a fepulchral monument to
Axobswois. Tullia's memory, becauſe that was inconfiftent with her deifica-
tion, on which he was wholly intent. Tullia, therefore, who
died in childbed, was to be changed into a Goddeſs, and divine
honours decreed her. And becauſe the credit of this new Divinity
was not fufficiently eſtabliſhed to draw her Votaries into groves
retirements, the Temple was to be erected by the high way, and
expoſed to open veneration; and as private property is of a fluctu-
*Vita Poli, fol. 44.
and
ating
OF
315
REGINALD
POLE.
ating nature, that this Memorial of extravagance and imbecility
might be perpetual, a Grant was to be purchaſed of the Roman Peo-
ple to build it on ground belonging to the Public. His friend At-
ticus is employed to procure the fineſt marble, and the moſt elegant
defigns. The fond Father compoſes the Act by which his Daugh-
ter is enrolled among the tutelar Divinities of Rome, addreffes a
prayer to her in that quality, and exhibits, in his own perſon, one
of thoſe guilty inftances, to which the book of Wisdom afcribes Ch. xiv.
the origin of Idolatry*.—Such oppofite difpofitions, in trials much
the fame, did the ſpirit of Chriftianity, and that of pagan wiſdom,
produce in two great men, who enjoyed every other advantage
almoft in common.
r
THE Chriftian fortitude which the LEGATE fhewed on this oc-
cafion ſcarce ſeems capable of receiving any addition, by which the
whole-burnt Offering could be more compleat: but his mind was
of fuch a caft, as to think that practice of duty imperfect, which
did not extend itſelf to every collateral act which could recommend
it. Of this he gave a remarkable proof in the prefent cafe; for
writing to the Cardinal of St. Marcellus; " your Excellence, fays
he, exhorts me to offer up my fupplications for his change, who
was the perpetrator of this butchery; in which you give me an in-
ſtance of your friendſhip, and do as becomes the poft you are int.
Was nothing more required to obtain this than the facrifice of my
own life; it would be moft defirable to me to give this proof of
my difpofition in his regard; and to give it immediately ‡."—In
which fingle fentiment there is more true greatneſs of Soul, than
in Alexander's paffing the Granicus, when Darius's army covered
the oppofite banks, and difputed the deſcent.
+
HAVING affured himfelf of the Chriftian part of his heart, he
confiders his Mother's death in a view which difcovers the com-
mon feelings of humanity; and prefents the Reader with a Philo-
‡ Ep. R. Peli, pars 3ª, p. 74.
fophy
* Ep. ad Atticum. + He was Grand Penitentiary.
S f 2
ver. 15.
316
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
all
fophy which is not out of his reach, though he ſhould give up
that which is propofed in the foregoing example. "I comfort
myſelf, ſays he, in another letter to Silva, Biſhop of Lavadour,
in the calamities, under which the Chriftian cauſe now labours,
by reflecting that, at other periods, when affairs have ſeemed def-
perate, a wife and good Providence has brought them to a happy
Iffue, and I hope the like in our prefent circumftances. From my
difpofitions with reſpect to the Public, you may conjecture how I
ftand affected to what concerns myfelf. Nature, indeed, will fome-
times repine, and draw from me an involuntary figh, on the re-
membrance of perfons, in whom every motive of love and eſteem
centered. But theſe forrows ceafe, as foon as I have recourſe to
that never failing fource of comfort, which lies open to all. When
I have done this, I not only feel myſelf eaſed of my preſent op-
preffion, but filled with joy: and, fure, however cruel their cafe
was, this unparalleled ſubject of confolation remains, that they
were deemed, by the Almighty, worthy to imitate his bleffed Son,
and fign with their blood the truth of his doctrine. The Libels.
which have been publiſhed by their Adverfaries, fet forth their
religious tenets, firft, as the cauſe of their difgrace, and, then, of
their death. I cannot, therefore, but look on them as tranflated
from the Evils of mortality, to that ſtate which alone deferves the
name of life; and fhould be an enemy to their blifs, if the want I
feel of perfons who were dear to me, made me regret their having
made ſo deſirable an exchange. This perfuafion, in which I tho-
roughly acquiefce, is fufficient to filence every contrary thought
which rifes in my breaft. But, if Nature ftill requires the fuc-
cour of friendſhip and fociety, this relief is, likewife, at hand in
feveral perfons to whom I am more cloſely united than I could be
by the mere tie of confanguinity. Theſe compenfate the lofs I
have fuftained, or caufe it, at leaft, to be lefs felt; and fhould
make all complaints ceafe."
SECT.
( 317 )
SECT.
VI.
Errors and Diſorders, which gave occafion to the Council of Trent.
CARDINAL POLE prefides at it.
Heads of the Decrees. Incidents during the Seffions,
*
鼠鼠
​I
T was a felicity which attended the deſtiny of
CARDINAL POLE, to have the different parts he
was to diſcharge diſpoſed in ſuch a manner, as to
give him an opportunity of rifing in character as
he advanced in years; and not finiſh the courfe of
his life, till he had anſwered all thoſe views by which Providence
was pleafed to diſtinguiſh it. Like a great River, which rifes
from a clear and copious fource, though it brings wealth and
fruitfulneſs down its whole Channel, yet collects a larger ftream
the nearer it approaches its junction with the Ocean; the youth
and ſeveral periods of the CARDINAL's riper age, ſtill received
fome freſh commendation, which made him more valuable in
himſelf, and more uſeful to Mankind; or, where his endeavours
of the latter kind failed, fhewed his difpofitions to no lefs advan-
tage than if they had been attended with fuccefs. The expecta-
tion he raiſed at the Univerſity of Oxford, was, afterwards, con-
firmed, by the fund of knowledge, and of a yet more valuable
qualification, Integrity, which he brought from Padua, and en-
abled him to reſiſt all the folicitations of a powerful King, and
the allurements of a corrupt Court to enfnare his virtue, and make
him prefer the gratification of ambition to the dictates of duty.
When advanced to the Purple, he drew up that memorable plan
of Reformation, which deferved the approbation I have already
mentioned. His Embaffies to the French and Imperial Courts,
though
318
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
though unfuccesful, afforded him an opportunity of diſplaying
qualities, which are only exerted in difappointment; and convey
the moſt uſeful of all leffons, a fuitable carriage in adverfe fortune.
Theſe publick employments were fucceeded by the Government
of a large Province, where left to his own conduct, he made it
appear, that no foreign guidance was wanting to direct and en-
courage him in whatever was great and laudable. There was
fomething peculiar which diftinguiſhed each of the divifions I
have treated of, and, like the principal figures of a fine picture,
ftood out and commanded an attention to itfelf. The countenance
he gave to merit, and the life of his friend Longolius, which he
wrote with great elegance at the age of four and twenty, made
him remarked during his ftay at Padua. His refufal of the See
of York, when offered on terms not confiftent with honour and
religion, drew on him the eyes of his own Country, almoft
as foon as he returned to it. The manner of paffing his time
at Liege and Carpentras; his behaviour at his Mother's death;
his attention to the different departments of his Government,
have been too circumftantially related, to ftand in need of a
recapitulation.
THE period I am now come to, faw him at the head of one
of the moſt illuftrious Affemblies mankind had ever beheld; and
met on an occafion well deſerving the attention of fuch a Senate,
the Reformation of the Chriftian World. But before I enter on
a detail of this Meeting, and of the part which He, who is the
fubject of this Hiſtory, had in it, it may be requifite to ſay ſome-
thing of the ſtate of Europe, with reſpect to morals and religion,
which made this expedient then neceffary in order to check the
diforders, which already prevailed, and prevent ftill further evils
with which Chriftianity was threatened.
A REFORMATION was not more defired at the time I am
fpeaking of, in which a General Council was called to effect it,
than it had been in paft ages, when any remarkable degeneracy
feemed
OF REGINALD
339
POLE.
feemed to fully them. It has been a theme, on which wife and
good men, of all times, have expatiated; and their complaints,
on this head, have informed us that the moral, ftate of Mankind
never came up to the ideas and wiſhes of the thoroughly virtuous.
Some of them have either affigned reafons for the prevalent dif-
orders, which fell more immediately under their obſervation,
drawn from the temper of their own minds: or have aſcribed to
one or few cauſes thofe effects, which were the refult of many.
The Church of Rome, which, through fo many centuries, had
maintained Ecclefiaftical Diſcipline no lefs by her example, than
the pre-eminence of her See, had, in fucceeding times, not been
exempt from thefe cenfures. To go up no higher than the
twelfth Century, St. Bernard, who lived in it, and never failed
to warn all orders of men of a decay of piety, thought this Mo-
ther Church tainted with the general contagion. His work on
Confideration addreffed to a great Pope, who had been his Dif
ciple, fufficiently fhews what his opinion was of the Court of
Rome, and his zeal to reform it.
THE diforders had fince increaſed; and a celebrated Prelate of
the following age, being ordered by the Pope to prepare the
matters which were to be difcuffed in the Council of Vienna,
makes the Reformation of the Church in its Head and Members,
the ground work of this undertaking *. The grand Schifm, which
happened about the fame time, made its neceffity appear in a
ſtill ſtronger light, and not only private perfons, but General
Councils have acknowledged it. Nothing can furpafs the energy
of ſome diſcourſes on this fubject, pronounced in thofe of Pifa,
Conftance, and Bale: in the latter of which the most promifing
hopes were eluded, and new fubjects of complaint added to the
former. But, to bring the Cafe ftill nearer the Epoch I am to
treat of, the remonftrance made on this head to Eugenius IV. by
* Guil. Durandus, Epif. Mim. tract. de modo Gener. Conc. celebrandi.
the
320
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
the greateſt perſonage of the fifteenth century, and a member
of the facred college, has more the air of prophecy than of meer
human forefight *.
THE diſorders, fays he, of the Clergy, and chiefly of thoſe in
Germany, of which he had ſeen too many melancholy inſtances
whilſt he was LEGATE there, provoke the hatred of the people
againſt that Order; and if a ſtop be not put to them, it is
to be feared they will make good their threats of giving
us no better treatment than we received from the Huffites;
he foretells, that if this amendment does not ſpeedily take place,
the Hereſy of the Bohemians would be followed by another ſtill
more dangerous, becauſe the People would look on the Clergy as
incorrigible. The expectation of Mankind, fays he, is big with
what is to happen, and ſeems to forebode fomething tragical.
Their ill difpofitions towards us are already but too viſible; and,
in a ſhort time, it will be deemed a grateful facrifice to the Al-
mighty, to perfecute and turn us out of our poffeffions, as perfons
equally hateful to God and Man. The flender remains of refpect
for the facred Miniſtry will foon vaniſh, and the blame of theſe
diforders be caft on the Church of Rome, for not applying a re-
medy. He faw the Axe laid to the root; that the tree was lean-
ing to its fall, and inſtead of propping it, whilſt it was yet time,
its deftruftion was haftened.
BUT it muſt be obſerved, that not one of theſe great
men, who fo earnestly defired the reformation of the Church,
ever entertained a thought of changing a fingle Article of her
Faith, or aboliſhing any part of her worſhip: and when turbulent
and feditious ſpirits prefumed to cenfure her tenets, or difpute
the authority of her Paſtors, and particularly of her chief Biſhop,
they rofe
up in defence of what an uninterrupted tradition had
delivered down to them; and looked on a breach with the Ca-
* Epift. 12. Juliani Cefarini Card. ad Eugen. IV. P. M. inter Op. Æn. Silvii, p. 66.
tholic
OF REGINALD POLE.
321
tholic Church, as the greateſt of all Evils. All their zeal was
to correct abuſes, which had vitiated the primitive difcipline;
and recall the piety and purity of manners, from which Chriſtians
of all orders were univerfally fallen*.
THE Evils, which have been related, were not peculiar to one
nation; and on whatever fide an accurate obferver caft his eye,
he beheld Chriſtianity expoſed to equal danger from different
cauſes, which are the growth of Climate, and ſeem conftitutional
to whole States; and though they were utterly oppofite to each
other, yet each ſeemed to threaten the faith and morality of the
Goſpel with equal ruin: as buildings perish by earthquakes, inun-
dations, fire and hoftile rage, or are permitted, by the lazinefs of
the Inhabitants, to fall down and moulder to nothing. The eaſe
and opulence which the Clergy had long enjoyed, brought on
thoſe inconveniencies which always attend immoderate wealth,
though lodged in confecrated hands. On whatever motives the
Croiſades, or holy wars, were undertaken, they had a miſchievous
effect on the morals of the greateſt part of Europe, and the age
we are now to enter on, had drained all the dregs which the
abſence of Biſhops from their Dioceſes, the relaxation of canoni-
cal penitence, and the importation of foreign vices, added to the
evils of war in general, had left behind them. A gloomy, unpro-
fitable, and litigious kind of learning had taken poffeffion of the
Schools, to which all ſenſible Antiquity, both facred and profane,
had been a ſtranger; which anſwered no purpoſe of Religion or
Reaſon, and baniſhed every purſuit which tended to promote the
intereſts of either: and when Mankind awakened from a trance
of fome Centuries, during which the tares of falfe Science had
been fowed by pedantry and every enemy to the improvement
and ornament of the human mind, and true taste and literature
were now revived, the cauſe of Religion had a new and hitherto
* St. Ber. ferm. 65, and 66, in Canticum Salamonis. Gerfon, ferm. de Afcen.
Dom. habitus coram Alex. V. P. M. &c.
Tt
unknown
322
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
unknown foe to ftruggle with, which was the abuſe of this very
advantage. For though it muſt be acknowledged, that ſeveral of
thoſe to whom the World is indebted for this bleffing, were no
lefs irreproachable Chriftians, than men of exquifite learning, yet
the number of thofe of a contrary character was very great.
I SHALL preſent the Reader with one inftance of this kind, as
it fhews how far the frenzy of learning may go. Pomponius Lætus
was one of the firft Reftorers of letters, and public profeffor of
eloquence at Rome, under Sixtus IV. and Innocent VIII. His lec-
tures were fo crowded, that, whereas he began them early, the
benches were generally filled by midnight. He confined all his
knowledge within the bounds of the Roman Commonwealth and
Empire, and was totally ignorant of almoſt every thing which was
not compriſed there. He had no knowledge of the Greek tongue,
and could never be prevailed on to learn it, left it ſhould prejudice
the purity of his ftile in the Latin. He knew nothing of the holy
Scriptures, nor of the writings of the Fathers, and had read few
Authors who have wrote fince the fall of the Roman Empire.
He carried his idolatry to this people fo far, that not content to
celebrate the anniverſary of the building of Rome with ceremony,
and to erect altars to Romulus, he had the impiety to defpife the
Christian Religion, and to ſpeak of it as fit only for Barbarians.
This extravagance was common to him and ſeveral of the Learned
of thoſe times, who were fo intoxicated with the beauties of the
Latin language, that they conceived a religious reverence for every
thing which had any relation to the people who ſpoke it; and a
contempt of whatever had not the ftamp of pagan antiquity.
To theſe diſadvantages, under which Chriſtianity then laboured,
the fifteenth Century had likewiſe the misfortune to ſee moſt of
the Popes during that period altogether unworthy the fupreme
place they held; and their Court, inſtead of giving that example,
which the World had a right to expect from it, was infected with
vices, which, like a torrent, fpread themſelves over all Nations.
THESE
OF
323
REGINALD POLE.
THESE general cauſes of the neceſſity of a Reformation were
quickened into birth by the following event. The grant of In-
dulgences had been as ancient as Chriſtianity; and is founded
on a merciful God's condefcenfion to the weakneſs of human na-
ture.
For an involuntary tendency to evil being the unhappy lot
of mankind, fince our firft Parents forfeited the original rectitude,
in which they were created, our gracious Maker is frequently
pleaſed to remit the guilt of Sin, and the eternal puniſhment
which is incurred by it, and yet exact of the Sinner thofe tempo-
rary chaſtiſements, by which the divine juftice is attoned, and
the Offender rendered for the future more cautious. This doc-
trine, fo confonant to goodneſs and wiſdom, is often afferted and
exemplified in holy Writ, and particularly in the Hiftory of David,
who had no fooner teftified the fincerity of his repentance for the
double crime of Adultery and Murder, than the Prophet was or-
dered by Almighty God to inform him, that his guilt was re-
mitted, but, nevertheleſs, that the Son, who was the fruit of it
ſhould die. The Church, to which the ample promiſe was made
by her Founder, that, "whatever ſhe loofed on Earth ſhould be
loofed in Heaven," has ever underſtood this commiffion to extend
not only to the abfolving the Guilty, on fufficient tokens of their
repentance; but to preſcribe and mitigate the puniſhment by
which fin is cancelled. In the firft ages of Chriſtianity, when
great Crimes were rare, the canonical penitence impoſed for
fuch faults was long and laborious; and the primitive Church
had been in poffeffion of abridging it at the recommendation of
the Martyrs, and others who had fignalized themſelves in the
cauſe of JESUS CHRIST. This practice, as it is an illuſtrious
proof of the antiquity and lawfulness of Indulgences, fo the ufe
which was made of it in thofe early days, was very temporate,
nor granted without great difcernment. This is evident from the
vigour with which St. Cyprian and other Prelates, oppoſed thoſe
who procured furreptitious recommendations from the Martyrs,
Tt 2
in
324
THE HISTORY
OF THE LIFE
:
15.08.
in order to diminiſh the ſtated time and rigour of their peniten-
tial exerciſes, aud be reconciled fooner than was expedient. But
the wiſdom of this economy was, afterwards, laid afide, and end-
leſs abuſes aroſe from a pretext of aiding Sinners to expiate their
tranfgreffions.
THE fcandalous traffic of thefe grants was the glaring diforder
of thoſe times, and had raiſed fuch a general diſcontent in all
Orders, as endangered the grace itſelf, and the authority which
conferred it, to fall into contempt. Leo X. had cauſed Indul-
gences to be publiſhed throughout the Chriftian world for all
perfons who contributed to the building St. Peter's Church, on
which magnificent ftructure he was wholly intent; and towards
carrying on a war which he had projected againſt the Turk.
This publication had occafioned a warm difpute between the
Austin and Dominican Fryars. The former, who had hitherto
been in poffeffion of the commiffion, were piqued that the Do-
minicans fhould, on this occafion, be preferred to them; and
John Staupitz, their Vicar General, ordered Martin Luther, a
Monk of the order, to preach in oppofition to their Rivals. It
muſt be allowed, that fome of the latter laid themſelves open to
cenfure, by the exorbitant propofitions they advanced concerning
the efficacy of theſe pardons; and Luther was a proper perſon to
avail himſelf of fuch an advantage. He began by blaming the
abuſe, and then proceeded to condemn the thing; and to fpeak
of the Papal power in ſuch a manner as ſeveral Catholic Divines,
amongſt whom Echius diftinguished himſelf, thought themſelves.
obliged to oppofe him. This refiftance irritated the haughty fpi-
rit of Luther, and he continued to make freſh attacks on dif-
ferent Articles of the ancient doctrine, and to difcredit it in the
minds of the People.
THE Pope being informed of the flame which was kindled in
Germany, caufed the Author of it to be cited to make his appear-
ance at Rome; and ordered Cardinal Cajetan, who was his Legate
at
OF REGINALD POLE.
325
at the Diet of Auſburg, to uſe all methods to reclaim a turbulent
Monk, who threatened the Church with dangerous divifions. If
he remained obftinate, the Legate was ordered to ſeize his per-
fon; and, if that could not be effected, to excommunicate him
and all who adhered to his errors, and to lay all places which af-
forded him a retreat, under an Interdict. Luther, on this, being
provided with a fafe conduct from the Emperor, came to Aufburg,
and having had ſeveral conferences with the Legate, in which he
maintained whatever he had hitherto advanced, he retired to a
place of greater fafety. The breach became every day wider,
and a multitude of erroneous tenets were publiſhed, from time
to time, either in his fermons, or his works. As novelty has al-
ways attractives for fuperficial and curious minds, his books were
greedily read by great numbers even of the Learned, who took
up with the doctrine contained in them: and the Vulgar was
eaſily miſled by the fpecious name of a Reformation, which he
made a profeffion to introduce; and by retrenching auricular con-
feffion, and bodily aufterities, under a pretext of afferting to his
Profelites that liberty to which the Gofpel entitled them. The
Duke of Saxony declared himſelf his Protector; other confiderable
perfonages adopted his opinion; and the whole Germanic Body
began to be divided in point of Religion.
LEO was of opinion that this ferment would fubſide of itſelf,
and that it was not adviſeable to give the Mover of it a Reputation
by taking any further notice of him, or occafion his cafting him-
ſelf into ſtill more defperate meaſures, from which there would
be no regreſs. But Echius reprefented with fuch energy the defo-
lation which his errors had cauſed throughout Germany, that the
Pope referred the buſineſs to a celebrated Committee of Cardinals,
Biſhops, Divines, and Canonifts, who debated a confiderable time
rather on the form, in which the cenfure fhould be drawn up,
than on the cenfure itſelf, on which they were all agreed. At
length they came to a reſolution to condemn Luther's doctrine as
heretical,
+
326
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
15th June,
1520.
heretical, and preſcribed the term, within which his books were
to be burnt. In the mean time, he was left at full liberty to paſs
condemnation on them, and was fummoned to appear in perfon
THIS refolution being taken, the Pope paffed a Decree, by
which one and forty Articles, extracted from his Works, con-
cerning original fin, penitence, the remiffion of fins, the Eucha-
rift, the Papal power, the authority of a general Council, indul-
gences, good works, free will, purgatory, excommunications,
the alms on which mendicant Fryars fubfifted, were condemned
as reſpectively heretical, falfe, fcandalous, pernicious, and con-
trary to Catholic doctrine. Luther, on this, reiterated his appeal
to a future Council, and entreated the Emperor and all Magif-
trates to intereft themſelves in the authority of that Affembly,
which he pretended was the only competent Judge in Religious
Controverfies. Several German Princes and States joined in this
Appeal, and called aloud for a Council, from views inconfiftent
with the end, for which it was to be held: in hopes of obtaining vi-
gorous reſolutions againſt the Clergy, whofe juriſdiction they looked
on as a diminution of their own, and whoſe wealth they coveted.
As the deſigns were finifter, the means by which they were to be
compaſſed, were fuited to fuch purpoſes: they would have a Coun-
cil compofed not of Biſhops and Prieſts only, as had hitherto been
the practice of the Church, but of lay perfons alfo, who ſhould
give blindly into their meaſures. The general ignorance of the
common people with refpect to Religion, and the little regard
they paid to what they knew of it, difpofed them to the ſame
perverfeneſs, and they likewife were inftructed to confider this
great meeting as a means to eaſe themfelves of feveral fees, which.
were looked on as Exactions, and which they wanted a pretext
to get rid of.
THE liberty which Luther, and all other Reformers, after his
example, allowed themſelves of interpreting Scripture by their
own private judgment, gave birth to a variety of Sects, and armed
them
OF
327
REGINALD
POLE.
them againſt one another, no leſs than againſt the Catholic Church:
and Gregory Pauli, having revived in Poland the impiety of Mi-
chael Servetus's doctrine concerning the Trinity, had the infolence
to cauſe a Temple to be painted, the roof of which was uncovered
by Luther, the walls pulled down by Calvin, and the foundation
fapped by himſelf.
IN the midst of this confufion Leo died. He had defired to
procure fome remedy to Evils which he faw increaſe every day,
but in the diſpoſition Europe then was, he thought a General
Council would be a hazardous expedient; and he feared what
fuch an Affembly might undertake concerning a reform of the
Court of Rome, which he was unwilling fhould be fubmitted to
any inſpection but his own.
THE two fucceeding Pontifs, Adrian V. and Clement VII. con-
tinued to be witneffes of the divifions, which troubled the peace
of the Church, and of the corruptions which had been the occa-
fion, and ferved as a pretence for them. As theſe innovations
had began by fome abufes in the grant of Indulgences, Adrian,
who was an able Divine, thought of fetting forth the doctrine re-
lating to them in fuch a manner as to remove whatever had given
offence; and having lain afide this defign, he was adviſed to re-
eſtabliſh the uſe of public penitence, as it had been practifed thro'
many ages with great profit but was informed by thofe he con-
fulted, that the depraved ftate of Chriftianity rendered the execu-
tion of it abfolutely impracticable. He complained to Soderino,
his friend and confident, of the flender difpofition he found, even
in the officers of his own Court, to reform feveral unwarrantable
practices, which cauſed the Innovators to fay, that every thing
was venal at Rome. The Cardinal who had been employed
under the three laft Popes, Alexander, Julius, and Leo, repre-
ſented to him, that in the fituation things then were, thofe mea-
fures which in other circumftances might feem advifeable, would
then only ſerve to make the Disturbers of the public tranquility
more infolent and heighten their Credit with the people: that
they
纂
​328
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
they would look on the intended reformation as a conceffion of
the abuſes they had complained of, and inſtead of being fatisfied
with what he ſhould do in order to remedy Evils, which length
of time had never failed to introduce, would go on to demand
other effential changes, and thus throw every thing into confuſion.
CLEMENT, his Succeffor, of the houfe of Medici, who had
been uſed to Courts, made uſe of that addrefs which is there ac-
quired; but to as little purpoſe as Adrian had employed zeal and
learning; and Paul III. who fucceeded him, began his Pontifi-
cate by reminding the Cardinals of the folemn engagement they
all had taken on entering the Conclave, that whoever was chofen
Pope, ſhould call a general Council within two years after his
election. He entreated them not to wait the expiration of the
term prefixed; but, as the reformation of Chriſtianity was to begin
by the Ecclefiaftical order, to fet fuch an example in their own
perſons, as might ſerve to edify the Church, and filence the cen-
ſure of thoſe who had left her communion. He let no confiftory
paſs, during the eight firſt years of his pontificate, without pref-
fing this point; and made fome fruitless efforts to comply with his
engagement of affembling a general Council.
It was now five and twenty years fince Luther had begun an
open defection from the Catholic Church. Several Diets which
had been held in the Empire, at the chief of which the Popes
Legates had prefided; the repeated conferences of the Popes with
the Emperors, and the regulations publiſhed by the former, had
done little more than let the World ſee the acknowledged neceffity
there was of them, and the ſmall effect they produced. During
theſe conſultations the new opinions had ftill continued to make
fome freſh breach on the received belief of all Antiquity, and
gain over new Profelytes.
FREDERIC, Elector of Saxony, John Frederic his fucceffor, and
Philip Landgrave of Heffe, became Luther's Difciples. Their
reſpective ſtates embraced the tenets of their Sovereigns. Gustavus,
King
OF REGINALD POLE.
329
King of Sweden, declared himſelf in favour of the fame doctrine,
and feized the Church revenues of his Dominions, within ten
years after Luther's first appearance. Chriftiern, King of Dane-
mark, followed his example, and having baniſhed the Epifcopal
order, he entered on their poffeffions, and appointed Overſeers to
diſcharge their functions: and, about the fame time, Lutheranifm
was introduced into Hungary, Mifnia, Thuringia, and the Elec-
torate of Brandeburg, and the Brethren of Bohemia revived in that
kingdom the errours of the Huffites. Poland was fo giddy with a
continual rotation of Doctrine, that the Synod of Scrinia, held a
few years after the time I am ſpeaking of, came to this wild
reſolution of allowing every one to believe as he thought proper;
and, at the laſt day, it would appear who had been in the right.
This was the only clue they found to extricate themſelves out of
a Labyrinth, in which the enormous licentiouſneſs of new Opi-
nions had bewildered them: for, in the Anti-trinitarian party
alone, there were two and thirty Sects, which agreed in nothing,
but denying the Divinity of the Son of God. Half the Swifs Can-
tons had received Zuinglius's Articles, at the conference of Bern,
and cauſed a Pillar to be raiſed, and the day and year of the abo-
lition of the Catholic faith to be recorded on it, in letters of
gold but they declared, that though they received the new reli-
gion, they reſerved to themſelves the freedom of adding or re-
trenching what they thought fit. The Anabaptifts appeared at
the fame time under different Leaders, and made no account of
the Sacraments or exterior worſhip of religon. Under a neglected
outſide, which went even to filth, they concealed a violent and
ambitious ſpirit, and were always in arms againſt the temporal
and ſpiritual powers. Their revolt began among the Clowns in
Suabia, and not only communicated itſelf to all the neighbouring
Provinces, and the Low Countries; but, fo bewitching, in thoſe
days of deception, was the fpirit of errour, in proportion as it
was abfurd, that in Switzerland it proved almoſt an overmatch to
the more moderate Fanaticifim there eftablished.
U u
WHILST
1
330
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
4
WHILST theſe and the like Extravagancies fhook Religion in
Germany to its very Center, France had drank deep of Calvin's
fpirit; which likewiſe had ſo far infected not only the religious
but the civil principles of great numbers in Italy, and particularly
in the Kingdom of Naples, that a few years after the period I am
ſpeaking of, the Vice-roy was obliged to oppoſe them with open
force. The Author, in many reſpects reſembled Luther: like
him, he had thofe qualities which give vogue to an Innovator,
extreme boldneſs in advancing new opinions, and invincible obſti-
nacy in maintaining them; indefatigable induſtry; fufficient elo-
quence to captivate fuperficial minds; knowledge enough to im-
poſe on pretenders to learning, and too much vanity ever to
acknowledge he had been in a miſtake. After having ſet forth
his tenets by word of mouth, he publiſhed his Inſtitutes, which
are a collection of them; and, though in general he
agrees with
Luther, yet he often goes beyond his Mafter. It has been al-
ready ſeen, in what manner the defection of one of the faireſt
portions of the Catholic Church, was the effect of the luft and
avarice of one defpotic Tyrant. But the Reformation, as it was
every where termed, though purſued through endleſs changes,
was fo far from producing any Amendment, that the Morals of
thoſe who relinquished the old Religion, became vifibly more
degenerate; and, to inftance a ſtriking effect which this pro-
greffive depravity had on fome of the Spectators, the Lutheran
Magiftrates of the Imperial Cities petitioned Charles V. to caufe
Auricular Confeffion to be re-eſtabliſhed by his authority, as
the people were remarkably more licentious fince it had been
difufed.
THE rapid progreſs of all theſe jarring opinions was foon re-
prefented by Luther, and foine of his Followers, as an argument
of their truth, and even as a declaration of Heaven in their fa-
vour; but fuch opinions found encouragement enough in all the
paffions of the mind of man, without exception, to make their
ſucceſs as little wonderful, as their origin was honourable. The
caufes
1
'OF REGINALD POLE.
33r
cauſes could not be more natural, and nothing was lefs requifite
than a miracle, to give vogue to doctrines which coincided with
all the corrupt inclinations of human Nature. When Monafteries
are thrown open, and Prieſts and Religious of both fexes exempt-
ed from the obſervance of their vows, no confiderate perſon will
"let us chooſe for our-
wonder that many of them ſhould ſay,
ſelves a Leader, and go back into Ægypt." The fame muſt be
faid of the Laity who were eaſed of many painful obfervances of
Church diſcipline, fafts, confeffion, and penitence; and carnal
fouls, of which the Chriftian world was then full, readily received
carnal inftructions. At the fame time, as we have feen, the
wealth of the Church became every where the plunder of thofe
who renounced the authority. The Myfteries of Religion, tho'
propoſed to our underſtanding with all the evidence of light and
truth, are ſtill incomprehenfible; and muſt always be the object
of faith rather than knowledge, as being little confonant to reafon
and to the experience of our ſenſes; and this cafts curious and
preſumptuous minds into error and impiety. The Profelites of
the new Sects were, moreover, allowed to be the Arbitrators of
their own belief, and, though no pretenfion could be more ex-
travagant, yet it flattered their vanity, and left them at large to
prophecy Smooth things to every corruption of their heart. The
facred obfcurity in which the Eucharift is veiled, was particularly
marked out as an impofition on human reaſon: and the doctrines
concerning it, were brought down to the teſt of our fenfes. The
diſorders of Churchmen had ftirred up an indifcreet and bitter
zeal, which ended in ſciſm and revolt. Thus, as has been faid,
the Sectaries having found the method of inlifting into their
cauſe all the various weakneffes of human nature, and having
accommodated their opinions to fprings of action which are fo
univerfal, and prevalent, their progrefs has nothing more extra-
ordinary than that of Mahomet, who took the like method.
THREE Pontificates, as has been faid, had already paffed in
Uu 2
projects
Numbers,
ch. xiv.
332
THE HISTORY OF HTE LIFE
projects of a General Council, and a fourth was entered on with
the fame irrefolution. CARDINAL POLE was in the ſecond year
of his government of Viterbo, when Sadolet wrote to him on the
preſent proſpect of affairs in the following manner:
"If you
knew, fays he, what was the fubject of almoſt all converſations,
you would pine with the fame inward anguish which confumes
me. Perhaps, indeed, you are informed of it, fince what is
talked of in every circle, and by people of all ranks, cannot be
any longer a fecret. All that is blameable, redounds to his dif-
honour, whom we revere and love, and to whom we have
the higheſt obligations. I will not deſcend to particulars, that I
may not increaſe my own forrow and renew yours. This muſt
be evident to a common obferver, that whatever goes amifs in
Chriſtianity, is immediately imputed to us and the readineſs
Mankind fhew in this accufation, betrays the too general preju-
dice which prevails againſt us*." Theſe complaints which came
to the Pope from all fides, and from none louder than the Em-
peror and the whole Germanic Body, feemed, at length, to have
determined him to put off no longer, the only remedy which was
adequate to the greatneſs of the Evil. A Diet of the Empire be-
ing held in 1542 at Spire, gave his Legate an opportunity of
conferring with the Princes and Deputies of the States there af
fembled, on fome Preliminaries, which might contribute to ren-
der the future Council more falutary, and the City of Trent,
among other places, being propofed for the meeting, it was ac-
* Qui fi noffes quæ nunc fint rumcri-
bus hominum pervulgata, etfi ea for-
taffe fcis, non enim obfcura funt, fed
paffim in circulis angulifque omnibus
jactantur, dolore animi mecum unà ta-
befceres. Errumpunt porro omnia in
illius caput et nomen, quem nos et ve-
neramur et deligimus, et cujus beneficiis
maximè obftricti fumus. Quæ ego non
commemorabo, ne et augeam dolorem
meum, et tibi mæftitiam afferam. II-
lud certè patet et perfpicuum eft, quid-
quid eveniat in Republica Chriftiana ad-
verſi atque mali, de eo ftatim homines
culpam in nos et crimen conferre para-
tos effe: ut occultari diffimularique non
poffit quæ fit omnium mortalium de no-
bis et de moribus noftris planè jam ex-
iftimatio. Fac. Sad. Card. Epift. lib. 13.
ep. 6. Lugd. edit. anni 1560.
cepted
OF REGINALD
333
POLE.
cepted by the Catholic powers. The others objected to this
choice, and to any Affembly, in which the Papal authority inter-
vened. This was to begin by ſchiſm what was defigned to put an
end to it. The decree, however, paffed, by which the Council
was fummoned for the beginning of November.
THE City of Trent is fituated very advantageouſly on the Fron-
tier of Germany and Italy, and abounds with all kinds of provi-
fions and merchandiſe. It is very well built in general, and yields
to few in Germany for the largeneſs and conveniency of its houſes,
and places of public entertainment. The river Athefis which
waſhes its walls, waters a part of Italy, and lofes itſelf in the
Adriatic golf. Though the City be ſurrounded with high moun-
tains, which the Ancients call the Alps of Trent, the air is whole-
fome on account of the coolnefs caufed by the fnows which al-
ways cover them; and the Woods, which grow on their fides,
temper the fummer fun, which darts his beams with exceffive
violence on this Vale. No place could be more convenient for
holding the Council, it being the Center, as it were, of Italy,
Germany, and France; and not being fubject to any Sovereign,
thoſe who diffented from the Church of Rome had no pretext for
the fears, under which they diſguiſed their real averfion to appear
before this auguft Affembly. The Biſhop is both the Spiritual
and Temporal Lord; and, at the time I am fpeaking of, both if Nov.
Jurifdictions were executed by Cardinal Madruccio, a German.
THE Legates nominated by the Pope to open the Council and
prefide at it, were the Cardinals Paul Parifius, a celebrated Doc-
tor of the Canon Law; John Moron, who had been lately ho-
noured with the Purple, on account of his eminent fervices in
Germany, and was remarkable for his probity and fkill in the
management of buſineſs; and REGINALD POLE, who to the
advantages of Royal extraction, innocence, and prudence, was
known to the Northern nations for his lenity, and efteemed and
beloved by them for it. The Patent for their commiffion being
made
1542.
334
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
made' out, the Pope ordered them, when they were come to
Trent, to treat with the Prelates and Embaſſadors they found
there, of general matters, without entering on any particular
points till they had his further inftructions. He enjoined them,
alſo, to notify to all Sovereigns, the commiffion they were charg-
ed with; to exhort them to fend the Prelates of their reſpective
Dominions to the Council; to cauſe the Summons to be affixed
to the great doors of the Cathedral, that all perfons might be
informed. He ordered them not to enter into any conteſt, before
the beginning of the Council, with thoſe who had left the Ca-
tholic Communion, but to treat them with great moderation;
and, laftly, not to open the Council till a competent number of
Biſhops were arrived from Italy, Germany, France and Spain.
ON the first notification, the Emperor, who was at Madrid,
ordered Mendoza, his Embaffador at Venice, Granville, and his
Son, who was then Biſhop of Arras, to go, on his part, to Trent,
with fome Biſhops of the Kingdom of Naples. As the war then
raged between him and Francis I. Charles forefaw that none of
the Ends, for which the Council met, would be obtained; but
he was defirous nothing might paſs to his prejudice.
THE Pope, likewiſe, cauſed fome Italian Prelates to fet out;
and thoſe who were fent on the Emperor's part, being come with-
in the time preſcribed, they made very preffing inftances for the
opening the Council; which the Legates refuſed, alledging the
ſmall number of Biſhops, who were prefent; and the din of war
with which they were allarmed on all fides. To this Granville
replied, that, in the mean time, meaſures might be entered on
for a reformation of manners, which would not find the fame
difficulties, to which other debates were liable. But the Legates
anſwered, that as all Chriſtian ſtates were intereſted in this af-
fair, it could not be difcuffed till their Reprefentatives were ar-
rived; and they fent an account of this demand to Rome. The
Pope's proceeding decided the question, for he ordered the Le-
gates
OF REGINALD POLE.
335
within 1543.
gate to leave Trent, at the beginning of the following year,
a few months after the meeting, and adjourned the Council to
another time †.
THIS abrupt breaking up of an Affembly, which had been ſo
long defired, and was fo much wanted, gave the English LEGATE
a very fenfible affliction, for writing to the Pope two years after,
when it was refumed again, "My perfonal obligations, ſays he,
and the affection and reverence I bear your Holineſs will not allow
me to be filent on an occafion, which redounds fo much to your
honour. My joy is the greater as I reflect on our laſt ignominy,
when being called together by your authority, in order to cele-
brate a general Council, and being difmiffed without having
effected any of the things we met on, many upbraided us in the
words of Jeremy, the Children were come to the mouth of the
womb, but ftrength was wanting to bring them forth. But now
the Council is opened again, we not only hope that this reproach
will ceaſe, and we be intitled to fay, the Lord has been mindful
of Rachael and bleſſed her with fruitfulneſs; but that there will be
fuch an abundance of divine favour, as may enable us to invite all,
who have the cauſe of Chriſtianity at heart, in the words of the
fame Prophet, to partake of the comforts which have fucceeded
fuch laſting ſorrow and diſappointment *.
DURING this prorogation the CARDINAL returned to his Go-
vernment of Viterbo; and, the following year, he was deprived of
a Friend, who had given him ſuch inftances of attachment as true
hiſtory has feldom equalled, or fiction furpaffed. This was the
Biſhop of Verona, by whofe death Italy, or, to fpeak more pro-
perly, Europe loft one of her most deferving Prelates and beft
Citizens. The Reader need not be here reminded of the early
diſcovery he made of our Countryman's merit, the labours he
fhared with him in his Embaffies, and the proofs he never ceafed
+ Ciacon. in vitis Pontif. 1. 3.
hunc annum.
Belcar. in comment. 1. 23. Pallav. Thuauus, ad
* Epift. Car. Poli, t. 4. epif. 17.
to
336
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
to give him of a generous and uſeful friendſhip. Being on his
death-bed, he confirmed his paft judgment of the Engliſh CAR-
DINAL's worth, for knowing how much his fortune was inade-
quate to his rank and occafions, he bequeathed to him a yearly
penfion of 2,000 Ducats, which he had a grant to transfer, on
the Bishoprick of Granada, and another benefice in the Church
of Valentia, of the yearly value of 8oo more. The fingular en-
couragement given to letters by this illuftrious Prelate, gained him
the good will and commendation of Erafmus *, and Sadolet†; the
latter of whoſe letters to him are writ with ſuch a ſenſe of his un-
common and univerfal worth, that, were other monuments want-
ing, they alone muft confign his name to the lateſt poſterity.
Vida has confecrated his memory by a very elegant Poem ‡, and
Bembo calls the choiceſt bleffings to honour and reward a merit,
of which there were few Examples .
WHILST the general welfare of Chriſtianity was at a ſtand from
confiderations which ought not to have influenced their conduct,
who were entruſted with the chief government of it; all the vigour
which the ſpirit of deftruction can give was exerted by him, who
had affumed the headſhip of the Church in England. Henry, three
years after the act of cruelty exercifed on the Countess of Salisbury,
the LEGATE's Mother, exhibited a ſcene of rapacity and facrilege,
which, till then, had wanted a precedent, and, for the honour of
human nature, has not been copied fince. An incredible treaſure,
which the plunder of 700 Religious houſes had brought in being
now as lavishly fquandered as it was fhamefully acquired; and
the cravings of avarice and other paffions being only irritated by
a perpetual condefcenfion to them, he caufed the Parliament to
* Præſuli iſti Veronenfi (Matthæo Gi-
berti) benefaxerint omnes Superi, qui
de privato fuo curat utilitateni publicam,
fuifque impenfis parat tam infigne bene-
ficium ftudiofis oninibus. Eraj. ep.
1. 25. Germ. Bria.. et alibi.
† Epift. pag. 9, 110, 112, 113.
↑ Poem. pars 1ª ed. Triftram.
In Benaco.
I
make
OF REGINALD POLE.
337
make over to him the revenues, churches, and buildings, be-
longing to all the Colleges, Seminaries, Chanteries, and Brother-
hoods throughout England, with full power to difpofe of all facred
oblations and funds appropriated to all fuch like purpoſes. The
nation was prepared for this final defolation by having been wit-
neſs to the means of rapine, with which even his acts of bounty
ſupplied him. For having founded, in this latter part of his reign,
fix new Biſhopricks, they were ſo impoverished, that the firſt
Incumbents lived on the benevolence of their Clergy, and other
well-difpofed perfons*; and the King made repriſals on the an-
cient Sees for this fit of generofity, and cauſed the Parliament to
give him ſeventy Manors belonging to that of York: Cranmer
gave up twelve belonging to Canterbury; and the large poffeffions
of Durham were, many years, fecularized. Theſe feifures were
attended with indignities more outrageous than the violence itſelf,
and with the utmoſt contempt of his people. He began by af-
furing them the alienations ſhould not be detrimental to piety or
learning; and then complained, he was out of pocket by the
great expence he had been at in diffolving Monaſteries, and re-
forming abuſes in the Church; and hoped, they would find out
ſome method to reimburſe him, which he took care they ſhould
do in the following manner.
BESIDES the Religious houſes, which may be looked on as Ca-
pital Meffuages, there were ſeveral leffer tenements, fuch as Col-
legiate Churches, Hofpitals, Chanteries, Free Chapels, Guilds,
and ſeveral other foundations of the like import. The number of
theſe eſtabliſhments, at the time I am ſpeaking of, is faid to have
been 2734, erected in ſeveral ages, chiefly by the Subject, whoſe
property was now invaded beyond any power of redrefs. Some
of them had been inſtituted for the decency and folemnity of the
divine fervice, and the manifold national advantages, which ac-
* Collier's Church Hiftory, vol. 2, b. 6, pag. 480,
X x
crued
338
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE.
crued from fuch performance: others, for the fupport of the in-
digent, fick, and aged, and for a competent number of Priefts,
to afford them fpiritual afliftance; to which charges was added a
laſting obligation of fupplicating the divine Majeſty in behalf of
their living and deceafed Benefactors.
THE name of Gild, which is derived from the Saxon Gilo, and
fignifies money, was given to Companies which throw any part
of their property into a common Stock, either of trafic, charity,
or religion. They had their annual feaſts, and neighbourly meet-
ings. The Gild of Coventry will inform the Reader of the plan
on which all the reft were formed. It was founded in the four-
teenth year of the reign of Edward III. and the King grants li-
cence to the Inhabitants to have a Merchants Gild, and a frater-
nity of Brothers and Sifters belonging to the fame, with a Maſter
and Warden: as, likewife, to erect Chanteries and endow chari-
table foundations, and perform fuch other acts of Religion as
require the Royal affent; and to make rules and ordinances for
the good government of the faid Societies. In the feventeenth
year of his reign he extended this privilege to feveral others of
the fame place, and appointed the Gild thus erected to honour
St. John Baptift, as their principal Patron. They were to pur-
chaſe a perpetual fund for a Chantry of fix Prieſts, who were to
celebrate, every day, folemn Mafs for the repofe of the fouls of
the King's Anceſtors, and the good eftate of his Majeſty, and the
Royal family. Two years after, he enabled Queen Ifabel, his
Mother, to affign a parcel of land to one of theſe Gilds, to build
a Chapel, and endow it, for the maintenance of two Prieſts, to
perform the above-mentioned functions*.
Or all theſe donations, fo worthy the character of the Engliſh,
their piety to their Maker, and compaffion towards their fellow
creatures, only the Colleges within the two Univerfities, thofe of
Dugdale's Warwickſhire, pag. 109, 119.
Winchester
OF REGINALD POLE.
339
Winchester and Eaton, the Chapel of St. George, at Windfor, and
a few others, upon earneft application, efcaped being reformed,
or, in other words, fuppreffed.
NOTHING of the Church's temporalities remained now un-
feized but the Bishopricks. In order, therefore, that Sacrilege
might take its full range, a plan was drawn up for fecularizing
the next vacant Sees; as Baget, Deny, and Herbert, who were
privy to the defign, told the King's Executors*. His death hin-
dered this refolution from being executed, and preferved the only
remaining Monuments of Saxon piety and munificence, from a
Tyrant, who was no lefs an alien to their blood than to the
goodneſs of their difpofitions.
It was now two years fince the Council which met at Trent,
after having fat a few months, had been prorogued without any
certain limitation, either as to time or place. The Engliſh LE-
GATE paffed this interval at Rome and Viterbo, in his ufual ftudies,
and attention to the Province of which he was Governor. A
A peace
was now concluded between the Emperor and French King; and
among other Articles, it had been agreed to ufe their united en-
deavours in the fupport of the Catholic Religion, the reformation
of the Court of Rome, and the continuation of the Council. Soom
after this, Paul III. publiſhed a decree, by which it was again
fummoned; but of the three, who were Legates at the firſt meet-
ing, CARDINAL POLE alone was nominated to preſide at this.
The other two were John del Monte, Cardinal Biſhop of Palestrina,
and Marcellus Cervini, Cardinal Prieſt of the holy Croſs: the
English LEGATE was Cardinal Deacon of St. Mary in Cofmedin.
To theſe the Pope joined, as Affiſtants, two other Prelates, and a
noted Preacher. They all arrived at Trent, at the beginning of
March, 1545, CARDINAL POLE excepted, who came fome time
after. This delay was occafioned by the riſk he would then have
*Collier, as before, b. 4. pag. 219.
X x 2
ran
1545.
340
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
events.
ran on the road from Henry's refolution to diſpatch him at all
His Collegues wrote to him, on the information of the
Biſhop of Trent, that one Ludivico, an agent for the King in the
cauſe of the Divorce, and an Italian Count, Bonifacio, who were
hired to be the Ruffians, had engaged to feize him on the road*.
Wherefore, when he fet out, a month after, he was eſcorted by
five and twenty Horſe, as far as Mantua, and, for greater ſecurity,
took a bye way.
HAD the leiſure this incident procured him been the effect of
his own choice, it could not have anſwered a purpoſe either more
fuited to the circumftance in which it happened, or more be-
coming the perfonage he bore." He employed it in compoſing
a Work on the nature and end of General Councils, which he
defigned as a memorial for himſelf, and his too Affociates, of the
duties they were to diſcharge in that, at which they were about
to prefide. He tells them, however, they were to look on this.
treatiſe rather as a rough draught, than a perfect Model of that
magnificent Building, which was to be founded on Truth, and
the fuperftructure raiſed by the Reſtoration of Difcipline.-He,
then, premifes a confideration of their obligations as Legates of
the holy See; in which they had this in common with other
Ambaffadors, to fet forth, with good faith, the commiffion they
were charged with, and execute it with like fidelity and diligence.
And as the firft duty of the Pope's Legates to a General Council
was to repreſent his Perſon, who fent them, their chief concern
ſhould be to ſay and do nothing unbecoming that high character.
-He proceeds to fhew, that a General Council is an aggregate of
perfons united in the fame Faith, and gathered from every nation,
without any regard to thoſe diſtinctions which divide Mankind ;
where there is neither Greek nor Barbarian, but one People uni-
ted in one Belief: and that this Collection is the People of God,
*
Reynal. ad hunc annum, N°. 4, and
the nine firft letters of the M. S. of Car.
Marcellus Cervini, publifhed tom. 4, of
CARDINAL POLE's letters, pag. 184.
whom
OF
341
REGINALD
POLE.
whom JESUS CHRIST denotes by the name of Church, when he
ſaid to him, who firſt made profeffion of his being the Son of
God, I fay unto thee, thou art a Rock, and on this Rock I will
build my Church.-But, that all who are united in this confent,
and, conſequently belong to the Chriftian Society, cannot be
Members of a General Council; for, being multiplied, according
to the divine promifes, as the fands of the Sea fhore, they could
not be fummoned nor convened in the fame place; both which
neceffarily enter into the notion of fuch a meeting.-That, fup-
pofing the poffibility of fuch an Affembly, the bulk of the People
would have no ſhare in defining, forbiding, or commanding what
was enacted; the reafon of which is, that the Church is not a
Popular ſtate, in which things are decided by the Multitude; but
a State, in which the People are to affent to and execute what is
ordained by their Rulers. Thus, St. Paul, explaining the fum of
his Embaffy or Apoſtleſhip to the Heathen World, fays it con-
fifted in this, that they should obey him and to the Hebrews, who
were united to the new people of the Gentiles, and become a part
of the Church, obey, fays he, those who are placed over you, and
fhew all fubmiffion to them, becauſe they are appointed to watch over Heb. xiii,
you, as being accountable for your fouls.
"NEITHER did this plan conftitute an Aristocracy, the form
of the Church's government being Regal: yet not fo as to be fub-
ject to the dominion of one man, who bears univerfal fway, as in
human Monarchies; but to the rule of one God and Man, JESUS
CHRIST, the Lord of all, whom the Father has appointed Head
over the whole Church, in which he has placed Paftors and
Rulers to govern and feed it, in His, not in their own names, as
it happens in earthly forms of Government, where a few, or one
only, bears fway.-Now, fuch an Aſſembly met to confult on
the advantage of God's people, is the General Council he treats
of.-Nor is the exclufion of the bulk of the people any reafon
for the Council not to be called General; becauſe each Indivi-
dual
Rom. i.
II. Theff.
342
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
dual is at full liberty to propofe what he conceives may be for
his own advantage, or that of the Whole: and the Council be-
ing lawfully called in the holy Ghoſt, it repreſents the univerfal
Church, and meets on concerns which regard not fingle perfons
or nations, but the welfare of all who profefs the faith of Chriſt,
though ſpread over the face of the Earth, and differenced by
place, cuſtoms, and manners.
"He then obſerves, that though the affiftance of the divine
ſpirit had not been wanting to the Hebrews, yet its being granted
to one particular people, their Affemblies were not General Coun-
cils, as the nation itſelf was rather a Synagogue than a Church.—
And as for the Heathen world, being governed by a mere human
ſpirit, no General Council, in the propriety of the phraſe, could
have been held by them, though the whole Race had affembled
in the fame place.”—On this, the LEGATE makes the following
ingenious remark on the Affembly of Mankind, after the Deluge
in the plain of Shinar, when one ſaid to another, Come let us build
us a City, and a Tower, whofe top may reach up to Heaven, and let
us make us a name, before we are difperfed over the Earth. " This,
fays he, was the Decree of this Council, and though the Decree
was annulled by Almighty God, and the enterprize begun in
confequence of it, brought to nothing, yet the purpoſe remained
fixed in the mind of Mankind, till the effufion of the holy Spirit;
and each one, who is not regenerated in Him, ftill holds the
fame language, and endeavours, to the utmoſt of his power, to
make it good."-Indeed, the Motto of Ambition is, every where,
the fame, and of a much more ancient date than that cited here
by the CARDINAL, having been choſen by him, who firſt un-
Taiah, ch. happily fignalized himſelf in its caufe; ASCENDAM.
xiv, v. 14.
"In order to diſtinguiſh theſe Affemblies, whofe decifions are
guided by the holy Spirit, from others, the firft and chief con-
dition, fays he, is, that they be fummoned by lawful authority,
with a view to the honour of God in CHRIST JESUS, and a regard
to
OF REGINALD POLE.
343
+
to the general welfare of All, who, throughout the whole world,
profeſs the Chriſtian faith. If, therefore, the honour of one fin-
gle perfon, or of many, or even the advantage of the whole hu-
man race, if ſuch a fuppofition can be made, fhould be intended
fo as to exclude the honour of the Supreme Being, fuch a meet-
ing would be nothing lefs than the Aflembly we are treating of.
-Nor is it enough that the honour of God be intended in fome
particulars, or to fuch a certain point; but it muſt be the prin-
cipal end of the Deliberations.-For this reaſon, thefe General
meetings treat of fuch things as regard the highest honour Man
can pay his Maker, which is CHRIST JESUS, and of the fafety of
his People in the fame Saviour: that they acquitted themfelves
of this duty, by expounding and confirming the Faith in the Son
of the living God, and ordering aright our love towards him: all
which would appear more diftinctly when he came to the nature
of their Decrees, after having fhewn who thoſe were who pre-
fided, and affifted at the forming of them.
a
xxxiv.
ek ch.
"THE office of the Bishop of Rome, or the Pope, is that of
Vicar of JESUS CHRIST, inafmuch as he is the chief of Shepherds,
and the Bishop of our Souls; by which appellation he is ftyled by
St. Peter; this Office, or Magiftracy, Almighty God was pleafed
to take on himſelf, as appears in the beautiful allegory under Exec. ch.
which he repreſents his tender care of Mankind; where, after
having entered on an endearing detail of all the functions of xlix.
good Shepherd, and fhewed in what manner he had fulfilled
them, he concludes the Character he had affumed, by this laft
inftance of care of his Flock: I will fet up one Shepherd over them,
and he ſhall feed them, even my Servant David: he ſhall feed them,
and he shall be their Shepherd; and I, the Lord, will be their God,
and my Servant David, a Prince among them; I, the Lord, have
Spoken it.
THE Writer goes on to remark, "That Almighty God vouch-
fafed to make good this gracious affurance, when he fet over his
Flock
344
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Flock his bleffed Son; for he exerciſed each diſtinct paftoral func-
tion, aſcribed by Ezechiel to the Supreme Being, when he turned
the evil Shepherds out of place, when he caft the buyers and
fellers out of the Temple; when he pronounced a woe on thoſe,
who had the key of knowledge, and yet neither entered them-
felves, nor fuffered others to enter; when he declared them thiefs
and robbers; when he finally cauſed their habitation to be laid
waſte, and brought back his ſheep from all the deſert places, into
which they had been diſperſed; when he healed the lame, the
blind, and the dumb.-He fed them peculiarly in mercy, when
he declared he did not come into the World with an intent to
condemn, but to fave it; when he provided them with the moſt
wholefome of all food, his own divine doctrine; when he cauſed
them to fit in the beauty of peace, and beſtowed fuch a peace on
them as the world cannot give: and, that the Manſions in his
Father's houfe, which, he fays, are many, might be properly
filled up, he did not confer the fame gifts, nor affign to all the
fame pofts of honour, but appointed fome, Apoftles; fome, Pro-
phets; others, Evangelifts, Paſtors, and Teachers; and beftowed
variouſly the gifts of miracles, of healing, affifting, governing;
of ſpeaking divers languages, and expounding prophetic and dark
fpeeches. This he ſtill more evinced by fending, after his death,
the holy Spirit, who proceeds from the Father and Him, that he
might bring to their remembrance, and ratify whatever he had
taught them during his mortal life.
"THIS detail brings the LEGATE, at length, to the judiciary
capacity attributed to the Son of God, as chief Shepherd of the
Church, which he not only exerciſed, in its full extent, during
his ſtay on earth, but inveſted his Miniſters with the fame. For
though JESUS CHRIST be always prefent to his Flock, yet it is
not by a viſible and corporeal appearance; and his Flock, as the
Prophet fays, being us men, who are made up of a body and
foul, we ſtand in need not only of that internal guidance, by
which
OF REGINALD POLE.
345
which the mind is influenced and directed, but alſo of an outward
and viſible legiſlature. And though he could have fupplied all
this, and, in fact, confers the efficacy and power by which it is
performed, yet it became his Providence to eſtabliſh a form of
Government ſuited to the condition of things, and he was pleafed
there ſhould be one chief Paftor in his ftead.-That Peter was
the perſon thus appointed, to whom the care of the whole Flock
was committed; who is CHRIST's Vicegerent on earth; and,
fince, thoſe who have fucceeded to his See, and inherited his
pre-eminence. Befides the paffages of Scripture, which evince.
this truth, when they are confidered without prejudice, he re-
marks," that the providence of Almighty God has been the
cleareſt commentary on theſe paffages, and, by the event of things,
attefted this truth with the utmoft perfpicuity."-He then cites
the texts, and dwells on the confequences which refult from them,
and in what ſenſe they are applicable to St. Peter, who, as Vice-
gerent of the Son of God, exerted the office of "Father of the
future age, of Guardian and Paſtor of the Church, in the first
Council held at Jerufalem."-This part of the treatife, without
departing from the eaſe and familiar air, which recommends the
whole, is worked up with great ſtrength, and muſt be looked on
as a complete proof of the Supremacy of the Bithops of Rome;
it is an effort, which, though adjuſted by the niceſt rules of Art,
commands the approbation of thofe, who are ignorant of the
principles to which they owe their pleaſure.
He then fhews, "That all General Councils have proceeded
on the plan of that held in Jerufalem, both as to the deciſion of
the controverted points, and the quality and rank of thoſe who pre-
fided, and gave
their opinion, and made the Decrees. For where-
as in this, Peter declared to the Jewiſh and Gentile Converts, that
is, to the whole Chriftian World, what was to be held in the
point there conteſted; fo, in all following ages, his Succeffors have
been the laſt reſort from whence Nations and Kingdoms have re-
Y Y
ceived
346
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ch. xiii.
ceived the definitive fentence in the like debates. The Bishops,
likewife, of particular Churches, and others to whom the care of
fouls is committed, have, in their refpective Jurifdictions, con-
firmed the doctrine of His See, as the other Apoftles and Elders
did in this firſt Affembly.
On this occafion he obferves, "that the See of Rome is called
the Apoftolic See; and the Pope's Legates, the Legates of the
fame See; the fignification of See being the fame as Chair, and
denoting a fuperior authority in teaching, as CHRIST's words im-
port, when he ſpeaks of thoſe who fat on the chair of Moſes, that
is, who had authority to teach and interpret the divine Law, de-
livered in his writings; and commands an univerfal deference to
Matthew, be paid to all their injunctions. In confequence of this, All ge-
neral Councils, whofe Decrees have been received by the Catho-
lick Church, have acknowledged this prerogative in the See of
Rome. Some have declared it in exprefs terms, and none ever
thought their Decrees would be received by the Faithful, unlefs
they were confirmed by the Apoftolical See.-The event, there-
fore, of things; the confent of fo many Sovereigns, Nations, and
General Councils, form a proof above all reply, that this was the
will and defign of God."
HAVING fpoke of the office of the different Orders of the Hi-
erarchy, in thefe Meetings, he fets forth, with great diftinction
and propriety, the part which Conftantine, and other Chriftian
Princes have fuſtained in the fame occafions; and takes an oppor-
tunity of hinting fomething of what was expected from Charles V.
in the approaching Council, at whoſe repeated inftances it was
fummoned. Here he enters on a difcuffion of the higheſt impor-
tance to Mankind; the duty of Sovereigns, and the principles on
which it is grounded. He derives their power from an origin as
honourable to themfelves, as falutary to thofe they govern; and
which, though, generally, little attended to by thoſe who hold
it, can alone point out to them the extent of their obligations,
and
OF REGINALD POLE.
347
and the means of filling up the meaſure of them; and fhews that
thefe cannot be duly diſcharged, unlefs the Prince attends alfo to
thofe of the Priesthood, which he exemplifies in Conftantine's
behaviour at the Council of Nice*.
HOWEVER foreign theſe and the like notions may appear to our
manners and ways of thinking, it is not lefs true that the aim of
Princes ſhould be to make good and virtuous Citizens, which is a
higher End than the bare confideration of temporal benefits. Na-
ture alone, if her dictates were liftened to, teaches Man this ex-
cellent end of his Commonwealth, and to provide not only for
what concerns the body, which he has in common with other
creatures not endued with reafon, but much more for the mind;
and, above all, for the worfhip and ſervice of that Supreme Being,
who is the beginning and end of all things; whence it necef
farily follows, that it ſhould be the principal care of every Ma-
giftrate. This perfuafion is fo natural and univerfal, that all
Antiquity, both Jewiſh and Pagan, have been influenced by it;
and, for many ages, their Kings and chief Magiftrates were like-
wife Prieſts; nor have the learned affigned a more ſatisfactory
reaſon for the prerogative of Birthright, fo highly eſteemed in
all Nations, than that it chiefly confifted in this, and annexed to
the Firſt-born the greateſt of all dignities, and the facred func-
tions belonging to it†.
"AFTER having treated of the different Claffes of Perfons
who compofe a Council, and the feveral parts allotted to each of
them, he comes, in the laft place, to the Cauſes which had given
occafion to that which was then called; and which, he fays,
were the fame as had given occafion to all former Councils, the
expofition of the tenets of the Church, the refutation of contrary
* Cui (i. e. rėgio muneri) neceffariò
adjunctum fuit Sacerdotalis virtutis do-
num; fine quo regium munus nunquam
rectè exerceri poteft. Polus de Concilio.
+ Genebrand. 1. 1. Cronol. de prima
Ætate: et in Genef. 25 et 29. Deut. 21.
2 Paral. 21. See alſo, Mr. Pope's note on
ver. 563 of the 3ª. book of the Odyſſey.
Y y 2
errors,
348
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
errors, and the revival of decayed Difcipline: that theſe Caufes
were then urgent, as Herefies had increaſed, and the manners of
the Chriftian world become fo extremely corrupt, that he muſt
apply to them what Ifaiah faid of the Jews, the whole head is fick,
and the whole heart faint.
"He then addreffes himſelf to the Pope, to the Emperour,
and other Princes, and, with a freedom becoming his Character,
expreffes himſelf in the following manner. "I am by no means
of opinion, that the chief Biſhop, who repreſents the perſon of
JESUS CHRIST, and is accustomed to prefide, as Judge, in all
Councils, ſhould be ſubject to this which is going to be held, or
to any Tribunal, but his own. All I defire is, that he would
pronounce fentence on himſelf, which alone can exempt him
from human and divine blame; give weight to the fentence he
paffes on the faults of others; remove the dangers, and evils with
which the Church is now furrounded, and procure lafting peace
and concord.
t
·
"IF the Heads of the Council would open it with this peniten-
tial ſpirit, and a thorough reformation of what regards themſelves,
there is no bleffing but might be hoped from fuch an Aſſembly,
in which the affiſtance of the holy fpirit would be preſent with
no leſs evidence than if he fat on the heads of the affembled Fa-
thers in cloven tongues of fire. This advice, fays he, is parti-
cularly fuited to the times, in which there is fuch a general prone-
nefs to excufe ourſelves, and transfer on others the ſubject of
complaint. Thus, the temporal Princes impute the evils which
afflict Chriftianity, to the Priesthood, and they, again, to the lay
Powers; and no one confeffes himself in the fault, No conteft
can be more proud, or hateful to God, and, if we continue in it,
the approaching Affembly, inſtead of procuring any good, will
cauſe greater diſturbances, and more incorrigible evils.
,;:;、*vཛྫཱ་
"He concludes with reminding the Legates, that their hopes
of a happy iffue to the affair ought chiefly to be grounded on the
promifes
OF REGINALD POLE.
349
promiſes of Jefus Chriſt; and, among others, on his declaration
to St. Peter," that though Satan had defired to deftroy the
Apoftles, he had prayed for him, that his faith might not fail,
and that he might confirm his Brethren." On which he obferves,
that Chriſt, the Lord of all, by having recourſe to prayer, as the
only prefervative which could defend the Church, he had founded,
from deftruction, had informed us to have recourfe to the fame,
offered up in his name, and with his fpirit; not to the fubtlety
of human underſtanding, not to "the prudence of the flesh,
which is at enmity with God;" nor to temporal power, in which
men are wont to place their chief truft: that this is a reſource
which brings with it all kind of fuccours, imparts a falutary in-
fluence to all we undertake, and, in the end, compels every thing
to be fubfervient to the cauſe of Chriſtianity.-Here he propofes
the admirable prayer of the Prophet Daniel, which he cites at Dan.c.ix.
length, as a model to his Affociates in their fupplications, but
adds this caution, that if they feek their own honour rather than
that of Almighty God; and defire their private advantage prefer-
able to that of his People, they are to avoid making ufe of Da-
niel's words, or any other of the like import. If they don't de-
fire the prefence of the holy Spirit, they are not to join in the
folemn hymn, by which the Council begins, and by which his
aid is implored; but to fear, left inftead of the Creator and Com-
forter, they be vifited by an exterminating Spirit, fuch as God
threatens to fend thoſe who called on him with a double heart;
that is, a deceiver to lyars, and a deſtroyer to deſtroyers.-But,
on the contrary, if the conditions he had put down were com-
plied with, particularly the penitential ſpirit, and the reformation
of the heads of the Clergy, the future Council might not only be
compared to that of Nice, but even to that of Jerufalem, at which
the Apoſtles themſelves were prefent, as its influence would be
more diffufive, and extend to the happineſs of an infinitely greater
number of People.” *
*This Work is inferted by Phil. Lable among the Canenes et Decreta Conc. Trid. Paris 156-.
THESE
1
350
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
:
THESE are the chief heads of a treatife, which for perfpicuity
good fenfe, and folid reafoning is equal to the importance of the
occafion, on which it was wrote: and fhews, at once, the reach
and eaſe of the Author's genius, and the goodness of his heart.
He has avoided all extreme opinions, and not diſcovered greater
zeal for the Catholic Church, and the prerogative of the See of
Rome, than candour in repreſenting the diſorders which fullied
one, and leffened the authority of the other. He feems to have
conſidered the recalling the Lutherans in Germany to the Religion
they had forfaken, and the reſtoration of decayed diſcipline in all
Orders, as the principal reaſon for fummoning the Council, and
the end to which its deliberations and decrees fhould particularly
be referred. He had frequently and ſeriouſly weighed the ſubject
here treated, but the compofition was the work of his leifure
during the month he ſtaid at Rome when the other two Legates,
to whom it is infcribed, were at Trent. Aldus Manutius, the
younger, publiſhed this uſeful performance a few years after the
Author's death, and dedicated it to Paul IV. of the Medicean
1562. family. The preface, which is taken up with an enumeration of
the qualities which diſtinguiſhed the CARDINAL, is long, and one
of the moſt elegant compofitions in the Latin tongue.
THE Legates del Monte and Cervini arrived, as has been ſaid,
at Trent on the beginning of March, and CARDINAL POLE fol-
lowed them, within a month. They were charged with no
particular orders in writing, the Pope thinking it fufficient to let
them have their inftructions when they were about to open the
Council: which did not happen till nine months after.
Their Credentials ſet forth, " that the Pope fent them to Trent
as Angels of peace, to preſide at the Council, to make what-
ever decrees they judged neceffary for the good of the Church,
and to publiſh them, as was cuſtomary, during the Seffions: to
propoſe, conclude and execute whatever they thought proper to
extirpate errors, recall the people to the obedience of the holy
See, re-eſtabliſh Ecclefiaftical liberty, reform the Church in all
its
OF REGINALD POLE.
its Members, procure peace between Chriſtian Princes, and or-
dain whatever was expedient for the honour of Almighty God,
and the propagation of the holy Faith; and repreſs, by cenfures
and Ecclefiaftical puniſhments, the refractory and rebellious of
what condition foever.
It had been refolved at Rome to reſtrain the power of the Le-
gates by a clauſe, that they ſhould do nothing but with the con-
fent of the Council; but on their remonftrating that this would
ftreighten their commiffion beyond what was fitting, and defiring
it might be left out, their petition was granted.-By a ſubſe-
quent Decree they were authorized, in cafe they did not find
proper accommodations in Trent, for holding the Council, to
transfer it to any other place of greater freedom and ſafety.-
Cardinal Farneſe paffing through the City about this time, in his
way to Worms, the Legates having conferred with him, fignified
to the Pope, that his reputation was concerned in holding the
Council with a dignity fuitable to fo auguft an Affembly; that
feveral of the Bishops were unprovided of neceffaries, and that it
would be proper to appoint a Treaſurer, with a fund fufficient to
answer their exigencies.
DIDACUS MENDOZA, the Emperor's Ambaffador, was already
come to Trent, and had been received with great folemnity; and
not long after, one arrived on the part of Ferdinand King of the
Romans. Mendoza infifted on having precedence of the Bishop
of Trent, as he reprefented the Emperor, and, confequently, was
only to give place to the Legates, who repreſented the Pope,
next to whom his Mafter held the firſt rank among the Poten-
This conteſt produced no inconvenience, and an expedi-
ent was found to place them both in fuch a manner, as neither
might ſeem to have the higher place. But the Ceremonial which
another Ambaſſador of the ſame nation claimed, towards the end
of the Council, was not fo eafily adjuſted. I fhould not think
it worth the Reader's while to be detained with fuch incidents,
tates.
were
351
352
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
were it not to obferve from what unthought of trifles the moſt
ferious affairs are threatened with diſappointment.-The Count
of Luna, the Spaniſh Ambaffador, had an extraordinary place
affigned him, becauſe he would not rank below the Ambaffadors
of France, who infifted on being feated next to the Emperor's.
De Luna entered his proteſt againſt this proceeding, and the con-
teſt was carried on with fuch animofity, that the French, who
were informed that the Pope favoured the pretenfions of the Spa-
niard, declared publickly they would leave the place, and
vide for the affairs of Religion by a national Synod. The matter
was compromifed, and the French and Spaniſh Ambaffadors
agreed to appear alternately on public occafions, and fo avoid
any future ftrife.
pro-
To return to the buſineſs of the Council: Mendoza affured the
Legates, at the public Audience which was given him in the
great Hall of del Monte's palace, "of the Emperor's defire to
affift in perſon at the Council, and excuſed him on his infirmi-
ties, and the affairs which required his prefence elſewhere.-
He ſpoke of his zeal for fummoning the Affembly; and of the
involuntary obſtacles which had hitherto retarded it, and of the
orders he had given the Spaniſh Biſhops to fet out with all expe-
dition, and affured the Legates, they were already on the road.-
He made an Apology for his own indifpofitions, which had re-
tarded his arrival for fome days; and cauſed his Credentials to be
read.—The next day, the Legates gave him a fecond Audience,
and told him, they had a great confidence in the Emperor's piety,
and hoped he would refer all he did to the advancement of
Religion.
FRANCIS I. King of France, wrote likewiſe to the Fathers, to
notify to them, that as his Ambaffadors could not fet out imme-
diately, he was defirous to affure them of his veneration; and his
readineſs to concur in whatever meaſures they ſhould judge necef-
fary for the good of Chriſtianity. The Letter was read in full
Affembly,
OF REGINALD POLE.
353
Affembly, and received with great joy and applaufe by all who
were preſent. The King's letter to the Legates was not lefs
obliging, as appears by CARDINAL POLE's anfwer. Thefe letters
were fent by three Religious Men, whom the King recommends
to the Council, for their learning and virtue*.
THIS behaviour of two Princes, who had then the lead in the
affairs of Europe, may recall to the learned Reader the reſpect
which the great Conftantine fhewed to the Bishops at the Council
of Nice. He had requeſted them to meet in that City from dif-
ferent Provinces of Europe, Afia, and Africa, by letters full of
reſpect, and had provided them, and all who came with them,
with carriages and every other convenience. He arrived at the
City the day before the Council was opened, and came into it,
without his Guards, attended only by a few of his Court, who
were all Chriſtians. His eyes caft down, and the modefty of his
whole behaviour, teftified the awe he was under at appearing in
ſo venerable an Affembly. He defired the Fathers, who roſe up
at his entrance, to take their feats; and remained ſtanding him-
felf till they defired him to fit. After a difcourfe addreffed to him
one of them, he waited to return an anſwer, till he had their
leave; and every thing, even the tone of his voice, indicated the
like difpofitions. A folemn banquet which he gave on the con-
clufion of the Council, which coincided with the twentieth year
of his reign, was to denote, that he eſteemed the victory gained
over Arius no lefs glorious than that which had affured the Em-
pire to himſelf. He would have all the Fathers, who were above
three hundred, partake of the entertainment, and placed the moſt
illuſtrious on each fide of his perfon. He kiffed, with reverence,
the ſcars which feveral bore about them, of torments fuffered in
the laſt perſecutions; fome of whom had one or both eyes plucked
out, or their limbs maimed: and when they took leave of him,
al
Epift. R. Poli, pars 4". pag. 30.
Z z
on
354
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
on their return to their respective homes, he gave them proofs
of his royal munificence, and, in the most endearing terms,
recommended to them mutual unity, as the chief badge of their
profeffion*.
WHAT I have hitherto related, was only a prelude to the
Council, and paffed feveral months before it began. But on the
13th of December, the Legates made their public entry into Trent,
accompanied by Cardinal Madrucius, Biſhop of the City; after
which they opened the Council. There were prefent four Arch-
bishops, twenty two Biſhops, five Generals of Orders, the Am-
baſſadors of the Emperor and of the King of the Romans: Thoſe
of the French nation had been recalled. A general faſt had been
obferved, the day before, and public prayers ordered at Trent and
Rome, and a Jubily granted to engage the Faithful to implore.
the bleffing and guidance of heaven on the Fathers affembled on
fuch an occafion.
THE fudden diffolution of the Council, two years before, and
the ſeeming reluctance and delays with which the Pope had now
fummoned it again, made the Legates apprehend that the fame
irreſolution might, a fecond time, defeat a meaſure, of which
every one faw the neceffity; and they refolved to omit nothing,
on their part, which might encourage the Pope to lay afide all
other confiderations, but fuch as became his character and the exi-
gences of the times. As foon, therefore, as the Council was
opened, the English LEGATE writ to him in his own and his
Affociates name, "to exhort him to exert all his paternal care
in bringing what was begun, to a happy iffue. He informs him
of feveral rumours which were induftriouſly ſpread by thofe who
defired the preſent effort to reform the Church might prove as
fruitless as the former. They objected the unfeaſonableneſs of
* See Tillemont's Memoirs, tom. 6,
where this fubject is treated with an ac-
curacy, of which that Author's Works
are the only inſtance I am acquainted
with, Mr. Hooke's Roman Hiftory ex-
cepted.
fuch
OF REGINALD POLE.
355
fuch an undertaking, and, like thoſe who oppoſed the rebuilding
of the Temple, had always in their mouths, that the time was
not yet come.—He reminds him of what the Prophets replied to
the High Prieſt Joſedeck, when they ſhewed the People the ruins
of the former Temple, in order to ftir up the zeal of thoſe who
were touched with the remembrance of its ancient ſplendor, and
affured him, on the part of the Almighty, that he would profper
his undertaking.—He concludes by entreating the Pope, if any
reports were invidiouſly ſet about, concerning his and his Col-
legues behaviour, which were leſs pleafing to his Holiness, he
would reſt ſatisfied, that they had hitherto acted with candour
and integrity, and ſhould never forget the reſpect they owed him
as the common Father of Chriſtianity*."
THE first general Congregation was held on the 18th of De-
cember, five days after the opening the Council; and the Legates
requeſted that the nomination of the Officers might be made at
Rome; to which the Fathers confented: and, in another held on
the 29th, both a deliberative and a decicive voice was allowed to
Abbots, who were Heads of Orders. On the fifth of January, 1546.
Cardinal del Monte, the Prefident, propofed, in a general congre-
gation, that ſeparate Committees ſhould be appointed to diſcuſs
the different matters which were to be debated; and perfons
named to draw up what had been refolved; on which each one
might give his opinion in the general meetings. That there
might be an entire liberty in voting, the Legates were to propoſe
the matters fimply, and not give their opinion till the Seffions,
where the queftions were finally to be decided. This regulation
paffed by a plurality of votes, and with it the firft Seffion ended.
THE fecond, which was more numerous than the former, was
held two days after, in which it was refolved, that the Council
hould only take the title of Sacred and Oecumenical, or Univerfal,
*Epift. R. Poli, pars 4", pag. 35-
Z z 2
contrary
356
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
contrary to their opinion, who would have declared it to repreſent
the Univerſal Church; which debate was frequently renewed during
the following Seffions. An order was, likewiſe, read from the
Pope, by which the Proxies of thoſe who were abfent, were de-
clared incapable of voting; and that the ranks affigned in the
Council fhould not prejudice any one's right.-By a Committee
of the 22d of the fame month, it was agreed, that matters re-
lating to Faith and the Reformation of manners, ſhould be jointly
treated of; and on the 29th the Prelates were divided into three
Claffes, which were to confer with the Legates, before they
propoſed to the general Conventions, what they had deliberated
on in the Committees.
THE third Seffion, held on the third of February was taken up
in reading the Symbol, or profeffion of Faith; and in the fourth,
which was held five days after, a Decree paffed concerning the
Canonical books of Scripture, and the authority of Tradition;
and another, by which the Latin edition, called the Vulgate, was
declared authentic.-Cardinal Pacheco propofed, in a general Con-
vention of the ſeventeenth of the following March, that all tranf-
lations of the Scriptures into modern languages fhould be prohi-
bited. The prodigious abuſe of the Word of God, and the
licentiouſneſs with which every one perverted it according to his
own fancy, gave occafion to this motion: but Cardinal Madrucci
repreſented, that Germany was highly offended at the bare re-
port of fuch a propofition; and nothing more was faid on the
fubject.
I AM very fenfible the generality of this nation is ſo far preju-
diced against Pacheco's opinion, as to condemn the Catholic
Church, for having ever witheld a full liberty on this head. But,
without taking on myſelf to decide on either fide of the queſtion,
I fhall briefly propoſe what may be alledged to juſtify this re-
ftraint. And, firft, in times fo diftant from the faith and teach-
able difpofition of the primitive Chriftians, it may, perhaps, not
be
OF REGINALD POLE.
357
be expedient to put indifferently in the hands of all the world
thofe facred Oracles, of which God has given the underſtanding
to pure fouls; and which the ignorant, according to St. Peter,
wreft to their own deftruction. It may be further urged, that it is
inherent to low minds to undervalue what they have always be-
fore their eyes, and to reverence what is lefs obvious: that the
wifeſt nations have always removed the Mysteries of Religion
from the approaches of the Vulgar; and JESUS CHRIST himſelf,
who is the wiſdom of God, had fo often spoke in parables, to
conceal from grofs underſtandings what he defigned to reveal in
particular to his Difciples: that, in the Old and New Teftament
there are ſeveral paflages which require great attention, know-
ledge, and fobriety of thought, and which it were better to leave
in the learned languages: for, otherwife, they become a means
of feduction to carnal men, who do not underſtand the things that
are of God; and to proud and prefumptuous fpirits, who imagine
they underſtand what they are ignorant of.
IN the following Seffion, which was the fifth, and was held
on the 17th of June, the Council made two Decrees; one of
which regarded Faith; the other, Diſcipline. The former ex-
plains the doctrine of original fin, which takes up five canons,
and condemns the different herefies which have been advanced
concerning it. This point had been difcuffed, in a great detail,
in feveral Congregations, and naturally brought on the queſtion
of the condition of Children who die without baptiſm. The Fa-
thers leave a liberty of opinion on this head, without condemn-
ing thoſe who hold they are deprived of the fight of God, and
not fubject to any other puniſhment; and, at the end of the
Article, they declare it is not their intention to include the
bleffed and ſpotleſs Virgin, Mary, Mother of God, in the decree
which declares all Mankind to be conceived in fin.
THE Other Decree of this Seffion, which relates to the Refor-
mation of manners, orders there ſhall be Readers of Theology
not
358
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
not only in Metropolitan, but in Cathedral Churches, and in
Monaſteries: and empowers Biſhops, as Delegates of the holy
See, to take care that thefe Lectures be eſtabliſhed in the latter
places. The fecond chapter of the Decree enjoins all Biſhops,
Pariſh Prieſts, and others who have the care of fouls, to preach
the holy Goſpel to the people committed to their charge. This
important office is allowed, likewife, to Religious perfons, who are
approved by the Biſhop, in their refpective Churches; but not
elſewhere, without his licence: and, in order to prevent, for the
future, the abuſes which avarice had introduced, the Collectors
of alms are univerfally excluded from this function. The Eccle-
fiaftical Judge is authorized to compel ſuch as are refractory, by
depriving them of the fruits of their benefices.-Cardinal Palla-
vicini obferves, that this is the firſt time that Biſhops are men-
tioned as Delegates of the holy See; which ftyle was of great uſe
during the fequel of the Council, when any thing was to be
granted to the Epifcopal Order, without leffening the Papal
authority.-Nine Archbiſhops, and forty-nine Biſhops were pre-
fent at this Seffion.
THE multiplicity and importance of theſe affairs did not hinder
the Engliſh LEGATE from lending himſelf to his Friends with
the fame freedom and unreſervedneſs, as if he had no other con-
cern but to oblige and be uſeful to them. This will appear in
the following inftance. Cochleus defired his opinion of a work in
which he feemed to difapprove the modern cuſtom of not giving
the Eucharift to Children; and though the Author had the autho-
rity of ſeveral of the Ancients, who fhew this to have formerly
been the practice, yet he doubted whether, the circumſtances of the
times conſidered, it would not be more adviſeable to ſuppreſs what
he had writ on that head.-To which the Cardinal replies,
"that
as to the practice in queftion, he agreed with him, with reſpect
to the Greeks, who fill retain the cuftom of giving the Eucharift
to Infants, immediately after Baptifm; this he gathers from a
paffage
OF REGINALD POLE.
paffage of thoſe works, which then paffed under the name of the
Areopagite, which makes this cuſtom very ancient; though the
Latins underſtood the paffage not of Children but the Adult."
<<
THE Concluſion of this letter is too judicious, and conveys too
ufeful an inftruction not to be put down at length. That,
fuppofing the fact was decided on which fide he pleaſed; allow-
ing alfo, that fome remains of this practice might be traced in
Latin Writers of good note, as he made no doubt but there
might; yet great caution was to be uſed, as Cochieus himfelf
very
prudently obferved, left by undertaking a cauſe, in which there
was little profpect of ſucceſs, how well foever he was affected to
it; he might, contrary to his inclination, greatly injure the Church
of Rome, which was not favourable to the fide he maintained.
For if the practice was of that neceffity, which his writings infi-
nuated, its omiffion could not be excufed from great ignorance.
or neglect. That he perceived a reverence for this Mother Church
was what alone hindered him from publishing the work; and
that he could not fufficiently commend his piety; of which he
had already given ſuch ſubſtantial proofs in what he had wrote
to ſupport her authority, and place it in the most advan-
tageous light."
THE fame perfon having read the decree which the Council
had lately paffed concerning the Symbol, had remarked with fin-
gular fatisfaction, that it explicitly declared the Holy Ghost to
proceed from the Father and the Son, which had been expreít
in the Council of Nice. On which occafion, he defires the
CARDINAL to inform him of the time when the addition con-
cerning the Holy Spirit's proceeding from the Son was inferted;
and thinks he has fomewhere read, that the Church of Rome had
been accuſtomed to repeat the Symbol in this manner before the
Nicene Council.-To which the LEGATE replies, that he did
not recollect to have any where met with this reading: but that
in a letter of Pope Damafus to Paulinus, Biſhop of Anticel,
there
359
360
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
there was mention of a Synod held at Rome, immediately after
that of Nice, in which fome things were added concerning the
Holy Ghoſt, which had not been explained in the former: and
that this was done to condemn their error, who afferted the Holy
Ghoſt to have been created by the Son; and he fuppofes this
letter may have given occafion to Cochleus's mistake.-He adds,
that this clauſe was not uſed before the firft Council of Ephefus;
on which St. Thomas obferves, that the Neftorian Herefy, which
was there condemned, had moved the Fathers to add this expla-
nation: and though this be the firſt Council in which it is found,
yet it is not inferted in the Symbol; but the Fathers, in a letter
to Neftorius, declare" that the third Perſon of the Trinity pro-
ceeds from the Father and the Son."
*
"HE goes on to remark, that St. Thomas fays, this ad-
dition was inferted by a Synod which he does not name, held
in the Weſt, and approved by the Pope; which the CARDINAL
takes to be the firft Council of Toledo, where the Symbol is
read with this addition: that it was affembled when the Neftorian
herefy chiefly prevailed; was very ancient; and, as far as he
could collect from the Monuments of the Councils, prior to
that of Calcedon.-This fays he, is what occurs to me of the
time in which the Holy Ghoft's proceeding from the Son was
added to the Symbol."
BUT Cochleus had, furthermore, fignified his furprize that it
could be warrantable to make this addition, after the Council
of Nice, as that of Ephefus had exprefsly ordered that nothing
ſhould be added to it." This objection, replies the LEGATE,
is made by the Greeks to the Latin Church, and the anſwer, he
fays, is ready; that this addition does not vary the ſenſe of the
Nicene fymbol, but only illuftrates what is there declared: for
had the cafe been otherwife, the Fathers could never have
* In N.
forgot
OF REGINALD POLE.
361
forgot themſelves ſo far, as, in the fame Council, to forbid any
thing to be added to a Symbol, and yet declare themselves, with
the greateſt perfpicuity, on a point, on which that was filent.
This fufficiently proves that the addition was made, not as a new
tenet, but a more explicit profeffion of the ancient faith, which
had never varied; and to obviate the errors of Neftorius, who
denied the Holy Ghoſt to proceed from the Son."
A THIRD doubt ftill remained, in which the CARDINAL was
defired to fatisfy his friend. This related to the Athanafian Creed,
as the Latin Church repeats it, which though very clear in the
point here debated, was not alledged in the Council of Florence,
though many other teftimonies were cited from the Greek Wri-
ters, which prove their ancient Doctors to have held, that the
Holy Ghoft proceeds form the Son no lefs than from the Father,
which the modern Greeks there denied.-The CARDINAL tells
him," he had not been aware of this objection, but that he
took the cauſe of the omiffion to be what Cochleus mentioned ;
that the Greeks would have replied to this argument, had it been
brought againſt them, that the declaration there made had been
added to the Symbol: that this was their prefent plea; for having
aſked an Archbiſhop of that nation, who came, a few days fince,
to the Council, from the Iſland of Naxos, what their opinion was
about this matter, his anfwer was, that they flatly denied this
addition to be in the ancient Copies of the Athanafian Creed.
The fact, adds the CARDINAL, appears to me very probable, as
that holy Doctor wrote immediately after the Council of Nice,
at a time when no doubt had been raiſed of the article here in
queftion. He feems, therefore, clear, that this addition to the
Athanafian Creed, which was read in many Churches, was after-
wards inferted on the fame motive which had induced the Fathers
to infert it into that of Conftantinople, which is recited at the ce-
lebration of the facred Myſteries*.
>>
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª, pag. 5, et feq.
A a a
ALL
362
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
out any
ALL this he writ on the mere ftrength of his memory, with-
affiſtance from books+.-The high eſteem he was held in
by fo able a Judge as the perſon who applied for his advice and
information, would alone be fufficient to eſtabliſh a character. I
have had occafion to fay fomething of him in another part of this
hiſtory, from Thuanus; and fhall only here obferve, that befides
other finaller treatiſes, and the hiftory of the Huffites, he publiſh-
ed two very confiderable works, one of Luther's contradictions
and inconſtancy; the other of his Actions and Writings, which
is almoſt a Diary of his life. He had taken great pains to be
informed of the particulars which make up this accurate per-
formance; and made them public, that this Reformer's preten-
tions to be believed and followed by a deluded People, might
be tried by the whole tenour of his conduct and doctrine.
To go back to the Council: the mutual concord of the three
Legates fince the opening of it, which was now fomething more
than a year, had been remarkable; and the high efteem in which
the Engliſh CARDINAL was held by all. "Of this, fays Becatelli,
I can cite myſelf as a witneſs, having ferved them ſeveral months
in quality of Secretary*.” At the conclufion of the fifth Seffion
an indiſpoſition obliged him to leave Trent, and exchange the
ſharpneſs of that air, for the temperature of that of Padua, of
which he had always found a favourable influence, and where
there was choice of eminent Phyficians. He had, likewiſe, the
convenience of an agreeable country Seat, called Trevilla, in the
neighbourhood of that City, which belonged to his friend Priuli;
from whence, foon after his arrival, he wrote the following letter
to his Collegues. "All the information I can give your Lord-
ſhips of my health, fince I left Trent, is, that it ſeems rather
better than worfe: not that my pains have ceaſed, but they are
leſs acute, and I have paffed three nights without being obliged
+ Habes, ergo, ad omnia, quantum
memoriâ ipsâ colligere potui, quæ ali-
+
quando de hâc quæftione legi. Ibid. p. 11.
*Vita Poli, fol. 17.
to
OF
363
REGINALD POLE.
to leave my bed. The exercife I take either of riding or in a
vehicle is of greater uſe to me than any thing befides. Yeſterday
I had two Phificians from Padua, who, after confulting, at leiſure,
on my cafe, declared, if I did not take great care of myſelf, I
was in danger of a ſtroke of the Palfy. They have left their
opinion in writing, which I am to fend to Fracaftorio*, that he
may give his advice, which, as foon as I receive, I ſhall be in a
condition to judge what courfe I ought to take; and will not
fail to give your Lordships an account of every thing that concerns
me, by the Abbé of San-Saluté, who I fhall fend to Trent, to
make my compliments to Cardinal Farnefe, as he paffes through
that City." A few weeks after, he writ to them again as fol-
lows: "Your Lordships letters are a powerful inducement to
me to return back to Trent, befides that motive, which ſhould
have more weight with me than any other confideration, His
Holiness's pleaſure, which he has fignified to me by my Lord
Chamberlain. But I am in a worſe ſtate of health than I have
yet been; and befides the complaint of my arm, which is be-
come more painful, I have alſo that of my left ſhoulder, and eye,
which is greatly affected. As I perceive the diſorders I labour
under increaſe, and his Holiness refers me to you, to know his
pleaſure concerning the meaſures I am to take, I have fent the
Abbé to inform you of my prefent condition. The Phyficians
affirm, if I go again to Trent, I expoſe myſelf to the rifque of
being lame for life; which can anſwer no purpoſe: But, ſup-
pofing it could, his Holiness's meaning can never be that I ſhould
*He was not lefs famous for his ex-
cellence in Poetry than his ſkill in Phyfic.
His Siphilis, is one of the moft finiſhed
compofitions either of the elegant age he
lived in, or of any other. The City of
Verona, of which he was a native, and
had been a principal Ornament, erected
a Statue to his memory, with this in-
ſcription;
HIERONYMO FRACASTORIO,
PAULI PHILIPPI F.
Ex Publicâ Authoritate,
Anno MDL IX.
+ Epift. R. Poli, pars 42, pag. 189.
Aaa 2
Thuani Hift. 1. 4.
ferve
364
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
9th Sept.
546.
ſerve him on fuch terms. For theſe reaſons, I would not take
upon me to go to Padua, nor put myſelf into the hands of the
Phyſicians, till I underſtood more clearly what his orders were;
and, therefore, am about to diſpatch the Abbé with all expedi-
tion to Rome, to inform him of the whole ſtate of my affairs, that
at his return, I may, without any tergiverſation, comport myſelf
as it ſhall pleaſe him to command me*.'
THE two other Legates, likewife, defired his intereft with
feveral Prelates, who, on account of their health, were at Padua,
or in the neighbourhood of Trevilla, where he was, to prevail on
them to return to the Council. "I have uſed my endeavours,
fays he, in his anfwer, with the Prelates who have been with me,
to have them comply with your Lordships defire; and they all
ſeem diſpoſed to do ſo. I fpeak of thoſe who are on the recovery:
but they put off their departure, till fome urgent cauſe requires
their prefence, fuch as the next Seffion of the Council, when it
is refolved on or to deliberate on transferring the Council to fome
other City +." For now a report prevailed of a contagious dif-
temper being broke out at Trent: the country about ſwarmed
with Lutheran Troops; and the Emperor and the Court of Rome
began to be on ill terms. Theſe reaſons caufed the Pope to de-
fire the Council might be transferred to a place of greater ſecurity
and freedom, and to be earneſt for the Engliſh LEGATE's return,
as his influence and credit were of great weight, and the Pontif
thought he might rely on them.
I HAVE dwelt longer on the incidents which attended the LE-
GATE's leaving Trent, than may ſeem neceffary; becauſe ſome
of the Reformers have afferted, that his real motive for fo doing
was to avoid being prefent at the Decree concerning Juftification,
which was to paſs in the following Seffion; and in which, fay
they, he widely differed from his Collegues and the other Fathers.
* Epift. R.Poli, pars 4ª. pag 193.
+ Ibid. pag. 197.
But
OF REGINALD
365
POLE.
But the letters I have cited, and many more, which witnefs how
much his return was defired, fhew, at the fame time, they fo
little apprehended his opinion would interfere with theirs in
framing this Decree, that they were perfuaded of the fingular
uſe his preſence would have been to them.
BUT nothing can prove with greater evidence that the LE-
GATE's fentiments, concerning this point, agreed with what the
Council of Trent has defined on it, than the following extract
from one of his letters. "Let us examine, fays he, the other
Articles, on which the German accufes me. He objects, in the
first place, that I am informed of the truth of the Gospel, parti-
cularly of what regards Juftification, but have taken great pains
to conceal it from the Italians. If by this Truth, in which he
will have me fo knowing, he means that we are juſtified by Faith
alone without Works, I readily grant that I am acquainted with
this doctrine; but I did not learn it in their Schools, or from
their Interpreters. I have received it from the Apoſtle St. Paul,
as he is expounded by the Catholic Church. Yet even this did
not give me a clear perception of it, till the Apoſtle St. James,
and the expofition of the fame Church had informed me that we
were likewiſe juſtified by Works. Thofe, on the contrary, who
diffent from us, fay, they too have learnt what the Apoſtle teaches
concerning this Article, but refuſe to harken to the Church's voice,
and to enter into the meaning of St. James, who, in order to
prove that we are juftified by Works, makes ufe of the fame
example of Abraham, which St. Paul had alledged to fhew
this to be effected by Faith. Whilft, therefore, they liften to
one authority, and ſet aſide the other, they underſtand neither
but divide what the Church unites, feparate themfelves from her
communion, and employ that doctrine to raiſe feuds and diffen-
tions, which was defigned to conciliate peace between God and
Man. As for myfelf, who have been inftructed by the Church's
interpretation, to join theſe authorities, I continue in her com-
munion,
366
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
17th July,
munion, and reap great profit from each paffage of the two Apof-
tles. Our Adverſaries would reap the fame advantage, did they
pay a deference to the fame authority, and rely on that founda-
tion which is the baſe of truth. That this, at length, may be
their caſe, we are conſtantly to fupplicate the Almighty; as in-
deed we do*.
WHILST the LEGATE was at Trevilla, the French Ambaf-
fadors returned to Trent, and were placed in the Council below
thoſe of the Emperor. The Pope, alfo, had fent thither Laines,
and Salmeron, to affift in quality of his Divines. They were two
of the firſt Affociates of Ignatius of Loyola, who was now forming
an Inſtitute, which, at different times and places, has met with
the greateſt fuccefs, and ſharpeft oppofition; and been the theme
of as muſt praife and obloquy, as were ever beftowed on the
moſt diſtant extremes.
In the next General Affembly the Fathers entered on the ſub-
FeralleBp. ject of Juftification, which, as a Prelate wrote to the Legates
of Rofano.
from Ratifoon," had been the fatal ftumbling-block to Germany."
This Article takes in the means by which Man is entitled to the
favour of his Maker, and to thofe bleffings which are the confe-
quence of it: and there is no point of the Chriſtian belief, from
which the errors and fanaticifm of thoſe times had deviated into
fo many impious abfurdities. To the original wanderings of
Luther and Calvin, their Difciples, who had forfaken their Leaders
with the fame licentioufnefs which induced them to leave the Ca-
tholic Church, had added endleſs contentions which they fell into
among themſelves. It was an object, therefore, worthy the pe-
culiar attention of the Council to afcertain the Chriftian Doctrine
concerning ſo important a point, in which Morality was no leſs
intereſted than Faith; and to inform the World, that the Catho-
lic Church was alike exempt from thoſe daring and ſenſeleſs Ex-
tremes, by which Religion is not more violated than Reaſon.
દી
Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. pag. 150. ex Epiftola ad Card. Auguft.
THE
OF REGINALD POLE.
367
THE matter being propofed in the Council, it was debated
with fuch warmth, by two of the Prelates, that one of them
forgot himſelf fo far, as to ftrike the other; on which the Fa-
thers ordered the Offender to leave Trent, and return no more;
and to throw himſelf at the Pope's feet, and afk pardon of his
tranfgreffion: but the Pope permitted the Legates to abfolve,
and fend him to his Diocefe. The fubject which was now be-
fore the Affembly had been fufficiently examined in ſpecial Com-
mittees; and in a general meeting of the 17th of July, a plan
was drawn up of what had been agreed on. But before the Fa-
thers held the Seffion, in which they were to paſs the definitive
fentence, ſo great was their deference to CARDINAL POLE, that
they ſent him the refult of their refolutions, with the amend-
ments, in order to have his opinion before they paffed the de-
cree. On this he writ to the Legates in the manner following.
"I have received a Copy of the Decree concerning Juftification,
on which your Lordſhips are pleaſed to afk my opinion: and,
to be fincere, I don't fee what I can fay on the fubject, as it
contains many things, on which I ſhould defire an explanation,
which, being abfent, I cannot have. Befides, I am too much
out of order to be in a condition to think, much lefs to write on
a matter of ſuch importance. Nevertheleſs, to fhew my defe-
rence to your Lordships, and, at the fame time, comply with
my duty, I will not fail to revife, and examine it, in the beſt
manner I am able, and to let your Lordships have my fenti-
ments by a perſon I fhall intruft in the whole affair and fend to
you. This. I hope to do in a few days, and, therefore, fhall fay
nothing of it at preſent." * Accordingly, four days after, he
diſpatched a Doctor of Divinity, with whom he was particularly
acquainted, to inform them of what had occurred to him on the
Decree; and the Legates, in their anſwer, affured him of the
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. pag. 199, et 201,
fatisfaction
{
368
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
fatisfaction they had received from what Moriglia had commu-
nicated to them.
THE Council having received, in October, CARDINAL POLE'S
remarks, with the further explications he had judged proper
fhould be made, proceeded, on the 13th of January of the
1547. following year, to the fixth Seffion, in which they define what
faith teaches concerning Juftification and good Works. This de-
cree takes in fixteen ſhort chapters, which declare the Catholic
Doctrine on this Article, and thirty-three Canons in which the
contrary errors and their Abettors are condemned.
THE Syſtem here laid down has been looked on as very lu-
minous and comprehenſive, and equal to any plan of Doctrine of
former Councils, or of any other Writings. The precifion, order,
and perfpicuity, with which it is delivered, have, likewiſe, been
the admiration of all, who have read it with attention, and
weighed the different pofitions, the principles on which they are
grounded, their connection, and the whole fum of doctrine, which
reſults from them. I fhall preſent the Reader with the heads
only of the Chapters, as he may confult the Original; and a lon-
ger detail would not fuit this place.
AFTER a brief Introduction, wherein the Fathers ſet forth the
neceffity they lay under, for the glory of God, the tranquillity
of the Church, and the falvation of Souls, to publiſh to all the
Faithful the doctrine concerning Juftification, fuch as JESUS
CHRIST, "the Son of righteouſneſs and the Author and Finiſher
of our faith" has taught; the Apoftles, delivered down; and the
Catholic Church, through the inſpiration of the holy Spirit, al-
ways maintained; they begin the Decree by declaring the infuf-
ficiency of human reafon and of the Mofaical law, in order to
Juftification, and the neceffity of the Incarnation of JESUS
CHRIST they declare who thofe are, who are juftified by him:
they deſcribe the juſtification of a Sinner, and fhew in what it
confiſts: they eſtabliſh the obligation which thoſe, who have at-
tained
OF REGINALD
369
POLE.
tained the uſe of reafon, lie under of difpofing themſelves to it;
and expound what theſe preparatory difpofitions are: They enter
on the nature and caufe of Juftification, which they teach to be
gratuitous, that is, voluntary on the part of God, without any
claim or merit of Man. They expound in what fenfe the wick-
ed are underſtood to be gratuitoufly juftified by Faith; they op-
pugn the preſumptuous confidence of Heretics, and defcend to a
detail of the means by which righteoufnefs is increaſed: they
affert the poffibility of obferving the Commandments, and the
duty of fo doing: they condemn a vain and raſh prefumption of
falvation; and treat of the gift of perſeverance, of relapſing into
fin, and the remedy; and fhew that deadly fin cauſes the Delin-
quent to forfeit his grace or favour with God, but not his faith
in him: laftly, they explain the neceffity of good Works, and in
what their merit confifts.
THIS Decree, as it now ftands, was found, as has been ob-
ferved elſewhere, among the CARDINAL's papers, and publiſhed
with fome other writings of his, by his Chamberlain Pening. It
was written at full length, in his own hand, and furniſhes a
ftrong preſumption that the Fathers of the Council judged the
form in which they drew up this important Article, with the
alterations he propoſed, the moſt proper to define, confirm, and
explain the truths contained in it. Nor can any inftance do
more honour to his memory, than that the whole Catholic
Church ſhould confider him as a particular inftrument of the di-
vine Spirit, in declaring a doctrine fo much contradicted by the
Innovators, and on which fo venerable a Body as the Council
of Trent ſhould defer to his opinion with fuch a fignification of
their eſteem.
Soon after he had returned the Copy of the above-mentioned
Decree to the Legates, he fignified to them, "that the Pope
having given him leave to go to Rome, he ſhould ſet out imme-
diately, as they would be more amply informed by his friend, the
Lord
Bb b
370
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
Lord Priuli, whom he had fent to Trent to wait on them, in
his name. That they might be affured of his readineſs to be
of fervice to them on all occafions, either with the Pope or
others; and that he beſought the Almighty to proſper what they
were carrying on to his glory." Shortly after, being come to
Rome, he informs them, "that he had laid before his Holineſs
every thing they had charged him with, and repreſented how de-
ferving they were of thoſe marks of eſteem and good will to
which an approved fidelity, parts and diligence in the public
cauſe are intitled, and which made their demands rather an act
of juſtice than favour-that, as yet, the Pope had only teftified
the higheſt ſatisfaction at their conduct, without entering on any
particulars as to what they requeſted of him: but that he would
not fail, on every opportunity, to be a Solicitor in their behalf,
with the fame cordiality he ſhould, on the like occafion, defire
and expect from them.*"
THE Decree concerning Juftification being paffed in this man-
ner, the Fathers proceeded to what regarded difcipline and a
reformation of manners; and fixed the refidence of Bishops and
the inferior Clergy, which require it either by law or cuſtom.-
It had been propofed in a Committee, where this matter was
debated, to define whether fuch refidence was of divine right, or
not: but the Pope, to whom the Legates communicated what-
ever paffed in the Council, oppofed this decifion. However, in
18th Feb. a Confiftory held foon after, he made a decree, by which the
Cardinals are declared ſubject to it, and thofe, who had two
Biſhopricks, obliged to refign one. The Council fubjects the
fecular and regular Clergy to the correction of their reſpective
Biſhops, and regulates the manner in which the, vifitation of
Chapters of Cathedral and other Churches is to be made by the
*Epift. R. Poli, pars 42. pag. 201, 202.
Ordinary;
OF REGINALD POLE.
371
Ordinary; and concludes by forbidding Biſhops to perform any
Epifcopal function out of their Jurifdiction.
It took up a conſiderable time to prepare the matter of the ſe-
venth Seffion, on account of the difficulties which occurred in
explaining the doctrine of the Sacraments in general, which
was to be the ſubject of it; and the Reformation of manners,
which the Spaniſh Biſhops and all who were attached to the Em-
peror, were refolved to infift on with the utmoſt vigour. The
Pope being confulted, returned anfwer to the Legates, not to
enter on any particular explanation of the Doctrine of the Sacra-
ments, but only to publish the Canons or Rule which defines
what is to be held concerning them, as they had done in treating
of original fin. In confequence of thefe directions, thirty canons,
and the Decree of Difcipline, which contained fifteen chapters
were read and approved by the Council. The latter regulates
the election of the Biſhops, and other beneficed clergymen, and
forbids holding above one Bishoprick; treats of the imcompati-
bility of benefices, and the method of proceeding againſt thoſe,
who, on what title foever, hold fuch as are incompatible: and
of the union of fuch benefices made within the last forty years,
if any fraud was uſed to obtain it. The Council orders perpetual
Vicars to be placed in thoſe which have the care of fouls an-
nexed to them, and have always been united to Cathedral or
other Churches, or to any other religious foundations: and pro-
vides for whatever belongs to the vifitation and repair of facred
Edifices, to the confecration of Prelates, and the authority of
Chapters during the vacancy of the See. It reftrains difpenfations
of being promoted to holy Orders by any indeterminate Prelate,
and preſcribes the examination of all perfons prefented to bene-
fices, to be made by the Diocefan. The Decree concludes with
the cognizance of civil cauſes, in which privileged perfons are
concerned; and the Jurifdiction over Hoſpitals, which the Coun-
cil affigns to the Ordinary.
Bbb 2
THIS
372
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
$547•
THIS Seffion being over, the removal from Trent to ſome other
place, for the reafons already mentioned, became the object of
the Fathers confideration: and in the eighth Seffion, which was
held on the 11th of March, it was carried by a majority of thirty-
eight againſt ſeventeen. The Legates had cauſed the commiffion
to be read, by which they were empowered to take this ftep,
and declared their motives for fo doing, and propofed Bologna;
which being affented to by fo great a Majority, they adjourned
to the 21st of April. Nothing more was then done, and, on
the next day, the Prelates, who had agreed to the motion, fet
out for that City. This proceeding, as Pallavicini relates, fo ir-
ritated the Emperor, that in a paffionate fpeech, he faid, "the
Pope was an obftinate old man, who would ruin the Church."
Thoſe who oppoſed this meaſure were the Spaniſh Biſhops and
other Subjects of the Emperor, on a pretence that the Council
would no longer be free, as Bologna was fubject to the Pope,
and that thofe of the Germanic Body, who had embraced Lu-
theranism, and had hitherto been hindered by their Diets, would
no longer think of coming at all. Their Deputies had promifed,
at a general meeting lately held at Aufburg, to fubmit to the Coun-
cil, provided it was held at Trent, and all matters in debate were
decided by the Scriptures and the Writings of the Fathers: and
the Emperor, on his part, had engaged, there fhould be an en-
tire freedom and fecurity for all who affifted at it; and that Bi-
fhops from all Chriſtian Provinces fhould be preſent, either in
perfon, or by their Repreſentatives. But theſe Articles were
icarcely fettled, when a confiderable miſunderſtanding broke out
between this Prince and the Pontif on account of the Dutchies
of Parma and Placentia, and determined Charles to enter a pro-
teſt againſt the removal of the Council, which he notified, by his
Envoy, to the Fathers at Bologna; and by Mendoza, at Rome.
THE English LEGATE, though he had now recovered his
health, did not return to his Collegues at Bologna, being detained
at
OF REGINALD POLE.
373
at Rome by the Pope, who was defirous to have him near his
perſon, that he might confult him on the emergencies of the
Council, which became, every day more intricate, and on what-
ever concerned Religion in general. He was, likewife, of fin-
gular fervice in all tranſactions with foreign Courts, and in draw-
ing up memorials and inftructions which regarded them.
" He
acquitted himſelf of this truft with great eafe, fays his Secretary
Becatelli, having acquired, from his youth, a facility of expreffing
himfelf, and an uncommon inſight into all manner of buſineſs*."
I fhall exemplify this in two inftances, and give an abſtract of
the first.
It is a Reply to the Emperor's Proteſt, in which the principal
grievance alledged, was, "the Pope's remiffneſs in the care of
the Church, and his evaſive and affected delays in holding a Coun-
cil. On the other hand, Mendoza extolled his Imperial Majeſty's
folicitude in that affair, as the only remedy to the prefent Evils.—
He reprefented the Decree of transferring the Council as a party
bufinefs, managed by fome Bifhops, who were devoted to the
Pontif's will; as feditious and irregular, and contrary to Eccle-
fiaftical laws and cuſtoms, and as fuch he infifted on its being
annulled.—He complained that the Pope had paid no regard to
the Emperor and to the King of the Romans, who requeſted the
continuation of the Council at Trent; and that he fhewed little
concern for the welfare of the Germanic Body.-He reprefented
the Pope's anſwer to the Emperor on thefe heads as foreign to
the purpoſe, and void of fincerity, and concluded with a kind
of threat, that his Majefty would impute to him whatever detri-
ment the Chriſtian cauſe fuffered, which, he ſaid, ſhould not want
a Protector, fhould the Pope not act up to that Character."
To this remonstrance the LEGATE made the following reply.
"He began by complaining, in his turn, that the Emperor teſti-
*Vita Poli, fol. 18.
Led
374
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
fied little gratitude for the many and important ſervices the Pope
had done him, in his late wars; to which he had furniſhed troops
and money, beyond what the Ecclefiaftical Exchequer and State
could well bear.That, the proceedings he held with his Holi-
neſs, were not only highly unfeafonable at the preſent juncture,
but had ſeldom been uſed, unleſs by thofe who had caft off their
obedience to the holy See, or wavered in it.-He then fhews that
the Ambaffador had exceeded his powers, and, confequently,
that whatever he had done was void. And having caufed the
Imperial mandate to be read, he pointed out where Mendoza
had acted counter to the fubftance of his commiffion; and then
added, there was great reafon to thank Almighty God, that,
whereas there had not been wanting feditious and turbulent Spi-
rits to impel his Imperial Majeſty to unwarantable meaſures, yet
fuch had been the watchfulneſs of providence, in fo critical an
occafion, as not only not to fuffer him to give any written orders
contrary to the peace and tranquility of the Church, but had
opened a true and legal way, by which it might be eſtabliſhed.-
That, though the anſwer already given might be deemed fufficient
to whatever Mendoza had advanced, yet, left his fpeech might
leave an ill impreffion on minds not informed of the real ſtate of
the queſtion, he would remove the whole blame with which his
objections were fraught. He then proceeds to fhew, that the
Pontif, whilſt he was a private perfon, did not only declare a
fincere defire of a General Council, during the popedoms of Leo
and Clement, as was well known to the facred College, and par-
ticularly to thoſe who were then chofen into it; but had conti-
nued in the fame difpofitions fince his advancement to the papacy,
and been always ready at every glimmering of fuccefs, to fummon
it. That he had done this, firft, at Mantua; then, at Vicenza;
and, if he had failed, the real caufe was, that few Prelates came
to the former, and none to the latter.-That his Legates had
waited fix months at Vicenza, expecting, to no purpoſe, the ar-
rival
OF REGINALD POLE.
375
rival of the Prelates, whom he had invited by letters; at the
fame time that his Ambaffadors as vainly defired the refpective
Sovereigns at the Courts where they were, to haften the Prelates
fetting out; which tergiverfation was owing not to the unfitneſs
of either City for the purpofe, but to the wars which were then
waged between the Chriftian Princes, in which the Emperor had
ſo large a ſhare; whereas the Pope had left nothing untried, to
reconcile them to each other."
cc
COMING, after this, to anſwer what Mendoza had objected to
the fpirit of party, which had cauſed the Biſhops, who were
attached to the Pope, to transfer the Council, he makes this fine
reflection: " that, if the Ambaffador meant to blame thofe, who
removed to Bologna, for their attachment to the Pope; and to
praiſe thoſe, who remained at Trent, for being otherwiſe affected;
he did not ſeem aware of the confequence of ſuch ſentiments,
fince Schifm owed its rife to no other cauſe than a want of defe-
rence, in fome of the Epifcopal Order, to the holy See. But,
if by Prelates attached to his Holiness, he underſtood ſuch as
were fo devoted to him, as to be ready to give into all meaſures,
right or wrong, the Pope was unacquainted with any of that
proſtitute character; having no intereſt to confult, and no party
to eſpouſe, but that of a common Father, with refpect to all
the Faithful, who were his Children, and to the whole Flock,
of which he was Paftor-That, in the Council there was nothing
to be controverted which required partiality—that he defired the
Biſhops fhould be no otherwiſe attached to him than was con-
fiftent with the rectitude of their own fentiments; and the liberty
to which all Councils had a particular claim; and that there
was nothing he had recommended with greater earneſtneſs to his
Legates, at their departure, than not to give the Fathers
dow of complaint that their freedom in voting was reftrained."*
a
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 42. pag. 392. Sin vero, &c.
any fha-
As
376
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
As to what Mendoza had advanced of the illegality of the removal,
"the LEGATE demonftrates it could never be confidered in that
light by any equitable and rightly informed Judge, as the meaſure
being propofed to the whole Affembly, had been affented to by
a great majority, and on the beſt grounded motives, in confe-
quence of which it was authorized by his Legates, in whom all
laws and cuſtoms, human and divine, acknowledge that power.-
He obſerves, that the Emperor and King of the Romans had no
reafon to complain of the Pope's paying little regard to their
defire of recalling back the Council to Trent, and making ſmall
account of the welfare of Germany, which had caufed them to
request it. That the Pope had never abfolutely refuſed this re-
turn, provided it was effected in a legal manner, and the welfare
of a part fo confulted as not to bring a detriment on the whole.-
That the Council had already met twice at Trent, in favour of
the Germanic Body; that at the firſt meeting few or none of the
Germans came to it, though the Legates Parifius, Moron, and
himſelf remained there feven months, whereas Mendoza, Gran-
ville, and the Biſhop of Arras, could not be prevailed on to ſtay
more than a few days, although their prefence would have been
a powerful inducement to others to come to the Council.—That,
at the ſecond meeting, when the Council was opened, and every
circumſtance ſeemed to favour its fuccefs, it was but too viſible
how few of that nation in general were prefent at it, and not
even one of thoſe who ſtood moft in need of fuch an aid, and
whofe welfare was chiefly confulted.-As Mendoza had only af-
ferted in general, that the Pope's answer to the Emperor's letter,
was evaſive, and foreign to the purpoſe, without coming to any
particular, which proved it to be fo; the Legate replied, it was
fufficient for him, to affert, on the contrary, that the accufation
was groundleſs, and the Pope's anſwer void of guile or dupli-
city, and fuch as equity, and the circumftances of the time and
caufe demanded.
THE
OF REGINALD POLE.
377
"THE Ambaffador had furthermore declared, that though the
Emperor muft impute whatever miſchief befell the Church to the
Pope's remifneſs in the due execution of his charge, yet he, the
Emperor, would not be wanting to her protection: on which
the LEGATE remarks, it were to be wifhed Mendoza had been
moré cautious and refpectful in his expreffions; but, however,
his Holiness would uſe his beſt endeavours to comply with the
duties annexed to his high ſtation; but, if he failed, he ftill com-
forted himſelf that the Emperor's vigilance would fupply any
deficiency on his part, provided his Majeſty undertook the care
within thoſe limitations which were mentioned in the Proteft;
that is, as far as was agreeable to equity, and had been allowed
and practiſed by the laws of the Church, the Decrees of the Fa-
thers, and the confent of the World. If the Emperor did this,
his Holiness had every reafon to hope, that, under the favour of
heaven, all the Evils mentioned in the Proteſt would be prevented,
and there would be no further occafion for fuch unwarrantable
proceedings; fince his own diligence in the diſcharge of his duty
ſhould ever be ſuch, that if the Emperor performed what he here
promiſed, each of them, in their reſpective ſtations, would con-
tribute to the public good, and to the peace of Chriſtianity."-
This anſwer was read in a private Conſiſtory, at which Mendoza
was preſent, and then delivered to him in writing, on the firſt
of February, 1548*.
THE Emperor not fatisfied with proteſting againſt the tranſla-
tion of the Council, foon after, publiſhed the Interim, or provi-
fional Edict; and, notwithſtanding the Pope's oppoſition, cauſed
it to be received at the Diet of Auſburg, and by most of the Im-
perial Cities. It was a Formulary, drawn up in 36 Articles,
concerning matters of Faith and Difcipline, which was to have
force till the General Council came to a determination on theſe
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª, pag. 382.
Ccc
heads.
378
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
heads.
Two things in it were particularly difpleafing to the
Pope: the marriage of Priefts, which was allowed; and the com-
munion in both kinds, which was permitted where it had been
introduced: and it gave him, moreover, great offence, that a lay
Potentate ſhould ufurp the Sacerdotal function, and take on him-
ſelf to regulate what concerned Religion. This proceeding was
not difapproved of by the Pope alone, but generally condemned
by Proteftants and Catholics; the latter of whom compared it to
the Henotick of Zenon, the Ecthesis of Heraclius, and the Type
of Conftance. The Emperor had publiſhed with it another Edict
concerning Reformation, which met with lefs oppofition; and
the Regulations there laid down, were adopted by feveral Pro-
vincial Councils, and, namely, by that of Auſburg, where the
Catholic Religion had been reſtored a year after its proſcription.
AMONG the ſeveral Writings which were publiſhed from all
parts againſt the Interim, that which appeared at Rome was the
moſt conſiderable. The Engliſh CARDINAL was defired to lend
his affiftance in this occafion alfo, to the labouring caufe of Reli-
gion; and, having finished the anfwer to the Proteft, was placed
at the head of ſome able and eminent Prelates, who were ap-
pointed to refute and ſet forth the evil tendency of the Formulary.
His leifur during this abſence from the Council was partly taken
up in the occupations, which concerned the general welfare of
Chriſtianity, and partly in his Government at Viterbo, which was
his special department.
In the mean time the Prelates, who were affembled at Bologna,
held the ninth Seffion on the 21st of April, the day to which
they had adjourned on leaving Trent. As none were preſent but
Italians, nothing more was done than to adjourn to the fecond
of June; when, for the fame reafon, they adjourned again to
the 15th of September; and, that this Seffion might not be fo
univerſal a blank as the two laſt, they paffed an order for tranf-
lating the fermons of the Fathers and ancient Doctors into the
vulgar
OF REGINALD POLE.
379
vulgar languages, and gave Frolimont, Bishop of Saffa, the charge
of the Italian verfion, which has fince been continued by the Be-
nedictine Monks of Florence. This was the laft Seffion which
was held at Bologna, for the two Legates perceiving the flowneſs
with which the Prelates arrived, prorogued the eleventh to an
indeterminate time. The Pope had endeavoured, during his
conteſts with the Emperor, to prevail on the Biſhops who re-
mained at Trent, to follow the example of the majority; but as
they perfifted in their firſt reſolution, he ſuſpended the Council,
alledging, he would eſtabliſh a Congregation at Rome, which
fhould reform manners, and fettle difcipline.
up
WHAT CARDINAL POLE'S fentiments were on the breaking
of the General Council, we learn from a letter of his to a
Spanish Bishop, with whom he had very intimate connections,
and who was no lefs affected than himſelf, at a meaſure which
blaſted all his hopes of feeing primitive difcipline revived, and
innocence of manners reftored to all Orders of the Church. The
CARDINAL tells him, "he confiders the tears he fhed on that
occafion, as an earneft of the fuccour of Heaven being near at
hand; and fays, if the fame contrite fpirit became univerfal,
there was no doubt but every thing, not excepting this laft dif-
appointment, would turn out to the advantage of God's people.
-That fuch tears were a heavenly dew, which did not fall on the
earth in vain, but prepared it for future beauty and increaſe; and
ſeemed alone to have been wanting to the Church's fo much de-
fired renovation; as there had been no deficiency of learning, of
decrees, of canons, of ceremonies, or of any other external aid *.
-He reminds him of the ufual difpenfations of Providence to
Mankind, and the delays by which it checks the impotence of
human defires, and makes the bleffing we fue for more dear by
expectation: this he fhews, firft, from inftances of the Hebrews,
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª, pag. 68. Non enim, &c.
Ccc 2
to
380
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
All
to whom even the favours which had been affured to them by
Almighty God's repeated promifes, were imparted with a like
inftructive Oeconomy; and when their eagerness made them
imagine themſelves at the Eve of freedom from the flavery of
Ægypt, or of entering on poffeffion of the promiſed land, or of
being releaſed from the Babylonian Captivity, they were referred
to a more diſtant term, which was fixed by the appointments of
Heaven, and not regulated by their impatience.-He then fhews
this to have happened, with ſtill greater evidence, in the contra-
dictions to which the faving doctrine of his bleffed Son was ex-
pofed, and the treatment the divine Author himſelf met with:
that mankind could never have a more plaufible reafon of com-
plaining they were deceived, and of taking to themſelves the
words of Ifaiah, we have looked for light, and, behold! darkneſs;
for a time in which we should be healed, and behold! diforder.
which agreed with the expectation the Saviour of the World had
raiſed; and the difappointment, in which, by his death, it feem-
ed to end. And, on the other hand, there never was a time,
when the World was involved in groffer darkneſs, or ſtood more
in need of being reformed, than when thefe hopes vanished.-
Nor was the order of heaven changed in the early ſtate of Chrif-
tianity, which was fuffered to ſtruggle not months, or years, but
whole centuries, with all the adverfe powers of earth combined
againſt her. But He who never errs or leads into errour, did not,
at his death, deceive his Difciples, who expected that He was to
redcem Ifrael, but anſwered all their expectations at that very
juncture when they gave up all for loft; and cauſed his light to
fhine forth with the greateſt brightnefs, when it feemed extin-
guifhed; fhewed himſelf the Saviour of the World, when himſelf
was confidered as one belpless among the dead; and wiped off the
tears from their eyes, who had hoped in him against hope itſelf."
THE CARDINAL coming, afterwards, to his own feelings; the
circumftance of the Confiftory, in which the breaking up of the
Council
}
OF REGINALD POLE.
381
Council was refolved, being held on Good Friday, furnished him
with the following reflections. "I could not help obferving,
fays he, that this refolution was taken on the day when we re-
new the anniverſary forrow for our Redeemer's fufferings, on
which the Council is not called but on very urgent caufes; and
having the afflicted ſtate of the Church full in view, and the laſt
great remedy now failing, I own, I was no otherwife affected
than if I had ſeen my Saviour's dead body before my eyes.
this diſtreſs, it was fome comfort to me to reflect, that as the
fhort ſadneſs of his death was fucceeded by the joy of his refur-
rection, ſo his Myftic body, the Church, might foon experience
the fame happy viciflitude, and rife again the holy City, the
new Jerufalem*.”
In
1549.
THIS is the laſt Act in which the CARDINAL appears any
ways concerned in the tranfactions of the Council: for Paul III.
dying a few months after it was prorogued, his Succeffor, who 10th Nov.
fummoned it again, appointed different Legates from thoſe who
had before prefided at it. But the zeal which the English CAR-
DINAL fhewed for the convening of this Affembly, the great fhare
he had in the firft Seffions, particularly in that, in which the
doctrine of Juftification was defined, and the defence of the Coun-
cil during the three following years after he left Trent, which
lay chiefly on him, caufe every thing which concerns it, to be
connected with his hiftory, who was its great Ornament and Sup-
port. The fubfequent Seffions were no lefs important than thofe
whofe Decrees have been already related, and have been no leſs
mifrepreſented by malignity or ignorance. They were, moreover,
diverfified by many curious and interefting Anecdotes, to which
particular incidents of the Council gave rife, and which give a
great infight into its general character. I fhall, therefore, prefent
the Reader with a fuccinct and uninterrupted relation of thete
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. Epift. ad Epifcopum Paconfem, pag. 65.
proceedings,
382
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
proceedings, and then go back to the prefent period, and refume
the narrative of his Life, who is the ſubject of this Work.
PAUL III. was fucceeded by the Cardinal del Monte, who had
been one of the Legates that prefided at the Council, and took
the name of Julius III. Two days after his coronation, the Ju-
bilee was opened with the ufual folemnity. The Pope ftrikes
thrice, with a golden hammer, the door of St. Peter's Church,
which is called the holy Entrance, and is always mured up, un-
lefs on this occafion; and pronounces, at the fame time, theſe
words of the 117th Pfalm, Open to me the Gates of Righteouſneſs,
I will
80 into them, I will praiſe the Lord: this Gate of the Lord,
into which the Righteous fhall enter. The brick work is then
thrown down, and the Pope kneels down before the Door, which
the Penitentiaries of St. Peter waſh with holy water: then rifing,
he takes the Crofs, intones the Te Deum, and enters the Church.
At the fame time, three Cardinals are deputed to St. John Late-
ran's, St. Paul's, and St. Mary Major's, and open the holy Door
of thefe Churches with the fame ceremonies.
THE new Pope, foon after his election, fignified his intention
of continuing the Council, and having Trent the Seat of it, and
a Decree was publiſhed accordingly, on the 14th of November,
1550. The Lutherans, and others, who had ſeparated them-
felves from the Church, and were then holding a Diet at Aufburg,
infifted on a revifion of the Decrees already made in the former
Seffions, which the Pope not agreeing to, they were with great
difficulty prevailed on to acknowledge the authority of the Coun-
cil. This fecond opening was made on the firſt of May of the
following year, by the Legates, Crefcentio, Cardinal of St. Mar-
cellus, Sebaftian, Archbiſhop of Siponto, and Lewis Lipoman, Bi-
ſhop of Verona, who were joined in the commiffion with a de-
fign to honour the Epiſcopacy, and take away all further occafion
of complaints and jealoufies that Cardinals alone were employed
in that high poſt. The Fathers paſſed an Act at this meeting,
by
OF REGINALD POLE.
383
by which the Council was refumed, and then adjourned to the
first of September.
THE Seffion held on that day was the twelfth, and was
opened by a difcourfe of the Cardinal Legate. He was taken up
by the celebrated Amiot, who entered a Proteſt againſt the Pope's
proceedings, in the name of the French King, Henry II. who
had fucceeded to Francis I. The Pontif had declared this Prince
excommunicated on account of the fuccour he gave to Octavio
Farnese, and threatened to lay his Kingdom under an Interdict.
Henry was fo piqued at this behaviour, that he forbade the French
Bishops to go to the Council, and money to be ſent out of the
Kingdom to Rome, on any pretext whatever; and commanded
his Subjects to have recourſe to their Ordinaries in all Ecclefiafti-
cal affairs: but, at the fame time, he informed France and the
reft of Europe that his difagreement with the Pope had not aba-
ted his refpect and zeal for Religion, and he caufed fevere en-
quiries to be made concerning the growth of Calvinifm, which
had now overſpread a Nation fond of Novelty, and, when not
under a proper reftraint, prone to licentioufnefs. Nothing that
was properly the object of the Council, nor any other buſineſs,
befides the French King's Proteft, having paffed in this Seffion;
the Decree concerning the Eucharift was made in the following,
on the 11th of October, to which day the Fathers had adjourned.
The Doctrine is ſet forth in eight chapters; and twelve canons or
decifions condemn the late herefies, concerning this capital Ar-
ticle of the Catholic Religion. The doctrinal part treats of the
real prefence of JESUS CHRIST in the Euchariſt; of the manner
of its inftitution; of its excellence, and of tranfubftantiation; of
the worſhip due to JESUS CHRIST in the Sacrament; on which
occafion the Council exprefsly approves of the annual fo-
lemnity, by which its inftitution was commemorated, and of car-
rying the holy Hoft in folemn proceffions. It treats, afterwards,
of keeping the Eucharift in Churches, and carrying it to the fick;
of
384
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
of the difpofitions, by which the Faithful are to prepare them-
felves to receive it, and of the manner of receiving; and exhorts
them to live in fuch innocence of manners, as to be in a condi-
tion to receive it often. It is remarkable, that in the Chapter
on Tranſubſtantiation, the Fathers are filent as to the manner,
by which the body of our Lord becomes prefent in the Eucha-
rift; and in this have ſet the Schools a leffon of that decent re-
fervedneſs, which they ill obferved before, and have as little
attended to fince.-A Decree concerning Diſcipline paffed likewiſe
in this Seffion, which contains feveral regulations of Ecclefiaftical
Jurifdiction, and is divided into eight chapters.-The minutes of
the Safe-conduct, which the Council was to grant to the Luthe-
rans of Germany, and others who had left the communion of the
Church, was read; and a draught of the anſwer, which the Fa-
thers were minded to make to the French King's Proteft.
THE Sacraments of Penitence, and extreme Unction, or the
laft Anointing, were the fubjects of the 14th Seffion, which was
held about fix weeks after; the former of which takes up nine-
chapters; the latter, four: which are followed, agreeably to the
plan which the Council had fettled at its firft meeting, by fifteen
canons or definitions concerning theſe matters. The Chapters
on Penitence treat particularly of its neceffity, and inſtitution,
and in what it differs from Baptiſm; of its parts and effects ;
of Contrition, or perfect forrow, proceeding from the pure love
of God; and of imperfect forrow, termed Attrition, which
though infufficient to juſtify the Sinner without the Sacrament of
Penitence, yet difpofes him to a reconciliation with God, in that
Sacrament, provided it include a refolution to fin no more, and a
hope of pardon. This imperfect or initial forrow is declared to
be a gift of God, and an impulfe of the holy Spirit, not, indeed,
as a Gueft who inhabits the foul, but who moves and excites it.
It had been firſt refolved, in the committees, to make uſe of a
word of ftronger import than difpofes; but, by the advice of
fome
OF
385
REGINALD POLE.
fome of the Biſhops, the latter was employed, as more fuitable.
The Council having treated of the first part of the Sacrament of
Penitence, or of forrow for having offended Almighty God,
comes to Confeffion, which is the fecond; of which it declares
Biſhops and Prieſts to be the Miniſters: it ſpeaks, likewiſe, of
Abſolution, and approves of referving heinous crimes to the cog-
nizance of the Dioceſan, or even of the Pope; and, laſtly, of
thofe Works which are enjoined to attone for fin, and appeafe an
offended God, and are, therefore, termed Satisfaction; which is
the laſt of the three parts of this Sacrament. This Decree con-
cludes with the Sacrament of Extreme Unction, as to its inftitu-
tion, effects, the Miniſter who is to confer it, and the time when
it is to be received. The Decree concerning Reformation and
Diſcipline, which, as had hitherto been practifed, was joined to
that which concerned Faith, contains fourteen Articles: the fe-
cond of which limits the power of Bifhops in partibus, that is,
who have titles in heathen or other Countries, where they have
no refidence: the third authorizes Bishops to correct abuſes, and
will have no appeal fufpend the effect of their ſentence: the fifth
forbids the union of Benefices in different Diocefes: the tenth or-
ders that benefices annexed to a Religious profeffion be conferred
on perfons of that calling..
THE Ambaffadors of the German Princes and States, who had
left the communion of the Catholic Church, were now arrived at
Trent, and a general and extraordinary Congregation was held in
order to receive them. But before the public Audience, which
was given them on the 24th of January, 1552, in the Legate's
palace, a proteſt was regiſtered in the name of all the Fathers,
by which they declare, that the condefcenfion which the Council
was about to fhew to the German Sectaries in receiving and hear-
ing their Deputies, ſhould not be a precedent. The three Eccle-
fiaftical Electors, all the Biſhops, and the Emperor's Ambaffador
were prefent at this Affembly; and, on the morrow, when the
fifteenth
Ddd
386
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
fifteenth Seffion was held, an order was made not to proceed to
any further decifions till the 19th of March. This was done in
favour of the Germans, who afked this prorogation, that their
Divines might come time enough to affiſt at the enfuing Seffion.
A Copy of the Safe-conduct granted to them, was likewiſe read,
and is much of the fame form as that which the Council of Bále
had granted to the Bohemians. Notwithstanding all theſe pre-
cautions, the Germans left Trent almoft as foon as they arrived;
from a diffatisfaction, as they gave out, that the Safe-conduct
granted to their Divines was not fufficiently ample: they infifted,
alfo, on their having a deliberative and decifive voice in the Coun-
cil; that the Decrees already paffed, ſhould be examined over
again; that all Controverfies concerning Religion fhould be de-
cided by Scripture alone; and, laftly, that the Pope ſhould ſub-
mit himſelf to the Council, and releaſe the Bishops from the Oath
they take to him, that they might be at full liberty to vote as
they pleafed. At the fame time, Maurice, Elector of Saxony,
recalled his Divines, who were at Nurenberg, in their way to
Trent; and a report prevailing of that Prince's immediate rupture
with the Emperor, the Ecclefiaftical Electors left the Council,
and returned to their reſpective ſtates. The Italian Prelates ſeem-
ed only to want a pretext to avail themſelves of their example,
which foon prefented itſelf by the news of Maurice having taken
Auſburg, and the German army paffed the Alps. Not long after
theſe tranſactions, the peace concluded between the Emperor and
the Elector, gave occafion to the pacification of Paſſau, to which
the Lutherans have always appealed, as to their fafeft bulwark,
in all their conteſts with the Catholic Powers.
BUT as diforders in every kind, which the novelties in Religion
produced, ſtill continued, another conference was held at Worms,
between the Catholics and the Lutherans, and to as little purpoſe
as any of the former; for the Adherents to the Confeffion of Auf-
burg fell into as great divifions among themſelves, as thoſe which
had
OF REGINALD
387
POLE.
had ſeparated them from the Church of Rome. This conference
had been agreed on the year before, by the ftates of the Empire, at
the Diet at Ratisbon; and is the laſt which has been held on af-
fairs of Religion in Germany. Though the Council was adjourn-
ed to the 21st of March, it did not meet till the 28th of April,
when an Act paſſed for fufpending it for two years, which twelve
Spanish Biſhops oppofed, and entered their proteft against it.
The reaſons for this fufpenfion are ſpecified in the Decree of the
Seffion, which is the fixteenth, and the Fathers exhort all Chrif
tian Princes and Biſhops to caufe, as far as depended on them,
whatever the Council had hitherto ordained, to be obferved in
their reſpective States and Diocefes.
AFTER this diffolution, the Pope thought that a Congregation
of his own appointing, for the reformation of manners, would
anſwer the purpoſe of a general Council, and furniſh thofe aids
of which the late Act had deprived Chriſtianity. But this at-
tempt proved as fruitless as that made by his Predeceffor on the
like occafion. The diſorder was too widely ſpread and too deeply
rooted, to be removed by a lefs powerful remedy than the united
wiſdom of the Epifcopal order, from the different provinces
of the Chriſtian world, who were informed of the true ftate of
their Churches and the weight and dignity of the Decrees al-
ready made was fuch, that a leffer authority could not give to
what remained, that fanction which had attended the former Sef-
fions. Julius furvived this eſtabliſhment two years, which was
enough to let him fee how unavailing his plan had been; and
was fucceeded by Marcellas II. who dying within a month after
his election, could not execute any of the great deſigns he had
formed for the public welfare. Like his Predeceffor, he had
been one of the three Legates, who prefided at the first meeting
of the Council at Trent, and a fimilitude of manners had con-
nected him cloſely with CARDINAL POLE, who was joined in
the fame commiffion.
D d d 2
THOUGH
388
LIFE
THE HISTORY OF THE
years,
THOUGH his Succeffor, Paul IV. held the
papacy five
and made feveral falutary efforts to prevent the Sanctuary from
being laid waste, and the Altar profaned, yet he took no ſtep to-
wards fummoning the Council, and finishing an edifice, whofe
foundation was laid, and the fuperstructure happily raiſed in two
of the former Pontificates. His Succeffor, Pius IV. had no fooner
filled St. Peter's chair, but he declared his intention to fet about
a Work, which his Predeceffors had left unfinished; and informed
not only the Catholic Powers but the Lutheran Princes of it.
His Ambaſſadors had an audience of the latter at a Diet they held
at Nurenberg; but they were fo taken up with the divifions
which the endleſs variations in their own profeffions of Faith had
occafioned, that, though every argument was made ufe of to footh
their tempers, and influence their minds, like the deaf Adder they
Shut their ears to the voice of the Charmer who charmed wifely.
They were unanimous in nothing, but the extirpation of the
Catholic Religion, and sharing the plunder which the Church
lands would fupply. bbl nort
THESE delays and diſappointments in the bufinefs of the Coun-
cil gave occafion, in France, to the celebrated Conference of Poifi.
The Queen Mother, Catharine of Medici, who was Regent during
the minority of her Son, Charles IX who fucceeded Francis II.
had been too eaſily perfuaded by fome Prelates, whoſe religious
principles were very equivocal, that there was no neceflity of
waiting the decifion of the holy See; but that a Conference held
in the Kingdom between the Catholic Prelates and the Calvinifts,
would anſwer all purpoſes. She had already fignified to the Pope,
that, in order to facilitate the return of the latter, fhe was of
opinion, the uſe of pious pictures and images might be laid afide;
the Exorcifms uſed in the adminiftration of Baptifm, omitted;
-Communion in both kinds, univerfally eſtabliſhed; finging of the
Pfalms in the vulgar tongue, introduced; and the feaſt of Corpus
Chrifti, abolished.-The Pope had reafon to apprehend the con-
fequences
OF
389
REGINALD POLE.
fequences of a conference, which was to be held, after thefe de-
mands had been made with fo little referve, that the Regent
feemed to think there could be no inconvenience in granting
them. He fent, therefore, Hippolitus of Eft, Cardinal of Fer-
rara, to affift, in quality of his Legate, at the Affembly, and to
be watchful on all its proceedings. Several Cardinals, a confi-
derable number of Bishops and Divines, whofe reputation was
very high, were prefent on the part of the Catholics; and thir-
teen Miniſters, with Beza, Calvin's favourite Difciple, at their
head, on that of the Reformers. The King, the Regent, the
Princes of the blood were fo placed as to hear all that was faid.
Beza was refuted by the Cardinal of Lorrain and Laines, the ſe-
cond Superior General of the Jefuits, with fuch evidence, that his
Affociates, having nothing to reply, contented themfelves with
turning the arguments brought against them, into raillery; and
Beza, in the heat of the difpute, advanced a propofition against
Chriſt's prefence in the Eucharift, which fhocked all who were
preſent, and brought to their remembrance the blafphemy he had
committed to writing concerning this Myſtery*.
THIS Conference was afterwards changed into one lefs public,
at St. German's en Laye, between five Catholic Doctors and as
many Calviniſt Minifters. The Cardinal of Lorrain had invited
the Lutherans of Germany to be prefent, with a view of expofing
to all France the difagreement of the new Teachers, who, though
they infifted on nothing more than the perfpicuity of the Scrip-
tures, were for ever citing their authority in the attacks they
made on each other, without coming to an agreement on any
thing, but their feparation from the ancient faith of the Church.
But the Germans did not arrive till theſe difcuffions were over;
at the conclufion of which the Prelates made feveral regulations
concerning Church Difcipline.
*Non magis in cænà quàm in cæno,
THE
390
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1561.
THE difcourfe by which Laines refuted Beza was fo fatisfactory,
that it procured the fettlement of his Order at Paris: for the
Parliament having remitted the decifion of this affair to the
Prelates, who were met at Poifi, they determined it in favour of
the Jefuits, and approved of their Inſtitute, but only as a Society
and College, not as a new Religious Order. They added, more-
over, this clauſe, "that the Members ſhould not take the name
of the Society of Jefus, or of Jeſuits; and that the Biſhop of
the dioceſe ſhould have full power to fuperintend and correct
them, and even expel all refractory and irregular perfons. This
is the tenor of the Act of their admiffion, which is dated the
15th of September, before the conferences ended.*
It was now almoft two years fince the election of Pius IV.
and every thing ſeemed to concur to let him fee the neceffity of
executing the refolution he had fignified at the beginning of his
Pontificate, of affembling the General Council. But though he
publiſhed a Decree, by which it was fummoned for Eafter week of
this year, and named the Legates who were to prefide at it, ftill
freſh difficulties cauſed him to defer it till the following. Fer-
dinand, who had fucceeded his Brother Charles in the empire;
with a view of being on good terms with the Lutherans, fought
to put off an Affembly, whofe bare name raiſed their fpleen;
and Philip of Spain would have had a formal declaration, that
the Council to be convened was not a new Affembly, but only
a continuation of the former. The Fathers, indeed, every where
proceed on a fuppofition that the Council had never been, pro-
perly ſpeaking, diffolved, but only prorogued, and that the long
* Thuanus, ad ann. 1561. Mezeray.
Ils approuverent leur compagnie, mais
feulement en forme de fociété et de Col-
lege, et non de Religion novellement
inftituée; et auffi à la charge que les
membres de cette Société feroient tenus
de prendre un autre nom que celui de So-
ciété de Jefus, ou des Jufuites; et que fur
icelle dite Société et College L'Evêque
diocéfain auroit toute fuperintendence,
jurifdiction, et correction, de chaffer,
et d'ôter de la dite compagnie les forfai-
teurs et malvivans.
interruptions
OF REGINALD POLE.
391
interruptions had fufpended but not broke it up. During this
ſuſpenſe the Pope made three Decrees; by the first he declared,
if the holy See ſhould be vacated, whilft the Council was fitting,
the choice of the Pope fhould devolve not to the Council, but to
the facred College; which precaution had been taken by Paul
III. By the fecond, the Pope could not appoint himſelf a fuc-
ceffor, though all the Cardinals ſhould give their conſent ; and
by the third, thofe Biſhops only who were prefent at the Council,
had a right of voting; which was the cauſe that none of the Po-
liſh Prelates affifted at it; and two, who were come to Trent,
returned home as foon as they perceived they were not allowed as
many votes, as they had brought proxies from their brethren;
which they had flattered themſelves would be granted.
THE objections to the conclufion of this great affair being, at
length, furmounted, or, at leaft, fet afide, the Council was
opened, for the third time, on the 18th of January, 1562, after
an interruption of ten years, and happily concluded before the
end of the following. This Seffion was held in the Cathe-
dral, into which the Legates made their entry with a majefty
becoming the folemnity of the occafion. The great filver Croſs,
which was bore before them, was placed in the middle of the
Council. The Legates were feated at the upper end, higher than
the reft; and, next to them, the other Cardinals. Over againſt
them, and at ſome diſtance, were the feats of the Patriarchs; and
below them, thoſe of the Archbishops and Biſhops, who were
260 in number. Below theſe were the Abbots and Superior
Generals of Religious Orders. The Ambaffadors were on feats
leſs raiſed, in the length of the Church; the Ecclefiaftics, on the
right; the Lay, on the left. There was, befides, a great num-
ber of Doctors, and of the moſt learned perfonages in the Chriſtian
world.-Though the Spaniſh Biſhops infifted much on a formal
declaration, that the prefent Council was no more than a pro-
rogation of that already held, this claufe was omitted, not to give
offence
392
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
offence to the Lutherans, who pretended the former decrees
fhould be reviſed, and had alledged that pretext, among others, for
not affifting at it. The Declaration made by the Fathers in the
17th Seffion, by which the Council was opened, is, " that all
fufpenfion having ceafed, the General Council was to be held
from that day." Some of the Biſhops of the fame nation took
exception at the Legates being faid, " to prefide and propoſe what
was to be debated," as if the expreffion imported an abfolute
authority; but it paffed by a Majority, and nothing more was
declared to be meant by it, than had been practiſed in other
General Councils.
THE Legates were Hofius, a native of Cracovia, and Biſhop of
Wormia, in Poland; Hercules Gonzaga, Simoneta, and Hierom
Scripando, all Cardinals: and it must be acknowledged that the
Majeſty of the firft Biſhop of the Chriftian Church was never
repreſented by a happier choice of Delegates, nor the interefts of
that Church better underſtood, or ſupported with greater ability.
I have entered, elſewhere, into fo great a detail of the merit of the
firſt, and of his connections with CARDINAL POLE, as to make it
needleſs to add any thing here.* Hercules Gonzaga, the fecond,
was Brother to Ferdinand, Duke of Mantua, and during his Ne-
phew's minority had governed his States with great prudence
and lenity, and was remarkable for his tenderneſs to the Poor.
Simoneta, befides a great infight into the politer arts, was uni-
verfally eſteemed the ableft Lawyer of his age; ‡ and not leſs
remarkable for his regard of the Engliſh CARDINAL and his
connections with him, than his Collegue Hofius; and to a like
intimacy with the Cardinal of Mantua we owe a very elegant
* See page 154, et feq.
+ Vide Sadoleti epiſ. pag. 30, 65, 567.
Inter Jureconfultos noftræ ætatis
omnium judicio confultiffimus. Sad. cp.
1. 14. p. 548.
Polus, ampliffimus vir, certè incredi-
bili quadam virtute animi et fanctitate
vitæ præftans, totus tibi deditus eft.
Sadoleti Epift. ad Jacobum Simonetam,
pag. 551.
letter
OF REGINALD
393
POLE.
letter already cited, to that Prince.* Seripando, the fourth Le-
gate, was one of the moſt learned and deſerving perfonages of
the 16th Century, and though I fhall have occafion, at the end
of this work, to mention the account he made of him, who is the
fubject of it, I cannot here omit the following circumſtances of
the laſt Act of his life, as they ſerve to characterize ſo great a
Man. On the day of his death, which happened at Trent, whilſt
the Council was yet fitting, he cauſed himſelf to be taken out
of bed, and, before he received the holy Sacrament, made, on his
knees, a profeffion of faith; and, afterwards, diſcourſed in Latin
on the tenets of the Church of Rome, on the duties of a Chrif-
tian, on the reſurrection of the Dead; and on what was to be
done that the Council might have a happy concluſion.
A hundred and twelves Biſhops, befides others who had a right
to be preſent, affifted at the Seffion by which the. Council was
opened, and the above-mentioned Preliminaries being regulated,
the Fathers began by appointing a Committee of eighteen Pre-
lates to compile a catalogue or Index of prohibited books: but,
not to alienate thoſe who were the Authors or Abetters of fuch
Works, they were cautioned to ſuppreſs it till the end of the
Seffions.-The Pope's order, which appointed the rank the Pre-
lates were to obferve in the Council, according to their ordina-
tion, was read on the 26th of February, when the eighteenth
Seffion was held. No precedence was given to the Primates,
becauſe the high dignity which the Fathers enjoyed in common,
as Affeffors in that auguft Affembly, placed them on a level,
and caufed all other diftinctions, on that occafion, to ceafe.-
A decree alfo paffed concerning the choice of Books; the num-
ber and variety of thofe of an evil tendency obliging the fathers,
as they declare, to look on this precaution as a very material
point of their charge. The fafe-conduct, which was to be
*In the 5th Section.
Eee
granted
394
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
**
granted to all who diffented from the Catholic Religion, was
mentioned with all poffible fignification of good will and concern
for their re-union to the Church, whofe welfare was intereſted in
it; and on the eighth of March, the Pafport was publiſhed in
the fame form, as that granted to the Germans, ten years before;
but extended to all other Nations, though without naming any,
that none might be taxed with herefy.-Several Committees were
then held concerning Diſcipline, in one of which Don Bartholomew
de Martyribus, the celebrated Archbishop of Braga, propofed a
plan for the reformation of the Cardinals, which the Council did
not judge proper to adopt.-The queſtion of the refidence of Bi-
fhops, though difcuffed a long time, was not decided; and the
Pope took fuch offence at its being brought, a fecond time, before
the Council, that he fent a perſon of confidence, and his Kinſman,
to obferve the conduct of the Cardinals of Mantua and Seripando,
to whom he imputed this proceeding, and give him an account
of it. This was Charles Visconti, Biſhop of Vintimille, whofe
letters are come down to us, and have given a high Idea of the
Writer's capacity and ſkill in public affairs.-In the next Seffion,
which was the nineteenth, and was held on the fourteenth of
May, nothing more was done than to adjourn to the following
meeting.
THIS flow progrefs in matters of fuch high concern was owing
to a condeſcenſion to the Emperor, whofe Ambaſſadors did all
they could to cauſe theſe delays; as the Spaniſh Prelates ſtill in-
fifted on the declaration they had moved for at the first meeting,
and which Ferdinand thought contrary to his intereſts; and no
Biſhops were arrived from Germany to counterbalance their autho-
rity. The French, likewife, had ſeveral matters to lay before
this fupreme Court of Judicature, and were therefore defirous that
nothing which could interfere with what they had to propoſe,
ſhould be determined without their participation. Soon after,
their Ambaſſadors arrived at Trent, and were received with that
diſtinction
OF REGINALD POLE.
395
diſtinction which Lanfac, one of them, defcribes to de Lifle,
Ambaffador from the fame Court to that of Rome. In this letter
he entreats him to uſe his beſt endeavours with the Pope, that
the Council might be at full liberty to propofe, deliberate, and
vote, without having recourfe to his Holiness; that fo there
might be no occafion to ſay of the Legates, who prefided, that
"the Holy Ghoſt was ſent to them in a Cloak-bag :" an expref-
fion, in which there is great indecency, and very little wit; if,
indeed, it can be faid to have any. Pallavicini relates this pro-
fane buffoonery of one of Ferdinand's Ambaffadors, in a letter to
that Prince's Son, Maximilian II.-The other Ambaffadors from
France were du Ferrier, Prefident of the Parliament of Paris,
and Pibrac of that of Toulouse. The latter of thefe was chofen
to harrangue the Council, when he and his Collegues had their
public audience in a general Affembly held for that purpoſe on
the 26th of May; and he ſpoke in ſuch a manner as to give great
offence to moſt who were prefent, particularly to the Spaniſh
Biſhops; and to meet with the approbation of very few. The
Fathers were ſhocked at a difcourfe, in which the General Coun-
cil under Paul, and Julius III. was reproached with breaking up,
"without having done any good;" or, according to other edi-
tions of this fpeech, any fignal ſervice to the Church." The
French Writers excufe the infolence of this expreffion, by the
Speaker's defign to turn the Fathers from a declaration, to which
they ſeemed ſtrongly inclined, that the Council then fitting was
only a continuation of the two former; which the Ambaſſadors
apprehended would keep the Calvinifts, to whofe party one of
them, du Ferrier, foon after went over, and who the French had
now more reaſon than ever to fear, at a greater diſtance from the
Catholic Church. The inſtructions they brought from their
Court contained ſeveral important Articles; and, among others,
they were to infiſt on the obſervance of the fixth Canon of the
Council of Calcedon, which commands Bifhops to admit none to
<<
Eee 2
holy
396
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
holy orders, but fuch as are defigned for a determinate exerciſe of
their functions, and thus leffen the number of uſeleſs Minifters.
THOUGH the twentieth Seffion was held on the fourth of June,
yet the Fathers deferred the publication of any further decrees
and the Emperor's Ambaffadors having prefented to the Legates
a Memorial of Grievances, which their Maſter defired might be
redreſſed, they refuſed to lay it before the Council, and repre-
fented to that Prince their objections in ſo ſtrong a light, that he
yielded to their reaſons, and left every thing to their diſcretion.-
The Pope, at the ſame time, ſeemed refolved to declare the pre-
fent fitting of the Council to be only a continuation of the for-
mer; and to decide, by his own authority, the queſtion concern-
ing Reſidence: however, he changed his mind as to both theſe
Articles, and reftored the Legates to favour, who diffented from
him with reſpect to the latter.
NOTHING very material had yet been tranfacted, though the
Council had fate above half a year: but on the 16th of July, the
following important decrees paffed in the twenty-firft Seffion.
Thoſe which concern Faith, take up fix chapters, in which the
obligation of receiving the Eucharift in both kinds is declared not
to extend to the Laity: that, in the diſpenſation of the Sacraments,
the Church has a power to eſtabliſh ſuch rites as do not affect
their nature and fubftance; and that the Eucharift is wholly re-
ceived in either kind: that Infants are not obliged to facramental
Communion; for which the following reafon is given, " becauſe
being cleanſed and regenerated by Baptiſm, and incorporated into
the Body of JESUS CHRIST, they cannot forfeit, at that age, the
grace they have already received, by which they are become the
Children of God.”—Theſe doctrinal Chapters are followed by as
many Canons, which condemn opinions lately introduced, and
repugnant to the tenets here eſtabliſhed. And, in the Conclufion,
the Council referves to another time the examination of the uſe
of the Cup, and under what limitations the Laity were to be
allowed
OF REGINALD POLE.
397
allowed it. A deference to the Emperor's Ambaffadors, who de-
fired this practice might be permitted in Germany, caufed this
clauſe to be inferted.-The Decree concerning Reformation goes
through nine Chapters, and, among other regulations, preſcribes
diſintereſtedneſs to Biſhops, and taxes the fees of their Courts.
The abuſes committed in the collection of Alms, on occafion of
indulgences, caufed the Council to abolish the ſet of Men, who
were employed in it. The mercenary behaviour of theſe Collec-
tors had given our Anceſtors occafion to call them by the fignifi-
cant and diſgraceful name of Pardon-Mongers. Indulgences and
all ſpiritual favours were ordered, for the future, to be published
by the Ordinary, affifted by two members of the Chapter, who
are to collect the Alms.-The Fathers command none to be ad-
mitted to holy Orders, who are not provided with a benefice or an
income ſufficient for a decent maintenance; and empower Biſhops
to erect new Pariſh Churches, and unite benefices, where neceffity
required it, but without prejudice to the actual Incumbent.
DURING this Seffion, the Spaniſh Prelates perceiving that it
was contrary to the general ſenſe of the Council to make a for-
mal declaration that its preſent Sitting was no more than a Con-
tinuation of the two former, withdrew their motion; as likewiſe
the queſtion concerning the obligation of Refidence.-A general
Affembly held a few days after the Seffion, made feveral regula- July 21,
tions, which related to the Council itfelf; by one of which the
Divines, when they delivered their opinions, were limitted to half
an hour, which being elapſed, the Maſter of Ceremonies was to
give them a fign to leave off. But this Rule of the Court was
fo little obſerved, that, on the fame day, Salmeron, the Pope's
firſt Divine, fuch was the importance of the fubject and the
weight of the Speaker, took up the whole time of the Sitting.-
Several other General Affemblies were held, wherein the grant
of the Cup through Germany cauſed a great variety of opinions.
Of one hundred and fixteen Prelates, who were prefent, thirty-
eight
398
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
eight were for refufing it, twenty-nine for permitting, and
twenty-four for remitting the decifion to the Pope. Thirty-one
agreed to the ſubſtance of the grant, provided the regulation
of it was referred to him: ten were for entreating his Holineſs
to fend Deputies into Germany, to confider the exigency of Affairs
on the fpot: nineteen limitted the conceffion to Germany and
Hungary; but, at length, a Majority of the whole Affembly re-
ferred the Decifion to the Pope, without any reſtriction.
NOTWITHSTANDING the inftances made by the Germans and
French to have the 22d Seffion put off, it was held on the 17th
of September. The Emperor ftill flattered himſelf he ſhould pre-
vail on the Lutherans to come to the Council, in the Diet he was
to hold at Franckfort; but found, when he came to the trial,
the fame diſappointment he had hitherto met with. And the
French were defirous that nothing fhould be decided till the ar-
rival of the Cardinal of Lorrain, who was expected at the head
of the Prelates of that Nation.-The doctrinal decree of this
Seffion contains the belief of the Catholic Church concerning the
Sacrifice of the Maſs, and is compriſed in nine Chapters. The
firſt treats of its inftitution by theſe words of JESUS CHRIST
ſpoke at the laſt ſupper, and addreſſed to his Apoſtles,
"do this
in remembrace of me:" and the Council adds,
on them the Priesthood of the new Covenant. Some of the Fa-
thers had been of opinion that this was done after his Refur-
rection, by theſe words, " receive ye the Holy Ghoſt,” and the
following. In the ſecond Chapter, the Mafs is declared a pro-
pitiatory Sacrifice for the living and the dead. The third and
fourth treat of Maffes which are faid in honour of the Saints;
of the Canon and Ceromonies of the Maſs, and of private Maſſes,
in which the Prieft alone receives the communion; and the Coun-
cil approves of them.-In the Committees held before this Seffion,
it had been propoſed to aboliſh a form of prayer, which con-
tained the whole Service of the Mafs, except the Confecration:
that He conferred
but
OF REGINALD POLE.
399
:
but Drakowitz, an Hungarian Biſhop, oppofed this motion, in
favour of thoſe who are at Sea, who, by this repreſentation are
not totally deprived of the real facrifice; which, on account of
the conftant rowling of the Veſſel, can ſeldom be offered on Ship-
board. The feventh Chapter takes notice that Water is to be
mixed with wine in the Chalice, and affigns feveral reaſons for
this inftitution and the eighth orders each Church to continue
its ancient practice as to the language in which Mafs is per-
formed. The ninth is an introduction to the Canons or rule of
Faith concerning this Sacrifice, which are followed by injunc-
tions as to the manner of offering it. Whatever has the appear-
ance of avarice or fuperftition, fome of which practices are enu-
merated, is prohibited; and unknown and vagabond Priefts are
not permitted to perform the facred functions.
EVERY Article of theſe Chapters, as well thoſe which define
the Faith, as thoſe which prefcribe the practice of the Catholic
Church with refpect to the Mafs, is enounced with a dignity
becoming this auguft Myſtery, and in a manner the moſt ſuitable
to inſpire thoſe with refpect and devotion, who are diſpoſed to
fuch impreffions. And becauſe ſeveral of my Readers may
never have had an opportunity of ſeeing this Act of Religion
performed with folemnity, and may not be diſpleaſed to have a
deſcription of it,, I fhall here relate it as it was performed by one
of the moſt illuftrious Biſhops that ever filled the Pontifical
Throne; after premifing, that as he only took up what his Pre-
deceffors had delivered down to him, fo the Biſhops of every age
of Chriſtianity have done nothing more than perpetuate the fame
form of worship.
THE Prelates of the firſt ages, befides inward fanctity, in which
the ſubſtance of Religion confiſts, made ufe of what had a pleaſ-
ing effect on the fenfes, and left on the mind an awful and agree-
able impreffion of the divine Being. Let the Reader reprefent
to himſelf the Chriftians of Rome affembled, on Eafter Eve, in
the
400
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
From the
year 440,
to 461.
the Lateran Cathedral, and in the Pontificate of St. Leo the Great.
-The Service began by the benediction of the Fire, which was
then kindled; after which, an incredible number of Lights ren-
dered that holy Night as luminous as the brighteft day. The
auguſt Temple, which was incrufted with coftly marble, and
hung with curious paintings of the chief Actions of our Saviour's
life, and the ſufferings of the Martyrs, was filled with an innu-
merable concourfe of people, without tumult or confufion, placed
according to their age and fex, and the rank they held in the
Church. Thofe, who were to receive Baptifm in that very night;
and thoſe, who, two days before, had been reconciled to the
Church, were the moſt confpicuous. The eye was ftruck on
every fide with the luftre of filver, and gold, and precious ftones,
with which every thing was ornamented, in proportion to the
relation it bore to the holy rites. The filence of the night was
interrupted only by leffons from the Prophets, which were read
in a clear and audible manner; and by the melody of Anthems
which were intermixed with the leffons, that by this variety each
part of the ſervice might be more affecting, The mind feized
with theſe great and beautiful objects, was better difpofed to con-
ceive the divine inftructions conveyed in the leffons, efpecially in
perfons prepared, by the ftudy of the fources, from which they
were taken. The recollected air of the Deacons, and other Mi-
niſters, formed by fuch a Prelate, and officiating under his obfer-
vation, or, to ſpeak more properly, under that of Almighty God,
whoſe preſence their piety rendered fenfible, made all this pomp
ſtill more religious. But nothing exalted the Scene ſo much as
the Majeſty of the Pope himſelf, venerable for his learning and
eloquence, his magnanimity, and other virtues. We may eafily
frame to ourſelves the reſpect and tender piety with which he re-
peated, on the facred Fonts, the prayers which himſelf had com-
poſed, and which have been held in fuch efteem by his Succeffors,
and the whole Weſtern Church, that they have uſed them thro'
thirteen
OF REGINALD POLE.
401
thirteen Centuries. All thefe holy and divine Rites preceded the
Sacrifice of the Mafs, which, on this occafion, was offered at
daybreak, the time when our Redeemer rofe from the dead, and
with a folemnity fuited to the fupreme Act of Religion. At this
recital we ceaſe to wonder that Chriftians, on theſe feftivals, for-
get all care of their body, and, having faſted the whole day,
ſhould pass the night, and a part of the following morning in
watching and prayer, before they took any nouriſhment.
THE Decree concerning Reformation, which paffed in the Sef-
fion I am ſpeaking of, renews the ancient Canons concerning the
decency and regularity of the Clergy; and authorizes Biſhops to
ſet apart one third of the revenues of Cathedral and Collegiate
Churches to be daily diftributed to each Canon, in proportion to
his affiduity at the different parts of the fervice; and orders that
none below an Under-Deacon fhall have a voice in Chapter.
The Council alfo grants to Biſhops a power of deciding all dif-
putes which arife about Wills, and fays, they are to execute pious
donations, and vifit Hofpitals, provided they are not immediately
fubject to Princes; it orders the Adminiftrators of all pious foun-
dations to be accountable to them, in cafe the founder has not
otherwiſe appointed; and empowers them to examine Notaries
Royal, and even to interdict them thoſe functions which regard
fpiritual matters.
THE news of the ſpeedy arrival of the Cardinal of Lorrain, and
the French Biſhops, prevailed on the Fathers to prorogue the
next Seffion, and even to fufpend the general Aſſemblies, in which
the matter for the Seffions was prepared and digeſted.—An Ar-
ticle, now to be decided, had brought on a Criſis, to which the
Council, notwithſtanding all the difficulties it had hitherto ſtrug-
gled with, had yet been a ſtranger; and the Fathers were to de-
termine, whether the Jurifdiction, and other rights annexed to
Epifcopacy, were of divine inftitution; or if the Prelacy held
theſe privileges under the Head of their Order, the Biſhop of
Fff
Rome.
402
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Trid. Lov.
Rome. No point had ever been difcuffed with greater accuracy,
or debated with greater warmth. The diffention it produced
was fo violent, that, as Pallavicini relates, the moſt gloomy ap-
prehenfions fucceeded to the hopes of feeing the happy days of
Chriſtianity return again, and her ancient difcipline take place of
the diſorders, to remedy which the Council had been convened.
TT was believed the Cardinal of Lorrain would join the Ger-
man and Spaniſh Prelates, in oppofition to the Italians, who
feemed difpofed to favour the Papal pretenfions, yet he was
received" as an Angel of peace, whom God had fent to repair
the breaches which diſcord cannot fail to make in fuch numerous
meetings." All the Fathers went out to meet him, and, in a
general Affembly on the 23d of November, when he had Audi-
ence, two hundred and eighteen Prelates, all the foreign Miniſters,
and a promiscuous number of perſons of note, whom curiofity
had drawn thither, were prefent. The Cardinal was eſteemed
one of the moſt eloquent perfons of his age; and his zeal for the
Religion of his Anceſtors was equal to his abilities. He was fon
to the firſt Duke of Guife, and his high birth, the great prefer-
ments to which he was advanced, and the diftinguiſhed rank he
held in his Sovereign's favour, gave great weight to whatever he
intereſted himfelf in.
HAVING read the letter which the French King wrote to the
Council, and of which he was the bearer, he delivered himſelf
Acta Con. in a ſpeech which has been preferved, and wherein, among other
1567. topics, he fets forth the deplorable ſtate to which France was
reduced: "There is nothing to be feen, fays he, but troubles,
divifions, rapine, bloodshed, and facrilege, and whatever the im-
piety of Hereſy, armed with rage greater than that of civil war
can produce. Fires are lighted up in every part of the kingdom,
into which the ornaments of the Church, the works of the Fa-
thers, taken out of ancient Libraries, the pictures of Saints, and
their facred relicks are caft, and the aſhes thrown into the next
current.
OF REGINALD POLE.
403
current. The Minifters of the Altar are dragged from it to be
maſſacred; and this facrilegious impiety attacks the Holy of
Holies in endeavouring to abolish the facrifice of the new Law,
that no footſteps may remain of the Religion of our Anceſtors."
Coming, afterwards, to the fource of thefe frightful diforders,
"the hand of an angry God, fays he, is heavy on us, and pu-
niſhes us according to our deferts. We have drawn this venge-
ance on ourſelves by a corruption of manners, which has pervaded
all conditions and orders in the Realm, and fuffered the difcipline
of the Church to go to decay*." He then begs the Fathers to
provide a remedy to theſe Evils, and affures them he is ready, with
the Biſhops of France, to contribute all that was in his
power.
THE Inftructions he brought with him were, to demand a
Reformation of the whole Church, but without obftinately infift-
ing on that of the Court of Rome, which the Pope was known
to make his peculiar care. He was to afk, that the uſe of the
Cup might be allowed in France; and that the Sacraments might
be adminiſtered to the Laity in the vulgar tongue: that public
Prayers might be faid, and the Pfalms fung, at certain hours, in
the fame; but without making any alteration in the Liturgy,
which was to continue to be performed in Latin. Nothing was
faid of the marriage of Priefts; the King only infinuated, that if
they were to live in celibacy, it would be proper to defer their
ordination to an age of greater maturity.-Befides thefe demands
of the French Court, which were made by the Cardinal; their
Ambaffadors Pibrac and Du Ferrier prefented, foon after, a
memorial to the Legates, which contained the following Articles.
-They afked, in the name of the French nation, that no Prieft
ſhould be ordained, who did not poffefs a benefice: that Dea-
cons, and thoſe in inferior Orders, fhould exercife the functions
which were anciently allotted to their rank: that Abbots, and
* Hæc nobis juſtum Dei in irâ fuâ judicium provocaverunt, corrupti omnium Or-
dinum mores, ac Ecclefiaftica omnis collapfa Difciplina.
Fff 2
Conventual
1
404
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Conventual Priors fhould be obliged to found Hofpitals, Schools,
and Infirmaries, and practiſe hoſpitality, for which their Prede-
ceffors had been fo remarkable: that plurality of benefices ſhould
be utterly aboliſhed, without any diſtinction between thoſe which
were compatible, or not fo; which had been unknown to Anti-
quity: that refignations, and all the collufions of Simony, fhould
no longer take place; and ſome ſpiritual function be annexed to
fimple Benefices: that the ſpiritual Juriſdiction ſhould be reſtored,
without any reſtriction, to the Epifcopal Order: and public pe-
nitence, which had been obferved in the primitive Church for
heinous crimes, be again brought into practice: and, in conclu-
fion, that Diocefan Synods be held, at leaſt, every year; Provin-
cial, within the ſpace of three years; and General, within ten..
.
THE Legates having heard thefe Remonftrances, communi-
cated them to the Pope, who wrote to the French King, with great
commendation of the zeal he teſtified for reforming Abuſes, which
time had introduced; and reſtoring the ancient Diſcipline, which
had ſuffered great changes, and been much relaxed: but, withall,
he gave him to underſtand, that the prefent circumſtances re-
quired a moderation with reſpect to ſeveral of thoſe Articles; and
he defired his Majeſty to conſent to it. In this interval, the Ju-
riſdiction and Rights of Epifcopacy continued to be diſcuſſed;
and the Fathers having appointed the Cardinal of Lorrain, and
Madruccio Bishop of Trent, to draw up the Decree concerning
P.efidence, the queſtion met with fo many difficulties, as occa-
fioned the next Seffion to be prorogued.
THE French Cardinal, and ſome other Prelates took this op-
portunity to wait on the Emperor, who was come to hold a Diet:
at Infpruck. He had convened an Affembly of Divines, and
feemed diffatisfied with the Council for not granting his demands,
and for proceeding in the affair of the Reformation, with lefs
warmth than he defired. The Prelates who came to pay their
reſpects to him, were prefent at the Conferences held on this
occafion;
OF REGINALD POLE.
405
occafion; and the Cardinal of Lorrain had ſeveral long Audiences
of his Majefty, the fubject of which has remained a Secret.
Notwithſtanding theſe reaſons of complaint, Ferdinand, foon after,
as an inftance of his regard for the Council, decreed banishment
to any one who ſhould be found in a quarrel or riot within the
City of Trent, and, for greater diſpatch, propoſed to the Pope
a meeting at the fame place, which he did not judge adviſeable.
THE death of Hercules Gonzaga, Cardinal of Mantua, the
chief Legate and Prefident of the Council, and of Scripando,
another of the Legates, caufed the general Affemblies to be fuſ-
pended, till the arrival of Moron and Navigero whom the Pope
ſubſtituted in their place. This hindrance coming after the dif-
ficulties already mentioned, retarded confiderably the progreſs of
the Council; for though the twenty-ſecond Seffion was held on
the 17th of September of the laſt year, the twenty-third had been
ſo often adjourned, that it did not meet till the fifth of July of
this. The Doctrinal Decree which here paffed, took in every 1563.
thing effential to holy Orders, and confequently the inſtitution
of Epifcopacy, and whatever is annexed to it. It is compriſed in
four Chapters, and treats of the Inſtitution of the Priesthood of
the new Law; and of thofe Claffes which properly belong to
holy Orders, as Prieſthood, Deacon, and Under-deaconſhip; and
of the inferior Orders, as Readers, Exorcifts, and the reft.-The
Fathers define Order to be truly a Sacrament, by which Grace is
confered; that the holy Ordination is performed by words and
outward figns, and imprints an indelible character in the perfon
who receives it.-They then declare, "that Biſhops, who are
Succeffors to the Apoſtles, belong principally to the Hierarchy;
and are appointed by the holy Ghoſt, as St. Paul ſays, to govern
the Church of God: that they are of a fuperior rank to Prieſts; and
that it belongs to them to confer the Sacrament of Confirmation,
ordain the Miniſters of the Altar, and perform feveral other func-
tions, which the inferior Clergy are not empowered to do."-
They
406
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
They declare, likewiſe, Ordination not to be made void, though
the interpofition of the fecular power thould be wanting; and that
thofe, who are eſtabliſhed by that only, are not to be reputed
Minifters of the Church. And by the laſt of the eight Canons,
which follow the Doctrinal Chapters, they pronounce an Ana-
thema on whoever afferts that Bishops appointed by the Pope's
authority, are not truly and lawfully fo; but that this practice is
a mere human invention.
Ir is vifible, from the caution with which the Articles con-
cerning Epifcopacy are drawn up, that the Council avoided an
explicit decifion of the nature of the Right, from which the Jurif-
diction of that Order is derived.-The fame moderation was uſed
with refpect to the Papal Prerogatives, on which, while the fub-
ject was difcuffed, there had been a great diverfity of opinions.
Laines, in the General Affemblies which preceded the Seffion,
had maintained that the whole Hierarchy was compriſed in the
Pope's perfon; and that Biſhops themſelves had neither juriſdic-
tion, nor power, but inasmuch as they held it from him: but
he was refuted with great folidity on thefe and other heads,
wherein the opinions he had advanced were no lefs extreme, by
John of Verdun, a Benedictine Monk.
THE Decree concerning Reformation, which paffed this Seffion,
as uſual, after that of Faith, treats of the Refidence of the Clergy
more at large than had been done under Paul III. and takes in
the Cardinals by name, whofe abfence it limits to two or three
months in the year, at moft. It enjoins thoſe who are named to
Bishopricks, to be confecrated within three months; and com-
mands them to confer holy Orders, and not fend their Dioceſans
to be ordained by other Prelates: it difqualifies all under fourteen
years to hold benefices, though they have received the tonfure,
and the four inferior orders; and prohibits Abbots to confer theſe
on any befides Regulars, who belong to their jurifdiction. It
prefcribes the ſtated intervals to be obferved between the collation
of
OF REGINALD POLE.
407
of each order; and appoints the twenty-fecond year for Under-
deaconfhip, the twenty-third for Deaconſhip, and the twenty-
fifth for Priesthood. No Priefts who have not a benefice, to
which the care of Souls is annexed, are allowed, without a par-
ticular licence of the Biſhop, to be Miniſters of the Sacrament of
Penitence: and the fixth Canon of the Council of Calcedon is re-
newed, which reſtrains the number of the Clergy to the utility
and exigencies of the Church.-The Inferior Clergy are reinstated
in the functions proper to their reſpective Claffes; and where
their number is not fufficient to perform thoſe of the four leffer
Orders, their place may be ſupplied by Laymen, who have been
once married, who are to be tonfured, and, when they officiate,
to wear the Clerical Habit.-This long and edifying Decree,
which takes up eighteen chapters, concludes with regulations for
eſtabliſhing Seminaries in every Diocefe; which was
which was judged
ſo uſeful, that many of the Fathers affirmed, was this to be the
fole fruit of the Council, it would make abundantly amends for
all their pains.-The Pope was the firft to fet the example of
this laudable inftitution by founding the Roman Seminary, which
he affigned to the care of the Jefuits.
THIS Seffion being over, the Spaniſh Ambaflador moved, that
thoſe who were feparated from the Catholic Church, thould be
again invited to the Council; but as this meaſure muſt have occa-
fioned a great delay in affairs, which had already been much pro-
tracted, it was fet afide; and regulations prepared for the Decree
againſt Clandeſtine Marriages. The Committees for this purpoſe
were held in Cardinal Moron's, the chief Legate's Palace; but
the Fathers coming to no refolution, the meeting, in which this
point was to have been decided, and which was fixed on the
16th of September, was adjourned to the 11th of November
which vacation the Cardinal of Lorrain made ufe of to go to
Rome, in order to confer with the Pope.
Tur
403
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE French King, at the fame time, fent a peremptory order
to his Ambaſſadors to enter their proteſt againſt a Decree for the
reformation of Sovereigns, which was reported to be in readineſs;
and, in cafe any fuch ſtep was taken, to withdraw to Venice.
Du Ferrier, one of the Ambaſſadors, ſpoke on this head with
great vehemence, in full Council; and having been anſwered,
with equal vivacity, by the Biſhop of Montefiafcone, he replied by
a Diſcourſe of paffion and refentment, rather than of proof and ar-
gument, which he publiſhed with what he calls his Apology, and
then retired to Venice. The Object of this projected Reformation
was to withdraw the Clergy, both as to their perſons and effects,
thoſe which they held by inheritance not excepted, from the Tem-
poral Power; and ſubſtitute the Pope and Biſhops in the place of
Kings and Magiftrates. It was very natural that the intereſted
Powers ſhould abſolutely reject a regulation no leſs repugnant to
the doctrine of JESUS CHRIST and his Apoſtles, than to the autho-
rity of the civil Magiſtrate, and to public order and tranquillity.
BUT, whatever might have been the defign of particular per-
fons, nothing can ſet forth the general ſenſe of the Council with
reſpect to this imputation, in a clearer light, than the ſhort and
pathetic exhortation addreffed to Sovereigns in the laft Seffion,
which I ſhall here tranfcribe." The Fathers have nothing fo
much at heart, as the re-eſtabliſhment of Church Diſcipline among
all Orders of Chriſtians; and, that it be not only inviolably ob-
ferved at preſent, but fecured againſt all future attempts to weaken
it. On this account, befides the regulations which concern the
Clergy, they deem it incumbent on them to admonish temporal
Princes of their duty, and have a confidence that, in quality of
Catholics and Protectors of the holy Faith, they will not only
readily concur in fupport of the Rights of the Church, but will
likewiſe prevail on their Subjects to pay to Churchmen in gene-
ral, to Pariſh Prieſts, and to the higher Orders of Eccleſiaſtics, a
fuitable refpect; and not only fecure thofe immunities, which are
eſtabliſhed
OF REGINALD
409
POLE.
eſtabliſhed by the order of God and Canonical inſtitutions, from
being infringed, but inforce the deference of their Dependants
by their own example. The holy Council, therefore, declares to
them, that they are to look on themfefves as under an obligation
of obſerving the Canons, the Decrees of all general Councils,
and other Apoftolical Ordinances, made in favour of Ecclefiaftical
perfons and the liberties of the Church, and against thoſe who
injure them: and, moreover, reminds Emperors, Kings, Com-
monwealths, Princes and all perfons of whatever dignity that
their obligation on thefe heads is greater in proportion to the
advantages of temporal bleffings and extent of power they enjoy
above others and that this pre-eminence ought to give them a
holy veneration for what appertains more immediately to the
ſervice of God, as being under their peculiar protection. That,
the piety and religion of the Princes, their Predeceffors, is pro-
pofed to their imitation, who not content to protect the Church
againſt all hoſtile attempts, had by their authority and munifi-
cence greatly contributed to the advantages fhe enjoyed.-In
conclufion, the Fathers entreat each of them to fill up the meaſure
of his duty, that God may be worſhipped in holiness, and with-
out unneceſſary avocation; and Biſhops and other Ecclefiaftics
enjoy an undiſturbed tranquillity in the places of their Refidence,
and apply themſelves, in their ſeveral functions, to the edifica-
tion of the people and their own advancement in Virtue.”
THE decree concerning Marriage was publiſhed in the next
Seffion, on the 11th of November, and declares this engagement
of no effect, if the bans are not thrice published; unless the
Ordinary diſpenſes with the publication: and if it be not ratified
by the Parish Prieft, in the prefence of two or three witneffes.
The Council, likewife, condemns thofe who affert Matrimony
to be void unless it be contracted with the confent of Parents,
and that theſe can either annul or make it valid.-The impe-
diments to Marriage, which arife from fpiritual affinity, public
Ggg
decency
4.10
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
decency and fornication are treated of: and thoſe who knowingly
fhall contract marriage within the prohibited degrees, are to be
ſeparated without hope of a more favourable treatment: and that
a difpenfation within the fecond degree of confanguinity is not to
be granted, unleſs in favour of Princes, or ſome public utility.
The Council declares there can be no marriage between the Ra-
visher and the perfon forcibly taken away, fo long as the conti-
nues in his power; and preſcribes the cautions to be obſerved in
the marriages of Vagabonds and fuch as have no home and pro-
nounces Excommunication against thoſe who live in concubinage,
unleſs they ſeparate after the third admonition of their Ordinary;
and againſt all who put an obſtruction to the freedom of mar-
riage. It renews the ancient prohibition of folemnizing marriage
from Advent till after Twelfth-Day, and from Afh-Wedneſday
till after Low-Sunday.-This Decree, which is particularized
through fix chapters, is introduced by a short preface, which
fums up the doctrine of this Sacrament; and by twelve Canons,
or Rules of Faith of which the fifth, fixth, and twelvth, are
moſt obfervable. They pronounce a curfe on thoſe who affirm
that the bond of marriage can be diffolved on account of herefy;
or that this contract is not annulled by a folemn engagement in
a Religious ſtate, made by either of the parties before the conſum-
mation of the marriage; or, laftly, that the Caufes relative to
Matrimony do not belong to the Ecclefiaftical Court.
THE Decree concerning Reformation, which paffed in this
Seffion, contains twenty-one Chapters; eleven of which are em-
ployed on what regards the choice of Cardinals and Biſhops; on
the duties of their ſtation, and the privileges annexed to it.-It
obferves the obligation the Pope lies under of fupplying the Sacred
College with Members worthy fuch a Senate, and from all Na-
tions of Christendom. It appoints Provincial Councils to be held
every three years; and Dioceſan, every year; and limits Epifcopal
Vifitation to the fame term. And no appeal, even to the holy
See,
OF REGINALD POLE.
411
See, no privilege or exemption whatever is to hinder or fufpend
the execution of what is enacted for the reformation of manners
in theſe Judicial Meetings. Biſhops are enjoined to appoint Peni-
tentiaries in their Cathredrals, and to impofe public penitence for
public crimes, unleſs in cafes when this practice would be lefs
expedient. The cognizance of all criminal caufes brought againſt
Biſhops, eſpecially that of Herefy, is referved to the Pope; and
elſewhere, in the fame decree, they are authoriſed to abfolve
others from that crime, but not to delegate their power to their
Grand Vicars. The Council directs that no perfon under the age
of five and twenty be promoted to any preferment, to which the
care of fouls is annexed; or to any other ſpiritual dignity, if he
be two years ſhort of that term: that Archdeacons fhall be Doc-
tors, or Bachelors of Divinity, or Licentiates in the Canon Law.
The Fathers would have the moiety, at leaſt, of the prebends in
Cathedral, and the more confiderable Collegiate Churches con-
ferred on them. They aboliſh, alfo, the Entrance fees, which
were paid on thefe occafions. Chapters are commanded to meet
on the vacancy of a See, and appoint a grand Vicar within 18
days after the deceaſe of the Biſhop; and no one is to hold two
benefices, unleſs one of them be not fufficient for a decent main-
tainance; in which caſe he is allowed to hold a fimple one with
it. As to thoſe who hold feveral Parish Churches, or a Cathe-
dral with a Parochial Church, they are to be conſtrained, within
fix months, to relinquiſh all but one. And as the ſpiritual wel-
fare of Chriſtians depends, in great meafure, on the qualities of
thoſe, under whofe more immédiate care and direction they are,
the Council treats at large of the choice and examination of Pa-
riſh Prieſts; and, among other regulations, appoints, that within
ten days after the vacancy of a Parfonage, the Biſhop and perfon
who has the right of preſentation ſhall name ſeveral Ecclefiaftics
to be examined by the former, and three others appointed by
him; and the Parfonage to be conferred on him who fhall be
G g g 2.
judged
412
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
judged beft qualified.-There are in the Decree other provifions
againſt abuſes in the Collation of Benefices.
THE length, to which the Council had been protracted, began
to make the Fathers defire to bring it to a conclufion; for
which they affign this reafon in the following Seffion, which was
the laft: "that fuch a number of bifhops from fo many diffe-
rent Provinces of Chriftianity could not abfent themſelves any
longer from their reſpective Churches without a confiderable de-
triment to the People committed to, their charge." In this
Seffion, which was held on the 3d of December, and was the
25th fince the first fitting, two Decrees were publiſhed con-
cerning Purgatory, the Invocation of Saints, and the reſpect
due to their relicks and images. And becauſe the Church of
Rome has not been more flandered, nor her doctrine more mifre-
preſented than in the above mentioned particulars, I ſhall here
fet down what was defined concerning them, as it contains the
whole belief and practice of the Catholic Church with refpect to
each of theſe Articles. The Decree on Purgatory being fhort, I
fhall preſent my Reader with a tranflation of the whole.
r
"THE Catholic Church, inftructed by the Holy Ghoft, has al-
ways taught in preceding Councils, and lately in the General one
which is now fitting, according to the holy Scriptures and the
doctrine of all Antiquity, that there is a Purgatory; and that the
Souls there detained are affifted by the prayers of the Faithful,
and chiefly by the facrifice of the Altar, fo worthy of God's gra-
cious acceptance. The holy Council, therefore, commands Biſhops
to be particularly watchful that the belief of the Faithful con-
cerning this tenet, be conformable to the found doctrine, which
has been tranſmitted to us by the holy Fathers and Councils
and to fee it be preached to them in this manner. To take
care that in public diſcourſes to a grofs and ignorant multitude,
all difficult and fubtle difcuffions of this fubject be avoided, which
neither inftruct nor edify. Nor are they to permit any thing
;
that
OF REGINALDOR OLE.
413
that is uncertain, or has the appearance of falfehood to be ad-
vanced on this head; and to profcribe whatever favours of cu-
rioſity or ſuperſtition, or caufes difedification and ſcandal, as
owing its origin to unbecoming and fordid lucre. They are,
likewife, to be watchful that the Offerings of the Faithful, as
Maffes, Prayers, Alms, and other works of piety, which are wont
to be performed for the repofe of the Departed, be diſcharged
with devotion; and that the relief which is due to Souls in a
ſeparate ſtate, be diſcharged, not in a hafty and negligent manner,
but with care and accuracy, by Priefts who ferve the Church, or
others who are obliged to it.".
;
THE other Decrée, concerning the Invocation of Saints, is
drawn up as fully, and with a difcernment and dignity equal to
any thing in the whole Council. It enters on the fubject," by
commanding Biſhops, and all who are charged with the inftruc-
tion of the people, to inform them particularly of what concerns
the interceffion made to Saints, the honour paid to their Re-
licks, and the approved uſe of Images; as theſe practices are
obferved by the Catholic and Apoftolic Church, received from the
earlieſt times of Chriſtianity, and conformable to the unanimous
conſent of the holy fathers and decrees of Councils. They are
to teach, that the Saints, who reign with Chrift, offer up to
God their prayers
for
men; that it is lawful and falutary to have
recourſe to their interceffion and aid, and to pray to them; in
order to obtain grace and favour of God, through his fon JESUS
CHRIST, our Lord and only Redeemer and Mediator: and that
thoſe who deny the lawfulneſs of this practice, or maintain
that the Saints do not pray for us, or that it is idolatrous to
defire their prayers for each one in particular; or that it is re-
pugnant to the word of God, and to the honour due to JESUS
CHRIST, the only Redeemer and Mediator between God and
Man; or that fuch ufage is folly, have fentiments contrary to
true Piety.-The Faithful, in like manner, are to bear refpect to
腼
​the
414
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
the holy bodies of the Martyrs and other Saints, who enjoy eter-
nal life with JESUS CHRIST; theſe bodies having formerly been
his living members, and the Temple of the holy Ghoſt, and are
hereafter to be recufcitated to life eternal; and God himſelf often
conferring great benefits through their means. Infomuch, as
thoſe who affirm neither honour nor veneration to be due to the
Relicks of Saints; and that it is to no purpoſe for the Faithful to
pay a reſpect to them, and other facred Memorials; or to viſit
places confecrated to their memory, in order to obtain their affiſt-
ance, are abfolutely to be condemned, as the holy Church for-
merly has, and now again paffes ſentence on them.-The Images,
likewiſe, of JESUS CHRIST, of the Virgin Mother of God, and
the other Saints, are to be retained, particularly in Churches; and
a due reſpect is to be paid to them. Not that we believe the
Divinity, or any power, to refide in them, on account of which
this reverence is paid: or that any thing is to be afked of, or any
confidence placed in them, as the Pagans put their truſt in Idols:
but becauſe the honour paid to them, is referred to the Originals
which they reprefent. Thus, in the Images we kiſs, before which
we uncover our heads, and proftrate ourſelves, we adore Jesus
CHRIST, and pay our refpects to his Saints, whoſe reſemblance
they bear as this doctrine has been already defined, particularly
in the fecond Council of Nice, against thoſe who oppugned it.-
The people are, moreover, to be taught that the Mysteries of our
Redemption thus reprefented, are defigned to render the Articles
of our belief familiar to them; and that they not only renew the
remembrance of benefits received, and of the wonderful things:
which God has operated in his Saints, and the wholeſome exam-
ple they have left us; but awaken our gratitude, and animate us
to an imitation of their behaviour, to adore and love the fu-
preme Being, and lead a life of piety: and thofe who advance
any doctrine contrary to theſe Decrees, or diffent from them,
are anathematized."
IF
OF REGINALD POLE.
115
IF any abuſe has crept into fuch holy and falutary obfervances,
the Council ardently defires it ſhould be abolished; that no ima-
ges be expofed which can give occafion to error, or become a
fnare to the ignorant: and where the repreſentations are taken
from Scripture, the illiterate Vulgar, for whofe aid they are chiefly
defigned, are to be carefully informed, that the Divine Being is
above all reſemblance, and not to be expreffed by colours, or
outward form.-In the invocation of Saints, the veneration of
Relicks, and the due ufe of Images, all manner of fuperftition,
all fordid and illiberal gain, and whatever is inconfiftent with de-
cency, is to be ſhunned.-After theſe general injunctions, the
Council enters into a detail of ſeveral practices, which it ranks
under theſe heads: and preſcribes the caution to be obſerved in
the examination of Miracles, in aboliſhing either cuſtoms, whoſe
lawfulneſs is equivocal, or inveterate Evils; and deciding impor-
tant queſtions on theſe matters.
THERE were likewife two Deerees concerning manners, pub-
liſhed at the fame time; one of which regards Religious perfons
of both Sexes; the other, a general Reformation. The firſt is
divided into two and twenty chapters; by the third of which all
Monafteries, even of the mendicant Orders, and thoſe who other-
wife were prohibited by their Conftitutions, are allowed, for the
future, to have immoveable goods. An exception was made at
the earneſt requeſt of fome branches of St. Francis's inftitute:
and Laynes, who had fucceeded to the government of the Jeſuits,
though, at firſt, he made the fame petition for the profeffed
houfes of his Society, yet he afterwards defifted from it. By the
fifth Chapter, an exact Encloſure is enjoined to all Religious Wo-
men; and the ninth and tenth contain the Regulations of Convents
immediately fubject to the holy See, which are to be governed by
the Biſhops of the place, as Delegates of that See: and Religious
Women are to be admonished, by their inftitutions, to confefs
themſelves and receive the holy Euchariſt, at leaſt, once a month.
The
416
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
The eleventh, fubjects fuch as exerciſe in Convents the functions
of Pariſh Prieſts, to the authority of the Ordinary. The fifteenth
prohibits any perſon to take religious vows before they are full
fixteen years old, and have paffed one in a probationary ſtate. A
curfe is pronounced againſt whoever conftrains any one to enter
on a Religious ſtate, or hinders them from fo doing: and religi-
ous perfons who have any cauſe to object to the validity of their
engagement, are allowed to do it within five years after their en-
trance; but theſe elapfed, they are no more to be heard. As
theſe Articles, which concern Religious perfons, take in a confi-
derable part of the Hierarchy, and the beauty of the whole
Church depends fo much on their regularity, the Committees and
general Conventions which prepared the heads, took every pre-
caution to include in them whatever could anſwer that purpoſe ;
as muſt appear to all judicious perfons who read them with
attention.
After this decree which regarded the Monaftic profeffion, the
Fathers immediately proceeded to the duties of the Epiſcopal Or-
der; and the directions given on this Article are not inferior to
any part of the Council: which then goes on to the charge of
Heads of Univerſities and Colleges, and of thoſe who have the care
of others; and having here an opening to explain itſelf on the
fubject of Excommunication, it begins with the following caution;
"that though this puniſhment be the nerve of Ecclefiaftical Dif
cipline; and very expedient to contain the People within the
bounds of duty, yet it was to be ufed with great fobriety and
moderation; fince it had been found by experience, that a too
frequent uſe, and on flight occafions, cauſed it rather to be defpi-
fed than feared, and produced greater Evil than Good." The
following part of the articlés enters on the cauſes which juſtify
the inflicting this puniſhment, and prefcribes feveral regulations
concerning it. The Fathers had feveral other matters to deter-
mine, but, night coming on, they adjourned to the next day,
when
OF REGINALD
417
POLE.
when they publiſhed five other Decrees, with which they put an
end to the Seffion, and clofed the Council.
THE firſt of theſe Articles concerns a practice of ſuch confe-
quence, and which has been the object of ſo much obloquy, as
to deſerve to be tranſcribed from the words of the Council.
"The power of granting Indulgences having been conferred by
JESUS CHRIST on his Church, ſhe has made uſe of it from the
earlieſt times, as derived from God. The holy Council, there-
fore, ordains that it be retained as very falutary and approved by
the authority of former Synods, and pronounces an Anathema on
thoſe who ſay that Indulgences are unlawful, or deny the Church's
power to grant them. It requires, nevertheleſs, that, according to
the ancient approved cuftom, they ſhould be granted with reſerve
and moderation, left a too great facility in this point weaken
Ecclefiaftical Difcipline. But as to abufes which have been in-
troduced, and given occafion to Hereticks to traduce this favour-
able appellation, the Council is extremely defirous they fhould be
reformed, and commands whatever has the appearance of illicit
gain, in the diftribution of them, to be abolished, as having been
productive of great diſorders. And as for other diforders, which
have their riſe either in fuperftition, ignorance, irreverence, or
any fuch like fource; and of which, on account of their number
and variety in different places, it would be hard to enter on a
detail, all Biſhops are required to look into theſe particulars, in
their reſpective Dioceſes, in order to lay them before the firſt Pro-
vincial Synod; that being found unlawful by the confent of the
other Bishops, the relation may be fent to the Pope, that by his
authority and prudence, he may regulate the whole, as fhall be
moſt expedient; and the treaſure of Indulgences be diſpenſed to
the Faithful with piety and holinefs, and without any juſt cauſe
of complaint." This is the whole definition of the Catholic
Church concerning this Article; though the generality of thoſe
who are ſeparated from her Communion, and take their notions
Hhh
from
4 18
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
from fuch as are unacquainted with her doctrine, or chuſe to miſ-
reprefent it, think the very reverſe of what is here fet down.
THE fecond of the five mentioned Decrees preſcribes the ob-
fervance of fafts and feftivals, and affigns the reafons of each.
The third remits to the Pope's care the catalogue of prohibited
Works, and the correction of the books which contain the Church
ſervice, the Miffal and Breviary; that, having been reviſed by his
orders, they may come out by his authority. It affigns to him,
alfo, the publiſhing the Catechifm, and commands the memo-
rials of theſe ſeveral heads, which had been drawn up by Com-
mittees appointed for each purpoſe, to be put into his Holiness's
hands. The ignorance in which both the Clergy and Laity were
plunged, particularly fince the Council of Bâle, and in Germany
deeper than elſewhere, had facilitated the way to innovations in
Religion. The Fathers, therefore, who faw the extent of the
Evil, had ordered an Inftruction to be drawn up for the Paro-
chial Clergy, in form of a Catechism, which can never be fuffi-
ciently commended, nor ftudied too much.
THE fourth Decree, which orders the acceptance of the Coun-
cil, and the execution of its Decrees, was compofed by the Car-
dinals of Lorrain, and Madrucci; who, to obviate all objections,
weighed the terms with a very exact fcrutiny.-This Decree was
followed by a freſh reading of thoſe that had been made under
Paul, and Julius III. after which, the fifth and laſt Decree was
publiſhed, for putting an end to this celebrated Affembly, which
was opened at Trent, in the year 1545, and by feveral proroga-
tions continued through eighteen years, till the year 1563. It
ended with fuch univerfal fatisfaction on the part of the Biſhops,
that the greater number teftified their joy by their tears. The
Cardinal of Lorrain, to avoid confufion, compofed the order of
Acclamations, which were to be made at the cloſe, and having
pronounced them with an audible voice, the Fathers joined in
teſtifying their affent, and confirming the good wishes he had
made.
OF REGINALD POLE.
419
made.—It appears, from the Acts of the Council, that it is ac-
counted the twentieth of the General. It was fubfcribed to by two
hundred and fifty-five Fathers, including Biſhops, Abbots, and
Heads of Religious Orders; viz. four Legates, two Cardinals,
three Patriarchs, twenty-five Archbishops, one hundred and fixty-
eight Biſhops, ſeven Abbots, thirty-nine Proxies, and feventeen
Heads of Religious Orders.-In the fubfcription, to the words I
have fubfcribed, all the Fathers added, as Definer, except the
Proxies, who had never been allowed the right of voting.-Two
days after, all the Ambaſſadors who were at Trent, except the
Count de Luna, received the Decrees, and figned them feparately
from the ſubſcription of the Fathers.-The ratification of the Acts
having been petitioned with the uſual formalities, in the name of
the whole Council, the Pope confirmed them on the 26th of
January, 1564, and referves to himſelf the decifion of
culty which may ariſe on the ſubject.—The Fathers had likewiſe
paid the fame deference to the holy See in their laſt Decree.-
The Ordonances of the Council were to take place on the firſt of
the following May; and a Committee of eight Cardinals was
eſtabliſhed to bring them into practice.
any diffi-
THE Council of Trent was received without any reſtriction by
the Kingdom of Portugal, the Venetians, and the Duke of Savoy,
The Spaniards, the Flemings, Neapolitans, and Sicilians, cauſed
it to be publiſhed with a caution as to any part of its Difcipline,
which might be derogatory to the claims of their reſpective So-
vereignties; but without any particular reſtriction; and Cardinal
Commendon obtained of the King of Poland, to receive it in full
Senate, and in their prefence who had renounced the communion
of the Church.-The Emperor moved a difficulty in admitting
it, by perfifting to demand the uſe of the Cup, and the marriage.
of the Priesthood; the firſt of which was allowed under certain
limitations, and where there fhould be fufficient caufe.-It was
never publiſhed in France, becauſe ſome of its Regulations are
Hhh 2
not
420
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
not conformable to the cuſtoms of that Kingdom, and to what
are termed Privileges of the Gallican Church. But the Doctrine
is univerfally fubmitted to, and the Church of France has unani-
mouſly acknowledged in it, the ancient and unvaried Faith of
the Catholic Church.-In the following year, 1565, feveral Pro-
vincial Councils were affembled in different States, for the publi-
cation of its Decrees; the moſt celebrated of which is that held
at Milan, by Cardinal Charles Borromeo, Archbishop of that City,
who, though then very young, drew on himſelf the admiration
of all Europe, by his zeal, his eloquence, and the majeſty with
which he prefided at this Affembly, of which he was the Soul.
If the Author had not grounds to think that the foregoing ac-
count of the Council of Trent, would have, at leaſt, the recom-
mendation of novelty with the generality of his Readers, fome
part of it might have been contracted into a narrower compafs:
and it may be deemed needleſs, after ſuch a detail, to add Re-
flection to matter of Fact. CARDINAL POLE having prefided at
ſeveral Seffions of this great Affembly, the ſubject of this Hiſtory
is immediately intereſted in thofe tranfactions, in which he had a
ſhare and the intimate connection which the Continuation and
Cloſe of the Council had with the Opening, made the relation of
the latter neceffary, in a Work where the former could not have
been omitted. As to any obfervations which ariſe from the ſub-
ject, it would really be fuperfluous to point them out, were the
feveral Articles and Decrees read with attention, and impartially
weighed; becauſe theſe furniſh ſo many and ſo uſeful, that a Wri-
ter muſt be vain indeed, who thinks to ſuggeſt any thing which
can either raiſe a higher Idea of Wiſdom than appears through
every part of it, or inforce its truth and moral with greater energy
than the Text itſelf.
THE firſt Council held at Jerufalem, by the Apoſtles, is the
Plan on which the Catholic Church has ever proceeded in her
general Conventions,, on queſtions of Faith and Diſcipline. The
following
OF REGINALD PO L E.
·421
XV.
following Incident
gave occafion to it. There had been a confi- das, ch.
derable diſagreement among the Faithful concerning the obliga-
tion of the Mofaical Obfervances; on which a deputation was
fent to Jerufalem, where the preaching of the Goſpel began, and
where St. Peter, the Prince and Chief of the Apoftolic College
then was.
On this, as many of the Apoftles and Prieſts, as the
circumſtances of the times would admit, met and difcuffed the
queſtion at leiſure, and with great exactness. St. Peter prefides at
the Meeting, he opens it by propofing the matter in debate, and
faying, they were informed that God, from ancient times, had made
choice of him to declare the Gofpel to the heathen world, and bring
them over to it. But tho' he is firſt who delivers his judgment,
he is not the fole Judge. St. James, who was Biſhop of Jeru-
falem, judges alfo, and expreffes himſelf in that authoritative Cha-
racter. When thoſe, who choſe to give their opinion, had ſpo-
ken, the queſtion is decided; and the decifion grounded on the
holy Scriptures, and drawn up by the common conſent of all pre-
fent. It is then committed to Writing, not as a human deter-
mination, but an Oracle; and thofe, in whofe name it is fent,
fay, at the head of the Definition, with all affurance, It has feem-
ed good to the Holy Ghoft and to Us." The decifion thus made is
fent to particular Churches, not to be examined, but received
and executed with an entire fubmiffion.-The World has never
ſeen a more illuftrious Copy of this venerable Original than that
of which I have given the abridgement, as will appear to every
Comparer of its proceedings with what is related in the Acts of
the Apoſtles.
2
1
+
THE Council receives no leſs authority from the Perfons, who
compoſed it, who were as knowing and learned as ever met on
fuch, or any other occafion. This appears from their characters
tranſmitted to us by thoſe who were perfonally acquainted with
them, and were themſelves very great men; and by the Writings,
by which ſeveral of that Affembly have recommended their own
Fame
422
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
Fame to pofterity. Agreeably to thefe advantages, and to the
occafions of thoſe unhappy times, they entered on a greater detail,
both of the Tenets which were to be aſcertained, the errors to
be condemned, and the points of Diſcipline reformed, than had
ever yet enlightened any period of the Chriſtian Era.—The bare
defence of Truth was by no means the fole end of thefe Regula-
tions; and no Work, next to the Supreme of Books, and Sublime
of all Writings, gives fo noble and accurate an Idea of the doc-
trine and morality of the Goſpel; fuch proofs of the one, and
ſuch encouragement to live up to the other; and is ſo proper to
remove the prejudices, under which the Catholic cauſe labours,
with thoſe who are feparated from her communion; by letting
them fee what her Faith and Practice prefcribe, and on what
foundation they both reft: and, therefore, no reading can be
more falutary to perfons of all Ranks,
THE Members of her own communion will, above all others,
find motives of acquiefcence in the guidance of a Church, which
they perceive to be ftill the fame, amidft all thofe changes which
furround and paſs before her: that Her unerring Light is, at once
clear, unchanged, and univerfal; and has, in every age, imparted
the Rule of Belief and Action to All who have any claim to a
fucceffion from the Apoſtles; and been the fource and teft of
every rightful tenet. That, like the Soul, which feeds the whole
frame with ſpirits, fupplies it with vigour, directs each motion,
and ſuſtains every nerve, this divine Direction has provided not
only Nations and Provinces, but Individuals with fpiritual ſupplies
ſuited to all their neceffities.
* Mr. Pope, of the Holy Scriptures.
+ CHRISTI verò Ecclefia fedula et
cauta depofitorum apud fe Dogmatum
cuftos, nihil in iis unquam permutat,
nihil minuit, nihil addit: non amputat
neceffaria, non apponit fuperflua: non
amittit fua, non ufurpat aliena: fed om-
"The calamity of the times is
ni induftriâ hoc unum ftudet, ut vetera
fideliter fapienterque tractando, fi quæ
funt illa antiquitùs informata et inchoata,
accuret et poliat; fi quæ jam expreffa et
enucleata, confolidet, firmet; fi quæ jam
confirmata et definita, cuftodiat. Deni-
que quid unquam aliud Conciliorum
Decretis enixa eft, nifi ut quod anteà
fimpliciter
1
OF REGINALD POLE.
423
fuch, fays the Council, and the perverfenefs of thofe who are
fallen from the Church fo obftinate, that there was nothing fo
clearly proved, or ſo firmly eſtabliſhed, which they have not vi-
tiated." This engaged the Fathers to apply themſelves, in a par-
ticular manner, to difprove and reject the errors which then ob-
tained, and to elucidate thofe truths, by which they are princi-
pally contraſted: in all which they have added nothing to the
Doctrine of Antiquity, but placed in an advantageous light what
the Innovators endeavoured to obfcure. They were led to this
method by the invariable practice of paft ages, which had never
failed to decide according to what an uniform tradition had deli-
vered down to them. For whatever Truth is called in queſtion,
and at whatever diſtance of time, the Difputants always find the
Church in the fame fituation, and equally ready to oppofe to
them the fame Decrees, which the holy See and the Unanimity
of the Faithful have formerly pronounced, without adding any
thing but what was neceffary to confute new errors, which have
rifen up againſt Truths as ancient as Chriſtianity. Thus, this
General Council, like all the preceding, has been an illuftrious
evidence that the Chriſtian Faith, which has the Source of Truth
for its Author, partakes of the Unity of its divine Origin, which
cannot be divided, and that any difcord would be the deftruction
of the Whole.
THOUGH a fupernatural affiftance was affured to this fupreme
Tribunal, every rational inveſtigation by which Error is detected,
fimpliciter credebatur, hoc idem pofteà
diligentiùs crederetur; quod anteà lentiùs
prædicabatur, hoc idem pofteà inftantiùs
prædicaretur; quod anteà fecuriùs cole-
batur, hoc idem pofteà follicitiùs exco-
leretur? Hoc, inquam, femper, neque
quicquam præterea, Hæreticorum novi-
tatibus excitata, Conciliorum fuorum
decretis Catholica perfecit Ecclefia, nifi
ut, quod prius à Majoribus folà tradi-
tione fufceperat, hoc deinde Pofteris e-
tiam per Scripturæ chirographum config-
naret: magnam rerum fummam paucis
litteris comprehendendo; et plerumque
propter intelligentiæ lucem, non novum
fidei fenfum novæ appellationis proprie-
tate fignando. Vicentii Lirinenfis, adver-
fus Hærefes, Commonitorii cap. xxxii.
The Author lived in the 5th Century,
and
424
LIFE
THE HISTORY OF THE +
and its contrary Truth inforced, was made uſe of in the Com-
mittees and General Conventions which prepared the matter for
the Seffions, and in the method obferved in theſe laſt decifive
Meetings. Hence the Decifions are not lefs clear and precife,
than abfolute and peremptory; the Council having conſtantly
taken care to remove whatever might give the mind a pretext
to go aftray, as has been ſeen in the Articles of the invocation
of Saints, of Purgatory, and of the refpect due to holy Images;
and the fame might be exemplified in other Inſtances. A com-
pleteness, therefore, fuch as leaves nothing to be defired, is as
remarkable in thefe Decrees, as their agreement with each other,
and with the belief of all Antiquity. Thefe Advantages become
more extenſive, as the high Court of Judicature that enjoys them,
not being at a lofs to find her doctrine, explains herſelf without
difficulty or circumlocution; and, for this reafon, neither loads
nor perplexes her decifions with unneceffary words. As fhe con-
templates the moſt fublime Myſteries without being loft in their
blaze, ſhe propoſes them without ambiguity, being affured to find
in thoſe, to whom the fpeaks, a readiness" to captivate their
underſtanding to the obedience of Faith," and a ſtrength of mind
capable of ſupporting the weight of the divine Secret.
THE Adverfaries, indeed, of the Church of Rome have object-
ed to her, after Fra. Paolo, that the Council of Trent has generally
delivered itſelf in obfcure and equivocal terms. But this Objection
could never have been made but with a view to miſrepreſent this
Affembly, to thoſe who were never likely to read its Acts. A
moderate attention to what is there contained, even in the ſketch.
here given, will evince this charge to be no lefs deftitute of foun-
The late dation, than the fneer of an impious Scoffer, the diſgrace of his
age and country, who calls the whole, a folemn banter. But, as
Dacier, on a celebrated French Critic obferves, the nobleſt ſubjects are moſt
the 3d B.
of the O- liable to burlefque, by perverting their meaning; as fome pictures,
by varying the pofition, reprefent a Man or a Monster.
Lord B.
dyfey.
SHOULD
OF REGINALD POLE.
425
SHOULD any doubt concerning this perfpicuity yet remain,
as to any decided point; every intelligent and equitable Reader
will reflect, that Almighty God, who beft knows to what a de-
gree of knowledge it is fitting Man's underſtanding ſhould attain,
by the Truths he is pleaſed to reveal, leaves us often in the dark
with reſpect to ſeveral circumſtances which accompany theſe
truths, and to the manner of explaining them; and this creates
a neceffity of ufing only general expreffions on fuch occafions,
in order to remain within the moderation recommended by St.
Paul, and not, contrary to the rule he has laid down, Be more
wife than it behoves us to be; but to be wife with fobriety.
But though the terms employed in fuch cafes are general, they
are not vague, and neither cauſe an ambiguous or equivocal
fenſe, though they may not convey evidence to the laſt precifion.
That good faith in pronouncing only on what was certain, and
not wrapping up any doubtful tenet in the deciſion, ſo worthy
the authority of the Repreſentative of the Catholic Church, was
obferved through all the Seffions. I ſhall content myſelf with
giving the following inftance.-The form of a decree had been
drawn up,
from whence the Pope's fuperiority to a general
Council might be inferred. This was oppofed by the French
Biſhops and the Cardinal of Lorrain at their head, and Pallavi-
cini relates that the Pope being conſulted, made anſwer, that no-
thing ſhould be defined, but by the unanimous confent of the
Fathers, and the Decree was accordingly fuppreffed.
To this moderation in defining only what was to conſtitute
the Catholic Doctrine, we are to join the pathetic Addreſſes to
thoſe who had forfaken it; and the gravity of the Admonitions,
which introduce, by way of Preface, fome of the Seffions, and are
intermixt with the precepts which regard Diſcipline; becauſe
they manifeſt the Fathers' univerfal difpofition to acquit them-
felves of every part of their charge, and muſt be felt by all who
do not read with a luft to mifapply.-The fame dignity and pre-
Iii
cifion
1
426
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
cifion which diſtinguiſh the matter and affect the fentiment and
expreffion, have cauſed fuch a variety of ſubject to be compriſed
in one ſmall volume, and placed the Council of Trent on a level,
at leaſt, with the moſt celebrated and accurate compofitions: and
made each part to be enounced with remarkable life and ſpirit.-
This accuracy is recommended by an exemption from all repetiti-
ons; by a method, which is, every where, regular; a matter, con-
nected; a diction, clear, concife and nervous; and an arrangement
and harmony of parts, which gives perfpicuity and ſtrength even
to the minuteſt precepts and definitions, and an additional ad-
vantage to what precedes and follows in its proper place; and
makes the whole worthy the majefty of ſuch a Legiſlature, and a
Cauſe the moſt facred and important to which the mind of Man
can be admitted. I may add, without departing from the notion
of that ſerious and Chriſtian Sublime which is affixed to fuch an
Affembly, that though nothing can be more polite or difpaffionate
than the manner in which all the Decrees and whatever has any
relation to them, is penned, yet this is done with a noble fim-
plicity, without any affectation of the ornaments of fpeech, and
the whole attention is vifibly taken up in inftructing, not in gain-
ing applauſe. The Affeffors of this Tribunal every where difco-
ver that generous diſdain and abhorrence of capital error and vice,
which they could not have diffembled without departing from
their character; but they do it with a due regard to the weakneſs
of Mankind; and endeavour more to reform than chaſtiſe; tho',
in their place, one could not always be effected without the other.
The form in which the Acts of the Bishops of Rome are drawn up,
which from the Bulla, or Great Seal, are called Bulls, like that
of the Acts of other Sovereigns, is, for the moſt part, neither
very engaging nor entertaining, yet thofe prefixed to the feveral
parts of the Council, are not liable to this objection.
THE frequent interruptions, and the length of time thro' which
the Council was protracted, muſt have occafioned an almoſt total
fucceffion
OF REGINALD POLE.
*
427
fucceffion of the Members, who, at different times, compofed it;
yet an uniformity of ſtyle and ſentiment appears through the De-
crees of all the Seffions, no leſs than if they had been enacted and
written by the fame Convention, or even by the fame perſon: fo
much did That Spirit, which fills, connects, and bounds the Uni-
verfe, and has, by way of excellence, the gift of elocution, pre-
vail over all human obftacles; and ftamp the Image of Himſelf,
unity, truth, and fanctity on a body of Laws, to which, on ac-
count of the effects they produced in the Chriftian World, we
may apply the words of the Prophet, Almighty God has fent forth
his Spirit, and wrought a fecond creation, by renewing the face of
the Earth."
I SHOULD, however, be wanting to that candour, from which
no confideration can diſpenſe a Writer, was I to diffemble that
ſome of the Deliberations were accompanied with thofe intrigues
and paffions, which are the attendants at the boards of other
Councils. The hiſtory of Mankind has ever informed us, that
where there are Men, there will be weaknefles infeparable from
humanity. The meetings of the beſt and greateſt Ferfonages, in
the happieſt ages, have not always been exempt from them:
they found entrance into that Synod, which the Son of God had
formed by his own inftruction and example. But though feveral
of thefe effects were visible in various Incidents of the Council,
they were fucceeded by unanimity in all doctrinal points, and
whatever concerned a reformation of manners; and are an illuf-
trious evidence that the bufinefs there carrried on was conducted
by a ſuperior order, to whofe accomplishment thofe very mea-
fures concur, which feem calculated to weaken or fubvert it.
As the beginning of the Century in which the Council was
convened, was one of the unhappy Epochs of Chriſtianity, the
vifible change of manners which was the confequence of it let all
Europe fee an attention of Providence over the Catholic Church,
equal to what any other Period of that Eftabliſhment had ever
Iii 2
experienced;
Wijdom,
ch, i.
1
428
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
experienced and though the deſtroying Angel was permitted to
give her a dreadful affault, he was not fuffered to prevail against
her.—I muſt be allowed to exemplify this affertion from what
happened in our own Country, where, amidst defection and con-
fufion, our Catholic Anceſtors, through the temper of their Ru-
lers, who were ftrangers to the equity and moderation of the
times, in which we, their Pofterity, have the happineſs to live,
faw the exerciſe of thoſe heroic virtues neceffary, which graced
the early days of Chriſtianity: and this National Church, which
had few Martyrs in its infancy, had the glory to have many
when ſhe was on the point of expiring. A Work eſteemed for
its accuracy, and which ends with the year 1588, that is, before
the heat of Elizabeth's perfecutions, enumerates above 1200 per-
fons, who fuffered for their Religion, either in their lives or for-
tunes, and puts down their names; amongſt whom are eighteen
Peers of the Realm, above four hundred lay perfons of diftinction,
of both ſexes, and five hundred and thirty Prieſts. The treaſon
which has been imputed to fome of them, is fufficiently refuted
by their proteftation at the Scaffold of their inviolable fidelity to
the Queen, whom they acknowledged for their rightful Sovereign,
and prayed for her, by whofe orders they where executed*
All Kingdoms, and States in communion with the See of Rome,
each Province almoſt in thefe different Sovereignities, were wit-
neffes of the furprizing change which the Regulations of the
Council wrought; and that the Clergy in particular, was regular
and edifying in proportion as the Biſhops were careful to introduce
the practice of them.-The Seminaries, and other Eſtabliſhments,
either erected or reformed, by the plan there laid down, greatly
contributed to thefe defirable purpofes; and feveral Provincial
Councils recalled in fome part, at leaſt, the ancient difcipline,
and either ſtopped the growth of error, or prevented its birth.-
* Concertatio fidei catholicæ in An-
gliâ, Auguſta Trevirorum, excudebat
Henricus Bock, anno 1588, cum gratiâ
et privilegio. It is a large quarto.
The
OF REGINALD POLE.
The Monafteries of St. Therefa, in the midft of populous Cities,
fet an example of abſtraction and retirement from the World,
which may vie with the Deſerts of Thebais, inhabited by the An-
chorites.-America was enlightened by the labours and miracles
of St. Lewis Bertrand; and St. Francis Xavier fhewed the fpirit
and wonders of an Apoſtle in the Eaſt Indies.-The See of Rome
faw Succeffors worthy the Prince of the Apoſtles; Adrian V.
Marcellus II. and Gregory XIII. may be ranked with the beſt of
Popes; as Sixtus V. among the Greateſt.
I SHALL conclude what I had to fay on the Council of Trent
and its immediate confequences, by a teftimony, which, I pre-
fume, will be above all exception, as coming from one whom
the Engliſh fuppofe very well acquainted with the merits of the
caufe; who, nobody imagines to be prejudiced in favour of it,
and every body acknowledges, where he is not byaffed by pre-
vention, to be a very polite and judicious Writer. "As to what
regards Diſcipline, fays this Author, it is certain that ſeveral ex-
cellent regulations were made, according to the ancient ſpirit of
the Church; and a remedy applied to ſeveral pernicious abuſes
which prevailed before with impunity." And a little below, " All
theſe diſorders, fays he, have not been reformed by the Council,
but, if we ſet aſide prejudice, we may with truth acknowledge,
they are infinitely leſs than they were before*.”
Courrayer, Pref. à l'Hift. du Conc. de Trente.
429
SECT.
(430)
SECT.
VII.
The CARDINAL, on the Death of Henry VIII. addreffes an Apology
for himself to Edward VI.
Declines the Papacy, vacated by the death of Paul III.
And retires from public Life, till the acceffion of Queen Mary.
W
HILST CARDINAL POLE was exerting himſelf at
Trent, in the public cauſe of Chriſtianity, and ad-
vancing in the carrier of true worth and glory,
Henry VIII. had finiſhed a life, the courſe of which
was marked out by quite different characters from
that of his Kinſman. I have already followed him through the
various Scenes of guilt which diverfified the feveral periods of it,
after he left the laudable path, in which he firſt fat out; and
made fuch reflections on them as they naturally raiſe in a breaſt
which is not a ſtranger to the feelings of juftice, humanity, and
religion. The laſt deed of plunder and facrilege which difgraces.
theſe Annals, was the feizure of what he had ſpared at the diffo-
lution of the Abbeys, and put an end to further rapine, which
he ſtill meditated. A Speech he made to the Parliament, a little
before his death, fets forth, in a very fignificant manner, the dif
pofitions in which he was about to leave the Nation, and the
effects which the changes in Religion, of which he was the Au-
thor, already had on the temper, the manners, and principles of
the Engliſh. The general air of the diſcourſe, and the occafion
on which he ſpoke it, fufficiently indicate that he was in high
good humour with both Houſes, and therefore give greater weight
to his complaints, and to the reality of thofe Evils which caufed
him
OF
REGINALD POLE.
him to make them. I fhall prefent the Reader with a fummary
of the Speech, it being like the confeffion of a dying Malefactor,
who throws on his Affociates the whole blame of crimes which
were perpetrated at his inftigation, and by his example.
HAVING enlarged, in a very ridiculous and awkward manner,
on the mutual love which fubfifted between Him and his Parlia-
ment, "he thanks them for the furrender they had lately made
him of the Chantries, Hoſpitals, and other fuch Foundations;
and affures them, the revenues arifing from theſe Eſtabliſhments,
ſhall be employed in a much more godly manner than they were
aware of. He then tells them, that concord had ceafed amongſt
them, and diffention every where bore rule.—That the Clergy
preached one againſt another, taught contrary doctrines, and in-
veighed againſt each other with as little charity as diſcretion.—
That the whole Nation was at variance, through the obftinacy
of fome, and the curiofity of others.-That few or none publiſh-
ed the word of God with truth and fincerity.-That, unless they
mended theſe Crimes, by found doctrine and good living, he,
whom God had appointed his Vicar and high Miniſter, would fee they
did."-Having addreffed this part of his Speech to the Biſhops
and the chief of the Clergy, he defcribes the lay Peers and the
Commons in not more favourable colours: " that they railed at
Biſhops, flandered Priefts, and mocked the Preachers of the Gof-
pel; whereas, fays he, if they had juſt reaſon to find fault with
fpiritual perfons, they ought to have recourfe to him, who had
an authority derived from God to reform all fuch abuſes; and
being themſelves by no means qualified to judge of ſuch matters,
they were not to take up with their own fantaſtical opinions.-
That the Scriptures were difputed, rhymed, fung, and jangled in
every Alehouſe; and thofe, who read them with more reſpect,
were ftill very faint and remifs in the practice of their doctrine.—
-That he was fure, virtue and good living was never lefs prac-
tiſed, nor God himſelf leſs reverenced, honoured, or ferved*."
* Lord Herbert, pag. 534.
BUT
431
432
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
BUT allowing that Wicked Princes have fometimes been the
Inftruments of great good: no fingle inftance can be produced
where the Supreme Being, when he was about to reveal to men
any important truth, which had been unknown in all paſt ages,
or to reclaim them from any exemplary degeneracy, has ever
choſe ſo ſcandalous a King, as Henry VIII. or fuch fervile and
corrupt miniſters, both in Church and State, as that Prince
made uſe of.
ABOUT the time of the Speech I have related, and the ſeizure
of the remaining Church Endowments, a continual courfe of
intemperance had brought on Henry fuch a grofs and unwhole-
fome habit of body, that it obliged him to be hoifted up to the
upper apartments of his Palace by pullies, His effigy, where he
fpreads and fwells in puffed unweildinefs, feems no leſs a refem-
blance of his mind than body. His temper grew froward in
proportion as his ftrength and fpirits wafted; and what Tacitus
ſays of the diffimulation of Tiberius, when that Prince was in
the like fituation, may be applied to Henry's cruelty, that it ſtuck
to him when every thing else failed. His Queen, Catharine Par,
diffenting from him in fome religious tenets, nothing but great
art faved her from the fcaffold, where two of the former Part-
ners of his bed had ended their lives. The erroneoufnefs of her
opinions, however, had not drawn on her this capital diſpleaſure,
but, becauſe he difliked to be contradicted in his old age by his Wife.*
His Royal Conforts feem, indeed, to have been, at all times,
marked out for this fportive cruelty and inconftancy. He had
made it high treafon for any Woman, who was fo unhappy as
to be his choice, not to declare her own incontinence, if fhe had
been guilty of any, before he married her.Though he repudiated
Queen Catharine and Anne of Cleves, on pretext of their being
pre-contracted; and compelled the offspring of the firſt to ſub-
ſcribe to her own illegitimacy; yet, when he had changed his
* Lord Herbert, pag. 560.
mind,
OF REGINALD POLE.
433
mind, and was about to fubftitute that Princefs, next to Edward
VI. in the Act of Succeffion, he made it felony to affert, that a
prior contract invalidated a fubfequent marriage with another
perſon. All which a ſlaviſh Parliament paffed into Law, and
the Statutes ſtill difgrace our Records.
As the poiſon of venomous animals is moft collected in their
dying bites, the Earl of Surry, Son to the Duke of Norfolk, as
gallant and accompliſhed a youth as that or any other age has
ſeen, fell a victim to theſe laſt dregs of a diftempered mind and
body: and the Duke his Father was condemned to loſe his head 19th Jar.
by the ſame axe which had ftruck off that of his Son. He was ¹547.
attainted; the King had already feized his large poffeffions, and
hurried on the trial on the moft trivial accufations, before a pro-
fligate houſe of Peers, and with an indecency which creates.
horror. The long and fignal ſervices of this Nobleman, a per-
petual condeſcenſion to all the King's inclinations, and the ſub-
miffions to which he let himſelf down in his laft diftrefs, were
unavailing pleas for mercy; and, had Henry's life been refpited
one night longer, the Duke was to have been beheaded on the
following morning.*
I SHALL conclude what I had to ſay of this Prince, by a fact,
in which his want of good Faith is as odious, as any inftance of
his bloodſhed and violence. It is thus related by CARDINAL
POLE, and gives a ſtriking Idea of that compleat worthlefnefs, of
which Henry choſe his difpofitions ſhould be the pattern.
"In his worſt and moſt unjuſtifiable Actions he never failed
to allege the motive of confcience and religion; in which he
did no more than Machiavel preſcribes, and he had learnt from
his Diſciple, Cromwel: but in the following exigency he departed
ſomewhat from this capital leffon.-There were fome perſons of
confideration, who lived at their country feats, without appearing
* Lord Herbert, pag. 561, &c. and others.
Kk k
it f
He died
Jan. 28,
1547.
434
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
at Court, and who were obnoxious to him on account of
their Virtue. He was defirous to have them in his power, which
was no eaſy matter, as they, in their turn, were no lefs on
their guard againſt him, and therefore when he fummoned them,
they refuſed to come, unleſs he engaged his Royal word for their
fafety. When he underſtood this, he ordered the affurance they
defired to be fent them under his Sign manual; fhewed them a
friendly countenance at their arrival; and, when they looked on
themſelves as fecure from any danger, ordered them to be taken
up.-Hitherto, fays the CARDINAL, he had done nothing con-
trary to his Preceptor's inftructions: on the contrary, this pro-
ceeding refults from them; for he lays it down among the chief
advantages of Religion, that it is the readieft fnare by which
thoſe we fear may be taken off. But, in what follows, he
ſwerved from his Maſter's art. For now having the perſons at
his diſpoſal, and reſolved their deſtruction, he ſpoke of his deſign
publicly; and one who was preſent, having the honeſty to reply,
that this could not be done, as they were come up on the affu-
rance he had given them of fafety, he feemed to wonder at his
fimplicity for imagining that any engagement fhould hinder him
from killing thofe he ſuſpected: adding, moreover, that he had
engaged his word for that very purpoſe, becauſe, otherwiſe, they
would have kept out of his reach. And what, fays he, fhould
hinder me, now I have them in my power, and miſtruſt their
loyalty, to uſe the right I have over them? this Anfwer, adds
the CARDINAL, was remarked by many.
"> *
THUS having lived by no other rule than his own unbridled lufts,
and being come (as the Wifeft of men has obferved) by a certain
progreffion of evil, into the depth of it, he laughed at all reſtraint,
both human and divine. It is not eaſy to affirm, as Lord
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 1ª, pag. 145.
+ Eft progreffio in viâ iniquitatis viro
indifciplinato.-Impius, cùm in profun-
dum venerit peccatorum, contemnit.
Prov. cap. xviii. v. 3. ed. vul.
Herbert
OF REGINALD POLE.
435
Herbert obferves, in what fentiments he died with refpect to
Religion. It is affirmed, by Sanders, that he was defirous to be
reconciled to the Church of Rome; and it was reported, alſo, that
being given over by his Phyſicians, and none of his Servants da-
ring to be the bearer of fuch difagreeable news, at length Sir
Anthony Denny informed him of his condition; which he heard
with leſs choler than was expected, and ordered Archbishop
Cranmer, who was at Croyden, to be fent for: that, on his arrival
he found the King fpeechlefs; but aſking him to give ſome
token of his belief, that falvation was to be obtained through
faith in Chrift, he gently fqueezed his hand and expired.*
Sanders, a Cotemporary Author relates, that, during his laft ill-
nefs, he received the Eucharift with every fignification of the
moſt profound reverence: but that, his end approaching, he
called for a large draught of white wine, and, turning to the
perſon who preſented it, faid, all was loft, and having drank off
the goblet, gave up the ghoft. + And as no Writer, except
CARDINAL POLE, has faid fo much to this Prince's advantage as
the above mentioned, what he here relates can be as little fuf-
pected of flander, as other particulars in his commendation, go, edit.
of flattery. In his laſt moments he was overheard to mutter Col. Agrip.
often the word, Monk: the natural reſult of a mind labouring
with guilt, and haunted by thofe Spectres, which the wrongs
he had done to that Body of men, raiſed.-Some time before his
death, he cauſed the Church of the Francifcans, in London,
which had been shut up, to be opened; fuppreffed the Stews
on the Bank fide, and made two or three other difpofitions,
which have an equivocal reſemblance of goodneſs, and of a ſenſe
of Religion but it was too late to teftify a concern for pre-
ferving fome of the Planks, when the guilty and unſkilful Pilot
* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII.
pag. 570.
† De Schifmate Anglicano, folio
102, &c.
See his
treatiſe de
Scifm.An-
glica. fol,
102, a ter-
1585.
Kkk 2
had
436
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
had run the Veffel on thofe Rocks, which tore away the Rudder,
and disjointed the whole Frame.
As foon as the news of this great event reached the Engliſh
CARDINAL, he turned his whole mind to avail himself of it in
order to repair the breaches which Henry had made in the faith
and diſcipline of the Church, and bring back his Country to that
Unity, which he had violated. At this time, his cares were di-
vided, as has been faid, between Rome, where he was at the
head of the Pope's Council, and his Government of Viterbo. The
firſt ſtep he took in order to bring about the defign he meditated,
was to write to Paul III. " That He, the Pope, had now an
opportunity anſwerable to the greatneſs of his own foul, and to
the exigencies of the times, of procuring to himſelf immortal
glory, and doing a fervice to the Chriftian world, than which no
greater could be imagined. He tells him, that although the prin-
cipal part of this undertaking was to be the effect of his own pru-
dence and refolution, yet a great deal might be effected by the
Emperor; and, therefore, it was of great importance that a per-
fon fhould be fent to that Prince, who was agreeable to him, and
qualified for fuch a negotiation.-That he knew no one fo fit as
the Cardinal of Trent, both with refpect to the Engliſh affairs,
as to many other concerns of moment, which were foon to be
treated between his Holiness and the Imperial Court, and there-
fore, his earneſt requeſt was, that this Prelate might be one of
the Legates who were to be ſent thither.-That, he wrote theſe
few lines in hafte, not to let flip the firft opportunity of opening
his mind to the Pope, but that he would ſhortly explain himſelf
more amply*."
"C
He begins the following letter, by reprefenting again the
great weight of the Emperor in bringing the affairs of England to
a happy Iffue: but that this influence could never be exerted to
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª, pag. 38.
the
OF REGINALD POLE.
437
the purpoſe, unleſs there was a good underſtanding between that
Prince and his Holiness. That, in order to procure fuch a recon-
ciliation, much would depend on the character of him, who was
employed in the Embaffy: that he ſhould be a perfon of prudence
and experience, of whoſe attachment the Emperor could have no
mifgivings, and of whofe counfels and good offices he had al-
ready made trial.-That, fagacity and difcernment would be re-
quifite to make an eſtimate of thoſe who had the Emperors con-
fidence, and to render himſelf acceptable to them.--That, if it
was a difficult matter to meet with all theſe qualifications in the
fame perſon, he much defired the Cardinal of Trent, of whoſe
difintereſtedneſs and abilities there were fuch proofs, might be
one of the Embaffy.-That, if there was any reafon, of which he
was ignorant, for not employing him in this affair, it might be
convenient to fend him beforehand; but this was to be done in
ſuch manner, as this Prelate might not look on himſelf as flight-
ed; and he muſt be given to underſtand, that a condefcenfion
for the French Court was the motive of the embafly not being
conferred on himſelf: and that many plaufible reaſons might be
affigned for this circumfpection. You are acquainted, Holy Fa-
ther, continues the CARDINAL, with the temper of Madrucius:
he never thinks he has done any thing, in whatever he under-
takes, till he has brought it to a conclufion. You know his
readineſs to ſecond your intentions, and his zeal for the public
ſervice: and you are fenfible of what moment fuch difpofitions
Several are of opinion, that the miſunderſtanding which
fubfifts between your Holinefs and the Emperor, is owing to the
officiouſneſs of certain perfons, who, that they may appear to
have at heart the reſpective intereſts of their Maſters, and forfeit
no part of their favour, are little folicitous about the common
Welfare, and have alienated thofe, who, otherwife, would have
been of great uſe*.”
are.
Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. pag. 39.
ABOUT
438
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ABOUT the fame time, he wrote to the Privy Council of Eng-
land. The letter is in Latin, according to the uſage of thoſe
times, and to the following effect.—“ Although, my Lords,
when I heard of the late King's death, yet, as different rumours
were ſpread abroad, I was neither informed to whom the Crown
was devolved, or of any thing of the ſtate of the Kingdom; I
knew, however, that nothing could be refolved concerning
the affairs of the Nation, but by the high Court of Parliament,
which is accuſtomed to be called immediately on the acceffion,
in order to fwear allegiance to the Succeffor, to provide for the
ſafety of the Kingdom, and hear thoſe, who may think them-
felves wronged. On this account, fome things have occurred to
me, of fuch moment, that unleſs they are weighed by your Lord-
ſhips with great deliberation, and decided with an equal rectitude
and regard to Religion, the whole Realm may be brought into
imminent danger. I feized, therefore, the first opportunity of
opening my mind to your Lordships, and, not to be wanting in
any thing, on my part, have ſent this lettet by a Perfon, who
might further communicate to you what I judge may be of uſe
in the preſent juncture. As to the wrongs I, and thoſe who be-
long to me, have ſuſtained in the late reign, and which have re-
duced one of the firſt and moſt flouriſhing families in the King-
dom to almoſt total ruin; the natural affection I bear to perfons
fo nearly related to me, does not, indeed, permit me to be indif-
ferent about their welfare, and neglect this opportunity, which
your preſent meeting affords, of laying their cafe before your
Lordships. I muſt ſay the fame of many others, who, being re-
duced to the ſame ftreights, in their adverſe fortune had recourſe
to me. Yet, my Lords, I fhall afk nothing, either at this or
other time, but what is confiftent with the public tranquil-
lity; and the fafety of thoſe whom divine Providence fhall place
at the head of the government. It is my defire, my Lords, it
has ever been fo, that public emolument ſhould take place of all
any
private
OF REGINALD POLE.
439
*
private confiderations: and this principle is more neceffary at this
juncture, than it has yet been; for unleſs we ſtrengthen the com-
mon weal, the care of our own fortunes will be to little purpoſe.
In theſe troubleſome and difficult circumftances, I acknowledge the
watchful goodnefs of an All-powerful God over us, in giving to
his People, in this time of need, a Pontif, who, to ſay nothing
more, bears my Country the affection of a Father; and, on many
accounts, is as able, as willing to be uſeful to her; and, as an
inſtance of theſe difpofitions, propofes to fend me to you, that I
may not only ſuggeſt falutary meaſures, but bring with me means
fuited to the removal of our Evils, provided they are accepted
with the fame difpofitions with which they are offered *."-It
will ceaſe to ſeem ftrange to the Reader, that the CARDINAL
ſhould write in this manner to the Privy Council, when he re-
flects, that the Houfe of Lords not only wrote to him a common
letter, on his being about to publiſh the work he had inſcribed
to Henry, but each one of them figned it.-This Letter, as we
learn from the CARDINAL, had no effect: the Members of the
Privy Council refuſed to receive either the Meffage, or Him who
brought it.
EDWARD had ſcarce filled the throne, when ſeveral Acts againſt
different tenets of the ancient Belief were preparing to be brought
into the Houſe: and the Emperor, who had notice of it, figni-
fied his refentment to the English Embaſſador in very high terms.
The Acts were not paffed fo foon as was imagined; and the
CARDINAL, who ſeems to think this delay owing to that Prince's
authority, and that he had been wrought on to behave in this
manner by his Confeffor, Dominic Soto, wrote to him," that
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 43. pag. 42.
+ Soto was, as himſelf informs us, a
Gardiner's fon: and having finiſhed his
ftudies, became a Dominican. He ap-
peared with great applaufe at the Council
of Trent, where his good qualities re-
commended him to the notice of the En-
glish LEGATE. Charles V. made choice
of him for his Confeffor, employed him
in feveral important affairs, and would
have promoted him to the Bishoprick
of
440
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
the information he had received of what had paffed between the
Emperor and the English Embaffador, had encouraged him to
fend two of his houſehold, with letters and inſtructions for the
Court of England; and had ordered them to take the Emperor's
Court in their way, and confer with him (Soto) on the buſineſs
they were charged with: and exhorts him to take every favour-
able opportunity of cheriſhing the laudable difpofitions the Em-
peror was in, with reſpect to the concerns of his Country. At the
fame time he informs him, that he had already attempted to open
a correſpondence with England but to no purpoſe; and though,
fome days ago, an Incident had fallen out that determined him to
Id. Aril. make a fecond effort, it was with little hopes of fuccefs*."
Rome, 8
1547.
THE diſappointment which attended the CARDINAL's late en-
deavours, and thoſe he was now making, did not hinder him, ſome
time after, from another undertaking, which, tho' equally unfuc-
ceſsful, as to the purpoſe for which it was intended, has anſwered
another, that of tranſmitting to Poſterity, one of the moſt enter-
taining and inſtructive pieces, that genuine eloquence, and good-
neſs of heart ever produced. This is a treatiſe infcribed to Ed-
ward VI. through the whole of which he addreſſes himſelf to that
young Prince, and makes an Apology for his own conduct during
his Father's reign. The temper and moderation of a Speaker
pleading for himſelf is every where kept up: and there is a reach
of thought, a chain of reaſoning, and an air of unaffected inte-
grity not only diffuſed over the whole in general, but ſtamped on
every divifion of it. The Noble Writer's high birth, the great
infight he had in the art of Government, give a dignity and
weight to the obſervations he makes, not only on thoſe who di-
rect the Councils of Sovereigns, but on their own facred Perfons,
whom he always confiders as under the ſtricteft obligation of at-
of Segovia; but he refufed that dignity.
He was generally efteemed for his piety,
prudence, and learning; and his Wri-
tings ftill fhew in what an eminent de-
gree he poffeffed the latter advantage.
*
Epift. R.Poli, pars 4ª. pag. 44.
tending
OF REGINALD POLE.
441
tending to the duties of their Station, as expofed to the eyes of
the public, and as accountable, fome time or other, to a Tribu-
nal more awful than their own. A Copy of this valuable Piece,
and, perhaps, the only one extant*, which had formerly been in
the poffeffion of Cardinal Hofus, the Author's intimate friend,
was publiſhed fome years ago, by one of the Academy of Leipfic, 1737-
with that good faith which ſhould always attend ſuperior learn- Schelborny
ing. It has, likewiſe, been inſerted by Cardinal Quirini, to Amanita-
whom the German Profeffor fent the original, a prefent, in the tes Litte-
Collection of CARDINAL POLE's letters; and I have had occa- Tom. 4.
fion, in the courfe of this Work, to relate fome facts from it,
and have referred the Reader to the paffages.
It is probable this fine Remonftrance was never permitted to
reach the Prince, to whom it was addreffed. He was furrounded
by perfons, who were the declared enemies of all fuch fentiments;
and they had taken care to inftill into him their own, both with
reſpect to the principles on which this difcourfe proceeded, and
to every thing which had any relation to it. He was of a tender
and unpromifing conftitution, but had very acute parts, and was
a proficient in the branches of learning he had been made ac-
quainted with, much above his years. Thofe, to whom his edu-
cation was intrufted, had made ufe of this aptitude, to train him
up to prejudices, by which young minds are made to conceive an
averfion to Truth, before they are informed what it is. The very
fubject of the exercifes, by which they formed his ftyle, were
miſrepreſentations of fome Article or other of the Catholic Reli-
gion. He was never allowed to fee it in its real appearance, but
*Though this treatife was wrote with
a view to be prefixed to the CARDINAL'S
Work on the Church's Unity; yet it is nei-
ther in the Roman edition of that Work,
printed without date; nor in that of Straf-
bourg, printed with the notes of Vigerius,
in 1555; nor in that of Ingolstadty of
1587; nor in the great Work of the
Pontifical Library, publiſhed by Roccha-
berti, in 1698, though the Compiler, in
his preface, mentions it amongft CAR-
DINAL POLE'S works: nor, as Cardinal
Quirini informs us, in any of the Manu-
fcript Copies.
L11
had
rariæ, t. I.
442
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
had a Spectre conftantly placed before him in its ftead. In vir-
tue of the Supremacy, to which he had fucceeded, the Biſhops
were informed, "that all Jurifdiction, ecclefiaftical and civil,
flowed from him, as from the fupreme Head of the whole Body;
and that he granted them full power, which was to continue du-
ring his pleaſure, to exerciſe their facred functions, and confer
holy orders." And they took out their commiffions according to
the tenour of his Royal Mandate*. The leading part of the Mi-
niftry were bent on fubverting every meaſure the CARDINAL had
recommended to the young King; and on the eſtabliſhment of
thofe tenets, whofe pernicions confequences he had fo much in-
fiſted on: in a word, aboliſhing the ancient Religion.
THIS will appear from what was practiſed with reſpect to the
holy Eucharift; on which I ſhall be ſomething particular, becauſe
from hence a conjecture may be formed of the treatment which
Rites of a leſs facred nature met with. In order to diſpoſe the
minds of men to theſe changes, Preachers were ſent about the
Kingdom, to diffuade the People from affifting at Mafs; from
the invocation of Saints, veneration of their Images; from pray-
ing for the Dead, Proceffions, and ſeveral other Articles concern-
ing the Sacraments and pious Ufages, which all Antiquity had
received with reverence, and practiſed with profit. Soon after,
Dr. Burnet the Altars were taken down, to withdraw the people from the opi-
nion of the Mass: and a contention arofe, not only about the
fhape and name of what was to be fet up in its room, whether
it was to be the Lord's table, or board; but alſo, concerning the
fituation. It was, firft, placed, at the upper end of the Church,
where the high Altar had ftood; and, then, advanced forwards,
that there might be a paffage between the Table and the wall.
It was now placed to the Eaſt; now, to the Weſt; now, to the
other two points: the Miniſters not agreeing which way to turn
Collier's Church Hiſtory, part 2, book 3, page 169.
their
OF REGINALD POLE.
443
their faces. The facred Veftments, and decent habit of the
Clergy were decryed; and the ufe introduced of receiving the Sa-
erament fitting; and an Eye-witnefs informs us, that he had feen 7. Sto.
a Curate leave the pulpit, and preach to the People from an Elm
tree in the Church-yard: and then return to the Church, and
leave the high Altar, to fing the Communion fervice on a tomb,
with his face to the North. This profane licentiouſneſs
gave ſuch
offence, in the first year of Edward's reign, that it was judged
neceffary to have an Act of Parliament paffed, againſt ſuch as
ſpoke againſt the Sacrament of the Altar." Impiety went ftill
greater lengths, (it is with reluctance that I repeat fuch horrors)
and men affirmed, that this memorial and pledge of our Ran-
fom was of little worth; and in many places it was uſed with the Register-
greateſt indignities, thrown out of the Churches, and other enor- the Parth
mities committed.
(C
THOUGH the full Harveſt of Sacrilege had been reaped in the
former reign, yet the Images of the Saints, and the Shrines which
contained their facred remains, the plate, jewels, and other coſtly
ornaments, afforded large gleanings, and were, the fame year,
by the King's order, ſeized, and the ſpoil divided amongſt thoſe
who adviſed the facrilege, or under whofe authority it was perpe-
trated. Soon after, an order of the King and privy Council
forbade Ashes to be received at the beginning of Lent, and Can-
dles and Palms to be carried on the days that bear thoſe names:
and the Lords paffed an Act, by which they inforced the King's
former injunction, for taking down all Images, which either had
not been removed, or were replaced as foon as the first heat of
the Royal Vifitation was over.
BUT that the Reader may view, in one fingle Group, all the
different images of which Rapine can be compofed, I fhall pre-
ſent him with a Picture of impious Greatnefs, which imagines it
may attempt any thing, becauſe it can do fo with impunity.
That ſtately fabric, which ſtill bears the name of him who raiſed
L112
it,
book of
of Pet-
worth.
444
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
it, was built by the Duke of Somerset, on the ruins of the Dean-
ery and Cloſe of Westminster, of the Parish Church of the Bleſſed
Virgin Mary, and of three Epifcopal houfes. The Cloyſters of
St. Paul's were likewife taken down, and the materials appro-
priated to the fame ufe; as were thofe of Barking Chapel, near
the Tower. The Parish Church of St. Ewen, within Newgate;
the College Church of St. Martin le Grand, near the Shambles,
and the Parish Church of St. Nicholas, in the fame neighbour-
hood, were entirely pulled down. St. Margaret's, Westminster,
was doomed to the like deſtruction, and for the fame purpoſe;
but the Workmen had no fooner advanced the Scaffolds, when
the Pariſhioners affaulted them with fuch fury, with ftaves, clubs,
and arrows, that they ran away terrified, and could never be pre-
vailed on to return to a fecond attempt. And this pile of Sacri-
lege was reared in the very year that England was afflicted with
a peftilence, which fwept away thouſands. I have entered on
this detail, becauſe I fuppofe the whole Records of Chriſtianity
do not furnish another fuch Example.
As the Itch of novelty fpread wider, a Curate advanced, that
the names of Churches and of the days of the Week, fhould be
changed. Others taught, that abſtinence from fleſh ſhould be
kept on any days but Friday and Saturday; and Lent, at any
other time than between Shrovetide and Eafter. A Preacher,
at St. Paul's Crofs, informed his Audience, that Lent was a po-
litical ordinance, and might be fet afide at pleaſure. This was
followed by crying down all diſtinctions of days and times, and
libelling that ancient and religious Faft in the moft fcandalous
Rhymes: however, on Biſhop Gardiner's complaint, a Procla-
mation came forth, which enjoined the obfervance of Lent, and
the King's Lenten Diet was ferved up as formerly. It is remark-
able, that theſe innovations were no leſs repugnant to the fix Ar-
ticles which the late King had made the Standard of Orthodoxy,
and enforced by the fevereſt penalties, than to the Doctrine of
the:
OF ·
445
REGINALD POLE.
the Catholic Church: thefe, therefore, were repealed, and the
tenets of Zuinglius, fo much detefted by that Prince, began to
gain the afcendant.
THE ſpirit of religious giddinefs having now taken poffeffion
of the English, gave rife to a great variety of Sects, which agreed
as little among themſelves, as with the Church whofe commu-
nion they had left. The Gofpellers began to appear, who af-
ferted the blafphemous doctrine of Calvin, that God is the au-
thor of fin. The Anabaptifts publiſhed their dotages, and
Archbishop Cranmer, when he examined fome of them, who
were about to renounce their errors, took his feat on an Altar of
the Bleffed Virgin in St. Paul's Church.
THESE Various modes of Doctrine were not the growth of
our Country only, but feveral Foreigners, who had fignalized
themfelves the fame way, were invited over by the Protector,
who was an avowed favourer of the Zuinglian tenets, and kept
up a correſpondence with Calvin: and by the Primate, who being
eager, at all events, to have the ancient Religion entirely abo-
liſhed, was indifferent as to the opinions which were ſet up in its
place. Peter Martyr and Ochin were particularly employed to
compile a Liturgy: they were both Monks, who had deferted
their profeffion and entered on a marriage ftate, which, though
honourable in All, who are free to embrace it, cannot but be
greatly diſhonoured by thoſe who have vowed engagements with:
which it is incompatible. Martyr was a profeffed Zuinglian;
and Ochin became, afterwards, a declared enemy of the di-
vinity of JESUS CHRIST. John Alafco came over, about the
fame time, with a colony from Poland, and befides the er-
rors of Zuinglius, and other frenzies of his own, found out
twelve different meanings of the words of the Inftitution of
the Eucharift; and rejected baptifm, which, he faid, was be-
come an Idolatry.
I HAVE
446
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
of Lincoln,
in his
I HAVE only related matter of fact, in which all History is
agreed; * and ſhall content myſelf with adding one obfervation
+White of the Catholics of thofe times; that when men depart from
the authority of the Church, they lofe all Criterion of Truth
Bp Ridley. and Falfhood, in matters of Religion, and muſt neceffarily be
carried about by every Wind of Doctrine. The minds of the
Prolocutor Engliſh let loofe from the obligation of fubmitting to any mode
charge on
W'efton,
to the
Conv. 1ft of Religion and eſtabliſhed Faith, became like the Needle, de-
of Mary.
prived of its magnetic virtue, which points indiſcriminately to all
parts, and affords no direction to the bewildered Mariner.
Miles
Hubbard
diſplay of
Prote-
ftants.
IN all theſe Revolutions the frame of the ſtate had not been lefs
convulfed than that of the Church. The numerous Regency,
* Boffuet, Variat. des Egl. Prot. p.
1. l. 7. § 77, &c.
Dr. Heylyn's Preface to the Hiftory of
the Reformat. and his Hift. in Edw. VI.
Collier's Ecclef. Hift. vol. 2, book 4.
Echard's Hiftory of England, vol. 2, p.
311, and 312.
Burnet, Hift. of the Reformat. vol, 3,
p. 216; Churchill's edit. 1715.
Camden, Introd. to the Annals of Q
Elizabeth, p. 5-
Mr. Hume, throughout Edward VIth's
Reign.
I fhall afk leave to cite a paffage of
Dr. Burnet from the place above marked,
as his authority, in this cafe, will gene-
rally be less objected to, than that of moſt
others. "The untimely death of King
Edward was looked on, by all people,
as a just judgment of God, upon thoſe
who pretended to love and promote a
Reformation, but whofe impious and fla-
gitious lives were a reproach to it. The
open lewdneſs, in which many lived,
without ſhame or remorfe, gave great
occafion to our Adverfaries to fay, they
were in the right to affert Juftification
by Faith without Works, fince they
were, as to every good, reprobate. Their
groſs and inſatiable ſcrambling after the
goods and wealth that had been dedicated
with good defigns, tho' to fuperftitious
uſes, without applying part of it to the
promoting the Gospel, the inftructing the
Youth, and relieving the Poor, made all
People conclude, that it was for Robbery,
not for Reformation, that their zeal made
them fo Active." The marginal note
on this paffage is, A Character of the
Court in Edward's time. And in the fol-
lowing page," their irregular and im-
moral lives gave their Enemies great ad-
vantages to ſay, they run away from
Confeffion, penance, fafting and prayers,
only that they might be under no re-
ftraint, but indulge themſelves in a li-
centious and diffolute life.... the people
grew to look on all the changes that
had been made as defigns to enrich fome
vicious Courtiers; and to let in an in-
undation of vice and wickedness upon
the Nation."
which
OF REGINALD POLE.
447
which Henry had appointed during his Son's minority, was im-
mediately ſet aſide, and the young Prince's Uncle, the Duke of
Somerſet, inveſted with the whole power. The pretence made
ufe of, was, that the dignity of Government could not be main-
tained, if it was divided among many. But the diſcontents
which the changes in Religion, of which he was known to be
the principal Abettor; and the infolence and rapacity, with
which he exerted an almoſt ſovereign fway, cauſed the people to
rife up in arms, at different times and in different places of the
Kingdom. Theſe commotions, firft appeared in the Counties of 1549.
Wilts, Oxford, and Gloucester; and, foon communicated them-
felves to the neighbourhood of Hampshire, Suffex, and Kent: but
the Infurrections in Cornwal, Devonshire, and Norfolk, threat-
ened not only the tranquility of thofe Provinces, but of the whole
Kingdom. The demands of the Infurgents fufficiently fhew
what the fentiments of the bulk of the people ftill were with
reſpect to the ancient Worſhip; and they declared, they were
ready to return to their former obedience, as foon as the grievances
they complained of were redreffed.
THEIR firſt demand was, that they might be allowed to have
Maſs celebrated, as in ancient times, in which they believed that
the very Body and Blood of Jefus Chrift was contained.
THAT Pariſh Priefts might adminifter Baptifm at any time, in
caſe of neceffity.
THAT Children might be confirmed by the Biſhop.
THAT there might be holy bread and holy water, as a Me-
morial of Chriſt's bleffed Body and Blood.
THAT the holy Euchariſt might be kept in Churches.
THAT Priefts might live in Celibacy.
THAT the fix Articles, fet forth by the late King might be
obſerved. — By thefe, the belief of the real preſence: Commu-
nion under one kind: the obligation of Vows of Chaſtity: the
utility
448
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
utility of private Maffes: the celibacy of Prieſts: the neceffity of
auricular Confeffion, were eſtabliſhed.
THEY requeſted, that fome Abbeys might be rebuilt, and their
lands reſtored to the former Poffeffors.
THEY further remonftrated; that the free-born Community
was oppreffed by a ſmall number of Gentry, who glutted them-
ſelves with pleaſure, whilft the poor Commons were wafted with
labour, and, like Pack-horfes, lived in extreme flavery.
THAT holy Rites, established by Antiquity, were abolished,
and new, authorized; and a new Form of Religion obtruded, to
the fubjecting their fouls, who conformed to it, to pains, which
were not to end with death.
THAT they thought it neceffary to have new Counſellors placed
about the King, during his minority; and thoſe removed, who
ruling as they lifted, confounded things facred and prophane;
and paid attention to nothing but enriching themſelves with the
public treaſure, that they might riot in the Nation's calamities.
THAT, therefore, they defired CARDINAL POLE's Attainder
might be reverſed; and he fent for over, and made one of the
privy Council.
As the Duke had the power of cruſhing thoſe who complained,
no regard was paid to their remonstrances; and they were either
diſperſed or beat wherever they appeared in the field. Befides
large Levies raiſed at home; that he might have a confiderable
military force, on whoſe ſervice he could thoroughly rely, he had
feveral Regiments of Walloons, and German Lutherans, who had
been ſent for, to awe the Engliſh at that critical juncture; and
having nothing in common with the nation, were entirely at his
beck, whoſe pay they received.
THE fall of Him, who had either been the Author, or given
occafion to all theſe Diſorders, muſt be placed amongſt thoſe Re-
volutions, which had been cauſed by them. This haughty Ufur-
per
OF
419
REGINALD POLE.
per
of the Royal authority had left his Nephew juſt as much of it
as was neceſſary to enable himſelf to exert it in the full extent.
He had taken the title of Duke of Somerset, by the divine permif-
fion; was acknowledged fole Regent and Protector of the King-
dom; and had a ftool placed on the Throne, which almoſt
equalled him to his Sovereign. The manner in which he exe-
cuted his vengeance on his Brother, the Admiral, laid him open
to his Enemies, and has, more than any one misdeed of ſo excep-
tionable a Regency, contributed to make his memory odious.
HAVING cauſed Him to be attainted, and the Bill being laid
before the Upper Houſe, the accounts which fome of the Peers
gave of the Admiral's conduct, were received as legal evidence:
and not one had the integrity to move, that he might be heard
in his own defence, and confronted with his Accufers. The
Commons were more fcrupulous; but, on receiving a meffage
from the King, requiring them to proceed, they acquiefced
without further difficulty, and the Bill paffed in a very full
Houſe near four hundred voted for it, and not above four againſt
it. The Protector figned the Warrant, and his Brother was exe-
cuted, foon after, on Tower Hill. Theſe were the Leffons of March 28,
Juſtice, in which he inftructed his Royal Pupil. His elevation, 1549.
at length, made his fall more irretrievable; and that he might
exemplify in his own perſon this Scripture Truth, that Men are
punished in the way they offend, he fell a victim to the intrigues of
One, who if poffible, was more ambitious than himſelf. But The Earl
though any further account of this event does not belong to this of North-
Work, I cannot difmifs it, without obferving, that an adminif
tration only of a few years, was long enough to make the Nation
experience that Woe, which is denounced against a Land, whofe
King is a Child, and whofe Nobles are luxurious.
In the midſt of theſe confufions with which mad Ambition and
ſtill wilder Fanaticiſm ſhook his Country to the Center, an inci-
dent happened which gave CARDINAL POLE an opportunity of
Mm m
fhewing
umberland
450
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ſhewing a moderation of defires and greatness of foul more extra-
ordinary than thoſe domeſtic examples of the oppofite vices, which
49th year. I have here related. He was now come to that time of life,
when eminence of ftation is wont to be the favourite Object;
and few, even of the wife and good, ftand in need of many
arguments to perſuade themſelves they are qualified for the higheſt
Poſts; and to be prevailed on, if not to feek them, at leaſt to
acquiefce in a choice made in their favour.
1549.
He was at the head of the Pope's Council, and Governor of
Nov. 10, Viterbo, when Paul III. dyed, and the facred College, which
was at that time very numerous, met, as is ufual, to chooſe a
Succeffor. The Place deftined for this Purpoſe is called the Con-
clave, from the number of Chambers which compofe it; the
name, which is of Latin derivation, fignifying an inward or pri-
vate Apartment: and though the Cardinals are at liberty to hold
this Affembly where they think proper, yet, for many years, the
Vatican Palace, which joins St. Peter's Church, has been made
uſe of on theſe occafions. The majeſty and ſecurity of the place,
the eaſe with which it is guarded; the convenincy of water; the
Courts, Galleries and number of ſtately Rooms, with which it
abounds, making it more fuitable than any other building. The
place for the Conclave is chofen in fome convenient part of this
fpacious edifice, and divided into different Lodgments, which are
run up flightly with deal boards, and hung with ferge, for the
Cardinals and their Attendants; and the rooms being fmall, are
called Cells. Theſe are fitted up within the nine days of the
obfequies of the deceaſed Pope, and are drawn by lot; and the
Atchievements of each Cardinal placed over the door of that
which falls to him. On the tenth day after the Pope's death,
the facred College, having affifted at a folemn Mafs of the Holy
Ghoſt, go in proceffion to the Conclave, where they remain ſhut
up till they have chofen a Succeffor. The election is made in the
following manner. Each Cardinal writes his name in a fold of
paper,
OF REGINALD POLE.
451
paper, which he cloſes with a feal engraved for that purpoſe. On
a fecond fold is the name of him to whom he gives his vote,
written by the Affiftant, which every one has with him; but is
not ſealed: this again is inclofed in a third folding, on the back
of which the Cardinal's motto or devife is written, in the man-
ner of a fuperfcription to a letter. The Cardinals meet twice a
week for the ſcrutiny, and two of them are deputed to open
the outward folds of each billet, and read aloud the names of
thoſe for whom the votes are given, and regiſter the number
given to each. The third fold, which encloſes the elector's name,
is not broke open till the election is over, and is then opened, that
the Pope may know who voted in his favour. This Scrutiny is
performed till two thirds of the Votes concur in the choice of
the fame perfon.
If this method does not fucceed, they have recourſe to another,
in which they make a trial to bring two thirds of the votes to
that Cardinal, who had the greatest number in the former fcruti-
nies and if this fecond method likewiſe, be unſucceſsful, they
have recourſe to a third, which is called Acclamation, and is per-
formed by fome of the leading Cardinals making an open declara-
tion for a Candidate, whom they are defirous fhould be chofen,
and in whom they think the others will unite.
As the Pontificate of Paul III. had been long, there had been
many vacancies in the facred College, and it was his peculiar
praiſe, as I have fhewn elſewhere, from the Satyriſt Aretine, to
fill them with perfons of diftinguished merit. Cardinal Alexan-
der Borghese had, at this time, the greateſt intereſt in that Body,
in which there were fo many who had been honoured with the
Purple by the late Pope, of whoſe family that young Prince was;
and being defirous to have a Perfon advanced to the Papacy,
whoſe probity and abilities might ſuit the prefent exigences of the
Church, and on whoſe friendſhip he could rely, no one ſeemed fo
proper as the Engliſh CARDINAL. The propofal was received
Mmm 2
with
15 years.
452
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Hen. II.
with approbation by many, eſpecially of thofe who were in the
Emperor's intereft, and who were well acquainted with the place
he held in that Prince's efteem. Thofe, on the contrary, who
were of the French party, endeavoured to give him the exclufion,
from an apprehenfion of his being too much fwayed by the in-
fluence of the Houfe of Auftria. They interpofed, therefore, the
French King's authority, and offered their Votes to fome other
Cardinals whom they knew to aim at the Papacy; yet ftill the
number of thoſe, who feconded Farnefe's motion, was fuperior.
BUT I cannot give the reader fo juſt a notion of this tranfaction,
and of the CARDINAL's behaviour and fentiments of the whole
affair, as in his own words, after the election was over, in a letter
to the Bishop of Navara, to whom he ſeems both on this and
other occafions, to have opened himſelf without reſerve.
"The
profpect, fays he, of the Papacy, was offered me by the lead-
ing perfon in the Conclave, whofe authority, and the general
eſteem he was held in, fwayed the major part of the Electors.
He told me, his motive in this determination, was the opinion he
had of me; and that all his intereft, favour, and induſtry ſhould
be employed in my fervice. It was natural, that on fuch a pro-
poſal, I ſhould feel the firſt motions of joy, which the ſenſe of
honour is apt to betray, and which are fo involuntary, that it is
not eaſy to ſuppreſs them. And yet, God is my witneſs, I was
no more affected, than if I had been one of thofe animals, who
don't covet honours, becauſe they have no perception of them. I
remained therefore, filent, and ſeemed defirous to break off the
conference, and to retire; which Farnefe perceiving, that he
might give me a plauſible pretext of leaving him, told me, he did
not infiſt on an immediate anſwer, and only defired, I would take
time to confult myſelf*.
"*
*Hæc autem fpes cùm mihi propo-
noretur ab ampliffimo noftri Ordinis Vi-
ro, et eo quidem, cujus authoritatem
et gratiam maxima fuffragiorum pars fe-
quebatur; cùmque idem, propter judi-
cium quod fe de me feciffe dicebat, omne
ftudi..m
OF REGINALD PÒLE. -
453
THE Conclave lafted two months, during all which time nei-
ther he nor any who belonged to him were known to take one
ſtep which might advance his promotion; or that he was in the
leaft affected by all that agitation, which the circumſtances he
was in, gave to others. He preferved the uſual eaſe and chear-
fulneſs of his behaviour, and when any of the Cardinals told him,
as many did, that they would make him Pope, his anſwer was,
"that on fuch occafions, no regard fhould be paid to friendship,
or private confiderations; but that their care ſhould be to place a
perfon in that high ſtation, who was equal to it, and for that end
offer up their fupplications and direct their intentions."- So
perfectly was he Mafter of Himſelf, that he ſeemed rather at
home, in the retirement of his own Library; than on a Theatre,
where fuch a prize was in competition, and he the moſt likely of
any of the Candidates, to fucceed. A proof of this is the excel-
lent Dialogue he wrote, at this time, on the duties of the Papacy
of which I ſhall have occafion to ſpeak elſewhere.
>
AMONGST others who obferved fo uncommon an equality of
mind, and ſo perfectly free from all ambition, was the Spaniſh
Cardinal of St. James, who, at one of the fcrutinies, when two
only votes had been wanting to raiſe CARDINAL POLE to the
Popedom, and the eyes of all who were preſent, were fixt
on him, related, that he had not remarked the leaſt emotion, at
ſo critical a juncture, nor ſo much as a change in his counte-
nance +. Another of the Electors, who bore him an ill will,
obferved this tranquility, but not with the Philofophic eye of the
Spaniard: for being obliged to leave the Conclave, on account of
ftudium, omnem operam, gratiam et
authoritatem cumulatiffimè deferret
prorfus tacui. Ille verò cùm me videret
filere, et abituri fpeciem præ me ferre,
ut honeftius, credo dimitterit, dixit: Se
tunc à me refponfum non expectare, ro-
gare tantùm ut fpatium ad refponden-
dum, fumerem, &c. Epift. R. Poli, t. 4.
P. 57. Epift. ad Epifc. Pac.
*Poli Vita, p. 19.
+ Fuit præter cæteros S. Jacobi Car-
dinalis, Hifpanus, qui POLI conſtan ·
tiam
45+
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
his health, and being aſked, which of the Candidates ſtood faireſt
for the Papacy, and what he thought of the Engliſh CARDINAL?
His anſwer was, that a more undeferving perfon could not be
pitched on that he had let them all fee, he was a mere Log,
having neither been affected with ſuch a proſpect, nor by the in-
trigues which were uſed to exclude him from it *.-From which
behaviour, it is prefumed, every wife and good man will draw a
confequence juft the reverſe to this cenfure.
THE ſame ſteadineſs appeared in a trial, on a like occaſion, but
of a more difficult nature, when one of the Cardinals reproached
him with ambition, and being too much in hafte to be chofen
Pope; to which he made no other reply, than that he was too
well acquainted with the duties and importance of that ſtation,
not to dread, rather than court it; and that he pitied thoſe, who
confidered it in a different light *.
THOUGH the greatneſs of his mind, which was not dazzled at
fuch an elevation placed before him in full view, and the proſpect
of being raiſed to it, was admired by All who were witneffes of
it: the little regard which he ſhewed at the finiſter reports and
flanders which fome evil-minded and envious perfons raiſed con-
cerning him, was not lefs praiſe-worthy.-They gave out, that
he favoured the modern Errors; they upbraided him with too
great lenity in the government of Viterbo, and with having a na-
tural Daughter, whom he had placed in a Monaſtery at Rome.-
His anſwer was, "that his character was in no danger from fuch
imputations; and as foon as he was judicially accufed, and knew
who were his Parties, he would then take care to ftate his cafe
in ſuch a manner, as would do no great credit to his Adverſaries.
tiam magnopere fe admirari oftenderet.
Nam, cùm quodam die Cardinalium fuf-
fragia de Pontifice eligendo recenferen-
tur, et fcrutinium (fic enim appellant)
fieret, ac duo tantum POLO ad Pontifi-
* Ibid, fol. 20.
catûs adeptionem fuffragia defuiffent, nar-
rabat, fe animadvertiffe, eâ re POLUM
nihil prorfus fuiffe immutatum, fed eun-
dem femper, quem antè folitus erat, vul-
tum retinuifle. Poli Vita, fol. 19.
+ Ibid.
That,
OF REGINALD POLE.
455
That, as to the accufation of Herefy, all Europe was informed of
what he had undertaken in defence of the Catholic Faith; the
dangers he had been expoſed to, and his Prince's hatred which he
had incurred on no other account, but becauſe no perfuafion and
no reward could prevail on him to approve an opinion which was
contrary to the received tenets of Antiquity: that, his Mother's
blood, and that of his elder Brother, and of ſeveral of his relations,
which was fhed by King Henry, becauſe they were ftedfaſt to the
fame opinions, bore evidence of his attachment to them. As to
the third flander, of a natural Child, the Inventors of it had done
all that was neceffary for its refutation; for having, in order to
ftrengthen the calumny, caufed the Mother to be fought, whofe
Daughter the Cardinal had cauſed to be educated in a Nunnery;
it was difcovered, to their confufion, that the Child was the Or-
phan of an Engliſh Woman, who died at Rome; and that he had
taken care of her education, that the might not be expoſed to evil
courſes. It was, likewife known, that befides the fmall effects
which her Mother left her, he had depofited a confiderable ſum
in a Bank, eſtabliſhed for fuch purpoſes, which, at a proper
age, might enable her to enter on a fuitable marriage. Such
acts of charity and humanity were customary to him, and he per-
formed them in fo fecret a manner that very few were informed
from whom the benefaction came *. I have had occafion to
relate elſewhere, what he faid in vindication of his Government Sect. v.
of Viterbo
J
To return to the Conclave: It muſt be acknowledged that the
above mentioned arts, which were made uſe of, either to gratify
private ambition, or to exclude a choice, in which merit and
favour equally concurred, were utterly unworthy perſons met on
fuch an occafion. But the behaviour of the Electors who had
engaged their votes to the English Cardinal was no lefs honour-
* Vita Poli, fol. 19. et Epiſt, R. Poli ad Epifc. Pacenfem, 29ª Epiſt. t. 4'.
able
P. 303.
456
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
able to themſelves and him, than his own conduct. They were,
as we have already feen, the greater number and the moſt illuf-
trious of the ſacred College, and "I may well ſtyle them, ſays
he (from the over-flowings of a good and grateful mind) a choſen
band, fince their unanimity continued not days and weeks only,
but whole months; during all which time, not one of them ſpoke
either to me or any of my houſehold concerning their own private
affairs; which could not have happened, had they been influenced
in their choice by any other view than that of the Public Good.
This conſent in my favour was amongſt perſons, with whom I
had neither parentage, nor country, nor any thing in common,
but the fellowſhip of the fame College. I had perfonal connec-
tions with few; and the greater part were thofe with whom I
had a very ſlender acquaintance, and had no opportunity of de-
ferving well or being uſeful to any one; all which confiderations
are of great weight in fuch cafes. When I faw, therefore, their
filial affection and attachment, I could not but call to mind the
words of the Prophet, though ſpoke on a very different occafion,
who has procured me, who am a foreigner, and a baniſhed man,
fuch a numerous Offspring ? *
— — 1
* Regredi verò non finebat facra illa
Cohors facram autem ſe fuiſſe ea re
vel maximè probavit, quod cùm non
dies, fed totos menfes maneret hic con-
fenfus, nemo tamen ex tanto numero,
qui certé maximam Collegii partem com-
plectebatur, tam longo temporis fpatio
inventus eft, qui aut mecum aut cum
aliquo meorum de re fuâ privatâ quic-
quam ageret, id quod à nemine fieri po-
tuiffe mihi perfuadebam, nifi ab illis, qui
Reipublicæ et Ecclefiæ fua fuffragia, id
eft, ipfi DEO et CHRISTO Ecclefiæ
Sponfo, animos et vota fua hac in cau-
sâ penitus conſecraffent. Cùm igitur
perpetuam eorum conftantiam tamdiu
expertus viderem, fumma erga me ftu-
dia, tanquam filiorum erga parentem,
hoc unum contendentium, ut mihi fu-
premus honor, et Patris erga fe locus de-
feretur.---Quibufcum nihil fere, præter
Collegii focietatem, commune habui,
non patriam, non genus; quorum etiam
plures privatim ex tenui amicitia, pau-
ciffimi ufu atque confuetudine mihi erant
conjuncti nulla certè extabant mea in
queniquam illorum merita et beneficia,
quæ in hoc genere plurimum valere
folent quoties, me putas dixiffe me-
cum illa Prophetæ verba, quis mihi genuit
iftos, &c. Ep. R. Poli, pars 4. p. 60.
Ep. ad Epifcopum Pac.
FARNESIUS
OF REGINALD POLE.
457
FARNESIUS finding that the number who had acceded to thoſe,
who, from the beginning, declared themſelves for CARDINAL
POLE, amounted now to two thirds, which are required for the
election of a Pope, went to him, accompanied with another of
the leading Electors, and informed him of the choice made in
his favour, and deſired him to receive the homage which is paid
on the like occafions*. It was night when this happened: and
he anſwered, "he could not approve of hafty and tumultuous
proceedings, and requeſted the affair might be put off till the
next day and, if it was God's good pleaſure that he should be
elected, the choice they had thought fit to make of him, would
take place in the morning, no less than at that time:" and,
leaving an example of moderation, fays his Hiftorian, which
he had neither read nor heard of before, he refufed to receive
the homage+.
A SHORT time after, two others of the principal members of
the facred College came to him, on the part of their Conſtituents,
with the fame commiffion, and having expoſed to him, that they
afked nothing but what was uſual, he then told them, he would
do as they would have him. But they were no ſooner gone,
than he repented of the affent he had given, and ſent one of his
Domeſtics to entreat thoſe Cardinals, whofe authority was the
greateft, that the whole affair, if poffible, might be put off till
the next morning: and the perfon, when he returned, informed
his Lord, that he had found them, of their own accord, come
to that refolution‡.
* Tum verò id ipfe numquam magis
fenfi, quàm illà nocte, cùm ad me duo
ampliffimi noftri Ordinis viri rogatum
venerunt verbis omnium, qui juftum jamı
fuffragiorum numerum explerent, ut me
in illud Sacellum deduci paterer, quò
Cardinales ad Pontificem deligendum
convenire folent. Quò fi veniffem, fuum
de me judicium electione (quam adora-
tionem vocant) ſe teſtaturos profiteban-
tur, &c. Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª, p. 58.
Epift. ad Epifcopum Pacencem.
+ Atque ita adorari tum noluit. Quod
ego antea feciffe quemquam neque au-
divi, neque verò legi unquam.
Vita
Poli, fol. 20. à tergo.
‡ Cum verò paulo poft duo alii ejuf-
dem Ordinis infignes viri, et eâdem au-
thoritate præditi, cum iifdem mandatis
Nan
ad
453
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
On the following day, other views and difpofitions took place;
the Cardinals who were in the Emperor's intereft, clofed with
thoſe who favoured the French, and propofed Cardinal Morono.
He was but two and forty years old, yet had ſo high a reputa-
tion of integrity and prudence, that in the enſuing fcrutiny he
failed of being raiſed to the Papacy, only by two votes. His re-
fpect, however, for the English CARDINAL was fuch, that he
would not have a fecond Scrutiny for himſelf, but earnestly de-
fired the Electors to return to their former refolution. The
French party had now gained the afcendant, and CARDINAL
POLE requeſted, they would honour fome other perſon with their
choice, and not permit the common cauſe to ſuffer by any fur
ther delays. On this, the Cardinals Farnefe and de Guife, who
had the lead in the Conclave, united their intereft, and agreed to
chufe Cardinal Monti, who, afterwards, took the name of Julius
III. Farnese communicated his intention to CARDINAL POLE,
and aſked his concurrence, which, though the Candidate pro-
pofed had not favoured his election, he gave with a fatisfaction
that fufficiently atteſted his fincerity, The night was now far
advanced, when the Cardinals met in the Chapel, to pay their
obedience to the new Pope: and CARDINAL POLE, prefenting
himſelf with the reft, as the cuſtom is, to kiſs his feet, the Pope
rofe up, and embracing him with tears, told him, it was to his
difintereſtedneſs that he owed the Papacy: which he frequently
repeated. And being, afterwards, at war with France, on ac-
count of the Dutchy of Mirandola, and reduced to great ftreights,
he told Cardinal Ranutius, Brother to Alexander Farneſe, that he
was not confcious of any mifdeed which could have drawn on
him ſo heavy a chaſtiſement, unleſs it was, not having concurred
to CARDINAL POLE's election, of whoſe eminent merit he was
fo well affured*.
ad me veniffent, qui nihil à me præter
confuetudinem, nihil nifi legitimum et
juftum poftulari demonftrarent; tum
quidem me in Eorum poteftate futurum
dixi, &c. Ep. R. Poli, pars 43, p. 58.
* Vita Poli, fol. 21.
THE
OF REGINALD POLE.
459
THE Conclave was now broke up, and the CARDINAL, who did
not confider the conclufion of it as any diſappointment to himſelf,
returned home with his uſual tranquillity. He faid to his Friends,
that he ſhould, perhaps, have been an unfit inftrument for the
deſigns of Providence: that he rejoiced there was an end put to a
ftrife, which was both dangerous and diſhonourable; and a Chief
Paſtor given to the Chriſtian world, in the choice of whom, any
longer delay might have been attended with pernicious confe-
quences: and when ſome of the Cardinals, who, from ſelfiſh views,
had oppoſed his election, fignified their diſapprobation of the choice
they had made, and repentance for their conduct in his regard, he
was the firſt to comfort them. Infine, his whole behaviour, with
reſpect to the election, gave a greatnefs to his private Character,
which no elevation could have equalled +.
I HAVE related, that whilft he was in the Conclave, he wrote
a work on the Duties of the Papacy; and we learn from his letter
to the perfon, to whom it is infcribed, that the following inci-
dent gave occafion to it.-Among the Cardinals then affembled,
Julius Ruvere was diſtinguiſhed by his youth, and a fſprightly
and promifing genius; and there being a particular intimacy be-
tween his Uncle, Hercules Gonzaga, and the Engliſh Cardinal,
he was defirous to be uſeful to this young Nobleman, by direct-
ing his choice of a future Pontif, and laying before him the obli-
gations which that dignity impofed on thoſe who were advanced
to it. From a converſation held with him, in the firſt days of
the Conclave, he perceived his fentiments on that fubject were
very juſt, and much above his age. This gave him the thought
of throwing together on paper, in form of a Dialogue, what they
had lately difcourfed on, and introducing himſelf and the young
man as Speakers. The letter by which he addreſſes the per-
formance to him is very fine *; and he, afterwards, enlarged the
Work to a treatife in five books.
+ Vita Poli, fol. 21.
Epift. R. Poli, pars 4. pag. 47.
2
Ir
460
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1541.
1553.
It was nine years fince he had been appointed Governor of the
Province of the Patrimony, and he continued in it three more,
after the election of Julius III. The confideration he was held
in by this Pontif, obliged him to make frequent journies from
Viterbo, where he refided, to Rome, as he had done under the
late Pope. Being now in the fifty-third year of his age, he was
defirous to paſs the evening of his life in a privacy, to which
his inclinations had ever led him; and which he had hitherto
foregone from a principle of duty, and in a view of being uſeful
to Mankind.He had, moreover, an additional inducement to
retire from bufinefs, in the lofs of thoſe who were accuſtomed to
ſhare the weight of it with him. The Cardinals Contareni, Bembo,
Sadolet, Cortefius, and Badia, and Giberti, Bishop of Verona, were
dead: and two of his moft valuable and endearing connections.
were broke by the death of Flaminius, and Victoria Colonna, Mar-
chionefs of Peſcara. Rome, likewiſe, where every thing had the
face of war, on account of the difagreement between Julius, and
Henry II. of France, was become a Scene little fuited to his tem-
per. He obtained, therefore, the Pope's confent, to refign his
Government, and retire to Maguzano, a Monaftery of Benedictine
Monks, of which Order he was the Patron. This Retreat is in
the territory of Verona, and very agreeably fituated near the
Lake Benacus, which has been celebrated by Virgil, in the fol-
lowing lines;
Adde lacus tantos; te, Lari maxime, teque
Fluctibus et fremitu affurgens, Benace, marino.
GEOR. II.
Our fpacious Lakes; thee, Larius, firft; and next
Benacus, with tempeftuous Billows vext,
DRYDEN,
The END of the FIRST PART.
THE
HISTORY
Of the LIFE of
REGINALD POLE.
1
In TWO PARTS.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE are to defer the binding of from
HE Parchafers are defired to defer the binding of the
Second Part for about half a year, as it is fresh from
the Press; after which, it may be bound in one Volume with
the First, without any injury to the Impreſſion.
}
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
L
I
F
E
O F
REGINALD PO L E.
PART II.
By THOMAS PHILLIP S.
Nam quis nefcit, primam eſſe Hiftoriæ legem, Ne quid falfi dicere audeat?
deinde, ne quid veri non audeat ?...vult etiam, quoniam in rebus magnis
memoriâque dignis, confilia primùm, deinde acta, poftea eventus expec-
tantur, et de Confiliis fignificari quid Scriptor probet, et in rebus geftis
fignificari non folùm quid actum, aut dictum fit, fed etiam quomodo:
et cùm de eventu dicatur, ut caufa explicentur omnes. . . . . hominumque
ipforum non folùm res gefta, fed etiam, qui famâ ac nomine excellant,
de cujufque vitâ atque naturâ.
..
CICERO, de Oratore, lib. ii. § 14.
OXFORD:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM JACKSON.
Sold by him, and D. PRINCE, in Oxford; T. PAYNE, Mews-Gate; and
J. MARKS, in St. Martin's-Lane, London; and S. GAMIDGE, at Worcester.
MDCCLXIV.
( v )
CONTENTS.
PART II.
SECTION VIII.
C by the Pope, LEGATE to the Princefs Marg, p. 1
Year.
The pur- 6th Aug.
ARDINAL POLE, on Edward VIth's death, is appointed
by the Pope, LEGATE to the Princeſs Mary, p. 1.
of his Credentials, p. 3. and of his Letter to the Queen con-
port
1553.
26th Sept.
cerning this Commiffion, p. 4. The Queen's anfwer, p. 7. the 6th Oa.
French Ambaffador informs his Court of thefe meafures, p. 9. Cha-
racter of the Princefs Mary, at this period of her life, p. 10. She 24th Nov.
defeats the treaſonable defigns of the Duke of Northumberland, p. 12.
Declaration of that Nobleman at his execution, p. 15. By what
Acts the Queen began her Reign, p. 16. She fends the LEGATE a
detail of her affairs, and afks his advice, p. 18. What conduct he
judges moſt falutary, p. 22. He fets out on his journey to England; 1ft Dec.
and difpatches from Trent a Courier to the Emperor and French King,
and informs them of the peace he was to negotiate, on the part of the
Pope, between the two Courts, p. 29. Is ftopped at Dilingen by
order of Charles V. The reafon of this flay, p. 30. The Queen's
marriage with that Monarch's fon agreed on, p. 31. Advances to- Jan. 1554
wards a return to the ancient Worſhip made by the Engliſh Legifla-
ture, p. 33. Wiat's rebellion; the Queen's maſterly Speech, by Feb.
which the exhorts the Citizens of London to oppofe it, ibid. Suppref.
fion of the Rebellion: And manner of Lady Jane Gray's death, p. 35.
The Emperor confents to the LEGATE'S coming to him at. Bruf-
fels, p. 37. The Queen confults him concerning the vacant Bi-
fhopricks: The reaſon for depriving ſeveral Biſhops of their fees, and
the character of theſe Prelates, p. 38. Contrivance of a Pretender to
►
the See of York, to thrust himſelf into that Archbishoprick, detected
by the LEGATE and defeated, p. 40. The Emperor refuſes to let
him
vi
CONTENTS.
Year.
him proceed on his journey till after the Queen's marriage with his
Son He fets out for Paris, on the treaty of peace between Charles V.
and Francis I. draws up, on the road, a plan of it, of which an
abſtract is given, p. 41, et feq. The efteem he is held in by the
French King, p. 47. On his return to Bruffels, the Emperor ftill puts
off his departure for England: His letter to the Court of Rome on a
report that his diſappointments made him defirous to be recalled; and
his fentiments of the Queen's marriage with the Prince of Spain, p. 48.
25th May. Abſtract of another letter which throws a light on his conduct in this
whole negotiation, and on his character in general, p. 52. The Em-
peror, to juſtify the delays of the LEGATE's journey, will have his
Legantine Powers examined by the Engliſh Miniſtry: Abſtract of
theſe Powers: Teftimony given of the LEGATE in one of the Patents,
in which they are contained, p. 56. The Queen's marriage with
Philip: Qualities which formed the character of this Prince, P. 61.
The LEGATE congratulates him and the Emperor on this alliance:
11th July. His Legantine Powers are enlarged, p. 63. Urges the Emperor to
confent to his departure for England, p. 66.
Count of Horne to notify to him his marriage, p. 69. He informs
the Pope of the objections made by the Emperor, to his proceeding
on his journey, p. 70. The like hindrances put to it in England, and
21ft Sept. the LEGATE's remonftrance to Philip concerning them, p. 71. Philip
fends the Emperor's Ambaffador at his Court, to inform the LEGATE
27th Oa. of the ſtate of the Nation; his reply, p. 73. The Engliſh Ambaſſa-
dor at the Emperor's Court writes to the Queen the cogent reaſons for
17th Nov. the LEGATE's journey taking place, ibid. His attainder is reverſed,
and the Lords Paget and Haftings with a train of Gentlemen fent to
invite him to his Country, p. 74.
22d Nov.
SECT. IX.
Philip fends over the
CARDINAL POLE met at Gravefend by the Bishop of Durham and
Earl of Shrewsbury, p. 78. Appears in the Character of LEGATE:
His reception by the King and Queen, p. 79. His Speech in Parlia-
28th Nov. ment, which is anfwered by the High Chancellor Gardiner, p. 80.
The manner in which he reconciles the Nation to the Catholic Church,
p. 82.
CONTENT
vii
S.
JA
30th Nov.
1555.
P. 82.
Some Reflexions on this great Event, p. 84. At the requeſt Year.
of the Magiftrate, he enters the City of London, in quality of LEGATE:
Gardiner's Speech on this occafion, p. 87. The fubftance of an im-
portant and accurate Act of Parliament, by which the Nation's return
to the ancient Worſhip is confirmed by the whole Legiſlature; and
the Abbey Lands fettled on the Lay Poffeffors, p. 88, et feq. A
groundleſs objection to this fettlement made by Fra-Paulo and Biſhop
Burnet, p. 95, et feq. The LEGATE fends the Pope an account of this
Revolution, p. 98. Philip writes to him on the fame fubject: Letters
which paſs between Francis I. and the LEGATE, on the fame, p. 99. 30th Dec.
He informs the Pope of different concerns, p. 102.
On the death of 10th Mar.
Julius and Marcellus, the Queen and French King are defirous to ad-
vance him to the Papacy; which meaſure is prevented by the fudden
election of Paul IV. p. 103. In what manner the Engliſh Ambaſſadors, 23d May.
who are ſent to Rome on the part of the Sovereign and Nation, are re-
ceived, p. 105. The Pope erects Ireland into a Kingdom, p. 107. 5th June.
The LEGATE goes to Flanders, as Mediator of peace between France
and the Emperor: Succefs of this negotiation, and his return to Eng- 8th June.
land, ibid et feq. He writes to the Governor of Philip's fon, on the
Education of Princes, p. 113. Philip fets out for Bruſſels to take poffef. 8th July.
ſion of the Spaniſh dominions, p. 114. Appoints the LEGATE chief
of the Engliſh Council, p. 115. The LEGATE with Gardiner reforms 16th Sept.
the ſtudies of the Univerſity of Oxford, p. 116. Death of Gardiner,
and ſentiments of the LEGATE on this incident: Character of Gardi-
ner, p. 118. The LEGATE calls a National Synod, which, under 11th Nov.
twelve Heads, fets forth the ſtate of the Nation with refpect to Doc-
trine and Morals: the chief diſorders, which the errors and licentiouf-
neſs of the two late Reigns had given occafion to: and the remedies
which he judged moſt ſuited to the amendment of them, p. 121.
The acknowledged excellence and fitneſs of theſe Decrees, p. 141.
And the depraved condition of the People inferred from an obfer-
vation made by the LEGATE at the conclufion of the Synod, p. 143.
SECT.
X.
For what misdeeds Archbishop Cranmer was attainted of high treafon
and condemned to death, p. 145. The LEGATE endeavours to bring
him
viii
CONTENT S.
Year.
}
24th
him to a fenfe of his guilt, p. 147. He is condemned for Herefy,
19th Jan, and the fentence reviſed and confirmed at Rome, p. 149. He abjures
1555-6.
his paſt errors, in hopes of life, and then revokes his abjuration, and
14th Feb.
is put to death, p. 150. Inftances of the like feverity exerciſed by
himſelf, for religious caufes, in the former reigns, p. 152. Ac-
count of his education; his inconfiftencies and prevarications in Re-
ligion under Henry, Edward, and Mary, p. 153. His claim to the
Panegyrick beſtowed on him by Dr. Burnet, examined, p. 157.
Other Perfons put to death for Herefy, p. 158. The ftatutes on
which they fuffered, p. 159. The treaſonable practices which moved
the Government to put thefe Laws in execution, p. 160. The
LEGATE'S moderation in theſe tranſactions atteſted by unexception-
able Vouchers, p. 162. And related by himſelf, p. 163. One In-
ftance alledged as an Exception to this behaviour, p. 164. Who
the Perfons were who ſeem to have chiefly countenanced thefe
cruelties, p. 165. Some Obſervations on the tenets and practice
of the Church of Rome relative to the penalties inflicted on Here-
ticks, p. 166. The LEGATE, on Cranmer's execution, nominated to
the See of Canterbury, p. 168. Ordained Prieſt and Biſhop, p. 169.
By what works of Chriftian piety he fignalizes the beginning of his
Primacy, ibid., He is chofen Chancellor of the Univerſities of Cam-
bridge and Oxford: His memorable letter to the Latter, p. 170. Re-
viſes the ftatutes; flouriſhing ſtate of this learned and illuftrious Body
in his time, p. 172. His correfpondence with Ignatius of Layola,
P. 173, et feq.
1st April,
1556.
Nov.1556
SECT.
XI.
WAR between Paul IV. and Philip, p. 178. Origin of this Pope's
malevolence to the English LEGATE, p. 180. He writes to Julius,
p. 182. War declared between France and England, p. 184. Julius
25th Jan, recalls the LEGATE and appoints William Peyto in his ſtead, p. 185.
The Queen oppoſes theſe meaſures: Letters which pafs between the
Pope and Her, p. 186. CARDINAL POLE lays down his character
of Legate; his Letter to the Pope; diffimulation of the latter,
p. 189. His enmity to the LEGATE's friend, Priuli, p. 191. The
LEGATE's fine Remonftrance to the Pope, on thefe unbecoming pro-
1556-7.
14th June.
ceedings,
CONTENT S.
ix
The juftice which Protef- 17th Nov.
ceedings, p. 192, et feq. The character of Paul IV. in the Note of Year.
P. 192, et feq. The LEGATE's letter to the Cardinal of Trani on the 30th Mar.
1558.
fame fubject on which he had wrote to the Pope, p. 200, et feq. Some
Reflexions on the CARDINAL's behaviour during this ill treatment from
the Pope, of which there is no farther mention, p. 204. Death of
Charles V. character of that Prince, p, 205. Motive to which Thua- 23d Sept.
nus afcribes his abdication, p. 206. Fenelon's remark on the fame,
p. 207. Death of Queen Mary, p. 208.
tant Hiſtorians have done to this Princefs, ibid, and 209. CARDINAL
POLE'S laft ficknefs, p. 210. His will, ibid. Account of Aloyfius
Priuli, his Executor, ibid, et feq. Writes to the Queen a fhort time
before he dies, p. 212. Prepares himſelf to die, p. 213. With
what fentiments he hears the news of the Queen's death, ibid. The
diſpoſition in which he receives the laft Sacraments, and dies, p. 214.
His obfequies, ibid. Letter of Paul Sadolet, Biſhop of Carpentras, to
the Lord Priuli, on the CARDINAL's death, p. 215.
SECT.
XII.
The Character of CARDINAL POLE: His outward figure, habit of
body, manner of living, p. 217. Temper, converfation, remark-
able ſayings, p. 218. Averfion to flattery and falfhood, circumfpec-
tion in difcourfe, open and ingenuous Carriage, p. 220. Induftry,
learning, eloquence, ftyle, p. 221. Method of studying the Scrip-
tures, p. 222. The Works he left behind him, p. 223. Abilities
for buſineſs and public life, p. 224. Exemption from vulgar paffions,
evenness of temper, p. 225. Facility in forgiving injuries exempli
fied in ſeveral inſtances, p. 226. Care of his Domeftics; benevolence,
generofity, and difintereſtedness, ibid, et feq. Freedom from ambi-
tion. Fortitude, and greatnefs of foul, p. 229. Gratitude, p. 230.
Patriot fpirit, and the proofs he gave of it, ibid et feq. Lenity towards
thoſe who diffented from the Church of Reme, p. 231, et fèq. His
love of folitude, and of what kind his retreats were, p. 233. Accu.
racy in all the rites of the Church, reverence with which he performed
the Liturgy, p. 234.
The most common incidents furnish him with
18th Nov
{
b
an
X
CONTENTS.
&
an opportunity of inculcating virtue, ibid. His fentiments of the du-
ties of Epifcopacy, and the manner in which he diſcharged them,
p. 235. The eſteem he was held in by his Cotemporaries exemplified
in ſeveral inſtances, p. 237.
ERRORS of the PRESS befides thofe already corrected, in Part I.
Page 25, in the Note, the paffage of Mar-
tin Luther ſhould have been cited
from Walfingbam's Search made
into matters of Religion: where it
is quoted from the 5th Tome of
Luther's works, fol. 481, edit. Jena.
p. 124, 1. 18, a crime imputed to Anne
Bullen might have been worded
more correctly.
Page 125, 1. 5, from the bottom, for tho,
read the.
p. 158, 1. 13, for debaced, r. debaſed.
p. 279, l. 16, for Pope, r. Pole.
p. 322, 1. 4, for moſt, r. ſeveral.
P. 351, 1. 18, for Paul, r. Pius.
p. 384, 1. 14, for was, r. were.
P. 401, 1. 5, for forget, r. forgot.
ERRORS in the SECOND PART.
Page 2, 1. 14, for infine, r. in fine.
p. 48, 1. laft, for to, r. of.
p. 56, 1. 1, for wrote, r. written.
p. 68, 1.7, from the bottom, for nformed,
r. informed.
P. 73, is marked 37.
p. 95, 1. 8, for wrote, r. written.
p. 96, 1. 14, from the bottom, for intiled,
r. intitled.
p. 97, 1. 2, for plaineſs, r. plainneſs.
p. 100, 1. 18, for ordered, r. order.
p. 104, 1. 15, for to Lord of Noailles,
r. to the Lord of Noailles, &c.
p. 163, 1. 5, from the bottom, for nogo-
tium, r. negotium.
p. 183, 1. 4, from the bottom, dele had.
p. 206, 1. 1, of the Note, for oculis,
r. oculi.
p. 214, 1. 16, for 17 Dec. r. 18 Nov.
p. 228, 1. 10, for or offend, r. nor
offend.
p. 220, 1. 5, after and, add the.
1. 11, after though, add of.
P. 232, last line but one, for quod,
r. quid.
THE
HISTORY OF
OF
THE
THE LIFE
O F
REGINALD POL E.
PART II.
SECT.
VIII.
Cardinal POLE, on Edward VIth's Death, is appointed Legate
to Queen Mary. The purpose of this Commiffion.
Various obftacles and delays obftruct his journey to England; which,
at length, takes place.
队
​铁
​C
ARDINAL POLE had not been a year in his Year,
retirement at Maguza, when he was again called
forth to action, and engaged in that lucid path,
which did not end till it brought him to the meri-
#dian of the Career, which Providence appointed
him to accompliſh*. Edward VI. died on the fixth of July,
1553, which was obſerved to be the fame day of the fame month,
on which his Father had put Sir Thomas More to death. As foon
as the news of this event reached Rome, one of the Secretaries,
by the Pope's orders, wrote to the CARDINAL the following letter.
Having heard, a few days ago, of the death of the King of
rr
* Juftorum femita quafi lux fplendens procedit et crefcit ufque ad perfectum diem.
Prov. iv, 28. Edit. Vulg.
1553
B
England,
}
12
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
England, his Holinefs has thought proper to uſe all convenient
diligence to bring back that People to the ancient worſhip, from
which they are lately fallen: and, in order to effect this, he is
minded to make ufe of your Lordship's counfel; which was
likewiſe the fentiment of the whole Congregation of Cardinals.
Whilſt the Patent was yeſterday making out, a Courier arrived
from France, with the news of a revolution of affairs in that King-
dom, where the Princefs Mary has been proclaimed Queen, with
the univerſal confent of the Nation. The information gave his
Holiness the greateſt joy, and, having called the Sacred College,
he let them know, that no method occurred to him more fuited
to the preſent exigency, or which had greater appearance of fuc-
ceſs, than to appoint your Lordship Legate to the Queen, to the
Emperor, to the King of France, and, infine, to all Places,
through which you ſhould take your journey. The propoſal was
univerfally approved, and each one teftified his fatisfaction at the
Event which gave occafion to it. We are now employed in get-
ting ready the Letters Patent, which will be in the moſt ample
form, and your Lordship will judge whether any thing further
ſhould be added. Your Lordship's Credentials, alfo, for each of
the abovementioned Powers, are preparing, and will be fent, by
an Express, to Germany, as we make no doubt of your taking.
that road, in order to confer with his Imperial Majefty, before
you proceed on your journey. His Holiness, therefore, entreats
you to take on yourſelf, this commiffion, for the fervice of Al-
mighty God, the welfare of your Country, his own fatisfaction,
and that of the Sacred College and the whole Court of Rome.-
It was, likewife, propofed in the Council, if it would not be
adviſeable to appoint the Bishop of Worcester, Nuncio, that, in
cafe your Lordship thought fit to fend him before you, and em-
ploy him any other ways, he may do it with greater dignity*.
*This Prelate was Richard Pates,
who was fent to the Emperor's Court in
”}}
1540; but refufing to return to England,
on a diflike of Henry's proceedings, he
か​、
was.
OF
3
REGINALD POLE.
His Patents, therefore, fhall be made out at the fame time, and
may be uſed or laid afide, as your Lordfhip fees fitting. You can
ſtand in need, my Lord, of no directions or advice from us, as
no one is ſo well informed of the meaſures it will be conve-
nient to take, as yourſelf: the whole affair, therefore, is entruſted
have
you
to your diſcretion, knowledge, charity, and zeal; and
every one's good wiſhes, that the undertaking may be crowned
with fuccefs *."
THE Credentials here mentioned are to the following purport:
The Pontiff informs him, " that the flender profpect he had of
concluding a peace between the Emperor and the moſt Chriſtian
King, had cauſed him to recall his Legates from thoſe Courts:
but, that he might not ſeem to give up all hopes of ſo deſirable
an event, he had charged him with the fame negotiation; as, in
his way to England, he would have an interview with one, or
both of theſe Monarchs. My motive for fo doing, fays the Pope,
is not grounded on any diſpoſitions on their part to give ear to a
falutary remonstrance on this head; but, becauſe much depends
on circumſtances of time and place, and no one is better quali-
fied than yourſelf to take the advantage of fuch opportunities.
Your prudence and fagacity, and that art of perſuaſion which re-
commends all you fay, may prevail, though the means hitherto
tried have been ineffectual. I fhall, therefore, prefcribe no-
thing to you, in particular, but leave the whole affair to be
managed as you judge moſt conducive to the dignity of the holy
See, and the emolument of the Chriſtian Commonwealth. You
was deprived of his Biſhoprick in 1547;
and, foon after, attainted of high treafon.
He continued in baniſhment all Edward's
reign; during which he fate in the Coun→
cil of Trent: and on Queen Mary's ac-
ceffion, was recalled home, and restored
to his See, in 1554. In the 1ft of Eliz.
on refufing to take the Oath of Supre-
macy, he was, a fecond Time, deprived
of his Biſhoprick; and, going abroad,
affifted at the Clofe of the Council of
Trent; and was alive in 1562. Godw.
de Præf. Angl. Fox, at the year 1559-
Laur. Hump. in Vitâ fuelli, pag. 179.
Ath. Oxon. 694.
B 2
*R. Poli Epift. pars 4ª. pag. 109.
are
Rome 6th
Aug. 1553
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1553.
are already informed of my intentions, and of the fincere defire I
have to fee peace and tranquillity restored; and this long fought
remedy applied to the distempered ſtate of public affairs. What-
ever meaſures, therefore, you think fit to purfue, I fhall look on
22d Sept. them as worthy your abilities, and deferving my approbation."
As the management of the whole buſineſs was left to the
CARDINAL, he was of opinion, he ought to be informed of the
Queen's difpofition, and the ſtate of the Nation, before he fet
out on fo hazardous an undertaking: he wrote, therefore, the
following letter to her.
He begins, "by fetting forth the great and unexpected turn
in the Queen's fortune, which could be aſcribed to nothing but a
declaration of Heaven in her favour. A powerful Faction had ſet
up a Rival; thoſe at the head of it, had leiſure and opportunity
to ſtrengthen themſelves; ſhe herſelf had, for ſeveral years, been
reduced almoſt to the condition of a private perſon. All theſe
were incidents which feemed to forebode her overthrow. Yet,
when the affair came to be decided, a few of her faithful Subjects,
who had dared to declare in her right, had overbalanced all theſe
unfavourable circumſtances; and, in an inftant, brought the
threats, the defigns, the infolence, the attempts of her Enemies,
to nothing. This, fays he, can be attributed only to him who
difpofes of Kingdoms to whom he thinks proper, and changes
the heart of man according to his good pleafure; whofe coun-
fels are not to be controuled by human ftrength or prudence.
He obferves, that this Event was too memorable a proof of a di-
vine Providence, not to awake in the Engliſh a belief of it;
which, though it was the baſe of all Religion; yet, on account
of the long ſway which the Wicked had exerciſed, was fo little
regarded, eſpecially by thofe who were reputed more wife and
prudent than the reft, that it ſeemed almoft entirely forgot.
+ R. Poli Epift. pars 4ª, pag. 431.
Wherefore,
OF REGINALD POLE.
બ
Wherefore, if any Woman might prefume to praiſe Almighty
God in the Words of the bleffed Mother of his Son, it was Her-
felf. She might truly fay, He had regarded the lowlinefs of his
Handmaid — His arm had done mighty things — He had put down
the mighty from their Seats, and exalted the lowly.
"He then goes on by telling Her, that a deep fenſe of reli-
gion, and zeal for her Majefty's perfon obliged him to defire her
to call to mind, at the beginning of her Reign, by what ſteps
fuch a confufion of human and divine right, as was but too vifi-
ble in all private and public concerns, had been introduced: that,
ſhe would perceive the firſt cauſe of it to have been the ill-fated
and unlawful divorce of the King her Father from the beſt of
women, her Mother; which crime had been followed by his ſe-
paration from the common Parent of all Chriſtians, the Catholic
Church: that, from this poiſonous root all thoſe misfortunes had
fprung, which had corrupted the body of the People, and left
few remains either of integrity or religion; both which had been
baniſhed when the obedience due to the authority eſtabliſhed by
JESUS CHRIST was laid afide; nor would be reftored, but with
it. She might credit him, he fays, who had fuffered ſo much
both in that, and her Majeſty's cauſe; and who had left nothing
untried to ſerve her; that, if his endeavours had hitherto proved
unſucceſsful, the very diſappointment now afforded him a fingu-
lar fatisfaction, as he vifibly faw the hand of Providence declare
itſelf in her favour. He obferves, that God had not permitted
her to be affiſted by any earthly Potentate, but had deferred her
deliverance to that time, in which he had decreed to raiſe her by
his own almighty arm; and, in the mean while, had dealt with
her as he is uſed to do with his chofen fervants, whom he leads
to the profperity, for which he defigns them, by adverſe fortune
and the trials of patient hope, -He fays, the eyes of all good
men were intent on this great Event; and himſelf, in particular,
having had more frequent opportunity of being acquainted with
thoſe
Luke, ch.
6
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
thoſe excellent endowments, which had diftinguiſhed her from
her infancy; that, this knowledge made him more defirous to
be informed of her prefent difpofitions with reſpect to Religion,
and thoſe Means which were neceffary to reſtore it: and, there-
fore, though he was appointed Legate of the holy See to her
Majeſty, the Emperor, and the King of France; yet the com-
miſſion was of fo delicate and important a nature, that he would
not enter on it, till he knew her intentions, which he defires
may be communicated to him by the perſon who was to deliver
his letter. He adds, that this caution did not proceed from any
diſtruſt in her goodneſs, whom he had ever known moſt grateful
to God for his mercies, and moſt obſervant of his laws, at the
head of which was the acknowledgment of the Church's autho-
rity. This authority, he obferves, ought to have a perfonal
weight with her, whofe Father had difowned it on no other ac-
count, but becauſe it had been exerted in her caufe, and againſt
his lawleſs defires. But as fuch a licentioufnefs had prevailed
fince this rupture, as muſt make a return to the ancient obfer-
vance very difficult, he would have her Majeſty's advice as to the
manner and time, in which he might appear in the character of
Legate, ſo as to anſwer, with greater advantage, the purpoſes for
which he had been inveſted with it. He ends, with befeeching
Almighty God, that her orders on this head may be ſuited to the
expectation, which all well-difpofed perfons entertained of her:
and doubts not to make it appear, if ſhe is pleafed to grant him
a favourable audience, that the foundation and fecurity of every
good, which could be derived on her people, was to be built on
è Canobio the foundations which her ſubjects had forfaken*."
Megazeni
Benaci,
Ibid. Sex.
1553.
He fent this letter, which was wrote in Latin, by a special
Meffenger, who had orders to call on the Cardinal Dandalo, the
Papal Embaſſador at the Emperor's Court, which was then kept
·
* Odoricus Raynaldus, tom. xxi, Annal. Ecclef. Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª, p. 116,
et 428.
at
OF
7
REGINALD ་
POLE.
}
at Bruffels; and who, being in the neighbourhood of England,
might ſend him more certain intelligence than he could have at
fo great a diſtance. Dandalo on this diſpatched his Secretary into
England, who having had frequent conferences with the Queen,
and informed himſelf of the preſent temper of the People, went
back towards the end of August, and, by an almoft incredible
expedition, performed the journey from Bruſſels to Rome within
nine days. He called on CARDINAL POLE, who was ftill in the
Monaftery near Benacus; and the Meffenger he had fent to the
Queen, delivered him her Majefty's anſwer to his letter, which
was to the following purpoſe.
វ
"SHE begins. by thanking him for the part he took in her
being placed on the Throne of hef Anceſtors; and the fingular
providence of Almighty God in defeating the oppofition which
had been made to the juftice of her title: and that he was no
leſs obliged to him for the good will he fignified for her King-
dom, which was, likewife, his own Country, and for the whole-
fome advice he had added to the above-mentioned articles.
Though ſhe had not been united to him by the ties of confan-
guinity, yet fuch an unfeigned declaration of friendship would
have the beſt claim to all the return fhe could make. That fhe
would endeavour to profit from his inftructions, as much as her
circumſtances would allow, having ever been in thoſe diſpoſitions
in which he wished her to perfevere. As to what regarded the
fubmiffion and refpect due to the Catholic Church, the bearer
would fully inform him of her mind, and the anxiety fhe labour-
ed, under not to be able to declare herſelf, without any referve
on this head; but as foon as ſuch a meaſure was adviſeable, ſhe
would inform him, her very good Kinſman, of it. The fame
Meſſenger was to give him an account of her Coronation, and of
feveral other tranfactions, at which he would have him be pre-
fent: and of the hopes the entertained that the prefent meeting
of the Parliament would repeal thofe Statutes which had occa-
fioned
3
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Westmin-
fter, 6th
Oct. 1553.
fioned the late Evils. She had a confidence, alfo, of obtaining
pardon from the Pope of whatever had been blameable in her
own behaviour; and had a grateful remembrance of the many
inſtances of good will the had received from him; and entreated
the LEGATE to be the Mediator of a perfect reconciliation. She
concludes, by acknowledging the pledges of a Brother's love he
had ſo often given her; and by recommending herſelf again to
the Pontiff and himſelf*."
THE chief Articles which the Meſſenger was to communicate
to the LEGATE, and which were to be fecret to all but the Pope
and himſelf, were, that the Queen, with the conſent of her Par-
liament, would aboliſh the Laws, which her Father and Brother
had paſſed againſt the ancient Worſhip; and ſend an Embaffy of
reverence and obedience to the holy See. In the mean time, ſhe
requeſted the Pope to pardon the Engliſh, in a public manner,
that none might ſuffer for having come into the meaſures of the
late Kings, and left the communion of the See of Rome: that
REGINALD POLE might be fent Legate into England, with full
power to tranfact all this; and reinstate the former faith and dif-
cipline. Befides theſe orders from the Queen, the Secretary had
informed the CARDINAL, from Dandalo, that it was adviſeable
to defer, for fome time, his journey to England.
THE fame Meffenger being arrived at Rome, delivered to the
Pope a letter from the Queen, in which ſhe profeffed on her own
part, and that of the Nation, the obedience and refpect which all
Princes, in communion with the Biſhop of Rome, have ever ac-
knowledged to be due to his See, without any diminution of their
own prerogative, or prejudice to the rights of their People†. -
The
young. Gentleman, John Commendon, who brought this news
was, afterwards, raiſed to the purple, and eſteemed one of the
moſt able Negotiators of his age; and having paſſed through all
thoſe honours, by which the Courts, which employed him, could
*R. Poli Epift. pars 43, P. 429. + Gratiani in Vitâ Commendon, pag. 33, et feq.
teſtify
OF REGINALD POLE.
9
teſtify their ſenſe of his merit, he, at length, ſurvived his under-
ftanding, and died in obfcurity. His reputation, however, has
been tranfmitted to the lateft pofterity by Gratiani, Biſhop of
Amelia, who had been his Secretary, and has rendered his Patron
of
that tribute of gratitude, which Becatelli paid to the memory
CARDINAL POLE, by writing his life in a greater detail, and
with equal ſenſe and elegance.
THIS intelligence cauſed the Pope to write to the CARDINAL,
"that though much caution was requifite in the preſent affair,
yet he would have him ſet out on his journey; but perform it in
fuch a manner, as neither to prejudice the Queen's ſafety, nor
the common caufe. That, this was his opinion, and that of
the facred College; yet it was left to his own piety and prudence,
to his knowledge and experience; and to the advices, which he
would receive with greater certainty and expedition than they
could, to refolve on what was beft, and take his meaſures
accordingly *"
SOON after this letter the LEGATE fet out with a defign of
taking the road of Germany, and conferring with the Emperor at
Bruffels, before he proceeded any further. In the mean time
every thing in England ſeemed to favour the Religious Revolution,
which was, foon after, effected.
THE French Ambaffador at the Court of England, the Lord
of Noailles, had already been informed of all the ſteps which were
" that CARDINAL
taken at Rome; and had acquainted his King,
POLE was appointed Legate of the holy See to the Queen and
the Engliſh Nation; that his Patents were already made out, and
fent to Verona by the Biſhop of Burgos, who formerly had been
Catharine of Aragon's ghoftly Father: that, He was to take his
road through Germany, and come directly to the Emperor, at
Bruffels; where, as he underſtood, he was to ſtay fome days, and
Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. pag. III.
C
confider
20th Sept.
1553.
10
THE HITOY OF THE LIFE
confider on what would be the moſt likely means to make his
preſence moft agreeable to the People of England. I thought
proper, fays the Ambaffador, to give your Majefty this informa-
tion, becaufe I did not know but you would give orders to your
Reſidents in Germany and Switzerland, to receive the LEGATE,
in his paffage, with diſtinction, as he comes on fo good and lau-
dable a commiffion, before he reaches the Emperor: for your
Majeſty may be well affured, that if once he comes hither, he
will have the first place in the Queen's confidence, to the no fmall
diſpleaſure of the Chancellor, and of feveral of the Nobility, who,
on account of their religious principles, will fee with regret a
4th Sept. Churchman at the head of the Miniftry*." He wrote to the
King, ſome time after, that the CARDINAL's prefence was very
neceffary for the Queen's affairs, and the mutual advantage which
both nations might derive from it. I affure your Majefty, fays
this Nobleman, that befides the real need there is of his advice,
He is, likewife, more univerfally wished for than I could have
24th Nov. imagined, both by Proteftants and Catholics +."
*553.
BUT before I enter on Queen Mary's Reign, which was the
laft and great Theatre, on which He appeared, who is the fubject
of this Hiſtory, it may not be improper to give ſome account of
the character, under which this Princeſs had hitherto been con-
fidered, and which may contribute to make what is hereafter to
be faid of her, more fatisfactory. The education the received
from her Mother formed her to that fteadineſs and zeal for the
Religion of her Anceſtors, which ſeems to have been the ruling
principle of her whole conduct. This reverence, which we owe
to the veracity and fanctity of the Supreme Being, either when
he reveals his Truths to our Belief, or prefcribes his Laws to
our Practice, caufed her to make that memorable reply, when
Charles V. cautioned her to proceed flowly, and not declare her-
* Ambaffades de Noailles, tom. 2, pag. 135
+ Ibid. pag. 271.
felf
OF
POLE.
REGINALD
>>
felf whilſt the iſſue of affairs was yet uncertain; "That her truſt
in God alone had, firſt, ſupported her in the greateſt ſtreights of
adverſe fortune; and, then, raiſed her to a Crown: wherefore,
ſhe was refolved to uſe no delay in teftifying her gratitude to
Him, to whom the owed her fafety and dignity; but to do it
immediately, and in the moſt confpicuous manner*.' It being,
in that age, faſhionable to give young Ladies of high birth a
tincture of literature, Lewis Vives, the Quintilian of thoſe times,
inſtructed her in the Latin language, under whom ſhe made fo
confiderable a progrefs, as to write tolerably well in that tongue.
The inaccuracies of a letter of hers to CARDINAL POLE, which
is preſerved in the Bodleian Library, are a ſtrong prefumption,
beſides the ſubject, that the whole, as it now ftands, is the com-
pofition of the Princefst. Her Father, on divorcing the Queen,
had obliged her to ſubſcribe to her own illegitimacy; but being,
afterwards reconciled to her, and the Parliament having fettled
the order of Succeffion, as he thought fit, fhe was fubftituted to
her Brother Edward; and her title to the Crown became as legal
and parliamentary, as it had always been juſt and natural. He,
moreover, allotted her 10,000 l. as a Dower, and fettled on her
3000l. a year: a large maintenance in thoſe days, and equal to
five times as much in ours. She ſuffered much during her Bro-
ther's reign, from the importunities made uſe of to compel her
to renounce the Catholic Religion, and the indignities offered to
her Chaplains, to all who belonged to her, and to her own per-
fon and the anſwers fhe returned to the young King's letters,
*
Ut monenti Carolo Cæfari con-
filium ne approperaret, neve tam imma-
turis rebus fefe indicaret, refponfum fanè
memorabile reddiderit: Se, dum deferta
deftitutaque in fuâ calamitate jaceret, non
alterius fpe atque ope, quàm Dei ſuſten-
tatam; ad regnum inde provectam fuiſſe :
Itaque ftatutum fibi, cui falutem et dig-
nitatem deberet, ei non cunctanter aut
obfcurè, fed ftatim ac propalam gratiam
profiteri. Gratiani, in Vita Commendoni,
pag. 36.
+ It is pafted on the blank leaves of
King James the firft's works, publiſhed
by Biſhop Montacute, and prefented to
the Univerſity by that Monarch.
C 2
her
12
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
her expoftulations with him and the Lords of the Council, by
whofe orders fhe was difquieted, are made with a dignity be-
coming the uprightneſs and integrity of her own proceedings;
the near relation fhe bore to the Crown; and her knowledge of
their evil purpoſes, to whom the King, her Brother, was entirely
given up; and fhew a reſolution which was not to be ſhaken,
and which the exerted, to the full, on Edward's death, and in
the following manner *.
+
DUDLEY, who was created Duke of Northumberland, had
cauſed the late King, when he was leaving the world, and his
mind reduced as low as his body, to exclude the Princeffes Mary
and Elizabeth from the fucceffion, and ſubſtitute in their place
the Lady Jane Brandon, whom he had married to Robert Lord
Guildford, his fourth Son. She was the Daughter of Frances,
Duchefs of Suffolk, and deſcended by Charles Brandon, from Mary
Dowager Queen of France, and Sifter to Henry VIII. After Ed-
ward's Sifters, therefore, the Duchefs ftood next in relation to
the crown, as the Scotifh line, by Henry's difpofition, was fup-
poſed to be fet afide: But the Mother had relinquished all claim
to Royalty, that the might fee it fettled on her offspring; and
Northumberland, in order to ftrengthen his intereft with the No-
bility, had, at the fame time, intermarried his Sons and Daugh-
ters into the principal families.-The whole privy Council (Lord
Chief Juftice Hales excepted) and Cranmer the Primate, at the
head, had fubfcribed to theſe unwarrantable meaſures. The
Lady Jane alone, who had every claim to Royalty, which
beauty, knowledge, and moderation can confer, and who was
the moſt intereſted in this new fettlement, was the only perſon
who oppoſed it, and did all that depended on her, to refufe a
crown, which ſhe was obliged to lay down within a few days.
*
"
John Fox, vol. 2, pag. 1337, &c.
where the original Documents concern-
ing the Princeſs Mary are put down at
length.
after
OF REGINALD POLE.
$3
after he had, with fo much reluctance, accepted of it. Her
Father-in-law, on Edward's death, had caufed her to be pro-
claimed Queen, and it having been formerly a cuſtom for our
Sovereigns to ſpend the firſt days of their acceffion in the Tower,
he conveyed her thither; and the privy Council being obliged to
attend, were, by that means, his Prifoners. The univerfal ha-
tred which his violence and ambition had raiſed, made the pro-
clamation of the new Queen be heard with fullenneſs and diffa-
tisfaction; and when Ridley, Biſhop of London, employed his
rhetoric againſt the Princess Mary, at St. Paul's Crofs, he had
been heard with as little favour, as the Heralds who proclaimed
her Rival.
THE Princeſs had not been wanting to herſelf in thefe ftreights,
who, by the intelligence the received from the Earl of Arundel,
had narrowly escaped the fnare laid by Northumberland to get her
and her Siſter in his power, by concealing the King's death, and
counterfeiting his orders to them both, to repair to him, as he
ſtood in need of their comfort and advice. Being apprized of
this confpiracy when ſhe was within half a day's journey of Green-
wich, where Edward died, fhe retired first, into Norfolk; and,
then to Suffolk; and fummoned the Nobility and Gentry to fup-
port her claim, and offered a general pardon to all who had been
wanting to the allegiance due to her. Befides theſe circular Let-
ters, ſhe notified to the Lords of the Council," the fettlement of the
Crown, by Act of Parliament and her Father's will; which diſpoſi-
tion, ſhe ſays, was corroborated by other circumſtances, of which
they, the Realm, and all Europe were informed: that the public
Records made it appear with ſuch evidence, that no true and faith-
ful fubject could be ignorant of it; and that ſhe had cauſed it to be
publiſhed and proclaimed accordingly. She lets them know, that
though ſhe was, by no means, ignorant of their defigns and con-
trivances againſt her lawful claim, fhe was, however, willing
to put the moſt favourable conftruction on their meetings and
proceedings-
14
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Hall, July
proceedings: and to avoid coming to force and bloodshed: and
required them to cauſe her title to be proclaimed in London and
Kenning-, elſewhere, as was cuftomary." The Lords, on receiving theſe
9th, 1553. orders, returned an anſwer fuited to the meaſure they had al-
ready taken; and let the Princeſs know," the whole right to
the crown of England to be inveſted in the Lady Jane, by the
good order of the ancient laws of the Realm, and by the difpofition
of the late King: and they require the Princeſs to reduce herſelf
to a private condition, in which cafe they offer her their good
offices: otherwiſe, fay they, fhe will be grievous to them, to
herſelf, and the whole ftate;" and they are not affraid to al-
lege, as the motive of their proceedings, "the heinous and un-
Speakable enormities they fhould incur, were they not to behave
in this manner *."
THIS declaration neither intimidated the Princeſs, nor checked
the zeal of the Abettors of her caufe. The Earls of Bath and
Suſſex, the heirs apparent of the Lords Wharton and Mordaunt,
Sir William Drury, Sir Henry Bedding field, and Sir Henry Jer-
nigan, appeared the firſt in ſupport of it; and, having great in-
fluence in their reſpective Counties, brought in their Retainers
and Dependents. Sir Edward Haftings, Brother to the Earl of
Huntingdon, and Nephew to CARDINAL POLE, though he had a
commiffion from the Council to raiſe Levies for the Lady Jane,
joined the Princeſs Mary, at the head of 4,000 men; and the
Fleet, which lay off the coaſt of Suffolk, declared for her. This
oppofition made the Duke of Northumberland think it neceffary
to take the field, and affert by arms a claim which was alike
defſtitute of juſtice and popularity. His troops did not exceed
6,000 men; and when he came to St. Edmondsbury, he found
himſelf too weak to riſk a battle with the Princess's army, which
was twice that number. He wrote, therefore, to the Council,
to fend him a reinforcement; but the Lords were fo far from
*Fox, Acts and Monuments.
obeying
OF REGINALD POLE.
15
obeying the orders, that they made ufe of this commiffion to free
themfelves from their confinement; and being now out of his
reach, and his power on the decline, they only affembled to deli-
berate in what manner to rid themfelves of his Tyranny. The
Earl of Arundel opened the conference, by laying before them
the violence, ambition, and cruelty of the Duke, and the guilt
wherein he had involved the Council, which, he faid could not
be expiated but by acknowledging and aiding their rightful Sove-
reign. The motion was feconded by the Earl of Pembroke; and
the Mayor and Aldermen being ſent for, they received the orders
to proclaim the Princeſs, with great alacrity; and the fame fen-
timents became univerfal. Even, the Duke of Suffolk, Father
to the unhappy victim of Northumberland's ambition, finding
refiſtance to no purpoſe, opened the Tower gates; from whence
his Daughter returned to a private ftate, with more fatisfaction
than ſhe had affumed Royalty. The Princess Elizabeth met her
Siſter at the head of 1000 horſe ſhe had raiſed to maintain their
joint title; and the people thronged to meet the Princeſs as ſhe
drew near to London, and, every where, gave demonſtrations of
joy for her fuccefs. Orders being given, to take the Duke of
Northumberland into cuſtody, he fell on his knees to the Earl of
Arundel, who arreſted him, and his whole behaviour was as ab-
ject, as, till then, it had been haughty and contemptuous. His
guilt was of too deep a die to be effaced by any fubmiffions; and
his character made it unfafe for any Government to pardon fuch
an Offender.
at length, in his own
"He begins by ac-
1553.
BEING come to the place of execution, he made a very re- Aug. 22d.
markable declaration of the fentiments in which he left the
world; which has been tranfmitted to us,
words, and is to the following purpoſe.
knowledging his guilt againſt Almighty God, his Sovereign, and
the whole Realm; and that he had been in open Rebellion againſt
the Queen, for which though, of her own authority, fhe might
have
16
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
have ſentenced him to death, yet ſhe had been pleaſed to have
him tried and condemned by law. That, he truſted this had
happened for the ſalvation of his foul, and to awaken in him a
deeper ſenſe of his offences.-That, being allowed an entire free-
dom of fpeech, he called God and All who were preſent to wit-
neſs, he ſuffered for a cauſe, in which he had been engaged by
other perfons, whom he aſked God to pardon.-He took this
opportunity of declaring to them, that, fome time before the
death of King Henry, and ever fince, he had been led aftray by
the reforming Preachers, which had been the principal cauſe of
his misfortunes. He, therefore, cautioned them to beware of
theſe profligate and feditious perfons, who had opened the Book of
errour, but knew not how to shut it. That ever fince theſe new
doctrines had been fet on foot, God had given them up to them-
ſelves; and inflicted on them the fevereſt of his puniſhments,
war, fedition, riots, rebellion, plague, and famine.-He, there-
fore, exhorts them to obedience of the Queen; and to return to
the true Catholic faith, from which they had, for ſo long a time,
fallen. They had examples of the like errours and the like ruin
in Germany, which were well known to every one.-That, to go
no further, the Creed taught us to believe in the Holy Ghoft,
the Holy Catholic Church, the Communion of Saints; and this
Dr. Heath. was his very Faith, as the Lord Biſhop of Worcester could certify;
and all he had faid, was not from any command he had received
to ſpeak in this manner, but his own free choice *."
Two other perfons were put to death with him; and eight
more tried and condemned of high treafon: whofe Attainder the
Parliament, which was called foon after, approved and confirmed
by their Authority." Amongst thefe were Lady Jane, and
Lord Guilford Dudley; whofe execution was put off, and, pro-
*Titus, b. 2. Collier's Ecclefiaftical Hiftory, vol. 2, b. 5,
† Anno I. Mariæ, Seff. 2, c. 16.
bably,
OF REGINALD POLE.
17
bably, never would have enfued, had not a fubfequent rebellion
made it ſeem neceffary to the Queen's fafety and the tranquillity
of the State. This was all the blood that was fpilt in puniſh-
ment of a rebellion of the deepest guilt, and in which fo many
of the Nobility and others were engaged. A general pardon,
with few exceptions, followed theſe acts of Juſtice; the Queen
remitted the fubfidy which had been granted to her Bro-
ther; and no Sovereign feems to have afcended the throne of
their Anceſtors with more univerfal fatisfaction of all orders of
the Nation. One of the first Acts of the prerogative was to erect
anew the Biſhoprick of Durham, which had been diffolved in the
late reign, and annex to it the ancient Regalities. She reinstated
Tonftal in this See; and having appointed Commiffioners to re-
viſe the cauſes of Gardiner, Bonner, Day, Heath, and Vesey, who
were deprived in the laſt reigns for refuſing to affent to changes
then introduced, the reftored them to the Bishopricks of Win-
chefter, London, Chichester, Worcester, and Exeter. The Duke of
Norfolk, who had been a Priſoner all Edward's time; and Court-
ncy, fon to the Marquis of Winchefter, were fet at liberty. Du-
ring theſe tranſactions, the Queen had been crowned; and the
circumſtances which attended this ceremony, were a prefage of
the change which immediately enfued. She was met at the
Abbey Church, to which fhe came with great magnificence, by
three filver Croffes, and eighty finging men in rich Copes; fo
fudden a recruit had been made of theſe facred Veftments. The
new Dean, and ſeveral of her own Chaplains walked in this Pro-
ceffion, which was cloſed by ten Biſhops, who remained of the
Catholic communion, in their coftly Mitres and Copes, and filver
Crofier-Staves. A few days after the Coronation, a Parliament was
fummoned; at the opening of which the title of Supreme head on
earth of the Church of England was given to the Queen. A high
Maſs of the holy Ghoſt was performed on this occafion, at which
both Houſes affifted; and, as an indication of the Queen's gra-
D
cious
38
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
لحما
cious purpoſes towards her People, the Seffion began by limiting
all treaſons to the Statute of the 25th of Edward III. and re-
ducing felonies to fuch offences only, as were deemed ſo before
Henry VIIIth's reign *. The extenfions of miſdemeanours, to
which this guilt was annexed, having given fcope to the cruelty
and avarice of that Prince, nothing could be more popular, or
ſpeak a mind more defirous to favour the Subject, than to reſtrain
them within their ancient chanels. The Houſes, likewiſe, de-
24th O. clare, at the opening of the ſecond Seffion, the validity of the
marriage between King Henry and Catharine of Aragon, and re-
peal whatever had been enacted on a contrary fuppofition; they
express their higheſt diſapprobation of Cranmer's behaviour in
that proceeding, of which, indeed, they give many ſhameful in-
ftances. In the next place, all ſtatutes made in the laſt reign,
againſt the doctrine of the Church of Rome are repealed; and the
divine worſhip, in all its branches, of which the ſtatute enters
on a large detail, is called back to the form it had at the death
of Henry VIII‡
THE profpect of every thing which concerned the re-eſtabliſh-
ment of the ancient worſhip was too promifing not to be com-
municated to the CARDINAL, who had it no lefs at heart than
the Queen. Accordingly ſhe diſpatched to him Thomas Godwell,
who was afterwards Biſhop of St. Asaph's, with an account of
theſe particulars; but which did not diſguiſe the doubts and per-
plexities fhe laboured under, and tempered the joy which ſo un-
expected a turn in affairs would otherwiſe have produced. I have
not ſeen this letter; but the contents of it may be collected from
a fecond, and a third, which the fent foon after; and by the an-
ſwers which the CARDINAL returned to them all. She begins
the ſecond by referring him to what ſhe had wrote by Godwell.
"My Lord, fays fhe, you underſtand, by my laſt letter, in what
* Anno I. Maria, Seff. 1, c. I. + Ibid. Seff. 2, c. I.
‡ Ibid. Seff. 2, c. 2.
fituation
OF REGINALD POLE.
19
fituation my concerns were, when I wrote to you, and for what
reafons I defired you to delay, for awhile, your journey to London.
The purpoſe of your Embaſſy is ſo ſuſpected by my Subjects, and
fo odious to them, that an immediate arrival in thefe parts, tho'
I wiſh it extremely, would be rather prejudicial, than any ways
avail me.
The proceedings of the Parliament put this beyond a
doubt: and ſo ſtrangely are the minds of the People prepoffeffed
againſt the Roman Pontiff, that they find lefs difficulty in admit-
ting all the other tenets of the Catholic Religion, than in the
fingle Article which regards the fubordination due to him. The
upper Houſe was of opinion, that all the Statutes which had
paſſed fince my Father's divorce from the Queen, and a little be-
fore that time, ſhould be repealed; as, by this means, every
thing would be cancelled which had been voted either againſt
Religion, or the validity of my Mother's marriage. But, when
the queſtion came to be debated by the Commons, they pre-
ſently ſuſpected it to be propofed in favour of the Bishop of Rome,
that the title of fupreme head of the Church, which is annexed
to the crown of Britain, might be given up; the Papal Power
revived, and a facility procured of receiving you in quality of
Legate. Were theſe apprehenfions to ceafe, I underſtand there
would be no difficulty either in repealing the Statutes made againſt
the ancient Worſhip, or in ratifying my Mother's marriage. My
fears are, that they will obftinately infift on my continuing to af-
ſume the Headſhip of the Church; and, if they do, I am not at
a lofs in what manner to reply. I will remind them of my con-
ſtant attachment to the Faith I profefs, in which I have been
educated, and will perfevere to the laft that I can confent to
nothing, which my confcience condemns
bate does not agree with Kings; as the Royal ſtate, in ſpiritual
concerns, is fubordinate to the Sacerdotal: and the Jurifdiction
of the Body politick being of a different order from that of the
Prieſthood, their power, dignity, and functions were diſtinct —
D 2
that, the title in de-
that
20
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
that there was a peculiar difficulty arifing from my very Sex, to
which nothing could be leſs ſuited than fuch a title, and the ex-
tent of power annexed to it. If I can obtain nothing more, I
will entreat them to ſuſpend for a time, at leaſt, whatever regards
a claim, to which I can never conſent, till fome other expedient
be found out. If my Parliament neglects the equity of this de-
mand, I am at a loſs how to behave, and what meaſures to take.
You, my Lord, are the only perſon on whoſe prudence I rely;
and whofe advice I afk, that I may act nothing contrary to duty,
28th O. and extricate myſelf from this Labyrinth *." This Letter is wrote
in Latin, as likewife the following, which was fent when ſhe had
heard from the CARDINAL, and after the Parliament had de-
clared her Mother's marriage valid, and repealed every thing en-
acted, in the laft reign, againſt the ancient Faith; though no
mention had been made of the fupremacy.
4553.
"SHE affures the CARDINAL, how much the honoured his
difpofitions, with reſpect to the great affair then under confide-
ration, to his Country, and to herſelf. I fee, my Lord, fays
fhe, how uſeful and defirable the purpoſe of your Embaſſy into
theſe parts would be, did the fituation of my affairs, and the in-
conftancy of my People, who have been eftranged from truth,
make ſuch a ſtep either fafe or practicable. But this is fo far
from being the cafe, that your arrival in theſe circumſtances
would be attended with great hazard; and inſtead of being re-
ceived with the reſpect due to a Legate of the holy See, your life
would be in danger. I think it, therefore, more adviſeable, that
you put off your journey, and the execution of your commiffion,
rather than throw every thing here into confufion; and retard,
inſtead of promoting the buſineſs you come on. As to myſelf,
my Lord, you can have no doubt but your preſence would be
extremely welcome to me. You are acquainted with the fince-
R. Poli Epift. pars 4ª, pag. 119.
rity
OF REGINALD
21
POLE.
rity of my affections, to which your conftant good offices add a
daily increaſe; and which receive a fresh fenfibility from the re-
membrance of thofe adverfities we have fhared in common: nor
is there any thing, I fo ardently with, as to fee my Kingdom
exempt from errours, reconciled to the common Parent of all
Chriſtians, and in a ſtate of tranquillity. I perceive, however,
that it will be impoffible to obtain fully theſe defirable ends during
the courſe of this Parliament: but that another muſt be called in
three or four months, which is alſo the advice of my Council. -
The Meffenger who brings this, and is a perfon of confidence,
will inform you, my Lord, that all the Statutes concerning Re-
ligion, which were paffed in my Brother's reign, are repealed;
and the divine Worſhip reinſtated in the form it was at my Fa-
ther's death. This point was not carried but after a ſharp con-
teftation, and the ftrenuous endeavours of thofe who are well
affected to the cauſe of Truth: and all who wiſh well to me, and
are of my Council, look on this event as a fortunate omen, and
an earneſt of the ancient Rights univerfally taking place. You
will likewife underſtand that the Houſes made no difficulty to
declare my Mother's marriage, lawful; which is a tacit acknow-
ledgment of that Authority, in virtue of which it was contracted.
'The Bearer will acquaint you with the machinations of the Scotch
to diſquiet our frontier, and keep up the troubles in Ireland. The
French are not ignorant of this rebellious difpofition, and they
encourage it; and, for that purpoſe, as I am affured by my Spies,
hold a correſpondence with thoſe who are enemies to the meaſures
I am purſuing. I apply to you, my Lord, for counſel, and en-
treat you to take into confideration the ſtate of my affairs, the
plan I propoſe to proceed on, the obftinacy of my Subjects, and
the difficulties I labour under. Let me know what conduct you
would have me obferve; and where you think me deficient. I
am ready to execute, with great alacrity, whatever you, my
Lord, and the Council, fhall judge to be fafe and advantageous
to
22
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
London,
15th Nov.
$553.
to myſelf and my People: and as fo much is already advanced,
I hope you will ſhortly come to Bruſſels, in the Character of Le-
gate to the Emperor; from whence we may correfpond more
frequently, and with greater eaſe. I defire nothing more than to
be affifted, admonished, and comforted by fo able, fo knowing,
and fo religious a Perfon. In the mean time, I will fee what
can be done to ferve you, and I will undertake it with the beſt
of wills. Farewell, my Lord, and may God keep you in his
holy guard *."
I SHOULD be wanting to the regard which is due to the Rea-
der, did I imagine he could take offence at the air of Religion
which appears through all the CARDINAL's anſwers to the Queen,
however unlike it may be to what we meet with in State.
papers.
The Truth is, he confidered himſelf as a Prince of the Chriftian
Church, no leſs than a Miniſter of State; and that he wrote not
only to a Queen of a great Kingdom, but to a Woman, in whofe
eſtimate duty held a higher place than a crown; and, accord-
ingly, the meaſures he propoſes to her, are equally drawn from
the morality of the Gospel and human prudence.
"IN the first place, he defires her Majefty to afk, for her di-
rection, that Spirit of counfel and fortitude, which he had im-
plored in giving her his advice; that, as this double gift had
manifeſted itſelf in her acceffion to the throne, it might ſtill con-
tinue to govern her. He reminds her, that had fhe wanted
refolution when all human fuccour failed her, all had been loft;
and if ſhe does not continue to behave with the fame courage in
renouncing a title, which her Father had ufurped, in order to
divorce the Queen, her Mother, and deprive herſelf of her birth-
right, ſhe will render the prefent poffeffion of it more precarious
and difficult; and that fhe could never want motives to be as zea-
lous in giving up a deſtructive claim, as others had been in affert-
*R, Peli Epift. pars 42, pag. 121.
ing
OF REGINALD POLE.
23
ing it to the worst of purpoſes. Her fteadineſs, he ſays, ought,
on this occafion, to be the greater, as what was required, was
only a compliance with an Article eſtabliſhed by all laws, human
and divine; whereas, in her Father's cafe, there had been a vio-
lation of both - He obferves, that fhe had reafoned very well,
in her fecond letter to him, on the diftinct jurifdictions of the
Kingly office and the Priesthood, and had rightly concluded the
incongruity of her own Sex for the latter: he fhould, therefore,
only add to what ſhe had remarked, that, if the great Apoſtle
forbids a Woman to teach in the Church; how abfurd and ini-
quitous muſt it be to attribute to any one of that Sex the quality
of fupreme head of it? If a Woman, according to the fame great
Inftructor of the Chriftian World, cannot be faid to be the head
of one man, to whom ſhe is joined in marriage, becauſe the Law
of Nature has inſtituted Society on a different plan; both human
and divine inſtitutions forbid, ſhe ſhould be head of that nume-
rous multitude, which compofe a National Church. -
She was,
therefore, to confider this tenet as a matter of the higheſt impor-
tance, and for which, was it neceffary, fhe fhould be ready to
lay down her crown and life; as the beſt Men in her kingdom,
More and Fisher, had done: but that any fuch facrifice was fo
far from being required at her hands, that, on the contrary, her
welfare here and hereafter was interested in refigning a Supre-
macy to that Power, in which God had invefted it and as fhe
now had an authority which enabled her to act in ſo juſtifiable a
cauſe, ſhe could not efcape the cenfure either of God or Man, if
ſhe did not exert it.
He comes then to the neceffary means of accompliſhing this
affair, by having it ratified in Parliament: and this, he thinks,
will entirely depend on the fitnefs of the perfon, who brings it
into the Houſe: that having long confidered on this particular,
he faw none either of the Spiritual or Temporal Lords, or any
of the Commons, who could undertake it with propriety: The
Prelates
24
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Prelates having abetted the contrary opinion by vote and writing,
which muſt greatly leffen their authority, when men heard them
now maintain what they had formerly oppofed: and as to the
Lay Peers and the Commons, they were fo biaffed by lucrative
confiderations; and, by cafting off the Church's authority, had
got poffeffion of her revenues, that they could not bring to the
debate that impartiality which the matter required. — He ſaw,
therefore, but one Perfon, in the whole nation, who could
make the motion with proper dignity and would be favour-
ably heard that this perfon was Herſelf, who in this, as well as
in all other points, had been blameleſs, and was appointed by
Almighty God to defend both his cauſe and her own: and that
if her appearance in the lower Houſe was needful, he made no
difficulty in advifing her to take that meaſure.-He adds, fhe
might communicate this refolution to a few of the Members,
who had her confidence, and who might fecond the motion,
and repreſent to both Houſes, that, under the name of obedience
to the See of Rome, no foreign yoke was meant to be impofed
on them; or any kind of fervitude, under pretence of any utility:
that the Biſhop of that See had no fuch view; and, if he had,
fhe, the Queen, would never ſuffer it. They may likewiſe add,
fays the CARDINAL, that, as this authority is to be acknowledged
through my means, I will never agree to any deed, by which
thraldom is brought on my Country; and they ſhall never be de-
ceived by me. I would never have taken on me this negotiation
but for the emolument of my Fellow-citizens; and that the pa-
pal Supremacy being admitted, may become falutary not only to
this Nation, but, by their example, to others alfo, who have
renounced it, and, by that defection, were fallen into great
misfortunes.
"YOUR Majeſty, continues he, ſhould, at the ſame time, fig-
nify my having been appointed Legate from the holy See to
yourſelf and the Kingdom: and, that in order to appear in this
character,
1
OF REGINALD POLE.
25
character, my attainder muſt be reverſed, and myſelf reſtored to
blood, to my honours, and to my Country-She well knew,
he ſays, the injuſtice done to him and his Family, which was
dearer to him than himſelf— that nothing could be laid to his
charge, which deſerved ſuch a treatment, and all his crime con-
fifted in refuſing to confent to innovations, which were prejudi-
cial to the Realm, and detrimental to the Prince who introduced
them That, as theſe Penalties had been inflicted on him by
the authority of Parliament, however contrary to their better
judgment and inclination, they were obliged, in confcience and
honour, to repeal them; eſpecially as he came a Meſſenger of
reconciliation and peace As a proof of the integrity of his in-
tentions, he tells her, that though more wealth and honours had
been conferred on him, during his baniſhment, than he defired;
or, had it been left to his own choice, would have accepted; yet,
if he was ever found to have ſwerved from what he owed to God
or his Country, he was content to be banished for ever: but
that, if the whole tenour of his conduct had hitherto proved the
contrary, and that he had ſerved the King, her Father, not only
with the loyalty of a Subject, but with the obfequiouſneſs of a
Servant, and the affection of a Son; and had always endeavoured
the real good of his Country, all this muſt form a ſtrong pre-
fumption, that his difpofitions were ſtill the fame.
"HE defires her to weigh the difpleaſure which any fur-
ther delay in accepting theſe gracious overtures would give the
Pope; and that the facred College could not but feel the in-
dignity offered to themſelves, if one of their Body was hin-
dered from proceeding on his Embaffy for fuch unfatisfactory
reaſons as had been hitherto alleged-That, in order to foften
the offence, he had fignified to his Holiness, that his journey
was fufpended but for a fhort time, and till matters could be
diſpoſed to a more eafy and happy conclufion: and, to confirm
this report, had already fent before him part of his baggage
E
to
26
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
to Flanders, and ordered fome of his Retinue to take the fame
route, and wait for him.
"He adds, that as the Emperor had from the beginning been
of opinion, that in what concerned Religion, and, namely, in
renouncing the title of Supremacy, fhe fhould proceed with great
caution, and not ſtir in the buſineſs, till her temporal affairs were
more ſettled; he had endeavoured to let his Majefty fee, that all
procraſtination in this point was prejudicial to herſelf and the
Nation; and he refers her to the letters he had wrote to that
Prince, by his Secretary Pening, of which he fent her Copies.
He lets her know, he had prevailed on the Emperor's Confeffor,
who was then with him, and whom he had found to be a per-
fon of great fanctity and knowledge, to repair to him, and en-
treat him by the regard he had to his laft and important ſtake,
to his reputation, and the affection he bore her Majefty, to place
himſelf above ſuch worldly and unbecoming fears: of which in-
ftructions he had likewife fent her a Copy.
"THOUGH he teftifies great fatisfaction at the Acts of Parli-
ament, by which Catharine of Aragon's marriage was declared
lawful; and the Statutes made in Edward's reign to the prejudice
of the Catholic Religion, were repealed; yet he obferves they
were deficient in very material Articles, which he ſpecifies at
large. And becauſe great knowledge and accuracy were requiſite
in what related to divine faith and worſhip; and few, in ſo ge-
neral a defection, were qualified to indicate the whole extent of
the Evil, or to apply a remedy; and it not being in his
come in perſon, and give ſuch information as was neceffary, he
had fent before him, into Flanders, among other perſons of rank,
two very well qualified for this charge; with one of whom he
had a long and intimate acquaintance, and thought himſelf poſ-
feffed of a treaſure which few Princes were mafters of; and that
the other had given him the higheſt fatisfaction ever ſince he had
engaged in his ſervice - That it depended on her Majeſty either
power to
to
OF REGINALD
27
POLE.
to take their advice, or not; but, if fhe did, it was proper
ſhould be known, they came on his part.
it
"He concludes by obferving the wonderful providence of God
over her innocence, her ſafety, and her dignity; and exhorts her,
in a very pathetic manner, to eſtabliſh the ancient doctrine, and
aboliſh that Statute which had caufed many ſpiritual and tempo-
ral Evils to the Kingdom, and had embroiled herſelf in much
trouble, and endangered her crown*.'
Delinga,
ift Dec.
THIS is the fum of what the CARDINAL Wrote to the Queen, 1553-
both in the inſtructions fent by Godwell, and in a letter, in which
he recapitulates and inforces what he had largely dwelt on in the
former. He ſent theſe diſpatches from Dilingen, where the Em-
peror, for reaſons I am about to relate, had detained him.
ENGLAND, fince Mary's acceffion, was, on many accounts, be-
come a deſirable prize; and the feveral Competitors had confi-
dered it in that light which fuited the quality of their different
pretenfions. The Northumberland and Suffolk families had con-
teſted the crown with the Princefs, who was Heir to it: The
fwarms of foreign and domeſtic Sectaries, which, like Locuſts,
covered this land of promiſe, endeavoured to withſtand the aſcen-
dant which the ancient Faith, every day gained; and now the
Emperor looked on the Queen as the moft defirable match he
could procure for his Son, Philip of Spain. This Prince, hack-
neyed in the ways of ambition, and the luft of extent of fway, had
not been inattentive to the incident of Edward's death, and the
acceffion of a Sovereign no lefs connected to his family by affec-
tion than blood. His power, which had received great checks
from Maurice, Elector of Saxony; and, very lately, from the
Duke of Guife, who obliged him to raiſe the fiege of Metz, and
retire with the remains of an army of above 100,000 men, had
ſhewn him the vanity of that deſtructive glory which is purchaſed
* Cot. Lib. Titus, b. 2. Epiſt. R. Poli, pars 4ª, pag. 123.
E 2
by
1552.
28
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
by the fword, and been an uſeful leffon to thoſe Diſturbers of
Mankind, whom we abfurdly dignify with the appellation of He-
roes. He was defirous to compenfate this reverſe of fortune in
the decline of life, by an acquifition which the preſent ſtate of
England feemed to affure to him.
On this account, he was no fooner informed of the late King's
death, but he put every courtly art in practice to avail himſelf of
it. He conjectured, that the Spaniſh alliance would be ungrateful
to the Engliſh nation; and that, if a reconciliation with the See of
Rome was attempted at the fame time, they would be ſtill more
averſe to it: and, therefore, he either brought over the Queen to
think that the CARDINAL'S appearance, at that juncture, was
unſeaſonable, and would prove prejudicial to her affairs; or he
confirmed her in this opinion. With the fame view, when Com-
mendon ſet out for England, he was inſtructed to propofe his Son's
match to the Queen, in a private audience: to obferve how the
People were affected to her and the Catholic religion, and to
magnify, on his return to Rome, the danger of ſending, as yet, a
Legate. He was not without fome uneafinefs, left the fingular
affection the Queen bore the CARDINAL, and the general eſteem
he was held in by the Nation, might determine the choice ſhe
was to make of a Huſband, in his favour: and he had been
known to aſk, if he might not be difpenfed with the Deaconſhip,
as he was not in Prieft's orders. He apprehended him to coincide
with the Nation's fentiment in a diflike of a foreign alliance,
and he had gained over Gardiner to his intereft. This Stateſman
was too well acquainted with the Queen's difpofitions not to
know, that, on the CARDINAL's arrival, he muſt reſign the firſt
place at the Council board, which he then held. Perhaps, like-
wife, he might perfuade himſelf, (as nothing obliges us to refer
every thing to ſelfiſh conſiderations) that, if his journey was put
off, the Queen's popularity, which was vifible from the fuccefs
ſhe had hitherto met with in whatever ſhe had undertaken, would
in
OF
29
REGINALD POLE.
in time wear away the prejudices with which a caufelefs hatred
of the See of Rome had prepoffeffed the minds of the English;
and, if the Spaniſh marriage was concluded before any further
ſteps were taken towards a reconciliation with the Pontiff, the
weight of fuch a connection would enable her to effect it with
greater eaſe.
THESE reaſons determined the Emperor, at all events, to hin-
der the CARDINAL from proceeding on his journey to England:
and, in order to remove from himſelf the fufpicion of being a
party in any defign which concerned Religion, though in his
way to England, He was charged to negotiate a peace between
the Courts of Madrid and Paris, he refufed to admit him to
his preſence.
out any
In the mean time, the LEGATE had entered the Tyrol, with-
miſtruſt of the obftacles which were prepared to every
purpoſe of his journey. At Trent he was received with great
magnificence, and every demonftration of eſteem and good will
by Cardinal Madruccio, Biſhop and Prince of that City, who, in
the late Conclave, had promoted his election to the Papacy, with
a ſteadineſs that nothing could ſhake. From hence he diſpatched
Parapalia and Floribello to the French King and the Emperor,
to give them notice of his fpeedy arrival at their refpective Courts,
in order to effectuate, on the part of the Pope, a peace, which
had been attempted fo often, and to fo little effect. Parapalia
was a perſon of great ſkill and experience, and whom the LE-
GATE had made ufe of in former negotiations: and Floribello,
who was one of his Secretaries, had a diſtinguiſhed rank among
the polite Writers of that Claffic age; and how well he deſerved
it, his hiſtory of Sadolet's life, and fome other works, are ſtill
a proof*.
*Hic Floribellus tum Polo ab epiftolis
erat; nunc eft Lavellinus Epifcopus, et
à brevibus, ut vocant, Pontificis Max-
imi; Vir cùm omni elegantiore doctrinâ
perpolitus, tum verò fummâ latinè fcri-
bendi facultate et eloquentiâ præditus.
Vita Poli, fol. 23.
FROM
30
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ches.
in 1549.
FROM Trent the LEGATE fet out for Aufburg, and being with-
in two days journey of that City, was met on the part of the
Otho Truf- Cardinal Biſhop, who invited him to Dilingen, a town in the
Circle of Suabia, and fituated on the Danube; and where he had,
a few
years before, founded an Univerſity, and then kept his
refidence. He was received, in all the places through which he
paffed, with the fame honours he had met with at Trent*; and
having made fome ſtay with his munificent friend, he fet out
again for Flanders, though in the depth of winter, and a very
fevere ſeaſon. As he was making all the expedition which the
circumſtances would admit, he was met on the road by Mendoza,
one of the Emperor's Miniſters, and who had formerly been his
Ambaffador at Venice, who delivered to him the following mef-
fage: "That it would be highly agreeable to his Imperial Ma-
jeſty, if he would not proceed any further on his journey; as this
delay was conducive to the happy iffue of the affair, on which
he came: That notice ſhould be given him, when a more favour-
able opportunity preſented itſelf; and in the mean time, if he
did not chufe to return to Italy, he might go to Liege; but was
to remain there, and wait the Emperor's pleaſure, as to the pur-
fuit of his journey.”
A LESS delicate fenfe of honour than the LEGATE's would
have been more than fufficient to make him feel the indignity of
this proceeding; but, as it was in vain to contend, he judged it
moſt adviſeable to go back to Dilingen, and from thence inform
the Pope of what had happened. At the fame time he expoftu-
lated with the Emperor, by letter," how unbecoming it was,
that a LEGATE of the holy See, who was fent on a negotiation of
peace, and on other concerns of the moſt intereſting nature, ſhould
be forbid acceſs to his perſon, and be ſtopped in the very heart of
* Cùm audiffes me Auguſtâ bidui iter
abeffe, tuos mihi obviam mififti, qui me,
per caftella et vicos tuos, omni officii
genere perfequentes, Dilingam ad te de-
ducerent. R. Poli Epiftolæ, pars 4ª,
pag. 150.
Germany:
OF REGINALD POLE.
3 I
Germany: that fuch a Scene could not but be very pleafing to
the Abettors of the new opinions, under whofe eyes it paffed;
nor fail, in England, where it would be foon reported, to ſpirit
up the Adverfaries of the ancient religion: he, therefore, entreat-
ed his Majefty to permit him to come immediately, and remove
an obſtacle no leſs diſreſpectful to the holy See, than prejudicial
to the purpoſes of his Embaffy. But Charles was deaf to any re-
monftrances befides thoſe of intereſt and ambition, and refuſed to
fee the LEGATE, or even to give him leave to come nearer to
Bruſſels, where he then kept his Court, till his Son's marriage
with the Queen was concluded. So great was his jealoufy of
the LEGATE's difapprobation of the Spaniſh match, and his de-
fign to divert the Queen from any thoughts of it, that he pre-
vailed on Lord Paget and Maſon, the Engliſh Ambaſſadors at his
Court, to cauſe one of his Domeſtics, who had been waiting for
his Lord a month at Lovain, to leave the place *.
THE Pope having received intelligence of the Emperor's pro-
ceeding towards the LEGATE, fignified to him " the concern he
was under at the difficulties which were raiſed againſt the dif-
charge of his embaffy, and the obftacles put to his journey, to
the deſigns of the holy See, and to the public good.— That, on
this account, he allowed him to lay afide, for a time, as he
fhould judge proper, his public Character, and go over to Eng-
land as a private perfon: and, when the fituation of affairs per-
mitted it, to reſume again his quality of Legate, and exerciſe all
the functions annexed to it, fo as neither to bring any detriment
to his own perſon, nor yet to want authority when he acted for
the Public +.
DURING this debate, the point which was to refolve it, had
been decided in England. The Queen's marriage was looked
on as neceſſary to the public welfare and tranquillity; and, in a
public fpeech, which I fhall have occafion to cite, and in which
+ R. Poli Epift. pars 4ª, p. 432.
The
*Negotiations des Noailles, tom. 2, pag. 244,
8th Dece
1553.
23
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
He was
53 years
old.
400,000
crowns.
$554.
ſhe ſeems to deliver her ſentiments very ingenuouſly, ſhe ſays, ſhe
had taken the reſolution of marrying, in deference to the advice
of the Council. The only thing, therefore, under deliberation
was the perfon on whom the choice was to fall. There were
Three, between whom the general voice feemed divided, Court-
ney, Earl of Devonshire, CARDINAL POLE, and Philip, Heir to
Charles V. Prince of Spain: but Courtney's good mien ſeems to
have been his principal recommendation; and CARDINAL POLE,
with an infirm ftate of health, was in the decline of life. The
Emperor, as has been ſaid, had engaged Gardiner, who was
chief of the Council, in Philip's favour, and had lately remitted
a vaſt ſum to purchaſe the concurrence of others, who might
promote the fame meaſure. The Queen's affection for her Mo-
ther's family, which the inherited from that Princefs, who had
always bore a fingular love to her Nephew Charles, Philip's fa-
ther, influenced the Daughter's choice, and gave Gardiner an
opportunity of paying his court to her, at the fame time that he
feconded the Emperor's defigns. Philip was a Widower, had
one Son by a former Wife, and was eleven years younger than
the Queen, who was eight and thirty. She may, likewiſe, be
ſuppoſed to have confidered the great foreign ſtrength which this
alliance brought with it, as an earneſt of her future tranquillity,
and what would either prevent or ſuppreſs thoſe domeſtic diſtur-
bances to which ſhe had hitherto been fo much expoſed.
THESE reaſons had not the fame weight with the Nation as
with the Sovereign, and the general ſenſe of the people was
againſt the match. The Commons, as foon as it was known
14th Jan that Gardiner had propoſed it in Council, had deputed a folemn
Committee to the Queen, to remonſtrate againſt a meaſure which
they looked on as dangerous to the State: and the apprehenfions
of being embroiled in all the quarrels of Spain, and becoming, at
length, a Province to that Kingdom, might give very well-ground-
ed alarms. Gardiner, therefore, gave the Emperor to underſtand,
that
OF REGINALD POLE.
33
that befides the influence of Spaniſh gold, every other means
must be employed to remove the odium under which the mar-
riage treaty lay; and, accordingly, fuch Articles were agreed on
as might calm all fears of its confequences, and feemed calcu-
lated for the fecurity, the intereft, and even the grandeur of Eng-
land*: they were figned and ratified by Count Egmont, and four
other Ambaffadors, whom the Emperor had fent over for that
purpoſe. Both houſes of Parliament approved of them by every
expreffion which could denote a ſenſe of the advantages which
accrued to the Queen and the Realm †
5th April
1553.
THE fatisfaction the Queen had felt on carrying a point of ſuch
confequence with the confent of the Legiſlature, was heightened
by the facility with which the Statute, which repealed whatever
had been enacted in Edward's reign againſt the Catholic Religion,
was brought into practice; as this feemed to indicate the general
difpofition of the People. Biſhop Bonner being reinftated in the Aug. 5th,
See of London, had celebrated Maſs, a few days after, and con-
tinued to perform the whole divine Office, according to the uſe
of the Church of Rome; and Thorden, Subdean of Canterbury,
had cauſed the ſame to be performed there. Soon after, Orders Aug. 27th.
were given to uſe the Roman Ritual throughout the whole King- Dec. 20th..
dom. This was a confequence of the Statute I have mentioned,
which ordered Religious Worſhip to be recalled to the form it
had at Henry the VIIIth's death‡, at which time the Liturgy
was the fame as before his breach with the Church of Rome; the
Innovations which the Parliament now aboliſhed having been
introduced under Edward.
THIS re-eſtabliſhment of the ancient Worſhip, though enacted
by the whole legiſlative authority, gave occafion to a Rebellion,
which, as it always happens when fuch attempts fail of fuccefs,
*They may be feen in Rymer, vol.
xv. pag. 377; and in the Statutes, I.
Maria, Parl. 2, cap. 2.
PART II.
F
+ Ibid.
↑ Anno I. Maria, Seff. 2, cap. 2.
only
34
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
(C
only ſtrengthened that Government it was defigned to overthrow.
Sir Thomas Wyat, fon to him, who, when he was Henry's Am-
baffador in Spain, would have murdered CARDINAL POLE, was
at the head of the Rebels, and propoſed to raiſe the Kentish men,
while Sir Peter Carew, his principal Affociate, did the like in
Devonshire. The Duke of Suffolk, was prevailed on to join them,
from a profpect of reviving his daughter, Lady Jane Gray's claim
to the crown. The Queen, on the first notice of the rifing,
fhewed the fame prefence of mind fhe had made appear at her
acceffion; and delivered herſelf to the Citizens of London, in a
fpeech, which I prefume muſt pleaſe the Reader, as it is equal
to any recorded by the Greek or Roman Hiſtorians, to have been
ſpoken on the like occafions. She begins by informing them
of the rebellion; the pretence of which, fhe fays, was a diflike
of her intended marriage with Philip of Spain: that the Rebels
had the infolence to demand the government of her Royal Perfon,
the cuſtody of the Tower, and the appointing her Council.—She
reminds her loving Subjects, that he was their Sovereign, to
whom they had lately fworn allegiance, at her Coronation; on
which day ſhe was wedded to the Realm; and the Ring, which
fhe then wore, and would ever wear, was the folemn Pledge of
this mutual Covenant between Her and her People.-That her
right by inheritance was known and acknowledged by all Chrif-
tendom. That, though not having been a Mother, fhe had not
felt the tenderneſs which that relation brings with it; yet, if a
like affection was ever found in a Prince towards his People, fhe
gave them her Royal word, they fhould experience it from her.-
She informs them, her intended marriage was refolved on by the
advice of the Council, who had judged it honourable and expe-
dient both to the dignity of the Crown, and the emolument of
the Kingdom. That, as to herſelf, neither an inclination to
Wedlock in general, nor a fondnefs for any particular perfon, had
influenced her in this determination.-That, he had hitherto
continued
OF
35
REGINALD POLE.
continued a Maid; and doubted not, through God's grace, to
have remained fo; but had been determined in this affair by the
defire of leaving an Heir to the Crown, as her Forefathers had
done: and could the foreſee this engagement would not redound
to the honour and advantage of the Realm, fhe would never con-
fent to it: and, as a proof of her fincerity, ſhe gave them the
word of a Queen, that, if her Commons, and the Nobility were
of a different opinion, fhe would abftain from marriage as long
as fhe lived. She concludes with encouraging them to be as
fearleſs on the occafion of this Rebellion, as he was; and tells
them, the Lord Howard, and the Lord Treaſurer would affift
the Mayor in the defence of the City*
* "
SIR Peter Carew was the firft of the Accomplices who appear-
ed in arms, and being foon fuppreffed by the Earl of Bedford,
fled to France. The Duke of Norfolk, and Sir Henry Jernigan,
were fent againſt Wyat; but 500 Londoners having deſerted from
the latter, and joined the Rebels, the Duke retired, and touk
fhelter in London. This fuccefs encouraged Wyat to march to
Southwark; but finding the bridge fecured, and the City not dif
pofed to declare for him, he led his forces, which confifted of
4,000 men, to Kingston; and returning back towards London,
though he entered Westminster without oppofition, his Followers
perceiving they were not joined by any perfons of note, left their
Leader to his ill-fated deſtiny, and Sir Maurice Berkeley feized
him near Temple-bar. The Duke of Suffolk, who with his Bro- 6th Feb.
thers, the Lords Thomas and Leonard Gray, had endeavoured to
raiſe the Counties of Warwick and Leicester, where their intereſt
lay, were taken by the Earl of Huntingdon, at the head of 300
Horſe, and led Prifoners to London; where, with Wyat and fome
of the chief Authors of the Rebellion, they were condemned
and executed.
*Fox, Acts and Monuments, vol. 2, pag. 1418.
1554
F 2
THE
36.
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE guilt of the Duke brought on the punishment of his
Daughter, the Lady Jane, which his ambition had firft caufed
her to incur. The fentence had been put off above half a year,
and, probably, would never have been executed, had not theſe
laft treaſonable practices made the Government apprehend She
would always be a pretext for turbulent Spirits to riſe againſt
their lawful Sovereign, and diſturb the peace of the Community.
Theſe circumſtances, which were to be imputed to the crimes
and temerity of others, not to her own blameleſs character,
cauſed her to experience a ſeverity, which all the perſonal merit
that pleaded in her favour, could not avert. No part of the late
confpiracy was imputed to her, but ſhe ſtood legally convicted,
and was under fentence of death, for affuming Royalty at Ed-
ward's death.
THE fentence being intimated to her, fhe faid, "fhe had de-
ſerved it, for ufurping a Crown which belonged to another; but,
at the ſame time, ſhe related the little ſhare ſhe had in that tranf-
action, and the conſtraint put on her by her family that, it was
no eaſy matter for a perſon ſo young as ſhe was, to withſtand the
authority of a Father, and a Huſband, and of ſo many of the No-
bility; and it would be her peculiar fate, to be justly condemned,
and yet die innocent." Her Huſband, who lay under the fame
fentence, ſent to defire he might give her the laſt aſſurances of
his tenderneſs; to which the anſwered,
ſhe
"that fuch endearments
did not fuit their preſent ſituation, and would but encreaſe their
affliction; and wifhed him to call off his affections from this
world, and fix them on a better, where they ſhould ſhortly meet
to be ſeparated no more." To great beauty, and all the fofter
accompliſhments of female education, fhe had joined the know-
ledge of the learned languages, and had given much time and
application to the Scriptures: a Study, which, however under-
taken by the Sex on a fpecious principle of feeking Truth, but
too often betrays them into errors, or confirms them in thoſe
they
OF REGINALD POLE.
37
they have already imbibed. The Queen having appointed a very
able and religious Clergyman to attend her in her confinement,
and uſe all endeavours to convince her of the truth of the Catho-
lic doctrine; the kindneſs, ſhe ſaid, came too late, and that ſhe
had not leifure to enquire after that Truth which the fhould foon
behold in its Source: and, though her execution was put off,
fome days, on that proſpect, ſhe perfifted in the ſame ſentiments.
The Conſtable of the Tower, who led her to the Scaffold, afk- Sir Johns
Gage.
ing of her the book of devotions ſhe held in her hand, ſhe readily
gave it him, after having firft tranfcribed out of it, in Greek,
Latin, and Engliſh, a ſentence which imported that ſhe died in-
nocent, and hoped to find that juftice from God, which had
been denied her by Men. Being come to the place of execution,
ſhe looked with a placid countenance on the Crowd that stood
round, and ſpoke no more than to bid them farewell, and be
mindful of her innocence: and taking the Prieft, who ftill con-
tinued his exhortations, by the hand, fhe thanked him for the
many good offices fhe had received from him, and the concern
he had expreffed to bring her over to his opinion, as fhe very
well knew he had proceeded on the beſt of motives: but told
him withal, that his difcourfes had given her greater uneafinefs
than the apprehenfion of what ſhe was about to fuffer. Then
kneeling down before the Axe, and covering her Face with her
hair, the received the ftroke which fevered her head from her
body. The fighs, the tears, and mournful filence of the Be-
holders, fufficiently witneffed what their fentiments were of the
circumſtances of her death, and of the decent and ſteady manner
with which the fubmitted to it.
CARDINAL POLE was ftill at Delingen when the Articles of
the Queen's marriage were agreed to, and the Rebellion I have
ſpoken of, fuppreffed: and he availed himſelf of theſe incidents
to prevail on the Emperor to permit him to have acceſs to his
perfon, and to put no further obftacle to his proceeding on his
journey
38
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
8th Jan.
journey to England: for fince Mary had entertained thoughts of
marrying Philip, Charles had made her en er into his own jea-
loufies and fufpicions of the LEGATE's ſpeedy arrival, and began
to prefs it with lefs earneftnefs. With this view the LEGATE
fent Peter Soto, who had formerly been Charles's Confeffor, and
was now at the head of a Seminary at Dilingen, "to entreat
him not to put any further delay to an Embaffy which was under-
taken on no other motives but thofe of Religion and Peace: and
to which the obſtacles put on the Emperor's part, muft redound
greatly to his difhonour, to the detriment of the common caufe,
and of England in particular:" And the Emperor, who had now
no longer any reaſon to caution himſelf againſt the offence the
English might take at his receiving the LEGATE, confented to
his coming to Bruffels, and received him, on his arrival, with
great fhew of eſteem and affection.
THE Queen, fome time before, had confulted the LEGATE,
how ſhe was to act with respect to the vacant Biſhopricks; as the
forefaw the ſhould be obliged to deprive feveral who then held
them, of their Sees; and he did not intend, in the choice the
was to make, either to give up any rights of the crown, or ex-
tend the prerogative, and derogate from the authority which the
holy See had enjoyed in thofe collations, before the Nation's
breach with the Church of Rome. The CARDINAL had replied,
"that the bearer of his letter, from the long and frequent con-
ferences he had with him on this head, knew his mind fo through-
ly, that there was no need of any written inftructions, but he
15th and would inform her by word of mouth. About this time, there-
fore, the Queen iſſued out a Commiffion*, by which all the mar-
ried Clergy were deprived of their benefices, as being difqualified
to poſſeſs them. This inability, as extraordinary as it may now
appear, was founded on the conftant practice of the Weftern
16th Mar,
*Rot. par. 1°. Mar. pars 7ª, and another tranflated by Bp. Burnet, part 2, b. 2.
pag. 257, of his Hift. of the Reformation.
Church
OF
39
REGINALD POLE.
Church, ever fince the eſtabliſhment of Chriftianity; on the una-
nimous authority of the Canons, and the folemn engagement to
Celebacy the Clergy take at their ordination; on the fourth of
Henry VIIIth's fix Articles, which the Parliament had paffed
into a Law, and which the late Statute, which recalled all reli-
gious matters to their condition at that Prince's death, had rati-
fied; which made this Injunction as legal and parliamentary, as
it was juſt and canonical. In confequence of theſe orders, Hel-
gate, Archbishop of York, and the Bithops of St. David's, Chifter,
and Bristol, who had been Regulars; and, befides the promife
made at their ordination, had broke the folemn vows made on
entering on a Religious ftate; and thofe of Gloucester and Here-
ford, who were of the fecular Clergy, were deprived; Scory and
Barlow, Bifhops of Chichester and Bath, who were in the fame
cafe, left the Kingdom*.-The Queen, foon after fignified to
*It may not be difagreeable to the
Reader, to have fome account of the
chief of thefe depofed Bifhops, as it is
given by Proteftant Hiſtorians.
Holgate, Archbishop of York, not only
made uſe of the indulgent doctrine, which,
in Edward's reign, allowed the Clergy to
marry, but extended the licence to take
another man's wife. Collier, Eccl. Hift.
vol. 2, b. 5, p. 349.
Robert Farrar was, firft, Chaplain to
Cranmer; and, then, by the Protector
Seymour's favour, promoted to the Bi-
fhoprick of St. David's; but, on that
Nobleman's fall, fifty-fix Articles were
exhibited againſt him, for which he was
confined during the remainder of Ed-
ward's reign; and now degraded. Ath.
Oxon. p. 679.
John Bird, Biſhop of Chefter, was a
Carmelite Frier, and for his obfequiouf-
nefs to the Court meaſures at the diffo-
lution of the Monafteries, and a remark-
able fermon in fupport of the Lay Supre-
macy, was promoted to a See in Ireland;
from whence he was tranflated to Bangor,
and in 1541 to Chefter. He went all the
lengths of Henry's and Edward's reigns,
and made ufe of the indulgence which the
latter allowed of taking a wife. Being
deprived of his Bifhoprick, he lived pri-
vately at Chester till his death, in 1556.
Bale, cent. 11, No. 41. Pitts, de Illuf.
Ang. Scrip. Godwin, de Præful. Ang.
Paul Bush, Bishop of Bristol, was an
Auguftine Frier, and had been Chaplain.
to Henry VIII. who promoted him to
that See, for his compliance with the
Court meaſures. But though he betray-
ed the fame paffive difpofition during Ed-
ward's reign, and took a wife, he was
never known either to preach or write
againſt the ancient Religion. He readily
gave up his Biſhoprick at the Queen's
command; and parted from his wife;
and lived privately in Bristol till his death,
in 1558. Godwin de Praful. Ang, Ath.
Oxon.
Iilliam
40
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
$554.
16th April the Pope, the concurrence of the Legiflature, in what ſhe had
done towards the re-establishment of the ancient Worſhip; and
the qualities of the Perfons fhe had made choice of for the vacated!
oth July. Sees; and the Pontiff, in his anfwer, congratulates her on the
firft part of the intelligence; and, in the accuſtomed ftyle of the
Court of Rome, lets her know, he ſhould ſhortly ſend the Letters
Patent, in virtue of which the Biſhops were to be confecrated,
and put in poffeffion of their reſpective Biſhopricks *. With
what diſcernment the choice of thoſe who were nominated to
the vacant Sees was made, and how defervedly thoſe who had
been deprived in the late reigns, for non-compliance, were now
reinſtated, the event verified: for, on the Queen's death, when
the Catholic Religion was again profcribed, Kitchen, Biſhop of
Landaff, who, Proteus like, had put on all the forms of Religion
of the three laft reigns, was the only one of that venerable bench
who fubmitted to this change. Neither lofs of wealth and dig-
nity, nor the hardships of prifon and banishment, ſhook their
firmneſs: and Dr. Heath, Archbishop of York, and Chancellor, at
the opening of the firſt Parliament under Elizabeth, made a dif-
courſe on that Princefs's fupremacy, which for clearneſs and foli-
dity, may vie with any of the pleadings of Tully or Demofthenes†.
ON a fuppofition that Holgate's errors and fcandalous life had
vacated his See; and, in this cafe, that the right of appointing a
Succeffor was devolved to the Pope, the Pontiff had been applied
On this, the LEGATE, who had intelligence of it, wrote to
him in the following manner. I fhall content myſelf with giving
the Reader the fubftance of his letter, as I have met with nothing
to.
William Barlow, Bishop of Bath and
Wells, was a Canon Regular, and very
active both in promoting the diffolution
of Religious houſes in Henry's reign; and
forwarding the various innovations of Ed-
ward's. Being deprived of his Biſhoprick
on account of marriage, he fled to Ger-
many. Godwin, de Præful. Angl. Athen.
Oxon. vol. 1, pag. 156.
* R. Poli Epift. pars 43. pag. 435.
+ Hift. Col. pag. 225. In the Origi-
nal, this Speech is ſtyled, A Tale told in
Parliament.
elſe
OF REGINALD
41
POLE.-
..
elfe that throws any light on this dark tranfaction. He begins
by thanking his Holineſs for the hopes he had given him of
ſeeing an offence ceafe, which had been caufed by the ambition
of one who gave himſelf out for an Engliſhman. There are
many reaſons, fays he, which make me defire that a defign,
which has its origin in craft and ambition, ſhould meet with
diſappointment; but none more prevalent, than a perfuafion,
that, if this infidious manner of proceeding has fuccefs, there is
hardly any thing can more alienate the minds of the Engliſh,
who yet retain a reſpect for your Holiness; of whom, I make no
doubt, there are great numbers, though they want refolution to
declare themſelves. They will be caft into utter defpair of ever
receiving any comfort from the Apoftolic See, if their chief Bi-
ſhopricks, and particularly that which borders on Scotland, with
which Kingdom we are almoft perpetually at war, are given
away at the recommendation of the Scotch. I am particularly
offended that this Candidate fhould overlook all confiderations
of the public good, and addrefs himſelf, in a petition fraught
with falſehood, firſt to your Holineſs, and then to the facred
College, and endeavour, by fo much fubterfuge, to avoid the
Certificates of his own Countrymen; if, as he fays, he is a Na-
tive of England; which I muſt doubt, and imagine all this to be
no more than a contrivance to thrust himſelf into a dignity, to
which the natural-born Subjects of the Realm have a much bet-
ter claim *." There is no further mention of this affair, which
muſt be looked on as perfonal to his character, to whom it is
imputed; but cannot, without great malignity, be perverted into
a national reflection.
í
He had not been long at Bruffels before the Emperor gave him
to underſtand, he could not confent to his going to England till
his Son's marriage with the Queen was over; and deſired him to
PART II.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª, pag. 41.
G
fufpend
42
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
fufpend his journey. The reader has been already informed, that
befides the LEGATE's primary Embaffy to the Queen and the
Engliſh Nation, he was charged with another to the Emperor
and the French King, in order to put an end to a long and de-
ſtructive war between those two powers, and bring about a recon-
ciliation, which the Cardinals of Imola and St. George had in vain
endeavoured, and had been recalled. He made ufe, therefore,
of the leiſure he now had to diſcharge the fecond part of his
commiffion; and began the overtures of what might advance fo
falutary a deſign, at the Court where he yet was. The Empe-
ror ſeemed to hear with approbation what the LEGATE's pru-
dence fuggeſted on that head; and anſwered, he was not averſe
to peace, if honourable conditions were propofed, and fuch as
would procure a lafting concord: but that no negotiation could
be ſet on foot, till the intentions of the French King were known*
on which the LEGATE fet out for that Court.
WHILST he was on the road, he drew up the chief reafons
which ſhould prevail on the two Potentates to conclude a peace.
This Diſcourſe, which is long, and wrote in Italian, he propoſed
to leave with each of them. I fhall give the Reader a fummary
of the moſt material Articles, as they diſcover the profound re-
flections the Author made on human Events, and the diftinct
and comprehenfive view in which he confidered what he took
in hand.
"He defires thefe Princes, in the first place, to rank them-
felves in the number of thoſe who look on war as a calamity;
and a return of peace, as the greateſt bleffing which could befall
the afflicted ſtate of Chriftianity; and, therefore, to afk it of that
Being, who alone could diſpenſe it, fo as to be falutary to them-
ſelves and their kingdoms.-He, then, defires them to confider
the cauſes which had hindered their former treaties from being of
* Vita Poli, fol. 24, à tergo,
longer
OF
43
REGINALD
POLE.
longer duration; and to avoid hereafter, the fame obſtacles: and,
in order to attain this knowledge, they were to weigh the condi-
tion and form of theſe treaties, the manner of making them, their
beginning and conclufion.-That they would perceive nothing,
which moves Princes to make peace, and which human fagacity
and induſtry could foreſee and lay hold of, had been omitted on ei-
ther fide to bring them to a reconciliation.-The firſt of theſe mo-
tives, which is generally drawn from the exhauſted ſtate of the
hoftile powers, had often been their cafe.-A ſecond inducement
to peace, when one of the powers at war was fo much fuperior, as
to have his Adverſary at his mercy, had not been wanting to the
Emperor's good fortune with refpect to Francis I, and ſeemed to
promife an end to all future contention.-A third furety of con-
cord had likewiſe been pledged by each of them, when, forget-
ting their past animofities, they voluntarily united in mutual
peace, at the treaty of Aigues Mortes. Yet all thefe affurances
were fo far from being fucceeded by a firm and laſting concord,
that they only feemed calculated to make the flame of war break
out again with greater rage: and this had happened not from
any inability in the Negotiators, but from want of good faith,
and thoſe diſpoſitions without which peace is not brought about.
Thefe treaties, therefore, like the buildings mentioned by the
Prophet, which are not compacted with proper cement, but only
plaſtered over to the eye, had fallen to pieces almoſt as foon as
they were raiſed; and the contracting Parties had not only re-
ceived no advantage from them, but great detriment, and, during
theſe intervals, had been fet on contriving miſchief to one ano-
ther, more than in time of war.
He then comes to the conftant diſappointment which their
mutual ambition had met with; fince neither of them had ob-
tained, through fuch a length of contention, either the honours
or the increaſe of dominion which had been the object of fuch
lafting ſtrife. Every thing, on the contrary, had fallen out
G 2
againſt
44
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
againſt their expectation; and when contention ceaſed, the emo-
luments which were propoſed from amity, had not followed;
and contention and agreement had been equally unavailing to the
defired end. That the Emperor might be fatisfied of this, if he
reflected, not only on the fituation of his affairs within thefe three
or four laſt years he had been at war with the prefent King; but
called to remembrance the events of Henry II. thirty years paft
or more, fince theſe calamities began; and the almoſt perpetual
ſtate of hoſtility he had been in with Francis his Father. During
which time, though there had been feveral conventions of peace;
yet as they had not been attended, on either fide, with fincerity,
all that ſpace was to be accounted a time of open or hidden war,
rather than of peace.
"Now, if they would confider what acquifition they had
made by fuch an expence of men and money, they would find
themſelves not only to have failed of what they aimed at, but to
have expoſed the Chriftian cauſe to great peril.-Solyman, by
theſe proceedings, was become Maſter of two of the bulwarks of
Chriſtianity, Belgrade, and the Ifland of Rhodes: he had laid
Hungary wafte, as far as Bude, and conquered that long tract of
Provinces, which is watered by the Danube. Italy, on both
fides, was expoſed to the infult of his fleets; the Mediterranean
and Adriatic Seas infefted by them; and, had it not pleafed
the Divine Providence to check his progress by the Emperor of
Perfia, there was nothing he might not have promiſed himſelf
from our diſagreements; and had, as things were, compenfated.
his loffes in the Eaft, by what he had gained on us.
"IF it be replied, that, notwithſtanding theſe loffes, you have
made yourſelves amends by adding feveral cities and provinces to
your former dominions; the anſwer is ready, that, if the fums
employed in making and fecuring thefe acquifitions be taken into
the account, together with the wretched condition of thefe con-
quered ſtates, you will be found, to have purchaſed no more
:
than
OF REGINALD POLE.
45
than a flender appearance of utility, at the hazard of general
deftruction.
"THAT the Emperor could not imagine the fignal favours,
by which Providence had diſtinguiſhed him, were defigned for
fuch purpoſes.-That, when he was born, Philip his Father was
not King of Spain; nor would, afterwards, have been ſo, had
not the death of the next in blood made room for him: nor was
the French King the next Heir to the Crown; much lefs, his
Father Francis.-That, they might both learn from the fortune,
which had attended their refpective families, they held their
Kingdoms of Almighty God, by a peculiar tenure: and, if they
ftood in need of any other inftructor concerning Providence, their
own experience might inform them.-That, though the Em-
peror's dominions were larger than thoſe of the French King;
yet France was a more compact ftate, and the ready obedience of
the Inhabitants gave the Sovereign an advantage which the other
wanted. Notwithſtanding which, Francis I. a youthful Mo-
narch, who had a powerful army of veteran troops, and the
means to fupport them, and had availed himſelf of this circum-
ftance, and invaded the Emperor's hereditary provinces with a
formidable force, was fo far from obtaining the victory he had
promiſed himſelf, that he loft Savoy, which he had lately, with
fo much glory, overcome.
2
"On the other hand, the Emperor's difappointment had been
fo much the more fenfible, as the greater number of his troops,
and the abundance of all thoſe aids by which war is carried on,
ſeemed to give him a more aſſured confidence of fuccefs. After
the taking of Tunis, he failed from Africa to the coaſt of Pro-
vence, with a numerous Hoft, and at a time when the French
King was, on all accounts, unprepared to make head againſt
him; yet, there, he met with a defeat; as he did again, when,
having conquered the Duke of Cleves, who had joined the French,
and was eſteemed the great fupport of that Nation, every thing elſe
feemed.
76
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
feemed eafy: yet here a town, on the frontiers of France, of
ſmall ſtrength, and whofe name is hardly known, checked this
progrefs, and put an end to the war. And, afterwards, when
the Emperor, in league with the King of England, made ano-
ther attack on the French territories, it had not the event which
was expected. Theſe leffons, he fays, were fufficient to inform
them, they had not received fuch extent of dominion to annoy
and harrafs one another, but to look on themſelves as Patrons
of Juſtice, and Minifters of Clemency,
He concludes, by
placing before their eyes the Evils, for which they are accoun-
table to an all-knowing and inexorable Judge; and ſhewing, that
their examination will be fo much the more rigorous than that
of private perſons, as they will not be charged with their own
perſonal failings alone, but with the miſdemeanors of thoſe who
have governed ill under their authority.-That, if ambition had
been the real motive of their wars, whatever others were pre-
tended, it would be fo far from alleviating their guilt, that they
would undergo the puniſhment due to that variety of miſchiefs,
of which war was the cauſe; and if the leaſt of thefe, when per-
petrated by private perfons, and tryed at a human bar, were
deemed unworthy of mercy, how would their caſe be at a higher
and more awful Tribunal? That, to fum up all he would fay;
the whole affair of peace, now in debate, did not ſo much de-
pend on the conditions to be agreed on, which might be as eaſily
broke as they were made; as on the difpofitions the contracting
parties bore each other, when they made the treaty. If they
really intended the public utility, an equitable accommodation
might foon be found; but if ſelfiſhneſs and private ends were the
ſtandard of the negotiation, though contention ceafed and an end
was put to the war, the peace, nevertheleſs, would not be to
their advantage, nor to that of the Public, but a beginning to
more miſchievous quarrels than thoſe it ſeemed to conclude*.'
* R. Poli Epift. pars 4ª, pag. 402.
THERE
OF REGINALD POLE.
THERE are feveral pathetic addreffes to both the Princes, thro'
the whole diſcourſe; and he repreſents the obligation they lay un-
der of caufing the Evils to ceafe, which afflicted Europe, and par-
ticularly their own Subjects, in every light it can be confidered.
THE LEGATE arrived at the French Court in the laſt week of
Lent; and the King having fignified to him, that he could not
have Audience till the folemnity of thofe days was over, he took
that opportunity of fending his Majefty the difcourfe on Peace,
which he had juſt finiſhed; and, by a letter, wrote on that pur-
pofe, entreated him to weigh the arguments it contained. Being,
afterwards, admitted to Audience, he urged the reconciliation he
came to negotiate from fuch Principles as were drawn from his
fkill in public affairs, and the goodneſs of his own heart; and
fuch as became his high birth and the dignity of his character.
He repeated them to the Cardinal of Lorrain and the Lord High
Conftable, who were the Favorites, and the chief Minifters; but
all to as little purpoſe, as the former attempts, which had been
made to gain the fame end. On his leaving the Court, the King
ſignified in public his great regard for him, and the regret he had
of being fo late acquainted with his merit; adding, that had he
known him when Paul III. died, no one elfe fhould have had
his intereſt and recommendation for the Papacy *.
In his return to Bruſſels, as he approached the confines of the
French and Auftrian territories, he was witneſs of the fad effects
of war, which had been chiefly felt in thofe places, where the
very earth feemed to fmoak, and every thing wore the face of
miſery and devaſtation. Though his Embaffy had not mitigated
the hoftile diſpoſitions of the King of France towards the Em-
peror, yet he had not left his Court without fome flender hopes
of an enfuing accommodation; and theſe were greedily received
and magnified by a ruined people, and afcribed to his abilities
and good offices. The Inhabitants, therefore, of the frontier
*Vita Poli, fol. 25.
places,
47
£8
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
places, eſpecially the women, the children, and the aged people,
came out in crowds to meet him; they ſtrewed the roads where
he paſſed with flowers and odoriferous herbs, and hailed him as
an Angel of Peace, by whofe mediation the Deftroyer's fword
was, at length, to be ſheathed *.
WHEN he came back to the Emperor, that Prince feemed dif-
pleaſed at his negotiation with the French King; and complain-
ed, that in the written difcourfe, which was alike addreffed to
them both, he had ſhewed a partiality to his Rival. This was
one of thoſe artifices, in which Charles's temper was very fruitful,
and contrived to hinder the LEGATE's departure for England,
which he was refolved fhould not take place till after his Son's
arrival in that Kingdom, and his marriage with the Queen. His
friend, Cardinal Morone informed him, that this intelligence had
been ſent to Rome; and it was added, that the LEGATE, wearied
out with diſappointments and contradictions, was defirous to be
recalled. To which he made the following anfwer.
+
"He begins by teſtifying his concern at the diſpleaſure which
his Holineſs had conceived from an information that his return to
the Court of Bruffels had not been agreeable to the Emperor;
and that this news was the more unwelcome, as the Pope had
entertained great hopes not only of recalling England to the unity
of the Catholic Church, but alſo of treating of a peace between
the Emperor and the French King. But that, fuppofing his ar-
rival was as little pleafing to the former of theſe Princes, as it
had been reported, he did not fee what change this could cauſe
in the affairs of England, as thefe had been carried on in confe-
quence of the Letter which the Queen wrote to the Pope, of the
grants of the vacant Biſhopricks, and other Articles, which were
placed out of all uncertainty: infomuch, that nothing feemed
wanting to the defired fuccefs of this bufinefs, but the difcuffion
Vita Poli, fol. 25.
་
to
OF REGINALD
49
POLE.
of the Church revenues, concerning which his Holiness's pleaſure
had been confulted-That, as to the final reconciliation of the
Nation, as the Bishop of Wincheſter had lately aſſured him, there
had been no appearance of effecting it during the laft Parliament.
-Now, as to the conclufion of a Peace, it had nothing in com-
mon with the Emperor's fuppofed diffatisfaction; and could only
affect his, the LEGATE's perfon, not the cauſe: but if he was,
in any ſenſe, connected with the general intereft, there was no-
thing he was not diſpoſed to do in order to promote it.—He well
perceived, he fays, that he had been reprefented as a perfon who
did not approve of the Queen's marriage with the Prince of Spain,
and that his taciturnity on that Article had paffed for diflike; but
that to every equitable perſon he muſt appear to have acted the
only part which became him.-He did not deny, but whilft he
was at Dilingen, though the marriage was the fubject of all con-
verfations, he had neither mentioned it in his letters to the Queen,
nor ordered the Meffengers he diſpatched to her, from time to
time, to take any notice of it; becauſe he thought it would be a
treſpaſs on the reſpect he owed her Majefty, and detrimental to
the principal buſineſs he had in hand, if he made any mention
of fuch like affairs, before they were notified to him by the party
whom they concerned.
"THAT as ſoon as her Majefty's Ambaffadors, by her orders,
had informed him of this piece of news, at his coming to Bruf-
fels; and that her motives for contracting this alliance were the
defire of eſtabliſhing the State on a folid and lafting foundation,
and of leaving pofterity to her People; he had then congratu-
lated her on a choice which had been directed by ſuch integrity
and uprightneſs, and offered himſelf to ſerve both her and her
Royal Confort to the utmoſt of his abilities; and that this had
been the conſtant tenor of his converſations, both in public and
private, ever ſince.—As a further argument of the fincerity of his
proceedings in this regard, he alleges his behaviour to his Ne-
PART II.
H
phew,
50
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
phew, whom, when he was in France, he forbid his houſe, and
not only refuſed to receive feveral letters of difaffected and paffio-
nate perfons, like himſelf; but earnestly entreated the French
King not to give ear to fuch perfons and fuch matters.-That,
whoever confidered the time and place in which he had behaved
in this manner; with what a Prince he had to deal, who was
very defirous to detain him in his Kingdom, and engage him in
his views; and then reflects how fuddenly he left that Court,
muft neceffarily conclude, that the Emperor could no longer mif-
truft his zeal for his fervice; or be difpleafed with his departure
from France.-Had I continued there, fays he, feveral diſcon-
tented Engliſh, not being informed of my difpofitions, would
have flocked to me; as I cafily forefaw, from the great number
who reforted to that Kingdom during the ſhort ſtay I made there.
In order, therefore, to take away all hope of my being a fupport
to Faction, which the bare report of being in France would have
kept up, I came away; and this, methinks, was doing the Queen
and his Imperial Majeſty ſome ſervice; and ſhewed, at the fame
time, how fincerely I defired the tranquillity of my Country; and,
were other reaſons wanting, muft juſtify the ſtep I took.
"He had moreover, he fays, fignified the fame fentiments to
her Majefty; for having wrote to her, very lately, on the Parli-
ament not having concluded a reconciliation with the Catholic
Church, and being defirous to mitigate the grief ſhe ſuffered on
that delay, he had confidered it as a difpofition of the divine
Providence; and was willing to hope, that as a nuptial diſagree-
ment between an Engliſh King and a Spanish Queen had cauſed
the breach, which was fo much lamented; the connubial concord
of a Spaniſh King and an Engliſh Queen would be the means of
reftoring the ancient union. That, on this account, he offered
up his fupplications for the ſpeedy and happy arrival of the Prince;
as he made no doubt, but the very first Act of the Parliament,
which would then be fummoned, would be to enact what was to
be
OF REGINALD POLE.
51
be the foundation of every good which was to be derived on their
reign; and might well be expected from Princes, who held the
concerns of Religion in that high efteem, in which the Supreme
Being, and the very nature of things had placed them, that is,
above all other confiderations.
"He adds, that he had not only wrote to the Queen in this
ſtyle; but to thoſe who ſeemed diffatisfied with the King for be-
ing a Foreigner; and doubted not, but the English would be as
much undeceived in the good qualities of a foreign Prince, and
the advantages they would reap from them, as they had been
deceived, to the offence of the divine Majefty, and their private
and public ruin, in that Prince who had chaſtiſed them with as
heavy a rod as was ever felt, not only from an alien but an enemy.
-In this ftrain, fays he, I reaſon with all who difcourfe with me
on the fubject, whether they are pleafed or not; and put on a
fort of prophetic air, that I may pacify the malcontents; and,
as far as words can go, confirm the well-meaning: and, if this
behaviour is not fufficient to clear me of all fufpicion, I know not
what is; fince any thing beyond it muſt appear affectation, to
which my temper is very averſe; and which, inſtead of perfua-
ding, creates diſtruſt. And though, at first, the expediency of
this marriage might feem problematical, yet, fince it is concluded,
I fhall look on it as a prefage of my Country's future felicity.
"As for what he had done in France, towards a peace, the
Cardinal, to whom he writes, was informed, he fays, of the
whole, and had ſeen the French King's anſwer, which was drawn
up in fuch a manner, that the Emperor might take occafion from
it either to continue the war, or make an overture of reconci-
liation; as the exorbitant demands which the firſt part of the
Memorial contained, furniſhed a reaſon for continuing hoftilities;
and the other part gave an opening to the latter; eſpecially, as
he had informed the Emperor of what the French Miniſters had
told him by word of mouth. Infomuch, that had he been the
H 2
moſt
52
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
moſt artful of men, and had no other defign than of ferving his
Imperial Majeſty, he could not have brought to a more deſirable
Iffue an affair which he had managed with fimplicity. If there-
fore, as his Friend affured him, the holy Father thought he had
given no juſt occafion of offence, particularly as things had turn-
ed out, he might confirm him in this opinion.
"He concludes with affuring the Cardinal, that though he
might ſeem to have fignified a defire of being recalled, yet this
was only on a fuppofition that the Emperor's diſpleaſure allowed
him to be no longer ferviceable to his Holiness and the common
cauſe; and did not proceed from ſhunning labour and a defire of
reſt. That, he had, indeed, informed the Pope, of what had
been faid to him, at his return, firft, by the Emperor; then, by
the Biſhop of Arras; and, ſtill more openly, by the Nuncio.;
that, violence of words could go no greater lengths; and had he
not taken them in the fenſe they were meant, he muſt have been
more infenfible than an inanimate being: but as to his being re-
called or not, he left it entirely to the Pope's determination, and
ſhould look on that as moſt ſalutary, which, in his great wiſdom,
25th May, he judged beſt *."-This letter was dictated to a Secretary, and
is, on that account, much more prolix than if it had been of the
LEGATE's writing. I have only fet down the heads, which are
there treated very diffuſely.
1554.
SOME fhort time before, he had wrote another letter to the
fame perfon, much in the fame ftyle as this; which I ſhall here
lay before the Reader, becauſe it throws a great light on the
conſtitutional caft of the LEGATE's mind, no less than on his
virtue, and the command he had of himfelf. It is fomewhat
long, as thoſe narratives are apt to be in which we enter on a
detail of ourſelves with perfons who have our whole confidence.
"I WILL, my Lord, no longer conceal from you the cauſe
I imagined I had to expoftulate with your Lordſhip, in ſuch a
*
Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. pag. 138.
ftrain
OF REGINALD POLE.
53
ſtrain as is very confiftent with friendſhip; or, to ſpeak more
properly, is owing to it. Your Lordſhip, in the latter part of
your letter, informs me, that though the Pope and others, whom
it may concern, were fatisfied with the fincerity of my difpofi-
tions; yet you had fome mifgivings, left a fatiety of the world,
and want of ambition fhould cauſe me to withdraw from bufi-
neſs, and betake myſelf to a private life. You remind me, there-
fore, that though the fupreme Being be all-fufficient of himſelf to
conduct human affairs as he pleaſes, and to make every thing fub-
fervient to his glory, yet it is his will that we, in our turn, ſhould
ſecond the views of his providence, and not be wanting to the Pofts
he has affigned us. Had this method of reaſoning been employed
by one, who was not intimately acquainted with me, I fhould
not have wondered; as I frequently make uſe of it myſelf, and
am accuſtomed to refer the whole glory of each good work to
the Almighty; and to acknowledge with all gratitude and humi-
lity whatever is laudable to proceed from him. My manner of
living, which, for the moſt part, has been to retire often to my
ſtudies, and not thruſt myſelf into action, or to ſhew any defire of
thoſe employments which lead to the bufy Scenes of life, might
eafily induce a perſon who was a ſtranger to me, to imagine, either
that I am very lazy, or that I make more account of myſelf than
of the Public; or that I am of their opinion, who perfuade
themſelves, that God being ſufficient to compafs every thing by
his power and providence, all they have to do, is to wait till he
puts them in action. But that your Lordſhip, to whom, as I
faid, I ought to be thoroughly known, fhould entertain
any ſuch
judgment of me, I cannot fufficiently wonder, eſpecially as the
intercourſe we have long had with each other has not only let
you into the knowledge of that kind of ftudies, to which fome
perſons will needs have it that I give up too much of
but alſo into my motive for fo doing.
my time;
"AND now, as an opportunity offers, I will enlarge myfelf
fomewhat
54
شوب
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
fomewhat on the end I propofe in what I do, and how far my
ambition reaches. I have formerly told you, my Lord, what I
here repeat, that, whether through pufillanimity, or whatever
other caufe, I was never defirous to be the Head or chief Ma-
giftrate, who bears univerfal fway, and affigns to each one his
poft; yet I was ever ready to affift any one who was willing to
govern well, and knew how to do fo; that is, who referred the
fway he bore to his fervice, from whom all power is derived, and
to the advantage of thoſe he governed. Thefe have always been
my difpofitions; nor do I remember to have ever withdrawn my-
felf from the ſervice of my Prince, or of any private friend, unleſs
when my affiftance was not afked; or, if it was, I was not left
at large to confult the real honour and advantage of the Parties
concerned and to this, not one part, but the whole courſe of
life bears evidence.
my
" I WILL, in the firſt place, produce an inſtance in that Prince,
to whom I had more ties than to all others; and was fo defirous
to comply with them, that I had rather have ſerved him, though
with the utmoſt difficulty and hazard of life itſelf, than have en-
joyed a long and uninterrupted profperity under any other. I
quitted his ſervice on no other account, but becauſe he exacted
of me what was contrary to his own true glory, and the intereſt
of my Country; though, by fo doing, I left the high road to
wealth and preferment. I proceeded on the fame principle, when
being, afterwards, called to the ſervice of that Prince, to whom
the fupreme Ruler has commanded an univerfal deference; and
being charged with feveral laborious and hazardous employments,
I never refuſed to acquit myſelf of any, and never put my pri-
vate ſtudies or occupations in competition with the moſt ſlender
advantage I could procure to the meaneſt perſon in the Univerſe.
P
"I READILY grant, indeed, that I am not accuſtomed to ob-
trude myſelf, and go about in queſt of buſineſs; and this has
given fome, who are not acquainted with me, occafion to afcribe
my
OF REGINALD POLE.
55
my folitude to other motives than the true: for when I fhall be
called forth to action by thofe, who have a right to command
my ſervice; or ſtand in need of it, I am not afraid to ſay, there
is no labour or danger which I fhall not be ready to face.
CC
BUT, to come to a greater detail with reſpect to the affair
I have now in hand, your Lordſhip may ſay, that fince I am em-
ployed in what has ever been the object of my wiſhes, why do I
ſeem to decline it? To which I anſwer, that nothing in this world
could afford me greater fatisfaction, and that I eſteem it a greater
emolument than if his Holinefs had conferred on me all the lucra-
tive benefices with which he has gratified the Sacred College fince
he fat in the Pontifical Throne: and my reaſon for being thus
affected is, as I have declared above, that the utmoſt of my am-
bition and defire is, to ferve fuch a Patron, and in fuch a Cauſe.
This fatisfaction daily increaſes, as his Holiness is pleaſed to prefs
this affair on me from motives truly worthy himſelf, the honour
of the Almighty, and the good of a great People.
"I WOULD not, however, have your Lordship imagine, that,
having fome experience of thefe affairs, I am ignorant on what a
tempeftuous Sea I embark, when I undertake the Embaffy to
England; and that the riſks I am to run, and the hardships I
muſt undergo to guide the Veffel into the Haven, are much
greater
than thoſe I have hitherto encountered with. But theſe neither
terrify, or give me a fingle wiſh of the quiet and ſafe ſtation I
have left; and the whole purport of what I wrote to my Agent
at Rome, was, to give his Holiness to underſtand, that if, on ac-
count of the exigences of the times, any other Minifter fhould
be eſteemed better qualified to treat with the intereſted Parties,
He would not pay the leaſt regard to my perfon, but employ one
who would give him greater fatisfaction, and more advance the
common cauſe. This was the fum of my letters, and of what I
fignified to his Holiness by my Auditor Ormanet* ”—This letter, 8th Ap
1554
* Epift. R. Peli, pars 4. pag. 133.
as
50
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
as well as the former, being wrote in Italian, they both partake
of the exuberance of ftyle of that language, which is very dif-
ferent from the concifenefs of our own.
THE Emperor, in the mean time, in order to make his pre-
texts for delaying the LEGATE's departure more plaufible, would
fee the powers he was invefted with, in regard to the affairs of
England, and fend them over to be examined by that Court.
This, he knew would take up a confiderable time; and the Queen,
who had been prevailed on to look on the delays which were
hitherto put to the LEGATE's arrival, as a meaſure which the
fituation of her affairs required, was now, likewife, inftructed to
object to the powers conferred on him, as infufficient to bring
about the wifhed-for reconciliation.
THE Pope, immediately on Edward's death, on a fuppofition
that Mary would defire CARDINAL POLE's prefence to rectify
the diſorders which were introduced in her Father's and Brother's
reigns, had, as has been related, appointed him LEGATE to the
Queen and the English nation, and had given him inftructions.
and very ample powers, with which it is neceffary the Reader
fhould be informed, as they are intimately connected with the fol-
lowing part of this hiſtory, and are contained under theſe heads.
"THE Pope begins by expreffing his joy on the happy turn
which affairs had taken in England, which might give a well-
grounded hope of that flouriſhing Kingdom returning to its for-
mer ſtate, and becoming, once more, a part of CHRIST's fold,
after having been ſeparated from it in the two laſt reigns. This,
he fays, is, by way of excellence, the Work of God's right hand,
and to be celebrated by the joy and acclamation of every well-
difpofed perfon.-That, he offers up his thankſgiving to the Al-
mighty for having reſtored a paternal crown to a Princeſs, as a
reward of her ſteady adherence to Religion, and her conftancy
under the ſharpeſt Trials: and whereas this Event had been ac-
compliſhed when human means feemed leaft to promiſe it, his
confidence
OF REGINALD
57
POLE.
confidence was raiſed that the mercy would be extended to the
whole body of the People.-He congratulates, likewiſe, the Eng-
liſh Catholics, who had continued ſteadfaſt to the ancient wor-
ſhip, on their own perfeverance, and the fatisfaction they muſt
feel on the profpect of ſeeing their Countrymen return to it.-
He obferves, that England had a peculiar right to his care
and attention, having formerly received the Faith by the mi-
niſtry of Perſons ſent thither from the See he governed; which
made him defirous to comfort thoſe, alſo, who had departed from
thoſe principles, and to reſtore them to the rectitude from which
they were fallen.”
As the exigences of the Nation were various, the Commiffion
was very ample, and fuch as became his Vicegerent, whoſe pro-
per character is, to ſeek what was loft, to bind up what was broken,
and to gather together what had been difperfed in the dark and ſtormy
day, the LEGATE was empowered to extend this indulgence to
almoft every weakneſs and depravity of human nature, of which
the miſery of thoſe times afforded but too many inftances; and
which ſtood in need of a great deal of knowledge in preſcribing
the remedies, and of a charity and zeal equal to His, in ap-
plying them. The fame latitude was extended to perſons of
what degree and profeffion foever, with reſpect to cenfures and
penalties incurred by Herefy, and thofe crimes with which it
is uſually attended, as facrilege, perjury, forbidden marriages,
fimony, and the like.
NOR was this lenity only uſed as to the confcientious part, but
alſo as to all civil purſuits on account of the faid miſdemeanors;
and the Delinquents, at the LEGATE's pleaſure, were to be re-
ftored to all the fpiritual and temporal advantages they enjoyed
before their tranfgreffions. He might, likewife, exempt them
from any public abjuration of their errors, and from all other
penalties which the Church difcipline exacts in fuch cafes: the
only condition required, was a fincere return to the true Faith,
PART II.
I
an
58
LIFE
THE HISTORY OF THE
an unfeigned forrow and confeffion of their fins, accompanied
with abſolution and the performance of ſuch penitence as a dif-
creet ghoſtly Father ſhould enjoin. The Ecclefiaftical precepts
of fafts and abſtinence were left to the LEGATE's regulation,
who might difpenfe with them as to perfons and places, as he
judged expedient.
SEVERAL both of the fecular and regular Clergy had entered
on a marriage ſtate, which, as has been faid above, the example
of the Apoſtles, the ancient ufage of the whole Weſtern Church,
the Councils and Canons had made unlawful to the former; and,
befides the obligation arifing from theſe heads, the moſt folemn
engagements had rendered utterly inconfiftent with the profeffion
of the latter. The following expedient, therefore, was preſcribed
to redreſs a diſorder, which the licentiouſneſs of the laft reign
had added to thofe of the preceding. They were commanded to
renounce thefe Contracts, which were no better than a licenſed
Concubinage; and, on that fingle condition, were permitted to
enjoy, at the LEGATE's diſcretion, all the Rights they had for-
feited by their incontinence.
THIS Condefcenfion was ftill more extenfive in behalf of ſuch
of the fecular Clergy as ſtood in need of it. The Pope ſuppoſes
the cafe of fome of theſe unfortunate Offenders might be fo pecu-
liar, as to make it adviſeable to allow them to continue as they
were; and the LEGATE is authorized to grant them a diſpen-
fation to make good their engagements, provided the ſurvivor of
the contracting Parties be rendered incapable ever to marry again.
But, as it would have been the higheſt indecency, and given the
moſt juſt offence, if ſuch perſons had enjoyed the revenues of the
Church, or were promoted to her dignities; and, much more,
were they to perform any Prieftly function, and minifter at the
Altar, they are deprived of the former, and utterly fecluded from
the latter. The difpofition of all Ecclefiaftical and pious Foun-
dations, under whatever title, and to whomfoever belonging, was
left
OF
59
REGINALD POLE.
left to the LEGATE, to regulate as he fhould judge moſt condu-
cive to the honour of God, and the ſpiritual welfare of the King-
dom. He was empowered to agree and tranfact, as he ſhould
judge convenient, with the Poffeffors of Church goods to dif
charge them for the profits they had unjuſtly received, and for
the moveable goods they had confumed. Whether reſtitution of
the immoveable was to be made or not, was alfo left to his de-
termination; and he was authorized to make the Owners eafy
as to all fuch matters. Whatever profit arofe from theſe tranſ-
actions was to be applyed to the Churches, which had fuffered;
to Hoſpitals and Schools, and fuch like purpoſes.
As ſo great a multiplicity of buſineſs could not be diſpatched
by one perfon, the LEGATE was enabled to commit any part of
it, ſome few clauſes excepted, to fuch judicious and pious per-
fons as he ſhould chufe for that purpofe; nor was an appeal, of
any kind, to take place or hinder the execution of what he had
decreed. Laſtly, the Pope confirms the jurifdiction he conferred
on him; and, moreover, adds, that it is his intention, He ſhould
act, on all occafions, with the fame plenitude of power which
himſelf held from JESUS CHRIST, and promiſes to ratify what-
ever fhall be fo enacted *.
THE LEGATE was, afterwards, by an extenfion of theſe Pri-
vileges, commiffioned to exert theſe powers whilſt he was out of
the Kingdom; to confirm Biſhops who had been nominated by
the fecular authority, and were fallen into herefy, during the
Schifm of the two laſt reigns, on renouncing their errors: and to
provide, on any vacancy, the Metropolitan and Cathedral Churches
of the Realm with ſuch perſons as ſhould be recommended to him
by the Queen, according to the Cuſtoms of the Realm†.
* Printed at London, 1685, and may
be feen, at length, in Wilkins's Conc.
Mag. Brit. vol. 4th. pag. 91.
† Original Book of Difpatches M. S.
in the Engliſh College of Doway, pro-
duced by Mr. Dod, Church Hift. vol. 1,
pag. 545, et feq. in which Work there
are many valuable Documents relating to
the Ecclefiaftical affairs of this Nation.
I 2
Biſhop
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
$553.
THIS falutary and benevolent Commiffion was fet forth in four
5th Aug. different Patents, which bear the fame date; the laſt of them is.
figned by the Nephew of the celebrated Sadolet, who had fuc-
ceeded his Uncle in the Biſhoprick of Carpentras *.—In the three
others, which are in form of Credentials, the Pope informs the
LEGATE, "that having deliberated with the Cardinals on the
arduous and delicate negotiation of recalling his Country to the
Faith of its Forefathers, it had been unanimoufly agreed to ap-
point him Legate to the Queen and Kingdom; and that the pre-
ference given to him, on this occafion, was owing to the natural
love he muſt be ſuppoſed to bear his own Country, to his know-
ledge of the language, manners, and temper of the People; to
his Royal extraction, his authority and influence; to his fingular
ſkill in the management of buſineſs; to his eloquence, and, above
all other confiderations, to his love of our God, and Lord JESUS
CHRIST, and of his holy Catholic Church.-That, as the LE-
GATE had already given proof of thefe, and all other Virtues,
wherewith the bountiful hand of Providence had adorned his per-
fon, his Holineſs had appointed him to employ them all in bring-
ing back to the paths of righteouſneſs thoſe who had ſtrayed from
them, in a manner worthy his piety towards God, his reſpect to
the holy See, his affection for the common caufe of Chriftianity,
and his great parts and integrity: and, that this wiſhed-for fuc-
cefs was, firſt, to be expected from a propitious God; and, in
* Bishop Burnet has, likewife, given,
at length, the Bull, in which the above-
mentioned Articles are contained; Hift.
of the Reform. part 3d, pag. 215 of the
collection of Records. He has, likewife,
exhibited, with candour, the Papal De-
crees by which the LEGATE's powers
are extended; and the Church poffef-
fions fecured, in the moſt ample and un-
exceptionable form, to thofe who then
enjoyed them, ibid. p. 221, 222. And
he has publiſhed, with the fame good
faith, Ormanet's and Granvelle's letters,
and one of CARDINAL POLE to the
Pope, and fome others, ibid. pag. 226,
et feq. which, though very neceffary for
that part of the CARDINAL's hiſtory, are
omitted in Quirini's Collection; and He
has informed his Readers by what means
they came into his hands. Hift. of the
Reform. part 3, b. 5, p. 230.
the
OF REGINALD POLE.
61
the next place, from the labours, the prudence, and virtues of
the LEGATE, and the piety and wiſdom of the Queen.-It may
be truly afferted, if ever Patents were a faithful repreſentation of
the Bearer, theſe were of CARDINAL POLE; and not more the
Credentials of an Ambaffador, than the Certificate of a private
Character *.
THESE powers, ample as they were, for the reaſons I have
mentioned, were objected to by the Emperor; and Ormanet, the
LEGATE'S Auditor, was fent to Rome, in order to have them en-
larged, whilſt the LEGATE, in the mean time, took up his reſi-
dence at Delingen-Abbey, near Bruffels. Here he had the news
of Philip's arrival in England, and his marriage with the Queen.
The Prince came to Southampton on the 20th of July, and was
met by her Majefty at Winchester, where the nuptials were cele-
brated, in the Cathedral, with great pomp, and the Ceremony
performed by Gardiner, Bishop of the Dioceſe, on the 27th.
Philip was in the twenty-feventh year of his age, and the Queen
in the thirty-eighth.
THE qualities of this Prince formed a Character, to which it
was impoffible the temper of the Engliſh ſhould ever be recon-
ciled: and, that this may not appear a random affertion, I ſhall
draw the out-lines, from which the whole Portrait may be col-
lected. The Reader, at the fame time, may not be difpleafed
to reflect on the ftrange and unaccountable ſteps by which this
Prince has attained to the reputation of wiſdom, and great fkill
in that Science, which becomes a Throne. Befides other argu-
ments of this fuperiority, two volumes have been publiſhed of his
Aphorifms; and there is fcarce any epithet to denote uncommon
fagacity, which has not been affixed to his name: even, appear-
ances have not been wanting to make him paſs for a good man,
no less than a great Prince.
* Ex R. Pole, fol. 4, b; tranfcribed by IVilkins, Conc. Mag. Brit. vol. 4, pag. 87.
PHILIP
62
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
of Parma.
PHILIP had a diſtant and referved carriage, which was the
effect of conſtitution and pride, and rendered him very unfit to
govern a brave and generous People. Tho' the marriage treaty
between him and the Queen had been carrying on almoſt a year,
and was concluded fome months before he came to England, he
never once wrote to her. He knew nothing of our language,
and gave himſelf little trouble to be acquainted with our manners.
When amongſt us, he retained the Spaniſh dreſs, which gave his
perfon, which though low, was ſtiff and ftately, a ftill more fo-
reign air, and made him appear to greater diſadvantage. This
occafioned the Mob fometimes to follow him in the ftreets, and
give their opinion of him with a freedom which is peculiar to
themſelves. The Flemings had obferved and blamed this inbred
arrogance, when he was only Prince of Spain; and nothing con-
tributed more to alienate the affections of a People, whoſe diſpo-
fitions bear a great reſemblance to our own.
His wretched policy
loft Holland, and drove the other Provinces of the Netherlands
into the worſt extremities; and a jealous and fufpicious temper
cauſed him to difcard thofe whom his Father had employed; and
Don John remove the mild and wife Governors, who had the love and con-
of Auftria.
Margaret fidence of the People, and appoint others in their ftead, whofe
harſh and cruel proceedings might be more fuited to his own.
His Son had been tried and put to death in the dark receffes of
Don John. a prifon; and it is a problem, if his natural Brother, the moſt
gallant and amiable Prince of the age, did not die by poiſon ad-
miniſtered by his orders to fay nothing of the equivocal manner
in which his third Wife, Elizabeth of France, left the world;
and his delay in the very first remittance of a ſmall penfion, which
his Father, Charles V. had referved out of the vaſt dominions he
refigned to him. A black melancholy, to which he was fubject,
was encreaſed by a ravenous appetite, and grofs meats. Though
the conqueſt of New Spain had cauſed a tide of wealth to flow
into the old; from a want of knowledge to put it to uſeful pur-
poſes,
OF REGINALD POLE.
63
pofes, it only furniſhed him with means to trouble his Neigh-
bours, and grafp at foreign conquefts, when he had already fo
much more than he knew how to govern. With all the farce of
profound penetration, and what the Fools of the World call deep
Policy, he ever wanted the plain and fimple, and, therefore, the
true Principles of Government. He introduced into the Spaniſh
Councils that trifling ceremonial, and thoſe forms in which every
department is fo intrenched as to be inacceffible to diſpatch; and
theſe gloomy and pedantic arts, by which fhew and appearances
are kept up, whilft real ftrength is deftroyed, have, ever fince,
continued to damp the fpirit of a Nation naturally brave, and to
thin it of Inhabitants. The fame management became heredi-
tary, and his Succeffor, by one fenfelefs and inhuman Edict Philip III.
drove out of Spain a Million of People: and, to come to proofs
which our own times afford, whilft the formalities of the laft
War were adjuſting at Madrid, our Countrymen failed, fought,
and overcame.
THE LEGATE had no fooner heard the news of the Queen's mar-
riage, but he congratulated the new King by a long Letter, which
was no leſs a piece of feaſonable advice, than a compliment on his
nuptials, and the acquifition of a new Kingdom to his hereditary
dominions. He obſerves the perſonal intereſt he had in this great
event, as he was fent Legate to her Majefty and the Realm; and
likewife to Philip's Father, and to the King of France: that this
confideration makes his wishes the more ardent, that this alli-
ance may be a means of reftoring to his Country the bleffings of
tranquillity to which it had been fo long a ſtranger; and bring-
ing about a general peace to the emolument of all Europe*. The
LEGATE wrote, likewiſe, a letter of felicitation to the Emperor, 11th July,
on his Son's marriage, which he inclofed in one to the Biſhop of
Arras, and deſired him to forward it to his Majeſty, who was
* R. Poli Epift. pars 42, p. 158.
then
1554
64.
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
then at Valenciennes. He lets the Biſhop know that his Auditor
29th July, was not returned from Rome, but that he expected him ſoon.-
$554.
c
He ſent the ſame intelligence, on the fame day, to the Cardinal
de Monte; and, b fore he had finished the letter, Ormanet ar-
rived with the enlargement of the Legantine Powers; " which,
he fays, was ſuch as he could have defired from the Pope's good-
nefs, in an affair of the higheſt concernment: that, therefore, he
entreated the Cardinal to make his moft dutiful acknowledgments
to his Holiness; and fhould, on the first opportunity, fend him
all the information he could defire: that Ormanet's arrival could
never have been more ſeaſonable; and he had great hopes in an
all-good and powerful Providence, that every thing would end to
the Pope's fatisfaction."
THE Pope, in this enlargement of the LEGATE's commiffion,
enumerates the powers he had already conferred on him, in his
à latere. Embaffy to England, and appointing him Legate by commiffion,
to the Emperor and the French King. Tho' the commiffion, he
ſays, was very extenfive, and he had authority to exert it in every
thing, which concerned the perſons and affairs of his Country,
whilſt he refided in Flanders, yet the fallen ftate of the Nation
occafioned infinite and unthought of cafes to occur, which re-
quired the affistance of the Holy See, to which no detail was
fufficient; and a further doubt had been raiſed, whether this
authority could be exerciſed in the Iſlands and other dominions
fubject to her Majefty. To remove, therefore, all ambiguity,
the Pope conferred on him full power to execute whatever he
judged neceffary to bring about the falutary end of the Embaffy
to England, though it was not comprehended in his former pa-
tents and as to the Embaffy to the two Courts abovementioned,
he had the full powers of Legate by commiffion, in as ample
form as they had been conferred on the two Cardinals, who were
26th June, lately employed at the faid Courts.
$554.
As what concerned the Church Revenues was a matter of the
greateſt
OF REGINALD POLE.
65
greateſt difficulty to be adjuſted to the Rules of Juftice and Reli-
gion, and feemed the main obftacle to the Nations return to the
ancient worſhip; the Pope had ordered a ſeparate Decree relative
to this affair, as follows." He mentions to the LEGATE, that
he had already authorized him to treat with the Poffeffors of
Ecclefiaftical Revenues, as to the fruits they had unjustly received,
and confumed, and to diſcharge them from any obligation of
reſtitution ariſing from theſe heads. But as there was, every day,
a greater proſpect of the bleffing he fo much wiſhed the Nation,
taking place, and nothing feemed more likely to remove the hin-
drance which yet obftructed it, than the indulgence of the holy
See towards thoſe who, in the confufion of the late times, had
taken poffeffion of Church lands; He, on his part, fhould be
very unwilling that a ranſom fo dearly purchaſed as the falvation
of the intereſted parties, fhould be fruſtrated by any temporal
confiderations. He committed, therefore, the whole affair to
the LEGATE, and inveſted him with the moſt ample power to
agree and compound with the prefent Owners; and to affure to
them their poffeffions, on whatever title they held them; to ex-
empt them from any duty of reſtitution; and to do every thing
which was neceffary to remove all fcruples and make them eaſy.
This only clauſe was added, that if any affair occurred fo momen-
tous as to make the decifion of the holy See, feem neceffary, fhe
was to be confulted, and her judgment waited for: but, even,
whether this was to be done or not, was left to the LEGATE,
and his fentence was to determine all things*."
CARDINAL de Monte accompanied theſe Decrees with a letter
of great civilities, which Ormanet, the Auditor, was to deliver to
his Lord; with another from Cardinal Moron, in anſwer to thoſe
of the LEGATE, of which large extracts have been already given.
Moron lets him know," that having informed the Pope of what
* Printed at London, 1554; and cited by Wilkins, Conc. Mag. Bri. vol. 4, p. 102.
PART II.
he
K
28th July,
1554.
66
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
he had wrote, he had teftified the higheſt approbation of the LE-
GATE's conduct, and cleared him of giving caufe to the Emperor
or any one elſe, of the extravagant behaviour he complained of.-
As to recalling him; he perfifted, that it could not be done
without great indignity to himſelf, diſhonour to the holy See,
reproach to the Emperor, injury to the LEGATE, and prejudice
to the affairs of England.-That his Holinefs had often declared
himſelf variouſly on the ſubject of Church lands, before he came
to a final reſolution; but that, at length, the Bearer, Ormanet,
was diſpatched with every conceffion conformable to the exigences
13th July, of affairs, and the LEGATE's defires."
$554.
THE LEGATE had no fooner received theſe Diſpatches, but he
ſent the Bearer to inform the Emperor, who was ſtill at Valen-
ciennes, of their contents, and to urge his Majefty's confent to his
fetting out for England. Ormanet, immediately on his arrival,
had audience of the Bishop of Arras, of which he gives Priuli
the following account: "That the Minifter's anſwer to the com-
miffion with which the LEGATE had charged him was, that no
one could doubt of the Emperor having the affairs of Religion at
heart, as he had always promoted its intereft, and often expofed
his life in its cauſe that as to the ſeaſonableneſs of exerting his
zeal in the preſent juncture, on which I had chiefly infifted, his
Majefty was of opinion it was proper to wait the turn which af
fairs took in England, from whence they had no news fince the
Prince's landing, but of the marriage.-That it would be necef-
fary to come to an explicit declaration on two heads; whether
the diſpoſition of the Church revenues was left to the LEGATE or
to their Majeſties, and the method which his Lordship propofed
to obſerve in this difpofition. The Biſhop added, that he defired
to ſee a Copy of the Patents. My anfwer, fays Ormanet, was,
that as to the particulars of the commiffion, he thought he had
faid enough in declaring to his Lordſhip, that the LEGATE was
entruſted with the whole; but as to the manner of proceeding
in
OF REGINALD POLE.
67
in it, he could come to no refolution till he was on the ſpot,
as there were many things of which, as yet, it was impoffible to
frame a right notion.-I infiſted on the importance of the buſi-
neſs, which required all the diſpatch the nature of things ad-
mitted; and that no opportunity could be fairer than the preſent,
as the good humour, which the late Coronation had occafioned,
would reconcile the minds of the People to what the LEGATE
was to execute, and his Majeſty's Son have the honour of being,
in great meaſure, the Inftrument of ſuch a National bleffing.-
On this head, the Auditor fays, he enlarged himſelf, as he ſhould
inform the LEGATE, on his return.-The conclufion was, that
Granvelle would inform his Imperial Majefty of all that had paffed
between them; and that his own good offices ſhould not be want-
ing, which he owed both to the cauſe, and to his Ceference and
eſteem for the LEGATE: that, as they were to change quarters
very fuddenly, he could not then let me have his Majeſty's refo-
lution, but would ſend it to me at Valenciennes, and I need give
myſelf no further trouble. I fhall allow him a whole day to ac-
quit himſelf of his promiſe; and on the following, if he fails to
do it, ſhall return to folicit my difmiffion. I was willing, fays
he, to fend this detail, that I might caufe no uneafinefs by ſtaying
beyond the time appointed. He informs Priuli, that the Em-
peror was in fo good a ſtate of health and fpirits, as to review his
troops, every day, on horſeback."
t
THREE days after, the Biſhop of Arras difmiffed Ormanet with
the following letter to the LEGATE. "I have received two let-
ters from your Lordship, by the first of which you affure me of
your fatisfaction on the Prince's arrival in England, and his mar-
riage. The other, which was directed to his Imperial Majeſty, I
delivered myſelf; and he fignified how much he was pleaſed at
this pledge of your Lordship's regard and affection. Your Audi-
tor, who is to be the Bearer of this, is fince arrived here, and
has made a report to me of whatever you was pleafed to com-
municate
K 2
31st Juiz,
1554.
68
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
municate concerning your Patents; of all which I have informed
his Majefty. His answer is, as your Lordship may underſtand
more at large from the Bearer, that he does not think it proper
you ſhould ſet out for England, till he has confulted their Bri-
tannic Majefties on this head; and that, on the return of a Cou-
rier who was diſpatched to-day, he fhall be able to take a final
refolution.-That the Emperor, the King and Queen had but
one common intereft in view; and it could not be doubted but
they would promote it not only with a zeal which became them,
but alſo with ſuch temper, as to be of ſervice to the cauſe, and
Bouchain, not ruin it for ever,
3d Aug.
1554.
>>
THE LEGATE, in his anfwer, lets Granvelle know how fen-
fible he was of his Imperial Majefty's goodneſs, who, in the
midſt of the din of war, gave fo ferious an attention to the af
fairs of Britain―That, as to fetting out on his journey thither,
he ſhould wait his pleaſure; and had never entertained a thought
of taking any ſtep in the whole affair, but with his approbation
-In the mean time, he fhould beg of the divine Goodneſs to
give to the whole body of the People a fenfe of this favourable
incident, left the reproach of the Prophet, the Kite has known its
Seaſon, but my People hath not known the time of their vifitation,.
ſhould be verified in them-that the piety of their Sovereigns
gave him great hopes they would act in a manner worthy the ex-
pectation they had raiſed, eſpecially as they could not fail to be
prompted and affifted by the authority and prudence of his Impe-
rial Majefty-He ends by telling the Bishop, that having been
nformed from his Auditor, that it would be a fatisfaction to him
to ſee a Copy of his commiffion to difpofe of the Church lands,
he had ſent it, and defired to be informed when it was come to
hand-That he was much obliged to him for the offers of his
Delingen, friendship, and the civilities he had fhewed his Auditor." Some
5th Aug. time after, this Minifter informed the LEGATE, " he had feen
his Patents, and joins in wiſhes for the ſucceſs of an affair, which,
1554.
as
OF REGINALD POLE.
69
as it regarded a common good, every one must have at heart." 11th Aug
This detail may, perhaps, appear too minute; but the importance
of the affair, in which the negotiation ended, cauſed me to be
as circumſtantial concerning every thing which related to it (if I
may be allowed the compariſon) as the Poet in producing the
Bow, by which his Hero was to be difcovered, and the fate of
the Suitors decided.
Odvſ. b.
21.
of Horne.
DURING this intercourfe, Philip, who was now King of Eng-
land, had fent over a perſon of the firſt quality of the low Coun- The Count
tries, to the Emperor his Father. This Nobleman was likewiſe
charged with a letter of great refpect, on the part of the King,
to the LEGATE, to whom he was to notify his Majefty's marri-
age; and the Letter was to be the Bearer's Credentials. The
LEGATE acknowledged his fenfe of this mark of Royal favour,
by making an offer of the allegiance he now owed Philip, as his
Sovereign; and by the like expreffions of refpect, which are be-
ftowed on Princes, on fuch occafions. The letter is in Latin, 7th Aug.
and dated from Delingen Abbey, near Bruffels, where his refidence
was.-Soto, Philip's Confeffor, wrote, likewife, to him, in a man-
ner agreeable to the Poft he was in, and to his own perfonal cha-
racter; and the LEGATE, in his reply, tells him; he had fuffi-
ciently indicated his own way of thinking, in perfonating that of
his Prince; and takes notice, that unleſs Philip really gave the
preference to what concerned the worſhip of the Supreme Being,
he would pervert the order of things; for unleſs this great affair
held the firſt place, no other could be affigned to it *.
Soon after the time I am ſpeaking of, the Emperor came to 10th C7,
Bruſſels, and had frequent conferences with the LEGATE and the
Biſhop of Arras, on the fituation of affairs in England, of which
*Et fanè ita eum prorfus facere opor-
tet, qui collapfam Religionem erigere at-
que inftaurare cogitet; cui fi primum lo-
cum non dederis, nullum dederis; fed
quam inftaurare profitearis, dum ordi-
nem pervertis, labefactes magis ac di-
rues. R. Poli Epift. pars 4ª, pag. 166.-
he
по
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
he gives the Pope the following particulars.-That the Emperor
and his Minifter had often refumed the argument which had been
difcuffed in the Letters that had paffed between the latter him-
ſelf and Ormanet; which the Reader has already feen, and of
which the LEGATE gives his Holinefs the chief heads. Theſe,
he fays, though repreſented with great candour, on his part, ap-
peared not fufficiently cleared up to his Majefty and Granvelle;
and in order to protract the affair, they infifted on further eclair-
ciffments. I replied, fays the LEGATE, that in an affair of this
nature, the negotiation was not to be carried on as in the late
treaty of Peace, where neither party diſcovered their real inten-
tions, but endeavoured to avail themſelves of the diſcovery they
could make of thofe of their Adverſary; whereas in this treaty
there was but one common caufe, in which your Holiness, the
Emperor, and their Britannic Majefties were equally intereſted:
and, if I was allowed to have acceſs to my Country, I fhould fa-
tisfy the latter as to the extent of the commiffion I had from your
Holiness to remove all obftacles to a reconciliation; but if any
difficulty remained, their Majefties were free to propofe it. That,
the Impediments, in general, were of two kinds; the firſt re-
garded the Doctrine, in which no abatement could be made,
fince the only Remedy to Evils introduced by Error, was the
acknowledgment of the contrary Truths. The other related to
Church Revenues, the Poffeffors of which, from an apprehenfion
of the ſeverity of her laws, were afraid to return to her obedience;
and to this, I ſaid, your Holineſs was willing to extend indul-
gence as far as the cafe required. The LEGATE then gives a
fummary relation of theſe conceffions, with which, ſays he, the
Emperor was highly fatisfied; but added, that this Article ſhould
be well confidered, as he knew from the experience he had in
Germany, that this would be the capital objection of many: for,
as to tenets, they gave themſelves little trouble about them, being
equally indifferent to all. The Emperor made other objections,
which
OF REGINALD POLE.
71
which, the LEGATE fays, feemed only ſtarted to put off his jour-
ney; to which he anſwered; that the Parliament being fhortly 11th Nov.
to be fummoned, it was of the utmoſt importance it ſhould not
break up without completing the great Work now in hand.-
That otherwiſe it would give general Offence, and be a notable
detriment to the Caufe.-That the Queen having entered on the
marriage ſtate with a view to facilitate this undertaking, and
Providence having allotted her a Hufband, who might fecond
her good intentions, if an affair, which ought to be the Principle,
on which their royal conduct ſhould turn, was put off any longer,
they would be inexcufable both before God and Man. The Em-
peror replied, that great allowances were to be made to the un-
favourable difpofitions of thoſe whom this affair concerned, to
their averfion to the very name of obedience to the Church, to a
ſcarlet hat, and a Religious habit: that his Son had been ad-
viſed to cauſe the Religious men he brought with him from
Spain, to change their drefs; though he had not done it, nor did
it become him to do fo. To this he added the dangerous confe-
quences of popular tumults, and the bad offices which their fo-
reign Enemies, meaning the French, would not fail to do them.
-I replied, fays the LEGATE, that if their Majefties were to
wait till every imaginary difficulty was removed, there would ne-
ver be an end of delays, fince the intereſted parties defired nothing
more than that things fhould go on in the preſent track, and they
allowed to poffefs and enjoy what they held.-The Conclufion,
fays he, was, to expect the return of a Secretary, who was to
come, in a few days, from England; and the LEGATE confer,
in the mean time, with the Biſhop of Arras on what had been
the fubject of this letter*"
WHILST this negotiation was going forward, envy, which,
as the fhadow follows the fubftance, attends eminent merit, en-
* Burnet, part 3, b. 5. Col. of Records, pag. 230.
13th Oc
1554.
deavoured,
+
72
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
deavoured, by every low and ungenerous method to hinder the
effects of the LEGATE's zeal, and keep him at a diſtance. All
the ill ſervices, which malice and jealouſy could fugget, were
employed at the Courts of Rome, Bruffels and England, to fet
him aſide, and repreſent him as unfit for the commiffion he was
charged with. Nor was he either ignorant or unattentive to what
paffed, but faid to his friends, he was much in the ſame caſe
with a perfon, who, by the waving of the grafs, perceives that a
fnake is lurking under it, though he cannot exactly determine
the fpot*. But a confidence in Almighty God, and a refolution
not to be wanting to himſelf, and to make uſe of ſuch meaſures
as prudence fuggefts, and Providence furniſhes, fupported him in
thefe ftreights at the fame time, he wrote to Philip the obliga-
tion He lay under of no longer refufing him the entrance of his
Kingdom, and putting an obſtacle to the commiffion he came
to execute. "It is now, Sir, ſays he, a year fince I preſented
myſelf at your palace gates, without having obtained admit-
tance. If your Majeſty aſks, as it is uſual of thoſe who preſent
themſelves in this manner, who it is? I fhall content myſelf
with making this anſwer; that it is he, who, that he might
prevent the fame Palace from being fhut to Her, with whom
you now enjoy it in common, has ſuffered himſelf to be deprived
of his home and Country, and underwent a baniſhment of twenty
years. Was I to allege no other reaſon for being recalled and ad-
mitted to your prefence, this alone muft appear fufficient: but I
overlook whatever I may claim in my own name, whatever I
have a right to as a private perſon, and only defire that a due re-
21st Sept. gard may be had to my public character." He adds many rea-
fons, which the goodneſs of his heart, and his zeal for the public
good fuggeſted, for not putting off to a more diſtant time a Work,
which he thought ſhould have been already entered on; and if it
1554.
* Vita Poli, fol. 25, â tergo.
+ Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. pag. 162.
were
OF REGINALD POLE.
37
Burnet,
were neglected would involve the King and Queen in much guilt
and the confequences of it. This letter is long, and confifts
chiefly of Allegory, and moral Allufions to fome hiſtorical paffages
of Scripture, which gave a handle to a Writer, who, on the
whole, is very fair to CARDINAL POLE's character, to fay it was
more like the flouriſh of a Rhetorician, than the folemn expof-
tulation of a great man on ſuch an occafion. At the fame time Hift. of
he acknowledges, that this manner of writing had been practifed part 3, p
early, and long uſed by eminent men, and that fuch precedents 236.
might have warranted him to copy it.-He might have carried
up the Lift very high, and cited One whom Longinus quotes as
a Pattern of eloquence.
PHILIP, on the receipt of this letter, fent Renardi, who was
the Emperor's Ambaffador at the Engliſh Court, to Bruffels, to
inform the LEGATE of what had been already done in the affair
of Religion, what omitted, and for what reaſons, and of every
particular which had any connection with it; to lay before him
the preſent fituation of things, and advife with him of the means
which feemed moſt expedient to bring them to a happy conclu-
fion. The LEGATE, in his anfwer, of which the fame Ambaf-
fador was to be the Bearer, fays, he had informed his Majeſty of
every Article, on which he defired his opinion, and, therefore,
ſhould not trouble him any further, but referred him to his Ex-
cellence for all particulars*.
the Refor.
P.
St. Pau!.
27th 07.
ALMOST at the fame time, the Queen's Ambaffador at the Mafon.
Court of Bruffels wrote to her the following letter." That
Cardinal POLE was come into thofe parts on two errands:
one, to negotiate a peace between the Emperor and the French
King; the other, to bring about a reconciliation of his Country
with the Catholic Church: but, perceiving neither of them to
take effect, he began to lofe all comfort.-That, as to the first,
PART II.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 43, pag. 168.
L
he
74
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Bruffels,
5th Oct.
he quite gave it up; and if he did not fpeedily perceive fome
likelihood of fucceeding in the other, he ſhould be weary of
fpending his time to no purpoſe, and talked of returning to Italy.
-That, ſhould this happen, he, indeed, would have the diſplea-
fure of being deprived of his Country; but the Realm, in its
turn, would loſe a perfon, who, for his wiſdom, learning, and
eminent virtue, was fought and honoured by every one who had
the happineſs of his acquaintance. That his converfation was
much above that of ordinary men, and adorned with fuch quali-
ties, that he wished the man, who liked him the leaſt in the
Kingdom, was to converfe with him but one half hour; that it
muſt be a ſtoney heart which he did not ſoften. And, to con-
clude, fhould he leave thofe parts without an opportunity of let-
ting her Majeſty's Subjects make any effay of his good qualities,
he, the Ambaffador, muft think the ſtory of the Goſpel, in fome
ſenſe, verified in the LEGATE's perfon, where the Inhabitants of
Geraza, on a fond and groundleſs fear, are related to have de-
fired our Redeemer, who offered his prefence to them, to depart
from their Country*."
So many cogent motives founded on Religion and Reaſon, at
length took place of what is called Politics; and the CARDINAL'S
return was refolved: and that it might be attended with every
circumftance which could do honour to this illuftrious Exile;
and, in the firſt place, that his repeal might be an act of juſtice,
not of grace, the cauſe of the attainder was rejudged, and the
diſgrace dignified. The Parliament, as has been faid, was fum-
moned on the 11th of November, and the firſt Bill brought be-
fore the Lords was the reverfion of the Attainder, which went
17th Nov. through the Houſe in two days. It was then fent down to the
Commons, who read it thrice in one day, and ſent it The
Bill being to pafs before the CARDINAL could come to Eng-
land, a motion was made in the Lower Houfe, whether this
could be done without making a Seffion, which muſt cauſe a
prorogation?
19th.
up.
*
OF REGINALD POLE.
75
prorogation? and it being refolved in the affirmative, the King
and Queen came to the Houſe and paffed it. The Bill ſet forth, 22d Avv.
that the only reaſon of the Attainder, was the CARDINAL's re-
fuſal to conſent to the unlawful divorce of the Queen's Father and
Mother; and that their Majefties, and both Houſes of Parliament,
in confideration of his confcientious behaviour in this affair, and
his many excellent qualities, repealed the Attainder, and reſtored
him to all the Rights which his uprightneſs alone had cauſed
him to forfeit. The impreffion of the Great Seal, which was
put to this Act was, for greater diftinction, taken off in gold.
EVERY thing being now agreed on for the LEGATE's recep-
tion in England, the Lords Paget and Haftings, and a train of
forty Gentlemen, were appointed to go to Bruſſels, to invite him
to his native Country. They were both of the Privy Council,
and the latter, Mafter of the Horfe, and married to Catharine,
Daughter of Lord Montague, the CARDINAL's eldeſt Brother,
who was put to death by Henry VIII. On their arrival, they
acquainted the Queen of the fatisfaction the Emperor had figni-
fied at the information they had given him of the ſtate of the
Nation, and of what concerned Herſelf, at which he rouſed him-
felf with a merry chere, and diſcourſed to them at large on the
manifold advantages which were likely to attend this turn of af-
fairs. After this account of the audience of the Emperor, they
inform the Queen of their waiting on the CARDINAL, of the joy
with which he received them, and the gratitude and reſpect he
expreffed for the Queen. "His virtues, fay they, cannot be fuf-
ficiently admired; and, in particular, his moderation, and the
command he has of himſelf, which make him ready not only to
lay afide the character of LEGATE, and come to England as a
private Cardinal and Ambaſſador to her Majefty, but agree to any
other meaſures, which may be for the public emolument; and,
as to what concerned the Abbey lands, all things fhould be ad-
juſted ſo as to give general contentment."-They conclude, by
informing
L 2
76
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Bruffels,
13th Nov.
1554.
informing her Majefty, that the CARDINAL's weak ſtate of health
did not permit him to take long journies; and, moreover, that
regard was to be had to the dignity of his perfon: that, on the
morrow, they ſhould lie at Dendermond; Thurſday, at Ghent;
Friday, at Bruges; Saturday, at Nieuport; Sunday, at Dunkirk;
Monday, at Calais; that no reſpect and attendance ſhould be want-
ing on their part, as it was their duty to behave in this manner,
and becauſe the CARDINAL's merit made it their inclination *.
SEVERAL Foreigners, who were diſtinguiſhed for their abili-
ties in public affairs or literature, attended the LEGATE to his
Country; among whom, befides his chief intimate Priuli, were
his Secretary Floribellus, who has been fo juftly celebrated for
the eaſe and elegance of his Latin ftyle; Stella, and Rollus: and
though the former was much advanced in years, and the other's
health very infirm, and the LEGATE had uſed every endeavour
to prevail on them not to hazard fo long and difficult a journey,
eſpecially in the winter; the refpect and affection they bore him,
on account of a long acquaintance, and feveral friendly offices
which had paffed between them, made them both overlook
whatever inconveniences they might apprehend, either from their
years or infirmities. And though Stella died on the road, his
Brother's fon, a youth of exquifite judgment and learning, fuc-
ceeded to the place his Uncle held in his Patron's efteem, and
was very ſerviceable to him. It may be obferved as a fingular
felicity which attended this great man, that of all thoſe, who
followed him out of Italy, and were in any degree of his eſteem,
Stella was the only one he loſt in the future part of his life.
THE LEGATE had taken leave of the Emperor the night be-
fore the date of the letter, I have laft mentioned; and fet out
the following day, accompanied by a hundred and twenty horſe.
From Ghent he wrote to the King, "to teſtify his fenfe of the
* Paper Office; copied by Bifhop Burnet, Hift. of the Ref. part 3, b. 5; Col.
of Rec. p. 237.
+ Vita Poli, fol. 23.
honour
OF
77
REGINALD POLE.
honour their Majefties had done him, in writing to him in the
moſt obliging manner, by two of their Privy Council, Lord Pa-
get, Knight of the Garter, and Lord Haflings, Mafter of the Horſe;
who were moreover charged with verbal meffages of the fame
gracious import, and appointed to conduct him in his journey
to England: for which inftances of goodneſs, he hoped, in
a few days, to fignify to them, in perſon, all the gratitude he Ghent,
then felt *."
16th Nov.
BEING arrived at Calais, he was received, agreeably to the or- 1554•
ders the Queen had given, with great magnificence, and found a
Royal Yacht and fix men of war in readineſs to wait on him to
his Country. Here an incident happened, which was remarked
by every one there prefent, and interpreted as a declaration of
Heaven in his favour; and which, in whatever light it may now
be looked on by the Reader, I muſt not omit. The wind,
which for ſeveral days, had been fo contrary as to make the paſ-
fage to England impracticable, and feemed as if it would con-
tinue fo; on the very night of the LEGATE's arrival, became, on
a fudden, fair, and, in a few hours, conveyed Him and his re- 20th Ma
tinue to Dovert.
* Epift. R. Poli, pars 4ª. pag. 173.
+ Vita Poli, fol. 26.
SECT
( 78 )
SECT. II.
The CARDINAL reconciles the English Nation to the Church of
Rome: Affures the Abbey Lands to the Lay Owners. Ab-
ftract of an accurate Statute made by the Parliament on that
occafion.
On the vacancy of the See of Rome, He is defigned for the
Papacy, by the Queen of England and the French Court: And
is chofen Mediator between the Emperor and the French King,
at the Congress of Calais.
He calls a National Council, and publishes Conftitutions for the
Reformation of the English Church.
?
*******ARDINAL POLE was received at landing
by the Lord Montague, his Nephew by his eldeſt
Brother, whom Henry VIII. had put to death;
& C
XXXX.
淡淡
​by the Biſhop of Ely, and ſeveral of the Nobility,
among whom were fome of his acquaintance and
relations. In this company he fet out for London, and was met
on the road by a great concourſe of people, and had the ſame
honours every where paid him as at his landing, where he had
been treated as a perfon of the Royal family, and one who
came to reſtore the Nation to a bleffing, of which it had been fo
many Years deprived. Being come to Gravefend, the Biſhop of
Durham and the Earl of Shrewsbury, who was one of the moſt
confiderable Noblemen of the Kingdom, complimented him on
behalf of their Majeſties, and preſented him with the Act, by
2zd Nov. which, on the foregoing day, he was reftored to blood, the At-
tainder reverſed, by which he had been baniſhed and declared a
1554.
rebel
OF REGINALD POLE.
79
rebel and an enemy to his Country, and he re-inſtated in all his
honours and rights. That this proceeding might be attended
with greater folemnity, and be more honourable to the perfon it
concerned, the King and Queen, as has been ſaid, would though
contrary to cuſtom, be preſent when the Act paffed, and the im-
preffion of the great feal was taken off in gold. At Gravefend a
Royal barge was in readiness to carry him to London by water;
and it being notified to him on the part of their Majefties, that it
was their pleaſure he ſhould now appear in the public character
of LEGATE, the barge carried at her head the filver Croſs, which
was raiſed in fo confpicuous a manner as to be beheld by an in-
finite multitude of Spectators, who covered both fides of the
Thames, while a great number of ſmaller barges accompanied
him up the river till he arrived at Whitehall, where the Court
then was.
THE Letters Patent by which the CARDINAL is authorized to
exerciſe his Legantine jurifdiction, and which were preſented to
him by the Biſhop of Durham, are to the following purpoſe:
"Their Majeſties declare, that whereas it has pleaſed the Pontiff
Julius III. to fend their dear Coufin REGINALD POLE with cer-
tain authorities, graces and juriſdictions to be exerciſed in behalf
of the Subjects of England; the faid LEGATE had accepted the
commiffion on the beſt of purpoſes; and the exerciſe of it was
highly beneficial to the Realm: that, on this account his arrival
in that character was moſt acceptable to them, and it was their
pleaſure he ſhould exerciſe the ſaid juriſdiction in its full extent;
and they were well pleafed their loving Subjects fhould have
recourſe to him according to the nature and quality of the grace
they ſtood in need of, and as they might have done in the twen- 10th Nov,
tieth
year of the late King Henry." *
THE King and Queen, who did not expect him ſo early, were
* Ex Reg. Poli, fol. 66. and, Conc. Mag. Eri. Vol. 4. pag. 109.
1554.
at
90
LIFE
ن
THE HISTORY OF THE
at table when he came to land; but, as foon as his arrival was
known, the Chancellor and feveral of the Lords went down to
the water fide to receive him: the King likewife came out to meet
him before he reached the Palace, and embraced him with great
marks of affection. The Queen, with the Ladies of the Court,
received him at the head of the great ftair-cafe, and publickly de-
clared her joy on that occafion to be equal to what ſhe had felt on
aſcending the throne of her Anceſtors, Having ſtaid ſome time in
conference with their Majefties, and prefented them his Creden-
tials, he was conducted to Lambeth by the Chancellor, the prime
of the Nobility, and the multitude which had met him on the
road. The Queen had given orders that the Palace, which was
now vacated by Archbiſhop Cranmer lying under fentence of
death, for treaſon, ſhould be richly furniſhed, and had appointed
the LEGATE a Houſehold and an Income ſuited to fuch an Ex-
pence. The third day after, he went to Court, and the King,
who came out of the Anti-chamber to meet him, delivered into
his hands a packet of letters he had juft then received. It was a
diſpatch from Rome, and brought the LEGATE the moſt ample
powers in order to accomplish the great work of the Nation's re-
conciliation with the Catholic Church; and the incident of its
arriving at that critical juncture was interpreted as a declaration
of Heaven in favour of a Cauſe which then engaged the attention
of all Europe. The next day the King paid the LEGATE a vifit,
and regulated every thing with him concerning this great Work,
which was opened in the following manner.
On the morrow, the 28th of November, the LEGATE, as had
been agreed on, came to the Houſe of Peers before the King and
Queen; and the Chancellor informed the Lords and Commons,
who were fummoned to attend, that the CARDINAL was come
a LEGATE from the Holy See to their Majesties and to the whole
Realm; and having already declared to the former the purpoſe of
his Embaffy, he was about to make the fame declaration to Them
as Repreſentatives of the whole Nation.
THE
OF REGINALD POLE.
81
THE LEGATE then roſe up and ſpoke to this purpoſe:
Before he entered on the matter, he faid; "He had, for
many years, been excluded not only from that Aſſembly, but
alſo from his Country, by laws enacted perfonally againſt him-
ſelf: that he returned their Majefties and the Parliament his
beft acknowledgments for repealing thoſe laws, and ſhould ever
be grateful for the good will they had fhewn him on this
occafion; that this favour of theirs was the more welcome, as it
now furniſhed him with an opportunity of repaying it in a matter
of ftill greater importance to his Benefactors; that he had been
reftored by them to the place of his birth, and to a nobility
which could boaft no higher origin than the earth; but he
was come to infcribe them Denizens of a heavenly Country,
and reinstate them in that true and Chriftian greatnefs which
they had forfeited by renouncing a fealty, to which it had pleaſed
Almighty God it ſhould be annexed. He then enumerated the
evils they had been liable to fince this defection; he infifted on
the greatneſs of the benefit which was offered them, and on the
peculiar attention the See of Rome had always fhewed the
English nation.
He reminded them of their paſt errors, ex-
horted them to fincere repentance, and to receive with a fenfi-
ble and holy joy the reconciliation which he, as LEGATE to
God's Vicegerent, was about to impart to them; and to that
effect was inveſted with full power to receive them into the
Church, as they, by repealing the Acts paffed against himſelf,
had opened his Country to him. That to reap fo great a bleſ-
fing, it only remained that they ſhould repeal whatever they had
enacted againſt the Holy See, and thoſe laws by which they had
cut themſelves off from the body of the Faithful."
THE difcourfe, which was long, was heard very favourably,
and with great filence and attention; feveral, who were prefent,
lifting up their eyes and hands, and fignifying how deeply they
were affected with it. When the LEGATE had ended, the
Part II.
M
Chancellor
82
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
;
pro-
Chancellor thanked him in the name of their Majefties and
the Parliament for the good offices he had done the Nation
and faid, the Houſes would deliberate on what he had
pofed and the LEGATE being withdrawn into an adjoining
chamber, the Chancellor began a fecond fpeech from theſe
words of Mofes, The Lord ſhall raise up a Prophet to thee
from amongst thine own Brethren; and having repeated and
confirmed the chief points on which the LEGATE had ſpoke,
he acknowledged himſelf of the number of the Delinquents; he
fet before them the greatneſs of the offered bleffing; he ex-
horted them to rife from their fallen ftate, and diſpoſe them-
felves to a reconciliation with the common Parent of All who
are entitled to the Promiſes of the Goſpel: and thus the
buſineſs of the day concluded.
ON the morrow the Parliament met again, and a return to
the communion of the Catholic Church being propofed, it
was agreed to with a general approbation. The following day,
which was the feſtival of St. Andrew, the Apoſtle, both Hou-
fes being affembled, the King fent the High Chamberlain, the
Earl of Arundel, attended by fix Knights of the Garter and
the ſame number of Prelates, to accompany the LEGATE to the
Houſe of Lords. He came attired in his robes, and with all
the types of his Legantine Jurifdiction, and was received by
their Majeſties with every Demonſtration of reſpect; and the
King being at the Queen's left hand, and the LEGATE at her
right, though at a fomewhat greater diftance than the King,
they were all three placed on feats raiſed on rich tapeſtry and
under a very coftly canopy. The Commons being ordered to
attend, the Chancellor briefly recapitulated what had been faid
and agreed on the day before, and asked them if they then
ratified it, and defired to return to the unity of the Church and
the obedience which was due to her chief Paftor? This propofal
being affented to by the acclamation of the whole Affembly, he
preſented
The
OF
83
REGINALD POLE.
A
preſented to their Majefties a Petition on behalf of the Members
of both Houſes, as Repreſentatives of the whole Nation, fetting
forth their forrow for the former fchifm, and for whatever
they had enacted againſt the See of Rome, and the Catholic
Religion; all which they now annulled, and befeeched them,
whom God had preſerved from any fhare in the guilt, to obtain
of the Lord LEGATE to pardon and reſtore them again, as
true and living Members, to that Body, from which they had
ſeparated themſelves by their misdeeds.
THE King and Queen having read the Petition, returned
it to the Chancellor, who read it audibly, fo as to be heard
by All. The whole Aſſembly then rofe and went towards the
LEGATE, who was got up to meet them; and the Queen, in
her own and the King's name, petitioned him to grant the
pardon and reconciliation fued for. On this, the LEGATE,
when they had taken again their feats, caufed whatever related
to the powers, with which he was invefted, to be read, and
then fet forth, in a pathetic difcourfe, the thanks which were
due to the divine goodness, for granting them the prefent op-
portunity of cancelling their paft offences: "Providence, he
faid, ſeemed to look on this Ifland with a particular compla-
cency, having, firft, called us, at a very early period, from
Paganiſm to the worship of the true God; and, now, when
we had ſeparated our felves from his fheepfold, had been pleaſed
to give us a fenfe and forrow of our tranfgreffions, preferably
to any other people who had been engaged in the fame unhap-
pineſs. If their repentance, he added, was answerable to the
importance of the occafion, and the heinoufnefs of the fault,
what joy must it caufe to the Angels of Heaven to be ſpecta-
tors of the converfion of fo populous a Kingdom, they who re-
joice at the return to duty of a fingle Sinner ?"
He then rofe from his feat, and every one being on their
knees, except the King and Queen who were ſtanding, he
M 2
pro-
nounced
84
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
nounced the general Abſolution with a clear and diftinct voice,
and had ſcarcely repeated the names of the three Divine Per-
fons, with which it ends, but they cried out, Amen, Amen.
During the Abfolution, the Queen and many others fhed tears
of joy and piety; and it being now over, they All rofe up, and
embraced one another, often repeating, to day we are born
again. They then went to the Royal Chapel and returned
thanks to Almighty God by the Hymn which is fung on all
folemn occafions; and this great work having been completed
on St. Andrew's day, the LEGATE afterwards procured a Canon
to be made, in the Convocation of the Biſhops and Clergy,
appointing this feſtival to be kept henceforward with peculiar
folemnity. *
I CANNOT pafs over this memorable event without taking
a review of fome of thofe caufes which feem to have prepared
fo ſpeedy and univerſal a Revolution; one of the chief of which
appears to have been the ſhort diſtance of time, which was not
much more than twenty years, fince England had renounced the
Religion, to which the now returned, and which had been the
national worſhip for above nine Centuries. The Reader has
ſeen, in the former part of this Work, the motives which in-
duced Henry VIII. to begin this change, and by what methods
he enforced it on his Subjects; and the fluctuating ſtate both of
principle and practice during all Edward's reign. To the facts
which have been already advanced I ſhall only add the authority
of two Witneſſes, who, in this cafe, are above all exception;
one of whom affigns very natural reaſons for the little fatisfaction
which fenfible and well difpofed minds could find in fuch no-
velties; and the other fets forth, in a very impartial light, fome
Arguments, which, as he expreffes himſelf, may prevail on men
of much reafon and more piety, to entertain a favorable opinion
* 11 retorno del Regno d'Inghilterra, &c. R. Poli Epift. pars 5ª p. 303 et
feq. Vita Poli, fol. 26 et feq.
of
OF REGINALD POLE.
85
of the Religion, which the Nation now embraced. The firft
acknowledges," that the licentious and diffolute life of many
of the Profeffors of the Gospel, and which was but too vifible
in fome of the more eminent among them; the open blemiſhes
of fome of the Clergy, who promoted the Reformation, contri-
buted to alienate the People, to raiſe a general averfion, and to
make the Nation entertain as advantageous a notion of the Reli-
gion they had quitted, as their prejudices had been ſtrong againſt
it: and to look on all the innovations that had been made as ſo
many inlets into all manner of vice and wickedneſs.” *
20
"THE members of the Roman Catholic communion, fays
the other Author, whofe authority I have pleaded, may ſay,
that their Religion was that of their Forefathers, and had
the actual poffeffion of mens minds before the oppofite opi-
nions had even a name; and having continued in it through
fuch a length of time, it would be objected to them with an
ill grace, that this was the effect of invention or deſign; be-
cauſe it was not likely that all ages fhould have the fame
purpoſes, or that the fame doctrine ſhould ſerve the different
ends of feveral ages.-This prefcription, moreover, refts on
theſe grounds; that truth is more ancient than falfehood;
and that God would not, for fo many ages, have forfaken
his Church and left her in error.-To this antiquity of doctrine
is annexed an uninterrupted fucceffion of their Biſhops from
the Apoſtles, and particularly of their fupreme Biſhop from
St. Peter, whoſe perſonal prerogatives were fo great; and the
advantageous manner in which many eminent Prelates of other
Sees, have expreffed themſelves with regard to the Church of
Rome. This prerogative includes the advantages of Monarchy
and the conftant benefits which are derived from that form
of Government.-Nor does the multitude and variety of
* Bp Burnet, hift. of Reformat. vol. 3. p. 217.
People,
86
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
>
14
People, who are of that perfuafion; their apparent confent
with elder ages and their agreement with one another form
a leſs prefumption in their favour.-The fame conclufion, he
ſays, muſt be inferred from the differences which have riſen
amongſt their Adverſaries, and from the caſualties which have
happened to many of them: from the oblique and finifter
proceedings of fome who have left their communion; from
the appellation of Heretick and Schifmatic which they fix on
All who diffent from them.-To thefe negative arguments he
adds thoſe of a more pofitive kind; the beauty and ſplendor
of the Church of Rome, her folemn ſervice, the ſtatelineſs and
magnificence of her Hierarchy, and the name of Catholic,
which the claims as her own due, and to concern no other
Sect of Chriſtianity.-It has been their happineſs to be inftru-
mental to the converfion of many nations. -The World is
witness to the piety and aufterity of their Religious Orders;
to the fingle life of their Prieſts and Biſhops; the feverity of
their fafts and obfervances: to the great reputation of many
of their Biſhops for faith and fanctity, and the known holi-
neſs of ſome of thoſe perfons, whoſe Inſtitutes the Religious
Orders follow."*
As the breach of the Nation with the Catholic Church was be-
gun and carried on in the two latter reigns by renouncing the
fupremacy of the See of Rome; the acknowledgment of this Arti-
cle feems to have been the characteriſtic which diftinguiſhed the
return to the ancient Faith, in this. And though I am aware
with what difficulty the proofs of the expediency, and, much
more, of the néceffity of fuch a means will be admitted, yet a
knowing and judicious Reader might take juſt offence, ſhould I
queſtion his deference for that 'which follows, or to the authority
which enforcés it. "It is well known, fays the learned Grotius,
Dr. Jeremy Taylor, on the liberty of Prophecying.
ſpeaking
OF REGINALD POLE.
$7
ſpeaking of himſelf, that I have always wished to fee Chriftians re-
united in the fame Body; and I once thought this conjunction might
be begun by an union of Proteftants among themſelves. I have
fince perceived that this is impoffible, not only becauſe the Calvin-
iſts are averſe to all fuch agreements; but becauſe Proteſtants are
not aſſociated under any one form of Government, and therefore
cannot be united in one Body, but muſt neceſſarily be feparated
into other new fects and divifions. I, therefore, and many others
with me, plainly fee that this concord of Proteftants can never be
effected, unless they are united to the Roman See, without which
no common Church government can take place: for which rea-
ſon I wiſh that the feparation, which has been made, and the
caufes of it, may ceafe. Now, amongſt theſe, the canonical Pri-
macy of the Bishop of Rome cannot, as Melancthon himself con-
feffes, be placed; for he judges that very Primacy neceffary in
order to maintain and preferve unity."
"'*
THE day after the reconciliation, the Lord Mayor and Alder-
men waited on the LEGATE, and defired him to honour the city
with his prefence, in that character; and the firſt Sunday of Ad-
vent falling two days after, he went from Lambeth by water and
landed at St. Paul's wharf, and being now entered the City, was
met by all Orders of it; and from thence proceeded, in great
ſtate, to the Cathedral, the Crofs, the Pillars and filver Pole-axes
being bore before him. High Mafs was celebrated, at which the
King and Queen and the Court were prefent. The Bishop of
Wincheſter preached on theſe words of St. Paul, which are read in
* Grotius' laft reply to Rivet, wrote a
fhort time before his death.
If the Reader would fee the judgment
of other Proteftant Divines of our own
country, on this point, he may confult
Dr. Field's preface to his Book on the
Church. Dr. Hammond, in his treatiſe
on herefy, § 13. N°. 2, 3. and his
Comment, on 1 Tim. 3. 15. Dr. Jack-
fon on the Creed, b. 2. ch. 4. page 165,
and Dr. Ferne; who all feem to extort
from their Readers the fame conceffion
on this Article of the Catholic Faith,
which St. Paul drew from Agrippa with
reſpect to the Chriſtian Religion in ge-
neral, Thou perfuadeſt me almoſt to be a
Chriſtian. A&ts, Ch. xxvi. V. 28.
the
{
88
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
the leffon of that day, Brethren it is now time for us to awake from
Rom. xiii. fleep." He compared the ſtate they had been in, during the two
laſt reigns, to that of men labouring under the illufion of a dream,
when reaſon is fufpended and appetite takes its full range; in
which circumſtances, the indigent imagine they are wealthy, the
wretched have an apprehenfion of pleaſure, and the infamous of
honour: but when the trance is over, as the Royal Prophet with
great elegance repreſents their caſe, they find the whole to have
been deception. He enumerated the errors they had fallen into,
the public and private calamities, to which they had been ſubject,
and the enormities they had committed. He infiſted particularly
on the injuſtice and cruelty which the LEGATE had fuffered in
his perfon, in the death of his neareſt relations, and the confifca-
tion of his fortunes. He informed them of what had paſſed, a
a few days ago, in Parliament, and exhorted them to approve of
it. He fancied he faw a great congruity in feveral incidents
which marked out the particular time, in which they were
awakened to a fenfe of their duty; the leaft equivocal of which
is, that it was brought about by means of the LEGATE. He
confeffed the fhare himſelf had in the national guilt, and re-
quefted of his Hearers, that as they had been influenced by
him, when he went aftray, they would now follow him in his
return to duty."*
THE cenfures incurred by the Clergy, in the late diſorders,
were of a peculiar kind from thoſe of the rest of the Realm;
wherefore, on the Thurſday following, the Biſhops and others
of that body met in Convocation, and, being on their knees,
received pardon of all irregularities they had been liable to during
theſe innovations.
IN this manner the fubftance of this great Revolution,
with regard to all Orders of the Kingdom, was compleated:
* Excerpta per Archid. Cantuar, ex concione Epif. Vinto. R. Poli, Epift. pars
5ª. pag. 293.
but
OF REGINALD POLE.
89
but though the Church poffeffions had been made over and
fecured by the Papal Authority, in very plain and ample terms,
to the Lay Owners, as has been feen in the Decrees already
cited on that head; and there could be no grounds to fufpect See pag.
56, et jeq.
the validity of the conveyance; yet the object was too great not
to engage all the caution of the intereſted parties. Accordingly,
in a Seffion of Parliament, which was held foon after, this whole
affair was recapitulated with an accuracy, of which we have few
examples; and fo large a ſhare of the lands of England was ad-
judged to thoſe, whoſe title, as to right, was very doubtful, and
not only at their requeſt, who were deprived of them, but with
a difintereſtedneſs which will ever do honour to their memory.
The Reader may fee the detail in our Statutes, where it is re-
corded in each particular; * but the ſubject of this hiſtory re-
quires that I ſhould here give the chief heads of it.
THE Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons begin
the Act " by acknowledging that many falſe and erroneous doc-
trines had been introduced fince the twentieth year of her Ma-
jeſty's Father's reign, as well by the natural Subjects of the
Realm as by Foreigners, which had cauſed both the Clergy and
Laity to ſwerve from the obedience of the Apoftolic See, and
leave the unity of Chrift's Church: and that this defection had
continued till her Majefty, being raiſed by God and placed on the
throne of her Anceſtors, the Pope had fent hither the moſt Re-
verend Father in God, CARDINAL POLE, his LEGATE, to recall
the Nation to that right way, from which they had ſo long
ftrayed. That, during this interval, they had been afflicted with
many grievous calamities; but being, at length, through God's
goodneſs, become fenfible of their paſt errors, they had acknow-
ledged them to the faid LEGATE, and been received by him into
the unity and bofom of Chrift's Church. They had experienced
PART II.
* Anno 1º et 2° Phil, et Mar. c. 8.
N
this
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
this indulgence, they fay, by virtue of their Majefties fuing in
their behalf; and upon their own humble fubmiffion and promiſe
to repeal fuch Statutes as had been made againſt the See of Rome,
fince the above-mentioned year." Here they inſert the ſeveral
Acts and Claufes made against the Pope's Supremacy, and fome
Articles relating to Difcipline; which are repealed and annulled.
THEY then go on to declare, "that being thus admitted into
the unity of the Catholic Church, the obedience of the holy See,
and the Pope governing the fame, they were likewife defirous
that all occafions of ftrife, fufpicion, and trouble fhould be re-
moved. The Bishopricks, therefore, and other religious Foun-
dations, which they enumerate, and had been erected fince the
Schiſm, according to the laws of the Realm, were, in this view,
confirmed, marriages contracted within the degrees forbidden by
the Canons were ratified, and the offspring declared legitimate;
and judicial Proceffes made before the Ordinaries, or, on appeal,
before Delegates, were declared to ftand good in law.
THE property of Church lands and revenues is the next Ar-
ticle, on which the Lords and Commons enter; and they fet
forth, "that to avoid any further fcruple which might ariſe on
account of fuch poffeffions, or of the fuppreffion of Monafteries,
and other Religious Foundations, which were come into the
hands of divers perfons, either by gift, purchace, or exchange;
it had pleaſed their Majefties to intercede with the LEGATE in
favour of the actual Poffeffors; and that the fame moſt Reverend
Father in God had declared, that all perfons, to whom a fufficient
conveyance, according to the common laws of the land, had been
made of the faid lands and poffeffions, might, without any ſcruple
of conſcience, enjoy them; and that they ſhould ſuffer no moleſta-
tion on pretence of decrees of General Councils, or of the Canon
Law; and be clear from any danger of the Church's cenfures.
HERE, they infert the petition prefented to the King and
Queen, on this fubject, by the Biſhops and Clergy of the Pro-
vince
OF REGINALD POLE.
91
vince of Canterbury, which is to the following purpoſe:
<<< that,
although in virtue of their character, and the reſpective Offices
they filled, they were the natural Guardians of the Rights and
Poffeffions of the Church, and therefore it might feem incum-
bent on them to endeavour to recover whatever had been loft or
ſcattered in the late Schifm; yet, after a mature deliberation on
the whole affair, they ingenuoufly confefs how difficult, and even
impracticable fuch a recovery would be on account of the many
intricacies in which theſe dealings have been involved; and ſhould
fuch an attempt be made, the peace and tranquillity of the King-
dom would be diſturbed ; and that unity with the Catholic Church
which the piety and authority of their Majeſties had now eſtabliſh-
ed, could hardly be advanced fo as to gain its defired end. Where-
fore, as they preferred the public quiet to all private confiderations;
and the falvation of fouls, ranfomed by the blood of Chrift, to all
earthly goods; and did not ſeek their own profit but the glory of
their Redeemer, they gave their affent to whatever ſhould be en-
acted in this affair, and befought the Lord LEGATE not to be
reſerved or difficult in fuch difpenfations."-At the fame time, not
to be wanting to what they owed to their reſpective ſtations, "they
humbly entreat their Majeſties, that they would cauſe that liberty
and jurifdiction, without which they could not exerciſe their feve-
ral functions, to be restored to them; and to provide for the ne-
ceffities of the Churches of their Kingdom, particularly of the
Parochial and others to which the care of Souls is annexed."
At this place, both Houfes turn again their difcourſe to the
King and Queen, to whom they addrefs themſelves through this
long and accurate Statute, and rehearſe, at full length, the De-
cree, by which the LEGATE had granted thefe Difpenfations,
and wherein is confirmed whatever had hitherto been declared by
the Act.-The LEGATE particularly declares, that the Poffeffors
neither of the moveable nor immoveable goods of the Church ſhould
ever be liable to any cenfure or Ecclefiaftical puniſhment for
detaining
N 2
92
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
detaining and not reftoring them: that, by this decree all power
was taken away of ever giving a different judgment in theſe af-
fairs; and if any thing of this kind fhould be attempted, it was,
by the preſent Act, declared to be of no effect."- Notwithſtand-
ing this fentence, which was penned with the fame latitude of
indulgence as if it had been dictated by the intereſted parties, the
LEGATE had obferved; " that, whereas the divifion of Bi-
fhopricks, and the foundation of Cathedral Churches were of
the number of thoſe greater Cauſes, which are reſerved to the
Pope, recourſe was to be had to him, and a petition preſented,
that he would be pleaſed to confirm or renew the difpofitions al-
ready made on theſe heads.”
r
He had, moreover, declared, " that though the difpenfation
extended indiſcriminately to the actual Poffeffors of all moveable
Church goods, yet he had admoniſhed them to place before their
eyes the ſeverity of God's judgments on Belshazzar King of Ba-
bylon, for appropriating the facred Veffels to a profane uſe, tho'
not He, but his Father had taken them out of the Temple of
Jerufalem; and that this example ſhould prevail on them to re-
ftore all fuch Veffels to the Churches, to which they had for-
merly belonged, or to others.-He had, likewiſe, exhorted all
thoſe, whom it might concern, and entreated them through the
bowels of mercy of our Lord and Saviour JESUS CHRIST, that,
from a regard to their own eternal lot, they would provide out
of the Church lands, fuch eſpecially as had been ſet aſide for the
maintenance of the Parochial Clergy, a competent fubfiftence for
thoſe who exerciſed that charge, which might enable them to live
creditably, according to their ſtate, and perform their functions,
and ſupport the burden of their calling."
HAVING related this Decree at full length and in Latin, their
Lordſhips and the Commons return their moſt dutiful thanks to
their Majefties, by whofe means it was obtained; and then go
on to enact, that all theſe Diſpenſations ſhall be received into the
Body
OF
REGINALD POLE.
Body of the English Laws, to be alledged and pleaded either by
the Plaintif or Defendant, in all Courts, Ecclefiaftical and Tem-
poral and whoever, by any procefs obtained out of
any Eccle-
fiaftical Court, whether within or without the Realm, fhould
moleſt any one on account of Abbey or other Church lands, is
declared to incur the forfeitures contained in the A& Præmunire.
But they make a proviſion, that it ſhall be lawful to ſue, at any
competent Court, within the Realm, for tythes, rights and duties
that were to be raiſed on the faid poffeffions, in as ample a man-
ner as before this Statute was made.
any
"THEY further declare, that though the title of Supreme
Head of the Church of England never was, nor could be lawfully
attributed to any Sovereign Governor of this Realm, nor in
wife be lawfully claimed by them; yet that all Letters Patent and
other writings, which had been iffued out in that ſtyle, might
be kept and pleaded.-The Papal Difpenfations, alfo, and other
Decrees of the Court of Rome, which had been made void in
Henry's reign, were to have their former force; and, if it could
be made to appear, they had been cancelled, they might be plead-
ed in as available a manner as if they were entire."
Ar the diffolution of the Monafteries, feveral Parish Churches
and Chapels, which till then had been exempted from Epifcopal
Jurifdiction, and fubject to the Abbots of theſe Houſes, were now,
under colour of thefe exemptions, and by grants from the two
laft Kings, transferred to the government of Laymen.-" The
Parliament, therefore, declares that all fuch jurifdiction fhall here-
after be exerciſed by Spiritual perfons: for which provifion this
high Court of Judicature affigns the following reafon, that Lay
Patrons can no more enjoy a Supremacy over particular Churches,
than the King might over the whole Realm.-A Clauſe is added
in favour of the two Univerſities, and fome other privileged places;
and of ſuch temporal Lords and Poffeffors as by ancient cuſtom
had enjoyed the probat of their Tenants or others, Wills."
THE
93
94
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE laft Articles of this celebrated Statute are truly becoming
the religion and dignity of the British Legiſlature; for having ac-
knowledged, in a foregoing part of the Act, the Supremacy of
the See of Rome, and that no fuch claim could have been uſed
by the Sovereigns of this Realm; " they here affert the indepen-
dence and high prerogative of the Imperial Crown of England,
againſt whatever may feem to derogate from it; and, firſt, they
obferve, that after the union of this Noble Realm to the Body
of Chrift's Church, it is to be trufted, that, by the abundance of
God's grace and mercy, Devotion will encreaſe in the hearts of
many of the Britiſh Subjects, with a defire to beſtow their world-
ly poffeffions for the refufcitating of alms, prayer, and the exam-
ple of a good life in this Realm; and to the intent that fuch godly
motions and purpoſes ſhould be advanced.-They declare, there-
fore, that it fhall be lawful to give, or bequeath by Will, Ma-
nors, Lands, and other Kinds of poffeffions, to any Spiritual
Body politic or corporate within the Kingdom, notwithſtanding
the Mortmain Acts: but this claufe for giving liberty to amortize
lands and tenements, was only to continue in force during the
ſpace of twenty years."
HAVING, in this manner, made the neceffary provifion for
what concerned Religion and the revival of Piety, they conclude,
as has been faid, by declaring that nothing in the preſent Statute,
or in the Preambles to the feveral Articles of it, ſhall be conſtrued
to derogate from the pre-eminence of the Britiſh Crown, which
was to remain as in the twentieth year of her Majeſty's Father's
reign; and the Biſhop of Rome was reftored to the authority and
juriſdiction, which by reafon of his Supremacy, he might at that
time have exerciſed, without diminution or enlargement.-The
Biſhops, and other Ordinaries, are, likewiſe, reinftated in the Ju-
riſdiction they had, in the fame year, as to proceſs of fuits, pu-
niſhment of crimes, execution of the Church's cenfures, and know-
ledge of Caufes belonging to any of theſe heads.
THERE
OF REGINALD POLE.
95
THERE is a remarkable order and propriety in the divifion
of the Articles of this Statute, which leads the Reader from one
to another with no leſs diſtinction than if he was to be brought
acquainted with only a fingle one of them; and each is enounced
with an energy fuitable to the ſubject matter. The ancient
phraſe, in which they are penned, gives a gravity to the compo-
fition beyond all the graces which our prefent language can boaſt;
and our beſt Writers will admire, in what was wrote above 200
years ago, thoſe manly beauties which are ſo much ſuperior to
all the poliſh of modern art.
THESE tranfactions are fo honourable to the Church of Rome,
that no one will wonder the Adverfaries of that Communion, be-
cauſe they could not deny the facts, fhould either mifrepreſent
them, or, like the Poet, call off the Reader's attention from the
principal Action to incidents which fancy forms round it. It has
been objected, from Fra-Paulo, that when the Engliſh Ambaſſa-
dors came to Rome, ſome ſhort time after the Act I have cited,
was paffed, Paul IV. Succeffor to Marcellus, who only filled
the Pontifical Throne a few Days after Julius III. fignified to
them his diſpleaſure that the Church lands were not given back,
and infifted on the neceffity of a reftitution, as fuch difpenfations
were beyond the extent of his power.-But, to fay nothing of
this Author's want of good faith on fo many other occafions, the
account he here gives is fufficiently refuted by the Journal of
the Houſe of Commons, which informs us, "that after other
proceedings, a Bull of the Pope was read, which confirmed what
the Lord CARDINAL had done concerning the affurance of
Abbey lands:" * and this final Decree, by which theſe poffeffions
are excepted from all future revocation feems to have been granted
by Paul IV. at the requifition of CARDINAL POLE; for he lets
Philip know, he had wrote to have it ſent immediately; and ex-
* Journal of the Houfe of Commons, October 21, 1555.
pected
En. 1. 4.
v. 165.
96
OF THE LIFE
THE HISTORY
pected the return of the Meffenger, who was to bring it.*-
Dugdale is no lefs clear on this point, and produces a ſpecial de-
cree of the fame Pope, which confirms the lands held by Sir
William Petre: nor is there the leaft trace of what Fra-Paulo
afferts, either in the Journal of the Confiftories, which the Pope
held on this occafion; or in his letter to the King and Queen,
of which I ſhall ſpeak hereafter, and where every thing material
to the buſineſs is ſet forth at length.
BUT though the Pontiff never anulled any of thefe Grants,
yet his auftere temper, and the animofity he had formerly con-
ceived againſt the Engliſh CARDINAL, of which there will be
occafion to enter into a detail elſewhere, might have cauſed him
to tell the Ambaffadors, he had behaved with too great facility,
and given up too much, and without a ſuitable confideration.
A FURTHER Cavil has been frequently urged, alike deſtitute
of truth and candour; that there was no real deſign of making
over the Church lands to the Lay Owners, but that the whole
affair was a fraud which ſtill left room for reſumption. || But the
malignity of fuch abuſe can only reflect diſhonour on the Authors
* De Bullâ autem, quâ hujus Regni
bona Ecclefiaftica ab ejus Sanctitatis re-
vocatione nominatim excipiantur, ſcrip-
fimus, ut primo quoque tempore mitta-
tur. Nunc mei Nuncii reditus expectatur,
cui eam perferendam dare cogitabant.
16 Septemb. 1555. R. Poli, ep. p. 5·
pag. 42.
+ Monaf. vol. 3, fol. 207.
I See Reg. Pole's letters, part 5, pag.
132, and the following.
A letter from Sir William Coventry
to Dr. Burnet, printed with fome other
papers in 1685. This piece was an-
fwered with great judgment and folidity
by Nath. Johnston, M. D. a Gentleman
of the Church of England, in a treatiſe
intiled, the Affurance of Abbey and other
Church lands to the Poffeffors.-Dr. Burnet
abets likewiſe the above mentioned infi-
nuation, by a papal Decree concerning
Church lands in the Kingdom of Naples;
in which the affairs of England are no
more concerned, than the fettlement of
the Britiſh Crown in the Pragmatic
Saction. Appen. to the Hift. of the Ref.
pag. 367. But every thing was an offen-
five weapon in the Biſhop's hands, when
the Catholic caufe was to be annoyed,
and he might have taken for his Motto,
Dolus an Virtus quis in Hofte requirat?
of
OF REGINALD POLE.
97
of it; and has been fufficiently refuted through the whole feries.
of this narrative.-The plainefs, likewife, and fimplicity of Be-
catelli's account, who was the LEGATE's Secretary, is a no lefs
advantageous argument in its favour.-Having, firft, commended
his Lord's zeal in perfuading the Queen to give up the Church
lands which were inveſted in the Sovereign; and which, as by
the expreſs declaration of the Statute I have quoted, fhe was at
full liberty to do, during twenty years, he adds; "it was judged
adviſeable, with the Pope's confent, in order to avoid further dif
turbances, that no inquiry ſhould be made concerning ſuch pof-
feffions, which were promifcuously occupied over the Nation;
but to leave to each one's determination to act in this cafe as he
thought fit *."- This relation of the Hiftorian is greatly corro-
borated by the tenth Article of the Affembly of the Clergy, which
CARDINAL POLE convened the next year; whereby, though future
alienations were prohibited, the Grants already made by the autho-
rity of the holy See, are declared to be no longer fubject to refump-
tion-The fame is attefted by Camden and Heylin, both very
candid Hiſtorians, and the former a very knowing Antiquary‡.
THE Poffeffors, therefore, of Church lands have all the fecu-
rity which the nature of the cafe admits; and no private property
feems to be held by fo firm a tenure. The public good and tran-
quillity both of the Church and State was the inducement to this
conveyance, in which the authority of the See of Rome confirmed
* Ac, ne qua turba excitaretur, placuit,
confentiente Pontifice, nil de reliquis bo-
nis quæri, quæ paffim multi poffidebant;
fed liberum omnibus relinqui id agere
quod quifque vellet. Poli Vita, fol. 32,
à tergo.
+ Exceptis tamen femper iis, quæ cir-
ca bona Ecclefiaftica, antè ab Ecclefià
ablata, jam authoritate Apoftolicà con-
ftituta funt.
Conc. Mag. Brit. t. 4,
p. 125.
PART II.
O
The Revenues taken from the
Church by Henry and Edward, were
confirmed to the Queen and the prefent
Poffeffors. Cand. Introd. to the Annals
of Eliz. p. 8.
Pope Julius iffued out a decree with
fome reaſons which might feem to induce
him to confirm all fuch lands on the pre-
fent Occupants. Dr. Heylin, Pref. to
the Hift. of the Refor.
the
98
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
the petition of a National Clergy, which was the injured party;
and the unanimous confent of the whole Legiſlature of a great
People: all which was ratified by the LEGATE's full power and
actual difpenfation.-Could a tranfaction, which carries with it
every condition by which human compacts are rendered ftable,
ſtand in need of any weight which the Writer can give it; I
think it may be affirmed, that nothing less than the joint con-
currence of all the Parties, who affented to this agreement, can
either annul or invalidate it: and I have entered on this detail,
becauſe, from views which need not be indicated, no part of our
hiſtory, has been related with more want of good faith, and left
the Reader open to greater prejudices.
cr
THE Houſes did not break up on the memorable day, on
which the Nations reconciliation with the Catholic Church was
compleated, till four of the Clock; yet the LEGATE, the fame
evening, diſpatched an Expreſs to the Pope with the news of this
great Event. The congratulation is drawn from every topic which
fo copious a theme afforded; and " he particularly felicitates him-
felf, that notwithſtanding his fears left the long averfion which
the Nation had entertained to the holy See might cauſe him to
deſcend to ſome unbecoming conditions; he had experienced the
effect of his earnest entreaty to their Majefties, that no fuch dif-
agreeable incident might happen.-The whole affair, he fays,
had been tranſacted in the general Council of the Nation, and
in the preſence of the Sovereigns, with an univerfal fatisfaction;
and the diſcourſe, by which he delivered himſelf, and the bene-
diction, with which the general abfolution is clofed, was received
with the unanimous approbation of All preſent. This, fays he,
is a ſtrong indication, that the original principle of right belief,
in this People, though long ſuppreſſed, ſtill retains its primitive
vigour*." My joy, he adds, is equal to the importance of fo
* Non poteram non in aliquo timore
verfari ob eam difficultatem quam affere-
bat noftrorum hominum abalienata à Sede
Apoftolicâ Voluntas: fed multo magis
defirable
OF REGINALD POLE.
99
defirable an event, of fuch advantage to the holy Church, fo
honourable to the Princes who were inftrumental to it, and fo
falutary to a Country which first gave me birth, and now receives
me from baniſhment.
THE King, likewife, on the fame day, wrote to the Pope a
letter of great refpect, and informed him, " that the Kingdom,
by the unanimous confent of their Repreſentatives, had teſtified
an unfeigned repentance of their paſt miſdemeanors, and no leſs
fatisfaction for having yielded their obedience to the holy See,
and being abfolved, by the LEGATE, at the Queen's, and his,
the King's, interceffion.-The joy which theſe relations occafioned
at Rome, was fignified to the LEGATE by Cardinal Moron, who
takes notice particularly, that Philip's letter had even made an
impreffion on the French, who were there *.
BUT this Revolution was too intereſting to be communicated
only to the Court of Rome: and the French King having treated
the LEGATE, when he was at his Court, with a diftinguiſhed
good will, the latter judged it a decency he owed that Monarch
to inform him of the late Event. As the commiffion with which
the Pope had charged him to endeavour a reconciliation between
the Houſes of Auftria and Valois, ftill fubfifted, he made both
theſe Articles the ſubject of his Letter." I could do no leſs,
ſays he, than write to your Majefty, on the happy change which
England has lately feen, eſpecially as it was brought about by the
fame upright meaſures which I always judged moſt ſuitable to the
accompliſhment of a peace between your Majefty and the Em-
peror. This fentiment has induced me to congratulate your Ma-
verebar ne ingreffus in caufam aliquâ in-
terpofitâ minùs honeſtà pactione inqui-
naretur. Quod quidem ne accideret ve-
hementer egeram cum Regibus.-A&ta
eft res in Concilio totius Regni, præfen-
tibus Regibus, tantà omnium confentione
et plaufu, ut cum ego verba feciffem, ad
extremum benedictione abfolvendâ, ab
Univerfis certatim mirificà voluntatum
ac ftudiorum fignificatione acclamatum
fæpius fit. Ex quo planè perſpectum eft
in his populis fanctum illud femen, etli
diu oppreffum, non tamen extin&tum
fuifle. R. Poli Epift. pars 5ª, pag. 1.
02
* Ibid. pag. 92.
jefty
30th Nov.
1554.
100
THE HISTORY OF THE LIEF
30th Dec.
1554.
jefty on fuch an inftance of the divine mercy, as I well know,
from what you have been pleaſed to ſay to me on that ſubject,
how agreeable it will be to you: and to fignify how rejoiced I
ſhould be to contribute to the other reconciliation, with which I
am charged. He wrote to the fame purpoſe, to the Lord High
Conſtable of France, who held a diſtinguiſhed place in his Prince's
favour; and requeſts of him to uſe his prudence and authority to
cauſe the King to enter into the pacific difpofitions he had re-
commended to him.
THE French King, by a very obliging letter, affured the LE-
GATE of the ſhare he took in the news he had communicated to
him; and in the circumftance of his being chofe by Providence
to be the inftrument of fo great a Bleffing. Your zeal, my Lord,
fays he, your fincerity, and your ſkill in the management of af-
fairs, has chiefly contributed to ſo falutary a work; and the Title
I enjoy of moſt Chriſtian King, which ſhould remind me to place
what concerns the worſhip of the fupreme Being above all other
confiderations, has caufed me to praiſe Almighty God, and or-
dered my whole Kingdom to praiſe him, for the moſt welcome
intelligence I could ever have heard. As for yourſelf, my Lord,
my congratulations with you are perſonal; and I ſhall, hereafter,
love and eſteem you, in a higher degree than I have yet done,
for having brought this great affair to a happy iffue; and likewiſe,
for the inclination, which, from a regard to the public good, you
Dec. 1554. fhew for
ſhew for peace between the Emperor and myſelf*.
SUCH Letters, I know, are generally fuppofed to mean much
lefs than the words imply; but though they may not always in-
dicate the Writer's real fentiments, they are an acknowledgement
of thoſe difpofitions which he is conſcious would become him on
the like occafions.
Soon after, the Queen fent a folemn Embaffy to Rome, to ac-
* Ambaffades de Noailles, tom. 3, pag. 324, et feq.
knowledge
OF REGINALD POLE.
ΙΟΙ
knowledge the fupremacy in her own and the King's name, and
that of the whole Nation. The Biſhop of Ely was to perform
this on the part of the Clergy; Lord Montacute, the LEGATE'S
Nephew, on that of the Nobility; and Sir Edward Carne, who
remained the Queen's Ambaffador in ordinary, for the Commons.
They ſet out towards the end of February; and the French King,
notwithſtanding the Queen's partiality to the Emperor, had given
orders to have them received in all places of his dominions, thro'
which they paffed, with great honour, and have every conveni-
ence furniſhed them at his expence*." Some time before they
began their journey, the LEGATE had fent a very honourable
teſtimony of them to the Pope, and had entered on a particular
detail of the merits of each. He had, likewife, fignified to him,
"that as Ireland had been erected into a Kingdom during the
Schifm, and other public concerns which were tranſacted in that
interval, having been confirmed by the authority of the holy See,
their Majeſties were defirous that this alfo might receive the
fame ftability, before the arrival of their Ambaffadors at Rome.
On this account, they ordered him, whom they had appointed
Protector of their Realms at his Holineſs's Court, to afk this in
their names, as he then did. That as to the Protectorſhip, fince
his abfence did not allow him to perform the duties which it
brought with it, he had already requeſted Cardinal Moron to take
on himſelf what concerned England; and he now made the fame
petition to Cardinal Carpo in favour of Ireland; that as he had
formerly exerted his good offices towards that Ifland, he would
ftill continue them in his, the LEGATE's ftead.-He moreover,
entreats the Pope to remit to the new Biſhops the ufual fees for
their Patents, on account of the dilapidation to which all their
Sees had been expofed through the calamities of the late years;
and he fhews how deferving they were of this indulgence: But
* Ambaſſades de Noailles, tom. 4. pag. 189.
he
102
THE LIFE
THE HISTORY OF
Pates.
Dr. Rich. he adds, that the Bishop of Worcester, who many years during
the two laft reigns had fubfifted on the liberality of the Court of
of Rome, had, from a fenſe of his obligations, defired this fa-
London, 10 vour might not be extended to him." +
Marcb,
1555.
THIS letter was fcarcely fent when advice came of the death
23d Mar. of the Pope Julius III. and of Marcellus Cervini having been
9th April. chofen to fucceed him. His eminent virtue had connected him
very intimately, when he was a private Cardinal, with our
Countryman, as appears from the many letters which paffed
between them, which are ftill extant, and the tears which he
fhed at the news of his death. On the firft information of this
election he immediately fignified to the Pontiff the joy he had re-
ceived from it, and the expectation it had raiſed in the whole
Chriſtian world of feeing the church reformed no lefs by his
example than his ordinances.-He lets him know, at the fame
time, that he had been choſen to negotiate a peace between the
Emperor and the French King, at a congrefs where the refpec-
tive Ambaffadors of thefe Princes were to give him a meeting:
and being to execute this commiffion on the part of the holy
See, he defires the Pope's orders with refpect to the conduct he
Richmond, was to obferve in the whole affair. t
ift May.
* This Prelate was born in, Oxford-
fhire, and having received the firſt part
of his education at Corpus Chrifti Col-
lege, finiſhed it at the Univerſity of
Paris. On his return home he was ad-
vanced to ſeveral Church preferments,
and employed in a public Character at
the Emperor's Court. In 1539 he was
confecrated Biſhop of Worcester and fent
again to the fame Court, but refuſing
to come back to England, on a diſlike
to Henry VIIIth proceedings, in 1547
he was deprived of his Spiritualities and
attainted of high treaſon.-He remained
in baniſhment during Edward's reign,
and fat in the Council of Trent. Queen
Mary recalled him to his Country in
Thefe expectations va-
1544 and reſtored him to the See of Wor-
cefter. On the fucceeding revolution, un-
der Elizabeth, he was, a fecond time, de-
prived of his Biſhoprick, for refufing the
oath of Supremacy; and, going abroad,
affiſted at the cloſe of the Council of
Trent, and therefore must have been alive.
in 1563.-Bishop Pates was learned and
of a peaceable difpofition; and, though
zealous for the faith of his Anceſtors, was
averfe to all violent proceedings on ac-
count of Religion. Godw. de Præ. Ang.
Fox, year 1559. Hump. in vitâ Juelli,
1573, pag. 179. Ath. Oxon. p. 694.
+ R. Poli, Epift. pars 5ª. pag. 4•
Ibid, pag. 7.
niſhed
OF REGINALD POLE.
103
niſhed by the fudden death of Marcellus, which happened on the
twentieth Day after his election, and whilst the Engliſh Ambaf-
fadors were on their road to Rome, and his Succeffor was choſen
a few Days after.
In the mean time, the incident of the death of two Popes gave
the Courts of England and France an opportunity of ſhewing what
their concurrent fentiments were of CARDINAL POLE; and tho'
the ſhortness of time which intervened between each election did
not allow them to procure the fupreme poft of honour to his
merit, they had not failed to fignify their own fenfe of it.—The
Queen's orders, on this occafion, to Gardiner, Biſhop of Win-
chester and high Chancellor, to the Earl of Arundel and the Lord
Paget, who were then at Calais, on a project of peace, between
France and the Emperor, are to the following purpoſe." She
begins by telling them, that, in order to redreſs the various evils
which afflicted the whole ſtate of Christendom, much would de-
pend on raiſing a fit perfon to the Papacy; and ſhe was aware of
the great inconveniences which muft befall the common cauſe,
if worldly confiderations alone were confulted: fhe would, there-
fore, for the diſcharge of what the owed both to God and the
World, ufe her beft endeavours that a perfon might be chofen,
without further delay, who was qualified to fill up the meaſure
of this character; and fhe knew no one fo likely to do it as her
deareſt Kinſman, the Lord CARDINAL POLE.-That, as he had,
many years been univerſally acknowledged deferving of that high
ſtation, on account of his great learning, his experience, and the
integrity of his life, fhe wills them to take a favourable oppor-
tunity of treating, in her name, with the Cardinal of Lorrain,
the Lord Conftable, and the other French Commiffioners, that
this election may be promoted by the French King, and the Car-
dinals who were in his intereft; and, if it took place, ſhe makes
no doubt but his Majefty and every one elſe would have cauſe to
rejoice and give thanks to God.-She affures Henry, that had ſhe
}
known
23d May.
104
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
t
Hampton-
Court,
10th May,
1555.
known any one more worthy of that eminent ſtation, no perfonal
attachment ſhould have prevailed on her to give her Kinſman the
preference; the calls on the fearcher of hearts to witnefs the
truth of this declaration. They might, alfo, certify him, on her
word and honour, that ſhe made this overture to him without
the confent or knowledge of the CARDINAL; and that
any other
mention of his wiſdom, fincerity, and other excellent qualities,
was needleſs, as theſe were known to her good Brother the French
King, and to the rest of Europe *.
THE letter here cited, enters on a much larger detail of what
I have only fet down the ſubſtance: but the French King wanted
no inducement befides his own inclination and eſteem, to advance
CARDINAL POLE to the Popedom. As foon, therefore, as he
had advice of it being vacated, he ordered the High Conftable of
France to write to Lord of Noailles, his Ambaffador at the Eng-
liſh Court," that, from an uncommon opinion of his goodnefs,
and the fingular affection he bore him, he was defirous of ſeeing
him in a Poft equal to his merit, and had omitted nothing, at
this juncture, to advance him to the Papacy; and if he, the LE-
GATE, knew any good office, which might contribute to it, the
King defired to be informed, as he had nothing more at heart
Chantilly, than that this opportunity might not eſcape them."— This let-
ter was accompanied with another to the LEGATE, which was
to be delivered by the Ambaſſador; and he informs the High
Conftable, that He read it with great attention, and teftified
his obligations to the King for his gracious purpofes in his re-
gard; and truly, fays the Ambaffador, his good qualities are fo
eftimable, and his whole character fo much above all blame,
that I do not think there is any one living, who can have any
15th May. objection to it."-The fuddenneſs of the election, as has been
+ Ambaffades de Noailles, tom. 4,
pag. 301.
10th May.
* An Original in the Cotton Lib. Titus
b. 2. produced at length by Bp. Burnet,
Hift. of the Refor. part 2, p. 282, of the
Col. of Records, Nº. 18.
Ibid. p. 305.
faid,
OF REGINALD POLE.
105
faid, first of Marcellus, after Julius; and then of Paul, after
Marcellus, ſtopped any further proceedings in this affair, and we
only learn from it, that two rival Courts, who had oppofite views
in all other concerns, feemed to vie with each other, and to have
but one common intereſt when the commendation of CARDINAL
POLE was the theme, or his advancement the prize.
WHILST theſe meaſures were concerting at the Courts of Eng-
land and France, the Ambaffadors of the former arrived at Rome,
and made their entry into the Capital of the Chriftian world
the day on which Paul IV. was crowned; which was a circum- 5th June.
ftance he looked on as honourable, and which carried with it a
preſage in favour of his election. They entered Rome with a nu-
merous and ſplendid retinue, and fuited to the folemnity of the
occafion, on which they came; and, five days after, in the firſt
Confiftory which was held after the Pope's coronation, he ad-
mitted them to his prefence. They proftrated themſelves at his
feet, and, in that poſture, acknowledged the errors of the Schifm,
and the other mifdeeds of the Nation, which they enumerated
in fome detail.-They confeffed, in particular, the ill return they
had made for the many inftances of love and regard, by which
the holy See had diftinguiſhed them; and humbly craved pardon
for all. After which the Pope raiſed them from the ground,
embraced them, and, in their perfons, received the whole na-
tion into his favour*-So great was his fatisfaction at an Embafly
of fuch importance, that He wrote to the King and Queen an
account of the audience he had given to their Ambaffadors; out
of which, as it is greatly recommended by the dignity of the
Relator, I ſhall give the Reader the following extracts.
" HE informs their Majefties, that Lord Montague, the Biſhop
of Ely, and Sir Edward Carne, being arrived at Rome on the 5th
of June, had audience of him in the Princes' Hall, five days after;
* Ex Actis Confiftorialibus, part of which are cited R. Poli Epift. pars 5ª, p. 132.
PART II.
P
at
106
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
at which the Cardinals, the foreign Ambaffadors, a great num-
ber of Biſhops and Prelates, all His own Court, and the whole
body of the Roman Nobility were prefent.-That, they had made,
in the Nation's name, a proper fubmiffion for paſt errors and
failings, and had been received into his fatherly bofom and em-
brace. That he had ratified whatever the English LEGATE had
done; and, as far as might any ways be neceffary, had enacted
it anew. That, when the whole was over, the Biſhop of Ely
had pronounced fo pathetic and pertinent a difcourfe, as to move
the Hearers to tears. As to what concerns the LEGATE, fays
the holy Father, there is nothing which either their Majeſties or
himſelf could do for his honour and emolument, but what was
inferior to his probity and other virtues, and to what he de-
ſerved of him, the Pope, of the holy See, of their Majefties, and
30th June, the whole Realm*"
THE Ambaffadors delivered, likewife, a letter from the
LEGATE to the Pope, in which, after the uſual compliments,
"he mentions with great complacence the hopes he enter-
tained of feeing a Reformation, which was fo much defired
and fo much wanted, effected by a Pontiff, whofe former
life had been remarkable for regularity, and thofe virtues, the
practice of which he was to revive in others.-The undertaking,
he owned, was attended with great difficulties, yet was of fuch
a nature, that whoever engaged in it ferioufly, would meet with
great comfort; and that the whole Chriſtian world would rejoice
in proportion as they perceived his Holineſs took this work to
heart; and if Chriftians in general, and the perfons of his, the
LEGATE's profeffion, more than others, were bound, to aid him
in this laudable attempt, he thought it needlefs. to produce
Vouchers for the promptitude of his own obedience in this. par-
ticular. He fhould therefore wait the orders his Holineſs ſhould
* Ex Actis Confiftorialibus, pag. 136.
be
OF REGINALD POLË.
107
be pleaſed to give him, as foon as he was informed in what fitu-
ation the affairs were, with which the two late Popes Julius and
Marcellus had entruſted him*."
THE Pope, at the fame time, and at the requeſt of their Bri-
tannic Majefties, erected Ireland into a Kingdom; and as the
petition, in confequence of which this conceffion was made,
may now ſeem very extraordinary to an Engliſh Reader, he may
not be diſpleaſed with a brief narrative of the reafons of it.-
The petty Princes of that Ifland having been affifted, in the 12th
century, by Henry II. against the invafions of the Danes and
Swedes; they, in their turn, acknowledged Him for their So-
vereign, and paid him tribute. The King defired Adrian IV.
to ratify this ceffion, and confirm his claim to the Country;
which that Pope granted, on condition he would endeavour to
eſtabliſh Chriſtianity in its purity, and pay a certain annual ac-
knowledgement to the holy See: and the fucceeding Kings of
England, for near 400 years, confidered Ireland as part of their
domain, though it ftill continued to pay obedience to particular
Governors, who were native Irish.- Henry VIII. in 1541, took
the title of King of Ireland, which, in the following year, was
confirmed to him by Parliament: but as this was done during
the Nation's feparation from the Church of Rome, Philip and
Mary were defirous that, when the Schifm was ended, it might
be ratified by the Pope +.
THE LEGATE had accompliſhed a Work which required a
zeal and abilities as enlightened and extenſive as his and now a
foreign great exigence called him forth, in which, if he had not
the fucceſs he met with in his own Country, his integrity and
talents for negotiation appeared to no lefs advantage, and were
acknowledged with equal applauſe.-A long and deftructive war
* R. Poli Epift. pars 52. pag. 1I.
+ The Bull of this conceffion bears
date, 7th of June, 1555. Ex Actis
Confiftorialibus, Epiſt. R. Poli, pars 5ª,
pag. 136.
P 2
had
108
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
had depopulated the Empire and France, and CARDINAL POLÉ,
as we have ſeen, had been employed at both theſe Courts, to
negotiate a reconciliation, and had addreffed a fine diſcourſe, of
which the Reader has ſeen the contents, to the intereſted Princes.
Theſe endeavours, though they had caufed the French to admire
his parts and uprightneſs,. had no other effect on the Emperor
than to give him a pretext of taxing the LEGATE with partiality;
and the treaty was dropped. But the happy termination of his
late tranſactions in England, had given him fuch a figure in Eu-
rope, as made it difficult to determine which of thoſe qualities
which conſtitute a great and good man appeared with more fupe-
riority; and there was no undertaking to which he was not
judged equal. Though the war between Charles V. and Henry
of France ftill continued, they both feemed willing that a treaty
of
peace might again be attempted, and the French Ambaffador
had fignified to the Count of Montmorency, that it would be very
defirable that he ſhould be appointed to prefide, on the part of
the moſt Chriſtian King; and the Duke of Alba, on that of the Em-
peror, at the Congreſs which was to be held for that purpoſe*
THE LEGATE, likewife, who, as the Ambaffador expreffes
himſelf, had undertaken this affair, had wrote to the French
King, to the Cardinal of Lorrain, and to the Count of Montmo-
rency, in order to give an opening to the negotiation; and, that
none of the formalities might be wanting, he had let them know,
he was appointed by the Pope to affift at it. Soon after, the
Prothonotary Noailles, Brother to the Ambaſſador, came over to
compliment the Queen on the happy change of the Realm, and
brought with him letters to the LEGATE, from the French King
and his Miniſters, in anſwer to the overtures he made of peace;
and the conferences were accordingly renewed. The Chancellor
Gardiner, who was the next perſon to the LEGATE both in
*Negociations de Noailles, tom. 4, pag. 63.
+ Ibid.
office
OF REGINALD POLE.
109
office and authority, of thoſe who affifted at them, had ever been
in the intereſts of the Emperor and his Son Philip; and therefore
the French fufpected all his declarations, and the meaſures he
propoſed; and whenever any thing concerning the peace did not
go on with fuch expedition, or in the channel they defired, they
never failed to impute it to the influence which he had with the
Queen and the LEGATE, and the perverſe uſe, they imagined he
made of it: on which the two Brothers exprefs themſelves with
remarkable bitterneſs *.-He was not afhamed to tell me, fays-
the Prothonotary, in the account he gives of this conference to
the Count of Montmorency, that he was doubtful if the LEGATE'S
abilities were anſwerable to fuch an undertaking, unleſs he was
affifted by perſons more expert than himſelf: on which he en-
tered into ſuch a fit of jealouſy, that I was obliged to ſooth him,
by anſwering, that you, my Lord, had fo high an opinion of
him, as to defire that the Queen and himſelf, if they thought
proper, would take part in the negotiation, on account of the
fincerity of the one, and the authority of the other, and the juf-
tice of the cauſe, and the uprightneſs of the intentions of the
King my Maſter and that his Majefty would have made no dif-
ficulty to have left the management of the whole affair to them,
as far as was confiftent with honour and reaſon: to which the
Chancellor abruptly replied; that though the Queen and himſelf
had a very fincere defire of ſeeing peace eſtabliſhed between the
contending Powers, yet as they were looked on to be biaffed to-
wards one of them, they could not decently interfere in it: that
the LEGATE, who was foon to paſs the Sea, was the only per-
fon, from whom this falutary office could be expected; but yet,
he ſhould think himſelf very happy to contribute all within his
power, if you, my Lord, judged he could be ferviceable to it.
-This was the after-game which Gardiner's diſappointed am-
Negociations de Noailles, tom. 4, pag. 119,
+ Ibid. pag. 120.
bition:
NO
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
bition played and the French King let the Prothonotary and
his Brother know; that he had always had a confidence in the
LEGATE's good faith and fincerity, anſwerable to the diſtruſt he
lay under of the contrary qualities in the Emperor and thoſe of
his faction, to whofe interefts the circumftances he was in, muft,
in fome fort, have made him hitherto favourable*.
BOTH theſe Minifters feem to have entertained a very diſad-
vantageous opinion of our Countrymen, and the younger of the
Brothers writing to the Lord High Conftable, on a conference
he had with the Chancellor, " your Lordship, fays he, may
judge from hence, what ſmall dependance can be laid on the
greateſt perſonages of this nation, fince they are fo addicted to
change even in affairs of the higheſt concern:" and the elder
Brother, in a letter to the King, though the Engliſh in gene-
ral, ſays he, ſeem thoroughly bent on entering on meaſures pre-
judicial to France, they were fo variable that he did not think
they were yet come to any fixed refolution: nor did the wind
veer to every point of the Compafs with more unexpected chan-
ges, than their minds to the moſt oppofite ways of thinking:
thus, though Philip and Mary defired to bring about a peace,
as Noailles affures the Count of Montmorency, more earneſtly than
any of the King's Subjects in Picardy, which was lain waſte by
fire and fword, nothing was obtained."
THE LEGATE, at firft, infinuated that the Queen and himſelf
were defirous this treaty might be carried on in England; but on
Noailles' remonſtrating, that a neutral place on the Continent,
where the Deputies on each party might meet; and the LEGATE
affift as not engaged on either fide, would be more fuitable; he
very ingenuouſly acknowledged this to be the moſt expedient
means, but doubted if the Emperor and his Son would be eafily
brought to affent to it. At length the Preliminaries to the Con-
* Negociations de Noailles, tom 4, p. 179.
+ Ibid. p. 123.
Ibid.
grefs,
OF REGINALD POLE.
III
grefs, which are as circumſtantial as the prelude to a feat of Chi-
valry, were adjuſted; and it was agreed, that the Emperor ſhould
fend the Duke of Alva to Gravelines, as a perfon of fuitable rank
to the High Conſtable of France*, who was to come to Ardres,
on the part of that Nation. The English LEGATE had likewiſe
fignified his defire that the Cardinal of Lorrain might affift at
the conferences; and the Emperor having no perfon of equal
dignity with this Prelate, that part of the ceremonial was fuper-
feded. The Lords Paget and Arundel were to arrive with the
LEGATE, at Calais. The place fixed for the meeting was Marc,
a village fituated near Ardres, Guignes, and Calais; not far from
which the Queen had caufed an extemporary building, in form of
a fquare tent, confifting of four Pavilions, to be raiſed in a large
plain, which was at an equal diſtance from Calais and the fron-
tiers of the Empire and France. The space between the Pavi-
lions was incloſed with curtains, and furrounded with a ditch
and palifades. The LEGATE Occupied the lodgment to the eaft,
and the Engliſh Noblemen and others, who came with him,
that to the weſt: the quarter of the Germans was to the fouth;
that of the French to the north. In the centre of the Pavilions
was a spacious room covered with linnen, and hung with rich
tapeſtry, where the conferences were to be held. They began
towards the middle of May, and the Cardinal' of Lorrain and the
Lordi High Conftable had ſome private meetings with the LE-
GATE, in order to facilitate what was to be afterwards debated
with the Emperor's Agents. But as this method was perceived
to be but flow, all the Miniſters met, and though the points in
queſtion were debated with great temper, yet each of the con-
tending parties infifted, with fuch obftinacy, on their ſeveral
pre-
tenfions, that from the first general conference, it was feen they
* The first Officer of the Crown of
France; he commanded the Army after
the King, and before the Marefchals,
and took place next to the Princes of the
blood. This Office was fuppreffed by
Lewis XIII. in 1627.
1555.
would
1 12
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
would come to no agreement. The LEGATE, on this, propoſed
another expedient, which was to chufe Arbitrators, who might
adjudge, in an amicable manner, whatever was the fubject of
contention, and to cement by inter-marriages an union thus con-
cluded*. But though the French fhewed no diſlike to theſe al-
liances, and the Imperial Minifters feemed to approve of them;
it was on condition that the former fhould give back whatever
they had conquered in the late wars +. This the French faid
would be giving up the caufe to their Adverfaries, and they de-
fired the LEGATE, and the Engliſh Agents, to find out fome
more friendly and practicable expedient. This was the reſult of
the conference held on the laſt of May, and as neither party
would make an abatement in what they demanded, nor refign
any thing to their Adverfary; on the 8th of June, the Cardinal
of Lorrain, and the Count of Montmorency informed the French
Ambaſſador at the Engliſh Court, that the conferences were
8th June, broke up §.
$555.
April,
1556.
THE LEGATE's integrity in this nice conjuncture had been fo
acceptable to both parties, that, as the proſpect of peace was not
quite loft, the Emperor, during the remaining part of the year,
frequently propofed it might be again renewed under his medi-
ation: and, when a truce was agreed on, at the beginning of
the following year, the French Ambaffador, writing to his Court,
expreffes himſelf in thefe terms; "I have met with more equity
from the Engliſh Government fince the LEGATE is in the Mi-
niſtry, than ever before:" and elſewhere he ſpeaks in the moſt
honourable manner of his abilities, his pacific difpofition, and
impartial proceedings towards the French nation ||.
*Elizabeth of France was propoſed for
Don Carlos, only Son of Philip of Spain;
and Margaret, Sifter of the French King,
for the Prince of Piedmont.
+ The French infifted on the reftitu-
tution of the Dutchy of Milan, and the
County of Aft: and the Emperor on that
of the States which go by the Name of
the Three Bishopricks, to himſelf; and
of Savoy, to the Duke of that title.
§ Ambaf. de Noailles, t. 4, p. 343, &c.
Ibid. tom 5, pag. 335.
THE
OF REGINALD POLE.
113
THE first thing the LEGATE did on his return to England,
was to fend the Biſhop of St. Asaph to Rome, to give the Pope
an account, by word of mouth, of the ſtate of Religion, and of
the manner in which he had acquitted himſelf of the negotiation
between France and the Emperor, with which the two laft Popes
had charged him*.
24th June,
1555-
ABOUT the fame time the Governor of Don Carlos, Philip's
fon, having prevented the LEGATE by a very obliging letter, he
thought it becoming his own high ſtation, and the good opinion
he had of the perfon to whom this charge was committed, to Honorats
ſet before him, with freedom, the principal inftructions he judg- Juan.
ed ſhould be inſtilled into the mind of a young Prince; which,
as they come fo well recommended, muft, I make no queſtion,
be acceptable to the Reader." The chief leffon, fays he, which
thoſe, who would rightly command others, ſhould learn, is to
obey; for though this be neceffary to every age and condition, it
is more fo to the Offspring of Princes than to any other Perfons,
as Kings themſelves are wont to be led aftray by nothing more
frequently than an imagination, that the great privilege of Royalty
confifted in being above controul.-This miſtake, therefore, which
they imbibe in early youth, was to be avoided, and they were to
be made fenfible, that no excellence could be expected from them,
unleſs they fhewed a greater docility and obedience than their
Subjects, firſt, to the Supreme Being; in the next place, to the
Laws, and to their Parents and Preceptors.-That they were to
perform this on a very different principle from that on which
perfons of a fervile difpofition fubmit to the will of others; and
what thoſe do through fear, Princes are to perform from a love
of rectitude, and of their own accord.-Next to theſe virtues,
generoſity and fortitude are what chiefly become a Sovereign, and
if you illuſtrate the precepts by which your Royal Pupil may be
PART II.
* R. Poli, Epift. pars 5ª, pag. 14.
م
instructed
114
THE HISTORY OF THE LI EF
Richmond,
1555.
inftructed in the true knowledge of them, I had almoſt ſaid, you
had done your taſk. What induced me, he adds, to write in
this manner, is, that there is nothing in which Mankind is more
univerfally deceived, than in their notions of thefe Virtues. But
if the young Prince, who was committed to Don Honorato's care,
was trained up to the obedience he had mentioned, and to diſtin-
guiſh counterfeit fortitude and prudence from what was true, he
knew whatever was requifite for the due diſcharge of the duties
of Royalty; whereas, without this, tho' he poffeffed all the know-
8th July,' ledge Books could convey, he would be unfit to govern others *."
PHILIP had now been about a twelvemonth in England: the
little progrefs he made in the good will of his new Subjects, and,
which was a confequence of their diflike, the flender influence
he had in the Councils of the Nation, made the following occa-
fion of his departure not only welcome, on account of what he
was called to, but of what he left. The Emperor Charles V.
had, many years before, caufed his Brother, Ferdinand, to be
choſen King of the Romans, and he was now about to make
over the Empire to him, and to relinquish his Spaniſh dominions
to his Son; and Philip fet fail for Calais, in order to meet his
Father at Bruſſels, where the abdication was made with great.
folemnity. Before the Emperor put his Son in poffeffion of ſo
wide a domain, he difcourfed him a confiderable time, feveral
hours of the day, on the Art of Government; in which, as ap-
pears by his fpeech to the affembled States, before he refigned
his Kingdoms, he thought himſelf a great Maſter‡. Such leffons
are generally received with an indifference equal to the ſelf-com-
placence with which they are given; but here the ſchooling was
fo entirely thrown away on the Pupil, that it operated the very
reverſe of what was intended: for whereas moſt of the Emperor's
*R. Poli Epift. pars 5º, pag. 78.
‡ Strada, de Bello Belgico, Decas 1, 1. 1, p. 7.
+ Materen, fol. 15.
advice
OF
115
REGINALD POLE.
advice was directed to perfuade moderation to his Son, to correct
his own pride, and the haughty behaviour of the Spaniards to-
wards the Flemings, Philip feemed to pique himſelf on the op-
pofite behaviour.
1555.
THE King, before he left England, defired the LEGATE to be 16th Sept.
abſent as feldom as poffible from the Queen, who had fignified,
likewiſe, the ſame defire. He had appointed him Chief of the
privy Council, and fignified to the Queen, who had an implicit
deference to all his inclinations, and in this was not led more by
her Huſband's choice than her own, that nothing which con-
cerned the Government ſhould be concluded without his know-
ledge and approbation. The LEGATE objected to this commif-
fion, as little fuited to the fpiritual character with which he was
inveſted; and the Lord of Noailles, in a letter to his Court, writ-
ten immediately on Philip's departure, fays, "he modeftly de-
clined a Poſt which would have engaged him too much in the
concerns of the World*." But their Majefties having fignified
their pleaſure in terms which admitted of no reply, he ſubmitted,
on condition he might be at liberty to give the greater part of his
time and attention to fuch functions as were proper to his ſtate
of life; And as a preſent inſtance of his deference to their will,
he took up his apartment in the Palace at Greenwich, where the
King had taken leave of the Queen, to whom, fays the fame
Ambaffador, his converfation was a very feaſonable relief in the
affliction ſhe lay under for her Huſband's abfence†.
ABOUT this time, the Pope began to manifeft a malevolence
to the LEGATE, which had long cankered in his breaft; and he
let him know his defign of recalling him to Rome; but added,
he would not refolve on this meaſure till the affair of the See of
Canterbury was determined, and he was informed more thoroughly
of the likelihood of bringing about a peace between France and
*Negotiations de Noailles, tom. 5, pag. 125.
Q 2
+ Ibid.
the
116
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
the Emperor, of which he ſeemed very defirous*. On the LE-
GATE's fignifying to the King the Pope's intentions, that Prince
had replied, that he ſhould with great regret be deprived of fo
able a Miniſter, and fo worthy a Man; and that both he and
the Queen would uſe all their intereft with his Holineſs, to pre-
vail on him to lay aſide any fuch thought: to which He returned
this memorable anſwer, "that though the love of our Country
was common to him and all mankind; and his perſonal attach-
ment to England was attended with that peculiar endearment
which a return from banishment to what we love, brings along
with it, yet what retained him with fuch fatisfaction, was not
ſo much an affection to his native foil, as the tie of piety, juſtice,
and clemency, by which their Majeſties connected him to it, and
without which he could neither be uſeful to his Country, nor his
Country agreeable to him.
PETER SOTO, foon after Philip's departure, vifited the Uni-
verfity of Oxford, and informed the LEGATE, he found Scholaftic
Divinity much neglected; that no public leffons were read in
that Science; and he was of opinion it would be proper to ex-
plain the Mafter of Sentences §, and was willing to take this leffon
on himſelf. The LEGATE informed the King he had commu-
nicated this propofal to the Chancellor, and they were both of
opinion, it would be adviſeable to appoint the leffon here men-
tioned to be read inſtead of the Hebrew, which, for many years
*R. Poli Epift. pars 5ª, pag. 42.
+ Etfi unicuique jucunda fit Patria,
quæ mihi poft longum exilium jucun-
diffima, ut eft, fic effe debet; tamen
quod in eâ me libenti animo retinet, non
tam eſt ejuſdem Patriæ amor, quàm pie-
tatis, juftitiæ et clementiæ Majeftatum
Veftrarum vinculum, quod me cum Pa-
tria conjunxit; fine quo nec ego Patriæ
utilis effem, nec illa mihi. Ibid. p. 44.
Peter, a native of Lombardy, from
whence he had his firname, was, firſt,
Divinity Profeffor in the Univerſity of
Paris; and in the year 1156, named to
the Biſhoprick of that City. He was
remarkable for the acuteness of his parts,
and great reading. A Theological
Treatife, in which, as in a Common-
place Book, the chief queftions in that
Science are ranged under their feparate
heads, gave him the title of the Maſter of
Sentences
OF
117
REGINALD POLE.
had been little frequented*. But then it must be obſerved, that
theſe two able men and great Scholars would have only one
leffon of School Divinity be read, and not, as has been too uni-
verfally the practice fince, the greateſt part of the time and
application be given to it: which is much the fame as if an
Artiſt was to lay himſelf out in forming a mould without one
thought of cafting the Statue. For though School Divinity is,
by no means, the whole of Ecclefiaftical learning, nor even the
chief part of it, yet, ſtudied with diſcretion, it has great advan-
tages, and the moſt eminent writers of the Church, a Boſſuet, a
Bellarmine, a Peteau made great account of, and excelled in it;
and Soto, who here offered himſelf to be Profeffor, poffeffed in a
great degree moft branches of learning.-Whether Peter of Lom-
bardy be a proper Standard of this branch of the Science in que-
ftion, is a difquifition foreign to this Hiſtory: fo far, I think,
may be advanced, that whatever he might have been in that age,
he would not be fo in the prefent.
HUMAN literature, at the time I am fpeaking of, was not lefs
neglected than divine; and ſeems to have been falling off ſoon after
it had been revived by Latimer, Linacer, and others, when young
POLE was at the Univerſity. The Speech made a few years after
to Queen Elizabeth on her viſiting Oxford, is a boyifh declamation; 11th Aug.
and the letter written to her on her fafe arrival at her Palace, ridi-
culous bombast†, and is, moreover, vilified by a Pun‡. This
Sentences.-This Work, in its kind, and
for an age that knew nothing more uſe-
ful and accurate, is very eftimable, and
the reputation it gained has caufed feve-
ral eminent perfonages to employ their
parts in writing Commentaries on it, in-
ſtead of exerting themſelves in original
Productions, which might have been
more inftructive to Students in Theology,
and more agreeable to thoſe who were ad-
vanced to ſay nothing of the fwarms of
Writers of another clafs, who have brood-
ed over this Work with the fame fecundity
as Infects on the banks of the Nile.
* R. Poli, Epift. pars 5ª. pag. 47.
+ They may be ſeen among other pa-
pers publiſhed with Sir Thomas More's
life, by T. Hearne, 1716.
Ergo tuam Celfitudinem, non di-
cam, ut Numen; dicam certè, ut Nu-
mam veneramur.
1566.
degeneracy
13
118
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
degeneracy was owing to the national Convulfions, under which
our Country laboured through almoſt all that ſpace, and with
which the attainments of erudition have ever been incompatible.
The great names which have fince graced this celebrated Seat of
Learning, and ſtill continue to do honour to it, have caufed this
Chaſm to be forgotten, and enrolled the Sons of Iſis in the fairest
Records of Literary Fame.
THIS regulation concerning Studies was one of the laſt actions
of Biſhop Gardiner's life. His health, for fome time, had been
on the decline; notwithſtanding which he was preſent in Parlia-
ment a few days before he died, and ſpoke with ſuch ſtrength
and prefence of mind, that, as the LEGATE informs the King,
"he feemed, on that occafion, not only to furpafs himſelf in
eloquence and prudence, and thofe other qualifications which
conſtitute a Stateſman; but to be fo fuperior to his own bodily
infirmities, as not to give any indication of them whilft he was
fupporting the caufe of his Sovereign and his Country."— In the
fame letter, which gave Philip advice of this Minifter's death,
He fignifies the lofs which the Public fuftained by this incident,
and the great detriment which both Religion and Juftice would
fuffer, was the place to be long vacated; and that a few days
experience had let them into this knowledge.-That he wished
it was not more difficult to indicate a proper perfon to fucceed
to the Office, as the King required him to do, than it was eaſy
to ſee what fort of Magiftrate the prefent circumftances ftood in
need of; for though there were ſeveral, of whom he thought
well, yet the Poft was fo important, and the conjuncture fo de-
licate, that he did not dare to recommend any one*."-He takes
up the fame fubject in feveral other letters to the King; though
he could not but be confcious of the jealoufy which Gardiner had
borne him; and, perhaps, of his machinations to obſtruct his re-
turn from baniſhment; yet his mind was ſuch a ſtranger to re-
* R. Poli Epift. pars 52, fol. 48.
venge,
OF REGINALD POLE.
119
venge, and the welfare of his Country ſo much above all private
refentments, that he only confidered him as a great Minifter,
whoſe loſs was irreparable*. The dignity having been vacated
fome weeks, Nicolas Heath, Archbishop of York, at the LEGATE's
recommendation, fucceeded to it†.
It will be expected I ſhould not leave ſo celebrated a name as
Bishop Gardiner's, without faying fomething of thoſe many Ar-
ticles which make up his character, on fome of which he ftands
arraigned in the minds of the generality of the Engliſh of theſe
days, and which, though a Panegyrift might glofs over, an Hif-
torian ought to relate.-It muſt be confeffed, on the whole, that
* R. Poli Epift. pag. 52, et 54.
+ This great Prelate and Magiftrate
was educated at Corpus Chrifti College in
Oxford, and thence removed to Clare
Hall in Cambridge. He took his degree
of Doctor in Divinity in 1535. was Al-
moner to Henry VIII. and confecrated
Biſhop of Rocheſter four years after. He
was tranflated to the See of Worceſter, in
1543; but at Edward's acceffion, on re-
fufing to concur with the Court meaſures
concerning Religion, was committed to
the Fleet prifon, where he remained du-
ring that Prince's reign. His temper
and principles inclined him to modera-
tion, and made him an Advocate for
thoſe who were perfecuted for herefy,
and againſt the revival of penal laws
which concern it.-On Mary's acceffion,
he was appointed Lord Prefident of Wales,
and Archbishop of York; and on Gardi-
ner's death, High Chancellor. He ac-
knowledged the Princefs Elizabeth's title
to the crown, at her Sifter's death, and
met her at Barnet; and, with the other
Biſhops, made her an offer of his alle-
giance, on his knees. The See of Can-
terbury being vacant, it was Dr. Heath's
place to officiate in chief at the ceremony
of the Coronation, which he would not
do, as the Princefs refuſed to maintain
the Catholic Religion, of which ſhe made
profeffion during her Sifter's life. All
the other Biſhops followed his example,
till Oglethorp of Carlifle was, with much
entreaty, prevailed on to put the Crown
on her head.-On the first meeting of
the Parliament, he opened it by that me-
morable fpeech, of which mention has
been made elſewhere; and being fum-
moned to take the oath of Supremacy,
on his refufal, was deprived of all his
Dignities and committed.-He fpent the
remainder of his life at Cobham in Surrey,
where he was a Prifoner at large, and
had a ſmall eftate, which he was allowed
to enjoy.-The Queen retained that re-
gard for him, which fuperior merit fel-
dom fails of extorting from an Adverfary,
and fometimes vifited him. He died in
1579, and is buried in the Chancel of
the Parish Church of that place.
An original picture of this excellent
Perfonage is preferved at Wefton in War-
wickshire, the feat of William Sheldon,
Efq; to which family he was allied.
he
ift Jan.
1556.
120
HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE
he had many failings, and fome faults which cannot be excuſed:
that he had great eloquence, and univerfal knowledge; abilities
equal to each ſtation, to which he gradually rofe, and always
filled, fo as to attract the public obfervation. This will appear,
if we neither form our opinion of him from elogy or invective,
but from facts; and take into the eſtimate the various temper of
the Reigns he lived in, the nature and circumſtances of the affairs
he managed, and the means by which he acquired Henry's eſteem;
the cauſe of his difgrace under his Succeffor; and his behaviour
when he was reſtored to favour and authority under Mary *.
* Stephen Gardiner was born in 1483,
as appears from an original picture of
him, by Hans Holbein, and was educated
at Trinity Hall in Cambridge, where he
diſtinguiſhed himſelf by his diligence,
ready parts, knowledge of the Greek
tongue, and great elegance in ſpeaking
and writing Latin.—Theſe qualifications
recommended him, firft, to Cardinal
Wolfey, to whom he was Secretary; and
afterwards, in 1528, when he was eſ-
teemed the ableſt Civilian in England, to
the King, who employed him at Rome
to folicit the cauſe of the Divorce.-A
long letter ftill, extant,
Biog. Brit. p. 2093.
(Cartophylac. Reg·
Burnet's Hift. of
Burnet's Hift. of
the Ref. among the Records joined to vol. 2,
p. 297.) fhews the ftrength and polite-
neſs of his genius, and the purity of his
language, which is but little antiquated
at ſo great a diſtance of time.-He was,
afterwards, appointed Secretary of State,
(Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII.) and
in 1531, confecrated Biſhop of Winchef-
ter, and fat with Cranmer, when the lat-
ter pronounced the fentence of divorce be-
tween the King and Catharine of Aragon.
-He took another courtly ſtep in 1534,
and maintained the King's Supremacy,
by a diſcourſe on true Obedience; and, du-
ring this reign, his pen had no other di-
rection than Henry's caprice thought fit
to give it. He appeared in a different
character on Edward's acceffion, and was
committed to prifon for not complying
with the innovations which then took
place; but was fet at liberty in 1547-
He was again committed to the Tower
in the following year, and deprived of his
Biſhoprick, as the Proteftant Hiftorians
grant, without fufficient cauſe. (Biog.
Brit. as above, p. 2117, [FF) and conti-
nued Priſoner till that Prince's death.-
Queen Mary reſtored him to the See of
Winchester, declared him Chancellor and
was crowned by him.-As to the chief
objection under which his Character ge-
nerally labours, of having been the Inſti-
gator of the cruelties which were inflicted
on account of Religion both in Henry's ¦
and Mary's reigns, the cafe has been fair-
ly ſtated by a very curious and impartial
Writer of the Church of England, who
ſeems to clear him, in great meaſure,
of the imputation. (Biog. Brit. p. 2099,
2021.) He adviſed the Queen, on her
entrance on Government, to Acts of le-
nity; to give back to feveral noble fami-
lies, as the Norfolk, Arundel, Stanhape,
and Hungerford, what the Crown had
difpoffeffed them of; and to reſtore to
blood the Earl of Devonshire, and the Son
of
OF REGINALD POLE.
121
SOME exigencies of theſe times, of which I am about to
ſpeak, gave the LEGATE occaſion to convene a National Synod,
which he notified to Philip, in the following manner; " I have
found it, Sir, very neceffary, in quality of the Character, with
which I am inveſted, to call a Synod, not only on account of
the Reformation of the English Church, which is ardently de-
fired by all good men, and can never be undertaken more ſeaſon-
ably than in the prefent juncture; but, alfo, that I may ratify
what the Biſhops and inferior Clergy have done in the Convo-
cation they are accuſtomed to hold as often as the Parliament
meets *. As this could not be duly fummoned either by the
Primate, who is in prifon; or by the Chapter, whilft their Arch-
biſhop is neither condemned nor depofed; it was neceffary this
fummons ſhould be made by me, the LEGATE, in order to have
the Decrees, one of which concerns the Free Gift, come out under
proper authority.—I have been very particular with them con-
cerning your Majefty's and the Queen's intention in giving up the
Church Lands which were invefted in the Crown, and of the
difpofition you would have made of them. It was, likewife,
agreed to draw up an Act of the furrender of the faid lands, first
fruits, and perpetual tythes; and releaſe your Majefties from all
of the Duke of Somerfet.-His attention.
to the ſpirit of the Conftitution, in pre-
ference to every thing elſe, and particu-
larly to Royal and Minifterial Power;
and his care to exclude foreign influence
from Britiſh Councils, except in the in-
ftance of the Queen's marriage with the
Prince of Spain, can never be too much
commended: what fhare he had in that
match, and his jealoufy of CARDINAL
POLE, has been already related.- His
abilities as Chancellor are atteſted, as we
have ſeen, by a Voucher above all excep-
tion, the perſon whom he rivaled: and
the Journals both of the Convocation
PART II.
R
and Parliament, which are ſtill preſerved,
are abundant proofs of his weight in theſe
Affemblies, no lefs than Noailles' negoti-
ations of that which he had in the Mi-
niftry. To theſe Monuments of the Ma-
giftrate and the Statefman, we are to add
thofe of the Scholar and the Writer,
which tho' neither many nor voluminous,
fufficiently fhew the Author's abilities.
* The whole tranfaction may be ſeen
in Reg. Convoc. et Excerpt. Heylianis; from
whence it has peen tranſcribed into Conc.
Mag. Brit. t. 4, p. 120.
penfions
122
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1555%
penſions which were paid out of the profits iffuing from them.-
This Bill was read to the Queen, and, by her order, commu-
nicated to ſome of the Council. They have fince been with me,
and affured me of their concurrence; and that it was their opi-
11th Nov. nion, the Bill ſhould be, firft, brought into the Upper Houſe*."
In the following letter he fays, "it was apprehended a dif-
ficulty would attend the Propofal in queſtion, as it could not pafs
without their vote who were in poffeffion of Church lands, whoſe
number was very great: and, therefore, the Queen had difcourfed
feveral of both Houſes on the ſubject, with fo much religion and
prudence, that the Bill having been read three days together in
the Upper Houſe, had been univerfally agreed to on the third
reading: and though it was, feveral days, warmly debated in
the Lower, was, at length, carried by a much greater Majority
than was expected ‡."
Ar the fame time he wrote to the Pope of what had been
done in the Convocation, and a fummary of the Decrees which
were to be enacted in the approaching Synod.-He informs him
alſo of his deſign to fend proper perfons to Ireland, which ſtood
no lefs in need of a Reformation than England, and both ex-
pected and defired it§.
HITHERTO the LEGATE had only removed the obftacles to
the great work he meditated; and had prepared the furface for
a foundation on which he propoſed to rear the ftructure of his
Country's future happineſs. The Reprefentatives of the nation
had abjured thoſe tenets, into which they had either been feduced
or compelled during the two laft Reigns, and been received into
the communion of the See of Rome.-The Abbey Lands, which
was a capital obſtacle to this reconciliation, being now ſecured to
their Poffeffors, had quieted all fears of any future claim ariſing
from this head. The LEGATE had alſo procured his commiffion
* R. Poli Epift. pars 5ª, p. 51. ↑ Ibid. p. 53. ‡ Ibid. p. 56. § lbid. p. 19.
ſhould
OF REGINALD POLE.
12-3
ſhould be enlarged; and had fignified to all, the lenity they ſhould
be treated with on having recourfe to him for abfolution from
thofe cenfures to which their tranfgreffions had rendered them
liable. This meaſure, above all others, reconciled the minds of
the People to a return to the ancient worſhip, when they beheld
the Inſtrument not armed with terror, but inviting with the in-
dulgence of a Parent, and the benevolence of a Friend.—He had
the favour and confidence of his Sovereign, and the eſteem of the
whole Engliſh Nation, founded on his univerfal knowledge, the
various trials by which his virtue had been exerciſed, and the ap-
proved merit of his paſt life: and it muſt be confeffed, that the
undertaking he was about to attempt, required all theſe advantages,
and a mind as patient and inured to application as his own.
THESE difpofitions, therefore, were the Prelude to the Re-
formation he had projected, and began in the following manner.
-He obtained of the Queen a Warrant under the Great Seal, to
hold a Synod; and, to avoid the after game and chicanery to
which the ambiguities of the laws, or prerogative of the Crown
might give occafion, he was authorized to hold, not only the
prefent Synod, but any other hereafter, and to make what de-
crees he ſhould think fit; and the Clergy have full power to
meet, and confirm and obey ſuch decrees, without any danger
from any Statute whatſoever*.-There is, likewife, mention of
a fimilar licence granted to the LEGATE, on his arrival in Eng-
land, of which notice has been taken in its proper place.-The
inconveniencies into which the Clergy had been betrayed by ac-
knowledging Wolfey's legantine power, made theſe precautions
adviſeable; which, as they guarded the Rights of the Crown in-
violate, fo they fecured the Subject from the capriciouſneſs or
finifter views of the Sovereign.
THE LEGATE had now been about a twelvemonth in England, From Nov.
* Reginaldi Poli, fol. 6, a. Conc. Mag. Brit. vol. 4, pag. 130.
1554, to
Nov. 1555
R 2
and
124
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
per
and had confidered the prevailing diſorders which chiefly called
for redreſs, and the remedies which were most likely to effect it;
and recal, as far as human forefight could provide, and the tem-
of the times permit, the Diſcipline of the Church of England
to the Canons and Rule of the Primitive Fathers. This is the
Plan which is fet forth in the Preface to the Acts of the Synod;
and the Writers of our Country, and Foreigners have ſpoken of
it in this light. The General Council of Trent, at the firſt Sef-
fions of which he prefided, contributed greatly to qualify him
for all fuch concerns; and the love he bore his Country, whofe
preſent fituation was, in great meaſure, his own work, engaged
him to exert all his talents towards perfecting thoſe beginnings,
which however promifing, ftood in need of every affiftance to
bring them to their due ftate.
THE Convocation was yet fitting, and had been prorogued,
when the LEGATE called the Synod I am about to fpeak of.
The orders for calling it are directed to the Biſhop of London, as
Dean of the Metropolitan, who was to communicate them to
the Biſhops of the Provinces of Canterbury and York, and to
others of the Clergy, who were accuſtomed to affiſt at fuch
meetings, and were required to be preſent at this, which was to
be held in the King's Chapel, Westminster*.
THE Biſhops affembled premiſe, that the Evils with which
the Nation had been lately afflicted, were owing to their defec-
tion from the Catholic Church; and therefore it was but fitting
the Council ſhould begin by acknowledging the greatneſs of the
divine mercy in recalling them to the ancient faith and worſhip;
and that a grateful remembrance of this benefit
may be
be perpetu-
ated to the lateſt pofterity, they appoint a collect of thankſgiving
to be ſaid, every day, in the public fervice of the Church; and
the day, on which the Nation was reunited to the Catholic com-
*Ex Reg. Bonner, fol. 394. Conc. Mag. Brit. vol. 4, pag. 131.
inunion,
OF REGINALD POLE.
125
munion, which was the feſtival of St. Andrew, to be kept yearly
with particular folemnity.
THE fecond Decree obferves, that the obedience due to the
Roman Pontiff was no fooner laid afide, but the authority of
Ecclefiaftical Laws was abolished; falfe Teachers began to be
countenanced, and books containing erroneous doctrine to be
every where read: that, by theſe means, the people were cor-
rupted in their faith, particularly as to what regarded the Sacra-
ments; the regularity which became the Clergy, and whatever
concerned Church difcipline, was neglected. It was, therefore,
the intention of the preſent Affembly to recall into uſe the former
decrees of general and provincial Councils, and other Conftitutions
which have been canonically publiſhed in the Kingdom on theſe
heads, and they were to have the fame weight as before the
Schifm. And whereas Otho and Ottobonus, formerly Legates and
Archbishops of Canterbury, had drawn up what feemed chiefly
neceſſary to preſerve the faith and morals of the Engliſh Clergy
and Laity; all who have care of fouls, befides the holy Scripture,
and other books belonging to their charge, are commanded to
have thefe Conftitutions, to be converfant in them, and fee that
thofe committed to their care be taught what they ought to
know of them.
THE reading, or importing heretical Books is condemned;
and thoſe who do either, or print, or retain fuch writings, are
declared liable to the cenfures provided in fuch caſes.- But, as
theſe Regulations were in fuch negative or general terms as not
to deſcend to any detail of what doctrines the People were to re-
ceive, what to fhun; and as the late errors chiefly regarded the
Supreme Paſtor of the Church, and the Sacraments, the LEGATE
propoſes as a complete rule of belief on theſe Articles, what had
been defined in the Council of Florence, under Innocent IV.-
The Decrees of this Council are here fet down, with the moral
inferences which Chriftians fhould draw from the doctrinal parts;
the
126
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
fs
Acts, ch.
XX. V. 28.
the difpofitions, with which the Sacraments are to be received,
and the proper and peculiar effects of each of them; in what man-
ner they are to be adminiſtered; and who is the Minifter.-To
which the LEGATE adds fome regulations concerning the decent
keeping of the holy Eucharift in Churches, which cuſtom, he
fays, had been totally baniſhed through the injury of the late
times; and alfo of celebrating the feaft of the Dedication of
Churches, which was obferved, throughout England, on the firſt
Sunday of October.
THE LEGATE then remarks, that the intended Reformation
ought to take its beginning from thofe who have the care of
others; amongſt whom this great abuſe too generally prevailed,
that inſtead of refiding in the Churches, whofe care they had
undertaken, they delivered them over to Hirelings. That this
diforder may no longer take place, he exhorts all fuch perfons,
that" attending to themſelves, and to all the Flock, over which
the Holy Ghoſt had placed them, to feed the Church of God,
which he has purchaſed with his own blood," and for which they
were to be accountable, they would difengage themfelves from
worldly concerns; and, as the fame Apoftle admonishes, extend
their watchfulneſs to every branch of their duty fo as to fill up
the meaſure of the whole.-He then goes on to repreſent the al-
moſt univerſal diforder of dignified Clergymen, who feemed only
to regard the temporal emoluments of their benefices, without
anfwering any of the purpoſes for which they were inftituted;
and the abuſe of Pluralities, which make perſonal Refidence im-
practicable; and having mentioned the duty of Refidence, he
appoints the penalties to which thoſe who do not comply with
it, are to be fubject.
BUT as a mere bodily refidence either of Biſhops, or of the
inferior Clergy, who had care of fouls, unleſs they complied with
the Paſtoral functions, the chief of which confifted in preaching
the word of God, was of little effect; the LEGATE obferves how
much
OF REGINALD POLE.
127
" it
A7s, ch.
much this duty was neglected, whilft thofe who were charged
with it, gave themſelves up to other concerns. He reminds
them of the maxim and example of the Apoftles, who ſaid,
was not fitting, they ſhould leave the preaching of the Goſpel,
and ferve Tables," although that office, as it was in the relief of vi. v. 2.
the Poor, was highly agreeable to piety.-All Prelates, therefore,
are enjoined to perform this duty; and, when they are lawfully
hindered, to appoint proper perfons to do it in their ſtead.-The
fame conduct is required of Rectors, Vicars, and whoever has
the care of Souls; and the duty was to be performed at leaft on
Sundays and other Feftivals.
He admonishes them, that in order to acquit themſelves of
this obligation, it was not enough to preach in public, unlefs the
Paſtor exhort and inſtruct in private thoſe who err in faith, or
tranfgrefs againſt morality, and encourage fuch as are faultlefs in
both. He forbids all perfons to preach, but fuch as are duly qua-
lified and approved of by the Biſhop: and as the undue exercife
of this function had given occafion to many diſorders, the Bifhops
are commanded to inftruct carefully thofe whom they entruſt
with this weighty miniſtry, both as to the fubjects they are to
treat, and the method of treating them.-That the People were,
in the first place, to be exhorted to repentance, which was fo
much more neceffary as we have more grievoufly offended, and
received, in our late deliverance from a pernicious fchifm, ſo fig-
nal an inſtance of divine mercy. -In the next place, they are to
warn their Audience againſt thoſe errors and diſorders which
chiefly prevailed in the doctrine and manners of the People du-
ring this time of calamity, and with which the greater part of
the Nation was ftill infected.-There being a great ſcarcity of
Preachers, left the People fhould be totally deprived of fo need-
ful a fupport as the word of God, Homilies were to be fet forth,
which thoſe, who were not otherwife qualified, were to read in a
clear and audible manner to their feveral Congregations.
THESE
{
128
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THESE Homilies, as we learn from a Scheme of them found
among Archbiſhop Parker's papers, were to have been divided
into four Books: the firſt was to treat of the controverted points
in Religion, and whatever could preſerve the People from error;
the ſecond to contain the expofition of the Creed and Command-
ments, the Lord's prayer, the Salutation of the Bleffed Virgin and
the Sacraments; the third was adapted to the Sundays, the Fef-
tival, and Saints days throughout the year, and was to explain
the Epiſtles and Goſpels read on thoſe occafions; the fourth
treated of Virtues and Vices, and of the Rites and Ceremonies of
the Church.* A little reflection is fufficient to fhew the fulneſs
of this plan, and the propriety of its diſtribution.
THE LEGATE here applies to the preſent ſtate of his Coun-
try, what our Redeemer ſaid of Judea and the whole World,
"that the Harveſt was great, but the Workmen few, and, there-
fore, the Lord of the Harveft was to be entreated to fend Work-
men into his Harveſt:" and, in the mean time, the Bishops
were to appoint perfons to vifit all parts of their Diocefes that
none might be deprived of the affiftance they ſtood in need of.—
All Pariſh Prieſts are likewiſe required on Sundays, at leaſt, and
Feſtivals, and at a time, when they are not taken up with the di-
vine ſervice, to cauſe the Children of their reſpective Pariſhes to
meet in the Church and to inftruct them in the first rudiments
of the Chriſtian Religion, in piety and obedience to the laws of
God, and to their Parents.
EXAMPLE, continues the LEGATE, adds great weight to what
we fay, and is in itſelf the moſt perſuaſive of all fermons: thofe,
therefore, who are placed over others, are to be careful to excell
them in every laudable commendation, particularly in that which
St. Paul requires in Biſhops, the regularity of their own Houſe-
hold: Wherefore, thoſe who are placed in this facred ſtation are
* Ex. M. S, Col. C. C. Cant.
moft
OF REGINALD POLE.
129
moft earneſtly requeſted to live, as the fame Apoſtle expreſſes
himſelf, ſoberly, chaftly, and piouſly, that their example may
be to others a leffon of Religion and. gobd Diſcipline.—They are
to avoid all pomp and fuperfluity in their drefs, equipage and
furniture; their table is to be frugal, and recommended by hof-
pitality, charity, and Chriftian difcourfe: and the mean to be
obferved in each of theſe Articles is preſcribed. That this fruga-
lity may
have no appearance of Avarice, whatever is fpared by it,
as St. Gregory, Pope, wrote to our Apoſtle, St. Auſtin, is to be
laid out in the relief of the neceffitous, the education of youth,
and other works of piety, to the glory of God, the advantage of
our Neighbour, and the edification of All.-They were to be
Fathers of the indigent, of Orphans and Widows, and the Pro-
tectors of the oppreffed; to be affiduous in the ſtudy of the holy
Scriptures, and the diſcharge of all Epiſcopal duties; to refrain
from worldly concerns, and whatever the wisdom of the Canons
has interdicted the Clergy, and in every thing become blameleſs
Patterns to their Flock.-The fame, in proportion is required
of the inferior Clergy, it being but reaſonable that the mem-
bers ſhould conform to their head; and that none might be ig-
norant of what it fo much imported every one to know, theſe
injunctions were to be abridged, and publifhed fo as to come to
every one's knowledge.
THE Synod then deſcends to a diſorder, which they reprefent
as almoſt univerſal; the marriage of Religious Perſons, of Prieſts,
and of the other orders of the Clergy, and they condemn fuch
contracts as unlawful and facrilegious, and command a ſeparation
to perfons thus engaged. Great numbers likewife, of the Clergy,
were fo forgetful of decency, no less than of the other obligations
of their profeffion, as not to wear the Clerical tonture and habit,
nor to perform the Divine Office, or apply themſelves to learning,
or to any thing elfe that became them; but were taken up in
worldly buſineſs, and in vile and difreputable employments. —
PART II.
S
Thele,
130
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Thefe, therefore, were to be reduced to order, as to the above-
mentioned Articles; and the Refractory were to be compelled to
amendment by any remedy which the Law admits; as far as to
deprive them of their benefices.
NEXT to preaching the divine Word, no duty was more im-
portant than a careful and accurate attention in conferring Holy
Orders; the Apoftle having given Bifhops this charge, lay thy
Hands haftily on nobody: and the LEGATE obferves, that from
want of due regard to a concern of fuch moment, the Clergy lay
under great contempt, and the divine Worſhip was much difre-
garded. He enjoins Biſhops, therefore, with the approbation of
the Synod, to take all proper pains in acquitting themſelves of ſo
effential a part of their charge; that they ordain thoſe of their
own Dioceſe; but if it were neceffary to fend them to be or-
dained elſewhere, they were to examine the Perfons, and be af
fured of their fitneſs for the facred Miniftry: that they were not
to imagine they had fatisfied their obligation, if they committed
this examination to others, who would perform the taſk in a
carelefs manner, and be little follicitous concerning the character
of the Candidate. If the number of thoſe who are to receive
Holy Orders be ſo great as to make the affiſtance of others necef-
fary; they are to call in pious and learned Perfonages, on whofe
diligence they can rely.
IN theſe Examens, the following Articles were particulary to
be attended to: that thofe, who prefented themſelves, were clear
of all errors in Faith; that they were born in lawful wedlock,
and had attained the age required by the Canons; that they were
free from any of thoſe blemishes, which give an exclufion from
the Miniſtry; that their life and converfation was laudable, and
their learning fuited to the Degree into which they were to be
initiated. Great notice was to be taken, if they were provided
of a maintenance fufficient to exempt them from want, which
brought a diſgrace on the Priesthood; and expofed them to the
impious
OF REGINALD POLE.
13 I
impious and deteftable practice of making the holy Sacrifice of
the Maſs, venal: and All were to be exhorted not to enter into
holy Orders on ſelfiſh and mercenary views, but from a defire of
honouring JESUS CHRIST.-The LEGATE here enumerates feve-
ral cautions which would greatly contribute to the obfervance of
what he had enjoined in the foregoing Article; and concludes,
that although the fame fcrutiny was not required in the collation
of the inferior Orders, yet a proportionable regard was to be had
to every caution already mentioned.
THE LEGATE having regulated, in this manner, what con-
cerns the manners of the Clergy, comes to the collation of Eccle-
fiaftical Benefices, which he reſtrains to fuch Perfons as are both
willing and able to perform the Office on account of which the
Benefice is conferred. He cites the example of the Apoſtles,
who being to chooſe feven Deacons, and having affembled the
Difciples, fpake to them in the following manner; "Brethren,
look ye out among you ſeven men of honeft report, full of the
Holy Ghoſt and wiſdom, whom we may appoint over this bu-
finefs;" and he entreats all Bishops, whofe peculiar department A, ch,
this was, to lay aſide human reſpects and affection, and confer the
Benefices of the Church, thofe eſpecially to which the Paftoral
care was annexed, to the beſt qualified and moft deferving, and
have before their eyes His fervice only whofe Delegates they were.
I MUST here afk the Reader's leave to interrupt the account of
the Council, by an inſtance which the LEGATE gave of the ex-
actnefs with which he practifed what he prefcribed to others:
for having a natural Brother, who during Henry's reign, had
been Archdeacon of Derby, He conferred no higher dignity on
him, till two years after his return to England, and then only
procured for him the See of Peterborough, which was one of the
leaſt provided for of the Bishopricks; and looked on as a very
inconfiderable Preferment, in compariſon of what the public
voice had called him to, on whom it was collated,
S 2
THE
vi.
132
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
THE fixth Decree of the Council is very particular as to the
qualifications which had only been mentioned in general terms
in the foregoing Article; and obferves, that the Apoſtle's precept
to Bishops of not laying en their hands rafhly, regarded no lefs
the inftitution of Minifters, than their ordination; and, there-
fore, that Benefices, particularly thoſe which have the care of
others annexed to them, are not to be conferred but after a very
exact fcrutiny.That the fame conditions as to found doctrine,
full age, gravity of manners, and learning, were to take place
here, as in the other cafe. It was likewife to be feen, if the
Candidate had received. the Order neceffary for the diſcharge of
the duties of the Benefice; if he ſeemed to be led by avarice,
ambition, or other carnal views: he was likewife to have the
teſtimony of a good life from creditable witneffes; and to be
admonished by the Collator of the office and burden he had
taken on himſelf.
THE LEGATE then proceeds to Benefices, which require per-
fonal refidence; and, at length, concludes, that Biſhops were to
receive from the Heads of Colleges and Univerſities, the names
of fuch, as on account of their learning and manners, were qua-
lified for benefices; that, on the firft vacancy, they might not
be at a lofs on whom to confer them; and to inquire after fuch
learned and pious perfonages, as might be affiftant to themſelves
in the government of their Dioceſes. As it was very prejudicial
to Churches to be long without a Paftor, the Synod exhorts all
Biſhops to fupply immediately fuch Benefices as belong to their
collation without waiting the term, within which it is fixed by
the Canons; and, in the mean time, to provide for the exigencies
of the People: and the orders here made are addreffed to all per-
fons who have a right of conferring Ecclefiaftical benefices, by
what title foever this privilege is enjoyed,
·
THE LEGATE then provides againſt the promiſe of benefices
before they are vacant; and the Council of the Lateran having
taken
OF REGINALD POLE.
133
taken all neceſſary caution to prevent this abuſe, which was very
common in England, and the caufe of much Evil, the Parties
concerned are referred to the Canons there enacted for the extir-
pation of this diſorder. This decree is followed by another which
relates to Simony, which the LEGATE obferves to have taken
deep root in the late Reigns. He fets forth the heinoufnefs of
this crime, in general; enters on a detail of the various ways by
which it may be committed; appoints penalties for the feveral
divifions of it; and, laftly, prefcribes the form of an Oath which
every one, who was prefented to a Benefice, was to take.
THE Churches throughout the Kingdom had fuffered fo much
in the dilapidations of Henry and Edward, that it was but rea-
fonable to confult the fecurity of what had escaped fuch a general
plunder; or had been reftored by the Queen's piety and muni-
ficence. In order to effect this, the LEGATE renews the Con-
ſtitution of Paul II. againſt alienating Church Lands, and what-
ever had been decreed on that head by general or particular
Synods of this Realm; and, as a further means to obtain this
end, all Governors or Adminiſtrators of Religious places, and
Clergymen, by whatever title they poffefs Church benefices, are
commanded, within fix months after the publication of theſe
Conftitutions, to make an Inventory of all the moveable and im-
moveable goods, rights, claims, actions, or debts appertaining
to the Churches, or other places they hold; which Inventory is
to be atteſted by creditable Witneffes, and renewed every third
year, and as often as they devolve to a new Poffeffor. One of
the two copies, which were to be made of this, was to be de-
pofited in the Church, or place, to which the benefice belonged;
the other, if the Church was a Metropolitan, was to be depofited
with the Chapter: if a Cathedral, with the Metropolitan; if a
private Church, or pious Foundation, with the Biſhop.-The Me-
tropolitans and other Ordinaries are, moreover, in their vifitations
required to have thefe Inventories with them, and to ſee if any
thing
134
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
thing was wanting; in which cafe, they were to endeavour to
recover it, and punish thoſe by whofe neglect the damage had
happened." But as to thofe Ecclefiaftical poffeffions, which
were formerly taken from the Church, and confirmed, by the
holy See, to the prefent Owners, they are excepted from this
Decree, and it is our will, fays the LEGATE, that they ſhould,
in no ways, be affected by it."
As the good order and diſcipline of a National Church ſeems,
in great meaſure, to depend on the obfervance of the following
Conſtitution, I fhall give it the Reader in a greater detail than
the former. The LEGATE begins it by obferving, that the pre-
ſent ſcarcity of Clergymen, ſuch eſpecially to whom the care of
Churches could be committed, or who were qualified to perform
the facred functions, made it neceffary to provide againſt ſo great
an inconvenience: and no means ſeemed more fuited to this end,
than that there fhould be, in each Cathedral, a Nurſery for the
raifing future Minifters. The Synod, therefore, orders, that each
of theſe Churches fhould, in proportion to its income and extent
of juriſdiction, maintain a certain number of Youth; on which
head they make the following regulations: That thofe who are
admitted into thefe Seminaries, fhould be eleven or twelve years.
old; have learnt to read and write, and given fome indication of
a difpofition to betake themſelves to the Church, and of an apti-
tude to the facred miniftry.-The LEGATE would have this
choice made chiefly out of the Poor, though not fo as to have
others excluded, provided they give hopes of anfwering the end
of the inſtitution. They were, firft, to be inftructed in the
Grammar; and, then, being adopted into the Metropolitan or
Cathedral, were to be under the care of the Chancellor of the
Church, or fome grave and learned Perfon, and be brought up
in that learning and difcipline which became the ſtate they
were defigned for. Of theſe there were to be two Claffes;
one of the more advanced in age and literature, who were to
be
OF REGINALD POLE.
135
be Acolyths*, and befides their table and a gown, were to have
a certain yearly ftipend; the other clafs of the lefs advanced,
who were only to have their table and a gown. Each Clafs was
to wear the Clerical tonfure and dreſs, and, at ſeaſonable times,
affift at the Church Office.-The Acolyths, when they were of a
proper age, and had made a ſufficient progreſs in virtue and learn-
ing, were to receive holy Orders, and ferve the Church in what-
ever capacity the Biſhop and Chapter ſhould think fit; who were,
likewiſe, to take care that each one was provided for according
to his merit: And thofe of the fecond Clafs, who in age, learn-
ing, and virtue, followed the Acolyths thus promoted, were to
fucceed to their place.-Befides the Youth of the Seminary, other
Children of the City and Dioceſe were to be admitted to the
Grammar School, and the other opportunities of improvement,
provided they had been liberally educated and behaved becom-
ingly; and as to dreſs, and their manner of living, they were
to be on the fame footing as thoſe who were ſupported by the
Church; and the fame method of fupplying the Clergy out of
them to be obſerved as with the others.
It was neceffary that a certain temporary provifion ſhould be
made for the maintainance of the Youth, and the falary of the
Maſters, till ſuch time as a fixed allowance could be appropriated
from benefices affigned for theſe purpoſes: wherefore the Synod
orders all Biſhops, and others who have a Benefice amounting to
the yearly value of twenty pounds, to fet afide a fortieth part of
the clear profit of the produce to this uſe; and, though, as the
Synod remarks, they were already very heavily taxed, yet there
could be no doubt but their zeal for Religion, and the regard they
had for the Church, which was much deformed through want of
proper Minifters, would cauſe them chearfully to fubmit to this
additional burden.
* One of the loweft Orders in the Church.
THE
136
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE Biſhop, the Dean and Chapter were to fuperintend this
School, and to take care that the appointments for its ſubſiſtence
were duly paid; and as many other regulations were neceffary,
they would be made in the next Convocation.-But as nothing
could contribute more to the found doctrine and good manners
of the Youth, than that their Inftructors fhould be no leſs recom-
mendable for theſe qualifications than for learning, the LEGATE
wills that no Schoolmafter be appointed, or any one allowed to
teach, any where, or on any pretence, unleſs he be firſt exa-
mined and approved of by the Ordinary, and by him informed
of thoſe books he is to read in the School, to train up the Youth
both in learning and virtue; and whoever had accepted the charge,
and did not comply with this Statute, was liable to excommu-
nication, and be excluded, three years, from teaching. — The
doctrine, manners, and learning of thoſe who were already put
over Schools, was carefully to be looked into, and if they were
ſuch as are here required, they were to be continued, and to be
informed of the prefent Regulations: if not, to be removed, and
proper perſons ſubſtituted in their place.
THE Vifitation of Churches being of great uſe to correct vice
and abuſes, to eſtabliſh good manners, and enforce the practice.
of Ecclefiaftical Laws; Bifhops and other Ordinaries are com-
manded to vifit their Diocefes, and places committed to their
charge, every three years, according to the ancient cuſtom of
this Kingdom; and, if they are lawfully hindered, to appoint
proper perſons to do it. This Vifitation is to be performed with
all the zeal that goodneſs and charity can inſpire.-The Vifitors
are admoniſhed, in the first place, to take only thofe perfons
with them, of whofe affiftance they ftand in abfolute need, and
whofe example may be profitable to others. They are to be fa-.
tisfied with frugal entertainment, and to make no longer ftay
than was neceffary, not to waſte their time to no purpoſe, and
be a charge to thoſe with whom they were.-The Viſitation was
**
to
OF REGINALD POLE.
to be made in the following manner: the City was, firſt, to be
viſited, then the Dioceſe, unleſs fome peculiar cafe required the
order to be changed. In the City, the Vifitation was to begin
from the Cathedral, and be continued through all the Collegiate
and Parish Churches; at which not only the Pariſh Prieſts, but
whatever Clergymen inhabited the Pariſh, were to be prefent.-
The Schools, likewife, and Bookfellers Shops, and, laftly, the
Hoſpitals were to be carefully inſpected.
In the Vifitation, the Bishops were to preach and confirm: if
any of the Dioceſe had incurred criminal cafes, which are re-
ferved to their cognizance, they were to abfolve them on fuffi-
cient figns of repentance, and to invite All, who were thus un-
happily engaged, with a paternal affection.-Some perfons of
known integrity, and who were well informed of the manners
both of the Ecclefiafticks and Laity, were required to make their
depofition on this article.
WITH reſpect to Parish Churches, the following particulars
were to be obſerved: Whether the Baptiſmal Water, the holy
Oils, and the Eucharift were kept in a decent and fafe place,
renewed at proper times, and rightly adminiftered: if the bleffed
Sacrament of our Lord's body was carried to the Sick with the
cuſtomary marks of reſpect: if marriages were contracted law-
fully, in the Church, and after the banns had been publiſhed,
and at permitted ſeaſons: if the Pariſh Prieſt had a regiſter with
the names of thoſe who were baptifed, of the Sponfors, of the
married, and the dead.-The unconfecrated Altars were to re-
ceive that holy rite; and if any had been profaned, they were to
be purified: every thing in the Church was to be clean, decent,
and fafe: the Church-yard was to be fo inclofed that Cattle could
not enter it, nor be expofed to any other filth: if the Church, the
Quire, the Belfry, the Sacrifty or Parfonage houfe ftood in need
of repair, thoſe to whom it belonged were to do it, according to
the income of the Church or Pariſh: inquiry was to be made if
PART II.
T
nothing
137
138
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
nothing was wanting for the miniftry of the Altar and the Church
fervice, as Chalices, Patens, Corporal linnens, Veſtments, Books,
and the like: if Maſs, and other divine Offices were celebrated,
not only at proper times, and according to the approved rites of
the Church, but alſo with reverence and devotion; if there was
one Clerk, at leaſt, to affift at the holy Sacrifice, in a decent fur-
plice if the Books, the Records, and other Writings belonging
to the Church, were carefully kept.
THE above-mentioned Articles having been looked into; the
next inquiry was to be made concerning the Miniſters of the
Church, and the reſt of the Clergy; whether they had been duly
ordained, and were appointed for ſuch functions as ſuited their
degree: on what title they held their livings or benefices; if they
had intruded themfelves, or held fuch as were incompatible; if
they refided, and ſatisfied their duty in the adminiſtration of the
Sacraments, and each part of the divine ſervice; if they left their
own, to ſerve other Churches, particularly on holidays; if they
were diligent in inftructing the People, and teaching the Children
the first rudiments of the Chriftian Doctrine; and had fuch books
as were proper for theſe and the other obligations of a Pariſh
Prieft.-The Examination was to extend to their life, manners,
dreſs, converſation, and family: if they frequented houſes of pub-
lic entertainment, or evil fame, or followed any unbecoming em-
ployment: if they took care of the goods and rights of the Church,
and fuccoured the Neceffitous: whether they were peaceable,
and careful to reconcile fuch as were at variance.
THE Vifitation was, at length, to come down to the People,
and information to be taken, whether there were any who held
erroneous opinions, who did not confefs themſelves, who were
Ufurers, Concubinarians, or who lived in enmity, or any noto-
rious and habitual diforder: if Lent, with the other fafts and
feſtivals, and the like laudable inftitutions of the Church, were
obferved; and in cafe of licence obtained to ufe flesh meat, and
other
OF REGINALD POLE.
139
other diſpenſations, if a true and fufficient cauſe had been alleged;
and whether pious Legacies had been complied with.-Cogni-
zance was to be taken of the behaviour of the People at divine
ſervice, particularly in time of Maſs, at which they were to aſſiſt
reverently from the beginning to the end; and nothing diſreſpect-
ful, or that could difturb the attention of the Congregation, was
to be allowed during that facred action. A like information was
to be had of the inftruction which Mafters of families
Children, and the care they took of their Houſehold.
gave their
THE government of Hoſpitals was to be infpected; and care
taken that good order was obferved in fuch places, and the reve-
nues belonging to them employed to the relief of the Poor. The
fame care was to be taken of Schools, as to the behaviour of the
Maſters, and the books they explained: and no one, as the Synod
had decreed by a Statute already mentioned, was to be admitted
to teach, unleſs he was approved of by the Biſhop. If
any Maſter
was found to be unfit, he was to be removed. It was, likewiſe,
to be obſerved, if Bookfellers kept by them, or fold heretical, or
other borbidden books.
WHERE there were Collegiate Churches and Chapters, infor-
mation was to be taken if the Prebendaries, and thofe in dignity
fatisfied their obligation, as well in a due and devout performance
of the divine fervice, as in every other branch of duty.
WHEN theſe things are done, the Viſitor is to commend or re-
prove, as he ſees occafion; and to employ for correction, if it be
neceffary, the cenfures of the Church, and other means of redreſs
which the Law furniſhes; and to conclude the whole with a ge-
neral exhortation to every one to comply with what their reſpec-
tive ſtations require of them.
THERE are fome Directions, in the Synod, which regard the
Vifitation made by the Metropolitans of the Provinces under their
juriſdiction; and the LEGATE refers them, in general, to the
Conftitution of Innocent IV. on that head; but, amongſt other
T 2
Articles,
T
}
140
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Articles, he ſpecifies the following: to take information whether
the Biſhops refide in their Diocefes, and preach and live as be-
comes them: how they behave in conferring holy Orders, and
Benefices; in appointing Ghoftly Fathers, and correcting difor-
ders; in the Viſitation of their Dioceſe, and whatever regards
the Epiſcopal charge and juriſdiction, and the adminiſtration both
of fpiritual and temporal concerns: whether they obferve the
Canons of the univerfal Church, and the Ecclefiaftical Inſtitutions
of this Realm and if any thing be fo remarkably faulty in any
of theſe particulars, as to require a reformation, they are to ef
fect it; if that cannot be done, they are to refer the cafe to a
Provincial Synod; but, if a ſtill higher authority be neceffary,
they are to have recourfe to the Holy See.
ARCHDEACONS are, in like manner, to viſit the diſtricts com-
mitted to their care, according to the form preſcribed above; and
to refer to the Biſhops matters of greater moment, to which they
find their own authority unequal: they were to bring into prac-
tice what had been enacted in the Epiſcopal Viſitation, and take
information of the cauſes which were a hindrance to it; and be-
cauſe much depended on them, as they were the Biſhop's reprefen-
tatives, they are referred to what two former Legates and Primates
of England, Otho and Othobonus, had preſcribed on this matter.
LASTLY, in order that Prelates may be at liberty to execute,
notwithſtanding any appeal or contrary cuſtom, whatever was
needful for the reformation of the People, the LEGATE renews
what Innocent III. had ordered, in a general Council, on this
head, and commands it to be obferved by All*.
* There are two different Editions of
the Statutes of this National Synod: one
of which is preſerved in the Cotton and
Cambridge Libraries, and contains them
as they were originally propofed to the
Engliſh Clergy, under the title of Legan-
tine Conflitutions of CARDINAL POLE.
Ex M. S. Cott. Cleop. F. 2, fol. 72, col-
lat. cum M. S. Synodal. in Coll. Corp.
Chrifti, Cantab.
The other Edition, which is fuller and
more accurate, was publiſhed at Rome,
four years after the CARDINAL's death,
under the title of The Reformation of Eng-
land. The edition which the Author
made ufe of, was printed from the Ro-
man
OF REGINALD POLE.
141
I HAVE only given the heads of the Decrees of this Synod, as
the Reader, who defires a greater detail than the Plan of this
Work would admit, may have recourſe to the Original.-A ſlen-
der acquaintance with the ſpirit and difcipline of Christianity, in
thoſe times when it moſt flouriſhed, will fhew the juſtneſs of the
obſervation, which I have quoted at the beginning of this Article,
that the LEGATE's defign was to bring the frame of the Engliſh
Church as near, as the times could bear, to primitive practice.—
The reſemblance, likewife, of the Decrees here made, to thoſe
which the General Council of Trent made on the fame matters,
is very remarkable. Nor can it be replied, that the LEGATE
adopted what had been already ordained in that celebrated Af-
ſembly; becauſe whatever has any affinity to the ſtatutes of the
Synod, was not regulated till the laft Seffions of the Council,
which were held fome years after the CARDINAL's death.-But
it is not improbable, that ſeveral of the Fathers, who affiſted at
them, were acquainted with what he had ordered on matters
which they were to regulate; and that they preſcribed to the
whole Chriſtian world, what he had approved of for one national
Church. This obfervation has no where greater force, than in
what regards the eſtabliſhment of Seminaries for the education of
the Clergy: an Inſtitution which the Fathers judged of ſuch im-
portance, that ſeveral of them, as has been related, at the cloſe of
the Council, faid, that all their pains would have been well em-
ployed, had this purpofe alone been gained.
THE ſmall number of Articles, to which the LEGATE reduced
a national Reformation, and the plainneſs and fimplicity with
which they are laid down, fhew the fkilfulneſs of the hand that
planned the defign, no lefs than the propriety with which the
choice is made.-The whole is compriſed in twelve Decrees,
man Copy, and publiſhed at Venice, by
Zileti, in 1564.-The Acts of this Sy-
nod have, fince, been inferted into the
Collection of the Councils.
which
142
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Hift. Ref.
part 2,
pag. 326.
which are addreffed to the Clergy, and defigned to form them to
a regularity becoming the Miniftry they were intruſted with.-
He
very well knew, was this point carried, the Reformation of
the whole Nation would foon be the fruit of it: for the genera-
lity of mankind having neither opportunity nor difpofition to enter
very far into the merits of the cauſe of Religion, take their im-
preffion, both as to belief and practice, from the character of
thoſe who are appointed to be their Guides.-The Chriſtian mo-
deration which appears through theſe Statutes, is a further re-
commendation of him who penned them. There is no order,
nor the leaſt intimation given to the Biſhops or Parochial Clergy,
to perfecute others; but to amend themſelves; and I fhould do
Dr. Burnet an injury, not to acknowledge this remark to be his.
SEVERAL other of the LEGATE's Synodical Decrees, and fuch
like Regulations, are come down to us; but as they throw no
further light on his character, or on the ſtate of the Nation as it
ſtood related to him, it would be foreign to this work to fwell
it with them *.
* Articles to be propofed to married
Priefts. Anth. Harmer, Specimen of Er-
rors, pag. 178.
Acts of a Provincial Synod of Can-
terbury.
Commiffion and Inftruction given to
the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, as
to Difpenfations, Abfolutions, &c. Ibid.
pag. 182. and Stripe's life of Cranmer,
App. pag. 187.
The like, granted to the Parochial
Clergy, and others. Harmer.
Injunctions ſent in Engliſh to the Bi-
fhop of Gloucester, the LEGATE's Dele-
gate in that Dioceſe: they contain ſeven-
teen Articles which regard the Clergy,
and as many the Laity, and are penned
with the fame goodneſs and difcernment
as the Legantine Conftitutions. Ex Ap-
pend. Hift. Rob. de Aveſbury, edit. Tho.
Hearne, pag. 376.
A Regulation fent to all the Biſhops,
concerning the due ufe of Confeffion,
choice of Ghoftly Fathers, and other
points of Difcipline; and Regulations
about money depofited with Bifhops.
Ex Reg. Turverville, Exon. fol. 18.
Concerning Proceffions. Ex R. Pole,
fol. 27, a.
Theſe Documents are collected in the
4th vol. Conc. Mag. Brit. by Wilkins,
from pag. 109, to pag. 178.
General Notes that were written unto
all Byfhopes, and from them to be cer-
tified to my Lord CARDINAL POLE'S
Grace M. S. now in the poffeffion of
Mr. Jofeph Sandford, of Balliol College.
THE
OF REGINALD
143
POLE.
THE Synod was fummoned on the 11th of November, and 1555.
the matter having been thoroughly weighed before the meeting,
the Biſhops and Clergy, who were affembled, found little more
to do, than to ſubſcribe to what had been regulated with ſo much
wiſdom. But though the LEGATE's hand had directed the plan-
ning of the whole, reduced it to one character and colouring,
and went over the feveral parts, and gave to each its finiſhing,
yet he was defirous the Public ſhould receive this pledge of his
folicitude for their welfare, under the authority of a National Sy-
nod, no leſs than his own.
A FEW days after the Council ended, the LEGATE wrote to
the King, that the Queen was defirous the People ſhould be im-
mediately informed of the Decree made for an anniverſary thankf
giving for the Nation's late reconciliation. "I went, fays he,
on the firſt Sunday of Advent to St. Peter's, accompanied by the
Biſhops and the whole body of the Nobility, who, on account
of the Parliament, are now in Town; and was received, in qua-
lity of LEGATE, as the cuſtom is, by the Archbishop of York,
and a great number of Ecclefiaftics and of the People, with all
the Clergy of that Church. One of the Queen's Chaplains, a
man of learning and probity, fet forth, in a very appofite dif-
courſe, the greatnefs of the benefit which a good God has been
pleaſed, through your Majefties means, to confer on this King-
dom and ſeveral are of opinion, that the readineſs which the
Nobility fhewed to affift at the folemn Mafs and Proceffion which
were performed on this occafion, has contributed as much to-
wards confirming the minds of the People in the ancient doc-
trine, as all the Sermons of laſt year*."-From this, and fome
other paffages I have cited out of the Acts of the Synod, it ap-
pears, that though the Roman Catholic was the Religion eſta-
bliſhed by Law, and which the Nation had received in the per-
* R. Poli Epift. pars 5", pag. 55.
fons
144
THE HISTORY OF THE LIEF
fons of its Sovereign and Repreſentatives, it was far from being
the perſuaſion of all the People, whofe tenets, in general, are
repreſented by the LEGATE, as erroneous as their manners were
corrupt: And when, in the Synodical Statutes, he ſpeaks of the
Clergy, it is, every where, with ſuch diſparagement, as plainly
indicates the little affiftance which was to be expected either
from the doctrine or example of fuch Minifters.-This, in ſome
meaſure, accounts for the quick defection from what was now
profeffed, which happened, two years after, under Queen Eliza-
beth, when, though all the Biſhops, one excepted, choſe to be
deprived of their Sees, rather than conform to the changes which
Sir Anth. then took place; and Lord Viſcount Montacute, in the upper
Houſe, and Mr. Atkins in the lower, and a few others, behaved
with the like conftancy: yet both Lords and Commons came
unanimouſly into the meaſures of that Princefs, in the very firſt
Parliament of her Reign.
Browne.
2
1
SECT.
( 145 )
SECT. X.
The LEGATE endeavours to reclaim Cranmer, under fentence of
death, from his errors.
His Lenity towards those who had left the communion of the See
of Rome.
He is confecrated Archbishop of Canterbury; and chofen Chancellor
of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge.
Anecdotes of his private life.
* T
SL
HE following year was fignalized by a puniſh-
ment, in the particulars of which, and in the
character of the Perfon, on whom it was inflicted,
this Hiſtory, for reaſons which the narrative will
bring me to, is fufficiently intereſted to require I
fhould be circumftantial on both thefe Heads.-Thomas Cranmer,
Archbiſhop of Canterbury, had been one of the chief promoters of
Henry's feparation from Catharine of Aragon, Mother to the Queen;
and had, moreover, pronounced the fentence of the Divorce.-
He had fubfcribed, in the latter part of Edward's reign, to the
change of the Settlement made by Parliament, and ſet aſide
the Princeſſes Mary and Elizabeth in favour of the Houſe of Suf-
folk; and, on that young Prince's deceaſe, was one of thoſe who
put up Lady Jane's title, and his name was at the head of that
treaſonable and reproachful declaration, in which the legitimacy
of his Sovereign's birth was denied, and fhe commanded to defift
from any pretentions to the Crown and retire to a private life;
and he had aggravated theſe miſdemeanors by ſpreading feditious
libels, and raifing tumults. "After a long and ſerious debate of
PART II.
the
U
146
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1
the Privy Council, he was committed, in the beginning of Sep-
tember, 1553, to the Tower, to remain there, or be referred to
Juſtice, according to the Queen's pleaſure*." Being brought to
his Trial on the third of November following, he pleaded guilty
to the Indictment, and fubmitted himſelf to the Queen's mercy;
on which he was attainted of high Treafon, and the fentence
confirmed by Act of Parliament. Though the See of Canter-
bury by this Attainder was become void in Law, it was not yet
declared vacated; and Cranmer, till he was degraded, was con-
fidered as Archbiſhop: the Revenues only were fequeſtered, and
the Criminal ſent back to the Tower.
THE perfonal injury which each of theſe offences included was
more than enough to ftir up all the refentment of a Woman and
a Queen; and yet it is probable the execution of this fentence
would not have taken place, had not Mary been more difpofed
to avenge the wrongs done to the Religion fhe profeffed, than
the treafon committed againſt herſelf: for of fo many, who had
oppofed her title at the beginning of her Reign, we have already
feen how few were put to death.
A PUBLIC difputation between the Catholic and Proteſtant
Apr. 1554 Divines being held, foon after, at Oxford, Cranmer, by the Queen's
Warrant, was removed from the Tower to that City, in order to
be preſent at it. Here he denied the real and corporal preſence
of CHRIST's body in the holy Eucharift, and afferted ſeveral other
tenets which he had before maintained, and were contrary to the
zoth April. Catholic doctrine. Two days after the Conferences were ended,
he was required by Dr. Wefton, and the other Deputies of the
Convocation, who prefided at them, to abjure his errors, and
fubſcribe to the Catholic Faith; and on refufal, was unanimoufly
declared to be a Heretick, and fent back to priſon, where he re-
mained till his Execution, which was put off for two years.
*Collier's Ecclef. Hift. vol. 2, b. 5, p. 347.
+ Anno 1° Mar, ch. 16.
DURING
OF REGINALD POLE.
147
DURING his confinement the LEGATE made repeated effays
to recall him to the paths of truth; and, on the promifes and
hopes he gave, had obtained frequent refpites of his execution,
which was refolved, it ſeems, though the time not determined*.
Among other inſtances of his ſolicitude to reclaim him from his
errors, particularly as to what regarded the Eucharift, is a long
and excellent letter, which is one of the most compleat pieces of
Controverſy that ever was penned on this Characteriſtic Article of
the Catholic Religion, and being dictated from the heart no lefs
than the head, is equally addreffed to both. At the ſame time,
he tells Cranmer, he entertained but flender hopes that what he
alleged would have its due weight with him, fince what the
learned Biſhop of Rocheſter, Fiſher, had wrote on that fubject,
and the late conferences at Oxford, had only contributed to har-
den and make him more obftinate; and that this had happened,
not through any want of ability on the part of thoſe, who would
have withdrawn him from darkneſs, but becauſe his weak and
fickly optics could not fupport the lively ray of Truth, whofe
light only blinded him more. He proves to him, that his mind,
in its prefent fituation, was incapable of underſtanding theſe doc-
trines; fince he was neither enlightened as a Teacher, nor en-
dowed with the teachableneſs of a Scholar. That the errors he
was fallen into, were the effect and puniſhment of the diſorders
of his paſt life; having been raiſed to Prelacy, in order to gratify
the paffions of his Prince, and having, on all occafions, anfwered
this ſhameful purpoſe.-He takes notice of the endleſs evils he
had brought on the Nation, of his prevarications in Religion, his
perjuries and fenfuality: by all which crimes he had drawn on
himſelf the fevereſt chaſtiſement of an angry Deity, and been
delivered up to a reprobate ſenſe†.
* Vita Poli, p. 34. à tergo.
+ The Original of this Letter, which
was wrote in Latin, is preferved in the
French King's Library, M. S. v. 10213,
pag. 43, and has been tranflated into
U 2
French
148
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THOUGH the LEGATE takes frequent opportunities in the letter
I have cited, to give Cranmer every fignification of good will,
and the fenfe he had of his misfortunes, he reſumes the ſubject
in a ſecond letter, in which he expreffes himſelf in this remark-
able manner: " that his concern for him, and the defire of his
welfare was fuch (he called God to witnefs) that was there any
means of reſcuing him from that terrible fentence of death, which,
unleſs he returned to his duty and a right mind, hung over both
body and foul, he would moſt willingly prefer it to all the honours
and emoluments which can befall any one in this life *.
THE time when the fentence was to be executed was now at
hand. He had been condemned, as has been faid, two years be-
fore, for treaſonable practices againſt his Sovereign's title and per-
fon, and had received fentence of death, which was confirmed
French by Monf. le Grand, and added to
the ift tome of his Hiftory of the Divorce;
from whence it was inferted into Cardi-
nal Quirini's Collection of the Author's
letters, part 5, pag, 238.
* Ea eft mea falutis tuæ cura et ftu-
dium, ut fi te ab horribili illà, quæ tibi,
nifi reſipiſcas, impendet non folum cor-
poris, fed etiam animæ mortis fententiâ,
ullo modo liberare poffem, id profectò
omnibus divitiis atque honoribus, qui cui-
quam in hâc vitâ obtingere poffint (Deum
teftor) libentiffimè anteponerem.
Notwithſtanding this folemn declara-
tion, and the LEGATE's precedent beha-
viour which was confonant to it, Doctor
Burnet, without the leaft grounds, or
even pretending to allege any authority,
is not aſhamed to advance (Hiſt. Reform.
part 2, p. 327.) that CARDINAL POLE'S
impatience to get into the See of Canter-
bury, caufed him to haften Cranmer's
death; and that this, and his paffive be-
haviour in the perfecution carried on a-
gainſt Hereticks, were the only ftains in
his life.
But, furely, the Bishop of Salisbury
could not but imagine the Reader would
expect fomething more than his bare
affertion to give credit to fo foul an aſper-
fion on fuch a Character. And had this
excellent Perfon been capable of the Act
of Blood and Ambition he is here charged
with, and haftened the death of Cranmer,
however guilty both in his public and pri-
vate life, in order to make room for him-
felf, far from being the Perfon the Biſhop
every where elſe repreſents him, he would
have been more exceptionable than the
Criminal, whoſe puniſhment he procured.
Befides, Cranmer was found guilty of
treafon long before the CARDINAL came
to England; and was, therefore, dead in
Law, and incapable of holding the leaſt
Church Benefice; and on the CARDI-
NAL's return to his Country, he had been
put in poffeffion of the revenues of the
Archbishoprick, which, on Cranmer's
condemnation, were fequeftered.
by
OF REGINALD
149
POLE.
by the Legislature.-His mifdeeds in a cafe of a higher and more
divine order had been lately examined at that Tribunal, to which,
by way of excellence, fuch Inquefts belong, and to which all
Ages have ever referred them. Here his offences had been
found of fuch a nature as to injure Religion in her vital part,
and to draw on the Offender all the cenfures and puniſhments
fhe can inflict.
1555.
THE Pope, at the King's and the Queen's requeſt, had ap-
pointed the Cardinal of St. Simeon to examine Cranmer's caufe;
and He had nominated the Bishop of Gloucester, and whoever he Dr. Brooks.
fhould think fit to join in the commiffion, to try the Criminal.
The Court of Delegates was opened in St. Mary's Church, in Ox- 12th Sept.
ford; and the Biſhop ſet forth in a long difcourfe, the crimes of
which Cranmer was accuſed; and, namely, his apoftacy, herefy,
and incontinence; he made mention, alfo, of his treaſon. To
which Cranmer replied, by difowning any fubmiffion to the Pope,
and charging the See of Rome with doctrines and practices con-
trary to the Goſpel.-As the Examination became more parti-
cular, the Criminal was accuſed of keeping a Wife fecretly in
Henry's reign, and openly in Edward's; of publiſhing heretical
books, and conſtraining others to ſubſcribe to them; of forfaking
the Catholic Church, and denying CHRIST's prefence in the Sacra-
ment of the Altar; and, lately, of difputing publickly againſt it,
at Oxford. All theſe Articles he confeffed, and excepted only
againſt having forced others to ſubſcribe, which he ſaid he had
never done*. This information being taken, he was fent back
to prison.
THE Report was made to Rome, and having been reviſed by a
Committee of the facred College, the Pope pronounced the fol-
lowing fentence: "That he had found Thomas Cranmer, formerly
Archbishop of Canterbury, guilty of feveral offences againſt the
* Burnet, Hift. Reform. part 2, pag. 331.
Ecclefiaftical
159
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
19th Jan.
1555-6.
Bonner,
and
Thirleby.
Ecclefiaftical Decrees and Rules of the holy Fathers; the tradi-
tions of the Church of Rome, the Councils, and the Rites, which
had hitherto been received by the Univerſal Church; and, parti-
cularly, that he had held and taught a Doctrine concerning the
Sacraments of the Body and Blood of JESUS CHRIST, and holy
Orders, contrary to what had been always taught and believed;
and had diſowned the primacy of the holy See, and the Papal
authority that he had afferted the proceedings of the Church of
Rome in the folemn condemnation of Hereticks, and their reſpec-
tive errors, to be unlawful; and had himfelf revived thofe of
Berengarius and Wickliffe, and abetted thoſe of Luther. - The
Pope, in particular, declares he had maintained thefe doctrines
in his anſwers to the Interrogatories made by his Holiness's Sub-
delegate, the Biſhop of Gloucester, and obftinately perſiſted in
them. For theſe reaſons he excommunicates and anathematizes
him; deprives him of the Archbiſhoprick of Canterbury, and all
Eccleſiaſtical Privileges; commands his effects to be confifcated,
and himſelf to be degraded and delivered up to the Secular Power.
When this is done, their Majefties are required to proceed as the
Law directs *."
THE Decree is directed to Philip and Mary, King and Queen
of England, and to the Biſhops of London and Ely, as to the per-
fons who were to execute it. In confequence of this fentence,
the Biſhops came down to Oxford, accompanied by the Doctors
Martin and Story, as the King's and Queen's Proctors; and Cran-
14th Feb. mer being brought before them, their Commiffion was read,
which declared him guilty of the crimes he had been charged
with, and required them to degrade him.-During this awful
Ceremony he perfifted in denying the Papal Juriſdiction, and ap-
* Poftquam Curiæ Seculari traditus fue-
rit, id, quod juris fecerit, fieri mandetis.
+ The Decree, in which this fentence
is contained, may be feen, at full length,
in Wilkins's Conc. Mag. Brit. vol. 4,
pag. 132, who tranſcribed it from Fox,
vol. 3, pag. 997, edit. 1641.
pealed
OF
151
REGINALD POLE.
pealed to a future Council. After the degradation and fentence
of death, he was removed to the Dean's lodgings at Chrift Church,
and no kind of exhortation omitted to prevail on him to fecure
his laſt ſtake by a fincere repentance, and to retract his errors;
which, perhaps, might alſo move their Majefties to reverfe his
doom, and pardon him. The proſpect of this grace, and the
dread of death, againſt which, it feems, neither the confcioufnefs
of a well-ſpent life, nor the goodneſs of the cauſe, in which he
was to die, had armed him, caufed him to fign a memorial, in
which he abjured the errors of Luther and Zuingle, acknowledged
the Pope's fupremacy, the feven Sacraments, CHRIST'S Corporal
prefence in the Eucharift, Purgatory and Prayer for departed
Souls, and the invocation of Saints.-He, likewife, defired thofe
who had been led aftray by his doctrine and example, to return
to the unity of the Catholic Church; and proteſted he did this of
his own free motion, and for the diſcharge of his confcience*.
Soon after, their Majeſties ordered the Lord High Chancellor 24th Feb,
to make out a Writ for his Execution, which is directed to the
Mayor and Bailiffs of Oxford; and Cranmer had again renewed
his Subſcription, and tranſcribed a fair Copy of the whole: but
having ſome miſgivings of his approaching puniſhment, he ſecretly
wrote another declaration of what his real tenets were, which
contradicted, in every point, the doctrine he had before figned,
and carried it about with him.-Being brought out to execution,
Dr. Cole, Provoſt of Eton, was appointed to preach on this occa-
fion, and he ſummed up, in a very pathetic diſcourſe, "the
chief diſorders of the unhappy Offender's life, and particularly
infifted on the miſeries, in which his contrivance and perfuafion
had involved his Country.-The divorce he had made between
the King and Catharine of Aragon, and the blemiſh which he
had caft on the Iffue of the latter.-That he had not only figned
*The Recantation is cited at full length, by Collier.
away
152
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
away the Crown from her prefent Majefty, but done it in very
abuſive and inſulting terms.-That he had enſlaved the Church
and Sacerdotal dignity to the fecular Power, and had frequently
been guilty of the moſt flagitious hypocrify in the great concern
of Religion, and had never ceaſed to ſtir up Schifmatics, Heretics,
and Rebels, and had violated all Laws human and divine.-He
concluded, by addreffing his difcourfe to Cranmer, and extolled
that mercy which had lately brought him to a ſenſe and acknow-
ledgment of his faults, and encouraged him to receive the puniſh-
ment due to them with a Chriſtian refignation, as the means to
attone for them, and obtain a happy eternity *."
WHEN Cranmer faw there was no further hopes of pardon, he
retracted whatever he had ſubſcribed to, declared it was contrary
to truth, and that the fear of death, and defire of living had pre-
vailed on him to act in this manner.-Being brought to the ftake,
he expreffed great refentment againſt his right hand, for having
figned the Catholic doctrine, and thruft it into the flames, in
which his body was foon confumed †.
HOWEVER rigorous this proceeding may appear, the Criminal,
on whom the puniſhment was inflicted, would have objected to
it with an ill grace. He had confented to Lambert's and Anne
Afkew's death, who fuffered, under Henry, for thofe very opi-
nions which himſelf held concerning the Eucharift: and he had
fet the example, in Edward's reign, of that very proceeding
which was now retaliated upon himſelf: He fate on Joan Bocher,
condemned her as an obftinate Heretic, and delivered her up to
the fecular Power, to be punished according to her deferts. He
behaved in the fame manner to George van Par, a German Sur-
2d May, geon; and they were both burnt at the ſtake in Smithfield‡. The
$550.
* Sermon at the Execution of Cran-
mer, Hen. Cole's Works, 8vo.
+ Fox, Acts and Mon. edit. 1583, p.
1816. Strype, Vita Cranmeri. Burnet,
Hift. Ref. part 2, pag. 131. Thuanus,
lib. 17, p. 511, F. edit Aurelianæ, 1620.
Stow's Chron. pag. 604, 605. Reg.
Cran. fol. 75, b. Ibid. fol. 78, a, and
Archbishop's
OF REGINALD POLE.
153
1551.
Archbishop's behaviour on this occafion was attended with an
aggravation which creates horror: for, whereas the young King 24th Apr.
ſhewed a reluctance to fign the warrant for the execution of theſe
Wretches, one of whom was more a Bedlamite than a Heretick,
he folved his Scruples, and prevailed on him to put his hand to
it *. It is, alfo, to be obſerved that thefe proceedings were car-
ried on three years after the Statutes againſt Hereticks were re-
pealed; and the fentence is pronounced with all the pomp in
which ſeverity and oftentation can dreſs it up.
I HAVE only given an account of the particulars of Cranmer's
puniſhment, and of the crimes which occafioned it: but the
Cauſe, which is termed the Reformation, of which he is confi-
dered as a principal author, may, perhaps, make a ſtill further
account of him not unacceptable to the Reader's curiofity; and
I could not interrupt the Narrative of the laſt Scene of his life,
to exemplify in particular inftances, what is related of him by
Proteſtant Hiſtorians, and will greatly elucidate what has been
already faid.
He was born of a reputable family in Nottinghamshire; and
being admitted into Jefus' College, in Cambridge, was deprived
of his Fellowſhip for marrying; but, on his Wife's death, he be-
took himſelf again to an Academical life, and entered into holy
Orders, and was obſerved by Dr. Fox as a fit perſon to promote
the divorce. He was, afterwards, Chaplain to the Earl of Wilt-
fire, Father to Anne Bullen; and being recommended to the
King as one zealous for his fervice, was employed by him in fo-
reign Courts and Univerſities. In Germany, he became acquaint-
79, a: Theſe proceedings may likewife
be ſeen, at full length, Wilkins's Conc.
Mag. Brit. vol. 4, pag. 43, et ſeq.
* Dr. Burnet excufes theſe Actions in
Cranmer, by ſaying, they did not pro-
'ceed from cruelty of temper, but were
PART II.
X
truly the effect of thoſe Principles by which he
governed himself. Hift. Ref. part 2, pag.
III, and 112.
+ Fox, Godwin, de Præf. Angl. Strype,
Vita Cran. Burnet, Hift. Ref.
ed
154
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
March,
1533.
ed with Ofiander, one of the moſt profane and diffolute wretches
of the age, as both Calvin and Melancthon, though engaged in
the fame party, reprefent him: and notwithſtanding the moſt
folemn engagements to celibacy, which he had taken at his Or-
dination, he married this Reformer's Niece. Here, likewife, he
became acquainted with Luther's tenets, "adopted his fentiments,
and was the moſt eſteemed of thoſe who embraced them *." On
Archbishop Warham's death, which happened whilft Cranmer
was abroad, the King named him to the See of Canterbury; and,
on his return to England, whither his Wife, though in fecret,
accompanied him, he was confecrated according to the Roman
Ritual. The oath of obedience to the See of Rome is a Rite ob-
ferved on that occafion, and Cranmer retired into a private place,
and entered a proteft againſt the oath he was going to take, and,
then, took it. In whatever light common fenfe and common
honeſty muſt confider this behaviour, two Hiftorians of note have
repreſented it as an inftance of fair dealing and fincerity; and a
third, who gives up the merit of the management, can only dif-
cover in it fomething of human infirmity."-There was no abject
compliance, as ſhall be exemplified a little lower, to which he
did not let himſelf down, to flatter the paffions of Henry VIII.
and fecure his own credit.-After his return from Germany, he
continued during the remaining part of that Prince's 'reign, which
was thirteen years, in a conftant diffimulation of his Religion,
and a daily profeffion and practice of what he difbelieved; as the
denial of the Pope's fupremacy was yet the only Article which
divided England from the See of Rome: and Henry exacted a
rigorous compliance with all the other terms of Communion,
which Cranmer, though a Lutheran, obferved. In confequence
of this abandoned turn of mind, he fubfcribed to the fix famous
Burnet, Hift. Ref. part 1, p. 135.
+ Echard, Hift. of Eng. vol. 2, pag.
281. Burnet, Hift. Ref. part I, pag.
129. Collier, Church Hift. vol 2, b. I.
pag. 74.
Articles,
OF REGINALD
155
POLE.
Articles, which contain fo many points in which the Reformers
diſagree with the ancient Doctrine, though he disbelieved them
all. But becauſe the celibacy of the Priesthood is inforced by one
of them, under the penalty of death by fire, he fent his Wife
back into Germany, where the remained to the end of that reign.
AT Edward's acceffion he threw off the Mafk, and declared
in favour of the Zuinglian and Calvinistical Principles, as they
removed him at a ſtill greater diftance from the Catholic Belief,
and were countenanced by the Protector. This he did of his
own authority, before the Parliament had abolished the ancient
worſhip, and an uninformed Embryo had been ſubſtituted in its
ſtead. And here again he acted in direct oppofition to the Lu-
theran tenets, which, before, he had imbibed and followed.-In
a great number of writings he left behind him, there is fcarce
one Article of the Catholic Church, which he does not oppugn :
he was fo bent on extirpating every thing which could give the
People a veneration for her authority that he wrote a treatiſe
against all traditions*: and, though Edward's reign had went
the lengths we have feen, in what was called Reformation, he ne-
ver ceafed to urge that young Prince to further changes, and to
weary the Public with Schemes on that fubject.-In the fame
view he invited over foreign Sectaries, and, however Antichriftian
their tenets were, obtained for them Churches, and recommended
them to the favour of the Crown, to Profefforſhips, and other
emoluments; every path being right to him, which led the Na-
tion, of which he was Primate, aftray +.
* Againſt unwritten Verities.An
Examination of moft points of Religion.
-Concerning a further Reformation.-
Some Confiderations offered to Edward
VI. to induce him to proceed to a further
Reformation.
+ Martin Bucer, who was firft a Lu-
theran, then a Zuinglian, was made
Divinity Profeffor at Cambridge.
Paul Fagius, Hebrew Profeffor at the
fame Univerſity.
P. Virmili, or Martyr, who was a pro-
feffed Zuinglian, made Divinity Profeffor
at Oxford.
X 2
7. à Lafco, Minifter of the firft Dutch
Church
156
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THOUGH Dr. Burnet grants thefe facts, and the others which
follow, he accounts for Cranmer's conduct, with faying,
"that
in all this he did no more than his Confcience allowed him." I
fhall, therefore, afk the Reader's leave to prefent him with the
ſketch of a Conſcience, which in a very different fenfe from that
of the Apoſtle, became all to all, and accommodated itſelf, with-
out diſtinction, to every thing.
t
THIS faculty, therefore, which was given to diſcern good from
evil, and induce us to act by this eftimate, was fo ductile in
Cranmer, as to allow him to enflave the Church, of whofe Rights
his ſtation obliged him to be the Guardian, to the fecular power;
and to fubmit that authority, which her Minifters derive from
JESUS CHRIST, to earthly Potentates. He acknowledged Henry
VIII. to be the fole fource of all ſpiritual juriſdiction, and that
it was by his fufferance, that he, the Primate, could judge and
determine a meer fpiritual caufe; and, at his moſt humble re-
queſt, the King grants him this power in the Commiffion to pro-
ceed on the Divorce *. On Edward's acceffion, he took out
freſh Patents for his Archbishoprick, and acknowledged he held
it revocable at the King's pleaſure; and a fpecial licence was if-
ſued out from an Infant to empower him, and the other Biſhops,
to confer Orders, and exerciſe the other Epiſcopal functions †.
He fuffered Cromwel, though a Layman, and utterly void of all
Ecclefiaftical knowledge, to prefide at all the Convocations of the
Church in London, befides the errors of
Zuingle, and other frenzies, found out
twelve different meanings of the words of
the Inftitution of the Euchariſt, and re-
jected Baptiſm, which, he faid, was be-
come an Idolatry.
P. Ochin, who was employed with
Martyr to compile the Liturgy, wrote a
treatiſe in defence of Polygamy, became
a Socinian, and djed the Outcaft of man-
kind, and an Atheiſt.
Nigellinus, Tremellius, Valerand, P. Alex-
ander, and feveral others, who were Zu-
inglians and Calvinifts, and came to
England in Edward's reign.
* The Commiffion is put down at
length by Collier, Ecclef. Hift. vol. 2,
among the Collections, p. 15; and is
taken from the Original preferved in the
Library of Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford.
+ Sanders, Heylin, p. 82.
Clergy.
OF
157
REGINALD POLE.
of Aragon,
Clergy. The fame latitude of Principle permitted him to diffolve Catharine
two of the King's marriages, on pretexts notoriouſly falſe, and and Anne
which had no other foundation than a change in Henry's affec- of Cleves.
tions; and to fign the death of the Admiral, Brother to the Duke
of Somerset, without bringing him to trial. It permitted him,
though a Prieſt, and confequently obliged to celibacy by the moſt
folemn ties, to take a Wife; and, in that condition, to accept of
one of the first Sees of the Chriftian World; and though a Lu-
theran, to take at his confecration the oath of obedience to the
Pope: to ſubſcribe to the fix Articles, which are ſo many con-
demnations of Luther's tenets, and by which the Mafs, the ca-
pital object of the Reformation's averfion, is approved.—To offer
up, during Henry's reign, this Sacrifice, even for the repofe of
the Dead; which, in his Principles, he muſt have looked on as
an abomination before God; and to ordain Priefts, on whom he
conferred the fame power.-To exact, even from Deacons, at
their ordination, a folemn engagement to a fingle life, to which,
though an Archbiſhop, he did not think himſelf obliged.—To
pray to Saints, who are departed in God's favour, and reign with
his bleſſed Son; and to pay a reſpect to their repreſentations:
though all theſe Practices were abjured by the late Doctrines,
with which he had taken up.-As yet I have only pointed out a
part of the character of that Conſcience, which, Leopard like,
was ſpotted all over.-To conclude, this ductile Confcience al-
lowed him, in hopes of faving his life, to abjure all the tenets he
had hitherto profeffed; and, when that proſpect failed, and he
was brought to execution, to revoke that very abjuration, and
to declare it was all a lie.
THIS Perfon, who, Proteus like, put on all appearances, and
was then only taken when he returned to his own form, “ had,
if we credit Biſhop Burnet, as few faults, and as many eminent
Virtues, as any Prelate for many ages *;" and "was put on a
* Preface to the first part of Hift. Ref. laft paragraph but one.
level,
158
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
level, by thoſe who compared modern and ancient times, with
the greateſt of the Primitive Fathers, not only a Chryſoſtome, an
Ambrofe, and an Austin, but with thoſe of the firft Clafs, who
immediately followed the Apoſtles, an Ignatius, a Polycarp, and
a Cyprian*."— If there really were any fuch perfons, who made
this compariſon, the Biſhop has fpared their memory by fupprefs-
ing their names: But it was the higheft infult on the ſenſe and
morals of his Readers, to fuppofe them fufceptible of fo grofs an
impofition; unless he imagined that what is called Popery has
the fame power over the minds of men, as Circe's wand had on
the Companions of Ulyffes, to deprive them of their reafon.-As
for the Bifhop himſelf, he muſt have drank to the dregs of that
intoxicating Cup, with which the lying Prophets are drenched, to
give out ſuch abfurdities, and expect they ſhould be credited.
THE feverity I have related, was not exerciſed on Cranmer
alone. Two hundred and feventy perfons, during this Reign,
* Hift. Ref. part 2, pag. 336.
Our other Writers, who agree in the
facts I have related, have yet beſtowed
every commendation on a Perfon whom
they have fingled out as the main Pillar
of the Reformation, of which Mr. Gu-
therie ftyles Cranmer the Father.
Mr. Hume fays, he was undoubtedly a
man of merit adorned with candour
and fincerity, and all thofe virtues, which
were fitted to make him uſeful and ami-
able in Society that his moral qualities
procured him univerfal refpect; and the
courage of his Martyrdom made him the
Hero of the Proteftant Party."
The Biog. Brit. fays, "He muſt be
allowed to be the glory of England, and
one of the chief Founders of the Re-
formation."
I might quote a volume of the like Eu-
logies heaped on him by Fox, Strype, &c.
The founder few, however, have had
too juſt a regard to that decency which
every one owes himſelf, to fall into fuch
extravagancies. The celebrated Mr.
Prinne, Keeper of the Records in the
Tower, under Charles II. accufes him of
perjury; of cruelty in burning the Profef-
fors of the Goſpel; of being the chief
Author of all the calamities of Henry the
eighth's reign, and of fubverting the
Church; and reprefents him as a Hypo-
crite, an Apoftate, and Rebel*.
Dr. Fuller, who has undertaken Cran-
mer's defence, is at a lofs how to reply
to any of the nine Articles which Mr.
Prinne lays to his charge, moft of which
he gives up, and fays, in a homely phraſe,
he will leave him, where he is guilty, to
fink or fwim by himfelf. Church Hift.
b. 5, pag. 186.
* Prinne, Antipathy of Prelacy and Monarchy.
underwent
OF REGINALD POLE.
159
underwent the like punishment, at different times, and in dif-
ferent parts of the Kingdom; of whom a hundred and fifty were
put to death, or died in prifon, after Cranmer's execution *. A
great number of thefe unhappy perfons fuffered in the Dioceſe of
London, of which Bonner was Biſhop, who is reprefented as the
chief Incendiary of that flame; and London being the Capital,
was likewife the Theatre, where the Delinquents were chiefly to
make their appearance.-Great moderation was uſed in other
parts of the Kingdom: not one was put to death in the Dioceſe
of Canterbury, after CARDINAL POLE was promoted to that See:
one only in that of York, of which Dr. Heath was Archbishop,
and very few in the four Welch Dioceſes: one in each of thofe
of Wells, Exeter, Peterborough, and Lincoln, though this be the
moſt extenfive in England: two in that of Ely, and three in each
of thofe of Briſtol, and Saliſbury; and none in thoſe of Oxford,
Gloucester, Worcester, and Hereford†.
THE Statutes, on which thoſe who fuffered were tried and
condemned, were thofe of Richard II. and Henry IV. and V. and
they ſet forth that the occafion on which they were made, "was
the Errours which sprang up againſt the ancient Faith of the
Church, to which both Houfes of Parliament obferve the diſtin-
guiſhed attachment of the Engliſh above all other Nations.-The
liberty which itinerant Preachers gave themſelves of travelling
*
John Fox is the original Author,
from whom this Account is taken, which
has been very accurately examined by the
learned Father Parfons, who lived very
near thofe times, and has fhewn that
great abatements are to be made in what
the Compiler of the Acts and Monuments
fays, as to the number, behaviour, and
cauſe of the Sufferers that he has ad-
vanced many and manifeft falfehoods,
and made himſelf fufpected of ftill more:
which cauſed an ingenuous and eminent
Divine of the Church of England to pafs
this cenfure on him," that where he
produces Records, he may be credited;
but as to other relations he was of very
flender authority."
Poft Thome Cranmeri mortem ufque ad
Maria obitum, ob Religionem qui fup-
plicio affecti funt, aut damnati in car-
cere perierunt, per varias Regni civitates,
oppida, caftella, numerati funt à Curi-
ofis ufque ad CLXXVI. Thuanus, Hift. lib.
xvii. p. 512, C. edit Aurelian, anni 1620.
† Heylin, Hift. Ref. p. 226.
from
160
THE HISTORY OF THE LIEF
Anno I,
Maria.
from place to place and broaching falſe doctrine-That they,
likewiſe, raiſed commotions against the King, the fafety of the
Realm, and all order in Society, infomuch that their tenets were
not only heretical, but feditious.-The Statutes, therefore, order
the Sheriffs and other civil Magiſtrates to feize on all fuch Offen-
ders, and bring them before their Ordinary; and on being found
guilty, they are to be put to death, or puniſhed according to the
nature and degree of the Offence."
THESE Statutes had been repealed in the late Reign, and the
reaſons for reviving them in this feem, in great meaſure, to have
been the fame which caufed them to be firft enacted, the pre-
fervation and peace of the State againſt their attempts, who,
under the pretence of confcience would have fubverted it. The
candour of Proteſtant Writers in relating theſe provocations makes
it needleſs to ſearch for any proof of them elſewhere than in
their Works. I have, already, fpoke of the treaſonable practices
againſt the Queen's title, by the Innovators, which were preceded
by ſeveral hardſhips fhe had endured, all her Brother's Reign,
from the fame Principles: theſe were fucceeded by Wiat's rebel-
lion, who was a profeffed Calvinift.-Notwithstanding this, two
years of her Reign had paſſed without any thing which had the
air of perſecution on account of Religion. A Proclamation, in-
deed, had been publiſhed, commanding all Foreigners, who had
fled their Country for herefy, murder, treaſon and other crimes,
to leave the Realm, where they had abetted the late Rebellion,
and were a public nufance: but this proceeding cannot come.
under the name of Perfecution.
THE Provocations I am fpeaking of, and which followed
very faſt one on the other, were treaſonable practices againſt
the Government; and indignities offered to the Religion the
Sovereign profeffed; and to the Queen's Perfon, on no other ac-
count but becauſe the profeffed it.-An Affaffin attempted to
take away her life, and, when he came to execution, juſtified
the
OF REGINALD POLE.
161
the fact.*—Another perfonated King Edward, that he might dif-
pute her title.+-Her Preacher was fhot at in the pulpit at St.
Paul's, and her Chaplains mobbed and pelted in the Streets.-
When public prayers were ordered on a fuppofition of her preg-
nancy, a Reformed Clergyman made ufe of this form, " that it
would pleaſe God either to turn her heart from Idolatry, or to
fhorten her days;" and when feveral who met at this Affembly
were taken up, Bishop Hooper comforted them by letter, as fuf-
fering Saints A Dog's head was fhaved, in contempt of the
Clerical tonfure; and, by an impiety which I have a difficulty to
repeat, a wafer was put into a dead Cat's paws, in derifion of
the holy Sacrament, and hung up at Cheapfide.-Pretended Reve-
lations, and the forgery of the Spirit in the Wall, were employed
to diſturb the Government, and difcredit the Mafs and Confeffion.
Theſe and the like impieties were followed by overt Acts of Re-
bellion, of which, an attempt to rob the treafury, the infurrection
in the North, and the feizure of Scarborough Caftle to favour a
French invafion, are inftances. §.
}
MANY Engliſh Proteftants, as they are now termed, though
they were chiefly Zuinglians and Calvinifts, at this time left their
native Country, and retired into different parts of Germany and
Switzerland. Here they as little agreed among themſelves in
doctrine and diſcipline, as they formerly had with that Church,
whoſe communion they forfook; and fet up the Puritan faction,
againſt Rites and Ceremonies; the Prefbyterian, againſt Epiſ-
copacy; and the Independant, againſt Paſtors in general. Thoſe
who retired to Geneva, publiſhed a new Tranflation of the Bible
into the Engliſh tongue, in which, to fay nothing of the errors
in point of Religion, there were feveral notes which the Civil
Magiſtrate muſt have looked on as dangerous and feditious.—
* Collier's Ch. Hift. v. 2. b. 5. p. 380.
+ Fox, Coll. Vol. 2. B. 5. p. 374.
PART II.
Y
+ Stow's Chron. pag. 624.
§ Heylin, Hift. Reft. pag. 234.
Theſe
>
162
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
*
A Cor.
ch. 11
Theſe ſtrange Proceedings gave the Germans the like opinion of
theſe ſuffering Confeffors, they had already had of thofe whom
the Reformed English ftyled Martyrs; to whom, indeed, they
gave the fame appellation, but with an epithet too grofs to find
place here*.
How the LEGATE behaved in thefe tranfactions, we learn
from one who was his Secretary, and who publiſhed his Life in
a Country where he could be under no influence to repreſent his
Lord's behaviour, as to the point in queſtion, otherwiſe than it
really was; and at a time, when all fuch miſrepreſentation would
have anſwered no purpoſe, but to expoſe the Writer: and he in-
forms us, the CARDINAL uſed his beſt endeavours that the Sec-
taries, who were ftill very numerous, notwithſtanding many had
left their Country, might be treated with lenity, and no capital
puniſhment be inflicted on them; and though he could not hin-
der the judicial proceedings againſt fuch as were convicted of
Herefy; and his ſtation obliged him to diſcountenance doctrines,
which were condemned by the Laws of the State, no less than
by the Truth of the Goſpel: yet he often reminded the Bifhops,
to whoſe cognizance theſe cauſes were brought in firſt inſtance,
that they were Fathers as well as Judges.-When there was
room for clemency towards any who were condemned to death,
he interceded in their behalf-He difcourfed with feveral who
were engaged in error, and accommodated himſelf to their vari-
ous circumſtances, " and made himſelf a Servant to All, that he
might gain the more; to the weak he became as weak, that he
might gain the weak: he made himſelf all things to all men,
that he might fave All." By this Chriſtian condefcenfion he re-
claimed, among others, Sir John Cheek, whofe reputation and
ſkill in the Latin and Greek languages, had recommended him
to be Preceptor to Edward VI†.
* Ambaff. de Noailles, tom. 4, pag. 343, &c. tom. 5, p. 335. Heylin, pag. 59.
Collier, vol. 2, b. 5, pag. 401.
+ Vita Poli, pag. 33.
THIS
OF REGINALD POLE.
163
THIS behaviour has fo prepoffeffed a Writer of our own Coun-
try, though utterly averfe to the CARDINAL's religious tenets, in
favour of his humane and benevolent difpofition, as to give us a
debate, in which Bishop Gardiner is introduced as ſpeaking in
ſupport of perfecution, and the LEGATE againſt it*. But the
Author's ingenuity, which is very great, has ſupplied the whole
argument, of which I have found no trace in Hiſtory.
ANOTHER celebrated perfonage, whofe name is very high in
the Catalogue of our prefent favourite Hiftorians, and his autho-
rity very great, and who lived near the times I am ſpeaking of,
being born only three years before the CARDINAL's death, def-
cribes him much in the fame light, in which the Writer of his
life repreſents him; and, in the interefting paffage I am about to
quote, he deſcribes himſelf.
"I AM obliged, fays he in a letter to his intimate friend, the
Cardinal Biſhop of Aufbourg, to publiſh, in my own defence, the
Work on the Church's Unity, which the moſt earneft folicitations.
of
my Friends, have not yet prevailed on me to do. This is
owing to my being attacked with great virulence by one I never
faw, and have no other knowledge of, than from the flanders
he has thought fit to publish concerning met. To make me
odious, he reprefents me of a cruel and unrelenting nature, and
attributes whatever I have done to reconcile the Emperor and the
King of France, to a view of uniting their joint forces againſt the
Lutherans. I need only appeal to you, my Lord, and to all who
are acquainted with me, how little I deferve, either from prin-
* Hume, Hift. of the Tudors, vol. I,
pag. 374.
+ Quanquam invitus faceret CARDI-
NALIS POLUS, cui Religionis nogotium
commiffum erat, ut in eos, quorum fa-
lutem tanto ftudio quæreret, duriùs ani-
madvertere cogeretur; quippe qui cogi-
tabat, quod etiam fæpius dicere auditus
eſt, ſe ac cæteros Epifcopos non folùm
Judices adverfus pravè de Religione fen-
tientes, fed Patres eſſe conſtitutos. Thu-
anus, Hift. lib. 17, pag. 512, C.
This was Verger, of whom mention
has been made, part 1, pag. 131, in
Y 2
the note.
ciple
164
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ciple or temper, this imputation.-At the fame time, I do not
deny, but, the caſe ſuppoſed of any one's opinions being extremely
pernicious, and he no lefs induftrious to corrupt others than de→
praved himſelf, I might fay, fuch a one fhould be capitally pu-
niſhed; and, as a rotten member, cut off from the Body. But
it was my conſtant declaration, that this remedy was not to be
applied, till every gentler method had been made ufe of; and I
was ſo far from thinking that cures fhould begin by amputation,
or any other ſeverity, that, on all occafions, both in public and
private, when I was to give my opinion, it always was in the
manner I have mentioned.-This fact is fo notorious, that, on
account of my lenity in puniſhing erroneous Doctrines, I have
hardly eſcaped a fufpicion of favouring their cauſe whoſe perſons
I ſcreened. When I prefided at the Council of Trent, where
fentence was to be pronounced on All who had renounced the
Doctrine of the Church, and the obedience due to her, there
was no point I more frequently inculcated, than that, although
we were the Judges of ſuch cauſes and perfons, we were, like-
wife, Fathers; by which name alone thofe are called who affiſt
at Councils, whilft that of Judge is fuppreffed: and this was to
remind us to behave in fuch a manner as, in all our Decrees,
there might be ſtill fome mark of paternal affection: that, thoſe
who had left our Communion, though they were our avowed
Enemies, yet ought not to be confidered by us in that light; that
they were ſtill our Children, and as fuch to be treated with the
tenderneſs which the name claimed. Nor was this my opinion
alone, but that of my Collegues, and the judgment of the whole
Council, who readily came into the ſame ſentiments *.
*
THE only exception which has been made, with any founda-
tion, to this general Character of CARDINAL POLE, is a Com-
miffion iffued out on occafion of feveral pernicious doctrines that
* Reg. Poli Epift. pars 4ª, pag. 156.
were
OF REGINALD POLE.
165
were taught and propagated in the Dioceſe of Canterbury; and,
left the fuppreffion of it may ſeem to proceed from any appre-
henfion of prejudicing his memory, fincerity obliges me to take
notice of it.
THE Perfons, to whom it is directed, are required to inform
themſelves of the fact, and have it certified by Oath, in the
manner the Law directs in fuch cafes; which is favourable to
the Criminal. They were to uſe their beſt endeavours to reclaim
fuch perfons; but if they remain obftinate, they are to be excom-
municated; and, if the atrociouſneſs of the crime requires it, de-
livered up to the Civil Magiftrate *. In confequence of which
Commiffion, he informs their Majefties of fome who had been
convicted, and leaves them to be puniſhed as they deſerve †.
It is difficult to determine who were the moſt active in carry-
ing on profecutions of this kind, and exerting the literal feverity of
Laws, which feem chiefly defigned to deter Mankind from thefe
criminal deviations from Truth, by the feverity of the puniſhment
denounced againſt them. The greater number of the Biſhops were
men of great moderation and averſe to ſuch meaſures, as appears by
what has been faid in this Work of fome of them, and from the
teftimony given by Proteftant Hiftorians of the reſt, except Bonner,
and a very few more. Some leading Perfons about the Court feem
to have countenanced theſe meaſures, as neceflary to fecure the
Government; and to have armed the Laws with all their terror
againſt thoſe who had diſtinguiſhed themſelves by their inſults on
Religion and the Miniſtry.-Philip's behaviour afterwards in the
Low Countries, where the Duke of Alva, by his orders, put ſuch
numbers to death, make it not improbable, that he favoured pro-
ceedings, which, for political reaſons, he would be thought to dif-
approve. As for the Queen, whofe character I fhall ſpeak to
Si facti atrocitas ita expofceret. Ex
R. Pole, fol. 29, b; and Wilkins, Conc.
Mag. Brit. vol. 4, pag. 173.
+ Condignâ animadverfione plectendos
relinquimus. Ex R. Pele, fol. 3c, b;
and Wilkins, as above, pag. 174.
elsewhere,
166
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
elſewhere, no one will wonder that her fondneſs for a huſband
twelve years younger than herſelf, and her attachment not only
to his perſon, but his family, from which the defcended by her
Mother, fhould cauſe her to affent to what he was inclined to.—
Something, likewiſe, muſt be given to the temper of the times;
which, however, neither began with this Princeſs, nor ended
with her and yet the bloody Reign of Queen Mary alone, is ſtill
the diſmal ditty of every Nurſery, and we may fay of it what the
Poet does of the threadbare ballads of his days;
Cui non dictus Hylas puer, et Latonia Delos?
But far from retaliating this objection on her Succeffor, who made
actions of mere Religious import, treaſon and felony, and pu-
niſhed thoſe who performed them accordingly, I would chufe to
treat this ſubject in fuch a manner as to cover heats, not ſpread
and perpetuate them.
HAVING related the Hiftorical Facts which concern theſe Pe-
nalties, I muſt afk the Reader's leave to add a few Reflections
which elucidate the ſtate of the queſtion, and belong to this part
of CARDINAL POLE's Hiſtory, no less than the Facts themſelves.
-I have already fhewn, that what gave occafion to enact penal
Laws againſt Hereticks in former Reigns, and to renew them in
this, was the open Rebellion againſt the Government, to which
this licentiouſneſs of opinions gave birth, as well as to the mani-
feſt ſubverſion of the Catholic Doctrine. This cauſed the Legif-
lature to confider Herefy not only as a grievous fin againſt Al-
mighty God, but as a heinous crime againſt the State and as
the cognizance of it belonged to the Church, Bishops were re-
quired to examine thoſe who were accuſed of it; and, if they
were found guilty, to deliver them over to the fecular Power.
But it muſt be obſerved, that theſe Statutes are Laws of the Eng-
liſh Realm, not Canons of the Catholic Church, and no more
make part either of her Faith or Diſcipline, than the hardſhips
Debtors
OF REGINALD
167
POLE.
}
Debtors undergo in our common Goals, or the fame puniſhment
being affigned to murder and to the larceny of five fhillings, can be
imputed to the Church of England. Nor can it be replied, that
theſe ſeverities have ftill place in feveral Countries where the Ca-
tholic Religion prevails; as it is no argument against the general
humanity and equity of Engliſh Proteftants, that the ufages I
have mentioned are the Statute Law, where the Reformed is the
eſtabliſhed Religion.-The Catholic Church is fo far from ad-
judging Hereticks to corporal puniſhment, much leſs to death,
that all her criminal proceedings againſt ſuch as are accuſed of
Hereſy ceaſe when the Cauſe is cleared up, and her puniſhments
extend no further than the ſpiritual ſtate of the Offender. I ſhall
exemplify this in as folemn an inſtance of the Church's juriſdiction
as the cafe admits; and exerted by a Pope as jealous of his
pre-
rogative as ever filled the Pontifical throne: This was Paul IV.
who in his Decree of Cranmer's condemnation, which is directed
to Philip and Mary, "only requires them to deal with him,
after he is delivered up to the fecular Court, as the Law directs*,”
without the leaſt infinuation of any bodily puniſhment.-The
ſame ſentence, in fimilar cafes, is ſo univerſally underſtood not to
extend to mutilation, or taking away the life of the Delinquent,
that the Biſhop, or whoever delivers him to the Civil Magiſtrate,
always concludes the proceedings of the Spiritual Court in this
manner; "We befeech you with all earnestnefs, that for the love
of Almighty God, and on the motive of compaffion, and becauſe
we aſk it of you, that you will not condemn this miſerable perſon
to death, or the lofs of his limbs." The Laws of England, at
the time I am ſpeaking of, puniſhed Herefy with death, but the
Church is not accountable for Laws which fhe did not eſtabliſh,
and leaves their execution to whom it belongs.-The fecular
Judge every where proceeds on the fame fuppofition, and in the
* Poftquam Curiæ feculari traditus fuerit, id quod juris eft,
Bulla Pauli IV. Wilkins, vol. 4, Conc. Mag. Brit. pag. 132.
fieri mandetis. Ex
† Ibid. 136.
Writ
168
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Writ for Cranmer's execution, the King and Queen expreſsly take
notice, "that the Criminal being condemned for Herefy, and
degraded; as the Church neither had, nor ought to proc d y
further in the affair, he was delivered over to them, the King
and Queen, according to the laws and cuſtoms of the Realm, pro-
vided in fuch cafes, and condemned to be burnt, in deteſtation of
his guilt, and for a warning to other Chriſtians *.'
THE LEGATE had already, on Cranmer's being condemned as a
Heretick, and his See declared to be vacated, been appointed Ad-
miniſtrator of the Archbishoprick, and the Revenues were affigned
to him. At the fame time, he had received the rank of Cardinal
Prieſt of the Church of St. Mary in Cofmedin, of which he was
before only Cardinal Deacon, and was now both Prieſt and Pre-
late. But on Cranmer's execution, the Queen nominated him
to the See of Canterbury, as ſhe had before fignified her intentions,
and on his fhewing the difficulty he had to accept of the offer,
the Princeſs, who had the affair much at heart, having repre-
fented to him the exigences of the times, and the aid which the
Church of her Realm expected from his zeal, he acquiefced in
the choice her Majeſty had made; and fending Godwell, Bishop'
of St. Asaph, to Rome, on affairs of moment, and on this among
the reft, he informed the Pope, that if fuch was his good plea-
fure, he confented to be confecrated; but on this condition,
that he ſhould be no more obliged to go to Rome, or be abfent
from a Poft, which required reſidence.-Cardinal Moron, in qua-
lity of Protector of England, as the cuftom is, was to ſpeak to the
character of the other Prelates, whom the Queen had named to
the vacant Biſhopricks, and having performed this office to the
* Et cùm etiam mater Ecclefia non
habet quod ulteriùs in hac parte faciat,
aut facere debeat....... Juxta leges et
confuetudines Regni noftri Angliæ dam-
natum et degradatum comburi facietis,
in hujufmodi criminis deteftationem, et
aliorum Chriftianorum exemplum mani-
feftum. Ibid. pag. 140. Ex Rot. Pat.
2º et 2º Phil. et Mar. pars 2.
+ R. Poli Epift. pars 52, pag. 142.
Regiſt. Poli.
reft,
OF REGINALD POLE.
169
reſt, the Pope, who had reſerved to himſelf the commendation
of the Archbiſhop, began with a compliment to the Queen, and
then diſcourſed on the CARDINAL in fuch a ſtrain as nothing
could be added to the Panegyrick; and concluded with faying,
he owed this teftimony to his learning, piety and integrity, with
which he had been long acquainted*.
THE CARDINAL, on receiving the Decree of his election to
the See of Canterbury, wrote to the Pope in the following terms.
“I have received, fays he, from your Holineſs the Decree by
which I am nominated to the See of Canterbury, and at the firſt
ſignification of it I may truly fay, that the greatneſs of the charge
gave me a juſt diſtruſt of my ſufficiency to acquit myſelf of it,
and would have deterred me from making fuch an undertaking
my own choice.
I reflected, afterwards, on the Princes, at
whoſe recommendation I was named to this Poft of Honour; on
the Vicar of JESUS CHRIST, who had given an illuftrious tefti-
mony in my favour; and on the Affeffors, by whofe approbation
I had been chofen, and on thofe, whofe welfare I was to fuper-
intend; and, laftly, that I was to perform this duty in my own
Country, which is, as it ought to be, moſt dear to me.-On
theſe confiderations I did not dare to decline the burden, though
but by a ſingle word†."
THE LEGATE was ordained Prieſt, and received the Pall, and
the other Ornaments of Primacy in the Church of the Bleffed
Virgin Mary of Arches, which is a Pariſh belonging to the Dio-
cefe of Canterbury; and having performed the divine fervice with
great folemnity, he preached to an incredible concourſe of Nobility
and Gentry; which manner of inftruction he continued in dif-
ferent places of his Dioceſe, and particularly in his Cathedral,
ever after. The feeling of his confcience, as has been ſeen, was
too delicate, and his knowledge of duty too correct, not to be
* Vita Poli, pag. 31.
PART II.
+ R. Poli Epift. pars 5ª, pag. 17.
Z.
informed
170
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
$
informed that Refidence is the obligation of all Biſhops; and he
entreated the Queen to confent to his complying with it; or, at
leaſt, to ſpend the greater part of the year in the diſcharge of it.
To which ſhe prudently oppoſed the charity he owed to the whole
National Church, of which he was Primate, and which ought
to have greater weight with him than a confideration for any
particular part that this care could no where be exerted to fo
much advantage, as when he was near her perſon, and affiſted at
the Councils, in which the welfare of the whole Realm was in-
tereſted. The Divines and other qualified perfons, who were
confulted, were of the fame opinion, and it was the general
voice, that the Primate could not, without being wanting to
what he owed the Public, refufe what the Queen, in thefe cir-
cumſtances, required of him.
NOR did his care extend only to the great fources of good,
which I have already mentioned in ſpeaking of the National Coun-
cil; but, likewiſe, ſet on foot thoſe eſtabliſhments by which the
Divine Founder of Chriſtianity has recommended the perfection
of his Law, and which have been no lefs followed than taught
by his Difciples. By his and the Queen's piety and care fome
Religious Houſes were founded in London. The Chapter of
Westminster being diffolved, the Convent was reftored to the
Monks, and Dr. John Feckenham appointed Abbot. The Priory
of the Hoſpital Knights of St. John, near Smithfield, was reſtored
the following year, and Sir John Freſham placed over them; and
eight more Abbeys were founded and endowed out of the lands
of diffolved Monafteries, which were ſtill inveſted in the Crown*.
THE Chancellorſhip of the Univerſity of Oxford being vacated
by the refignation of Sir John Mafon, Knight, Fellow of All-Souls,
and Privy Counſellor to Edward VI. the LEGATE was choſen to
that high Poſt of honour; as he had been, at Gardiner's death,
* Ambaffades de Noailles.
to
OF REGINALD POLE.
171
to that of Cambridge*. The Decree, by which the former was
conferred on him, was fent to Greenwich, where he then was,
by fome learned members of the Univerfity: and the motives
they affign for making choice of him are, "that he had formerly
been a credit to the Univerfity, and was now an honour to the
whole Kingdom, and an ornament to the Engliſh Church; they
take notice, in particular, of his indefatigable vigilance and pater-
nal folicitude in repreffing vice and error, which were grown to
an enormous fize, and recalling ancient Difcipline, innocence of
manners, and ufeful learning; and laftly, they mention the
fingular good will he bore the Univerſity, and the daily proofs
he gave of itt."
>
THE CARDINAL returned his thanks to that illuftrious Body
by a very elegant letter, in which, befides the expreffions uſual
in fuch an intercourſe of Civility, he takes occafion to mention
the great men who had graced the place to which they had
elected him; and as the Univerfity, in its decree, had taken par-
ticular notice of Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, and Gardiner of
Winchester, as perfons, who, while they were at the head of the
Univerfity, had greatly encouraged both Virtue and Letters, he
obferves, they had with peculiar difcernment, felected thofe two:
on whom he paffes this peculiar judgment, " that two Perfons
could not be named in the whole Kingdom, in whom the fu-
preme Being had given a clearer evidence of his mercy towards
this 'Country; and that one of them perceiving the ruin which
threatened Religion, oppoſed himſelf to it by a memorable ex-
ample of fortitude, and being oppreffed himfelf, was more uſeful
to the Public by fuch a death, than any of thoſe who furvived
him: the Other, having been a part of the common, was
permitted to live, and, when the time of raifing the ruins was
* Catalog. Cancel. Cantab.
+ Elect. CARD. POLI, in Cancel. Oxon. Wilkins, Conc. Mag. Brit. t. 4, p. 144.
come,
Z 2
172
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
come, had, more than any one elſe, contributed to fo laudable
an undertaking. He had fignified to their Deputies, he fays,
that although he was difpofed to do every good Office to the
Univerſity, and to exert his authority in favour of its Members,
yet he had rather they would confer the Chancellorſhip on ſome
other perfon, who had the confidence of their Majefties, and was
endowed with the qualifications, for which they juſtly celebrated
thoſe who had formerly held that dignity. But as they earneſtly
infiſted on his not refuſing this mark of their eſteem and good
will, he had accepted of it, rather as their choice than his own
1 Ap. 1556,
Greenwich, inclination*.
I HAVE cited this more willingly as it is a proof of the LE-
GATE, being fuperior to all that refentment which the moft ge-
nerous minds often feel at the envy and jealouſy with which others
thwart their undertakings. Though he had a long time experien-
ced much of all this from Gardiner, yet becauſe he judged him
uſeful to the State, particularly at that juncture, he ſeconded his
views, whilft he lived, on all occafions, in which he thought
them juftifiable; and, after his death, never failed to do honour
to his memory, and not awaken the remembrance of any fact
that might fully it.
How deferving CARDINAL POLE was of a place fo fuited to
his high birth and genius, appears from his behaviour in it.
Immediately on his election, the new Chancellor took care to
have the Statutes reviſed, and where he found any thing deficient,
he applied a remedy, and added what he further judged neceffary
for the better regulation of the Univerfity. On this account fe-
veral candid Proteftant Writers have acknowledged this Seat of
Learning to have flouriſhed more in his time, than either under
Edward or Elizabeth. This appears from a paffage in thoſe
Statutes reviſed and publiſhed by Archbishop Laud, one of his
* R. Poli Epif. pars. 5. pag. 88.
fucceffors,
OF REGINALD POLE.
173
Succeffors, who fpeaks in the following manner;
"At Edward's
acceffion a freſh effort was made to revive the fplendor of the
Univerſity, and as the King favoured the Undertaking, and the
charm of Novelty ftill continued, the Work was begun. Soon
after, when the Crown devolved to Mary, the fame Work was
again took in hand, under CARDINAL POLE's protection. New
Statutes were made, but on as narrow a plan as the former.
However, in this fluctuating ſtate of Laws, the Univerſity flou-
riſhed, Sciences were encouraged, difcipline was kept up; and
by a defirable happineſs of the times, an ingenuous candour fup-
plied the defect of Statutes, and what was wanting in the Laws
was made up by the manners. In fucceeding times there was an
equal want of both*."
31 July
IGNATIUS of Loyola, Founder of the Order of Jefuits, died
a few months after the time I am ſpeaking of. Any mention 1556.
of him would be foreign to the ſubject of this Work, was it not
for the intimacy between him and the LEGATE, which appears
from their letters to each other. Theſe minutes, I am inclined
to think, will give a very different idea from what an Engliſh
Reader is generally taught to entertain of this celebrated Perfon-
age; and the good faith of Hiftory requires that popular preju-
dices ſhould not prevail over that impartiality which is due to all
Characters, and which they cannot but find from fo difcerning
* Edoardo fexto ad clavum fedente,
novo fudatum eft molimine, præfcribente
Rege et lenocinante novitate, primò vi-
fum opus admitti. Paulò pòft potiente
rerum Maria, fub CARDINALIS POLI
aufpiciis, idem recruduit labor. Novæ
exinde latæ leges, fed pari cum prioribus
anguftiâ
interim tamen inter incerta
vacillans ftatuta viguit Academia, cole-
bantur ftudia, enituit Difciplina, et op-
tanda temporum fælicitate tabularum de-
fectum refarcivit innatus candor, et
quidquid legibus deerat, moribus fupple-
tum eft. Decurrente temporum ferie, et
vitiis et legibus pariter laboratum eft.
It has been remarked, that Archbishop
Laud was charged, on his trial, with this
paffage, as reflecting on Queen Elizabeth
and the Reformation; but he anſwered,
the Preface was not his; and that the
words I have cited only related to the
Statutes and Manners of the Univerfity
of Oxford, in thofe times; not to the
Church or Religion.
an
174
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
an age and country as has fallen to our fhare. The hardships
under which that body of men now lies, can be no reafon
for not doing juſtice to their Founder; and the good fenfe and
equity of an Engliſh Reader must make him defpife a Writer,
who then only was an index to merit, when popular favour ſhone
on it. This ſhade is no difcredit to the great fervices they have
done to the Catholic Church; to which, the encouragement
they have met with, above two hundred years, in all Countries of
that Communion bear witnefs; and have no where been more
cheriſhed, or of greater emolument both to the Chriſtian and
Literary ſtate than in thofe Kingdoms, from whence they have
been lately banifhed. This juſtice is the more becoming in the
prefent ftate, as fome of our Writers have afferted the LEGATE'S
diſapprobation of this Order, and his oppofing its eſtabliſhment
amongst us, in the Reign of Queen Mary*.-But let the docu-
ments ſpeak for themſelves, and the Reader be at large to make
his own obfervations.
*
SEVERAL years before the time I am fpeaking of, and fhortly
after Ignatius began to form his Order, Bobadilla, one of his firft
Affociates, had paffed fome time in reading leffons of Theology,
preaching and adminiftering the Sacraments at Viterbo, which
was the Capital of CARDINAL POLE'S Government, and had
moreover greatly benefited that Province by the example of a
blameleſs and laudable life. But the Pope ftanding in need of
his labours elſewhere, ordered Ignatius to fignify it to the Gover-
nor and recall Bobadilla. On this, the Governor let Ignatius
know the unwillingneſs with which he fhould part with fo de-
ſerving a perſon, and offers himſelf with the utmoſt readineſs to
ferve him and his Society .
*There is a fhuffling Article on this
head in Burnet, Hift. Ref. part 2, pag.
327, from whence it has been tranſcri-
bed into the Bio. Brit. under the Arti-
cle POLE [x]
+ R. Poli, Epif. pars 5, pag. 115.
BEFORE
OF REGINALD POLE.
175
BEFORE the LEGATE fet out from Bruffels on his way to
England, Ignatius had fignified to him the hopes he had of the
fuccefs of his Embaffy, and, foon after, he let him know, the
news had reached Rome of the defired event being come to paſs
in ſo ſhort a time, that it was manifeftly the Work of that Be-
ing, who has no occafion for the opportunity of circumftances
and ſeaſons to bring about whatever is pleafing to his divine and
perfect will. He informs him of the univerſal joy this intelli-
gence of a flouriſhing Kingdom being brought back from error
to the paths of truth had cauſed, and of the particular fatisfaction
his Society had received from it; that as no perfons were more
attached to his Excellence than themfelves, on whom he had
conferred the higheſt obligations, fo it afforded them a fingu-
lar pleaſure that the Divine Wiſdom had thought fit to commit
fo great a work to his care. He informs him, alfo, of the
profperous ſtate of the new Inftitution; that in the Roman
College, where all Sciences, Phyfic, and the Law excepted, were
taught, there were above ſeventy Students of their own Body,
and above five hundred who frequented thefe Schools from the
City. That the ſtudents in the German College anſwered their
warmeſt wiſhes, among whom was an Engliſh Youth of quick
parts and good difpofitions; and if the LEGATE thought fit to
fend any others who had an aptitude for letters, he had great
hopes they would foon be in a condition to return to their Country
every way qualified to be of ſervice to her, and a credit to the
place from whence they came; as great care was taken to bring
them acquainted with what was laudable in that Capital, and to
preſerve them from the contagion of the contrary
*
THE LEGATE in his anſwer thanks him for his congratulation
on the fuccefs of the Engliſh affairs, and tells him he had read
with a particular complacency the progrefs of his Society, which
* Reg. Poli Epift. pars 5, pag. 117.
he
176
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Paul IV. he hoped would ſtill increaſe, and that the character of the Pope,
whɔ was lately chofen, was fuch as could leave no doubt of his
fhewing ſpecial favour and protection to fo deferving a body of
men. There is another letter to Ignatius to the fame purpoſe.
As to the propoſal of ſending Engliſh Youths to the Roman Col-
lege, I have met with nothing which throws any further light on
it. The urgent and manifold concerns which divided the Le-
GATE's time and thoughts might, perhaps, only allow him leiſure
to enter on that univerfal plan of Ecclefiaftical Diſcipline, of
which I have given a detail; and he might have wanted an op-
portunity to defcend to feveral particulars, which a longer life
and fewer exigencies of the times he lived in, would have
afforded.
15 Nov.
1556.
1552.
IGNATIUS died fome months after the date of this laſt letter,
and Laynes, who fucceeded him in the Government of the Society
having informed the LEGATE of it, he affures him of the part
he took in a lofs which was common to all; and obferves, as
Laynes had done, that he made no doubt, but being nearly uni-
ted to the ſource of all good, he was more in a condition to affiſt
them, than when on earth, and he adds feveral obliging expref-
fions both to the Superior General and his Body .-Ignatius
had often faid, he defired to fee three things before he left the
World; his treatife of Spiritual Exerciſes approved by the holy
See; his Order confirmed by the fame authority, and the Inſti-
tutes of it become public. He died with this fatisfaction; the
Order of Jefuits was already ſpread almoſt over the whole world,
and divided into twelve Provinces, which contained, at leaft, a
hundred Colleges, befides the other Houſes deſtined for the uſe
of the Profeffed Religious.
A FEW years before his death, the moſt celebrated of his Dif-
ciples, Francis Xavier, had finished a life, which has been the
* Reg. Poli Epift. pars 5ª, pag. 119.
+ Ibid; pag. 120, 121.
object
OF REGINALD POLE.
177
object of admiration not to the Catholic Church only, but to thoſe
who are eſtranged from her tenets. After having enlightened the
Empire of Japan and ſeveral other Kingdoms and Provinces of
the Eaſt with the Goſpel, he died in the Iſland of Sanciano, as
he was preparing to transfer that bleffing to China; and the Au-
thors I have cited have vied with each other in celebrating his
zeal, the fanctity of his manners, the uncommon gifts he recei-
ved to execute the office of Ambaffador of JESUS CHRIST, his
heroic patience and courage; and, on a full conviction of his
claim to the title, have ftiled him the Apoſtle of the Indies,
and a ſecond St. Paul*.
* Baldeus, Hiftory of the Indies. Hackluyt, Difcoveries of the Engliſh, part 2,
vol. 2. Tavernier.
:
1
PART II.
A a
SECT.
i
( 178 )
SE C T.
XI.
The LEGATE's behaviour under the treatment he received from
Paul IV.
The manner of his Death.
茶茶​菜
​業
​T
HE calamities of a long war between France and
Spain had now ceafed, and all Christendom, which
had felt, more or lefs, the effects of theſe two
Powers being at variance, feemed to conceive
******* ſome hopes of a laſting peace. * This pleafing
proſpect had not been enjoyed above two years when the attention
of Europe was called off to fomething lefs agreeable; a diffention
between Paul IV. and Philip of Spain, King of England, which
was either the cauſe or the pretext for a rupture between France
and Spain. This gave CARDINAL POLE an opportunity of exert-
ing that patience and moderation, which had fo eminently diſtin-
guiſhed the other parts of his life; but does not ſeem to have
ever appeared to fo great an advantage as when he was not very
far from being removed to that ftate which was to be its reward.
THE fevereft crucible in which Heaven tries and refines the
pureft Virtue is, when thofe, who by their ſtation ſhould encou-
rage the cauſe of goodneſs, give up what this character requires
of them to envy and jealouſy, and under fome pretended co-
louring, gratify their own cauſeleſs reſentment, and injure that
cauſe they ought to fupport. Whoever has fortitude to bear up
under fuch an oppreffion, and realize in practice that Heroiſm, of
which ſuch engaging Ideas are formed and fo few examples ſet, that
* A truce of five years was concluded in 1555, and broke in 1557-
Man
OF
179
REGINALD POLE.
Man is great indeed. The following opportunity was that which
the CARDINAL had of fhewing this greatnefs of foul and the
manner in which he ſhewed it.
PAUL IV. had taken up an animofity, which was hereditary
between the Caraffa family, of which he was defcended, and the
Colonna. Each of them had large poffeffions in the ſtate of
Naples; and in all contefts about that Kingdom, the former have
favoured the interefts of France, and the latter thofe of the
Houſe of Auſtria. The Colonnas are likewiſe Vaffals of the Pope,
having large Baronies and lands in the Papal dominions, which
they hold of the See of Rome; and Paul, on fome pretext, with
which the wilfulness and acrimony of old age furniſhed him, *
had cauſed Mark Anthony Colonna to be accuſed of high treaſon,
and, on his not appearing at his trial, to be condemned, and had
feized the Dutchy of Paliano and other Caſtles and Eſtates be-
longing to that Nobleman, and given them to his Nephew John
Caraffa. He had, likewiſe treated the other branches of the Co-
lonna family, and the Sfortias with great feverity, and thrown
Afcanio Sfortia, the Cardinal Chamberlain, and a particular friend
of the LEGATE, into priſon,
On this the head of the Colonna family having recourſe to the
Spaniſh intereft, the Viceroy of Naples, by Philip's orders, had
entered the Ecclefiaftical ſtate at the head of an army too power-
ful for the Pope to oppofe. He had been included in the late
truce between France and Spain, as an Ally of the former,
and this behaviour ſeemed a violation of that treaty; he fent,
therefore, another of his Nephews, Cardinal Charles Caraffa,
into France, in order to engage that Court in his interefts againſt
Philip; and remind Henry II. of the ancient claim of his anceſ
* Cæterùm, his tot virtutibus inerat
ingenium ferox et pervicax, et elatus
animus vaftufque et adverfanti neſciens
cedere, prorfufque imperii nimius. Gra-
tiani de cafibus illuftrium Virorum,
pag. 316.
A a 2
tors
180
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Novemb.
1556.
latii.
tors to the Kingdom of Naples, and offer him all the weight of
his Uncle's power, which he took care to magnify, to make it
good. He prevailed fo far on the French King, that he ſent him
back with 2000 men; and a treaty of alliance was agreed on at
Rome by the Cardinals of Lorain and Tournon, on the part of the
Court of France. The French army entered Italy ſoon after; *
but the Spaniards, who had every where the fuperiority, de-
feated the Pope's troops and thoſe of his Ally, and took ſeveral
of his towns.
THIS has no other connexion with the fubject of this work
than as the good offices the LEGATE interpofed in order to bring
about an accommodation, awakened in the Pope's breaſt an an-
cient malevolence he had entertained againſt Him, and gave oc-
cafion to the trial I have juft hinted at. And as this is one
of the moſt intereſting ſcenes of the CARDINAL's life, it well
deferves to be fet forth in fuch a detail and with all thofe cir-
cumſtances, which may place it in it's full light, and neither
deprive the CARDINAL's memory of the honour, nor the Reader
of the example of fuch an inftance of fortitude.
SOME years before the time I am fpeaking of, Cardinal
POLE in a letter to Hierom Muzzarelli, one of the great offi-
Magifter cers of Julius the Third's houſehold, had entered on a long and
facri Pa- fenfible difcuffion of the uneafinefs he lay under at the want
of good will he had experienced from the prefent Pope, who
was then Archbiſhop of Naples, and known by the title of the
Theatine Cardinal; though, he ſays, he was not conſcious to him-
felf of having given any occafion to this behaviour, and had al-
ways greatly honoured that Prelate for the uncommon regula-
rity of his manners, of which all were witneſſes who were ac-
quainted with him. Muzzarelli had informed the CARDINAL of
feveral fignifications of the Archbiſhop's regard, and as a common
* Ribier ii. 645, 648-9, 658, 660.
friend
OF REGINALD POLE.
181
friend to both, had entreated him to acquiefce in the affurances
he gave him of it— that, whereas the CARDINAL had thoughts
of writing an Apology for himſelf againſt ſome rumours which
were ſpread to the diſadvantage of his Orthodoxy, the Archbi-
ſhop had deſired him, for the honour of the facred College, not
to deſcend to a cauſe fo much beneath the dignity of fuch Affo-
ciates; and, in as much as it was perfonal to the CARDINAL, he
took the juſtification on himſelf.-The CARDINAL fays, he hopes
the Archbiſhop's whole behaviour will be uniform with this and
the like declarations; but that there were feveral perfons who
cautioned him againſt laying much ſtreſs on them; and, who on
the CARDINAL's repeating the inſtances of friendſhip he had
lately received from him, had accuſed his fimplicity for believing
others as fincere as himſelf: they inſiſted particularly on the ne-
ceffity of this diffidence with reſpect to the teſtimony he had given
in the CARDINAL's favour to thoſe who prefide at the inquifition,
and to the Pope himſelf; for why, fay they, fhould he bring up
your name in ſuch a place and before fuch Judges, unless it was
to fhew you was not clear of fufpicion in their eftimate? He con-
cludes in this remarkable manner; notwithſtanding all this, I will
give greater credit to what the Archbishop fays of his own difpo-
fitions, and what Muzzarelli writes of them, than to any thing
elſe; or even to any former fentiment in which that Prelate may
have been. But though it belongs to us both not to injure this
mutual friendſhip, yet this duty is chiefly incumbent on the per-
fon who was thought to have violated it.-That, no one could
object to him any fingle inſtance, in which that Prelate could
think himſelf injured; but that he, the CARDINAL had been
often blamed for taking his part with too much warmth, when
others found fault with him that, his Correfpondent might
affure the Archbiſhop of every good office which could be cx-
pected from one who had a habit of fincerity and good will in his
regard,
182
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
regard, and that he would take care this affurance ſhould not
deceive him nor any of their friends. *
THE war was fcarcely broke out between the Pontiff and
Philip, but the English LEGATE wrote to the former with
the wisdom of a Counſellor and the fanctity of a Primate;
and, at the fame time, ufed all his endeavours with the King,
who was in Flanders, and with her Majefty at home, that all
further hoftilities might ceaſe.
"No diſagreement, fays he, writing to the Pope, could be
more unfeaſonable to the whole Chriftian Commonwealth, and
to this Kingdom in particular, than that which has now com-
menced between your Holiness and the King; and no news could
be more unwelcome than that hoftilities had proceeded fo far as
to annoy the Ecclefiaftical ſtate and Rome itſelf. This incident
is fo much the more affecting as the motives of mutual love and
agreement between your Holiness and his Majefty are greater and
more numerous; the chief of which is the fingular zeal which the
King and his Royal Confort fhewed, as foon as they had taken pof-
feffion of theſe Realms, of recalling their People to the true Reli-
gion and the obedience of the Holy See; on which account your
Holineſs declared the great and fingular regard and love
you bore
him. There are, befides, feveral particular ties of mutual good will
and amity, which connect you and the King; one of which is,
that you was born and educated in the hereditary States of his
Majefty, where your noble family enjoys great wealth and ho-
nours ; that you paſſed part of your Youth in the Court of his
Grandfather; was Counſellor to his Father, and deputed by the
holy See Legate to him. Theſe circumſtances you are wont to
repeat with pleaſure; and on being raiſed to the Popedom,
you ordered me to mention them to his Majefty, when I com-
* Reg. Poli Epift. pars 4ª, pag. 91.
plimented
OF
183
REGINALD POLE.
plimented him in your name on the ceffion of the faid King-
doms made to him.-Wherefore though I had not received
your commands as to the manner in which I was to behave
at this juncture, yet the intereft I take in the caufe of Reli-
gion, the duty I owe you, moft holy Father, and the affec-
tion which, for very good reafons, I have long bore his Ma-
jeſty will not permit me to be either filent or unactive in an
affair of this importance. I have already reprefented, to the
King, by letter, every argument which this fubject fuggefted to
me, but to no effect: the only thing I have left, is to fend
one of my Houſehold to Rome, to know your orders, and be
informed of your welfare, concerning which I am, as I ought to
be, very folicitous. He ends the letter by defiring the Pope
to fend the patents for four vacant Bifhopricks, that they might
be immediately ſupplied with the Paftors who had been named
to them, and whom he recommends to the Pope, and gives a
very
honourable teſtimony in their favour. This Diſpatch was
fent by Henry Penning, the LEGATE's Engliſh Secretary *.
THE Pope, at firft, feemed pleafed with this inftance of
duty, and thanked the LEGATE for it; yet, foon after, he
looked on it as a troubleſome cenfure of his paft conduct, and
a check to the hoftile defigns on which he was wholly bent.
His late loffes had only exafperated a haughty fpirit, and he now
propoſed by an alliance with France to drive the Spaniards out of
Italy; and, perhaps, was not without hopes of getting poffef-
fion of Naples, and realizing an ancient claim the Popes have to
that Kingdom. For when the Neapolitans, fome years before
the time I am ſpeaking of, had rofe up in arms against the
cruelties and contumelious ufage of Peter of Toledo, Duke of
Alva, their Viceroy, this Pontiff, when he was Cardinal, had
endeavoured to perfuade Paul III. to make uſe of the prefent
+ R. Poli Epift. pars 52, pag. 20, and pag, 22.
opportunity
184
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1557.
May.
opportunity of ridding Naples of the Spaniſh yoke, and re-
newing his own pretenfions to it; which are fo far acknow-
ledged by the Sovereigns of that State, that, at their acceffion,
they pay a tribute of 6000 Ducats and a white Hackney to
the See of Rome. The LEGATE's pacific difpofitions, and the
weight his integrity gave him in all deliberations were an obſtacle
to the Pope's views. He chofe, therefore, to confider his advice,
though given with all poffible reſpect, as a breach of duty ra-
ther than a proof of it, and to treat him in the manner I
am going to relate.
Į
SINCE the hotilities were begun in Italy, nothing was wanting
to an open war between France and Spain but the declaration of
25 Jan. it, which ceremony was now complied with. * On this, Philip
came to England after an abfence of almoſt two years, in or-
der to engage the nation in a war, which was purely Spaniſh,
and equally contrary to the engagements we had with the
French and to our own interefts. Several reaſons indeed were
affigned, as is uſual on fuch occafions, of which invention always
furniſhes as many as truth, but quite deftitute of foundation.
The Queen, however, was prevailed on by her inclination to
her Huſband, and againſt her own better judgment, to come
into this meaſure; and though the wiſer part of the Council
was of their Sovereign's mind, yet war was declared againſt a
Nation, whofe name alone is deemed almoft a fufficient title for
7th July. it; and Philip, having gained his point, left England, never
more to return to it.
WHILST theſe actions of hoftility were meditating for the
field, the Pope was exerting at Rome, in a different caufe, an
equal enmity againſt CARDINAL POLE. He began by declaring
his intention to recall his Legates and Nuncios from all the
King of Spain's dominions, and he mentioned the CARDINAL
* Negot. d' Amboife de Noialles.
among
OF REGINALD POLE.
185
among the reft.—The Queen, on this intelligence, given her by 15th May,
Sir Edward Carne*, her Ambaſſador at the Court of Rome, order- 1557-
ed him to repreſent to the Pope the general alarm this news had
cauſed in her People, and to entreat him to defiſt from a meaſure
which would be ſo prejudicial to a cauſe, of which all motives
concurred to make him the Protector: the Bishops alfo made the
fame repreſentations.
1557:
On this the Pope declared that, at the Queen's request and 14th June,
for the welfare of the Nation, he would ftill continue, for ſome
years, the Legantine jurifdiction in England; but as it would be
unbecoming the place he was in, and the dignity of the Confif-
tory to name again the fame Perſon Legate, whom a little before
they had diveſted of that character, with a defign of calling him,
with other abfent Cardinals, to Rome, on matters of importance;
he judged it more adviſeable to create another perſon, who reſi-
ded in England, Cardinal, and add to this dignity the autho-
rity of Legate; that fo he might at once fatisfy the Queen and
Nation and not ſeem to have lightly varied in his proceedings.-
He, therefore, nominated William Peyto, of the Order of Saint
Francis to the purple, and appointed him Legate in England,
in the fame manner as CARDINAL POLE had been, and tranf-
ferred on him all the powers the latter had enjoyed†.
THIS declaration was followed by a Decree, addreffed to the
Engliſh Biſhops to the following purpoſe: "That the Pope had
underſtood from fome of them how neceffary the authority of a
Legate of the holy See was ſtill in that Realm, in order to eſta-
blish in it the Catholic faith; that he was defirous to convince
them of his paternal affection to the Queen, and his care of the
welfare and dignity of all the Churches of her Kingdom; but as
* Letter of Sir Edward Carne to Q.
Mary, ex Cartophylac. Regift. quoted
at length by Dr. Burnet, Hift. Ref. part
2, Col. of Records, pag. 314.
PART II.
+ Ex Actis Confiftorialibus, die Lunæ,
xiv Junii, cited in the fifth part of CAR-
DINAL POLE's letters, pag. 444.
Bb
he
186
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
he had reſolved, for weighty reafons, to recall his Legates, and
among them, CARDINAL POLE, he could not change his refo-
lution concerning the latter without departing from the gravity
of the holy See, and altering the decree, which was already made,
to order him and other abfent Cardinals to repair to Rome,
that they might affift him, the Pope, as their duty required in the
diſcharge of his office. For theſe reaſons he had created William
Peyto, whom he had formerly known at Rome, Cardinal; that he
had thoughts of conferring this honour on him, at the beginning
of his Pontificate, on account of his probity and zeal for Reli-
gion, of which he had given very ſignal proofs both in his own
Country and elſewhere; but that his promotion had been very
ſeaſonably deferred till the prefent juncture, when, with the ge-
neral approbation of the facred College, he had ſubſtituted him to
CARDINAL POLE.-He, therefore, had appointed him Legate,
Legatus a by commiffion, of England and Ireland, and ſent him the badges
of this dignity, and required of them to receive him in that
character, and fhew him the refpect and deference it intitled him
20th June, to.”—He defigned him, likewiſe, for the See of Saliſbury, and as
fome of our Writers relate, at the death of Dr. John Salcot, na-
med him to it.
latere.
1557.
Legatus
natus.
By the above mentioned proceeding the CARDINAL was not
only deprived of the Legantine office, which he held by com-
miffion, but of that alfo, which had always been annexed to the
See of Canterbury, and which, though inferior to the other, con-
ferred great authority and a very extenfive juriſdiction; thoſe
who were invefted with it being called Legates by birth, becauſe
they inherit as it were, that dignity on being named to fome of
the great Metropolitan Sees, among which that of Canterbury is
very deſervedly a diſtinguiſhed one,
THE Queen was informed, by Sir Edward Carne, of this ſtep
being taken, before any other news of it had reached England;
even before he, who was ſo perſonally intereſted, had the leaft
intimation
A
OF REGINALD POLE.
187
imitation of it; and ſhe ſaw the impropriety of the whole affair
and the fad confequences which were likely to be the effects of it.
Peyto was now far advanced in years, and had neither birth, nor
abilities, nor a reputation equal to the poft he was deſigned for,
eſpecially after ſuch a Predeceffor; and was, moreover, a begging
Friar. Each of theſe circumſtances made this meaſure as unfea-
fonable as it could poffibly be in that conjuncture. The Ca-
tholic Religion was hardly recalled; there were many and vari-
ous remains of the late ſchiſm and errors; the manners of the
Clergy had not yet regained the reſpect which is due to their cha-
racter; and the mendicant Orders were ftill held, by the gene-
rality of the People, in contempt. All theſe diſadvantages, which,
in the nature of things, excluded Peyto from the firſt ſpiritual
Jurifdiction in this Country*, were counter-worked in CARDINAL
POLE by his Royal extraction, excellent learning, and a fingular
probity and fanctity of manners. Thefe qualities placed him
above all objection, and caufed even thoſe, who, perhaps, diſliked
his attachment to the Church of Rome, to honour and admire
his perfon.
HER Majeſty, therefore, on intelligence of theſe proceedings,
gave orders that no Meffenger from Rome fhould be permitted
to land in England, and that all letters and diſpatches from thence
* William Peyto was born of a Gen-
tleman's family of Chesterton in War-
wickshire, and had been Confeffor to
Queen Catharine, Wife to Henry VIII.
He oppoſed the Divorce with an intrepi-
dity, of which there is ſcarce any other
example: for preaching before the King,
when he eagerly purſued this affair, he
took for his text the laſt part of the ſtory
of Ahab, where the Dogs licked the blood of
Naboth, even there fhall the Dogs lick thy
blood, O King and fpeaking of the lying
Prophets who deceived him, "I, ſays he,
addreffing his difcourfe to Henry, am that
Michajah whom thou wilt hate, becauſe I
muſt tell thee truly, that this marriage is
unlawful;" with more to the fame pur-
pofe, which may be feen in Stow's An-
nals, under the year 1553.
Several Writers have given a very ad-
vantageous account of this zealous and
religious perfonage. Athe. Oxon. V. 1.
Col. 686. hiftoria minor Prov. Angl.
Fratrum Minorum. Mr. Dod, Church
Hift. vol. 1, pag. 480.
B b 2
fhould
188
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ſhould be brought her: She took care alſo, that the whole affair
ſhould remain a fecret to the LEGATE and to Peyto. At the
fame time ſhe fent a Meffenger to Rome with orders to her Am-
baſſador to inform the Pope, that his late proceedings were ut-
terly deſtructive of whatever had been done towards recalling the
ancient Faith; and, if he perſiſted in them, nothing less than
the total ruin of that cauſe was to be expected, and the former
calamities, or even worſe, to take place: that ſhe could not per-
fuade herſelf that his Holiness, if he was acquainted with the
fituation of the Kingdom, would have taken ſo ill-timed a mea-
fure; and, therefore, entreated him by all that was good and fa-
cred, to proceed warily in an affair of ſuch confequence; and
called both God and Men to witneſs fhe was not acceffory to
the Evils which would not fail to enfue, if he perſiſted in
his refolution.
THE Pope, whoſe prejudices againſt the PRIMATE were as
violent as unjuſt, and who ſeemed little folicitous about any thing
but making him feel the effects of them, told Sir Edward Carne,
that he had ſome things of importance to diſcuſs with CARDINAL
POLE, and, therefore had fent for him; infinuating at the fame
time, what he had fufficiently intimated on other occafions, that
he ſuſpected his orthodoxy, and would know his fentiments on
ſome points, in which Faith was concerned, and confront him
with Cardinal Moron. This fufpicion had been formerly raiſed
by the lenity of the CARDINAL's behaviour towards thofe who
were accuſed of error in his Government of Viterbo ; and becauſe
he obferved the fame conduct in England, thofe who were de-
firous he ſhould, at all events, be blameable, ſuppoſed he favoured
the tenets of ſuch who had left the Church, becauſe he ſcreened
their perfons.
* Cujus erat ingenium elatum, ve-
hemens, acre, et cùm pronum ad fuf-
picionem, tum ubi fides et religio age-
retur, præceps ad vindicandum, Gra-
tiani, pag. 226.
To
OF REGINALD
189
POLE.
To this the Queen replied, that if the Pope really had any
miſtruſt of the LEGATE's faith, it must of very late date, fince
himſelf had beſtowed the moſt ample commendations on him, in
full Confiftory, when he propoſed him for the See of Canterbury;
and if he had fince given occafion to any finifter opinions, though
ſhe could by no means perfuade herſelf that was the cafe, fhe
begged of his Holiness to inform her of the whole affair; and ſhe
would not fail, agreeably to the antient cuſtom and laws of the
Realm, to have his caufe brought before the Biſhops, who, on
proper information, ſhould either acquit or condemn him; as it
was her intention that neither the interefts of Religion fhould fuf-
fer, nor the innocence of the PRIMATE be oppreſſed.
THESE Negotiations were not carried on fo fecretly, but fome-
thing of them came to the LEGATE's knowledge, and as he con-
jectured the real fact, that the Queen had intercepted the Pope's
orders, by which he was divefted of the character of LEGATE,
he immediately forbade the filver Crofs to be bore before him,
and quitted any further mark of the Legantine jurifdiction, and
abſtained from every other exerciſe of it. He fent, alfo, his
Chancellor Ormanet to Rome,* to be fully informed of the Pope's
intentions, and to fignify his own readineſs to comply with them;
and to lay before him the ſtate of the Engliſh Nation, and his
own grief that the Pope ſhould entertain any doubts of his doc-
trine and how ill ſuited ſuch ſuſpicions were to all he had hi-
therto writ and acted, and fuffered in defence of the prerogative
of the holy See, and of the Catholic Religion.
He was, moreover, to repreſent the fentiments and diſcourſes
of the moſt confiderable Perfons, both of the Clergy and Laity,
on this affair; who were unanimous, that no meaſure could be
*Nicholas Ormanet had been recom-
commended to the LEGATE, by Pope
Julius III. as a perfon of great judgment
and fingular ſkill in Ecclefiaftical affairs.
After his Patron's death, he appeared
with great credit at the Council of
Trent; was made Biſhop of Padua in
1570, and died feven years after.
more
190
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
1557.
tion.
r
more unfeaſonable than the abrogation of the Legantine Jurifdic-
After which, the CARDINAL concludes with a declaration
fuited to the modefty and difintereſtedness, which had always
diftinguiſhed his character; " that, provided this Jurifdiction
was ftill continued in the Kingdom, he did not think it very ma-
terial by whom it was exerciſed; and if the Pope thought proper
to eaſe him of the burden, he would do every good office in his
power and fhew all refpect to the perfon who was fent in
his place *.
THE Pope received Ormanet with much feeming humanity,
and heard him plead his Lord's caufe very attentively, which was
fo clear, and urged in ſuch fubmiffive terms as to mollify the ob-
10th Aug. durate heart of Paul IV. But while the Chancellor was at Rome,
the news arrived of the defeat of the French army at St. Quin-
tin's, in which the High Conſtable and chief of their Nobility
were either killed or taken Priſoners. The honour of the day
was chiefly owing to the valour of the Engliſh troops, commanded
by the Earl of Pembroke,, and to the perfonal bravery of Lord
Montacute, the Lieutenant General. This overthrow caufed
Henry II. to recall the troops he had ſent to the Pope's affiſtance,
a few excepted, which were left for the guard of his Perſon, and
the fame ill fuccefs attended the Pontiff's forces, which were
routed, about this time, by the Spaniards, at Signia in Campania.
Sir Ant.
Browne.
THE Pope diffembled his refentment againſt Philip, which
this defeat had increaſed, and againſt the CARDINAL, which was
no leſs inveterate. He went even fo far, as Ormanet afterwards
told his Hiftorian, Beccatelli, as to clear him from all fufpicion
of heterodox opinions, and to fay, fuch rumours were ſpread by
malice and envy, which as they had not fpared the moſt inno-
* R. Poli, Epift. pars 5ª, pag. 27.
+ Hoc ipfo tempore duplicem de re
malè geftâ nuncium acceperat..... ira-
cundiam cùm in Philippum, tum etiam in
Polum multo antè conceptam diffimula-
vit. Poli vita, pag. 36.
cent
OF
191
REGINALD POLE.
cent Author of Chriſtianity, it was no matter of furprize if they
attacked his Followers. He continued this ambiguous behaviour
with Ormanet till he had concluded a peace with Philip, and then Sept. 14th
difmiffed the LEGATE's Chancellor, telling him, he would fend
Cardinal Caraffa, his brother's fon, to Flanders, in order to con-
clude with the King and the Cardinal every thing that was
yet in debate.
RESISTANCE and diſappointment had always the effect on Paul
IV. which the banks have on the billows of the Sea: it caufed
him to meet them with redoubled violence *. His late loffes
therefore only made him diffemble the real fentiments he had
long cheriſhed against the LEGATE, to whoſe counfels his ill
humour made him impute the Engliſh ſuccours which were ſent
to Philip and the defeat of his Ally. Thus whilft he made
declarations to Ormanet in the LEGATE's favour, he figni-
fied, as has been faid, by equivocal difcourfes, a diffidence in the
foundneſs of his doctrine, and ſuffered proceedings to be carried
on against him which neceffarily inferred that ſuppoſition.
NOT content to fhew his malevolence to the Engliſh CARDI-
NAL, he wrecked it, in a very unbecoming manner, on the
deareſt of his friends, the Lord Priuli, who, as we have feen,
had followed all his fortunes ever fince their acquaintance at the
Univerſity of Padua: for this Nobleman having been nominated
at the requeſt of the Republic of Venice, to fucceed to the Bi-
ſhoprick of Breſcia, which is one of the moſt confiderable in
Italy; and it being at this time vacated, the Pope refuſed to
ratify the grant which was made by his Predeceffor. The LE-
GATE took this occafion to write to his Holiness of this injuſtice
* Immoderata animi indomiti ac im-
periofi vis, et juris fui nimio plus reti-
nentis. Gratiani de cafibus illus. Vir.
+ Id adeo odium intendebat ipfe quo-
que Paulus, cujus vim animi atque iní-
tam ingenio ferociam non tam fedaverat
parta pax, quàm improfpera belli afpera-
verant. Gratiani, ubi fupra, pag. 333.
done
192
THE HISTORY OF THE LIF E
done to his Friend, and made ufe of it as an introduction to the
the fubjects of complaint which regarded himſelf.
"I HAD heard, fome time ago, moft holy Father, fays he,
writing to the Pope, that your Holineſs had annulled the rever-
fionary grant of the Bithoprick of Brescia, which your Predecef-
for, Julius III. at the entreaty of the State of Venice, conferred
on Aloyfius Priuli, without one ſtep taken on his part to obtain it.
But as I am now informed of the death of Cardinal Durante, the
late occupier of that See, I thought it my duty to preſent to your
Holiness a petition in favour of fuch a Friend, which I never did
for myſelf, to any of your Predeceſſors, and to beg of you, that what
is already fallen to him by right of reverfion, may be confirmed
in confideration of his merit, and becauſe he has, many years, been
looked on as the Succeffor to that Bishoprick, to the great and
general fatisfaction of the Inhabitants. No one is better ac-
quainted than myſelf, from a long and unreſerved intimacy,
with his learning, probity and religion, which are truly becoming
the dignity he is called to. I have ever remarked in him, be-
fides other virtues becoming this ftation, an uncommon love of
God and Mankind, and a contempt of whatever, in the falfe
eſtimate of the World, is chiefly fought after and valued. Beſides
other inftances of this generofity of mind, he has given this illuf-
trious one, that whereas he was defcended of one of the nobleſt
families of his Country, and faw the road to honours and pre-
ferments open to him, he made no account of theſe advantages,
but accompanied me, above twenty years, in banishment and the
greateſt dangers, was partaker of all I fuffered, and lived with
me in ſuch manner as not to give the leaſt fufpicion of ambition
or the love of lucre.
"I PLEAD his caufe with your Holineſs with ſo much leſs
reſerve, as I am conſcious that I have no other view but the fer-
vice of my Maker and the utility of a large Province; for, as to
myſelf, if you pay a regard to the defire of the People of Breſcia,
to
}
OF REGINALD POLE.
193
き
​to the requeſt of the Venetians, and to my petition, I foreſee it
muſt be attended with the loſs of the fociety of a Friend, on
which, for many reaſons, I fet the higheſt value.
"BUT, perhaps, you may afk, who I am, who preſume to
give ſuch an evidence in favour of one who is impeached by the
Inquifitors? to which I anſwer, that I am the perſon, who from
a long and intimate acquaintance with the party concerned, ought
to be credited preferably to all others: I, who of all People, have
cauſe to be at enmity with Hereticks, having never fuffered any
one calamity of the many which have fallen to my ſhare, of
which they were not the Authors, and for the Catholic Re-
ligion only.
"BUT it may be replied, in cafe I myſelf am impeached of
the ſame crime, of what weight can my evidence be? and the
anſwer is ready, that I ought to be fo much more credited than
my Accuſers, as the confpicuous actions I have performed in the
cauſe of Religion fhould outweigh their diſcourſes who dare not
produce either words or facts againſt me, becauſe they are at a
lofs for either.
"IF it be further urged that I am not only impeached, but
found guilty; I well underſtand what this means; and was in-
formed of it, for the first time, when Cardinal Moron, whom every
one knows to be my particular friend, on the like fufpicions, was
taken into cuſtody; and afterwards, when I was given to con-
jecture my own cafe, by being deprived of the Legantine juriſdiction.
"WHAT, therefore fhall I fay? in the first place, that I ought
to lay a greater ſtreſs on your own declaration, than on any ap-
pearances, and the reports of others. By this you fignified to
the Engliſh Ambaffador, and to the Meffengers I fent to Rome,
that, whatever you had done in this affair had not proceeded
from any offence taken at me; but, as your Holiness and the
King of England were at war, and you had recalled your Legates
from his other Dominions, you did not think proper to exempt
Cc
this
PART II,
194
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
this Realm from the general regulation; and as you was pleaſed
to affign this reafon for abrogating my authority, though the caſe
of this Nation be different from that of any other, I did not pre-
fume to interpret your orders in any other ſenſe, than that in
which yourſelf was pleafed to explain them.
"A SHORT time after, when on your reconciliation with the
the King, your Legates were fent to his other Dominions, and
Cardinal Caraffa, your Brother's fon, to his Majefty; though the
Engliſh Ambaffador entreated you to reſtore me to my Legantine
functions, on the part of the Queen, the Biſhops and both Houſes
of Parliament, and delivered her Majefty's Letters on this ſubject;
your Holineſs would not come to any explicit declaration, and, at
length, as I am informed, have fuffered a report to prevail, that I
am found guilty and condemned.
“How am I here to interpret your Holiness's mind? am I to
conclude you fignified it to the Ambaffador, when, on his preff
ing the affair, you anſwered, it belonged to a higher Court? for
when you declared yourſelf in this manner, without granting
what he aſked, you ſeemed to ſay, that you acted in compliance with
what piety and your duty to the fupreme Being required of
you.
"DOES Almighty God, therefore, require that a Parent ſhould
flay his child? Once, indeed, he gave this precept, when he
commanded Abraham to offer in facrifice his fon Ifaac, whom he
tenderly loved, and through whom all the promiſes made to the
Father were to be accompliſhed. And what are now the prepa-
rations your Holineſs is making, but fo many fore-runners of the
ſacrifice of my better life; that is, of my reputation? for, in how
wretched a fenfe muſt that Paftor be faid to live, who has loft
with his Flock the credit of an upright belief? And that this is
the death you have reſerved me, I ſee much more clearly than
the Son of the Patriarch ſeemed to underſtand his Father's defign,
when perceiving every thing prepared for the Whole-burnt-offer-
ing, but the Victim, he aſked where that was? But I, who fee
the
OF
195
REGINALD POLE.
the fire and the fword in your hands, and all the other
prepara-
tions made, inſtead of aſking, where the Victim is, fhould put
this queſtion to you, why you permit yourſelf to be deceived by
groundleſs fufpicions, and are ready, on a falfe apperance of Reli-
gion, to put to death a Son, whom you once loved? I am not
confcious of any thing that could have cauſed a change in your
affection; but of many which ſhould endear me more to you, ha-
ving at length, through God's grace, accompliſhed, the work, to
the joy of the whole Church and the honour of the Holy See,
which you always feemed to hope from me.
"Is this fword of anguiſh, with which you are about to pierce
my foul, the return I am to receive for all theſe fervices? If you
act, indeed, in this manner that you may fatisfy what you owe to
duty, all I ſhall ſay is, may God accept the facrifice. Yet ftill I
truſt he will no more permit you to proceed than he did the Pa-
triarch to kill his Son.
"This whole tranſaction recalls to my remembrance that in
my younger years, when I received the Cardinalate, and as the
cuſtom is, lay proftrate before the Altar, I faid to the Pope who
conferred the dignity on me, that I delivered myſelf, as a Victim,
to him; but I little imagined I ſhould be put to this trial, a ſe-
cond time; eſpecially as the Biſhop of Rochefter had been fubfti-
tuted in my place, as the Ram, whofe horns were entangled in
the brambles, was in that of Ifaac, and died without metaphor.
"I CANNOT, however, but hope that the fame Power which
on this occafion, withheld the Patriarch's arm, will, when the fea-
ſonable time comes, exert itſelf alfo in my defence; nor in mine
alone, but in that of Cardinal Moron and Priuli; for your
*
Holiness's hand is lifted up againſt us all.
*This excellent Perfon was confined
by the Pope's orders, in the Priſon of
the Inquifition, on a groundlefs furmiſe
of keeping a correfpondence with the
German Lutherans. He had no diffi-
culty to clear himſelf, and the Pope let
him know, he might go out of priſon.
This he refufed, unleſs he had juftice
done in a public manner, which was
the reaſon that this affair was not ended
till the following Pontificate.
Cc 2
"YOU
196
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
You muſt allow me, holy Father, to purſue the allufion by
which I have prefumed to reprefent my own cafe; and to fay, I
now fee not one Meffenger, as in the cafe of Ifaac, but many,
who withhold your hand, armed with depofitions, as with a de-
ftroying weapon, againſt me. Philip and Mary, Catholick Princes
and Defenders of the Faith: ſeveral Perfons of eminent worth in-
terpoſe themſelves in my favour. But in this cauſe, neither I,
nor my friends who lie under the fame accufations, feek the aid
even of ſuch Protectors to approve and defend our innocence; and
we hold the fame language to your Holineſs which Mofes did to
the Almighty, who promiſed him the guidance of a celeſtial Spi-
rit to protect him and his People againſt their Enemies, and lead
them into the promiſed land, Unless you, yourſelf go before us, do
not bring us out of this place; Unleſs your Holiness be our Advo-
cate againſt our Slanderers and extricate us from thefe dif-
ficulties, we aſk no foreign affiſtance: for if you are not pleaſed
to do us this juſtice, the adverſe Party is too powerful to be over-
come by any other fuccour.
"I AM already informed by what ſteps the enemy begins to
triumph in this Realm, efpecially with refpect to thofe proceed-
ings which have been carried on againſt myſelf. For whereas I
had gathered together my ſcattered flock chiefly by my own invari-
able adherence to that faith which I exhorted them to embrace;
as foon as it was rumoured that my rectitude in that belief was
queftioned, the Enemies of that cauſe thought they had by this
means, an opportunity of calling off the Sheep to a greater dif-
tance from the voice of the Shepherd. Your Holinefs alone can
defeat this purpoſe: as to the affaults which are made on us, al-
though the juſtice of our cauſe ought, at your Tribunal, to be an
over-match to all flander, and fecure the People committed to
our care, from danger, we defire to refer the victory to the
goodness of the Supreme Being, and, under that, to yourſelf.
"THE fum therefore, holy Father, of my petition is, that
you,
OF REGINALD POLE.
197
you, who repreſent on earth the perſon of our Lord and Re-
deemer, would likewiſe imitate the manner, in which he treats
thoſe whom he loves; and as He, fometimes, leads them into the
depth of diſtreſs, that he may make trial of their fidelity, and,
having found them worthy of himſelf, brings them back to the
day of peace and ferenity, you would do the fame by us.
No ex-
tremity can be greater than that in which we are already caſt,
when you fuffer the Belief of thoſe who are entruſted with the
care of others to be fufpected. Whatever, therefore, may have
been the cauſes of this proceeding, you cannot fail of acting a part
becoming your high ſtation, if, when the affair is cleared up, and
our innocence proved, you bring us back, as the Prophet ex-
preffes himſelf, to the regions of light and comfort; in which
you will, at the fame time, confult the honour of the Holy See
and
your own, and maintain our reputation and that of the facred
College. That your Holiness may act in this manner we will Greenwich
not ceaſe to pray to the Almighty, and for your prefervation 1558.
and happineſs *."
*R. Poli, Epift. pars 52. pag. 31.
There is fomething too uncommon in
this Pope's character not to give the
Reader the entertainment, and, if he
pleaſes, the inſtruction of it; as nothing
can repreſent in a more ſtriking light
the waſte which a Ruling Paffion may
make in the greateſt minds, and not on-
ly blaſt all their good qualities, but
render them deftructive. It will, like-
wife, throw a great light on what has
been faid of this Pontiff's malevolence
to the Engliſh CARDINAL, which feems
in great meaſure, to have been founded
in this Paffion, and in the total oppofition
of difpofitions, which was caufed by it.
PAUL IV. was defcended, as has been
faid, from the Caraffa family in the
Kingdom of Naples, and was born
in 1476. His education was fuited to
the nobility of his extraction, and he
not only excelled in facred literature,
but ever preſerved a reputation clear from
the leaſt ſuſpicion of vice. He was ini-
tiated in Ecclefiaftical difcipline under
the care of Cardinal Oliver Caraffa, his
Uncle, a perſon of merit, with whom
he paffed fome years of his youth at
Rome. On the death of this Nobleman,
he went to Spain, where Ferdinand, on
account of his uncommon probity, ho-
noured him with his friendſhip, and
made him one of the Council of State.
He continued in the fame poſt under
Charles V. though not in an equal de-
gree of honour and confidence; for
Charles, who was a young man, did not
make the fame account of that rigid
virtue
30th March
198
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
I HAVE given the Reader this letter at length, as a proof of
the LEGATE's friendſhip having been proof to all trials; and as
it fhews his concern for the Public; and the decent freedom
virtue which had been fo highly valued
by his Grandfather; for this reafon, he
immediately obeyed Adrian IV. who in-
vited him to Rome; but this Pope dy-
ing foon after, and Caraffa being dif-
pleafed at the licentioufnefs of thofe
times, he refigned the Archbishoprick of
Theatea in the Kingdom of Naples, which
Julius II. Adrian's fucceffor, on account
of his rare merit, had conferred on him,
and entered the order of Regular Clerks
lately founded, who from the City of
which he had been Biſhop, were called
Theatins. He lived feveral years with
his new Affociates, at Venice, in fuch a
manner as to rife in the reputation he
had before attained; for which Paul
III. in 1533, called him to Rome, and,
againſt his will, created him Cardinal.
In this poft he continued the fame
courfe of life he had hitherto held, and,
during twenty years, was a Pattern of a
blameleſs Prelate and an upright Coun-
fellor. His vote was fo little ſubſervient
to party or the private inclinations of the
Popes, that he refifted Paul III. though
he had made him Cardinal, with great
conftancy; and being requeſted by Ju-
lius III. to conſent to his Brother's
adopted fon being honoured with the
purple, he excuſed himſelf, by a note,
from coming to the Confiftory, where
the affair was to be carried, or voting
for it, or having any concern in it
The fame liberty of ſpeech and fenti-
ment appeared on all other occafions:
he maintained with vigour the autho-
rity of the Holy See, the dignity of
the Priesthood, and the integrity of
the Chriftian Religion, and when
encroachments were made on them,
he placed himſelf in the breach. On
Julius' death he gave a great fpeci-
men of generofity in promoting the elec-
tion of Marcellus II. though four and
twenty years younger than himself;
which added fuch eminence to his for-
mer character, that, on this Pope's
death, which happened a few days after,
he was choſen to fucceed him.
BUT theſe great qualities were vitiated
by a fierce and obftinate temper, a
haughty and aſpiring difpofition, and a
mind incapable of yielding to oppofition,
and greedy, above meaſure, of command.
"Cæterùm his tot virtutibus inerat inge-
nium ferox et pervicax, et elatus animus
vaftufque, et adverfanti nefciens cedere,
prorſuſque imperii nimius." Gratiani, de
cas. Vir. illus. pag. 316. This gave rife
to the perpetual enmity between him and
Charles V. and his Son Philip, which was
inflamed by the fraud and ſelfiſh views of
thoſe who had his confidence, and, at
length, broke out into open war. Be-
fides an inclination to the French faction
at Naples, which the Caraffa family had
always difcovered, the Pope had con-
tracted an averfion to Charles, whilft he
was at the Court of Spain. When the
French army was cut off at the Siege of
Naples, his Family had fuffered every kind
of hardſhip from the victorious Spaniards.
The Pope himſelf, when he was Arch-
bishop of Theatea, had been excluded,
without any fufficient caufe, from the
Council of State; and, afterwards, when
Paul III. nominated him to the See of
Naples, he was a long time kept out of
poffeffion. After the death of this Pon-
tiff
OF REGINALD POLE.
199
which he uſed with his Superiors; and, above all the reft,
that perpetual attention to the caufe of virtue and religion, by
which he regulated, and to which he referred every thing elſe.
tiff the whole weight of Spaniſh influence
was employed to hinder him of the Pope-
dom, and the fame practifed again at
the deceaſe of Julius. At length, in
oppofition to all their efforts, he was
raiſed to that fupreme dignity in an ex-
treme old age, being in his eightieth
year, and for that reaſon alone leſs for-
midable to his Adverfaries.
THE Spaniards could not but ſuſpect
a perfon, to whom they had done fo
many ill fervices, and who, before his
elevation, had given fuch figns of his
difpofitions towards them, as were
by no means equivocal. He had ac-
cuſed the Emperour in public Confif-
tory of favouring the Lutheran Herefy
from political views; and though, when
there was occafion, he had treated the
French with the fame freedom, yet the
Spaniards highly refented this fpeech;
and when Charles's Ambaffador com-
plained of the affront offerred their
Mafter, he was fo far from making
an Apology, that his anfwer was more
exafperating than his firft difcourfe. I
have already ſpoke of his deſign to drive
the Spaniards out of Naples. When
Charles V. refigned the Empire to his
Brother, he refuſed to ratify the cef-
fion, as being made without his con-
fent, which thoſe who were ſkilled in
the Pontifical and Imperial Laws afferted
to have been neceffary: And when Ferdi-
nand's Ambaffadors came to pay him the
accuſtomed homage, he obftinately refuſed
to receive them, or to confirm his title.
He was no fooner made Pope but
the mutual animofities he and the Court
of Madrid had long entertained, began
to declare themſelves. The Spaniſh
Ambaffador, who had been often refuſed
Audience, prefenting himſelf abruptly to
the Pope whilft he was at table, He
commanded him to depart his prefence,
and if he did not, the title of Philip's
Ambaffador fhould avail him little. Be-
ing reduced to the greateft extremities
after the battle of St. Quintin's, and al-
moſt a Priſoner in Rome itſelf, he was
obliged to make peace: yet even then,
vanquished as was, he exerted the
ſame ſpirit he had always fhewn, and
feemed to give, rather than accept the
conditions of agreement; one of which
was, that the Duke of Alva, who com-
manded the Spanish army, and had
plundered the Pope's territories and laid
fiege to his Capital, fhould prefent him-
felf before him in the pofture of a ſup-
pliant and afk pardon on his knees.
His mind ſeemed rather exulcerated
with the bad fuccefs of the war than
foothed with its conclufion. When he
was yet Cardinal, as Luther's errors had
not only overſpread Germany, but threat-
ened Italy, he had prevailed on Paul III.
to fet up the Inquifition at Rome, and
himſelf was placed at the head of it. He
exercifed this office with a ſeverity which
raiſed complaints, to which he paid little
regard, and was never known to have
ſhewn any favour, by whomfoever aſk-
ed. A melancholy inftance of the abuſe
to which this Tribunal is liable, in-
creaſed the public uneafinefs, and aver-
fion to it. One of thoſe who are em-
ployed to bring in informations, had
endeavoured to afperfe the greateſt and
beft men in Rome, and had not ſpared the
moſt
200
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
THE end propofed by the foregoing letter was of too much
importance not to deferve that every meaſure ſhould be made.
uſe of, by which it might be gained. The LEGATE, there-
a
moft eminent members of the facred Col-
lege. His villainy, indeed, was at laſt
detected, and ended in his own deftruc-
tion, (R. Poli, Epift. pars 4ª. pag.
101). And now, fince Paul's Pontifi-
cate, the priſons were every day crowded
with unhappy wretches, of all forts, and
a general hatred of the prefent adminif
tration, and a fear of ftill greater evils
took up every one's mind.
BUT nothing inflamed the public in-
dignation fo much as the arrogance
and profligatenefs of his Brother's fons;
the eldest of whom, Charles Caraffa,
when he was Cardinal, on account of
his diſorders, he had forbid his fight.
But being raiſed to the Papacy, the Ne-
phew, by an artful hypocrify, had fo
infinuated himſelf into his Uncle's good
graces, that he often faid to his Friends,
he was thankful to Heaven for this fignal
reformation in fo near a Relation: In
confequence of this good opinion, he
made him his chief Minifter and created
him Cardinal, though he had always
lived in the licentioufneſs of camps, and
had not one quality either of a Clergyman,
a Chriſtian, or a man of probity. He
enriched, alfo, John, the fecond Bro-
ther, with the Dutchy of Paliano and
other eftates, which were confifcated
from the Colonna family, for having
fided with the Spaniards; and gave Anthony
his third Nephew, the territories which
were taken from the Count of Balneo, on
a like fubject. Theſe three Brothers,
though diffimilar in their vices, were
equally the object of univerfal hatred,
and though they diſagreed in other re-
fpects, they obferved an inviolable con-
cord in keeping each others diforders fe-
cret from their Uncle, and not ſuffering
any perſon to approach him, from whom
they ran any riſk of being diſcovered.
Thus, while he was making laws and
curbing public vice, he was a perfect
ftranger to what was going forward-
within his Palace and in his own family,
which cauſed his own virtues and their
faults to be equally odious.
WHEN the latter had exceeded all
bounds, One, whoſe name has been con-
cealed, had the courage to inform the
Pope of them; and as the evidence was
given fo as to deferve credit, the Pope-
heard it with a fuitable indignation, and
it being late in the evening, he only
then gave orders that none of his Re-
lations fhould be admitted into his pre-
fence, and that the facred College fhould
meet the next day. Here, he reproached
the Fathers with. not informing him of
what fo nearly concerned the public
good and his own. reputation; though
having been fo wickedly betrayed by
his own family, he ſaid, he ought to
pardon the filence of ftrangers. He
then inveighed with great bitterneſs
againſt the Guilty, and deprived Car-
dinal Caraffa of the government of Bo-
logna, and all public charges; and John
the fecond Brother, of the military com-
mand over the Papal forces throughout
the whole Ecclefiaftical ftate; and An-
thony, the third, of the guard of the Pa-
lace; and commanded them, and all his
other Relations, except Cardinal Alfon-
fus, fon of Anthony Caraffa, a young
man univerfally eſteemed, to leave Rome
before night, and affigned to his Ne-
འ
phews
OF REGINALD
201
POLE.:
fore, wrote at the fame time and on the fame fubject to the
Cardinal of Trani, who, by the letter feems to have had a great
ſhare in the Pope's confidence, and having laid before him the
phews the places of their banishment.
The vehemence of his temper made him
threaten with the ſevereſt treatment thoſe
who affifted thern in any manner what-
foever; adding, they deferved a much
more rigorous chaftifement, which, by
a denunciation that was fully verified, he
faid, he had reſerved to his fucceffor. He
was endowed with great eaſe and gra-
vity in ſpeaking, and, when he was an-
gry, his look alone was terrible. The
two following inftances are fufficient to
fhew the terror he ftruck in his Hearers
on this occafion, and in all who were in-
formed on what had paffed. A Niece of
the Pope came to Rome, that very day,
having heard nothing of the difgrace of
her family, and being excluded the Pa-
lace, nor received by the Nobility, could
not get admittance into any of the pub-
lic Inns, but was obliged to take up with
the wretched entertainment of a lodging
in the Suburbs. And Cardinal Caraffa,
who was grievously fick at Marino, the
place of his baniſhment, having ſent to
Rome for the help of Phyſicians, none
durft attend him, or even mention his
cafe to the Pope. After this fignal act
of juſtice, he took off the taxes and other
burdens which, without his knowledge,
the Brothers had laid on the People, and
deprived all who had been promoted by
them, of their Pofts. He ſurvived theſe
Reformations only five months, and be-
ing near his end, he prepared himſelf for
it with great attention, and received all
the facred Rites with a fingular fenfe of
Religion: After which, the Cardinals
being admitted to give him the laft marks
of their duty, he exhorted them, as
PART II.
they ſtood round his bed, to chufe a
perſon to ſucceed him whom they judged
worthy that fupreme poft, and who was
beft qualified to recall the decayed difci-
pline of Chriſtianity to its primitive
vigour. The ſeverity to which he had
long inured his mind, did not leave him
in his lateſt moments, and having col-
lected all his ſtrength to make a panegy-
rick on the Inquifition, which he judged
neceſſary in thoſe circumftances, he ex-
pired.
His death was no fooper conjectured
rather than known, but the joy it cauſed
was fo univerfal, that the People of Rome
left off all buſineſs and met in the Capi-
tol. Here, their hatred being now no
longer under any reſtraint, they imme-
diately came to a refolution, that all
ſtatues and monuments of the late Pope
and his Family fhould be effaced and
being now in the first tranfports with
which the novelty of freedom, and rage
and revenge intoxicate the multitude,
they made an onſet on that ſtatue which
themſelves had erected at the beginning
of the Pontificate, at their own expence,
and having pulled it from the pedeſtal,
and broke it to pieces, they rolled.
the head about the ftreets, and dragged
it through the kennels, with every kind
of infult and mockery, till fome per-
fons more confiderate than the reft,
being fhocked with the indignity of
fuch a fight, threw it into the Tyber.
The next object of their fury were
the prifons, which they broke open and
releafed the Criminals; and coming to
that of the Inquifition, where fome He-
reticks, or Perfons accuſed of being fo,
Dd
were
Sept. 15th
1559.
202
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
difficulties under which the public caufe and his own reputation
laboured, defires his intereft in order to remove them. "I have
written, fays he, to the Pope on a ſubject, of which
your Lord-
fhip may inform yourself by the copy of the letter I fend you;
but becauſe I have always known you very zealous for his Holi-
neſs's honour, and very equitable to myſelf, it is proper I ſhould
give you a more direct information of it. The cafe, indeed,
ſeems to require a Mediator of this character, to bring it to ſuch
an iffue as the public utility ftands in need of; though to be
plain, nothing less than the hand of God can cauſe the ſcandals
to ceaſe, which are already cauſed in part, and others with which
the Nation is ftill threatened. I have informed his Holiness, that
I am by no means at a lofs to clear myfelf, could this juftifica-
tion ſuppreſs the offence which the English Church has taken at
the late proceedings: this, which I have more at heart than
any other confideration, caufes my folicitude; for having in
great meaſure prevailed on my Country to embrace the doc-
trine they had forfaken, by my own conftancy in it, what muft they
think, if they continue to hear that I am fufpected on this head by
the chief Biſhop himſelf? For though his Holineſs, for any thing I
were detained, they fet them at liberty.
But in this latter proceeding, a regu-
larity was obſerved, which is feldom
the attendant of popular tumults; for
the People, to fhew they acted not on
any difregard to Religion, but from
hatred to the late Pontiff, exacted of
every one they fet free an oath to ad-
here, for the future, to the Church of
Rome, and fubmit to her authority. I
fhall finiſh what I had to fay on this
fubject by an inftance of the dread
which the bare idea of Paul IV. had left
on the minds of his Subjects: In the
height of theſe Bacchanalian riots a ru-
mour was ſpread, that the Pope was
yet alive and in a fair way of recovery:
on this, every thing was immediately
quieted, and the only concern of each
one was to fcreen and fave himſelf.
IF the Reader defires to be informed
in a greater detail of this Pope's charac-
ter, and the fate of his three Nephews,
he may find it in Gratiani, Biſhop of
Amelia, a Cotemporary Writer, in his
treatife de Cafibus illuftrium virorum, un-
der the title, de Carolo Caraffa Cardinale,
et Joanne Paliani Duce, Fratribus, related
with a freedom and eloquence equal to
any part of the Greek or Roman Hif-
tory. Folieta, Castaldi and others have
alfo wrote this Pope's life.
know
!
}
OF REGINALD POLE.
203
know to the contrary, has not yet openly declared himself, yet
while he acts in this manner, and fuffers legal procedures to be
carried on, which eaſily perfuade others that theſe are his fenti-
ments, you cannot but fee, my Lord; how fatal a ftumbling-
block this muſt be, and in whofe power it is to remove it. But
of this I fhall fay no more, but wait his Holinefs's decifion. In
the mean time, as there are not wanting many perfons of inte-
grity who blame me much for being filent, when the welfare of
my Country is at ſtake, I defend myſelf by the example of that
holy man Bafil, whofe piety and learning have defervedly gained
him the furname of Great, and in whofe works your Lordship is
remarkably converfant. When envious and ill-defigning perfons
had fpread flanders concerning his orthodoxy, and his Friends
were earnest with him to write fomething in his own defence;
he made this reply, that if his paſt conduct did not fatisfy his
brethren of the rectitude of his fentiments, he had nothing fur-
ther to alledge: for how can I expect, fays he, that a ſhort trea-
tife will prevail on thofe, whom the evidence of fo much expe-
rience has not perfuaded? Whether I have a right to make uſe
of the fame form of speech, you, my Lord, who are acquainted
with a great part of my life, may determine.
"I HAVE, hitherto, by my own choice, imitated the forbear-
ance of this holy man, but whether I am to imitate him in wri-
ting and defending myfelf, depends on his Holiness: for the fame
great Doctor, when he had been filent for a time, and, at laft,
thought himself obliged to fhut the mouth of flander, writes in
this manner; as yet, I have held my peace, but fhall I always
do ſo, and give occafion to have my filerice brought an evidence
againſt me? Nor can I think any other behaviour will become
me, efpecially as the inferences drawn from my not ſpeaking in
fuch a caufe will be more to my difadvantage than any thing my
Accufers can object to me. But whether I am to purſue this
method or not, depends, as I have ſaid, wholly on the Pope, who,
Dd 2
by
204
LIFE
THE HISTORY OF THE
by his authority, may filence flander, and to the great comfort,
of all good men, put an end to fcandals.
"IF I ſtand in particular need of comfort, and expect it from his
Holiness, no less than St. Auftin, the Apoſtle of England, from
St. Gregory; I am confcious to myſelf of a like diligence and good
will in procuring the emolument of the Chriftian Caufe in this
Kingdom, which St. Auſtin exerted; and I exert it in more diffi-
cult circumſtances, as I every day experience that it is a work
leſs laborious to in form untaught minds, than to unteach thoſe who
have imbibed erroneous doctrines. But enough on this fubject:
all that remains is, that we join in our common petitions to the
Almighty, that he would be pleaſed to diſpoſe all things for the
Greenwich advantage of his Church, the reputation of the Holy See, and the
30th March honour of the facred College, of which I am a member.”
558.
THIS is the laſt mention we find of this affair: whether the
Pope's anger was appeafed at fo reaſonable a remonftrance, and in-
nocence pleaded with fo much temper; or whether the Queen's
authority, the circumſtances of the English nation, and the ſhort
time the LEGATE furvived, hindered any further profecution, is
uncertain. The CARDINAL Continued to exercife his Legantine
juriſdiction, and one of his Hiftorians fays, the Pope put off the
final decifion of the cauſe; another, that he diffembled his refent-
ment*. But whatever were the Pontiff's views, the LEGATE'S
Chriſtian fimplicity and moderation, at fuch a crifis, have few
examples. The eſtabliſhment of the Catholic Religion and his
own reputation in fo nice a point were not able to make him
fwerve in any fingle inſtance from the deference he owed to a
fuperior Power, though it purſued his innocence, dignity, and
* Pontifex Reginæ literis precibufque et PoL1 fatisfactione acceptis, non quidem
eum abfolvit, fed Britannicarum rerum, ac Maria gratiâ, caufæ cognitionem
diftulit. Gratiani, p. 227.
Iracundiam multo antè conceptam diffimulavit. Poli vita, fol. 36. à tergo.
merit,
OF REGINALD POLE.
205
merit, with repeated acts of enmity. He had wrote a treatife in
his own juftification, but looking over the performance, fays the
Writer of his life, and perceiving it would be unfavourable to the
Pope's reputation, he threw it into the fire, and repeated thoſe
words of Deuteronomy, non revelabis verenda Patris tui.
IT
;
It may ſeem ſomething extraordinary that a perfon of the Bi-
fhop of Amelia's difcernment, fhould pafs the following judg-
ment on the facts I have related "that the CARDINAL'S im-
peachment, and the repeal of the Legantine jurifdiction, though
it leffened nothing of his power and authority in England, yet it
feems to have impaired fomething of his dignity and fame, and
to caſt a certain fhade round that glory he had before attained *."
But, fure, whoever confiders the injuſtice of his ſufferings, and
his behaviour under them, must confefs they ſet his character in
a more illuſtrious light than the moſt uninterrupted felicity could
have done, and gave him an opportunity of exerting the rareft
and moſt difficult virtues, thoſe which are tried by adverſity.
THE Emperor Charles V. died about the time I am ſpeaking 21ft Sept.
of, and the various connexions he had with CARDINAL POLE, 1558.
ever fince he was engaged in public life, which we have ſeen
through this work, require that fomething ſhould be faid of him
in this place. He had already left a world, which he had never
fuffered to be at reft, nor enjoyed tranquillity in it, till he re-
figned his ſtates to a Son ftill more defigning, though leſs active
than himſelf. He was mafter of thofe qualities, on which the
vanity of Mankind has been pleaſed to raiſe greatneſs of character
in Sovereigns and may juſtly be placed amongſt thoſe, of whom
one, who was qualified to make fuch an eſtimate, fays, the eyes
* Cæterum, hæc et nominis delatio,
et ablatæ Legationis nota, ut potentiam
POLO nihil imminuit, ita dignitatem fa-
mamque apud fuos non nihil labefactafle,
et magnitudini et gloriæ ejus nefcio quid
nubis obduxiffe vifa eft. Gratiani, de
cafibus Virorum illuftrium, pag. 227.
of
206
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Prov. ch. of a Fool are on the extremities of the earth*: for he informed the
17. V. 24 ſtates of Burgundy affembled at the ceremony of his abdication,
that fince the feventeenth year of his age, he had made nine ex-
peditions into Germany; fix into Spain; feven into Italy; four
into France; ten into the Netherlands; two into England; as many
into Africa; and had croffed the Sea eleven times †. After
which reſtleſs agitation, in which he equally verified in his own
perfon, a compariſon of another Author, as little favourable to
the ſenſeleſs projects of Ambition as him I have quoted, that
Ecclefiaf. a Fool's heart is like the Wheel of a Wain, which is always in mo-
tion; he finiſhed his days in a Monaſtery fituated in the delight-
ful plains of Eftramadura.
ch. 33.
v. 5.
A Writer of great repute ſuppoſes he was guided in this ex-
traordinary ftep by the example of feveral great Perfonages of
Royal rank, at the head of whom he places Dioclefian," the
beft of Princes, fays he, if we fet afide the wrongs which the
prejudices of Paganifm caufed him to do the Chriftians. This
Prince having governed the Empire twenty years with the moſt
confummate virtue and prudence, refigned it, and led a pri-
vate life at Spalatro in Dalmatia; in which retreat the cul-
ture of his gardens was his chief fatisfaction."
THE Reader may perceive the Author dwells with a parti-
cular complacence on the fubject of this Emperor; for though
he mentions other Princes, who had likewife retired from the
*Oculis ftulti in finibus terræ. E-
dit. Vulg.
+ Strada, de bello belgico, Deca-
dis 1ªe. L. 1. pag. 7.
‡
Nec deerant Exempla..... atque
inprimis Diocletiani, longè optimi Impe-
ratoris, fi ea excipias, quæ ille Genti-
lium errore deceptus, in Chriftianos pec-
cavit: qui poft adminiftratum virtute
fummâ ac prudentiâ totos xx annos im-
perium, eo fe abdicavit, anno Chrifti
308, et Saloniæ in Dalmatiâ vitam hor-
torum culturâ delectans, privatus tranf
egit..... His et aliis exemplis confir-
matus Cæfar, &c. Thuanus, Lib. 16.
pag. 506. D..
adminiſtration
OF REGINALD POLE.
207
adminiſtration of public affairs, he only gives the Reader a lift
of their names, except of one French King; and is fo wild as
to ſuppoſe that Charles V. in his retreat, was chiefly influenced
by the example of Dioclefian. I do'nt chufe to affign the
cauſe of a turn of mind, which makes men in all other ref-
pects capable of forming the moſt correct judgment of Perſons
and Actions, then only fall into perverſeneſs and folly, when it
depreciates the Chriſtian cauſe, and ſets off to advantage her moſt
declared enemies. Of this, Thuanus has here given a memorable
inftance for this beft of Emperors is reprefented both by Chriftian
and Pagan Writers, fome of whom were his Cotemporaries, að
having exhauſted the Roman Provinces by taxes, and being given
to a deſtructive extravagance in building, and extreme vanity in
his dress; of rapaciouſneſs and the moſt fordid avarice; of cruelty
and an impious arrogance, which went fo far as to cauſe himſelf
to be treated as a God: not to fay any thing of the wrongs he did
to the whole body of the Chriftians, and the numbers he put to
death, and fome, by the most exquifite torments.
THESE Authors accufe him alfo of having multiplied the Pro-
vinces of the Empire, not by the conqueft of new, but by a di-
viſion of the ancient; and, by this means to have burdened the
ſtate with an incredible addition of Civil and Military employ-
ments; and to have weakened the ſtrength of Rome by reducing
the Militia, and expofed the Empire to danger *.
A VERY fine Genius and Judge of human nature ſeems to have
looked on this retreat of Charles V. as the effect of a reſtleſs tem-
per, rather than the refult of a mind weaned from the world and
fixed on the love and attainment of a better; and introduces him
as much taken up, in the folitude of St. Just, with his Son's pro-
jects as he had formerly been with his own +: Another Writer,
* Lact. de mort. Pers. Eufeb. chro. Aurel. Vic. Eutro. Spart. Theop. la Marca.
+ Fenelon, Dialogues des Morts, Tom. 2. Dial. xi.
who
208
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
who is very partial to him, and to the Houſe of Auſtria, de-
fcribes his amuſements in his retirement as fitter to divert a ſchool-
boy, than to dignify the retreat of a great Prince. It is true, he
fays, he left them off in great meaſure before he died *, and
the general tenour of the laſt part of his life deſerves our praiſe,
and, perhaps, our admiration.
THE death of the Queen of England happened foon after that of
the Emperor. She was fallen into a declining ſtate of health, which
proceeded from uneafineſs of mind no leſs than a bad habit of body.
Her Phyficians had miſtaken a dropfy for the fymptoms of Preg-
nancy, and brought on the diſorder inſtead of removing it. The
victory we had gained at St. Quintin's did not hinder the French,
a few months after, from taking Calais, the ſcanty remains of all
our poffeffions on the continent. She was fo fenfible of this lofs
as to fay, was her body to be opened after her death, that Town
would be found engraved on her heart. The death of the Empe-
ror, who was her neareſt Relation by the Mother's fide, and who
had been her friend in her day of diſtreſs, though it made no
change in the affairs of Europe, wrought on her; as every pref-
fure is a cafting weight when the fcale is turned. Another fub-
ject of a more delicate nature, the abfence of her Huſband, is
ſaid to have waſted her fpirits and brought on a flow fever, of
which he died on the 17th of November, 1558, in the forty-
third year of her age.
As most of our modern Hiftorians have either not allowed or
mifrepreſented the laudable qualities of this Princeſs; or paffed
them over in filence, and dwelt, at large, on the failings of her
Government, it is no more than common equity to ſay, on this
fubject, what cannot be queftioned with truth, or be con-
cealed without malignity. I ſhall not repeat the feveral parti-
culars I have had occafion to relate in other parts of this work,
* Strada de bel. Bel. Dec. 1ª. Lib. 1.
and
OF REGINALD POLE.
209
and which the Reader has ſeen in their reſpective places. And
becauſe the candour of Proteftant Hiftorians has fully juſtified the
much injured character of this Princess, I fhall content myſelf
with copying it from thefe Originals, and almoſt in their
own words.
HER private life was always ftrict and unblemiſhed, and the
duties of Religion were the great concern to which the referred
every thing elſe; and a future life in her eſtimate overballancing
the prefent, ſhe fet Confcience above a Crown; and when the
former was at ſtake, ufed no equivocation, but was what the ap-
peared to be, without difguifing her belief or practice, either
through fear or flattery. On the fame Chriſtian Principle, the
allowed herſelf few of thofe diverfions which abound in the Pa-
laces of the Great, was regular in her devotions, and endeavoured
to expiate and attone for the facrileges of the two laft Reigns.
Next to this pious and religious demeanour to her Maker, her
compaffion for the Poor, and liberality and munificence to the
decayed Nobility and Churchmen, were moft remarkable: of
which theſe are a few inftances, among many others: She reſtored
the Duke of Somerfet's fon to blood; gave back the eſtates ſeized
by her Father and Brother, remitted the fubfidies paffed in the
laft reign, and erected anew the Bishoprick of Durham. How
far ſhe was from a fanguinary diſpoſition appears from the almoſt
univerfal pardon granted to thoſe who were engaged in that dan-
gerous and capital Rebellion, in the beginning of her Reign; in
her reftraining the Pramunire Act, which her Father had ex-
tended both as to perfons and cafes; and repealing all offences
which had been made felony fince the first year of Henry VIII.
Befides theſe falutary laws, the made others for the encourage-
ment of Huſbandry and the Woollen Manufactory; and would
have been, as one of the Writers I have mentioned expreffes Fuller.
himſelf, worthy of our higheſt commendations, had as few
PART II.
E e
acts
210
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
acts of cruelty been done under her Reign as were done
by her *."
THE Queen's death preceded that of CARDINAL POLE'S
but by a very ſhort interval. He was taken with a quartan Ague,
which, every day, impaired his ftrength and reminded him of the
end, to which he was haftening. He regulated what he would
have done in cafe of death, with the fame prudence and tranquil-
lity, which had appeared in his other actions, and made a Will,
in which, beſides other inftances of his piety and religion, he de-
clares his attachment and filial obedience to the Church of Rome,
and to the fupreme Biſhop of it. He takes notice, that he had
ever reſpected the prefent Pope, Paul IV. as a Father, before he
was raiſed to the Pontificate; and, fince, had always promoted
his honour; and in all the embaffies which he had performed
for the Apoſtolic See, and his other employments, he was not
conſcious to himſelf of having had any thing in view, but the dig-
nity and advantage of the Chriſtian cauſe :-That, he now with
all reverence, afked his Holiness's bleffing, and wifhed him
peace and ſafety and every comfort. He mentions, with a pe-
culiar fignification of good will, Henry Pening, whom he ſtyles
his Chamberlain and Receiver-General, and fays he was perfectly
*Collier, Ecclef. Hift. Vol. 2. B. 6.
pag. 406. Camden's Introduction to
the Annals of Queen Elizabeth. Echard,
pag. 327. Sir R. Baker, under the title
of the Queen's perfonage and conditions.
Fuller, Church Hift. Book 8. pag. 42.
Notwithſtanding what I have here re-
lated from Writers of the Church of
England, Dr. Burnet affirms (Hift. Ref.
part 3. pag. 268.) "that it does not
appear that there was any one great or
good defign ever fet on foot for the
wealth or glory of the Nation, during
this Princess's reign." But this Writer
could beſtow praife and obloquy juft as
it fuited his purpoſe; and, through the
Chaos of his Hiftory of the Reformation,
the Reader may apply to him what Vir-
gil fays of Dido expiring in the agonies
of fuicide,
Oculis errantibus, alto
Quæfivit cœlo lucem, ingemuitque re-
pertâ.
Thrice op'd her heavy eyes, and fought
the Light,
But, having found it, ficken'd at the fight.
well
OF REGINALD POLE.
211
well acquainted with all his concerns, and would be of great uſe
to his Executor. He names, likewiſe, the following perfons,
Nicholas Heath, Archbiſhop of York and Chanchellor of England,
Thomas, Bishop of Ely; and his beloved Kinſman, Edward Haf-
tings, Chamberlain to her Majeſty; Mr. Boxal, her Majeſty's
Secretary; Mr. Edward Walgrave, Chancellor of the Dutchy of
Lancaster; Mr. Cordel, Maſter of the Rolls; and Mr. Henry Cole,
his Vicar-General; and defires them to affift the Lord Priuli in
the Executorſhip, and bequeaths fifty pounds to each. He ap-
points this Nobleman his fole Heir and Executor, defiring him
to pay a few legacies, and to give to each of his houſehold, who
had followed him out of foreign Countries, what he judged their
merit and ſervices entitled them to *.
THIS generous friend informed the CARDINAL, he would very
willingly take on himſelf the Executorship, and diftribute his
effects as he ſhould be pleaſed to direct; but would take no part
of the inheritance: and on the CARDINAL's infifting on his ac-
ceptance of fomething that might be a memorial of the lafting
friendship they had bore each other, Priuli replied, that from
the beginning of their acquaintance, he had other advantages in
view, and had already reaped them from his example and fo-
ciety and all he accepted of fo confiderable an Inheritance was
two prayer-books, which the frequent ufe his friend had made of
them, had rendered valuable.
THE honour due to a friendſhip, of which, perhaps, there is no
other infance, and which equally redounds to the credit of both,
well deferves, that, befides what has been occafionally faid in dif-
ferent parts of this Work, I fhould here give the Reader a fur-
ther account of a perſon who was joined to our illuftrious Coun-
tryman by the ſtricteft intimacy and benevolence.
* Teſtamentum CARD. POLI ex Cod. M. S. Bibliothecæ Ambrofiana.
Ee 2
ALOYSIUS
212
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ALOYSIUS PRIULI was a Venetian Nobleman, and having, as
has been related, contracted a familiarity with young POLE when
they were both Students at the Univerſity of Padua, was fo
charmed with his uncommon merit, that, from that time, he
never after left him. The rank which his Family held in the
Republic, and his perfonal accomplishments, entitled him to the
higheſt expectations both in his own country and at Rome; all
which he undervalued, that he might be the conftant Attendant.
on a Foreigner in his embaffies, voyages and labours, and par-
take in all the good which his friend either defigned or per-
formed; and being a perfon of fingular addrefs, was every where
very uſeful to him. The Senate of Venice having named him
among the four, out of whom Paul III. was to chufe a Succeffor
to the Biſhop of Brescia, the Pope nominated Priuli, with the
greateſt commendation of his virtue and abilities. But it was
with extreme difficulty that his Friends and Relations prevailed
on him to accept of this reverfionary grant, left the Incumbent's
death, who was very old, fhould oblige him to feparate himſelf
from the LEGATE *. Thuanus reports, that he refuſed the Pur-
ple for the ſame reaſon. He furvived his illuftrious Friend only
twenty months, which he employed in collecting his effects which
were diſperſed in various places, and difpofing of them with a
fidelity equal to the confidence repofed in him.
THE CARDINAL having made his Will in this manner, and his
diſeaſe ſtill increaſing, he wrote to the Queen fome time before his
death, the following letter: "I defire your Grace ſhould be in-
formed that though the length and vehemence of my diftemper be
ſuch as might juſtify my caſting afide all cares of this world, and
transferring my thoughts on that, into which I am now going to enter,
yet I think it a duty to leave all Perfons ſatisfied with my behaviour,
*Poli vita, pag. 37.
+ Publiſhed by T. Hearne, Oxf. 1716. pag. 122, from the MS. Col. of T. Smyth.
and,
OF REGINALD POLE.
213-
and, above all others, your Grace, whom it has pleaſed Almighty
God to place in fo exalted a ſtation. For which reaſon I fend
you the Dean of Worcester, my Chaplain, whofe fidelity I have
long approved, and entreat your Grace to give credit to whatever
he ſhall ſay on my behalf. I make no doubt but you will be fa-
tisfied with it, and I beg of Almighty God to profper you to his
honour, your own comfort, and the welfare of this Realm.”
WHEN he had dictated this letter, he wholly called off his
thoughts from all earthly concerns and fixed them on that bleffed
region which was now opening to his view.-He caufed the
Holy Scriptures and other books of piety to be read frequently to
him, and profeffed he found a fenfible refreſhment from the me-
ditation of theſe divine leffons; and received the Holy Eucharift
with fingular ſentiments of devotion. Though the fever had re-
duced him to great weakneſs, he would, every day, affift at the
holy facrifice, which was offered up in his Apartment, and at the
elevation of the Hoft would be raiſed on his Knees, to adore
in that humble poſture his own and the common Saviour
of Mankind.
He had frequent intelligence during his illneſs of the Queen's
declining ſtate, and belides the letter I have cited, frequent mef-
fages paffed between them; and as her death could not long be
concealed from him, he received the news of it with great fteadi-
neſs, and began to diſcourſe with a ftrength of voice and pre-
fence of mind which furpriſed All who were prefent, on the won-
derful Providence of God in his dealings towards them both: he
doubted not, he ſaid, but that the fame divine fuper-intendance
which had hitherto watched over them, and made their lives
have a great reſemblance to each other, would likewiſe be pleaſed
to put an end to them within the fame day; and that a confi-
dence in the fame mercy made him truſt an all-good and all-
powerful Being would not entirely forfake his Country; and that
he acquieſced, as he had always done, in His difpenfations.
THE
4th O.
1558.
214
THE HISTORY OE THF LIFE
THE day before he died, of his own accord and without being
reminded by any one, he defired to receive the Sacrament of the
laft Anointing, by which we are ftrengthened to withſtand the
laft affault of our fpiritual Enemies, to bear up againſt the weak-
nefs of nature, and die the death of the Righteous. And the
Biſhop of St. Asaph, who performed theſe Rites, related to the
Author of his life, that, drawing towards his end, he aſked with
his uſual ſedatenefs, if the Ritual, which contains the recommen-
dation of the departing foul, was at hand, and being anſwered it
was and the book fhewed him, it is now, fays he, time to make
uſe of it; and retaining his ufual tranquillity to the laft breath, he
continued to fpeak and act in thefe moments as in all the paſt,
and paid the great debt of nature in ſuch a manner that his coun-
tenance and the compoſure of his whole perſon had rather the
appearance of a gentle fleep than of death. He died on the morn-
ing of the 17th of December, 1558, two and twenty hours after
the Queen, having lived fifty eight years and fix months *.
His Body was put into a leaden Coffin and placed in a Cham-
ber of Lambeth Palace, where he died, which was hung with
black during forty days. An Altar was placed in the Apartment,
and ſeveral Maffes faid every day for the repofe of his Soul.
After which his Corpfe was conveyed to Canterbury with great
funeral pomp, and met by all orders of the Citizens and the whole
body of the Clergy; and at his Obfequies a Diſcourſe in praiſe of
the Deceafed was made in Latin and Engliſh. He was buried,
as he had defired, in St. Thomas's Chapel, with this ſhort Epi-
taph, Depofitum Cardinalis Poli, the remains of CARdinal Pole.
I HAVE frequently had occafion to mention Cardinal James
Sadolet, Biſhop of Carpentras, and his connexions with CARDI-
NAL POLE, and I fhall conclude the Hiftory of the life of the
latter, with a letter from Paul Sadolet, to the Lord Priuli, in which
* Vita Poli, fol. 38, & feq.
he
OF REGINALD POLE.
215
he expreffes his own fentiments and thofe of the Public on the
CARDINAL's death. It was written fix months after this incident,
and is dated from Carpentras, in which Bishoprick he had fuc-
ceeded his Uncle, who had been dead, as we have feen elſewhere,
feveral years.
"I HAVE received your Lordship's letter, and with it the
pledge of a friendſhip I fet above all value, the remembrance
which that incomparable man defired, on his death-bed, I ſhould
be affured of. This has renewed all the forrows with which I
heard the firſt rumours of his death, and the bare mention of it
fo oppreffes me, that your Lordship muft excufe the diforder and
confufion in which I now write. We were informed laft winter
of this lofs of the beſt of Men, from uncertain and different ac-
counts, which were too foon confirmed with the circumſtance of
his dying on the fame day with the Queen, and in fuch honour
and tranquillity that Providence feems to have declared itſelf in his
favour, by taking him out of this life before the changes which have
fince happened. We have heard of his fufferings, and of the man-
ner in which he overcame the injuries the World did him; and
of the invincible conftancy, piety, and charity, with which he
ſupported the weakneſſes of others: But theſe relations were very
imperfect on account of the diſtance of the places from whence
they came, and becauſe our friends at Rome, in the confufion of
the late war, have been very fparing of their intelligence, though
we often wrote to them, and preſſed them on this head. On the
whole, it appears with the greateſt evidence, that he has confuted.
all thoſe who would have depreffed and flandered a character
which was out of the reach of reproach, and has done it with ſuch
moderation as muſt change the hearts of his Adverſaries, if they
are capable of relenting, and be to us the moſt falutary of all lef-
fons. This is particularly remarkable in the declaration of faith,
which he makes in his laft Will, which is no more than a con-
firmation of what he ever believed and profeffed.
BUT
216
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
"BUT what ſhall I fay, my Lord, of the opinion he had of your
merit, and the diſtinction with which he fignified it? I don't know
which of the two is to be accounted more fortunate, your
Lordſhip in fuch a teftimony of your virtue and integrity, or the
LEGATE in fuch a Friend who deferved it. I have often read
his Will in numerous Companies of perfons of quality, in or-
der to ſpread his reputation as wide as depends on me, and I have
never been able to do it with dry eyes. I could fay much more
to the fame purpoſe, but the revolutions which have happened in
Italy, in the Country where he died, and elſewhere, are not ſuited
to ſuch a ſubject. I have nothing more to wiſh, than that when
your Lordſhip has complied with the truſt placed in you, we may
meet and talk over theſe tranſactions without reſtraint, and ſhare
in each other's forrows and comforts. In the mean time I ſhall
ever cheriſh the memory of CARDINAL POLE, and pray to the
Almighty, not fo much for the repofe of a Soul, which I make
no doubt of being admitted into the joys of Heaven; as that
I may deſerve the honourable mention by which he thought fit
both during life, and in his laſt moments, to rank me amongſt
4th July, his moſt valuable Friends *.
1559.
* Ex Col. Epift. Ital. Ber. Pini, 1. 3.
r
SECT.
OF REGINALD POLE.
217
T
SECT.
XII.
The Character of CARDINAL POLE.
HE Life of CARDINAL POLE was a leffon of
fuch univerfal inftruction, that a review of it will
be no leſs for the advantage of the Reader than
for the honour of Him, who is the fubject of the
Work. I fhall, therefore, draw, as it were, to
one point, and repreſent in an uninterrupted view thoſe particular
virtues which diftinguished the feveral parts of it, and which
could not be related in the courſe of this Hiſtory without too
frequently interrupting the facts of which it is made up.
Ir may
be proper to ſay ſomething of his figure and habit of
body, before we fpeak of the qualities of his mind. He was of a
middle ſtature, and of a healthy rather than a robuſt conſtitution;
though he was ſometimes ſubject to a Catarrh, which fell on his arm
and cauſed an inflammation in his right eye. His complexion was
fair, mixed with an agreeable vermillion, and his beard and hair, in
his youth, of a light colour; his countenance was open
and ferene,
enlivened with a chearful and pleaſant eye, the index of his mind,
which was unfufpecting, honeft and benevolent. He was very ab-
ſtemious in his diet, and though he made two meals a day, he fupped
very fparingly. The command over his appetite was ſuch, that no
variety of meats and fauces could prevail on him to uſe any food
but what he found by experience to agree with him; and thoſe
who eyed him narrowly, remarked that he eat lefs of difhes
which were reliſhing and agreeable to his palate, than of others.
His table was ferved with a plenty and elegance which became
his Royal extraction, and the high ſtations, to which he gradu-
PART II.
Ff
ally
218
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
ally rofe; and was open to the great number of noble and illuf
trious Gueſts, who every where reforted to him; and his Oeconomy
had no other rule, than that his expences fhould not exceed his
revenue. He ſlept but little and generally rofe before day-light,
and required fo little attendance about his perſon, that he often
rofe from bed and dreft himſelf without any one's help.
He was of a thoughtful caft of mind, and fuch as inclined him
more to ſtudy and contemplation than to the employments of pub-
lic life, and he converfed but little even with the perfons of his
houſehold; yet, in company, and at table particularly, he fuited
himſelf to the various tempers and callings of his Gueſts, and
made ufe of the great infight he had in all branches of literature
and all forts of bufinefs, to make himfelf uſeful and agreeable to
every one.
This condefcenfion was accompanied with fuch dig-
nity as made him equally refpected and beloved, and no one pre-
fumed to fay or do any thing unbecoming, when he was prefent.
Pope Julius III. was a remarkable inftance of the ſtrength of this
impreffion, and uſed to ſay, that the bare prefence of the Cardi-
nals Marcellus and POLE was fufficient to caufe him to behave
and act as became his fupreme ſtation.
His converfation was fprightly and enlivened by frequent me-
taphors and alluſions, which were always appoſite to the ſubject
from which they rofe; and ſeemed to preſent themſelves of their
own accord; and they frequently occur in his writings. Several
acute and facetious fayings were remarked in his difcourfe, and,
amongſt others the following, which fhew the readineſs with
which he turned every thing to moral improvement; and though
I am fenfible of the diſadvantage fuch relations lie under, and
how much they loſe of the life and agreeableneſs they receive
from the Speaker, I cannot but repeat them. I remember fays
the Author of his life, that mention being made of a certain
Prelate, who refided at Rome, and neglected his Diocefe, and
yet ſpoke very freely of others for doing fo, he turned the
difcourfe
OF REGINALD POLE.
219
}
diſcourſe by a pleaſantry, and faid, the Biſhop did like thofe who
eat Garlick not to be offended with its fmell in others who did the
fame. Being told of a young man of parts and learning, who
was too forward in giving his judgment; Learning, fays he, in
youth has the ſame effect as new wine in the Vat, which, at
firſt, ferments, but being drawn off and having collected its
ſtrength, it at length fettles. An Aftrologer telling him, he had
gathered his high deftiny from the Conſtellation, under which
he was born, he anſwered, it might very well be, but the Star-
gazer ought to have remembered the fecond birth, which is ob-
tained by Baptiſm, and annuls the prognoftics of the firſt. A per-
fon faying, that the ſtudy of ſacred literature ſhould ſo take us up
as to leave no leiſure for other ſtudies; and another replying, that
other Sciences fhould be called in as Handmaids, the Cardinal
replied, I ſuppoſe, Sir, you have read, that Agar was caſt out,
becauſe ſhe was fuch. He had frequently adviſed a Biſhop to
leave Rome and return to the care of his Dioceſe; and on the
Prelate's faying, he was fetting out in order to flay there a month;
he anſwered, I have, at leaſt, this fatisfaction, that your puniſh-
ment will be ſo much the lighter, vapulabis minus. Being de-
fired to read a letter written to a Nobleman, on the death of a
perfon, who was very dear to him, which had great oftenta-
tion of eloquence and in a very affected ftyle, he faid, he had
never feen a letter of greater confolation, fince whoever read it
could not refrain from laughter. Having heard a celebrated
Preacher, who had a high opinion of himſelf, and being aſked
what he thought of him; very well, fays he, but I would have
him, firſt preach to himſelf. A perſon of quality of Rome,
who was making great improvements at his Villa, faying to
him, I hope your Lordſhip will fee this place, thirty years hence,
in its full beauty; the CARDINAL replied, I don't know, Sir, by
what I have deſerved ſo ill of you that you, ſhould wiſh my baniſh-
ment from my true Country ſhould be prolonged to ſo diſtant a
F f 2
term:
220
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
term; and therefore cannot accept your invitation. Having
waited two days when he was in Flanders, for an Audience of
the Emperor; on the third, the Biſhop of Arras came to fignify
to him, that the Emperor fent for him, and excufed the delay,
which had been cauſed by his Majeſty's indifpofition; truly, faid
the CARDINAL, I thought it ſomething ftrange that having every
day acceſs to Almighty God in behalf of the Emperor, I fhould
be refuſed acceſs to the Emperor, when I came on the part of
Almighty God. Mention being made of a Gentleman, who took
great care of his beard, and faid it coft him two crowns a
month; the beard, therefore, replied the CARDINAL, is of
greater value than the head.
:
He had an utter averfion to flattery and falfehood; and deli-
vered his opinion with fo good a grace as not to difpleaſe thoſe
from whom he diffented and ſeveral of the facred College ac-
knowledged that no one had ever taken offence at the ingenuous
freedom with which he spoke his fentiment in the Confiftory:
which, perhaps, could be faid of few or none but himſelf.
He was wary and circumfpect in his ordinary converfation,
even with his intimate friends; and nothing imprudent, or what
might appear lefs becoming his perfon, was ever remarked to
have paffed his lips; and this was one of the indications of con-
fummate wiſdom, which his Acquaintance chiefly admired.
His temper was open and ingenuous, being unacquainted with
the wiles of policy, and the corruption of the great world. When
he was in Flanders, whither Julius III. had fent him to negotiate
a peace between the Emperor and the French King, and a ru-
mour was ſpread that a Courier, who was charged with ſeveral
diſpatches, and, amongſt others, with fome to the CARDINAL,
had been intercepted; a diſcourſe aroſe concerning fome perfons,
who had reaſon to be anxious on that occafion, left their defigns
fhould come to light; for my own part, fays CARDINAL POLE,
I am perfectly eafy on that ſubject, fince I ought rather to wiſh
that
OF REGINALD POLE.
221
that all mine were laid open. A fentence worthy Him who was
conſcious of nothing but what was laudable.
His induſtry and application were equal to the extent and fa-
cility of his genius, and his feifure hours were always employed
either in writing or thinking on fomething that might promote
the ſervice of his Maker and the welfare of Mankind. This dif
pofition feemed inbred in him, and made him obferve with fome
uneafinefs thofe Loiterers, who attend no calling and whoſe time
is a perpetual vacation. He detefted the fooliſh and perverfe opi-
nion of the Vulgar, who look on a lazy and unprofitable life as
the privilege of wealth and quality; whereas nothing, he ſaid,
could be more foreign to a noble extraction, whofe duty it was to
be taken up with what was uſeful and honourable.
+
His learning and eloquence in the Latin tongue have been ac-
knowledged by All who are acquainted with his works, moſt of
which are wrote in that language. He did not, however, al-
ways give that attention to correctnefs, in which the noted Wri-
ters of his age, and particularly his intimate friends the Cardinals
Sadolet, Contareni, and Bembo excelled; but where this is not
overlooked, no writings of thofe times are more finifhed *. He
had attained this fkill in fo eminent a degree at a very early
period of life, that it does not appear capable of being carried
to any higher perfection. In fome of his works there is an exu-
berance of ſtyle, which, if it had been reduced to the ancient
Roman accuracy, would have added greatly to their merit.
The fame Afiatic diffufenefs was obferved in the Roman Ora-
tor, and in both was owing to the wonderful fruitfulneſs of
their genius, which furnifhed them on every fubject, with a
variety of thoughts and expreffions. In the latter years of his
life, when he was taken up with the Church affairs of a great
*Witneſs his life of Longolius, feveral letters to Sadolet, &c. and, among
others, that placed at the end of this Work,
People,
222
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Part I.
People, his neglect of the graces of diction is very vifible: but
though it takes off from the praiſe of the Writer, it adds to that
of the Man. Notwithſtanding this diſadvantage, the uſe he had
acquired in writing made his ſtyle ſtill abound with beauties,
which ſeemed to flow from Him without his knowledge. His
attention was great, and as he eafily retained what he read, his
knowledge of Hiftory was accurate and univerfal.
In his youth he was more delighted with Plato than Ariftotle;
but, at length, he applied himſelf wholly to facred ſtudies, and
laid afide all others. At first, he read the Greek and Latin Ex-
pofitors of the holy Scriptures; but afterwards, he ſtudied theſe
only. A conftant meditation on the Old and New Teftament
had made the knowledge of them fo familiar to him, that he
feemed to have learnt nothing elſe; and the moſt expert Divines
of his time confeffed his proficiency in this Science to have been
fuperior to any thing they had ever met with.
I HAVE already related what the Lord Priuli, who was preſent
at his Lectures on the Scripture whilſt he was at Liege, thought
of them, and Cardinal Seripandi, writing to St. Thomas of Villa
pag. 204. Nova, Archbiſhop of Valentia in Spain, fays, he never heard him
diſcourſe on divine matters, but he ſeemed a Being of a higher
Order, who brought from above the eternal Truths of the Gof-
pel, rather than a Man *,
His cuſtom was, firft, to write down what occurred to him on
the ſubject of his reading, and then to compare his own obſerva-
tions with thofe of others on the fame places. But as to the
Epiftles of St. Paul, in which there are many difficult and intri-
cate paffages, Cardinal Hierom Seripandi, a perſon of rare eru-
dition and piety, informs us of the method by which He judged
the knowledge of them was to be attained. His words are
theſe. I have been told, fays he, that when CARDINAL POLE
* Reg. Pole, Epift. pars 2ª pag. 4. Præf.
was
OF REGINALD
223
POLE.
was confulted by what method the hidden and obfcure paffages
of St. Paul's Epiſtles might be unfolded and brought to light, he
uſed to make the following anfwer: that the moſt ready and ex-
peditious way he could propofe, was for the Reader to begin at
the latter part of the Epiftles, where the Apoſtle treats of mora-
lity; and to practiſe what was delivered there; and then go back
to the beginning, where the doctrinal parts are reaſoned on with
great acuteness and ſubtlety. This fpeech, continues Seripandi,
was truly becoming fo great a man, whofe probity, religion, and
fanctity of manners were no lefs admirable than his erudition. His
difcernment in divine matters gave him to underſtand that pure
and upright minds attain with eaſe the knowledge of the moſt
fublime and abſtracted truths; whereas thofe who neglect the
practical and more intelligible parts of Holy Writ, as profane
perfons, were forbid accefs to the Sanctuary." On other occa-
fions he was accuſtomed to fay, that whoever betook themſelves
to the ſtudy of the Scriptures were to behave like thoſe who were
admitted to the inner part of the Temple through a low and nar-
row entrance: and that none ſhould aſpire to this Science on a
preſumption of their parts and learning; but bring to it an hum-
ble mind, and an underſtanding, as the Apoſtle ſpeaks, under the
fubjection of Faith. He uſed, likewife, to give this caution to
All who ſtudied the Scriptures, that the defire of worldly ho-
nour or wealth fhould have no influence in fuch an undertaking;
fince nothing could be more foreign to it: that the mind fhould
be prepared by prayer, and, as has been faid, free from ambition
and every finful and irregular attachment.
He left behind him many excellent Works, feveral of which
I have had occafion to ſpeak of in the courſe of this Hiſtory,
and to give fuch extracts from each as may enable the Reader
to have a fufficient infight into the ſubject, and bring him ac-
quainted with the Author's manner of treating it. The chief of
them are the life of his Friend Longolius, four Books on the unity
of
224
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
i
$
of the Church, addreffed to Henry VIII; to which he added a
Preface to Edward VI. his Son *. An Apology to Charles V. in
which there is an Analyſis of Machiavel's Politics †. I have taken
notice elſewhere, that he was the firſt who detected the perni-
cious tendency of this Author's writings, almoft as ſoon as they
appeared, and a few years after the Author's death. A treatife
on the nature of a General Council: a Dialogue on the Duties of the
Papacy; which he wrote in the Conclave, and, afterwards en-
larged the Canons of the National Synod of the Church of England.
A differtation on the Baptifm of Conftantine, on the day of our Sa-
viour's birth; and a Dialogue on his Paffion. A difcourfe on
Peace, to the Emperor and French King. Several letters to Sa-
dolet. The Commentaries he wrote, in his youth, on all Cicero's
works, were never printed and the Manufcript is loft. His poft-
humous works were numerous, but more weighty concerns hin-
dered him from putting the laſt hand to them; and they were
configned to Cardinal Moron, his intimate friend; amongſt theſe
were a Commentary on the Prophet Ifaiah and the Pfalms, and other
Books of the Scriptures; a large treatiſe on the manner of Preaching,
and ſeveral others, fome of which were in Engliſh. I have
ſeen at Oxford, A book of the Statutes of that Univerſity, with
the Manufcript Notes of CARDINAL POLE.
:
THOUGH his difpofitions, as has been faid, inclined him ra-
ther to privacy and retirement than to the active ſcenes of public
life, yet he was very dextrous in the management of bufinefs, and
gained efteem in thoſe very undertakings which were not attended
with fuccefs. This appears in his Embaffies to Courts which
had the moſt oppofite views and interefts; in the Government
of Viterbo; in the Council of Trent; in the arduous talk of
*Bafiliæ, anno 1570. præfigitur Longolii epiftolis.
+ Reg. Poli, pars 1ª pag. 136.
bringing
$
OF
225
REGINALD POLE.
bringing over his Country to its ancient belief; and in the plan
of Difcipline, of which I have given an abftract, and which can
never be too much commended. His prudence and forefight ena-
bled him to confider things in an univerſal light, and were ex-
empt from thoſe perturbations which are the greateſt obſtacles to
the deſired event of what we undertake. He waited the oppor-
tunity of buſineſs, which made him, fometimes, feem flow to
thoſe who were unacquainted with the fuitableness of circum-
ftances; and as fuch perfons don't take their meaſures from the
nature of affairs, but from humour, they cannot fail of taking
thoſe that are improper. When any of his Friends feemed to de-
fire a quicker diſpatch, his anfwer was, that they muſt let him go
on his uſual pace, for if they hurried him, it would fare with
them as with thoſe who ſpur a pacing horſe, which only makes
his gait more uneaſy.
THE elevation of his mind and his excellent virtues placed
him above thoſe Paffions to which vulgar fouls are enflaved,
luſt, anger, envy, and avarice, and fixed him on purſuits of a
nobler fort. His whole behaviour from early youth was fo per-
fectly clear of any fufpicion of incontinence, that he was eſteemed
by All who knew him to have lived exempt from any weakneſs
of this kind *. When his Domeſticks had done any thing which
deſerved reprehenfion, he always took care to give it without any
indication of choler; and timed it ſo as it might be well received
by the delinquent and produce an amendment. His temper was
fo remarkably even and free from refentment, that feveral who
were but little acquainted with him, and guided themfelves by
very different maxims, thought that on fome occafions he wanted
dignity and let himſelf down too much. Though Gardiner had
endeavoured firſt to obftruct his return to his Country, and then
* Expers omnis libidinis totâ vitâ tum in Angliâ tum extra Angliam habitus
cft. Vita Poli, fol. 39, à tergo.
PART II.
G g
to
226
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
to obſcure his reputation and leffen his authority with Philip and
the Engliſh Miniſtry; yet, on his return, when the Queen's con-
fidence in him was fuch, as the Lord of Noailles writes to his
Court," that it was plain the neither would nor could live with-
out having him about her perfon;" on all occafions he fhewed a
fingular eſteem for that great Miniſter; and, after his death, al-
ways mentioned him with honour.
He was too well verfed in the moral of the Gofpel not to have
learnt from the divine Author of it the difficult leffon of forgiving
injuries: A proof of this are the ſeveral inſtances I have given of
his diſpoſitions toward Henry VIII. Three Englishmen came
to Capranica with a defign to murder him; and when they were
taken up on fufpicion, confeffed their crime, and that the King
had fent them on that fhameful and wicked errand. Being con-
victed, he would have them only condemned to the Galleys for a
few days, alleging the offence regarded himſelf alone. He ufed
the like clemency to fome Italians who had contrived his death
at Viterbo, and caufed them to be fet at liberty. I am informed,
fays the Writer of his life, from one who was preſent, that ha-
ving received advice of the injurious profecution which Paul IV.
carried on againſt him, he was ſenſibly touched at it and juſtified
himſelf by a fhort treatiſe addreſſed to the Pope. The ſubject led
him to fome things not very honourable to the Pontiff, and ha-
ving finiſhed the piece and cauſed a fair copy of it to be drawn
off, he peruſed it by the fire fide, and threw both the tran-
fcript and the original into the flames, repeating this injunc-
tion of the old law, thou shalt not diſcover thy Father's ignominy.
He had from temper and conftitution, great generoſity and
a propenfion to acts of benevolence, and his charity was uni-
verfal. He not only took care that no affiftance was wanting
to the meaneft of his Domeſticks, in time of fickneſs, but
frequently vifited them himſelf, and furniſhed poor ſtudents
and perfons of probity, who were reduced, with the means of
fubfiftence.
OF REGINALD POL E.
227
fubfiftence. I remember, fays the above-mentioned Writer, that
having received at Trent, when he was Legate, four thoufand
Ducats of arrears due to him on a Penfion from the Bishoprick of
Granada, he faid, he had no occafion for fuch an extraordinary
ſupply, having hitherto lived clear of debt without it, and im-
mediately divided it amongſt his Family, giving to each accord-
ing to his rank and deſerts. Victoria Colonna, Marchionefs of
Peſcara left him, by her Will, 10,000 crowns: but he refufed
to accept of any part of ſo conſiderable a legacy, and ordered the
whole to be paid to that Lady's Niece, when the married Don
Garcia of Toledo, Son to the Viceroy of Naples. Being returned
to his Country, he beſtowed with the fame munificence, almoſt
three thouſand pounds on thoſe of his Houfhold who had fol-
lowed him from Italy; and to fuch as were defirous to go back
again, he ordered, moreover, horfes and wherewith to defray the
expence of the journey. On occafions which called for magni-
cence, he ſhewed his difpofition to be as noble as his birth; yet,
as I have ſaid, he regulated his expences by the means he had to
fupport it; when thefe increaſed, his bounty, like the Sun,
ſpread its ray, and fhone away the fuperfluity. I have already
ſpoke of the Income he received from England, whilft the
King continued the allowance he at firft affigned him. As
foon as he was honoured with the Purple, that penfion ceaſed,
and whatever belonged to him was confifcated. Paul III. al-
lotted him two hundred crowns a month, on which he fub-
fifted, fome time, at Rome; and Giberti, Bishop of Verona, who
as we have ſeen, had a fingular efteem for his merit, and knew
how much his fortune fell fhort of his rank and occafions, be-
queathed to him a yearly penfion of 2000 Ducats on the Archbi-
ſhoprick of Granada, which he was empowered to transfer, and
another benefice in the Church of Valentia of the yearly value of
800 more.
At the death of the Cardinal of Ravenna, which
happened in 1549, the Pope conferred on him a poft in the
Gg 2
Diocefe
228
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
}
Dioceſe of Adria, the annual profits of which amounted to
1000 crowns.
THIS was his Revenue till he was recalled to England. Paul
III. who bore him a fingular affection, would have conferred on
him the Biſhoprick of Spoleto, which being in the neighbourhood
of Rome, is eſteemed a very defirable preferment; but as he
thought the character of Cardinal would oblige him to be much
at Rome which was incompatible with Epifcopal refidence, he re-
fuſed to accept of it with fo much modeſty and difintereſtedneſs
as neither to difpleaſe the Pope, or offend thoſe whofe conduct
fuch maxims might ſeem to cenfure.
On his return to his Country, being named by the Queen
to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury, he could not be prevailed
on to accept of that high dignity, till the Pope had aſſured him,
he ſhould not be recalled from England, and he fent Godwell, Bi-
fhop of St. Asaph to Rome, that this affair being fettled, his Con-
ſcience might be at eaſe. Beſides the Revenues of this See, the
Queen allotted him a penfion of 1500 pounds on the Biſhoprick
of Winchester. She did this of her own motion; for in the high
favour he enjoyed with her Majeſty, he aſked nothing for himſelf,
nor entered any claim for what he had a right to, nor fo much
as mentioned it. The Earldom of Warwick was devolved to him
by inheritance; yet all the inftances of his family to make out
his title, could never prevail on him to do fo. He was inveſted
with the moſt ample Legantine powers, which, had he made the
fame uſe of as others had done, would have been very lucrative.
But he was fo far from enriching himſelf by this Office, that the
manner in which he exerciſed it put him to a confiderable ex-
pence. Every department of it was ferved without fees; and
where the Laws prefcribed a Fine, it was employed for the relief
of the Needy, or put to fuch uſes as Piety countenanced.
HIS Cathedral likewiſe experienced the effects of his liberality:
He obtained of the Queen the Patronage of nineteen Pariſhes
for
OF REGINALD POLE.
229
for the Archbishoprick of Canterbury; and endowed it with fome
houſes built by him, and a ground rent on the Eaſt ſide of Lam-
beth. He
He gave the Metropolitan Church a pair of large gilt Can-
dleſticks, a Cenfer in the fhape of a fhip, a Mitre adorned with
Jewels, a Silver Crofier or Paftoral Staff, a Crofs, two Pontifical
rings of great value, a large filver Ciſtern for holy water; and he
makes mention in his Will of above 1000 pounds laid out in re-
pairs of houſes belonging to his See. He founded, by his will,
a mortuary ſervice, for the repoſe of his foul and thofe of his
Parents and family, to be performed by two Prieſts, whom
the Chapter was to appoint: but this difpofition was fet afide
on the change of Religion, which immediately followed his
death. He defigned, if he had lived, to have built a ſtately
Palace at Canterbury.
He was fo little touched with that infirmity of noble minds,
the Love of Fame, that, though no one of that golden Age, in
which Learning was revived, had a greater difpofition for elo-
quence, or fairer opportunities to improve it than himſelf, he laid
afide all fuch views as foon as the exigencies of his Country
called for other fuccours. He refuſed, when very young, the
Archbishoprick of York, offered to him by Henry VIII. on
terms inconſiſtent with his duty; and, afterwards, the Papacy,
which the facred College would have conferred on him. On
his return from baniſhment, he declined, as much as in him lay,
the See of Canterbury and the other honours by which his
Sovereign and the two Univerfities teftified their fenfe of
his merit.
THIS fpirit, which was fuperior to ambition, was enobled
by a fortitude and greatnefs of foul, of which all praife would be
fhort in compariſon of a plain narrative of the inftances, in which
it was exerted. Nor was this a philofophical firmness of mind,
but grounded in an affured and ſteady confidence in God, whom
he looked on as the beft and wifeft Difpofer of all events, and,
therefore,
230
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
therefore to be equally adored and bleſſed in whatever happens to
us, that only excepted, of which he cannot be the Author, mo-
ral Evil. This Principle, fo becoming a Chriftian, ſupported
him under the flanders which were raiſed againſt his reputation:
in baniſhment, perfecution, and confiſcation of his fortunes; in
the violent death of his Mother and eldeſt Brother; in the various
trials to which rage, envy, and miſtaken zeal expoſed him: it
cauſed him to pardon the repeated attempts made on his life, and
to with all good to the Prince, who was the Author of them.
The fame magnimity ſhewed itſelf to no leſs advantage in the
Chriſtian moderation with which he bore his elevation, and
when all eyes were open to admire, and all tongues to
praiſe him.
His gratitude, and ſenſe of good offices done him by others
appear in the return he would have made to the obligations he
had to Priuli, the deareſt of his friends: in the application with
which he promoted, at Rome, the interefts of the Biſhop and
Prince of Liege, who had behaved to him with the greateſt mu-
nificence and cordiality; and on all occafions in which thoſe vir-
tues could be exercifed. The duty and love he bore the
Countess of Shrewsbury, his Mother, and his affection for his
Brothers and Family, though a fuperior order to what is gene-
rally underſtood by focial virtues, are to be ranked with them;
and the Love of his Country crowned them all.
If we confider what he did and fuffered on this Principle,
we ſhall confefs no one had ever a better claim to the title
of a Patriot than CARDINAL POLE. He oppofed at a very early
period of life, the attempts of a wilfull Tyrant, who governed by
no other rule than the capriciouſneſs of his paffions; and made or
antiquated Laws, and difpofed of the lives and property of his
People, juſt as the prefent caprice was to be gratified. He never
ceaſed thinking and writing on what he judged would be to the
advantage
OF
231
REGINALD POLE.
advantage of his Country; and chofe banishment and dependance
rather than confent to meaſures which were deftructive of its Re-
ligion and Laws.
WHEN he was reftored to it, he acted with no other view than
its tranquillity and happineſs. He prevailed on the Clergy to
give up all their claim to the Church Lands; and on the Pope,
to confirm, in the moſt ample and irrevocable form, this ceffion
to the Lay Owners. The Abbé of San Salute, who was one of
his chief Confidents, did an infinite number of good offices as the
Lord Noailles, the French Ambaſſador informs us, in oppoſition
to Spaniſh meaſures; and the CARDINAL, fays the fame Author,
was an enemy to all violence, and particularly to any ſcheme of
fubduing the Nation by force.
Amongst the many congratulations which came to him from all
parts, on his being honoured with the Purple, one was from the
Doge and Senate of Venice; to whom, in his anſwer, he affigns
this reafon for being little affected with the honour conferred
on him, quia Vox Patria aberat ; for though his reputation be- See Part I.
pag. 163.
gan to expand itſelf on all parts, he refused to enjoy the gale, of
which his Country did not partake.
He had no fooner heard that Henry had refolved the death of
Biſhop Fiſher and Sir Thomas More, but, forefeeing the fcene of
bloodshed, of which this was to be the prelude, he immediately
fent a Courier from Padua to Charles V. to inform the Emperor
of the calamities with which the whole Nation and particularly
that Prince's Aunt, Queen Catharine, were threatened, if that
Act of blood was not prevented. In fine, on Mary's accef-
fion, he overlooked all the fweets of a ſtudious and contem-
plative life, which he had chofen at Maruza, and embarked,
as he fays, with a full knowledge of the difficulties he was
to encounter, on the ſtormy and turbulent ocean of a new and
divided adminiſtration.
He had ever ſhown remarkable mildneſs to thoſe who dif-
fented
232
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
Part I.
fented from the doctrine of the Church of Rome, as we have feen
in his Government of Viterbo, and particularly in the cafe of Fla-
pag. 300. minius. He purfued the fame method in England, fo as to ex-
tort this conceffion from Dr. Burnet, "that fuch qualities and
fuch a temper, could he have brought others into the fame
meaſures, would probably have gone far towards bringing back
this Nation to the Church of Rome; as he was a man of as great
probity and virtue as any of the age he lived in." He gained Sir
John Cheek, as I have already related, by this Chriſtian and per-
fuafive manner of proceeding; and, next to his own family, was
obſerved to converſe chiefly with Secretary Cecil. He extended the
ſame lenient arts even to Cranmer, in order to bring him over
to a better way of thinking.
Hift. Ref.
Vol. 2d.
THOUGH he was at the head of the Council, he uſed no vio-
lence nor intrigues to bring others into his meaſures, which were
always moderate, and, therefore, frequently widely different from
the generality of thoſe who compofed it. Having modeftly de-
clared his own fentiments, he referred every thing to the Majo-
rity; and had learnt from a Pagan, of whofe writings he was a
profeſſed Admirer, to diſtinguiſh between bearing what we can-
not help, and approving what we ought to condemn *. In Re-
ligious matters, which were more peculiarly his Department, he
obſerved the ſame conduct; and fuffered rigours to be exerciſed
which were no lefs contrary to his judgment than inclination.
Thus, what has been blamed in his behaviour as too paffive,
was the refult of his deference to the Laws and Conftitutions of
his Country, which did not allow him to ſtrain the tender
ſtrings of Government, nor exert an undue authority on any
pretext whatever. When he was at full liberty to act on his
own principles, as in the Government of Viterbo, and the Dioceſe
* Non enim eſt idem ferre, fi quid ferendum eft; et probare, fi quod pro-
bandum non eft. Cic. Ep. Fam. 9. 6.
of
OF REGINALD POLE.
233
pre-
of Canterbury, his behaviour was fuch as to give his Enemies a
pretext to miſreprefent his lenity towards thoſe who erred, as an
indication of his favouring error. His behaviour when he
fided at the Council of Trent is a further proof of the good will he
bore to thoſe who had left the Church; and that he looked on all
deviations from truth as a misfortune which called for our com-
paffion to thoſe who were fallen into them.
IT has been hinted before, that his inclination led him to re-
tirement, which cauſed him, in his youth, to ſhun Courts and
much Company; and, when he was advanced to the Purple, to
withdraw, as often as he could, to religious houſes and other foli-
tary places, and follow Nature when he could do it without a
neglect of Duty. His Retirements were the moſt uſeful inſtruc-
tion of the uſe ſuch leiſure ſhould be put to, as they did not ſhut
out the real advantages of Society, and become an abode of every
meanneſs and abjection of the mind, and thus end in an exclu-
fion of improvement, politenefs, and freedom of thought. His
retreat was of a very different kind, and withdrew him from the
vices and follies of the world, and whatever was foreign to his
profeffion, or might be a hindrance to ſtudy, piety, or the dif
charge of his Duty. It confifted in the opportunities of laying a
fettled ground-work of that elevation of mind, which always re-
preſented to him the fervice of his Maker and the good of Man-
kind as the end of his Actions; and enabled him to look down
on the advantages of his birth, the honours he was raiſed to, and
the reputation he had gained, with the fame fuperiority and difen-
gagement, as a great Princeſs did on the Badges of Royalty in that Hefter,
ſhe made to her Maker. Such a Retreat ad-
memorable prayer ſhe made to her Maker.
mitted every intellectual and moral improvement, a correfpon-
dence with the wifeft and beft men of thofe times; and made his
Life like a gentle ftream, which does not only glide through
lonely vales; but vifits, in its courfe, populous Cities, and is, at
once, their wealth and ornament.
Chap. 14.
ver. 16.
PART II.
H h
He
234
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
He was much addicted to communication with God by prayer
and contemplation of divine matters, as the proper object of the
mind of man, and of which, when the organ is not vitiated, a due
perception follows of courfe. Before he entered holy Orders, he
received the Bleſſed Euchariſt on all Sundays; and the Biſhop of
St. Asaph, who was many years his Chaplain, uſed to relate of
him, that at Capranica, and elſewhere, he affifted the Prieſt at
the Altar, and even put on and took off his veftments, and ren-
dered him, both before and after the facrifice, all the offices of a
menial Clerk. When he had received the Priesthood he never
omitted to celebrate the holy Myfteries at leaſt once a week.
His accuracy in all the ceremonies and rites of the Liturgy, was
as obfervable as the recollected air with which he performed.
them: the very tone of his voice, his countenance, every geſture
ſpoke the awe with which he was penetrated, and the attention
with which he offered to Almighty God the great facrifice of
atonement, and praife, of impetration and thankſgiving.
THERE was no incident which did not fuggeft to his mind fen-
timents of the moſt tender and enlightened piety, and furniſh him
with an opportunity of ſtirring them up in others. Philip had
fent the Queen a Crucifix from Spain*: and the Pope had pre-
fented the King with a rich Cap of Maintenance and a Belt; and
the Queen, with a golden Roſe of exquiſite workmanſhip, which
curiofities were to be delivered by the CARDINAL, and his inge-
nious piety ſupplied him with various moral and religious reflex-
ions on theſe ſubjects, which are come down to us in two very
edifying Letters. A young Monk, his friend Contareni's Ne-
phew, complained to him, that he found much diffipation in
the office his Superior had placed him in; and the CARDINAL'S
advice to him is writ with a knowledge of the duties of a Mo-
1
*R. Poli, Epift. pars 5, pag. 58.
+ Ibid. pag. 36.
naftic
OF REGINALD
235
POLE.
naftic Profeffion no less than if he had ſpent his life in the ſtudy.
and practice of them *.
THOUGH he found great inconvenience from faſting and fiſh
diet, he could never be prevailed on to interrupt the Faſt of Lent,
till fickneſs, into which he fell almoſt every year, obliged him to
it; and he choſe rather to enjoy a leſs good ſtate of health than
that his example ſhould give offence.
THESE qualifications fitted REGINALD POLE for Epifcopacy,
and the higheſt Order of it, the Primateship of a large and popu-
pulous Kingdom. I have already given the Reader feveral in-
ſtances of the manner in which he acquitted himſelf of the duties
of this ſtation; and I fhall here give him the ſentiments he enter-
tained of it, and the principles on which he filled
up the meaſure
of its obligations. Theſe may be gathered from the following
abſtract of two of his Letters.
"I was yeſterday informed, fays he, writing to Miranda, a
Spaniſh Prelate, and his particular Friend, that the King had
conferred on you the Archbishoprick of Toledo; and I thought it
an event on which I ought not to be filent, as it is customary
to congratulate our Friends, when they obtain a Poſt either of
honour or profit. But though you are now named to a dignity
not inferior to any of the Church, the Papacy only excepted, yet
the time of congratulation is not yet come. I may, indeed, feli-
citate his Majeſty on the choice he has made, as having been folely
guided by the learning and manners of a Perfon, who is equal to
the charge. But, as for yourſelf, my dear Miranda, on what
title can I wish you joy, till I hear how you behave in this ex-
alted ſtation? If neither ambition or folicitation had any part in
this promotion; if you are not elated by the honours and wealth
it brings with it; if your affent to the choice made of your per-
fon was a deference you owed to him by whom you was nomi-
*Reg. Poli, pars 4ª, pag. 21.
Hh 2
nated
236
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
nated, and proceeded from a defire of diſcharging the duties of
your Miniſtry (and the opinion I have of your Virtue perſuades
me that this is really the cafe) you have given great ſubject of joy
to your true friends, and particularly to the large Province com-
mitted to your care; but you yourſelf ſtand in need of comfort,
26th Sept. inſtead of expecting compliments *.'
$557.
IN the other Letter, where the fame great Prelate had informed
the CARDINAL that he was blamed for living at Court and not
refiding in his Dioceſe, he anſwers the objections made to his
conduct, and enters on a very particular difcuffion of the point in
debate. "If, fays he, I was abfent from my Dioceſe, and de-
tained here by any thing but neceffity, and ſuch a neceffity as re-
gards the Ecclefiaftical more than the Civil State of this King-
dom, I ſhould deem myſelf utterly inexcufable. But whether
this be really the cafe, or whether I deceive myſelf and impoſe on
others, I can judge by no other criterion than that I am not con-
ſcious of having in view either honours or riches, or any private
emolument for myſelf, or any who belong to me; which if I did,
I ſhould be the firſt to condemn myſelf. Theſe are my real dif-
poſitions, and are viſible to All who are acquainted with me, and
on this account I am more at eaſe: yet I don't preſume to juſtify
myſelf, but conſtantly pray to the Searcher of hearts, that if I
ſwerve from what is right, he would lead me back into his paths
which are the rule of righteouſneſs. However, I am ſo far from
appealing to this fupreme Judgment-ſeat as if I was not account-
able to the Tribunal of the Public, that I am defirous to hear
even the unfavourable opinion which any particular perſon may
entertain of me, thoſe eſpecially of whofe friendſhip I am
perfuaded.
"ALL I would infinuate is, that he who would decide whe-
ther my preſence be more uſeful here, or elſewhere, ought to be
* Reg. Poli, pars 5ª, pag. 36.
thoroughly
OF REGINALD
237
POLE.
thoroughly acquainted with the Civil and Ecclefiaftical ftate of
this Kingdom, and with the Revolutions of the late years, during
which the ancient form of Religion, which now begins again to
take place, was entirely changed. He must likewiſe be informed
of the difpofitions of all Orders of the Realm, and of many things
which perfonally regard the Queen.
my
"I DON'T preſume to infer from hence that my prefence is
more neceſſary here than it would be elſewhere; but Perfons,
who underſtand the condition of the Church and State, on my
earneſt petition to the Queen, that I might give myſelf wholly to
my Paſtoral charge, reprefented to me in the ſtrongeſt terms,
how ill-timed fuch a ftep would be, and that every motive both
of Religion and Love of my Country obliged me to continue with
her Majefty. Should they be miſtaken, this I am fure of, that
inclination draws me to my Church, where I fhould find all
the great
comforts of life much more at hand than where I am,
and where nothing detains me but the entreaties and advice of
perfons of probity, and Her defire, to whom this National Church
is fo much indebted, and who is too confcientious to infift on
fuch a meaſure, unleſs the judged the welfare of her People in-
tereſted in it. I will only exemplify this in a fingle inftance: It
has pleaſed their Majefties to give back the Church Lands, which
were inveſted in the Crown; and to make uſe of me in the diftri-
bution of them: now, to do this ſo that the Parochial Clergy
may have a decent maintainance, on which Church Difcipline fo
much depends, is fo perplexed an affair, and attended with fo
many difficulties, that I could never extricate myfelf without their
affiftance who cannot be abfent from the Court."
MIRANDA had likewife teftified fome ſurpriſe at the CARDI-
NAL's not viſiting ſeveral Pariſhes in London which belonged to
him to which he anſwers, "that although inſtruction from the
Pulpit was generally underſtood by theſe viſitations, yet the daily
experience he had of the infected and infirm ſtate of the King-
dom,
238
THF LIFE
THE HISTORY OE J
Ezek. ch.
dom, had informed him, that the neglect and abuſe of the Word
of God was proportioned to the opportunities Men had of hear-
ing it: and this was no where more viſible than in London; that
unleſs the Diſcipline of the Church was previouſly fettled, Ser-
mons were rather hurtful than beneficial, becauſe Carnal men
came to them as an amuſement, and verified what was faid to
the Prophet, they fit before thee, as if they were my People, and
hear thy words, but will not do them; for with their mouth they
fhew much love, but their heart goes after coveteuſneſs: and lo thou
art to them as a delightful ſong of one that has a pleafing voice, and
can play well on an Inſtrument; for they hear thy words, but do
33. v. 31. them not. This, continues he, is here the cafe, for when the
Sermon is over, the Audience, were they not conſtrained by the
Laws, would not affift at the holy Sacrifice, nor at the Church
Offices, and would wholly neglect Ecclefiaftical Diſcipline; where-
fore, if more pains were taken in fettling what concerned this,
than in preaching, it was no more than the preſent ſtate of the
Nation ſeemed to require; that he did not deny the expediency of
the latter, where there was any proſpect of its being heard with
profit; and, therefore, the Biſhop of London, Henry Cole, who was
his, the LEGATE's Chancellor, and Dean of London, and other
learned and pious perfons were not wanting to this duty; that a
Sermon was preached every Sunday at St. Paul's Crofs, which
was much frequented. That himſelf had frequently preached
in his Metropolitan and other Churches, and twice at London,
and ſhould continue to do fo, and to correct and regulate
what he ſaw had need of it. He mentions the National Sy-
nod he had lately held; the Homilies in the Engliſh lan-
guage which were foon to be published, and Miranda's Cate-
chifm, which was tranflating into the fame tongue; and fays,
that though oppreft with bufinefs, he had never failed to
publiſh from time to time fuch treatifes as he judged falutary
to
OF REGINALD POLE.
239
to his People; and never had nor would be wanting to that duty Richmond,
of a Paftor which confifts in Inftruction *.
22d June,
1558.
THESE Virtues of CARDINAL POLE were fo known and celebra-
ted through Europe, that thoſe who had never ſeen, yet loved and
honoured him. He was highly esteemed by Charles V. who was
acquainted with him, and uſed to fay, he did not know a better
Man than the Engliſh CARDINAL; though reaſons of ſtate, as
they are termed, fometimes hindered that Prince from ſhewing him
that regard which an honeſter Man would have done. Francis I.
King of France, having feen and converfed with him, regretted
he was late acquainted with his merit, and faid if he had known
it fooner, no other perfon fhould have had his intereſt for the Pa-
pacy at the death of Paul III. Henry II. defired to advance him
to the fame dignity, when it was vacated by the death of Ju-
lius III. and Marcellus. He was held in equal eſteem by Paul III.
of the Farneſian family; and by Henry VIII. of England, as long
as his regard was any commendation; by Victoria Colonna, Mar- See Part I.
chioness of Pescara, a character above all Greek and Roman
fame by the facred College, who would have raiſed him to the
Popedom: by Philip and Mary; the latter of whom had a con-
fidence in him without referve: by both the Univerſities, and
the whole Engliſh Nation. The fame account was made of
him by the great men of the age he lived in, by Erafmus,
Sir Thomas More, and Biſhop Fisher, and the Reſtorers of learn-
ing of the Univerfity of Padua; by the Cardinals Sadolet, Con-
tareni, and Bembo, who were fome of the moſt polite Writers.
of thoſe times. The uſual appellation by which he was dif-
tinguiſhed, was that of the modeft and learned Cardinal. Ma-
drutius, Cardinal of Trent, a perfon of great endowments and
experience, was accuſtomed to fay, he valued himfelf chiefly on
two accounts; for having been employed by Charles V. and
* Reg. Poli, Epift. pars 5ª, pag. 69..
having
pag. 304.
240
THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE
having loved and honoured the CARDINAL of England: And
Cardinal Seripandi, in the letter I have mentioned to St. Tho-
mas of Villa-nova, fays, he was a perfon of fuch fingular vir-
tue, piety and learning, and fo much efteemed by good men,
that thoſe who refuſed him their approbation were not to be
ranked in that number; that himſelf never expected any greater
felicity than to have been admitted into his friendſhip and fami-
liarity; and ſhould never end was he to relate what he knew of
his integrity, the fanctity of his life, and patience in adverfity,
a virtue which is the proper badge of Chriftianity*.
His name, fay the Authors of his Life, was, at the time they
wrote, ſtill freſh in the minds of all good Men, and cheriſhed by
them; and was long the common Topic of Converfation. His
memory was fo acceptable to Princes and Men in power, that
whoever had been any time in his family was fure to meet with
their favour and protection.
*Reg. Poli, pars 2 pag. 4. Præf.
THE END.
( 241 )
APPENDIX.
The two following Pieces are referred to in the First Part
of the Work; under Number I. and Number II. the first,
page 25, in the Note: the fecond, page 86.
MAR
NUMBER I.
ARTIN LUTHER wrote, in the German language,
a Book on private Maffes and the anointing of Priefts, and
prevailed on his friend, Juftus Jonas, to tranflate it into Latin.
It contains, among other things, an account of what paſſed be-
tween himſelf and the Spirit of Darkneſs on the Articles which
make the ſubject of the Work, and the arguments are fet down
by which the Devil prevailed on him to renounce the Catholic
Doctrine on thefe heads. Luther reprefents his Antagoniſt not
only as a plauſible Sophiſter, but as an able Diſputant; juſtifies
the ſtrength of his reafoning and partakes of the imaginary tri-
umph over the Faith of the Church, which he aſcribes to him;
and then concludes, that Chriſtians were at length freed from theſe
tenets and practices. He feems really poffeffed by that Spirit, to
whom he yields the victory, and through the whole narration,
which cannot be read without horrour, explodes the Tenets
which the Devil had diſapproved, by the moft fcurrilous invec-
tives and every kind of infult and mockery. Op. Mar. Luth. t. 7.
fol. 228, & feq. Edit. Wirtembergæ, anni
1557.
PART II.
li
NUMBER
242
APPENDIX.
NUMBER II.
REGINALDUS POLUS JACOBO SADOLETO,
Epifc. Carpentorati, S. P. D.
RATIAS tibi agam prius, (ita enim rerum ordo, et
GR
mei officii ratio poftulant) deinde ad mandata tua con-
vertar. Neque verò illa folùm me ad agendum gratias im-
pellunt, quæ tu in me præfentem officia contulifti: cùm me
domo atque hofpitio honorificè fanè lautèque acciperes, cùm ani-
mum meum, tui congreffus cupidiffimum, erudito illo et pleno
gravitatis fermone retineres, et planè pafceres: atque maximis de
rebus quærentem et hæfitantem, omni prorfus fcrupulo et dubita-
tione liberares. Quæ quidem quoties in mentem revoco (revoco
autem fæpiffimè) quod de Platonis cœna dixit Timotheus, cùm ab
eo invitatus effet, et eundem poftero die vidiffet, cœnas Platonis
non modò in præfentia, fed in pofterum quoque diem effe jucun-
das: idem ego multò prolixiùs de tuo hofpitio dicere poffum;
non modò in præfentia fuiffe jucundum, fed in aliquot menfes jam
fuiffe, atque idem, ut fpero in multos annos futurum.
Ar verò cùm à tua confuetudine, cujus ego fuavitatem tum
primùm quafi guftare cœperam, tam citò dirimi, ac tanto loco-
rum intervallo disjungi, animo fanè moleftè ferrem, cùm nec
mihi tum integrum effet aliter facere, rationibus meis fic feren-
tibus, et in hæc loca penè trahentibus: ne huic quidem dolori
meo defuifti. Inita enim à te ratio eft, quemadmodum eo quo
tantopere delectabar, non ufquequaque privarer, fed ut te etiam
abfens aliqua ex parte fruerer, adjuncto mihi ejufmodi itineris
comite, qui te mihi quotidie reddebat, qui jucundiffimos tuos, et
graviffimos fermones fine intermiffione referebat, nec fanè inter-
mori eam, quam ex confuetudine tua voluptatem cepi, ullo pacto
finebat.
APPENDI X.
243
fincbat. Quis enim te ipfum meliùs exprimere potuit, quàm tu,
quàm fcripta tua, quàm liber ille tuus quem per me Bembo reddi
voluiiti? In quo prudentia tua, gravitas, doctrina, quibus maxi-
mè delectabar, clucent. Hunc certè mihi comitis loco accepi: qui
non modò mihi in brevi illa et paucorum dierum via, quæ in Ita-
liam properanti inftabat, pro vehiculo fuit, quod de facundo co-
mite dici folet: fed in longo totius vitæ curfu, in quo maximè, et
periculofiffimè laboratur, et vehiculi, et ducis locum facilè obti-
neret. Ex quo quidem hanc primo afpectu voluptatem cepi,
quòd mihi cogitationem omnem de eo, in quod ingreffus eram, iti-
nere, impedito fanè et molefto, abftulit, meque totum in contem-
plationem præclari illius itineris abduxit, quod te duce et monftra-
tore, adoleſcenti ad laudem et decus tendenti, certum et glorio-
fum proponebatur. In quo quidem valde delectabar, cùm quafi
oculis, fic animo cernerem, te graviffimum et prudentiffimum fe-
nem, ut peritum gubernatorem, gnarum et locorum et maris, fy-
derumque et tempeftatum omnium, fic animo providum, fic omnia
pericula longè lateque profpicientem, ut nihil non prædiceres et præ-
caveres, quod vel impedire tam præclarum curfum, vel in periculum
ducere poffet. Qui non cuivis adolefcenti, in vulgi moribus edu-
cato, vulgaribus parentibus orto, et qui filiorum educationem in
poftremis haberent, te ducem profitearis: fed illi qui ab optimis
parentibus penè antequam in lucem puer ederetur, huic tam præ-
claræ expeditioni fuerit deftinatus: cujus educationi natura non
obfiftere, fed fuas dotes benignè largiendo, ſe fautricem fponderet.
Qui ab incunabulis fic eductus, fic literis et moribus formatus
fuerit, quemadmodum eft à te fanctiffimè et prudentiffimè
præfcriptum.
HUNC verò talem cùm tibi ipfe oratione formâffes, vel potius
natura fic formatum, et parentum votis huic rei deftinatum, cùm
Paulum tuum accepiffes, quid non voluptatis mihi præbuit præ-
clarus ille, quem recenfes, in eo inftituendo apparatus? Deinde
I i 2
cùm
244
X.
APPENDI
cùm ex puerili inftitutione, tanquam ex auguftiis, eum abduxiffes,
et in latum illud, quod adolefcentis inftitutioni quafi pelagus pate-
bat, adduxiffes, tum fanè maximè delectabar, cùm te fecundif-
fimo illo orationis curfu, plenis eloquentiæ velis, ita omnes artes
doctrinafque percurrentem viderem, ut cùm nihil tibi tum aliud
propofitum effet, nifi ut earum artium fedes et loca, ubi ad tem-
pus infiftendum, atque ad majora et ulteriora tendenti commoran-
dum effet, monftrares: ea tamen fic oratione illuftras, fic artium
fingularum vires et virtutes explicas, ut propè monftrando in ea-
rum iam poffeffionem mittere adolefcentem videaris, atque eas re-
cenfendo tradere. Hæc certè magna cum voluptate contempla-
bar. Sed quò magis me delectabant, eo fanè avidius expectabam,
quò tandem præclarum iftum curfum, quem tanto apparatu infti-
tuiſti, dirigeres: quem tibi portum proponeres. In qua expecta-
tione ftatiin ſe mihi in confpectum obtulit philofophiæ portus,
quò te velis remifque properare, atque illic paulò pòft alumnum
tuum relinquere videbam. Præclarus ille quidem, et omnibus
aliis portus præferendus, fi antiquis illis Ariftotelis et Platonis tem-
poribus, vel etiam fi recentioribus M, T. Ciceronis, hic curfus abs
te inftitutus fuiffet, aut fi ij gubernatores adolefcenti tuo conti-
giffent: nec enim illi profectò alium elegiffent, nec facile tum
alius tutior vel commodior reperiri potuit. Sed cùm his felici-
bus temporibus curfum inftitueris tuum, quibus ut multi terrarum
novi tractus infulæque et portus antiquitati incogniti, inventi funt,
pluribus eorum qui antiquitus celebres erant, vel mari obrutis, vel
vetuftate confumptis: fic etiam animorum portus multo tutior et
tranquillior, Deo ipfo, et eodem Dei filio duce et inventore
nobis apertus fit, quem antiqui ignorabant. Cumque Sadoletus
ipfe, qui in hoc curfu gubernatoris locum obinet, etfi appulfus qui-
dem ad antiquorum portum, tamen prætervectus fit, nec diutius
ibi commoratus, quàm ut neceffaria fibi inde fumeret ad reliquum
curfum perficiendum, in hunc tandem, qui à Dei filio monftratus
fit
APPENDIX.
245
fit fe receperit, ubi nunc fumma cum animi tranquillitate et fecu-
ritate vivit quid eft cur non Paulus tuus merito tecum conquera-
ratur, fi in alieno et infido jam portu eum relinquas, cùm te ip-
fum in optimo et tutiffimo collocaris? Ego certè illius verbis tecum
expoftulare non dubitabo, fi juvenem omnibus vel naturæ dotibus
vel doctrinæ præfidiis tua opera inftructiffimum, et plane talen
qualem tu parentum votis expetendum proponis, fluctuantem jam
in philofophiæ portu reliqueris: quæ ne portus quidem jam nomi-
ne digna fit: fed ut de Tenedo dixit Poëta,
NUNC tantùm finus, et ftatio malefida carinis.
ATQUI non nobis tantus ifte in eo educando apparatus, nec
præclara iſta tua inftitutio, talem nobis promifit qui præcepta tan-
dem vivendi à philofophis peteret, aut qui animi fecuritatis caufa
in illorum portum confugere neceffe haberet : fed qui vel princi-
pibus ipfis philofophorum, fi jam revivifcerent, novum et præftan-
tius vivendi genus oftenderet, quo illi nunquam afpirare potuerunt;
fapientiam autem et animi tranquillitatem longè aliam, et aliunde
quàm à philofophiæ præceptis petendam, tanto præftantiorem et
diuturniorem ea quam philofophia promitteret, quantò humanis
præſtabiliora divina funt.
QUARE age, mi Sadolete, noli promiffo tuo, in tali juvene inſti-
tuendo fatisfactum putare, fi eum ad philofophiæ limites perduxe-
ris, aut etiam fi philofophiam ipfam integram tradideris. Soluas inde
oportet, neque unquam defatigere, donec in facrum eundem por-
tum, in quo tu ipfe fumma cum animi tranquillitate vivis, illum
perduxeris. Nec enim convenit tam præftanti educationi, et illi
quem omnium opinione, hæredem virtutis et fapientiæ tuæ es re-
licturus, in alio quàm quo ipfe tabernaculum vitæ poſueris, portu
conquiefcere.
HAC ad te verbofiùs fcripfi, vel tuo imperio obfequutus, qui
me etiam de illo tuo libro, quem fatis admirari non poteram,
quid fentirem ad te fcribere voluifti, vel meo in facras illas Mufas
amori
246
APPENDIX.
amori fatisfaciens. Quas abs te illaudatas et tacitas præteriri,
cùm reliquas omnes artes et difciplinas dignis præconiis ornâris, vix
æquo animo fpectabam, vel etiam quod Langæo noftro, cujus
liberis inftituendis ifte abs te labor præcipuè fumptus fit, hoc im-
primis gratum fore non dubitabam, fi quod in philofophia et re-
liquis artibus facis, ut fingularum laudes attingendo, ad earum ftu-
dium adolefcentum animos erigas, idem in Theologia facere non
neglexeris: in qua reliquæ omnes, ut in oceano flumina, ſe im-
mergere folent, et debent. Et certè convenit, ut quæ te ipfum
maximè ornat, et indies magis magifque ornatura eft, cum de iis
difciplinis fermo fit, quarum cognitio humanos animos colit et
perficit: ejus laudem haud quaquam filentio involvas: præfertim
cùm ad Langæum fcribas, quem fcio, quoties è negotiorum fluc-
tibus, quibus in aula verfantem jactari neceffe eft, emergere licet,
in nullo libentius, quàm in Theologiæ portu conquiefcere. Sed
tu meæ loquacitati ignofces, qui cùm fancte adiurare poffim, me
his quatuor annis non tantum quidem Latinè legiffe, quantum
nunc ad te fcripfi, Theologorum libris avocatum, quos tamen in
genere Latinorum fcriptorum non pono, in hanc infolitam Latinè
fcribendi loquacitatem erupi. Sed ut loquendi tecum, fic etiam
fcribendi ad te, quo cum abfente quafi loqui videor, dulcedo que-
dam me longius ultra epiftolæ fines provexit. Cui tu pro tua hu-
manitate ignoſcas oportet.
NUNC ad tua mandata venio. In quo eo brevior ero, quo pau-
ciora mihi fcribenda reliquerunt eorum literæ, ad quos mihi man-
data et literas dediſti: quas jam fpero ad tuas reſcriptas te habere.
Omnes enim receperunt, poft paucos dies quibus id commodè fa-
cere poffent, ſe tuæ voluntati effe fatisfacturos. Bembi verò lite-
ras cum his ad te mitto: quem cùm Venetiis falutarem, eique
tuas literas unà cum libro darem, quantopere delectaretur de te,
ct de tuis ftudiis audire, pro veftra conjunctiffima neceffitudine,
facilius eft tibi exiftimare, quam mihi fcribere. Veronenfi verò
Pontifici,
APPENDIX.
247
TH
Pontifici, quem Verone falutavi, etiam tuas literas tradidi: qui
me unum diem apud fe detinuit, cùm nullus penè nobis fermo ef-
fet, nifi de te, et de ftudiis tuis: cùm fæpe fe valde dolere oftende-
ret, fuaviffima confuetudine tua propter locorum intervallum, quo
disjuncti eftis, ſe privari. Lazarum tuum Patavii offendi, cui
etiam tuas literas tradidi, cùm ad me falutatum humaniffimè venif-
fet. Omnes verò tibi de ifta animi tranquillitate et ocio gratulan-
tur ex quibus tam præclaros fœtus oriri, et prodire in utilitatem
publicam vident. Quæ ut tibi perpétua fint optant. Egoque im-
primis, qui non minus præclaros fciam te jam parturire, quàm
funt hi qui jam funt in lucem editi, hoc idem optare non defi-
nam, partumque fœliciffimum precari. Vale.
Venetiis, III Calend. Novembr. M. D. XXXII.
258
APPENDIX.
û
T has been objected to the Effigy of Cardinal Pole, which is pre-
I'
fixed to the first Part of this Work, and reprefents him as ad-
vanced in years, that it is attributed to Raphael, who died in the
year 1520, when the Cardinal was only in the twentieth year of his
age. But the Objectors did not reflect, that befides Raphael of Ur-
bino, who died in the year they mention, there were feveral other
great Mafters of that name. To
go no further than Raphael del
Colle Borghese, who flourished chiefly whilft Cardinal Pole was
in Italy, and the prime of whofe life coincides with the decline of the
Cardinal's: He was one of the most celebrated Artifts under Guilio
Romano, the favourite Difciple of Raphael of Urbino, and fo
efteemed by his Master, that he made him one of his Heirs, on condi-
tion he would finish the Pieces he left imperfect: Guilio died in
1546, and thoſe who have ſeen the paintings of the Hall of Conſtan-
tine and other public places in Rome, and in the ftately Palace of
Mantua, may remember the Works of Mafter and Scholar. They
may, likewife, recollect the likeness of the Effigy in queſtion to the
Bufts and Pictures of the Cardinal, which are ſtill preſerved in the
Papal and other Collections. It has, alſo, a great reſemblance to
the Print prefixed to the first Part of Quirini's collection of his Let-
ters: and, to come to proofs nearer home, to that in Brunet's Hift.
Ref. engraved by White; that in Larrey's Hift. d' Ang. by P. à
Gunft, which though fmall, is executed with great elegance: and,
lafily, to a very large and beautiful Print in the collection of An-
drew Stone, Efq; which reprefents the Cardinal in a fitting pofture,
and bears the name of Raphael.
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C
BOUND
SEP 14 1948
UNIV. OF MICH.
LIBRARY
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