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į
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7119.
A N
Univerſal Hiſtory,
FROM THE
Earlieſt AccOUNT of TIME,
Compiled from
ORIGINAL AUTHORS;
AND
Illuftrated with MAPS, CUTS, NOTES, &c.
WITH
A GENERAL INDEX to the Whole.
Ισορίας ἀρχαίας ἐξέρχεται μὴ κατανοει· ἐν αὐταῖς γὰρ ευρήσεις
ἀκόπως, ἅπερ ἕτεροι συνῆξαν εγκόπως.
VOL. V.
Bafil. Imp. ad Leon. fil.
IN RECTO DECVS
LONDON:
Printed for T. OSBORNE, in Gray's-Inn; A. MILLAR, in
the Strand; and J. OSBORN, in Pater-nofter Rotes
MDCCXLVII
A N
Univerſal Hiſtory,
FROM THE
Earliest Account of Time.
VOL. V.
BOOK I.
The ASIATIC History to the Time of
ALEXANDER the Great.
T
CHAP. X. ·
The History of the Medes.
SECT.
I.
The deſcription of Media.
HE country before us, once the feat of a potent Name,
empire, derives its name from Madai, the third fituation,
fon of Japhet, as is plain from Scripture, where &c.
the Medes are conftantly called Madai (A). It was
bounded, according to Ptolemy, on the north by part of
2
a DAN. v. 28. ibid. vi. 8, 12, 15. ibid. viii. 20. ESTн. i.
14, 18, 19. ibid. x. 2. See before, vol. i. p. 379.
(A Among profane authors,
fome derive the name of Me-
the
3,
dia from one Midus, the ſon of
Medea and Jafen; others from
B 2
2
The History of the Medes.
B. I.
the Cafpian fea; on the fouth by Perfis, Sufiana, and
Affyria; on the eaſt by Parthia and Hyrcania; and on
the weft by Armenia Major. It was, in antient times,
divided into ſeveral provinces, namely Tropatene, Charo-
mithrene, Darites, Marciane, Amariace, and Syro-Media.
All theſe were, by a later divifion, reduced to two only,
the one called Media Magna, the other Media Atro-
patia, or fimply Atropatene
Atropatene was that part which lay between mount
Taurus and the Cafpian fea, and is fuppofed to have
been fo called from one Atropatus, who, being governor
of this province in the time of Darius, the laſt Perſian
monarch, withſtood Alexander the Great, and, upon the
downfal of the Perfian monarchy, feized on this part of
Media, and tranfmitted it to his pofterity, who held it
as fovereigns to Strabo's time. This was a cold, bar-
ren, and unhofpitable country, and on that very account
allotted by Shalmanezer for the abode of many captive
Ifraelites, after the conqueft of that kingdom.
CITIES of note, in this part of Media, were Gaza or
Gaza, the metropolis of the province, and fituated, ac-
cording to Pliny, in a ſpacious plain, betweeen Ecbatan
and Artaxata, and equally diſtant from both. Sanina,
feated between the Araxes and the Cambyfes; Fazina,
between the Cambyfes and the Cyrus; and Cyropolis, be-
tween the Cyrus and the Amardus. This tract was inha-
bited by the Cadufians and Cafpians, a barbarous and in-
human race, originally fprung from the Scythians d.
MEDIA MAGNA was bounded by Perfis, Parthia,
Hyrcania, the Hyrcanian fea, and Atropatene. The moſt
remarkable cities in this part of Media were Ecbatan,
Laodicea, Apamea, Regeia, Arfacia, &c. Ecbatan, the
metropolis of all Media, and the feat both of the Median
and Perfian monarchs, was built by Dejoces, called in
the book of Judith Arphaxad, the first that reigned
C STRAB. ibid. p. 523.
€
▷ STRAB. 1. xi. p. 360, & 363.
€
Judith i. 2.
• PLIN. J. vi. c. 13.
a city here called Media,
whence, fay they, the whole
country borrowed its name (
Sextus Rufus tells us, that in
his time it was known by the
name of Medina (z, ; and from
(1) Strab. I. xi. p. 306.
fay Ortel, The
others we learn (3), that it was
alfo called Aria. But to in-
quire farther into the origin
of theſe various appellations,
would prove both a laborious
and fruitleſs taſk.
(-) Ortal, thef, gergr, ad vicem Media,
in
C. X.
5
The History of the Medes.
in Media, after the inhabitants had fhaken off the Affy-
rian yoke. The walls of this city are much celebrated
by the antients, and minutely defcribed by Herodotus .
They were feven in number, all of a circular form, and
gradually rifing above each other by the height of the
battlements of each wall. The fituation of the ground,
rifing by an eaſy afcent, was very favourable to the de-
fign of building them, and perhaps firſt ſuggeſted it.
The royal palace and treafury were within the innermoft
circle of the feven. The firſt of theſe walls was equal in
circumference to the city of Athens, that is, according to
Thucydides, one hundred and feventy-eight furlongs,
and had white battlements; the fecond black; the third
of a purple colour; the fourth blue; and the fifth of a
deep orange; but the two innermoft, as ferving more
immediately for a fence to the royal perfon of the king,
were embelliſhed above the others, the one being co-
vered with filver, and the other with gold . This de-
fcription of Herodotus favours, we muſt own, ſomewhat
of romance; but, nevertheleſs, that Ecbatan was a great
and powerful city, and perhaps no ways inferior either
to Nineveh or Babylon, is confirmed by far greater autho-
rities. In the book of Judithi we read, that the walls
of this ftately metropolis were feventy cubits high, and
fifty cubits broad; that the towers on the gates were an
hundred cubits in height, the breadth in the foundation.
fixty cubits, and the walls built of hewn and poliſhed
ſtone, each ſtone being fix cubits in length, and three in
breadth. This city is, by the antients, conftantly called
Ecbatan of Media, to diſtinguiſh it from another in Syria
bearing the fame name, where the unfortunate Cam-
byfes died, as we read in Herodotus ¹ (B).
e HERODOT. 1. i. c. 98.
* Lib. i.
h HERODOT. ibid.
* HERODOT. 1. iii. c. 62. DIODOR.
C. 27. PLUTARCH. in Alex. p. 704.
1 HERODOT. 1. iii. c. 66.
(B) Pliny (4) tells us, that Ec-
batan was built by Seleucus; an
unaccountable overfight, fince
he muſt have read a defcrip-
tion of it not only in Herodo-
1
LAODI-
HERODOT. ubi fupra
i Judith c. i. 2, 4.
1. xiv. C, 23. PLIN. 1. vi.
TACIT. 1.
TACIT. 1. XV. c. 31, &c.
tus, but likewife in Demohe-
nes (5), who calls it the ordi-
nary refidence of the Perjan
monarchs. On the other hand,
Diodorus (6) carries the build-
Pl
(4) Plin. l. vi. 6. 14, (5) Demeth. PERMA, IT. A. ICO
Siml. 1. D. c. la.
(6) Dieder.
B :
ing
6
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
LAODICE A, of which appellation there were many towns,
fo called either from the mother of Nicator, or the wife
of Antiochus, is counted, by Strabo m, among the cities
of Media, and placed, by Pliny ", near the confines of
Perfia. Apamea is, by Strabo, fometimes adjudged to
Media, and fometimes to Parthia. Raga, Rageia,
or Ragea, is called, by Ifidorus P, the greatest city_of
Media. It was repaired by Nicator, who called it Eu-
ropus, and by that name it was known to Ptolemy; but,
in the book of Tobit, it is called Rages, and placed in
n L. vi, c. 26. • STRAP. 1. xi.
m STRAB. 1. xi. p. 361.
P. 354, & 361. PISIDOR. P. 361.
mer; nay, there is a great dif-
agreement among our modern
travellers about the place where
that ſtately metropolis ftood.
The opinion of Molet, who
tranſlated and wrote a com-
mentary upon Ptolemy, ſeems
to Sir John Chardin the moſt
probable, viz. that Tauris is
the antient and famous Ecba-
tan (8); and this opinion is
confirmed by Ortelius, Golnitz,
Teixera, Andrea della Valle,
&c. Jofephus affures us (9),
that the palace built by Daniel
was intire in his time; but at
prefent not even the ruins of
any magnificent buildings are
to be ſeen either at Tauris, or
in that neighbourhood; for in
all the ruins there the materials,
as our traveller judicioufly ob-
ferves (10), are only earth,
brick, and pebbles, which in
antient times were never uſed
in Media for the building of
palaces.
There are palaces. Some writers con-
found Ecbatan with Batana,
which is evidently Ptolemy's
Batina, and placed by him to
the north of mount Orontes,
near the river Straton.
ing of this town back to the
fabulous times of Semiramis,
and ſpeaks of mountains le-
veled, valleys raiſed, waters
conveyed through rockymoun-
tains, and other aftonishing
works performed by his he-
roine for the embelliſhment of
the city, and convenience of
the inhabitants. This great
city was fituate on a rifing
ground, according to Ptolemy
and Diodorus, about twelve
ftades diſtance from mount
Orontes, and not at the foot of
mount Jafonius on the fou-
thern confines of Media and
Perfia, where Ammianus Mar-
cellinus is pleaſed to place it
(7). Here Daniel is faid by
Jofephus to have built a ftately
palace, which afterwards ferved
as a mausoleum of the kings
of Media. Some of the beams,
fays this author, were of fil-
ver, and the reft of cedar, but
plated with gold. There are
now no monuments remaining,
either of this magnificent build-
ing, or of the proud palace,
where the monarchs of Afia
were wont to pafs their fum-
(7) Ammian. Marcell. 1. xxiii. c. 23.
(9) Jofeph. antiquitat. I. x.
p. 181.
(8) Chardin. voy. en Perf. vol. i.
(10) Chardin ubi jupra,
5
the
C. X.
7
The Hiftory of the Medes.
the neighbourhood of Ecbatan P. In procefs of time, it
became the feat of the Parthian kings; who gave it the
name of Arfacia, or Arface, as we fhall fee in the hiſtory
of that people. Other cities of Media are mentioned by
Pliny, Stephanus, Ammianus Marcellinus, and Ifidorus;
viz. Zombis, Patigran, Gazaca, Margafis, &c. but theſe
were all built in after-ages by the Macedonians, and are
therefore called, by Strabo 1, Greek cities. This part of
Media was inhabited by the Carduchians, Marandeans,
Gelians, Syro-Medians, Margafians, &c.
Γ
THE mountains of this country, fuch as may be proper Mountains
to take notice of, are, according to Ptolemy and Strabo ¹, andrivers.
Choatra parting Media from Affyria, and branching out
from the Gordyean mountains on the confines of Affyria
and Armenia; Zagrus dividing it from the fame Affyria
on the eaſt, a mountain, according to Polybius $, one
hundred cubits high. Parachoatra placed by Ptolemy on
the borders towards Perfia, and by Strabo
t on the con-
fines of Media, Hyrcania, and Parthia. Theſe are the
boundaries between Media and the adjacent regions, and
therefore may be faid as properly to belong to the latter as
to the former; but the Orontes, the fafonius, and the
Coronus, are in the ftricteft fenfe mountains of Media, as
arifing in the very heart of the country. The rivers of note
are, according to Ptolemy, the Straton, the Amardus, the
Cyrus, and the Cambyfes. But thefe rivers, as they are repre-
fented to difembogue themfelves into the moſt fouthern part
of the Caspian fea, muft by their pofition have belonged
to the provinces of Ghilan and Mazandaran, as they are
now call'd, and confequently could not belong to Media
Proper, as it is defcribed to us by the antients.
WE cannot help taking notice here of a confiderable
miftake, which many of the antients have been guilty of,
with refpect to the fituation of the Cafpian Streights, called
by the Latins Porta Cafpiæ, Clauftra Cafpia, and Pyle
Cafpiæ. Ptolemy, Strabo, Arrian, Ifidorus, Characenus,
and Dionyfius Periegeta", place them on the confines of
Media and Parthia, or on the eaftern borders of Media.
But Pliny, not liking this fituation, carries them quite
croſs the country; and, after having been fome time at a
lofs how to difpofe of fo heavy a load, drops it at laſt on
P Ch. v. & feq. paff. 9 STRAB. 1. vi. p. 361. r İdem
ibid. p. 363. S POLYB. 1. v. C. 44.
น
STRAB. ubi fupra.
ISIDOR. Charace-
u STRABO, 1. xi. p. 362. ARRIAN. 1. iii.
nus, p. 6. DYONYS. Pericget. verfu 1039.
B 4
the
8
B. I.
The History of the Medes.
Soil.
the confines of Media and Armenia, that is, on the moft
western borders of Media ". Suetonius and Tacitus y
confound them with the Iberian ftreights, which are a nar-
row paffage through the mountains dividing Iberia from
Sarmatia. Some of our modern geographers place them
in Media Atropatia, between the Cafpian mountains and
the Cafpian fea, confounding them with what the preſent
inhabitants call Demir-can, or Iron-gate, which is a nar-
row paffage out of Tartary into Perfia.
Z
THE northern parts of Media, lying between the Caf-
pian mountains and the fea, are very cold and barren:
the prefent inhabitants make their bread of dried almonds,
and their drink of the juice of certain herbs. Here the
fnow lies on the mountains for nine months in the
year
But the fouthern parts are productive of all forts of grain,
and neceffaries for life, and withal fo pleaſant, that the
country adjoining to Tauris, probably the antient Ec-
batan, is called the garden of Perfia. There are here
large plains, among which that of Nyfa is famous for the
numerous ftuds of horſes that were kept in it for the uſe
of the Perfian monarchs, and are often mentioned and
celebrated by the antients. Where this plain of Nyfa was
ſituated, is no eaſy matter to determine (C).
PLIN. I. vi. c. 15.
* SUETON. C. 19.
THE
Y TACIT.
1. i. hift. c. 6. Z CHARDIN Voy. en Perfe, vol. i. p. 524.
(C) The antients place the
Nyfean plain in the eaſtermoſt
parts of what they call Media,
and far beyond the limits of
what is now ſuppoſed to have
been properly this country.
We have a traveller, who
thinks he has feen this fertile
pafture; but, if he did, we
muft place it quite differently
from what the antients feem
to infinuate it ought to be, and
feveral degrees nearer us. His
words are,
"We continued
66
our way (from Tauris to-
"wards Perfia) upon the moſt
"beautiful and fertile plains
"covered with villages. Theſe
plains afford the moſt excel-
"lent paſture of all Media,
"and, I dare fay, of the
"whole world, and the beſt
"horfes of the country were
"there at graſs.---I aſked a
CC
CC
<<
young nobleman in com-
pany with us, If there were
any other plains in Media ſo
fine and fo extenfive? He
"told me, He had feen fome as
fine about Derbent, but none
"C
46
more extenfiue. So that 'tis
"reaſonable enough to be-
"lieve, that theſe plains are
"the Hippobaton of the an-
"tients, and where they ſay
"the kings of Media had a
"ftud of fifty thouſand horſes,
"and that here it is alfo we
"muft
C.X. The Hiftory of the Medes.
9
THE climate is very unequal; that part which lies be- Climate.
tween the mountains and the fea is exceeding cold, and
the earth ſwampy, and full of marſhes, where innume-
rable fwarms of venomous infects are bred (D), which, to-
gether with the vapours rifing from the Cafpian fea, render
that part very unhofpitable. The provinces that are more
remote from the fea enjoy a very wholſome air, though
liable to heavy rains, and violent ftorms, efpecially in the
ſpring and autumn ª. Befides the cattle and game of all
forts, which the inland provinces abound with, fome of
them have been for many ages remarkable on account of
the various forts of excellent wines they produce, eſpe-
cially the neighbourhood of Tauris, where no fewer than
fixty different kinds of grapes, all of an exquifite flavour,
are to be tafted at this day b. From its productions in
the preſent ſtate, we may judge what it muſt have been
in better times.
WE cannot difmifs this fubject without fome obferva- The Caf-
tions on the Caspian fea, which is the northern boundary pian ſea.
of Media. This large body of waters was by the an-
tients called indifferently the Cafpian and the Hyrcanian
fea, from the Cafpians and Hyrcanians, whofe fhores it
washed c.
d
However Pliny makes fome difference be-
a CHARDIN ubi fupra.
© STRABO, 1. xi. p. 83.
1. vi. c. 13. & 16.
b CHARDIN, vol. i. p. 185°
DIODOR. 1. vii. c. 75.
à PLIN
"muſt look for the Nyfean" gentlemen of learning; but
CC
plain, fo famous for the
"horfes of that name. Ste-
phanus the geographer fays,
"that Nyfa was in the coun-
try of the Medes. I told
this fame nobleman fome
particulars which hiftorians
"relate concerning thefe
"horſes, particularly Phavo-
"rinus, who fays, all the
CC
65
Nyfean horfes were light
"duns: he anſwered, that he
"had never read or heard any
CC
thing of the kind. I after
"wards inquired of feveral
(11) Chardin ubi fupra. p. 135.
"could never underſtand, that
"there was any place either
" in Perfia or Media that pro-
"duced horfes of that co-
"lour (11)."
(D) Ælian tells us (12), that
theſe parts of Media were great-
ly infefted by fcorpions; and
that, while the king of Perfia
was on his progrefs into Me-
dia, the inhabitants were em-
ployed for three days before
his arrival on the confines in
clearing the country of theſe
venomous infects.
tween
10
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
tween theſe two appellations, telling us, that on the Caf-
pian coafts it bears the former denomination, and on thoſe
of Hyrcania the latter. The antient, and likewife the
modern geographers, had but a very imperfect knowlege
of the true fituation, extent, coafts, and bays of this
fea, before the difcoveries made lately by a very able navi-
gator and geographer (E); and therefore what has been
faid by others is only to be relied on fo far as it agrees
with the accounts he has given us. Ptolemy, and even
Herodotus, knew that the Caspian was ſurrounded on all
fides by land, without any communication with other
ſeas, or viſible efflux; whence fome thought, that it ought
to be called a lake rather than a ſea. However Strabo e
Pliny, Pomponius Mela, and Arrian, wrote that it
was joined either to the Indian or northern ocean; but
we are well aflured by experience, that they were miſtaken.
They were perhaps led into this error by fuch as had made
their obſervations when the Wolga had overflown its banks,
at which time it appears more like a fea than a river,
covering with its waters, as a modern traveller informs
us ¹, the whole country to the extent of fixty miles:
this they might eafily have miſtaken for a ſtreight joining
the Cafpian to the ocean. Ptolemy, though not guilty of
this error, was greatly miſtaken as to its extent from
eaft to weft; for he reckons it to have been about
twenty-three degrees and an half; whereas it does not
exceed, where wideft, three degrees forty-two minutes,
and where narroweft, one degree twenty-two minutes.
He likewife places it three degrees more to the north
than it really is. Theſe miſtakes were obferved, and
in fome
fome degree redrefled, by Abu'lfeda an Arabian
prince, and able geographer, who in 1320 difcovered the
true fituation of the Calpian, and abridged its extent by a
third of what Ptolemy had allowed it. By this alteration
its length was no more in longitude, as Ptolemy had placed
e STRABO, 1. X. p. 83.
PON. MEL. 1. iii. c. 5.
BRUYN Voy. par la Mofcov.
f PLIN. 1. vi. c. 13.
h ARRIAN. 1. vii. p. 477·
tom. iii. p. 465.
(E) M. Vanverden, who, by
orders of the late Czar, form-
ed a very exact chart of the
Cafpian, from obfervations
made by him on the fpot in
1710, 1721, 1722. Thefe
8 POM-
i LE
obfervations, together with
M. Vanverden's new chart,
were, by the Czar's orders,
communicated to the royal
academy of fciences at Paris.
it,
C.X.
It
The History of the Medes.
it, but in latitude, as it truly is. Abu'lfeda's obfervations.
were greatly improved by Bourrous, Olearius, and Jen-
kinſon; but the true dimenfions of this fea were not aſ-
certained till the late obfervations above-mentioned; by
which we are affured, that it lies between the thirty-
feventh and forty-eighth degrees of north latitude, and
does not exceed three degrees forty-two minutes in its
greateſt longitude, which gives it a quite different figure
from what it is repreſented to have in the maps of Ptolemy,
and in the writings of the other antient geographers.
THE Perfians call this fea Kulfum, or the ſea of Aftra-
can; the Ruffians, the fea of Gualenſkoi; the Georgians,
Sowa; the Armenians, Soof. It receives the river Wolga,
which itſelf is like a fea, and near two hundred others,
into its bofom; and yet is never increaſed or diminiſhed,
nor obferved to ebb or flow. This conftant plenitude has
given rife to many fpeculations; and fome have imagined,
that it muſt neceffarily have fome fubterraneous communi-
cation either with the Black fea, though a hundred leagues
diftant, or with the Perfian gulf, which is near 200 leagues.
diftant from it. Father Avril, a modern traveller, feems
to favour the latter opinion, and alleges this proof to
confirm it; viz. that over-against the province of Kilan
in Perfia there are two immenfe whirlpools, which with
an incredible rapidity, and frightful noife, fuck in and ſwal-
low whatever comes near them, and are conſequently
cauſed by ſome great cavity in the earth. He adds, that
every year about the latter end of the autumn a great
quantity of willow-leaves are obferved floating on the
water by thoſe who inhabit the coafts of the Perſian gulf;
and as this tree is no-where to be found near the Perfian
gulf, and on the other hand the coafts of the Caspian to-
wards the province of Xilan are covered with them, he
rightly concludes, that there muſt be fome fubterraneous
intercourſe between theſe two feas. This obfervation, if
true, is a ftrong proof of fome fecret communication be-
tween theſe two bodies of water, the leaves being con-
veyed through fubterraneous fiffures from the one to the
other. The water of this fea is falt like that of other feas,
notwithſtanding the opinion of the antients to the con-
trary; and its freſhneſs in fome parts near the fhore, is only
owing to the rivers that difcharge themſelves into it. It
is neither of a different colour from other feas, nor with-
out various forts of fiſh, as Clearius, an eye-witnefs, 21-
fures us, and thereby difproves the opinion of the antients,
who
12
B. I.
The History of the Medes.
who believed it to be of a blackiſh colour, and to have
but one kind of fiſh, and that of a monftrous form. We
ſhall conclude this fection with obferving, that the igno-
rance of the antients, with relation to this fea, or lake,
as fome are pleaſed to call it, may be urged as an argu-
ment of the imperfect knowlege they had of theſe north-
ern parts of the Perfian empire, and at the fame time
warn us not to depend on their accounts, unleſs vouched
by the teftimonies of modern travellers, who have with
far greater care, and better fuccefs, furveyed thoſe remote
regions.
Their ori-
gin.
Govern-
ment.
SECT. II.
Of the antiquity, government, laws, religion, cuf
toms, arts, learning, and trade of the Medes.
k
WE have already derived the Medes * from Madai, the
third ſon of Japhet, and thereby put them upon the
level with the moſt antient nations. In process of
time, feveral colonies from the adjacent countries fettled
among them, being invited thither by the fruitfulneſs of
the foil, which gave rife to the various tribes into which
that people was antiently divided. The Greek writers will
have them to be originally Perfians ; and Herodotus tells
us, that they were called Arians till the time of Medus,
the fon of Medea, from whom they took the name of
Medians m. But our etymology is far more natural, and
confirmed by the authority of all the antient interpreters,
who by Madai in Scripture conftantly underſtand the
Medes ".
I
THEIR government was originally monarchical, like
that of the other primitive nations, and they feem to have
had kings of their own in the earlieſt times. Some are
of opinion, that one of the four kings, who, in the days
of Abraham, invaded the ſouthern coafts of Canaan, reigned
in Media. Lactantius mentions one Hydafpes, who, ac-
cording to him, reigned long before the Medes were con-
k
* Vide fupra, vol. i. p. 379.
m HERODOT. 1. vii. c. 62.
xiii. Efaiæ, & in quæft. Hebraic.
1 CEDREN.
P. 18.
n Vide HIERONYM, in cap.
quered
C. X.
13
The History of the Medes.
quered by the Affyrians. And Diodorus tells us, that
Pharnus, king of the Medes, was with his feven fons de-
feated and taken prifoner by Ninus, in the very begin-
ning of the Affyrian empire o. But his accounts of thofe
early times are no-ways to be relied on, it being plain
both from Scripture, and from the authority of the
moft judicious among the antient and modern chro-
nologers, that the Affyrian empire did not begin till
the days of Pul, as has been already fully fhewn;
whereas Ctefias, and his copyift Diodorus, have made this
empire as old as the flood, and given us the names of all
the Affyrian kings from Belus, and his feigned fon Ninus,
to Sardanapalus. According to the fucceffions of the Affy-
rian kings, as ftated by them, that empire continued
about 1360 years; whereas Herodotus tells us, that it
lafted only five hundred years, and even his numbers are
all too long. They were firſt brought under the Affyrian
yoke by Pul, according to us the founder of that mo-
narchy, or by his immediate fucceffor Tiglath-pilefer.
Till that time they were probably governed by their own
kings, as were, according to holy writ, the neighbouring
nations (H). In the reign of Sennacherib they fhook off
the Affyrian yoke, and fell into an anarchy, which laſted
till the reign of Dejoces, as we ſhall fee in the following
fection. Their kings, after the revolt, were quite abſo-
lute, and controuled by no law; nay, they claimed an
equal reſpect with the gods themselves.
• DIODOR. Sic. 1. v. c. 5.
(H) In the time of the
judges of Ifrael, Mefopotamia
was under its own king (19);
the king of Zobah reigned on
both fides of the Euphrates till
he was conquered by David
(20). The kingdoms of Moab,
Ammon, Edom, Philiftia, Zidon,
Damafcus, and Hamath the
Great, were governed by their
own princes; and fo were thofe
of Haran or Carrha, and Se-
pharvaim in Mefopotamia, and
(19) Jud. iii. 8.
Calneb near Bagdad. As thefe
petty kingdoms were ruled by
their own princes, fo was Me-
dia till the time of Pul, who
fubdued moſt of the above-
mentioned nations. Media may
have been fubdued by Nimrod
who was a great warrior; but
his empire, if he founded
any.
was of fhort continuance, it
being the cuſtom in thoſe early
times for every father to divide
his territories among his fons.
(20) 2 Sam. viii, and x,
THE
14
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
Manners
and cuf-
toms.
་
THE Medes were once a very warlike race, as will
appear from their hiftory; but in proceſs of time became
one of the moſt effeminate nations of Afia. In war they
ufed the fame armour as the Perfians, whom they are faid
to have taught the art of war, efpecially to handle with
dexterity the bow; and likewife to have been the first
that introduced luxury into Perfia, which at laſt occa-
fioned the downfal of that empire, as it had before been
the ruin of the Medes 9. Polygamy was fo far from being
difreputable among them, that they were bound by law to
maintain at leaſt feven wives, and thofe women were
looked upon with contempt who maintained fewer than
five hufbands r. In war, they poifoned their arrows
with a bituminous liquor called naphta, whereof there
was great plenty in Media, Perfia, and Affyria. The
arrow, being ſteeped in it, and fhot from a flack bow (for
a fwift and violent motion took off from its virtue), burnt
the fleſh with ſuch violence, that water rather increaſed
than extinguiſhed the malignant flame: duft alone could
put a stop to it, and, in fome degree, allay the unſpeakable
pain it occafioned. They are likewife faid to have bred a
number of large dogs, to whom they uſed to throw the
bodies of their friends, parents, and relations, when at the
point of death, looking upon it as difhonourable to die in
their beds, or be laid in the ground
F
SOME writers charge the Medes with being the firſt au-
thors of making eunuchs ; but others impute this execra-
ble practice to the Perfians, and even name the place where
it firft took rife " (I). The cuſtom of confirming alliances
with the blood of the contracting parties, which obtained
among all the eaſtern nations, even in the Roman times,
was originally peculiar to the Medes". When they were
9 STRABO, lib. xi.
STRABO, 1. xi. p. 526.
par. evang. 1. vi. c. 8.
PHAN. de urbib.
W
to
XENOPHON. Cyropæd. lib. i. p. 7.
S BARDESAN. apud Eufeb. præ-
ATHENAEUS, 1. xii. U STE-
HERODOT. 1. i. c. 74.
(I) Stephanus tells us, that
this cuftom was first introduced
in a city of Perfia called Spa-
da, whence he derives the La-
tin Word Spado, fignifying an
eunuch. But both he, and
thofe who charge the Medes
with introducing fuch an un-
natural practice, are certainly
miſtaken, fince we find eu-
nuchs in vogue among the Aſ-
fyrians and Babylonians long
before
C. X.
15
The Hiftory of the Medes.
to ftrike alliances, they uſed to tie together, with an hard
bandage, the thumbs of their right hands, till the blood,
ftarting to the extremities, was, by a flight cut, diſcharged.
This they mutually fucked; and a league, thus confirmed,
was eſteemed moft awful, as myſteriouſly folemnized with
the blood of the parties *.
THE laws and religion of the Medes were much the
fame with thoſe of the Perfians: wherefore we fhall defer
what may
be faid of them, till we come to the hiftory of
the Perfians, from the oriental writers. We fhall only Larus, re-
obferve here, that, when a law was once enacted, it was ligion, &c.
not in the king's power to repeal it, or to reverſe a decree
he had once made; whence the laws of the Medes are, in
* TACIT. annal, xii.
before fuch a piece of wanton
luxury can be fuppoſed to have
been known either to the Medes
or Perfians. Joſephus (21) ac-
quaints us, that Nabuchodono-
for commanded the moft come-
ly youths among the captive
Jews to be made eunuchs. And
Hierom is of opinion, that the
prophet Daniel and his three
companions were eunuchs (22).
Ammianus Marcellinus will have
Semiramis to have been the first
contriver of eunuchifm (23).
What prompted them thus to
maim and deform nature, Pe-
tronius Arbiter will tell us :
Perfarum ritu male pubefcenti-
bus annis
Subripuere vires; exfectaque
vifcera ferro
In venerem fregere: atque ut
fuga mobilis ævi,
Circumfcripta mora, proper-
antes differat annos (24).
And Claudian,
Seu Perfica ferro
Luxuries vetuit naſci lanugi-
nis umbram (25).
Eunuchs have always been in
great repute among the eaſtern
princes, and were antiently em-
ployed in the most momentous
affairs; all the places of greateſt
truft being filled by fuch men.
But we have formerly fhewn
that the term eunuch does
not always fignify a real
one, but often an officer at
court, and near to the king's
perfon; fuch as was Potiphar
to the king of Egypt (26). To
them the Perfian kings com-
mitted not only the guard of
their own perfons (27), but
likewife the education of their
children, it being a custom
among them to put the heir
apparent of the crown, as foon
as he was born, into the hands
of eunuchs, under whofe tui-
tion he remained till he attain-
ed the feventh year of his age
(28).
(21) Jofeph. antiquit. 1. x. c. 16.
(23) Ammian. Marcellin. 1. xiv.
niel.
(25)C laudian, in Eutrop. I. i.
(27) Xenoph, Cyr:pæd, “1, vii,
(22) Hieronym. in cap, prim. Da-
(24) Petron. Arb. fatyr.
(26) See vol. iii. p. 293, note (M).
(28) Plato in Alcibiad, i.
holy
16
B. I.
The History of the Medes.
holy writ, called unchangeable . A modern writer tells
us, that thofe only were admitted to the crown, who were
remarkable, above others, for their ftrength or ftature 2.
But that there was no fuch law, is plain from the regular
fucceffion of father and fon, without regard to any perfonal
quality whatſoever. Some law of this nature may perhaps
have obtained among them before they were conquered by
the Aſſyrians; but we are quite in the dark as to the ſtate
of Media in thofe early times.
THEY paid their kings the greateſt reſpect imaginable,
putting them upon the level even with their gods. They
thought it an high offence either to ſpit or laugh in their
prefence a They honoured their fovereign with the
haughty title of great king, or king of kings; which ſtile
was afterwards adopted by the Perfian monarchs, and their
proud fucceffors the Parthians, whofe king, even in the
time of the emperor Conftantius, retained that title, writ-
ing himſelf, in a letter to that prince, Sapor, king of kings,
allied to the ftars, brother to the fun and moon, &c. When
they appeared in public, which feldom happened, they
were always attended by muſic, and numerous guards,
confifting of the prime nobility; their wives, children, and
concubines, being part of their retinue, even when they
headed their armies in the field.
C
As to their arts, learning, and trade, we are quite in
the dark. Their country abounded with many excellent
productions, as well for the uſe of the inhabitants them-
felves, as for foreign exportation; but, whether they ever
applied themſelves to trade, is what we find no-where re-
corded: the contrary feems rather to appear, from the cha-
racter which the prophet gives them of defpifing gold and
filver, and delighting in the bloody trade of war. Neither
do we find any mention made by the antients of their arts
or fciences. During the fhort time of their monarchy,
they ſeem to have applied their thoughts only to warlike
exerciſes, namely, to the arts of managing an horſe, and
handling the bow; in which they furpaffed all other na-
tions, the Median horfe being no lefs celebrated by the
antients, than were in after-ages the Perfian foot. Thus
much we have thought neceffary to ſay apart of the Medes,
Y DAN. vi. 8.
* HERODOT. 1. i. c. 99.
© ISAI. xiii. 17, & leg.
.3
Z ALEXAND. ab ALEX. 1. iv. c. 23.
bAMMIAN. MARCELLIN. 1. xvii.
d XENOPH. Cуropæd. 1. i. c. 7.
anc
C. X.
17
The History of the Medes.
and their country. What elfe may be added thereto, we
defer to the ſections of the following chapter, which will
be no more than a continuation of this.
SECT. III.
The chronology of the Medes, to the tranflation of their
empire to the Perfians.
WE have formerly fhewn how Ctefias and his followers
have darkened the chronology of the Affyrians, Ba-
bylonians, and Medes with fuch enormous anachroniſms,
that it is no eaſy matter to afcertain the rife or fall of thoſe
potent monarchies. To proceed with all the clearneſs
and perfpicuity fo perplexed a fubject will allow, we fhall
diftinguiſh, in the chronology of the Medes, three remark-
able occurrences, which will give birth to as many different
æras, viz. the recovery of their liberty after they had been
fubdued by the Affyrians; the riſe of their kingdom after
fome years of anarchy; and the beginning of their empire,
which, it is agreed on all hands, rofe on the ruins of the
Affyrian monarchy. The firft king of the Affyrians, who
brought the Medes under fubjection, was either Pul, accord-
ing to us, the founder of the Affyrian empire, or his im-
mediate fucceffor Tiglath-pilefer: for this prince, having,
at the requeſt of Abaz king of Judah, made war upon Re-
zin king of Damafcus, and reduced that capital, tranſ-
planted its inhabitants to Kir in Media f; whence it is
plain, that the Medes were then ſubject to the Affyrians;
and confequently that they muft have been fubdued either
in the reign of Pul, or foon after the acceffion of Tiglath-
pilefer to the crown; for the empire of the Affyrians was
already grown great, and the GoD of Ifrael tirred up the
Spirit of Pul king of Affyria, and the Spirit of Tiglath-
pilnefer king of Affyria %, to make war. Pul makes his firſt
appearance in Scripture during the reign of Menahem king
of Ifrael, in the year of the flood 1577. before Chrift 771.
Tiglath-pilefer, who is fuppofed to have been his fon, fuc-
ceeded him in the year of the flood 1608. before Chriſt
740. That there was no Affyrian empire before the days
of Pul, is plain, both from the Scripture, and from the par-
ticular hiftories of each kingdom; fo that the Medes could
not be fubdued by them before the time we have mentioned.
s 1 Chron. v. 26.
f 2 Kings xvi. 7. 9.
VOL. V.
C
From
18
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
From the time of Pul, or Tiglath-pilefer, they continued
in fubjection to the Affyrians till the reign of Sennacherib,
which began about the year of the flood 1635, before
Chrift 713 (L). They took advantage, it is likely, of his
long and diftant abfence, or of the fudden flaughter of his
army near Egypt, and, fhaking off the yoke, defended ·
their liberty, by dint of arms, againſt the power of the
Affyrians, which was now in its decline. Theſe are the
troubles which prevented Tobit from going into Media,
according to his cuftomi; and they muſt have happened
about the latter end of Sennacherib's reign, that is, about
the year of the flood 1638. before Chrift 710. The
Medes, having thus refcued their country from the Affyrian
bondage, fell into a kind of anarchy, as Herodotus informs
us; which gave Efar-haddon or Affar-hadon, who fuc-
ceeded Sennacherib, and was both a valorous and fortunate
prince, an opportunity of bringing great part of Media, if
not the whole country, anew under fubjection. How
long the anarchy may have lafted, is hard to determine.
Some include the years of the anarchy in the fifty-three,
which Dejoces, their firft king, is faid to have reigned. If
we fuppofe the Medes to have revolted in the year before
Chrift 710. and allow fifty-three years to the reign of De-
joces, the anarchy cannot have lafted above one year: for
Dejoces, who, in the book of Judith, is called Arphaxad¹,
was killed by Saofduchinus or Nebuchadonofor, in the year
656. which was the twelfth of Saofduchinus's reign, who
came to the crown in the year 668. before the chriſtian æra.
But the reign of Dejoces, who, as we read in Herodotus m
had ſome time exerciſed the office of judge, before he was
k
i TOBIT i. 15. k HERODOT. 1. i. c. 96. 1 Judith
i. 1.
in HERODOT. ubi fupra.
(L) That in the time of
Shalmanezer they were fubject
to the Affyrians, is plain from
Scripture, where that prince is
faid to have tranfplanted the
inhabitants of Samaria to Ha-
lah and Habor, and the other
cities of the Medes (30). In
this captivity Tobit was carried
from his native country, the
city of Thibe, in the tribe of
(30) 2 Kings xvii. 6.
Naphtali, with Anna his wife,
and Tobias his fon, into Affyria;
but the rest of his brethren
were carried into Media, and
planted there, particularly Ga-
bael in Rages, and Raguel in
Ecbatan (31); which proves
Media to have been in the time
of Shalmanezer fubject to the
king of Affyria.
(31) Təbit i. 10, & feqq•
chofen
C. X.
19
The History of the Medes;
n
chofen king, is evidently too long; and we may fafely
abridge it of fifteen or twenty years, adding them to the
anarchy. From the beginning of the reign of Dejoces, to
the deſtruction of Nineveh, which happened in the ninth
year of the reign of Jehoiakim, that is, in the year of the
flood 1747. before Chrift 601. Media may be properly
ftiled a kingdom. From the deftruction of Nineveh, we
may date the riſe of the empire of the Medes; for the con-
querors, that is, Nebuchadnezzar and Cyaxares, having
hared the Affyrian empire, they both became very power-
ful, and reduced moft of the neighbouring nations, as we
fhall fee in the fequel of this hiftory. Their empire lafted
till the taking of Babylon; for Xenophon " tells us, that,
after the reduction of that city, Cyrus went to the king of
the Medes at Ecbatan, and fucceeded him in the kingdom;
which is intirely agreeable to Scripture. Babylon was taken
fixty-three years after the deftruction of Nineveh, to which
we may add the two years that Darius the Mede reigned
over that city; fo that the empire of the Medes lafted fixty-
five years, at the period of which the Perfian empire
took riſe in Cyrus. That Darius the Mede reigned over
Babylon, is unquestionable; for he is faid, in Scripture ",
to have introduced there the immutable laws of the Medes
and Perfians. In his reign, the Medes are ever placed be-
fore the Perfians P, as the Perfians, in the reign of Cyrus
and his fucceffors, are always fet before the Medes 9.
BEFORE we proceed to the hiftory of the Medes, we
ſhall exhibit the ſeries of their kings, according to ſeveral
authors.
A table of the kings of the Medes, according to Herodotus,
Diodorus Siculus, Eufebius, and Syncellus.
Acc. to Herodot.
*******
I
********
********
*******
*******
*******
*******
Dejoces
I
2
Acc. to Synce!.
28 I Arbaces
Acc. to Diod. Acc. to Eufeb.
Arbaces 28 1 Arbaces
Mandauces 50 2 Sofarmus 30 2 Mandauces 20
3 Sofarmus 30 3 Medidus
4 Articas
5 Arbacines
6 Arteus
**
7 Artynes 22 5 Dejoces
28
40 3 Sofarmus
30
50
4 Cardiccas
13 4 Articas
30
22
40
54
5 Dioces
53
8 Antibarnes 40 6 Phraortes
54
24
6 Apbraartes 51
32
7 Gyaxares
32
38 8 Aftyages
or Darius
} 38
259
283
2 Phraortes 22 9 Aftibares ** 7 Cyaxares
3 Cyaxares 40 10 Apandas or
4 Aftyages 35
Total 150
Aftyages
S Atyas
**
282
n XENOPH. Cyrop. 1. viii.
ubi ſupra, & v. 28. viii, 20,
X. I, 20. & xi, 2,
。 Dan. vi. 8, 12, 15. P Dan.
9 Eſth. i. 3, 14, 18, 19.
Dan
C 2
THIS
20
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
THIS table contains what may be called two original
catalogues, thofe of Herodotus, and Diodorus, as he has
borrowed it from Cteftas. The other two are compound-
ed of both, with an equal deference to each, as far as
they go. By what we have laid down above, and con-
firmed with the authority of holy writ, it appears, that
Herodotus is not greatly miſtaken in his numbers. Ctefias
enumerates ten kings of Media, whofe names are differ-
ent from thoſe mentioned by Herodotus, except the laft,
whom he calls Aftyages, and Diodorus names Apandas.
The reigns of the eight firft amount to two hundred and
eighty-two years, and thofe of the two laft are omitted ;
but, if they be ſupplied from Herodotus, they will come
very near Justin's account; who ſuppoſes the kings of
Media to have reigned three hundred and fifty years.
Eufebius and Syncellus differ as widely from Ctefias as
from each other, except in the name and reign of the
firft king Arbaces; and, befides, omit two of his ten.
They pay a greater reſpect to Herodotus, whom they copy
more exactly, at leaft with regard to his names, though
they vary fometimes very materially from him in the
lengths of the reigns. As for the variations between
them, it would be a fruitlefs taſk to inquire into them;
eſpecially as it muſt appear, from what we have faid
already, that they are both grofly miſtaken (N).
(N) Dionyfius Halicarnaf-
fenfis and Appian have followed
Herodotus with regard to the
duration of the empires of the
Affyrians and Medes. The for-
mer acquaints us (34), that the
empire of the Medes was ruin-
ed in the fourth generation;
and the latter (35), that the
three great empires of the Af-
fyrians, Medes and Perfians, to
the time of Alexander, did not
laft 900 years. The Perfian
empire continued 230 years,
from the first year of the fifty-
fifth Olympiad to the fecond of
the hundredth and twelfth. To
(34) Dionyf. Halicar. 1, i, hift. Rom.
SECT.
this number if we add 670
years, which the empires of
the Affyrians and Medes lafted,
according to Herodotus, the fum
will be but goo years. Theſe
are the fentiments of the moſt
judicious among the profane
hiftorians, concerning the du-
ration of the empires of the
Affyrians and Medes. But on
the other fide Cephaleon, Alex-
ander Polyhiftor, Diodorus Si-
culus, Caftor, Trogus Pompeius,
and his abbreviator Juftin, with
Velleius Paterculus, have fol-
lowed Ctefias in his catalogue
of the Affyrian kings. Among
(35) Appian, in præfat.
chriſtian
C. X.
21
The History of the Medes.
WE
SECT. IV.
The history of the Medes.
E fhall begin with what we may call the fabulous
hiſtory of the Medes, being extracted from Ctefias,
his tranſcriber Diodorus, and their followers. Accord-
chriſtian chronologers, Afri-
canus, Eufebius, and Syncellus,
have inferted in their cata-
logues, the kings of the A-
rians and Medes mentioned by
Crefias; though, in order to
adjuſt their chronologies, they
have ſometimes abridged, and
fometimes increaſed their num-
ber.
If the empire of the Medes
continued 352 years, as it muſt
have done according to Ctefias,
if we fupply the reigns of the
two laft kings, in his catalogue,
from Eufebius or Syncellus, it
muſt be ſuppoſed, that, after
the empire of the Affyrians was
deſtroyed by Arbaces, there
were no Affyrian kings either
at Nineveh or Babylon, and that
the Medes were fole mafters of
Afia. But this fuppofition is
evidently repugnant both to
facred and profane hiftory. If
we confult the Scripture, we
fhall find, that the Affyrian
empire was never more potent
than after this pretended de-
ftruction of Nineveh. The pro-
phet Jonah, who flourished in
the reigns of Azariah king of
Judah, and Jeroboam king of
Ifrael, was fent to preach re-
pentance to Nineveh, about 80
years after the fuppofed reign
of Arbaces; and Nineveh was
ing
then a great city, three days
journey long; it had a king of
its own, and was fo populous
as to contain above 120,000
children not yet come to the
ufe of reafon; for thus is the
paffage commonly underſtood,
where it is faid, that they could
not difcern between their right
hand and their left (36). Could
a city, which had been reduced
to an heap of rubbiſh but 80
years before, grow to fuch a
pitch of grandeur in ſo ſhort a
time? For, according to the
prophet's account, it was then
in the meridian of its fplendor.
Thoſe who follow Cteftas, have
been forced to own, that Nine-
veh was twice taken and de-
ſtroyed, viz. in the time of
king Jehoshaphat by Arbaces,
and three hundred years after,
in the reign of Jofiah. But the
Scripture, Jofephus, and all pro-
fane writers, allow only one
defolation of that great city.
The latter differ only in the
time when it happened. Hero-
dotus places it at the end of the
reign of Cyaxares, and Poly-
hiftor does not much differ
from him. Crefias, and his
followers, refer it to the reign
of Arbaces, three hundred years
earlier. That the latter are
mistaken, is manifeft from holy
(36) Jonah iii. 3. iv, 11. Vide Gregor. Peftk. p. 194.
C 3
writ,
1
T
22
The History of the Medes.
·B. I.
ing to theſe, the Medes were governed by kings of their
own, before the early days of Ninus, the pretended
founder of the Affyrian monarchy; for, when Ninus in-
vaded this country, it was ruled by one Pharnus, who,
being worſted by that mighty warrior, was taken priſoner,
and crucified, with his wife and feven children. Thus
Media was reduced to a province of the Affyrian empire,
and remained fubject to the fucceffors of Ninus till the time
of Sardanapalus. However, they made fome attempts to-
wards the recovery of their liberty during the regency of
Semiramis, and minority of her fon Ninyas; for fhe is faid
to have invaded Media with a mighty army, and, en-
camping near a mountain called Bagiftan, to have made a
pleaſant garden twelve furlongs in compafs. The moun-
tain was dedicated to Jupiter, and had, on one fide, craggy
rocks feventeen furlongs high, which the afcended on the
packs and loads carried by the beafts of burden that fol-
lowed her army. In the lower part of this rock, fhe cauſed
her ftatue to be hewn out, and an hundred of her guards
attending her. From hence the marched to Chaon, a city
of Media, where, on the top of a very lofty rock, fhe
1 DIODOR. SIC. l. ii. c. 1.
writ, as we have already fhewn.
We may add, that this power
ful empire, which Arbaces
founded, muſt foon have de-
cayed, which is inconfiftent
with the fyftem of Ctefias, and
the authors that follow him.
The Affyrian empire muſt have
raifed itſelf again, Nineveh muft
have been rebuilt, and have
paffed from an heap of rubbish
to an extraordinary pitch of
grandeur; and all this in the
Space of feventy or eighty
years for, after this pretend-
ed deftruction of Nineveh, and
the Affyrian empire, we find,
in Scripture, a feries of Ally-
rian kings, and a potent em-
pire, not ſubject to the Medes.
Befides, if we compare the de-
truction of Nineveh, defcribed
by Ctefias, with what we read
in Scripture, and Polybiftor, they
will plainly appear to be the
fame. Ctefias fays, that Sar-
danapalus burnt himſelf, his
concubines, and treaſures; Po-
lyhiftor writes the fame of Sa-
rac. Ctefias tells us, that the
Medes, in conjunction with the
Babylonians, deſtroyed Nine-
veh; and the fame is confirm-
ed by Polyhiftor, and the facred
penmen. Ctefias writes, that
the city was laid in afhes, and
the citizens difperfed and
this is what we read in the
prophets. Such a conformity
of facts, joined to the former
evidences, amount to a full
conviction, that there was but
one deſtruction of the Affyrian
empire, and one defolation of
Nineveh.
formed
K
C. X.
23
The Hiftory of the Medes.
formed another pleaſant garden, with ftately edificer,
whence the might behold the beauties of the fpot, and her
whole army encamped in the plain. From Chaon fhe ad-
vanced towards Ecbatan, and, on her march, levelled
mount Zarcæum, which was many furlongs in extent, filled
up valleys, and, in ſpite of nature, opened a plain and eaſy
way to Ecbatan, which, to our author's time, was called
Semiramis's road m. Thefe extraordinary works, as they
were lafting monuments of her conquefts not only over the
rebellious Medes, but nature itſelf, kept that nation in a
fervile fubjection and dependency to the reign of Sardana-
palus, that is, for the fpace of near fourteen hundred
years (O), when Arbaces, governor of Media, and Belefis,
governor of Babylon, put an end to the Affyrian empire, in
the manner we have related, and, we hope, more fully
confuted, in the hiftory of Affyria.
ARBACES, the first king of the Medes after their revolt,
is repreſented as a prince of great gencrofity and gratitude,
as appears from his behaviour towards the mean-fpirited Ba-
bylonian Belefis, who, by a pious fraud, bercaved him of the
immenfe treaſures that were concealed in the afhes and
ruins of the Affyrian palace, as we have elſewhere related
at length. He is faid to have fubdued all Afia, and to
have reigned twenty-eight years.
Arbaces.
Mandau-
HE was fucceeded by his fon Mandauces, who reigned ces.
fifty years; but did nothing worthy of notice in the war-
like way, being himſelf, as he is reprefented, a prince of a
peaceable difpofition, and his fubjects defirous of fome re-
ſpite after the violent ftruggles for liberty and empire in the
laft reign.
SOSARMUS appears next, by fome called Medidus. He
reigned thirty years; and this is all we find of him upon
record.
1..
m Idem ibid.
(O) Thefe ftories are of a
piece with what the fame au-
thor relates elſewhere; viz.
That the army of Ninus con-
fifted of two millions of men,
at a time when the earth was
not yet well peopled; that Sc-
miramis employed two millions
C 4
of workmen in the building of
Babylon; that the difpofed, in
the fhape of elephants, the
hides of three hundred thoufand
black oxen, and other fables
of the like nature, forged by
Ctefias, and gravely related by
Diodorus.
ARTIAS,
Sofarmus.
24
B. I.
The History of the Medes.
Artias.
Arbianes.
Artæus.
ARTIAS, by fome called Arbycas, by others Cardiccas,
reigned next. From his name, fome, who indulge ety-
mologies, argue him to have been a great and glorious
prince, the word arti or arta, in the compofition of his
name, denoting greatnefs, as it does, according to the in-
terpretation of Herodotus, in that of the Perfian Artaxer-
xes P. All we can fay is, that, if he performed great ex-
ploits, they have been long fince buried in oblivion. There
is a great difagreement among authors concerning the length
of his reign; fome allowing him fifty years, others thirty,
and fome only thirteen.
AFTER him came Arbianes; in whoſe reign a war broke
out between the Medes and Cadufians, who, at the inſtiga-
tion of one Parfodes, rifing up in arms, fhook off the yoke,
which they had for' fome time groaned under. Parfodes
was by birth a Perfian; but the chief favourite and prime
minifter of Arbianes king of the Medes, whom he ſerved
with great fidelity, till, being highly provoked at a fentence
pronounced againſt him by that prince, he fled, with three
thouſand foot, and a thouſand horfe, to the Cadufians;
where he not only withdrew his obedience to Arbianes, but
ftirred up the whole nation to a revolt. The Cadufians,
being thus encouraged to ftand up for their liberties, com-
mitted the whole management of the war to Parfodes, as
the moſt proper perfon, on all accounts, to appear at the
head of their army: but, before he took the field, Arbianes
died, after a reign of twenty years.
ART AUS came to the crown while the Cadufians were
making vaſt preparations to invade his kingdom; and, un-
derſtanding that Parfodes was advancing towards the fron-
tiers at the head of two hundred thouſand men, he thought
it high time to curb the infolence of that rebel; and ac-
cordingly, having raiſed an army of eight hundred thouſand
men, he marched out with his mighty hoft, and engaged the
rebels; but was moft fhamefully routed, and forced to fave
himſelf by flight, leaving fifty thoufand of his men dead in
the field of battle. Upon this victory, the Cadufians pro-
claimed Parfodes their king; who, accepting the crown,
infpired his new fubjects with that irreconcileable hatred
which he had conceived againft the Medes, and laid the
foundations of a perpetual enmity between the two nations.
He is faid to have folemnly conjured the Cadufians, even
on his death-bed, to wage an eternal war with the Medes,
? HERODOT. 1. vi. c. 98.
and
C. X.
25
The Hiftory of the Medes.
and never lay down their arms, till that odious nation was
utterly aboliſhed, loading, at the fame time, with curfes
and imprecations, fuch of his fucceffors, as ever ſhould,
upon any terms whatſoever, be reconciled with them. In
purſuance of this, as we may call it, his laft will, the Ca-
dufians watched all opportunities of haraffing the Medes with
inroads, and doing them what mifchicf they could, till the
empire was transferred from them to the Perfians 9.
AFTER Artæus, Artynes reigned twenty-two years; but Artynes.
did nothing worth mentioning. He was fucceeded by Ar-
tibarnas or Artabanus; in whofe reign, the Parthians, re- Artibar-
volting, put themſelves under the protection of the Saca, nas.
a people inhabiting mount Hæmodus, which feparates India
from Scythia. This occafioned a war of many years be-
tween the Medes and the Saca, who were then governed
by the famed Zanara, an heroine of great prowefs. That
princefs is no lefs celebrated, by our author, for her cou-
rage and conduct in war, than for her beauty. She had,
according to him, reſcued her country from the tyranny
of the neighbouring princes, civilized her fubjects, and
inured them to military difcipline, and the toils of war.
After ſhe liad, for many years, haraffed the Medes, a peace
was at laft concluded between her and Artibarnas, on the
following equitable conditions, that the Parthian fhould
fubmit to the Medes; and the Sace and Medes quietly
enjoy what they poffeffed at the beginning of the war (P).
HITHERTO we have dwelt on what we may fafely call
the fabulous hiftory of the Medes, thefe kings, or moſt of
them, being no-where found, but in the books, or rather
9 DIOD. SIC. 1. ii. c.
(P) This queen was, ac-
cording to our author, another
Semiramis. She excelled all of
her own fex in beauty, and
was inferior to none of the
other in courage and wiſdom;
The built many cities, made
confiderable conquefts, and
raiſed the obſcure nation of
the Sace to a great pitch of
glory. Whence her fubjects,
in gratitude for the many ad-
3.
Idem ibid.
I
vantages they enjoyed by her
means, erected her a monu-
ment after her death, of vaſt
dimenfions, being three fur-
longs in breadth, and on the
top of which was built a py-
ramid of a furlong in height.
Upon this pyramid fhe was
reprefented by a golden co-
loffus, and adored by her fub-
jects as a goddefs (37).
(37) Diod. Sic. l. ii. c. 3,
in
26
B. I.
The History of the Medes.
:
th
The genu-
ine history
of the
Medes.
in the imagination, of Ctefias, which was very fertile in
the production of monfters. We now come to the genuine
hiftory of Media, as it has been tranfmitted to us by authors
of a quite different character.
THE Medes, having thrown off the Affyrian yoke in the
reign of Sennacherib, lived fome time without a king; but
were again brought under fubjection by one of their own
country, whofe name was Dejoces. He is reprefented as
a fubtle, 'crafty man, and aiming at abfolute power; and
is faid to have compaffed his defign in the following man-
ner: The Medes were, at that time, divided into feveral
diftricts, in one of which lived Dejcces, who, feeing all
kind of licentioufnefs prevail over the whole country, ap-
plied himself to the adminiftration of juftice with great zeal
and diligence. The Medes of the fame diftrict, obferving
the equity of his conduct, chofe him for their judge; and
he, afpiring to the fovereign power, performed that office
with all poffible regard to juftice. By this means, he not
only acquired a great reputation in his own diftrict, but
among thofe alfo of the other divifions, who looked upon
him as the only impartial judge in the whole nation: whence
fuch as thought themſelves injured by unjuſt ſentences, re-
forted from all parts to him, in order to obtain juftice,
till, at laſt, no one would commit the decifion of a differ-
ence to any other perfon. At length the numbers of thoſe,
who applied to him for redrefs, increafing, in proportion
to the great fame of his equity, and the whole care of ad-
miniftring juftice being devolved upon him, he unexpect-
edly abfented himſelf from the place where he uſed to de-
termine differences, declaring, he would no longer perform
that office, and fubmitting it to the judgment of his coun-
trymen, whether it was reafonable, that he ſhould neglect
his private affairs, to attend thofe of the public. Hereupon
rapine and all manner of wickednefs prevailing again to
fuch a degree, that it was not fafe to live in the country,
the Medes called a general aflembly of the whole nation,
to deliberate on the means of reforming the abuſes, that
were daily becoming more frequent. Upon this occafion,
thoſe who were in the intereft of Dejoces obferved, that, if
a ftop was not put to the growth of the diforders that had
already overfpread the whole land, they fhould foon be
obliged to abandon their country to a foreign enemy. They
advifed therefore their countrymen to appoint a king of
their own nation, as the only expedient that could refcue
their country from impending ruin. Their difcourfe was
received with general approbation, and a king was refolved
I
on.
C. X.
27
The Hiftory of the Medes.
on.
Their next deliberation was concerning the perſon,
whom they ſhould prefer to the crown; when Dejoces was
named to the fovereignty, and, with univerfal applaufe,
placed on the throne $.
THUS was Dejoces created king; and no fooner was he Dejoces
vefted with the fupreine power, than he threw off the chofen king
maſk, and commenced tyrant; though the rigour he pra- Year of
Etiſed may perhaps have been abfolutely neceflary to bring the flood
the nation, after fome years of anarchy, into any order or
diſcipline.
1638.
710.
Bef. Chr.
THE first thing he did, after his promotion, was to
command his new fubjects to build him a palace fuitable to
his dignity, and to appoint him guards for the fafety of his
perfon. He was obeyed; and, on the ground which he
chofe, a ftrong and ftately fabric was erected for his ordi-
nary refidence. At the fame time he was allowed to chuſe
for his guard, out of the whole nation, fuch as he thought
moſt proper for that truft. Thus fettled on the throne,
he united the feveral diftricts, into which the Medes had
been divided during the anarchy, and turned his thoughts
towards building a ftrong city, which might be the metro-
polis of his new kingdom. To this alfo his fubjects fub-
mitted; and the famous city of Ecbatan was built, purfuant
to his orders and directions, a city which, in procefs of
time, became very famous in thofe parts (Q).
DEJOCES, thus lodged in a magnificent and well-
defended city, enacted the following laws to be obſerved
by all his fubjects, of what rank foever that no one
fhould be admitted to his prefence; but tranfact all things
by his fervants and minifters: that none fhould be allowed
S HERODOT. 1. i. c. 95—99.
(Q) Ecbatan, in Scripture
(38), is called Achmetha; by
Ctefias and Stephanus, Agbatan.
In the book of Judith, it is
faid to have been built by Ar-
phaxad king of the Medes.
Dr. Prideaux (39) tells us,
upon what ground we know
not, that Ecbatan was only
enlarged and beautified by De-
joces. He will, perhaps, have
Arbaces, whom he confounds.
with Tiglath-pilefer, to be the
founder of it. Joſephus (40)
acquaints us, that the decree
of Cyrus, about the rebuilding
the temple of Ferufalem, was
found atEcbatan; which plain-
ly proves it to be the fame
with the Achmetha of Scrip-
ture, where, according to Esra
(41),the faid decree was lodged.
(38) Ezra vi. 2. (39) Connect, of the Old and New Teftament, p. 26.
(40) Joſeph, antiq. 1, xi, c. 4. (41) Ezra. ubi fupra.
even
28
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
1
even to ſee him, that were not immediately of his houſe-
hold and that for any, who attended him, to laugh or
fpit in his preſence, fhould be accounted a great indecency,
and contrary to the refpect which is due to a ſovereign.
Theſe laws he injoined, that the malecontents might have
no opportunity of putting in execution any evil deſign
againſt his perſon, not doubting but thoſe, who were de-
barred from ſeeing him, would be eaſily induced to think
him of a fuperior nature to themſelves: but tho' he kept
himſelf thus concealed from the eyes of the people, yet he
was informed of every thing that happened in his domi-
nions, maintaining to that end many emiffaries in all the
provinces of his government, who brought him a minute
account of every tranfaction. By this means, no crime
efcaped either the knowlege of the prince, or the rigour
of the law; and the puniſhment, thus treading upon the
heels of the offence, kept the wicked in awe, and ſtemmed
the courſe of violence and injuftice ¹.
t
DEJOCES, having thus civilized his unpoliſhed ſubjects,
began to entertain thoughts of extending the limits of his
new kingdom; and, with this view, invaded Affyria,
which was now in its decline, and greatly weakened
by the revolt of many nations, who, following the ex-
ample of the Medes, had fhaken off the Affyrian yoke.
But Saofduchinus or Nebuchadonofor, at that time king
of Affyria, meeting him in the great plain of Ragau,
a battle enfued, in which the Medes were utterly de-
feated, and Dejoces himſelf flain ", after a reign, ac-
cording to Herodotus, of fifty-three years (R). Nebu-
t HERODOT. 1. i. c. 99-101.
and Judith i. paff.
(R) This unfuccefsful war
was not carried on, as fome
fuppofe, by Phraortes, the fon
and fucceffor of Dejoces, but
by Dejoces himſelf, by the
prince, which reigned over the
Medes in Ecbatana, and built
in Ecbatana walls round about,
as we read in the book of Ju-
dith (42).
Now the city of
Ecbatana, and the walls for
(42) Fudithi. 1, 2.
ù Idem ibid. c. 102.
which the city was chiefly re-
markable, were built by De-
joces, as is faid in exprefs terms
by Herodotus (43). We may
hence conclude the Dejoces of
Herodotus, and the Arphaxad of
the book of Judith, who was
killed by Nebuchadonofor in
the great plain of Ragau, to
be one and the fame perfon
(44).
(43) Herodot, I. i. c. 98.
ad A. M. 3296. and Prideaux eunucii. part i. book i. p. 35.
(44) See Ujh.
3
chadonofor,
C. X.
29
The Hiftory of the Medes.
chadonofor, following his blow, reduced feveral cities of
Media, and among the reft Ecbatan itſelf, which he almoft
intirely deſtroyed ".
HE was fucceeded by his fon Phraortes; who, being Phraortes.
of a warlike temper, and not ſatisfied with the kingdom of Year of
Media, which his father had left him, invaded Perfia; the flood
1692.
and is faid to have brought that nation under fubjection to
Bef. Chr.
the Medes *. But we are inclined to diſagree with our au-
thor in this particular, and afcribe the conqueft of Perfia, 56.
rot to Phraortes, but to his ſon and fucceffor Cyaxares (S).
W
Judith i. 14.
* HERODOT. ubi fupra.
(S) It ſeems plain from Scrip-
ture, that the Perfians were not
fubdued by the Medes till after
the taking of Nineveh, by the
joint forces of Cyaxares and
Nebuchadnezzar. In the fourth
year of Jehoiakim, which the
Jerus reckon to be the first
of Nebuchadnezzar (45), God
threatened, by his prophet (46),
that he would take all the fa-
milies of the north, and Nebu-
chadnezzar the king of Baby-
lon, and bring them against
Judea, and against the nations
round about, and utterly deftroy
thofe nations, and make them an
aftonishment and lafting defola-
tions, and cauſe them all to drink
the wine-cup of his fury; and
in particular, he names the
kings of Judah and Egypt, and
thofe of Edom and Moab, and
Ammon and Tyre, and all the
kings of Elam, and all the
kings of the Medes, &c. Where
it is to be obferved, that in
numbering the nations which
were to be fubdued, he omits
the Affyrians, who must con-
fequently have been already
conquered, and names the
(45) Jerem. xxv, I.
35, & feq.
-
How-
kings of Elam or Perfia, as
diſtinct from thofe of the
Medes; whence we may con-
clude, that the Perfians were
not yet fubdued by the Medes.
In the beginning of the reign
of Zedekiah, that is, in the
fixth year of Nebuchadnezzar,
the fame prophet foretold the
approaching conquest of Perfia
by the Medes and their confe-
derates: Behold, ſays he, I will
break the bow of Elam-upon
Elam will I bring the four
winds from the four quarters of
heaven-and there fhall be no
nation where the outcafts of E-
lam fhall not come.—I will jet
my throne in Elam, and will de-
ftroy from thence the king and
the princes, faith the LORD; but
it ſhall come to pafs in the latter
days (that is, in the reign of
Cyrus), that I will bring again
the captivity of Elam, faith the
Lord (47).
From thefe words of the
prophet it is manifeft, that, in
the reign of Nebuchadnezzar,
nay, after the deſtruction of
Nineveh, the Perfians had kings
of their own, and conſequently
could
(46) Ibid. wer. ga
(47) Jerem. xlix,
--་
1
30
Cyaxa-
res I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
B. I.
However, he fubdued feveral of the neighbouring nations,
attacking them one after another, till he made himſelf
mafter of almoſt all the Upper Afia, lying between mount
Taurus and the river Halys. Elated with the good fuccefs
that attended his army, at length he invaded Affyria, made
himſelf maſter of great part of the country, and even laid
fiege to Nineveh, the metropolis of the empire. But here
his good fortune abandoning him, he perifhed, with the
greater part of his army, in the attempt, after having
reigned twenty-two years.
UPON the death of Phraortes, his fon Cyaxares was
placed on the throne. He was a brave and enterpriſing
Year of prince; and indeed ſuch a man was then, more than ever,
the flood wanting, to fave the nation from impending flavery, moſt
1713. part of the kingdom being already poffeffed by the Afly-
Bef. Chr. rians. Having fettled himfelf well in his kingdom, and
635-
brought his troops under good difcipline (T), he foon re-
covered what the Affyrians had taken during the reigns of
his father and grandfather. What he had next at heart
was, to avenge their death, by the deftruction of Nineveh ;
and accordingly, having affembled all his forces, he march-
ed out, with a defign to treat that city, as Nebuchadonofor
had treated the metropolis of Media. The Affyrians meet-
ing him on the frontiers, with the remains only of that
great army which had been deſtroyed before Bethulia, an
engagement enfued, wherein the former were defeated, and
driven into Nineveh. Cyaxares, purfuing his victory, laid
cloſe fiege to the city; but was foon obliged to give over
the enterprize, and employ his troops in the defence of his
own kingdom",
y Idem ibid.
could not be fubdued by Phra-
ortes, who was killed thirty
years before Nebuchadnezzar
came to the crown of Baby-
lon (48).
(T. He was the first, ac-
cording to Herodotus (49), that
marthalled the people of Ajia
into diftinét bodies of lances,
cavalry, and archers; whereas,
z Idem ibid. c. 103.
before his time, horfe and foot,
and pikemen and archers, en-
gaged promifcuoufly. But this
we can hardly believe, when
we confider that the nations of
this part of Afia were engaged
in continual wars, and confe-
quently muft have been more
experienced in the military art.
(48). See Sir Ifaac Newter's chron of ant, hingd amoud. p. 313, & Sezz•
(40) I. dot. !).
A fore
C. X.
31-
The History of the Medes.
}
A formidable army of Scythians, having driven the Cim- The Scy-
merians out of Europe, were in full march in purſuit of their thians in-
flying enemies, and ready to enter Media. They were vade Afia-
come from the neighbourhood of the Palus Maotis, and.
commanded by king Madyes, the ſon of Protothyas. This
Madyes can be no other than Indathyrfus the Scythian, who
invaded Afia, as Strabo informs us a; and, having laid
waſte great part of that country, advanced to the confines
of Egypt. Cyaxares no fooner heard of their march, but,
breaking up the fiege of Nineveh, he advanced with all his
forces against them. The two armies engaged; and the
Medes, though encouraged by the example of their king,
who, on that occafion, gave proofs of an extraordinary
valour, were utterly routed. The conquerors, having no
other enemy to contend with, over-ran not only all Media,
but the greater part of Upper Afia (U). From thence
they
a STRAB. 1. i. prope initium,
(U) Eufebius, tells us, that
Cyaxares took the city of Ni-
neveh before the Scythians in-
vaded Media. But as Herodo-
tus, and all the profane hifio-
rians, without exception, una -
nimously agree in this point,
that the Scythians broke into
Midia while he was befieging
Nineveh, and obliged him to
withdraw his troops from
thence to the defence of his
own kingdom, we have choſen
to follow them rather than Eu-
febius, whofe authors we are
unacquainted with. Touch-
ing the expedition of the Sey-
thians, Herodotus tells us, that
the Cimmerians, being driven
out by the Scythians, invaded
and laid wafte part of Afa;
and that the Scythians, not fa-
tisfied with driving them from
their habitations, followed
them, we know not why, into
far diftant countries, and in
this purſuit fell, as it were by
chance, upon Media, while the
Cimmerians were gone another
way intoLydia(50). As the Cim-
merians, Scythians, and Samari-
tans, were all of the fame
race and nation, as Goropius
Becanus learnedly proves in
his Amazonico, we are in-
clined to think, that this pre-
tended expulfion of the Ĉim-
merians was nothing elſe but
the fending of a colony into
Afia with an army of Scythians,
to affift them in acquiring new
fettlements, and eſtabliſhing
plantations, in a foreign coun-
try. For though the Cimme→
rians, Scythians, and Samari-
tans, were but one people,
yet they were diſtinguiſhed in
name according to their dif
ferent tribes, profeffions, and
perhaps dialects.
Such an-
peo-
other expedition the fame
ple undertook fome ages after,
(50) H.ridit. 1 i. c. 103.
+
when
32
B. I.'
The History of the Medes.
they extended their conquefts into Syria, as far as the con-
fines of Egypt. But there Pfammiticus, king of that coun-
try,
:
when they were encountered
by the Romans. For they
came from the countries bor-
dering on the lake Maotis;
they were then likewife affifted,
as Plutarch informs us (51), by
their neighbours the Scythians,
and had in their army above
300,000 men, befides a great
multitude of women and chil-
dren. They wandered over
many countries, bearing all
down before them, and finally,
defigning to fettle in Italy, di-
vided into feveral bodies, to
facilitate their paffage thither;
but were all cut off in three
battles by the Roman confuls.
Mere neceffity obliged thefe
poor nations to infeft their
neighbours, and expofe them-
felves to fuch dangers for
their country abounding more
in men than in ſuſtenance, and
fhut up in the north by into-
lerable cold, they were com-
pelled to diſcharge their over-
grown numbers on the fou-
thern countries, and drive
others, right or wrong, from
their poffeffions, as being in-
titled to what others had, be-
cauſe they had nothing them
felves. As they were a war-
like race, and inured to hard-
fhips, they generally prevail-
ed, their next neigbours giv-
ing them a free paffage, that
they might the fooner get rid
of them; others fupplying
them with provifions, and
guides, to lead them to more
wealthy countries.
(51) Plutarch. in Mario,
The first body of thefe,
mentioned by Herodotus, took
the way of the Euxine fea,
which they had on the left, as
mount Caucafus on their right.
They paffed through Colchis
and Pontus, and, arriving in
Paphlagonia, fortified the pro-
montory whereon Sinope was
afterwards built by the Greeks.
Here they left, under a ſtrong
guard, fuch as were unfit for
fervice, and great part of their
baggage; and then continued
their march into Phrygia, Ly-
dia, and Ionia, having now
no mountains or deep rivers to
ftop their march; for the Iris
and Halys they had already
paffed. We fhall give an ac-
count of their wars with the
Lydians in the hiftory of Ly-
dia.
As the Cimmerians held their
courfe wefterly along the Shore
of the Euxine fea, fo the Scy-
thians took the other way;
and, having the Caspian on
their left, paffed between that
fea and the Caucafus, thro' Al-
bania, Colthene, and other ob-
fcure nations, till they came
into Media, where they en-
gaged and routed Cyaxares, as
we have faid. To this over-
throw of Cyaxares, fome com-
mentators refer that prophecy
of Nahum (52); He (that is,
Cyaxares befieging Nineveh)
hall recount his worthies; they
hall ſtumble in their walk (that
is, in the walk or perambula-
tion of the Scythians, whoſe
(52) Nahum ii. 5..
coming
C. X.
33
The Hiftory of the Medes.
try, meeting them in perfon, prevailed upon thoſe barba-
rians, what by intreaties, what by prefents, to proceed no
farther, and thereby faved his country from the heavy op-
preffion, which his neighbours groaned under 2. In this
expedition, the Scythians poffeffed themſelves of the city
of Bethfheam in the territories of the tribe of Manaffeh on
this fide the Jordan, and held it as long as they continued.
in Afia; whence it is called Scythopolis, or the city of the
Scythians b. On their return from Egypt, as they paffed
through the land of the Philistines, fome of the ftragglers
plundered the temple of Venus at Afcalon; which was be-
lieved the moſt antient in the world dedicated to that god-
defs. To avenge this attempt, the goddeſs is ſaid to have
inflicted on thoſe that were concerned in the facrilege, and
their pofterity, the hemorrhoids; which fhews that the
Philistines till preſerved the memory of what they had
formerly fuffered on account of the ark; for, from that
time, they looked, it feems, on this diftemper as a puniſh-
ment from Heaven attending fuch facrilegious attempts;
and therefore, in charging the Scythians with this crime,
took care not to omit, in their hiftories, the puniſhment.
which their anceſtors had fuffered for one of the fame na-
ture .
THE Scythians were, for the ſpace of twenty-eight years,
mafters of the Upper Afia, namely the two Armenias, Cap-
padocia, Pontus, Colchis, Iberia, and great part of Lydia.
Cyaxares, finding it impracticable to get rid of his trouble-
fome gueſts by open force, refolved to try what might be
effected by ftratagem; and accordingly invited the greateſt
part of them to a general feaft, which was given in every
family. Each landlord made his gueft drunk; and in that
condition were the Scythians maffacred, and the kingdom
a HERODOT. lib. i. c. 105. lib. ii. c. 1. & lib. vii. c. 20.
b SYNCEL. P. 214.
• HERODOT. 1. i. c. 105.
coming at this time into Afia
may well be fo termed, fince
it was rather a pailing thro',
than any ſettlement; for in the
fhort space of twenty-eight
years they over-ran, conquer-
ed, and loft Media, Affyria,
VOL. V.
and all the upper Afia): they
hall make hafte to the wall
therefore, and the defence shall
be prepared; that is, they ſhall
haften to Nineveh, as if they
intended to deliver it from the
Medes befieging it (53).
(53) Vid. int. al. Jun, & Tremel, in lef.
D
delivered
34
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
delivered from a long and cruel bondage (W). The Medes
then repoffeffed themſelves of the provinces they had loft,
and once more extended their empire to the banks of the
Halys, which was their antient boundary weftward.
CYAXARES, having thus freed his country from the op-
preffion of the Scythians, found himſelf foon after engaged
in a war with the Lydians. The occafion of this war is
thus related by Herodotus f: Upon a fedition which hap-
pened among the Scythian nomades, a party of them made
their eſcape into Media; where they were not only enter-
tained with great humanity by Cyaxares, but intrufted with
the education of divers youths, whom they were to inſtruct
in the uſe of the bow, and in the Scythian language. Theſe
ſtrangers went frequently to hunt, and were ever accu-
ſtomed to return with fome game; but one day happening
to come home with empty hands, Cyaxares, whom they
ufed daily to prefent with fome venifon, treated them with
moſt opprobrious language. This they refented; and
• HERODOT. 1. i. c. 106.
(W) We do not find, that
the Scythians, who escaped
this bloody feaft, raiſed any
commotions in Media, or that
they ever afterwards, either in
revenge of this treachery, or
on any other pretence, trou-
bled the Medes. We are
therefore apt to believe, that
the ftratagem of Cyaxares was
attended with lefs bloodfhed
than is commonly fuppofed
for, by cutting off the chief
men among them, he might
have brought the others to rea-
fonable terms. It is not im-
probable, that in the space of
twenty-eight years, many had
fettled themſelves fo well, that
they were willing to live in
fubjection to Cyaxares, pro-
vided they might peaceably
enjoy what they poffeffed:
many who had enriched them-
felves with the fpoils of Afia,
I
f HERODOT. 1. i. c. 73, 74-
were willing to return home
to their wives and families
with the booty, and fuch as
were not pleaſed with either
of thefe two courſes, might
join their companions in Lydia
and Parthia, or feek their for-
tunes in other countries. We
read in Scripture, that all the
families of the north were with
Nebuchadnezzar; which may
well be understood of thefe
brave northern nations ſettling
in his dominions, after they
were driven out of Media and
Lydia. "Tis certain that, af-
ter this expulfion of the Scy-
thians, the Babylonians, who
never before had been a match
for the Egyptians, in all en-
gagements with them, carried
the day; which may be aſcri-
bed to this new addition of
forces.
agreed
i
C. X.
35
The Hiftory of the Medes.
agreed among themſelves to kill one of the youths com-
mitted to their care, drefs his fleſh like venifon, and ferve
it up to Cyaxares and his gueſts. They executed what
they propofed; and then, flying to Sardis, implored the
protection of Halyattes king of Lydia. Cyaxares immedi-
ately diſpatched embaffadors to demand the Scythians; but
they not being able to prevail with the king of Lydia to
deliver them up, a war of five years enfued between the
two nations, with various fuccefs (X). The battle, fought
in the fixth year of this war, was very remarkable, on
account of a total eclipfe of the fun, which happened du-
ring the engagement, and is faid to have been foretold by
Thales the Milefian (Y). The Medes and Lydians, who
were then in the heat of the battle, equally terrified with
(X) This Herodotus delivers
as the occafion of a war be-
tween the Medes and Lydians;
the one king demanding the
fugitives, and the other re-
fufing to deliver up fuch as
had put themſelves under his
protection. But to us we
must own, it does not at all
ſeem probable, that the Scy
thians fhould have fheltered
themſelves from their own
countrymen in the dominions
of either prince, confidering
how odious the Scythian name
muft at this time have been
in both kingdoms. As to
Cyaxares, they had particular
reaſons to diſtruſt him for the
treachery he had fhewn to
wards their countrymen, as
we have related above. Some
writers therefore, with greater
probability, fuppofe, that the
Scythians, who retired into
Lydia, were fuch as had eſcap-
ed the maſſacre in Media, and
not any other new colony;
(55) Plin. I. i. 6, 123
this
for that univerfal flaughter
being fresh in their memo-
ries, it is very unlikely, that
other Scythians would have
come to fettle in the very
country where it had been fo
lately perpetrated,
(Y) That this eclipfe fell
out, while Cyaxares the father
of Aftyages, and Halyattes the
father of Crafus, were engaged
in a battle, is confirmed by
Endemus, in his aftronomical
hiftory. Pliny likewife (55),
in fpeaking of eclipfes, ac-
quaints us, that Thales the
Milefian was the firſt that fore-
told an eclipſe of the fun; and
adds, that the eclipſe foretold
by him happened in the fourth
year of the forty-eighth Olym-
piad, in the reign of Halyattes
(and not of Aftyages, as we find
in fome modern copies, 170
years after the foundation of
Rome. Clemens Alexandrinus
(56) places this battle, and the
eclipfe of the fun, in the 50th
(56) Clem. Alexand, ſtromat. 1. i
Olympiad ;
D 2
;
30
B. I.
The History of the Medes.
Nineveh
this uncommon event, which they looked upon as a fign
of the anger of the gods, immediately retreated, and foon
after concluded a peace, by the mediation of Labynetus,
that is, Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, and Syennefis
king of Cilicia. This peace was ftrengthened by a mar-
riage between Aryenis, the daughter of Halyattes, and
Aftyages, the eldeft fon of Cyaxares ; of which marriage
was born the enfuing year Cyaxares, who, in the book of
Daniel, is called Darius the Mede h.
Cyaxares's first care, as foon as he was difengaged from
taken and the Lydian war, was to refume the ficge of Nineveh, which
deftroyed. the irruption of the Scythians had obliged him to raiſe.
Year of Having, with this view, entered into a ftrict alliance with
the flood Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, and confirmed it by a
1747; marriage between that prince and his daughter Amyite (Z),
Bef. Chr. he returned, in conjunction with the Babylonians, before
601.
* HERODOT. 1. i. c. 73, 74.
Olympiad; wherein he differs
widely from Endemus, whom
he quotes, and pretends to
follow. The time affigned,
both by him and Pliny, does
not fuit with the reign of
Cyaxares, but with that of his
fucceffor Aftyages. The folar
and lunar tables of Ptolemy,
which are the fame with
thofe of Hipparchus, place this
eclipfe on the fourth year of
the 44th Olympiad, and on
the fourth day of the Egyptian
month Pacon (or the 20th day
of September, according to the
Julian calendar, on a Sunday),
three hours thirty-five minutes
before noon. But, according
toSir Ifaac Newton, it fell upon
the 28th of May, in the year
of Nabonaffar 163, forty-feven
years before the taking of Baby-
tun (58), and 585 before Chriit.
Dan. v. 31.
Nine-
(Z) Some will have Amyite
to be the daughter of Aftyages,
and grand-daughter of Cya-
xares. But Aftyages at that
time could not have a daugh-
ter marriageable; and Nebu-
chadnezzar, had he married
her, must have been, at the
time of his death, at leaſt
eighty-five years old, and Afty-
ages much older. In the book
of Tobit, the deſtruction of
Nineveh is afcribed to Abafue-
rus king of Media, and Nebu-
chadonofor king of Babylon
(59). This Abafuerus can be
no other than Cyaxares, who,
as Sir Isaac Newton fhews, was
called Abfbuerus, Affuerus,
Oxyares, Axeres, prince Axe-
res, or Cy-Axeres, the word
Cy fignifying a prince in the
Median language (60). By
Nebuchadonojor is meant Ne
(3) Sir Heat Neaut, chron, of antiert kingd, amerd. p. 316.
(60) Sir Ijaat Nexton, ubi fupra, p. 509.
xv. ar, alt
(59) Tobit
buchadnezzar
C. X.
37
The History of the Medes.
Nineveh, took the place, flew Sarac the king, and leveled
that mighty city with the ground h. Thus was the proud
metropolis of the Affyrian empire laid in afhes, purſuant
to the prophecies uttered above an hundred years be-
fore i (A).
THIS victory, with the deftruction of Nineveh, the
Jews afcribe to the Chaldeans; the Greeks to the Medes;
h HERODOT. 1. i. c. 106. ALEXANDER POLYHISт. apud
Eufeb. in chron. p. 46. & apud Syncell. p. 210. i Nahum
i. 1. ii. 1, 2, & feqq. iii. 1, & feqq. Zephan. ii. 13, 15.
buchadnezzar the great, both
theſe names being given by
the Babylonians to their kings,
its that of Pharaoh was by
the Egyptians to theirs. That
Nabopallaffar, the father of
Nebuchadnezzar, was called
by both theſe names, is plain
from the books of the rab-
bies, and alfo from Jofephus.
R. Fuchafin calls Nebuchad-
nezzar the ſon of Nebuchad
nezzar (61); and David Ganz
calls the father Nebuchadnezzar
the firſt, and the fon Nebuchad-
nezzar the ſecond (62). Joſe-
phus, in fpeaking of Nabo-
pallaffar, fometimes calls him
Nabuchodonofor (63), and fome.
times Nabulafar (64), which
is a contraction of Nabopal-
lafſar. It
It is certain, that
the books of Tobit and Fu-
dith cannot be reconciled
with any other antient write
ings, facred or profane, re-
lating to thofe times, unleſs
we allow the name of Ne,
buchadonofor to have been
(61) Fuchas. fol. 126.
3285.
Apion. I. i.
Sic. 1. ii. p. 65.
P. 737.
common to the kings of Ba-
bylon.
+
(A) On the ruins of the
old Nineveh, another city was
raiſed, which for a long time
bore the fame name, but never
attained to the grandeur and
glory of the former. It is
now called Moful (65), and
fituated on the west fide of
the Tigris, where was antiently
only a part of the fuburbs of
old Nineveh; for the city it-
felf ſtood on the eaſt-ſide of
the river. The circuit of Ni-
neveh was, according to Dio-
dorus Siculus (66), 480 furlongs,
that is, fixty of our miles.
Hence it is faid by Jonah (67),
to be a city of three days jour-
ney, that is, in compaſs; for
twenty miles is as much as a
man can well walk in one
day. Strabo (68) tells us,
that it was much bigger than
Babylon; and in the fame
place fays, that the circuit of
Babylon was 385 furlongs, that
is, 48 of our miles.
(62) David Ganz, at the year of the world
(63) Jofeph. antiq. l. x. c. 11. (64) Joſeph, contra
(65) Thevenot, part ii. 1. i. c. 11, p. 50. (66) Diod.
(67) Jonab iii. 3.
(68) Strabe, 1. xvi,
D 3
Tabit
38
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
Tobit, Polybiftor, Jofephus, and Ctefias, to both. It gave
a beginning to the great fucceffes of Nebuchadnezzar and
Cyaxares; and laid the foundation of the two collateral
empires, as we may call them, of the Medes and Babylo-
nians, which rofe on the ruins of the Affyrian monarchy.
AFTER the reduction of Nineveh, the two conquerors,
profecuting their victory, led the confederate army againſt
Pharaoh Necho king of Egypt, who had, fome time before,
routed the king of Affyria, and taken Carchemiſh. Pha-
raoh met them near the Euphrates, was defeated, and forced
to abandon whatever he had formerly taken from the Ally-
rians k, as we have feen in a former volume; for what
had once belonged to them, Cyaxares and Nebuchadnezzar
looked upon now as theirs by right of conqueft (B). After
this victory, they feized on the important place of Car-
chemifh, reduced all Cole-Syria and Phoenice; and then,
with an army of Babylonians, Medes, Syrians, Moabites,
and Ammonites, to the number of ten thoufand chariots,
an hundred and eighty thouſand foot, and an hundred and
twenty thouſand horfe, invaded and laid waſte Samaria,
Galilee, Scythopolis, &c. and at laſt befieged Jerufalem,
k
* 2 Kings xxiv. 7. Jerem. xlvi. 2. EUPOL. apud Eufeb.
præp. evang. 1. ix. c. 35.
1 See before vol. i. p. 85.
(B) From this time the
Jewish computation of the
years of Nebuchadnezzar's
reign begins; that is, from
the end of the third year of
Jehoiakim, and therefore the
fourth year of Jehoiakim, when
Nebuchadnezzar was by his fa-
ther taken into partnership of
the empire, is, according to
the Jerus (70), the first year
of his reign. But, according
to the Babylonian computa-
tion, his reign is not reckoned
to begin till his father's death,
which happened two years af-
ter. As both theſe computa-
tions are found in Scripture,
we thought it neceffary to fay
(70) Jerem. xxv. I.
thus much, in order to recon-
cile them. We muſt farther
obferve, that as the Chaldean
aftronomers counted the reigns.
of their kings by the years of
Nabonaffar, beginning with
the month Thoth; fo the Jews
counted the reigns of their
kings by the years of Mofes,
beginning with the month
Nifan; infomuch that if any
king began his reign but a
few days before the first of
the month Nifan, thofe few
days were reckoned a whole
year, and the beginning of
this month was accounted the
beginning of his fecond year
(71).
(71) Sir Iface Newton, ubi fupra, p. 269.
and
C. X.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
39,
and took Jehoiakim prifoner. Enriched with the ſpoils of
the conquered nations, they divided their forces, Nebu-
chadnezzar pursuing his conquefts in the weft; and Cya-
xares falling upon the Affyrian provinces of Armenia, Pon-
tus, and Cappadocia, which he fubdued, with great flaugh-
ter of the inhabitants. After this, they united their forces
once more; and, by the reduction of Perfis (C) and Sufi-
ana, accompliſhed the conqueft of the Affyrian empire.
ກ
THE prophet Ezekiel n enumerates the chief nations
that were fubdued and flaughtered by the two conquerors
Cyaxares and Nebuchadnezzar : Afhur is there, and all
her company, viz. in hades, or the lower parts of the earth,
where the dead bodies lay buried: his graves are about
him all of them flain, fallen by the fword, which caufed
their terror in the land of the living. There is Elam, and
all her multitude round about her grave: all of them
fain, fallen by the fword, which are gone down uncircum-
cifed into the nether parts of the earth, which caused their
terror in the land of the living: yet have they borne their fhame
with them that go down into the pit.---There is Meſhech,
Tubal, and all her multitude (viz. the Scythians); her
graves are round about him: all of them uncircumcifed, flain
by the fword, though they caufed their terror in the land of
the living.---There is Edom, her kings and all her princes,
which, with their might, are laid by them that were flain
by the fword.---There be the princes of the north, all of them,
and all the Zidonians, which, with their terror, are gone
m
2 Kings xxiv. 12. Dan. i. 1. & 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6.
n Ezek. xxxii. 22, & feqq.
(C) While the Affyrians
reigned at Nineveh, Perfia
was divided into feveral king-
doms. Amongst others, there
was a kingdom of Elam,which
flouriſhed in the days of Heze-
kiah, Manaffeh, Jofiah, and Je-
hoiakim, kings of Judah, and
fell in the reign of Zedekiah
(73). This kingdom feems
to have been very powerful.
Ifaiah, foretelling the fiege of
Babylon, joins Elam and Me-
(73) Jerem. xxv. 25. and xlix. 34.
(75) Cb. xlix. 34, & feqq.
dia among the befiegers (74);
and Jeremiah threatens the
former with a terrible down-
fall (75); which we therefore
fuppofe to have been accom-
pliſhed by the Medes and Baby-
lonians: which confirms what
we have faid before; viz. that
the Perfians were not ſubdued
by Phraortes, as Herodotus
would have it, but by Cyaxa-
res, in conjunction with the
Babylonians.
Ezek. xxxii. 24. (74) Cb. xxi. 26
down
D 4
40
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
A
595.
down with the flain. By the princes of the north are
meant fuch as were on the north of Judea, namely the
princes of Armenia and Cappadocia, who fell in the wars
which Cyaxares waged in reducing thoſe provinces, after
the deftruction of Nineveh.
CYAXARES, having thus erected the kingdom of Media
into a powerful empire, and fhared the new acquifitions
with his Babylonian ally, died in the fortieth year of his
reign; and was fucceeded by his fon
Aftyages.
ASTYAGES, who in Scripture is called Ahafuerus P. This
Year of prince had by Aryenis, the daughter of Halyattes king of
the flood Lydia, Cyaxares II. called, in Scripture, Darius the
1753. Mede, and who was fixty-two years old, when Belshazzar
Bef. Chr. was flain at the taking of Babylon 9. The fame year that
Cyaxares was born, Aftyages gave his daughter Mandane,
whom he had by a former wife, to Cambyfes a Perfian;
from which marriage fprung Cyrus, the founder of the
Perfian monarchy, and the reftorer of the Jews to their
country, to their temple, and former condition. He was
born but one year after the birth of his uncle Cyaxares,
and conſequently was in the fixty-first year of his age,
when Babylon was taken. Whether his father Cambyfes
was king of Perfia, as Xenophon would have it, or only
a nobleman of that country, as we read in Herodotus s, is
what we ſhall examine hereafter. Though the reign of
Aftyages was very long, having lafted thirty-five years',
yet we find no particulars of it recorded in hiftory, except
his repulfing the Babylonians, who, under the conduct of
Evil-merodach, the fon of Nebuchadnezzar, had made an
inroad into his country, as we have related in the hiftory
of Babylon. The victory, which he gained on this oc-
cafion, was, in great part, owing to the valour and conduct
of Cyrus, who attended his grandfather in this expedition,
and, though at that time but fixteen years of age, figna-
lized himſelf in a very particular manner w purſuing the
Babylonian, with great flaughter, quite home to his own
borders. This rafh, and feemingly unjuſt, undertaking
of Evil-merodach laid the foundation of that animofity
between the Medes and Babylonians, which ended at laft
in the ruin of Babylon. From hence we may infer, that
Evil-merodach was not the fon of Nebuchadnezzar by
Amyite, the daughter of Cyaxares, or, as others will have
。 HERODOT. 1. i. c. 107. P Dan. ix. 1.
q Dan. v.
I XENOPH. Cyropæd. 1. i.
S HERODOT. 1. i,
t Idem, 1. i. c. 130.
ver. ult.
€; 107:
>
W XEN. 1. i. Cyropæd.
ita
C. X.
41
The History of the Medes.
it, of Aftyages, but by fome other wife; it not being likely,
that they would have thus engaged in war againſt each
other, had they been fo nearly related. It is ftill more
improbable, that Evil-merodach fhould undertake fuch
hoftilities while he was on the point of marrying Nitocris,
as is commonly reported, who was by birth a Mede.
ASTYAGES, after a reign of thirty-five years, was fuc- Cyaxares
ceeded by his fon Cyaxares, uncle to Cyrus. This prince II.
was ſcarce feated on his throne, when he found himfelf Year of
engaged in a bloody war with Nerigliffar, who had mur- the flood
dered Evil-merodach, and ufurped the crown of Babylon.
1788.
This war was carried on with great flaughter on both fides Bef. Chr.
by Cyaxares and Cyrus, during the reigns of the ufurper 560.
Neriglifar, of his fon Laborofoarchod, and of Nabonadius
the fon of Evil-merodach, and grandfon of Nebuchadnez-
zar, in whofe time Babylon was taken, and the Babylonian
empire utterly ruined. But as this war, which lafted
twenty years, was intirely managed by Cyrus, we ſhall
defer the relating of thefe important events till the reign of
that great and glorious prince, which, as he was the
founder of the Perfian monarchy, we fhall referve to the
hiftory of that empire.
As for Cyaxares, he is faid, in Scripture, to have taken
the kingdom, after the reduction of Babylon, and death
of Belshazzar *; for Cyrus, as long as his uncle lived,
held the empire only in partnerſhip with him, though he
had intirely acquired it by his own valour; nay, ſo far
did he carry his complaifance, that he let him enjoy the
first rank: but the command of the army, and the whole
management of affairs, being vefted in Cyrus, he alone was
looked upon as the fupreme governor of the empire; and
hence it is, that, in Ptolemy's canon, no notice is taken
of Cyaxares; but, immediately after the death of Nabona-
dius, Cyrus is placed there, as the next fucceffor. But
that a Mede reigned at Babylon, after the death of Nabona-
dius, or, as Herodotus calls him, Labynetus, the laft Ba-
bylonian king in the canon, is plain both from Xenophon ▾
and Scripture. The former tells us, that, after the take-
ing of Babylon, Cyrus went to the king of the Medes at
Ecbatan, and fucceeded him in the kingdom: and we
read in Scripture, that Babylon was deftroyed by the
Medes 2; by the kings of the Medes, and the captains and
rulers thereof, and all the land of his dominion; that the
x Dan. v. 31.
Xili. 17, 19.
Y XENOPH. Cуropæd. 1. viik
2 Jer, li. 11, 28,
z Ifa.
king-
42
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
1
b
kingdom of Babylon was numbered, and finiſhed, and broken,
and given to the Medes and Perfians ; firſt to the Medes
under Darius, and then to the Perfians under Cyrus: for
Darius reigned over Babylon like a conqueror, not obſerv-
ing the laws of the Babylonians, but introducing the im-
mutable laws of the conquering nations the Medes and
Perfians. In his reign, the Medes, as we have obferved
elſewhere, are conftantly placed before the Perfians, as
the Perfians, in the reign of Cyrus and his fucceffors, are
placed before the Medes; which fhews, that, according
to Scripture, a Mede reigned at Babylon between the laft
Babylonish king in Ptolemy's canon and Cyrus. This king
can be no other than Cyaxares, as Xenophon calls him f, or
Darius the Mede, as he is ftiled by Daniel. The Scri-
pture afcribes the deftruction of Babylon chiefly to Cyaxa-
res, whereof St. Hierom alleges three reafons 1. becauſe
Darius or Cyaxares was the elder of the two; 2. in regard
the Medes were at that time more famous than the Per-
fians; and, laftly, becauſe the uncle ought to be preferred
to the nephew. On the other hand, that few of the Greek
writers take any notice of Cyaxares, may eafily be accounted
for the Perfians, defirous to magnify and extol Cyrus
their countryman, gave him all the glory of that, great
conqueft; and from them the Greeks borrowed their rela-
tions befides, Cyrus alone was employed in the fiege of
Babylon, Darius being then abſent; and the confederate
army under his conduct ftormed the town, and put an end
to the empire of Babylon. We may add, that, as Darius
did not reign at Babylon full two years before the fame of
this great conqueft was ſpread abroad in diftant countries,
Cyrus was in the intire poffeffion of the Babylonian empire;
whence they looked upon him as the great hero, who had
alone performed fuch extraordinary feats. But Jofephus,
who was better informed, tells us h, that Darius, with
his ally Cyrus, deftroyed the kingdom of Babylon. The
fame author adds, that this Darius was the fon of Aftyages;
and that he was known to the Greeks by another name.
Now, if we afk the Greeks the name of Aftyages's fon,
Xenophon will tell us, that he was called Cyaxares. As
for the name of Darius, it was preferved in the darics or
ftateres darici, thofe famous pieces of gold, which, for
i
b Dan. v. 26, 28.
ibid. & 28. viii. 20.
c Dan. vi. 8, 12, 15.
d Idem,
© Eſth. i. 3. 14, 18, 19. Dan. x. 1, 20.
g Comment. in Dan. v.
i XENOPH. ubi fupra.
f XENOPH. Cyropæd. 1. i. c. 19.
h JOSEPH. antiq. 1. xii. c. 13.
feveral
C. X.
43
The Hiftory of the Medes.
feveral ages, were preferred by the eaſtern nations to any
other coin; for we are told *, that theſe were coined, not
by the father of Xerxes, but by an earlier Darius, the firſt
king of the Medes and Perfians that coined gold. But no
Darius, more anticnt than the father of Xerxes, is any-
where faid to have reigned, except this Darius, whom the
Scripture calls Darius the Mede.
AFTER the reduction of Babylon, Cyaxares, in concert.
with Cyrus, fettled the affairs of their new empire, divid-
ing it into an hundred and twenty provinces, which were
governed by thofe, who had diftinguiſhed themſelves du-
ring the war. Over theſe governors were appointed three
prefidents, who were conftantly to refide at court, and,
receiving accounts of what happened in the feveral pro-
vinces, difpatch the king's orders to the immediate offi-
cers; ſo that theſe three principal miniſters had the ſuper-
intendency over, and the chief adminiftration of, the moſt
weighty affairs of the whole kingdom. Of theſe Daniel
was appointed the chief, an honour which he highly de-
ferved, not only on account of his great wiſdom, but like-
wife of his age, and confummate experience; for he had
now ſerved the kings of Babylon full fixty-five years in the
quality of prime minifter. As this employment advanced
him to be the next perſon to the king, it raiſed no ſmall
jealoufy in the other courtiers, who, confpiring againſt
him, would have compaffed his ruin, had he not been
miraculouſly preferved by that Providence, which is ever
watching over the fafety of the juft. As the only thing
they could lay hold of to difgrace him at court, and make
him incur the king's diſpleaſure, was the law of his GOD,
to which they knew him inviolably attached, they prevailed
with Darius to iffue out a proclamation, forbidding all
perfons to put up any petition whatſoever to GOD or man,
except to the king, for the fpace of thirty days, upon pain
of being caft into the lions den. Now, as Daniel was
faying his ufual prayers, with his face turned towards Je-
rufalem, he was ſurpriſed, accufed, and, as the laws of
the Medes were unalterable, condemned to be devoured
by the lions; but, being miraculously delivered from their
jaws, this malicious contrivance ended in the deftruction.
of its authors, and greatly raiſed, as we may well imagine,
Daniel's reputation both with Darius and Cyrus m. This
* SUIDAS fub voce Aapernos. HARPOCRATION. Scholiaft.
in Ariſtoph. ecclef. p. 741, 742.
Dan. vi. 1, 2.
Idem ibid. ver. 4, 5, 6, &c. ad finem.
probably
44
B. I.
The History of the Medes.
probably happened, while Cyrus was in Syria; for, after
having fettled his affairs at Babylon, and furniſhed the gari-
fons with fuch troops as were neceffary for the defence of
the ſeveral parts of the empire, he marched, with the re-
mainder, into Syria; which he brought under ſubjection,
with the other adjacent countries, extending his conquefts
as far as the Red-Sea, and the confines of Ethiopia. In
the mean time, Darius remained at Babylon, managing
the civil affairs of the empire; and in this interval was
Daniel caft into the lions den. The darics were, perhaps,
coined, much about the fame time, out of the gold of the
conquered Lydians (B). But, in the reign of Cyrus, we
fhall give a more diftinct account of feveral particulars re-
lating to his two predeceffors Cyaxares and Aftyages. We
have hitherto fuppofed the former to be Daniel's Darius
the Mede; but, as this point is controverted by writers of
no mean characters, before we diſmiſs the hiſtory of Me-
dia, we muſt beg leave to offer fomething in our notes in
defence of this our fuppofition, after having acquainted the
reader with the fentiments of others, and the arguments
they produce to fupport them (C).
(B) This piece, according
to Dr. Bernard (83), weighed
two grains more than one of
our guineas; but, as it had
very little allay, it may be
reckoned, as the proportion of
gold and filver now ftands
with us, to have been worth
twenty-five fhillings.
(C) Authors are no lefs di-
vided in their opinions touch-
ing Daniel's Darius the Mede,
than they are about his Bel-
fbazzar. Sir John Marsham
(84), as we have hinted above,
ftands up for Nerigliffar; and
will have the Medo-Perfian em.
pire to have begun in him.
He fuppofes Nerigliffar to have
been a Mede, for no other rea-
fon but becauſe he married the
CHAP.
fifter of Evil-merodach, whofe
mother was a Mede. We are
unwilling to quarrel with him
on account of this fuppofi-
tion, or rather conjecture; but
fhould be glad to know how,
even according to this fuppofi-
tion, the kingdom of Babylon
was, upon the death of Bel-
fhazzar, that is, according to
him, of Evil-merodach, divided,
and given to the Medes and
Perfians? Is it not equally
certain, that Belshazzar was
killed, as that his kingdom
was given to the Medes and
Perfians; and that this hap-
pened immediately upon the
death of that king, as the
words of the prophet plainly
infinuate? Thy kingdom is di
(83) De ponder. & menfur, antiq. p. 171,
(84) Can, chron. fæcul. 18.
wvided
C. X.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
45
vided, and given to the Medes
and Perſians. —In that night
vas Belshazzar the king of the
Chaldeans flain. And Darius
the Median took the kingdom
(85). Befides, it is very plain,
from the whole fixth chapter of
Daniel, that Darius the Mede
was king of Media. He in
troduced the laws of the Medes
and Perfians; which would
have been very impolitic in
him, had he ufurped the crown
without any friends or troops
to rely on, except the Baby-
lonians, whofe laws he trod
under foot, and annulled. And
this, if we fuppofe him to be
Nerigliffor, was his cafe; for
he introduced the laws of the
Medes and Perfians, was at war
with both nations, and had no
friends to depend upon, ex-
cept his own fubjects, who na-
turally muſt have hated him,
without any further provo-
cation, as a ſtranger, as an
ufurper, and as the murderer
of their lawful prince. To
all this we may add, that if
the Medo-Perfian empire began
in Nerigliffar, Cyrus did not
deftroy the Babylonian, but the
Medo-Perfian empire; which no
author ever afferted. But the
ſtrongeſt proof, in our opinion,
that can be produced against
this fyftem, and that alſo of
Scaliger, who takes Nabona-
dius to be Darius the Mede, is,
that Darius is faid to have di-
vided his empire into 120 pro-
vinces (86); which must be
understood, not of the Baby-
lonian, which was never fo ex-
tenfive, but of the Perfian em-
pire. The latter, on the con-
queft of Egypt by Cambyfes, and
of Thrace and India by Darius
Hyftafpes, had feven other pro-
vinces added to its former num-
ber: whence, in the time of
Esther, it confifted of 127 pro-
vinces. If this was the diví-
fion of the Perfian empire in
her time, the former muft ne-
ceffarily have been that of the
fame empire; for, if the Per-
fian empire, from India to
Ethiopia, contained but 127
provinces, the empire of Ba-
bylon alone, which was hardly
the feventh part of the other,
could not contain 120. It is
not, therefore, to be doubted,
but Darius the Mede was lord,
not of the Babylonian only, but
of the Perfian empire; which
cannot be faid either of Neri-
gliſſar or Nabonadius.
Scaliger (87) maintains Na-
bonadius to be Daniel's Darius,
adding, that he was by nation.
a Mede, and no way related to
Nebuchadnezzar, but freely
elected king by the fame Ba-
bylonian lords who put Labo-
rofoarchod to death. That he
was freely elected, he endea-
vours to prove from the words
of the prophet Daniel, ſaying
that he took the kingdom; which
imply a free election, and not
a forcible invafion. That he
was a Mede, he pretends to
evince from a prophecy which
Megasthenes (88) relates Netu-
chadnezzar to have uttered be-
fore his death, foretelling to
the Babylonians, that a great
calamity was to fall on them,
which neither Belus, nor queen
Beltis could avert; that a Per-
fian mule fhould bring the Ba-
(85) Dan. v. 28. 30, 31. (86) Dan. vi. 1.
temp. 1. vi.
(88) Apud Eujcb. præp, cwang, I. ix.
(87) Scal. de emind,
bylonians
46
B. I.
The History of the Medes.
1
}
bylonians under fubjection, be-
ing affifted by a Mede. The
Perfian mule is Cyrus, he being
the iffue of a Perfian and a
Mede; the Mede, who affifted
him, was Nabonadius.
If we
afk Scaliger, how Nabonadius
can be faid to have affifted Cy-
rus in deſtroying the city and
kingdom of Babylon, fince he
waged war with him in de-
fence of both, and was van-
quifhed and killed? his an-
fwer is, that Nabonadius for-
warded the deftruction of Ba-
bylon by being conquered and
ſlain; and that, in this fenfe
(if in this there be any fenfe),
he concurred with Cyrus in the
overturning of the Babylonian
empire. This argument needs
no anſwer; it is fufficiently re-
futed by being related: and
therefore Iſaac Voffius well ob-
ſerves (89), that the argu-
ments produced by Scaliger to
fupport this wild opinion are
unworthy of Scaliger. As to
his other proof, viz. that Da-
rius took the kingdom; they im-
ply, we own, no violence, on
the part of Darius, who can-
not properly be faid to have
ftormed the town, or won it
by dint of arms; feeing this
was performed by Cyrus, in the
abfence of Darius, though with
the joint forces of the Medes
and Perfians. This city being
thus reduced by the troops of
Darius, and by Cyrus his gene-
ral, Darius, without any fur-
ther oppofition, took poffeffion
of the empire, as conquered
by his forces. It is not by
any means probable, that the
(89) Ifaac Vol, chronol. facr. p. 144.
tiq. l. x, c. 11.
Babylonian lords, after mur-
dering their king, fhould
place a Mede on the throne,
while they were at open war
with that nation: nor can the
divifion of the kingdom of Ba-
bylon between the Medes and
Perfians, foretold by Daniel,
be meant of a king, who,
though by nation a Mede,fhould
be elected by the Babylonians,
and peaceably enjoy the king-
dom till driven out by the
Perfians. This divifion muſt
have been made after the em-
pire was deſtroyed, and the
city taken. To conclude:
This fyftem contradicts not
only the prophecy of Daniel,
touching the divifion of the
empire between the Babylo-
nians and Medes, but that like-
wife of Jeremiah, where it is
faid, that all nations ſhall ſerve
bim (Nebuchadnezzar) and his
fon, and his fon's fon. If Na-
bonadius was Darius, who of
all the kings of Babylon was
Nebuchadnezzar's fon's fon?
Since Scaliger could not an-
fwer this queſtion, it was well
done of him to take no notice
of it, in difplaying and folv-
ing, in the beft manner he
could, feveral difficulties that
others might have ſtarted a-
gainſt his affertion. He com-
monly adopts the fentiments
of Berofus; but here he even
forfakes him; for Berofus tells
us (90), that Nabonadius was
a Babylonian. 'Tis true, he
feems afterwards concerned for
having thus flighted the au-
thority of fuch an unerring
guide, and is inclined to make
(92) Berof, apud Jofeph. an-
him
C. X.
The Hiftory of the Medes.
47
him a Babylonian. But how
can this be reconciled with
Scripture, where he is ever
ftiled Darius the Median? He
has a falve for this fore too :
the word Median, or Mede, is
not, fays he, the national
name, as the whole tribe of
chronologers and interpreters,
fimple well-meaning men, have
imagined, but the furname of
Darius. But it is very un-
lucky, that Daniel fhould be-
gin his ninth chapter thus:
In the first year of Darius the
Son of Ahafuerus, of the feed of
the Medes, which was made
king over the realm of the Chal-
deans. He was therefore by
nation a Mede, and the fon of
a king of Media. But our
writer feems to have been more
converfant in the mangled
fragments of Berofus, than in
the books of the prophets, from
which there is no appeal: and
may, on that very account,
richly deferve the compliments
which he ironically beſtows on
fuch as are unwilling to adopt
his wild notions. But we will
not prefs this further: contra-
diction, and an over-bearing
pofitiveneſs, were, as is well
known, the effential ingre-
dients of his character: and
had he not in most things
been fingular, in all perem-
ptory, he had neither been
a Scaliger, nor the ſon of Ju-
lius.
The difficulties we have ob-
jected againſt the two forego-
ing opinions, have made other
writers look for Darius the
Mede elſewhere: they fup-
pofe, that there was one Da-
(91) Afch.
rius a Mede king of Perfia be-
fore Cambyfes the father of Cy-
rus, who was alfo, according
to Xenophon, king of Perfia.
This conjecture is fupported
by a paffage out of Æfchylus
(91), where that poet feem-
ingly ſuppoſes the firſt king of
Perfia there mentioned, to have
been a Mede, who with a
powerful army took Sufa:
next to him, he places his fon,
whom he does not name; and,
in the third place, Cyrus, whom
he calls an happy prince. This
Darius, who took Sufa, and
waged war with the Babylo-
nians, they will have to be
Darius the Mede, ſon of Aha-
fuerus. This opinion is liable
to one ſtrong objection, name-
ly, that Darius, the grandfa-
ther of Cyrus, could not be
alive when Babylon was taken,
Cyrus himſelf being then, as is
agreed on all hands, and we
fhall fhew in the hiſtory of
Perfia, fixty-one years old.
Öther writers, following
Xenophon's account, maintain
Cyaxares the fon of Aftyages,
and uncle of Cyrus, to be Da-
rius the Mede. He fucceeded
Aftyages in the kingdom of
Media, as Cyrus did Cambyfes
in that of Perfia. Theſe two
kings, with joint forces, in-
vaded the kingdom of Baby-
lon, and took the city: Cy-
axares reigned two years at
Babylon; and, at his death,
Cyrus became mafter of the
whole empire. This hypothe-
fis is intirely agreeable toScrip-
ture, and free from thoſe un-
furmountable difficulties which
attend the others, as is allowed
Perfæ, v. 765
even
48
The Hiftory of the Medes
B. I.
upwards; for he gave his
daughter in marriage to Ne-
buchadnezzar, as the ſticklers
for Herodotus tells us, before
the fiege of Nineveh; that is,
feventy-three years before the
reduction of Babylon. He muft
have been, at that time, at
leaft thirty years old, and two
years more he reigned at Ba-
bylon. Could we but prevail
upon ourſelves to believe, that
Aftyages lived to fo great an
age, we fhould willingly fol-
low Herodotus, having a great
refpect for that venerable, and
by fome much injured hifto-
rian. His ſyſtem is no ways
repugnant to ſcripture, where
nothing is faid of Darius the
Mede, which may not be as
well applied to Aftyages him-
felf as to his fon.
even by thoſe who reject it.
Their only exception to this
fyftem is, that neither Herodo-
tus, Berofus, nor Megafthenes,
knew of any fuch king as Da-
rius or Cyaxares II. nay, He-
rodotus tells us, in exprefs words,
that Aftayages was fucceeded
by his grandfon Cyrus. This
immediate fucceffion of Cyrus
to his grandfather is vouched
by Diodorus, Justin, Strabo,
Polyanus, Africanus, Clemens
Alexandrinus, Justin Martyr,
Lactantius, Eufebius, Hierom,
Auftin, &c. But thefe, as they
have only copied after Herodo-
tus, add no weight to the ſcale.
The above-mentioned writers,
we own, give Aftyages no other
fucceffor than Cyrus; but Xe-
nophon (92) does, and likewife
Jofephus (93), forfaking herein
Berofus, whom he often quotes,
and ever follows, where his
authority does not claſh with
Scripture. Xenophon calls the
fucceffor of Aftyages Cyaxares,
and Jofephus gives him the
name of Darius; adding, that
he overturned the kingdom of
Babylon, being, in that enter-
prize, affifted by his nephew
Cyrus (94): which is confo-
nant both to Scripture and
chronology; whereas the con-
trary opinion, though perhaps
not repugnant to holy writ,
cannot by any means be re-
conciled with chronology: for,
if we fuppofe that Afyages had
no other fucceffor but Cyrus,
we muſt allow him to have
lived one hundred years, and
(92) Xenoph. Cyropæd. I. 1. c. 19.
(94) Jofeph. ubi fupra.
tom. I. p. 322.
A modern writer (95), ſo
prepoffeffed in favour of Hero-
dotus, as not to call in queſtion
any thing that author afferts,
endeavours to fupport his
fyftem with a paffage from
the Apocryphal of Daniel, xiii.
65. where it is faid, And king
Aftyages was gathered to his
fathers, and Cyrus of Perfia
received the kingdom. His quo-
tation is right, according to
the vulgate, which is the ſtand-
ard in the church of Rome
but in our Bibles thefe words
are to be found in the Apo-
cryphal hiftory of Bel and the
Dragon, ver. 1. we ſhall not
therefore take the pains of
confuting our author, but
clofe this note with an ob-
(93) Jofeph. antiq. 1. x. c. 13.
(95) See Lenglet, methode pour ctudier l'bift.
fervation
;
15
+5
40
35
30
25
20
LEMMASTELFION
MARTLETTRO FELIPE
DUBMININ
WANAMKEI
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PONTI EUXINI
PARS
Paphlagonia
Gallogræcia
PHRYGIA
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Vol 5. agaraſt page 40.
SCYTHIA PAR
AR S
Cyrepelis Ext.
Alexandria ult.
Jaxartes R.
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MARGIANA
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LATAN JAREN TAK PALLAT
LINNGAILING
BUTAIUU
MUUHUONORA
1133
15
40
30
25
C. XI.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
49
1
fervation of greater moment
and profit; which is, that this
great event, this total end, and
final deſtruction, of the Baby-
lonish monarchy was literally
and circumftantially fulfilled,
according to the prophecies,
that had gone long before;
as the reader may fee, by
comparing the one with the
other, in the following in-
ftances, among many more: It
was foretold, 1ft, That proud
city was to be befieged by the
Medes (96), in conjunction
with other nations (97); that
the paffes and fords fhould be
feized, the mighty men caſt
into the greateſt dread and
confufion (98); that the rivers
fhould be dried up (99); that
the city ſhould be furpriſed in
the midft of their mirth and
(96) Ifa. xiii 17. xxi. 1—10.
(98) Ibid. 30, & feq.
jollity, and her princes and
captains in the height of their
caroufing, and be caft from
their drunkenneſs into an eter-
nal fleep (100): and, laſtly,
That that once fo potent and
glorious city ſhould certainly
become utterly wafte, and an
habitation for owls, bitterns,
and other ſuch ominous birds
(101): All which was exactly
verified, as we have ſeen.
Thus much we have thought
neceffary to fay on a fubject,
which has occafioned endleſs
difputes among the learned;
and hope that the reader will
not think we have trefpaffed
on his patience, when he re-
flects, that we have brought,
within the compafs of one note,
what has fupplied matter for
whole volumes.
(99) Ibid.
(100) Idem ibid. 39. & feqq. 57, &feqq.
& alibi, Jerem. 1. 39.
figz
81059
(97) Jerem. li. 11, 27,
1. 39. li. i. 21. 35.
9.
(101) Ija. xiii. xiv. xxii. poff.
CHA P. XI.
The Hiftory of Perfia.
SECT. I.
The defcription of Perfia.
HIS country, like many others, has, in different Its ſeveral
T been called by different names; and though, names.
ages,
to fome, the fettling of theſe may feem a dry
and uſeleſs taſk, yet, inasmuch as the fubfequent hiſtory
will be much enlightened thereby, we fhall give the reader
as diftinct and accurate an account of them as we can.
The moſt antint name of Perfia is that by which it is
called by Mofes a, viz. Elam, or, as fome write it,
a Gen. x. 22. xiv. 1. Jerem. xxv. 25. JOSEPH, antiq. 1. ì.
c. 7.
VOL. V.
E
Elam,
50
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
c
Elam, from Elam the fon of Shem, the father of its firft
inhabitants. Herodotus calls its inhabitants Cephenes;
and, in very antient times, the people of this country
called themſelves Artai, and the region wherein they
dwelt Artea. In the books of Daniel, Efdras, &c.
we find it called Paras, agreeable to the Perfian denomi-
nation of Pars, or Phârs, by which the proper Perfia is
called at this time. It has been alfo called Achæmenia f
and Arfaca, from its antient kings. In oriental writers
it is called Agjem, Irân, and Shahiftân, which laft figni-
fies the dominions of the Shah. It is true, that, ftrictly
fpeaking, Achæmenia and Irân are not general names of
Perfia, but rather of parts thereof; yet as they are fre
quently uſed in authors to fignify that country which we
call Perfia, they may well enough be comprehended in this
lift of names (A).
b L. vii. c. 61.
THE
HYDE relig. vet. Perfar. p. 413.
f HORAT. lib. iii.
% HYDES
• 1 Efdr. vii. 4.
arte, lib. i. ver. 226.
* Ch. vi. 28.
od. i. c. 44. OVID. de
ubi fupra. CHARDIN's travels,
(A) The beſt commentators
agree, that the Elamites, who
were the anceſtors of the Per-
fians, were defcended from
Elam the fon of Shem; and
thus much has been afferted,
and proved, as far as the na-
ture of the thing would admit,
in a foregoing volume (1. It
is likewife allowed, that the
moſt antient among the in-
the in-
ſpired writers conftantly intend
Perfia, when they fpeak of
Elam, and the kingdom of
Elam. Thus, not to detain
the reader with unneceffary
quotations, when the prophet
Jeremiah, after denouncing
many judgments againſt this
country, adds thefe words, But
it shall come to pass, in the
latter days, that I will bring
(1) Vol. i. p. 267.
Lowth on Jerem, xlix. 39.
tom. iii. p. 2, 3.
again the captivity of Elam,
faith THE LORD (2); he is al-
ways underftood to mean the
reſtoration of the kingdom of
the Perfians by Cyrus, who fub-
dued the Babylonians, as theſe
had before fubdued the Per-
fians, and made them fubject
to their empire (3). As to the
word 01 Paras, authors are
not very well agreed as to its
etymology, or fignification :
fome are for deriving it from
the Arabic word Pharis, which
fignifies a horfe. Some Perfian
hiftorians fay, that Phars is a
proper name; and that the per-
fon fo called was the fon of
Arsham; i. e. Arphaxad the fon
of Shem: others make this
Phars the fon of Japhet, &c.
Some again, who ſeem to be
(3) Poli fynop. critic.
(2) Cb, xlix, 39+
neareſt
C. XỈ.
51
The History of the Perfians.
THE extent of Perfia has been, in different ages, as Extent.
various as its names. Ptolemy h bounds it thus; on the
north it hath Media; on the eaft Carmania: On the weft
Sufiana; on the fouth the Perfian gulf: but this relates
to Perfia as a province. We confider it in another light;
and therefore, to ſpeak as clearly and diftinctly as we may,
let us firft affign the boundaries of the Perfian empire, as
they ſtood antiently, when it extended fartheft; let us
next ſettle the boundaries of the modern Perfian empire;
and, thirdly, let us review the feveral provinces mentioned
h Geogr. lib. vi. c. 4.
neareſt the truth, fay that he
was the ſon of Elam the fon of
Shem (4). It is evident, how-
ever, that the Greek word Per-
fis, and the Latin word Perfia,
are derived from this oriental
denomination, and not from
this country's being conquered
by Perfeus. The name Artai
is thought to be derived from
the Perfian word Ard, or Art,
which fignifies ftiong, brave,
magnanimous ; intimating, that
the people of this country were
fuch in their difpofitions 5).
Achæmenia, as Stephanus By
zantius (6) informs us, was
only a part of Perfia: Strabo
fays nearly the fame thing; yet
fometimes it is uſed to fignify
Perfia in general, as parti-
cularly by Herodotus (8, who
makes Cambyfes, in an oration,
call his people Achæmenida.
In the Armenian language,
Perfia, as I have faid, is ftiled
Shahiftân; i.e. the country of
the Shab (9. The Arabians
gave the name of Agemeflaan
to Perfia, becauſe, in their lan-
guage, Agem fignifies ftranger,
or rather barbarian; which,
with great modefty, they im-
pofe on every other nation but
their own: hence the diftin-
&tion of Arak-Arab, and Arak-
Agem, which fignifies as much
as the towns of the Arabs, and
the towns of the Barbarians.
The Perfians themſelves call
their country generally Iroun,
and Iran; for this reafon they
ſay, that under the reign of
king Effrafiab, their empire
contained all the countries be-
tween the Cafpian fea and Chi-
na.
20
This monarch divided
his mighty empire into two
parts, calling that on the other
fide of the river Oxus, Touran ;
and this Iran; i. e. on the
other fide of the river, and
this fide of the river : whence,
in the antient Perſian hiftories,
Key Iran, and Key Touran, fig-
nified the king of Perfia, and
the king of Tartary. At this
day, the Perfian monarch is
ftiled Padcha Iran, and the
grand vifier of Perfia, Iran
Medary; i. e. the pole of Per-
fia (10).
(5) Ibid. p. 413.
(4) Hyde rel. vet. Perf. c. 35. p. 418.
Hyde ubi fupra.
(7) Lib. xv. p. 500.
(9) Hyde, p. 413. (10) Chardin vay, vol. iii. p. 3.
(6) Apul
¡ & Į L. iii. 4. 65,
I
r
E 2
by
52
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Bonda-
vie.
by antient writers, and, as we go on, take fome account
of the condition they are now in.
As to the antient i empire of the Perfians, it reached in
length from the Hellefpont to the mouth of the river Indus,
about two thouſand eight hundred English miles; in
breadth from Pontus to the mouth of the Arabian gulf,
about two thoufand miles.
THE modern Perfia, that is, the dominions of the
Perfian crown, extended in length from the mouth of the
river Araxes, to the mouth of the river Indus, about one
thoufand eight hundred and forty of our miles; and in
breadth, from the river Oxus to the Perfian gulf, about
one thoufand and eighty of our miles: bounded thus; on
the north, by the Caspian fea, the river Oxus, and mount
Caucafus; on the east, by the river Indus, and the domi-
nions of the great mogul, as he is commonly called; on
the fouth, by the Perfian gulf, and the Indian ocean; and
on the weft, by the dominions of the grand fignior (B).
<<
(
66
i CLUVER. geogr. 1. v. c. 13.
(B) The ingenious Sir John
Chardin tells us, That " Perfia
"is the greateſt empire in the
world, if we confider it ac-
cording to the geographical
deſcriptions of the Perfians;
"for they reprefent its antient
"boundaries to have been the
"four following great feas;
"viz. the Black fea, the Red
"fea, the Cafpian-ſea, and the
Perfian gulf; and alſo theſe
"fix rivers almoft as well
"known as feas, Euphrates,
"Araxis, Tigris, Phafus, Oxus,
"and Indus. It is, indeed,
"impoffible to mark precifely
"the limits of this valt king-
"dom; for it is not with it
as with the dominions of
"fome petty fovereigns, where
،
on
a rivulet or pillar marks the
«frontier: Perfia has,
every fide, a ſpace of three
k Idem, ubi fupra.
IN
"or four days journey, utterly
"uninhabited, though the foil
"is in fome places the beſt in
"the world. The Perfians
"look on it as a mark of true
" grandeur, the leaving fuch
"deferts between great em-
"pires: It hinders, fay they,
"all difputes about limits;
"and they ferve, like walls,
"to feparate one kingdom
"from another. The feas and
"rivers before-mentioned are
"far from being the bounda-
"ries of Perfia at this day :
yet the lateſt Perfian writers
"defcribe always their empire
"within theſe limits; for they
66
infift, that of right all the
"countries between them be-
long to them; and that they
want only fuch another
"brave king as Abbas the
"Great, to restore them to
"the
C. XI.
5.3
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
In our account of the provinces, into which the country Gedrona.
we are fpeaking of was antiently divided, we fhall begin
with Gedrofia, mentioned by Pliny, Strabo, and other
writers'. It is bounded on the weſt by Carmania; on the
north by Drangiana and Arachofia; on the eaſt by Guza-
rat, a province of India; on the fouth by the Indian occan.
It is called at prefent Makran. Of old it was inhabited
by the Arbita, Parfire, Mufarnai, and the Rhamnæ.
Its principal cities were Pafis, Arbis, and Cuni. Ptolemy
places here a celebrated emporium, called the haven of
women. The principal modern cities are Firhk ", Cha-
lak, and the port of Guadal (C).
m
CAR-
Voyages de TAVERNIER, 1. iv. c. 8.
¹ See note (C).
"the poffeffion of their an-
"tient territory. Perfia, in
"the ſtate I faw it, taking it
“from Georgia; i. e. from the
45th deg. of latitude to the
"Soth; and from the river
"Indus to the mountains of
"Ararat; that is, from the
77th to the 112th deg. of
longitude; contains in length
"about 550 Perfian leagues,
"which makes 750 French
66
C6
leagues, and in breadth
"about 400 (11)". We have
chofen to make ufe of the
teftimony of this traveller, pre-
ferable to others, becauſe he
feems to have taken great pains
in the deſcription which he has
given us of this country; and
fince it must be allowed, that
his long ſtay therein, his great
parts, and general knowlege,
qualified him perfectly for fuch
a work, if we cannot credit
him, it is hard to know on
whom we may rely.
C) As it would have fwel-
led this chapter to an exceffive
(11) Chardin voy. tom. iii. p. 2.
verb. Κεδρωσία
bulk, if we had, in the text,
been very particular as to the
refpective provinces of Perfte,
fo, to avoid obfcurity on the
other hand, we have thought
it neceffary to add fuch a de-
fcription of each province, in
theſe notes, as may fuffice to
give the reader a competent
idea of its fituation, extent,
and productions. This being
premifed, let us proceed in the
order obferved in the text.
Tho' Gedrofa be conftantly
fo called by Strabo and Ptole-
my, yet (12) Diodorus Siculus,
(13 Suidas, and fome manu-
fcripts of 14 Ammianus Mar-
cellinus, read Cedrofia. The
extent of this province cannot
eafily be aligned, becauſe,
though in general terms, its
boundaries be pretty well fet-
tled, yet how to fix thefe at
this diſtance of time, is a que-
ftion not readily refolved.
Mount Becius, or rather a ridge
of mountains, runs through the
middle of this province; and
(12) Lib. xviii. c. 6.
(14) In edit. Valefii, p. 369.
E 3
(13), Is
from
:
54
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Carmania
CARMANIA is divided into Carmania the Defert, and
Carmania Proper. Carmania" the Defert is bounded on
the north by Parthia; on the weft by Perfis; on the eaft
by Drangiana; on the fouth by Carmania Proper. Car-
mania • Proper hath on the ſouth the Indian ocean; on the
weft Perfis, and the gulf of Perfia; on the eaft Gedrofia;
and on the north Carmania the Defert. It contains the mo-
dern provinces of Chirman and Ormas. It was inhabited by
the Ifaticha, Zuthi, Gadanopydres, Camelobofci, Agdonites,
Rhudiana, Ares, Charadea, Pafargada, and Armozai.
Its antient cities were Carmana, now Khirman, ftill a con-
fiderable place, and famous for the excellent fcymitars
made there; Alexandria, built by Alexander the Great;
Armuza or Armuzum, on the fhore of the gulf, giving
name to a promontory, and to the iſland of Ormuz. The
modern places of note befides, are Khirman, Bermazir P,
Kubeftek, and Iafquez, which gives name to a cape or
promontory fhooting into the Perfian gulf (D).
DRAN-
П PTOL. 1. vi. c. 6. • Lib. vi. c. 8. P TAVERN. Voy,
1. iv. c. I.
from them fprings the cele-
brated river Arbis, or Arabis,
which, after a fhort courſe,
runs into the Indian ocean. At
the mouth of this river ftood
the Tuvaixar xp, or port of
women, of Ptolemy (15), men-
tioned alſo by Arrian, in his
Indian history, who tells us,
that this place was fo called,
becauſe it was firft govern-
ed by a woman (16). The
foil of this province was fandy
and barren, very deficient in
water, and the air intemperate
ly hot; fo that Alexander's
army fuffered exceffively here,
notwithstanding they built
their huts with aromatic wood,
and met with ſpices in pro-
fufion (17). Ptolemy mentions
two iſlands dependent on this
province, Aftea and Codane (18),
Arrian, fpeaking of the voyage
of Nearchus, tells us he ob-
ferved feveral others (19).
(D) Though other authors
ſpeak of Carmania in general,
yet Ptolemy makes not only the
difference before noted in the
text, but interpofes the de-
fcription of Arabia Felix be-
tween Carmania Deferta, and
Carmania the Proper. As to
the firft, it is very truly what
Ptolemy calls it, having ſcarce
a town or a village in it, its
foil being an unhofpitable fand,
its air hot and unhealthy; and
the whole province, in a man-
ner, deftitute of water (21).
Carmania Proper is a better
country, having in it ſeveral
rivers, particularly the Anda-
(15) Lib. vi. c. 21. (16) Cb. 22.
(18) Ubi fupra. (19) Hift. Indic. p. 366.
(17) Strabs, 1. xv. p. 495.
(21) Lib. vi. c. 8.
nis
C. XI.
55
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
DRANGIANA 1, bounded on the fouth by Gedrofia; on Drangi-
the eaſt by Arachofia; on the north by Aria; on the weft ana.
<<
9 PTOL. 1. vi. c. 19.
nis mentioned by Pliny (22)
and Ptolemy (23). It is
mountainous, though with
this advantage, that theſe
mountains have mines of cop-
per and iron. The people an-
tiently, however, lived in no
very defirable condition, if the
deſcription given us by Pom-
ponius Mela be true: The
"Carmanians, faid he, have
"neither fruits nor raiment,
nor houſe nor cattle, but
cover themſelves with skins
"of fiſh; and feeding on them
"for the moſt part, the bo-
"dies, as well as heads of
"theſe people, are covered
"with hair (24)." It may be,
Pomponius Mela confounds the
Carmanians with a nation in-
habiting the fea-coaft, and call-
ed, from their manner of liv-
ing, Ichthyophagi, mentioned
both by Strabo (25) and Ar.
rian (26); and who are faid
not only to have fed on fish,
but to have erected huts with
their bones. Ammianus Mar-
cellinus (27) gives Carmania a
better character. At this day
this province is particularly re-
markable for producing fheep
which bear the fineſt wool in
the world; they have this pe-
culiar property, that, having
fed upon new grafs from Ja-
nuary to May, their fleece falls
off of itſelf, and leaves the
ſheep quite naked; the wool
being gathered, and beaten,
the coarfe breaks, and the fine
only remains. The Gaurs have
the whole manufacture of this
wool in their hands, which
confiſts in girdles much eſteem-
ed through the eaſt, and in a
fort of ferges which are as foft,
and almoft as fine, as filk (28).
Dependent on this province is
the little, but famous, ifland of
Ormuz, in compaſs about 20
miles, ftony, and full of rocks,
barren, and deftitute of all ne-
ceffaries, except falt, of which
there is fuch plenty, and fo
hard, that it is faid houſes are
built thereof. The foil is com-
pofed of a white fand, former-
ly imported into Europe. Wa-
ter except fuch as after rains
was preferved in cifterns) it
had none: fo that, even in its
moft flouriſhing times, when it
was the emporium of this part
of the world, its inhabitants
had not only their victuals, but
the very water they uſed, from
the continent. The air in fum-
mer was fo exceffively fultry,
that people were forced to live
in grots, and to lie in water
(29). At preſent there is no-
thing on it but a fort: but of
its antient kingdom, and of the
feveral revolutions which hap-
pened therein, we ſhall treat in
its proper place.
(22) Lib. vi. c. 23. (23) Ubi fupra.
(25) Lib. xv. p. 495. (26) Hift. Ind. c. 26.
vernier in Harris's collection, vol. ii. p. 307..
in Harris's collection, vol. ii. p. 118, Tavern, in
(24) De fitu orbis, I. iii. c. 8.
(27) Lib. xxiii. (28) Ta-
(29) Mandello's travels
the same vol. p. 347.
E 4
by
56
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
by Carmania the Defert; derived its name, as fome ſay,
from the river Drangius, and is called, by the modern
Perfians, Sigiftan. It was antiently peopled by the Da-
randa and the Batrii. Ptolemy reckons ten confiderable
cities in this province, the moſt famous of which were Ari-
afpe and Prophthafia. Thoſe now of any note are 'Sistan,
fuppofed, by fome, to be the antient city laſt-mentioned,
Chalak, and Kets. Some writers s fpeak of a certain val-
ley in this province, called Mulebat, improved, by a prince.
named Aladin, into a paradife, though for very bad pur-
pofes (E).
I TAVERN. VOY. ubi fupra.
(E) Strabo (30),Ptolemy (31),
and Pliny (32), agree in call-
ing this province Drangiana:
Diodorus calls it Drangina, and
its inhabitants Drangi (33). A
ridge of mountains, the prin-
cipal of which is called Bagous,
runs through this country;
and from thence fome have
fanfied, that there ran a river
called Drangius, from whence
this country took its name;
but of this there is no certainty.
The province is not large, and
every-where hilly, far from
abounding with any rich com-
modities; and therefore never
very famous, either in antient
or modern times. At prefent,
it is only fo from its being re-
ported to have been the birth-
place of Ruftan the celebrated
hero of oriental romances: As
to the valley of Mulebet, or
paradife of fultan Aladin, men-
tioned above, its hiſtory runs
thus: A petty prince, of this
name, cauſed this valley to be
adorned in the most elegant
• See note (E).
manner he could contrive, fur-
nifhing it eſpecially with airy
pavilions, fine women, rich
herbet, and delicate provi-
fions: he then ſhut up its en-
trance with a ftrong fort; and,
whenever he had any danger-
ous exploit to perform (for it
feems he was but a kind of a
free-booter), he chofe out fome
ftrong able young man; and,
having first got him to drink
to fuch a degree as to loſe his
fenfes, he cauſed him, while
in that condition, to be re-
moved into this paradife of
his, where having ſuffered him
to remain for two or three
days, he then directed him to
be lulled aſleep in the fame
manner, and fo fent home to
his own houfe: then, under
promife of fending him for
ever to dwell in that paradiſe,
the joys of which he had taſted,
Aladin quickly drew the de-
luded wretch to perpetrate the
moſt barbarous and bloody fact
that could be thought of (34).
(30) Lib. xv. p. 497. (35) Lib. vi. c. 19. (32) Lib. vi. c. 23.
(33) Lib. xvii. (34) Paul Venet, apud Purchas's pilgrimage, b. iv. c. 6.
P. 377.
ARA
C. XI.
57
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
ARACHOSIA is bounded on the weſt by Drangiana; on Aracho ia
the north by Paropamifus; on the eaft by the river Indus;
on the fouth by Gedrofia. Its modern name is not well
fettled. It was inhabited of old by the Arimafpi, who
were afterwards called Margyeta, and then Euergeta, the
Sydri, Ropluta, and Eorta. Ptolemy reckons up thirteen
cities in this province. We fhall content ourſelves with
mentioning only three; Arachotus, built, on a lake of the
fame name, by the famous Semiramis, who is faid to have
given it the name of Cophes; Alexandria, built by Alexan-
der the Great, and by fome thought to be the fame with
the city now called Cabul; and Arbaca, fuppofed to have
derived its name from fome of the kings of Parthia named
Arbaces. As to modern towns of note, we know of
none (F).
• See note (F).
(F) It is on the authority
of Monf. Tavernier, that we
have told our readers there are
now no towns of note in this
province (35); by which we
mean, none that are exactly
known to ftand within the li-
mits of the antient Arachofia:
however, fince fome writers
are pofitive, that the antient
city of Arachotus, or rather
Arachotos (for it is a Greek ap-
pellation), was feated where
now ſtands the city of Cabul
(36), we will take this oppor-
tunity of inferting a deſcription
of that city, and the parts ad-
jacent; which may, perhaps,
prove as ufeful, and muſt of
neceffity be more entertaining
to our readers, than a dry re-
cital of the conjectures of geo-
graphers, relating to this pro-
vince: "Caboul is a large city,
"the metropolis of the pro-
"vince of Cabouliftan, or Ca-
"boul. It hath two caftles
(35) Lik. iv, 6. 1. p. 412.
(C
PARO-
"well fortified; and becauſe
"feveral kings have held their
courts there, and many
princes fucceffively have had
it for their portion, there
are a great many palaces in
❝ it.
It lies in 33 degrees of
"north latitude. The moun-
"tains about it produce plenty
" of mirobalans, which from
"thence the eaſtern people
"call cabuly, feveral forts of
CC
drugs, and fome fpices,
which, with the iron-mines
"in them, yield a great profit.
"to
to the inhabitants. In this
“town they maintain a great
"trade with Tartary, the coun-
CC
try of the Ubecks, and the
"Indies. The Ubicks alone
"fell yearly, in this town,
"above fixty thouſand horſes;
"and the Perfians bring hither
CC
great numbers of ſheep, and
"other cattle; by which means
they are much enriched.
“Wine is to be had, and pro-
(36) Heylin's cofmography, b, iii. p. 146.
"vifions
58
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
:
Paropa-
milus.
PAROPAMISUS, bounded on the weft by Aria; on the
north by Bactria; on the eaſt by the dominions of the
Mogul; on the fouth by Arachofia; is called, by the
moderns, Sableftan u, including likewife the kingdom of
Candahar. Its antient inhabitants were the Bolita, Ari-
Stophili, Ambante, Paricta, and Parfii. Its chief cities
Ortofpanum and Naulibis. Modern cities there are many
of great note, fuch as Beckfabat, Asbe, Buft w, ftrength-
ened with one of the fineft caftles in Perfia, and adorned
with various beautiful karavanferas (G).
u TAVERN. Voy. ubi fupra.
1. iii. p. 394.
66
66
"vifions are cheap, tho' the
country about it is but cold
" and barren, unleſs in fome
places, which are fheltered
by the mountains, being
"rendered little the more
"fruitful by the two rivers
"that water it, and have their
fource in the mountains.
"From this province eſpecial-
ly, come the large canes, of
"which they make halberts
“and lances; and they have
66
tr
many grounds planted with
"them. The inhabitants of
"the city and province are
"moſt of them heathens; and
therefore, in all towns and
"villages, are many pagods.
They reckon the months by
moons; and, with great de-
votion, celebrate the feaft
"called Houly, which lafts two
days, at the full moon in
February at this feaſt they
are all cloathed in a dark
"red; and after they have
"prayed in the temple, and
"made their oblations, they
ſpend the reft of the time in
dancing by companies, in
<
46
ર
36
sr
BA-
w TAVERN. Voy. tom. i.
"the streets, to the found
"of trumpets, vifiting their
"friends, and eating toge-
(C
ther, every tribe by itſelf.
"The great mogul's revenue
"from this country is four or
"five millions yearly (37)."
Yet, after all, it is far from
being certain, whether Cabul
has any thing to do with the
antient province of Arachofia,
fince Cabouliftan lies beyond
Candahar, and is generally rec-
koned part of the moguls do-
minions.
(G) The name of this pro-
vince is differently written, ge-
nerally Paropamifus, fometimes
Parapamifis; and again Paro-
pamifis (38), deriving this de-
nomination from the mountain
Paropamifus, which is a part of
Taurus, but was falfly ftiled
Caucafus, to flatter Alexander
the Great, that it might be faid
of him that he had paſſed that
famous ridge of mountains. A
ftrange vanity! and ſcarce to
be credited, if it were not fup-
ported by the authority of
writers of the highest cre-
(37) Tavern. in Harris's collection, vol. ii. p. 355.
geogr. antiq. vol. ii. c. 23. p. 739.
(38) Geliar.
dit
CXI. The Hiftory of the Perfians.
59
BACTRIANA X or Bactria, now called Choraffan, anti- Bactriana.
ently inhabited by the Salatare, Zariafpæ, Chomatri, Comi,
Acinaca, Tambyzi, Thocara, a powerful people, and ſe-
veral other nations of lefs note. It was, in the first ages
of the world, a kingdom, and a very famous one too. In
later times, it boaſted a thouſand cities; the chief of theſe
were Bactra and Ebufmi, both royal cities, as Ptolemy
tells us, Maracanda, and Charracharta. Its modern cities
of note are alſo numerous; but we ſhall not mention them
here, becauſe we ſhall have occaſion hereafter to confider
this country more particularly.
MARGIANA is bounded on the weft by Hyrcania; on Margiana
the north by Tartary; on the fouth by Aria; and on the
eaft by Bactria, now called Eftarabad. It is divided from
Tartary by the river Oxus, called, by the modern Per-
fians y, Ruth-khané-kurkan; and was inhabited antiently
by the Derbica, the Maffageta, who came hither from
Scythia, the Parni, the Daa, and the Tapurni. Among
its cities of note 2 we may reckon Alexandria, one of the
fix cities of that name in Perfia, afterwards called Antio-
chia, and, after that, Seleucia; Nigaa, or rather Nyfan,
mentioned by Ptolemy. As to modern places of note,
Eftarabad, Amul, and Damkau, deferve chiefly to be men-
tioned (H),
x PTOL. 1. vi. c. 11.
2 CLUV. ubi fupra.
dit (39). The foil of this coun-
try, in general, is not over
fruitful, the province being
full of hills, which, however,
by overshadowing the valleys,
render them cool and pleafant.
We have obferved above, that
the kingdom of Candahar is
included within the antient
province of Paropamifus. This
little realm hath for its capital
a city of the fame name, which
is looked upon to be the beſt
fortified place in all this part
of 'Afia. As the caravans
paſs conſtantly through it, in
going to or coming from In-
HYR-
y TAVERN. Voy. 1. iv. c. 1.
dia, it is confequently a place
rich, and full of trade. Ta-
verrier has given us an ample
defcription of it, at the end of
the fifth book of his travels.
As to the hiftory of its princes,
and of the various fortunes it
has fuftained, we ſhall give
the reader a diftin&t view of
them, when we have deduced
the Perfian history as low as to
the erecting of this little king-
dom.
(H) Many antient authors
agree in commending the fitua-
tion of this province, begirt,
as it is, with high mountains,
(39) Strabe, lib. xi. p. 348. Arrian, expedit. Alex. lib. v. c. 3.
watered
60
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Hyrcania
HYRCANIA is bounded on the north by the Cafpian
fea, called ſometimes Mare Hyrcanum, from its waſhing
the fhore of this province; on the weft by Media; on the
fouth by Parthia; and on the eaft by Margiana, called
now Mazandran, and including likewife the province of
Kylan. The old inhabitants of this country were the
Maxera, Aftabeni, and Chrindi. Its antient capital was
called Hyrcania, as well as the province; nor has it, at
this diftance of time, much changed its name, fince it is.
ftill named Hyrcana. Sambrace was likewife a confiderable
and very ſtrong place, at the time when Arfaces began
to lay the foundation of his empire. Modern places of
note are Ferh-abad, a port feated on a navigable arm of
the Caspian fea, a fine city, much frequented by Ruffian
merchants, as being not above a fortnight's fail from Aftra-
can: Giru, Talarapefet, Ciarman, and Eferef, are alfo
places of note in this country (I).
ARIA,
b Sir THOMAS HERBERT'S
a PrOL. 1. vi. c. 9.
travels in HARRIS's collect. vol. i. p. 434.
watered with pleaſant rivers;
amongſt the reſt with the noble
river Oxus, fo famous in Greek
and Latin authors. It is like-
wife celebrated for its fertility
in vines of fuch an extraordi-
nary fize, that two men can
fcarce fathom the trunk of one
of them, bearing clufters, fome
of which are two cubits long.
Antiochus Soter was fo much
pleaſed with the beauty of this
country, that he not only
built a magnificent city there-
in, but even inclofed the whole
plain, watered by the rivers
Arias and Margue, with a wall
1500 ftadia in circuit (40).
Eftarabad, its prefent capital,
is chiefly remarkable for the
fine druggets, and other ex-
cellent woolen goods manu-
factured there (+1).
(I) Antient writers agree,
in reprefenting Hyrcania as a
country fruitful in wine, wheat,
figs, and all other kind of
fruits; here-and-there, how-
ever, interfperfed with mea-
dows and paſture-lands; and,
in fome places, with the lefs
pleaſant profpect of thick
woods, abounding with wild
beafts of almost every kind,
even to a proverb. As to its
preſent condition, nothing can
be more amazing than the
wide difference there is be-
tween the accounts given us by
perfons of credit and capacity;
and who have had equal op-
portunities of acquiring a per-
fect knowlege of the things
of which they difcourfe. The
reader will the better judge of
this, if he takes the trouble
of comparing the following
paffage, extracted from the
travels of the duke of Holftcin's
embaffadors, with what we
(40) Strabo, lib. xi. p. 355. &Plin. 2 vi. c. 16. (41) Tavern, vel. i. p. 397.
fhall
C. XI.
The History of the Perfians.
61
ARIA ©, bounded on the north by Margiana and Ba- Aria.
tria; on the weft by Parthia and Carmania the Deſert;
on the fouth by Drangiana; on the eaſt by Paropamifus,
now comprehended under the province of Chorafan. It
was antiently inhabited by the Nifæi, Aftaveni, Muſdo-
rani, Caffiorta, Obares, Elymandri, and the Borgi. Its
principal cities of old were Aria, feated on the river Arias,
mentioned by Pliny, thought to be the fame city, which
is ftill famous under the name of Heri or Herat, rebuilt,
and fplendidly adorned, by the fultan Heuffien-Mirza;
Alexandria, built by Alexander, who fettled a colony of
Macedonians therein; A tacanda, by Strabo called Arta-
caya, and Bitaxa (K).
C
c ProL. lib. vi. c. 17.
ſhall hereafter give him from
Sir John Chardin, in ſpeaking
of the air of Perfia: "It muſt
"be confeffed by all thoſe who
"have travelled in theſe parts,
"that the province of Kilan
"is a terreftrial paradife, a-
46
CC
'
bounding in filk, oil, wine,
rice, tobacco, lemons, o-
ranges, pomgranates, and
"all forts of other fruits. The
"vines (which ſpread them-
"felves with their branches
the trees), being very ex-
up
“cellent here, are as big in
CC
compaſs as a man in the
"wait. The Caspian fea, as
"well as the rivers belonging
"to this province, afford to
"the inhabitants prodigious
CC
CC
quantities of fish, as their
pafture-grounds furnish them
"with great ſtore of cattle,
and their forefts with veni-
"fon and wild-fowl; which
"makes me admire how John
"de Lact, who follows the
footsteps of Johannes de Per-
fia, could affert with fo
"much confidence, that Mef-
66
દ
d
PAR-
a Geogr. lib. xi. p. 350.
rr
cr
r
"fanderan (part of the pro-
"vince of Kilan) lies under fo
"cold a climate, that the fruits
"there feldom come to full
"maturity; when it is con-
"feſſed by all that have any
" right knowlege of thofe
parts, that, among all the
provinces of that vaft em-
pire, there is none that chal-
lenge prerogative for a tem-
perate and benign air, be-
"fore that of Meffanderan,
which, beyond all difpute,
produces the bett fruits of
"all Perfia. Shah Abbas was
"fo well convinced of this
"point, that he gave the pre-
“ference, in his opinion, to
r
CC
Co
tr
this province, before any,
"other of all his dominions;
"which made him lay the
"foundation of the city of
"Ferabath, his ordinary refi-
CC
dence, where he died (43).”
(K) It is not eaſy to deter-
mine, whether Aria and Aria-
na were the fame province;
or, if they were not, how they
differed.
To difcufs fo per-
(43) Harris's colle&. vol. ii. p. 101,
plexed
62
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Parthia.
PARTHIA, bounded on the weft by Media; on the
north by Hyrcania; on the eaft by Aria; on the fouth by
Carmania the Defert; furrounded with mountains, which
ferve for boundaries on every fide; at this day called Erak
or Arak; and, to diftinguish it from Chaldea, which is
likewife called Erak, this is ftiled Erac-Agami. The an-
tient Parthians are faid to have been originally Celtes, of
whom we ſhall fpeak in the fequel; who, being driven
out of their own country, fettled here, and had this name
given them, which, in their own, that is, in the Celtic lan-
f CLUV. ubi fupra.
f
we
e ProL. lib. vi. c. 5.
plexed a queſtion here, and to
endeavour to folve what to the
beft geographers has appeared
an inexplicable doubt, would
be at once an act of vanity and
raſhneſs. It is better, there-
fore, to refer the learned rea-
der to the authors cited at the
bottom of the page, from
whom he may receive all the
fatisfaction the nature of the
thing will admit (44). In our
defcription in the text,
have followed Ptolemy exactly,
as knowing no better guide,
though we muſt at the fame
time allow, that fome things
there are in his deſcription of
this province, which are not
eafily understood, fuch as the
feveral fountains from whence
he derives the ftream of the
river Arius, and the lake which
he fays it forms (45). Of the
thirty-five cities mentioned by
that author, we cannot find
above five or fix mentioned by
any other antient writer; and
of theſe the greateſt part are
found all together, in a para-
graph of Ammianus Marcelli-
nus (46). It was antiently a
very populous country, though
much fubject to heats, and in-
termixed with deferts, heaths,
and forefts, near the moun-
tains: however, where the
heat of the fun is a little re-
bated, they have very fruitful
plains, which, among other
things, produce grapes, the
wine of which hath ſo ſtrong a
body as to keep fourfcore or
a hundred years, without di-
minution of colour or flavour.
The antient city of Aria, now
known by the name of Heri,
or Herat, is ſtill large and po-
pulous. Sir Thomas Herbert,
in his travels, tells us, that,
when he was there, he found
it under a governor of its own;
and adds, that the adjoining
country abounds with rofes, of
which they make a water much
ftronger in its ſmell than that
made in Europe. There are
likewife, fays another eminent
traveller, admirable tapeſtries
made in the neighbourhood of
this place, fuch as tranfcend
not only the tapeſtries of Eu-
rope, but even thoſe that come
from the rest of the Perfian
looms (47).
(44) Cellar. geogr. antiq. lib. i. c. 22. p. 721. Cafaub. in Strab. lib. xv,
p. 720.
fub fin.
3
(45) Lib. vi. c. 17.
(46) Ammian. Marcellin. lib. xxiii.
(47) Harris's collect. vol. i, p. 435.
guage,
C. XI.
63
The History of the Perfians.
guage, fignified ſeparated, or put away. Ptolemy reckons
twenty-five large cities within this province; and it muſt
certainly have been very populous, fince many cities, and
about two thouſand villages, are reckoned to have been
deſtroyed by earthquakes. Its capital was Hecatomp;lus,
fo called from its having an hundred gates, a noble and
magnificent place, and fo lucky, as fome think, to remain
ftill the capital of Perfia, under the name of Hifpahan, or
rather Spauhawn. Modern towns of note are Toucher-
cau, and Hamadan, a very confiderable place, and eípeci-
ally noted for great herds of cattle fed in its neighbourhood,
producing great quantities of butter, cheeſe, and hides;
Chachan, Com, Cashin, &c. (L), and fome others lefs con-
fiderable.
8 TAVERN. Voy. 1. iv. c. 1.
(L) The mighty reputation
which the kings of Parthia, by
their military virtues,obtained,
will oblige us to ſpeak here-
after of this province more ac-
curately, than in this general
defcription of the Perfian do-
minions it was proper for us to
do.
As to what we have ad-
vanced concerning the origin
of the Parthians, it may not be
amifs to give the reader here
the words of that author, on
whofe authority we took it,
bating that he has confounded
the Scythians and Celtes, or
miſtaken the one for the other,
as fhall be further proved in
the hiſtory of thoſe two na-
tions.
CO
PER-
"being by civil wars driven
out of Scythia, firſt fixed
"themſelves by ſtealth in the
CC
country adjoining to Hyrca-
"mia; and afterwards obtain-
"ed by force more extended
"dominions (48)." Though,
in later ages, Parthia became
the miſtreſs of her neighbours,
and fhared with Rome the em-
pire of the world, yet under
the antient Perjian, and even
under the Macedonian mo-
narchs, it was fo little con-
fidered, that it remained an
adjunct of Hyrcania, and was
not made a particular pro-
vince. It is not eaſy to fix the
derivation of the capital of
Parthia. In antient time, Po-
lybius fays, that it was called
Hecatompylos, becauſe all the
roads through the Parthian
dominions centred here (49),
Curtius fays it was built by the
Greeks; but by whom, or at
what time, he informs us not
(50). It should feem, that
Hecatompylos is rather a Greek
(49) Lib. x. c. 25. (50) Lib. vi. c. 11.
"The Parthians (fays he)
are alfo derived from the
Scythians; for they were
"exiles of that country, as
"their very name teftifies;
"for, in the Scythian language,
"banished men are called
"Parthians. Thefe, in like
manner with the Bactrians,
(48) Ifidor, origin, ix. c. 2.
<
inter-
64
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Perfis.
PERSIS, bounded on the north by Media; on the weft
by Sufiana; on the east by the Carmanias; on the ſouth
h ProL. lib. vi. c. 4.
interpretation of the true name
of this city, than the real name
thereof; but then what name
this was in the Parthian lan-
guage, we pretend not to fay,
it not having been recorded by
any author we have met with.
In refpect to what has been
obferved, in the text, of Spau-
hawn's being founded on the
ruins of the antient Hecatom-
pylos, there are many authori-
ties to bear us out, though we
do not find any certain grounds
whereon to found this opiniou
(51). It is unanimoufly ac-
knowleged, that the prefent
city is of no great antiquity;
and the two parts into which
it is divided preferve the names
of two contiguous towns, from
the junction of which it is
formed thefe are Heider, and
Neamet-Olahi. The inhabit-
ants of theſe places, notwith-
ſtanding their neighbourhood,
bore a mortal hatred to each
other, which they have tranf-
mitted to their fucceffors, who,
tho' they live in the fame city,
ſhew notwithſtanding, on all
public occafions, a warm and
inveterate antipathy one to-
wards the other. Some, in-
deed, aſcribe this enmity to
another cauſe they fay, that
Heider, and Neamet-Olahi, are
the names of two princes who
reigned antiently over Perfia,
:
:
by
and who divided their fubjects
into two parties; which are
faid to have fubfifted ever
fince, not only in Spauhawn,
but in all the towns of Perfia.
Such as fay this, however, own
that the city we are ſpeak-
ing of was compofed of two
diftinct towns, called by them
Deredechte and Joubare. It
may be wondered, that their
magiftrates, in the courſe of
ages, have not fubdued thefe
unnatural feuds, for which no
good reafon can be affigned,
except that which our author
intimates (52); viz. the gain
which thofe magiftrates made
of their frequent quarrels and
broils.
It is not very clear at what
time the towns before-men-
tioned were united, or when
this city received the name by
which it is now known. Some
fay this happened before the
reign of the famous Timour
Beg, corruptly called Tamer-
lane, who deftroyed it twice.
Certain it is, that Spauhawn
owes the glory it now poffeffes
to the great Shah Abbas, who,
after the conqucft of the king-
doms of Lar and Ormus,
charmed with the fituation of
this place, made it the capital
of his empire, between the
year 1620 and 1628. There is,
perhaps, no city in the world,
(51) Herbert's travels in Harris's collect. vol. i. p. 431. Holstein embaſſa-
dors travels in the fame collection, vol. ii. p. 79. Carreri voyag. tom.ii. p. 85.
(52) Tavernier voyag. tom. i. 1. iv. c. 5. p. 43 4. Chardin, tom. ii. p. 6. Car-
reri, ubi fupra. Le Brun voy, tem. i. p. 197.
the
C. XI.
The History of the Perfians.
65
by the Perfian gulf, called now Pars or Phars; antiently
inhabited by the Meſabatæ, Rapfii, Hippophagi, Suzai,
Megores,
the name of which is fo dif-
ferently written as this of the
capital of Perfia (53). Among
Europeans it is ufually written
Hifpahan, or Ifpahan; it is alfo
called Spaha, Spachea, Afpahan,
Izpaan, and Spahon. The Nu-
bian geographer calls it Aba-
hawn; and the Perfians them-
felves pronounce it as it is
written in the text, Spauharn;
which orthography we have
taken the freedom to, intro-
duce, fince the beſt writers are
divided on this head: Taver-
nier, and Sir John Chardin,
write it Ifpahan, Dr. Gemelli
Carreri, Spahon; M. le Brun,
Spahan: but all thefe authors
agree, that the inhabitants pro-
nounce it in the manner we
have ſpelled it. The etymo-
logy of the word is no lefs
difficult to be diſcovered, than
the manner in which it fhould
be written. Before the time of
Tamerlane, it is faid to have
been called Sipahan, from the
prodigious number of its in-
habitants; Sipe, in the old
Perfic, and Ubeque language,
fignifying an army; and the
plural thereof, Sipahan, con-
fequently fignifying armies.
Another derivation there is
from an Arabic word, fignify-
ing a battalion (54). But it
is time to quit thefe dry in-
quiries for fomething more
ufeful, as well as more enter-
taining, fince, in the defcrip-
tion of Perfia, it would be an
unpardonable fault to omit an
(53) Holficin embaſſadors travels.
Supra, p. 86.
VOL. V.
exact account of its capital,
efpecially as we are ſo well
furniſhed with noble materials
in the travels of Sir Thomas
Herbert, the Holstein embaffa-
dors, M. Tavernier, Sir John
Chardin, Dr. Gemelli Carreri,
M. le Brun, and others. Char-
din, and le Brun, have each of
them given us a copious de-
fcription thereof, adorned with
copper-plates; from whence
it is as eafy to form a juſt idea
of it, as of London or Paris. All
who fpeak of Spauhawn, are
agreed that nothing can be
more beautiful in nature than
the fituation thereof: it ſtands
in a plain fpacious and fertile,
furrounded with mountains,
which defend it alike from the
fultry heats of fummer, and
the piercing winds of the win-
ter-feafon. Through this plain
run feveral rivers, which wa-
ter Spauhawn, and contribute
alike to its ornament and uſe.
The firft of theſe is the river
Zenduroud, over which there
are three fine bridges. This
river takes its rife in the moun-
tains of Jayabat, three days
journey from the city, and is
but a fmall ftream of itſelf;
but Abbas the Great cut a cha-
nel, whereby he brought a
britker and more confiderable
ftream to fall into this river,
for the greater convenience of
his favourite metropolis; by
which contrivance the Zender-
oud is as broad at Spauharn
in the fpring, as the Seine is at
Tavernier, voy. ubi fupra. Carreri, ubi
(54) Halftein ambaſſadors truncis, ubi jupra.
F
Paris
66
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Megores, Stabæi, &c. Antient cities of note were Perfe-
polis, the noble metropolis of the antient Perfian empire;
Paris in the winter. The
united waters of theſe rivers
are ſweet, pleaſant, and whol-
fome, almoſt beyond compari-
fon, as indeed are all the
fprings which are found in the
gardens belonging to the houſes
of Spauhawn. The river
brought by Abbas into the Zen-
deroud is called Mahmoud. We
fhall have occafion to ſpeak
both of it, and the Zenderoud,
in another place. Befides thefe,
there are two more ftreams,
which run very near each
other, and are both compre-
hended under the name of Ab-
correnge: one of theſe is pretty
confiderable, its waters being
at all times deep, and, gene-
rally fpeaking, equal; for
which reaſon ſeveral attempts
have been made to bring it to
enter the Zenderoud. King
Tahmas, in the fixteenth cen-
tury, expended an exceffive
fum of money on a project of
this fort, without fuccefs: Abbas
the Great did the fame thing,
on another project, but with-
out effect; which did not,
however, difcourage Abbas the
fecond from twice endeavour-
ing at the fame thing, in
which likewife failing, it is
now looked on as a thing im-
practicable (55). The extent
of Spaubarwn is very great, not
lefs perhaps than twenty miles
within the walls: theſe are of
carth, poorly built, and fo co-
vered with houfes, and fhaded
(55) Chardin voy. tom. ii, p, 2, 3,
Axima;
with gardens, that, in many
places, it is a difficult thing to
diſcover them; which is a de-
fect not peculiar to this city,
but is common to moft of the
great towns in Perfia ; whence
many travellers have been led
to repreſent them as not walled
at all.
at all.
The Perfians them-
felves are wont to ſay, Spau-
hawn nifpe gehon; i. e. Spau-
hawn is half the world. It is
certainly a very large and po-
pulous city: but never were
there feen wider accounts than
thoſe which different authors
give us of the number of ſouls
in this city. Sir Thomas Her-
bert fays, in his time there
were 200,000 (56): fir John
Chardin fays, that fome have
reckoned eleven hundred thou-
fand (57); but he is himſelf
of opinion, that it is not more
populous than London. At a
diſtance the city is not eafily
diſtinguiſhed; for the ftreefs
being many of them adorned
with plantanes, and
houſe having its garden, the
whole looks like a wood. The
ftreets, in general, are neither
broad nor convenient, there
being three great evils which
attend them; the firſt is, that,
being built on common fewers,
thefe are frequently broke up,
which is very dangerous, con-
fidering that most people ride;
the fecond is, that there are
frequent wells, or pits, in the
ſtreets, which are no lefs dan-
every
(56) Ubi fupra. (57) Ubi fupra.
gerous s
4
C. XI.
The History of the Perfians.
67
!
:
•
Axima; Marafium, called now Marazu; Toace, the
capital of a diſtrict of the fame name; Pafargada, a
gerous; the third arifes from
the people's emptying all their
ordure from the tops of their
houſes this laft is indeed, in
fome meaſure, qualified by the
drynefs of the air, and by its
being quickly removed by the
peaſants, who carry it away to
dung their grounds. Sir John
Chardin reckons eight gates;
four looking to the eaft and
fouth, and four to the weſt
and north; viz. the gate of
Haffen-Abad, the gate of Fou-
bare, called alfo the gate of
Abbas,the gate of Seidahmedion,
the Dervazedeulet, that is, the
imperial gate, the gate of Lom-
bon, the gate of Tokchi, and the
gate Deredechte: he reckons
alfo fix pofterns. Other au-
thors fay there are ten gates;
but it is agreed, that there is
no difficulty of entering Spau-
hawn at any hour of the day
or night. Whoever has a mind
to make himſelf perfectly
maſter of the names of the,
ſtreets, and even of the houſes'
of this vaft city, may fatisfy
his curiofity, and be very
agreeably entertained, by per-
ufing Chardin's elegant defcrip-
tion of it, which is at once
pleaſant and exact, and equally
fitted to amufe and to inftru&t
the reader. The compafs of
this note will not allow us fo
much as to abridge his curious
account: we fhall therefore
content ourſelves with men-
tioning only the principal
things in Spaubawn, as they
are deſcribed by that gentle-
man, and M, lẹ Brun. To be-
noble
gin then with the royal pa-
lace, which is three quarters
of a league in circumference;
it has fix gates; the first called
Ali Kapefie; that is, the gate
of Ali; the fecond, Haram
Kapefie, or the gate of the ſe-
raglio; the third, Moerbag Ka-
pefie, the gate of the kitchen;
the fourth, Gandag Kapefie, or
the garden-gate, through which
none paffes but the king him-
felf, and his kapaters, or eu-
nuchs, who attend his wo-
men; the fifth, Ghajatganna
Kapefie, or the gate of the tay-
lors, becauſe thoſe belonging
to the king have apartments
near it; the fixth, Ghanna Ka-
pefie, or the gate of the fecre-
tary.
The grandees of the
kingdom, when they go to
pay their court, generally en-
ter the palace by the two gates
firft-mentioned.
2. The Mey-
doen, which is one of the prin-
cipal ornaments of this great
city: it is a grand market, 710
paces long from east to west,
and 210 broad from north to
fouth: on the fouth fide ſtands
the royal palace, and on the
north the Nachroe-chone, a
building wherein are placed
the king's band of mufic: on
one fide of the Mey-doen ftands
the mofque Sjig-lotf- olla,
fo called from one of thei
doctors, who is reputed a faint,
it has a fine dome, adorned
with green and blue ftones in-
crufted with gold, having on
the top a pyramid, on which
are placed three balls of the
fame metal: on the weft fidë
of
F 2
}
68
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
noble city built by Cyrus, and honoured with his tomb i.
As to modern cities, there are many of great note; and,
1 TAVERN. Voy. tom. i. 1. iv. cap. 1. p. 412.
of the Mey-doen ſtands the royal
mofque,extremely magnificent:
at fome diftance from thence
appears the gate called Ali
Kapefie; and between thefe
ftand a range of fine buildings,
adorned with porticoes, full
of fhops. The middle fpace
is taken up, in a great mea-
fure, with tents, under which
all forts of goods are fold;
but theſe are taken away in
the evening, to make room
for the guards, who, with
their great dogs, attend there
all night long in this fpace
the mountebanks erect flages,
diftribute their packets, and
with their antick tricks divert
the populace. In the middle
ftands a pillar, on the fummit
of which the prize is placed,
when tournaments are cele-
brated this prize generally is
either a cup of gold, or fome-
thing of the fame value; and
none are ſuffered to contend
for it but perſons of very high
quality. On the feaft of Nou-
roes, or the beginning of the
year, all the tents are taken
away, and every thing is made
clear, for the more commo-
dious celebration of the carou-
fals which are then performed
in the prefence of the king,
who is feated in a kind of gal-
lery, or theatre, called Talael,
very curiouſly adorned, on the
gate of Ali. 3. Next to this
noble market-place we ought
to mention the principal ſtreet
of Spauhawn, called Chiaer-
amongſt
baeg, i. e. four gardens, one
of the grandeft ornaments of
this city, the fhops therein be-
ing wonderfully magnificent,
and the difpofition thereof, in
every refpect, convenient and
pleafant. 4. From thence runs
the bridge of Allawerdie-Chan,
over the river Zenderoud, 540
paces long, and 17 broad,
built with large ftones: it has
three-and-thirty arches,fome of
which are founded on the fand,
which is firm and ftable; and
through theſe, when it is high
enough, the water flows. There
are ninety-three niches upon
this bridge, fome fhut, fome
open; and the corners thereof
are flanked with four towers :
it has a wall, or parapet, of
brick, with openings at cer-
tain diſtances, which afford the
fineft profpect in the world.
In the neighbourhood of this
bridge are divers pleafure-
houfes belonging to the king,
and gardens ftored with fruit-
trees, and adorned with every
thing elſe that can contribute
to the making them worthy of
their poffeffor. There are fome
other bridges, moſques, and
public ftructures, which de-
ferve to be particularized, if
this note were not already too
long: let us conclude it then
with obferving, that the cita-
del, or fortrefs, called by the
Perfians Tabaroek, is a very
mean ftructure, and in as mean
a condition, its walls being in
fuch a ruinous ftate, that
though
C. XI.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
69
amongſt thefe Schiras, Benaron, Lar, Bender-abaffi or
Gombroon, and Bender-congo, are reckoned the moſt con-
fiderable (M).
though there are fome cannon
mounted upon them, yet they
are never made ufe of, from an
apprehenfion, that the walls
would fall, if thofe pieces were
diſcharged.
·
(M) This country is very
frequently mentioned in an-
tient authors; and therefore
we are the better enabled to
give an account of its former
as well as prefent ftate (60).
Such parts of it as lie towards
the north are hilly and barren,
bearing neither fruit nor corn
fufficient for the uſe of the in-
habitants fome emeralds, in-
deed, are there found, but of
no great value. On the coaft
of the Perfian gulph the foil is
as bad, though of a different
nature, being hot and fandy,
and producing few other trees
than palms but between theſe
there lies a rich and pleaſant
region, abounding with corn,
fruit, and cattle, and better
watered, though but by fmall
rivers, than moſt of the other
regions within this wide em-
pire. The entrance of this
country is narrow and diffi-
cult, defended formerly againſt
Alexander the Great by Ario-
barzanes, a noble Perfian, who
gave a check to that con-
queror's progrefs, and immor-
talized his name by this gallant
performance in the fervice of
his country. As to Perfepolis,
the antient capital of this pro-
:
SUSI-
vince, and of the old empire
of the Perfians, Diodorus Sicu-
lus informs us, that it was the
richeſt city in the world, at the
time that it was fubdued by
Alexander, whofe foldiers, ta-
king it by ftorm, put all the
men to the fword, rifled their
houfes, and carried off im-
menfe quantities of gold and
filver, Alexander referving to
himſelf the treaſures in the ci-
tadel, which had been amaff-
ing there from the time of
Cyrus, the founder of the Per-
fian empire. If this author's
computation be right, he took
thence an hundred and twenty
thouſand talents of gold: in
fine, the fpoil was fo great,
that the neighbouring coun-
tries were conftrained to fur-
nifh mules and other beafts of
burden, befides three thouſand
camels, to carry it off; for he
had conceived fuch a diflike to
the inhabitants of this city,
that he was refolved to leave
them nothing of value; and
thus, as the fame writer ob-
ferves, Perfepolis, once fo fa-
mous for its magnificence, be-
came no lefs remarkable for
its calamity (61). Among the
cities of note at this time, the
principal is Schiras; which,
with the adjacent country, is
thus defcribed by a famous
traveller, in his account of
the road from Spauhawn to
the Indies: "From thence
(60) Strab. 1. xv. p. 501. Plin. l. vi. c. 26. Herod. c. 125.
Sic. lib. xvii. c. 68.
F 3
•
(61) Died.
'
(i, ea
"
70
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Sufiana.
SUSIANA, bounded on the k north by Affyria; on the
weft by Chaldea; on the caft by Perfia; on the fouth by
k ProL. lib. vi. c. 5.
(i. e. Tchelminar) to Schiras
“is an hard day's journey,
eſpecially when the fnow
"melts, for then the road is
"like a fea. The city of
"Schiras, which many will
"have to be the antient Cyro-
"polis, the metropolis of the
“province of Perfia, lies in
78 deg. 15 miles long. and
st 29 deg. 36 miles latitude.
"It is feated in a plain about
four leagues in extent from
"north to fouth, and about
"five leagues from east to
"weft. Upon the fouth-eaft
" is a lake of falt-water about
"four leagues in compafs.
The foil about it is very
"good and fruitful, and
"famous for the beft wines
"in Perfia.
The city itſelf
has nothing handſome in it;
"for it looks more like a
"ruined town, than a city.
"It has no walls, but a bad
"ditch, and the houſes are
"built of earth dried in the
16
fun, and whitened over with
"lime; fo that when they are
"well moiſtened with rain,
they often fall down of
themſelves; only the col-
lege which Iman Kouli-Kan
"built, and fome of the
(6
mofques, are of brick; and
"the best of thefe mofques,
"which is called Sha Shi-
"raque, is kept in fomething.
"better repair than ordinary,
"out of a particular devo-
"tion; but there is nothing
"worth taking notice of in
the
"it. On the north-eaſt ſtands
"an high mountain, which is
"covered with feveral forts
"of fruit trees, of which
"there are fome oranges, le-
"mons, and cypreffes, and at
"the foot of it a ftone bridge,
"from whence there is a ſtreet
"which goes in a ftrait
"line quite through the city.
"This ftreet is walled on
"both fides, and at certain
[
fpaces are feveral gates,
"which have neat little houſes
"built upon them, from
"which is a pleaſant proſpect
"into the gardens planted
"with rows
rows of cypreſſes.
"The ftreets of Schiras are
"fomewhat narrow; but
"there are fome fair ones,
CC
having in the midſt of
"them lovely canals, and ba-
"fons of water very plea-
❝ fant. There are a great
re
many fair covered bazars
"or markets, with great
fhops, well furniſhed with
"all forts of Indian and Turk-
"if commodities, and every
"commodity has its particu-
"lar bazar. In the college
"there are profeffors, who
"have falaries for teaching
"theology, philofophy, and
"medicine; and, 'tis faid, it
"has fometimes 500 ftudents.
"There are in this city three
"or four glafs-houfes, where
"they make great and ſmall
"bottles, to tranſport the
"fweet waters made in this
"city; as alſo ſeveral other
"veffels,
C. XI.
71
The History of the Perfians.
t
the Perfian gulf; is believed by fome to have been the
land of Havilah, called now Chufiftan, inhabited by the
CC
"veffels, to put their pic-
“kled fruits in, which they
"fend in great quantities into
"India, Sumatra, Batavia,
"and other places. They
"make their glafs of a white
"ſtone almoft as hard as
marble, which they fetch
"from an hill four days
journey from Schiras, and
" 'tis as clear and delicate as
any glaſs in the world. It
"is wonderful how they blow
"their great bottles called
caraba, which are a finger
thick, and hold near 30
" quarts of wine. They
"have no manufactures at
Schiras, but a few coarfe
painted cloths, which are
"ufed only by the meaner
"fort. On the north-west
"fide is the king's garden,
"called Bay-fba, which is
"indeed well planted with
"fruit-trees, rofes, and jaf-
"mines; but, for want of
"order, it looks like a wil-
"dernefs. From this garden
"to the hills, is a vineyard
"belonging to feveral per-
fons, two leagues long, and
one broad, which is
"tered with the river Ben-
"demir, which is fometimes
dry in fummer, becauſe it
"never rains there but in
fpring and autumn. The
"wines made here are the
C.C
4C
..
wa-
beft in all Perfia, but they
"make no great quantities
"of them, becauſe they dry
"and pickle good part of
"their grapes. 'Tis an ex-
"cellent ftomach-wine, but
"very strong; fo that, with-
CC
out ſpoiling the taſte of it,
"it will carry two thirds of
water. They fell their
"wine by weight, and not
66
CC
by meaſure; and, putting
"it into cheſts, ſend a great
"deal yearly to Spauhawn
"and the Indies. The people
"of Schiras are very witty,
" and moſt of the best poets
"in Perfia were born here.
"In an antient mofque here.
"lies Scheich Sadi, one of the
"best of their poets, whom
"they honour as a faint.
"The foil about this city
" is very good, and pro-
"duces plenty of all things.
(C
They have all the fruits
"that we have, and oranges
" and lemons in abundance.
They have vaſt quantities of
rofes, from which they draw
"fuch great plenty of rofe-
CC
CC
water, that they furniſh all
"the Indies with it. They
"have a great deal of corn,
“but give much to their horſes
"to be eaten in the blade, be-
"cauſe they ſay, that for want
" of water it would never
"come to maturity. There
"is a great deal of opium
"made at Schiras; for round
"about the town are large
"fields fown with white pop-
pies they have alſo ſtore of
capers, which they ſend in-
"to all parts (62)".
CC
C6
(62) Tavern, in Harris's collec. vol. ii. p. 344.
F 4
two
72
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Curdiftan
1
two nations following; viz. the Elymai and Coffai. Its
capital was the famous city of Sufa, the Shushan of the
Scriptures; and Tariana, by Ammianus called Tarfiana m.
The modern towns of note are Ahawas, Scabar, and
Ram-hormus (N).
n
THERE are two other provinces of the Perfian empire,
and Schir- which need not be deſcribed here, becauſe they have been
wan.
1 Dan. viii, z. Nehem. i. 1. Eſth. i. 2.
CELLAR. geogr. antiq. lib. iii. c. 19. p. 684.
VERN. Voyag. ubi fupra.
(N) Sufiana, as defcribed by
Ptolemy, includes the province
ſtiled Elymais (63); which Pli-
ny alfo obferves to have lain
within the bounds of this pro-
vince, and to have been fe-
vered from it by the river Eu-
lævs (64). It received its
name from Sufa, the capital
thereof, once the royal feat of
the Perfian kings, who were
wont to refide one part of the
year here, and the other at
Ecbatan. Pliny fays, that it
was founded by Darius the fon
of Hyftafpes (65): but this is
not to be taken ftrictly; for
certain it is, that the Darius
he fpeaks of could only be its
reſtorer, fince Strabo pofitively
affirms, that it was built by
Tithonus the father of Memnon
(66); andHerodotus long before
fays,thatSufa was called the ci-
ty ofMemnon(67). It is difficult
to determine whether in plea-
fantnefs, magnificence, or
ftrength, this noble city ex-
celled feated it was, as facred
and profane authors agree, on
the river Ulai, or Eulæus, call-
ed alfo the Choofpes, or ra-
m Apud
n TA-
ther on the confluence of thefe
two rivers; for the Euleus and
the Choafpes, meeting at Suſa,
run together in one ſtream;
and are afterwards ſtiled fome-
times by one name, fometimes
by the other. As to its beauty,
Diodorus affirms, that, when
Alexander feized the palace.
here, he took poffeffion of the
nobleft manfion in the uni-
verfe. Here were preferved
the records of the Perfian em-
pire; and here were laid up
the treaſures of the kingdom,
that they might be made ufe of
on any emergency, and not
be fquandered away at the will
of the prince. Alexander took
from hence nine thousand ta-
lents of coined gold, and forty
thouſand talents of gold and
filver bullion (68). The mo-
dern name of this celebrated
city differs not much from that
by which it was formerly cal-
led, the city of Shuftern being
by fome travellers conceived
to be built at leaft very near
the place where Sufa of old
ſtood (69).
(63) Cellar. geogr, antiq. lib. iii. c. 19. 5. 2. p. 682,
(64) Hift.
nat. lib, vi. c. 27.
(65) Ubi fupra.
(66) Geogr. 1. xv.
(67) Terpfich. c. 54. (68) Diodor. Sicul. lib. xviii.
(69) Tavern, voyag, tom, i. l. iv, 6. I.
p. 500,
C. 66,
treated
C. XI.
73
The History of the Perfians.'
treated of elſewhere already. Theſe are Curdistan •, con-
taining the antient Affyria, and Schirwan P, of old ſtiled
Media. A famous modern traveller 9 tells us, that there
are reckoned, in the dominions of Perfia, upwards of five
hundred confiderable places, walled towns, and caftles,
about fixty thouſand villages, and forty millions of fouls.
As to the air and climate of this country, confidering Climate.
the great extent thereof, it cannot be otherwiſe than varied,
according to the fituation of the feveral parts thereof, fome
being frozen with cold, and others burnt with heat, at
the fame time of the
year. The air, where-ever it is cold,
is dry; but, where it is extremely hot, it is fometimes
moift. In order to give the reader a juft notion of this, it
will be neceffary to obſerve, that all along the coaſt of
the Perfian gulf, from weft to eaſt, to the very mouth of
the river Indus, the heat is, for four months, fo exceffive,
that even thoſe, who are born in the country, unable
to bear it, are forced to quit their houſes, and retire
to the mountains; fo that fuch as travel in theſe parts, at
that ſeaſon, find none in the villages, but wretched poor
creatures, left there to watch the effects of the rich, at the
expence of their own health. The extreme heat of the
air, as it renders it infupportable, ſo it makes it prodi-
gioufly unwholfome, ftrangers frequently falling fick there,
and feldom eſcaping. The eaſtern provinces of Perfia,
from the river Indus to the borders of Tartarý, are ſubject
to great heats; but not quite fo unwholfome as on the
coafts of the Indian ocean, and Perfian gulf: but, in the
northern provinces, on the coaft of the Caspian ſea, the
heat is full as great, and, though attended with moiſture,
as unwholfome as on the coaft before-mentioned. From
October to May, there is no country in the world more
pleaſant than this; but the people carry in their faces in-
deleble marks of the malign influence of their fummers,
looking all of them of a faint yellow, and having neither
ftrength nor fpirits, though, about the end of April, they
abandon their houfes, and retire to the mountains, which
are five-and-twenty or thirty leagues from the ſea. In a
word, the unhealthinefs of this place is fo notorious, that,
when a perfon is fent to the government of Keilan, it is
generally looked on as a kind of difgrace; and the people
at Spauhawn are apt to afk, whether he has robbed or
• CLUVER. geograph. 1. v. c. 14.
P CLUVER. ubi fupr. TAVERN. ubi fupr.
voy. tom. iii. p: 4.
TAVERN. ubi fupra.
9 CHARDIN
mur-
74
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perſians.
murdered to deferve fuch a commiffion. But this moift-
neſs in the air is only in theſe parts; the reft of Perſia en-
joys a dry air, the fky being perfectly ferene, and hardly
fo much as a cloud feen to fly therein. To ſay the truth,
the purity of this element is the greateſt bleffing the in-
habitants enjoy, deriving from thence a clear and florid
complexion, together with an excellent habit of body. It
rains feldom; but it does not follow, that the heat admits
of no mitigation: for, in the night, though not a cloud
be feen, the fky being fo clear, that the ftars alone afford
a light fufficient to travel by, yet there is a briſk wind,
which lafts till within an hour of the morning, and gives
fuch a coolneſs to the air, that a man may diſpenſe with a
tolerable warm garment. The feafons in general, and par-
ticularly in the middle of this kingdom, happen thus; the
winter, beginning in November, and lafting till March,
is very fharp and rude, attended with froſt and ſnow;
which laft defcends in great flakes on the mountains;
but never on the plains. There are mountains, three
day journey to the weſt of Spauhawn, on which the fnow
lies for eight months of the year. It is faid, that they find
there white worms as big as one's little-finger, which, if
crufhed, feel colder than the fnow itſelf. From the month
of March to that of May, there are brifk winds; from
May to September, the air is ferene and dry, refreſhed by
pleafant gales, which blow in the night, at evening, and
morning; and, in September and November, the wind
blows as in fpring. It is to be obferved, that, in fummer,
the nights are about ten hours long, the twilight being
very fhort; which, joined to the coolness of the night,
renders the heat of the day fo moderate, that this ſeaſon is
as fupportable at Spauhawn as at Paris. The great dry-
neſs of its air exempts Perfia from thunder and earth-
quakes. In the fpring indeed there fometimes falls hail;
and, as the harveft is then pretty far advanced, it does a
great deal of mischief. The rainbow is feldom feen in
this country, becauſe there rife not there vapours fufficient
to form it; but, in the night, there are feen rays of light
fhooting through the firmament, and followed, as it were,
by a train of ſmoke. The winds, however brifk, feldom
ſwell into ſtorms or tempefts; but, on the other hand,
they are fometimes poifonous and infectious on the fhore of
THERE
the gulf, as all travellers agree (O).
(0) As to the air and clime
of Perfia, we have chiefly fol-
5
lowed the fo often commended
Sir John Chardin, but never
without
C. XI.
75
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
THERE is perhaps no country in the world, which, Mountains
generally fpeaking, is more mountainous than Perfia; but
thefe mountains are far from being advantageous, fince
without comparing what he
fays with what is faid by other
writers the moſt efteemed on
the fame fubject. M. Taver-
nier and he both agree in re-
porting, that at Spauhawn it
is ufual to inquire whether a
man has robbed or murdered,
who is fent to Keilan (70):
which makes it the more
ftrange, that intelligent per-
fons, who have alfo been on
the ſpot, fhould report directly
the contrary, as has been re-
marked in a former note: yet
after all, fome account may
be given of this matter; nay,
it is to be hoped, fuch a one
as will fatisfy even a critical
reader. There are a few
months in the year, in which
the account given by Olearius
is ftill found ſtrictly true; but,
alas! the reft of the year the
people are in a wretched con-
dition, fly from their habita-
tions, and ſcarce know where
to feek for reft. It was in the
beſt ſeafon of the year, that
the Hellein embaffadors, and
their retinue, croffed this coun-
try: and thus, it ſeems, it came
to paſs, that they reprefented
it as a paradiſe, not fufpecting
that at another feafon of the
year it could be fo intolerable
a place as it really is. As to
the infupportable heat at Gam-
broom, all authors are agreed
about it. M. Tavernier fays,
that people often find them-
felves ftruck by a fouth wind
in fuch a manner, that they
cry, I burn; and immediately
fall down dead (71). M. le
Brun fays, that he was greatly
incommoded therewith while
he was there; and that the
people affured him, that the
weather was at fome times fo
exceffively fultry, as to melt
the feals of letters. At this
time the people go in their
fhirts, and are continually
fprinkled with cold water;
nay, the interpreter belonging
to M. le Brun, and his com-
pany, had a well, in which he
paffed fome part of the day.
Among the inconveniencies
confequent from this malign
difpofition of the air, one of
the most terrible is the ingen-
dering in the arms and legs a
kind of long fmall worms,
which are not to be withdrawn
without great danger of break-
ing them; upon which a mor-
tification enfues. Our author
last-mentioned had therefore
just reafon to fay, that a fe-
verer puniſhment could not be
inflicted even on a heinous of-
fender, than the leaving him in
fuch a place as this: and yet,
as he obferves, there are many
people of worth and good fenfe,
who, for the fake of acquiring
large fortunes in a fhort time,
hazard themfelves here, but
rarely live to enjoy the riches
which they have got (72).
Tavern, tem, i, lie, iv. c. 1. p. 414.
(72) Le Brun coşag.
(70) Chardin. tom. iii. p. 7.
(-1) Tazern, tom, i, lio. v. 6, 23. p. 764.
tom. ii. p. 322.
many
76
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Rivers.
many of them yield neither fprings nor metals, and but a
few of them are fhaded with trees. It is true, that many
of them are fituated on the frontiers, and ferve as a kind
of natural baſtions or ramparts to this vaft region; and, it
is very likely, contribute, in other places, to make the
country wholfome, by fheltering the valleys under them
from exceffive heat. On fome of theſe hills there is found
a kind of mineral falt, which is fold very cheap ¹. As for
particular mountains, we have already mentioned moſt of
them, which deſerved to be taken notice of, in our defcri-
ption of the feveral provinces of Perfia.
In reſpect to rivers, it has been already obferved, that,
except the Araxis, there is not one navigable ſtream in all
this country. There are indeed, in moſt of its provinces,
fome little rivers, which run fhort courfes, and would be
inore confiderable than they are, if, through want of wa-
ter, the inhabitants were not forced to divert their ftreams
by ſmall chanels, in order to fructify their grounds. An
eminent traveller informs us, that this was practiſed anti-
ently much more than of late years; and that from hence,
in a great meaſure, arifes the mighty difference between
the productions of antient and modern Perfia. He affirms,
that a Perfian of great quality, and who was perfectly
acquainted with this matter, informed him, that, within
the ſpace of twenty-four years, no lefs than fourfcore cha-
nels had been choaked up, and loft, in the territory of
Tauris s. As to feas, the northern provinces of the Per-
fian empire lie on the Cafpian lake or fea; of which an
account has been already given at the beginning of this
volume t. On the fouth, the Perfian fhore is waſhed
by the Indian ocean, and by the waters of the Perfian
gulf, or gulf of Balfora, flowing out of the Indian ocean
near the iſle of Ormus, from the ſouth-eaſt to the north-
weft, having Perfia on the eaſt, and Arabia on the weft,
it runs as high as the antient Chaldea, where it receives the
Euphrates and the Tigris, united in one ſtream; and very
few rivers of note befides. It may not be amifs to take
notice here, that the gulf is fometimes ftiled the Red fea,
as well as the gulf of Aden (P).
• TAVERN. Voy. tom. i. 1. iv. c. 1. p. 416.
VERN. voyag. ubi fupra. Pag. 9, & feqq.
(P) As we have remarked,
that there is not above one
AFTER
S TA-
navigable river in Perfia, the
reader need not be furpriſed,
that
C. XI.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
77.
-
AFTER this account of mountains and rivers, and after Soil.
affirming, that there are many of the former, and but a
that we fay fo little of the fe-
veral ſtreams which water that
country; one of them we ſhall
have occafion to ſpeak of un-
der the head of natural rari-
ties; but the river Araxes de-
ferves to be further confidered,
on account of the mistakes
which fome writers have been
guilty of in relation thereto,
occafioned chiefly by the giving
this name
to two different
rivers. Olearius gives us a
very diftin&t account of this
matter, which we fhall there-
fore recite in his own words:
"The 17th we croffed the fa-
mous river of Aras (Araxes)
by the means of a bridge of
"boats near Tzanat: 2. Cur-
"tius fpeaking of this river in
two different paffages, and
in a different fenfe, has not
a little puzzled the antient
"hiftorians and geographers,
who, for the moſt part, put
"it in the fame province, but
"can't agree in the deſcription
"of its courfe; for 2. Curtius,
"in his fifth book, puts it in
66
CC
CC
r
Perfia, and fays its courfe
"is to the fouth; whereas, in
"his feventh book, he makes
"it paſs through Media, and
difembogue itſelf into the
Cafpian ſea: Strabo is no
"lefs dubious; and Raderus,
endeavouring to diffolve this
"knot, by afferting that the
"river Medus before it is join-
"ed with Araxes, has its courfe
"to the fouth, and afterwards
66
66
exonerates itſelf into the
Cafpian fea, is fallen into a
grofs miſtake; for how is it
very
"to be conceived, that the
"river fhould make its way
through the vaft mountain
Taurus, which is fo many
leagues in breadth, and di-
"vides not only allPerfia, but
CC
even Afia itſelf, and fo con-
"tinue its current from Perfe-
<<
polis to the Cafpian ſea ? The
"foundation of the whole
"miſtake lay here, that there
are two rivers which bear
"the name of Araxes, in Per-
<<
66
fia, one in Media, the other
"in Perfis: to the laft, which
"waſhes the walls of Perfe-
"polis (now called Schiras),
2. Curtius has left the right
CC
<<
name of Araxes; but has
"taken the liberty to impoſe
"the name of Tanais upon
"the laxartes, which paffes
"through Scythia, as he has
CC
given the name of Caucafus
"to the eaſtern branch of the
"mountain Taurus; but, with
"what reaſon, I am not able
66
to determine. That which
paffes through Perfis is by
"the Perfians called Bend-
"Emer, from a fignal miracle
"there performed by Ali;
"and difembogues into the
ocean in the Perfian gulf:
"that which we speak of
now, keeps its antient
.
name, and rifes out of the
"mountains of Armenia, be-
"hind the great Ararat ; and,
being joined by many other
"rivers, the chiefeft whereof
CC
are Karafu, Senki, Kerni,
"and Arpa, it turns its cha-
nel, near Karafu, deep into
"the country; and afterwards,
<<
near
78
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
very few to be met with of the latter, the reader will eafily
comprehend, that the foil cannot be generally rich or fruit-
near Ordabath, falls with a
r great noife, which is heard
two leagues thence, in the
plain of Mokan. Its courfe
"there is very flow, and, af-
ter having received into its
"chanel, about 12 leagues
"above Tzanat, the river
"Cur or Cyrus (as large a
"river as itſelf, coming north-
"ward out of Georgia), it
exonerates itſelf into the
Cafpion fea. This fuffici-
ently refutes Ptolemy, and
"thofe who follow his foot-
ſteps, who make the Araxes
"and the Cyrus fall by two
"different chanels into the
<<
CC
CC
Cafpian fea. Thus they
"would have Cyropolis called
"Scamachie, which Maginus
"would infer from the de-
grees of latitude given by
Ptolemy. But, according to
"that fuppofition, theſe two
"rivers must not be placed
46
above, but below the city,
"towards the fouth, it being
certain, that when we tra-
"velled in thofe parts, we
"found the conflux of thofe
CC
two rivers at 39 deg. 54
"min. and the city of Sca-
"machie at 40 deg. 50 min.
"which is 13 leagues thence,
"and under another meridian.
"Neither is there any other
"river within 19 days journey
"of Scamachie on either fide,
"which bears the leaft com-
"pariſon in bignefs, or other-
wife, to this river (73)"
ful,
We fhould not have intro-
duced fo long a quotation, if
it had not been a matter of
confequence, as will appear
in the fubfequent history,
where this account will ferve
to rectify fome points, which
have hitherto confounded even
the best authors. It is but
just to add, that M. Le Brun,
in his travels, confirms pre-
cifely what this author has
faid (74). As to the Perfian
gulf, it is not to be que-
ftioned, but that the antients
ftiled it, as well as the gulf
of Arabia, the Red fea; what
renders it moft remarkable
now, is its pearl-fishery, of
which no doubt the reader
will expect fome account.
They fish for them in many
places of the gulf, but efpe-
cially about the iſlands of
Babamin. This fishery pro-
duces a prodigious quantity
of pearl; Sir John Chardin
fays, more than a million in
a year: the largeſt weigh ge-
nerally from ten to twelve
grains; and, if by chance any
are taken of greater weight,
the fiſhers are directed, under
great penalties, to bring them
to the king's exchequer, which,
it is however believed, they do
not always do (75). This
fishing is performed by divers,
who being carried down to the
bottom of the fea in five fa-
thom water, by the weight of
a ftone fixed to their toes, they
(73) Embaſſadors of Halftein's travels, in Harris's collect. vol. ii. p. 104.
(74) Voyag. tom. ii. p. 158.
(75) Chardin, tom. ii. p. 31.
pick
C XI
79
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
ful, but, on the contrary, fandy and barren. However,
here-and-there the valleys are fruitful, and pleaſant enough.
The earth, in fome places, is fandy and ftony; in others
heavy and hard; but every-where fo dry, that, if it be
not watered, it produces nothing, not even grafs. Rain
is not wholly wanting; it rains however very feldom,
and not enough to keep even the beft lands in a condition
of bearing corn or fruits, without further help; and, even
in the winter, the beams of the fun are fo brifk and fo
drying, that the rain has not much effect: but, where-
ever the foil is fufficiently moiftened, either by natural or
artificial means, it bears wonderfully well. If it fhould
be aſked, how this defcription fuits with what we find
recorded in antient authors of the luxury and profufenefs
of the Perfians; fuch a queſtion is capable of various an-
fwers: for, firſt, Perfia is not now near fo much peopled
as it was heretofore; and confequently there cannot be fo
great a number of labourers, which muft caufe barrennefs
in a country, that produces nothing without cultivation.
Again, it may be faid, that the alteration of government,
and of religion, has, in a great meaſure, produced this
difference: the antient kings of Perfia were mild and be-
neficent to their fubjects; whereas the Mohammedan
princes have been always proud, overbearing, and cruel.
According to the opinion of the Perfees or Gaurs, it was
meritorious to render barren fields fertile; whereas the
Perfians, like other Mohammedans, are fatisfied with what
good things they find, and will not give themfelves the
trouble to labour for pofterity. They look upon life as a
great road, wherein men ought to content themſelves with
fuch things as fall in their way; and, in confequence of
fuch notions, there is no great wonder, that fterility has
enfued, and that modern travellers do not fpeak in the
fame language with Quintus Curtius, Ammianus Marcelli-
pick up there all the fhells
they can fee, as fast as they
can ; and put them into a
baſket they carry down with
them on purpose; and then
rife up again to take breath,
and refresh themfelves with a
pipe of tobacco: thofe who
are in the boat pull up the
baſkets: the divers work but
from one to eleven, and from
eight to three. They fish for
pearls from the end of June
to the end of September: be-
fides the pearl-oyfters, they
catch others in this fea, ex-
cellent for eating (76).
(76) Tevors, in Harris's collect, vol. II. p. 514.
80
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Trees.
▾
nus, and other fuch-like authors. Sir John Chardin
therefore delivers it as his opinion, that, if the Turks were
to inhabit this country, it would grow ftill poorer than it
is; whereas, if the Armenians or the Perfees were to be-
come maſters thereof, it would, from their induſtry,
quickly recover its antient fertility. It muft not however
be imagined, that there is not ſtill, at this day, the ſame
variety, in point of fruitfulneſs, among the provinces of
this extenfive country, as heretofore. Media, Iberia,
Hyrcania, Bactria, are now, in a great meaſure, what
they were, and furpafs moſt of the other provinces in their
productions. All along the coaſts of the Perfian gulf, the
foil is ſtill more barren, cattle lefs plenty, and every thing
in a worfe condition, than any-where elfe. Before we
part with this fubject, we think proper to remark, that
the Perfians are fo fenfible of the fnow's fertilizing their
land, that they examine very curiouſly how high it riſes
every year, there being a ſtone on the top of a mountain,
four leagues from Spauhawn, between two and three feet
high, over which when once the fnow rifes, the peaſant,
who firft brings the news to court, receives a confiderable
reward for his pains ". But it is now time for us to ſpeak
more particularly of the productions of the earth.
AMONG the trees that are moſt common in Perfia, we
may reckon the plantane, the willow, the fir, and cornil, by
the Arabs called feder, and conar by the Perfians; from
whence probably came the Latin cornus, and thence our
cornil. It is a received opinion here, that the plantane has
a fingular virtue against the plague, and all other infectious.
diſeaſes; and they pofitively affert, that there has been no
contagion at Spauhawn fince the planting vaft numbers of
thefe trees in its ftreets and gardens. The tree, which
bears gall-nuts, grows in feveral parts of Perfia; but par-
ticularly in Kourdeftan. The trees, which produce gums,
maftich, and incenfe, are found very commonly in moſt
parts of Perfia; that however, which bears incenfe, is
particularly found in Carmania the Defert, refembling, in
form, a large pear-tree: turpentinc-trees, and almond-
trees, with the wild-chefnut, are common.
The tree
which bears manna, is alfo frequent; but there are fe-
veral forts of manna in Perfia: the beſt is of a yellowish
colour, and of a large grain. It comes from Nichapour,
which is a part of Bactria. There is another fort, called
Voyag. tom. iii. p. 11.
1. iv. c. I. p. 414.
u TAVERN. Voyag. tom. i.
the
C. XI.
81
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
:
the manna of tamarifk, becauſe it is gathered from that
tree. All the different kinds of manna are uſed to the
fame end in medicine, and are therefore gathered with
like care, being eſteemed a valuable commodity, as well as
one eafily difpofed of. The herbs in Perfia, eſpecially Herbs and
fuch as are aromatic, exceed thofe of other countries: drugs.
roots, pulfe, and fallading are larger, fairer, and better-
tafted, than elſewhere, and are eaten raw, without danger
of their creating any crudities in the ftomach. Moft of
our European roots, greens, &c. flouriſh here in great per-
fection; and they would certainly be more cultivated than
they are, if, as in Europe, men were, by religion, re-
ftrained from eating fleſh. As to drugs, Perfia produces
as many as any country in Afia; for, befides manna, caf-
fia, fena, the nux vomica, common in moft provinces,
gum ammoniac, by the Perfians called oufcioc, is found in
abundance on the confines of Parthia, towards the fouth.
Rhubarb grows commonly in Coraffon, or the antient Sog-
diana; but it is not fo good as that which is brought from
the country of the Tartars, between the Cafpian fea and
China; and, for this reafon, they endeavour to confound
both under the name of Rivend-tchini, i. e. rhubarb of
China in Coraljon they eat it commonly, as we do beet-
roots. The poppy of Perfia is efteemed the fineft in the
world, not only in refpect to its beauty, but becauſe its
juice is by far ftronger than the juice of the fame plant
elſewhere. The Perfians call this juice afoun; from
whence our word opium: the beſt is made in the territory
of Lingan, fix miles from Spauhawn; though others pre-
fer the afioon of Cazaron, which is towards the Perfian
gulf, as being lefs apt to ingender crudities in the ftomach,
Tobacco grows all over Perfia, efpecially about Hamma-
dan, which is the antient Sufa, and in Courdestan near the
Perfian gulf, which is efteemed the fineft. The Perfians
themſelves however, who are great fmokers, prefer what
they call tambacou Ingleft, or English tobacco, to their
own; but Sir John Chardin fays, that this tobacco, which
was no other than Brafil, being kept at too high a price,
the demand for it is now quite loft. Saffron is cultivated
in many provinces, and eſpecially about the Caspian fea,
and in the neighbourhood of Hammadan, and is much
efteemed. The plant, by the Perfians called hiltet, and
fuppofed to be the laferpitium or filphium of Diofcorides,
from whence drops the afafetida, is common every-where;
but abounds moft in Sogdiana: there are two forts of it,
the white and black: the white is the leaft eftecmed, be-
VOL. V.
G
caufe
82
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Fruits.
cauſe leſs ſtrong than the black. This juice or gum is, all
over the eaſt, called king; and the Indians confume vaſt
quantities of it, mixing it in all their ragouts and fauces.
It has by far the ſtrongeſt odour of any thing hitherto dif-
covered, fince places, where it has been kept, will retain
its ſcent for whole years; and the veffels, in which it is
tranſported to India, are fo thoroughly impregnated there-
with, that no other goods can be put on board them, with-
out acquiring its ſcent, however carefully packed. Mum-
my of both forts is a great Perfian commodity: the firſt is
taken from embalmed bodies, or fuch as are dried in the
fands; the other is a precious gum, which diftils out of a
rock. There are two mines or fources of it in Perfia, the
one in Carmania the Defert, in the country of Sar, which
is the beft; for it is certain, that there is no bruiſe, cut or
wound, which a drachm of this excellent gum will not
cure in twenty-four hours. The other mine is in Coraf-
fon: the rocks, from whence it diftils, belong to the king,
and all that iffues from thence is for his ufe. They are
incloſed with walls, the gates of which are fecured by the
feals of the five principal officers in the province. Once
a year each mine is opened in their prefence, and all the
mummy that is then found, or at leaſt the greateſt part of
it, is fent to the king's treaſure. It derives its name from
the Perfian word moum, which fignifies literally an un-
guent. The Hebrews and Arabs make uſe of the fame
The Perfians fay, that the prophet Daniel taught
them the uſe and preparation of mummy.
Cotton is very
common over all Perfia; but there is a tree, which ſome-
what reſembles it, but is by far inore rare, which produces
a fort of filk, very fine and foft, and of which many ufes
are made.
Galbanum is likewiſe common in this country,
together with the vegetable alkali; and many other drugs,
which do not deferve to be mentioned here ".
term.
IN fpeaking of the fruits of Perfia, melons certainly
claim the first place. They have above twenty forts of
them here; the firft are called guermec, i. e. forced by heat.
They are round and ſmall, a ſpring fruit, infipid in the
mouth, and confequently no-way pleafant. The people,
however, fanfy them prodigioufly wholfome, and, on their
firſt coming in, eat, for a fortnight or three weeks toge-
ther, twelve or thirteen pound-weight each day; nay, an
author of good credit, and a phyfician, fays, that fome
" TAVERN. Voyag. tom. i. 1. iv. c. 2. p. 418. CHARDIN,
tom. iii. p. 12. CARRERI, tom. ii. p. 209.
eat
C. XI.
The History of the Perfians.
83
eat thirty pounds of them at a meal, without feeling any
inconvenience therefrom. For four months in the year, in
which melons are plenty, the common people eat hardly
any thing elſe; and Sir John Chardin fays, that they eat
more of them in Spauhawn in a day, than throughout all
France in a month. The beſt grow about a little borough
called Craguer de, on the borders of Tartary, from whence,
though it be thirty days journey, they are brought to Spay-
hawn, for the uſe of the king. The people in general are
fo fond of melons, that they take great pains to preſerve
them in certain repofitories, during the laſt months of the
year, and even till they are again in ſeaſon. After the
melon, the raifin deferves our notice, of which there are
twelve or fourteen forts in Perfia. The moſt eſteemed are
the violet, the red, and the black: they are fo large, that
one of them is a good mouthful. They preferve grapes
all the winter in Perfia, putting them up in paper-bags on
the vines, in order to preſerve them from the birds. In
Courdeftan, and about Sultania, where they have abun-
dance of violets, they mingle their leaves with the dry rai-
fins, which at once give them a fine tafte, and render
them more wholfome. The beft grapes, in the neighbour-
hood of Spauhawn, are found on the vines belonging to
the Gaurs, or antient Perfians; for they, being permitted
by their religion to drink wine, take the more pains in
cultivating theſe trees, which, for the fame reaſon, are
neglected by the Mohammedan Perfians. The dates of Per-
fia are, without compariſon, the richeſt in the world, their
fyrup being fweeter, and more pleaſant, than virgin-honey.
The beſt grow in Courdestan, Siftan, about Perfèpolis, and
the ſhore of the Perfian gulf; and particularly at Faron,
a town in the road between Schiras and Lar. Strangers,
however, ought to eat very moderately of this fruit, other-
wife it is apt to overheat the blood fometimes to ſuch a
degree, as to create ulcers; but the inhabitants never feel
any fuch inconvenience. Dates grow in clufters on the
palm-tree, which is the higheft of all fruit-bearing trees,
and has no branches but at the very top. It produces fruit
at fifteen years growth, and continues bearing till it is
two hundred years old. All our European fruits grow in
great perfection here: their apricots are excellent, and of
feveral forts: nectarines and peaches weigh fometimes fix-
teen or eighteen ounces each; they break eafily, and,
what is very extraordinary, the ftone opens at the fame
time the peach is broken, and diſcovers a kernel extremely
white, and of a tafte the most delicious that can be ima
G 2
gined,
84
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Grain.
gined. The Perfian pomgranates grow of feveral colours,
in the higheſt perfection, fome of them weighing a full
pound. To fum up all, it may not be amifs to mention
the particular places where the feveral kinds of fruit are
held moſt excellent: apples and pears grow to the higheſt
perfection in Iberia; dates in Carmania; pomgranates
about Schiras; oranges in Hyrcania; and all forts in Bac-
tria, which produces finer and fairer fruit, than any other
country in the world; but it is particularly renowned for
its onions, at once prodigiouſly large, and fweet as apples.
Piftaches, almonds, hazels, filberts, and figs, abound here
likewife; and Sir John Chardin tells us, that, at an enter-
tainment near Spauhawn, he ſaw fifty different kinds of
fruit provided for one deffert ".
Florveis.
THE grain moft common in Perfia is wheat, which
is wonderfully fair and clean. As for barley, rice, and
millet, they only make bread of them in fome places, as
in Courdeftan, when their wheat-bread is exhaufted before
the return of harveſt. They do not cultivate in this coun-
try either oats or rye, except where the Armenians are
fettled, who make great uſe of the latter in Lent. Rice
is the univerfal aliment of all forts of people in Perfia: for
this reafon they are extremely careful in its cultivation;
for, after they have fown it in the fame manner with other
grain, they, in three months time, tranſplant it, root by
root, into fields which are well watered, otherwife it would
never attain that perfection, in which we find it there,
fince it is fofter, fooner boiled, and more delicious to the
taſte, than the fame grain in any other part of the world.
It may be, its tafte is, in fome meafure, heightened by a
practice they make ufe of to give it a gloffy whitenefs, viz.
by cleanfing it, after its being beaten out of the hufks, with
a mixture of flour and falt *.
THERE are in Perfia all the forts of flowers which are
to be found in Europe, but they are not equally common
in all the provinces of this empire; for there are fewer
forts of them, and fewer of each fort, in the fouthern pro-
vinces than in the reft, exceffive heat being more deſtruc-
tive to them than froft; which is the reafon that in India
they have fewer than in Perfia, and that thofe in Perfia
have more vivid and delightful colours than thofe cither in
India or Europe. Hyrcania, in this refpect, excels the
W CHARDIN. tom. iii. p. 23. TAVERN. Voyag. tom. i. 1. iv.
c. 2. p. 418. CARRERI, tom. ii. p. 209.
X CHARDIN.
ubi fup. p. 101.
reft
C.XI.
85
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
•
reft of Perfia as much as Perfia does other countries.
There are there whole forefts of oranges, the jeffamin
fingle and double; and there all the flowers we have in
Europe, with many we have not, are profufely ſcattered
by nature. The moſt eaſtern part of this country, which
is called Mazanderan, is a perfect parterre: from Sep-
tember to the end of April, the whole country is covered
with flowers as with a carpet, and the fruits are then in
their beſt ſeaſon, the exceffive heat, and the malignity of
the air, deſtroying them in fucceeding months. Towards
Media, and on the fouthern frontiers of Arabia, the fields
are adorned with tulips, anemonies, ranunculufes, of the
brighteſt red, all fpringing of themſelves: in other places,
as in the neighbourhood of Spauhawn, jonquils grow wild,
· and fubfift all the winter. To recite all that is faid on
this fubject, by fuch as have travelled through Perfia,
would not be agreeable to the defign of this work: let us
content ourſelves therefore with adding, that roſes of un-
common beauty are frequent here, the bufhes bearing
often three different-coloured roſes on one branch, viz.
yellow, yellow and black, and red. Pietro della Valle,
who reports that the Perfians are wont to make uſe of art
in dying their roots, in order to give different colours to
their flowers, is, in this circumſtance, contradicted by Sir
John Chardin, who affirms, on the contrary, that their
gardeners have little or no fkill; and that the nobility of
Perfia are fo far from being curious in fuch things, that
they take no pleaſure in walking in their gardens, how-
ever beautifully and richly adorned; but content them-
felves with fingling out fome fpot or other, on their firſt
coming in, where they fit down, and ſmoke, and drink
coffee, as long as they remain therę › (Q).
Y CHARDIN, tom. iii. p. 26.
P. 420. CARRERI, tom. ii.
P. 3.
(Q) Though there is fcarce
a province in Perfia, which
does not produce wine, yet
the wine of fome provinces is
much more eſteemed than the
wine of others; but Schiras
wine is univerfally allowed to
be the very best in Perfia; in
fomuch that it is a common
proverb there, that to live
y
ME-
TAVERN. tom. i. 1. iv. c. z♪
LE BRUN, tom. i. p. 227.
happily one muft eat the
bread of Yezd, and drink the
wine of Schiras. They do
not make uſe in this country
of wooden veffels, as we do,
for keeping their wine; but
preferve it in earthen veſſels,
which they take care to have
well glazed, otherwife they
would imbibe a great quantity
G 3
of
86
B.I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
=
Metals or
METALS of all forts are frequently found in Perfia,
Minerals. eſpecially of late years; and fince the reign of Abbas the
Great, who was at immenfe pains to fearch them out,
and to make the beſt uſe of mines where-ever they were
diſcovered, iron, copper, and lead are become very com-
mon; but of gold and filver there are no mines open at
prefent. As Perfia is a very mountainous country, and
as thoſe mountains produce fulphur and faltpetre, if the
inhabitants of this country were as active and inquifitive.
as amongſt us, there is no doubt to be made, but that
gold and filver both might be found in fome part or other
of the Perfian dominions. In the country of Guendamon,
near a town called Kervan, four leagues from Spauhawn,
there is a filver mine, which has been formerly wrought;
but, through the ſcarcity of wood, its produce has never
equalled its expence; and it is therefore become a proverb
in Perfia, to fignify an unlucky undertaking, that it is
like the mine of Kervan, where they lay out ten to receive
nine. There were alfo filver mines in Kirman and Ma-
zanderan, but they are now abandoned for the fame rea-
fon. Mines of iron are found in Hyrcania, in the north-
ern Media, in Parthia, and Bactria; but it is not fo
pliable as fome European iron. This may be owing in-
deed to the unfkilfulneſs of their workmen, and may be
likewiſe the reaſon why the ſteel that is made from it
(and which ſome of our travellers have improperly called
their mines of fteel, there being no mines of that metal,
but it being all done by art) is there fo brittle and uſeleſs,
Sir John Chardin tells us, that it is not worth above fix-
pence a pound; and is fo full of fulphur, that if you caft
fome of the filings of it into the fire, they make a report
as loud as gunpowder. It is fine and clofe, and almoſt
as hard as a diamond; but, on the other hand, it is fo
very brittle, that the Perfian artifts, who know not how
to correct this, are able to make no very valuable inſtru-
ments thereof. It has moreover this ill quality, that, by
giving it too fierce a fire, it may be burnt and deſtroyed.
The Perfians call both this, and the ſteel of the Indies,
of the wine. Theſe pots are
fet in very handfome order in
their caves or cellars; thefe
too being as much adorned as
fuch places will admit of, and
have always a reſervoir of wa-
ter in the middle of them, that
upon occafion people may be
entertained there, and drink
wine out of the reach of the
fun (77).
(77) Tavern, tom. i. 7. iv. 6. 2. p. 420.
fteel
C. XI.
87
The Hiftory of the Perfians."
ſteel of Damafcus, in order to diſtinguiſh it from European
fteel. Copper is found in greateft quantity at Sary in the
mountains of Mazanderan; there are alfo mines of it in
Bactria, and towards Cafbin; it is however poor, and
not fit for ufe, till mingled with either Swedish copper, or
copper of Japan. The lead mines are towards Kirman
and Yefde. Minerals are alfo found in Perfia in vaft
abundance; fulphur and faltpetre are taken out of the
mountain of Damavend, which feparates Hyrcania from
Parthia. Salt is made here by nature without the leaſt
affiftance of art, as are alfo fulphur and alum. There are
two forts of falt in Perfia, that found on the earth, and
rock-falt; nothing is more common than to meet in this
country with plains, fometimes ten leagues in length,
covered intirely with falt, and others covered in like
manner with fulphur or alum. In Media, and at Spau-
hawn, the falt is dug out of mines, and is as hard and firm
as fire-ftone; nay, in Carmania the Defert, the people
actually uſe it as fuch in building their houſes. Marble,
free-ſtone, and flate, are found in great plenty about Ha-
madan: the marble is of four colours, white or ftatuary,
black, red and black, and white and black. The beft is
found about Tauris; it is almoſt as tranſparent as cryſtal;
its colour is white, mingled with a pale-green; but it is fo
foft, that ſome have queftioned whether it be really a
ftone or not. In the neighbourhood of the fame
city they find azure; but it is not ſo good as that of Tar-
tary. In Hyrcania, and efpecially in Mazanderan, the
petroleum or naphthe is met with, of two forts, black and
white; but the richeft mine in Perfia is the turqucife.
There are two forts of this precious ſtone, one at Nicha-
pour in Coraſſon, and the other in Phirous-Cou, or mount
Phirous, between Hyrcania and Parthia, four leagues
journey from the Cafpian fea. This mountain derives its
name from an antient king of Perfia, who fubdued this
country, and in whoſe time the mine was found; nay, the
very ftones carry his name alfo: for, though we call them
turquoiſes, becauſe they come from the true and proper
Turky, yet, throughout the east, they are ftiled phirouze.
They have, of late years, difcovered another mine of the
fame fort of ftones; but they are by no means fo valuable.
They are commonly known amongſt us by the name of tur-
quoifes of the new rock, to diſtinguiſh them from thoſe
taken out of the antient mines, which belong intirely to
the king, who, after felecting the moſt beautiful, fells the
reft to merchants. The reafon why thefe late-difcovered
G4
tur-
88
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Beafts
tame and
wild.
turquoiſes are leſs valued than thoſe of the old mines, is,
becauſe they are lefs beautiful in their colour; and what
colour they have is not thoroughly fixed; but grows paler
by degrees, and at laft wears almoft quite out 2.
THE horfes of Perfia are the moſt beautiful in the eaſt,
though they are not fo much eſteemed as thoſe of Arabia.
They are higher than our faddle-horſes, and their limbs as
well-proportioned as can be imagined. Though there are
great numbers of them, yet, confidering how much they
are uſed, and the great demand made for them by the ſub-
jects of the mogul on one fide, and of the grand fignior on
the other, they are held at a very great price, a fine horſe
being fometimes valued at a thouſand crowns.
Next to
horfes, we may reckon mules, which are much eſteemed
here, and are very fine; and, next to thefe, we may juftly
place affes, of which they have, in this country, two forts,
the first bred in Perfia, heavy and doltifh, as affes in other
countries are; the other originally of an Arabian breed,
the moſt docile and ufeful creature of its kind in the world.
Theſe are uſed wholly for the faddle, and are very fre-
quently adorned with fine accoutrements, becauſe of their
eafy manner of going, and their being very fure-footed.
The clergy, that have not great benefices, affect to ride
much on thefe Arabian affes; and, on this account, theſe
animals are alſo kept at an high rate, a good aſs being
worth at Spauhawn twenty-five piftoles.' Camels are nu-
merous in Perfia, and fo much in efteem, that they are
called kechty-krouch-konion, i. e. the fhips of the land, be-
cauſe the inland trade is carried on by the help of thefe
camels, as the foreign by fhips. To defcribe this animal
particularly here, would be improper, fince they are rather
more in ufe among the Arabians than among the Perfians:
we ſhall only obferve, that the Perfians make uſe of three
forts, a ſmaller, a larger, and a fwifter kind of camel than
are common elſewhere. The largeſt camels will travel
with a load of twelve or thirteen hundred weight: the
ſwifter kind of camel is called revatrie; i. e. the goer; be-
cauſe they trot as faſt as an horſe can gallop. It is worthy
of notice, that theſe creatures are managed intirely by the
voice, thoſe who direct them making ufe of a kind of
fong; and according as they keep a quicker or flower time,
the camel moves brisker, or at its ordinary pace. As beef
is little eat in Perfia, their oxen are generally employed in
་
Z CHARDIN, tom. iii. p. 28. TAVERN. tom. i. 1. iv. c. 2.
P. 221. CARRERI, tom. ii. p. 212.
plough-
C. XI,
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
89
{
ploughing, and other forts of labour. Hogs are no-where
bred in Perfia, if we except a province or two on the bor-
ders of the Caspian fea. Sheep and deer are very common
throughout all Perfia: and, as to the former, fir John
Chardin affures us, that he has feen flocks of them, which
covered four or five leagues of pafturage. As to beafts of
chace, they are not fo common here as in mofſt of the
countries of Europe, becauſe it is, generally ſpeaking, de-
void of woods; but in Hyrcania, which abounds with them,
deer of all forts, and gazels, are found in great abundance.
The gazel is a creature common throughout the eaſt; and
fo many of them have been brought into Europe, that they
need not any deſcription. As to wild beafts, there are not
a great number of them in this country, for the fame rea-
fon which has been before affigned, with refpect to beaſts
of chace, except in Hyrcania, where, in the woods, there
are great numbers of lions, bears, tygers, leopards, &c.
ſo that the antients ſpoke very truly of Hyrcania, when
they called it the country of wild beafts. One thing,
however, is to be remarked, that neither here, nor through-
out all Perfia, are there any wolves; but the chakal, or
jackal (a creature which makes a terrible noife, and which
many good writers take for the hyaena), is common
every-where; and has this peculiar quality, that it tears
up dead bodies, if the graves are not carefully watched. As
to infects, the drynefs of the air prevents our having much
to fay about them: there are, however, in fome provinces,
prodigious numbers of locufts, or grafhoppers, which
come in fuch clouds as to obfcure the air. In certain parts
of the Perſian dominions, they have large black ſcorpions,
fo venomous, that fuch as are ftung by them die in a few
hours in others, they have lizards frightfully ugly, which
are an ell long, and as thick as a large toad, their fkins be-
ing as hard and tough as that of the fea-dog: they are faid
to attack and kill men fometimes; but that may be doubt-
ed. Among the reptiles of this country there is a long
worm, called by the inhabitants hazar-pey; i. e. thouſand
feet its whole body is ftuck with ſmall feet, with which
it runs prodigiouſly faft; it is longer and fmaller than a
caterpiller; and its bite is dangerous, and even mortal, if it
gets into the ear ª.
搞
​THERE are in Perfia all the ſeveral forts of fowl which Birds.
we have in Europe, but not in fuch quantities, becauſe
2 CHARDIN, tom. iii. p. 32.
TAVERN. tom. i. 1. v. c. 3.
P-423. CARRERI, tom. ii. p. 215.
they
90
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
they are chiefly bred and taken care of by the Armenians,
who have frequently capons fatted to fuch a degree, that
they are killed for nothing but their greafe. There are,
however, vast number of pigeons wild and tame; and as
the dung of pigeons is the beſt manure for melons, they
keep great numbers of them all over the kingdom; fo that it
may be on juft grounds prefumed, that no country in the
world has fuch a number of pigeon-houſes: they are moſt
of them fix times as large as any we have in Europe,
built of brick, and plaftered on the outfide, every thing
being difpofed in the moſt convenient manner poffible,
for the prefervation of thefe creatures. In the neigh-
bourhood of Spauhawn they reckon more than three thou-
fand of theſe pigeon-houſes, chiefly erected for the pre-
fervation of the dung, which is fold for about three-pence
the dozen pound: the Perfians call this manure tchalgous;
i.e. enlivening. It is a great diverfion among the lower
fort of people, in town and country, to catch pigeons,
though it be forbidden; for this purpoſe, they have pigeons
fo taught, that, flying in one flock, they furround fuch
wild ones as they find in a field, and bring them back with
them to their mafters. People who follow this trade are.
called kefter-perron, or pigeon-ftealers; and there are ſome
fo addicted to it, that they will lie out whole days, in the
very depth of winter, in order to carry on this fooliſh and
wicked employment; for, under the notion of wild pi-
geons, they take every body's pigeons they can find. The
partridges of this country are the largest and fineft in the
world, being generally of the fize of our fowls. As to
water-fowl, they have geefc, ducks, cranes, herons, and
many other forts: but they are more plenty in the northern
than the fouthern provinces. The finging-birds here are
of the fame kinds we have in Europe; the nightingale is
heard there all the year, but chiefly in the fpring; mart-
lets, which learn whatever words are taught them; and
another bird of the fame fize, called by them noura,
which chatters continually, and repeats very pleaſantly
whatever it hears. As to birds of a larger fize, the moft
confiderable is the pelican, by the Perfians called tacab,
i. e. water-carrier, and alfo mifc, i. e. fheep, becauſe it is
as large as one of thofe animals. Its feathers are white and
foft, like thofe of a goofe; its head is much larger in pro-
portion than its body, and its beak from eighteen to
twenty inches long, and as thick as a man's arm; under this
beak it has a fack or pouch, in which it preferves a quan-
tity of water, for moiſtening its food; it ufually refts this
long
C. XI.
91
The Hiftorry of the Perfians.
long beak on its back, which would otherwife incommode
it very much: the pelican lives chiefly upon fiſh, in taking
of which it fhews an admirable contrivance, by placing its
beak in ſuch a manner, under the water, as to catch them
as it were in a net: when it opens its throat, the paffage is
large enough for a lamb: it is called the water-carrier, be-
caufe in Arabia, and other places, where water is hard to
be had, it makes its neft at a great diſtance from ſtreams,
or wells, foreſeeing, as is fuppofed, that there will be lefs
danger of diſturbance in fuch places, though this ſituation
obliges the bird to fly fometimes two days journey for a
ſupply of water for her young, which fhe brings in the fack
before-mentioned; and hence the fables of the antients, of
the pelican's tearing her breaſt open to feed her young.
There are in Perfia various birds of prey; and, in the moun-
tains, about fifteen or twenty leagues from Schiras, there
are ſome of the largeſt and fineſt in the world: the people
take great pains in teaching them to fly at game; and the
king has generally eight hundred of thefe birds, each of
which has a perfon to attend it. The Perfian lords are
likewife great lovers of falconry, and even the common
people practiſe it much; for neither this, nor fhooting, nor
hunting with dogs, is forbid to the meaneft man in
Perfia b.
WE fhall divide the fiſhes of Perſia into freſh and falt- Fiſh.
water fiſh: As to the first, they are not very plenty, be-
cauſe there are no great rivers in Perfia; however, there
are of theſe three kinds, thofe of the lakes, of the rivers,
and of the kerifes, or fubterraneous paffages. Thofe in the
lakes are carps and fhads; the river-fifh is chiefly barbel,
which is alſo the fort of fiſh commonly inet with in the
fubterraneous chanels; they are very large, but by no
means good, and their eggs are particularly danger-
ous; which is generally attributed to their never behold-
ing the light of the fun, but living altogether in theſe foul
and cold ftreams. There are, in the river at Spauhawn,
a great number of crabs, which crawl up the trees, and live
night and day under the leaves whence they are taken, and
are eſteemed a very delicious food. As to fea-fiſh, no coun-
try is better ſerved; the Cafpian ſea, as we have ſeen before,
contains very fine fifh on one fide, and the Perfian gulf, on the
other, is believed to have more fiſh in it than any other fea
in the world. They fifh there twice a day, morning and
b CHARDIN, tom. iii. p. 38. TAVERN. tom. i. 1. iv. c. 3.
P. 225. CARRERI, tom. ii. p. 214.
evening;
92
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Natural
evening; and fuch fiſh as are not fold by ten o'clock in the
morning, or before fun-ſet, are thrown back into the fea.
There are taken, on the coafts of this gulf, a fort of fiſh,
for which they have no particular name; its fleſh is of a
red colour, very delicious; and fome of them weigh two
or three hundred pounds: its fleſh will take falt, like beef,
but it cannot be kept long, becauſe the ſalt in this country
is very corrofive: for which reafon, whenever they intend
to keep fiſh or fleſh, the inhabitants content themſelves with
drying it, either in the air, or by the help of ſmoke c.
As we have now examined the productions of the air,
rarities. earth, and waters of Perfia, we are next to ſpeak of the
natural rarities which are to be found in this large empire.
Of theſe, the firſt we are to take notice of is a certain poi-
fonous fhrub, or plant, by the Arabians called chark, by
the Perfians gulbad-famour, i. e. the wind-poiſoning flower;
it flowers like the thiftle, and has pods filled with a thick
white liquor, of the confiftence of cream, fharp and four
to the taſte it is affirmed, that where-ever the wind blows
over a number of theſe plants, as it does frequently in Car-
mania the Defert, it thence contracts a poiſonous quality,
which proves mortal to the next that refpires it . There
is likewiſe another ſhrub in the fame country, viz. Carma-
nia the Defert, fingularly noxious; it is called kerzehre,
i. c. affes poiſon, becauſe thoſe creatures are apt to eat of
its fruit, which generally proves mortal. The very wa-
ter that waſhes its roots is likewife held to be poifonous.
The trunk of this fhrub is as large as a man's leg, and it
fometimes grows to the height of fix feet; its bark is re-
markably rough, and of a bright green colour, its leaves
perfectly round, with a rifing point in the middle; it
bears a fort of flower exactly reſembling the rofe, of a kind
of fleſh-colour: whence it is apprehended, that the Greeks
called it rhododendron. The Arabians, as well as the Per-
fians, call it the gall, or poifon of an afs. Some are of
opinion, that it is the nerium of our herbalifts, and the
fame plant that is called in French rofage. The goats,
both wild and tame, which feed on the fhore of the Perfian
gulf, afford the bezoar fo much efteemed in medicine; but
the very beſt is taken out of theſe creatures, in the province
of Coraffon, or Bactria; and is thought to excel by far the
bezoar of Golchonda, and the reft of the Indies. The na-
CHARDIN, tom. iii. p. 44. TAVERN. tom. ii. 1. iv. c. 11.
P. 424. CARRERI, tom. ii. p. 210. d CHARDIN, tom. iii.
c
P. 13.
• Ubi fupra.
turalifts
C. XI.
93
The History of the Perfians.
turalifts in Perfia give it as their opinion, that the more dry
and hard the food is on which the animal lives, the more
falutiferous and efficacious the bezoar found in it proves.
Coraſſon, and the coafts of the Perfian gulf, are allowed to
produce the dryeft herbage in the world. It is no fable
what has been reported, as to the formation of bezoar; for
there is generally found in the core of ſuch ſtones one or
more pebbles, a little fprig of bramble, or other buſh,
ſometimes a thorn-ftick, &c. round which, by a continual
acceffion of matter, the ball of bezoar conglomerates, and
is formed this ftoneis here found in fheep, as well as in
ma-
goats; but it is not fo in the Indies. Its very name is of
oriental extract, and ſhould be wrote pe-zaor, i. e. poiſon-
killing; for the eaſtern people held it heretofore to be one
of the ſtrongeſt counter-poifons: quacks, however, were
thoſe who commended it moft; and its virtues were rather
taken upon truſt, than fupported by experience: the num-
ber of the credulous being great, raifed its price very high;
but of late years it is much funk in its reputation, as well
in the eaſt as in Europe, it being now regarded chiefly as
a fudorific, and even reckoned no very extraordinary
thing in that claſs. The manner of giving it in Perfia is
thus; they either fcrape or powder it, and put about two
or three grains for a dofe, into a ſpoonful of rofe-water :
while it was dear it was often counterfeited; and the
terials made uſe of to this end were, generally fpeaking,
fome alexipharmic powders, mingled with refin and
Spanish wax. It may not be amifs to obferve, that the
poliſh which bezoar-ftones generally have, is artificial; for
when they are taken out of the creature, their outſide is of
a rough greenish hue, juft as the ftone appears within £.
The abmelec, or eater of locufts, or grafhoppers, is a bird
which better deferves to be defcribed, perhaps, than moſt
others of which travellers have given us an account, be-
cauſe the facts relating to it are not only ftrange in
themſelves, but fo well and fo diftinctly attefted, that,
however ſurpriſing they may feem, we cannot but afford
them our belief. The food of this creature is the locuft,
or graſhopper: it is of the fize of an ordinary hen, its fea-
thers black, its wings large, and its fleſh of a greyifh co-
lour; they fly generally in great flocks, as the ftarlings are
wont to do with us: but the thing which renders theſe
birds wonderful is, that they are fo fond of the water of a
certain fountain in Coraffon, or Bactria, that where-ever
f CHARDIN, tom. iii. p. 19.
that
94
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
that water is carried, they follow; on which account it is
carefully preferved; for where-ever the locufts fall, the Ar-
menian priefts, who are provided with this water, bring a
quantity of it, and place it in jars, or pour it into little
chanels in the fields: the next day whole troops of theſe
birds arrive, and quickly deliver the people from the lo-
cufts & (R). The river Mahmoudker, i. e. Mahmoud the
deaf, is a furprifing natural rarity. At fome diftance from
Spauhawn there is a range of rocks, plain and equal for a
confiderable ſpace, except that here and there they have
openings, like the embraſures in baftions, through which
8 CHARDIN, tom. iii. p. 40. TAVERN. tom. i. lib. iv. c. 3.
P. 426.
(R) Sir John Chardin has
given us, in his deſcription
of Perfia, the following paf-
fage from an antient traveller,
in relation to this bird (77).
"In Cyprus, about the time
"that the corn was ripe for
"the fickle, the earth pro-
"duced fuch a quantity of
cavalettes, or locufts, that
they obfcured fometimes the
fplendor of the fun. Where-
Co
CC
ever theſe came, they burnt
"and eat up all; for this
"there was no remedy, fince,
<<
66
66
as faſt as they were de-
ftroyed, the earth produced
more: GoD, however, raif-
"ed them up a means for
"their deliverance, which
<<
«ር
happened thus. In Perfia,
near the city of Cuerch, there
«is a fountain of water,
"which has a wonderful pro-
"perty of deſtroying theſe in-
"fects; for a pitcher full of
"this being carried in the
<<
open air, without paffing
through houſe or vault, and
"being fet on an high place,
"certain birds which follow
<<
CC
it, and fly and cry after the
men who carry it from the
"fountain, come to the place
" where it is fixed. Theſe
"birds are red and black, and
fly in great flocks together,
"like ftarlings; the Turks and
"Perfians call them mufuli-
<<
nans. Theſe birds no fooner
came to Cyprus, but they
deſtroyed the locufts with
"which the iſland was in-
"fefted; but, if the water be
(C
fpilt or loft, theſe crea-
"tures immediately difap-
<c
pear; which accident fell
" out when the Turks took
"this ifland; for one of them
"going up into the ſteeple of
Famagusta, and
and finding
"there a pitcher of this wa-
CC
ter, he, fanfying that it con-
"tained gold of filver, or
"fome precious thing, broke
"it, and ſpilt what was there-
"in; fince which the Cypriots
"have been as much tor-
"mented as ever by the lo-
"cufts (78)."
(77) Voyag. de Villamont, p. 97. ap. Chardin, tom. iii. p. 40. (78) Voyag.
de Villamont, p. 97. ap. Chardin, tom. iii. p. 42.
the
C. XI.
95
The History of the Perfians.
the winds paſs, with furpriſing velocity: through thefe
rocks falls the river we mentioned into a noble baſon, part-
ly wrought by the water itſelf, and partly formed by art.
Ás one afcends the mountain, certain natural chinks fhew
the water at the bottom of it, like a fleeping lake, covered
with rocks and mountains: it is thought to be of unfathom-
able depth; and, when ſtones are thrown into it, they cauſe
a moft amazing noife, which almoft deafen the hearers;
whence this river is fuppofed to derive its name. After its
deſcent from the baſon before-mentioned, it rolls along the
plain, till at laſt it falls into the river Zenderoud. Some
are of opinion, that this river does not derive its water from
fprings, but from the fnow on the tops of the mountains,
which, melting gradually, diftils through the chinks of the
rocks, into the vaſt lake before-mentioned and this, they
think, is in forme meaſure proved from the acrimonious
taſte of theſe waters, which is, however, loft, after it joins
the Zenderoud ¹. Under a certain mountain called Tagte-
ruſtan, ſo called from the ruins of a building on the fum-
mit thereof, fuppofed to have been erected by the great
Ruftan, there runs a grotto, which deferves a place among
the natural rarities of Perfia. From the top of this grot
there diftils through the whole mountain, in two or three
places, freſh water, which, falling into proper receptacles,
forms two or three diftinct ftreams, which iflue from
thence to water the plain. In this grotto, about the be-
ginning of April, a great number of Indians affemble, to
celebrate a feaft in honour of an hermit or faint of theirs,
who lived long here; and the whole cave is full of ſhreds
or rags of people's garments, who have come hither to be
cured of their difeafes, and have found relief. Not far
from hence there is a mountain, where they pick up a fort
of blue ftones, very hard and ſhining, which they make
ufe of in adorning their mofques, tombs, and other public
buildings. We might add a multitude of other articles of
this nature, if the defcription of Perfia did not already be-
gin to fwell under our hands; though we have uſed all the
caution in our power to prevent its containing any thing
which may not be uſeful and inftructive, as well as enter-
taining, to the reader. Let us now pafs to the artificial ra-
rities of the country.
To begin then with the antient Perfepolis, the ruins of A defcri-
which ſtill teſtify the truth of what fome antient writers ption of
have affirmed, that, in the times of its profperity, it was Perlepolis.
▲ CHARDIN, tom. ii. p. 2.
5
one
96
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
one of the moſt auguft cities in the world (plate I. and II.);
when we confider all things, when we compare the defcri-
ptions of travellers with each other; when we confider
what is recorded of other cities, and what is ftill to be feen
of thoſe that were most famed; we fhall be induced to
confefs, that the Perfian empire, in all its grandeur, could
boaſt of nothing more glorious, nor have left any thing
more aſtoniſhing to pofterity, than the venerable ruins of
this city. Should we pretend to give a full account of theſe
noble remains, it would extend much farther than it is
reaſonable this chapter fhould go. We are writing a geo-
graphical deſcription of Perfia, in which we ought to
omit nothing that may give the reader a diftinct idea of
this country, or which may give him a clearer light into
the hiſtory which is to follow; but, in doing this, we are
to remember, that this geographical defcription, and this
hiſtory, are but fections of a far greater work; and there-
fore we muſt have a care, that it be of a piece, and not
reſemble a ſtatue, with the body and arms of a man, and
the hands, or even the fingers, of a giant. For this reaſon,
we ſhall contract the many and diffufive accounts, which
have been given us by eye-witneffes of theſe noble remains,
into fuch a compafs, as may give our readers an idea of
their grandeur and magnificence, and fhew them, at the
fame time, how ufeful fine draughts, and exact relations,
of them may be towards fettling many points of antient
hiſtory, and giving us juſt notions of the fpirit and genius
of that nation, whofe metropolis this was. In doing this,
we ſhall not involve ourſelves in the difputes of travellers,
or attempt to decide, whether Le Brun be in the right in
his criticifins, or whether they be not rather invectives
againſt Sir John Chardin. Our bufinefs is to give a fuc-
cinct detail of what has been faid of Perfepolis by authors
antient and modern; and, as to what is controverted
among them, we ſhall give it in a note (S), to avoid both
(S) In order to give the
reader fome idea of the diffi-
culty we have met with in col-
lecting this article, we fhall
here infert a conciſe ac-
count of fuch authors as have
written on this fubject, and
whoſe defcriptions we have
peruſed. The first is Sir Tho-
mas Herbert, who, in his tra-
the
vels, has a long relation not
only of what himself ſaw at
Perfepolis, but of what has
been faid by antient authors
on that head. He has given
us alſo a ſpecimen of the cha-
rafters which are to be ſeen in
the tablets belonging to theſe
ruins, which agrees perfectly
well with the drawings of Le
Brun.
Plate 1. Page 06
ست
^^
م یکم که راییه سه یه درد
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1
است مسته
***
***
གཙགས་འབར་བ་ཞན་ས་མ་ས་
ח ת
Ju
བ ན
A Vien of the Ruins of Persepolis as Taken from the Plain N 1:1 the two Beast at the Head of the Grand Staircase 22 the Pilasters in which are the Win
A
1
ར་་་ ་
Plate 1. part 4.
BIMEROR
་མ
19
ஜூரம்
ged Beasts fronting the Hill 3 & 4 the Tombs of the Persian Kings,5 the Grand Staircase. 6. Great and Small Pillars and Pillasters ·
Plate 2.
Another Vien of the Ruins of Perfepolis,
الان
حميدية
من
نیست
لحياة
A.
1
بدست می اید در
with a view of the River Araxis.
קוונת
القبلة الالية
ANALAKUKANGA
ה }נו.*.ווי י
JUSTIN-H
QANUNUNGIS
¢a.---
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•
་་་
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Plate 3
AAA
The Remains of trvo Portals and two tolumns of the Royal Palace of Perſepolis
5
Plate -
4.
The Sphinx in the second Portal of Perfepolis.
1
-
The Sphinx in the first Portal of Perfepolis.
Plate 5.
A Column before the Lofty Edifice of
Perfepolis
Plate. 6.
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་ ་་
、m: iདོ* [
ΣΤΗΣ ΣΤΙΣ ΠΙΣΤΩΣΤΕ ΜΕΤΣ
AKKEN TEH MELPAT TAMackli
KEE«IKIH KLIK-KIKS
MKHK MES TË LENKKI «IKKI
TEXT-KIT-T K- KLKS
wKim Kim Sum 1← T KO FIME
LI=ད།← wJijདིཾད&\ in
ETKEEKT
nJ←k་ii!< « JK i ü i༑
« 《ད!
MIETKI KENKIT BUT KEKKI
KKTKI «-KIT KEE
<ད1-IK iར་
VITTENIMEN KM-i
WELONUENIRE W
NUDE NEMAL
WEDGE AND TRI-STEM
AMKIE-E-MIT-IT-MATKTE
-{t!f ff! i_ = mtL་ འདོ={༑དིཾ་>ད
KIRISHIKIKLISHITANE KELL
PIKKITEN MEMINAN-TAKAISIJANANOL
Hieroglyphics and Characters on the West Side of the Stair Cafe of Perfepolis.
Plate 7.
Q
*
་་་
་་་་་་་་་
1.
SUDAIL
Figures upon
the Windings of the Stair-Cafe, on the East Side
་
KTRONIK TANAWATUMW
:
TUM
Plate &
બાવન વતા ની માં જ
Figures upon the Windings of the Stair-Cafe, on the

Plate 8 Part 2
I
West Side, in the Royal Palace of Perfepolis.
Plate 10.
咖啡
​镇
​咖
​•
1
Portals on the West Side of the Royal Palace of Perſepolis.
Plate 12
Plate 13
Plate 9
-༄
BRUMMUMIETT
A Portal of Perfepolis.
A Piece of the Side of a Window fill'd with Characters.
1 Portal of Periepolis.
Plate 11.
W
شد ما يسير الساحة الاربيبة المنارة
The remains of a Portal before the Lofty
Edifice of Perfepolis.
Plate 14.
Plate 17
Plate 16
Plate 15
Other Pieces of the Pilasters.
חיח.
ས་ལྡན་བ་ ོ་
Plate 20
Plate 18
Plate 19
“་-་་
DUQUE
Different Pieces of the Pilasters of Perfepolis.
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་།།ང་
ང་
שונה
..
}
Plate 21.
$3
&
ཀྱང་བལམ་པབྱུང།
街 ​& 82
€
Figures on the Pilafter of a Portal.
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SUB
$
Tate 22
य
A Pilaster of the Portal with a number of Figures on it.
Part of a Pilaster.
Plate 23
1
Plate 29.
The Inside of a Tomb near Perfepolis, belonging to Kings of Perfia
&
Plate 31
།་་
།
-
།།
SKUMIINILENBAKKEN
DUNAUT
MUUBMINIUMITUÍN
A Tomb of the Kings of Persia near Perſepolis, Hewen out of a Rock.
Plate 32.
Heale athUNDAIRE, SE
I
we wsws Me Wemis E HE MISetsheWEW
WISMIS I
bung
azrat:
Plate 27
Piate 28
ग
f
UWIL
CONLAURABHILJA
Another Tomb at Naxi Ruftan.
Tombs at Naxi Ruftan within two Leagues of Perfepolis.
Plate 30
181re..
海
​Figures between the above Tombs Towen out of
a Rock.
Plate 26
Figures half buried. Ditto. Plate 25
Prince Ruftan & another on Horseback?
& another on Horseback Plate 24Two Small Square Edifices
near the Tombs.
C. XI.
97
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
the fwelling of the deſcription, and interrupting the thread
of the hiſtory.
་
Brun. He has likewife in-
ferted his conjectures concern-
ing theſe antiquities, which
are neither improbable nor in-
judicious; but as we ſhall be
obliged to mention moſt of
theſe from M. Le Brun, it
would be unneceffary to trou-
ble the reader with them here:
we ſhall therefore only add to
what we have already faid
concerning the remarks of
our worthy countryman, that
the draught which he has left
us of theſe ruins, is far from
being exact, and can hardly
be faid to bear any refem-
blance to the accurate defcrip-
tions of Chardin and Le Brun
(79). Prior in point of time
to Sir Thomas Herbert, but far
inferior to him in every other
reſpect, is the concife defcrip-
tion of theſe remains of anti-
quity, given by our country-
man Mr. Geofry Ducket, who,
in 1658, paffed this way.
The main of what he fays may
be reduced to this, that Perfe-
polis was 12 miles broad from
gate to gate whether this
deferves any credit, or whe-
ther it was the flip of an inad-
vertent author, or credulous
relator, we will not pretend
to determine (80). John Al-
bert de Mandelfloe, who ob-
ſerved theſe ruins in the year
1638, has left us a better de-
ſcription of them than moft
of the writers who went be-
fore him; and as there is
THE
fomething very plain and in-
ftructive in what he writes on
this fubject, it cannot but be
agreeable to the reader to
compare what he has faid
with what we have recorded
in the text. The foundation or
ground-work on which this vast
Structure was erected, is raiſed
22 geometrical feet, having, at
each of its four corners, a pair
of stairs of white marble, of
95 steps, fo flat and broad, that
twelve horses may go up conve-
niently together in a breaſt.
Before you come to the main body
of the structure itſelf, you pafs
through a square, where you fee
the ruins of a wall, and the re-
mainders of two great gates,
each of which have an horfe
harneffed and faddled after a
very antic manner, carved on
one fide, and on the other tawa
creatures refembling an horſe,
except that they have wings on
each fide; and the head is crown-
ed, and like that of a lion. On
the one fide you fee the ruins of
19 pillars of white and black
marble, the least of which are
8, and fome 10 ells high, with-
out the bafes; but whether they
had been intended for the ſupport
of fome large hall, or were built
purely in the air, is not to be
diftinguished at this time. The
fame author, ſpeaking of fome
unintelligible characters en-
graven on a fquare pillar, tells
us, there are twelve lines of
them fo well proportioned, and
(79) Sir Thomas Herbert's travels, in Harris's colle. vol. i. p. 429.
(80) Account of Mr. Geofry Ducket's travels, in Harris's colle&. vol. i.
P. 526.
VOL. V.
H
nicely
98
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
The plain
THE plain, in which this famous city ftood, is one of
of Perfe- the fineſt in Perfia, and indeed in all the eaſt.
polis.
nicely engraven, that they
carry not in them the leaft
mark of barbarity, but feem
rather to have been wrought
in a nice well-judging age: he
complains of the rudeness of
the inhabitants, who, without
the leaft regard to fo noble
and fo antient a palace, carry
away large quantities of mar-
ble, and other ftone, for the
quicker diſpatch of common
and private buildings; he alfo
deplores the want of perfect
draughts of thefe wonderful
fragments of the antient mag-
nificence of Perfia (81). Sir
John Chardin, in the year
1674, took a view of theſe
ruins, and examined them with
great care and pains, as ap-
pears from the large and par-
ticular account of them in-
ferted in the fecond volume of
his travels. It is true, M. Le
Brun, who ſtayed there a much
longer time than he, and who
had confequently a better op-
portunity of ftudying and de-
fcribing what he faw, than
this gentleman had, attacks
him very warmly on the head
of his defcription; but who-
ever reads, with calmnefs and
candour, what Sir John Char-
din, with great perfpicuity,
and without the least affecta-
tion of learning, has delivered
on this head, will be of opi-
nion, that, how much nicer
and more exact foever the
defcriptions of M. Le Brun
may be, yet both the narra-
Its length
is
tion and the cuts of Sir John
Chardin are excellent in their
kind, and ferve to communi-
cate to us a multitude of ufe-
ful particulars, which are no-
where elfe recorded (82): Dr.
Gemelli Carreri has written a
whole chapter, under the
title of A defcription of the pa-
lace of Darius, and the ruins
of the antient Perfepolis: it is
concife, as all his deſcriptions
are; and the obfervations he
makes, are fhort and weighty,
according to the cuſtom of
Italian authors. He has il-
luftrated his narration with a
few prints, which ferve to
give a competent idea of the
magnificence of this antient
city, and to demonſtrate the
conformity there is between
the feveral accounts of thefe
ruins, coutained in the works
of intelligent writers (83).
M. Le Brun, who arrogates to
himſelf a great fuperiority over
all the writers on this ſubject,
fpent a long time in furvey-
ing, meaſuring, and drawing
views of thefe fragments of
antiquity: he has taken up
inore than thirty folio pages
in defcribing what he faw, and
remarking on the intentions of
thoſe who defigned the feveral
figures, of which he has given
us copies, which are certainly
very ufeful, as well as very
beautiful ornaments
to his
book. Befides, he has written
a long differtation on the dif-
ference between his account
(81) J. A. Mandelflce's travels, in Harris's collect. (82) Chardin, voyag.
tom. ii. p. 140-197. (83) Garreri woyag. tom. ii. p. 246.
and
C. XỈ.
99
:
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
is eighteen or nineteen leagues; its breadth in fome
places two, in others four, and, in fome, fix. It is wa-
tered by the great river Araxes or Bendemir, and by a
multitude of rivulets befides. Within the compafs of this
plain, there are between a thouſand and fifteen hundred
villages, without reckoning thoſe in the mountains, all
adorned with pleafant gardens, and planted with fhady
trees. The entrance of this plain, on the weft fide, has
received as much grandeur from nature, as the city it co-
vers could do from induſtry or art.
It confifts of a range
of mountains, ſteep and high, four leagues in length, and
about two miles broad, forming two flat banks, with a
rifing terrace in the middle, the fummit of which is per-
fectly plain and even, all of native rock. In this there are
fuch openings, and the terraces are fo fine, and fo even,
that one would be tempted to think the whole the work of
art, if the great extent, and prodigious elevation thereof,
did not convince one, that it is a wonder too great for
aught but nature to produce. Undoubtedly thefe banks
were the very places, where the advanced guards from
Perſepolis took poft, and from which Alexander found it
fo difficult to diflodge them. One cannot from hence de-
fcry the ruins of the city, becauſe the banks are too high
to be overlooked; but one can perceive, on every fide,
the ruins of walls, and of edifices, which heretofore
adorned the range of mountains, of which we are ſpeaking.
and that of Sir John Chardin,
wherein the antiquities of Per-
Jepolis are farther explained
(84). From thefe materials a
very copious defcription, and
very curious obfervations,
might have been thrown to-
gether; eſpecially when we
confider, that, befides travel-
lers, feveral other writers of
great eminence, have left us
their thoughts on this fubject;
fuch as the moſt judicious Dr.
Hyde, in his learned book of
the religion of the antient
Perfians; wherein he has ex-
plained, with great knowlege
and learning, fome of the
(84) Le Brun wayag. tom. ii. p. 285.
344..
eniginatical figures reprefented
on the walls and pillars of
thefe antient buildings (85);
but it is our bufineis to hint
only where the curious and
inquifitive reader may be in-
formed at large, as to all the
extraordinary particulars re-
lating to thefe monuments of
the Perfian glory, our defcrip-
tion be ng no more than the
outlines of a regular difierta-
tion on this head; for which,
what has been faid above, and
what we have advanced in this
note, will, we hope, ferve for
a fufficient apology.
(S5) Hyde bißt, relig. vet. Perfè
H 2
On
་
↑
7
100
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
←
On the weft, and on the north, this city is defended in the
like manner; fo that, confidering the height and evenneſs
of theſe banks, one may fafely fay, with a late ingenuous
traveller, that there is not in the world a place fo fortified
by nature. The antient palace of the kings of Perfia,
called by the inhabitants Chil-minar, i. e. forty columns,
is fituated at the foot of the mountain; the walls of this
ftately building are ſtill ſtanding on three fides; and it has
the mountain on the eaſt. The front is in extent fix hun-
dred paces from north to fouth, and three hundred and
ninety from eaſt to weft, quite to the rock, without any
ftair-cafe on that fide, till one comes to the mountain,
where, by the help of certain ragged ſtones, it is eaſy to
get to the loweft part of the wall, where it is not above
eighteen feet ſeven inches in height, and, in fome places,
not fo high. This curtain is four hundred and ten paces
in length on the north, and one-and-twenty feet high in
fome places; but in moft thirty, quite to the mountain,
where is ſtill a corner of a wall, and in the middle an en-
trance, by which one may get up to the top, by broken
pieces of the rock. One finds alfo, before the weft fide,
feveral rocks, which rife towards the north, till they are
even with the wall, appearing like a kind of platform, ex-
tending eighty paces before it. It ſeems as if there had
been a ſtair-cafe antiently on this fide, and fome buildings
without this curtain, the rocks being very ſmooth in many
places. On the top of this edifice, there is a platform of
four hundred paces, which extends, in the middle of
the front wall, quite to the mountain. Along this wall,
and all the three fides, runs a pavement of two ftones
joined together, which fill up a ſpace eight feet broad
fome of theſe ftones are eight, nine and ten feet long,
and fix in breadth; but the reft are fmaller. The princi-
pal flair-cafe is not placed in the middle of the front, but
much nearer the north end than the fouth, being fix hun-
dred paces diftant from this, and only an hundred and fixty-
five from that. This ftair-cafe is compofed of two flights
of ſtairs, forty-two feet afunder at bottom. Its depth is
twenty-five feet feven inches to the wail, from whence.
proceed the fteps, which are as long as the ftair-caſe is
deep, within two inches. Each of theſe ſteps is four inches
high, and fourteen in breadth; fo that nothing can be
more commodious: there are fifty-five on the north fide,
and fifty-three on the fouth; but the latter are not fo whole
CHARDIN, tom. ii. p. 14.1. LE BRUN, tom. ii. p. 261.
as
;
C. XI.
ΙΟΙ
The History of the Perfians.
as the former. Afcending thus high, one meets with a
landing-place, fifty-one feet four inches broad, proportion-
ed exactly to the breadth of the ftair-cafe: the ftones of
this landing-place are of an extraordinary fize. The two
flights of the ftair-cafe are feparated by the wall of the
front, but in fuch a manner, that they decline from each
other from the bottom up to the middle, and incline to-
wards each other from the middle to the top; which has a
wonderful effect on the eye, and fuits perfectly well with
that magnificence which reigns throughout every other
part of the building.
The upper-part of this ftair-cafe confifts of forty-eight
ſteps on one fide, and on the other, fome of which are da-
maged, notwithſtanding they are cut in the rock. At the
top of theſe there is another landing-place, between the
flights of ſtairs, feventy-five feet broad, paved with great
ftones, fome thirteen or fourteen feet long, and feven or
eight broad ¹ (T).
1
1 LE BRUN, ubi fupr.
(T) In the defcription in
our text, we have adhered
pretty cloſely to M. Le Brun;
and that for many reaſons:
Firft, becauſe his profeffion,
which was that of a painter,
rendered him more capable of
defcribing minutely, and of de-
figning exactly, all the won-
ders of Perfepolis, than any for-
mer traveller, whom either bu-
finefs or curiofity had led that
way. Secondly, this gentle-
man had, as we have more
than once hinted, determined
with himſelf to confider more
attentively, and to examine
more nicely, thefe relics of Per-
fian architecture, than any other
author had done. Thirdly,
he had not only all the authors
we have mentioned in our laft
note, but Monf. Chardin's cu-
rious plans, to direct him, and,
it may be, to correct him, in his
notions on this head. Fourth-
ly, there is fuch an agreement,
CHARDIN, ubi fupr.
To
in material points at leaſt, be-
tween his accounts and thoſe
of Chardin, notwithstanding
his affecting, on all occafions,
to quarrel with that gentle-
man's fentiments, that we did
not think it at all neceſſary to
trouble the reader with any
particulars of a difpute of no
great importance in itſelf, and
which, though proſecuted with
warmth, feems to have been
commenced out of vanity. It
may not be amifs to obferve
here, that the fame of theſe
ruins has for the two or three
last centuries been fo great, and
the defires of the virtuofi to fee
exact plans of them ſo ſtrong,
that fome have ventured to
publiſh the conceptions of their
own brains for the antiquities
of Chelminar. Such was the
view of Perfepolis fent into the.
world by Sebaftian Serlio, an
Italian architect, in his account
of noble buildings antient and
H 3.
•
modern
102
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians,
The ruins
To ſpeak now of what is to be feen when one is amongſt
of Perfe- theſe ruins: the firft thing that falutes the eye in a ftrait.
polis.
line, forty-two feet diftant from the front before-deſcribed,
are two great porticoes, and two columns (plate III.).
The pavement of the firft is much damaged by time; and
the fecond is funk five feet lower than the former. Theſe
porticoes are twenty-two feet four inches in depth, and
thirteen feet four inches in breadth. One fees, in the
front of each pilafter, a large figure cut in bas-relief,
twenty-two feet in length from its fore to its hind feet,
and fourteen feet and an half high. The heads of theſe
animals are intirely deftroyed; their breaſt and feet project
from the pilafter; and their bodies are very much damaged.
Thofe of the firft portico front towards the ftair-cafe, and
thofe of the ſecond, which have wings on their bodies,
towards the mountains. One fees, above the pilafſters,
certain characters; but they are fo fmall, and fo high, that
one can make nothing of them (plate IV.). The firſt por-
tico is ſtill thirty-nine feet high, and the fecond twenty-
modern, fince therein are
found juft forty columns, a-
dorned with chapiters of the
Corinthian order, which no
traveller ever had the happi-
nefs to fee. In the voyages
of John Struys, amongſt a
multitude of other ftrange
things, and temerarious affer-
tions, we have a wild defcri-
ption of theſe ruins, and a
wilder plan, faid in the title
page of the book to be drawn
by the author's own hand;
which, if it were, he certainly
drew by guefs, fince it is not
only quite different from the
plans publiſhed by others, but
contains alfo fuch palpable
mistakes as never could have
been committed by an eye-
witneſs of theſe noble works,
eſpecially one who looked on
them with a defign of defcribe-
ing them to the rest of man-
kind. We are not, however,
3
to fanfy, that where-ever tra-
vellers differ in their accounts,
one of them must be miſtaken..
M. Le Brun and Sir John Char-
din vary very little in what
they fay relating to the pillars
yet ftanding at Persepolis; but
there is a confiderable differ-
ence, on this head, between
what they fay, and what we
find recorded in the writings
of Figuera, Herbert, and The-
venot; all of whom teftify
nearly to the fame point.
Time, and the barbarity of
the modern Perfians,who make
very little account of theſe
ruins, have made confiderable
alterations fince they were firſt
deſcribed; and it is very pro-
bable, that whoever fees them
twenty years hence, will find
them not exactly anſwerable
to what is faid of them by
M. Le Brun (86).
(86) Chardin voyag. tom. ii, p. 352.
eight.
C. XI.
The History of the Perfian
eight. The bafes of the pilafters are five fe
high. The figures are not carved out of o
out of three joined together for that purpoſe
fent condition, it is not eafy to decide w
intended for, though many authors have g
their conjectures, of which the reader will
count in the authors cited at the bottom of
pages, will judge for himſelf which is the mo
thofe taken notice of there.
THE two columns, which ftand between
ticoes, are more intire than any other part of
They are of white marble, fluted, and wonderf
tiful, that is, as to their chapiters, and other ori
for, as to their bafes, they are covered with earth.
are twenty-fix feet from the firft portico, and fifty-fix i
the fecond, fourteen feet in circumference, and fifty-four
high. There were certainly two others between theſe and
the laſt portico, of which there are ftill fome remains,
great pieces of marble lying about half-buried in the earth.
Fifty-two feet from the laft-mentioned portico fouthward,
there is a large ciftern, cut out of a whole tone, twenty
feet long, feventeen feet five inches broad, and three fect
above the earth. From thence to the wall, there is a space
of about an hundred and fifty paces, in which one finds
nothing but broken pieces of ftone, and the remains of a
column, which appears to have been unfluted, and therein
differs from all the reft. It is about two feet in compaſs,
and twelve and an half long (plate V.). From it to the
mountain, there is nothing to be met with, but wild heaps
of broken ftones.
TURNING from thefe porticocs to the fouth, one fees,
at the diſtance of an hundred and feventy-two feet, another
ftair-cafe, confifting of two flights of fteps, in the fame
manner as the former, one fronting towards the eaſt, the
other towards the weft. The wall is ftill about fix feet
feven inches high; but, in the middle, it is almoft intirely
ruined. The extent of the eaft flight of ftairs is eighty-
three feet; and it is evident enough from the lowermoft
of them, that they were adorned with figures in bas-relief.
On the top of the ftair-cafe are ftill fome foliages vifible,
with figures, in bas-relief, of a lion tearing a bull, larger
than the life (plate VI.). The ftair-cafe is half-buried in
earth; and one fees certain fmall figures on the wall on
both fides. The weft flight confifts of twenty-eight ſteps
the other, having fuffered more by the acceffion of the
earth, has now but eighteen, each feventeen feet long,
H 4
three
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
B. I.
igh, fourteen inches and an half broad.
y of thefe, towards the top, broken, and
irely deftroyed, though cut out of the rock.
he landing-place from this ftair-caſe, there
whereon there are three rows of fmall
ve another. Of the first row there is no-
e feen, but the parts below the girdle, the
oyed by time. The fecend row, which is
rved, has, notwithſtanding. received yg pat
as to the third, there is
their heads. Theſe figures a
coove
het nine
1
3
()
; and the wall, of which there are fill five
inches above ground, is ninety-eight feet in.
om the firft ftep to its left corner, where
er ftair-cafe, the fteps of which ar exactly o
ame fize with thoſe before-defcribed. From wat remains
of the inner wall, it appears, that it was alfo cover with
fmall figures. At the end of the ftair-cafe, there is another
wall, which extends ninety feet beyond the landing-place.
The corner turns a little to the fouth, and goes no farther,
becauſe the earth is there at the fame height. Returning
to the weft flight of fteps of the ftair-cafe before-mentioned,
we meet with a wall forty-five feet in length beyond the
bottom of the ftair-cafe, with an interval of fixty-feven
feet to the weft front. This fide, like the former, is
adorned with three rows of figures, and a lion tearing a
bull, or an afs, with an horn in its forehead. Between
theſe animals and the figures, there is a fquare ſpace, filled
with characters, of which the higheft are quite effaced.
The figures on this fide are fairer than on the other, the
ground being lefs elevated: there are twenty-five fteps
here. As for the figures on the ftair-cafe, we refer the
reader to the plates VII. and VIII. The wall, beyond the
ftair-cafe, is unadorned with figures.
Ar the ftep of the ftair-cafe, between the two flights of
ftairs, there is an open place, paved with very large ftones,
between the ftair-cafe and the firft columns, which are
twenty-two feet and two inches diftant. They ftand in
two rows, each confifting of fix columns, of which there
is only one remaining intire; eight bafes and fome broken
pieces of the reft. There are fix rows of columns, feventy
feet eight inches diftant from thefe, each row confifting of
fix columns. Thefe thirty-fix columns are twenty-two
feet two inches from each other, as the former are. There
are ſtill ſeven of theſe intire, with the baſes of all the reſt;
but much broken and defaced. Of thoſe which are left,
there is one of the first row, one of the fecond, two of the
third,
CXI The Hiftory of the Perfians.
105
third, and one of each of the reft. One finds, between
theſe columns and thoſe before-mentioned, feveral large
ſtones, heretofore part of fome fubterraneous building.
Seventy feet eight inches weft from theſe columns, towards
the front of the ſtair-cafe, there were twelve columns more,
diſpoſed in two rows, of which there are only five remain-
ing. The bafes of feven more are viſible; and the ground
is covered with the ruins of thoſe which are decayed. One
can diſcover, however, among the fragments of thoſe or-
naments, which lie half-interred, that each of theſe co-
lumns was furmounted by the figure of a camel kneeling
(plate I. p. 96.) To the fouth of theſe columns ſtands the
edifice moſt elevated of any in theſe ruins; but it is neceffary
for us to obferve, that, on the eaft, there are ſtill lifcernible
two rows of columns, confifting of fix each, of which the
baſes of four or five remain ftill above the earth; and, in all
appearance, theſe were oppofed to other rows of columns,
which were in the front. Advancing ftill towards the
mountain, one finds the ruins of many buildings, confifting
of windows, fome of them filled with characters (plate
IX.); paffages, portals, &c (plates X. XI. XII. XIII.).
The porticoes are adorned with figures: and thefe ruins take
up a great ſpace. But, to return to the edifice before ſpoken
of: it extends an hundred and eighteen feet from the co-
lumns; and the wall of its front is yet five feet feven inches
high, compofed of one row of ftones, fome of which are
eight feet broad, extending, from eaft to weft, an hundred
and thirteen feet. There are, before the edifice, certain ftone
foundations ftill vifible; but, what end they ferved, cannot
be gueffed, ſince there is no ſtair-cafe on this fide. This wall
is adorned with no fort of ornament, as the reft are.
There are however two ftair-cafes, one on the north, the
other on the fouth fide; but almoft intirely ruined.
the landing-place, however, we ftill difcover the remains
of porticoes, which an earthquake threw down. All the
reft of the building, which confifts of great and little
porticoes, is intirely ruined: the ground, covered with the
fragments, is about an hundred and forty-feven feet in
length, and nearly fquare. On the north, there are two
porticoes, and three niches or windows walled up; and, on
the fouth, a portico, and four windows open. There are
two other porticoes, which are not covered, on the weſt,
with two openings; and a third to the eaft, with three
niches of windows walled up. Six of thefe openings
are without cornices; and there remains but half an
one to the eaſt. One fees, under the two porticoes on
the north, on each fide, the figure of a man, and two
WO-
106
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
!
women, from the knees upwards, their legs being co-
vered with earth; under one of thofe, on the weft-fide,
there is the figure of a man, fighting a bull, which has an
horn in its forehead; the man holds this with his left-hand,
and ftrikes a poniard into the belly of the beaft with his
right: on the other fide the figures are the fame, excepting
only, that the man holds the horn with his right hand, and
ftabs the beaft with his left. In the fecond portico there is
the figure of a man holding and ftabbing a beaft, refembling
either a deer or a lion, by fuch an horn in its forehead, and
with wings upon its back (plate XIV.). Under the porti-
co to the north, the fame figures are vilible; only the man
combats here a true lion, which he holds by the mane with
his right hand, and ftabs with his left (plate XV.): theſe
figures have half their legs buried under the earth. On
both fides of the portico towards the fouth, there is the
figure of a man, with an ornament on bis head, reſembling
a crown, attended by two perfons, one of whom holds an
umbrella over his head, and the other has fome enfign of
authority in its hand (plate XVI.). Above theſe figures
are three niches full of characters. On the pilafters of the
firſt portico, which are out of their places, and lie near the
flight of ftairs laft-mentioned, there are two men, each
armed with a lance, which the one holds with both hands,
the other only in his right (plate XVII.). One alone of theſe
is intire. There are other pieces of pilafters, fcattered up-
and-down with various figures (plate XVIII. XIX. XX.),
ſome of them very remarkable for the number of figures
they contain, exhibiting, as fome fuppofe, a royal audi-
ence, where the king appears fitting on his throne, with
a footftool, a perfon with a kind of umbrella over his head,
a petitioner before him, and his guards, with fhields,
lances, &c. attending him (plates XXI. XXII. XXIII.).
Behind this edifice, one finds another of much the fame
kind, except that it is thirty-eight feet longer, with a nich
or window blocked up, and another open, with two ftones
ſtanding up, one on the right-hand, the other on the left.
Of thefe, that towards the eaft is broken; the other, to-
wards the weft, is ftill twenty-eight feet high. There are,
on the top of this ftone, three niches or tablets, full of
characters, and a fourth below, which feems to have been-
cut after the reft. The like infcriptions are feen in the
niches or windows before-mentioned, each tablet confift-
ing of one ftone only. To the fouth there are two flights.
of ſtairs, the one to the eaft, the other to the weft; but
of thefe only five fteps are remaining; and, on the wings,
as well on the wall, which feparates them, there are fill
vi.
C. XI.
107
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
viſible ſome ſmall figures and foliages, though half-buried
in the ground. An hundred feet from thence, to the
ſouth, the laſt ruins are found of theſe edifices, confifting
chiefly of porticoes, and incloſed ſpaces of ground; and,
between theſe two heaps of ruins, another ftair-caſe, of
which only ſeven ſteps are remaining; which ferve, how-
ever, to fhew, that antiently they were adorned with
figures and foliages. On the eaft fide of this ftair-cafe,
there are certain fubterraneous paffages, in which the in-
habitants imagine great treaſures are hid. M. Le Brun
entered them, as feveral travellers have done before; but
was quickly obliged to return, without making any difco-
veries, the paffages being fo narrow, and fo dark and moiſt,
that it was impoffible to go far. However, even theſe
experiments are fufficient to fhew, that the conjectures of
the inhabitants are very indifferently founded, fince, from
the ſtructure of theſe vaults, we are left to judge, they were
rather intended for carrying off water, or fome fuch-like pur-
pofe, than to be made repofitories of the royal treaſures".
As to the conjectures of the learned concerning thefe
remains of the magnificence of antient times; the procef-
fions delineated on the walls; the vafes in the hands of
many of the figures; the ſeveral tablets of unknown cha-
racters; and the many hieroglyphical reprefentations which
are ſtill ſeen in thefe ruins; have led fome great men into
an opinion, that this antient ſtructure was a temple, dedi-
cated to the deities worshiped in Perfia. Others, with
much greater reaſon, have delivered it as their fentiment,
that theſe ruins are the fad remains of the antient palace of
Perfepolis, which they think ftrongly confirmed by the
defcriptions, left us by antient authors, of that noble pile
of building. As to the figures in proceffion, thoſe who
adhere to this notion fay, that they reprefent a birth-day
feaſt of one of the Perfian emperors, when his courtiers
were wont to bring him prefents. As to the infcriptions,
they are, generally ſpeaking, illegible even by the Perfees
or antient Perfians themſelves; fo that hardly any argument
can be deduced from them. The hieroglyphics might as
well ſerve for ornaments to a palace, as to a temple; and,
it may be, were fome of the ſpoils of Egypt, brought thence
by Cambyfes's army. However this be, certain it is, that
the habits of thefe figures agree perfectly well with the de-
fcriptions of the old Median and Perfian robes, as they
are recorded in Greek writers. On the whole, therefore,
LE BRUN, vol. ii. p. 268.
it
108
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
it may be preſumed, that, whatever this edifice was, it
was actually erected by the kings of the firft race, fince
nothing feen there carries the afpect of later times; but
whether Cyrus was the founder, or whether this palace was
begun by Darius, and finiſhed by Xerxes, is a point not
eafily, if at all, to be determined. From a view of the
figures viſible on the walls, pillars, &c. it feems probable
to us, that they were enigmatical repreſentations, at leaſt
for the moſt part, of the courſe of the heavenly bodies,
and of the effects produced by them. But of this, and of
the reaſons which incline us to believe it, we fhall take oc-
cafion to diſcourſe more largely in our fection on the reli-
gion of the antient Perfians. The traditions of the ua-
tives, in respect to theſe antiquities, are generally repre-
fented, by travellers, as confufed, extravagant, and not
to be depended on. This may, however, in fome mea-
fure, ariſe from their want of acquaintance with oriental
hiftory, which is not always fo fabulous and incoherent,
as it is repreſented to be. There is, and there ever will
be, a wide difference between the narrative ftile of thefe
eaſtern nations, and that in ufe amongst us. But, as we
fhall elſewhere fhew, even in refpect to thefe ruins, cer-
tainty may be deduced, as well from the hyperbolical
relations of eaſtern writers, as from the artful memoirs of
fome of our weftern hiftorians (V).
(V) In this note we intend
to examine, in as ſhort a com-
pafs as poffible, what antient
writers have delivered con-
cerning the city and palace of
Perfepolis. To begin then with
what is faid by Diodorus Siculus
(87) on this fubject: He re-
lates, that, after paffing the
river Araxes, Alexander met
with near 800 Greeks, moſt of
them old men, fome having
their hands, others their feet,
fome their ears, and ſome their
noſes, cut off, which had been
done by the Perfians of that
diſtrict. This fight ſo incenſed
him againſt the inhabitants of
Perfepolis, that he called, fays
our author, the Macedonians
AT
together, and told them,
"That Perfepolis, the metro-
tr
polis of Perfia, had, of all
"the cities of Afia, done moſt
"miſchief to the Grecians;
“and therefore he gave it up
"to the plunder and ſpoil of
"the foldiers,except the king's
CC
palace. This was the rich-
"eft city of any under the
"fun; and, for many ages,
"all the private houſes were
"full of all forts of wealth,
"and whatever was defire-
"able.
The Macedonians,
therefore, forcing into the
city, put all the men to the
fword, and rifled and car-
"ried away every man's
"goods and eftate; amongſt
(97) Hiftor, 7. xvii. c. 7.
CC
which
C. XI.
109
The History of the Perfians.
AT two leagues diftance from thefe ruins, there is a
famous mountain, feated between two of the fineſt plains
cr
"which was abundance of
"rich and coftly furniture,
"and ornaments of all forts.
"From this place were hur-
"ried away, here-and-there,
"vaſt quantities of filver and
gold, great numbers of rich
garments, fome of purple,
"others embroidered with
gold; all which became a
plentiful prey to the rave-
nous foldiers. And thus
"the royal feat of the Perfians,
CC
**
And
once famous throughout the
world, was now expoſed to
"fcorn and contempt, and
"rifled from top to bottom.
"For though every place was
"full of rich ſpoil, yet the
covetousness of the Macedo-
aians was infatiably ſtill
thirſting after more.
they were fo eager in plun-
dering, that they fought
one with another with drawn
fwords, and many who were
"conceived to have got a
greater fhare than the reſt,
"were killed in the quarrel.
"Some things, that were of
extraordinary value, they
"divided with their fwords,
" and each took a fhare
"others in rage cut off the
" hands of fuch as laid hold
upon a thing that was in
difpute. They firft raviſhed
"the women, as they were in
"their jewels and rich attire,
૬૮
CC
;
" and then fold them for
"flaves: fo that by how
"much Perſepolis excelled all
"the other cities in glory and
(C
66
in
"their miſery and calamity.
"Then Alexander feized up-
<< on all the treaſures in the
citadel, which was a vaſt
quantity of gold and filver,
"of the public revenues that
"had been heaping up, and
CC
worldly felicity, by fo much
"the more was the meaſure of
depofited there, from the
"time of Cyrus the first king
" of Profia, to that day; for
"there were found an hundred
"and twenty thoufand talents,
CC
reckoning the gold after the
rate of filver. Part of this
"treaſure he took for the uſe
"of the war, and ordered
"another part of it to be
"treaſured up at Sufa. To
"this purpoſe, he ordered,
"that a multitude of mules,
"both for draught and car-
rr riage, and three thouſand
"camels, with pack-faddles,
"fhould be brought out of
6،
66
Babylon, Mefopotamia, and
Sufa; and with thefe he
conveyed all the treaſures
"to the feveral places he
"had appointed. For, by
" reafon of his great hatred
"to the inhabitants, he was
"refolved not to trust them
"with any thing, but utter-
ly to ruin and deſtroy Per-
fepolis of whofe palace, in
regard of its ftately ftruc-
ture, we conceive it will
"not be impertinent, if we
fay fomething. This ftate-
CC
CC
CC
6C
rr
CC
:
ly fabric, or citadel, was fur-
"rounded with a treble wall:
"the firit was fixteen cubits
high, adorned with many
fumptuous buildings, and
lofty turrets. The fecond
6 was
110
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
in the world, and which, by the inhabitants, is called by
ſeveral names; fometimes they ſtile it Kabreſton-Gauron,
was like to the first, but as
"high again. The third was
"drawn like a quadrant four-
<<
fquare, fixty cubits high, all
"of the hardeſt marble, and
"fo cemented as to continue
to the lateſt time. On the
"four fides are brazen gates,
46 near to which there are cur-
"tains, or palifades, of the
“fame metal, twenty cubits
CC
high; theſe were raiſed as
"well to ftrike the beholder
<< with terror, as for the
"ftrength and fecurity of the
place. On the eaſt ſide of
"the citadel, about four hun-
"dred feet diftant, ſtood a
"mount, called the Royal
mount; for here are the fe-
"pulcres of the kings, many
.
apartments, and little cells,
being cut into the midſt of
"the rock; into which cells
"there is made no direct paſ-
(C
fage, but the coffins, with
"the dead bodies, are, by
"machines, hoisted up, and
"fo let down into thefe vaults.
"In this citadel were many
ſtately lodgings, both for
"the king and his foldiers, of
"excellent workmanship, and
"treasury chambers, moft
commodiouſly contrived for
"the laying up of money.
"Here Alexander made
fumptuous feaft for the en-
"tertainment of his friends,
"in commemoration of his
6C
rr
<<
а
victory, and offered magni-
"ficent facrifices to the gods.
"At this feaft were entertain-
"ed women, who proſtituted
their bodies for hire, where
i. e.
"the cups went fo high, and
"the reins were let fo looſe to
"drunkenneſs and debauch-
<<
ery, that many were both
"drunk and mad. Among
"the reft, there was at that
"time a curtefan called Thais,
an Athenian, that faid, Alex-
"ander would perform the
"moft glorious act of any
"that ever he had done, if,
“while he was feafting with
"them, he would burn the
palace, and fo the glory
" and renown of Perfia might
"be faid to be brought to no-
"thing in a moment by the
"hands of women. This
CC
fpreading abroad, and com-
ing to the ears of the young
"men (who commonly make
"little uſe of reafon when
"drink is in their heads), one
"of them preſently cried out,
“Come on, bring us fire-brands ;
"and fo incites the reft to fire
"the citadel, to revenge that
"impiety the Perfians had
❝ committed in deſtroying the
"
;
temples of the Grecians. At
"this others, with joy, fet
up a fhout; but faid, that
"fo brave an exploit belong-
"ed only to Alexander to per-
"form. The king, ftirred up
at theſe words, embraced
"the motion; upon which as
many as were preſent, left
"their cups, and leaping
"from the table, faid, they
"would now celebrate a
"victorious feftival to Bacchus.
Hereupon multitudes of
"firebrands were preſently got
together, and all the women
" that
<<
(C
CXI
III
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
i. e. the fepulcres of the Gaurs; fometimes Nachs-Ru-
ftan, the pictures of Ruftan; and fometimes Takt-Ruftan,
i. e.
;
"that played upon mufical in-
"ftruments, which were at
"the feaft, were called for
"and then the king, with
"fongs, pipes, and flutes,
bravely led the way to this
"noble expedition, contrived
"and managed by this whore,
“Thais, who, next after the
66
king, threw a firebrand
"into the palace. This pre-
"cedent was followed by the
"reft; fo that, in a very ſhort
time, the whole fabric, by
"the violence of the fire, was
"burnt to afhes." We have
tranſcribed this long paffage,
to avoid a multitude of quo-
tations; fince feveral authors
have either copied Diodorus, or
the authors made ufe of by
him. Plutarch, in his life of
Alexander, gives us an ac-
count of this tranfaction, little
different from that which we
have juſt feen: indeed he
fpeaks lefs confidently of the
ftory of Thais than Diodorus
does; whence fome have fu-
fpected the truth of it, and
whether Thais had any con-
cern therein, or no. Arrian
fays, that Alexander feized at
Paffargadon on the money
which had been laid up there
by Cyrus; and then adds,
"The royal palace of the Per-
<C
fian monarchs he burnt,
"much againſt the will of
« Parmenio, who intreated him
"to leave it untouched, not
CC
only becauſe it was impro-
"per to defpoil and deftroy
(88) Exped. Alcx, lib. iii. c. 18.
"what he had gained by his
"valour, but that he would
"thereby diſoblige the Afia-
"tics, and render them lefs
"benevolent to him; for they
"would then fuppofe, that he
"would not keep Afia in his
(C
poffeffion, but abandon it as
"foon as it was conquered
"and laid waste. To which
"Alexander made anfwer, that
"he was refolved to avenge
"the antient injuries his coun-
try had received from the
Perfians, who, when they
"arrived with their army in
<<
CC
Greece, fubverted Athens
"burnt their temples, and
"committed many other bar-
"barous devaftations there.
“But this, in my opinion,
"feems to have been no pru-
"dent or politic action of 4-
lexander, and was no revenge
"upon the Perfians at all (SS)."
Strabo fpeaks very concifely on
this fubject; his words are
thefe: "Alexander destroyed
"the temple of Perfepolis, in
"C
revenge of the injuries done
"the Greeks, whoſe cities and
temples the Perſians had for-
"merly deſtroyed with fire and
"fword (89)." Curtius has
nothing fingular upon this
head, except the following
obſervation: "The city of
Perfepolis was fo far from
"being rebuilt, that, unleis
"the river Araxes ran near it,
"there had not been the leaft
<C
fign left to have gueffed
" where it ſtood; that it was
(S9) Geogr. lib. xv. p. 750,
• fituated
112
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
i. e. the throne of Ruftan. This Ruftan, as we have ob-
ferved before, is the Hercules of the eaft, or rather the Ama-
CC
"fituated twenty ftadia from
"the banks of this river, the
"inhabitants rather believe,
" than know with any certain-
ty (go).” In this point,
however, he ſeems to have
been mistaken; for, firft, he is
the only author who fays, that
Perfepolis was ruined. Diodo-
rus fays indeed, that it was
plundered; but, as to burning
and deftroying, what he re-
lates is confined to the palace:
befides, after the death of A-
lexander, he informs us, that
Antigonus, taking five thoufand
talents of filver out of the
treaſury at Ecbatana, marched
into Perfia, and, after twenty
days, arrived at its capital
Perfepolis (91). Arrian alfo
fpeaks of this city, as ftill
ftanding after the deftruction
of the palace; and, if we may
believe the author of the book
of Maccabees, it continued a
great and noble city. What
he fays on this fubject, ftands
thus in our tranflation: "A-
“bout that time came Antio-
"chus, with diſhonour, out of
"the country of Perfia: for
"he had entered the city call-
"ed Perfepolis, and went about
"to rob the temple, and to
"hold the city: whereupon
"the multitude, running to
"defend themſelves with their
weapons, put them to flight;
"and fo it happened, that An-
tiochus, being put to flight
"of the inhabitants, returned
r
re
་
dis;
" with fhame (92)." In the
first book of Maccabees, there
is ftill a
is ftill a more extraordinary
paffage, in refpect to the point
before us: "About that time,
66
fays the author, king Antio-
"chus, traveling through the
"high countries, heard fay,
"that Elymais, in the country
"of Perfia, was a city greatly
"renowned for riches, filver,
"and gold: and that there was
"in it a very rich temple,
"wherein were coverings of
'
gold, and breaft-plates and
"fhields, which Alexander, fon
"of Philip, the Macedonian
"king, who reigned first a-
<<
mong the Grecians, had left
"there. Wherefore he came
"and fought to take the city,
"and to fpoil it; but he was
CC
not able, becauſe they of the
"city, having had warning
"thereof, roſe up against him.
"in battle fo he fled, and
"departed thence with great
<<
heaviness, and returned to Ba-
"bylon (93)." That by Elymais
the author meant Persepolis, we
have all the reafon in the world
to believe, ſince we are certain,
that the latter is only a Greek
appellation, and not the true
name of the city; nor, in all
probability, did the Greeks ever
commit the Perfian name there-
of to writing. One thing we
will venture to obferve here,
which has not hitherto been
remarked by any author; it is
this: Perfepolis, or Perfæpolis,
(91) Diod. Sic. lib. xix. c. 3.
(93) x Mac. c. vi. ver. 1.—4.
(90) Curt. lib. v. c. 7、
c. ix. ver. 1, 2.
(92) 2 Mac.
fignifies
!
C. XI.
113
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
dis; for the ftories they tell of him are alike fabulous and
romantic. Our bufinefs, however, is not with them,
but with the mountain, which is an intire rock, harder
and capable of a better polifh than marble: it is levelled by
art; its fides are perfectly perpendicular, fo that it looks
like a large wall; and upon it there are figures repreſented
in bas-relief, with great ſkill and beauty. The firſt of
thefe, which is about the height of a pike from the
ground, repreſents a combat between two knights, mounted
on horfeback, each of them having an iron mace in his
left-hand he on the right has a bonnet on his head, and
holds out in his right-hand a large ring of iron, of which
the other knight feems to take hold with his right-hand.
All theſe figures, as well of horfes as of men, are gigantic :
and, as to the meaning of the piece, if we truft tradition,
and the Perfian poets, it is thus to be underſtood: they fay,
that one of theſe cavaliers was Ruftan, or Ruftem, the fon
of Sal the white, the fon of Sam, the ſon of Noramon king
of the Indies; the fecond Ruftan, or Ruftem, the fon of
Tahmour king of Perfia. Theſe two princes are faid to
have been engaged in long and bloody wars, and at laſt to
have agreed to determine their quarrels by a combat: the
manner in which this was to be performed was thus: one
extended a ring of iron in his right-hand, which the other
laid hold of, it being previouſly agreed, that whoever could
wrench from the other this iron ring, fhould be eſteemed
the conqueror, and fhould be obeyed for the future by him
who loft it. They fay too, that the king of Perfia, who is
the perfon repreſented by the figure having a long beard,
vanquiſhed the king of the Indies in this engagement. Be-
fides this ring and mace, theſe combatants have iron bul-
lets, hanging by chains at the fides of their horfes, which,
it is to be fuppofed, they let fly at each other, in the ſame
manner as peaſants fometimes fight with their flails (plate
fignifies in Greek no more than
the city of the Perfians. Ely
mais fignifies the fame thing,
as alfo Phars-abad, which Sir
John Chardin conjectures to be
its antient name in the Perfic
tongue: hence, therefore, we
may, with probability, con-
clude, that its moft antient
name was Elymais, derived
from the antient name of Per-
VOL. V.
fia, Elam; that, in proceſs of
time, when Perfia was called
Pharas, this city might be
filed Pharas-abad; and that
the Greeks might tranflate ei-
ther of thefe appellations into
their own language by the
word Perfepolis: all which we
fubmit to the curious and in-
quifitive reader.
I
XXIV.).
$14
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Tombs at
Naxi
Ruftan.
XXIV.). Near this figure there are two others (plate
XXV. XXVI.): but, as to their reprefentation, it is impof-
fible to fay any thing with certainty, fince we are furniſh-
ed with no lights by antient writers, and the traditions of
the modern Perfians, on fuch fubjects, are little to be de-
pended on; though, to fay the truth, the common people
in Perfia are rather more modeft than elſewhere; for, when
they are asked about the meaning of thefe figures, they ge-
nerally fay, GOD knows: nay, their men of learning con-
tent themſelves with affirming, that they relate to the an-
tient heroes of their country, without pretending to enter
into particulars. At a fmall diftance from thefe figures is
the firſt tomb. At fixty paces from this tomb there is an-
other; thirty paces from thence a third; and, at the di-
ſtance of an hundred paces, a fourth; which is the laſt
(plate XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX.). Not far from theſe
tombs are two fmall edifices (plate XXX.). Near the
third tomb are two infcriptions; one fifteen lines in length,
in the character made ufe of in the infcriptions at the pa-
lace of Perfepolis. There are many other curious repre-
fentations carved on this mountain, fome perfectly whole
and found, others much defaced, either through the in-
juries of time and weather, or the brutal zeal of the Mo-
hammedans, who make it a piece of high merit to deſtroy
all kind of imagery ". Should we run into a long difcourfe
on the conjectures which have been, or may be made, in
relation to theſe fepulcres, it would certainly lead us far
out of our road, and turn very little to the improvement of
the reader. On the whole, therefore, we fhall content
ourſelves with faying, that theſe ſtupendous monuments of
antient magnificence are fufficient to fill us with high ideas
of the wiſdom and fublime genius of the antient Perfians,
before fuperftition and flavery took place (X).
Vide CHARDIN, tom. ii.
(X) Befides the tombs fpo
ken of above, there are two
near the ruins of the palace of
Perfepolis, which, Sir John Char-
din fays, appeared to him the
moft curious remnants of an-
tiquity which he beheld there.
They are about fix hundred
paces from the columns; and,
in order to reach them, there
LE BRUN, tom. ii.
THE
is a neceffity of climbing three
hundred paces up the rock.
Thefe monuments are cut and
hollowed into the rock. The
one is on the north, over
against the great ſtair-caſe of
the palace; the front is ſeven-
ty-two feet broad, and its
height about one hundred and
thirty (plate XXXI.). The
plat-
C. XI.
115
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
THE great perfection which appears in theſe antient
works, and thofe of Perfepolis, leaves us no room to
doubt,
platform is fquare, and like
the landing-place of a fair-
cafe; it is about four feet
deep, and is cut into the
mountain on each fide there
are fix figures finely cut, and
exactly refembling thofe in the
proceffion; in the wall of the
palace there are four columns
fronting the fpectator, and ex-
actly in the middle there ap-
pears a door; but it is only the
figure of a door cut in the
rock, and does not feem ever
to have been defigned for a
paffage into any cavity behind
it. Over this there is another
fine piece of workmanship, full
of figures; and, on the fum-
mit, there appears an altar,
with fire burning on it, and a
reverend perfon holding a bow
in his hand, kneeling on a kind
of afcent, over against it, as
if at his devotions. In the
corner of the piece, there is a
round figure, which feems to
reprefent the fun; and in the
middle, as if in the air, there
is a fmall figure of the fame
perfon, whom we fee praying
below, as if he were afcend-
ing into the heavens. The
other tomb, which is on the
caft fide, differs not much from
this which we have defcribed
(plate XXXII.). It has four
columns, a falfe door, and
over it an altar with fire, and
a prince or high-prieft pray-
ing before it, with the deco-
rations that have been men-
tioned before. Some incon-
fiderable differences there are
in the architecture, and in the
difpofition of things, in this
fecond tomb; but we do not
think them of confequence to
be mentioned here. Sir John
Chardin tells us, that the in-
habitants of the country fay,
that Nembroth, or Nimrod, was
buried in the firft, and Dar-
ab, i. e. Darius, in the fe-
cond; but he thinks the firſt
fabulous. And, as to Darius
being interred here, he owns,
it is, in fome meaſure, war-
ranted by the account given
us by Arrian, that Alexander
caufed the body of that unfor-
tunate prince to be embalmed,
and to be fent to his mother,
that he might cauſe it to be
interred in the tomb of his an-
ceflors. It is allowed, that the
fepulcres of the kings of Per
fia were at Ecbatana in Me-
dia; and that at the time Alex-
ander fent back Darius's body,
that country was new-conquer-
ed, and in great diforder.
is not impoffible therefore, that
his mother might caufe him to
be buried at Persepolis. How-
ever, Sir John Chardin himfelf
is of opinion, that the thing
was otherwife, and that thefe
tombs were actually clofed up
before the reign of Darius (94).
It is the firm opinion of the
prefent inhabitants of Perfia,
that in thefe tombs, and alfo
in thoſe deſcribed in the text,
there are concealed great quan-
tities of treaſure, and valuable
(94) Chardin voyag, tom. ii. p. 166.
I 2
It
effects.
16
B.I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
doubt, that thoſe who were the authors of them, might,
if they had ſo pleaſed, have left marks of their ſkill and ge-
effects. It must be faid in fa-
vour of this vulgar notion, that
it has antiquity on its fide;
fince we know, that when A-
lexander conquered this coun-
try, it was expected that migh-
ty fums would be found in the
tomb of Cyrus (95). As on
the other hand, we know that
Jofephus (96) reports a mighty
mafs of money to have been
laid up in the fepulcre of Da-
vid. As we are writing here
a note only, and not a differ-
tation, we fhall not expatiate
further upon this fubject, but
confine ourſelves to theſe very
tombs in the mountain of
Nachs-Ruftem. It is certain,
that not only the common
people, but people of diftin-
tion and learning, concur in
believing, that there are vaft
heaps of gold, filver, and other
rich things, contained in theſe
repofitories of the dead; but
at the fame time they affirm
this, they affert, with equal
confidence, that the paffages
within the tombs form a kind
of labyrinth, out of which a
man can hardly ever find his
way; fo that many have pe-
rifhed in fearch of thefe fup-
pofed mountains of riches,
Sir John Chardin, however,
tells us a ſtory of one who ac-
tually found and bore away
fome of theſe fhining fpoils:
he had it from the mouth of
the bailiff of Mirkafkoun, a little
town in the neighbourhood of
Perfepalis. This man informed
(95) Arrian. expedit. Alex. lib, vi,
(96) Antiq, lib. vii. c. 15,
nius
him, that about two hundred
years before, when this coun-
try was fubject to a prince of
its own, who refided at Schi-
ras, the farmer of his reve-
nues, in this part of the coun-
try, having diffipated his ef
fects, and not being in a con-
dition to pay what was due
from him to the royal trea-
fury, was under the greateſt
dejection of mind, on the re-
ceipt of a meffage from the
grand vizier, threatening him,
in cafe he did not make a
fpeedy payment, with a cruel
death, and with the felling of
his wife and children for flaves,
in order to produce the fum he
was in arrear. The poor man,
diſtracted with fear, and know-
ing not which way to turn,
was thinking of laying vio-
lent hands on himfelf; but,
checking this thought on a
fudden, he faid in his mind,
Why fhould I deſtroy myſelf,
without attempting to throw
off this load of misfortunes
by fome other means? In yon
houſe of idols (fo the Moham-
medans call all places where
there are figures in bas-relief)
every body agrees there are
vaft quantities of wealth con-
cealed: why fhould not I go
look for it? If I fucceed, I
fhall not only pay the king,
but have wherewithal to live
fplendidly myſelf all the reft
of my days; and, on the other
hand, if I perish, I perish;
death is the fame thing in thofe
ult.
Strab, geogr. lib. xv.
c. 730.
tombs
C. XI.
117
The History of the Perfians.
nius in other parts of this empire alfo; or, at leaft, that
their fucceffors might have done fomething in the fame
way. We have already put ourſelves under fuch reftric-
tions as forbid a prolix profecution of this hint; and there-
fore we ſhall content ourſelves with remarking here, that
M. Le Brun takes notice, in his travels, of fome remains.
of antiquity, which he, with two English gentlemen, faw
near a mountain, a league and an half from Schiras, on
the left of the plain. There ſtood here a mofque, called
the moſque of the mother of Solomon, fquare, and about
twenty paces from one corner to the other, having three
porticoes, exactly reſembling thofe at Perfepolis; the first
on the eaft, the fecond on the north-weft, and the third
on the north-eaft: they are eleven feet high, and have on
each pilafter the figure of a woman as big as the life, with
fomething in her hand, in the fame attitude with the
figures on the wall, at Perfepolis. North-eaſt from this
ruined mofque, the fame author fays, there are feen on the
fide of the rock nine ſmall figures, much damaged by time,
and only half of them appearing above-ground; and, on
the north-weſt, a ftone of prodigious magnitude, reprefent-
tombs as here. Having taken
this refolution, he provided
himſelf with lights, and with
fome provifions, and then ef-
fayed to enter the tombs: in
this exploit he was fo lucky,
that he fell into a path which
led him to a large fquare room
full of pieces of gold; of
which he took as many as he
could carry away, and re-
turned home on the fourth
day. But as the fum he brought
back, was not quite fufficient
to pay his debts, he deter-
mined to make another expe-
riment, which proved as un-
fortunate as his firft had been
happy; for, by fome means
or other lofing his way, he
perifhed in the mountain, and
was never heard of more.
Many travellers have taken
great pains themfelves, and,
where their ſpirits have failed,
have hired others to attempt
the finding out the rooms
which are faid to be in this
mountain; but most of them
have toiled in vain, tho' not
all; for Pietro della Valle, an
author worthy of credit, af
firms, that he faw a fquare
room built in the form of a
tower, cloſe on all fides, ex-
cept a door which was almoſt
at the top, and altogether in-
acceffible; this he took to be
a fepulcre. Sir John Chardin
could find nothing like it, but
he declares, he does not doubt
the fact; and tells us farther of
his own knowlege, that theſe
ſubterraneous paffages are re-
ally very perplexed, frequently
crofs each other, and are full
of moiſt vapours, which quick-
ly extinguish the lights (95).
(95) Chardin voyag. vol. i. p. 171.
I 3
ing
18
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
k
ing a cafk, or tun. All the ground thereabouts is covered
with ftones, and most of the pilafters are out of their
places; which could not poffibly have happened but by an
earthquake: the cornice, however, of the middle one, is
very little damaged. A quarter of a league farther, are
feen the ruins of that wall which antiently furrounded this
mofque. And about a league from the mofque, the fame
gentleman tells us, that he faw feveral figures cut in the
rock, divided into three tables: the firſt table contains
three figures, one of which is repreſented leaning with its
hand on a great fword: the ſecond reprefents a man with
fomething not unlike a turban on his head: the third
figure has a mitre on its head, and like the firſt, leans its
hand on the guard of a great fword. They are very much
broken and damaged, fo that it is difficult to defcribe them
particularly for which reafon we may ſuppoſe the au-
thor has omitted the defcriptions of the other two tables. If
we may be allowed to found any thing on the reprefenta-
tions given us in the prints of this accurate traveller, we
may fay with ſome affurance, that theſe figures are neither
fo old, nor executed near fo well, as thoſe on the mountain
of Nachs-ruftem, which they refemble much more than any
thing which is to be feen at Perfepolis. M. Le Brun ſpeaks
frequently of the traditions of the inhabitants, relating to
fuch things as thefe: but there is no neceffity of examining
their accounts here, fince we fhall be obliged to give an
ample account of theſe matters when we come to ſpeak of
the Perfian hiftory, as written by oriental authors. In
the mean time, the reader will be pleafed to obferve, that
the foregoing relation is a direct proof of the opinion we
advanced, that, on a ſtrict inquiry, many more fragments
of antiquity might be found in Perfia, than thofe hitherto
defcribed, and fo highly magnified.
LE BRUN Voyag. vol. ii. p. 299.
SECT.
C. XI.
119
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
SE C T. II.
Of the antiquity, government, cuſtoms, arts, learning,
and trade, of the antient Perfians.
TH
'HE Perfians were, without all doubt, a very antient The origin
nation. Their country was firft peopled by Elam, or, of the Per-
as Jofephus calls him ª, Elymus, the fon of Shem; whence fians.
Perfia is conftantly called by the facred writers Elam: nor
does it appear, that it was known to the Jews before the
captivity, by any other name. The defcendants of Elam
fettled firſt in that province, which from them was called
Elymais; and, by degrees, as their numbers increaſed,
fpread themſelves into Sufiana, and other adjoining pro-
vinces, as appears from Daniel, who places Sufa, the
metropolis of Sufiana, in the province of Elam (Á). All
the Greek interpreters by Elam underſtand Perfia, and, in
the As, the Perfians are called Elamites ". Whence it is
probable, that they were defcended from Elam, of whom
both the country and inhabitants borrowed their name.
How this name was changed into that of Perfia, we have
already fhewn d.
b
THE government of Perfia was monarchical, and the Their go-
crown hereditary. The kingdom of Elam feems to have vernment.
been pretty powerful, even in the time of Abraham; for
Chedorlaomer, king of Elam, who was contemporary with
that patriarch, is faid in Scripture to have invaded the
Zamzummims and Emims, who were of a gigantic race, and
to have taken and pillaged the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah;
tho' he was at laft overthrown by Abraham, who came to
the reſcue of Lot, whom the Elamite had taken prifoner e.
In the time of Jeremiah, Elam mult have been a great and
potent kingdom, as is plain from the prophecy where he
foretels the increaſe of Nebuchadnezzar's dominions; and
a
JOSEPH. antiquitat. c. 8.
ii. 9. a Vid. fup. p. 50.
(A) And I faw in a vifion,
fays the prophet (and it came
to pass, when I ſaw that I was
at Shushan in the palace, which
is in the province of Elam), and
Ifaw in a viſion, and I was by
c Acts
b Dan. viii. 2.
e Gen. xiv. 5. Deut. ii. 20, 21.
the river Ulai. Shushan is,with-
out doubt, the city of Sufa in
Sufiana, which ſtood on the
river Euleus, or, as the pro-
phet ftiles it, Ulai.
I 4
part
120
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
particularly, that he ſhould fubdue Elam, a kingdom on
the river Ulai, to the eastward of the Tigris (B).
The maje-
BUT, to ſpeak here of Perfia as the fecond of the four
fty of their great empires (for, of the kings who preceded Cyrus, we
kings.
ſhall have occafion to give ſome account hereafter); the
Perfian monarchs were under no controul, but governed
by their own arbitrary will and pleaſure: they were revered
by their fubjects like deities on earth, none daring to ap-
pear before their throne, without proftrating themſelves
on the ground, with a kind of adoration. Sperchies and
Bulis, both Lacedemonians, refuſed to comply with this
ceremony, as did alfo, according to Justin, Conon the Athe-
nian; and Ifmenias the Theban declined it, as we read in
Elian &, by letting his ring drop from his finger, and then
throwing himſelf on the ground to take it up: Timagoras,
as we read in Valerius Maximus h, was put to death by the
Athenians for paying this veneration to a Perfian monarch.
In the time of Apollonius none were allowed to appear be-
fore the king, who had not done the fame honours to his
image. While they were in the king's prefence, they were
to hold their hands, fo long as their audience lafted, with-
in their fleeves; for neglecting this ceremony, Antofaces
and Mitraus were put to death, as we read in Xenophon,
by Cyrus the younger. None were fuffered to enter the
royal palace without the fovereign's leave, except the
princes who flew Smerdis: all others, of what rank
foever, before they fet foot in the palace, were obliged
to acquaint the king by a meffenger, that they defired
to attend him, and wait his royal pleafure. What
refpect and obedience his vaffals paid him, we learn
from Herodotus, who tells us, that Xerxes being once in
f JUSTIN. 1. vi.
S ELIAN. var. hiftor. 1. i. c. 21.
VALER. MAXIMUS, 1. vi. c. 3.
(B) Behold, I will break the
bow of Elam, the chief of their
might. And upon Elam will I
bring the four winds from the
four quarters of the heaven, and
will ſcatter them towards all
thoſe winds, and there shall be
no nation whither the outcasts
of Elam fhall not come. For I
will caufe Elam to be difmayed
before their enemies, and before
them that feek their life; and I
will bring evil upon them, even
my fierce anger, faith the Lord;
and I will fend the faword after
them, till I have conſumed them.
And I will fet my throne in
Elam, and I will destroy from
thence the king and his princes,
faith the Lord (1).
(1) Ferem, xlix. 35, & feqq.
great
C. XI.
121
The History of the Perfians.
great danger by fea, many, at the king's defire, ftrove
who ſhould be the firft in leaping over-board, to lighten
the veffel, and fave their prince's life, at the expence of
their own. They all lived in no leſs dread of the king's
wrath than of the anger of the gods: whence they looked
upon the incurring of his difpleafure as the greateſt mif-
fortune that could befal them in life; and were ready, at
the leaſt intimation given them by their prince, to become
their own executioners. The crown was hereditary, and
beſtowed on the eldeft of the deceafed king's lawful chil-
dren. In long or dangerous expeditions, to avoid all
conteſts, the heir apparent was named by the reigning
king, before he fet out on his journey or march. The
new king was crowned at Pafargada, or, as Pliny calls it,
Pafagarda *, by the prieſts, who bore a great fway in the
court of Perfia. This ceremony was performed in the
temple of the goddefs of war, where the king ufed, firft of
all, to cloathe himſelf with the garment which Cyrus, the
founder of the Perfian monarchy, had worn before he was
raiſed to the throne. Being thus attired, he uſed to eat
foue figs, with a fmall quantity of turpentine, and drink a
cup full of four milk; then the tiara, or crown, was
placed on his head by one of the grandees, in whofe family
that right was hereditary, and deemed all over Perfia the
greateſt honour a fubject could enjoy. The king's tiara
was by a peculiar name called cidaris, being a kind of tur-
ban rifing up with a fharp point, without bending; where-
as the other Perfians wore their turbans bending down-
wards to their foreheads, in token of fubjection: however,
the defcendants of thofe, who, with Darius the ſon of Hy-
Stafpes, flew the ufurping Mage, were allowed to uſe a
tiara bending to the middle of their head, and not, as that
of the other fubjects, reaching down to their eye-brows.
Round the tiara the king wore a purple and white band, or
diadem; for nothing elfe is meant by the word diadem, in
the antient writers, but a band of this nature wreathed
round the forehead m. This tiara, with the purple and
white band, is the only enfign of royalty we find among
the Perfian kings of the firſt dynaſty. The king's birth-
day was kept as facred, and celebrated with public fports
in the utmoſt pomp and magnificence. His death was
bewailed by fhutting the tribunals of juſtice for five days :
i HERODOT. 1. viii. c. 118. k PLIN. 1. vi. c. 26. PLUT.
in Artaxerx. m DRUS. obfervat. 1. xii. c. 12. BRIS. 1. i.
P. 44.
5
and
122
B. T.
The History of the Perfians.
and that fire which was worshiped in families as a houf-
hold-god, was, on that occafion alone, extinguiſhed ".
The kings abode was, according to the feafon, 7 months at
Babylon, three at Sufa (C), and two at Ecbatan: whence
they are compared by Elian P to cranes; and by Ariftotle to
the Scythian Nomades, who, by often fhifting their abode,
always enjoyed a temperate feafon. They likewife re-
moved to Pafargada, and fometimes to Perfepolis; which,
at laft, became their ordinary refidence. The king's court,
" DIODOR. SICUL. lib. viii. • ZONAR. annal. lib. i.
? ELIAN. hift. natur. lib. ii. c. 3.
(C) Sufa, called in Scrip-
ture Shuhan, was the mctro-
polis of the province Sufiana.
It was built on the banks of
the river Eulæus, called by Da-
niel Ulai, by Memnon, as fome
fay, the fon of Tithonus, who
was flain by the Theffalians in
the Trojan war (2). Strabo
(3), and Paufanias (4), com-
pare the walls of Sufa even
with thofe of Babylon. Caf
fiodorus tells us, upon what
authority we know not, and
therefore give him no credit,
that the walls of this city were
cemented with gold. Polycle-
tus, as we read in Strabo (5),
would make us believe, that it
had no walls; which is no
lefs improbable, confidering
the kings of Perfia refided
there three months in the year,
and that great part of the
treaſures were lodged in it, as
Diodorus informs us (6). It
was called Sufa, from the ma-
ny
lilies which grew in that
neighbourhood, fays Stepha-
nus,
and in the Perfian lan-
guage bore that name. It is
(2) Strabo, l. xv. p. 500.
(5) Ubi fupra.
Meffen. c. 35.
(7) Herodot, I. v. c. 54.
(9) Strabe, 1. xv. p. 503.
alfo called Memnonia by Hero-
dotus (7), and others, from its
founder Memnon.
In Scrip-
ture it is conftantly named (8)
the palace; but, befides the
king's palace, there was, with-
out all doubt, a city, as is
plain from all the profane
writers. The city was fhel-
tered by a high ridge of moun-
tains from the northern winds,
which rendered it very agree-
able during the winter; but in
fummer the heat was ſo parch-
ing, that the inhabitants were
forced to cover their houſes,
as Strabo writes, with earth
two cubits deep (9). Sufa
was, in antient times, a weal-
thy and magnificent city: A-
lexander found in it fifty thou-
fand talents of gold, befides
jewels of an ineftimable value,
and an immenfe quantity of
Here
gold and filver veſſels.
Abafuerus kept his great feaſt,
which lafted one hundred and
eighty-three days. It lies now
in ruins, and is known, as Ta-
vernier informs us, by the
name of Schoufier, or Sufter.
(3) Strabo, ubi fupra. (4) Paufan.
(6) Diodor. Sic. I. xvii. c. 66.
(S) Dan. viii. 2. Nehem. i. 1. Efb. i. 2.
or
C. XI.
123
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
ན
or palace, had many gates, and each gate a body of guards,
whofe duty it was not only to defend the king's perfon,
but to inform him of whatever they faw, or heard done, in
any part of the kingdom: whence they were called, fome
the king's ears, others, as Ariftotle 9 informs us, the king's
eyes. To thefe meflengers were fent from the moſt re-
mote provinces of the empire, when any thing happened
worthy of the king's knowlege; and befides, they received
immediate intelligence of any fudden commotion by means
of fires, which were always ready at ſmall diſtances from
each other, and lighted when occafion required: fo that
they could, in one day, receive notice of any tumult, re-
bellion, or invafion, in what part foever it happened of
that vaſt empire,
THE king's palace was deemed facred, and refpected as The king's
a temple. It was extremely magnificent, and furniſhed palace de
with utenfils of ineftimable value. The walls and roofs of fcribed.
the rooms were all covered with ivory, filver, amber, or
gold. The throne was of pure gold, fupported by four
pillars, richly fet with precious tones. The king's bed
was likewife of gold; and Herodotus mentions a plane-
tree and vine of gold, prefented to Darius by Pythius a
Lydian, who, after the king of Perfia, was accounted the
richest man in the world (D). The body and branches
of this vine, fays Athenæus, were enriched with jewels of
great value; and the clufters of grapes were all precious
ftones, which hung over the king's head as he fat on the
throne. At his bed's head ftood always a cheft or coffer,
containing five thousand talents, which was called the
king's bolfter; and another at his feet, with three thouſand
talents. Adjoining to the king's palace were large gardens
9 ARIST. 1. de mundo.
HERODOT. 1. vii. c. 27.
S ATHEN. 1. xii. Vide BUDAUм de aff. 1. iv.
ubi fupra.
(D) Pythius, if we believe
Herodotus (10), entertained, at
Calene in Phrygia, Xerxes and
all his army, as he was march-
ing againſt Greece; and more-
over offered him, towards the
charges of the war, two thou-
fand talents of filver, and three
millions nine hundred ninety-
three thouſand pieces of gold,
↑ BUDÆUS,
all bearing the ſtamp of his fa-
ther Darius. Xerxes, with no
lefs generofity, not only re-
fufed the treaſures offered him,
but ordered feven thouſand Da-
rian pieces, or Darics, to be
given to Pythius, as a reward
of his affection and good will;
nor did he leave Calene till the
fum was paid,
(10) Herodot, I. vii. c. 27. & feq.
and
124
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
and parks, ſtocked with all forts of game for his diverfion.
Tully tells us, out of Xenophon ", that Cyrus planted and
cultivated one of theſe delicious gardens with his own
hand. Alexander enriched them with trees and plants out
of Greece. The Perfian kings drank no other water but
that of the river Choafpes, which was carried about with
them in filver veffels whitherfoever they went " (E). They
drank only Calybonian wine, made at Damafcus in Syria;
and touched no bread but what was of the wheat of Aſſos
in Phrygia; and their falt was brought from Egypt. The
magnificence of their public feafts exceeded, as appears
from holy writ *, what we read of in hiſtories of other
nations. Their table was daily ſerved with ſomewhat of
the product of each nation ſubject to them . Among the
u Cic. de fene&t. W HERODOT. 1. i. c. 188. × Efth. i.
Y ATHEN. 1. viii.
(E) It is matter of difpute
among geographers, whether
the Choafpes and Eulaus be one
and the fame, or two different
rivers. Pliny (11) diftinguiſhes
them, and ſays, that they both
rife in Media, but that the
Choafpes diſcharges itſelf into
the Pafitigris, and the Eulaus
into the lake Characenus. Po-
lycletus likewife, as we read in
Strabo (12), fuppofes them to
be two different ftreams, tho'
he makes them difembogue
themſelves into the fame lake.
On the other hand, Salmafius
(13) takes them to be one
and the fame river, under dif-
ferent names; for the Choafpes,
rifing in Media, buries itfelf
under ground, and again ap-
pears not far from Sufa. In
Media, he thinks, it is called
Choafpes, and, in the province
of Sufiana, Eulaus. This feems
agreeable to what we read in
Ptolemy (14), who mentions
(11) Plin. l. vi. c. 27.
two fprings of the Eulaus
(for he no-where names the
Choafpes), one in Media, and
the other in Sufiana. Beſides,
Herodotus tells us (15), that
the Choafpes waſhed the walls
of Sufa, and that the Perfian
kings drank no other water;
whence it is manifeft, that the
Choafpes and Eulæus are one
and the fame river, at leaſt at
Sufa; and even Pliny (16),
and the other writers who di-
ftinguish them, place the city
of Sufa on the banks of the
Eulaus; and all the interpret-
ers take the river Ulai, men-
tioned by Daniel (17), to bę
the Eulaus. Nor is there any
thing more common, than that
the fame river ſhould be known
in different places, by different
names thus the Danube was
called by the Latins Danubius
and Ifter, the Wefer, Vierra
and Vifurgis, the Po, Padus
and Eridanus, &c.
(12) Strabo, I. xv. p. 501. (13) Salmaf.
(15) Herodot, I. i. c. 153.
prifonera
in Solin. p. 493. (14) Ptol. I. vi. c. 3.
(16) Plin. ubi fupra. (17) Dan. viii. 2..
تو
C. XI.
126
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
z
priſoners taken by Parmenio at Damafcus, were, as Athe-
næus informs us, two hundred and feventy-feven cooks,
twenty-nine who took care of the diſhes, feventeen who
miniftred water, feventy who had in charge the wine,
forty employed about ointments, and fixty-fix whofe pro-
vince it was to prepare garlands, ufed, according to the
cuftom of thofe times, in banquets. During their repaft,
their ears were feaſted with the harmony both of vocal and
inftrumental mufic; and three hundred women, of the
ſweeteſt and moſt melodious voices, were in conftant at-
tendance to divert the king at his unbended hours. It
was likewiſe their province to lull him afleep with the
melody and variety of their notes, and recreate his mind
as foon as he awaked in the morning. Moft of the Per-
fian kings were fo diffolved in pleaſures, that they ſcarce
minded any thing befides their own fatisfaction. Xerxes
was not aſhamed to propofe, by a public edict, an ample
reward to any one who fhould devife a new pleaſure ".
The king feldom admitted others to his table, befides his
wife and mother. Such as received this honour were fo
placed, as not to fee, but only be ſeen by the king; for
they thought it was, in fome degree, a degrading of their
majeſty to appear ſubject to the fame neceffities with other
mortals. This defire of appearing above the level of other
men, was the motive that confined them within their pa-
laces, and ſcarce ever fuffered them to appear abroad.
Their luft and voluptuoufnefs fufficiently appears from
the book of Efther; and Tully adds, that the revenues of
whole provinces were employed on the attire of ſome of
their favourite concubines, one city being obliged to fup-
ply them with ornaments for their hair, another for their
necks, &c. nay, Socrates mentions an embaffador, who,
being fent into Perfia, fpent a whole day in traveling thro
a country, which was called the Queen's girdle, and an-
other day before he reached the borders of a territory filed
the Queen's head-drefs.
J
c
THE king's children, more eſpecially the eldeft, were, The king's
preſently after their birth, committed to the care of eu- children.
nuchs. At feven years old they learnt, under experienced
inſtructors, to ride and hunt; which were looked upon as
the moſt manly exercifes. At the age of fourteen, they
were put under the difcipline of four learned preceptors, of
Z ATHEN. 1. xii.
a Idem ibid.
quæft. VALER. MAXIM. 1. ix. c. 2.
d SOCRAT. in Plat. Alcibiad.
b Cic. Tufc.
© Cic.in Ver, act. v.
whom
126
B. Í.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
The king's
guard.
The man-
their chil
dren.
whom one was to teach them prudence, another juſtice,
the third temperance, and the fourth fortitude e.
THE king's ordinary guard confifted moftly of Perfians.
Curtius mentions a guard which attended the king's per-
fon, confifting of fifteen thousand men, who were called
the king's relations. There was alfo a body of ten thou-
fand choice horſemen, all Perfians, who accompanied him
in all his expeditions, and were called Immortal. His
guards received no pay; but were very plentifully provided
with all neceffaries of life.
BUT the grandeur and magnificence of the Perfian
kings appeared no-where greater, than on occafion of the
public facrifices, at which they often affifted, as we ſhall
have occafion to take notice in the next fection, as alfo of
their funerals, and other religious ceremonies in uſe among
the Perfians.
IT is time now to fay fomething of the cuftoms and
ners of the manners of the antient Perfians. They had a particular
Perfians, care of the education of their children above any other
How they nation. A fon was not admitted to the prefence of his
educated father, but was brought up by women of the beſt chara-
&ter, till he attained the age of five years, left, if he ſhould
die before that time, his father might be too much grieved
at his death. At five years old, the children of ſuch as
could afford it were committed to the tuition of learned
mafters or mages, who carefully taught them, more by
examples than precepts, the practice of juftice, patience,
fobriety, abftinence, and all other virtues. They took
great pains to implant in their breafts an averfion to all
manner of vice, eſpecially to lying, and contracting debts.
They learned alfo to ride, to ſhoot with bows, and fight
on horfeback. This was their education till ſeventeen
years of age, when the children of men of rank were ad-
mitted among the king's guards, and attended him at home
when he went a-hunting, or abroad in his warlike expedi-
tions. They were brought up with fuch an awful refpect
to their parents, that they never offered to fit down in their
prefence. Every father had power of life and death over
his own children; but was reftrained, by the laws, from
exercifing fuch feverity for fmall faults, or for one crime
alone.
The mif
THE Perfians were antiently all trained up to military
cellaneous exercifes, but more eſpecially to handle a bow, which they
cuftoms of did with great dexterity; whence it is, that we find the
the Per-
fians.
e XENOPH. 1. i. c. 11. BRISSON. polit.
bow
C. XI.
127
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
bow of Elum mentioned by the prophet Jeremiah f, and
the quiver of Elam by Ifaiah, as the arms peculiar to
this nation. From the age of five years, to that of twenty,
they taught their fons chiefly three things, as Herodotus
informs us h; to manage an horſe; to uſe the bow with
dexterity; and to ſpeak truth. A numerous ifſue was
looked upon by them as the greateſt bleffing which the
gods could beftow; and fuch as could fhew a numerous
offspring received early prefents from the king. They
celebrated their birth-days with great pomp and magnifi-
cence, furniſhing their tables, on fuch occafions, in a very
plentiful manner, though, at other times, they lived very
fparingly, at leaſt under their firſt kings. In their diet
they were very temperate; but were always inclined to
drinking they uſed even to debate the moſt important
matters in their cups; but the maſter of the houſe, where
they met to confult, propofed the fame fubject the next
day, before they tafted any liquor, when the refolutions,
taken the day before, were approved or rejected. When
they met, they faluted with a kiss on the mouth, if they
were equal; on the cheek, if one was fomewhat inferior
to the other; but thofe, who were of a much lower rank,
uſed to proftrate themſelves on the ground when they met
or accolted their fuperiors. They fhewed moft value for
thofe that lived next to them, and very little to fuch as
lived at a great diftance, as if men were more or lefs
worthy, in proportion as they lived at a greater or leſs
diftance from them. No nation was ever more ready
to adopt foreign customs. They no fooner conquered the
Medes, but they affumed their drefs. In war, they uſed
the Egyptian armour, after they had fubdued that king-
dom; and imitated the Greeks, as foon as they became
acquainted with them, in the worft of vices, as Herodotus
himfelf owns. They were indulged many wives, befides
as many concubines as they were able to maintain, thoſe
who had many children, being looked upon as heroes of
as great prowefs, as thofe who had diftinguifhed themſelves
in military exploits. They bore fuch reſpect to their pa-
rents, that they thought it impoffible a man fhould ever put
to death his father or mother; whence no puniſhments.
were inflicted, by their laws, on fuch offenders: and, if
any one was indicted for committing fo heinous a crime,
he was always declared by the judges fpurious or fuppofi-
f Jerem. xlix. 35-38.
1. i.
8 Ifa. xxii. 6. h HERODOT.
titious:
128
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Their pu-
niſhments.
titious. To affirm a falfhood was accounted the utmoſt
infamy, and, next to that, the being in debt, becauſe it
expofed a man to the neceffity of lying. If any among
them happened to be infected with a leprofy, or any other
diftemper of that nature, he was not permitted to ſtay
within the city, nor to converfe with others, having, as
they believed, drawn this puniſhment upon himſelf, by
committing fome offence againſt the fun. All ftrangers,
that were ſubject to this diftemper, were expelled the
country. Theſe cuftoms, and fome others relating to
their funerals, of which we ſhall ſpeak in the next fection,
we have learned from Herodotus m, who tells us, that he
can, with certainty, affirm them to be true.
!
THE moſt ſevere puniſhment, in uſe among the Perfians,
was that of fhutting the offender up between two boats;
which was done in the following manner: they made two
boats on purpoſe, fo equal, that one was neither broader
nor longer than the other; then they laid him in one
of them on his back, and covered him with the other,
his hands, feet, and head, being left uncovered, and ap-
pearing through an opening made for that purpoſe. În
this poſture, he was fupplied with victuals and drink by
the executioners, who even forced him, by thruſting ſharp
iron tools in his eyes, to eat what was neceffary to fup-
port nature, left he ſhould ſtarve himſelf, and thereby put
an end to his pain. On his face, that was placed full in
the fun, they poured honey, which, inviting the flies and
wafps, tormented him, no leſs than the ſwarms of worms
that were bred in his excrements, and devoured his body
to the very entrails. Under fuch a complication of un-
relenting torments, the unhappy offender lived many days;
for Plutarch, who defcribes this cruel manner of putting
to death, tells us, that Mithridates, whom Artaxerxes
condemned to this puniſhment, for pretending to have
killed his brother Cyrus ", lived feventeen days in the ut-
moſt agony; and that, the uppermoft boat being taken off
at his death, they found his fleſh all confumed, and
fwarms of worms gnawing his very bowels. Such as were
convicted of high-treafon were condemned to have their
right-hand, and then their head, ftruck off; which fen-
tence was, by order of Artaxerxes, executed even on the
dead body of his brother Cyrus. But, by the antient
laws of Perfia, the king was reftrained from putting any
man to death for a fingle crime; and belides, the judge
HERODOT. 1. i. 133-140.
Artaxerxis.
A PLUTARCH. in vita
Was
C. XI.
129
The History of the Perfians.
was to examine narrowly into the actions of the delinquent ;
and, if his faults were found to overbalance his former fer-
vices, the king was allowed to puniſh him at pleaſure; if not,
he was either pardoned, or puniſhed lefs feverely P. Poifoners
were preffed to death between two ftones; which puniſhment
we find inflicted upon Gigis, a woman greatly favoured by
Paryfatis, mother to Artaxerxes, for having conſpired with
her to poifon queen Statira 9.
THE Perfians were, beyond any other people, jealous of Their mar-
their wives and concubines. It was death to touch any of the riages, and
king's women, to ſpeak to them, or even to come near them, incestuous
or their coaches, as they travelled. They were allowed to commerces
marry their own fifters and daughters: thus we are told, that
Artaxerxes married two of his daughters, Ameftris and Atoſſa,.
though he had promifed them to others. Minutius Felix &
reproaches them with marrying, or criminally converfing
with, their mothers; and Eufebius quotes a faying of Barde-
fanes, which ſhews, that they were indulged, by law, to marry
their fifters, daughters, and mothers. This inceftuous cuftom
they obferved alfo in other countries, namely in Egypt, Phry-
gia, and Galatia, as Eufebius witneffes, where they were,
on that account, abhorred by the inhabitants, and nicknamed
maguffæi, or addicted to magic '. They were the firſt that
introduced thofe amphibious animals called eunuchs, which
Petronius Arbiter and Seneca * impute to their infatiable
lechery.
1
་
THE firft that caufed gold and filver to be coined in Perfia Their mo
was Darius the fon of Cyaxares, or, as he is called in Scri- nez.
pture, Darius the Mede, the founder of the Medo-Perfian
monarchy (F). In his reign were coined thofe famous pieces.
of gold called daries, which, for many ages, were preferred,
being of pure gold, to all other coins throughout the eaſt.
They were ftamped on one fide with an archer cloathed in a
long robe, and crowned with a fpiked crown, holding a bow
in his left-hand, and an arrow in his right; on the other fide
1
P HEROD. 1. 1. c. 137. 9 PLUTARCH. ubi fupra.
contra gentes. s EUSEB. de præp. evang. 1. vi. c. 8.
ibid.
" PETRON. ARB, fatir.
(F) We are told by Suidas,
Harpocration, and the fcholiaft
of Ariftophanes (18), that the
firit pieces of gold were coined,
not by Darius the father of Xir-
es, but by a more antient Da-
I ÁRNOB.
↑ Idem,
W SENECA Controver. 4. I. x.
rius, who must neceffarily have
been Darius the Mede, that is,
Cyaxares II. king of the Medes;
fince we know of no other Da-
rius reigning fo early in the eaſt.
(18) Harpocrat. fcholiaft. Arißopb. p: 741,742. Suidas in Aæpsinõs•
VOL. V.
K
was
130
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Their arts,
&C.
was the effigies of Darius *. To thefe pieces alluded Agefi
laus, when, finding himſelf obliged to quit Afia, in order to
ſuppreſs the tumults which Artaxerxes had, by dint of gold,
ftirred up in Greece, he faid, that the king of Perfia had driven
him out of his dominions with thirty thouſand archers. The
darics were of the fame weight and value with the Attic ftater.
Darius feems to have learned the art and uſe of money from
the Lydians; for the Medes had no money before they con-
quered Lydia 2: whereas Crafus king of Lydia had coined
innumerable pieces of gold, called crofei. As it was not
reaſonable, that the coin of Lydia fhould continue current
after the downfal of the kingdom, we may fuppofe, that Da-
rius recoined the crafei with his own effigies, without alter-
ing their weight or value. All theſe pieces of gold, that
were afterwards coined, of the fame weight and value, by the
fucceeding kings, not only of the Perfian, but alfo of the Ma-
cedonian race, were called darics, from this Darius, in whoſe
reign they were firft coined (G).
THERE was, it feems, no great learning among the Per-
fciences, fians before the time of Zoroaftres, whom the Perfians call Zer-
dufbt or Zaratuf, who is fuppofed to have flouriſhed under Darius
Hyftafpis, and was the greateſt mathematician and philofopher
of the age he lived in. The mages, being inftructed in ma-
thematics, aftronomy, and natural philofophy, partly by him,
and partly by Hyftafpes, the father of Darius, were reputed,
above all others, ſkilled in thoſe arts. Hyftafpes had travelled
into India, and lived there fome time among the brachmans,
in order to learn their myfteries and fciences, for which they
were famed at that time; and, on his return, communicated
to the mages what he had learned, improving that fect not
only in religion, but in all natural knowlege . But this fub-
ject fhall be treated more at length in the following fection.
We hall only add here, that this knowlege was locked up
y Idem ibid.
b
* PLUTARCH. in Artaxer.
1. i. c. 71.
a Sir IS. NEWTON's chronol. p. 320.
MIAN. MARCEL. 1. xxiii.
(G) In thoſe parts of Scrip-
ture that were written after the
Babylonijh captivity (19), theſe
pieces are mentioned by the
naine of adarkonim, and by the
Talmudifts are called (20) darko-
moth, both from the Greek d'a-
panoi, that is, darics. They
19) 1 Chron, xxix. 7. Exra viii. 27.
Z HEROD..
b Aм-
were probably coined by Da-
rius, during the two years he
reigned at Babylon, while Cyrus
was abfent on his Syrian, Egyp
tinn, and other expeditions. Ac-
cording to Dr. Bernard, a daric
weighed two grains more than
one of our guineas.
(20) Buxtor. lex, rabbinic. p. 577.
among
C. XI.
131
The History of the Perfians.
among the prieſts, and feldom communicated to any, except
thofe of the royal family, whom they were bound to in-
ftru&tc.
THE poverty of the antient Perfians, and their contempt Their
of riches, fhew them to have been quite ftrangers to trade and trade and
commerce, which are carried on with a profpect of gain. naviga-
Before the conqueft of Lydia, they had no money, nor any tion.
cloathing, but skins. They ufed water for drink, and had
neither wine, nor any other thing, but what their barren coun-
try produced, as appears from the excellent fpeech of Sanda-
nis, to diffuade Craefus from invading Perfiad. After they
fubdued Lydia, and were mafters of fo many rich provinces,
they very likely applied their minds to trade and navigation,
to fupply themſelves with thofe commodities, which their
country wanted, and at the fame time to difpofe of thoſe, which
they could eaſily ſpare. But, as we can advance nothing with
refpect to their trade, warranted by good authorities, we fhall
difmifs this fubject, and haften to their military difcipline.
THE Perfians learned, from their childhood, to ride, and Their fol
handle the bow, as we hinted above; and, by the manly exer- diery.
cife of hunting, inured themſelves to the toils of war. They
never parted with their fwords, quivers, and bows, even in
time of peace, but when they went to repofe, and had them
even then always ready at hand f; which cuſtom the Romans,
who never uſed any weapons but in the field, looked upon as
unbecoming a civilized nation 8. As foon as they were able
to bear arms, they were obliged to enter themſelves in the lift
of foldiers; but received no pay till the age of twenty b. In
time of war, they were all bound, on pain of death, except
fuch as were difabled by age or otherwife, to appear under
their reſpective ſtandards, and attend the king in his expedi-
tions (H). They ufed no mercenaries in the time of Hɛro-
i
dian,
© PLATO in Alcibiad. i. STOвÆUS, p. 496. CLEM. ALEXAND.
in pædagogo.
d HEROD. 1. i. c. 71. e STRABO, 1. xv.
f AMMIAN. MARCELL. 1. xxiii. 8 OVID. trift. 1. v.
i HEROD. 1. iv. c. 84.
1. xv.
(H) Herodotus tells us, that
while Darius was marching from
Sufa, with his forces, against the
Scythians, OEbazus, a noble Per-
fian, who had three fons in his
army, begged that one of his
fons might be left at home to
comfort him in his old-age. The
king received him with great
STRABO,
demonftrations of kindneſs, and
told him, that he would grant
him more than he aſked; for he
defigned to leave him all his fons.
This anfwer gave the old man
great joy; for he did not doubt
but the king would be as good
as his word OEbagus was
fcarce departed, when Darius
K 2
com-
132
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
dian*,
nor maintained a ſtanding army; but were all
obliged, when occafion required, to repair to their colours,
returning to their reſpective homes when the war was at an
end, without any other pay or reward, but their ſhare of the
plunder.
Their ar
In war they wore on the head a tiara or head-piece, fo thick,
mour and that it was proof againſt all kinds of offenfive arms; on the
difcipline. body a coat of mail, wrought in likeneſs of ſcales, and embel-
lifhed with fleeves of various colours; their thighs were de-
fended with cuiffes; their fhields, or rather targets, were of
wicker; their javelins fhort; their bows of an uncommon
length; their arrows of reeds: they wore fhort fwords (I),
hanging from a belt on the right fide. Their horfes were
HEROD. 1. vii. c. 61. XENOPH. 1. vii.
* HERODIAN. 1. iii. & v.
commanded the officers appoint-
ed for fuch purpofes to put all
his fons to death, and fent their
dead mangled bodies home to
their father's houfe (21). We
have another, ftill more dread-
ful, inſtance of the Perfian feve-
rity on fuch occafions. Pythius
the Lydian, as we have hinted
above, entertained, with great
magnificence, Xerxes and all his
army, and offered him two thou-
fand talents of filver, and three
millions nine hundred ninety-
three thouſand pieces of gold,
to defray the expences of the
war which he was carrying on
against Greece. The king was
fo taken with his zeal and af
fection, that he promiſed to
grant him whatever he ſhould
afk. Pythius had then no re-
queft to make; but, fome time
after, being frightened with an
eclipfe of the fun, and confiding
in the merit of his late liberal
offer, and the king's unlimited
promife, intreated him to dif-
charge the eldeſt of his five
ions, who were all in his army,
that he might have fomebody to
take care of him in his old-age,
and of his eſtate.
and of his eftate. He had no
fooner uttered this requeft, but
the king, tranfported with rage,
and forgetful both of his own
promife, and the former merits
of Pythius, commanded the body
of his eldeft fon to be cut afun-
der, and one part laid on the
right hand of the way, and the
other on the left, that the army
might pafs between both (22).
So heinous a crime it was, ac-
cording to the Perfian difcipline,
to exempt one's felf from the
ſervice, or even aſk an exemp-
tion for others.
(I) Thefe were rather dag-
gers than fwords; for Jofephus
(24) compares them to the poni-
ards uſed by ruffians; andDarius,
finding, in his firft engagement
with Alexander, that the length
of the Macedonian ſwords did not
contribute a little to the victory,
caufed the Perfian fwords, or
acinaces, as the Latins call them,
to be confiderably lengthened
(25).
(22) Herodot. 1. vii.
(24) Jofeph. antiq, 1, xx. c. 7.
(21) Herodot. l. iv. c. 84. Seneca, I. iii. de ira, c. 16.
c. 27. & 39. Seneca, 1. ii, de ira, c, 17.
(25) Dioder. 6. 7 xvii.
8
like-
C. XI.
L
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
133
}
likewife covered with armour or thick hides, as we read in
Xenophon, Curtius, Ammianus Marcellinus, &c. They
were fure markſmen, and quicker than any other nation in
diſcharging, eſpecially on their flight, which was peculiar to
them and the Parthians. However, in the time of Procopius,
their arrows did but ſmall execution, which he afcribes to the
flackneſs of their bows; whereas no fhield or armour was
proof againſt the Roman arrows". The number of their dead
they knew only when the campaign was at an end; and in
the following manner: before they took the field, they paffed Manner of
before the king, or commander in chief, each man throwing mustering.
an arrow into a basket. Theſe baskets were fealed up with the
royal fignet, till they returned from the campaign, when they
paffed mufter in the fame manner, every one taking an arrow
out of the fame baskets. When they were all paffed, the
remaining arrows were counted, and, from their number,
they reckoned the number of their dead. This antient cuſtom
continued even in the time of Procopius . They wore, over
their armour, great coats of purple; but the king's was white,
by which badge he was known, and often aimed at, by the
enemies P. They excelled all nations in horſemanſhip, being
accuſtomed thereunto from their very infancy among thein
it was difreputable to appear in public, but on horſeback: on
horfeback they tranfacted all their private and public affairs,
held their affemblies, vifited their friends, &c. This cu-
ftom, in proceſs of time, began to degenerate into luxury, the
Perfians ftriving to outdo each other in the richness of their
capariſons, their very horfes, as Dionyfius expreffes it, champ-
ing the pureft gold. They fought not only on horfeback,
but likewife from chariots drawn by four, fix, and fometimes
eight horfes. They were the firft, if we believe Xenophon*,
that introduced the ufe of chariots armed with fithes (K).
n
XENOPH. 1. viii. c. 190.
C. 18.
• Idem, ubi fupra.
1. vii. p. 136. PLUT. in Artaxerxe.
31. & 1. viii. p. 190. JUSTIN. 1, xii,
fitu orbis. S XENOPH. 1. vi. p. 124.
1. viii. prope finem.
(K) Xenophon afcribes to Cy-
rus the invention of chariots
armed with fithes (26). But
Diodorus tells us, out of the fa-
bulous Ctefias, that Semiramis,
in the war which fhe waged with
the Bactrians, had, in her army,
feven hundred chariots armed
(26) Cyropæd, I, vïï, prope finem.
PROCOP. 1. i. de bell. Perf
P HEROD. 1. ix. XENOPH,
1 XENOPH. 1. iv.
P.
I DIONYS. de
1 XENOPH. Cyropæd.
c. 3.
with fithes (27), and feems to
make the Affyrian kings the first
inventors of them. Whence it
is plain from Xenophon and Dio-
dorus, that Hefychius was mif-
taken, when he afcribed this
contrivance to the Macedonians,
(27) Dieder. Sic. 4, iii.
K 3
When
*
i
!
134
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
*·
n
Marching. When they went on any expedition, their wives, mothers,
children, &c. followed the camp "; which cuftom was ob-
ferved amongſt all the eaſtern nations: their prefence, they
thought, infpired them with courage, fince they were to lofe
at once whatever was dear to them in the world, if they did
not behave as they ought. Their provifions and baggage were
carried on camels, the foldiers being loaded with no other bur-
den but that of their arms w. In what manner they marched,
we learn from Herodotus, who defcribes the march of Xerxes's
army thus the baggage, whether carried by fervants, or
beatts of burden, appeared in the front, and was followed by
men of all nations, formed into a body, without diftinction.
Between theſe and the reft of the army was left an interval,
that they might not mix with that part where the king was.
Before him marched a thouſand horfemen, and the like num-
ber of ſpearmen, with their fpears pointing downwards. After
thefe came ten great horfes, bred in the plains of Media, called
the Nifean plains (L), caparifoned with rich furniture, and
confecrated to Jupiter. The chariot of that god immediately
followed, drawn by eight white horſes, the driver on foot,
holding the reins, no mortal being allowed to mount the feat.
After Jupiter appeared the king, in a chariot drawn by Nifean
horfes. A thoufand chofen fpearmen, all Perfians, marched
next to the king, and were followed by another body of horfe,
confifting of a thouſand chofen men of the fame nation. After
the horſe, ten thoufand Perfian foot advanced, and of thefe
one thouſand were armed with javelins, which, inſtead of the
common ornaments, were embelliſhed with pomgranates of
gold. The other nine thouſand had pomgranates of filver.
The ten thouſand foot were followed by ten thouſand Perfian
horſe, and at the diftance of two ftades. The reft of the
forces advanced promifcuoufly. They computed the number
of their forces in the following manner: ten thousand men
were crouded into as narrow a piece of ground as they poffibly
could; and, a kind of furrow being drawn round them, they
Manner of cauſed the like number to enter the ground, and continued fo
declaring doing till the whole army was computed v. When they in-
tended to make war upon any nation, they ſent heralds or
qvar,
" CURT. 1. iii. c. 8, 12. XENOPH. 1. iv. p. 76.
1. viii. c. 57.
* Idem, 1. vii. c. 6o. & feq.
X
(L) The Mifean, or Nifcan
fields in Media are celebrated
by all the antients, for the large,
ftrong, and fleet horfes that were
W HEROD,
y Idem ibid.
bred there (28', and which alone
the Perfian monarchs uſed, after
they became mafters of that
country.
(28) Herodot, I. vi. Ammian, Mar. 1, xxiii. Themiftius, orat. v. &c.
embaf-
C. XI.
135
The History of the Perfians.
1
Z
embaffadors to demand of them earth and water; that is, to
command them to ſubmit, and acknowlege the king of Perfia
as the fovereign lord of their country (M). This manner of
declaring war they borrowed of the Medes, as Plutarch informs
us; and the Medes feem to have imitated in that, as in many
other things, the Affyrians, who, as appears from the book of
Judith, uſed in that manner to require an intire fubmiffion.
In time of action, the king was always in the centre, and
uſed to encourage his men with a ſpeech. The fignal was and en-
given with the found of trumpets, and followed by an univer- gaging.
fal ſhout of the whole army. The watch-word was in uſe
even among them; for Xenophon, fpeaking of Cyrus, tells us,
that his was Jupiter our leader and protector. The royal ban-
ner was a ſpread-eagle of gold, carried on the point of a long
ſpear. They reckoned thofe happy who died in the field,
a Ju-
d
z DIOD. SIC. 1. xi. HEROD. 1. v. c. 17. vi. 48. vii. 133.
dith, c. ii. b XENOPH. 1. i. Araßáo. • STOвAUS, fer. xlii.
CURT. &C. CURT. 1. iii. DIOD. Sıc. 1. xvii. e XENOPH.
Cyropæd. 1. vii. p. 137.
f Idem, 1. vii. p. 136. PHILOSTRAT.
iconum, 1. ii. c. 32.
(M) Some have erroneously
imagined, that, by this demand,
nothing elſe was meant, but that
thoſe to whom it was directed,
fhould furniſh the Perſian army
with fuch a quantity of provi-
fions. But the contrary is plain
from all the antients, eſpecially
from Herodotus, who tells us,
that Darius diſpatched a meffen-
ger to Indathyrfus king of Scythia,
commanding him to own the king
of Perfia for his fovereign, and to
prefent him with earth and wa-
ter in token of his fubmiſſion. To
this meſſage the Scythian return-
ed anſwer, that he acknowle-
ged no other lords but Jupiter
his progenitor, and Vefta queen
of the Scythians; and that, in-
ftead of preſenting him with
earth and water, he would fend
him fuch a prefent as he de-
ferved, and perhaps might make
him repent of his infolence, in
affuming the title of his mafter.
And accordingly he fent him,
fome time after, a meffenger, to
prefent him, on his part, with a
bird, a mouſe, a frog, and five
arrows; which Darius would
fain have interpreted as a tacit
fubmiffion, and a giving him
poffeffion of the land and wa-
ter: for, faid he, the moufe is
bred in the earth, and lives on
the fame food as man: a frog
lives in the water; a bird may
be compared to a horfe; and by
the arrows, they ſeem to deliver
their whole force into my hands.
But Gobrias was of opinion, that
the king of Scythia gave them
to underſtand by ſuch a preſent,
that unless the Perfians could
afcend into the air like a bird,
or conceal themſelves in the
earth like mice, or plunge into
the fens like frogs, they should
inevitably perifli by thofe ar-
rows (29).
(29) Heredet. I. iv.
and
K 4
₤36
B. I..
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
*
Their
laws.
b
h
and inflicted exemplary puniſhments on fuch as abandoned their
pofts, or fled from their colours. They uſed no ftratagems,
nor cared for any advantages, that were not owing to their
valour ¹, or, as Ammianus Marcellinus expreffes it, thought
it unfair and baſe to ſteal a victory. They never fought in
the night, unless attacked by the enemy, nor marched before
the rifing of the fun *. Duels or fingle combats were in uſe
among them, as is plain from the ftories of Darius and Poly-
damas m. This is what we have been able to gather from un-
queftionable authorities relating to the military diſcipline of
the antient Perfians.
1
OO
As to their laws, they are greatly commended by Xenophon,
who prefers them to thofe of any other nation whatfoever n
and obferves, that other lawgivers only appointed puniſhments
for crimes committed, but did not take fufficient care to pre-
vent men from committing them; whereas the main deſign of
the Perfian laws was to inſpire men with a love of virtue, and
abhorrence of vice, fo as to avoid the one, and purſue the
other, without regarding either puniſhment or reward. To
attain this end, parents were not, by their laws, allowed to
give their children what education they pleaſed; but were ob-
liged to fend them to public ſchools, where they were edu-
cated with great care, and never ſuffered, till they had attained
the age of ſeventeen, to return home to their parents, Theſe
fchools were not truſted to the care of common mercenary
maſters, but were governed by men of the firft quality, and
beſt characters, who taught them, by their example, the pra-
&tice of all virtues; for theſe ſchools were not defigned for
learning of fciences, but practifing of virtue. The youths were
allowed no other food but bread and creffes, no other drink
but water º, at leaft from the age of feven to ſeventeen.
Thoſe who had not been educated in thoſe ſchools were ex-
cluded from all honours and preferments P (N). There were
parti-
& PLUTARCH. in Artaxerx. AMMIAN. MARCELLIN. 1. xxiii.
JUSTIN. 1. xi. i AMMIAN. MARCEL. 1. xvii. k CURT.
1. v. 12. 6.
1 DIOD. SIC. 1. xvii.
Eliac. n XENOPH. Cyropæd. 1. i.
TIN. 1. xli. Cic. 1. v. Tufculan. quæft.
(N) Theſe ſchools the Perfians
called liberal markets; for they
allowed no public place for buy-
ing or felling, as appears from
Cyrus's anfwer to the Lacedemo-
nians, telling them, that he was
m PAUSANIAS in
• Idem ibid. Jus-
P XENOPH. ibid.
not afraid of thofe, who, in the
midst of their cities, have a place
of public refort, where they
cheat one another by mutual
oaths: which words, adds He-
rodotus (30), were levelled at all
(30) Ileredet, ¿, i,
the
C. XI.
137
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
૧
particular laws againſt ingratitude; and whoever had done any
one a good office, if he did not meet with a ſuitable return,
could bring an action against the ungrateful perfon, who,
upon conviction, was puniſhed with great feverity ¶ (O).
When any one went to give advice to the king, either of his
own accord, or by the prince's order; in propofing his opinion,
he ſtood upon an ingot of gold, which he was rewarded with,
if his advice was found wholfome; if otherwife, he was pu-
blicly whipped '.
BEFORE We clofe this fection, we fhall add fome particu-
lars relating to the Perfian kings, gathered from the beſt au-
thors. The kings of Perfia were, above all others, the moſt
arbitrary and abfolute, and looked upon their fubjects, how-
ever diftinguiſhed by birth or fortune, as the meaneft of flaves.
None, their own children not excepted, durft addreſs them
with any other title, than that of lord, great king, king of
kings; which high-founding titles they feem to have bor-
rowed from the Affyrians; for Daniel t, in ſpeaking to Nebu-
chadnezzar, gives him the title of king of kings. As the Per-
fans imitated in this the haughtiness of the Affyrians, fo did
the Parthians that of the Perfians ", and continued this ftile
even to the time of the emperor Conftantius, to whom Sapor
king of Parthia wrote himſelf king of kings, allied to the
Stars, brother of the fun and moon, &c. But to return to the
Perfian kings: as they affumed high titles to themſelves, fo
they beſtowed no other on their ſubjects, by what dignity foe-
ever diftinguiſhed, but that of flaves w, and treated them as
fuch, not in words only, but in all other refpects. To this
flavish fpirit, which is altogether inconfiftent with true cou-
rage, Plato afcribes the downfal of the Perfian monarchy *.
:.5.
This
AMMIAN. MARCEL. 1. iii. c. 5. THEMISTO-
rÆLIAN. var. hift. 1. xii. c. 62.
S DIO
A XENOPH. ibid.
CLES orat. 3.
CHRYS. orat. iii. de regno. ARRIAN. 1. vi. STRABO, 1. xv. Ezra
Dan. ii. 37.
u PLUTARCH. in Pomp.
W XENOPH. 1. i. Araßáo. Q. Curt. 1. v.
× PLATO, 1. iii, de legib.
vii. 12.
& Lucullo.
ARISTOT, de mundo.
the Greeks, who, in every city,
had fome public place for buy-
ing and felling; whereas the
Perfians allow of no fuch places,
nor any place at all of public
refort.
(0) Seneca therefore was mif-
taken, when he faid, that laws
against ingratitude were to be
found among the Macedonians
alone; excepta Macedonum gente,
fays he, non eft in ulla data ad-
verfus ingratos actio (31); that
is, in no nation, except the Ma-
(31) Seneca, 1. iv. de benefic, c. 7.
cedonian,
2
138
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
tian mo-
narchs.
B. I.
The great This fpirit of flavery prevailed to ſuch a degree among the
respect paid Perfians, that even thoſe who were, by the king's order, pu-
to the Per- blicly whipped, uſed to return him thanks, for vouchfafing
to remember them y. Whoever betrayed the leaſt reluctancy
to put in execution the king's command, how difficult foever,
was ſure to forfeit his head and right-arm. The cuſtom of
adoring their kings, and putting them on the fame level with
the gods, is, by Justin, fathered upon Cyrus the Great.
None durft appear before the king, without proftrating them-
felves on the ground; nay, they were all obliged, at what
diſtance foever the king appeared, to pay him that adoration :
nor did they exact it only of their own vaffals, but alſo of
foreign minifters and embaffadors, the captain of the guard
being charged to inquire of thoſe, who asked admittance to the
king, whether they were ready to adore him. If they refuſed
to comply with that ceremony, they were told, that the king's
ears were open to fuch only, as were willing to pay him that
homage; fo that they were forced to tranfact the buſineſs they
were charged with by means of the king's fervants or eu-
nuchs b. Nor did their pride and ambition ftop here; they
fometimes ordered the fame reverence to be paid to their favour-
ites, as appears from the hiftory of Haman and Mordecai;
nay, even to their ftatues and images; for Philoftratus ac-
quaints us, that, in the time of Apollonius, a golden ftatue of
the king was expofed to all thofe that entered Babylon, and
that fuch only as adored it were admitted within the gates .
When they appeared before the king, their common faluta-
tion was, Live for ever; let the king live for ever. To fit
in the king's chair or throne (P), to wear any part of the appa-
rel
Y STOBAÆUS, ferm. ii.
TIN. 1. xi. C. 4.
z STRABO, 1. xv. p. 733·
b PLUTARCH. in Themift.
d PHILOSTRAT. 1. i. de vita Apollonii.
d
a Jus-
© Either
• ÆLIAN.
iii. 2.
var. hift. 1. i. c. 32. Nehem. c. ii. iii. Dan. c. vi. 6, & alibi,
cedonian, ingratitude is action-
able; where fome read Medo-
rum inſtead of Macedonum, but
all the antient copies have Ma-
cedonum.
(P) 2. Curtius tells us (32),
that, when Alexander marched his
army thro' a certain province
called Gabaza, one of his fol-
diers, arrived at the place where
they were to encamp, was fo
benumbed with the exceffive
cold of the ſeaſon and climate,
that he had almoft loft the uſe
both of his limbs and fenfes.
The king, who had likewife
fuffered greatly by the cold, and
was then fitting by a fire which
they had kindled in the open
fields, no fooner faw the foldier
in that pitiful condition, but,
ftarting up, and, with his own
(32) 2. Curt. 7. viii.
hands,
C. XI.
139
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
rel which he had uſed (Q), to look into the litter wherein his
concubines were conveyed from their habitation to the pa-
lace (R), to ſhoot in hunting, or ftrike at the game before the
king (5), were all capital crimes f. Such as betrayed any
fecret, which they had been trufted with by the king, or gave
intelligence to the enemies of his defigns, were puniſhed with
great feverity; whence Alexander, as his hiftorian tells us 8,
could never have any notice beforehand of their defigns, the
captives chufing rather to fuffer death, than betray the defigns
of their prince. Nobody, of what rank foever, appeared be-
fore the king without a prefent; which cuftom prevails among
the orientals to this day. When he went on his progreſs, or
f DIOD. SIC. 1. xvii. VAL. MAXIM. 1. v. c. 16. Q. CURT.
c. xviii.
FRONTIN. ftratag. c. 6. PLUTARCH. in Artaxerx. &
Themift. 8 Q. CURT. 1. iv. & AMMIAN. MARCEL. 1. xxi.
hands, pulling off his armour, he
placed him in the chair where
himſelf was fitting. The fol-
dier, by degrees, recovered, but
was very near fainting away
again, when he found himself
feated in the royal chair, and
the king ſtanding by him. But
Alexander encouraged him to
lay afide all fear, faying, Do
not fear, O fellow-foldier ; but re-
flect how much happier is your con-
dition under me, than that of the
Perfians under their king; had you
refted in the Perfian king's chair,
it had cost you your life; to have
refted in mine, has faved it.
Hence it was, that Artabanus,
as we read in Herodotus (33),
though uncle to Xerxes, fhewed
fo great reluctancy to comply
with his orders, when he com-
manded him to put on the royal
robes, fit on the throne, and re-
pofe in his bed.
(Q) Plutarch tells us (34),
that one Trebazus, who was
very familiar with Artaxerxes,
whom he uſed to divert with his
wit and humour, having one.
(33) Herodot. 1. vii. c. 17, 18.
ibid.
(36) Plutarch, in apophthegmat,
day begged of him an old gown,
obtained what he demanded, but
with this condition, that he
ſhould not wear it, that being
contrary to the laws of Perfia.
Trebazus, not minding the king's
prohibition, or the laws of the
realm, foon after appeared in
it at court; which the Perfians
refenting as an affront against
the majesty of their king, were
for punishing him according to
the rigour of the law. But Ar-
taxerxes faved him, by telling
them, that he had commanded
Trebazus to appear in that garb
as his fool.
(R) In one of thefe litters
Themistocles, who was defirous
to have a private conference
with Artaxerxes, was conveyed
to the king's apartment, without
being obferved by the Perfians,
who began to be jealous of him
(35).
(S) This law was abrogated,
as we read in Plutarch, by Ar-
taxerxes Macrochir (36), or Lon-
gimanus.
634) Plutarch, in Artax,
(35) Idem
marched
$40
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
How they
admini-
marched out with his army, all the inhabitants of the coun-
tries or provinces, through which he paffed, were obliged to
declare their vaffalage by fome prefent or other; even the
inhabitants of the villages and fields flocked to him with their
donatives, fome offering fheep, oxen, corn, wine, &c. others
milk, cheeſe, dates, &c. every one according to his ability ¹ (S).
yh
THE Perfian kings frequently heard cauſes themſelves, both
civil and criminal; and, though tranfcendently vicious in other
ftered juf- refpects, were nevertheleſs very tender in point of juftice and
equity. After hearing the merits of the cauſe with great at-
tention, they took feveral days to confider and advife with
fuch as were converfant in their laws, before they gave ſen-
tence i. When they fat on life and death, they not only con-
fidered the crime of which the delinquent was impeached, but
all the actions, whether good or bad, of his whole life; and
condemned or cleared him, according as his crimes or deferts
prevailed k (T). Their humanity and good-nature even to-
wards thofe, who, according to the laws, deferved death, is
very remarkable. Thus Artaxerxes Longimanus ordered, that
the turbans of the condemned perfons fhould be ftruck off,
tice.
ÆLIAN. var. hiftor. 1. i. c. 32, 33. i PHILOSTRAT. 1. i. de
vita Apollon. EPIPHAN. 1. ii. c. de Manichæis.
k Idem ib,
JOSEPH. antiquitat. 1. xi. c. 3.
(S) We read in Plutarch (37),
and Ælian (38), of one Sineta
aPerſian,who, meeting by chance
Artaxerxes at a great distance
from his poor cottage, and hav-
ing nothing elſe to prefent him
with, ran to the river, and, fill-
ing both his hands with water,
made an offering of that to the
king, which was by him gra-
ciouſly received.
(T) To this purpoſe Herodo-
tus tells us (39), that Darius,
having pronounced fentence of
death againſt a corrupt judge,
and afterwards finding, that his
former deſerts overbalanced his
prefent crime, ordered him to
be taken down from the croſs,
and fet at liberty. This does
not agree with what we read in
HEROD. 1. i. c. 137.
Diodorus Siculus, who tells us, that
the fentence of death, once pro-
nounced, could not be repealed
even by the king himfelf; for,
after relating how Darius pro-
nounced fentence of death a-
gainſt Charidemus, he adds, that
the king immediately repented,
as if he had been over-haſty in
a matter of the utmoſt confe-
quence; but it was not in his
power to undo what he had done
(40). Perhaps he means
thing elfe but that the king could
not reftore him to life again;
for, as both he (41) and Xeno-
phon (42) inform us, the fen-
tence was no fooner pronounced,
but the criminal was hurried a-
way to execution.
no-
(38) Elian. var. bift. I. i
(40) Disd, Sic, 7. xiv.
(41) Idem, l. xii.
(37) Plutarch in apophthezm & in Artax.
6. 32.
(39) Herodet, l. vii, c, 194,
142) Xenopp. I. 1. Avaßás. P. 103.
་
inſtead
C.XI.
141
The History of the Perfians.
inſtead of their heads; that the ftrings with which they tyed
them ſhould be cut, inſtead of their ears; and their garments
whipt, inſtead of their perfons. Befide the king, there were
feveral judges, all men of unblemiſhed characters, and well
fkilled in the laws of the kingdom. Theſe were called royal
judges, adminiftred juſtice at ſtated times, in different pro-
virces; and fome of them attended the king whitherſoever he
went m. The king often adviſed with them; and, in matters
concerning himſelf, referred the whole to their judgment ».
They were nominated by the king, who, as that employment
was for life, took great care to prefer only fuch as were
famed for their integrity (U).
THE Perfian kings had feveral wives, befides what number Their con-
of concubines they pleafed. Darius maintained as many as cubines.
the days of the year ° : Artaxerxes had by his concubines 115
children P. The concubines were introduced to the king, each
in their turn 9: whence fome have concluded, that the antient
Perfian year confifted of 360 days, feeing that ſeveral of the
Perfian monarchs had the like number of concubines, who went
to their kings in conftant courfes (W).
WE
1 PLUTARCH. in Artaxerx. & apophthegm. AMMIAN, MARCELL.
m ÆLIAN. var. hiftor. 1. i. c. 34.
1. xxx.
1. iii.
ii. 12---15.
P. 149.
n HEROD.
• DIOD. SIC. 1. xvii. P JUSTIN. 1. x. 9 Efther
• See WHISTON's theory of the earth, book ii.
(U) Artaxerxes raifed one to
that dignity, as Elian (43) in-
forms us, who was not a Per-
fan, but a Mede, by birth, for
having condemned his own fon
to death, according to the power
which parents had in thoſe days
over their children. And Cam-
byfes, being informed that one of
the judges had received a bribe,
caufed him, upon conviction, to
be flayed alive; and, having co-
vered the feat, on which he
pronounced ſentence, with his
fkin, appointed his fon in his
room, ordering him to fit in the
fame chair when he pronounced
fentence (44). Thefe judges,
(43) Ælian. I. i, var. biftor. c. 34.
(45) Jofeph. antiquit. I. xi. c. 6.
4. vii, ver. 14. vid. & Efb,'i, 14,
according to Jofephus (45) and
Zonaras (46), were feven in
number; which they gather from
the commiffion of Artaxerxes to
Ezra, who was fent of the king
and his ferven counſellors (47).
(W) This conjecture is not
altogether groundleſs: but we
cannot help thinking it fome-
what ſtrange, that the fame
writer fhould allege the au-
thority of 2. Curtius, to prove,
that the antient Perfian year con-
tained but three hundred and fixty
days; when that author tells us,
in exprefs terms, that the Per-
fian year confifted of three hun-
dred and fixty-five days: his
(44) Val. Maxim. 1. vi. c. 3.
(46) Zorar, tam, ì›
(47) Exta
words
}
B. I.
142
The History of the Perfians.
Their re-
DEWICS.
mues.
WE fhall end this fection with ſome account of their reve-
Each province had its peculiar treaſure, and treaſurer,
as is plain from all the antient writers, both facred and pro-
fane: and from the great fums which Alexander found in fe-
veral particular provinces or cities, we may judge of the im-
menfe treaſures they poffeffed. In the city of Damafcus he
found 2600 talents, and filver uncoined, to the value of 500
more; in Arbela, 4000 talents; in Sufa, 40,000, and 9000
darics; in Perfepolis, 120,000; in Pafargada, 6000; in Ec-
batan, 180,000 s. Thefe immenfe fums arofe from the tri-
butes which each province was yearly obliged to pay, accord-
ing to the affeffment of Darius Hyftafpis; for, during the
reigns of Cyrus, and his fon Cambyfes, no tributes were im-
pofed, the people voluntarily contributing for the maintenance
of the king and his army, what they thought fit. From the
impofing of thefe taxes, and other things of the like nature,
the Perfians gave Darius the nickname of merchant. The fum
total of the king's revenues, according to the computation of
Herodotus, amounted to 14560 Euboic talents ", befides other
fmaller fums. Theſe revenues were gathered from the pro-
vinces of Afia only; but, in procefs of time, the iſlands of fe-
veral provinces of Europe, with Egypt, Syria, &c. were like-
wife taxed; which increaſed the king's revenues to ſuch a de-
gree, that, if we believe Justin w, Alexander, after the con-
queſt of Perfia, received yearly from his fubjects the ſum of
300,000 talents. The Perfian kings preferved their treafures
in the following manner: they caufed the gold and filver to be
melted down, and poured into earthen veffels, which they
broke when occafion required, and took ſuch a quantity as
S CURT. 1. v. DIODOR. Sic. 1. xviii. ARRIAN. 1. iii. c. 16.
PLUTARCH. in Alexandr.
t HEROD. 1. iii. c. 89. 95, 96.
JUSTIN. 1. xiii.
See our preface to the first volume.
words are, Magos trecenti &
fexaginta quinque juvenes feque-
bantur-diebus totius anni pares
numero; quippe Perfis quoque in
totidem dies defcriptus eft annus
(48); that is, the mages were
followed by three hundred and
fixty-five youths, anſwering in
number to the days of the year;
for, among the Perfians too, the
year is divided into three hun-
dred and fixty-five days. But
(48) 2; Curtias, l. iii. 3, 8, & feqq•
Curtius in this, as in many other
particulars, was certainly mif-
taken; fince Herodotus, whoſe
authority is of more weight, in
fpcaking of the tributes which
Darius Hyftafpis
Darius Hyftafpis laid on the pro-
vinces fubject to the Perfian em-
pire, fays, that the Cilicians
were obliged to furnish Darius
with three hundred and fixty
white horses, that is, one for
every day of the year (49).
(49) Heredet. l. iii. c. 90.
feemed
!
C. XI.
143
The History of the Perfians.
feemed neceffary x. The lands of the Perfians were free from
all taxes; but other provinces, beſides money, were obliged to
contribute confiderably, each fomething of their proper pro-
duct, towards the maintenance of the king; and, in the time
of war, of his army Y. Thus the provinces of Syrene and
Barca were, befides the ordinary taxes, affeffed at ſuch a quan-
tity of corn as was fufficient to fupply 120,000 men: the fa-
trapæ of Babylon maintained the king and his court for four
months; and moreover, paid hin a yearly tribute of 500
young eunuchs: the Ethiopians, and adjoining people, made
a prefent every third year of two cheenixes (X) of gold, two
hundred bundles of ebony, five Ethiopian children, and twenty
elephants teeth, of the largeſt fize: the Colchians, or Colchi,
prefented the king every fifth year with an hundred boys, and
the like number of young women: the Arabians with a quan-
tity of frankincenfe, anfwering the weight of 1000 talents,
&cz.
But it is now time to difmifs this fubject, and haften
to the moſt entertaining and important point of the Perfian
hiſtory, their religion and religious ceremonies.
x HERODOT. ibid.
XENOPH. 1. iv. in Αναβάσ. p. 261.
(X) Chenix was a Greek mea-
fure, containing fuch a quantity
y Idem ibid. STRABO, 1. XV.
z HEROD. ubi fupra.
of wheat, as ferved a man one
day.
SECT. III.
Of the religion of the Perfians.
THERE is hardly any fubject which hath employed the Theimpor-
pens of authors antient or modern, that deferves to be tance of
treated with greater accuracy, or to be read with more at- this fub-
tention, than this which we are now about to difcufs. The re-ject, and
ligion of the Perfians, if we may credit the moſt learned and the difficul-
induſtrious writers 2, is venerable from its antiquity, and worthy
a Vid. hift. relig. vet. Perfarum, per THOMAM HYDE, 4to,
Oxon. 1700. The religion of the Perfees by HENRY LORD,
4to, London, 1630. Relation de l'êtat prefent de Perfe par SAN-
SON, Paris, 1695. Hift. of Chaldaic philofophy, by THOMAS
STANLEY, book ii. p. 67. London, folio, 1662. Philof. ge-
neral. per THEOPH. GALEUM, lib. i. c. 5. 8vo, London, 1676.
Connection of the hiftory of the Old and New Teftament, by
dean, PRIDEAUX, vol. i. p. 299. 8vo, London 1729.
BERT'S, DELLA VALLE'S, TAVERNIER's travels, &c.
I
HER-
of
tics which
occur in
treating it.
144
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
!
of admiration, from its having fubfifted now fome thouſand
years, in as great, of greater purity, than any other religion
known to us at this day. But the accounts, which are ſtill
extant, of the religion of the antient Perſians, are far from
correfponding exactly; and the defcriptions which modern
travellers have given us of thoſe who profeſs this religion in
Perfia and India, even in our time, differ fo widely, though
not indeed in effential articles, that it requires no fmall degree
of patience to ſeparate the ore from the drofs; and to prefent
the reader with what is worthy of being known and believed,
among heaps of fables and mifrepreſentations ( A ).
(A) The accounts we have of
the Perfian religion are, as we
have ftated them above, of two
forts: first, fuch as have been
collected from books; and theſe
again may be divided into two
claſſes, one extracted from the
Greek and Latin writers, the other
from oriental hiftorians: the fe-
cond confifts of what travellers
deliver from their own know-
lege, concerning the doctrines
and practices of the prefent Per-
fians, who thenfelves affirm, and
are allowed, by others, to pra-
etife the religion of their ance-
ftors, with little or no variation.
As to fuch as have drawn their
materials from books, they have
been, as we ſhall frequently have
occaſion to ſhew, prodigiouſly
mifled in their opinions by au-
thors, who have too confidently
delivered their own on this fub-
ject: for, as to the Greek writers,
fuch as Herodotus, Strabo, &c.
they delivered what they had
from others, and that likewife
under this diſadvantage, that, be-
ing polytheists themfclves, they,
of courfe, conceived, that other
nations had variety of gods, as
well as their own; and therefore
reported, that the Perfians wor-
(1). Herodotus, li. c. 131.
proam.
IF
fhiped the fire, becauſe they
prayed before it: the air, be-
caufe, in their devotions, they
lifted up their eyes towards it: and
the fun, becauſe they profeffed
to reverence that glorious planet
(1). Nor was this all;" they
forged, for the fake of making
their hiftories uniform, fuch fa-
crifices, and other religious rites,
as feemed to correfpond beft
with the notions they had fram-
ed of the Perfian religion, and
attributed them to the Perfians.
Thus Herodotus, fpeaking of the
paffage of Xerxes into Greece,
relates impoffible things of the
magi, with as much boldness as
if he had been eye-witneſs of
them. "The country (ſays he)
"that lies about the mountain
"C
Pangaus, is called Phillis; on
"the weft fide, extending to
"the river Angites, which falls
"into the Strymon itſelf. At
“their arrival, the magi offered.
a facrifice of white horfes to
"this river; and, after they had
"thrown them into the ftream
"with a compofition of various.
66
drugs, the army broke up,
"and marched to the Nine Ways
"of the Edonians, where they
"found bridges prepared for
Strab. geograph. lib. xv. Diogen. Laert. in
"their
CXI
145
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
If we had ſtill any confiderable collection of the antient
Perfian records, we ſhould doubtleſs find in them what would
fatisfy
•
"their paffage over the Strymon.
"But, being informed that this
place was called by the name
"of the Nine Ways, they took
"nine of the fons and daugh-
"ters of the inhabitants, and
"buried them alive, as the man-
ner of the Perfians is. And I
"have heard that Ameftris, the
"wife of Xerxès, having at-
"tained to a confiderable age,
"caufed fourteen children of
"the beſt families in Perfia to
"be interred alive, for a facri-
"fice of thanks to that god,
who, they fay, is beneath the
"earth (2)." We have fhewn
in the text, that the Perfians
were indeed reverencers of wa-
ter as well as fire; but that
they facrificed to it, or threw
any thing into a running ftream,
is a flat contradiction to this
very notion of theirs, which
confifted in preferving the pu-
rity of thoſe elements, and not
in polluting them with blood,
and dead carcafes. And, in
reſpect to facrifices, Herodotus
himſelf, in another place, ac-
knowleges as much (3). 2.
Curtius, fpeaking of the cha-
riot in which Darius appeared
in the field against Alexander,
defcribes it thus: "It was ad-
<<
"C
orned, fays he, with images
"of their gods in filver and
gold;
; the axle-tree thereof
glittered with precious ftones;
upon it were two images of
gold, the one reprefenting
Ninus, the other Belus, of a
"cubit ftature cach: between
"them was an eagle of gold,
<<
**
(2) Herodotus, I. vii. c. 113. 114.
Curt. lib. iii. cap. 3
VOL. V.
"difplaying her wings over
"both, &c (4).” All this is
downright fiction; Ninus and
Belus were never worshiped by
the Perfians; they were not
wont to erect images, or to wor-
fhip them. What makes it pro-
bable, that Curtius was the in-
ventor of this whole ftory, is
this; that Arrian (5), an author
of great accuracy, and who
wrote from excellent materials,
fays not one word of all this;
nor indeed does any other an-
tient hiftorian. But Curtius was
fo great a rhetorician, that he
could not write plainly; but, on
the contrary, loaded all his de-
fcriptions with ornaments, with-
out any regard to probability or
truth. As to the relations of
travellers, we need not wonder,
that they differ about the reli-
gious opinions, rites and cere-
monies of the Perfians, or, as
fome call them, Perfces, fince
they very feldom agree exactly,
even in their deſcriptions of lefs
intricate things thah thefe. As
for Henry Lord, whofe fmall trea-
tife, in relation to thefe people,
has been received as a kind of
oracle, merely becauſe he ven-
tured to talk very authoratively
therein; it is fcarce poffible to
determine from what he fays,
whether they are idolaters or
not: he calls them fo, it is true,
and fpeaks of their worshiping
the fire in an idolatrous manner:
yet the better part of his book,
which confifts of what he heard
from one of their priests, con-
tains nothing which can justify
(3) Idem, l.i. c. 138.
(5) Lib. ii, cap 11.
L
(4) 2:
his
هم
146
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
fatisfy us as to the primitive doctrines of their wife men; but
as theſe are moſt of them either long fince deftroyed, or
at leaſt hidden from us, we muſt be content to follow fuch
lights as yet remain; and where we cannot make the reader
underſtand things as clearly as we would, it is our duty to
make them, however, as clear as we can. This is certain,
that the Perfians have preferved the worſhip of one GOD, and
other effential articles of true religion b, through a long courſe
of years, without fuffering themfelves to be drawn over by
fraud, or fubmitting through force, to any new faith, though
they have fo often changed their mafters: a thing very fingu-
lar, and in fome fort commendable, if we confider how much
they have been depreffed fince the death of Yezdegherd, the
laft king of their own religion, and the opprobrious treatment
they have met with from the Mohammedans, who are wont to
call them, and chriftians, with like contempt, infidels; though
the principles of the former, as well as the latter, are far more
reaſonable than the ill-connected legends of the Arabian im-
poftor; and though the modern Perfians (taking that proper
name in a religious, not a civil fenfe) are unanimously acknow-
leged to be as honeft, as charitable, and inoffenfive a people,
as any upon earth. So that, in GOD's due time, we have juſt
reaſon to believe they will, at laft, acknowlege the truth of the
gofpel difpenfation, and be included within the pale of the
Chriftian church (B).
WE
Hift. relig. veter. Perfar. c. 33. Connection of the Old
and New Teftament.
his opinion (6). On the whole,
we have thought it neceffary to
perufe, and fhall, on occafion,
make uſe of, whatever is related
by Herbert, Ovington, Tavernier,
Thevenot, Chardin, or other tra-
vellers, concerning the Perfees,
their tenets and cuftoms; but it
is our happiness to follow a more
capable guide than any of thefe,
the very learned and judicious
Dr. Thomas Hyde, who, from the
mighty ftores of various learn-
ing which he poffeffed, as well
as from the curious obfervations
he in his travels had made, com-
pofed his valuable hiftory of the
religion of the antient Perfians,
wherein every thing he lays
down, is fupported by antient
monuments, or by the exprefs
authority of that law which this
people profeffed to have received
from Zerdusht, a compendium of
whofe writings, contained in the
book Sad-der, the enchiridion of
the modern Perfees, is annexed to
the doctor's treatiſe (7).
(B) Since the introduction of
the Mohammedan religion into
(6) Lord's biftory of the Perfees, p. 10, 44.
(7) Magorum liber Sad-der Zo-
soaftris præcepta & canones continens; in ufum ecclefiæ magorum, & fidelium corum
omnium.
Perfia,
C. XI.
147
The History of the Perfians.
c
WE have heretofore fhewn, that the original inhabitants Origin of
of Perfia defcended from Elam the ſon of Shem : and from the Perſian
thefe two patriarchs it is moft probable they derived the true religion.
religion,
c Vol. i. p. 267.
Perfia, the antient inhabitants
have been expofed to various
perfecutions on account of their
religion; for the Mohammedans
being, generally fpeaking, bi-
gots, they are not content with
giving thefe unhappy men al-
ways ill language, but, on every
occafion, are ſtirring up their
princes to opprefs and deftroy,
under colour of religion, thefe
relicts of the antient Perfians.
It is true, the Mohammedan Per-
fians have, in all ages, had a-
mongst them fome men of learn-
ing and genius; yet few or none
have ever inquired thoroughly
into the doctrines of thefe poor
people on the contrary, they
are as ready as any to load them
with opprobrious names, and
fuch as they no way deſerve :
thus they call them Noguba, i. e.
Zabian, or deferter of the true
faith; Ghebri, i. e. infidel: this
word is differently fpelt as it is
differently pronounced; the moſt
ufual way of writing it is Ghaur:
they likewife ftyle an antient
Perfian Atefb-pereft, i. e. fire-
worshiper; Philiv or Caliv,
i. e. fool or madman: the moſt
gentle term they make uſe of is
Mogh, that is, magian; but then
they frequently fay, that a Mogh
is dreh-perest and Zindik, that
is, a fire-worshiper and a Sad-
ducee; for among other calum-
nies with which they load thefe
poor men, that of denying a fu-
ture ſtate is one. However, tho'
they may, amongst themſelves,
deftroy their good name, yet,
with ftrangers, their afperfions
do the Perfians no hurt; for
they, looking on the innocence
and integrity of theſe poor peo-
ples lives, cannot avoid afford-
ing them both pity and eſteem.
It would be an eafy matter to
fupport all that has been ad-
vanced in this note, by quota-
tions from the beft accounts we
have of Perfia and the Indies;
but, inſtead of fatiguing the
reader, it may perhaps anfwer
the fame end, if we here fet
down the five precepts which
theſe Perfians acknowlege as
the rule of life, which every
behedin or layman is bound to
obey, as they are reported by
Mr. Lord.
(C
66
I. "To have ſhame ever with
"them, as a remedy againſt all
"fin; for a man would never
opprefs his inferiors, if he had
any fhame; a man would never
fteal, if he had any fhame; a
man would never bear falfe
witneſs, if he had any fhame;
a man would never be over-
come with drink, if he had
any fhame. But becauſe this
is laid afide, men are ready to
"commit any of theſe and
"therefore the behedin, or lay-
CC
"
66
man, muſt think of ſhame."
II. "To have fear always
prefent with them; and that
"every time the eye twinkled,
"or clofed its lids together, they
"fhould ftand in fear at thofe
times of their prayers, left they
"ſhould not go to heaven; the
r
thought of which ſhould make
"them fear to commit fin, for
"that Gop fees what manner of
L 2
CC ones
148
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
religion, which, at firft, flouriſhed among them with the ut-
moft purity, but, in procefs of time, was corrupted by an in-
termixture of fuperftitious rites, and heretical opinions, at fuch
time as the rest of the oriental nations were overſpread with
that deluge of falfe_religion which generally goes under the
The Per- name of Zabiifm. From this it is affirmed by fome antient au-
fians pre- thors they were thoroughly recovered by the patriarch Abraham,
tend to de- who, they fay, undertook the reformation of their religion;
rive their and, having frced it as well from the pernicious doctrines they
religion had imbibed, as from the fuperfluous ceremonies they had
from Abra-
adopted, left it them once more in its pure and primitive con-
dition and fimplicity, wherein he tranſmitted it to his own de-
fcendants ". But if this were ſo, they were a fecond time cor-
rupted, and engaged, if not in idolatrous practices, yet in fu-
fpicious acts of reverence to the heavenly bodies, and in prac-
tices inconfiftent with the true faith (C).
ham.
d
How-
Connection of the Old
d Hift. relig. vet. Perfar. c. 2. & 3.
and New Teſtament, part i. book iv. p. 25. 8vo.
<<
ones they are, that look up
"towards him.
*
III. "That whenfoever they
are to do any thing, to think
"whether the thing be good or
"bad that they go about, whe-
"ther commanded or forbidden
"in the Zundavaftaw; if pro-
hibited, they must not do it;
"if allowed by the book of re-
"ligion, they may embrace and
proſecute the ſame.
ÏV. "That whatſoever of
"God's creatures they fhould
"firſt behold in the morning,
"it ſhould be a monitor to put
"them in mind of their thankf-
givings to God,that had given
"fuch good things for mens fer-
"vice and ufe.
rr
V." That whenfoever they
pray by day, they fhould turn
"their faces towards the fun;
" and whenfoever they prayed
"by night, they fhould incline
"towards the moon: for that
they are the two great lights
"of heaven, and God's two
"witneſſes : moſt contrary to
Lucifer, who loveth darkneſs
more than light."
(C
(C) That the Perfian, as well
as other religions, receded by
degrees from its first principles,
and fuffered by the introduction
of fome fuperftitions, cannot
feem ftrange to any confiderate
perfon. The Perfians them-
felves confeſs it, and acknow-
lege, that their famous lawgiver
Zerdught came to reſtore their pri-
mitive doctrines, and to purge
away thofe errors, which time,
and the induſtry of Zabian here-
tics, had introduced. In what
theſe errors confifted, the ſuper-
ftitious ceremonies which attend-
ed them, and the pains it coft
this reſtorer of magiſm, to root
theſe fooliſh fuperftitions out,
will be delivered in the life of
Zoroafter or Zerduſht, which we
fhall give the reader at large in
our hiſtory of the Perfians, from
the oriental writers under the
reign of that monarch, in whofe
days
C. XI.
149
The History of the Perfians.
HOWEVER the fplendor of their religion might be darkened They were
with theſe ſpots, yet it was never ſo far obfcured as to admit always
any degree of compariſon between it and the worſhip of neigh- zealous in
the fervice
bouring nations (excepting the Jews); for the Perfians con-
tinued zealous adorers of one all-wife and omnipotent GOD, of one God.
whom they held to be infinite and omniprefent; fo that they
could not bear, that he fhould be reprefented by either molten
or graven images; or that the Creator and Lord of the univerſe
fhould be circumfcribed within the narrow bounds of templese.
On this account they overturned the ftatues, and places of pub-
lic worship among the Greeks, as unworthy of the deity, and
not, as they have been falfely charged by the Greeks, from any
facrilegious contempt of the gods of other countries. In the
decline, indeed, of the antient Perfian empire, the worship of
Venus was introduced by one of their princes; but it was con-
demned by the magif, who remained firm to this great article t
of their faith, There is one GOD; and took care to tranſmit it
religiouſly to their poſterity.
ture of that
respect
and to
the
THE only objection to which the antient and modern Per- An account
fians have rendered themſelves liable, flows from the refpect of the nu-
which they have conſtantly paid to fire, and to the fun yet
if this matter be ſeriouſly and impartially confidered, it will be
Thewn by
found, that there is nothing of idolatry in this refpect of theirs, them to firs
but that they only worship GoD in the fire, and not fire as a
god. That they fhould have an extraordinary veneration for
π fun.
the element of fire, and make choice rather of it than of
any of the reft, to be the fymbol of the divine nature, will
appear lefs extraordinary, if we confider, that a never-dying
fire was kept on the altar of burnt-offerings at Jerufalem &;
that GOD revealed himfelf to Mofes by a flame in a bufhh; and
choſe to teftify his prefence, in the hoft of Ifrael, by a pillar
of fire, which went before them in the night, and which ap-
peared only as a column of fmoke in the day i. As to their
veneration of the fun, it is founded on their belief, that he is
the nobleft creature of the Almighty vifible to us, and that his
throne is placed therein. Nor need we wonder either at the
miſtakes of antient writers, or at the ftories told us by fome
Mohammedan authors on this head, fince it was very difficult
Hift. relig. vet. Perfar. p.
f Hift. relig. vet. Perfar. p. 90.
h Exod. iii. 2. Acts vii. 30.
Nehem. ix. 19. Pfalm lxxviii. 14.
days he flouriſhed; for to have
inferted fo long a digreffion here,
muſt have rendered this chapter
very prolix, and at the fame
1
3.
HERODOTUS, 1. i. c. 131.
§ 2 Chron. vii. 1. Levit, X. I.
Exod. xiii. 21. Numb. xiv. 14.
1 Cor. x. 1.
time obliged us to frequent re-
capitulations in the fubfequent
history.
L 3
for
150
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
k
for them to get a true knowlege of the religious tenets and cu-
ſtoms of this people, becauſe they were forbidden by their le-
giflator Zoroafter, or Zerdusht, as appears from the book Sad-
der, to teach either their antient language, or its character, to
ftrangers, or to inftruct them in their religion . If any far-
ther regard had been had to the fun in antient times, it would
certainly have defcended with the other parts of their religion to
the modern Perfians: but that it never reached them, the
learned and judicious doctor Hyde affures us; for an intimate
friend of his being by him requeſted to inquire concerning the
worſhip of Mithra (fo the Perfians call the fun), he accordingly
afked fome of the prieſts of the Perfians fettled in India, at what
feafons, and with what ceremonies, they adored the fun. They
anfwered, that they never adored the fun, or paid any fort of di-
vine honours to that luminary, to the moon, or to the planets; but
only turned themſelves towards the fun when praying, becauſe
they looked upon it to come nearest to the nature of fire. The
fame excellent author obferves, That, among the precepts of
Zoroafter, his diſciples are directed to pay daily to the fun cer-
tain niyah, i. e. falutations, confifting only in words (and
thoſe too addreffed to GOD) without any mention of prieftish,
į. e. worſhip by bowing of the body. Yet if any cuſtom of
this fort prevails, it ought not to be interpreted as a mark of
idolatrous adoration; for the Perfian Mohammedans, who are
zealous detefters of that impiety, and the Armenians who dwell
in Perfia, are wont to pray in like manner, the latter making
the fign of the croſs, and bowing profoundly low at the fight
of the rifing fun. To fay the truth, adoration, that is, pro-
ftrating or bowing the body, was, even among the Hebrews,
a civil as well as a religious rite; or, to ſpeak more properly,
the fame word, viz. nawn Hifhtabhavaah, was uſed to ex-
preſs this act of reverence, when applied to GOD or man. An
eminent rabbi fays, that this, as an act of devotion, was not
to be performed out of the fan&tuary, that is, out of the
temple it is forbid, by the fecond commandment, to be paid
to idols; but, as a civil rite, the Jews were at liberty thus to
teſtify their reſpect to angels, and to perfons of very high dig-
nity. On the whole therefore, there can be no more reafon
to fufpect theſe Perfians of idolatry on this account, than any
other of the oriental nations, fince the fun is no more than the
Kibla (D) of the Perfians, as the temple of Jerufalem was to
t
m
* Hift. relig. vet. Perf. p. 5.
fupra. Levit. xxvi. i.
(D) That is, the point of ado-
ration, fuch as Daniel in parti-
the
Idem, p. 5, & 6. m IARCHI
cular is faid to have practifed,
when he prayed with his face
towards
C. XI.
451
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
the Jews, and that of Mecca is to the Mohammedans, who in
this refpect are fo fcrupulous, that they have tables to deter-
mine the bearing of Mecca ", from whatever place they are in.
As to the notions which the Perfians have of the fun, they The Mi-
are not, as we ſhall fee hereafter, perfectly agreed in them; thra of the
fome believing the throne of GOD placed therein, and that it Perfians
is the feat of paradife; others entertaining a different opinion never
as to paradife, but praying nevertheleſs towards the fun, as aefteemed a
fymbol of the Deity, on account of its purity. It is farther deity;
certain, that the Perfians never called Mithra a god, or
aſcribed to it any name of the divinity; and, fo far from di-
recting any petitions thereto, they conſtantly begin and end
the ejaculations pronounced before the fun with the praiſes of
the moſt high GOD, to whom alone their prayers are ad-
dreffed º. As to the fire before which the Perfians worship, nor the
taking that word in an extended fenfe, they acknowlege no-fire
thing of divinity therein; but, efteeming it a fymbol of the
deity, they firft proftrate themſelves before it, and then, ſtand-
ing up, they pray to GoD. Thus, among the ruins of the
antient palace at Perfepolis there are feen many marble ſtatues
of kings ſtanding praying to Gon before the figures of the fun
and fire, which are alfo placed on the wall before them; only
one figure is feen kneeling, with the fame ſymbols before it as
the reft. As the fire in the temple was reputed facred among
the Jews, fo the Perfians might from them take this cuftom
of praying before facred fires: which is the more likely, fince
it was the manner of God's choſen people to proftrate them-
felves before the altar, and then to offer up their petitions. It
was alfo a cuſtom among the Perfians to tender oaths before the
Idem, cap. 5-
ture which feem to have fome
relation to this point (9), hath
thewn a confummate knowlege
in various kinds of literature, as
well as a genius perfectly well
turned for fuch intricate and abf-
trufe inquiries.
n Hift. relig. vet. Perf. p. 95-
towards the holy city (7). This
is not a proper place to inquire,
how fuch a notion of directing
one's prayers towards any holy
place, or peculiar point of the
compafs, became fo generally
received. If the inquifitive read-
er would have a more exact ac-
count of this matter, than it is
proper in ſuch a note as this to
give him, he may have recourfe
to the works of the learned Mr.
John Gregory of Oxford (8), who,
in treating of two texts of Scrip-
For us, it is
fufficient, that the fact is as we
have ſtated it; fince, whether it
be right or wrong, the Perfians
must be as much in the right,
or as little in the wrong, as any
other nation which hath fallen
into this way of thinking.
(7) Dan. vi, 10. (S) 4to, Londin, A. D. 1684, p. 73.
42. 12,
L 4
(9) Zech. iii. 8.
fire
152
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
fire upon the altar, in which alfo they agreed with the Jews, as
they did farther in offering their victims, and other offer-
ings, either by or upon it; and in preferving it from being
polluted by impure fuel, in which laſt caſe the Perfians went
fo far as to puniſh offenders with death. Their kings alſo,
and principal perfons, were wont fometimes to feed the facred
fires with precious oils, and rich aromatics, ftiling theſe epula
ignis, or fire-dainties 9: but ſtill all things done to or by fire,
were performed to the honour of GOD, and terminated folely
in him; at leaſt, if we may credit the concurring teftimonies of
Perfic writers yet remaining, and the conftant affeverations of
thoſe who ſtill profeſs this religion (E).
9 HYDE, C. 22. p. 290.
(E) When we confider the
point in difpute,which is plainly
this, Whether the antient Per-
fians had rational or irrational
notions of the Deity; and what
degree of evidence there is on
each fide; it may feem furpri-
fing, that it is yet made a matter
of diſpute among the learned,
Herodotus, who elsewhere tells
us ſtrange ſtories of the religious
ceremonies of the Perfians on
hearfay, fpeaking exprefly on
this head, fays all that can be
wiſhed or defired in their fa-
vour; for he owns, that the an-
tient Perfians had neither tem-
ples, altars, nor images: and
therefore we ought rather to re-
gard this than the other parts of
his book; wherein he mani-
feftly relates what other Greek
writers, full of spleen againſt
Xerxes, and his fucceffor, had
written of their inhuman facri
fices, and other acts of religious
cruelty (10). Xenophon's autho-
rity would be of great weight in
the prefent cafe, if he had written
decifively, and ſpoken things of
his own knowlege; but the high
commendations he has given the
THERE
Perfians, and the mighty cha-
racter he hath afforded their
laws, hath begot a doubt in the
minds of the learned, whether
he did not mingle his own
ideas with the accounts he gives
us of the customs and manners
of the Perfians (11). Plutarch, in
a paffage hereafter more fully
cited, fpeaks very reſpectfully
of Zoroafter, and afcribes no-
thing to him unworthy of a very
wife man. There were fome,
he tells us, of the antients, who
afferted two fupreme beings, the
one the author of all good, the
other of all evil; others, who
admitted but one GOD, the father
of good, but who acknowleged
there was a demon, from whom
all evil proceeded: this laft, fays
he, was the doctrine of Zors-
after, who flouriſhed four thou-
fand years before the Trojan war
(12). The fame author then
proceeds to a fuccinct account
of the doctrine of the magi,
which we fhall have occafion
to infert in our text. Dr.
Hyde has produced an authen-
tic relation of the fentiments af
the antient Perfians on this ſub-
(12) De Ifid, & Ofir.
ject,
(10) Herodot, 1. i, 6, 131. (13) Vide Cyropædiam.
CXI.
153
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
THERE is yet another point, in which the Perfians are to
be vindicated, before we can leave the learned reader fatisfied,
that they never were idolaters. It is this: they had amongſt
them, after the time of Zoroafter's reformation of their reli-
gion, certain caves, adorned not only with figures of the
fun, but of the planets, and other heavenly bodies; which
fymbolical reprefentations were called Mithriac figures, and nor any
were afterwards introduced into other nations, where they be- other ſym-
came objects of idolatrous worſhip; but they were far from bolical re-
being fo among the Perfians, who were a wife and well-in-preſenta-
ftructed people; for, with them, they ferved only as mathe- tions.
matical fymbols for preferving the true fyftem of the univerfe,
to which end, and to no other, they were uſed, and perhaps
invented by Zoroafter himſelf, as we ſhall hereafter have occa-
fion to prove, when we come to fpeak of the life, doctrines,
and writings, of that famous man “.
HAVING thus fhewn, in general, the nature of the Perfian
religion, and that it was far preferable to any of the fyftems
received in other nations, either in the eaſt or in the weſt, the
Jews excepted, we fhall proceed to fhew what the Perfians
themſelves have taught concerning the eſtabliſhment of their
religion, as well as what are the doctrines as to effential points
univerfally received among them.
THE great fame of Abraham, which, from a concurrence
of various caufes, had diffufed itfelf through the whole eaft,
induced the Perfians, as well as the Zabians, to afcribe the
fyftem of doctrines received by them to that venerable patri-
arch, ftiling their faith at all times Kiſh-Abraham. They like-
HYDE, C. 4. p. 118.
f
ject, as collected from their fuc-
ceffors the Perfees fettled in In-
dia, an abſtract of which will
likewiſe be inferted in our text
(13); and the curious reader
may perufe the whole of it in
the treatife of the excellent au-
thor before-mentioned. In the
fame place may be found the
teſtimony of Shariftan, who wrote
in Arabic an account of the re-
ligions of the eaſt, and who, in
fpeaking of the faith of the
Perfians, does them all the juf
tice that can be (14); but, what
A
is of far greater confequence to
us than any authority of friends
or enemies whatſoever, the book
Sadder, containing the canon of
the Perfian faith, is not only
extant amongſt the Perfees, but
even amongst ourſelves; and
every page therein affords us in-
ftances of Zoroafter's wiſdom, and
of the rectitude of the religion
he eſtabliſhed, as to funda-
mental points, and eſpecially as
to the belief of one infinitely
wife, eternal, felf-exiftent Be
ing (15).
) Relig, veter. Perfar. c. 22, p. 292.
liber magorum, apud Hyde rolig, vet, Perfarum,
(14) Ibid. (15) Vide Sadder
3
wife
154
B.I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Whether wife afcribe the books, which they hold facred, to this father
Abraham of the faithful; and as much believe him to be the author of
was the
their fofh or bible, as we believe the gofpel to have come to
author of us from CHRIST, or the Mohammedans, that GoD revealed
the Perfee to Mohammed his koran. In attributing books to Abraham,
religion. they agree with the Jews, and with the Mohammedans, the
latter afcribing to him no lefs than ten treatifes, perhaps all
with the like reaſon. The Perfians fay farther, that Abraham,
while he refided amongst them, dwelt in the city of Balch,
which they, from thence, ftile the city of Abraham. But,
though it muſt be allowed, that the old Perfian religion agreed,
in many great points, with the religion of Abraham; and tho'
it fhould be admitted, that his fame might, even in his life-
time, be, with very advantageous circumftances, publiſhed
throughout all Perfia; yet it is fo far from being evident, that
it is fcarce probable, he went himſelf into that country, much
lefs that he executed the office of a prophet there, and refided
at Balch. On the contrary, it is far more credible, that this
notion took rife from the fuggeftion of Zoroafter, who had
his learning and his divinity out of the book of Mofes, and
other facred books among the Jews; and that the city of Balch
received the appellation of the city of Abraham from Zoroa-
fter, on account of his making it the refidence of the archi-
magus, or high-prieft, of the religion of Abraham, and not
from that patriarch's being fuppofed to live there at all in an-
tient times t.
The other
THOUGH fire was held the fymbol of the Divinity among
elements the Perfians, yet the other elements were alfo highly ho-
revered by noured by them; infomuch that the Greeks, and other fo-
the Per- reigners, who knew not their religious principles, called
fees, them worshipers of the elements; which was a flagrant ca-
lumny, fince all the refpect they paid them arofe from their
conceiving them to be the firft feeds of all things: wherefore
they ſtudied, by every method poffible, to preferve each of
them in its primitive purity. On this account, they prevented,
as much as they could, the air from being infected by ill fmells:
and, for their officioufnefs on this head, Herodotus, according
to his uſual cuſtom, repreſents them as believing the air a
deity. They hold (fays he) the whole expanfe to be Jupiter ".
That they might, in like manner, preferve the earth from
impurities, they would not bury their dead therein; but fuf-
fered them to be devoured by birds and wild beafts, that, find-
ing a tomb in their bowels, they might not infect the air. In
$
S HYDE, C. 2. p. 28.
t Connection of the Old and New
u
Teftament, part i. book: iv. p. 225.
BELOT, art. Balkhe. HERODOT. 1. i. c. 131.
HYDE, C. 3. D'HER-
fine,
C.XI.
155
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
fine, the preferving all the elements pure, was by them efteemed
an act of high piety, and, as fuch, meriting the divine favour
in this world, and in the world to come; for, in all things,
they were great affecters of cleanlineſs, and ftudious, in an
eſpecial manner, of avoiding whatever might pollute them.
Fire and water, however, were, in a peculiar manner, the
objects of their care, becauſe they were the moſt liable to be
contaminated; and hence the Greeks, miftaking the degree of
reverence they paid them, declared them, without fcruple,
worshipers of thofe elements; and tell us formal ftories of the
facrifices offered to both. It is very true, that kings often do
extravagant things, and fuch as are contrary to the civil and
religious laws of the countries they govern; fo that it is not
impoffible, that ſome of the Perfian princes might be guilty of
what is laid to their charge: but it is not likely, becauſe the
Perfians univerfally held, that whoever wilfully polluted either
fire or water, deferved death in this world, and everlafting
puniſhment in that to come; and that whoever threw the bones
of dead creatures into waters were certainly damned. For theſe
reafons, the magi, where-ever they were, took care to have
all the waters in their neighbourhood watched, affigning them
keepers, whofe fole office it was to look carefully to this mat-
ter, and to fee, that no filthy thing was thrown or dropped
into them; and for this they had ſtated and well-fettled falaries:
for, abhorring as they did, to reprefent the almighty LORD
of heaven and earth by artificial images of ftone or metal, they The purity
choſe to preſerve fire and water in their utmoſt purity, that with
they might ferve as fymbols of the divine nature, and put them which they
in mind of the infinite purity of GOD. As they held the mini- preferved
ftrat.on of angels, fo they believed, that one of theſe celeftial the ele-
guards was appointed to watch over the waters in general.
This angel they called Ardifur or Arduifur, for whom a parti-
cular niyaish or falutation was preſcribed; the title of which,
in their antient books, runs thus, Hymn to Ardifur, for the be-
nefits received from the fea, rivers, wells, and fountains. In
this hymn, they praifed him for taking care of all theſe places,
and prayed that he might continue fo to do, returning GOD
thanks for the various ufes made of water, and the mighty
advantages refulting to mankind from his wife difpofition
thereof throughout the earth. They were of opinion, that,
in paradife, fuch people were peculiarly bleffed, as had been
cautious of defiling water, and had, in this fenfe, preferved a
reſpect for that element, during their lives; for which cauſe,
they recommended the care of this element, as well as fire, to
their women, that is, their private fires, and the water uſed
in their houfes; for it does not appear, that they ever admitted
women to minifter in religious matters, except in the myfte-
ries
ments.
156
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
ţ
1
Their
priests.
:
ries of Venus; which, as we obferved before, was an herefy,
and, as fuch, detefted by the orthodox magians. This love
to purity, and eſpecial regard to water, may ftand fufficiently
juftified by the practice of the Jews, and the precepts in their
law for corporal purification, as well as by the great advantage
of preferving cleanlinefs in thofe exceffive hot climates; efpe-
cially if we confider, that, in waſhing the hands, &c. and
putting on the garments, they were bound to ufe folemn forms
of prayer, as indeed there were fet ejaculations to be uſed in
the moſt ordinary actions of human life ".
WITH refpect to the ufe they made of fire in their national
religion, the prieſts, who attended it, by no means deferved
the appellation of ignarii facerdotes, i. e. fire-prieſts; for they
were truly facerdotes Dei, priefts of the Almighty, who, tho',
like the Jewish pricfts, they waited on, and took care to pre-
ferve the facred fire from being extinguifhed, were far from
making this their only duty; for thefe, as well as thoſe, read
every day public prayers, and did other facerdotal offices, as
we fhall hereafter declare more largely yet fuch has been
the hard fate of thefe people, that, becauſe their principles
were not known, and their ceremonies ill underſtood, they
have been branded with the name of ateſh-pereft, i. e. fire-
worſhipers; fo dangerous a thing it is to carry to any exceſs
even innocent ceremonies. They never confeffed their fins to
any, but to GOD, nor befought a remiffion of them from any,
but from Him; yet they inclined to perform thefe public acts
of devotion before the fymbol of the Deity, that is, before
fire, or before the fun, as the witneſs of their actions. In like
manner, the Jews confeffed their fins to GOD in the temple,
the fire flaming on the altar near them; fo that there was no-
thing of idolatry in this, though it might not be altogether
free from fuperftition (F).
u. HYDE, c. 6. p. 137.
(F) If we were to undertake a
critical review of what modern
authors have written about
theſe people, and their opinions,
it would require a far larger
treatiſe than this whole chapter.
This affertion, bold as it may
feem, fhall give fuch a pregnant
inſtance of it, as will fufficiently
prove the truth of our obferva-
tion. Mr. Tavernier has spent
about fifteen pages in his ac-
IN
count of theſe people, in which
there are at leaft fifty capital
miſtakes, which any man may
difcover, who is at all verfed
in oriental literature. In his
fection of the origin and pro-
phets of this fect, he confounds
Zerduſht with Abraham, in ſuch
a manner, that it would cost a
great deal of time to determine
what part of the ſtory belongs to
the one, and what to the other.
He
C. XI.
157
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
In the moſt antient times, the Perfians had no temples át
all; but reared altars, whereon they preferved their facred.
He tells us of a king, whom he
calls Neubrout, probably Nim-
rod; and afcribes to him things
that nobody ever heard of be-
fore; nay, the very name he
has given the prophet, is fuffi-
cient to fhew how much he was
confuſed on this fubject; and
confequently, how little credit
is due to what he relates of the
religion of the Gaurs or Gabres,
as he calls them. Their pro-
phet's name, as fet down by
him, was Ebrahim-zer-Ateucht;
he tells us of books he received
from heaven, that they contain
the religious precepts of thefe
people; and that he himſelf has
feen a great book which was at-
tributed to him. But we muft de-
fire the reader to take notice,
that we do not arraign Mr. Ta-
vernier's fincerity, as to facts
which lay within the compafs of
his judgment; on the contrary,
we are perfuaded, that he wrote
nothing which he did not take
to be true, as appears by the
following account of their wor-
fhip of the fire, which is the
title of one of his fections:
"The Gaurs render no fuch
“honours to the fire, as agree
"with this term of worship;
they are not idolaters; they
acknowlege one GOD, the
"Creator of the heaven and of
"the earth; and him only they
ናር
<<
CC
worſhip." In the reft of his
fections he ſpeaks diftinctly e-
nough of what he faw; but he
relates what he heard in fuch a
manner, that a perſon who knew
(16) Tavern. lib. iv. c. 8. p. 480.
fires,
as little of the matter as he,
could not fail of being deceived
(16). Sir John Chardin, whom
we have often commended, and
who, without all queftion, was
one of the most intelligent men
that ever obliged the public
with an account of his travels,
fpeaks very contemptibly of
thefe people; and would have
us believe there is no fort of
learning amongst them, but a
little aftrology: he fays, their
priests talk confufedly of their
religion, and that they were
not pofitive themfelves as to the
place where their facred fire was
kept (17). But though this
gentleman was not ſo happy as
to meet with intelligent perfons
of this religion, others have :
and the accounts they have
written, are clear and fatisfac-
tory, nay, fupported by unde-
niable evidence. Monfieur Le
Brun, by the interpofition of
the English agent, had a con-
verfation with one of their
prieſts, from whom he learned
many things exactly conform-
able to what we have delivered.
It would therefore be needleſs
to infert that converfation here:
but it will not perhaps be a-
mifs to give the anſwer of the
prieſt to Mr. Le Brun's first
queftion, what he thought of
the creation of the world, and
the power of Gon.
He ſaid,
He believed Gop to be the Be-
ing of beings, a Spirit of light,
above the comprehenfion of hu-
man underſtandings, infinite, in
(17) Chordin, tom. ii. p. 179.
all
1
158
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Their py-
rea, or
temples.
fires, on the tops of mountains, and other folitary places *. It
was Zoroafter who perfuaded them, for the fake of preferving
thefe fires more conveniently, to erect over each of them a
pyreum, or fire-temple; but this had no relation to Mithra,
or the fun, towards whom they could better teftify their refpect
in the open air neither did it fubvert their antient principle,
that the LORD of the univerſe ought not to be incloſed within
walls; for their pyrea did not circumfcribe what they esteemed
an image or femblance of the Divinity, but only the fymbol
of his purity, and, as it were, a fhadow of his nature. The
overturning therefore of the Greek temples by Xerxes, and
other acts of a like nature, were perfectly confiftent with their
reverence for fire, and their reſpect for the fun. Of this tho'
many Greek and oriental writers were intirely ignorant, and
were confequently prone to miſrepreſent them, yet authors of
great candour, and more extenfive knowlege, have readily
affented to it, and teftified, to the honour of the Perfians, that
they worshiped only one GOD, without reprefenting him by
any image or picture whatſoever y.
Their no-
THE Perfians, in early times, acknowleged one eternal and
tions of
omnipotent Being, the creator and preferver of all things: him
good and they called Yezad, Izad, or Izud; alfo Ormuzd, Hormuz, or
evil beings Hormizda joining this with the modern name, they fay,
Hormizda Choda, Ŏ fupreme GOD. They acknowleged alfo
an evil-created being, whom they ftiled ahariman, ahreman,
or ahriman, and, in verfe, ahrimanan, which fignifies amongſt
them the devil. To fhew their deteftation of this wicked being,
his name, in the antient Perfian books, was thus written,
uvшuyqp, to intimate, that, as he was the implacable and per-
× HEROD. 1. i. c. 131. y Shahriſtan, &c. apud HYDE, C. iii.
p. 105.
all places, almighty, from whom
nothing could be hid, and a-
gainſt whofe will nothing could
be done. This conference hap-
pened in the month of January,
1707 (18). As to the pyrea, or
fire-temples, they were formerly
as frequent as pariſh-churches in
other countries; but fince the
deſtruction of the antient Per-
fians, thefe ftructures are by no
means common. The Perfees
content themſelves with faying
their prayers before the common
fires, and their priefts officiate
(18) Le Brun, tom, ü. p. 387.
2
before them likewife. They
have, however fire-temples, or
fire-chapels, ftill in fome places;
and the chief of them is fup-
pofed to be in the province of
Kermnan, where there are more
Gaurs than in any other part of
Perfia. Antiently their temples
were fplendid, and ſaid to have
been dedicated not only to the
fun, but to the reft of the pla-
nets; in which, however, there
was no more idolatry than there
is in our dedicating churches to
this or that faint (19).
(19) Hyde relig, veter, Perf. c. 29. p. 153.
petual
C. XI.
159
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
petual enemy of mankind, they maintained an everlaſting en-
mity againſt him, and all his works. The modern Perfians
call the devil div.
SOME have afferted, that the antient Perfians held a co-
eternity of theſe two principles; but writers, better acquainted
with the true tenets of this nation, agree, that ahariman was
created out of darknefs, and that Oromafdes firft fubfifted alone;
that by him the light and darkneſs were created; that, in the
compofition of this world, good and evil are mixed together,
and fo fhall continue till the end of all things, when each
fhall be feparated, and reduced to its own ſphere. Plutarch,
who was a very ingenious, and a very inquifitive man, hath
given us a long account of the doctrines of Zoroafter, very
conformable to what has already been faid, and agreeing per-
fectly well with the religion of the antient patriarchs, except
in a few ftrokes of fable, which were either inferted by the
miſtake of the reporter of that abftract, or were invented by
Zerdusht, to account for thofe things which furpafs human un-
derſtanding. Some have endeavoured to account for the
origin of the prince of darkneſs thus: Oromafdes, fay they, faid
once within his mind, How fhall my power appear, if there be
nothing to oppoſe me? This reflection called ahriman into Of God's
being, who thenceforward oppofed all the defigns of God, creating
and thereby, in ſpite of himſelf, contributes to his glory. The ahriman,
fouls of men, according to them, were at firſt unbodied ſpirits; or the de-
but the Almighty, refolving to make uſe of them in warring
against ahriman, cloathed them with flefh, promifing them,
that the light fhould never forfake them, till ahriman and all
his fervants were fubdued; after which, the refurrection of
the dead is to follow, with the feparation of the light from the
darkneſs, and the coming of the kingdom of peace. To fay
the truth, the notions they have of the beginning of all things,
the ſtate of our firſt parents, the attempts made on them by
the prince of darkneſs, the laft judgment, the falvation of the
good, and the punishment of the bad, differ very little from
what is delivered to us in the Scripture on thefe heads; only
they have a long account of the war between GOD and the
author of evil, which, they fay, ended in a complete victory
gained over the latter, and his adherents, who were conſtrained
to furrender at difcretion: that the Almighty did not annihi-
late his enemies, becauſe, without oppofition, his attributes
could not have appeared with fuch luftre as they now do (G):
2 HYDE, C. II. 13.
(G). In the courſe of ages, it
is not to be wondered, that falfe
that
a PLUTARCH. de Ifide & Ofiride,
notions crept into their religion
in fome places; as among the
magi
vil.
160
·B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Of the du- that the world had exifted three thouſand years before this
ration of decifive battle, the whole of its duration being fixed to twelve
the world. thoufand: that, after this defeat, GOD, by holding up three
fingers, gave the evil one leave to chufe which three thoufand
years of the nine thousand yet to come he would pleaſe to
take, wherein to trouble and vex mankind; whereupon he
chofe the middlemoft. Before, fay they, this power was given
to ahriman, man lived in a ſtate of innocence; but that, fince
his fall, war, and all other evils, have been introduced; that
theſe however fhall, in time, pafs away, and man live again,
for a certain ſpace, in peace and glory. They place the day
of judgment at the end of twelve thousand years: and, as to
the damned, they affert, that they ſhall be puniſhed, accord-
ing to the heinoufnefs of their crimes, two angels being ap-
pointed to be the infpectors of their fufferings. At laft how-
ever even theſe are to be pardoned; but never to be admitted
to the joys of the bleffed, but to remain in a certain place by
themſelves, and to wear, in their foreheads, a black mark,
as a badge of that ſtate, from whence, through the mercy of
GOD, they were freed ".
b HYDE, C. 9.
magi of Cappadocia, who not
only worshiped, with idolatrous
circumſtances, their facred fires,
but alſo introduced images in
their temples. But that herefy,
which, of all others, threaten-
ed the religion of Zoroafter most,
was Monicheifm; forMancs, that
arch-heretic, refided long iu
Perfia, and there broached his
abfurd notion of two eternal
felf-exiftent beings; and, by
mingling the doctrines of magi-
ifm and Chriftianity, made up
a monstrous fyftem of incredible
doctrines, attended with very
ridiculous practices (20). How-
ever, theſe notions were rooted
out, as will be hereafter ſhewn,
by the authority of the civil
magiftrates; fo that the prefent
Perfees have amongst them none
of thefe whimfical chimeras,
but retain the doctrine of their
A
anceſtors in all its purity, and
are a religious as well as a
moft inoffenfive people, tena-
cious of their own principles,
but complaifant to other people,
though very referved; from
whence proceed the many miſ-
takes that have been made about
them. When they fpeak, they
never fail to exprefs themſelves
in fuch a manner as fully purges
all fufpicion of their being ido-
laters; but they cannot help
fhewing, on fuch occafions, an
inveterate diflike against two
perfons, celebrated by the great-
eft part of mankind as heroes
and conquerors, but looked on
by them as murderers and rob-
bers. Thefe are Alexander the
Great, and Mohammed, both ca-
pital enemies of their country
and nation (21).
(20) Hyde relig. vet. Perf. c. 21. p. 275.
(21) Chardin, tom. iì, p. 180.
THE
C. XI.
161
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
THE point in which the Perfians differ moft from us, is as Of its cre-
to the manner of GOD's creating the world, which, they fay, ation.
happened not in fix days, but in fix feaſons, each ſeafon con-
taining many days; the firft of theſe they ftile Mid-yuzeram,
containing forty-two days; in this, fay they, the heavens were
created, with all things belonging to them: the ſecond they
ftile Mid-yufham, containing fixty days, wherein the waters
were created: the third is by them named Pitiſhahim, in-
cluding feventy-five days; in this the earth was made: the
fourth they called Iyaferam, including thirty days, wherein
were made the trees: the fifth goes under the name of Midi-
yarim, containing eighty days, in which all living creatures
received being. The laft they ftile Hamefpitamidim, com-
prehending ſeventy-five days, wherein was made man ©.
•
It is now time for us to ſpeak of the rites and ceremonies Their cere-
of the Perfians, antient and modern, in the exercife of their monies and
religion, and every thing relating thereto. They have a re- public
gular clergy, and are very zealous in afferting an uninterrupt- worship.
ed fucceffion of perfons inftructed in their facred myſteries,
from the time of Zerduſht to this day. Their ordinary prieſts
are obliged to live according to certain rules, much more fe-
vere than thoſe given to the laity, as the reader will perceive at
the end of the following page: their high-priefts were under ftill
ftricter obligations; and all of them were bound to difcharge.
their facerdotal offices with mighty exactnefs and devotion ".
As to their public worship, it was and is ftill thus performed:
In every pyreum, or fire-temple, there ftood an altar, on
which burnt the facred fire, which was always kept alive by
the prieſt: when the people affembled, in order to their devo-
tions, the prieſt put on a white habit and a mitre, with a gaufe
or cloth paffing before his mouth, that he might not breathe
on the holy element: thus he read certain prayers out of the
Liturgy, which he held in one hand, fpeaking very foftly, and
in a whispering fort of tone, holding in his left-hand certain
fmall twigs of a facred tree, which, as foon as the fervice was
over, he threw into the fire. At thefe times all who were pre-
fent put up their prayers to GOD, for fuch things as they food
in need of; and, when prayers were finiſhed, the prieſt and
people withdrew filently, and with all other tokens of awful
refpect. All theſe rites are ftill obſerved: but, to prevent, as
far as poffible, the people from falling into idolatry, the prieſt
now informs them, when they are going from their devotions,
of the reaſons why they worship before the fire, and all the
obligations they are under to treat it with reverence. This ex-
© LORD's religion of the Perfees, c. 8. p. 41.
account of the Perfian religion.
· VOL. V.
M
d LORD's
hortation
162
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
..
hortation runs ufually in theſe words: "Forafmuch as fire
was delivered to Zerdusht by the Almighty, as the fymbol
"of his majeſty; wherefore it was required, that we ſhould
"eſteem it holy, and refpect it as an emanation from the
"fountain of light; and that we ſhould love all things which
reſemble it, eſpecially the fun and moon, the two great wit-
"neffes of God, the fight of which ſhould put us in mind of
"his omniſcience; therefore let us, without fuperftition, keep
"the command given us, evermore praifing GOD for the great
"ufefulneſs of this element; and befeeching him to make us
"always bear in mind the obligations we are under to do our
"duty towards him; which is as neceffary to the health and
happineſs of the foul, as light and fire are to the cafe and
"welfare of the body (H).”
..
C
← BEAUCHAMP's effays on important ſubjects, fect. iii.
-
(H) Among the antient magi,
there were three degrees of
priefts, ordinary priefts, over-
feers of theſe, and an archima-
gus, like our archbishop, or ra-
ther a metropolitan, who was
acknowleged for the fucceffor of
Zoroafter, and held the fupreme
head of their church. Thefe,
in the old Perfian language,
were filed Mugh, i. e. Magus;
Mubad, i. e. fuperintendant; and
Mubad, Mubadan, or high-prieft
(22). Lord, in his account of
the religion of the Perfians, calls
them by other names, viz. Da-
roos, Herboods, and Diftecoos; the
laft he makes equivalent to Mu-
bad Mubadan; and fays, there is
never any more than one chief
of the clergy of the Perfees at a
time. As to the duty of their
prieſts, the fame writer tells us,
that it is compriſed in the eleven
rules following; viz. 1. The
obſerving the rites prefcribed in
the liturgy of Zoroafter, becauſe
GOD is beft pleafed with that
form of prayer which he has
THEY
prefcribed. 2. To keep his
eyes from coveting that which
is another's; for God having
given to every man what ſeems
meet for him in his eyes, to de-
fire that which is another's, is
not only fhewing a dislike of
GoD's providence, but is like-
wife affronting him, by challeng-
ing that for our due which he
hath denied us. 3. To have a
care always to fpeak the truth;
for all truth cometh from GOD,
all lyes from the devil: all prieſts
therefore fhould ſpeak truth, be-
caufe they are the fervants of the
GoD of truth, and, as fuch, are
credited in what they fay. 4. To
keep cloſe to his bufinefs, and
not meddle with worldly mat-
ters; for it belongs to the lay-
man to fee the prieſt wants no-
thing that is neceffary, and to
the prieſt, not to defire any
thing which is fuperfluous. 5.
To get the book of the law by
heart, that he may be always
able to inftruct the poor lay-
man, and that he may fee juft
(23) Hyde relig. vet, Perf c. 28. p. 348.
caufe
C XI.
163
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
THEY keep yearly fix feftivals, each of five days continu- Festivals.
ance, in memory of the fix feafons, wherein all things were
created: after each of theſe feafts, they keep a faſt of five days,
in memory of God's refting five days, as they believe, at each
of thoſe ſeaſons. As often as they eat either fleſh, fowl, or
fifh, they carry a ſmall part of it to the temple, as an offering
to GOD, befeeching him that he would pardon them for taking
away the lives of his creatures, in order to their own fubfiftence.
They have none of thofe out-of-the-way notions relating to
cleannefs and uncleannefs in meats, which expofe fome reli-
gions to ridicule; but, as they are a very complaifant as well
as inoffenfive people, they abftain from fwines-fleſh, and from
the fleſh of kine, that they may neither offend the Mohammed-
ans nor the Banians, among whom they are obliged to live:
they eat alone, for the fake of purity and cleanlinefs; they
likewife drink every man out of his own cup f.
WHEN their children are initiated into their religion, they Education
fend for a prieſt; and this is ufually done as foon as the child is of children.
born. The prieſt calculates its nativity; afterwards he asks
what name is to be given it. This being agreed on by the fa-
ther and its relations, the prieſt telleth it to its mother, who
then fays, My child is called fo or fo; with which the cere-
mony ends at that time. The child is afterwards carried to the
pyreum, where the prieſt firſt pours fome water into the rind
of a holy tree, and thence into the mouth of the child, beſeech-
f LORD's religion of the Perfians, p. 40. HYDE relig. vet. Perf.
c. 29.
cauſe to reverence his priest.
6. To keep himſelf pure and
undefiled, becauſe God loves the
pure and undefiled; and this
way only one man can excel
another. 7. To be ready to
forgive all injuries, fhewing
himſelf a pattern of meeknefs,
that he may be thought one
come from God; for we offend
GOD every day: yet he giveth us
things that are good, though we
deſerve, that he fhould pour on
us evil for evil. 8. To teach
the common people to pray ac-
cording to the law; to go and
pray with them for public bene-
fits, when they defire it, and to
perform conftantly the known
duties of his function.
9. To
give licence for marriage to join
the man and woman together;
and to take care, that parents do
not marry their children without
his approbation. 10. To fpend
the greateſt part of his time in
the temple, that he may be ready
to affiſt all who come to him, be-
caufe thereto God hath appoint-
ed him. 11. To believe no other
law than that given by Zerduſht
to add nothing thereto, nor to
take any thing from it, feeing to
this end it was revealed (23).
(23) Lord's religion of the Perfect, p. 32.
M 2
ing
164
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
ing GOD to cleanſe the tender infant from whatever feeds of
corruption it may have received from its father, and from the
impurities derived from its mother. At feven years of age the
child is led to church to be confirmed there: the prieſt teaches
him fome prayers, and inftructs him in the firft principles of
religion. Theſe are repeated daily, till he is well acquainted
with the articles of his faith: then he is permitted to pray for
the firſt time before the holy fire; after which the prieſt gives
him water to drink, and a pomgranate-leaf to chew; then he
caufes the lad to wash his body with clean water; after which
he puts on a linen caſſock next his skin, which deſcends below
his waiſt, and is girt with a girdle of camel's hair, woven by
the prieſt's own hand. Thefe ceremonies over, the prieſt
bleffes him, bids him be a true Perfee all the days of his life,
to beware of falling into idolatry, or breaking any of the pre-
Marriages cepts given by Zerduft 8 (I). Of their marriages we are told
c. 34.
by
LORD's religion of the Perfees, p. 45. HYDE relig. vet. Perf.
(I) As to the high-prieft, he,
over and above the duties in-
joined the prieſts in general, is
defired to obferve the following
thirteen precepts (24): 1. He
muft take care not to pollute
himſelf in any manner, becauſe
GOD hath chofen him to be holy.
2. In order to do this, he muſt
do all things for himſelf, to pre-
ferve himſelf from being conta-
minated by the uncleannefs of
others; as alfo to fhew his humi-
lity in fo high a ftation. 3. He
is to take the layman's tythe,
i, e. the tenth of all that he has,
but not to his own ufe; for he
is to confider himſelf as the al-
moner of God, who makes ufe
of him only to difpenfe to the
poor the tribute paid by the
rich. 4. That this may appear
to be fairly done, he must avoid
all pomp and fuperfluity, and,
at the year's end, muft give a-
way the laft farthing, fince his
revenue is fettled, and always
paid with good will. 5. His
houſe muſt be near the temple,
and he muſt give a good ex-
ample to his flock, by ftaying
much at home, and by giving
himſelf up to prayer. 6. As
in his public, ſo in his private
life, he must be extremely frugal
and temperate in all things. 7.
He must not only be acquainted
with the law, but with all the
fciences; feeing he is to inftru&t
all others of his religion, clergy
and laity. 8. He muft keep a
low diet, becaufe high eating,
or ftrong liquors, diſturb the fa-
culties of the mind, and diſcom-
pofe that ferenity of difpofition,
which fhould be always found
in the man of God.
9. He
muft fear only GoD, and hate
nothing but fin. 10. As he is.
fupreme in all fpiritual cauſes,
he must reprove finners without
any regard to their rank; and
they must hear him patiently,
fince he ſpeaks not in his own
(24) Hyde relig. vet. Perf. c. 13,
caufe,
Fest in
JA
C. XI.
169
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
..
by a very intelligent author, that they have five forts: First,
that of children in their minority: Secondly, that of widowers.
with a fecond wife: Thirdly, of ſuch perſons as marry by
their own choice: Fourthly, the marriage of the dead, which
is occafioned by an opinion they have entertained, that married
people are peculiarly happy in the other world: wherefore,
when a young perfon dies in celibacy, they hire one to be mar-
ried to him, or her; which ceremony is performed a little after
the burial: The laſt kind of marriage is where a perfon adopts
either a fon or a daughter, and then gives him or her in mar-
riage; which is alfo founded on a religious opinion, that all
men ought to leave heirs behind them, either natural or adopt-
ed. As to the ceremonies made ufe of on this occafion, they
are very fingular, but, at the fame time, have nothing in them
wild or irrational: the parties defigning to contract matrimony
are feated together on a bed, about midnight; oppofite to them
ſtand two prieſts, the one for the man, the other for the wo-
man, holding rice in their hands, to intimate the fruitfulneſs
which they wish the new-married couple; on each hand of the
prieſts ſtand the relations of the bride and bridegroom. Things
being in this fituation, the bridegroom's prieft lays his fore-
finger on the woman's forehead, and fays, Wilt thou have
12.
cauſe, but God's. 11. He muſt
above all things ſtudy to diſtin-
guiſh truth from error.
Though, in confequence of his
high office, he may, for his con-
folation, receive vifions and o-
ther manifeſtations from GOD,
yet he is not to publish them;
for that would but confound the
people, who are to adhere to
the written law. 13. He muft
preferve the ever-living fire
brought by Zerdusht from hea-
ven, that it may endure through
all ages, till the world fhall be
deftroyed by that element (25).
It is very poffible, that the
reader, in the perufal of this
fection, may incline to wifh,
that in fome things we had
delivered ourſelves more copi-
oufly; and therefore it may not
be amiſs to inform him, that,
in treating of the Perfian hi-
(25) Lord's religion of the Perfees, p. 36.
ſtory, as delivered by the orien-
tal writers, we shall take occa-
fion to retouch various points
relating to the religion of the
antient Perfians; becauſe much
of their hiſtory depends upon
them as to inconfiderable cuf-
toms, fuch as wearing this or
that colour, this or that kind of
cap; theſe we have purpofely
omitted, as deeming them not
worthy of being mentioned in
fo great a work as this. Let
us however note one thiug, that
their priests at confirmation fell
the youth a girdle, which he is
bound to keep all his life long,
and to uſe it conftantly, becaufe,
when he lays it afide, he na
longer enjoys the benefits of the
prieft's benediction. Dr. Hyde
is of opinion, that the English.
ſaying ungirt, unbleſt, has fome
allufion to this (26).
(26) Relig, vat. Perf. c. 33-
M 3
this
166
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Their bu
rials.
this man to be thy wedded husband? The woman affenting,
her prieſt lays his fore-finger on the man's forehead, and asks
the like queſtion: which being anſwered in the affirmative, the
parties then join hands; the man promifes, that he will provide
her a fuitable maintenance; the woman acknowleges, that all
he has is his the prieſts then ſcatter rice over them, wiſhing
that they may be fruitful, and befeeching GOD, that they may
have many fons and daughters, that they may live in unity of
mind, and arrive at a good old age, in poffeffion of all the joys
of wedlock. The ceremony over, the woman's parents pay
the dowry, and a feaſt of eight days is kept for joy of the mar-
riage h.
i
As to their burials, two things are remarkable; firft, the
place; fecondly, the manner. First, as to the place, they have
a round tower erected, on the top of which the bodies of the
dead are laid, to be devoured by the fowls of the air: ſome af-
firm, that they have ſeparate towers for the good and for the
bad; others, that men, women, and children, are placed on
feveral towers. The reafon of thus expofing them we have
elſewhere given; viz. the preferving the elements pure; for
they conceive, that by not interring the dead they avoid pol-
luting the earth, and by leaving the corpfe unprotected from
birds of prey they provide, in fome meaſure, againſt the in-
fection of the air. However, this cuſtom was antiently eſteem-
ed fo barbarous by other nations, that one of the apologiſts
for the Chriſtian faith, fpeaking of the good effects it had on
mens minds, in reforming them from brutal and wicked ha-
bits, mentions this exprefly, that the Perfians, fince they had
received the Chriftian doctrines, no more expofed the bodies of
their dead, but afforded them a decent burial. Before we part
with this fubject, it may not be amiſs to obſerve what is prac-
tifed among them when a man is on his death-bed: a prieſt is
in ſuch a cafe always fent for; and he, drawing near the bed,
prayeth thus, in the ear of the fick man :
O Almighty
"LORD, thou haft commanded we ſhould not offend thee; this
& C man hath offended: thou haft ordained, that we ſhould do
"good; yet this man hath done evil: thou haft required, that
"we ſhould duly and exactly worſhip thee; which, however,
"this man hath neglected. Now, O merciful GOD, at the
"hour of death forgive him his offences, his mifdeeds, and
"his neglects, and receive him to thyfelf!" When he is
dead, the prieſt comes not near him; but the corpfe is put on an
iron bier, and carried to the place of interment, the bearers
being forbid to ſpeak as they go along, out of decency, and
LORD's religion of the Perfees, p. 48.
rand. Græc. affectib. ferm. ix. de leg. p. 128.
i THEODOR. de cu-
alfo
C XI.
167
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
alſo becauſe in the grave there is an unbroken filence: the dead
body being placed on the tower, the prieſt, ſtanding at a di-
ftance, performeth the funeral fervice, which he concludes
thus ;
This our brother, while he lived, confifted of the
"four elements: now he is dead, let each take his own;
"earth to earth, air to air, water to water, fire to fire."
They ſuppoſe, that the ſpirit wanders for three days, after its
departure from the body, and is in that ſpace purſued and tor-
mented by the devil, till it is able to reach their facred fire, to
which he cannot come. They therefore pray morning, noon,
and night, during theſe three days, for the foul of their de-
ceafed brother, befeeching GOD to blot out his fins, and to
cancel all his offences: on the fourth day, fuppofing his fate
to be decided, they make a great feaft; which clofes the cere
monies uſed on this occafion k.
THUS far we thought neceffary to fay, on this copious and
controverted fubject, chiefly to juftify the much mifreprefent-
ed Perfees from the charge of fo fenfelefs an idolatry as the
worshiping either the luminaries, planets, or elements. To
have inlarged more upon it, would have led us too far, and
exceeded the bounds we muſt preſcribe ourſelves in fo ex-
tenfive a work. The curious reader may, however, from the
authors quoted in the margin, collect himfelf fuch a fyftem of
the Perfee religion, both with relation to their doctrine and
practices, as will amply reward all his pains and ſtudy. But
it is time for us to paſs to another part of their hiſtory.
A
* LORD's religion of the Perfees, p. 49.
SECT.
IV.
The reigns of the kings of Perfia.
S we know but very little of the ſtate of Perſia before Cy- The ftate
rus's time, we ſhall not pretend to give an account of the of Perfia
kings who preceded that prince. We have already fhewn a, before Cy-
that Elam, or Perfia, was governed in the earlieſt times by rus.
its own kings, and thofe very powerful. Chedorlaomer, the
firſt king of Elam, mentioned in Scripture, extended his con-
quefts over many provinces of Afia; for Bera king of Sodom,
Birfha king of Gomorrah, Shinab king of Admah, Shemeber
king of Zeboiim, and the king of Bela or Zoar, were his tri-
butaries b. Thefe five princes lived twelve years in fubjection
to Chedorlaomer; but, in the thirteenth, uniting their forces,
made an attempt towards the recovery of their former liberty.
Gen. xiv. 4, & JOSEPH. antiq. 1.i. c. 10.
a See before, p. 50.
M 4
A
The
168
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
The king of Elam no fooner heard, that they were up in arms,
but, entering into an alliance with Amraphel king of Shinar,
Arioch king of Ellafar, and Tidal king of nations, he marched
out againſt them; and, having firſt reduced the Rephaims, the
Zuzims, the Emims, the Horites, the Amalekites, and the
Amorites of Hazezontamar, at laft he fell upon the revolters,
put their army to the rout, killed the kings of Sodom and Go-
morrah; and, having pillaged their cities, marched back to-
wards Elam, loaded with the ſpoils of the conquered nations.
Lot, who, as Jofephus d informs us, affifted the Sodomites, had
the misfortune to be taken priſoner on this occafion; and had
been carried into captivity, had he not been timely reſcued by
Abraham, who, purfuing the enemy with a fmall body of chofen
men, came up with them at Dan the fifth day after their
victory, put them to flight, and returned in triumph, with his
brother and all his family, redeemed from the infults of a vic-
torious foe. By this overthrow Chedorlaomer loft the fovereignty
of the Pentapolis, but retained his other conquefts, which were
very confiderable. From the reign of this prince to that of
Cyrus, we know nothing to be relied on but what we have al-
ready hinted at in the hiftory of the Medes; viz. that the Elam-
ites or Perfians were a great and powerful nation; that they
were in all likelihood fubdued by the Affyrians, but after-
wards recovered their antient liberty, and were governed by
princes of their own nation till the fixth year of Nebuchadnez-
zar, when they were again brought under fubjection by that
great warrior, and his ally Cyaxares king of Media. While
they lived in ſubjection to the Affyrians, Medes, and Babyloni-
ans, the throne was ftill filled with natives of Perfia, though
tributaries to thofe greater powers. The only great family we
find upon record is that of Achæmenes, which must have been
very confpicuous, fince Xerxes, when at the height of his
glory, was proud to derive from thence his pedigree, which
he does in the following manner;
Achæmenes,
Cambyfes,
Cyrus,
Teipfes,
Ariaramnes,
Arfames,
Hyftafpes,
Darius,
Xerxes.
Of this great family there were two branches: from the firft
was defcended Cyrus the great, whofe iffue male failed in his
two fons Cambyfes and Smerdis. Some place his anceſtors in
the following manner f;
Cyrus,
Cambyfes,
Cyrus the great,
Perfes,
Achæmenes,
Darius,
મ
REINECC. hift. Jul. p. 37.
JOSEPH. antiq. 1. ii. c. 10.
Cambyfes,
Smerdis.
© HEROD. 1. vii. c. 11,
They
C.XI.
169
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
They will have Perfes, of whom, fay they, Perfia borrowed
its name, to be the firft of this family that reigned in Perfia.
We are told, that Achæmenes was nurfed by an eagle h and
of this fabulous eagle the no leſs fabulous wolf of Romulus was,
perhaps, a tranfcript. Darius is mentioned by the ſcholiaft of
Ariftophanes; and ſuppoſed by ſome to have coined the famous
darics, or ftateres darici. Cyrus had two children, Cambyfes and
Atofa: Atoa married Pharnaces king of Cappadociak, and
Cambyfes Mandane the fo-much celebrated daughter of Afyages
king of Media, by whom he had Cyrus the Great (A). But as
nothing occurs worthy of notice, eſpecially that we can de-
pend upon, in the hiſtory of the Perfian kings before Cyrus,
we fhall proceed, without dwelling on fo dark and barren a
ſubject, to the reign of that great and glorious prince.
THE name of Cyrus is equally famous in facred and profane Cyrus.
hiſtory in the latter, his valour and conquefts have rendered
his memory immortal, as has, in the former, his kind treatment
of the captive Hebrews, whom he reftored to their antient.
ftate, country, and temple, having been by the divine wild
appointed thereunto by name, many years before he appear-
ed in the world: an honour beſtowed upon none but him, and
that excellent prince Jofiah m king of Judah. Profane hiftorians
are at no ſmall variance with each other touching the birth of
this prince, his education, and acceffion to the crown. Hero-
dotus and Xenophon are the only two original authors, as we
may call them, whom we can quote and follow in what relates
to the life and exploits of this prince; for other writers have
copied after them, fome adopting the accounts of the one, and
fome of the other: they are both very minute in their rela-
tions, and agree in fome particulars, but widely differ in others.
We fhall, in the first place, hear Herodotus, the father of hi-
ftory, as Tully calls him; but whether his accounts be genuine,
or rather interwoven, and feafoned to the Greek tafte, with
ſeveral fabulous and furprifing incidents, is what we ſhall have
occafion to examine afterwards.
hÆLIAN. de animal. 1. xii. c. 21.
ad ecclef. ver. 741, 742.
1 Ifa. xliv. 28. & xlv. 1.
(A) Ovid (1) mentions one
Orchamus king of Perfia, and
makes him the feventh after
Belus.
i Scholiaft. Ariftoph.
K DIOD. SIC. in fragm. 1. xxxi.
1 Kings xiii. 2.
Septimus a prifco numeratur ori-
gine Belo.
As this king is no-where to be
found but in Ovid's metamorpho-
Rexit Achæmenias urbes pater fes, what is faid of him deferves
Orchamus, ifque
no more credit than they do.
2
(1) Ovid, metamorph. 1. iv.
ASTYAGES,
170
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Account of ASTYAGES, the laft king of the Medes, being warned by a
the birth, dream, that the fon who was to be born of his daughter Man-
education, dane, fhould one day be lord of all Afia, refolved to marry her,
&c. of Cy- not to a Mede worthy of her bed, but to a Perfian; and ac-
rus, ac- cordingly chofe one Cambyfes, fprung from an antient family,
cording to but of a peaceable difpofition, and, as he thought, inferior in
Herodo- rank to a Mede, even of a middling condition. A year after
tus.
they were married, Aftyages was frightened by another dream,
portending anew, according to the interpretation of the mages,
the empire of Afia to his grandfon (B). Hereupon Aftyages
fends for his daughter, then big with child; and, upon her ar-
rival in Media, puts her under a guard, determined to de-
ftroy the child fhe fhould be delivered of; for the mages had
affured him, that the iffue of his daughter was to fill his throne.
Mandane, not long after her confinement, was brought to bed
of a fon, whom Aftyages, mindful of the interpretation of the
mages, delivered to one Harpagus, injoining him, as he ten-
dered his own life, to take the new-born fon of Mandane, to
carry him to his houſe, and there diſpatch him with his own
hands, in what manner he ſhould think beft. Harpagus pro-
miſed to put the king's orders in execution; and, having re-
ceived from the guards the infant, richly dreffed, went home
under great concern, to fee himſelf employed in fo hateful and
inhuman an office: he acquainted his wife, as foon as he came
home, with what had paffed between Aftyages and himſelf;
and refolved not to execute the fentence with his own hands,
but to transfer his charge to another. With this deſign he im-
mediately fent for one of the king's herdfmen, who kept his
cattle in paftures lying at the foot of certain mountains on the
north of Ecbatan, towards the Cafpian fea: the herdſman's
name was Mithridates, and his wife's Spaco, in the language
of the Medes, which fignifies a bitch, and anſwers to her Greek
name Cyno. Mithridates, without delay, waited upon Har-
pagus, who commanded him, in the king's name, to take the
infant, and expofe it in the moſt dangerous and abandoned part
of the mountains, upon pain of dying in the moſt exquifite
tortures that could be invented: he added, that the king had
charged him to fee his orders put in execution. The herdfman,
not daring to make any remonftrance againſt the king's com-
mand, returned with the child to his cottage, where he found
(B) His first dream was, that
his daughter Mandane had void-
ed fo great a quantity of water,
as not only filled the metropolis
of the kingdom, but overflowed
all Afia.
all Afia. In the other he ſaw
a vine fhooting from the womb
of his daughter, and extending
its branches over all Aſia (2).
(2) Herodot, I. i. c. 107, 108.
his
C. XI.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
171
his wife juft delivered of a fon: during her huſband's abſence,
ſhe had been in great trouble and perplexity, on account of the
meffage from Harpagus, who had never before fent for him;
fo that he no fooner fet his foot within the door, but fhe asked
him in great furprize, why Harpagus had fent for him in ſuch
hafte. He told her he had been in the city, where he had heard
and ſeen ſuch things as grieved him beyond expreffion; that,
when he arrived, the houfe of Harpagus was all in tears; and
that, as he went in, he was ftruck with horror, at the fight
of an infant, dreffed in gold and the richeft colours, panting and
crying on the floor; that Harpagus had commanded him to
carry away this child, and expofe it on the mountains to the
mercy of the wild beafts, upon pain of incurring the king's
diſpleaſure, and undergoing the fevereſt puniſhments that could
be inflicted; that, at firſt, he had ſuppoſed the unhappy infant
to belong to fome perfon of the family of Harpagus; but that
he had been afterwards informed by the fervant that attended
him out of the city, and delivered the babe into his hands, that
it was born of Mandane the king's daughter, and was fon to
Cambyfes of Perfia; and that Aftyages had commanded it
ſhould be put to death ¹.
HAVING thus fpoken, he difclofed the child to his wife; Cyrus pre-
who no fooner faw it, but, being raviſhed with the innocent ferved and
fmiles of the infant, fhe embraced her huſband, and, with many nurfed by a
tears, intreated him not to execute the orders he had received. Shepherd.
But he remonſtrating the abſolute neceffity he was under of
obeying, or forfeiting his own life, fince the fpies of Harpa-
gus would, without fail, keep a watchful eye over him, and
fee whether he performed what had been fo ftrictly in-
joined him, fhe fuggefted to him to take their own child,
that was ftill-born, to expofe it inftead of the other, and
bring up the ſon of Mandane as their own; for, by that means,
faid the, we fhall fufficiently conſult our own fafety, without
injuring others, the dead child will be honoured with a royal
fepulcre, and the furviving infant be preferved from an un-
timely death m,
MITHRIDATES approved of this expedient, and, deliver-
ing the infant he was charged to deſtroy into his wife's hands,
dreffed the dead child in the rich apparel of the living; and
carried it, in the fame baſket in which he had brought the
other, to the moft unfrequented part of the mountains. Three
days after, he acquainted Harpagus, that, if he pleaſed, he
could fhew him the body of the dead infant; and he accord-
ingly diſpatched fome of his friends, in whom he moſt con-
fided, to fee that the fentence had been put in execution,
m Idem ibid.
1 HEROD. 1. i. c. 107, & feq.
and
172
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
1
and to inter the royal infant. Thus was Cyrus, for ſo was
the infant afterwards called, delivered from the fnares of his
grandfather, and educated by the herdfinan's wife as her
Gives ear- own ".
ly marks of WHEN he attained to the age of ten years, as he was one
his royal day playing in the paſtures with other children of his age, he
Spirit. was chofen king by his companions; and, having, in virtue of
that dignity, diftinguiſhed them into feveral orders and claffes,
the fon of Artembares, a lord of eminent dignity among the
Medes, who was one of his companions in the play, refufed
to obey his orders: whereupon Cyrus commanded him to be
immediately ſeized, and whipped very feverely. The boy,
with many tears, complained to his father of what he had fuf-
fered from the herdfman's fon; and the father, highly refent-
ing the affront, haftened, with his fon, to the king's palace;
and, fhewing that prince in what a cruel and ignominious man-
ner his child had been abufed by the fon of a flave, intreated
him to avenge, by fome very exemplary puniſhment, the in-
dignity offered to him, and his whole family. Aftyages pro-
miſed to give him full fatisfaction; and, commanding both
the herdſman and his fon to be brought before him, aſked
Cyrus, how he, who was the fon of fo mean a man, had dared
to abuſe the child of one of the chief lords in the kingdom.
Cyrus replied, that he had done no more than he had a right
to do; for, the boys of the neighbourhood having made him
their king, becauſe they thought him the moft worthy of that
dignity, and performed what he, in virtue of that character,
had commanded them, the fon of Artembares alone had flighted
his orders; and, for his difobedience, had fuffered the punifh-
ment he deſerved. As the boy was pleading his caufe, with
an eloquence far fuperior to his years and education, Aftyages
took particular notice of his mien and features; and, thinking
that he reſembled himſelf, began to reflect on the time that his
grandfon was expofed, which he found to agree with the age
of the herdfman's fuppofed fon. Being perplexed with this
thought, he difmiffed Artembares, affuring him, that his fon
fhould have no caufe to complain, and commanded his guards
to conduct Cyrus into the palace. Being then in private with
the herdſman, he afked whofe boy Cyrus was, and from whofe
hands he had him. Mithridates affirmed, that he was his own
child; and that the boy's mother, who was ftill living, would
come, if he pleaſed, to atteft it. But Aftyages, giving no cre-
dit to what he averred, commanded his guards to feize him;
whereupon he difcovered, without referve, the whole matter,
and implored the king's mercy o
Diſcover-
ed to Afty-
ages.
HEROD. 1. i. c. 114.
• Idem ibid. c. 116.
ASTYAGES
C. XI.
173
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
ASTYAGES was not fo much incenfed againſt the herdſman,
as againſt his favourite Harpagus, whom he ordered the guards
to bring, without delay, to the palace. Upon his arrival, the
king, in a violent paffion, afked him, in what manner he had
put to death the fon of his daughter Mandane. When Har-
pagus faw the herdfman, he thought he fhould but aggravate
his crime, by attempting to elude the ſtorm that threatened
him by any fort of falfhood, and therefore openly confeffed
what he had done; adding, that he thought he had taken the
moſt effectual means he could to put his orders in execution;
and that he truly believed the child was dead, fince the moſt
truſty among his friends had affured him, that they had ſeen
and interred the body P.
ASTYAGES, diffembling his refentment, acquainted Har-
pagus with what the herdfman had confeffed; adding, that the
child was ftill alive, and that he was very well pleaſed his
orders had not been executed; for he had been under great
concern ever fince he iffued that cruel command, and had not
been able to bear the reproaches of his daughter. He then
ordered Harpagus to fend his fon to wait on the young Cyrus,
and to come himſelf that night to fup with him, fince he in-
tended to offer a facrifice to the gods, in thankſgiving for the
care they had taken of his grandfon 9.
ment, and
HARPAGUS, overjoyed at the king's fpeech, returned home;
and, acquainting his wife with what had paffed, immediately
fent his only fon to attend Cyrus, as he had been commanded.
His fon, who was about thirty years old, no fooner entered
the palace, but he was feized, barbarouſly murdered, and cut
in pieces, by order of Aftyages; who gave directions, that the
mangled body, variouſly dreffed and diſguiſed, ſhould be ſerved
up at fupper. Harpagus, and the reft of the gueſts, repaired Harpa-
to the palace at the hour appointed: the others were fplendidly gus's
entertained; but the table, where Harpagus fupped, was dreadful
ferved only with the flesh of his fon. When he had done, the punish-
king aſked him, whether he had been pleaſed with his victuals; ment,
and, Harpagus anfwering, that he had never tafted any thing policy.
more delicious, the officers, appointed for that purpoſe, brought
in a basket, containing the head, hands, and feet of his fon,
defiring him to uncover the basket, and take what he liked
beft. He did as they defired, and beheld the remains of hist
only child, without betraying any fort of concern or refent-
ment at ſo ſhocking a fight; fuch was the command he had of
his paffions. The king inquired, whether he knew with what
kind of meat he had been entertained: Harpagus replied, he
knew very well, and was always pleaſed with whatever his
a Idem ibid. c. 118.
P HEROD. lib. i. c. II
3
117.
fove-
174
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
rents.
fovereign thought fit to ordain. Having thus replied, with a
furpriſing temper, he collected the mangled parts of his inno-
cent fon, and went home, as our author conjectures, to inter
them '.
Cyrus fent ASTYAGES, having thus vented his rage upon the unfortu-
back to his nate Harpagus, began to confider with himſelf what he ſhould
real pa-
do with Cyrus; and, having again confulted the mages, their
anſwer was, that, if the boy lived, he muft of neceffity be
king. Aftyages then acquainted them, that he was ftill alive;
adding, as a very material circumftance, that he had been
chofen king by the boys of the neighbourhood where he lived,
and performed all the parts of a real king with the utmoſt
rigour and ſeverity. Hereupon the mages replied, that the
prediction of his reign was already accompliſhed, in the choice
which the boys had made of him for their king, and that he
would never reign a fecond time; for dreams, faid they, often
end in things of fmall importance, and are fulfilled by trifling
events. They adviſed him therefore to diveft himſelf of all
fear, and fend the boy to his parents in Perfia §.
ASTYAGES, well pleafed with this anfwer, called Cyrus;
and, owning how much he had been wanting in the affection
which he ought naturally to have had for him, by reafon of an
infignificant dream, defired him to get ready for a journey into
Perfia, where he would find his real father and mother, in
circumſtances very different from thoſe of the poor herdſman
Mithridates, and his wife Spaco t.
THUS Aftyages, after many kind expreffions, difmiffed his
young grandfon, attended by feveral lords of the firſt rank.
Upon his arrival at his father's houfe, he was received by his
parents with a tenderneſs and joy, which is more eafy to con-
ceive, than exprefs. As they had long given him over for
dead, they asked him, in what manner his life had been pre-
ferved. He then acquainted them, that he had lived in an
intire ignorance of his condition, and had been unacquainted
with his true birth, believing himſelf the fon of the king's
herdfman, till thofe, who attended him on his journey
into Perfia, informed him of all that had paffed. He related
how he had been educated by the herdfman's wife, and, fre-
quently repeating the name of Cyno, commended her on all
occafions and this name his parents made ufe of, as our au-
thor informs us, to perfuade the Perfians, that the prefervation
of their fon was, in a very particular manner, owing to the
immortal gods, fince he had been nouriſhed, as they induftri-
ouſly ſpread abroad, and was commonly believed, by a bitch ".
↑ HEROD. lib. i. c. 119. • Idem ibid. c. 120.
t Idem
ibid. c. 121. u Idem ibid. c. 122.
WHEN
C. XI.
175
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
WHEN Cyrus attained to the age of manhood, and was be- Harpagus
come very popular in his own country, and famous in Media, ftirs up a
on account of his extraordinary parts, Harpagus, who had revolt
never forgot the inhuman murder of his fon, began to court against
his friendſhip, with a defign to join with him, who had been Aftyages.
equally injured, in revenging fo barbarous a treatment. At
the fame time, he folicited the leading men among the Medes,
who were highly diffatisfied with the tyrannical government
of Aftyages, to take up arms, and redeem themfelves, and their
unhappy country, from the calamities they groaned under, by
depofing Aftyages, and advancing his grandfon Cyrus to the
throne. They all to a man fhewed themſelves difpoſed to ſe-
cond his defigns: whereupon he thought it high time to dif-
cover his intentions to Cyrus, who was to act the chief part in
this revolution; and accordingly he acquainted him with them
by a letter, which, as all the roads leading to Perfia were
guarded by the king's troops, he conveyed to him in the belly
of an hare; the hare he delivered to one of his moft truſty do-
meftics, dreffed in the habit of an hunter, injoining him to
defire Cyrus not to open the letter in the prefence of any perſon
whatſoever.
·
THE meffenger executed his orders; and Cyrus, opening Cyrus's
the hare with his own hands, found a letter, reminding him fratagem
of the care which the gods had had of his prefervation against to cause the
the wicked defigns, and barbarous attempts, of his grandfa- Perfians to
ther, and encouraging him to ftir up the Perfians to a revolt, revolt.
and, at the head of their forces, to invade Media, where all
the chief commanders were ready to join him, and determined,
at all events, to advance him to the throne, inſtead of his
unnatural grandfather. He took care to put him in mind of
what he had fuffered on his account, and how barbaroufly he
had been puniſhed for not executing the king's bloody orders.
Cyrus, having read the letter, began to confider what meaſures
he fhould take, to induce the Perfians to revolt; and, after
various ſchemes, fixed upon the following as the moſt proper:
he feigned a letter from Aftyages, appointing him commander
in chief of all the Perfian forces. This he read in a general
affembly of the nation, and, in virtue of his new commiffion,
commanded them all to attend him, every man with an hatchet.
He was obeyed; and, being all met, in purſuance to his
orders, he injoined them to clear, in one day, a ſpot of ground,
containing eighteen or twenty furlongs, overgrown with thorns
and briars. This laborious piece of work being performed,
not without ſome reluctancy, he difmiffed them, with orders
to attend him again the next day. In the mean time, he
caufed all his father's flocks and herds to be killed and dreffed,
provided wine, and bought all the dainties Perfia could fupply
4
him
176
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
1
him with. They all affembled the next day, expecting to
be employed as they had been the day before; but, contrary
to their expectations, Cyrus ordered them to fit down on the
green turf, and entertained them with a great feaſt. When
they had folaced themſelves with dainties, which to that time
they had been ſtrangers to, the young prince asked them,
whether they would chufe to live always in that manner, or
as they had done the day before. They all anfwered readily,
that, as mirth and pleaſure were greatly preferable to toil and
labour, they would gladly chuſe the condition of the preſent
day before that of the preceding. Upon this anſwer, Cyrus
acquainted them, that, if they hearkened to his advice, they
fhould enjoy thefe, and far greater pleaſures, without any kind.
of fervile labour: but, if they refuſed to follow him, they
muft undergo innumerable hardfhips, like thoſe they had com-
plained of the day before. He then diſcloſed to them his true
defign of delivering his country from the Median bondage, and
encouraged his countrymen to join him in fo great and glorious
an enterprize, by telling them, that fome divine power had
brought him into the world, and miraculoufly faved his life,
that he might be one day the author of their happineſs. The
Perfians, who had lived for many years, with the utmoſt re-
luctancy, in fubjection to the Medes, declared him, with one
accord, their leader, and protefted, that they would ſtand by
him in ſo good a cauſe, even at the expence of their lives ".
In the mean time Aftyages, being informed of what was
doing in Perfia, diſpatched a meffenger to Cyrus, injoining
Aftyages him to repair forthwith into Media; but Cyrus, by the fame
defeated by meffenger, returned this refolute anſwer, that he would come
Cyrus.
fooner than Astyages defired. Whereupon the king drew to-
gether all his forces, and, forgetful of his cruelty towards
Harpagus, appointed him general of the army. The two na-
tions came to a general engagement; but the chief officers.
among the Medes paffing over to Cyrus, with the bodies under
their command, the reft of the army was routed with great
flaughter. When Aftyages heard of this defeat, he flew into a
violent paffion; and, vowing that Cyrus fhould not long enjoy
His cruelty the pleaſure of his victory, he firft caufed the mages, who
to the ma- had interpreted his dream, to be impaled; and then, arming
ges.
all the Medes, marched out himſelf at the head of them.
Both armies came to a fecond engagement, in which the Medes
were again defeated, and the king himſelf taken prifoner..
Aftyages, in this ftate, was reproached and infulted by the re-
vengeful Harpagus, who, among other things, asked him,
what he now thought of his tragical feaft, when he compelled.
W HERODOT. 1. i. c. 123-127.
him
C. XI.
The History of the Perfians.
177
him to devour the flesh of his own fon, for which inhuman
and barbarous action he had now fallen from the throne to a
prifon. Aftyages, in return, fixing his eyes on Harpagus,
asked him, whether he had been inftrumental in bringing about
this revolution. He answered, that it was chiefly owing to him,
fince he had the firſt encouraged Cyrus to this undertaking.
Then, replied Aftyages, you are the weakest and moſt unjuſt Brave an-
of all men; the weakeft, in giving the kingdom to another, fewer to the
when you might have feized on it yourſelf, fince you have infulting
been able to effect this change; the moſt unjuſt, in enflaving Harpa-
your country, to revenge a private injury; for, if you were gus.
determined to depofe me, and confer the kingdom on another,
without taking the power into your own hands, you might,
with more juftice, have advanced a Mede to that dignity, than
a Perfian: whereas the Medes, who were before lords of Per
fia, and no-way concerned in the injury, are now, by your
means, reduced to the condition of flaves; and the Perfians,
who were fervants to the Medes, are now become their lords.
In this manner, concludes our author, Aftyages was deprived
of the kingdom, after he had reigned thirty-five years; and,
through his cruelty, the Medes became fubject to the Perfians,
after they had ruled over all thofe provinces of Afia, that lie
on the other fide the Halys, for the ſpace of an hundred and
twenty-eight years, including the time of the Scythian domi-
nion over that part of Afta. As for Aftyages, Cyrus kept him
prifoner in his palace till he died, without practifing any fur- His death.
ther ſeverity upon him ×
THIS is the account Herodotus gives us; which every impar-
tial and judicious reader muſt conclude to be an arrant romance,
compofed perhaps by fome admirer of Cyrus, and adopted by
our author, as more agreeable to the depraved taſte of his
countrymen, who took greater delight in furpriſing, though
fabulous, events, than in the relation of plain hiftorical truths.
WHAT the fame author relates of the death of this great
hero, deferves, in our opinion, no more credit than what he
has told of his birth, education, and advancement to the crown.
This prince, according to him, invaded the Maffagetes; and
having, in the firft battle, feigned a flight, left a great quan-
tity of provifions, eſpecially of wine, in the field. The bar-
barians did not fail to feize on the booty, and indulged them-
felves in drinking to fuch an exceſs, that they all fell aſleep on
the ſpot. In this condition Cyrus returned upon them, obtain-
ed an eafy victory, and took a great many prifoners, among
whom was Spargapifes the fon of queen Tomyris. This he-
roine, being informed of the defeat of her troops, and capti-
y Idem ibid. c. 211-213.
* HERODOT. 1. i. c. 127-130.
· VOL. V.
N
vity
178
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
vity of her fon, ſent an herald to Cyrus, intreating him to re-
leafe the young prince; which he refufing to do, Spargapifes,
preferring death to flavery, laid violent hands on himfelf:
whereupon his mother Tomyris, animated with an eager defire
of revenge, gave the Perfians battle a ſecond time; which,
fays our author, was the moft obftinate and bloody that ever
was fought by the barbarians. Many fell on both fides; but,
at laft, the Maffagetes carrying the day, the greatest part of
the Perfian army was cut in pieces, and Cyrus himſelf killed
death, ac-
in the field, after having reigned twenty-nine years. Tomyris,
having found his body among the flain, caufed his head to be
cut off, and thrown into a veffel filled with human blood, in-
fulting the memory of the dead prince with theſe words, Glut
thyfelf with the blood which thou haft ſo inſatiably thirsted
after z.
Cyrus's
defeat and
cording to
the fame
author.
Cyrus's
Xeno-
phon,
WHAT the fame hiftorian relates of his childiſh revenge
upon the river Gyndes (C), while he was on his march to be-
ficge Babylon, is utterly repugnant to the idea we have of that
wife and experienced commander: for he tells us, that one of
the facred horfes of Cyrus being drowned in that river, that
prince, highly reſenting fuch an affront, immediately cauſed
the Gyndes to be cut by his army into three hundred and fixty
chanels; a work which employed his army the whole ſummer,
and obliged him to poftpone the fiege of Babylon to the ſpring
enfuing. Who can imagine, that a commander of fo great
experience, and fuch an extraordinary moderation, as Cyrus is,
even by Herodotus himſelf, repreſented to have been, while he
was marching to the conqueft of Babylon, ſhould ſo idly waſte
his time, and ſpend the ardour of his troops in fuch an unprofit-
able piece of work?
WE fhall now give what we look upon as the true hiftory
history, ac- of Cyrus, being extracted out of Xenophon, whom we chooſe
cording to to follow in what concerns that great conqueror, and excellent
prince, feeing his accounts are far more agreeable to holy writ,
the ſtandard of truth, than thofe of Herodotus. We are told,
for inftance, in Scripture, that the Babylonians were reduced
by the united forces of the Medes and Perfians; and this is
what we read in Xenophon: whereas Herodotus raifes the Per-
fian empire on the ruins of that of the Medes; which is re-
pugnant to Scripture. It is true, that most of the antients
have chofen to follow Herodotus rather than Xenophon: but
that we can eaſily account for. The relations of the former
are interwoven with events far more ftrange and ſurpriſing,
more con-
fonant
with the
facred
writings.
2 HEROD. 1. i. c. 14.
(C) The river Gyndes rifes on through Dardania, falls into the
the hills of Matiene, and, paffing Tigris.
I
and
C. XI.
179
The Hiftory of the Perians.
and confequently more diverting and acceptable to the reader;
whence they were preferred to thofe of the latter, in which
we find nothing calculated to raiſe admiration. This natural
inclination in a writer, to adopt fuch accounts as he thinks
will prove moft agreeable to his reader, has been too much Xeno-
countenanced by Plato, who, in giving a character of Xeno- phon's
phon's Cyropædia, tells us, that he rather defcribed, in that writings
work, what a worthy and juft prince ought to be, than gave and cha-
us a true hiſtory of what that prince really was. From this racter.
paffage Diogenes Laertius concludes 2, that Plato looked on
the inftitution of Cyrus as a fiction: Tully paffes the fame
judgment on this performance, faying, that Xenophon's Cyrus
was not intended for a true hiftory, but to ſerve as a model of
a juft empire. Moſt of the modern critics have declared them-
felves of the fame opinion; and we must own, that as Xene-
phon was both a great commander and philofopher, he has
woven into that hiſtory many of his own maxims of war and
policy but it does not follow from hence, that the ground-plot
of the work, and the moft material tranfactions he relates,
may not be called a true hiftory. That he intended it for ſuch,
is plain; for, in the very beginning of the work, he acquaints
us, that he had taken great care and pains to inform himſelf of
Cyrus's birth, education, and character: and that it is really
fuch, its conformity with holy writ fufficiently fhews: wherefore,
'bating his military and political defcants and digreffions, the
remaining part, bare matters of fact, is to be looked upon as
a true hiſtory. He was efteemed by the antients a writer of
great judgment and penetration; and, having lived in the court.
of Cyrus the younger, had opportunities of being better informed
of what he wrote concerning that great prince than Herodotus
could have: and as he confined himſelf to this fubject alone,
no doubt but he examined all matters relating to it, with more
care and exactneſs than the other, who wrote of fo many dif-
ferent fubjects and nations. And theſe are the motives that
have induced us to follow Xenophon, in what relates to Cyrus,
rather than Herodotus, or thoſe who have copied after hìm (D).
* PLATO de legib. 1. iii.
Epift. i. ad Quintum fratrem.
Xenophon.
(D) Scaliger thinks that the
Cyropædia contains nothing but
fables and fictions, if we except
two or three events, which are
related alfo by Herodotus; and
Eraſmus will not even allow Xe-
nophon to have given us an exact
2 DIOG. LAER. in vit. philofoph.
• See DIOG. LAERT, in vita
model of a juft government, but
rather to have drawn a cunning
and deceitful prince: fo fond are
they of the furprising incidents
related by his antagoniſt Hero
dotus.
N 2
CYRUS
180
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
The true
the flood
$749.
599.
CYRUS was the fon of Cambyfes, either king of Perfia, or a
hiftory of man of the first rank in that country, and of Mandane the
Cyrus. daughter of Aftyages king of the Medes (E). He was born a
Year of year after his uncle Cyaxares, the brother of Mandane. He
lived the firſt twelve years of his life with his parents, in Per-
fia (F), where he was educated after the Perftan manner, and
Bef, Chr. inured to hardſhips, and fuch exerciſes as might enable him to
go through the toils and fatigues of war. When he was twelve
years old, his mother Mandane took him with her into Me-
dia, to his grandfather Aftyages, who, from the many things
he had heard of that young prince, had a defire to fee him.
During the time of his refidence at this court, the ſweetneſs of
his temper, his generous behaviour, and conftant endeavour
to oblige all men, gained him the affections of the Medes, and
fuch an intereft among the leading men of that nation, as did
afterwards much contribute to the erecting of the great empire
he afterwards founded d.
His early
WHEN he was about fixteen years of age, he firft entered
pretes. the ſchool of war, and gave extraordinary proofs both of his
courage and conduct, as we have related elſewhere. The
next year
he returned to his father in Perfia, where he remained
till he was forty years of age, when he was recalled to the af-
fiftance of his uncle Cyaxares .
ASTYAGES king of the Medes, was fucceeded, as we have
fhewn in the hiftory of that people, by his fon Cyaxares, bro-
ther to Mandane, Cyrus's mother f. This prince was fcarce.
feated on his throne, when he was informed, that Nerigliffar
king of Babylon was preparing a powerful army to invade Me-
dia; that he had already engaged feveral princes, and, amongſt
others, Cræfus king of Lydia; and that he had difpatched em-
baffadors into Cappadocia, Phrygia, Caria, Paphlagonia, Ci-
licia, and even to the Indies, to inftil jealoufies into the feveral
e XENOPH. Cуropæd.
d XENOPH. Cугоpæd. 1. i. p. 36.
1. i. p. 44, 45, &c.
See before; p. 41.
(E) Both Herodotus and Xeno-
phon agree in this, viz. that the
mother of Cyrus was Mandane,
daughter to Alyages; but Ctefias
would have us believe, that Cyrus
was no ways related to Ayages,
or Aftigas, as he is pleafed to
call him.
*
(F) The name of Perfia at
that time extended only to one
province of that large empire,
which was afterwards known by
the name of Perfia; for the
whole Perfian nation could at
that time raife but 120,000 men
(2).
But, after the conqueſts of
Cyrus, it took in that vast tract,
which extended eaſt and weft
from the Indus to the Tigris, and
north and fouth from the Caspian
fea to the ocean.
(2) Cyropæd. 1. i.
princes
C. XI.
181
The History of the Perfians.
Princes of thoſe countries, and to ftir them up againſt the
Medes and Perfians, as afpiring to an univerfal monarchy.
Cyaxares therefore called Cyrus, out of Perfia, to his affiftance;
and, upon his arrival with a body of thirty thoufand Perfians,
appointed him commander in chief both of the Medes and Per-
Jiansh (G).
1791.
557.
He had not been long in Media before Cyaxares had occa-
fion to employ him. The king of Armenia, who had hitherto
lived in ſubjection to the Medes, looking upon them as ready
to be ſwallowed up by the powerful alliance formed against Year of
them, thought fit to lay hold of that opportunity, and ſhake off
the yoke accordingly, he refufed to pay the ufual tribute, and
the flood
to fend his quota of auxiliaries, which he was obliged to fur- Bef. Chr.
nifh in time of war. As this was a matter of dangerous confe-
quence, and which might prompt other dependent ftates to do
the fame, Cyrus thought it neceflary to cruſh this revolt with Reduces
the utmoſt expedition; and therefore marching immediately Armenia.
with a chofen body of horſe, and covering his deſign as if he
intended only to hunt on the hills of Armenia, he entered that
country before the inhabitants had any intelligence of his
march; furpriſed the king, and all his family; and, having
obliged him to pay the ufual tribute, and fend his quota of
auxiliaries, reftored him to his kingdom, and returned in
triumph to his army in Mediai.
BOTH parties had now been employed three years together,
in forming their alliances, and making preparations for war.
In the beginning of the fourth year, the confederate armies on
i Idem, 1. iii. p. 62-76.
h XENOPH. 1. i. p. 58.
(G) This army confifted of
30,000 men, all infantry; for
the Perfians had yet no cavalry;
but they were all chofen men,
and raiſed after a particular man-
ner.
Firſt of all, Cyrus chofe
out of the nobility two hundred
and one officers; each of theſe
was ordered to chufe four more
of the fame rank, which made a
thouſand in all; and theſe were
called subriμo, or men of the
fame dignity, and eminently di-
ftinguiſhed themſelves on all oc-
cafions. Every one of theſe
was ordered to raiſe among the
people ten pikemen lightly arm-
ed, ten fingers, and ten bow
men, which amounted in the
whole to 31,000 men (3). From
the year in which Cyrus, arriv-
ing in Media at the head of theſe
troops, was vefted with the com-
mand of the confederate army,
thoſe begin their computation,
who will have this prince to
have reigned thirty years. For,
from this time, he was looked
upon by all foreign nations as
king of Persia and Media; tho'
the regal power, as to the latter,
was folely in Craxares, and Cyrus
was only general of the united
forces.
(3) Cyropæd. I. i.
N 3
both
182
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Cræfus
both fides took the field; and, being come in fight of each
Defeats other, a battle foon enfued, which proved very unfortunate
the Baby- for the Babylonians; for Nerigliffar their king was killed, and
lonians. Cræfus king of Lydia, who, upon his death, took upon him
Neriglif- the command of the army, was obliged to quit the field, and
far killed, retire in the utmoſt confufion to his camp, from which he was
driven the next day by Cyrus, at the head of the Hyrcanians,
defeated. who had revolted to him the night before k. Cyrus referved
for himſelf all the horſes that were taken, in order to form a
body of cavalry for the Perfian army, which hitherto they had
wanted. The richeft and moft valuable part of the booty he
fet apart for Cyaxares; and, as for the prifoners, he allowed
them to return home to their refpective countries, without im-
pofing any other condition upon them, than that they ſhould
deliver up their arms, and engage no more in war againſt him
volt to
and his allies ¹.
The Baby-
NERIGLISSAR was fucceeded by Laborofoarchod, in whofe
lonians r re- reign two Babylonian lords, Gobryas and Gadates, provoked by his
cruelty, went over, with the provinces they governed, to Cy-
Cyrus, rus, who by that means got footing in Affyria, which greatly
contributed to the reduction of Babylon m. Laboro foarchod
marched out againft Gadates, but was by Cyrus driven back
with great flaughter to his metropolis, where he continued,
fuffering Cyrus to ravage the whole country unmoleſted, till
the feafon of the year obliged him to put an end to the cam-
paign, which he did with the reduction of three fortreffes on
the frontiers of Media n.
LABOROSO ARCHOD was foon after murdered by his own fub-
jects, who raiſed Nabonadius to the throne, in his room. Xeno-
phon reprefents him as a wicked princes; and that fuch was his
character, fufficiently appears by what is faid of him in Da-
niel; but while he attended his pleafures, his mother Nitocris,
a woman of great underſtanding, and a maſculine fpirit, took
thofe precautions which we have mentioned in the Babylonian
hiftory, for the fecurity of the metropolis and empire.
WHILE the queen was thus employed, Cyaxares came to
Cyrus's camp; and, after ſeveral conſultations, they determined
to alter their method; and, inſtead of contenting themfelves
only with ravaging the enemy's territories, they thought it
was neceffary to employ their troops in taking of towns and
fortreffes, that fo they might make themfelves mafters of the
country, and diftrefs the city of Babylon, by intercepting their
provifions 9. Accordingly, they took many cities, and brought
* See before, p. 41.
1 XENOPH, Cyropæd. 1. iv. p. 87-104.
m See before, p. 41.
n XENOPH. Cyropæd. 1. v. p. 123–140,
• Ibid, 1. vii, › Cyropæd. 1. vi. p. 156,
under
C. XI.
1-$3.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
under ſubjection intire provinces, without meeting with any Cyrus's
confiderable reſiſtance from the Babylonians. The progrefs faccefs
Cyrus made in thoſe conqueſts rouſed at laſt Nabonadius, who, against
taking along with him great part of his treaſures, left Babylon, the Baby
and repaired to Cræfus king of Lydia, by whofe affiftance and lonians.
intereft he concluded a formidable alliance with the Egyptians,
Greeks, Thracians, and all the nations of the Leffer Afia. Thefe Crafus
various nations, under the conduct of Crafus, who was by the commands·
the confe-
king of Babylon appointed chief commander of all his forces, derates.
aflembled near the river Pactolus, and from thence advanced
to Thymbra, which was the place appointed for the general
rendezvous. Cyrus, being informed of theſe vaft preparations
by one of his intimate friends, who by his order had fled over
to the enemy as a deferter, put himſelf in a condition to oppoſe
them and, having increaſed the number of his forces by new
levies, he took leave of Cyaxares, who remained in Media
with a third part of the troops, that the country might not be
left intirely defencelefs; and marched forwards to meet the
confederate forces in their own territories, in order to confume
their forage, and difconcert their meaſures by the quicknefs of
his march, and boldnefs of his undertaking. After a long
march, he came up with the enemy at Thymbra, a city of Ly-
dia, not far from Sardis, the metropolis of that country. Cy-The army
rus's army was one hundred and ninety-fix thoufand ftrong, of Cyrus;
horfe and foot; befides thefe troops, he had three hundred
chariots, armed with fithes, each chariot drawn by four
horfes abreaft, covered with trappings that were proof againft
all forts of miffive weapons: he had likewife a great number
of other chariots of a larger fize, upon each of which he placed
a tower about eighteen or twenty feet high; and in each tower
were lodged twenty archers: thefe chariots were drawn by fix-
teen oxen, yoked abreaft. There was, moreover, a confider-
able number of camels, each mounted by two Arabian archers,
the one looking towards the head, and the other towards the
hinder-part, of the camel. The army of Crefus was twice as of the con
numerous as that of Cyrus, amounting in the whole to four federates.
hundred and twenty thoufand men. Both armies were drawn
up on an immenfe plain, which gave room for the extending of
their wings to the right and left; and the defign of Crefus,
upon which alone he founded his hopes of victory, was to fur-
round and hem in the enemy's army he placed the Egyptians,
who alone made a body of one hundred and twenty thoufand
men, and were the main ftrength of the army, in thic centre.
9 XENOPH. Cуropæd. 1. vi. p. 156, &c.
P. 167-172.
• Idem, 1. vi.
N 4
WHEN
184
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Battle of
Year of
1800.
WHEN the two armies were within fight of each other,
Thymbra Crofus, obferving how much the front of his army exceeded
that of Cyrus, made the centre halt, and the two wings ad-
the flood vance, with a defign to inclofe Cyrus's army, and begin the
attack on both fides at the fame time. When the two detached
Bef. Chr. bodies of the Lydian forces were fufficiently extended, Cræfus
548.
gave the fignal to the main body, which marched up to the
front of the Perfian army, while the two wings attacked them
in flank; fo that Cyrus's army was hemmed in on all fides, and,
as our author expreffes it, incloſed, like a ſmall ſquare drawn
within a great one P.
THIS motion did not at all alarm Cyrus; who, giving his
troops the fignal to face about, attacked in flank the enemy's
forces, that were marching to fall upon his rear, and put them
into great diforder. In the fame moment, a fquadron of camels
was made to advance againſt the enemy's other wing, confifting
moſtly of cavalry. Their horfes, upon the approach of the
camels, were fo frightened, that most of them threw their
riders, and trod them under foot; which occafioned a great
confufion. While they were thus in diforder, Artagefes, an
officer of great experience, at the head of a fmall body of
horfe, charged them fo brifkly, that they could never after-
wards rally; and, at the fame time, the chariots armed with.
fithes being furiously driven against them, they were intirely
routed. Both the enemy's wings being put to flight, Cyrus
commanded Abradates, his chief favourite, to fall upon the
centre with the chariots we have mentioned above. The firft
ranks, confifting moſtly of Lydians, not being able to ſtand fo
violent a charge, immediately gave way; but, the Egyptians
being covered with their bucklers, and marching ſo cloſe, that
the chariots had not room to penetrate their ranks, a great
flaughter of the Perfians enfued; Abradates himfelf was killed,
his chariot overturned, and moft part of his men cut in pieces,
after having fignalized themfelves in a very extraordinary
manner. Upon his death, the Egyptians, advancing boldly,
obliged the Perfian infantry to give way, and drove them
back quite to their engines. There they met with a new
ſhower of arrows and javelins, difcharged upon them from the
towers; and, at the fame time, the Perfian rear, advancing
fword in hand, obliged their archers and ſpearmen to return
to the charge. In the mean time Cyrus, having put to flight
both the horſe and foot on the left of the Egyptians, pufhed
on to the centre, where he had the mortification to find his
Perfians again giving ground; and, judging that the only way
to top the Egyptians, who were purſuing them, would be to
P XENOPH. Cуrоpæd. 1. vi. p. 173.
attack
C. XI
185
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
attack them in the rear, he did fo; and, at the fame time,
the Perfian cavalry coming up to his affiftance, the fight was
renewed with great flaughter on both fides; for the Egyptians,
facing about, defended themſelves with incredible bravery.
Cyrus himſelf was in great danger; for, his horfe being killed Cyrus in
under him, he fell in the midſt of the enemies; but, being imminent
faved by his Perfians, who, alarmed at his danger, threw danger.
themſelves headlong upon thoſe that ſurrounded him, the battle
became more bloody than ever. At length Cyrus, admiring
the valour of the Egyptians, and concerned to fee fuch brave Egyptians
men periſh, offered them honourable conditions, letting them furrender
know at the fame time, that all their allies had abandoned to him.
them. They accepted the terms offered them; and, having
agreed with Cyrus, that they fhould not be obliged to carry
arms againſt Cræfus, in whofe fervice they had been engaged,
ſurrendered themſelves to the conqueror, and, from that time,
ſerved him with the utmoft fidelity (H).
9
THE engagement lafted till night, when Crafus retired Lydians
with his troops to Sardis; and the other nations made the beſt defeated.
of their way to their reſpective countries. Cyrus did not think
fit to purſue them; but, the next morning, advanced towards
Sardis. Cræfus, hearing of his approach, marched out with
his Lydians (for the auxiliaries were already retired) to give
him battle. Their principal ftrength confifted in cavalry;
which Cyrus being fenfible of, made his camels advance againſt
them, whofe fmell the horfes not being able to endure, they
were immediately put in diforder. However, the Lydians,
who, at that time, were one of the moft warlike nations of
Afia, difmounting, fought on foot; but, after having kept
their ground very obftinately for fome time, were forced to
make their retreat to Sardis, where they were immediately
cloſely befieged by Cyrus (I).
Γ
9 XENOPH. Cуropæd. 1. vii. p. 172-178.
1. i. c. 80.
(H) Xenophon obferves here
(4), that Cyrus gave them the
cities of Larisa and Cyllene on
the fea-coaft, and other lands
within the country, which were
inhabited by their defcendants in
his time; and adds, that theſe
places were called the cities. of
the Egyptians. This obferva-
tion, and many others he makes
}
THE
I HERODOT.
in his Cyropædia, in order to
prove the truth of the things
he advances, fhew plainly, that
he wrote that piece as a true hi-
ftory of Cyrus, at leaſt with re-
fpect to the fubftance of it, and
greatest part of the tranſactions.
(I) While Cyrus lay encamped
before Sardis, he performed the
exequies of Abradates, and Pan-
(4) Cyropæd. 1. vii. p. 179.
thea
:
186
B. L.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Sardis
taken.
THE night after he invefted the city, he made himſelf mafter
of the citadel, being conducted to it, in the dead of the night,
by a Perfian flave, who had been a fervant to the governor
of that place. At break of day he entered the city, where
he found no refiftance, the Lydians having difperfed at the
news of the citadel's being taken. Cyrus's firſt care was to
fave the town, which was the most wealthy of all Aſia, from
being plundered. With this view, he acquainted the inha-
bitants, that their lives fhould be fpared, and neither their
wives nor their children touched, provided they brought him
all their gold and filver. This condition they readily com-
plied with; and Crafus himſelf, who was taken and brought
to Cyrus, fet them an example, by delivering his immenfe
Cyrus's treaſures up to the conqueror. Cyrus, touched with compaf-
generofity fion at the king's misfortune, and admiring his conftancy in
to Crafus. fo great a change, treated him with great clemency, fuffer-
ing him to enjoy both the title and authority of king, under
the fole reftriction of not having power to make war. From
that time, he took him with him in all his expeditions, either
out of eſteem for that prince, or out of policy, that he might
be more fecure of his perfon (K).
S
CYRUS,
5 XENOPH. Cyropæd. 1. vii. DIOD. SIC. in excerpt. Valef.
p. 241. PLUTARCH. in Solon. POLYEN. ftrat. 1. vii. SOLIM. in
Polyhift. c. 1. HERODOT. 1. i. c. 88, 155, 156.
thea his wife. Abradates was
prince of Sufham under the Ba-
bylonians, and had revolted to
Cyrus about two years before;
being induced thereunto by his
wife, a woman of extraordinary
beauty, whom Cyrus had taken
prifoner in his firft engagement
with the Babylonians, and treated
in a moft obliging manner. This
kind treatment drew over her
huſband to Cyrus, and he being
killed in the engagement with
the Egyptians, as we have men-
tioned above, Panthea, out of
grief, flew herſelf upon his dead
body; and Cyrus caufed them
both to be interred with great
pomp, and a ftately monument
to be erected over them near
(5) Cyropæd. 1. vi. & vii.
the river Pattolus, where it was
to be ſeen many ages after (5).
(K) The taking of Crafus is
differently related by Herodotus,
and thoſe who have copied after
him (6). According to thefe,
Crafus, being fhut up in Sardis,
difpatched embaffadors to all
his allies, intreating their affift-
ance. But, in the mean time,
Cyrus purfued the fiege with
fuch vigour, that he took the
city before any fuccours could
arrive, and the king in it, whom
he condemned to be burnt alive;
and accordingly placed him on
a great pile of wood, accom-
panied by fourteen young Ly-
dians. The defign of Cyrus in
fo doing was, according to He-
(6) Herodot, I. i. c. 85-83.
rodotus,
C. XI.
187
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
:
r
CYRUS, after the conqueft of Lydia, continued in Leffer His con-
Afia, till he had fubdued the feveral nations inhabiting that quests.
rodotus, to offer this facrifice to
ſome god as the firft-fruits of his
victory, or to perform a vow, or
perhaps to fee, as he had heard
of his piety towards the gods,
whether any of them would
fave him from the fire. When
When
Crafus had afcended the pile,
notwithſtanding the weight of
his misfortunes, he recollected
the words of Solon, who had told
him, that no man could be call-
ed happy before his death. Re-
volving theſe words in his mind,
he cried out, with a great figh,
three times, Oh Solon, Solon, So-
lon! Which when Cyrus heard,
he commanded his interpreter
to ask him, whofe affiftance he
implored. Upon this, Crafus
acquainted him, that Solon, an
Athenian philofopher, having
formerly vifited him, and viewed
his immenſe treaſures, had de-
ſpiſed all, and plainly told him,
inſtead of applauding his hap-
pinefs, that he could not pro-
nounce any man happy ſo long
as he lived, becauſe no man
could foreſee what might hap-
pen to him before his death; of
the truth of which being now
fadly convinced by his prefent
calamity, he could not forbear
calling upon the name of Solon.
This raiſed in Cyrus a lively
ſenſe of the uncertainty of all
human felicity, and fuch com-
paffion for Cræfus, that he com-
manded the fire to be preſently
extinguiſhed, and the unfortu-
nate king taken down,
cordingly all endeavours were
uſed to execute his orders, but
the fire could not be mastered.
In this diftrefs, Crafus being in-
Ac-
formed that Cyrus defigned to
fave his life, but feeing his
Perfians attempted in vain to
extinguifh the flame, burſt out
into a flood of tears, and, with
a loud voice, invoking Apollo,
befought that god to deliver
him from the prefent danger, if
any of his offerings had ever
been agreeable to him. He
had fcarce ended his prayer,
when clouds were feen gathered
in the air, which before was ſe-
rene, and a violent ſtorm of
rain enfuing, quite extinguished
the flame. Cyrus, underſtanding
by this miraculous event, that
Crafus was a pious prince, and
greatly favoured by the gods,
not only fpared his life, but al-
lowed him a very honourable
maintenance, and made ufe of
him ever after as one of his
chief counsellors; and at his
death recommended him to his
fon Cambyfes, as the perfon
whofe advice he would have
him chiefly to follow.
The fame writer tells us, that,
upon the taking of the city of
Sardis, a certain Perfian, not
knowing Crafus, advanced to
kill him. As he, not caring to
furvive that difafter, did not at-
tempt to avoid the blow, his
fon, who was born dumb, fee-
ing the foldier ready to ftrike,
was moved with fuch fear and
tenderneſs for the life of his fa-
ther, that in that inftant he
cried out, Soldier, fpare the life
of Cræfus. Thefe were the firſt
words he ever uttered; but from
that time he continued to ſpeak
readily (7). Thus far Herodo-
tus.
(7) Herodotus, l. i, c. 85.
great
188
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
taken.
great continent, from the Egean fea to the Euphrates. From
thence he marched into Syria and Arabia; and, having brought
thofe nations likewife under fubjection, he again entered Ally-
ria, and marched towards Babylon, the only city in all the eaſt
that now held out againſt him; but was reduced, after two
Babylon years fiege, in the manner we have related in the hiftory of Ba-
bylon. The king of Babylon being killed, and thoſe who were
about him put to flight, the reft voluntarily fubmitted; and Cy-
Year of rus, without any further refiftance, became mafter of the place,
the flood and concluded his conqueſts, after a war of twenty-one years ³.
The taking of Babylon put an end to the Babylonian empire,
Bef. Chr. and fulfilled the predictions, which the prophets Iſaiah, Fere-
536.
miah, and Daniel, had uttered againſt that proud metropolis,
and of which we have already given a particular account ".
1812.
army.
X
UPON the death of the king of Babylon, Darius the Mede
is faid, in Scripture, to have taken the kingdom *. By Da-
rius the Mede is meant Cyaxares king of the Medes, and uncle
to Cyrus, as we have fully proved in the hiſtory of Media ▾ :
for Cyrus, as long as his uncle lived, held the empire with
him in partnerſhip; nay, fo far did he carry his complaifance,
that he let him enjoy the firft rank. Cyrus, having fettled his.
affairs at Babylon, returned into Perfia, to pay a vifit to his
father and mother, who were ſtill alive ; and, after a fhort
stay there, went back to Babylon, together with Cyaxares.
On their arrival, they concerted together the fettling of the
whole empire; and, having divided it into an hundred and
twenty provinces, the government of thefe was given to fuch
as had diftinguiſhed themfelves during the war.
²
Cyrus's THE Civil government being thus fettled, Cyrus ordered all
numerous his forces to join him at Babylon. On a general review, he
found they confifted of an hundred and twenty thousand horſe,
two thouſand chariots armed with fithes, and fix hundred
thoufand foot. Of thefe having diftributed into garifons fuch
a number as he judged neceffary for the defence of the feveral
parts of the empire, he marched, with the remainder, into.
Syria, where he fettled the affairs of that province, and then
reduced the other nations, as far as the Red ſea, and the con-
fines of Ethiopia b. In this interval of time, Daniel was, by
order of Darius, who remained at Babylon, caft into the lions
den, as we have related in the hiftory of Media c.
Craxa-
ABOUT two years after the reduction of Babylon, Cyaxares
res's death, dying, and alſo Cambyfes king of Perfia, Cyrus returned to
u Cyropæd. 1. vii. p. 189-192.
v. 31. ix. I. xi. 1.
note (C).
× Dan.
Idem, 1. viii.
y See before, p. 41, 42, 44, and
b Cyropæd. 1. viii.
z Cyropæd. 1. viii.
་
F. 233.
• See before, P. 44.
Babylon,
CXI. The Hiftory of the Perfians.
IS9
:
Babylon, and took upon him the whole government of the em-
pired, which he held for the fpace of feven years (K).
In the firſt of theſe feven years expired the feventy years of Year of
the Babylonish captivity, when Cyrus publifhed the famous the flood
edict, whereby the Jews were allowed to return to Jerufalem. 1814.
There is no doubt but this edict was obtained by Daniel, who Bef. Chr.
was in great credit and authority at court. That he might, 534-
the more effectually induce the king to grant him that favour,
an end to
he fhewed him the prophecies of Ifaiah e, naming him, an Cyrus pats
hundred and twenty years before his birth, as one appointed the Jewith
by God to be a great conqueror, a king over many nations,
and the reſtorer of his people, by ordering their temple to be
rebuilt, and Jerufalem and Judea to be re-poffeffed by their
antient inhabitants.
CYRUS having iffued out his decree for the reftoring of the
Jews to their country, and the rebuilding of the temple at
Jerufalem, the captive Hebrews affembled out of the feveral
provinces of the Babylonian empire, to the number of four
thoufand two hundred and thirty-fix perfons, with their fer-
vants, who amounted to feven thoufand three hundred and
thirty-feven more, and fet out for Judea and thus was the
ftate of Judah and Jeruſalem again reſtored, after they had
dain defolate feventy years (L). Cyrus reftored, at the fame
d Cyropæd. 1. viii. p. 233.
(K) The reign of Cyrus is rec-
koned from his first coming out
of Perfia, to the affiftance of
his uncle Cyaxares, at the head
of the Perfian army, to have
lafted thirty years; from the tak-
ing of Babylon nine years, and
from his being fole monarch of
the whole empire, after the death
of Cyaxares in Media, and Cam-
byfes in Perfia, feven years.
Tully (8) reckons by the firft ac-
count, Ptolemy (9) by the fe-
cond, and Xenophon (10) by the
third. The firit of thefe feven
years is the first year of Cyrus
mentioned by Ezra (11), where
in an end was put to the capti-
vity of Judah, and liberty
granted them to return to their
(3) Cic. de divinat. I. ii.
(11) Ezra i. 1.
time,
e Ifaiah xliv. 28. xlv. 1.
country, the feventy years of
captivity being then expired.
(L) It may not be improper,
in this place, to infert the fa-
mous edict of Cyrus, in favour
of the Ifraelites; an edict, for
which, it may be prefumed, that
GOD endowed him with fo many
heroic virtues, and bleſſed him
with a conſtant ſeries of profpe-
rity and victories.
In the first year of Cyrus king
of the Perfians, that the word of
the LORD might be accomplished,
that he had promiſed by the mouth
of Jeremy, the LORD raiſed up
the spirit of Cyrus, the king of
the Perfians; and he made procla
mation through all his kingdom,
and also by writing, faying :
(9) Ptolem. in canone,
(10) Cyropæd..
Thus
captivity.
190
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
ཉ
time, to the Jews all the veffels of the temple, which Nebu-
chadnezzar had brought from Jerufalem, and lodged in the
temple of his god Baal.
AFTER the return of the Jews, the Samaritans, their de-
clared enemies, did all that lay in their power to prevent the
building of the temple; and though they could not alter Cy-
rus's decree, yet they prevailed, by bribes, with his chief
officers that were in Judea, to obſtruct the execution of it; ſo
that, for feveral years, the building went on but very flowly :
and it ſeems to have been out of grief to ſee the pious inten-
tions of Cyrus thus difappointed, that, in the third year of that
prince, Daniel gave himſelf up to mourning and faſting for
three weeks together 8.
BUT to return to Cyrus: this prince, being equally beloved
by his own natural fubjects, and thofe of the conquered na-
tions, peaceably enjoyed the fruits of his labours and victories.
The extent His new-erected empire was bounded on the eaſt by the river
of bis em- Indus; on the north by the Cafpian and Euxine feas; on the
pire.
Cyrus
dies.
weft by the Egean; and on the fouth by Ethiopia, and the
fea of Arabia. He kept his refidence in the heart of theſe
countries, fpending the feven cold months at Babylon, by rea-
fon of the warmth of that climate; three months in the ſpring
at Sufa; and two months, during the heat of the fummer, at
Ecbatan h.
HAVING ſpent ſeven years in this ftate of tranquillity, and
eſtabliſhed his empire with fuch wifdom, that, upon the ftrength
of this foundation alone, it ftood above two hundred years,
notwithſtanding the rafh and impolitic proceedings of his fuc-
ceffors, he died, in the feventieth year of his age i, equally
regretted by all the nations of his vaft fpreading dominions.
He had reigned, from his firft taking upon him the command
of the Perfian and Median armies, thirty years, as we hinted
h Cyropæd. 1. viii. p. 233. i CICERO
g Dan. x. I — 3.
de divin. 1. i.
Thus faith Cyrus king of the
Perfians, The LORD of Ifrael, the
moſt high LORD, has made me
king of the whole world, and
commanded me to build him an
houfe at Jerufalem in Jewry. If
therefore there be any of you that
are of his people, let the LORD,
even his LORD, be with him, and
let him go up to Jerufalem that is
in Judea, and build the house of
the LORD of Ifrael; for he is the
LORD that dwelleth in Jerufalem.
Whosoever then dwell in the places
about, let them help him (thofe, I
fay, that are his neighbours) with
gold and with filver, with gifts,
with horses, and with cattle and
other things, which have been ſet
forth by voru for the temple of the
LORD at Jerufalem (12).
(12) 1 Efdras ii. 1, & feqq.
in
C. XI.
191
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
in a late note; from the reduction of Babylon, nine'; and, Year of
from his being fole monarch of the eaſt, after the death of the flood
his uncle Cyaxares, or Darius the Mede, feyen years ". Au- 1819.
thors ftrangely differ with each other as to the manner of his Bef. Chr.
death. Xenophon's account, who makes him die in his bed, 529.
as fortunately as he lived, amidft his friends, and in his own
country, ſeems to us by far the moft probable; for all authors.
agree, that he was buried at Pafargada in Perfia, where Xe-
nophon fays he died; and his monument was to be feen in the
time of Alexander the Great. Had he been flain in Scythia,
as Herodotus and Justin relate, and his body mangled, as
they would have us believe, how could it ever have been re-
fcued out of the hands of thoſe enraged barbarians, and buried
at Pafargada? Befides, it is by no means probable, that fuch
a wife man as Cyrus is reprefented to have been, and fo far
advanced in years, would have engaged in fo rafh an under-
taking as the Scythian expedition is defcribed to have been by
thoſe who relate it: neither can it be conceived, how, after
ſo great an overthrow, the Perfian empire could have fubfifted,
eſpecially in the hands of fuch a fucceffor as Cambyfes was;
for Herodotus tells us, that Cyrus was killed, and his whole
army, confifting of two hundred thousand men, cut in
pieces (M).
k See p. 189. (K).
1. viii. p. 233.
I ProL. in canon.
(M) Diodorus Siculus (13) tells
us, that he was taken prifoner by
Tomyris queen of the Maffagetes,
and by her orders crucified.
Ctefias (14) fays, that in a battle
against the Derbicans, a people
bordering upon Hyrcania, he
was wounded in the thigh by a
certain Indian, of which wound
he died three days after. John
Malela of Antioch, out of a forged
book afcribed to Pythagoras, ac-
quaints us, that he was flain in
a fea-fight by the Samians.
Some writers tell us (15), that,
after the reduction of Babylon,
Cyrus, having a victorious army
at his devotion, and Cyaxares be-
ing returned from Babylon into
Media, revolted from Cyaxarts,
in conjunction with the Perfians
(13) Lib. ii
(14) Lib. x.
m Cyropæd.
under him, who were incited
thereunto by Harpagus a Mede,
and Artabaxus, who had affitted
Cyrus in fubduing Afia Minor,
and had been injured by Darins.
Harpagus was fent by Cyaxares
with an army against Cyrus; but
in the heat of the battle revolted
with great part of the army to
Cyrus. Cyaxares raiſed a new
army, and was again defeated
near Pafargada in Perfia, and
taken prifoner. By this victory,
fay they, the monarchy was
tranflated from the Medes to the
Perfians. But this account we
have already rejected, as not
agreeing fo well with holy
writ as that which we read in
Xenophon.
(15) Pide Suidam in Ariftarchos.
ON
192
B.I.
The History of the Perfians.
Names for On his death-bed, he appointed his fon Cambyfes to fucceed
bis juceffor him; who accordingly took poffeffion of that vaft empire. To
Cambyfes his other fon Smerdis he left feveral confiderable governments.
Cambyfes was fcarce well feated on the throne, when he re-
folved upon a war with the Egyptians. But of this expedition,
and the good fuccefs that attended it, we have ſpoken at
length in the hiſtory of Egypt°; and therefore ſhall only add
here, in a note, an extraordinary circumftance, related by
Herodotus, on occafion of a battle fought at this time, whereof
he was himſelf an eye-witnefs (N).
THE next year, which was the fixth of his reign, he re-
folved upon three different expeditions, the firſt againſt the
Carthaginians, the fecond against the Hammonians, and the
third against the Ethiopians; but he was forced to drop the
first project, by reafon the Phænicians, without whoſe help
he could not carry on that war, refuſed to affift him againſt
the Carthaginians, who were defcended from them, Carthage
being originally a Tyrian colony. But his heart being fet on
the other two, he fent embaffadors into Ethiopia, who, under
that character, were to act as fpies, and give him intelligence
of the ſtate and ſtrength of the country. But the Ethiopians,
being well apprifed of the errand on which they were come,
treated them with great contempt: however, the Ethiopian
king, in return for the prefents they brought him from Cam-
byfes, fent him back his own bow, advifing him to make war
• See vol. ii. p. 94, & feq. & HERODOT. 1. iii. c. 1--4. 】
(N) That writer tells us (16),
that the bones of the Perfians
and Egyptians were in his time
ſtill to be ſeen in the place where
the battle was fought, but fepa-
rated from each other. The
kulls of the Egyptians, fays he,
were ſo hard, that they could
fcarce be broken by the violent
blow of a large ftone; whereas
thofe of the Perfians were fo foft
and weak, that they were broke
with the leaſt blow of a pcbble.
This difference, as our author
tells us, was owing to the Egyp-
tian cuſtom of ſhaving the heads
of their children early; by which
means the bones were rendered
thicker and ftronger through the
heat of the fun, and the head
preferved from baldneſs; there
being fewer people bald in E-
gypt, as Herodotus obferves, than
in any other country. As the
heads of the Egyptians were
ſtrengthened by this method, fo
thofe of the Perfians were foft-
ened by the contrary cuftom;
for they were not expoſed to the
fun, but always covered with
caps and turbans. Our author
adds, that he obferved the fame
thing at Papremis, in thoſe who,
together with Achæmenes, the fon
of Darius, were defeated by Ina-
rus king of Libya.
(16) Herodot, l. iii. c. 12,
úpon
C. XI.
193
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
..
upon the Ethiopians when the Perfians could as eafily bend that
bow as they. Before he delivered the bow to the Perfian em-
bafladors, he addreffed them with this fpeech: "It is not from The Ethio-
any confideration of my friendſhip, that the king of Perfia pian king's
"fent you with theſe prefents: neither have you ſpoken truth, noble mej-
"but are come into my kingdom as fpies. If your maſter ſage to
were an honeft man, he would defire no more than his own, Cambyfes
and not attempt to enflave a people who had never done him
έσ any injury however, give him this bow from me; and let
"him know, that the king of Ethiopia advifes the king of
σε Perfia to make war upon the Ethiopians when the Perfians
"ſhall be able thus eaſily to bend fo ftrong a bow; and, in
"the mean time, to thank the gods, that they have never in-
"fpired the Ethiopians with a defire of extending their do-
"minions beyond their own country P."
CAMBYSES, being informed by his embaffadors, of all that Camby-
paffed, flew into a violent paffion, and ordered his army imme- fes's rafh
diately to begin their march, without confidering, that they expedition
were furniſhed neither with provifions, nor any other necef- against
faries for fuch an expedition. He left the Greek auxiliaries Ethiopia.
behind him, to keep the new-conquered countries in awe,
524.
during his abfence; and, with the whole body of his land- Year of
forces, began his march. When he arrived at Thebes, in the the flood
Upper-Egypt, he detached fifty thouſand men againſt the Ham- 1824.
monians, ordering them to ravage the whole country, and Bef. Chr.
burn the oracle of Jupiter Ammon, while he, with the reft of
his army, fhould march against the Ethiopians. But, before
he had marched a fifth part of the way, his provifions were
confumed, and the army reduced to the neceffity of eating their
beafts of burden. Cambyfes, notwithſtanding thefe difficulties,
purfued his rafh attempt; and the foldiers fed upon herbs and
grafs, fo long as they found any in their way: but, when they His army
arrived in the fandy deferts, they were brought to fuch ex-famifed in
tremities, as to be obliged to devour one another; every tenth the deferts,
man, upon whom the lot fell, being doomed to ferve as food
for his companions: a food, fays Seneca, more to be dreaded
than famine itſelf. The king ftill perfifted in his mad defign,
till, at laft, being apprehenfive of the danger his own perfon
was in, he gave over the enterprize, and retreated to Thebes,
after having loft great part of his army in this wild attempt.
As for that part of the army which was fent againſt the Am-
monians, they marched from Thebes; and, by the help of their
guides, arrived at the city of Qafis, inhabited by Samians, and
feven days march diftant from Thebes. Nobody doubts, as
P HEROD. 1. iii. ç. 20-22.
• HEROD. ubi fupra, c. 25, 26.
VOL. V.
9 SENECA de ira, 1 iii. c. 20.
our
194
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
1
His other
army pe-
rift.
our author informs us, but they arrived at that place: but
what was their fate afterwards, is uncertain; for they never
returned either to Egypt, or their own country. The Ammoni-
ans informed Herodotus, that they marched from Oaſis; and
that, after they had entered the fandy defert, which lies be-
yond that city, a violent wind began to blow from the ſouth,
at the time of their dinner, and raiſed the fands to fuch a
degree, that the whole army was overwhelmed, and buried
alive.
He deftroys CAMBYSES, on his return to Thebes, caufed all the temples,
all the which, in that fuperftitious city, were very rich and nume-
Egyptian rous, to be pillaged, and burnt down to the ground. We may
temples. judge of the richnefs of thofe temples by the remains faved
from the flames, which amounted to the fum of three hundred
talents of gold, and two thouſand three hundred talents of filver.
He likewiſe carried away the famous circle of gold that incom-
paffed the tomb of king Ozymandias, being three hundred and
fixty-five cubits in circumference, and on which were repre-
fented all the motions of the feveral conftellations *.
FROM Thebes Cambyfes marched back to Memphis, where
he diſcharged the Greek mercenaries, and fent them to their
reſpective countries. On his entry into this city, finding the
citizens all in mirth and jollity, becauſe their god Apis had
then appeared among them, he was highly provoked, as fup-
pofing that they rejoiced becauſe of his unfuccefsful expedi-
tion. He therefore called the magiftrates, to learn of them
the cauſe of that public mirth. They gave him a true account
of the whole matter; but he, not believing what they ſaid,
Cruelty at caufed them all to be put to death. He fent afterwards for
Memphis. the priefts, who made him the fame anfwer, telling him, that
it had been always their cuſtom, when their god appeared
amongſt them, to celebrate his appearance with the greatest
demonftrations of joy they could exprefs. To this he replied,
That, if their god was fo kind and familiar as to fhew himfelf
to them, he too would be willingly acquainted with him; and
therefore commanded the deity to be brought forthwith be-
fore him. He was brought accordingly; but, no fooner did
he appear before Cambyfes, that the king, feeing a calf, and
not, as he expected, a deity, flew into a violent paffion, and,
Kills their drawing his dagger, wounded the Apis in the thigh; and, re-
god Apis. proaching the prieſts for their ftupidity, in worshiping a brute,
ordered them feverely to be whipt, and all the Egyptians at
Memphis, that fhould be found celebrating the feaft of Apisy to
be flain. The Apis, after he had languifhed fome time, died
• HEROD. ibid.
+ DIOD: SIC. 1. i. p. 43-46.
Of
C. XI
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
195
of his wound in the temple, and was buried by the prieſts, who
carefully concealed his death from Cambyfes y.
THE Egyptians fay, that after this facrilegious action, which Inftances
was looked upon by them as the greateſt inftance of impiety of that
that ever was committed amongst them, Cambyfes was imme- monarch's
diately feized with lunacy, and grew mad. But his actions madneſs
fhewed, that he was fo long before, of which he gave feveral and cru-
elty.
inſtances: we find the following upon record.
He had a brother, by the fame father and mother, called by
Xenophon, Tanaoxares, Smerdis by Herodotus, and by Juftin,
Mergis. He attended Cambyfes on his Egyptian expedition;
but being the only perfon in the army that could bend the bow,
within two fingers breadth, which the king of Ethiopia had
fent, Cambyfes from hence conceived fuch a jealouſy of him,
that, being no longer able to bear him in the army, he ſent him,
back into Perfia. After his departure, Cambyfes dreamed, that
a meffenger arriving from Perfia told him, that Smerdis was
feated on the throne, and touched the heavens with his head
whereupon fufpecting, that his brother afpired to the crown,
he diſpatched Prexafpes, one of his confidents, into Perfia,
with orders to put him to death; which he accordingly exe-
cuted z.
:
THIS murder was followed by another, ftill more crimi-
nal. Cambyfes had with him, in the camp, his youngeſt ſiſter,
by name Meroe. As this princefs was very beautiful, he fell
violently in love with her; and was defirous to marry her:
but, being convinced of the novelty of his defign, he fummon-
ed all the royal judges of the Perfian nation, whofe office it
was to interpret the laws, to know whether there was any
law allowing a brother to marry a fifter. The judges being
unwilling to authorize fuch an inceftuous marriage, and, at the
fame time, dreading the effects of the king's violent temper,
fhould they contradict him, returned this crafty anſwer: That
they, truly, knew of no law allowing a man to marry his own
fifter, but had a law which gave the king of Perfia liberty to He marries
do whatever he pleafed. Upon this anfwer, he folemnly mar- his fifter.
ried her; and thereby gave the firft example of that inceft
which was afterwards practifed by most of his fucceffors, and
by fome of them carried fo far as to marry their own daugh-
ters. This fifter he took with him in all his expeditions, and
gave her name to an ifland in the Nile, between Egypt and
Ethiopia, which he conquered on his wild expedition againſt
the Ethiopians. The occafion and manner of her death are
reported in the following manner: As Cambyfes was one day di-
verting himſelf, in feeing a young dog, and the whelp of a
z Idem ibid. c. 30.
Y HEROD. 1. iii. c. 28, 29.
0 2
lion,
1
196
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
and kills
her.
Prexa-
jhot to
lion, fighting, the dog being overmatched, another of the fame
litter, breaking loofe, came to his affiftance; by which means
the lion was maſtered. Whilft the king was mightily pleaſed
with this adventure, Meroe, who fat by him, began to weep:
and, being obliged to tell her huſband the cauſe of her grief,
fhe confeffed, that this accident put her in mind of the fate of
her brother Smerdis, whom nobody had been good-natured
enough to affift. There needed no more than this to excite the
rage of that brutal prince, who, notwithſtanding her being
with child, gave her fuch a blow with his foot on the belly,
that ſhe miſcarried, and foon after died m (N).
HE caufed alfo feveral of the chief lords of his court to be
buried alive, and daily facrificed fome of them to his wild
fury. He one day afked Prexafpes, who was his chief favour-
ite, what the Perfians faid of him, and what character they
gave him in their private converfations. Prexafpes anfwered,
that they highly applauded his actions in general;. but thought
him too much addicted to wine. I understand you, replied the
king: they pretend, that wine deprives me of my underſtand-
ing; but whether this charge be true or not, you ſhall be
judge. Upon which he began to drink to a far greater exceſs
than he had ever done before: then, ordering the fon of Pre-
ipes's fon xafpes, who was his cup-bearer, to ftand upright at the farther
end of the room, with his left-hand upon his head, and turning
to Prexafpes, If I fhoot, faid he, this arrow through the heart
of your fon, the Perfians, you must own, have flandered me;
Year of but, if I mifs, I fhall willingly allow them to have ſpoken the
the flood truth. He had no fooner uttered thefe words, than, drawing
1825. his bow, he ſhot the arrow through the body of the young
man. Then, commanding him to be opened, and finding the
arrow had pierced his heart, he afked the father with great
joy, and in an infulting manner, whether he had ever ſeen a
man fhoot with a more fteady hand, and whether or no the
Perfians had injured his character, by faying, that wine de-
m HEROD. 1. iii. c. 31, 32.
death.
Bef. Chr.
$23.
(N) The Egyptians, as our
author informs us (17), relate
the matter in a different way.
They fay, that as Cambyfes and
his fifter were at table, fhe took
a lettuce, and pulling the leaves
afunder, asked her huſband,
whether an intire lettuce was
net more beautiful than one
pulled in pieces. He anfwered,
it was; whereupon Meroe re-
plied, that he had repreſented
the broken lettuce, by difmem→
bering the houfe of Cyrus. Up*
on theſe words, Cambyfes ftruck
her with his foot; which, as the
was big with child, occafioned
her death.
(17) Heradet, ubi fupra, c. 32.
prived
C.XI.
197
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
prived him of his reafon. The unfortunate father, being under
great apprehenfions for his own life, anfwered, that a god
could not have fhot more dextroufly a (O).
WHILE he was proceeding in this furious manner, Crafus Crafus
king of Lydia thought fit to lay before him the bad confe- ordered to
quences that might attend fo tyrannical a government; which be put to
provoked him to fuch a degree, that he ordered him to be put death.
to death: but the officers, who received his orders, fufpended
the execution of the fentence, and concealed Crafus, think-
ing, that, if Cambyfes fhould inquire for him, and repent of
his rafh refolution, they fhould be well rewarded for faving his
life; but, if they found, that Cambyfes neither altered his
mind, nor defired to fee him, they might ſtill put him to death,
purſuant to their orders. The very next day he afked for
Crafus; which the officers hearing, acquainted him, that the
king of Lydia was ſtill alive. Cambyfes was tranfported with
joy, when he heard, that his orders had not been put in exe-
cution; but at the fame time commanded all thoſe who had
faved him to be immediately put to death, becauſe they had
not obeyed his orders º.
CAMBYSES, in the beginning of the eighth year of his reign,
left Egypt, in order to return to Perfia. On his coming into
Syria, he met an herald, fent from Sufa to the army, to ac-
quaint them, that Smerdis the fon of Cyrus was proclaimed
king, and commanding them all to acknowlege and obey him.
This event was brought about in the following manner: Cam-
byfes, at his departure from Sufa on the Egyptian expedition,
had left the adminiſtration of affairs, during his abfence, in the
hands of Patizithes, one of the chief of the mages. This Pa- The con-
tizithes had a brother, who very much refembled Smerdis the fpiracy of
fon of Cyrus, and was, perhaps on that account, called by the Smerdis
fame name.
As foon as he was fully affured of the death of the mage.
that prince, which had been carefully concealed from moſt
others, and at the fame time informed, that Cambyfes indulged
his tyrannical temper to fuch a degree, that he was grown in-
fupportable, he placed his own brother on the throne, giving
out, that he was the true Smerdis the fon of Cyrus; and im-
mediately difpatched heralds into all the parts of the em-
HEROD. 1. iii. c. 35.
(0) Seneca (18), who copied
this story from Herodotus, after
ſhewing his deteftation of fuch a
barbarous and cruel action, con-
demns ftill more the monftrous ·
• Idem ibid. c. 36.
flattery of the father, with theſe
memorable words; Sceleratius te-
lum illud laudatum eft, quam mif-
fum.
(18) Seneca de ira, 1. iii. c. 14.
03
pire,
198
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians..
pire, to give notice of Smerdis's acceffion to the crown, and
require all the provinces to pay him their obedience. The
herald, who was difpatched to Egypt, finding Cambyfes, with
his army, at Ecbatan in Syria, placed himſelf in the midft of
the army, and openly proclaimed the orders of Patizithes."
Cambyfes caufed him to be feized; and, having ſtrictly exa-
mined him in the prefence of Prexafpes, who had received or-
ders to kill his brother, he found, that the true Smerdis was
certainly dead; and that he, who had ufurped the throne, was
Smerdis the mage. The mention of that name greatly affected
Cambyfes, and revived in his memory the dream, in which he
had feen a meffenger, who came to acquaint him, that Smer-
dis was feated on the throne. Reflecting how unjustly he
had murdered his brother, he burst out in a flood of tears,
and immediately ordered his army to march, with a defign to
Cambyfes fupprefs the growing rebellion; but, as he was mounting his
accident- horfe, his fword flipped out of the ſcabbard, and wounded
ally him in the thigh. Being thus wounded, he aſked the name of
wounded, the city; and, being informed, that the place was called Ecba-
tan, he ſaid, in the prefence of all, Fate has decreed, that
Cambyfes, the fon of Cyrus, fhall die in this place. For, while
he was in Egypt, having confulted the oracle of Butus, which
was famous in that country, he was told, that he fhould die
at Ecbatan; which he underſtanding of Ecbatan in Media,
refolved to fave his life, by avoiding that place: but what he
thought to avoid in Media, he found in Syria; and there-
fore, being acquainted, that the place where he received the
wound was called Ecbatan, and taking it for certain that he
muft die there, he affembled the chief Perfian lords that ferved
in the army, and, reprefenting to them the true ftate of the
cafe, earneſtly required them never to fubmit to the impoftor,
or fuffer the fovereignty to pass again from the Perfians to
the Medes, of which nation Smerdis the mage was, but to uſe
their utmoſt endeavours to place on the throne one of their
own blood. But the Perfians, fufpecting all this was faid by
him out of hatred to his brother, had no regard to it; and,
Cambyfes dying a few days after of his wound, which mortified,
they quietly fubmitted to the perfon whom they found on the
Year of throne, fuppofing him to be the true Smerdis. To this delu-
the flood fion Prexa/pes greatly contributed, by faying, that he had not
1826. killed Smerdis the fon of Cyrus with his own hand P.
Dies.
Bef. Chr.
522.
CAMBYSES reigned feven years and five months. When
he came firſt to the crown, the Samaritans begged of him, that
he would put a stop to the building of the temple at Jerufalem.
And their application was not in vain; for though he had fo
P HEROD. 1. iii, c. 61–66.
much
C. XI.
199
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
much reſpect for the memory of his father, as not openly to
revoke his decree, yet, in a great meaſure, he fruftrated the
deſign of it, by laying the Jews under fuch difficulties, that
they could not purfue the work.
t
throne.
THIS prince is called, in Scripture 9, Artaxerxes, by Hero- Smerdis
dotus, Smerdis; by Eschylus, Mardys; by Ctefias, Spendada- the Mage
tes; and, by Justin, Órapaftes. As foon as he had taken up- mounts the
on him the fovereignty, he granted to all his fubjects an ex-
emption from taxes, and all military fervice, for three years,
and treated them with ſuch beneficence, that all the nations of
Afia, the Perfians only excepted, expreffed great forrow on
the revolution that happened a few months after: and, fur-
ther to ſecure himſelf on the throne, he married Atoffa, the Marries
daughter of Cyrus, thinking, that, in cafe of a difcovery, he the daugh-
might hold the empire by her title. She had been before mar-ter of Cy-
ried to her brother Cambyfes, who, upon the above-mentioned rus.
decifion of the royal judges, having married one of his fifters,
took to wife alfo the other; and the mage, pretending to be
her brother, married her upon the fame footing. But the
precautions he made ufe of to prevent his being difcovered,
only increaſed the fufpicion, that he was not the true Smer-
dis. He had married all his predeceffor's wives, and, among
the reft, Phedyma, the daughter of Otanes, a Perfian noble-
man of the firſt rank. Otanes, to be fully fatisfied in this Sufpected
matter, fent a trufty meffenger to his daughter, to know of by Otanes.
her, whether the king was really Smerdis the fon of Cyrus, or
fome other man. Phedyma returned anfwer, that, as he had
never feen Smerdis the fon of Cyrus, fhe could not fatisfy his
curiofity. Otanes, by a fecond meffage, defired her to inquire
of Atoffa, who could not but know her own brother, whether
this were he, or not. But his daughter let him know, that
fhe was not allowed to ſpeak with Atoffa, or fee any other of
the women; becauſe the king, whoever he was, had from
the very beginning of his reign, lodged his wives in diftinct
and feparate apartments. This anfwer greatly increaſed the
fufpicion of Otanes; who thereupon fent a third meffage to
his daughter, directing her, when ſhe ſhould be next invited
to his bed, to take the opportunity, while he was afleep, of
feeling, whether he had ears, or not; for, Cyrus having for-
merly caufed the cars of Smerdis the mage to be cut off for a
crime he had been guilty of, he told her, that, if the king had
ears, the might be fure, that he was Smerdis the ſon of Cyrus;
but, if otherwife, he could be no other than Smerdis the
mage; and therefore unworthy of poffeffing the crown, or her
perfon. Phedyma anfwered, that the danger was very great;
9 Ezra iv. 7, 11, 23.
0 4
becaufe,
200
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Darius
declares
betaufe, if the king had no ears, and ſhould ſurpriſe her, en-
deavouring to find out fuch a truth, he would not fail putting
her to death nevertheleſs, in obedience to the commands of
her father, fhe would make the attempt, and take upon her
to fatisfy his doubt; and accordingly, the next time he was
called to his bed, as foon as the perceived him faft afleep, fhe
Diſcovered took the opportunity of making the trial; and, finding he had
by him. no ears, early next morning acquainted her father therewith;
whereby the impofture was diſcovered. Otanes, upon this
information, imparted the whole affair to Gobryas and Alpa-
thines, Perfians of great diftinction, and whofe honour he
could rely on. Thefe three agreed among themſelves, that
each of them ſhould name one of his moft trufty friends to be
admitted into the fecret. Purfuant to this refolution, Otanes
named Intaphernes; Gobrgas, Megabyzus; and ifpathines, Hy-
darnes. In the mean time Darius, the fon of Hyftafpes, ar-
riving at Sufa from Perfia, where his father was governor,
they all agreed to make him privy to their refolutions; which
they did accordingly. Darius, at their first meeting, told
them, that he thought no man in Perfia, but himſelf, had
known, that Smerdis the fon of Cyrus was really dead, and the
crown ufurped by a mage; and therefore he was come with
a defign to kill the ufurper, without imparting his defign to
any other, that the glory of fuch an action might be intirely
his own; but, fince others were apprifed of the impofture,
he was of opinion, that the ufurper fhould be dispatched with
all expedition, delays being, in fuch cafes, very dangerous,
and the beſt-concerted defigns eafily difar pointed. Otanes, on
the other hand, was for putting off the execution of their de-
fign till fome better opportunity offered, and not attempting
the enterprize, till they had increaſed their number. But
Darius remonftrating the danger there was of being difcovered
and betrayed, if they let the prefent opportunity flip, or im-
parted their deſign to others, and openly protcfting, that, if
they did not make the attempt that very day, he would pre-
vent any one from accufing him, by difclofing the whole mat-
ter to the mage, it was unanimoufly agreed, that they ſhould
not feparate, under any pretence whatſoever, but immediately,
upon the breaking up of their meeting, go to the palace, and
either put the ufurper to death, or die in the attempt ¹.
the true
Smerdis
deal.
WHILE they were concerting their meaſures, the two
mages, in order to remove all fufpicion, engaged Prexafpes in
their intereft; and, with great promifes, prevailed upon him
to give his word, and oblige himſelf by oath, never to diſcover
the fraud they had put upon the Perfians. Prèxafpes, as we
r
• HERODOT. 1. iii. c. 67, & feq.
have
C. XI.
201
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
fians.
have related above, knew that Smerdis, the fon of Cyrus, was
not living, having, by the command of Cambyfes, put him to
death with his own hand. The mages, having engaged Pre-
xafpes to be filent, acquainted him farther, that, having deter-
mined to affemble all the Perfians under the walls of the pa-
lace, they defired he would afcend a certain tower, and from
thence publicly declare, that the king upon the throne was
truly Smerdis the fon of Cyrus. Prexafpes having taken upon Prexaf-
him this office, the mages fummoned the Perfians together, pes's noble
and commanded him to mount the tower, and from thence Speech to
harangue the people. Prenafpes began his difcourfe with the Per-
the genealogy of Cyrus; and then put the Perfians in mind
of the great favours the nation had received from that prince.
After having extolledCyrus, and his family, to the great aftoniſh-
ment of all, he fincerely declared all that had paffed; and told
the people, that the apprehenfions of the danger he must in-
evitably run, by publishing the impofture, had constrained him
to conceal it fo long; but now, his remorfe no longer fuffer-
ing him to act fuch a difhonourable part, he acknowleged, that
he had been compelled by Cambyfes to put his brother to death
with his own hand; and that the perfon who poffeffed the
throne was Smerdis the mage. He then begged pardon of the
gods and men, for the crime he had committed by compulfion,
and against his will; and, fulminating many imprecations
againſt the Perfians, if they fhould neglect to recover the fo-
vereignty, and puniſh the ufurper, he threw himſelf headlong
from the top of the tower, and died on the fpots. It is eafy to His death.
imagine what confufion the news of this accident occafioned
in the palace.
In the mean time, the confpirators, not knowing what had The feven
happened, were going to the palace, determined to execute lards forte
their defign. On their way they were informed of what Prex- into the
afpes had faid and done, which obliging them to retire, and palace.
confer together, Otanes earnestly defired them anew to defer
the enterprize: but Darius ftill infifting upon the immediate
execution, and rejecting all propofals of delay (P), they fell in
with his opinion, and went directly to the palace. The guards,
refpecting their dignity, and not fufpecting perfons of their
rank and figure, permitted them to paſs, without aſking them
any queſtions: but, as they came near the king's apartment,
• HEROD. 1. iii. c. 74, 75.
(P). Herodotus (19) tells us,
that' as they were contending,
feven couple of hawks appear-
ed purſuing two couple of vul-
turs in the air, and tearing them
to pieces; which when the ſeven
Perfians obſerved, they accepted
the omen; all to a man fell in
with Darius, and marched ſtrait,
to the palace.
(19) Herodet. 7. iii. c. 76.
the
202
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
the eunuchs, who attended there to receive meffages, refufed
them admittance, and threatened the guards for permitting
them to pafs. Upon this the feven Perfians, encouraging each
other, drew their fwords, killed all that oppoſed their paffage,
and penetrated to the very room where the two mages were
confulting about the late affair of Prexafpes. They no fooner
heard this tumult and uproar, but the one taking up a bow,
and the other a javelin, the weapons that came firft to hand in
that confufion, they engaged the confpirators. He who had
Smerdis the bow, foon found that weapon of no uſe in ſo cloſe an
the mage action; but the other, with his javelin, wounded Afpathines
murdered in the thigh, and ſtruck out the eye of Intaphernes: one of the
by Darius. brothers being killed, the other retired into a room adjoining to
the place where they fought, with a deſign to ſhut himſelf in;
but was fo cloſely purfued by Darius and Gobryas, that they
broke into the room with him: Gobryas, having feized him,
held him faft in his arms; but, as it was quite dark in that place,
Darius ftood ftill, not knowing how to direct his blow, and
fcaring to ftrike, left he fhould kill his friend inftead of the
enemy: which Gobryas perceiving, defired him to ftrike,
though he should kill them both. Upon this, Darius refolved
to put all to the venture; and, by good fortune, killed the
ufurper. Having thus difpatched the two brothers, they cut
off their heads; and, leaving their two wounded companions
to fecure the palace, the other five, carrying the heads of the
two mages, with their hands all fmeared with blood, marched
out of the palace, expofed the heads to the eyes of the people,
and declared the whole impofture. The Perfians, being in-
formed of what had paffed, were fo enraged against the im-
ges maf- poftors, that they fell upon the whole fcct, and killed every
mage they met; and, if night coming on had not put an end
to the flaughter, no one of that order had been left alive.
The day, on which this happened, was ever afterwards cele-
brated by the Perfians with the greateſt folemnity, called by
the name of magophonia, or the flaughter of the mages. On
that feftival the mages durft not, for many years after, appear
abroad; but were obliged to fhut themfelves up in their houfes .
The ma-
facredt.
Samari-
SMERDIS reigned only eight months, during which time a
tans ob- ftop was put to the rebuilding of the temple at Jeruſalem; for,
Arva the
as foon as he was feated on the throne, the Samaritans ac-
uilding quainted him, that the fews were rebuilding their city and
of the tem- temple; that they had always been a rebellious and ſtubborn
ple.
people; and that, if he allowed them to finiſh that work, they
would, without doubt, withdraw their obedience from the
king, whereby he would lofe all the provinces on that fide
HEROD. ibid. c. 76 - 79.
the
C. XI.
203
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
the Euphrates. For the truth of what they faid concerning the
ungovernable temper of the Jews, they referred him to the
records of his predeceffors, which they defired him to inquire
into touching this matter. And accordingly Smerdis, upon
theſe remonftrances, having caufed the records, to be carefully
examined, and finding with what difficulty the Jews had
been reduced by Nebuchadnezzar, iffued an edict, forbidding
them to proceed any farther in the work they had begun, and
charged the Samaritans to fee it put in execution. Hereupon
the work was laid afide, till the fecond year of the reign of
Darius Hyftafpis, that is, for the fpace of two years " (Q).
A
BUT, to return to the confpirators. When the tumult and The fever
diſorders which attend fuch events, were appeafed, they met, lords de-
to confult what form of government they ſhould introduce, bate about
Otanes was for a republic, Megabyzus ſpoke for an oligarchy, fettling
and Darius declared for monarchy. The opinion of the latter the go-
was, after a long debate, embraced by all, except Otanes,vernment.
who, finding his fentiments over-ruled, told them, That, fince
they were refolved to ſet up a king, he would not be their com.
petitor for a dignity which he abhorred; and that, being de-
termined not to govern as a king, he would not be governed
by one: and therefore was willing to give up his right to the
crown, on condition, that neither he, nor his pofterity, fhould
be ſubject to the royal power. The other fix granted him his
demand: whereupon he immediately retired, and his deſcend-
ents alone retained their liberty, which they enjoyed even in
our author's days, being then no farther fubject to the king
than it ſuited their conveniency, and only obliged to conform
to the cuſtoms and manners of the country w.
UPON his departure, the other fix began to deliberate in
what manner they fhould proceed to the election of a new
king. But, in the first place, they unanimously agreed, That
whofoever of them fhould be chofen, he fhould every year
prefent Otanes, and his pofterity, with a Median veft; a mark
of great diftinction among the Perfians, becauſe he had been
the chief author of the enterprize. In the next place, they de-
* HEROD. 1. iii. c. 80---83.
u Ezra iv. 7---24.
(Q) That Cambyfes was the
Abafuerus, and Smerdis the Ar-
taxerxes of Scripture, is plain
from their obftructing the work
of the temple; for they are faid
in the facred hiſtory to have
reigned between Cyrus and Da-
rius, by whofe decree the tem-
ple was finished. But none reign-
ing between Cyrus and Darius,
except Cambyfes and Smerdis, we
muft conclude that none but
Cambyfes and Smerdis could be
the Abafuerus and Artaxerxes,
who are faid in Ezra (20) to
have put a flop to this work.
(10) Ezra iv. 5, 6, 7.
termined,
•
A
B. I.
204
The History of the Perfians.
}
521
Year of termined, That the feven fhould have full liberty to enter into
the flood all the apartments of the palace, without being introduced;
1827. and that the king fhould not be allowed to marry a woman out
Bef. Chr. of any other family than of the feven confpirators. Then take-
ing the future election into confideration, they thought fit to
refer it to Providence; and, accordingly, they all agreed to
meet the next morning, by the rifing of the fun, on horfeback,
at an appointed place in the fuburbs of the city; and that he
whofe horſe firſt neighed fhould be king: for the fun being
greatly revered by the Perfians, they imagined, by this method,
to refer the election to him. Oebares, who had the charge of
Darius's horfes, hearing of this agreement, led a mare over-
by a ftra-
night to the place appointed, and brought to her his maſter's
horfe. The next morning the fix Perfians repairing to the
tagem of
bis groom, place, purſuant to their agreement, Darius's horfe, remember-
ing the mare, immediately neighed; and his competitors, dif-
mounting, adored him as king *.
Darius
chofen king
THE Perfian empire being thus reftored, by the valour of
thefe feven lords, they were raifed by the new king to the
highest dignities, and honoured with moft ample privileges:
in all public affairs, they were the firft to deliver their opinions:
and ever afterwards the Perfian kings of this race had feven
chief counfellors, privileged in the fame manner; and by
whofe advice all the public affairs of the kingdom were tranf-
acted. Under this character we find them often mentioned
in Scripture y.
His pedi- DARIUS was the ſon of Hyftafpes, a noble Perfian, of the
gree, &c. royal family of Achæmenes, who had attended Cyrus in all his
wars, and was, at that time, governor of the province of Per-
fia. Darius is called, in the writings of the modern Perfians,
Guftafph, and his father Lorafph; and are famous among the
Perfians to this day. Darius, the better to eftabliſh himſelf
on the throne, married the two daughters of Cyrus, Atoffa
and Artyſtona 2. The former had been wife to her brother
Cambyfes, and alfo to the mage; but Artyftona had not
been married before, and proved the moft favoured and be
loved of all his wives: for to theſe he added Parmys the daugh-
tor of the true Smerdis, and Phedyma the daughter of Otanes,
who detected the mage. Having thus confirmed his power,
Divifion he divided the whole empire into twenty fatrapies, or govern-
of the em-ments, and appointed a governor over each divifion, ordering
them to pay an annual tribute. Perfia alone was exempted
from all manner of taxes: the Ethiopians, and inhabitants of
virc.
io.
* HEROD. 1. iii. c. 84--87. y Ezra vü. 14. Efth. i. 14, &c.
≈ HEROD. 1. ì. c. 88. & 1. vii. c. 2. JUSTIN. I. i. c. 10.
2 PLATO, 1. iii. de legib.
Colchis
C. XI.
205
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Colchis, were injoined only to make fome prefents, and the Ara-
bians to furniſh yearly fuch a quantity of frankincenfe, as was
equal in weight to a thoufand talents. By this eſtabliſhment,
Darius received the yearly tribute of fourteen thousand five His recE-
hundred and fixty Euboic talents, befides ſeveral other fums nue.
of ſmall confequence .
DARIUS, in the very beginning of his reign, put to death
Intaphernes, one of the feven confpirators, on the following
occafion: Intaphernes went to the palace to confer with Da-
rius; but attempting to enter, purſuant to the agreement
above-mentioned, in virtue of which they were to have free
acceſs to the king at all hours, except when he was alone
with fome of his wives, he was ftopt by the doorkeeper, and
a meſſenger, under colour that the king was in company with
one of his wives. Intaphernes, not believing them, drew his
fcymetar, and, having cut off both their noſes and ears, faf-
tened their heads in a bridle, and ſo left them. In this con-
dition they went in, and, fhewing themſelves to the king, ac-
quainted him with the cauſe of the ill ufage they had received.
Darius, apprehending that this attempt might have been con-
certed by the fix, fent for them, one after another, and aſk-
ed, whether they approved the action; but, finding that In- Intapher-
taphernes alone was guilty, he cauſed him to be feized with nes put to
his children and family, left his relations, whom he ſuſpected, death.
fhould raiſe a rebellion. While they were under confine-
ment, the wife of Intaphernes made fuch loud complaints and
lamentations at the gates of the palace, that Darius, touched
with compaffion, granted her the life of any one of her rela-
tions, leaving her the choice of the perfon. She, after fome
deliberation, chofe her brother. Which Darius hearing, afk-
ed her, why ſhe had fo little regard for her huſband and chil-
dren, as to fave the life of her brother rather than theirs. The
woman readily anfwered, that ſhe could get another huf-
band, and have by him other children, if the fhould be de-
prived of thofe fhe had; but could never have another bro-
ther, her father and mother being already dead. The king
was ſo well pleaſed with this anfwer, that he not only par-
doned her brother, but faved alſo her eldeſt fon. The others
were all put to death with Intaphernes, without any regard to
his late deferts z.
In the beginning of the fecond year of Darius, the Jews. Year of
refumed the work of the temple, being exhorted thereto by the flood
the prophet Haggai : which the Samaritans underſtand-
3
1828.
ing, applied themfelves to Tatnai, whom Darius had ap- Bef. Chr.
pointed governor of Syria and Palestine, acquainting him, 520.
2
Y HEROD. 1. i. c.85-97. Idem ibid. c. 118,119. Hagg. i. 1.
7
that
206
B. L.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
that the Jews were not authorized to purſue that work,
which, if perfected, would encourage them to ſhake off the
Perfian yoke. Upon theſe remonftrances, Tatnai, accompa--
nied by Setharboznai, who feems to have been governor of
Samaria, went up to Jerufalem; and, after viewing the work,
inquired of the elders, by what authority they had reſumed it.
The elders produced the decree of Cyrus. Whereupon the go-
vernor, who was a man of great juftice and probity, wrote
to the king, fairly ſtating the cafe, and defiring, that fearch
might be made into the archives for the decree of Cyrus, which
the Jews produced, to juftify themfelves in what they were
The build- doing. The king, upon the receipt of this letter, ordered
ing of the the archives of Babylon and Ecbatan to be carefully examined;
temple re- and the decree being found in thoſe of the latter, for Cyrus was
fumed by a at Ecbatan in Media when he granted it, the king commanded
new edict it to be ftrictly obferved in every particular; and, having fent
of Darius. it to Tatnai and Setharboznai, injoined them to ſee it fully and
effectually put in execution; decreeing, that whofoever ſhould
attempt to alter the edict, or prevent its being put in execu-
cution, ſhould have his houfe pulled down, and, a gibbet
being made of the timber of it, fhould be hanged thereon. On
the publication of this decree at Jerufalem, the work of the
temple went on very fuccefsfully, and the ftate of the Jews in
Judea and Jerufalem was intirely reſtored .
-
Year of ABOUT the beginning of the fifth year of Darius, the Ba-
the flood bylonians, not being able to live any longer in ſubjection to the
1832. Perfians, who not only loaded them with heavy taxes, but had
Eef. Chr. removed the imperial feat from Babylon, formerly the miftrefs
516.
of the east, to Sufa, and thereby greatly diminiſhed the ſplen-
dor of that city, attempted to retrieve their antient grandeur,
by fetting up for themſelves against the Perfians, as they had
done in former times against the Afyrians. With this view,
taking advantage of the troubles that had happened, firſt on
the death of Cambyfes, and afterwards on the murder of the
ufurper Smerdis, they had privately ftored their city with all
The Baby- manner of provifions for many years; and, at laft, broke out
into an open rebellion: which drew Darius, with all his
forces, to beſiege the city. The Babylonians, ſeeing them-
felves fhut up by fo numerous and powerful an army, turned
all their thoughts to the fupporting of a long fiege, which they
imagined would tire out the enemy's troops. To prevent the
confumption of their provifions, they took the moſt deſperate
and barbarous refolution that ever was put in execution by any
nation. They agreed among themfelves, to get rid of all un-
neceflary mouths; and therefore, drawing together all the
lonians
revolt.
Ezra v. 3, 4, 5, 13, 16, 17. & vi. 1—14.
women,
C. XI.
207
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
women, old men, and children, they ftrangled them without Their de-
diſtinction, whether wives, fathers, mothers, or fifters, every Sperate po
one being allowed to fave only the wife he liked beft, and a licy.
maid-ſervant, to do the work of the houſe <.
DARIUS, having lain befere Babylon a year and eight months,
and being no leſs tired than his army, with fo tedious a fiege,
endeavoured, by various ftratagems and artifices, to take the
place; among others, he made ufe of that which had fucceeded
fo well with Cyrus: but all his efforts were rendered ineffectual,
by the unwearied vigilance of the Babylonians. When he was
ready to break up the fiege, and return to Perfia, Zopyrus, one Zopyrus's
of his chief commanders, put him in poffeffion of the town, by frange
the following contrivance: he cut off his nofe and ears; and, ftratagem
having mangled his body, in a moft cruel manner, with ftripes, to betray
fled to the Babylonians, thus disfigured, feigning to have been them.
fo treated by Darius, for advifing him to raiſe the fiege. The
Babylonians, feeing a man of that diftinction fo barbaroufly
ufed, believed all he faid againſt Darius; and, affuring them-
felves of his fidelity, gave him the command of fome forces.
With thefe he fallied out, and having furrounded ten thou-
fand Perfians, which Darius, by agreement, had poſted near
the walls, he cut them all in pieces on the ſpot. A few days
after, in another fally, he killed two thoufand more; which
ſo pleaſed the Babylonians, that he was appointed commander
in chief of all their forces. Being vefted with this command,
he made a third fally, and put four thouſand more Perfians to
the fword. Upon this fuccefs, Zopyrus acquired fuch credit,
that the guard of the city was intirely committed to his care.
Not long after, Darius, purfuant to the agreement they had
made, advanced with the whole body of his army, and ſur-
rounded the city. The Babylonians, mounting the walls,
made a vigorous defence; but, in the mean time, Zopyrus,
opening the gates of Belus and Ciffia, introduced the Perfians,
and delivered the city up to Darius, who, without this ftrata-
gem, could never have maftered it. Thus Babylon was taken Babylon
a fecond time; and Darius, being put in poffeffion of it, beat taken by
down the walls from two hundred cubits high to fifty: and of his means.
theſe walls only Strabo d is to be underſtood to speak, where
he tells us, that the walls of Babylon were only fifty cubits
high. As for the inhabitants, after having impaled about three
thouſand of the moft guilty and active in the revolt, he pardon-
ed the reft. And, becauſe the Babylonians had deftroyed their
women, he took care to furniſh them with wives, injoining
the neighbouring provinces to fend fifty thouſand women to
Babylon, without which fupply the place muft foon have be-
₫ STRAPO, 1. vi.
• HEROD. 1. ii. c. 150, 151.
come
208
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Darius's
come depopulated. As for Zopyrus, he was deſervedly re-
warded by Darius with the highest honours he could heap upon
him, during the whole courfe of his life. That prince fre-
quently ufed to fay, that he would willingly lofe twenty Baby
lons, rather than fee Zopyrus fo disfigured. Befides many other
ample rewards, he beſtowed upon him the revenues of Babylon
for life, free from all charges and taxes; and could never after
behold him, without fhedding many years *:
AFTER the reduction of Babylon, Darius undertook an
expedition expedition against the Scythians inhabiting thofe countries
against the which lie between the Danube and the Tanais. His pretencë
Scythians. for this war was, to revenge the calamities which they had
514.
army.
brought upon Afia, when they invaded that country about
Year of one hundred and twenty years before, and held it in ſubjection
the flood for the fpace of twenty-eight years, as we have related in part,
1834. in the hiftory of Media ¹, and fhall more fully in that of the
Bef. Chr. Scythians. This he gave out, as the motive inducing him to
a war, which his ambition alone, and defire of extending his
conquefts, prompted him to. Having made vaft preparations
His vaft for this expedition, and levied an army of feven hundred thou-
fand men, he marched to the Thracian Bofporus; and, having
there paffed over a bridge of boats, he reduced all Thrace. From
Thrace he advanced to the Ifter, or Danube, where he had ap-
pointed his fleet to join him.
join him. Here he marched over another
bridge of boats, and entered Scythia. The Scythians, after
having conferred together about the meaſures they ſhould take
to oppoſe ſo powerful an enemy, determined not to venture
an engagement in the open field, but to withdraw themſelves
from the frontiers, in proportion as the Perfians advanced,
laying wafte the country, and filling up the wells and fprings.
Purſuant to this refolution, they met Darius on the frontiers,
and, finding him difpofed to give them battle, they retired
reached from country to country, till his army was quite tired with
by the
fuch tedious and fatiguing marches. At laft he began to be
Scythians. fenfible of the danger he was in of perifhing, with all his
forces; and, having refolved to give over that raſh enterprize,
and retire home, he lighted, in the night, a great number of
fires, and, leaving the old men and fick behind him in the
camp, he marched off with all poffible expedition, in order to
reach the Danube. The Scythians, perceiving the next morn-
ing, that the enemy was decamped, detached a confiderable
body to the Danube, who, as they were well acquainted with
the roads, arrived at that river before Darius. The Scythians
had fent expreffes beforehand, to perfuade the Ionians, whom
Darius
over-
* HEROD. ibid. c. 154-160. & JUSTIN. 1. i. in fine.
before, p. 33, & feq.
₤ See
Darius
C. XI.
209
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Darius had left to guard the bridge, to break it down, and re-
tire to their own country. Now they preffed them to it more
earneftly, reprefenting to them, that, as the time preſcribed
by Darius was expired, they were at liberty to return home,
without breaking their word, or being wanting to their duty;
for Darius had given them leave to break down the bridge,
and withdraw to their own country, if he did not return at a
prefixed time, which was already elapfed. Hereupon the
Ionians began to confult among themſelves, whether or no
they ſhould comply with the request of the Scythians. Mil- Miltia-
tiades, prince of the Cherfonefus of Thrace, having the public des's noble
intereſt more at heart than his own private advantage, was for advice to
embracing fo favourable an opportunity of ſhaking off the Per- the cow-
fian yoke, breaking down the bridge, and thereby cutting off ardly Io-
Darius's retreat. All the other commanders fell in with him, nians.
except Hyliaus prince of Miletus, who repreſented to the Io-
nian chiefs, that their power was linked with that of Darius,
fince it was under his protection: that each of them was lord
in his own city: and that the cities of Ionia would not fail to
depofe them, and recover their liberty, if the Perfian power
fhould fink, or decline. This fpeech made a deep impreffion
upon the Ionian generals; and, private intereſt prevailing over
the public good, they determined to wait for Darius. But,
in order to deceive the Scythians, and prevent them from ufing.
any violence, they declared, that their defign was to retire,
purſuant to their requeft: and, the better to impofe upon the
enemy, they began to break down the bridge, encouraging
the Scythians to return back, meet Darius, and defeat him.
They readily complied with the Ionians requeſt, but miſſed
Darius, who arrived fafe at the bridge, repafled the Danube,
and returned into Thrace. Here he left Megabyzus, one of
his chief generals, with part of his army, to complete the con-
queft of that country. With the reft of his troops he paffed
the Bosporus, and took up his quarters at Sardis, where he
fpent the winter, and the greateſt part of the year following,
to refreſh his army, which had fuffered extremely in that rafh
and unfucceſsful expedition f.
MEGABYZUS, having brought all Thrace under fubjection,
diſpatched ſeven Perfian noblemen, that ferved under him, to
Amyntas king of Macedon, injoining him to acknowlege Da-
rius for his mafter, by the delivery of earth and water. Amyn-
tas not only complied with their requeft, but received them
into his houfe; and, having prepared a fumptuous feaſt, enter-
tained them with great magnificence. At the end of the en-
f HEROD. 1. iv. c. 1. 85, 86, & feqq. JUSTIN. 1. ii. c. 5.
CORNEL. NEP. in Miltiad.
VOL. V.
P
tertainment,
210
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
tertainment, the Perfians, being heated with wine, defired
Amyntas to bring in his concubines, wives, and daughters.
Though this was contrary to the cuftom of the country, the
king, fearing to difpleaſe them, did as they required. But
the Perfians not obſerving a due decency on that occafion, the
The Per king's fon, by name Alexander, being no longer able to ſee his
fian lords mother and fifters treated in fuch a manner, contrived to fend
mafacred them out of the room as if they were to return immediately;
by Alex and, at the fame time, had the precaution to get his father
out of the company. In the mean time, he caufed a like num-
Year of ber of young men to be dreffed like women, and armed with
the flood poniards, under their garments: thefe he brought into the
1835. room, inſtead of the others; and, when the Perfians began to
Bef. Chr. uſe them as they had treated the women, they drew their po-
niards, fell upon the Perfians, and killed both the noblemen
and their attendants. Great fearch was made by Megabyzus
for thefe noblemen: but Alexander having, with large pre-
fents, bribed Bubares, who was fent to inquire after them,
their death was concealed, and the whole matter ftifled 8.
ander.
513.
w
Thrace
THE Scythians, to be revenged on Darius for invading
plundered their country, having paffed the Danube, laid waſte all that
by the Scy- part of Thrace which had fubmitted to the Perfians, as far as
the Hellefpont; and, loaded with booty, returned home, with-
out meeting with any oppofition.
thians.
Darius's
India.
Year of
the flood
1839.
Bef. Chr.
5.09.
DARIUS, having fufficiently refreſhed his troops, after the
conquest of Scythian expedition, began to think of extending his dominions
eastwards; and, in order to facilitate his defign, refolved, in
the firft place, to make a diſcovery of thofe countries. With
this view, he cauſed a feet to be built and equipped at Cafpaty-
rus, a city on the river Indus. The command of this fleet he
gave to Scylax, a Grecian of Caryandia, a city of Caria, who
was well verfed in maritime affairs. His orders were to fail
down the current, and make the beſt diſcoveries he could of
the countries lying on either fide of the river, till he arrived at
the fouthern ocean: from thence he was to ſteer his courſe
weftward, and that way return back to Perfia. Scylax, have-
ing exactly obſerved his inſtructions, and failed down the river
Indus, entered the Red fea by the ftraits of Babelmandel; and,
on the thirtieth month from his firſt ſetting out, landed in
Egypt, at the fame place from whence Necho king of Egypt
formerly fent out the Phoenicians who were in his fervice, to
fail round the coafts of Africa. From hence Scylax returned
to Sufa, where he gave Darius a full account of his obferva-
tions. Darius hereupon entered India at the head of a nume-
rous army; and, reducing that large country, made it the
& HERODOT. 1. v. c. 20.
twentieth
C. XI.
211
The History of the Perfians.
twentieth province of the Perfian empire. Our author gives
us no account of this important war: he only fays, that Darius
received from the provinces he conquered in this expedition,
an annual tribute of three hundred and fixty talents of gold, ac-
cording to the number of the days of the Perfian year, at that
time (S).
DARIUS, after his return to Sufa from the Scythian expe- The revolt
dition, had appointed his brother Artaphernes governor of Sar- of the Io-
dis, and given Otanes the government of Thrace, and the ad- nians.
jacent countries along the fea-coaft, in the room of Megaby-
Zus. In the mean time, a fedition happening in Naxus, the
chief iſland of the Cyclades in the Egean fea, now called the-
Archipelago, the principal inhabitants, being overpowered by
the populace, were banifhed the ifland. In their diftrefs they
had recourſe to Ariftagoras, befeeching him to reſtore them to
their country. Ariftagoras at that time refided at Miletus,
and governed that city as deputy to Hyfticus (T), to whom
he
h HEROD. 1. iv. c. 44, & feqq.
(S) This payment was made,
according to the ftandard of the
Euboic talent, the fame with the
Attic; and therefore, by the
lowest computation, amounted
to one million and ninety-five
thousand pound sterling.
(T) Darius, on his return to
Sardis, after his unhappy expe-
dition againſt the Scythians, be-
ing informed, that he owed his
own fafety, and that of his whole
army, to Hyfiæus, who had pre-
vailed upon the Ionians not to
deſtroy the bridge upon the Da-
nube, fent for that prince, and
defired him freely to ask what
favour he pleafed, for the emi-
nent ſervice he had done him.
Hyftius defired the king to
grant him the Edonian Myrcinus,
a territory upon the river Stry
mon in Thrace, with the liberty
of building a city there. His
request being granted, he return-
ed to Miletus, and, having there
equipped a fleet, he failed for
Thrace, took poffeffion of the
territory granted him, and be-
gan the intended city. Mega-
byzus, who was then governor
of Thrace for Darius, being ap-
prifed how prejudicial that pro-
ject might prove to the king's
affairs, on his return to Sardis,
repreſented to Darius, that this
new city ſtood upon a navigable
river; that the country round
about it afforded abundance of
timber for the building of fhips;
that it was inhabited by ſeveral
nations, both Greeks and barba-
rians, which could furnish great
numbers of men fit both for the
fea and land fervice; that if once
theſe nations fhould be governed
by fuch a skilful and enterprizing
prince as Hyfticus, they might
foon become fo powerful both
by fea and land, that the king
of Perfia would not be able to
keep them in fubjection, efpe-
cially fince they might be fup-
plied with gold and filver froin
the mines, with which that coun -
try abounded, to carry on any
enterprize. Darius, being, by
theſe remonftrances, made fen-
P 2
fible
212
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
bates.
he was both nephew and fon-in-law. When Ariftagoras un-
derſtood their cafe, he refolved to improve the opportunity, and
attempt to make himſelf maſter of Naxus. With this view,
he promiſed to give the exiles all the affiftance he could: but,
not being powerful enough to accompliſh his defign himſelf,
he communicated the matter to Artaphernes the king's brother,
governor of Sardis, reprefenting to him, that this was a fair op-
Ariftago portunity of reducing Naxus: that, if he were once maſter of
ras's at that ifland, all the reft of the Cyclades might be eaſily brought
tempt upon under fubjection: that the ifle of Euboea lying very near the
Naxus other, would be an eafy conqueft; and from thence the king
fruftrated would have a free paffage into Greece. Artaphernes was fo
by Mega- well pleaſed with thefe propofals, that, inftead of the hundred
fhips which Ariftagoras demanded, he promiſed him two hun-
Year of dred, provided the king approved of the enterprize. And ac-
the flood cordingly, having obtained the king's confent, he fent the next
1844.
fpring to Miletus the number of ſhips which he had promiſed,
Bef. Chr. under the command of Megabates, a noble Perfian, of the
Achæmenian family: but his commiffion being to obey the or-
504.
ders of Ariftagoras, and the haughty Perfian not brooking to
be under the command of an Ionian, a diffention aroſe between
the two generals; which was carried fo far, that Megabates,
to be revenged on Ariftagoras, gave the Naxians fecret intelli-
gence of the defign that was carrying on againſt them. Here-
upon they made fuch preparations for their defence, that the
Perfians, after having ſpent four months in befieging the chief
town of the iſland, and confumed all their provifions, were
obliged to retire. The project having thus mifcarried, Mega-
bates threw all the blame upon Ariftagoras; and his falfe ac-
cufations being more favourably heard than the juft defence of
the other, Artaphernes condemned him to defray all the charges
of the expedition, giving him to underſtand, that they would
be exacted with the utmoft rigour. As he was not able to pay
fible of the miſtake he had com-
mitted, diſpatched a meffenger
to Hyfticus, injoining him to
repair to Sardis, in order to de-
liver his advice concerning mat-
ters of the utmoft confequence.
Having thus drawn him to Sar-
dis, he took him with him to
Sufa, pretending that he wanted
fuch an able counſellor, and
faithful friend, to be always
about him; and telling him,
that he ſhould be able to find
him fomething in Perfia, which
would make him ample amends
both for Myrcinus and Miletus.
Hyfticus, finding himself under
a neceffity of complying, at-
tended Darius to Sufa, and left
Ariftagoras governor of Miletus,
in his abfence. To this Arifta-
goras the baniſhed Naxians ap-
plied for relief (21).
(21) Herodot, I. v. 6. 11, 23—25,
fo
C. XI.
213
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
fo large a fum, he forefaw that this muſt end not only in the
lofs of his government, but his utter ruin. This deſperate
fituation made him entertain thoughts of revolting from the
king, as the only expedient whereby he could extricate him-
felf from his prefent difficulties. No fooner had he formed
this defign, but a meſſenger arrived from Hyftiaus, who con-
firmed him in it (U). Hyfticus, after feveral years continu-
ance at the Perfian court, being weary of the manners of that
nation, and deſirous to return to his country, thought this the
moſt likely means to accomplish his defire; for he flattered.
himſelf, that if any diſturbances fhould arife in Ionia, he could
prevail with Darius to fend him thither, to appeaſe them, as
in effect it happened. Ariftagoras, finding his own inclina- Stirs up
tions backed by the orders of Hyfticus, imparted his defign to
the leading men of Ionia, whom he found ready to come into ans to re-
his meaſures: and therefore, being now determined to revolt,
applied himſelf wholly to make all manner of preparations for
fo great an undertaking i.
THE next year Ariftagoras, to engage the Ionians more re-
folutely to ſtand by him, reinftated them in their liberty, and
all their former privileges. He began with Miletus, where he
diveſted himſelf of his power, and gave it up into the hands of
the people. He then undertook a journey through all Ionia,
where, by his example and credit, he prevailed upon all the
other petty princes, or, as the Greeks then called them, ty-
rants, to do the fame. Having this united them all into one
common league, of which he himſelf was declared the head,
he openly revolted from the king; and made great preparations
both by fea and land, for carrying on a war. To ftrengthen
himſelf the more againſt the Perfians, in the beginning of the
following year, he went to Lacedæmon, to engage that city in
his intereſt: but, not being able to prevail upon Cleomenes (W),
i HEROD. 1. v. c. 30-37.
(U) Hyftiæus, being defirous
to impart his deſign to Ariftago-
ras, and finding no other means,
by reaſon all the paffages lead-
ing into Ionia were guarded,
fhaved the hair of one of his
fervants, in whofe fidelity he
moſt confided; and, having im-
printed the meſſage on his head,
kept him at Sufa till his hair
was grown again. He then di-
who
fpatched him to Miletus, without
any other inftructions, than that,
upon his arrival, he fhould de-
fire Ariftagoras to cut off his
hair, and look upon his head
(22).
(W) Cleomenes having appoint-
ed him a time and place for an
interview, Ariftagoras reprefent-
ed to him, that the Lacedæmo-
nians and Ionians were country-
(22) Herodot, ibid. c. 35.
P 3
men ;
the Ioni-
volt.
214
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
who was at that time king of Lacedæmon, to fend him any
fuccours, he proceeded to Athens, where he met with a favour-
åble reception; for he had the good fortune to arrive there.
Is joined by at a time when the Athenians were difpofed to cloſe with any
the Athe meaſures againſt the Perfians, being highly exaſperated againſt
nians, them, on the following occafion: Hippias, the fon of Pifiſtra-
tus, tyrant of Athens, having been banifhed about ten years.
men; that Sparta being the moſt
powerful city of Greece, it would
be much to their honour to con-
cur with him in the defign he
had formed, of reftoring the Io-
nians to their antient liberty;
that the Perfans, their common
enemy, were not a warlike peo-
ple, but extremely rich, and
confequently would become an
eafy prey to the Lacedæmonians;
that, confidering the prefent fpi-
rit and difpofition of the Ionians,
it would not be difficult for them
to carry their victorious arms
even to Sufa, the metropolis of the
Perfian empire, and the place of
the king's refidence. At the
fame time, he ſhewed him a de-
ſcription of all the nations and
cities through which they were
to pafs, engraved on a plate of
braſs, which he had brought
along with him. Cleomenes de-
fired three days time to confider
of the matter; which being ex-
pired, he afked Ariftagoras in
how many days one might tra-
vcl from the coaſt of Ionia to
the city where the king refided.
Ariftagores, though an artful
man, and far fuperior in all re-
fpects to Cleomenes, yet made a
flip, as our author obferves, in
his anſwer to this demand; for
as he defigned to draw the Spar-
tans into Afia, he ought to have
leffened the distance from the
coafts of Ionia to Sufa; whereas
he told him plainly, that it was
a journey of three months;
which Cleomenes no fooner heard,
than, interrupting him from pro-
ceeding in his difcourfe concern-
ing the way, commanded him to
depart Sparta before fun-ſet, for
adviſing the Spartans to take a
march into Afia, not to be per-
formed in lefs than three months
after their landing. Cleomenes
then withdrew; but Ariftagoras,
taking an olive-branch in his
hand, after the manner of fup-
pliants, followed him home to
his houſe, and endeavoured to
prevail upon him by arguments
of another nature, that is, by
preſents; but before he made
any offer, he defired him to bid
his daughter Gorgo, a child a-
bout eight or nine years old, to
withdraw; but Cleomenes telling
him, that he might ſpeak freely
without apprehending any thing
from fo young a child, Arifta-
goras began with the promiſe of
ten talents, in cafe Cleomenes
would comply with his requeſt;
and, receiving a denial, proceed-
ed gradually in his offers till he
came to the fum of fifty talents;
and then the girl cried out, Fly,
father, fly, elſe this ſtranger will
corrupt you. Cleomenes was fo
well pleaſed with the child's ad-
monition, that he immediately
retired to another apartment, and
ordered Ariftagoras that inftant
to depart his dominions (23).
(23) Herodot, 1, v. c. 5x,
before,
C. XI.
215
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
before, and tried, in vain, feveral other ways to bring about
his reſtoration, at length applied himſelf to Artaphernes, at Sar-
dis; and, having infinuated himſelf into his favour, did all
that lay in his power to ftir him up against them. The Athe-
nians, having intelligence of this, fent embaffadors to Sardis,
defiring Artaphernes not to give ear to what any of their cut-
laws fhould infinuate to their difadvantage. The anfwer of
Artaphernes to this embaffy was, that, if they defired to live in
peace, they muſt recal Hippias. This haughty ineffage in-
cenfed the Athenians to a great degree against the Perfians; and
Ariftagoras, arriving there juft at this juncture, eafily obtained
whatever he defired. The Athenians ordered a fleet of twenty
ſhips to be immediately equipped, and fent to the affiftance of
the Ionians.
500.
Ionians
THE Ionians having, at laft, drawn together all their
troops, and being reinforced with the twenty Athenian fhips,
and five more from Eretria, a city in the iſland of Euboea,
they fet fail for Ephefus; and, having left their fhips there,
they marched by land to the city of Sardis, which they eafily Sardis ta-
made themfelves mafters of. As moft of the houfes were built ken and
with reeds, an Ionian foldier having accidentally fet one of them burnt by
on fire, and the flame ſpreading, the whole city was reduced the Ioni-
to afhes; but the citadel, whither Artaphernes had retired, ans.
was preferved. After this accident, the Perfians and Lydians
drawing together their forces, and other troops coming full Year of
march to their affiftance, the Ionians, who had not been able the flood
to force the citadel, judged it was high time for them to with- 1848.
draw; and accordingly marched back with all poffible expe-
Bef. Chr.
dition, in order to reimbark at Ephefus: but, before they had
reached that place, they were overtaken by the enemy, and
defeated with great flaughter. The Athenians who efcaped, defeated.
immediately hoifted fail, and returned home; nor could they
ever afterwards be prevailed upon to concern themſelves in this
war: however, their having engaged thus far, gave rife to
that war which was carried on afterwards for feveral genera-
tions by the two nations, and ended at laft in the utter deftruc-
tion of the Perfian empire; for Darius, being informed of the
burning of Sardis, and hearing that the Athenians had been
concerned in that undertaking, determined from that time to
make war upon Greece: and, that he might never forget his
refolution, he commanded one of his officers to cry every day
to him, with a loud voice, while he was at dinner, three Darius's
times, Remember the Athenians k. In the burning of Sardis, refentment
the temple of Cybele, the chief goddeſs of that country, acci- against the
dentally taking fire, was intirely confumed. This accident Athenians
k Idem ibid. c. 105.
HEROD. 1. v. c. 38~102.
P 4
ferved
216
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
ferved afterwards as a pretence to the Perfians for burning all
the temples of Greece k. But the true motive which led them
to this, we fhall have occafion to mention hereafter.
The Ioni- THE Ionians, though deferted by the Athenians, and con-
ans fuccefs fiderably weakened by their late overthrow, did not lofe cou-
against the rage, but purſued their point with great refolution. Their
Perfians. fleet failed to the Hellefpont and the Propontis, where they re-
duced the city of Byzantium, and moft of the other Greek
cities on thoſe coafts. As they were failing back, they made
a defcent on Caria, and obliged the inhabitants to join them
in this war the people of Cyprus likewife entered into the
fame confederacy, and openly revolted from the Perfians.
The Perfian generals in thofe quarters, finding that the revolt
began to be univerfal, drew together what troops they had in
Cilicia, and the neighbouring provinces; and, at the fame
time, injoined the Phoenicians to affift them with their whole.
naval power. The Ionians, as they were failing to Cyprus,
fell in with the Phonician fleet, attacked and difperfed them.
But at the fame time the Perfian troops, that were landed in
Cyprus, having gained a complete victory over the rebels, and
Ariftago- killed in the engagement Ariftagoras himſelf, the leading man
ras defeat- and first author of the revolt, the Ionians reaped no advantage
ed and kil- from their victory by fea; for the whole iſland of Cyprus was
again brought under fubjection'.
led.
AFTER the reduction of Cyprus, Daurifes, Hymees, and
Otanes, three Perfian generals, and all fons-in-law to Darius,
having divided their forces into three bodies, marched three
different ways againſt the revolters: Daurifes held his courſe
to the Hellefpont, and from thence, after poffeffing himſelf
of the revolted cities, marched againſt the Carians, whom he
overthrew in two fucceffive battles; but, in a third, being
drawn into an ambuſcade, he was flain, with ſeveral other
Perfians of diſtinction, and his whole army cut in pieces. Hy-
mees, after having taken the city of Cius in Myfia, reduced all
the Ilian coaft; but, falling fick at Troas, foon after died.
Artaphernes and Otanes, with the rest of the Perfian generals,
finding that Miletus was the centre of the Ionian confederacy,
refolved to march thither with all their forces, concluding
that, if they could carry that city, all the others would
fubmit of their own accord. Purſuant to this refolution,
they entered Ionia and Eolia, where their main ftrength
lay, and took the city of Cleomena in Ionia, and Cyma
in Eolia; which was fuch a blow to the whole con-
federacy, that Ariftagoras, not finding himſelf in a con-
* HEROD. 1. v. c. 98-103. 1 Idem ibid. c. 108—116.
dition,
4.
C. XI.
217
The History of the Perfians.
dition, after that lofs, to make head againſt the enemy, re-
folved to abandon Miletus, and confult his own fafety, by
retiring to fome diftant place. Accordingly, he embarked
with fuch as were willing to follow him, and fet fail for the
river Strymon in Thrace, where he feized on the territory of
Myrcinus, which had been formerly given by Darius to Hy-
ftiæus; but, as he was befieging a place fituated beyond thoſe
limits, he was killed by the Thracians, and all his army cut
in pieces. On his departure from Miletus, he left the govern-
ment in the hands of Pythagoras, an eminent citizen; who,
being informed that Artaphernes and Otanes defigned to bend
all their force againſt Miletus, fummoned a general affembly
of the Ionians. In this meeting, it was agreed, that they ſhould
not attempt to bring an army into the field, but only to for-
tify and ſtore their city with all manner of proviſions for a
fiege, and to draw all their forces together, to engage the
Perfians at fea, thinking themſelves, by reafon of their ſkill
in maritime affairs, moft likely to have the advantage in a
naval engagement. The place appointed for their general ren- The Ioni-
dezvouz was Lada, a fmall ifland, over-againft Miletus; ans defeat-
where accordingly they met with a fleet of three hundred and ed at ſea,
fifty-three fail. At the fight of this fleet, the Perfians, tho' and re-
double their number, avoided engaging, till, by their emif- duced.
faries, they had fecretly corrupted the greateft part of the
confederates, and engaged them to defert the common cauſe.
When they came to an engagement, the Samians, Lesbians,
and ſeveral others, hoifting fail, returned to their respective
countries. As the remaining fleet of the confederates did not
confiſt of above an hundred fhips, they were quickly over-
powered by the Perfians, and almoft intirely deftroyed. The
city of Miletus was immediately befieged both by fea and land, Miletus
and foon taken by the conquerors, who rafed it to the ground, taken by
the fixth year after the revolt of Ariftagoras. All the other the Per-
towns that had revolted, returned, either by force, or of their fians.
own accord, to their duty. Thoſe that ſtood out were treated
as they had been threatened beforehand. The handſomeft of Year of
their youths were made eunuchs, and their young women fent the flood
into Perfia: their cities and temples were reduced to afhes. 1851.
Such were the calamities the Ionians drew upon themſelves,
by feconding the ambitious views of two enterpriting men,
Ariftagoras and Hyftiæus m.
Bef. Chr.
497.
THE latter had his fhare in the general calamity; for, being Hyfticus
taken by the Perfians, and carried to Sardis, he was imme- crucified.
diately crucified by order of Artaphernes, who haftened his
execution, without confulting Darius, left his affection for him
HEROD. 1. v. c. 122, & feqq. & 1. vi. c. 18.
fhould
218
B.I.
The History of the Perfians.
ſhould incline him to pardon one, who, if he were again let
loofe, would not fail to create new difturbances. It after-
wards appeared, that Artaphernes's conjecture was well-
grounded; for, when Hyfticus's head was brought to Darius,
he expreffed great difpleafure against the authors of his death,
and caufed his head to be honourably interred, as the remains
of a perfon, to whom he profeffed infinite obligations ". He
was the moft bold, reſtleſs, and enterpriſing genius of his age:
with him all means were good and lawful, that ſerved to
promote the end he had in view, acknowleging no other rule
of his actions, than his own intereft and ambition, to which
he readily facrificed the good of his country, and the lives of
his neareſt relations. But we fhall have occaſion to bring him
again upon the ſcene in the hiftory of Ionia, and the Greek
colonies in Afia.
Darius's THE Phoenician flect having reduced all the iflands on the
unfuccefs- coaft of Afia, Darius recalled all his other generals, and ap-
ful expedi-pointed Mardonius, the fon of Gobryas, a young Perfian noble-
tion a-
gainst
Greece.
man, who had lately married one of his daughters, to be com-
mander in chief of all the forces quartered on the coaſts of Aſia,
ordering him to invade Greece, and revenge, on the Athenians
and Eretrians, the burning of Sardis. Mardonius, having
rendezvoufed his forces at the Hellefpont, marched, purſuant
to his orders, through Thrace into Macedonia, ordering his
fleet first to reduce Thafus, and then to coaft along the fhore,
as he marched by land, that they might be at hand to act in
concert with each other. On his arrival in Macedonia, all
the country, terrified at fuch a mighty army, fubmitted; but
the fleet, in doubling the cape of mount Athos, in order to gain
the coafts of Macedonia, was intirely difperfed by a violent
ftorm, which deftroyed upwards of three hundred fhips, and
twenty thouſand men. His land-army met, at the fame time,
with a misfortune no lefs fatal; for, being encamped in a place
not fufficiently fecured and fortified, the Bryges, a people of
Thrace, attacking him in the night, broke into his camp, flew
a great number of his men, and wounded Mardonius himſelf,
who, being diſabled, by thefe loffes, to profecute his defign
either by fea or land, marched back into Afia, without reap-
feated and ing any advantage for his mafter, or glory for himſelf, in this
recalled. expedition °.
Mardo-
nius de-
Year of
DARIUS, hearing of the ill fuccefs of Mardonius, and afcri-
the flood bing it to his want of experience, thought fit to recall him, and
1854. appoint two other generals in his room, Datis a Mede, and
Bef. Chr. Artaphernes his own nephew, being the fon of Artaphernes the
king's brother, and late governor of Sardis. But, before he
494.
" HEROD. 1. vi. c. 29-30.
• Idem ibid. c. 43, 45.
would
C.XI.
219
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
would make any further attempts upon Greece, he judged it
expedient firft to found the Greeks, and try how thofe different
ftates ftood affected to, or were averfe from, the Perfian go-
vernment. With this view, he fent heralds to all their cities,
to demand earth and water, in token of fubmiffion. On the
arrival of theſe heralds, many of the Greek cities, dreading the
power of the Perfians, complied with their demands; as did
alfo the inhabitants of Egina, a finall iſland over-againſt, and
not far from, Athens; but, at Athens and Sparta, they did Darius's
not meet with fo favourable a reception, being, in one place, heralds
thrown into a deep ditch, and, in the other, into a well, and murdered
bid to fetch earth and water from thence. This they did in by the A-
the heat of their paffion; but, when they came to a cooler thenians
temper, they were afhamed of what they had done, looking and Spar-
upon it as a violation of the law of nations; and accordingly
fent embaffadors to the king of Perfia at Sufa, to offer him.
what fatisfaction he pleaſed for the affront they had put upon
his heralds. But Darius, declaring himſelf fully fatisfied with
that embaffy, fent the embaffadors back to their refpective
countries, though thoſe of Sparta voluntarily offered them-
felves as victims, to expiate the crime which their countrymen
had been guilty of P.
tans.
DARIUS, being intirely bent upon the reduction of Greece,
haftened the departure of his generals Datis and Artaphernes.
Their inftructions were to plunder the cities of Eretria and
Athens, to burn down to the ground all their houfes and tem-
ples, to make all the inhabitants of both places flaves, and
fend them to Darius; for which purpoſe they went provided
with a great number of chains and fetters. The two generals,
having appointed their fleet to meet at Samos, fet fail from
thence with fix hundred fhips, and five hundred thoufand
men 9, fteering their courfe to Naxus; which ifland they cafily Naxus ta-
made themſelves mafters of, and, having burnt the chief city, ken by the
and all the temples both of this and the other iflands in thofe Perfians.
feas, they ſtood directly for Eretria, a town in Euboca, which
they took, after a fiege of feven days, by the treachery of Eu-
phorbus and Philagrus, two chief citizens. Having taken
Eretria, pillaged the city, fet fire to the temples, in revenge Bef. Chr.
for thofe that had been burnt at Sardis, and enflaved the inha- 490.
bitants, purſuant to their orders, they failed to Attica. Hip- N
pias, the fon of Pififtratus, who, as we have faid above, had Etreria
fled to the Perfians, conducted them, after they had landed, betrayed to
to the plains of Marathon. Hence they fent heralds to Athens, the Per-
acquainting the citizens with the fate of Eretria, in hopes fians.
P HEROD. 1. vi. c. 46–49. & l. vii. c. 133. 9 PLUTARCH.
in moral. p. 829.
that
Year of
the flood
1858.
220
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
that this news would frighten them into an immediate furren-
der. The Athenians had fent to Lacedæmon, to defire fuccours
againſt the common enemy; which the Lacedæmonians grant-
ed: but they could not fet out till fome days after, by reaſon
of an antient and fuperftitious cuftom which obtained at Spar-
ta, and did not allow them to begin a march before the full
moon. Not one of their allies offered to affift them, fuch a
terror had the Perfian army ftruck into the cities of Greece.
The inhabitants of Platea alone furniſhed them with a thou-
fand men.
In this extremity, the Athenians were obliged to
arm their ſlaves; which was contrary to their practice on all
other occafions ".
THE Perfian army, commanded by Datis, confifted of one
hundred thouſand foot, and ten thouſand horfe; that of the
Athenians amounted, in the whole, but to ten thouſand men.
It was commanded by ten generals, one of which was Miltia-
des, whom we fhall have occafion to mention often in the hi-
ftory of Greece. Thefe ten generals were to have the com-
mand of the army, each for one day in his turn. When the
army was affembled, a diſpute arofe among them, whether
they ſhould venture an engagement in the field, or only for-
tify and defend the city. They were all for the latter opinion,
Miltia- except Miltiades; who declared, that the only way to raiſe
des'sbrave the courage of their own troops, and ſtrike a terror into the
refolution. enemy, was to advance boldly, and attack them with intre-
pidity. Aristides, convinced by the ſpeech of Miltiades, em-
braced his opinion, and brought over to it fome of the other
commanders. Callimachus likewife, who had been very fan-
guine at firſt againſt ſuch a raſh enterprize, fell in at laſt with
Miltiades; and a refolution was taken to engage the enemy in
the open field. All the commanders, who were for venturing
a battle, when their turn came to command the army, yielded
that honour to Miltiades, all fentiments of jealoufy giving way
to the public good; but, though he accepted the power, he
would not hazard an engagement before his own day. As
The battle foon as that came, he endeavoured, by the advantage of the
of Mara- ground, to make up what he wanted in ftrength and number.
He drew up his army at the foot of a mountain, that the enemy
might not furround him, or fall upon his rear. He covered
Year of his flanks with large trees, which he cauſed to be cut down
the flood for that purpoſe, and to render the Perfian cavalry uſeleſs.
1858. The Athenian forces were fo drawn up, that they were equal
Bef. Chr. in front to the Perfians; but, becauſe they had not a fuffi-
thon.
490.
cient number of men in the centre, that part was extremely
weak, the main ftrength of the army confifting in the wings.
• HEROD. 1. vi, c. 94-99.
All
C. XI.
221
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Perfians
All things being thus difpofed, and the facrifice, according to
the cuftom of the Greeks, performed, Miltiades, without
waiting the motions of the Perfians, commanded the fignal
for the battle to be given; when the Athenians fell upon the
enemy with fuch courage and refolution, as can hardly be ex-
preffed. The Perfians, feeing the Athenians advance, imputed
their conduct to folly and deſpair, being not only few in num-
ber, but intirely deftitute of horfe; and, without ftirring,
prepared themſelves to receive them. After a long and obfti-
nate fight, the Perfians and Sace broke the centre of the Athe-
nians, having made their greateft efforts againſt that part.
The centre was commanded by Aristides and Themistocles,
who, with great intrepidity, made head against the whole Per-
fian army, till, being born down by numbers, and quite
overpowered, they were obliged to give ground. But the
Athenians and Plateans, who were in the two wings, having
defeated the wings of the enemy, came up to the relief of defeated by
their centre, just as they were betaking themfelves to a preci-
pitate flight, after having maintained a running fight for fome
hours. At their arrival, the fcale was quickly turned; for,
attacking the enemy in flank, they foon put them in diforder,
and obliged them, with great flaughter, to fly to their fleet,
whither they purſued them, took feven of their fhips, and
burnt a great many more . In this action, feveral Athenians
of great diftinction were flain, and, amongſt others, Callima-
chus and Stafileus, two of the chief commanders, with only
two hundred private men; whereas the Perfians left, even
according to Herodotus, who makes it much leſs than any
other author, above fix thoufand dead on the field of battle;
and befides, a great many more were killed in the flight, burnt
in their fhips, and drowned in the fea, as they attempted to
fave themſelves on board their veffels (X). Hippias was killed Hippias
the Athe-
nians.
in flain.
P HEROD. 1. vi. c. 101-117. JUSTIN. 1. ii. c. 9. VAL. MAX.
1. v. c. 3. PLUTARCH, in parall. fub init. ÆMIL. PROB. in Miltiad.
(X) Justin tells us (24), that
the Perfians loft on this occafion,
what by the fword, what by fhip-
wreck, two hundred thouſand
men; on the other hand, Hero-
dotus, who flouriſhed very near
thofe times, makes the lofs of
the Perfians, if no error has crept
into his copy, to have amounted
only to fix thouſand three hun-
(14) Juſtin. L ii. c. 9.
in parall.
dred; which bears no propor-
tion to the vastnefs of their ar-
my, and one hundred and ninety-
two Athenians. The whole Per-
fian army, according to Valerius
Maximus (25), confifted of three
hundred thouſand men. Pla-
tarch feems to infinuate the fame
(26). Justin (27) and Orofius
fay, that they were in all fix
(25) Val, Max, 4 v. c. 3. (26) Plutarch.
hundred
(27) Juſtin, ubi fupra.
222
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
in the battle, that ungrateful citizen, who, in order to recover
the unjuſt dominion ufurped by his father Pififtratus, had put
himſelf at the head of thoſe who were come with a defign to
reduce to afnes that city to which he owed his birth 1. Im-
mediately after the battle, an Athenian foldier, ſtained all over
with blood, haftened to Athens, to acquaint his fellow-citizens
with the good fuccefs of their army at Marathon. When he
arrived at the public palace, where the magiftrates were af-
fembled, he was fo fpent, that, having uttered theſe words,
Rejoice, rejoice, the victory is ours, he fell down dead at their
feet. The Perfians were fo fure of the victory, that they
had brought marble along with them to Marathon, in order to
erect a trophy there. This marble the Athenians feized, and
cauſed a ſtatue to be formed of it, by the famous Phidias, in
honour of the goddeſs Nemefis, whofe province it was to puniſh
unjuft actions $.
Their de- AFTER this defeat, the Perfian fleet, inftead of failing by
fign a-
the iſlands, in order to return to Aſia, doubled the cape of Su-
gainst A- nium, with a defign to furprife Athens before the return of
thens fruf- the army: but the Athenian troops being appriſed of their de-
trated. fign, decamped from the plains of Marathon, and marched
62.
• PLUTARCH. de glor. Athen. p. 347.
9 JUSTIN 1. ii. c. 9.
S PAUS. 1. i.
p.
hundred thouſand men. Emi-
lius Probus (28) tells us, that they
were one hundred thouſand foot,
and ten thouſand horfe. Of the
Athenians there were ten thou-
fand, and a thouſand Plateans,
fay Justin and Orofius; but Pro-
bus affures us, that the Atheni-
ans,
with their auxiliaries, were
in all but one thouſand. This
ever - memorable victory was
gained, if we believe Plutarch
(29), upon the fixth day of
Boedromion, the third month in
the Attic calendar, after the fum-
mer folſtice, Phanippus being at
that time prætor at Athens; that
is, in the third year of the
feventy-fecond Olympiad, four
years before the death of Da-
rius, as we read in Severus Sul-
pitius (30), and ten years be-
fore Xerxes paffed over into
Greece, as Thucydides informs us
(31). Moſt authors tell us, that
Hippias was flain in this battle;
but Suidas fays, that he eſcaped,
and died afterwards in the iſland
of Lemnos. Themistocles, who
became afterwards fo famous, on
this occafion first entered the
fchool of war. We cannot o-
mit, in this place, the glorious.
behaviour of one Cenegyrus, an
Athenian foldier, who, having
firft his right and then his left
hand cut off, while he was en-
deavouring to prevent one of
the enemy's fhips from putting
off, took hold of it at laft with
his teeth.
(23) Emil. Prob. in Miltiad.
(29) Plat. in Camill.
I ii. facr. bist.
(31) Thucyd. l. i.
(30) Sever, Sulp.
with
C. XI.
223
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
with fuch expedition, that they arrived at Athens before the
enemy's fleet; and, by that means diſappointed their mea-
fures t.
DATIS and Artaphernes arriving in Afia, that they might
ſeem to have reaped fome advantage from this expedition, fent
the Eretrian captives to Sufa. Darius had expreffed great in-
dignation against the Eretrians before the reduction of their
city, and charged them with the guilt of beginning the war;
but, feeing they were now his prifoners, and intirely in his
power, he could not find in his heart to do them any harm,
but gave them a village in the country of Ciffia, to inhabit,
which was but a day's journey diftant from Sufa ".
Here
Apollonius Tyaneus found their defcendants, a great many
ages after.
W
As foon as the day of the full moon was over, the Lacedæ-
monians began their march with two thouſand men, and ar-
rived in three days on the confines of Attica, having marched,
in fo fhort a time, one thouſand two hundred ſtades * ; fuch
was their eagerness to be prefent at the battle: but a filly and
ridiculous fuperftition prevented their having a ſhare in the moſt
glorious action recorded in hiftory; for the battle was fought
the day before they arrived: however, they proceeded to
Marathon, where they found the fields covered with dead
bodies; and, having congratulated the Athenians on the happy
fuccefs of the battle, they returned home .
DARIUS, upon the news of the unfuccefsful return of his Darius rei
army, was fo far from being difcouraged by fuch a diſaſter, ſolves to
that he added the defeat at Marathon to the burning of Sardis, carry on
as a new motive fpurring him on to purſue the war with more the war ir
vigour. He therefore refolved to head the army in perfon; and perſon.
iffued orders to all his fubjects, in the feveral provinces of the
empire, to attend him in this expedition: but, after he had
ſpent three years in making the neceffary preparations, a new
war broke out, occafioned by the revolt of Egypt. This gave Egypt -
him no finall uneafinefs: however, as he was wholly bent on volts a-
his expedition againſt Greece, he refolved not to lay that afide, gainſt Da-
but, at the fame time, to fend part of his forces to reduce rius.
Egypt, and, with the reft, to march in perfon againſt his old
enemies the Greeks (Y). But, when he had prepared all things
for
u Idem ibid. c. 119. - PHILO-
x ÍsOCR. in paneg.
t HEROD. 1. vi. c. 116.
STRAT. in vita Apollonii, I. i. c. 117.
p. 113. y Idem ibid.
(Y) Diodorus Siculus (32) feems
ed into Egypt to reduce the
to infinuate, that Darius march- rebels, and that he fucceeded
3
(32) Divd, Sic. 7. i. p. 54, et 850
in
224
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
The con-
teft of his
tavo fons
for theſe two expeditions, a great conteſt aroſe between his
fons, concerning the fucceffion; for, according to an antient
cuftom among the Perfians, the king was obliged, before he
about the fet out on any expedition, to name his fucceffor: a cuſtom
fucceffion. wifely eſtabliſhed, to prevent the many inconveniencies that
attend an unſettled fucceffion. Darius thought himſelf the
more obliged to comply with this cuftom, as he was already
advanced in years, and two of his fons ſeemed to have a juft
claim to the crown, upon his demife. Darius had three fons
by the daughter of Gobryas, his first wife, all born before he
came to the crown; and four more by Atoffa, the daughter of
Cyrus, all born after his acceffion to the throne: of the firſt,
Artabazanes was the eldeft; of the latter, Xerxes: and theſe
two were competitors for the fucceffion. Artabazanes, or, as
Justin calls him, Artamenes, urged, that he was the eldeſt
fon and therefore, according to the cuftom of all nations,
ought to be preferred in the fucceffion to the younger. On the
other hand, Xerxes alleged, that he was the ſon of Atoffa
daughter of Cyrus, who had founded the Perfian monarchy;
and claimed the kingdom in the right of his mother; it being
more agreeable to juftice, faid he, that the crown of Cyrus
ſhould devolve upon one who was a deſcendant of Cyrus, than
upon one that was not. Darius had not yet declared in favour
of either, when Damaratus king of Sparte, being driven out.
by his fubjects, arrived at Sufa; and, hearing of this difpute,
fecretly fuggefted to Xerxes another argument to fupport his
pretenfions; namely, that he was born after his father was in-
veſted with the royal dignity; whereas Artabazanes was only
the fon of Darius, a private man: to him therefore the crown
belonged, as the king's eldeſt fon, and not to Artabazanes the
eldeft fon of Darius. He further fupported his argument by
the example of the Lacedæmonians, who excluded from the
in the enterprize. That hifto-
rian relates, that, upon Darius's
defiring to have his ftatue placed
before that of Sefoftris, the chief
prieft of the Egyptians told him,
that he had not equalled the
glory of that conqueror; and
that the king, no ways offended
at the Egyptian prieft's freedom,
replied, that he would endeavour
to furpafs it. He adds further,
that Darius had feveral confer-
ences with the Egyptian priefts,
upon matters of religion and
government; and that, having
4
learned of them, with what gen-
tlenefs their antient kings uſed
to treat their fubjects, he en-
deavoured, after his return in-
to Perfia, to form himſelf up-
on their model. But Herodotus,
more worthy of belief in this
particular than Diodorus, only
obferves, that Darius refolved to
make war at the ſame time upon
Egypt and Greece, and to invade
Greece in perfon, while part of
his troops were employed in the
reduction of Egypt.
crown
C. XI.
225
The History of the Perfians.
crown the children that were born before their father's accef-
fion, if they had any to fucceed born after their advancement
to the throne. Theſe reaſons appeared fo juft to Darius, that
he declared Xerxes heir apparent to the crown. Our author Xerxes
is of opinion, that Xerxes was named to the fucceffion, not fo named te
much by the ſtrength of this plea, as by the influence his mo-
ther Atoffa had over the inclinations of Darius, who, in this
matter, was intirely governed by her authority 2 (Z).
Z
it.
THE fucceffion being thus fettled, and all things ready both Darius
for the Egyptian and Grecian expedition, Darius died, in the dies.
fecond year of the revolt of Egypt, after having reigned thirty-
fix years a.
This prince was endowed with many excellent
qualities his wifdom, clemency, and juſtice, are greatly com-
mended by the antients. He had the honour to have his name
recorded in holy writ, as a favourer of God's people, a re-
ftorer of the temple, and a promoter of the true worſhip at
Jerufalem (A). His kindneſs towards the Ifraelites was re-
a Idem ib. c. 4.
z HEROD. 1. vii. c. 2, & 3.
. 10. PLUTARCH. in Artaxerx. & apophthegm.
paff. Haggai & Zechar. paff.
(Z) Justin and Plutarch (33)
place this difpute after the de-
ceafe of Darius, and both take
notice of the prudent conduct of
the two brothers on fo nice an
occafion. Artabazanes, accord-
ing to them, was abfent when
the king died; and Xerxes im-
mediately took all the enfigns of
royalty, exercifing all the fun-
ctions of the regal dignity; but,
upon his brother's returning
home, he quitted the diadem
and tiara, went out to meet him,
and fhewed him all imaginable
civility. They agreed to make
their uncle Artabanus the arbi-
trator of their difference, and to
acquiefce, without any further
appeal, to his decifion. During
the whole time this difpute laft-
ed, all the demonftrations of an
intire and fraternal affection
paſſed between the two compe-
warded
JUSTIN. 1. ii.
b Ezra iv. &
titors: and when it was decided,
as the one did not infult, fo the
other did not repine or expreſs
any diffatisfaction at the fen-
tence; but, immediately proftrat-
ing himſelf before him, acknow-
leged him for his mafter, and
placed him upon the throne with
his own hand. He continued
all his life firmly attached to his
intereft, and at laſt died in his
fervice at the battle of Salamis.
(A) The Jerus (34) have a
tradition, that the prophets Hag-
gai, Zechariah, and Malachi,
died in the last year of Darius ;
and that, on their death, the
ſpirit of prophecy ceaſed among
the Jerus; which was the fealing
up of vifion and prophecy, fpoken
of by Daniel (35). And, milled
by the fame tradition, they tell
us, that the kingdom of Perfia
ended the fame year; for they
(33) Fuftin. 1. i. c. 10. Plutarch. de frat, amor. p. 448. (34) Abr. Zacut.
Juchafin. Dav, Ganz, in Zemach, Dávid, Seder Olam Zuta, &c.
(35) Dan.
}
VOL. V.
CON-
226
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
warded with a numerous iffue, a long reign, and great pro-
fperity; for, though the Scythian and Greek expeditions proved
unſucceſsful, yet he was very fortunate in all his other under-
takings, having not only reftored, and intirely fettled, the em-
pire of Cyrus, which had been very much fhaken by the un-
politic government of Cambyfes, and ufurpation of Smerdis,
but alſo added many great and rich provinces to that prince's
conquefts, namely India, Thrace, Macedonia, and the iles of
the Ionian fea.
Xerxes XERXES, fucceeding his father, employed the firſt year of
fucceeds
his reign in carring on the preparations for the reduction of
Darius. Egypt, which his father had begun. He confirmed, upon his
firft acceffion to the crown, all the privileges granted by his
the flood father to the Jews, and particularly that, which affigned them
1863. the tribute of Samaria, for furniſhing them victims to be
Bef. Chr. offered in the temple .
Year of
485. IN the fecond year of his reign, he marched against the
→ Egyptians; and, having reduced the rebels, and brought the
country to a worfe condition of flavery than what they had
Reduces felt under his predeceflors, he appointed his brother Achæme-
Egypt. nes governor of that province, and returned to Sufa. Puffed
Declares up with this fuccefs againſt the Egyptians, he determined to
bis defign invade Greece; but, before he engaged in an enterprize of that
of invade- importance, he thought fit to affemble his council, and take
ing Greece the advice of the moft illuftrious perfons of his court. When
they were affembled, he laid before them the deſign he had of
invading Greece, and acquainted them with the motives that
prompted him to that expedition (B). Mardonius, the fame
perfon
c See vol. ii. p. 99.
b JOSEPH. antiquitat. 1. xi.
confound this Darius with the
other, who was conquered by
Alexander; and will have the
Perfian empire to have lafted
only fifty-two years, which they
reckon thus: Darius the Mede
reigned one year, Cyrus three,
Cambyfes, according to them,
the Abafuerus who married E-
ber, thirty-two years. This laft
Darius they take to be the fame
with Artaxerxes, who fent Ezra
and Nehemiah to Jerufalem, to
reftore the Jews to their antient
ſtate; for they tell us that Ar-
taxerxes was a name common to
the Perfian kings, as that of
c. 5.
Pharaoh was to thoſe of Egypt.
This fhews how little they were
acquainted with the Perfian hi-
ſtory; and their countryman,
fofephus, feems to have been as
much in the dark, with refpect
to Perfia, as they were.
(B) Thefe were, the defire of
following the footsteps of his
predeceffors, who had diftin-
guifhed their names and reigns
by noble enterprizes; the obli-
gation he was under to be re-
venged on the Athenians, who,
without any provocation, had
fallen upon Sardis, and burnt
down the facred groves and ten-
ples;
C. XI
227
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
perfon who had been fo unfuccefsful in the reign of Darius,
hoping, that the command of the army would be beſtowed
upon him, not only approved of the king's determination, but
extolled him above all the kings that had preceded him, and
endeavoured to fet forth the indifpenfable neceffity they all
lay under of revenging the diſhonour done to the Perfian name
at Sardis and Marathon. The reft of the council, perceive-
ing, that the flattering difcourfe of Mardonius pleaſed the
king, durft not venture to contradict it; but all kept filence
for fome time. At laft Artabanus, the king's uncle, a prince
venerable both for his age and prudence, addreffing Xerxes,
uſed all his endeavours to divert him from his preſent reſolu-
tion; and, at the fame time, reproached Mardonius with want
of fincerity, and fhewed how much he was to blame for de-
firing rafhly to engage the nation in a war, which nothing
but his own ambitious and ſelf-intereſted views could tempt
him to adviſe. He concluded with theſe words: "If a war
"be refolved upon, let the king remain in Perfia, and our Artaba-
"children be depofited in his hands: then go on with your nus's noble
"expedition, attended by the beft forces you can chufe, and Speech a-
"in what numbers you think fit. If the iffue be favourable, gainft it.
"I am willing to forfeit my own life, and the lives of my
"children; but, on the contrary, if the event be fuch as I
"have foretold, then let your children fuffer death, and you
alfo, if ever you return." Artabanus expreffed his fenti-
ments in very reſpectful and inoffenfive terms; but neverthe-
leſs Xerxes was extremely chagrined, and replied with indigna-
tion, that, if Artabanus were not his uncle, he fhould fuffer
that moment the due puniſhment for fuch an audacious beha-
viour; and commanded him to ſtay at home among the wo-
men, whom he too much refembled, while he marched, at
the head of his troops, where his duty and glory called him.
However, when the first emotion of his anger was paft, hẹ
owned that he had been to blame for treating his uncle with
fuch harsh language; and was not aſhamed to repair his fault,
ples; the eager defire he had
to wipe off the dishonour his
country had received at Mara-
thon; and laſtly, the proſpect of
many great advantages that
would accrue to him from this
war, which would be attended
by the conqueft of Europe, the
moſt rich and fertile country in
the univerſe. He added, that
this war had been refolved on
by his father Darius, and that
he meant only to execute his de-
figns. He concluded his ſpeech,
with promifing ample rewards.
to fuch as fhould diftinguifh
themſelves in this expedition,
and defiring them to deliver their
opinions in this matter with.
freedom (36).
(36) Herodot, I. vii. c. 5, 6.
Q2
by
228
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
by openly confeffing, that the heat of his youth, and want
of experience, had made him trefpaſs againſt the regard that
was due to a prince fo worthy of reſpect as Artabanus c. At
the fame time, he declared, that he was ready to follow his
advice, and lay afide the defign of invading Greece, notwith-
ftanding a phantom had appeared to him the night before in
his fleep, and warmly exhorted him to undertake the war.
All the Perfians, who compofed the council, were overjoyed
to hear the king ſpeak in that manner; and, proftrating them-
felves before him, ftrove to outdo each other in extolling the
prudence of his conduct. But he did not long continue in that
mind; nay, Artabanus himſelf, the only man who had openly
difapproved the expedition, whether frightened by a dream (C),
''
© HERODOT. 1. vii. c. 8—12.
(C) Herodotus tells us, that
Xerxes, reflecting in the night-
time on the opinion of Artaba-
nus, was very much perplexed,
and concluded at laft, that a
war with Greece could not turn
to his advantage. Having thus
altered his reſolution, he fell a-
fleep, and faw in a dream a man
of an uncommon flature and
beauty ftanding by him, and ut-
tering theſe words: "Have you
"then changed your defign of
leading an army into Greece,
"after having ordered the Per-
fians to affemble their forces?
"You have not done well to
"alter your refolution, nor will
you find any man of your
opinion refume, therefore,
"without delay, the enterprize
you determined to undertake."
The phantom, having pronounc-
ed theſe words, diſappeared; and
the next morning, Xerxes, ne-
glecting his dream, fummoned
the council, and acquainted
them, that he had altered his
mind with regard to the Grecian
expedition, and wifhed them joy
of the advantages of peace,which
they were to reap at home. But
66
or
the night following, the fame.
phantom appeared again to Xer-
xes, telling him, that if he did
not undertake, without delay, a
war againſt Greece, he fhould be-
come little and contemptible in
as fhort a time as he had been
raiſed to greatneſs and power.
The king, terrified with this fe-
cond dream, fent for Artabanus,
acquainted him with what had
happened, and intreated him to
put on the royal robes, to fit on
the throne, and paſs the night
in his bed. Artabanus at firſt
begged to be excuſed, as not de-
ferving the honour of fitting in
the king's throne; but, being
preffed by Xerxes, who was per-
fuaded, that if the dream was
from the gods, Artabanus would
fee the fame vifion, he at laſt
complied with his defire, and
cloathed himſelf with the royal
robes. As he flept in the king's
bed, the fame phantom appear-
ed to him, threatening him with
the greatelt calamities, if he con-
tinued to oppofe the king's in-
tentions. This fo terrified Ar-
tabanus, that he came over to
the king's firft opinion, believ-
ing
C. XI.
229
The History of the Perfians.
or dreading the king's diſpleaſure, became a moſt fanguine and Becomes a
zealous promoter of the war d.
zealous
Xerxes.
XERXES, being now refolved to attack Greece, that he promoter of
might omit nothing which could contribute to the fuccefs of it.
his undertaking, entered into an alliance with the Carthagi- The Car--
nians, who were, at that time, the moft powerful people of thaginians
the weft; whereby it was agreed, that, while the Perfians in-ally with
vaded Greece, the Carthaginians fhould fall upon the Greek
colonies in Sicily and Italy, that thereby they might be diverted
from helping each other. The Carthaginians appointed Ha-
milcar their general, who not only raifed what forces he could
in Afric, but, with the money fent him by Xerxes, hired a
great many mercenaries in Spain, Gaul, and Italy; ſo that
his army confifted of three hundred thousand men, befides a
proportionable number of fhips for tranſporting his forces, and
the neceffary provifions. And thus Xerxes, agreeable to the
prophecy of Daniel f, having, by his ftrength through his
riches, ftirred up all the nations of the then known world againſt
the realm of Greece, that is, all the weft under the command
of Hamilcar, and all the eaſt under his own banners, fet out
from Sufa, to enter upon this war, in the fifth year of his
reign, after having ſpent three years in making vaft prepara-
tions throughout all the provinces of his wide-fpreading empire.
From Sufa he marched to Sardis, which was the place ap-
pointed for the general rendezvous of all his land-forces, while
his navy advanced along the coafts of Afia Minor towards the
Hellefpont.
Two things Xerxes commanded to be done before he came The moun-
to the fea-fide; the one was a paffage to be cut through mount tain A-
Athos. This mountain reaches a great way into the fea, in thos cut
the form of a peninſula, and is joined to the land by an ifthmus through.
twelve furlongs over. The fea, in this place, is very tem-
peftuous, and the Perfian flcet had formerly fuffered fhipwreck
in doubling this promontory. To prevent the like difafter,
Xerxes caufed a paffage to be cut through the mountain, broad
enough to let two galleys, with three banks of oars each, pafs
in front. By this means he fevered from the continent the
cities of Dion, Olophyxus, Acrothoon, Thyfus, and Cleone. Our
author obferves, that Xerxes undertook this enterprize only
out of oftentation, and to perpetuate the memory of his name,
HEROD. 1. vii. c. 17, 18, & feqq. © DIOD, SIC, 1. xi. p. 1.
f Dan. xi. 2.
ing that there was fomething di-
vine in theſe repcated vifions;
(37) Herodet, 7.
and the war againſt Greece was
refolved on (37).
vii. c. 17, 18.
Q3
fince
230
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
索
​A bridge
buil: over
fince he might, with far lefs trouble, have cauſed his fleet to
be conveyed over the ifthmus, as was the practice in thofe
days f (D).
HE likewife commanded a bridge of boats to be laid over
the Hellefpont, for the paffing of his forces from Afia into Eu-
the Hellef-rope. The fea which ſeparates Seftos and Abydus, where the
f HEROD. 1. vii, c. 22-24.
pont,
(D) This prince, believing that
the very elements were under his
command, wrote to mount Athos
in the following terms: Athos,
"thou proud and afpiring moun-
"tain, that lifteft up thy head to
"the very ſkies, I advife thee not
to be fo audacious as to put
"rocks and ftones, that cannot
"be cut, in the way of my
"workmen. If thou makeſt
"that oppofition, I will cut
"thee intirely down, and throw
"thee headlong into the fea
"(38)." Our modern travellers
tell us,
that they can perceive no
traces of this great work, and
moſt of them are of Juvenal's
opinion, expreffed in thefe words;
Perforatus Athos,& quicquid Græ-
cia mendax Audet in bifloria. The
directors of this enterprize were
Bubaris, the fon of Megabyzus,
and Artacheus the fon of Arbæus,
both Perfians. It was carried
on in the following manner:
All the forces on beard the fleet
were employed in the undertak-
ing; they first drew a line be-
fore the city of Sana, fituated at
the foot of mount Atbos towards
the land, and then divided the
ground among themfelves, each
nation having their portion al-
lotted them. When the trench
When the trench
was confiderably funk, thoſe who
were at the bottom, continued
to dig, delivering the earth to
their companions ftanding on
ladders, who handed it to fuch
(38) Plutarch, de ira cobib. p. 455.
as ſtood higher, till it was con-
veyed to thoſe that waited to re-
ceive it at the edge of the canal,
and by them carried to another
place. Our author obferves (39),
that by digging perpendicularly,
and making the bottom of equal
breadth with the top, all the
workmen, except the Phanici-
ans, had double the labour, by
reafon the earth fell down con-
tinually in great quantities from
the upper parts.
the upper parts. But the Pha-
nicians opened the ground,which
was affigned to them, twice as
large as others had done, and
floped the ground gradually, till
they came to the bottom. In a
large meadow adjoining to this
place, there was a court of ju-
ftice, and a market furnished
with corn and other neceffaries
brought from Afia. This work
does not ſeem to us fo very fur-
prifing and incredible, as fome
would make it, when we con-
fider the number of hands, and
the time, that were employed in
perfecting it; for Herodotus tells
us, that three whole years were
ſpent in the undertaking, and
an infinite number of workmen
obliged to labour day and night
in their turns. Befides, the ca-
nal was not cut through, as Ju-
venal feems to infinuate, but be-
hind mount Athos, where the
ifthmus was a mile and an half
over, and broad enough only to
let two galleys paſs in front.
(39) Idem ibid, c. 34.
bridge
C. XI.
231
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
bridge was built, is feven furlongs over.
The work was car-
ried on with great expedition by the Phoenicians and Egyptians,
who had no fooner finiſhed it, but a violent ftorm arifing, and pre-
broke it in pieces, and difperfed or dafhed againſt the fhore the fently after
veffels of which it was compoſed: which when Xerxes heard, broken.
he fell into fuch a violent tranfport of anger, that he com-
manded three hundred ftripes to be inflicted on the fea, and a
pair of fetters to be thrown into it, injoining thoſe who were
truſted with the execution of his orders, to pronounce theſe Xerxes's
words: Thou falt and bitter element, thy master bas condemned pride, mad
thee to this punishment, for offending him without caufe; and is nefs, and
" refolued to pass over thee, in spite of thy billows, and infolent re- cruelty.
fiftance. The extravagant folly and madneſs of this prince did
not ftop here; he commanded the heads of thoſe who had the
direction of the work, to be ftruck offs.
In their room he appointed more experienced architects to
build two other bridges, one for the army, the other for the
beafts of burden, and the baggage. When the whole work
was compicted, and the veffels which formed the bridges fe-
cure against the violence of the winds, and the current of the
water, Xerxes departed from Sardis, where the army had
wintered, and directed his march to Abydus. When he arrived
at that city, he defired to fee all his forces together; and, to
that end, afcending a ſtately edifice of white ftone, which the
Abydenians had built, on purpofe to receive him in a manner
fuitable to his greatnefs, he had a free profpect to the coaft,
ſeeing at one view both his fleet and land-forces. The fea was Views his
covered with his fhips, and the large plains of Abydus with his numerous
troops, quite down to the fhore. While he was furveying the army and
vaft extent of his power, and deeming himſelf the most happy fleet, and
of mortals, his joy being all on a fudden turned into grief, he weeps over
burſt out into a flood of tears; which Artabanus perceiving,
asked him, what had made him, in a few moments, pafs from
an exceſs of joy to fo great a grief. The king replied, that,
confidering the fhortnefs of human life, he could not reſtrain.
his tears; for, of all theſe numbers of men, not one, faid he,
will be alive an hundred years hence. Artabanus, who ne- Artaba-
glected no opportunity of inftilling into the young prince's nus's gene-
mind fentiments of kindnefs towards his people, finding him rous leffens
touched with a ſenſe of tenderneſs and humanity, endeavoured to him.
to make him fenfible of the obligation that is incumbent upon
princes, to alleviate the forrows, and fweeten the bitterneſs,
which the lives of their fubjects are liable to, fince it is not in
their power to prolong them. In the fame converfation, Xerxes
afked his uncle, whether, if he had not ſeen the viſion which
• HEROD. 1. vii. c. 34-36.
Q4
it.
made
232
B. I.
The History of the Perfians,
Marches
over the
Hellef-
pont.
480.
made him change his mind, he would ftill perfiſt in the fame
opinion, and diffuade him from making war upon Greece.
Artabanus fincerely owned, that he ftill had his fears, and was
very uneafy concerning two things, the fea and the land; the
fea, becauſe there were no ports capable of receiving and ſhel-
tering ſuch a fleet, if a ftorm fhould arife; the land, becauſe
no country could maintain fo numerous an army. The king
was very fenfible of the ftrength of his reaſoning; but as it was
now too late to go back, he made anfwer, That, in great
enterprizes, men ought not to enter into fo nice a difcuffion of
all the inconveniencies that may attend them: that bold and
daring undertakings, though fubject to many evils and dangers,
are preferable to inaction, however fafe: that great fucceffes
are no otherwife to be obtained than by venturing boldly; and
that, if his predeceffors had obferved fuch fcrupulous and ti-
morous rules of politics, the Perfian empire would never have
attained to fo high a degree of glory and grandeur h.
tar;
ALL things being now in readineſs, and a day appointed
for the paffing over of the army, as foon as the firft rays of
the fun began to appear, all forts of perfumes were burnt upon
the bridge, and the way ftrewed with myrtle. At the fame
Year of time, Xerxes, pouring a libation into the fea out of a golden
the flood cup, and addreffing the fun, implored the affiftance of that
1868. deity, begging that he might meet with no impediment for
Bef. Chr. great as to hinder him from carrying his conquering arms to
the utmoſt limits of Europe. This done, he threw the cup
into the Hellefpont, with a golden bowl, and a Perſian ſcymi-
and the foot and horfe began to pafs over that bridge,
which was next to the Euxine, while the carriages and beaſts
of burden paffed over the other, which was placed nearer the
Agcan fea. The bridges were boarded, and covered over
with earth, having rails on each fide, that the horſes and cattle
might not be frightened at the fight of the fea. The army
ſpent ſeven days and feven nights in paffing over, though they
marched day and night, without intermiffion, and were, by
frequent blows, obliged to quicken their pace. At the fame
time, the fleet made to the coafts of Europe. After the whole
army was paffed, Xerxes advanced with his land-forces,
through the Thracian Cherfonefus to Dorifcus, a city at the
mouth of the river Hebrus, in Thrace: but the fleet ſteered a
quite different courfe, ftanding to the weftward for the pro-
montory of Sarpedon, where they were commanded to attend
farther orders. Xerxes, having encamped in the large plains of
Dorifcus, and judging them convenient for reviewing and
numbering his troops, difpatched orders to his admirals to
b HEROD. 1. vii. c. 45-48.
bring
C. XI.
233
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
bring the fleet to the adjacent fhore, that he might take an ac- The num-
count both of his fea, and land-forces. His land-army, upon ber of bis
the mufter, was found to confift of one million and feven land and
hundred thouſand foot, and fourfcore thouſand horfe; which, fea-forces.
together with twenty thousand men that conducted the camels,
and took care of the baggage, amounted to one million eight
hundred thouſand men. His fleet confifted of twelve hundred
and feven large fhips, and three thouſand gallies and tranfports:
on board all thefe veffels, there were found to be five hundred
feventeen thousand fix hundred and ten men i. So that the
whole number of fea and land-forces, which Xerxes led out of
Afia to invade Greece, amounted to two millions three hun-
dred and feventeen thouſand fix hundred and ten men. Our
author tells us, that, on his paffing the Hellefpont, to enter Eu-
rope, an inhabitant of that country cried out: O Jupiter, why
art thou come to deftroy Greece, in the fhape of a Perfian, and
under the name of Xerxes, with all mankind following thee;
whereas thy own power is fufficient to do this, without their
affiftance? After he had entered Europe, the nations on this
fide the Hellefpont that fubmitted to him, added to his land-
forces three hundred thouſand more, and two hundred and
twenty fhips to his fleet, on board of which were twenty-four
thoufand men. So that the whole number of his forces, when
he arrived at Thermopyla, was two millions fix hundred and
forty-one thouſand fix hundred and ten men, without includ-
ing fervants, eunuchs, women, futlers, and other people of
that fort, who were computed to equal the number of the
forces: fo that the whole multitude of perſons that followed
Xerxes in this expedition, amounted to five millions two hun-
dred eighty-three thoufand two hundred and twenty k (E).
Among
1 HEROD. 1. vii. c. 60, 72, 87. * Idem, ubi fupra.
(E) This is the computation the other. Herodotus is the moſt
of Herodotus, and with him agree antient author that has written
Plutarch (40) and Iſocrates (41); of this war, and lived in the
but Diodorus Siculus (42), Pliny very age wherein it happened:
(43), Ælian (44), and others, wherefore we have preferred his
fall fhort of this number, make- account to that of others, the
ing the army which Xerxes led rather becauſe we find it to be
againſt Greece, not much more the general opinion of all the
numerous than that with which antients, whether Greeks or La-
his father invaded Scythia. Theſe tins, that this was the greateſt
probably miſtook the one for army that ever was brought into
(42) Plutarch, in Themiß.
dor. Sicul. I. xi.
I. xiii. c. 3.
`
(41) Ifter. in Panathenaic•.
(43) Plin. 1. xxxii, c. 10.
(43) Dine
(44) Ælian, var, bift.
the
234
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
น
Among thefe millions of men, there was not one that could
vie with Xerxes, either in comelinefs or ftature, or that feemed
more worthy of that great empire s. But this
But this is a poor com-
mendation, when it is not accompanied with other qualifica-
tions. Accordingly, Justin, after he has mentioned the num-
ber of his troops, emphatically concludes, But this vast body
wanted a head. Befides the fubordinate generals of each na-
tion, who commanded the troops of their refpective countries,
the whole army was under the command of fix Perfian gene-
His gene- rals; viz. Mardonius, the ſon of Gobryas; Triatatechmes, the
fon of Artabanus; Smerdones, the fon of Otanes (the two lat-
ter were couſins to Xerxes); Mafistes, the fon of Darius by
Atoffa; Gergys, the fon of Ariazus; and Megabyzus, the fon
of the celebrated Zopyrus. The ten thouſand Perfians, who
were called the Immortal band, obeyed no other commander
but Hydarnes. The fleet was commanded by four Perfian
admirals and likewife the cavalry had their particular gene-
rals and commanders.
rals.
XERXES, having thus numbered his fea and land-forces at
Dorifcus, marched from thence through Thrace, Macedon,
and Theffaly, towards Attica, ordering his fleet to follow him
along the coaft, and to regulate their motions according to
the motions of the army. Where-ever he came, he found
8 HEROD. 1. vii. c. 187.
1
the field; and the account of He-
rodotus beſt agrees with the verſes
engraved on the monument of
thofe Greeks that were flain at
Thermopyla, where it is faid, that
they fought against three mil-
lions, as we read the infcription
in Herodotus; or againſt two, as
we find in Diodorus Siculus (45).
Jofephus (46) tells us, that his
countrymen too bore a part in
this expedition, and proves it
from a paffage out of Cherilus
(47), where it is faid, that Xer-
xes was attended by a people who
uſed the Phoenician language, and
dwelt in the Solymaan land on
bills near a great lake. As Fe-
rufalem was alfo called Solyma,
and all the country thereabouts
was mountainous, and lay near
the great lake Afphaltites, com-
monly called the lake of Sodom,
this defcription feems plainly to
fuit the Jews. But Scaliger (48),
Cuneus (49), and Bochart (50),
underſtand thoſe verſes of Solymi
in Pifidia. However, Salmafius
(51) maintains the contrary opi-
nion; and truly it is not at all
likely, that when Xerxes obliged
all the other nations to fend
their quotas of men, the Jeavs
alone fhould be exempted. Whe-
ther, therefore, thofe mentioned
by Cherilus were Jews or not,
it must be allowed, that they alſo
bore part in this expedition.
(45) Herodot. 1. vii. c. 222. Diodor. Sic. I. xi. p. 26. (46) Jofeph. contra
Apion. I. i.
(47) Cheril. apud eundem. (48) Scaliger in notis ad fragm.
(49) Cunæus de rep. H.br. 1. ii. c. 18. (50) Bochart, geogr. facra, part ii.
(51) Salmaf, in linguæ Hellenistica offilegio.
pro-
1. i. c. 2.
C. XI.
235
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
provifions prepared before hand, purfuant to the orders he had
ſent and each city was obliged to entertain him; which coſt
immenfe fums, and gave occafion to the faying of a citizen of
Abdera, after the king's departure, that his countrymen might
thank the gods for Xerxes's moderation, in being ſatisfied with
one meal a day h.
In the mean time, Lacedæmon and Athens, the two moft Athenians
powerful cities of Greece, againft which Xerxes was moſt ex- and Spar-
afperated, having had intelligence of the enemy's preparations tans pre-
and motions, fent embaffadors to Argos, into Sicily, to the pare a-
islands of Corcyra and Crete, to defire fuccours, and conclude gainſt him.
a league againſt the common enemy. The people of Argos
offered a very confiderable number of troops, on condition
they ſhould have an equal ſhare with the Lacedæmonians in the
command. The latter confented, that the king of Argos
fhould have the fame authority as either of the kings of Sparta:
but this offer did not fatisfy the Argians, who thereupon ordered
the embaffadors to depart the territories of Argos before fun-
fet. From Argos they proceeded to Sicily, where Gelo, the
moft powerful prince in all the Greek colonies, offered to affiſt
them with a very numerous army, and a mighty fleet, provided
they appointed him commander in chief of all their forces, both
by fea and land. This propofal was rejected by the Athenian
embaſſadors, who told him, that they did not want a general,
but an army; and, without preffing him any further, de-
parted. The inhabitants of Corcyra, now Corfu, immediately
put to fea with a fleet of fixty fhips, but advanced no farther
than the coafts of Laconia, where they waited the iſſue of an
engagement, deſigning to fide afterwards with the conqueror.
The people of Crete, having confulted the oracle, to know
what refolution they fhould take on this occalion, abfolutely
refuſed to enter into the league. Thus were the Lacedæmo-
nians and Athenians abandoned by all their countrymen, ex-
by all the
cept the Thespians and Platæans, who ſent ſmall bodies to other
their affiftance. The first thing they took care of, in fo criti- Greeks.
cal a conjuncture, was to put an end to all inteftine divifions
and difcords; and accordingly, a peace was concluded be-
tween the Athenians and the people of Egina, who were
actually at war. In the next place, they appointed a general,
the Athenians choofing Themistocles, and the Spartans conferring
the fupreme command of their forces upon Leonidas, one of
their kings. The only thing that now remained, was to de-
termine in what place they ſhould meet the Perfians, in order
to difpute their entrance into Greece. After various propofals
and difputes, it was refolved, that they ſhould fend a body of
b HEROD. 1. vii. c. 120;
four
Forfaken
236
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians..
four thousand men to Thermopyla, which is a narrow paſs, be-
ing but twenty-five feet broad, between the mountains that,
divide Theffaly from Greece, and the only way through which
the Perfians could enter Achaia, and advance by land to
Thermo- Athens. The command of this fmall body was given to Leo-
pylæ de- nidas, a prince of extraordinary courage, who accordingly
fended by marched with all poffible expedition to his poſt, determined ei-
Leonidas. ther to ſtop the innumerable army of Xerxes with that handful
Year of of men, or die in the attempt. Such was alfo the refolution of
the flood the three hundred Spartans who attended him, and had been
1868. all chofen by himſelf i.
י
Bef. Chr. In the mean time Xerxes, advancing near the ftreights, was
480. ftrangely furpriſed to find, that the Greeks were refolved to,
difpute his paffage; for he had always flattered himſelf, that,
on his approach, they would betake themſelves to flight, and
not attempt to oppofe his innumerable forces with fo fmall a
body, their whole army confifting of but eleven thouſand two
hundred men, and of theſe ſcarce four thousand being employed
to defend the paſs. He fent out a ſcout on horſeback to view
their numbers, and diſcover how they were encamped. The
ſcout brought back word, that the Lacedæmonians were fome
performing their military exercifes, and others putting their
hair in order; for their cuſtom was, as Damaratus (F), who
was then in the Perfian camp, informed the king, to comb
and put in order their hair, when they were to expoſe their
lives to the greateſt dangers. However, Xerxes, entertaining
ftill fome hopes of their flight, waited four days, without un-
dertaking any thing, on purpofe to give them time to retreat.
During this time, he uſed his utmoft endeavours to gain and
corrupt Leonidas, promiſing to make him mafter of all Greece,
i HEROD. I. vii. c. 148-163.
(F) Damaratus was one of
the two kings of Sparta, who,
being banished by the adverſe
party, had fought refuge at the
Perfian court, where he was en-
tertained with the greateſt marks
of honour and diftinction. As
the courtiers were one day ex-
preffing their furprize, that a
king ſhould fuffer himſelf to be
banished, Damaratus told them,
that at Sparta the laws were
more powerful than the king.
This prince was in great eſteem
at the Perfian court; but neither
the injuftice of the Spartan ci-
tizens, nor the kind treatment of
the Perjian king, could make
him forget his country. He no
fooner knew that Xerxes defigned
to invade Greece, but he ſecretly
acquainted the Greeks with his
refolution; and on all occafions
fpoke his fentiments to the king
with a noble freedom and dig-
nity (52).
(53) Plutarch. in apoph, Lacon. p. 220.
8
if
C. XI.
237
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
if he would come over to his party. His offers being rejected
by that public-ſpirited prince with contempt and indignation,
the king ordered him, by an herald, to deliver up his arms.
Leonidas, in a ftile, and with a ſpirit, truly laconical, anſwered His noble
in a few words, Come thyself, and take them *. Xerxes, at answer to
this reply, tranſported with rage, commanded the Medes and Xerxes.
Ciffians to march againſt them, take them all alive, and bring
them in fetters to him. The Medes, not able to ſtand the
fhock of the brave Greeks, foon betook themſelves to flight,
and fhewed, as our author obferves, that Xerxes had many
men, but few foldiers. In their room, Hydarnes was ordered
to advance with that body which was called Immortal, and
confifted of ten. thouſand choſen men; but, when they came The Per
to cloſe with the Greeks, they fucceeded no better than the fians re-
Medes and Ciffians, being obliged to retire with great flaugh- pulſed at
ter. The next day, the Perfians, reflecting on the ſmall num- Thermo
ber of their enemies, and fuppofing fo many of them to be pyla.
wounded, that they could not poffibly maintain a ſecond fight,
refolved to make another attempt; but could not, by any
efforts, make the Greeks give way: on the contrary, they
were themſelves put to a fhameful flight. The valour of the
Greeks exerted itſelf, on this occafion, in fuch an extraordi-
nary manner, that Xerxes is faid to have three times leaped out
of his throne, apprehending the intire deftruction of his
army!.
XERXES, having loft all hopes of forcing his way through
troops, that were determined to conquer or die, was extremely
perplexed and doubtful what meaſures he ſhould take in this
pofture of affairs; when one Epialtes, the fon of Eurydemus, Epialtès
in expectation of a great reward, came to him, and diſcovered reſcues
a fecret paffage to the top of the hill, which overlooked and Xerxes ou
commanded the Spartan forces. The king immediately ordered of bis dan
Hydarnes thither, with his felect body of ten thousand Per-gerous fitu
fians; who, marching all night, arrived at break of day, and ation.
poffeffed themfelves of that advantageous poft. The Phoceans,
who defended this pafs, being overpowered by the enemy's
numbers, retired with precipitation to the very top of the
mountain, prepared to die gallantly. But Hydarnes, neglect
ing to purſue them, marched down the mountain with all pof-
fible expedition, in order to attack thofe, who defended the
ftreights in the rear. Leonidas, being now apprifed, that it
was impoffible to bear up againſt the enemy, obliged the reft
of his allies to retire; but taid himself, with the Thespians,
Thebans, and three hundred Lacedæmonians, all refolved to die
* PLUTARCH. in Lacon. apoph. p. 225. -1 HEROD. 1. vii.
€. 211, 212. DIOD. SICUL. P. 6. CTESIAS in Perficis, c. 23.
with
238
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Leoni-
das's va-
lour,
with their leader; who, being told by the oracle, that either
Sparta fhould be deftroyed, or the king lofe his life, deter-
mined, without the leaft hefitation, to facrifice himfelf for his
country. The Thebans indeed remained againſt their inclina-
tion, being detained by Leonidas as hoftages; for they were
fufpected to favour the Perfians. The Thespians, with their
leader Demophilus, could not, by any means, be prevailed up-
on to abandon Leonidas and the Spartans. The augur Megi-
ftias, who had foretold the event of this enterprize, being
preffed by Leonidas to retire, fent home his only fon; but re-
mained himſelf, and died by Leonidas. Thoſe who ftaid did
not feed themſelves with any hopes of conquering, or eſcape-
ing, but looked upon Thermopyla as their graves; and when
Leonidas, exhorting them to take fome nouriſhment, faid, that
they ſhould all fup together with Pluto, with one accord they
fet up a ſhout of joy, as if they had been invited to a ban-
quet
m
XERXES, after pouring out a libation at the rifing of the
fin, began to move, with the whole body of his army, as he
had been adviſed by Epialtes. Upon their approach, Leonidas
advanced to the broadeft part of the paffage, and fell upon the
enemy with fuch undaunted courage and refolution, that the
Perfian officers were obliged to ftand behind the divifions they
commanded, in order to prevent the flight of their men, who,
not being able to ftand fo violent a fhock, would, without
that precaution, have immediately turned their backs. Great
numbers of the enemy, falling into the fea, were drowned;
others were trampled under foot by their own men, and a great
many killed by the Greeks; who, knowing they could not
avoid death upon the arrival of thoſe who were advancing to
fall upon their rear, exerted their utmoft efforts. In this action
and death. fell the brave Leonidas; which Abrocomes and Hyperanthus,
two of the brothers of Xerxes, obferving, advanced, with great
refolution, to feize his body, and carry it in triumph to Xer-
The Lace- xes. But the Lacedæmonians, more eager to defend it than
dæmoni- their own lives, repulfed the enemy four times, killed both
ans defend the brothers of Xerxes with many other commanders of di-
bis body ftinction, and refcued the body of their beloved general out
with fin- of the enemy's hands. But in the mean time, the army that
gular va-
was led by the treacherous Epialtes, advancing to attack their
Bour.
rear, they retired to the narroweft place of the paffage, and,
drawing all together, except the Thebans, pofted themſelves
on a riſing ground. In this place they made head againſt the
Perfians, who poured in upon them on all fides, till at length,
m HERODOT. 1. vii. c. 213–225, & feqq. DIODOR. SICUL.
P. 7. CTESIAS, ubi fupra, c. 24.
A
not
C. XI.
239
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
and vane
not vanquished, but oppreffed and overwhelmed by numbers, Over-
they all fell, except one who efcaped to Sparta, where he powered
was treated as a coward and traitor to his country, every
one avoiding his company, and giving him the ignominious quifbed.
nick-name of Ariftodemus the run-away (G); but not long
after he made a glorious reparation of his fault in the battle
of Plataa, where he diftinguiſhed himſelf in an extraordi-
nary manner.
Thoſe who fignalized themfelves moft among
the Lacedæmonians, were Alpheus and Maron, both fons of
Orifiphantus; among the Thespians, Dithyrambus, but, above
all, Leonidas and Dieneces. Dieneces was a Spartan, and di- Dieneces's
ſtinguiſhed himſelf on this occafion above all his country-fignal
men, the king excepted. When a Trachinian told him before bravery.
the battle, that the army of the barbarians was fo numerous,
that, with one flight of their arrows, they would hide the fun,
he anſwered, without betraying the leaft fear, that he was
•
(G) Some fay, as our author
informs us (53), that Eurytus and
Ariftodemus, both Spartans, be-
ing obliged by a violent diſtem-
per in their eyes to retire to
Alpeni, were there fome time in
ſuſpenſe whether they ſhould re-
turn to Sparta, or to Thermo-
pyle, and there die with the reft
of their countrymen. At laft
Eurytus, hearing that the Per-
fians had gained the top of the
mountain, called for his armour,
and ordered his fervant to lead
him into the field of battle (for
he had almoſt quite loft his fight)
where he was killed. But Ari-
fodemus, wanting courage, ftaid
at Alpeni, and after the battle
returned ſafe to Sparta. Others
fay, that both Eurytus and Arifto-
demus had been diſpatched fome-
where with orders from the ar-
my; and that the latter might
have been back before the fight,
but delayed on purpoſe to avoid
the danger; whereas his compa-
nion arrived in due time, and
died in the field. It is alfo faid,
that another of the three hundred
Spartans, by name Pantites, fur-
(53) Herodot, I. vii. c. 229---231.
vived this action, and returned
to Sparta ; but, not being able
to bear the reproaches of the
Spartans, he laid violent hands
on himſelf. As for the Thebans,
and their general Leontides, they
were obliged for fome time to
fight against the Perfians in con-
junction with the other Greeks.
But they no fooner faw the Per-
fans defcending the hill to at-
tack them in the rear, but they
abandoned the reft of their al-
lies, and, approaching the Per-
fans with their arms ftretched
out, told them, that they had
been the firft among the Greeks
to prefent them with earth and
water, and that they were come
to Thermopyla againſt their will,
and no ways guilty of the lofs
they had fuftained. Thus the
Thebans faved their lives, though
the enemies killed many of them
as they advanced to furrender
themfelves. Many others were,
by command of Xerxes, branded
with the royal mark as flaves,
and among thoſe was Leontides
their general (54).
(14) Idem, ubi ſubra, c. 233.
2
glad
240
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Xerxes's glad to hear it, becauſe he liked to fight in the fhade. Xer-
indignity xes, enraged at Leonidas to the laft degree for daring to op-
to the body pofe him, caufed his head to be ftruck off, and his body to
of Leoni- be put up upon a crofs; which barbarous treatment redounded
das.
more to his own ignominy, than to the diſhonour of that great
hero". Some time after, a magnificent monument was ere-
&ted at Thermopyla, in honour of thoſe brave defenders of
Greece, with two infcriptions; the one general, and relating
to all thoſe who died on this occafion, importing, that the
Greeks of Peloponnefus, to the number only of four thouſand,
made head againſt the Perfian army, confifting of three mil-
lions: the other related to the Spartans in particular, and
was compofed by the poet Simonides, to this purport: Go, paf-
fenger, and acquaint the Spartans, that we died here in obedi-
ence to their just commands. At thofe tombs a funeral oration
was yearly pronounced in honour of the dead heroes, and
public games performed with great folemnity, wherein ñone
but the Lacedæmonians and Thespians had any fhare, to fhew,
that they alone were concerned in the glorious defence of
Thermopyla • (H).
XERXES, on this occafion, loft twenty thousand men;
and, being fenfible that fo great a lofs was capable of alarm-
ing and difcouraging his friends, he caufed all thofe that were
killed, except a thoufand, whofe bodies he left in the field, to
be privately buried; and then proceeded in his march through
·Boeotia to Attiea, where he arrived four months after he had
paffed the Hellefpont.
The famed THE very fame day, on which happened the glorious ac-
fea-fight of tion at Thermopyla, the two fleets engaged at Artemifium, a
Artemi- promontory of Eubea. That of the Greeks confifted of two
fium. hundred and feventy-one fail; but the Perfian fleet was far
more numerous, though they had loft, a few days before, in
a violent ſtorm, which continued four days, above four hundred
fhips. Notwithſtanding this lofs, they fent two hundred fhips,
with orders to fail round the iſland of Euboea, and encompass
the Grecian fleet, that none of their fhips might eſcape.
The Greeks, having intelligence of this defign, fet fail in the
night-time, in order to attack them by day-break. But, hav-
"HEROD. 1. vii. c. 238.
(H) There was, beſides theſe
infcriptions, a third relating to
the augur Megiflias, expreffed in
thefe words: "Under this ſtone
lies. divine Mcgilias, flain by
• Idem ibid. & feqq.
"the Medes; with an undaunted
heart he faw his fate approach-
ing, and refuſed to live when
"the Spartans had reſolved tê
"die (55)."
(55) Mercdut. I. vii. c. 228.
ing
C. XI.
241
The History of the Perfians.
ing miffed this fquadron, they advanced to Apheta, where
the whole Perfian fleet lay; and, after feveral encounters, in
which the Athenians gained confiderable advantages, they
came to a general engagement, which was very obftinate, and
the fuccefs pretty equal: however, the Greeks found it ne-
ceffary, their fhips having fuffered a great deal, to retire to
fome ſafer place, to refit; and accordingly, fteered their courſe
to the ftreights of Salamis, a ſmall iſland very near, and over-
againſt Attica. Though the engagement at Artemifium did
not bring matters to an abfolute decifion, yet it contributed
greatly to encourage the Athenians, who were now convinced,
that the enemies, notwithſtanding their great number, were
not invincible ".
As Xerxes entered Attica, the Athenians, not being in a Athens
condition to make head againſt fo powerful an army, were deferted by
prevailed upon by Themistocles to put all the citizens on board its citi-
the fleet, to ſecure their wives and children in Salamis, Ægina, zens.
and Træzene, and to abandon the city of Athens, which they
were no-ways in a condition to defend. The Perfians, arriving
in the neighbourhood of Athens, wafted the whole country,
putting all to fire and fword. A detachment was fent to
plunder the temple of Apollo at Delphos, which was exceeding
rich, by reaſon of the many offerings and donatives fent thi-
ther from all the parts of the east. If we may believe what
Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus relate of this matter, the Per-
fians no fooner advanced near the temple of Minerva, but a
violent ftorm arifing, accompanied with impetuous winds,
thunder and lightning, two great rocks rolled down from
mount Parnaffus, and crufined the greateft part of that de-
tachment ". The main body of the army arriving at Athens,
found it deferted by all its inhabitants, except a finall number
of citizens, who literally interpreting Apollo's oracle, That
Athens fhould be faved by wooden walls, had fortified that place
with boards and palifadoes. They defended themfelves with Taken and
incredible courage and refolution; and, at laft, as they would burnt by
hearken to no terms of accommodation whatfoever, were all the Per-
cut in pieces. Xerxes burnt the city, and all its temples, down fians.
to the ground; and immediately difpatched a meffenger to
Sufa, with the agreeable news of his fuccefs to his uncle Arta-
banus, in whofe hands he had left the government, during his
abfence º.
In the mean time, the Grecian fleet being reinforced by a
great many fhips, which joined them from feveral parts of
Greece, to the number of three hundred fail, Eurybiades, com-
m HEROD. 1. vii. c. 1–13. n' Idem ibid. c.
ibid. c. 51-53.
VOL. V.
R
37 • Idem
mander
242
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
1
<
The Gre-
cian fleet
at Sala-
mis.
mander in chief of all the naval forces, fummoned a council,
in order to confult about the meaſures that ſeemed moſt proper
in the preſent ſtate of affairs. In this council, a great debate
arofe among the commanders; fome, and among thefe Eury-
biades, were for retiring to the ifthmus of Corinth, that they
might be nearer the army which guarded that paffage, under
the command of Cleombrotus the brother of Leonidas. Others,
at the head of whom was Themiftocles, who commanded the
Athenian fleet, was for remaining at Salamis, the moſt advan-
tageous place they could chooſe to engage the numerous fleet of
the enemies for in the ftreights of Salamis the Perfians could
not, by reafon of the narrowneſs of the ſea, extend their line
beyond that of the Greeks; and confequently, would be
obliged to fight upon equal terms, without reaping any advan-
tage from their numbers. After many warm difputes, Eury-
biades, with all the other commanders, came over to the opi-
nion of Themistocles, fearing that the Athenians, whofe fhips
made up above one half of the fleet, would feparate from the
allies, if they abandoned that poft, as Themistocles in his ſpeech
had infinuated. It was therefore unanimouſly refolved, that,
in the freights of Salamis, they fhould wait for the Perfian.
fleet, and there engage them P.
1.
A council of war likewife was held on the fide of the Per-
ftans, in order to determine whether they ſhould hazard a naval
engagement, or not. All the commanders were for engaging,
becauſe they knew this advice to be moſt agreeable to the king's
Artemifia inclinations. Queen Artemifia was the only perfon that op-
diffuades pofed this refolution. She was queen of Halicarnaffus, and
the Per-followed Xerxes in this war with five fhips, the best equipped
Lans frem, of any in the fleet, except thofe of the Sidonians. This prin-
engaging cefs diftinguiſhed herſelf, on all occafions, by her fingular cou-
at fea. rage, and ftill more by her prudence and conduct; for our
author obſerves, that there was not one who gave Xerxes fo
good advice as this heroine. She reprefented, in the council
of war we are fpeaking of, the dangerous confequences of en-
-gaging a people that were far more expert in maritime affairs
than the Perfians, alleging, that the lofs of a battle at ſea
would be attended with the ruin of their army; whereas, by
fpinning out the war, and advancing into the heart of Greece,
they would create jealoufies and divifions among their enemies,
who would feparate from one another, in order to defend each
of them their own country: and that the king might, almoſt
without ftriking a blow, make himſelf matter of Greece 4.
This advice, though very prudent, was not followed, but an
engagement unanimouſly refolved upon. Xerxes, in order to-
• HEROD, I. viii. 6. 45, 57, 60, 65.
• Idem ibid. c. 68. -
encou-
1
C. XI.
243
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
encourage his men with his prefence, caufed a throne to be
erected on the top of an eminence, whence he might fafely
behold whatever happened, having feveral fcribes about him,
to write down the names of fuch as fhould fignalize themſelves.
againft the enemy. The approach of the Perfian fleet, with
the news, that a ftrong detachment from the army was march-
ing againſt Cleombrotus, who defended the ifthmus, ftruck The Pelo-
fuch a terror into the Peloponnefians, that they could not, by ponne-
any intreaties, be prevailed upon to ftay any longer at Salamis, lians over-
Being therefore determined to put to fea, and fail to the reached by
ifthmus, Themistocles privately difpatched a trufty friend to the
Themifto-
Perfian commanders, informing them of the intended flight; cles.
and exhorting them to ſend part of their fleet round the iſland,
in order to prevent their efcape. The fame meffenger affured
Xerxes, that Themistocles, who had fent him that advice, de-
figned to join the Perfians, as foon as the battle began, with
all the Athenian fhips. The king, giving credit to all he ſaid,
immediately cauſed a ſtrong fquadron to fail round the iſland,
in the night, in order to cut off the enemy's flight. Early
next morning, as the Peloponnefians were preparing to fet fail,
they found themfelves encompaffed on all fides by the Perfian
fleet; and were, against their will, obliged to remain in the
ftreights of Salamis, and expofe themfelves to the fame dan-
gers with their allies". The Grecian fleet confifted of three
hundred and eighty fail, that of the Perfians of two thoufand,
and upwards. Themistocles avoided the engagement, till a
certain wind, which rofe regularly every day at the fame time,
and was intirely contrary to the enemy, began to blow. As
foon as he found himſelf favoured by this wind, he gave the
fignal for battle. The Perfians, knowing that they fought
under their king's eye, advanced with great refolution; but
the wind blowing directly in their faces, and the largeneſs and
number of their fhips embaraffing them, in a place ſo ftreight
and narrow, their courage foon abated: which the Greeks ob-
ferving, ufed fuch efforts, that, in a fhort time breaking into
the Perfian fleet, they intirely difordered them, fome flying The Per-
towards Phalerus, where their army lay encamped, others fian fleet
faving themſelves in the harbours of the neighbouring iflands. defeated by
The Ionians were the first that betook themſelves to flights. the Greeks
But queen Artemifia diftinguifhed herſelf above all the reft, her Artemi-
fhips being the laft that fed: which Xerxes obferving, cried fia's bra-
out, that the men behaved like women, and the women with vary, and
the courage and intrepidity of men. The Athenians were fo? narrow
incenſed againſt her, that they offered a reward of ten thou- eftape.
fand drachmas to any one that ſhould take her alive; but fhe,
HEROD. 1. viii. c. 74-76.
Idem ibid. c. 83-85.
R 2
in
244
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
retreat
in Ipite of all their efforts, got clear of the fhips that purſued
her, and arrived fafe on the coaft of Afia. In this engage-
ment, which was one of the most memorable actions we find
recorded in hiftory, the Grecians loft forty fhips, and the Per-
fians two hundred, befides a great many more that were taken,
with all the men and ammunition they carried. Many of
their allies, dreading the king's cruelty, made the beſt of their
Xerxes's way to their refpective countries. Xerxes, being under no
ſmall apprehenfion left the conquerors fhould fail to the Hellef
and difirefs pont, and there obftruct his return, left Mardonius in Greece,
with an army of three hundred thouſand men, and marched
with the reſt towards Thrace, in order to croſs the Hellefpont.
As no provifions had been prepared beforehand, his army
underwent great hardships during the whole time of his march,
which lafted five-and-forty days. The foldiers were obliged to
live upon herbs, and even the bark and leaves of trees; which
occafioned innumerable diftempers, that fwept off the greater
part of them. The king, finding that his army was not in a
condition to purfue the march fo expeditiously as he defired, ad-
vanced with a finall retinue, leaving the reft behind; but, when
he arrived at the Hellefpont, he found the bridge broken down
by the violence of the ftorms; and was reduced to the neceffity
of croffing over in a fishing-boat. From the Hellefpont he
continued his flight to Sardis, where he took up his quarters
for the enfuing year.
THE first thing the Athenians took care of after the battle,
was to fend the firft-fruits of their victory to Delphos, where
they enriched the temple with the fpoils of thofe who not long.
before had pillaged it. Their next thought was, to reward thoſe
who had fignalized themſelves above the reft. It was a cuſtom
in Greece, that, after an engagement, the commanding officers
ſhould declare who, in their opinion, had moſt diſtinguiſhed
themſelves during the conflict, by writing down the names of
the perſon that deferved the first, and of him who deferyed the
fecond prize. On this occafion, each captain, being ambi-
tious of that honour, wrote down his own name in the firſt
Themifto- place, and, in the fecond, the name of Themistocles; which
eles gains plainly proved, that he deferved the preference to all. And
the prize accordingly, he was diftinguiſhed with honours, which, to
of his va that time, had never been bestowed upon any other, as we
tour.
fhall have occafion to relate, in the hiftory of Greece ".
ABOUT the fame time that the actions of Thermopyle and
Salamis happened, the formidable army of the Carthaginians,
confifting of three hundred thouſand men, was intirely defeated
HEROD. 1. viii. c. 86-88, & 92. JUSTIN. 1 i. c. 12.
Rep.-J. vii, c. 122, 123.
" HE-
by
C. XI.
245.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
by Gelo king of Syracufe. We fhall give a particular account
of this victory, in the hiftory of the Carthaginians.
ON Xerxes's departure out of Greece, Mardonius, having
paffed the winter in Theffaly and Macedonia, marched early
in the fpring into Baotia: from thence he fent Alexander
king of Macedon, with very advantageous offers to the people
of Athens, in order to draw them off from the common alliance.
The offers he made were, to rebuild, at the king's charges,
their city, and whatever other edifices had been demoliſhed the
year before in Attica; to fuffer them to live according to their
own laws; to reinftate them in all their former poffeffions;
and to add to them whatever other lands they ſhould defire..
Alexander, as being their antient friend, exhorted them, in his
own name, to lay hold on fo favourable an opportunity of re-
fettling their affairs, reprefenting that they were not in a con-
dition to ftand out againſt fo powerful an enemy. But the
Athenians could not, by any means, be prevailed upon to de-
ſert the intereſt of Greece. Whereupon Mardonius marched, Attica
with all his army, into Attica, wafting and deftroying what-wasted by
ever he found in his way. The Athenians, not being in a con- Mardo-
dition to withſtand fuch a torrent, retired to Salamis, Ægina, nius.
and Træzene; and the ſecond time abandoned their city. Mar-
donius entered Athens, and demoliſhed whatever had eſcaped
their fury the preceding year . In the mean time, the joint-
forces of Greece being drawn together on the ifthmus of Co-
rinth, Mardonius thought fit to march back into Baotia: for
that, being an open and level country, was more fit for him tọ
engage in than Attica, which was rough, craggy, full of hills,
and narrow paffes. On his return into Bastia, he encamped
on the banks of the Afopus. The Greeks followed him thi
ther, under the command of Paufanias king of Sparta, and
of Ariftides, commander in chief of the Athenians. The Per-
fan army, according to the computation of Herodotus, con- The
fifted of three hundred and fifty thoufand men; according to frength of
Diodorus, of five hundred thoufand men: that of the Grecians the Per-
did not amount to the number of one hundred and ten thou- fian and
fand. Mardonius, in order to try the courage of the Greeks, Grecian
fent out his cavalry, in which the main ftrength of his army
conſiſted, to ſkirmish with the enemy. The Megarians, who
were encamped on a plain, fuftained the firft onfet; but, in
fpite of all their refolution, were forced to give way, being
overwhelmed with the enemies arrows. As they were giving
ground, a detachment of three hundred dtberians, with a
finall number of bowmen, advanced to their relief. Mafiftius,
general of the Perfian horfe, and one highly efteemed in Per-
HEROD. 1. viii. c. 113, 114. & l. ix. c. 3, 13, 4.
R 3
Jia,
army.
246
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
fia, feeing them adyance in good order, commanded his ca-
valry to face about, and attack them. The fhock was very
violent, both parties endeavouring to fhew, by the iffue of
this encounter, what might be the fuccefs of a general engage-
ment. The victory was a long time doubtful, but, at laft,
Mafiftius Mafiftius being killed, the Perfians betook themſelves to fight.
defeated The death of Mafiftius was greatly lamented by the Perfians,
and killed. who, to fhew their concern for the lofs of fo brave a com-
mander, cut off their hair, and likewife the manes of their
horfes, filling the camp with loud cries and lamentations *
After this encounter, the two armies continued for the ſpace
of ten days only looking at one another. At laft, Mardonius,
who was of a firy temper, not being able to bear any farther
delays, and his provifions being almoſt confumed, called a
council of war, in order to deliberate whether they fhould
give battle, or retire till fuch time as they were fupplied with
freſh provifions. Artabazus, a nobleman of great diftinction
and experience, was of opinion, that they fhould not hazard
a battle, but retire under the walls of Thebes, where they
fhould be in a condition to lay in ftores of provifions and forage.
He alleged that, by delaying, they might caft a damp upon
the ardour of the enemies; and, in the mean time, by fending
rich preſents to their leaders, prevail upon them to betray the
common liberty, without hazarding a battle. The Thebans
were of the fame opinion; but that of Mardonius, who was
for engaging, prevailed, none of the other commanders daring
to contradict him; and the refult of their deliberations was,
that they ſhould give battle the next day. Alexander king of
Macedon, who in his heart favoured the Greeks, came fecretly,
about midnight, into their camp, and informed Ariſtides of all
that had paffedy.
Both ar
mies re-
Solve to
engage.
THE Greek generals, upon this notice, ordered their offi-
cers to prepare for battle. Before they engaged, Paufanias
thought fit to change the order of battle, and place the Athe
nians, who were in the left wing, on the right, that they
might ſtand oppofite to the Medes and Perfians, whom they had
formerly conquered at Marathon, while he, with his Spartans,
engaged the Thebans and other Greeks, who ferved in the Per-
fian army, and had been often routed by the Spartans. But
Mardonius, upon the intelligence he had of this new difpofi-
tion, made the like change; which obliged the Greeks to re-
turn to their former ſtations; and the Perfians likewiſe ranged
their army according to their firft difpofition. Thus did all
that day paſs without any action. In the evening, the Greeks
held a council of war, in which it was refolved, that they
y Idem ibid. c. 43.
* HEROD. 1. ix. c. 22, 24.
fhould
CXI.
247
The History of the Perfians.
+
fhould decamp, and retire to fome other place more conve-
niently fituated for water. Night coming on, and the officers
endeavouring, at the head of the bodies they commanded, to
make what haſte they could to the new camp that was marked
out for them, great confufion happened, fome going one way,
and fome another, without obferving any order in their march.
At laſt they ſtopped near the little city of Platea. Mardonius, The battle
being informed that the Greeks were retired by night, drew up of Platæa.
his army in battle-array, and purfued them with great fhouts,
*
Bef. Chr.
479-
as if he were not to fight, but to ftrip and plunder a flying Year of
enemy. He did not fail on this occafion to infult Artabazus, the flood
reproaching him with his cowardly prudence, and the falfe 1869.
notion he had conceived of the Lacedemonians, who never
fled, as he pretended, before the enemy. Having paffed the
Afopus, he came up with the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans,
who were feparated from the body of the army, to the number
of fifty-three thouſand men. Paufanias, find ng himſelf thus
attacked by the whole Perfian army, diſpatched a meſſenger
to acquaint the Athenians, who had taken another route, with
the danger he was in. The Athenians immediately put them-
felves on their march to fuccour their diftreffed allies; but
were attacked, and, to their great regret, prevented, by thoſe
Greeks, who fided with the Perfians. The battle being thus The Per-
fought in two different places, the Spartans were the firft who fians de-
broke into the very centre of the Perfian army, and, after a feated.
moft obftinate reliftance, put them to flight. Mardonius,
mounted on a white horfe, fignalized himſelf on this occafion,
and, at the head of a thouſand chofen men, made a great
flaughter of the enemy; but, he falling, the whole Perfian
army was eaſily routed; which thofe Greeks, who had engaged nius killed.
the Athenians, hearing, retired with precipitation, leaving the
Athenians maſters of the field. The Perfians filed to their for-
mer camp, which they had fortified with an incloſure of wood.
The Lacedæmonians purſued them; but were not able to force
the intrenchment, not being accuſtomed to beſiege towns, or
ftorm fortified places. The Athenians, hearing that the Per-
fians were thus fhut up in their camp, gave over purſuing the
Greeks, and haftened to the affiftance of the Lacedæmonians,
whom they found bufied in forcing the enemy's camp with
more valour than fkill: wherefore they took upon themſelves The Per-
that labour, and foon made a breach in the wall, through fan camp
which entering, together with the Lacedæmonians, they made forced by
fuch a dreadful flaughter of the enemy, that, of three hundred the Athe-
thoufand, fcarce three thoufand made their efcape. Artaba- nians.
zus, who, from Mardonius's imprudent conduct, had but too
well foreſeen the misfortune that befel them, after having di-
ftinguiſhed himſelf in the engagement, made a timely retreat,
R 4
with
Mardo-
248
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
with the forty thouſand men he commanded; and, being ar-
rived fafe at Byzantium, from thence paffed over into Afia.
During the whole engagement, the Spartans loft but ninety-
one men, the Tegeans fixteen, and the Athenians fifty-two.
When they came to determine who had behaved with moſt
courage, they all gave judgment in favour of Ariftodemus,
who was the only one that had faved himſelf at Thermopyla,
and had now wiped off the blemiſh of his former conduct by a
The im- moft glorious death. The fpoil was immenfe, confifting in
menfe ſpoil vaft fums of money, in gold and filver cups, veffels, tables,
of it.
bracelets, rich beds, and all forts of furniture. They gave
the tenth of all to Paufanias, who behaved in a very extraor-
dinary manner; and the others were rewarded each according
to his merit s. Thus was Greece delivered not only from the
prefent, but all future invafions of the Perfians, who hence-
forward never appeared on this fide the Hellefpont.
Th: Per-
fans de
feated be-
Fore My
cale.
THE fame day that this battle was fought at Platea, the
Grecian fleet gained as memorable a victory at Mycale, a pro-
montory in Afia, over the remainder of the Perfian navy; for,
at the fame time that the land-forces of Greece rendezvouſed on
the ifthmus of Corinth, their fleet met at Ægina, under the
command of Leotychides the other king of Sparta, and Xantip-
pus the Athenian. Thither embaffadors came to their com-
manders from the Ionians, inviting them into Afia, to deliver
the Greek colonics from the Perfian yoke. On this invitation,
they immediately fet fail for Afia, fteering their courſe by
Delos, where they were met by other embaſſadors from Samos,
who brought them intelligence, that the Perfian fleet, which
had wintered at Cuma, was then at Samos, where it might
eaſily be deſtroyed, earneftly intreating them at the fame time
not to neglect fo favourable an opportunity. Hereupon they
failed forthwith to Samos; but the Perfian fleet, receiving
timely notice of their defign, retired to Mycale, where the
army lay encamped, confifting of an hundred thousand men,
the remainder of thoſe Xerxes had brought back out of Greece
the year before. Here they drew their fhips afhore, and threw
up an intrenchment quite round, which they fortified with
palifadoes, being determined to fuftain a fiege. The Greeks,
arriving at Mycale, found all the enemy's fhips within the cir
cumvallation, and a numerous army diſpoſed along the coaſt;
but, however, did not meet with the leaft oppoſition in landing
their men, and drawing them up in battle-array; which when
they had done, they attacked the enemy with fuch vigour, that
they obliged them to fly to their intrenchments, and purfued
them fo cloſe, that they entered the camp at the fame time.
S HEROD. 1. ix. c. 31 ~69.'
When
C.XI.
249
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
When the enemy faw their intrenchments forced, all the auxi-:
liaries betook themfelves to flight; but the Perfians, though
reduced to a ſmall number, ftill continued to diſpute the en-
trance of their camp againſt the Greeks pouring in on all fides.
But, in the mean time, the Lacedæmonians, who had taken a'
wider compaſs, arriving with other troops of the allies, the
Perfians likewife abandoned their poft, and faved themſelves
by flying to the paffages of the neighbouring hills. Before the
engagement, they had appointed the Mileftans to guard the
narrow paffages of the mountains, that they might have a ſafe
retreat, in cafe they were put to fight, and fure guides to con-
duct them through the mountains, the Milefians being well
acquainted with the country; but they treacherously brought Betrayed
back, by other ways, to the enemy, fuch as fled to them, by by the Mi-
which means a very finall number eſcaped the general flaughter lefians.
of that day. The two Perfian generals, Mardontes and Ti-
granes, died in the field, with many other commanders of
great diftinction. The Greeks, having made a prodigious ha
vock of the enemy both in the action, and in the purfuit, fet
fire to their fhips, burnt the whole camp, and failed for Sa-
mos, loaded with an immenfe booty, confifting of feventy
chefts of money, befides many other things of ineftimable va-
lue t. And thus ended all the great defigns of Xerxes in a moſt
miſerable diſappointment, a ſmall number of thofe millions of
men now remaining, with which the year before he marched
ſo proudly over the Hellefpont.
THE battle of Platea was fought in the morning, and that
of Mycale in the afternoon of the fame day; and yet all the
Greek writers pretend, that the victory at Platea was known
at Mycale before the engagement began there, though thoſe
two places were parted by the whole Egean, a ſea of ſeveral
days fail. But Diodorus Siculus clears up this matter, telling
us, that Leotychides, obferving his troops to be in great pain for Leotychi-
their countrymen at Platea, left they fhould be overpowered des's ftra-
by the numerous army of Mardonius, in order to raiſe their tagem.
ſpirits and courage, caufed a report to be ſpread in the army,
that the Perfians were defeated at Platea, though, at that
time, he knew nothing of the matter ".
:
XERXES, upon the news of thefe two overthrows, left Xerxes's
Sardis with the fame hurry and precipitation as he had left hofly flight
Athens after the battle of Salamis, making all the hafte he could
towards Perfia, that he might get as far as poffible out of the The Greek
reach of the conquering enemy. But, before he fet out, he temples
gave orders, that all the temples of the Great cities in a detroved.
t
HEROD. 1. ix. c. 89, 96, 99 --103.
1. xi. p. 28
་
a DIOD. SICUL.
fhould
250
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
conveys the
Perfian
Spoils to
Athens.
fhould be burnt and demolished; and his orders were fo far
executed, that not one was left ſtanding, except that of Diana
at Ephesus w (I).
W
THE Grecian fleet, after the battle of Mycale, fteered their
courſe firſt to Samos, and therice to the Hellefpont, in order to
poffefs themfelves of the bridges, which Xerxes had caufed to
be laid over thofe ftreights; but, finding them broken by
forms, Leotychides, with his Peloponnefian forces, failed home.
Xantippus Xantippus, with the Athenians, and his allies the Ionians, re-
maining there, made himſelf mafter of Seftus, and the whole
Thracian Cherfonefus, where the army was enriched with an
immenfe booty, which, on the approach of the winter, they
carried home, every one returning then to their respective
countries. Xantippus, finding all the materials of the bridges
at Cardia, whither they had been conveyed by order of Xer-
xes, carried them with him to Athens, where they were pre-
ferved for many years, as a monument of the many victories,
which the Greeks obtained in this war *. From this time, the
Ionian cities in Afia, fhaking off the Perfian yoke, recovered
their antient liberty, and maintained it as long as that empire
fubfifted.
Perfians THE Greeks, having fettled their affairs at home, refolved
driven out to purſue the war, and drive the Perfians out of all the Greek
of Cyprus. cities in Afia, and the neighbouring iſlands. With this view,
Year of they equipped a powerful feet, which, failing to Cyprus, under
the flood the command of Paufanias and Ariftides, drove the Perfians
1871. out of that iſland, and reſtored the inhabitants to their antient
Bef. Chr. Liberty ".
477.
v.
STRABO, 1. xiv. CURT. 1. vii. c. 5. SOLIN. c. 40.
× HI-
ROD. 1. ix. c. 118, 119, 120. & DIOD. SIC. 1. xi. ad ann. 2. olymp.
75. Y DIOD. SIC. ad ann. 4. olymp. 75. & THUCYD. 1. i. &
PLUTARCH. in Ariftide.
(I) We will not pretend to
determine whether Xerxes's re-
fentment, after fo many de-
feats, prompted him to this, or
a fingular zeal for the inftitution
of the mages, in whofe religion.
he had been thoroughly inſtruct-
ed by Zoroaftres; for, that reli-
gion expreffing a great detefta-
tion of worshiping GOD by
images, its zealots were for de-
ftroying all idolatrous temples
where-ever they came: and, to
keep Xerxes fteady in their par-
ty, not only feveral of the chief
doctors of the mages, but Ofta-
nes himſelf, who was then at the
head of the whole fect, attended
him during the whole time of
this expedition (56 fo that, if
we may credit Cicero (57), it
was at their inftigation, that all
thofe temples were deſtroyed.
:
(56) Clem. Alexandrin. in protrept. Laert, in procm. Pocock. Specim. bift. Arab.
p. 148, 149.
(57) Cic. de legib. 1. ii.
WHILE
C. XI.
251
The History of the Perfians.
with his
in-law.
WHILE Xerxes refided at Sardis, he conceived a violent
paffion for the wife of his brother Mafftes, a prince of extra-
ordinary merit, and who had ſerved the king with great zeal
and fidelity. As fhe was a woman of great virtue, and had a
fingular value for her huſband, fhe could, by no folicitations,
be prevailed upon to defile his bed. However, the king, ftill
flattering himſelf, that, by heaping favours upon her, he might
at laft conquer her virtue, married his eldeft fon Darius, whom
he appointed his fucceffor to the crown, to Artaynta, this prin-
cefs's daughter. As this was the greateft favour he could be-
ftow on the mother, he expected it would engage her to com-
ply with his defires. But Xerxes, finding her virtue proof
againſt all temptations, changed his inclinations for the mother, Xerxes's
and fell paffionately in love with the daughter, who was now inceftuous
the wife of his own fon, and did not follow the glorious ex- intrigue
ample of her mother's firmneſs and virtue. While this in-
trigue was carrying on, Hameftris, wife to Xerxes, having daughter-
wrought a very rich and curious mantle, prefented it to the
king; which he, being wonderfully pleafed with it, put on
when he firft vifited his miftrefs. In the converfation he had
with her, he defired her to afk whatever favour fhe pleaſed;
binding himſelf by an oath to deny her nothing. Hereupon
Artaynta defired him to give her the mantle. Xerxes, fore-
feeing the bad confequences that would neceffarily enfue from
his complying with her requeft, did all that lay in his power
to diffuade her from infifting upon her firft demand. He of-
fered her immenfe treaſures, with cities, and an army, to be
folely at her difpofal; which was one of the greateſt preſents
that the Perftan kings could make. But, not being able to
prevail upon her, and thinking himſelf bound by his imprudent
promiſe, and raſh oath, he yielded to her demand, and gave
her the mantle; which fhe immediately put on, and publicly
wore, as a trophy of her power over the king's affections.
Hameftris, being now confirmed in the fufpicion fhe had en- Hame-
tertained, was incenfed to the higheſt degree; but, inſtead of ftris's cru-
venting her rage againſt the daughter, who alone was faulty, elty to the
refolved to be revenged on the mother, whom fhe looked innocent
upon as the author of the whole intrigue, though fhe was no wife of
ways privy to it. For the better executing her defign, fhe
waited the great feſtival, which was annually celebrated on
the king's birth-day: on which occafion the king, according
to the eſtabliſhed cuftom of the country, ufed to grant the
queen whatever the demanded. This day being come, fhe
afked, that the wife of his brother Mafistes might be delivered
into her hands. Xerxes, who apprehended the queen's de-
fign, was ftruck with horror at her demand, both out of re-
gard to his Brother, and becauſe he knew, that his wife was
I
quite
Mafiítes.
252
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
quite innocent; and therefore at firſt withſtood her requeſt :
but, being at laft overcome by her importunity, he confented
with the utmoſt reluctancy to her requeft; and, ordering his
guards to feize the innocent princefs, delivered her into the
hands of the revengeful and enraged Hameftris, impowering
her to treat her as the pleaſed. In confequence of this power,
Hameftris caufed her breafts, tongue, noſe, ears, and lips,
to be cut off, and thrown to the dogs before her face; and
then fent her home in that miferable condition to her huſ-
band. In the mean time, Xerxes had fent for his brother, to
prepare him for this melancholy and tragical adventure. He
firſt told him, that he muſt part with his wife, and that he de-
figned to fupply her place with one of his own daughters. But
Mafiftes, who was paffionately fond of his wife, could not be
induced, by any offers whatſoever, to divorce her. Whereupon
Xerxes, in great warmth, told him, that, fince he refuſed his.
daughter, he ſhould neither have her, nor his own wife; and,
Mafiftes, with this inhuman reply, difmiffed him. Mafftes, from this
fpeech, apprehending fome great misfortune, made all the
hafte he could home, to fee what had paffed during his ab-
fence. On his arrival, he found his wife in that deplorable
condition we have defcribed; and, being exaſperated to the
higheſt degree, as the cafe did juftly deferve, he immediately
affembled all his family, fervants, and dependents; and fet out
with all poffible expedition for the province of Bactriana, of
which he was governor, with full refolution, as foon he ar-
rived there, to induce the Bactrians to revolt, and revenge
fuch a barbarous ufage in the fevereft manner. But Xerxes,
hearing of his fudden departure, and fufpecting from thence
his defign, fent a party of horſe after him; who, overtaking
him, cut him in pieces, with his wife, children, and all his
A fresh
retinue. There is another action no lefs cruel and impious
inftance related of Hameſtris: the caufed fourteen children of the beſt
of Hame- families in Perfia to be buried alive, as a facrifice to the infer-
ftris's cru- nal gods *.
and his
wife and
family,
maſſacred
by Xerxes.
elty.
UPON the death of Mafifies, Xerxes appointed Hyftafpes,
his fecond fon, to be governor of Bactria; which, obliging
him to live at a diftance from court, gave his younger brother
Artaxerxes an opportunity of mounting the throne before him,
as will be ſeen in its proper place.
THE Grecian fleet, having driven the Perfians out of Cyprus,
Byzan-
failed from thence to the Hellefpont, and reduced the city of
tium taken Byzantium, where they took feveral prifoners of eminent note,
from the
and fome nearly related to Xerxes himself; but they were all
treacherously releafed by Paufanias, pretending they had made
Perfans.
* HEROг. 1. ix. c. 107. 112.
*
their
C. XI.
253
The Hiftory of the <-
Perfians.
1872.
their efcape, as we ſhall relate more at length in the hiftory. Year of
of Greece. A few years after, the Athenian fleet, under the the flood
command of Cimon the ſon of Miltiades, took Eione on the
river Strymon, and brought again under fubjection the iflands Bef. Chr.
of Scyrus and Naxus, which had revolted . Gimon, encou-
476.
raged with this fuccefs, paffed over to the coaſts of Aſia; and,
having driven the Perfians out of all the maritime cities of
Caria and Lycia, he failed from thence in queſt of their fleet; The Per-
and, finding it riding at the mouth of the river Eurymedon on fian fleet
the coaft of Pamphylia, while the army was encamped on the and army
fhore, he first attacked the fleet, and then the army, over- defeated by
threw both, and gained two victories on the fame day, whereof Cimon.
the one was equal to the victory of Salamis, and the other to
that of Platea 2. The next year, Cimon drove the Perfians Year of
out of the Thracian Cherfonefus, fubdued the Thafians, who the flood
had revolted from the Athenians, and then, landing his army 1878.
on the oppofite ſhore of Thrace, feized on the gold-mines on Bef. Chr.
thoſe coafts, and reduced all that country as far as Macedon ↳
as we thall relate at length in a more proper place.
T
470.
XERXES, being wholly difcouraged by a continual ſeries of
heavy loffes, and fhameful defeats, gave over all thoughts of
war and conquefts, and never afterwards fuffered his ſhips to
appear in the Egean fea, or his forces on the coaſts. He gave
himſelf intirely up to luxury and eaſe, minding nothing, but
the gratifying his lufts and vitious inclinations. This diffolute
manner of life drew upon him the contempt and hatred of his
fubjects; which induced Artabanus, a native of Hyrcania, Artaba-
captain of his guards, and who had long been his chief favour- nus's
ite, to confpire against him. He prevailed upon Mithridates, treachery.
one of the eunuchs of the palace, to engage in the confpiracy;
and, being by him let into the king's bed-chamber, murdered Xerxes
him, in the twenty-firft year of his reign, while he was murdered.
afleep (K). He then went to Artaxerxes the king's third fon, Year of
and the flood
Y THUCYD. 1. i. Z DIODOR. 1. ii. PLUTARCH. in Cimone.
2 DIODOR, & PLUT, ibid. THUCYD. 1. i. EMIL. PROB. in Cimone.
PLUTARCH. ibid.
(K) Archbishop Uber places
the death of Xerxes, and confe-
quently the acceffion of Artaxer-
xes, in the year of the world
3530, before Chrift 474; take-
ing thereby nine years from the
reign of the former, and adding
them to the reign of the latter,
and of his fon Xerxes, whom he
fuppofes to have reigned a year.
The primate is herein counte-
nanced, in fome degree, by the
authority of Thucydides (57). But
as that hiftorian is contradicted
by Ptolemy's canon, Diodorus Sicu-
lus, Africanus, Eufebius, and all
(57) Vide Uff. ad A. M. 3531, 3332,
who
1892.
Bef. Chr.
456.
254
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perſians.
and charged Darius his elder brother with the murder, as
though an eager defire of afcending the throne had prompted
him to that execrable crime. He told him at the fame time,
that he defigned to cut him off next, in order to fecure the
crown to himself; and therefore he ought to guard againft all
dangers. Artaxerxes, being then a very young man, rafhly
believed whatever Artabanus told him; and, without further
examination, went immediately to his brother's apartment;
and there, being affifted by Artabanus and his guards, mur-
murdered. desed him. The next heir was Hyftafpes, the ſecond ſon of
Xerxes; but, as he was then in Bactriana, of which province.
Artaxer- he was governor, Artabanus placed Artaxerxes on the throne,
xes mounts but with a deſign to let him enjoy the fovereignty only till fuch
the throne. time as he had formed a party ftrong enough to drive him from
Darius
it, and feize it himself. His great authority had gained him
many dependents; and befides, he had feven fons, who were
all of robuft bodies, courageous, and raiſed to the higheft dig-
nities of the empire. His confidence in theſe inſpired him
with this defign; but, while he was baftening to put it in ex-
Artabanus ecution, Artaxerxes, being informed of the whole plot by
difcovered, Megabyzus, who had married one of his fifters, was before-
and put to hand with him in a counter plot, and killed him, before his
treafon was ripe for execution. His death fecured to Arta-
death.
xerxes the poffeffion of the kingdom d (K). He is ſaid to have
© Diod. Sic. 1. xi. p. 53.
c. 2. JUSTIN. 1. iii. c. 1.
who have written of thoſe times,
we are inclined to think he was
miſtaken in this particular: for,
tho' he is univerfally allowed to
be very exact in the affairs of
Greece, of which he profeffedly
writes, yet he might be mistaken
in thofe of Perfia, which he
fpeaks of only by-the-by. What
induced the archbiſhop to prefer
thé authority of Thucydides to
that of all other writers, was,
its wonderfully helping his hy-
pothefis concerning the compu-
tation of the feventy weeks of
Daniel's prophecy. For if we
place the twentieth year of Arta-
xerxes Longimanus, from whence
he reckons the beginning of the
feventy weeks, nine years higher
been
Idem ibid. p. 52. CTESIAS,
than others do, the middle of
the laſt week will exactly fall in
with the time when CHRIST was
crucified. But the authority of
Thucydides, eſpecially as it is con-
tradicted by all the antients, is
not, in our opinion, a fufficient
foundation for an hypothefis of
this nature.
(K) Whether Artabanus pof-
feffed himſelf of the throne, and
held it feven months, as fome
authors affirm, or was killed by
Artaxerxes before he accom-
pliſhed his defign, is no eafy
matter to determine with any
certainty. The feven first months,
however, of the reign of Artaxer-
xes(58), are, by Eufebius, affigned
to Artabanus; but whether be-
(58) Eufeb. in chron.
caufe
C.XI.
255
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
been the handſomeſt man of the age he lived in, and a prince
of a very mild and generous difpofition. By the Greeks he is
called, or rather nicknamed, Macrocheir, that is, long-handed,
by reaſon of the more than ordinary length of his hands (L);
but, in Scripture, he bears the name of Abafuerus, as well as
that of Artaxerxes, and is the fame who had Ether for his
queen (M).
cauſe he ruled fo long in his
name, or on what other ac-
count, is not eaſy to determine.
(L) Strabo (59) tells us, that
he was fo called, becauſe his
hands were fo long, that when
he ſtood upright, he could touch
his knees with them; but, ac-
cording to Plutarch (60), he
had that name, becauſe his right
hand was longer than his left.
He is named by the Latins Lon-
gimanus, which anſwers the Greek
Μακιό χειρο
(M) Some are of opinion, that
Darius Hyftafpis was the king
Abafuerus who married Efther;
and that Atoffa was the Vashti,
and Artyſtona the Efther of Scrip
ture (61). But this opinion is
quite inconfiftent with what we
read of theſe perſons in profane
hiftory; for Herodotus tells us
(62), that Artyftona was the
daughter of Cyrus, and there-
fore ſhe could not be Efther;
and that Atoſſa had four fons by
Darius, all born after he had
afcended the throne (63);
and therefore ſhe could not be
that queen Vashti, whom the
king divorced in the third year
of his reign (64); nor he, con-
fequently, that king Abafuerus.
Befides, Atoffa had fuch an afcen-
dant over the king, that he was
influenced by her, on his death-
HAVING,
bed, to difinherit his elder fons
by a former wife, and ſettle the
crown on Xerxes her fon; where-
as the Abafuerus of Scripture di-
vorced Vashti by an unalterable
decree, and therefore could ne-
ver admit her again to his bed
(65). What induced the learn-
ed primate of Ireland to be of
this opinion, was, that Ahasuerus,
in the book of Eſther (66), is
faid to have laid a tribute on the
land, and on the ifles; and the
fame is faid of Darius Hyftafpis
by Herodotus (67); but this,
Strabo afcribes to Darius Longi-
manus (68), as we read in the
printed copies; and the furname
of Longimanus, with the defcrip-
tion of the perſon in that place,
plainly fhews, that Darius was
there, by mistake of the tran-
fcribers, put inftead of Arta-
xerxes, feeing no Darius ever
bore that name; and what is
faid there of Darius, is appli-
cable to none but Artaxerxes.
Scaliger is of opinion (69),
that Xerxes was the Abafuerus,
and his queen Hameftris the
Efther of Scripture; induced
thereunto by the fimilitude he
finds between Hameftris and
Efther. But the diffimilitude of
their characters is a stronger
proof, that Humeftris could not
be Efther, as muſt appear from
(60) Plutarch, in Artax.
(62) Heredet. . iii. c. 88. & 1. vi. c. 69.
(64) Eftber i. 3.
(65) Ibid.
c. 95, 96.
(68) Strube,`l. xv. p. 735.
(59) Strabo, 1. xv. p. 735.
4. M. 3485.
7. vii. c. 3.
(67) Herodot, I. iii.
smendat, temp. l. vi,
(61) Uber. ad
(63) Idem,
(66) Ibid. x. 1.
(39) Scal. de
what
256
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Artaxer-
xes Lon- competitor, he had ftill two great obftacles in his way, viz.
gimanus. his brother Hyftafpes in Bactria, and the party of Artabanus at
HAVING, by the death of Artabanus, removed one dangerous
home, which gave him the firſt trouble. Artabanus, as we
have hinted above, had ſeven fons, and many partiſans, who
immediately gathered together to revenge his death. Where-
upon a bloody conflict enfued, in which many Perfians of di-
ftinction fell on both fides. But at length Artaxerxes, having
prevailed, put to death all thoſe who were privy to the plot;
thoſe eſpecially, who had any hand in the murder of his fa-
ther, were puniſhed in a moſt ſevere and exemplary manner.
The eunuch Mithridates, who betrayed him, was boated; a
puniſhment which was in ufe among the Perfians, and we
have already defcribed where we give an account of the man-
Crushes the ners of that nation. Artaxerxes, having thus crufhed the
faction of faction of Artabanus at home, was in a condition to ſend an
Artaba-
army into Bactria, which had declared in favour of his bro-
ther. But here he was not attended with the like fuccefs; for,
nus.
what we have already related
of queen Hameftris, and fhall
have occafion to add in the fe-
quel of this hiſtory. A woman
of fo vile a character cannot
have been that queen of Perfia,
who, by the name of Efther, is
fo renowned in holy writ, and
is celebrated there as the inftru
ment by whom God was pleaf-
ed, in fo fignal a manner, to
deliver his people from that ut-
ter deftruction which was de-
figned againſt them. Befides,
we are told by Herodotus (70),
that Xerxes had a fon by Ha-
meftris, who was marriageable
in the feventh year of his reign;
and Efther was not till that
time married to Abafuerus (71).
There being no fuch objec-
tions as to Artaxerxes Longima-
mus, he muft, in our opinion,
have been the Abafuerus who
married Ether. This we find
confirmed by the Septuagint, by
the apocryphal additions of the
(70) Herodot, I. ix. c. 107
i. xi. c. 6. (73) Sex Prid,
Li&t, under Aſſuerus.
book of Esther, and by Joſe-
phus. The Septuagint, through-
out the whole book of Esther,
tranſlate Ahasuerus by Artaxer-
xes. The apocryphal additions
to that book conftantly call
Efther's huſband Artaxerxes;
and, from feveral circumſtances
related of him both in the cano-
nical and apocryphal Ether, it
is very plain that this Artaxerxes
could not be Artaxerxes Mnemon.
Jofephus (72) tells us in exprefs
terms, that Efther's huſband was
Artaxerxes Longimanus. Severus
Sulpitius, and many others, both
antient and modern writers, fall
in with Jofephus. The extraor-
dinary favour and kindneſs,
which Artaxerxes Longimanus
fhewed the Jews, beyond all
other kings that reigned in
Perfia, is a convincing proof,
that they had fuch a powerful
advocate as Efther to intercede
for them (73).
(714) Ffthe i. 16.
connett, part i, book iv.
(72) Jofeph. antiquit.
at the end, & Calmet
the
C. XI.
257
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
the two armies engaging, Hyftafpes ftood his ground, and,
though he did not carry the day, he ſuſtained no confiderable
lofs, both parties retiring, with equal fortune, to prepare for
a ſecond encounter. The next year, Artaxerxes, drawing to-
gether a far more powerful army, as having the greater part
of the empire at his devotion, overpowered Hyftafpes, and, by Defeats his
a complete victory, fecured to himſelf the quiet poffeffion of brother.
the empire. To prevent all further difturbances, he removed
fuch governors of cities and provinces as he fufpected to be
affected to either of the factions he had overcome, putting
others in their room, whom he could fafely truft. He after-
wards applied himſelf to the reforming of many abuſes and dif-
orders that had crept into the government; whereby he gained
great reputation, and won the hearts of his fubjects throughout
all the provinces of the empire 2. Artaxerxes, being now fet-
tled in the peaceable poffeffion of the whole Perfian empire,
appointed rejoicings and feafts to be made for the ſpace of an
hundred and eighty days in the city of Sufa, on the conclufion
of which, he gave a grand entertainment to all the princes and
people that were then in that city, which lafted feven days b.
Vashti the queen at the fame time made a like feaft in her apart-
ment for the women. And here the hiſtory of Hadaſſah or
Efther, for which we refer the reader to that book, takes
place.
In the fifth year of Artaxerxes's reign, the Egyptians re- The Egyp
volted, and, making Inarus, prince of the Libyans, their king, tians re-
called in the Athenians to their affiftance, who, having, at that volt, af-
time, a fleet of two hundred fhips lying off the ifland of Cyprus, fifted by
laid hold of that invitation, looking upon it as a very favour- the Athe-
able opportunity of weakening the Perfian power, by driving nians.
them from fo rich a kingdom. But how fatal this war proved Year of
both to them, and their Egyptian allies, we have related clfe- the food
where .
1888.
460.
THE Athenians, having equipped another fleet of two hun- Bef. Chr.
dred fail, after the lofs of that in Egypt, gave the command of
it to Cimen, injoining him to drive the Perfians from the ifland
of Cyprus. Cimon, in purfuance of his orders, took Citium, Cimon's
Malum, and feveral other cities of that ifland; and frem fuccefs in
thence fent fixty fail to the affiftance of Amyrtaus, in the fens Cyprus,
of Egypt. Artabazus being then in thofe feas, with a fleet of and a-
three hundred fhips, Cimon, as foon as his fquadron returned gain the
from Egypt, fell upon him, took one hundred of his fhips, Perfian
deftroyed many others, and purfued the remainder to the coafts feet.
of Phoenicia. “Being flufhed with his fuccefs, on his return he
a
PLUTARCH. in Artaxerx. CTES. c. 31.
ÞÈfth. i. JOSEPH. antiq. 1. xi. c. 6.
VOL. V.
Drop. Sic. I. xi. p. 54.
• I.
Vol. . P. 99–101.
landed
258
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Artaxer-
the Athe-
nians.
landed his men in Cilicia, where he found Megabyzus, with
an army of three hundred thousand men, marched againſt
him; and, having put him to flight, with a great flaughter of
his men, returned to Cyprus with a double triumph f.
ARTAXERXE,s tired with a war in which he had ſuſtained
fo great loffes,bolved, with the advice of his counſellors and
miniſters, to put an end to fo many calamities, by coming to
an accommodation with the enemy. Accordingly, he fent
orders to his generals, who were charged with the management
of the Cyprian war, to conclude a peace with the Athenians
on the best terms they could. Hereupon Megabyzus and
xes makes Artabazus fent embaſſadors to Athens, to propoſe an accommo-
peace with dation, which was agreed upon by the deputies of both fides,
on the following terms: 1. That all the Greek cities of Aſia
fhould be made free, and allowed to live according to their
own laws.
2. That no Perſian fhips of war fhould enter thoſe
feas that lie between the Cyanean and the Chelidonian iflands;
that is, from the Euxine fea to the coafts of Pamphylia. 3. That
no Perfian general fhould come, by land, within three days.
march of thoſe feas. 4. That the Athenians fhould not com-
mit any hoftilities in the territories of the king of Perfia. Thefe
articles being fworn to by both parties, peace was proclaimed.
Thus ended this war, which had lafted, from the burning of
Sardis by the Athenians, fifty-one years complete, and de-
royed numberlefs multitudes both of Greeks and Perfians &.
ARTAXERXES, being continually importuned, by his mo-
ther, for five years together, to deliver to her Inarus, and the
Athenians who had been taken with him in Egypt, that fhe
might facrifice them to the manes of her fon Achæmenes,
yielded at laſt to her unwearied folicitations. Whereupon this
inhuman princefs, without any regard to the conditions which
had been with the greateſt folemnity ratified, cauſed Inarus to
erucified. be crucified, and the heads of all the reft to be ftruck off.
Megabyzus, who had engaged his word, that their lives fhould
Megaby- be fpared, looked upon this as a difhonour done him; and
Inarus
zus re-
defeats
therefore, retiring to Syria, of which province he was gover-
solts, and nor, raifed there an army, and openly revolted. The king
immediately fent Ofiris, one of the chief lords of the court,
Ofiris. with an army of two hundred thousand men, to fupprefs this
Year of rebellion: but Megabyzus, in a general engagement, wounded
the flood him, took him prifoner, and put his numerous army to flight.
1900. Artaxerxes hearing that his general was taken, fent a meſſenger
Bef. Chr. to demand him; and Megabyzus generously releaſed him, as
448.
foon as his wounds were cured h.
f PLUTARCH, in Cimon, THUCYD. 1. i. DIOD. SIC. 1. xi.
P. 73.
* DIODOR. ubi fupra, p. 74. THUCYD. 1. i. PLUTARCH. În Ci-
in
mone, h CTESIAS, C. 35.
THE
C. XI.
*259
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
:
THE next year Artaxerxes fent another army againſt him,
under the command of Menoftanes fon to Artarius, the king's
brother, and governor of Babylon. This general was attended
with no better fuccefs than the other; for he was, in the fame
manner, defeated and put to flight, leaving Me byzus mafter
of the field, and all the baggage. The king, being fenfible
that he could not get the better of him by dint of arms, fent
his brother Artarius, and his fifter Amytis, who was wife to
Megabyzus, with feveral other perfons of diftinction, to per-
fuade him to return to his duty. By their mediation the dif
ference being made up, the king granted him his pardon; and Pardoned,
he returned to court. Not long after, a lion being ready and re-
to fall upon the king as he was hunting, Megabyzus, to fhew inftated.
his zeal and affection for his fovereign, threw a dart at the lion,
and killed him. But the king, ftill retaining ill-will againft
him, upon pretence that he had affronted him in fhooting firſt
at the lion, commanded his head to be ftruck off and it was
with the utmoſt difficulty, that Amytis his fifter, and Hameftris
his mother, prevailed upon him to change the fentence of death
into that of perpetual baniſhment: Megabyzus was therefore Banished.
fent to Cyrta, a city ſtanding on the Red ſea, and fentenced to
lead the reft of his life there, under confinement. However,
five years after, he made his efcape from thence, and, under
difguife, got fafe to his own houfe at Sufa, where, by the
interceffion of his wife, and mother-in-law, he was reinftated Reinstated.
in the king's favour, and enjoyed it till his death, which hap-
pened fome years after, in the feventy-fixth year of his age.
He was greatly lamented by the king and the whole court, be-
ing the beſt counſellor, and greateſt general, of the whole em-
pire. To him Artaxerxes owed both his life, and his crown,
at his firſt acceffion to the government: but it is of dangerous
confequence, in a fubject, to have too much obliged his fo-
vereign; for this was the true fource of all the misfortunes that
befel Megabyzus.
1917.
431.
IN the thirty-fourth year of the reign of Artaxerxes, a war Year of
breaking out between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, com- the flood
monly called the Peloponnefian war, both parties fent embaſſa-
dors to the king, imploring his affiftance. But we do not Bef. Chr.
find, that Artaxerxes returned them any anſwer before the fe-
venth year of that war, when he fent an embaffador to the C
Lacedæmonians, named Artaphernes, with a letter written in Artaxer-
the Affyrian tongue, wherein he told them, that feveral em- xes's letter
baffadors had come to him from them; but the purport of their to the La-
embaffies differed fo widely, that he could not comprehend
what they requeſted; and that therefore he had thought proper
to fend them a Perfian, to let them know, that if they had
S 2
any
cedæmo-
nians.
!
(260
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
1924.
any propofals to make, they fhould fend a trufty perfon along
with him, by whom he might be informed what they defired
him to do. This embaſſador, arriving at Eion, on the river
Strymon in Thrace, was there taken prifoner by one of the ad-
mirals of the Athenian fleet, who fent him to Athens, where
he was treated with the utmoft civility and reſpect, the Athe-
nians being extremely defirous to regain the favour of the king
his mafter k. The year following, as foon as the ſeaſon al-
lowed the Athenians to put to fea, they fent back the embaffa-
dor, in one of their own fhips, at the expence of the public;
and appointed fome of their citizens to attend him to the court
of Perfia, with the character of embaſſadors. But, when they
landed at Ephefus, they there received news of the king's
death; whereupon the Athenians not thinking it adviſeable to
proceed farther, took their leave of Artaphernes, and returned
to Athens ¹.
ARTAXERXES favoured the Jews above all the kings of
Perfia: but what happened to them during his reign, we ſhall
relate in the hiftory of that people, as in a more proper place.
This prince died in the forty-firft year of his reign, and was
Xerxes II. fucceeded by Xerxes, the only fon he had by his queen: but
Year of by his concubines he had feventeen, among whom were Sog-
the flood dianus, or, as Ctefias calls him, Secundianus, Ochus, and Ar-
fites. Xerxes, having drank immoderately at a great enter-
Bef. Chr. tainment, retired to his bedchamber, to refreſh himſelf with
fleep, after his debauch. This opportunity Sogdianus laid
hold of; and, being led into the bedchamber by Pharnacyas,
one of Xerxes's eunuchs, flew him after he had reigned forty-
five days; and poffeffed himſelf of the kingdom m.
424.
Slain.
Sogdia-
nus's cru-
eltics.
SCARCE was Sogdianus feated on the throne, when he put
to death Bagorazus, the moſt faithful of all his father's eu-
nuchs. He had been appointed to fuperintend the interment.
of Artaxerxes, and of the queen, Xerxes's mother, who had
died the fame day as her royal confort. After he had conveyed
both their bodies to the burial-place of the Perfian kings, he
found, on his return, Sogdianus in poffeffion of the crown,
with whom he had formerly had fome fmall difference. This
Sogdianus remembred, and, taking, for a pretence to quarrel
with him, fomething relating to the obfequies of his father,
cauſed him to be ftoned to death. By thefe two murders, he
became very odious both to the nobility and the army; and,
being jealous left fome of his brothers might treat him as he
had treated Xerxes, he fent for Ochus, whom he chiefly fu-
1 Idem ibid. p. 322.
* THUCYD. 1. iv. p. 285, 286.
CTES. c. 47. DIOD. SIC, I. xii. p. 115.
Maou
fpected,
XI
261
The History of the Perfians.
Y
fpected, with a defign to murder him the moment he arrived.
Ochus had been by his father appointed governor of Hyrcania;
and, being well appriſed of his brother's defign, under ſeveral
pretences, put off his coming to court till he had drawn toge-
ther a powerful army, with which he advanced to the confines
of Perfia, openly declaring, that he defigned to revenge the
death of his brother. This declaration brought over to him
many of the nobility, and feveral governors of provinces, who,
being highly diffatisfied with the cruelty and ill-conduct of Sog- Depofed by
dianus, put the tiara on Ochus's head, and proclaimed him Ochus.
king. Sogdianus, fecing himſelf thus deferted, contrary to the
advice of his best friends, came to an accommodation with His cruel
Ochus, who, having him in his power, caufed him to be thrown death,
into aſhes (O), where he died a cruel death º.
OCHUS, being fettled on the throne by the death of Sogdia- Ochus
nus, changed his name, taking that of Darius; and is by hi- takes the
ftorians commonly called Darius Nothus, or Darius the name of
baftard (P).
Darius.
ARSITES, feeing in what manner Sogdianus had fupplanted Arfites.
Xerxes, and had been afterwards driven from the throne by rebels.
Ochus, began to entertain thoughts of treating Ochus in the Year of
fame manner. With this defign, though he was his brother the flood
by the fame father and mother, he broke out into an open re- 1926.
bellion against him, being encouraged thereunto, and affifted,
• CTESIAS, C. 47,
DIODOR, 1. xii, p. 322,
(0) This puniſhment was in-
vented for him, and became af-
terwards common in Perfia. O
chus had fworn, that Sogdianus
fhould not die by the fword, by
poiſon, or of hunger. To keep
his word, he contrived this new
fort of punishment; it is de-
fcribed in the thirteenth chapter
of the fecond book of Macca-
bees, thus: An high tower was
filled to a certain height with
afhes, and the criminal being
thrown headlong into them;
they were, by a wheel, perpe-
tuaily turned round him, till he
was fuffocated. Thus this wic-
ked prince loft his life, and his
empire, after he had reigned fix
months and fifteen days (75).
(P) He is placed in Ptolemy's
canon as the immediate fuccef-
for to Artaxerxes Longimanus,
according to the ſtile of that ca-
non, which conftantly afcribes
to the predeceffor the whole
year in which he dies, and places
him as the next fucceffor, who
was on the throne in the begin-
ning of the enfuing year. As
the reigns of Xerxes and Sogdia-
nus made up but eight months,
and thefe did not reach to the
end of the year, in which Arta-
xerxes died, they are, in the
canon, caft into the last year of
Artaxerxes, and Darius is placed
next him, as if he had been his
immediate fucceffor.
(75) 2 Maccab, xiii, 4, & 5. Pal. Max. 1. ix.
S 3
J
Bef. Chr.
422.
1
262
'B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
by Artyphius the ſon of Megabyzus. Ochus, whom henceforth
we fhall call Darius, fent Artafyras, one of his generals,
against Artyphius, while he marched in perfon against his bro-
Artyphius ther Arfites. Artyphius, with the affiftance of his Greek mer-
furrender- cenaries, twice defeated the general who had been fent againſt
ing, is par- him: but there being gained over with large bribes, he loft
doned.
the third battle; and, being reduced to great ftreights, fur-
rendered himſelf to Darius, upon hopes given him of mercy.
The king was for putting him to death immediately, but was
diverted from it by Paryfatis his wife and fifter: fhe was
daughter to Artaxerxes by another mother, an intriguing and
crafty woman; and, by her advice, the king was intirely go-
verned in affairs of the higheſt importance. The counſel The
gave him, on this occafion, was, to treat Artyphius with great
clemency, that by ſuch uſage of a rebellious fervant he might
the better encourage his brother to throw himſelf upon his
mercy; and then difpofe of them both as he pleaſed. Darius
followed her counſel, and had the fuccefs he propofed; for Ar-
fites being informed of the gentle ufage Artyphius had met with,
concluded that he, as a brother, fhould be treated, at leaſt,
with the fame indulgence and good-nature. Flattered with
this hope, he came to an agreement with the king, and fur-
rendered himſelf into his hands. Darius having him in his
power, was very much inclined to pardon him; but was pre-
death with vailed upon by Paryfatis to put both him and Artyphius ta
Arfites. death, by fuffocating them in aſhes P.
Put to
He alſo put to death Pharnacyas, for being concerned in the
murder of Xerxes; and Monafthenes, another eunuch, who was
the chief favourite of Sogdianus, was condemned to die a cruel
death; which he prevented, by laying violent hands on him-
felf. Theſe executions did not procure him the tranquillity
he expected; for his whole reign was diſturbed with violent
Year of commotions, raiſed in various parts of the empire. One of
the flood the moft dangerous was that which was ſtirred up by Pifuth-
1934. nes, governor of Lydia, who, fetting up for himfelf, raifed an
Bef. Chr. army of Greek mercenaries, under the command of Lycon, an
414.
Athenian. Againſt him Darius fent Tiffaphernes, appointing
him, at the fame time, governor of Lydia, in his room. Tiffa-
phernes, who was an artful and crafty man, found means of
gaining the Greeks who ferved under Pifuthnes, and inducing
both them and their general to change fides, Whereupon Pi-
Pifuthnes futhnes, not being in a condition to carry on the war, furren-
and his fon dered, upon promife of pardon: but the king, the inftant he
was brought before him, fentenced him to death; and accord-
ingly he was, purſuant to the king's order, fuffocated in afhes.
put to
death,
P CTESIAS, C. 49.
But
C. XI.
263
The History of the Perfians.
But his death did not put an end to the troubles which he had
raiſed; for his fon Amorgas, with the remainder of the army,
ftill oppofed Tiffaphernes; and for two years continued to in-
feft the maritime powers of Afia Minor, till he was, at length,
taken prifoner by the Peloponnefians, at Iafus, a city of Ionia,
and delivered by the inhabitants to Tiffaphernes, who put him
to death 9.
:
DARIUS had ſcarce quelled this rebellion, when he found
himſelf involved in new troubles. His court, and we may ſay,
the whole empire, were governed by the eunuchs Artoxares,
Artibarzanes, and Athous. Thefe he confulted, and followed
their advice, in all the momentous affairs of the government;
but Artixares was the chief favourite, and nothing was tranf-
acted but by his direction intoxicated with this power, he
began to entertain thoughts of afcending the throne; and, ac-
cordingly, formed a defign of cutting off Darius. With this
view, that he might not be thought an eunuch, which was a
ftrong objection to his being acknowleged king, he married,
and wore an artificial beard, giving out, that he was not what,
to that time, the Perfians had taken him to be. But his wife,
who was privy to the whole plot, and, perhaps, glad to get Artoxares
rid of fuch a huſband, diſcovered the whole matter to the king, put to
Whereupon he was feized, and delivered up to Paryfatis, who death.
caufed him to be put to a cruel and ignominious death ".
THE fame year that Pifuthnes rebelled, the Egyptians not
only fhook off the Perfian yoke, but, entering into a confede-
racy with the Arabians, refolved to carry the war into Phœ-
nice s. News of this being brought to the court of Perfia, the
fleet which the king had equipped, with a defign to affift the
Lacedæmonians, was recalled to the defence of his own do-
minions
WHILE Darius was carrying on a war againſt the Egyptians Darius's
and Arabians, the Medes revolted; but being defeated, were fuccefs a-
forced to return to their former allegiance; and, in puniſhment gainst the
of their rebellion, reduced to harder fubjection than before, as revolted
is ufually the cafe. Darius feems to have been likewife fuc- provinces.
ceſsful againſt the Egyptians; for Amyrtaus being dead, after
a reign of fix years, his fon Pauſiris fucceeded him, as Hero-
dotus informs us ", in the kingdom, with the confent of the
Perfians; which fhews, that they were mafters of Egypt.
DARIUS, having thus fettled the affairs of Media and Egypt, Cyrus the
invefted Cyrus, his youngeſt fon, with the fupreme command younger
of all the provinces of Afia Minor. He was a very young appointed
9 CTESIAS, C. 51.
THUCYD. 1. viii. init.
P. 160.
• Idem ibid.
governor
• See vol. ii. p. 101. of Afia
JUSTIN. I. v. c. 2. DIODOR. 1. xiii. Minor.
" HEROD. 1. iii. c. 15.
S 4
man>
264
B. I,
The History of the Perfians.,
Year of man, to be intrufted with fo much power; for, being born
the flood after his father's acceffion to the crown, he could not have
1941. been above fixteen years old when he received this important
Bef. Chr. commiffion: but, as he was the darling of his mother Pary-
407. fatis, who had an abfolute fway over the king her husband,
The obtained this command for him, with a view to put him
in a condition to contend for the crown, after his father's
death and this ufe he accordingly made of it, to the great dif-
turbance of the whole empire, as we fhall fee hereafter *:
Sent to af On his receiving his commiffion, he was ordered to affiſt the
Sift the
Lacedæmonians against the Athenians, contrary to the wife
Lacedæ meaſures obferved by Tiffaphernes, who, by fometimes help-
monians. ing one fide, and fometimes the other, had fo balanced mat-
Becomes
obnoxious
to his fa-
abcr.
ters between them, that they continued to harafs each other,
without being at leiſure to diſturb the Perfians, who had fo long
been the common enemies of both. This order given, Cyrus
foon diſcovered the weakneſs of the king's politics; for the
Lacedæmonians, having, with the affiftance given them by Cy-
rus, foon overpowered the Athenians, fent firft Thimbro, and
after him Dercyllidás, and at laft Agefilaus their king, to in-
vade the Persian provinces in Afia, where they made great
conquefts, and would have endangered the whole empire, had
not Darius, by diftributing large fums of money among the
demagogues, or governors of the Greek cities, found means to
rekindle the war in Greece; which obliged the Lacedæmonians
to recal their troops for their own defence y.
CYRUS having put to death two noble Perfians, fons to a
fifter of Darius, for no other reafon but becauſe they had not,
in mecting him, wrapped up their hands in their fleeves, as was
customary among the Perfians in the prefence of their kings,
Darius recalled him to court, on pretence that he was indif-
pofed, and defired to fee him. Cyrus, well knowing how great
an afcendant his mother had over the king, prepared for his
journey; but, before he fet out, he ordered fuch large fubfi-
dies to be fent to Lyfander, general of the Lacedæmonians, as
enabled him to gain that memorable victory over the Athenians
at the Goats-river on the Hellefpont, which put an end to the
Athenian power, and the Peloponnefian war, after it had lafted
twenty-feven years . Darius was highly incenfed againſt
Cyrus, not only on account of the death of his two nephews,
but becauſe he had prefumed to challenge honours that were
due only to the king; and therefore defigned to deprive him of
his government. But, upon his arrival, the queen not only
* XENOPH. Hellen. 1. i. PLUTARCH. in Artax, & Lyfandro.
JUSTIN. 1. v. c. 5. DIOD. 1. xiii. p. 368. Y XENOPH. DIOD.
JUSTIN. ibid. THUCYD. 1. ii. PLUTARCH. in Lyfandro.
8
recen-
C. XI.
265
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
reconciled his father to him, but uſed all her art to have him
declared heir to the crown, by reaſon he was born after his
father's acceffion to the throne; which had given the prefer-
ence to Xerxes in the reign of Darius Hyftafpis. Darius could
not by any means be prevailed upon to comply with her re-
queft; but however bequeathed him the government of thofe
provinces which he ruled before. Not long after, Darius No- Darius
thus died, after he had reigned nineteen years; and was fuc- Nothus
ceeded by Arfaces, his eldeſt fon by Paryfatis, who, on his dies.
afcending the throne, took the name of Artaxerxes, and was,
for his extraordinary memory, by the Greeks called Mnemon, Year of
that is, rememberer 2. While he was attending his father on the flood
his death-bed, he defired to be informed by what art he had fo
happily managed the government, that, by following the fame Bef. Chr.
rule, he might be bleffed with the like fuccefs. The dying 404.
king gave him this memorable anfwer, that he had ever done,
to the best of his knowlege, what religion and justice required,
without fwerving from the one or the other a.
1944.
UPON the death of Darius, his fon Artaxerxes went to Pa- Artaxer-
fargada, to be there inaugurated, after the Perfian cuſtom, xes Mne-
by the prieſts of Bellona. He was no fooner arrived there, but mon.
he was informed by one of the prieſts, that his brother Cyrus
had formed a confpiracy against him, with a defign to murder Cyrus's
him in the very temple. Upon this information, Cyrus was confpiracy.
feized, and fentenced to death; but his mother Paryfatis pre-
yailed upon the king not only to fave his life, but to fend him
back to the government of Afia Minor, which his father had
left him b.
I;
ARTAXERXES was no fooner fettled on the throne, but Statira's
Statira his queen, whom he was very fond of, on account of reſentment
her extraordinary beauty, employed her power with him to the against
utter ruin of Udiaftes, who had killed her brother Teriteuch- Udiaites.
mes. This quarrel had its rife in the reign of Darius, and the
whole was a complication of adultery, inceft, and murder
which raifed great disturbances in the royal family, and ended
in the ruin of all who were concerned in it. Statira was
daughter to Hydarnes, a Perfian lord, and governor of one of
the chief provinces of the empire. Artaxerxes, then called
Arfaces, falling in love with her, married her; and at the fame
time Teriteuchmes her brother married Hameftris, one of the
daughters of Darius, and fifter to Arfaces; by reafon of which
2 XENOPH. Hellen. 1. ii. PLUTARCH. in Lyfandro & Artaxer,
DIODOR. 1. xiii. a ATHENÆUS, 1. xii. dipnofophift. JUSTIN.
b PLUTARCH. in Artax. XENOPH. de
I. v. c. 8, & 11.
expedit. Cyri, 1. i.
JUSTIN, 1. v. c. ult.
marriage
266
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
2
marriage he was appointed, on his father's death, to fucceed
him in his government; but, falling in love with his own fifter
Roxana, no-ways inferior in beauty to Statira, that he might,
without any conſtraint, enjoy her, he refolved to diſpatch his
wife Hameftris, and raiſe a rebellion in the kingdom. Darius,
being acquainted with his wicked defigns, engaged Udiaftes, an
intimate friend of Teriteuchmes, to murder him; which he did.
accordingly, and was rewarded by the king with the govern-
ment of his province. Mithridates the fon of Udiaftes, who
was one of Teriteuchmes's guards, and greatly attached to his
mafter, hearing that his father had committed this murder,
uttered all manner of imprecations againſt him; and, to fhew
his abhorrence of fo vile an action, feized on the city of Zaris,
and, openly revolting, declared for the fon of Teriteuchmes.
Mithridates was, by the king's forces, blocked up in the city
of Zaris, and with him the fon of Teriteuchmes. All the reft
of the family of Hydarnes were apprehended, and delivered to
Paryfatis, to execute her revenge upon them for the ill ufage
Paryfatis's done, or intended, againſt her daughter. That cruel princefs
cruel re- began with Roxana, whofe beauty had been the occafion of all
venge.
Cyrus de-
figns a
wwar a-
this miſchief, and cauſed her to be ſawed in two. The others
were all beheaded, except Statira, whom fhe fpared, at the
earneft intreaties, and through the importunate tears, of her
huſband Arfaces, contrary to the opinion of Darius, who told
her, that the would afterwards have occafion to repent it.
Thus the cafe ftood at the death of Darius. But Arfaces was
no fooner fettled on the throne, than Statira prevailed upon
him to deliver Udiaftes into her hands; whereupon fhe cauſed
his tongue to be drawn out at his neck, and made him die
in the most exquifite torments fhe could invent, in revenge of
the part he had acted in the ruin of her family. His fon Mi-
thridates the appointed governor of his province, for the at-
tachment he had fhewn to Teriteuchmes. But Paryfatis, bit-
terly reſenting this fact, poiſoned the fon of Teriteuchmes, and,
not long after, Statira herfelf, as we ſhall hereafter relate b
CYRUS, returning to his government of Aſia Minor, full of
refentment for the fentence of death, which his brother had
pronounced against him, refolved to revolt, and ufe his utmoſt
gainst his endeavours to drive him from the throne. With this view,
brother.
he employed Clearchus, a Lacedæmonian general, to raiſe a
Year of body of Greek troops for his fervice, under pretence of a war
the flood which the Lacedæmonians were to carry into Thrace. Alci-
1945 biades the Athenian, being well apprifed of the true end for
Bef. Chr. which theſe levies were made, paffed over into the province of
Pharnabazus, with a defign to proceed from thence to the Per-
403.
•
ε
b CTES. in Perf.
fian
Cxi.
264
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
fian court, and acquaint Artaxerxes with the whole theme.
Had he arrived there, a diſcovery of fuch importance had,
without all doubt, procured him the favour of that prince,
and the affiftance he wanted for the re-eſtabliſhment of his
country. But the partifans of the Lacedæmonians at Athens,
that is, the thirty tyrants, fearing the negotiations of ſo ſupe-
rior a genius, found means to induce Pharnabazus to put him
to death; whereby the Athenians loft the great hopes they had
conceived of ſpeedily recovering their former ftate c.
THE cities that were under the government of Tiffaphernes
revolted from him to Cyrus. This incident, which was the
effect of the ſecret practices of that prince, give birth to a war
between them. Cyrus, under pretence of arming againſt Tiſ- Artaxer-
faphernes, affembled troops openly, and, to amuſe the court xes over
more fpeciouſly, made grievous complaints to the king againſt reached by
that governor, demanding his protection and affiftance in the Cyrus.
moft fubmiffive manner. Artaxerxes, being deceived by theſe
appearances, believed that all Cyrus's preparations were de-
figned only againſt Tiſſaphernes; and, not being diſpleaſed that
they ſhould be at variance with each other, fuffered him to
raife what forces he pleafed ".
THE young prince loft no time on his fide, and haftened
the execution of his great defign. As he had affifted the La-
cedæmonians againſt the Athenians, and put them in a condition
of gaining thofe victories, which made them maſters of Greece,
he thought he might fafely difclefe to them his intent, and
afk their affiftance in accomplishing cf it. The Lacedæmo-
nians readily granted him his demand, difpatching immediately
orders to their fleet to join that of the prince, and to obey in
all things the command of Tamos his admiral; but they took
care not to mention Artaxerxes, pretending not to be privy to
the deſigns that were carrying on againſt him. This precau-
tion they uſed, that, in cafe Artaxerxes fhould get the better
of his brother, they might juſtify themſelves to him for what
they had done".
THE army, which Cyrus had raifed, confifted of thirteen
thouſand Greeks, who were the flower of his army, and an
hundred thouſand regular troops of other nations. Clearchus
the Lacedæmonian commanded all the Peloponnefian troops, ex-
cept the Achæans, who were led by Socrates of Achaia. The
Baotians were under Proxenes a Theban, and the Theffalians
under Menon. The other nations were commanded by Per-
fian generals, of whom the chief was Ariaus. The fleet con-
d X£-
• XENOPH. ubi fupra.
c XENOPH. de expedit. Cyri, 1. i. PLUT. in Artax.
NOPH. ubi fupra. PLUT. in Artaxer.
PLUTARCH. ibid. JUSTIN. 1, v. c. II.
Cyrus's
great army
fifted
268
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
f.
fifted of thirty-five fhips under Pythagoras a Lacedæmonian,
and twenty-five commanded by Tamos an Egyptian, admiral
of the whole fleet . Cyrus opened his defign to none of the
Greeks, except Clearchus, fearing the boldness of the enter-
prize might difcourage the officers, as well as the foldiers.
Proxenes, between whofe family and Xenophon's an antient
friendſhip fubfifted, prefented that young Athenian to Cyrus,
who received him favourably, and gave him a commiffion
among the Greek mercenaries 8. Cyrus, having at length got
all things ready, fet out from Sardis, directing his march to-
wards the upper parts of Afia, the troops neither knowing
where, nor in what war, they were to be employed; for Cy-
rus had only given out, that he was marching againſt the Pifi-
dians, who, with frequent incurfions, haraſſed his province.
However, Tiffaphernes, judging theſe preparations to be too
phernes great for fo fmall an enterprize, fet out with all poffible expe-
difcovers dition from Miletus, to give the king a true account of them.
Cyrus's Artaxerxes, being now well appriſed of his brother's defigns,
intention. affembled a numerous army to receive him. In the mean time
Cyrus, advancing with long marches, arrived at the ftreights
of Cilicia, where he found Syennefis, king of that country, pre-
pared to difpute his paffage; wherein he would have eafily
fucceeded, had he not been obliged to abandon that important
pafs, to defend his own territories against Tamos, and the Lace-
damonian fleet, which appeared upon the coafts h.
Tiffa-
The
Greeks
mutiny
against
Cyrus.
WHEN they arrived at Tarfus, the Greeks refuſed to pro-
ceed any farther, fufpecting that they were marching againſt
the king, and protefting, that they did not enter into the fer-
vice upon that condition. Clearchus at firſt made uſe of his
authority to quell the tumult; but with very ill fuccefs: and
therefore, defifting from force, he pretended to enter into their
views, and adviſed them to fend deputies to Cyrus, to know
from his own mouth againſt whom they were to be employed,
Reduced by By this artful evafion, he appeafed the tumult, and was him-
Clearchus felf chofen one of the deputies. Cyrus, whom he had acquainted
beforehand with what had happened, anfwered, that he was
going to attack Abrocomas, who was at twelve days march di-
ftance, encamped on the banks of the Euphrates. The Greeks
plainly faw, that this was not his true defign; but nevertheleſs
thewed themfelves willing to proceed, on condition that their
pay was increaſed. This Cyrus willingly granted; and, have-
ing gained their affections during the march, by treating them
with extraordinary kindneſs and humanity, he at laft declared,
that he marched against Artaxerxes. Upon this, fome com-
f XENOгн. de expedit. Cyr. 1. i. p. 252.
P. 394.
fdem, 1. i. p. 248–261,
* Idem, 1. i.
plaints
C. XI.
269
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
plaints were heard at firft; but they foon gave way to expref-
fions of joy and fatisfaction, occafioned by that prince's mag-
nificent promifes.
CYRUS, after a long march, arriving in the plains of Cu-
naxa in the province of Babylon, found there Artaxerxes, with
an army of nine hundred thouſand men, ready to engage him;
whereupon, leaping out of his chariot, he ordered his troops to
ſtand to their arms, and fall into their ranks; which was done
with great expedition, he not allowing them time to refreſh
themfelves. Clearchus adviſed Cyrus not to charge in perfon,
but to remain in the rear of the Greek battalions. This advice
Cyrus rejected with indignation, faying, that he would not
render himſelf unworthy of the crown for which he was fight-
ing. As the king's army drew near, the Greeks fell upon them The battle
with fuch fury, that the wing oppofite to them was, at the very of Cunaxa
firſt onfet, put to flight; whereupon Cyrus was, with loud
fhouts of joy, proclaimed king by thoſe who ſtood round him.
But he, in the mean time, perceiving that Artaxerxes was
wheeling about to attack him in flank, advanced against him
with fix hundred chofen horfe, killed Artagerfes, captain of the
king's guards, with his own hand, and put the whole body to
flight. In this encounter, difcovering his brother, he cried
out, I fee him; and, fpurring on his horſe, engaged him with
great refolution, which, in fome degree, turned the battle into
a fingle combat, each of the two brothers endeavouring to
aflure himſelf of the crown by the death of his rival. Cyrus
killed his brother's horfe, and wounded him on the ground; Cyrus
but he immediately mounted another, when Cyrus attacked around
him again, and gave him a fecond wound, and had already the king
lifted up his hand to give him a third; which the king's guards
obferving, they all difcharged their arrows, aiming at him
alone; and he, at the fame time, throwing himfelf headlong
upon the king, was run through by his javelin, and pierced
with innumerable arrows. He fell dead upon the fpot; and but is flair
all the chief lords of his court, refolving not to furvive their with all
mafter, were killed in the place where he fell: a certain proof, his friends.
fays Xenophon, that he well knew how to chufe his friends,
and that he was truly beloved by them. Some writers tell us, Year of
that Cyrus was killed by a Carian foldier. Mithridates, a the flood
young Perfian nobleman, boafted, that he had given him the 1947.
mortal blow with his javelin, which entered his temples, and Bef. Chr.
pierced his head quite through. Artaxerxes, after having cauſed
his head and right-hand to be cut off, purfued the enemy to
their camp, and there poffefled himfelf of great part of their
baggage and provifions. The Greeks had defeated the king's
XENOPH, & PLUT. ibid.
left
401.
1270
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
:
left wing, commanded by Tiffaphernes; and the king's right
wing, commanded by himſelf, had routed the enemy's left;
and, as neither knew what had happened elſewhere, both par-
ties believed they had gained the day: but, Tiffaphernes ac-
quainting the king, that his men had been put to flight by the
Greeks, he immediately rallied his troops, in order to attack
them. The Greeks, under the command of Clearchus, eafily
repulfed them, and purſued them to the neighbouring hills.
As night was drawing near, the Greeks halted at the foot of
the hill, much ſurpriſed that neither Cyrus himſelf, nor any
neffenger from him, appeared; for they yet knew nothing
of his death, or the defeat of the reft of the army. They de-
termined therefore to return to their camp; which they did
The camp accordingly but found there, that the greatest part of their
of the
baggage had been plundered, and all their provifions taken;
Greeks
which obliged them to pafs the night in the camp, without any
plundered fort of refreſhment. The next morning, as they were ftiil
by Darius.
expecting to hear from Cyrus, they received the fad news of
his death, and the defeat of that part of the army: whereupon
they fent deputies to Ariaus, who had retired to the place
whence they had marched the day before the action, offering
him, as conquerors, the crown of Perſia, in the room of Cy-
rus. Ariaus rejected the offer, and acquainted them, that he
intended to fet out early next morning on his return to Ionia,
Their noble adviſing them to join him in the night. They followed his
directions, and, under the conduct of Clearchus, began their
march, and arrived at his camp about midnight, whence they
ſet out on their return to Greece k. They were at a vaſt di-
ſtance from their own country, in the very heart of the Per-
fian empire, furrounded by a numerous and conquering army,
and had no way to return again into Greece, but by forcing
their retreat through an immenfe tract of the enemy's country.
But their valour and refolution maſtered all theſe difficulties,
and, in ſpite of a powerful army, which purfued and haraffed
them all the way, they made a retreat of two thouſand three
hundred and twenty-five miles through provinces belonging to
the enemy, and got fafe to the Greek cities on the Euxine fea.
This was the longeſt march, and moſt memorable retreat, that
ever was made through an enemy's country. Clearchus had
the conduct of it firft; but, he being cut off by the treachery
Under Xe- of Tiſſaphernes, Xenophon was chofen in his room, and to his
nophon, valour and wifdom it was chiefly owing, that at length they
got fafe into Greece. As the fame Xenophon has given a minute
retreat.
K XENOPH. 1. i. p. 272-292. DIODOR. 1. xiv. p. 255-257-
PLUT. in Pericl, & Artax, DioG. LAERT, in vita Xenoph. Ju-
STIN. l. v. C. II.
account
•
C. XI.
271
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
account of this expedition, and the retreat of the Greeks from
the place of the battle to their own country, we fhall find a
more proper place to mention it in the hiftory of Greece, and
return to what paffed in the court of Artaxerxes after the battle
of Cunaxa.
As he believed, that he had killed Cyrus with his own hand,
and looked upon that as the moft glorious action of his life, to
diſpute that honour with him, was wounding him in the moſt
tender part. Being therefore informed, that the Carian fol-
dier, whom we have mentioned above, laid claim to that
glory, he caufed him to be delivered to Paryfatis, who had
Paryfatis
fworn the deftruction of all thofe who were any ways con- becomes
cerned in the death of her fon. She made that unhappy the king's
wretch fuffer the moft exquifite torments fhe could invent, bloody exe-
during ten days, and then put him to a moft cruel death. cutioner.
Mithridates likewife having boafted, that it was he who gave
Cyrus his mortal wound, was treated in the manner we have
defcribed, where we spoke of the puniſhments ufed among the
Perfians 1. Mafabates, one of the king's eunuchs, who, by
his order, had cut off the head and hand of Cyrus, being de-
livered to Paryfatis, was flayed alive, and his ſkin ſtretched
before his eyes, upon two ſtakes prepared for that purpoſe.
Nor did the cruelty and refentment of Paryfatis ftop here;
for, having conceived an implacable hatred againſt Statira for
reproaching her, as if fhe had countenanced her fon Cyrus's
revolt againſt his brother, that revengeful woman poifoned her Statira
own daughter-in-law, in the following manner: Paryfatis, poisoned by
feigning to be reconciled to her, invited her one night to fup-ber.
per; and a certain bird being ferved up, which was a great
rarity among the Perfians, the divided it between Statira and
herfelf, with a knife, which was poifoned on one fide only:
the found part fhe immediately eat, which encouraged Sta-
tira, though upon her guard, to eat the other: whereupon
ſhe was that inftant ſeized with horrible convulfions, and died
in a few hours. Artaxerxes, being greatly afflicted for the lofs
of his beloved wife, and fufpecting his mother, cauſed all her
domeftics to be put to the rack, when Gygis, one of her confi-
dents, difcovered the whole. Artaxerxes caufed Gygis, who
was privy to the crime, to be put to a cruel death; and con-
fined his mother to Babylon, telling her, that he would never Paryfatis
fet his foot within the gates of that city, while fhe was there; confined to
but, at length, time having alleviated his grief, he allowed her Babylon.
to return to court, where, by an intire fubmiffion to his will,
the regained his favour, and bore a great fway at court to her Reconciled.
death m
See before, p. 128.
PLUTARCH. in Artaxer.
AFTER
272
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Tiffa-
dæmoni-
ans make
the Per-
fians.
AFTER the death of Cyrus, Tiffaphernes being fent back to
phernes his former government, and moreover invefted with the fame
oppreffes power which had been given to Cyrus, he began to haraſs and
the
oppreſs the Greek cities, that were within the verge of his au-
Greeks. thority, and had fided with that unfortunate prince. Where-
upon they fent embaffadors to the Lacedæmonians, imploring
The Lace- their affiftance and protection. The Lacedæmonians, having
now ended the long war which they had waged with the Athe-
nians, laid hold of this opportunity of breaking again with the
avar upon Perfians, and fent Thimbro with an army against them, which
being ſtrengthened by the conjunction of thofe forces that
Xenophon brought back from Perfia, they took the field againſt
Year of Tiffaphernes: but Thimbro being foon recalled, upon fome
the flood complaints, and fent into baniſhment, Dercyllidas was ap-
1948. pointed to fucceed him. As he was both a brave general, and
Bef. Chr. a famous engineer, he was attended with far better fuccefs than
his predeceffor. Upon his first arrival, finding that Tiſſapher-
nes and Pharnabazus, governors of the two neighbouring pro-
Dercylli- vinces, were at variance with each other, he made a truce
das's fuc- with the former, and, marching againft the latter with all his
Tiffapher- forces, drove him quite out of Lolis, and feveral cities of other
Tiſſapher-provinces. Pharnabazus, fearing he might invade Phrygia, the
nes.
400.
Q
chief province of his government, was glad to make a truce
with him, leaving him in poffeffion of what he had taken.
Upon this truce he marched into Bithynia, where he took up
his winter-quarters, to avoid being chargeable to his allies. At
the fame time Pharnabazus took a journey to the Perfian
court, and there made loud complaints againft Tiffaphernes,
for concluding a peace with Dercyllidas, inftead of affifting
him againſt the common enemy. He likewife earneſtly preffed
the king to equip a great fleet, and appoint Conon the Athenian,
then an exile in Cyprus, admiral, telling him, that as Conon
A Perfias was the beſt fea-commander of his time, he might, by that
fleet put
means, obftruct the paffage of all farther recruits from Greece,
under Co- and foon put an end to the power of the Lacedæmonians in
Afia. His propofal was approved of by the king, who imme-
mand. diately ordered five hundred talents to be paid him for the
equipment of a fleet, with inftructions to give Conon the com-
non's com-
mand of it ".
In the mean time Dercyllidas, having reduced Atarna,
marched into Caria, where Tiffaphernes ufually refided; for
the Lacedæmonians, believing that, if he were attacked there,
he would comply with all their demands, in order to fave that
province, had fent Dercyllidas exprefs orders to march thither.
" DIODOR. 1. xiv. p. 417. JUSTIN. 1. vi. c. 8. PAUSAN. in
Atticis.
This
C. XI.
273
The History of the Perfians.
This Tiffaphernes and Pharnabazus no fooner heard, but they
united againſt Dercyllidas, whom they came up with in fo
difadvantageous a poft, that, had they charged him immediate-
ly, he must inevitably have periſhed. Pharnabazus was for
attacking him; but Tiffaphernes, who at the battle of Cunaxa
had experienced their valour, could not be brought to venture.
an engagement, but fent heralds to Dercyllidas, to invite him.
to a parley, in which propofals for a peace being offered on
both fides, they made a truce till the anfwer of their refpective
mafters fhould be known. Thus Dercyllidas, and his army, Dercylli-
were ſaved from utter deftruction, through the cowardice of das's nar-
his enemy, when nothing elfe could have delivered them °.
row eſcape
there.
In the mean time, the Lacedæmonians, receiving accounts
from Afia, that the king of Perfia was equipping a powerful
fleet on the coafts of Phoenice, Syria, and Cilicia, and fup-
pofing it to be defigned, as it truly was, againſt them, re-
folved to fend Agefilaus, one of their kings, into Afia, in order Agefilaus
to make a diverfion. All things being ready for this expedi-paſſes into
tion, Agefilaus fet fail with a confiderable body of troops, and Afia.
arrived at Ephefus before any of the king's officers had the leaſt
intimation of this defign: with fuch fecrecy and expedition Year of
was the whole managed at Sparta. Agefilaus, upon his arrival, the flood
took the field with ten thousand foot, and four thouſand horſe; 1952.
and, finding no body in a condition to oppoſe him, carried all Bef. Chr.
before him. Whereupon Tifaphernes fent a meffenger, to
396.
inquire for what end he was come into Afia, and why he had
taken up arms. Agefilaus replied, that he was come to affift His army,
the Greeks inhabiting Afia, and reftore them to their antient and fuccefs
liberty. Tiffaphernes, being quite unprepared for a war, af-
fured Agefilaus, that his mafter would grant him what he de-
manded, provided he committed no acts of hoftility till the re-
turn of an exprefs which he had fent to court. Agefilaus be-
lieved him, and a truce was agreed on, and fworn to on both
fides: but Tiffaphernes, without any regard to his oath, made Over-
no other uſe of this truce, than to affemble troops on all fides; reached by
and fent to the king for more forces; and, as foon as he re- Tila-
ceived them, he fent word to Agefilaus to depart Afia, de- phernes.
nouncing war againſt him, in cafe of refufal. This meffage
greatly alarmed the Lacedæmonians, and their confederates, as
not believing themfelves in a condition to oppofe the now
numerous army of Tiffaphernes, who had been joined by auxi- His noble
liaries from all parts of the Perfian empire. As for Agefilaus melage to
himſelf, he heard Tiffaphernes's heralds with a gay and eafy him.
air; and defired them to tell their mafter, that he was under
• DIODOR. 1. xiv. XENOPH. Hellen. 1. iii. & orat. de Agefil.
EMIL. PROB.
VOL. V.
T
great
274
B. I.
The Hifiory of the Perfians.
great obligations to him for having made the gods, by his per-
jury, enemies to Perfia, and friends to Greece. Having with
this anfwer difmiffed the heralds, he drew all his forces toge-
ther, and made a feint, as if he intended to invade Caria;
but, as ſoon as he underſtood, that Tiſſaphernes had cauſed all
his troops to march into that province, he turned fhort, and
Success in fell upon Phrygia. As his coming thither was wholly unex-
Phrygia. pected, he over-ran great part of the province, without any
oppofition, took many towns, and, loaded with an immenfe
booty, marched back, by the fea-coaft, into Ionia, and win-
tered at Ephesus".
Tiffa-
EARLY in the fpring, Agefilaus took the field, and gave
out, that his defign was to invade Lydia: but Tiffaphernes,
who had not forgot the ftratagem of the former campaign,
took it for granted, that he now truly intended to fall upon
Caria; and accordingly made his troops march to the defence
Outwits of that province: but Agefilaus led his army, as he had given
out, into Lydia, and approached Sardis. Whereupon Tiſſa-
phernes. phernes recalled his forces from their former route, with a de-
fign to relieve the place: but Garia being a very mountainous
country, and unfit for horfe, he had marched thither only
with the foot, and left the horſe behind, on the borders of that
province. Whence, on their marching back to the relief of
Sardis, the horſe being fome days marches before the foot,
Agefilaus took the advantage of fo favourable an opportunity,
and fell upon them before the foot could come up to their
Defeats affistance. The Perfians were routed at the very firſt onfet;
the Per- and Agefilaus, becoming, by this victory, mafter of the field,
over-ran the whole country, and enriched both himſelf and
his army with the ſpoils of the conquered Perſians 9.
fians.
Tiffa-
THE lofs of this battle greatly incenfed the king againſt Tiſ-
phernes faphernes, and increaſed the fufpicion which he had before con-
accufed by ceived of him, as if he had fomething elſe in view, befides his
Conon; maſter's intereft. At the fame time, Conon, arriving at the Per-
fian court, heightened the king's diſpleaſure with new com-
plaints againft him; for he had deprived the foldiers on board
Conon's feet of their pay, and thereby difabled him from do-
ing the king any fervice. Queen Paryfatis, actuated by an
irreconcileable hatred againſt all thoſe who had any fhare in
the death of her fon Cyrus, did not fail, on this occafion, to
aggravate the charges brought against him. Hereupon the
king refolved to put him to death; but, being afraid to attack
him openly, by reafon of the great authority he had in Aſia,
P XENOPH. Hellen. 1. iii, PLUT. in Agefilao. PAUSAN. in La-
9 XENOPH. ibid. p. 501-657. PLUT. in Artaxer.
conic.
P. 1022. & in Agefil. p. 601.
he
C. XI.
275
The History of the Perfians.
he charged Tithrauftes, captain of the guards, with that im-
portant commiffion, giving him, at the fame time, two let-
ters; the one directed to Tiſſaphernes, and impowering him to
purſue the war againſt the Greeks, in what manner he thought
beſt; the other was addreffed to Ariaus, governor of Lariſſa,
commanding him to affift Tithrauftes with his counfel, and all
his forces, in feizing Tiffaphernes. Upon the receipt of this
letter, Ariæus defired Tifaphernes to come to him, that they
might confer together about the operations of the enſuing
campaign. Tiaphernes, who ſuſpected nothing, went to him
with a guard only of three hundred men: but while he was
bathing, according to the Perfian cuſtom, and diſarmed, he
was feized, and put into the hands of Tithrauftes, who cauſed
his head to be ftruck off, and fent into Perfia. The king gave and put to
it to Paryfatis; an acceptable prefent to one of her revenge-
ful temper г.
death.
UPON the death of Tiſſaphernes, Tithrauftes, who was ap-
pointed to fucceed him, fent great prefents to Agefilaus, tel-
ling him, that the cauſe of the war being removed, and the
firſt author of all their differences put to death, nothing could
prevent an accommodation: that the king his maſter would
allow the Greek cities in Afia to enjoy their liberty, paying
him the cuſtomary tribute; which was all that the Lacedæmo-
nians required when they firft began the war. Agefilaus re-
plied, that he could not come to any agreement without or-
ders from Sparta: however, as he was willing to give Ti-
thrauftes the fatisfaction of removing out of his province, he
marched into Phrygia, which was the province of Pharna-
bazus, Tithrauftes paying him thirty talents to defray the
charges of his march. Upon his march he received a letter
from the magiftrates of Sparta, giving him the command of Agefilaus
the fleet, as well as of the land-forces. By this new commif- made chief
fion he was appointed fole commander of all the troops in Afia, commander
both by fea and land. This drew him down to the fea-coaft, by fea and
where he put the fleet in good order, and appointed Pifander,
his wife's brother, admiral, ordering him forthwith to put to
fea. In this he was more influenced by private affection for
his brother-in-law, than by the due regard he ought to have
had for the public good; for though Pifander was a man of
great courage and valour, yet he was not in other reſpects
equal to that truft, as the event fnfficiently proved .
S
land.
AGESILAUS, having fettled the maritime affairs, purſued his His fuccefs
defign of invading Phrygia, where he reduced many cities, again the
and amaffed great fums of money, maintaining his army on Perfians.
XENOPH. ubi fupra. DIODOR. 1. xiv. p. 220. POLYÆN. ftra-
PAUSAN. in Laconicis. XEN. & PLUT. ubi fupra.
tag. 1. vii,
T 2
the
276
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
L
Dafcy-
lium ta-
ken.
From
the territories of Pharnabazus, in great affluence.
thence he marched into Paphlagonia, being invited thither by
Spithridates, a noble Perfian, who had revolted from the
king: there he concluded a league with Cotys, king of that
country; and, returning into Phrygia, took the ftrong city
of Dafcylium, and wintered there in the palace of Pharnaba-
zus, obliging the adjacent countries to fupply his army with
all forts of provifions. Tithrauftes, finding that Agefilaus
was for carrying on the war in Afia, fent Timocrates of Rhodes
into Greece, with large fums of money, to corrupt the leading
men in their cities, and rekindle a war againſt the Lacedæ-
monians. This ftratagem produced the intended effect; for
the cities of Thebes, Argos, Corinth, and others, entering into
confederacy, obliged the Lacedæmonians to recal their king, as
we fhall fee in its proper place. In the beginning of the next
fpring, as Agefilaus was ready to take the field, Pharnabazus
His inter- invited him to an interview; and, he accepting the invitation,
view
with
Pharna-
bazus.
Pharnabazus, after expatiating on the fervices he had done
the Lacedæmonians in their war with the Athenians, reproached
them with ingratitude, in the bittereft terms, fince, in return
for ſo many favours, they had pillaged his palace, and ravaged
his lands at Dafcylium, which were his hereditary eftate. As
what he had faid was true, Agefilaus, and the Lacedæmonians
that attended him, were to fuch a degree afhamed, in feeing
themſelves fo juftly upbraided with ingratitude, that they knew
not what to anfwer, nor how to excufe fuch an ungenerous
proceeding however, to make him the best amends they
could, they obliged themſelves by a folemn promife, not to
invade any of the provinces under his government, fo long as
there were others into which they might carry the war againft
the Perfian king. They were as good as their word; and
immediately withdrew, with a defign to invade the upper-
parts of Afia, and profecute the war in the very heart of the
Agefilaus Perfian empire. But while Agefilaus was projecting this ex-
recalled. pedition, a meffenger arrived at the camp from Sparta, ac-
Year of quainting him, that the ephori recalled him, to defend his own
the flood country, againft which ſeveral ſtates of Greece had formed a
1954. ftrong confederacy: he readily complied with this order, and
Bef. Chr. made all the hafte thither he could; but complained at his
394. departure, that the Perfians had driven him out of Afia with
thirty thouſand archers, alluding to the Perfian daries, which
were pieces of gold, ftamped on one fide with the figure of an
archer ".
His bitter
farcafm
against the
Greeks.
u XEN.
PLUT. in Agefil. XEN. Hellen. 1. iv. p. 507, 510.
ubi fupra, p. 513. PLUT. in Apophthegm. Lacon. & Artax. See
alſo before, p. 129, 130.
2
CONON,
C. XI.
277
The History of the Perfians.
CONON, on his return from the Perfian court, having
brought money enough to pay the foldiers and mariners their
arrears, and ſupply the fleet with arms and proviſions, took
Pharnabazus on board, and forthwith fet fail in queft of
the enemy.
The Perfian fleet confifted of ninety veffels
and upwards;
that of the Lacedæmonians was not fo nume-
rous, but their fhips were larger. They came in view of
each other near Cnidos, a maritime city of Afia Minor.
Conon, who had, in fome meaſure, occafioned the taking
of Athens, by lofing the fea-fight at Egofpotamos, or the
Goats river, was determined to ufe his utmoft efforts, in
order to retrieve that misfortune, and efface, by a glorious
victory, the difgrace of his former defeat. On the other
hand, Pifander was defirous to juſtify, by his conduct and
valour, the choice which Agefilaus his brother-in-law had
made in appointing him admiral. In effect, he behaved with
extraordinary courage, and had at firft ſome advantage. But
Conon having boarded his ſhip, and killed him with his own The Lace-
hand, the reſt of the fleet betook themſelves to flight. Conon dæmoni-
purſued them, took fifty of their ſhips, and, having gained a
complete victory, put an end to the power of the Lacedæmo-feated at
nians in thoſe parts ".
ans de-
Cnidos.
nabazus's
AFTER this victory, Conon and Pharnabazus, being ma-
ſters at ſea, failed round the iſlands and coafts of Afia, redu- Conon
cing the cities, which, in thoſe parts, were fubject to the La- and Phar-
cedæmonians. Seftus and Abydus were the only two cities that
held out againſt them. Pharnabazus attacked them by land, fuccefs
and Conon by fea; but neither fucceeding in the attempt, the against the
former, on the approach of winter, retired home; leaving iflands.
Conon to take care of the fleet, and ftrengthen it with as many
ſhips as he could affemble from the cities on the Hellefpont
againſt the enfuing fpring w.
CONON having affembled, purſuant to his commiffion, a
powerful fleet againſt the time appointed, he took Pharna-
bazus again on board, and, fteering his courfe through the
iflands, landed in Melos, the moſt diftant of them all. Hav-
ing reduced this ifland, as lying very convenient for the in-
vading of Laconia, the country of the Lacedæmonians, he
made from thence a defcent on the coafts of that province,
pillaged all the maritime places, and loaded his fleet with an
immenfe booty. After this, Pharnabazus returning to his go-
vernment of Phrygia, Conon obtained leave of him to repair
"XENOPH. ubi fupra, p. 518. DIOD. 1. xiv. p. 302. JUSTIN.
1. vi. c. 2, 3. EMIL. PROB. in Conon. W XENOPH. ibid. p.
534. DIOD. I. xiv. p. 441. ÆMIL. PROB. ibid. PLUT. in Agefil.
JUSTIN. 1. vi. c. 5.
Afiatic
T3
to
278
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
to Athens with eighty fhips, and fifty talents, in order to re-
build the walls of that city; which he did accordingly, as
will be related in the hiftory of Greece.
THE Lacedæmonians could not behold, without great con-
cern, fo glorious a revolution; and, finding themſelves un-
able to maintain a war with men as brave as themſelves, af-
Antalci- fifted with the treaſures of Perfia, difpatched Antalcidas, one
das fent to of their citizens, to Tiribazus, governor of Sardis, injoining
make peace him to conclude a peace with Artaxerxes upon the moſt ad-
with Ar- vantageous terms he could. The other cities of Greece, in
taxerxes. alliance with the Athenians, fent, at the fame time, their de-
Conon
accufed
and dif-
graced.
puties; and Conon was at the head of thoſe from Athens.
The terms which Antalcidas propofed, were, that the king
fhould poffefs all the Greek cities in Afia; but the iſlands, and
other cities in Greece, fhould enjoy their liberty, and be go-
verned by their own laws. As theſe propoſals were very ad-
vantageous to the king, and difhonourable to the Greeks in
general, the other emballadors were all unanimous in reject-
ing them. The Lacedæmonians, bearing an implacable hatred
to Conon for the reftoring of Athens, had charged Antalcidas to
accuſe him to Tiribazus, of heving purloined the king's mo-
ney for carrying on of that work, and of having formed a
deſign for the taking Æolis and Ionia from the Perfians, and
uniting them anew to the republic of Athens. Upon thefe
accufations, Tiribazus feized him; and, having fupplied the
Lacedæmonians under-hand with confiderable fums of money
for the equipping of a fleet againſt the Athenians, ſet out for
the Perfian court, to give the king an account of his nego-
tiations. Artaxerxes was well pleafed with the terms, which
the Lacedæmonians had propoſed, and directed him to put the
laſt hand to the treaty. At the fame time, Tiribazus Ĩaid be-
fore the king the accufations which the Lacedæmonians had
brought against Conon; whereupon he was, according to fome
writers, fent to Sufa, and there put to death by the king's
command; but the filence of Xenophon, who was his cotem-
porary, as to his death, makes us doubt of the truth of this
event.
WHILE Tiribazus was attending the court, Suthras was
charged to guard the coafts of Afia in his abfence. On this
occafion, obferving the havock which the Lacedæmonians had
made in all the maritime provinces, he conceived fuch an
Tiribazus averfion to them, that he fent what fupplies he could ſpare to
aifts the their enemies the Athenians. This obliged the Lacedæmonians
Athenians to fend Thymbro into Afia, to renew the war there; but as
2 CORNEL. NEP, in Conone.
they
C. XI.
279
The History of the Perfians.
;
cidas.
the flood
1955.
Bef. Chr.
they were not in a condition to fupply him with men or mo-
ney fufficient for fuch an undertaking, he was foon cut off,
and his army difperfed, by the fuperior power of the Perfians.
Diphridas was fent in his room to carry on the war with the
ſcattered remains of his army; but was attended with no
better fuccefs, all their attempts upon Afia, after the battle of
Cnidus, being but faint ftruggles of a declining power. In
the mean time, Tiribazus, returning from Sufa, fummoned The peace
all the deputies of the Greek cities to be prefent at the read- of Antal-
ing of the treaty, which had been already approved of by the
king. The terms were; that all the Greek cities in Afia
fhould be fubject to the king of Perfia, and, befides, the Year of
iflands of Cyprus and Clazomena; that the islands of Scyros,
Lemnos, and Imbros, fhould be reftored to the Athenians
and all the cities of Greece, whether ſmall or great, fhould be
declared free. By the fame treaty, Artaxerxes engaged to
join thoſe who had accepted the terms he propofed, and affift
them, to the utmoſt of his power, againft fuch as fhould re-
ject them. Theſe conditions were equally difadvantageous
and difhonourable to the Grecian name: however, as Greece
was extremely weakened and exhauſted by domeftic divifions,
and therefore no ways in a condition to carry on a war againſt
fo powerful a prince, they were all forced to fwear to the
treaty. This is called the peace of Antalcidas; for he was
the firſt that propofed it; giving up to the Perfians, with the
utmoſt injuftice and bafenefs, all the Greeks fettled in Afia,
for whofe liberty Agefilaus had ſo long contended b
393.
ARTAXERXES, being now quite difengaged from the Gre- Artaxer- .
cian war, turned his whole power againſt Evagoras king of xes bends
Cyprus, whom he had long before defigned to drive out of all his
that iſland; but had never been at leiſure to put his defign in forces
execution. Evagoras was defcended from the antient kings against
of Salamine, the capital city of the iſland of Cyprus. His Evagoras.
anceſtors had held that city for many ages, in quality of fo-
vereigns; but were at laft driven out by the Perfians; who,
making themſelves mafters of the whole iſland, reduced it to
a Perfian province. Evagoras, who was a man of extraor-
dinary parts, not brooking to live in fubjection to a foreign
yoke, expelled Abdymon a Citian, governor of Salamine for
the king of Perfia, and took poffeffion of his paternal king-
dom. Artaxerxes, attempted to recover that city; but, being
diverted by the Greek war, and finding Evagoras determined
to hold out to the laft, gave over, or rather put off, that en-
MIL.
XENOPH. 1. iv. p. 548-551. DIOD. ubi fupra, p. 447. PLUT.
in Agefil. & apophthegm. Laconic. JUSTIN. 1. vi. c. 5.
PROB. in Conone.
T 4
terprize.
280
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
terprize. In the mean time, Conon, by means of Ctefias the
Cnidian, who was chief phyſician to Artaxerxes, made up all
differences between Evagoras and Artaxerxes; the latter pro-
miſing not to moleft him in the poffeffion of his ſmall king-
dom: but Evagoras, who was every way qualified for great
undertakings, could not content himfelf with the city of Sa-
lamine alone. He extended his dominions, and by degrees.
made himſelf maſter, in a manner, of the whole iſland of
Cyprus. The Arthufians, Solians, and Citians, alone of thofe
iflanders, held out againſt him. Theſe had recourſe to Ar-
taxerxes, who, becoming jealous of the power of this active
and wife prince, promifed them an immediate and powerful
ſupport; but, being employed elſewhere, he could not per-
form his promife fo foon as he expected. Having at length
concluded a peace with the Greeks, he bent all his force againſt
Evagoras, determined to drive him quite out of the iſland.
The Athenians, notwithſtanding the treaty of peace lately made
with the Perfians, and the many favours received at their
king's hands, could not forbear affifting their old ally, who
had befriended them on all occafions. Having therefore equip-
Athenians ped ten men of war, they fent them with all poffible expedi-
afft him tion, under the command of Philocrates, to affift him. But
fiſt
against the the Lacedæmonian fleet, commanded by Telautias, brother to
Perfians. Agefilaus, falling in with them near the ifle of Rhodes, fur-
Defeated rounded them; fo that not one fhip could efcape. The
by the La- Athenians, determined to affift Evagoras at all adventures, ſent
cedæmo- Chabrias with another fleet, and a confiderable number of
nians.
land forces on board, to join him. This new fupply arrived
fafe, and, in a fhort time, obliged the whole ifland to fubmit
Chabrias to Evagoras. But the Athenians being forced, by the articles
ſentagainst of a new treaty concluded between Artaxerxes and the cities of
them, but Greece, to recall Chabrias, the Perfians attacked, with all
recalled. their forces, the ifland of Cyprus, not doubting but they fhould
foon reduce it, fince no fupplies could be fent thither from
Greece. The king's army confifted of three hundred thoufand
men, and his fleet of three hundred fhips. The land-forces
wade Cy-
were commanded by Orontes, fon-in-law to Artaxerxes, and
prus with
the fleet by Gaus, the fon of Tamus, whom we have men-
tioned above. Tiribazus was commander in chief, both of
the fea and land-forces. Evagoras, finding himſelf threatened
Year of with fo dreadful a war, had recourſe to all thoſe princes, who
the flood were at enmity with the Perfians, receiving fupplies both of
1962. men and money from the Egyptians, Libyans, Arabians, Ty-
Bef. Chr. rians, and other nations: befides, as he had amaffed immenfe
386. treaſures, he hired a great number of mercenaries of various
XENOPH. ubi fupra. DIOD. 1. xv. p. 459.
The Per-
fians in-
300,000
men.
C
nations.
C. XI.
281
The History of the Perfians.
land.
nations. As he had about ninety ſhips, that is, feventy of his
own, and twenty from Tyre, he conftantly intercepted all the
enemy's fhips that brought provifions from the continent; and
thereby reduced their numerous army, after their landing in
the iſland, to fuch ftreights, that they began to mutiny, and
killed feveral of their officers; but the whole Perfian fleet put-
ting to fea, the army was again plentifully fupplied from Cili-
cia. At the fame time Evagoras likewife received a great
fupply of corn, and fifty fhips, from Egypt, which, toge-
ther with thoſe he had already, and fixty more which he
cauſed to be fitted out with all ſpeed, making up a fleet of
two hundred fail, he advanced to attack the whole naval force
of the Perfians. At first he had the advantage, and took, or
deſtroyed, feveral of the enemy's fhips; but Gaus, advancing
with a few of his fleet, fell upon him with fuch vigour, that
Evagoras was obliged to retire, after an obftinate refiftance. Evagoras
The reft of the Perfian fhips, being encouraged by the ex- defeated at
ample of their admiral, returned to the charge, and at laſt ſea.
obtained a complete victory, driving the enemy's fhips into
their harbours. Evagoras, with a few ſhips, eſcaped to Sala- Salamine
mine; where he was immediately clofely befieged both by land befieged by
and fea. After this victory, Tiribazus went in perfon to ac-Sea and
quaint the king with the fuccefs that attended his arms in
Cyprus; and, having obtained two thouſand talents for the ufe
of the army, he returned, with that new ſupply, to carry on
the war more vigorously than ever. During his abfence, Eva-
goras, leaving the defence of the city to his fon Pythagoras,
got through the enemy's fleet in the dead of the night, with
ten fhips, and failed for Egypt, in hopes of engaging Achoris,
king of that country, to join him with all his forces: but,
not obtaining from him the aid he expected, and finding, on
his return, the city reduced to the laft extremities, and him-
felf deftitute of all means of raifing the fiege, he was obliged Evagoras
to capitulate. The propofals made to him were, that he offers to
fhould abandon all the cities of Cyprus, except Salamine, which capitulate.
he fhould hold of the king, as a fervant of his lord, and pay
an annual tribute. The extremity, to which he was reduced, Year of
obliged him to accept the other conditions, hard as they were;
the flood
but he could by no means be brought to conſent to that of
holding Salamine as a fervant under his maſter, and perſiſted
in declaring, that he would hold it no otherwiſe than as a king
under a king. Tiribazus, who commanded in chief, would
not make the leaft alteration, nor abate any thing of his pre-
tenfions; whereupon Evagoras, being determined to die fword
in hand, rather than yield to fuch terms, broke off the con-
ference, and applied himſelf intirely to the defence of the
city 4.
₫ DIOD. 1. xv. p. 459, & feqq.
IN
1963.
Bef. Chr.
385.
282
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
In the mean time Orontes, who commanded the land-
forces, not being able to brook the fuperiority which Tiriba-
zus had over him, as being intrufted with the whole manage-
ment of the war, and jealous of the fuccefs that attended him,
wrote fecretly to court, accufing him, amongſt other things,
of forming defigns againſt the king's intereft, and holding a
private correſpondence with the Lacedæmonians. Upon the
receipt of theſe letters, Artaxerxes immediately diſpatched or-
ders to Orontes to feize Tiribazus, and fend him prifoner to
court; which being, without delay, put in execution (P),
Obtains a the chief command was conferred upon Orontes. Orontes, find-
ing the army ready to mutiny under his command, made hafte
to conclude a treaty with Evagoras upon the terms which
Tiribazus had rejected; viz. that he fhould hold Salamine as
Orontes. king of that city, paying only a finall tribute to the king of
Perfia. Thus the fiege was raifed, and a peace concluded
with Evagoras, after a war which had coft the Perfians abovę
fifty thouſand talents, that is, near ten millions of our money.
For the elogy and character of this prince, we refer the reader
to Ifocrates ©.
better
treaty
from
volts.
THE peace concluded with Evagoras did not put an end to
Gaus re- the war in thoſe parts; for Gaus, refenting the unjuft ufage of
Tiribazus, whofe daughter he had inarried, and fearing to be
involved in the fame profecution with his father-in-law, and
put to death on bare fufpicions, fent deputies to Achoris king
of Egypt; and, having concluded an alliance with him againſt
the king of Perfia, openly revolted, and was joined by a great
part both of the feet and army, most of the officers being
intirely at his devotion. He likewife folicited the Lacedæmo-
nians to come into the league, affuring them, that he, in his
turn, would, at the end of the war, employ all his forces in
their favour, and make them mafters of all Grecce.
They
hearkened favourably to theſe propoſals, and embraced with
joy fuch an opportunity of making war upon the Perfians,
being highly diffatisfied with the peace of Antalcidas. But,
Is killed. before matters were ripe for execution, Gaus was treacherouſly
ISOCRAT. in Evagor. DIOD. ubi fupra.
(P) Orontes, it ſeems, dread-
ing his power with the army,
was forced to catch him by a
ftratagem; that is, by inviting
him to a private interview, and
placing him upon the entrance
of a deep cave, the mouth of
which was covered with fome
rich tapeſtry; fo that he funk
into the bottom as foon as he
had feated himſelf on the chair
prepared for him, and was that
very night privately fent bound
to the king (1).
(1) Polyan. Aratagem. 1. vii,
fain
C. XI.
283
The History of the Perfians.
flain by one of his own officers; and Tachis, who took upon
him to carry on the fame defign, died foon after; whereby
the vast preparations they made came to nothing: and the
Lacedæmonians never afterwards meddled with the affairs of
Afia f.
1964.
384.
ARTAXERXES had no fooner finiſhed the Cyprian war, but Artaxer-
he entered upon another againſt the Cadufians, who probably xes's ill
had revolted from him. This people inhabited the mountains fuccefs a-
between the Euxine and Cafpian feas, and, being from their gainst the
infancy inured to an hard and laborious life, were accounted a Cadufians
very warlike race 8. The king marched in perfon againít
them, at the head of three hundred thouſand foot, and twenty Year of
thouſand horfe; but the country, by reafon of its barrennefs, the flood
not affording proviſions fufficient to maintain fo numerous an
army, they were foon reduced to feed upon the beaſts of bur- Bef. Chr.
den, which accompanied the army; and thefe became fo ſcarce,
that an aſs's head was fold for fixty drachmas. The king's
proviſions too began to fall fhort, and only a few horfes re-
mained. In this fad pofture of affairs, Tiribazus contrived a
ftratagem, which faved the king and the army. He followed Tiribazus
the court in this expedition, or rather was carried about as a faves him
prifoner, being in difgrace by reafon of the crimes laid to his and his
charge by Orontes, as we have ſaid above. The Cadufians army.
had two kings, who were encamped apart from each other.
Tiribazus, who took care to be informed of all that paffed in
the enemy's camp, found that there was fome mifunderftand-
ing between them; and that the jealoufy and miſtruſt which
they had of each other, prevented their acting in concert.
Whereupon he advifed the king to enter into a treaty with Over-
them; and, taking upon himſelf the whole management of it, reaches
went in perfon to one of the kings, and fent his fon to the other. the tavo
Each of them informed the king to whom they applied, that Cadufian
the other had ſent embaffadors to treat feparately with Arta-kings,
xerxes, and adviſed him to loſe no time, but make his peace as
foon as poffible, that the conditions might be the more advan-
tageous. Their negotiations had the defired effect, and both
princes were brought feparately to fubmit to the king, which
faved both him and his army from impending deſtruction h (Q),
f DIOD. 1. XV.
g STRABO, 1. xi. p. 507–510.
in Artax. p. 1023, 1024. DIOD. xv. p. 462.
(Q) A modern writer is of
opinion (76), that the Cadufians
were defcended from the Ifracl-
ites of the ten tribes, which the
king of Affyria carried out of
the land of Canaan; but as he
h PLUT.
has no other
other foundation to
ground his opinion upon, but
the fumilitude between the words
Cadufian and Keduſhim, which
fignifies holy people, we cannot
fall in with him.
(76) Fuller mifcel, 1. ii. c.5.
THE
284
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
L
THE king loft, in this ill-projected expedition, a great num-
ber of his beſt troops, and all his horfes. Among others who
loft their lives on this occafion, was Camilares, by nation a
Carian, a man of extraordinary courage and conduct. He
was governor of Leuco-Syria, a province lying between Cili-
cia and Cappadocia ; and was fucceeded in that government by
his fon Datames, who attended Artaxerxes in this expedition,
and diſtinguiſhed himſelf in a very particular manner: Datames
was the greateſt commander of his time, and by none ever
excellent exceeded, as Cornelius Nepos, who has written his life, informs
us, in courage, boldnefs, and abilities, for contriving and
executing military ftratagems. But his eminent qualities, and
too great merit, occafioned his ruin, as we fhall have occafion
to relate hereafter.
Datames's
character.
ON the king's return to Sufa, the eminent ſervice which
Tiribazus had done him in that expedition, inclined him to
have his cauſe thoroughly examined, and to grant him a fair
hearing. For that purpoſe he appointed three commiffioners,
who were all of eminent rank, and diftinguifhed probity :
Tiribazus theſe, after an impartial difcuffion of the whole affair, were
acquitted, unanimous in declaring him innocent; whereupon he was by
and in high the king reftored to his former honours, and Orontes, his ac-
favour. cufer, with difgrace baniſhed the courth,
·
ARTAXERXES, being now at leiſure from all other engage-
Artaxer- ments, refolved to reduce the Egyptians, who had long before
xes renews fhaken off the Perfian yoke; and accordingly made great pre-
the var
with
Egypt.
parations for that war. Achoris, who then reigned in Egypt,
foreſeeing the ftorm, was not wanting on his fide to provide
againſt it the beft he could. He joined a great number of
Greeks, and other mercenaries, under the command of Cha-
brias the Athenian, to his own fubjects. Pharnabazus, being
charged with the management of this war, fent embaſſadors to
Athens, complaining of Chabrias for engaging to ferve againſt
the king of Perfia, with whom the ftate of Athens lived in
amity, and threatening the republic with his maſter's reſent-
Iphicra- ment, if he were not immediately recalled. He demanded, at
tes's excel- the fame time, Iphicrates, another Athenian, and the beſt ge-
lent dif
cipline.
neral of his time, to command the Greek mercenaries in the
Perfian fervice. The Athenians, who had then a great
dependence on the Perfian king's friendſhip, to fupport them
againſt their domeftic enemics, recalled Chabrias, ordering
him to repair to Athens on pain of death, by a certain day,
Iphicrates was fent to take upon him the command of the
Greek mercenaries in the Perfian army. On his arrival, hav-
ing muftered the forces he was to command, he fo exercifed
▷ DIOD. ubi fupra, p. 463.
them
Ċ.
C. XI
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
285
them in all the arts of war, that they became very famous
among the Greeks, under the name of Iphicratefian foldiers:
and, indeed, he had time enough to inftruct them, before
they entered upon action; for the Perfians being very flow in
their preparations, two whole years elapfed before they were
in a condition to take the field. Achoris king of Egypt died in Achoris
the mean time, and was fucceeded by Pfammuthis, who reigned dies in E-
only a year. After him Nepherotes reigned four months, and gypt.
then Nectanebus, the firft of the Sebennytic race, twelve years i,
ARTAXERXES, that he might draw more auxiliaries out of
Greece for his Egyptian war, fent embaffadors thither, to put
an end to their domeftic broils; and declare, in his name, to
the different ſtates and cities of that country, that it was his
pleaſure they ſhould live in peace with each other, upon the
terms of the treaty of Antalcidas; and that, all gariſons being
withdrawn, each city fhould be left to enjoy their liberty, and
live according to their own laws. This declaration was re-
ceived with pleaſure by all the cities of Greece, except the
Thebans, who, afpiring to the empire of all Greece, refufed to
conform to it k.
AT length, all things being in a readineſs for the invafion of His unfuc-
Egypt, the Perfian army was drawn together at Ace, fince ceſsful ex-
called Ptolemais, the place of the general rendezvous. In a pedition
review there, the army was found to confift of two hundred against
thousand Perfians, under the command of Pharnabazus, and Egypt.
twenty thousand Greeks, under that of Iphicrates. Their
375-
forces by fea were in proportion to thofe by land; for their Year of
fleet confifted of three hundred galleys, befides an incredible the flood
number of veffels which followed, to furniſh both the fleet 1973.
and the army with neceffary provifions. The army and fleet Bef. Chr.
began to move at the fame time; and, that they might act in
concert, they feparated as little as poffible. The war was to
begin with the fiege of Pelufium: but Nectanebus, having had
fufficient time to provide for the defence of that place, had ren-
dered the approach to it impracticable, both by fea and land.
The fleet therefore, inftead of making a defcent, as had been
at first projected, failed from thence to the Mendeſtan mouth
of the Nile; for the Nile, at that time, emptied itſelf into the
fea by feven different chanels; and each of theſe was defended
by a fort and a ftrong garifon: but the Mendefian mouth of The Men-
the Nile not being fo well fortified as the Pelufian, where the defian
enemy was expected, they landed their forces there withoutfort taken.
great oppofition, carried the fortrefs that guarded it, and put Iphicra-
all the Egyptians that were found in it to the fword. After tes's propo-
this action, Iphicrates was for reimbarking the troops without fal of at-
i EUSEB. chron. SYNCELL. p. 257. K DIOD. I. XV. p. 478.
tacking
Memphis
lofs rejected.
1
286
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
}
lofs of time, and attacking Memphis, the capital of Egypt.
Had this opinion been followed, before the Egyptians recover-
ed from the confternation, which fo formidable an invafion, and
the blow already received, had thrown them into, they would
have found the place without any defence, and muſt have cer-
tainly taken it, and re-conquered all Egypt. But the main
body of the army not being yet come up, Pharnabazus would
undertake nothing before their arrival. Iphicrates, in the ut-
moft deſpair to fee fo favourable an opportunity loft, which
perhaps might never be retrieved, made preffing inftances for
leave to attempt the place, with the mercenaries only that
were under his command: but Pharnabazus, out of a mean
jealouſy of the honour that would redound to Iphicrates, ſhould
he fucceed in the enterprize, would by no means hearken to
his propofal. This delay gave the Egyptians time to recover
their courage, and put themſelves in a condition to oppoſe any
farther attempts, as we have related elſewhere. Thus ended
this war, which had coft immenfe fums, two whole years
having been ſpent in making the neceffary preparations for fo
fruitlefs an attempt. The only effect that it produced, was
an irreconcileable enmity between the two generals; for
Pharnabazus, to excufe himſelf, laid the whole blame of the
miſcarriage upon Iphicrates; and he, with more reaſon, on
Iphicrates Pharnabazus: but, being well apprifed, that Pharnabazus
forced to would find more credit at the Perfian court than he, and re-
membering what had happened to Conon, that he might not
meet with the like fate, privately hired a fhip, and retired to
Athens m
retire to
Athens.
The Egyp-
TWELVE years after this expedition, Artaxerxes, who had
tian war not laid afide the thoughts of ſubjecting Egypt, notwithſtand-
renewed. ing his many mifcarriages in that attempt, began to make new
preparations for invading of that country. Tacnos, who had
Year of fucceeded Nectanebus, drew together what forces he could, to
the flood defend himſelf againſt ſo powerful an enemy: but, having
1985. marched out of Egypt into Phoenice, in order to attack the
Bef. Chr. Perfians there, the Egyptians revolted in his abfence, and fet
363.
up Nectanebus in his ftead, who drove him quite out of Egypt,
as we have related elſewhere ».
TOWARDS the latter end of the reign of Artaxerxes, great
difturbances arofe in the Perfian court, rent into factions by his
fons, each making parties among the nobility to fupport his
pretenfions to the crown. He had an hundred and fifteen fons
by his concubines, and three by his queen, viz. Darius, Ari-
1 See vol. ii. p. 103. ♫ DIOD. 1. XV. p. 478.
n See
vol. ii. p. 104. & DIOD. 1. xv. P. 397-401. PLUT. in Agefil.
p. 616, 618. XENOPH. PLUT. & CORN. NEP. in Agef.
afpes,
C. XI.
287
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
confpires
against
afpes, and Ochus. To put a stop to theſe practices and con- Artaxer-
tentions, he declared Darius the elder his fucceffor; and, the xes de-
better to ſettle him on the throne, allowed him to affume the clares his
title of king, and wear the tiara, even in his life-time; buton Darius
this not contenting the young prince's ambition, who was alſo his fuccef-
for, who
difgufted with his father, for refufing him one of his concu-
bines, whom he demanded, he formed a defign againſt the old
king's life, and engaged in the confpiracy fifty of his brothers. him.
Tiribazus, whom we have often mentioned in this hiftory,
contributed the moft to his taking this unnatural reſolution,
and that for a like fubject of difcontent. Artaxerxes had pro-
miſed him in marriage one of his daughters; but, falling in
love with her, married her himſelf; and, to make him amends,
having promiſed him another daughter, he married that like-
wife. Theſe two difappointments provoked Tiribazus to fuch Tiribazus
a degree, that, to revenge the affront, he ftirred up the young joins in the
king to that wicked attempt. The number of the confpirators confpiracy.
was already very formidable, and the day fixed for the execu-
tion of their defign; when an eunuch, who was privy to the They are
plot, diſcovered it to the king; whereupon the confpira- detected,
tors were feized, as they were entering the king's palace, and and put to
all put to death "
death.
brothers.
DARIUS being thus cut off, the fame contention was re-
vived, which, before his being declared king, had rent the
court into ſeveral factions. Three of his brothers were com-
petitors, Ariafpes, Ochus, and Arfames. The two firft claimed
the crown in right of their birth, being the king's fons by his
queen; the third only by the king's favour, who tenderly loved
him, though only the fon of a concubine. Ochus, prompted Ochus rids
by his reftlefs ambition, found means to get rid of his two himself of
rivals; for Ariafpes being of an eafy temper, and very credu- his two
lous, he fuborned the eunuchs of the palace to threaten him, contending
in the king's name, in. fuch a manner, that, expecting every
moment to be treated as Darius had been, he poifoned him-
felf, to avoid a more cruel death. But Arfames ftill remain-
ing to rival him in his pretenfions, and being, for his wifdom,
and other princely virtues, in the opinion of his father, and
all others, the moft worthy of the crown, he caufed him to
be affaffinated by Harpates the fon of Tiribazus. This lofs,
added to the former, and the wickednefs which attended both,
overwhelmed the king, who was then ninety-four years old, Artaxer-
with fuch grief, that, not being able to bear up againft it, he xes Mne-
broke his heart, and died, in the forty-fixth year of his reign ". mon dies.
He was a mild and generous prince, and governed with great
➡ PLUT. in Artaxer. JUSTIN, 1. x. c. 1, 2.
506. PLUT. ibid,
I
a DIOD. 1. XV.
clemency
288
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Year of clemency and juftice; whence he was honoured, and his au-
the flood thority reſpected, throughout all the empire. This Ochus was
1989. fenfible of, and well knew, that it would be quite otherwiſe
Bef. Chr. with him, the death of his two brothers having alienated the
359.
Ochus
takes the
Artaxer-
xes.
minds both of the nobility and people. To avoid the incon-
veniences that might attend this general hatred and averfion,
he prevailed with the eunuchs and others, that were about the
king's perfon, to conceal his death; and took upon himſelf the
adminiſtration of affairs, giving orders, and iffuing decrees, in
name of the name of Artaxerxes, as if he had been ftill alive. By one
of theſe decrees, he cauſed himſelf, as by his father's order,
to be proclaimed king throughout the whole empire °. After
having thus governed near ten months, believing his authority
fufficiently eſtabliſhed, he at length declared the death of his
father, and openly afcended the throne, taking the name of
Artaxerxes. Hiftorians however most frequently call him
Ochus; and under this name we ſhall ſpeak of him in the fequel
of this hiſtory.
revclt
from him.
A great
It was no fooner known, that Artaxerxes was dead, and
number of Ochus in poffeffion of the throne, but all Aſia Minor, Syria,
provinces Phoenice, and many other provinces, openly revolted. The
chief men concerned in this revolt were, Ariobarzanes governor
of Phrygia, Mauflus king of Caria, Orontes governor of
Myfia, and Antophradates governor of Lydia. Datames like-
wife, whom we have mentioned before, was engaged in the
rebellion, being at that time governor of Cappadocia. By this,
as we may call it, general infurrection, half the revenues of
the crown were, on a fudden, diverted into different chanels;
and the remainder had not been fufficient to carry on the war
againſt ſo many revolters, had they acted in concert; but they
Their lead- did not long keep firm to each other; and thoſe, who had
ers fall out been the firſt and moſt zealous in ſhaking off the yoke, ftrove
among who ſhould ſooneft betray the others, and thereby make their
tbem-
peace with the king. The provinces of Afia Minor, on with-
felves, and drawing their obedience, had entered into a confederacy for
betray their mutual defence, and chofen Orontes for their general.
They had alſo reſolved to add twenty thousand mercenaries to
their own troops, and charged Orontes with the care of raif-
ing them; but, when he had a fufficient fum both for the
raifing thofe forces, and maintaining of them for a year, he
kept the money for himſelf, and delivered up to the king thoſe
who had brought it to him from the revolted provinces. Rhe-
mitres, another of the chiefs of Afia Minor, being fent into
Egypt, to negotiate fuccours in that kingdom, was guilty of
the like treachery; for, having brought from thence five hun-
each other.
POLYEN. ftratag. 1. vii.
dred
C. XI.
289
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
dred talents, and fifty fhips of war, and affembled the ring-
leaders of the revolt at Leucas, a city of Afia Minor, under
pretence of giving them an account of his negotiations, he
feized them all, and made his peace with the king, by be-
traying them into his hands. Thus this formidable revolt,
which had brought the Perfian empire to the very brink of
ruin, came to nothing; and Ochus was, without ftriking a
blow, fettled on the throne P. Only Datames, governor of Datames
Cappadocia, having poffeffed himſelf alſo of Paphlagonia, gave
him much trouble. By what we read of him in Cornelius against
Nepos and Polyanus, it appears, that he maintained him- Ochus,
ſelf a long time in both thofe provinces; and was at laſt mur-
dered by the treachery of Mithridates, one of his intimates (S).
holds out
and is
murdered.
the flood
Bef. Chr.
358.
OCHUS was the moſt cruel and wicked of all the princes of Ochus's
that race in Perfia; for he had not been long on the throne, bloody
when he filled the palace, and the whole empire, with blood and reign, and
flaughter. That the revolted provinces might have none of the character.
blood royal to fet up against him, and to rid himſelf at once of all
the uneafinefs, which the princes of the royal family might Year of
give him, he put them all to death, without any regard to
fex, age, or proximity of blood. He caufed Ocha, his own, 1990.
fifter and mother-in-law, for he had married her daughter, to
be buried alive; and, having fhut up one of his uncles, with
an hundred of his fons and grandfons, in a court of the palace,
he ordered his archers to diſpatch them with their arrows'.
This uncle ſeems to have been the father of Sifigambis, mo-
ther to Darius Codemannus; for 2. Curtius tells us, that
Ochus caufed eighty of her brothers, together with their father,
to be maffacred in one day. With the fame barbarity he
treated all thoſe, who gave him any umbrage, fparing none of
the nobility, who betrayed the leaft mark of difcontent or dif
affection to his perfon.
P DIOD. 1. XV. p. 504-506. POLYÆN. ftratag. 1. vii.
NEP. in vita Datam. POLYAN. fratag. 1. vii.
1. x. c. 3. VAL. MAX. 1, ix. c. 2.
(S) Diodorus Siculus (79) places
this revolt in the laft year of Ar-
taxerxes; but as he was highly
eſteemed and beloved by his fub-
jects, it is not likely, that fo great
an infurrection happened under
him. We have therefore placed
it in the reign of his fucceffor O-
chus, whofe cruelty, chiefly in the
VOL. V.
t
Lib. x. c. 8.
9 CORK.
S JUSTIN.
murder of his two brothers, in-
cenfed the nobility and gover-
nors of the provinces againft
him, who therefore refufed to
fubmit to him. As he took the
name of Artaxerxes, this may
have led Diodorus into the mil
take of placing in the father's
reign what happened in the fon's.
(~9) Di:d. 1. xv. p. 400,
U
BUT
290
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Artabazus
rejolts.
BUT all the cruelties he practifed could not keep his fubjects
in awe. Artabazus, governor of one of the Afiatic provinces,
rebelled, and engaged Chares the Athenian to join him with a
fleet, and body of troops, which he commanded in thoſe parts.
Ochus fent an army of feventy thousand men againſt the rebels;
Chares's but they were, by Chares, and his Athenians, all cut in pieces.
fuccefs
against
Ochus.
Artabazus, in reward of fo great a fervice, gave Chares a fum
of money fufficient to pay his fleet, and the forces he had on
board. The king highly reſented this conduct of the Athe-
nians, and, as they were then engaged in a war with the Chi-
ans, Rhodians, Coans, and Byzantines, threatened to join
their enemies with a numerous fleet, if they did not recal
Chares. The Athenians, fearing to provoke ſo powerful an
Recalled. enemy, ordered Chares to return forthwith into Greece ".
Thebans
fuccefs
againft
Ochus,
ARTABAZUS, being thus deferted by the Athenians, had
recourſe to the Thebans; who fent to his affiſtance a body of
five thousand men, under the command of the brave Pammenes.
With this reinforcement Artabazus again took the field, and
gained two very confiderable victories over the king's forces;
which greatly redounded to the honour of the Thebans, and
their commander w. However, they made their peace foon
and bought after with the king, who having given them three hundred
of.
talents, they returned home. Artabazus, thus deftitute of
all fupport, was at laft overcome, and forced to take refuge
with Philip of Macedon *.
The Pho- THIS rebellion was fcarce quelled, when feveral others
nicians, broke out in divers parts of the empire. The Sidonians, and
&c.revolt. other Phoenicians, being oppreffed by thofe the king had fet
over them, taking up arms, entered into a confederacy with
Nectanebus king of Egypt; and, being affiſted by that prince
with four thoufand Greek mercenaries, drove the Perfians
quite out of their territories .
Cypriots THE Cypriots, being likewife ill-ufed by their Perfian go
join in the vernors, and encouraged by this fuccefs of the: Phenicians,
revolt. joined with them and the Egyptians in the fame alliance 2.
Hereupon Ochus diſpatched his orders to Idriens king of Caria,
injoining him to invade the ifland of Cyprus, and make war
upon the inhabitants, putting all to fire and fword. Idriens,
in compliance with his command, having equipped a fleet,
fent it, with eight thouſand Greek mercenaries, under the
command of Phocion an Athenian, and Evagoras (T), to
make
U DIOD. 1. xvi. p. 527, 528.
p. 438.
* Idem ibid.
- Idem,
See vol. ii. p. 360. & DIOD. 1. xvi. p. 531—533.
2 DIOD. ubi fupra, p. 532.
(T) Another Evagoras had
Salamine, whom we have ſpoke
formerly reigned in the city of of above. On his death, he was
fucceeded
C. XI.
291
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
make a deſcent in the island. The troops landed without any
confiderable oppofition, and, being reinforced with other bo- Salamine
dies from Syria and Cilicia, befieged Salamine by ſea and befieged.
land ".
OCHUS, finding that his lieutenants made no progrefs Ochus
againſt the Egyptians and Phoenicians, refolved to head his heads a
forces in perfon; and accordingly, having drawn together a vaft army
formidable army, he marched at the head of it into Phoenice, against the
where the city of Sidon was betrayed to him by Mentor the revolters.
Rhodian, and Tennes king of the place, as we have related
elſewhere. The ruin and total deſtruction of Sidon terrified
the other cities of Phænice to fuch a degree, that they all vo- Phoenice
luntarily fubmitted to the conqueror; each of them making fubmits.
peace with the king upon the beft terms they could: neither
was Ochus unwilling to compound with them, that he might
be no longer retarded from putting in execution the defigns
he had upon Egypt .
C
BUT, before he marched thither, his army received from
Greece a reinforcement of ten thouſand mercenaries; for the
Thebans fent him a thouſand men, under the command of
Lachares, and the Argives three thouſand, commanded by
Nicoftratus: the reft joined him from the Greek cities of Afia.
The Athenians and Lacedæmonians excufed themſelves, telling
the king's embaſſadors, that they ſhould be glad to maintain
peace and friendſhip with their mafter; but could not, at
that time, fpare him any fuccours 4. The Jews alfo feem to
have been engaged in this revolt of Phoenice; for Ochus, from
Sidon, marched into Judea, where he befieged and tock Fe-
richo, carrying along with him into Egypt a great many cap-
tive Jews, and fending others into Hyrcania, where they
were planted in the provinces bordering on the Cafpian ſea e
a DIOD. ubi fupra.
1. xvi. p. 531, 532, &c.
OCHUS,
C DIOD.
e SOLIN.
See vol. ii. p. 360, 361.
d Idem ibid. p. 533.
C. 35. SYNCELL. ex Africano, p. 256. OROS. 1. xxxi. c. 7.
JOSEPH. 1. i. contra Apion. ARIST. in lib. de LXX. interpret.
JUSTIN. 1. xxxvi. c. 5.
fucceeded by Nicocles his fon;
and this Evagoras feems to have
been the ſon of Nicocles, and to
have fucceeded him in that king-
dom; but, being driven out by
Protagoras his uncle, was in ba-
niſhment when this war began.
He gladly joined the Perfians,
in hopes of recovering his crown;
and the knowlege he had of
the country, made him a very
proper perſon to command in
this expedition (So). Cyprus had
then nine chief cities, and each
of them had its king, but ſubject
and tributary to the king of
(80) Ijserai, in Evag. & Niceel,
U z
Perfia.
Judea re-
duced by
Ochus.
292
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Cypriots OCHUS, at the fame time, put an end to the Cyprian war,
make peace and compounded with the nine Cyprian kings. Having his
mind intirely bent on the reducing of Egypt, he willingly
Year of redreffed all their grievances, and confirmed them in their
the flood reſpective governments f.
1998.
350.
Ochus
marches
into
Egypt.
OCHUS, having thus fettled the affairs both of Phoenice
Bef. Chr. and Cyprus, fet out on his Egyptian expedition. On his
march he loft a great many men, who were drowned in the
lake of Serbonis, which lies between Phoenice and Egypt, and
extends about thirty miles. When the fouth-wind blows,
the whole furface of the water is covered with fand from the
defert, in fuch manner that no one can diftinguish it from
the firm land. Several parties of Ochus's army, for want of
good guides, were loft in it; and we are told, that intire ar-
mies have there met with the fame fate %. When he arrived
on the frontiers of Egypt, he detached three bodies to invade
the country, each body being commanded by a Perfian and
a Greck general. The firft was led by Lachares the Theban,
and Rofaces, governor of Lydia and Ionia; the fecond by Ni-
coftratus the Theban, and Ariftazanes; the third by Mentor
Encamps the Rhodian, and Bagoas one of his eunuchs. The main body
near Pelu- of the army he kept with himſelf, and encamped near Pelufium,
with a defign to watch there the events of the war: but of
the fuccefs that attended him in this expedition, viz. the total
and final reduction of Egypt, we have ſpoken in the hiftory
of that country h.
finm.
warded.
ОCHUS, having thus ended the Egyptian war, fent back
the Greek mercenaries to their refpective countries, with ample
Mentor's rewards: but as all his conquefts were chiefly owing to Men-
fingular ter, he diftinguifhed him above all the reft, not only reward-
merit re- ing him with an hundred talents, and other prefents to a
great value, but appointing him governor of all the coaſts of
Afia, and committing to his care the whole management of
the war, which he was ftill carrying on againſt fome pro-
vinces that had revolted in the beginning of his reign. Theſe,
what by cunning and ftratagems, what by open force, he re-
duced, and reftored the king's authority in all the parts of
that vaft empire i.
DIOD. ubi fup. P. 534. 8 Idem, p. 534, 535·
vol. ii. p. 105, 106.
iDIOD. P. 537.
Perfia. All thefe joined toge-
ther in this confederacy, with a
defign to fhake off the Perfian
h See
yoke, and make themſelves.
each independent in his own
city (81).
(81) Died. l. xvi. p. 532.
ALL
CXI
293
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
·
the admi-
ALL the revolted provinces being reduced, and peace
eftabliſhed throughout the whole empire, Ochus gave himſelf
up to eafe, luxury, and pleafure, leaving the adminiftration
of public affairs intirely to his minifters. The chief of thefe Divides
were Bagoas his favourite eunuch, and Mentor the Rhodian,
who agreeing to part the power between them, the former ration
governed all the provinces of the upper Afia, and the latter with Ba-
thoſe of the lower. Bagoas, being by birth an Egyptian, had gaos.
a great zeal for the religion of his country, and endeavoured,
on the conquest of Egypt, to influence the king in favour of
the Egyptian ceremonies; but, in fpite of all his endeavours,
the king not only plundered the temples, but carried away
the facred records that were lodged in them; and, in con-
tempt of their religion, flew the god Apis, that is, the facred Ochus's
bull, which they worshiped under that name. This irreli-ſacrilege
gious behaviour Bagoas deeply refented, and ever afterwards in Egypt.
watched an opportunity of revenging the affront offered to
his religion. The records he redeemed with a great fum of
money, and fent them back into Egypt; but the injury done
to his god he thought could be no otherwife atoned for, but
by putting the facrilegious king to death; which he did ac-
cordingly by the help of the king's phyſician, who, in his Bagoas the
fickness, gave him a strong poifon, initead of phyfic, in the eunuch
twenty-first year of his reign. Nor did his revenge ftop poiſons him
here; for the king's body he kept, caufing another to be bu-for it, and
ried inſtead of it: and, becauſe the king had caufed his at- raiſes Ar-
tendants to eat the flesh of their god Apis, he cut his fleſh in
pieces, and gave it fo mangled to the cats, making of his bones crown.
handles for fwords. Having, in this barbarous manner, di- Year of
fpatched his mafter and benefactor, and feeing the whole the flood
power of the empire in his hands, he placed Arfes, the 2010.
youngest of the dead king's fons, on the throne, and put all Bef. Chr.
the reft to death, that he might the better fecure to himfelf 338.
the authority which he had ufurped; for the bare name of
king was all that he allowed to Arfes, referving for himſelf
the whole power and authority of the government *.
fes to the
ARSES did not long enjoy even this fhadow of power, being Arſes ſiain
flain by the fame Bagoas, who, finding that the king, well by Bagoas.
apprifed of his wickedness and treachery, was taking mea-
fures to bring him to condign puniſhment, was beforehand
with him, putting to death him and his whole family, in the
fecond
year of his reign'.
* DIOD. 1. xvii. p. 564. ELIAN. var. hift. 1. vi. c. 8. SE-
VER. SULPIT. 1. ii. vid. & Suid. in `2.
ibid.
I DIOD. & alii.
U 3
THE
294
The History of the Perfians.
B. I.
1
Darius THE throne becoming again vacant by the death of Arfes,
Codo- Bagoas, who durft not yet ufurp it himſelf, placed on it Da-
mannus. rius, the third of that name in Perfia. Before his acceffion to
the crown, he was called Codomannus, and is faid not to have
Year of been of the blood royal, becauſe he was not the ſon of any
the flood king that reigned before him: however, he was of the royal
2012. family, being defcended from Darius Nothus, whofe grandfon
Bef. Chr. Arfanes, marrying his own fifter Sifigambis, had by her Codo-
336. mannus. Oftanes, the fon of Darius Nothus, and father to
w Arfanes, was put to death by Ochus, on his firſt aſcending the
His ex-
throne, and with him above eighty of his fons and grand-
fons k. How Codmannus came to efcape this flaughter, is no-
where faid. In the reign of Ochus he made but a very poor
figure, being only an aftanda, that is, one employed to carry
tract and the royal difpatches to the governors of the provinces; a mean
employment for one of the royal family. In the war which
Ochus made upon the Cadufians, towards the latter end of his
reign, one of thofe barbarians having challenged the whole
Perfian army to find a champion that durft encounter him in
a fingle combat, Codomannus accepted the challenge, after all
the others had declined it, and flew the Cadufian. For this
gallant action he was rewarded with the gevernment of Arme-
ia m, and thence raiſed to the throne by Bagoas, in the man-
ner we have already related. But he had not long enjoyed the
fovereign power, before Bagoas, finding that he would not be
intirely governed by him, which was all he aimed at in ad-
vancing him to the crown, refolved to remove him in the
fame manner as he had done his predeceffor; and accordingly
provided a poiſonous potion: but Darius, being acquainted
with his defign, when the potion was brought him, made Ba-
goas himſelf drink it; and, having thereby got rid of the trai-
tor by his own artifice, he fettled himfelf on the throne,
without any further difficulty or oppofition ". Authors re-
prefent Darius as a prince cf a mild and generous difpofition,
of great perfonal valour, and for his ftature and fhape far pre-
ferable to any of the whole Perfian empire: but, having fuch
a fortunate rival as Alexander the Great to encounter, he was
not able, with all his good qualities, and perfonal courage, to
withſtand him: and he was fcarce feated on the throne, when
he found this powerful enemy preparing to drive him from it.
FOR Alexander, having ſettled his affairs in Macedon, and
ufed all imaginable precautions to prevent any troubles that
might arife there during his abfence, fet out for Seftus, and
Bagoas
forced to
drink the
poifon he
bad
pre-
pared for
Darius.
Drop. ibid. PLUT. in Artax.
I PLUT. de vita & for-
tuna Alexandri. m DIOD. ibid. JUSTIN. 1.x. c. 3. n DIOD.
ubi fupra. Q. CURT. 1. vi. c. 6. STRABO, 1. XV. ÆLIAN. & alii.
I
thence
C. XI.
295
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
thence paffed over the Hellefpont into Afia, in the fecond year
of Darius's reign. A war againſt the Perfians had been re-
folved on fome time before in a general affembly of the Am-
phityons, to revenge the many injuries which Greece had re-
ceived from the barbarians during the fpace of three hundred.
years; and Philip king of Macedon had been appointed com- Philip
mander in chief of the forces deftined for this expedition: but made chief
Philip being in the mean time murdered, his fon Alexander commander-
fummoned a general aſſembly of all the ſtates and free cities of of thewars
Greece, to meet at Corinth; and, having prevailed with them againſt
to chooſe him in his room, he obliged each city to furniſh its Darius.
quota, both of men and money, for the carrying on of the
Is fucceeded
His army, according to the higheſt account, amounted Alexan-
to no more than thirty thouſand foot, and five thouſand horfe; der the
but they were all chofen men, well difciplined, and inured to Great.
the toils of war, moſt of them having ferved under Philip
during his long wars, and all of them been employed in fe- Year of
veral expeditions. Parmenio commanded the infantry; Phi- the flood
lopatus, his fon, had the command of eighteen hundred horfe,
war.
{
by his fon
2014:
334.
all Macedonians; Callas, the fon of Harpalus, led the fame Bef. Chr.
number of Theffalian cavalry; the reſt of the horſe had their
particular commanders, each being fet over thofe of his own
nation. With this army he croffed the Hellefpont, as we have
hinted above; and, purfuing his march, arrived at the river
Granicus, where he found the Perfian governors of the neigh-
bouring provinces encamped with an army of an hundred
thousand foot, and ten thoufand horfe, with a defign to dif
pute his paffage (U). Memnon the Rhodian, whom Darius Mem-
had appointed governor over all the coafts of Afia, had ad- non's ad
viſed the generals not to venture a battle, but to lay wafte the vice re-
whole country, and even deftroy the cities, that the enemyjected.
might be obliged, for want of provifions, to return back into
Europe; but Arfites, governor of Phrygia, oppoſed the opi-
nion of Memnon, proteſting, that he would never ſuffer the
Greeks to make fuch havock in the countries he governed.
This rafh and impolitic counſel prevailed, and Memnon was
even fufpected to hold intelligence with the enemy, or, at
leaft, to be defirous of fpinning out the war, and thereby
continuing the command to himſelf.
• ARRIAN. 1. i. PLUT. in Alexandr. Q. CURT. 1. iii.
(U) Juftin and Orofius tells
us, that the Perfian army con-
fifted of fix hundred thouſand
foot, and twenty thousand horfe;
Arrianus makes it amount to
two hundred thouſand foot.
We have clofen to follow Dio-
dorus's account, which to US
feems the most rational.
U 4
THE
296
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
THE Perfian cavalry, which was very numerous, lined the
banks of the Granicus, and formed a large front, in order to
oppoſe Alexander, where-ever he fhould attempt a paſſage; and
the foot, confifting chiefly of Greek mercenaries, was poſted be-
hind the cavalry on an eaſy afcent. Parmenio, obferving the dif
pofition of the enemy's army, adviſed Alexander to encamp on
the oppofite banks of the river, that his troops might have
time to reft, and not to attempt the croffing over till the
next morning, the river being deep, the banks very craggy
and ſteep, his troops tired with their march, and thofe of the
enemy quite frefh, as having been encamped in that place for
der craffes feveral days. But all the reafons he could produce made not
the Gra- the leaft impreffion on Alexander, who answered, that it
would be a difgrace to him and his army, fhould he, after
croffing the Hellefpont, fuffer his progrefs to be ftopt by a
rivulet; for fo, out of contempt, he called the Granicus m.
Alexan-
nicus.
cus.
}
The battle THE two armies, being drawn up in battle-array on the op-
of Grani- pofite banks of the river, continued fome time in fight of each
other, as though they dreaded the event. The Perfians waited
till the Macedonians fhould enter the river, that they might at-
Year of tack them to advantage on their landing; and the Macedonians
the flood were looking for a convenient place to croſs in; which they no
fooner found, than Alexander ordered a ſtrong detachment of
Bef. Chr. horfe to advance into the river, he himſelf following with the
2014.
334.
right wing, which he commanded in perfon, the trumpets in
the mean time founding, and loud fhouts of joy being heard
throughout the whole army. The Perfians let fly fuch fhowers
of arrows againſt the detachment of the Macedonian horſe, as
cauſed fome confufion, feveral of their horfes being killed or
wounded; and, as they drew near the bank, a moſt bloody
engagement enfued, the Macedonians endeavouring to land,
and the Perfians puſhing them again into the river. As Mem-
non commanded in this place with his fons, the firſt ranks of
the Macedonians were intirely cut off; and the reft, after hav-
ing, with the utmoſt difficulty, gained the fhore, driven
anew into the river. Alexander, who followed them clofe, ob-
ferving the confufion they were in, headed them himſelf, and,
landing in fpite of all oppofition, attacked the enemy's ca-
pulfed by valry with great vigour, and obliged them, after an obftinate
Alexan- refiftance, to give way. However, Spithrobates, governor of
Ionia, and fon in-law to Darius, being furrounded by forty
Perfian lords, all of them his relations, ftill maintained his
ground, and did all that lay in his power to lead the Perfians
back to the charge. Alexander, feeing in how gallant a man-
ner he fignalized himfelf, advanced full-gallop to engage
The Per-
fians re-
der.
* DIOD. ARRIAN, PLUT. CURT. & alii, ubi fupra.
him;
C. XI.
297
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
him; neither did he decline the combat, and both were flight-
ly wounded at the firft encounter. Spithrobates, having thrown
his javelin without effect, immediately advanced fword in hand
against Alexander, who, being upon his guard, run him through Alexan-
with his pike, as he was lifting up his arm to diſcharge a blow der in im-
with his fcimitar; but Refaces, brother to Spithrobates, gave minent
Alexander, at the fame time, fo furious a blow on the head danger.
with his battle-ax, that he beat off his plume, and flightly
wounded him through his helmet. As he was ready to re-
peat the blow, Clitus, with one ftroke of his fcimitar, cut
off Rofaces's head, and by that means faved the life of his fo-
vereign. The Macedonians, animated by the example of
their king, attacked the Perſian horfe with new vigour; who,
not being able to ſtand ſo violent a fhock, firft gave ground,
and foon after betook themſelves to a precipitous flight. Alex-
ander did not purfue them, but immediately charged, at the
head of the right wing, the enemy's foot; who, feeing them-.
felves attacked at the fame time by the cavalry, and the Ma-
cedonian phalanx, which had croffed the river, made no great
refiftance. The Grecian infantry retired in good order to a
neighbouring hill, whence they fent deputies to Alexander,
demanding leave to march off unmolefted; but he, inftead
of coming to a parley with them, rufhed, fword in hand, in-
to the middle of this fmall body, where he was very near be-
ing cut to pieces, his horfe being killed under him. The
Greeks defended themſelves a long while with incredible va-
lour, but, being at laft overpowered with numbers, were
almoſt all killed on the fpot. In this engagement the Perfians The Per-
loft twenty thoufand foot, and two thoufand five hundred fians de-
horfe; of the Macedonians, twenty-five men of the king's feated.
own troop fell in the firft attack, whofe ftatues, made by Ly-
fippus, Alexander, fome time after, cauſed to be fet up in Dia,
a city of Macedon; whence they were, many years after, car-
ried to Rome by 2; Metellus. About fixty others of the horfe
were killed, and thirty of the foot, who were all buried the
next day with great folemnity, the king exempting their pa-
rents and children from all taxes and burdens 9.
THIS victory was attended with all the happy confequences Sardis and
that could be expected; for Sardis, which was the key of the Ephefus
Perfian empire, immediately furrendered, and was, by Alex-farrender-
ander, declared a free city; the citizens being permitted to ed to Alex-
live according to their own laws. From Sardis he advanced ander.
to Ephefus, where he was received with great joy. Here he
offered a great number of facrifices to Diana, and affigned,
9 PLUT. in Alex. DIODOR. p. 503. JUSTIN. 1. xi. c. 6. AR-
RIAN. 1. i. c. 18.
to
298
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
to the temple of that goddefs, all the tributes that were paid
to the Perfians. Before he left Ephefus, the deputies of
Trallis and Magnefia waited upon him with the keys of their
cities. From Ephefus he advanced to Miletus; which city,
flattered with the hopes of being foon relieved, refuſed him
admittance; and indeed the Perfian fleet, which was very nu-
merous, made as if they would fuccour the city; but, after
various fruitless attempts, they failed off. Memnon had ſhut
himſelf up in this ftrong-hold, with a confiderable number of
his men, who had eſcaped from the battle on the Granicus,
Miletus and was refolved to make a vigorous refiftance. Alexander,
befieged, having furrounded the city with his whole army, planted ſcale-
and taken. ing-ladders on all fides, thinking that the moſt expeditious
manner of becoming mafter of the place but his men being
every-where repulfed, and the city well ftored with provifions
for a long fiege, he began to batter the walls with all his en-
gines, night and day, without intermiffion. Several breaches
were made, but ftill he could not mafter the town, the be-
fieged fuftaining all his efforts with incredible bravery. At
laft, the town being almoft quite difmantled, and the befieged
tired out with the hard fervice, Memnon demanded to capitu-
late, and furrendered the city upon honourable terms: the
Milefians were allowed to live according to their own laws,
and Memnon, with his Greeks, to march out unmolested;
but the Perfians were either put to the fword, or fold for
flaves .
Mem-
non's
brave de-
fence of
Halicar-
naffus.
HAVING thus poffeffed himfelf of Miletus, he marched
into Caria, in order to befiege Halicarnaffus, the metropolis
of that province, which refufed to fubmit. That city was,
both by nature and art, one of the beft fortified in all Afia;
and, befides, Memnon had thrown himſelf into it with a con-
fiderable body of chofen men, refolved to fignalize, in the
defence of fo important a place, his courage, and attachment
to the intereft of Darius, with whom he had left his wife and
children as pledges of it and accordingly he made a moſt
vigorous refiftance, being feconded by another general of
great prowess, by name Ephialtes. Whatever could be ex-
pected from the moft intrepid bravery, and the moſt con-
fummate knowlege in the art of war, was practifed, on this
occafion, both by the befiegers and befieged. After the Ma-
cedonians had, with the utmoſt difficulty, filled up the ditches,
and brought their engines near the walls, their works were
all demoliſhed in an inftant, and the engines fet on fire by
the befieged. No fooner was any part of the wall beat down
by the battering rams, but a new one was raiſed in its ftead,
DIOD. ubi fupra. ARRIAN. 1. i. c. 19.
the
C. XI.
299
The History of the Perfians.
the Macedonians finding themſelves no farther advanced, after
an immenſe labour, than they were when they firſt ſat down
before the place. The city held out fo long, and the befiegers
had fo many difficulties to ftruggle with, that any general, be-
fides Alexander, would have given over the enterprize; but
his troops were encouraged to purſue the undertaking by thofe
very difficulties, which would have difheartened others; and
their patience at laſt proved fucceſsful, Memnon being obliged Halicar-
to abandon the city, which he could no longer defend. As naffus a-
the fea was open, he placed a ftrong garifon in the citadel, bandoned
which was ftored with all forts of provifion, and, going on
by Mem-
board the Perfian fleet, whereof himſelf was admiral, he con- non.
Taken and
veyed the inhabitants, with all their effects, to the iſland of
Year of
2015.
333.
Cos, not far diftant from Halicarnaffus. Alexander, finding raſed.
the city empty both of riches and inhabitants, rafed it to the the flood
ground; but the citadel he did not think proper to beſiege, it
being of little importance to him after the city was deftroyed. Bef. Chr.
AFTER the reduction of Halicarnaffus, all the Greek cities
in Afia declared for Alexander, he giving out, where-ever he
came, that he had undertaken this war with no other view but Greek
to free them from the Perfian bondage. In the fecond year cities fub-
of this war, he reduced the provinces of Phrygia, Lycia, Pifi- mit to A-
dia, Pamphylia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, and Cappadocia; and lexander.
appointed fuch of his friends to govern them as he thought
fit.
Theſe tranſactions we fhall relate more at large in the
life of this great warrior.
In the mean time, Darius was not wanting to prepare for a Mem-
vigorous defence. Memnon adviſed him to carry the war into non's ex-
Macedon and a wifer refolution could not have been taken; cellent ad-
for the Lacedæmonians, and feveral other Greek ftates, that vice to
were difaffected to the Macedonians, and jealous of their over- Darius.
grown power, would have readily joined their enemies; which
would have obliged Alexander to leave Afia, and return to
the defence of his own country. Darius, being well appriſed
of the reaſonableneſs of this advice, willingly embraced it, and
charged Memnon to put it in execution, appointing him admi-
ral of the fleet, and commander in chief of all the forces that Made his
were to be employed in this expedition. That prince could admiral.
not have made a better choice; for Memnon was by far the
beſt general in his fervice, and had, for many years, given un-
doubted proofs, not only of his courage and conduct, but of
an extraordinary fidelity and attachment to the Perfian intereft,
not abandoning his fovereign, as other mercenaries had done,
when his arms were unfucceſsful. Having received this new
commiffion, he affembled the fcattered remains of the army,
• ARRIAN. 1. ii. fub init. Drop. ubi fupra.
and
300
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
and appointed the fleet to rendezvous at the ifland of Cos,
where he took on board the land-forces, and with them re-
duced the iſlands of Chios and Lesbos, except the city of Mi-
tylene. From thence he defigned to pafs over into Euboea, and
make Greece and Macedon the feat of the war; but died before
His death. Mitylene, which city he had been forced to befiege. His death
was the greateſt misfortune that could befal the Ferfian em-
pire, having defeated the wife meaſures which he had propoſed;
for Darius, not having one general capable of carrying on that
enterprize, the only one that could have faved his empire, was
obliged to drop it, and intirely depend upon his eaſtern armies.
Darius's Thefe he appointed to affenible at Babylon; and, having fet up
army muf his ftandard there, and muſtered his forces, he found, that
tered at they amounted in all to the number of four, five, or fix hun-
Babylon. dred thouſand men, according to the various accounts of au-
thors t.
Alexan-
•
THE news of Memnon's death confirmed Alexander in the
refolution he had taken of marching immediately into the pro-
vinces of Upper Afia. Accordingly, he marched with all pof-
fible expedition into Cilicia; and, arriving at a place called
Cyrus's camp (whether from Cyrus the Great, as Curtius tells us,
or from the younger, as we read in Arrian, is uncertain), about
fifty ftades diftant from the ftreights of Cilicia, he was informed,
that the enemy guarded that important pafs with a confiderable
body of troops: whereupon, leaving Parmenio there, he
marched in perfon, at the first watch, to ſurpriſe them. But
the Perfians, having intelligence of his defign, betook them-
felves to flight, and abandoned the pafs; which Alexander en-
der takes tered, and, after viewing with attention the nature of the place,
the impor- admired his good fortune, and owned, that he might have been
tant pass topped with great cafe, feeing the road was fo narrow, that
four men could fcarce pafs abreaft, and fo broken in ſeveral
places, and incumbered by large ftones rolling down from the
mountains, that a very ſmall number of refolute men might
have kept back, with no other weapons but ftones, a more
numerous army. From the ftreights of Cilicia, the whole
army marched to the city of Tarfus, where they arrived the
preferved inftant the Perfians were fetting fire to the place, in order to
from being prevent the Macedonians from enriching themſelves with the
plunder of fo wealthy and flouriſhing a city. They arrived very
ſeaſonably to ſtop the progrefs of the fire, and fave the city from
utter deftruction ".
called
Cyrus's
camp.
Tarfus
burnt.
:
In the mean time Darius had begun his march at the head
of his numerous army, and was advanced as far as the vaſt
↑ Vide PLUT. in Alexand. ARRIAN. 1. ii. c. 6. JUSTIN. 1. xi.
c. 9. CURT. 1. iii. c. 4. " ARRIAN, 1. ii. CURT. 1, iii. c. 8.
plains
C. XI.
301
The History of the Perfians.
plains of Mefopotamia (U). Here the commanders of the
Greek mercenaries earneftly preffed him to wait for the enemy,
that he might engage them with all the advantage his numbers
gave him; but Darius would not hearken to their advice, Darius's
haftening blindly to the mountainous parts of Cilicia, where march into
his cavalry, and the number of his troops, would rather be an
incumbrance to each other, than of any ſervice in an engage-
ment ".
Cilicia.
THE order he obferved in his march was as follows: Before The pom-
the army was carried, on filver altars, the facred and eternal pous order
fire, as they called it, attended by the mages, finging hymns, of his
after the manner of their country, and three hundred and fixty- march.
five youths in fcarlet robes. After theſe came a chariot con-
fecrated to Jupiter, drawn by white horfes, and followed by
one of an extraordinary fize, whom they called the horſe of the
fun all the equerries were cloathed in white, each having a
golden rod in his hand. Next appeared ten fumptuous cha-
riots, enriched with curious fculptures in gold and filver;- and
then the vanguard of the horſe, compofed of twelve different
nations, and all armed in a different manner. This body of
horfe was followed by another of foot, by the Perfians called
Immortal; becauſe, if any of them died, his place was imme-
diately fupplied by another: they were ten thoufand in num-
ber, and remarkable for the fumptuoufnefs of their apparel;
for they all wore collars of pure gold, and were cloathed in-
robes of gold tiſſue, having large fleeves, garniſhed with pre-
cious ftones. About thirty paces diftance came the king's re-
lations or coufins, to the number of fifteen thoufand, apparel-
ed like women, and furpaffing even the Immortal body in the
pomp and richneſs of their attire. They were honoured with
the title of the king's coufins, and poffibly feveral of the king's
relations were in this body. After thefe came Darius himself, His cha-
attended by his guards, and feated on a chariot, as on a throne. rist de-
The chariot was fupported on both fides by the gods of hisfcribed.
nation caſt in pure gold. From the middle of the beam, which
was ſet with jewels, roſe two ſtatues of pure gold, a cubit-
W ARRIAN, & CURT. ibid.
(U) Contrary to the whol-
fome advice of Charidemus, whom
Alexander had banished from A-
thens, and who adviſed Darius
to march againſt him in perfon,
but to commit the care of his
army, which needed not to con-
fift of above an hundred thousand
men, and one third of them
mercenaries, to fome experienc-
ed general. But for this he be-
came fo obnoxious to the king,
and his lords, that he was im-
mediately put to death (1).
(1) Diod. 1, xvii. Q. Curt, 1. iü, c, 5,
in
302
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
in height, the one reprefenting war, the other peace, and
both fhaded with the wings of a fpread eagle of the fame metal.
The king was cloathed with a garment of purple, ftriped with
filver, wearing over that a long robe, enriched with a great
many precious ftones; and the ſcabbard of his fcimitar, as our
His guard. author tells us, was made out of a ſingle precious ftone. On
either fide of the king walked two hundred of his neareſt rela-
tions, followed by ten thouſand horſemen, whofe lances were
plated with filver, and tipt with gold. After theſe marched
thirty thoufand foot, the rear of the army, and, laftly, four
hundred led horſes belonging to the king. At a ſmall diſtance
followed Sifigambis, the king's mother, and his confort, both
feated on high chariots, with a numerous train of female at-
tendants on horfeback, and fifteen chariots, in which were the
king's children, and thoſe who were charged with the care of
their education. Next to thefe were the royal concubines, to
the number of three hundred and fixty, all attired like fo many
queens. They were followed by fix hundred mules, and three
hundred camels, which carried the king's treaſure, and were
guarded by a body of bowmen. This pageant march was
cloſed by a great many chariots, carrying the wives of the
crown-officers, and lords of the court, and guarded by fome
companies of foot, lightly armed *.
His houf-
hold and
retinue.
ALEXANDER, upon advice that Darius was advancing to-
wards the Euphrates, in order to enter Cilicia, detached Par-
menio, to poffefs himſelf of another narrow paſs (W), leading
from Affyria, or rather Syria, into Cilicia. As for himſelf, he
Soli taken, marched from Tarfus to Anchialos, and thence to Soli; which
and fined. city he reduced, obliging the inhabitants, who refuſed at firft to
admit him into their city, to pay twenty thouſand talents for
the maintenance of his army. While he was at Caſtabala, a
finall city not far from mount Amanus, news was brought him,
that Darius, with his whole army, was advanced as far as the
city of Sochus, in Syria, within two days march of Cilicia.
Hereupon Alexander fummoned a council of war, wherein it
was determined, that the whole army fhould march the next
day, and wait for Darius among the mountains of Cilicia :
which they did accordingly, encamping on a ſpot of ground
× ARRIAN. & CURT. ubi fupra.
(W) For the clearer under-
ftanding of Alexander's march,
and that of Darius, we muſt di-
ftinguiſh three ftreights, the firſt
leading from Cappadocia into Ci-
licia, through which Alexander
marched his army; the fecond
leading from Cilicia into Syria,
which Parmenio took poffeffion
of; and the third, called the
ftreights of mount Amanus, lying
to the north of the pafs of Sy-
ria; through this Darius's army
from Affyria entered Cilicia.
which
C. XI.
303
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
which was but juſt wide enough for two ſmall armies to act
in; and fo reduced both, in fome degree, to an equality.
When intelligence was brought to the Perfian camp, that The Greek
Alexander had halted in the midft of the mountains, the Greek generals
commanders, who ferved in Darius's army, adviſed him again advice to
to wait for the enemy in the plains where he was then encamp- Darius re-
ed, or return to the plains of Mefopotamia, where he might jeded.
have room enough to draw up his great army, bring them all
to engage at the fame time, and furround the enemy; where-
as, within thoſe ftreights there not being room any-where to
draw up above thirty thoufand men in battle-array, the Mace-
donians could bring all their men to engage, and the Perfians
not the twentieth part of theirs. If he did not approve of this
counſel, they then adviſed him to divide his army into feveral
bodies, and not to put all to the chance of one battle. But
his adverfe fate did not fuffer him to follow fo wholſome an
advice; nay, the courtiers here again traduced thoſe who
had fuggefted it, as traitors, telling Darius, that they adviſed
him to divide his troops with no other view, than that they
might have, after fuch a feparation, a fair opportunity of de-
livering up into the enemies hands whatever ſhould be in their
power. However, Darius thanked the Greeks for their zeal
and good-will, and even condefcended to lay before them the
motives that induced him to reject their advice. The courtiers
had made him believe, that Alexander was flying before him;
and that therefore he ought to march forward with all poffible
expedition, and fall upon him while intangled in thofe ftreights,
left he fhould make his eſcape. Upon this it was agreed, in
a council of all the Perfian generals, that they fhould engage
the enemy in the narrow paffes; the gods, fays our hiftorian,
blinding that prince, that they might pave a way to the de-
ſtruction of the Perfian empire. Darius, having fent his trea-
fures, and moft valuable moveables, to Damafcus in Syria,
under a ſmall convoy, led the main body of the army towards
the ftreights of mount Amanus, through which he entered Ci-
licia, and advanced as far as the city of Iffus, not knowing
that Alexander was behind; for he had been told, that the
Macedonians were retired in great diſorder into Syria. In the
city of Iffus he barbaroufly put to death the fick and wounded
Macedonians that had been left there by Parmenio, fparing only
a few, whom he difmiffed, after making them view his camp,
that they might be eye-witneffes of the immenfe number of his
forces. Theſe brought Alexander word of Darius's approach,
which he could fcarce believe, though he defired nothing.
more earneftly. However, having offered a facrifice to the
y Arrian. 1. ii. CURT. 1. iii. c. 11.
gods
304
·B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
The battle gods of the place, he advanced to meet him; and drew up his
of Iffus.
army on a pot of ground near the city of Iffus, bounded on
Year of one fide by the mountains, and by the fea on the other. Here,
the flood Darius not being able to extend his front beyond that of the
2015: Macedonians, by reafon of the narownefs of the place, could
Bef. Chr. difpofe of his great army no otherwife than by drawing them
333.
up in many lines, one behind the other. But the Macedonians
foon breaking the firft line, and that recoiling upon the fecond,
and the ſecond again upon the third, and ſo on, the whole Per-
fian army was put in diforder; and the Macedonians purfuing
the advantage, by preffing forward, the confufion was in-
creaſed to fuch a degree, that even the braveft among the
The Per- Perfians, who were defirous to fignalize themſelves, could
fians
neither ſtand their ground, nor manage their arms. As the
ftreight-
croud which was made in the flight of fo numerous an army,
ened, and was very great, thofe who fell that day were, for the moſt part,
put into
trampled to death by their own men, as they preffed to eſcape.
diforder. Darius, who fought in the firft line, with much difficulty got
Darius out of the croud, and fled in his chariot to the neighbouring
mountains, where he mounted on horfeback, and purfued his
flight, leaving behind him his bow, his fhield, and royal
mantle. Alexander was prevented from following him, by the
The Greek Greek mercenaries, who, charging the Macedonian phalanx
with incredible bravery, killed Ptolemy the fon of Seleucus,
ries obfti- with one hundred and twenty officers of diftinction, befides a
put to
flight.
Inercena-
nate
great many private men; and, though attacked in flank by
bravery. Alexander in perfon, maintained their ground till they were from
twenty thouſand reduced to eight thouſand. They retired then,
in good order, over the mountains, towards Tripoli in Syria,
where, finding the tranfports that had conveyed them from
Lesbos, lying on the fhore, they fitted out ſuch a number as
fuited their purpofe, and failed to Cyprus, after having burnt
The Per- the reft, to prevent their being purfued. Alexander no fooner
fian camp faw them put to flight, than he haftened after Darius; but,
feized and growing weary of the purfuit, and night drawing on, he re-
plundered. turned to the enemies camp, which his foldiers had juſt before
plundered. Sifigambis, Darius's mother, and his wife, who
was alfo his fifter, with his fon Ochus, not full fix years old,
and his two daughters, both marriageable, befides fome
noblemens daughters who attended them, were found in the
camp, and taken prifoners. The reft had been fent to Da-.
mafcus, with part of Darius's treafure, and all the rich furni-
ture which the Perfian monarchs uſed to carry with them into
the field; fo that in the camp they found only three thouſand.
talents of filver: but the reſt of the treaſures fell afterwards
into the hands of Parmenio, at his taking the city of Damaſ-
CUS.
C. XI
305
The History of the Perfians.
;
cus 2. In this engagement the Perſians loft, according to Ar- Their lofs.
riana, ten thouſand horſe, and ninety thouſand foot: and
with him other writers agree, as to the number of the horſe
but, as to the foot, they all vary not only from him, but from
each other, fome making the number of the dead amount to
eighty, others to ninety, others to one hundred, and ſome to
one hundred and twenty thouſand; adding, that forty thou-
fand were taken prifoners, while Alexander, according to the
higheſt computation, loft in all but three hundred men b.
THE next day, Alexander, after vifiting the wounded,
caufed the dead to be buried in great pomp, in the preſence of
the whole army, which was drawn up in battle-array. The
fame honours he paid to the manes of the Perfians of rank;
and allowed Darius's mother to bury as many as the pleaſed,
according to the cuſtoms and ceremonies of her country. But
the prudent princeſs uſed that permiffion with great modeſty
and reſerve, burying only a few, who were her near relations.
Alexander treated her, and the other captive princeffes, with Alexan-
great humanity: they were, fays Plutarch, in Alexander's der's noble
camp, not as in that of an enemy, but as in an holy temple, treatment
defigned for the afylum of virtue; they all living fo retired, of Da-
that they were not feen by any one, none daring to approach rius's fa-
their pavilion but fuch as were appointed to attend them. As mily.
Darius's confort, and her two daughters, were princeffes of
an extraordinary beauty, Alexander, after the firft vifit, re-
folved never to fee them any more, that his frailty might not
expoſe him to any danger. This memorable circumftance we
find in a letter which he wrote to Parmenio, commanding him
to put to death certain Macedonians, who had abuſed the wives
of fome captives: in fhort, he uſed them with fuch refpect,
good-nature, and humanity, that nothing but their captivity
could make them fenfible of their misfortune d.
ALEXANDER, ſeeing himſelf now mafter of the field, de-
tached Parmenio to Damafcus, where Darius's treaſures were
lodged, with the Theffalian horfe. As he was on his march
thither, he met with a meffenger fent by the governor of that
city, with a letter to Alexander, wherein he offered to betray
the city to the king. The fourth day, Parmenio arrived at Damafcus
Damafcuss when the governor, pretending that he was not and Da-
able to defend the city againſt a victorious army, caufed, by rius's trea-
day-break, a vaft number of beafts of burden to be loaded fure be-
with the king's treaſure, and rich furniture, as if he intended trayed to
Alexan-
z PLUT. in Alexand. CURT. 1. iii. ARRIAN. 1. ii. DIOD. I. xvii, der.
a ARRIAN. ubi fupra.
JUSTIN. abi fupra.
TARCH. ibid.
VOL. V.
C
bDIOD. PLUTARCH. ARRIAN, CURT.
PLUT. de fortuna Alexandri. * PLÚ-
X
*
to
306
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Darius
writes to
to retire, and fave them for his máfter, but, in reality, to de-
liver them up to the enemy, as he had agreed with Parmenio,
who had opened the letter directed to the king. At the first
fight of the forces which this general headed, the Perfians who
convoyed the treafures, betook themfelves to flight, and left
the Macedonians mafters of all the gold and filver that was de-
figned to pay fo numerous an army. Among the prifoners of
diſtinction taken in the city, were three young princeffes,
daughters of Ochus, who had reigned before Darius, and his
widow; the daughter of Oxathres, brother to Darius; the
wife of Artabazus, or Artabanus, the greateſt lord at court,
with his fon Ilioneus; the wife of Pharnabazus, whom Da-
rius had appointed governor of all the cities on the coaſt; three
daughters of Mentor; the wife and fon of Memnon, that il-
luftrious and renowned commander; infomuch that there
was fcarce one noble family in all Perfia, which did not fhare
in this calamity. Befides the immenfe treaſures which the
Macedonians had already taken, they found in the city two
thouſand fix hundred talents in ready money, and five hundred
in bullion, which was afterwards coined: they took thirty
thouſand prifoners; and, with the plunder of the city, loaded
feven thouſand camels. The Theffalian horfe had the beft
fhare of this booty, having been fent by Alexander on this ex-
pedition, that they might enrich themfelves with the plunder
of fo wealthy a city, in regard they had diftinguiſhed them-
felves above the reft, in the late engagement. The
The gover
nor of the place was killed by one of his own men, and his head
carried to Darius f.
AFTER this victory Alexander marched into Syria, moft of
the cities of that country voluntarily fubmitting to the con-
queror, and even Darius's governors and commanders deliver-
ing themſelves and their treafures up into his hands. Being ar-
rived at Marathon, he received a letter from Darius, in which
he ftiled himſelf king, without beſtowing that title on Alexan-
Alexan- der. He rather commanded than intreated him to aſk what
der. fum he pleaſed, for the ranfom of his mother, wife, and chil-
dren and, as to their difpute about empire, they might decide
it, if he thought proper, in a general engagement, to which
both parties fhould bring an equal number of troops; but, if he
were ſtill capable of wholfome counfel, he would adviſe him to
be contented with the kingdom of his anceſtors, and not invade
that of another, to which he had no right: that, for the fu-
ture, they fhould live in friendſhip and amity: and that he
was ready to fwear to the obfervance of theſe articles, and re-
ceive Alexander's oath. This letter, which was written with
! CURT. ibid.
• PLUT. de fort. & CURT. 1. iii. c. 25.
fuch
C. XI.
307
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
ſuch an unfeaſonable pride and haughtiness, provoked Alexan-
der to a great degree, who therefore, in his anfwer, began
thus; Alexander the king to Darius: He then enumerates the Alexan-
many injuries and calamities which the Greeks and Macedonians der's an-
had fuffered from the Perfians; reproaches that nation with the fwer.
baſe and treacherous murder of his father Philip; and Darius,
in particular, with fetting a price upon his own head: whence
he concludes, that he is not the aggreffor, but has taken up
arms in his own defence, and to revenge the death of his fa-
ther, and the injuries done to his country: and that the gods,
who always declare for the juft caufe, approved of this war,
he fhews, from the fuccefs that attended it, fince, with their
protection, he had already fubdued great part of Afia, and de-
feated the mighty hoft of the Perfians, in a pitched battle,
with an handful of men. However, he engaged his word, that
he would reſtore to him his wife, mother, and children, pro-
vided he repaired to him in the attire of a fuppliant, and humbly
begged him to give them their liberty; affuring him, that he
might do it without the leaft danger. He concluded by de-
firing him to remember, when he next wrote, that he not on-
ly addreffed a king, but his king. Thefippus was ordered to
carry this letter g.
ALEXANDER marched from thence into Phonice, where Biblos, Si-
the citizens of Biblos opened their gates to him; and their ex- don, and
ample was followed by other cities, in proportion as he ad- the other
vanced into the country: but none received him with greater cities of
joy than the Sidonians, who had a few years before been fo Phonice,
cruelly treated by Ochus. Since that time they bore fuch an ha-Jubmit to
tred to the Perfian name, that they were overjoyed at this op- Alexan-
portunity of fhaking off the yoke; and, indeed, were the firſt der.
in Phoenice who fubmitted to Alexander, by their deputies, in
oppofition to Strabo their king, who was in the Perfian in- Year of
tereft. Alexander depofed him, and permitted Hephastion to the flood
elect in his room whomfoever of the Sidonians he fhould judge 2016.
worthy of fo exalted a ftation, as we have clſewhere related Bef. Chr.
at length i.
WHILE Alexander was in Phenice, fome of the Perfian
generals, who had eſcaped from the battle at Iffus, drawing to-
gether the remains of the fcattered army, attempted, with
the affiftance of the Cappadocians and Paphlagonians, to re-
cover Lydia; but were in feveral engagements routed, and at
laft intirely diſperſed by Antigonus, whom Alexander had ap-
pointed governor of that province. At the fame time, the
8 DIOD. 1. xvii. p. 517, 518. ARRIAN. 1. ii. p. 83-86. PLUT.
in Alexandr. p. 678. CURT. 1. iv. c. I. JUSTIN, 1. xi. c. 10.
↳ CURT. 1. iv. c. 2. JUSTIN. 1. xi. c. 1o. Vol. ii. p. 362, & feq.
X 2
i
Mace-
332.
1
308
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Macedonian fleet, failing from Greece, fell in with that of the
enemies, commanded by Ariftomenes, whom Darius had ſent
to recover the cities on the Hellefpont, and attacked them fo
brifkly, that not one fingle ſhip eſcaped k.
ALL Syria and Phanice were already fubdued, except the
city of Tyre, which he befieged, and took by aſſault, after the
inhabitants had held out with incredible bravery for ſeven
whole months, as we have related in the hiſtory of Phænice¹.
A ſecond
WHILE Alexander was carrying on the fiege of Tyre, he
letter from
received a fecond letter from Darius, who, at laft, conde-
Darius to fcended to give him the title of king: he offered him ten thou-
Alexan- fand talents, by way of ranſom for the captive princeffes, and
der;
his daughter Statira in marriage, with all the country he had
conquered, as far as the Euphrates: he put him in mind of
the inconftancy of fortune; and fet out, in moft pompous
terms, the vast number of troops he could ſtill bring into the
field he reprefented the difficulties he might meet with, in
croffing the Euphrates, the Tigris, the Araxes, and the Hydaf-
pes, which were fo many barriers to the Perfian empire: that
he would not have always the opportunity of fhutting himſelf
up among rocks and mountains, but would be obliged fome
time or other to engage in an open and champain country,
where he would be aſhamed to appear before him with an hand-
ful of men. Upon the receipt of this letter Alexander fum-
moned a council, in which Parmenio was of opinion, that he
ought to accept the offers of Darius, declaring, that he would
agree to them, were he Alexander: And fo would I, replied
Alexander, were I Parmenio. Without hearkening therefore
to his advice, he anſwered, that he did not want the money
Darius offered him: that it did not become him to offer what
he no longer poffeffed; nor pretend to diſpoſe of what he had
already loft: that if he was the only perfon who did not know
which of the two was the beſt commander, a battle would foon
determine it that he ſhould not be frightened with rivers,
after having croffed the fea; and would not fail to pursue Da-
rius, and come up with him, at last, to what place foever he
fhould think proper to retire m. Darius, upon the receipt of
this letter, loft all hopes of an accommodation, and began
anew to prepare for war.
and bis
anſwer.
The city of ALEXANDER, having reduced Tyre, marched from thence
Gaza be- to Jerufalem, and from Jerufalem to Gaza. On his arrival
fieged and at that city, he found it defended by a ftrong garifon, under
taken by
Alexan-
der.
* CURT. 1. iv. c. 4. 1 Vol. ii. p. 375, & feqq. m PLUT. in
Alex. & apophthegm. CURT. 1. iv. c. 16. ARRIAN. 1. ii. p. 101.
JUSTIN. 1. xi. c. 12. VAL. MAX 1. vi. c. 4.
the
C.XI.
309
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
the command of Betis, or, as fome call him, Babemefis ", one
of Darius's eunuchs, who, being a man of great experience in
military affairs, and very faithful to his fovereign, refolved ta
hold out againſt Alexander till he was reduced to the laſt ex-
tremity. As this place was the only inlet into Egypt, Alex-
ander could not pafs thither till he was become mafter of it;
and therefore was forced to befiege it. But, notwithſtanding
his men behaved with the utmost intrepidity, and his com-
manders exerted the utmoſt of military fkill, yet it coft him,
and his whole army, two intire months to reduce it. The ftop
which this put to his intended march into Egypt, and two dan-
gerous wounds which he received in the fiege, provoked him
to fuch a degree, that, on his taking the place, he treated the
commander, inhabitants, and foldiers, in a manner no-ways
becoming a conqueror: for, having cut ten thousand of them
in pieces, he fold the reft, with their wives and children, for
flaves. When Betis, who had been taken prifoner in the laft
affault, was brought before him, inſtead of ufing him kindly,
as his valour and fidelity justly deferved, and a generous ene-
my ought to have done, he ordered. his heels to be bored, a
cord to be drawn through them, and the unhappy captive, thus
tied to a chariot, to be dragged round the city, till he expired;
bragging, that herein he imitated his progenitor Achilles, who,
as Homer relates, caufed the dead body of Hector to be thus
dragged round the walls of Troy, as though a man ought ever
to take pride in imitating a bad example. Both acts were bar-
barous and inhuman, but that of Alexander much more fo;
for Achilles caufed only Hector's dead body to be fo abufed,
whereas Alexander thus treated Betis while alive; and for no
other reaſon, but becauſe he had ferved his fovereign with
fidelity, in the poft committed to his charge; which even
Alexander, though an enemy, would have admired and re-
warded, had he made the true principles of virtue and gene-
rofity the rule of his actions: but his fentiments and conduct
began now to change with his fortune 9.
He fent great part
of the booty he found in the city to Olympias, to Cleopatra,
and his friends; and, having left a garifon there, he marched
directly for Egypt; and, in ſeven days, arrived before Pelu-
fium, where he was met by great numbers of Egyptians, who
flocked thither to make their fubmiffion to him. The hatred
they bore to the Perfians was fuch, that they willingly em-
braced all opportunities of fhaking off the yoke they groaned
under, and feemed not to care by whom they were governed,
n JOSEPH. antiquit. 1. xi. c ult. EuUSEB. Chron. PLIN. 1. xii. c. 25.
ARRIAN. 1. ii. p. 50.
• CURT. 1. iv. c. 10. ARRIAN. 1.
prope finem. PLUT. in Alexand. p. 679.
X 3
pro
310
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
-
provided they could but meet with one who was able to ref-
cue them from that infolence and indignity with which the Per-
fians treated them and their religion. Ochus had flain their
god Apis, in a manner highly injurious to themſelves and their
religion; and the Perfian governors treated their gods in the
fame manner which raiſed their indignation to fuch a height,
that when Amyntas (X) came thither a little before, with an
handful of men, he found them ready to join him in driving
out the Perfians. Alexander therefore no fooner appeared on
the frontiers, but the Egyptians flocked to him from all parts,
and received him with open arms. His arrival at the head of
a powerful and victorious army, gave them fecure protection,
which they could not promiſe themſelves from Amyntas; and,
on this confideration, they openly declared, without reſerve,
in his favour. Hereupon Mazaus, who commanded in Mem-
phis, feeing he was not in a condition to oppoſe this general in-
Submits to furrection, opened the gates to the conqueror, and put him in
poffeffion of the metropolis of that kingdom, with eight hun-
der. dred talents, and all the king's rich furniture P. Thus Alex-
the flood ander, without any oppofition, became mafter of all Egypt.
AT Memphis Alexander formed a defign of vifiting the
Bef. Chr. temple of Jupiter Hammon; and, in his way thither, built
Alexandria, which foon became the metropolis of that king-
dom. On his return from the temple he fettled the affairs of
Egypt, and marched from thence, in the beginning of the
Egypt
Alexan-
Year of
2016.
332.
P CURT. 1. iv. c. 20. JUSTIN. 1. xi. c. 11. ARRIAN. 1. iii. p.
104-110. DIOD. 1. xvii. p. 526-529.
(X) This Amyntas, having fled
from Alexander to Darius, was
one of the commanders of the
Greek mercenaries at the battle
of Iffus, from whence having
brought off four thoufand of his
men, he got fafe to Tripoli in
Syria, where he embarked, as we
have related above, and failed
first to Cyprus, and then to Pe-
lufium in Egypt; which city he
feized, making the garifon be-
lieve,that he had been appointed
governor of Egypt in the room
of Sabaces, who had been kill-
ed in the battle of us. As
foon as he found himſelf pof-
feffed of this important place, he
(82) Arrian, I. ii. Curt. l.iv.
threw off the maſk, and decla-
red his defign of ſeizing Egypt
for himſelf, and driving the
Perfians from thence. Where-
upon the Egyptians, out of ha-
tred to the Perfians, readily join-
ed him, and he, having formed
a confiderable army, marched
directly for Memphis, where he
defeated the Perfians in a pitch-
ed battle, and fhut them up in
the city. But, after this vic-
tory, permitting his foldiers to
ftraggle up and down the coun-
try in queft of booty, the Perfians
fallied out upon them thus di-
fperfed, and cut them to-pieces,
with Amyntas their leader 82
e. 3. Diod. I. xvii. p. 587,588.
fpring,
CXI.
311
The History of the Perfians.
ſpring, to find out Darius. On his return into Phoenice, he
ſtaid fome time at Tyre, that he might there fettle the affairs of
the countries which he was to leave behind him, before he fet
out to make new conquefts: and, having ordered matters as he
thought fit, he began his march; and, with his whole army,
arrived at Thapfacus, where he croffed the Euphrates, and
continued his march towards the Tigris, in queft of the enemy.
Darius, in the mean time, after feveral overtures for a peace,
finding that there were no hopes of an accommodation, unleſs
he refigned the whole empire, applied himſelf to make the ne-
ceffary preparations for another engagement. For this purpoſe,
having affembled, at Babylon, an army half as numerous again.
as that with which he fought at Ius (for it confifted of one hun-
dred and ten thouſand men), he took the field, and marched to-
wards Nineveh. Advice being brought him, that the enemy
was not far off, he detached Satrapates, commander of the ca-
valry, at the head of a thoufand chofen horfe, and Mazaus,
governor of that province, with fix thoufand, to prevent Alex-
ander from croffing the Tigris, and to lay waſte the country
through which he was to pafs. But they came too late, Alex-
ander having, with the utmoſt difficulty, croffed the river a
little before they arrived. He encamped two days on the banks
of the river; during which time there happened an eclipfe of The Ma-
the moon, which fo terrified the Macedonians, that they re- cedonians
fuſed to proceed in their march, crying out, that heaven dif- terrified by
played the marks of its anger; that they were dragged, against an eclipfe
the will of the gods, to the utmoft extremities of the earth; of the
and that even the moon refufed to lend them her uſual light. moon ; but
Hereupon Alexander, having fummoned the officers of the encouraged
by the
army into his tent, commanded the Egyptian foothſavers to
declare what they thought of this phænomenon. Theſe were
well acquainted with the natural caufes of eclipfes; but, with fayers.
out entering into fuch inquiries, they replied, that the ſun
was predominant in Greece, and the moon in Perfia; whence,
as often as the moon ſuffered an eclipfe, fome great calamity
was thereby portended to the latter. This anfwer being im-
mediately fpread abroad among the foldiers, it revived their
hopes and courage; and Alexander, taking advantage of this
ardor, began his march after midnight, having on his right
the Tigris, and the Gordyaan mountains on his left 9. At
day-break the fcouts he had fent out to reconnoitre, brought
word, that Darius was on full march to meet him; where-
upon he immediately drew up his forces, and put himſelf at
the head of the army; but, as they drew near, he found that it
was only a detachment of a thouſand horfe, which, as the
9 ARRIAN. 1. iii. CURT. 1. iv. c. 23, 24.
X 4
Egyptian
footh-
Mace-
312
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
New con-
ditions of
peace of
fered by
Darius;
Macedonians advanced, retired in great hafte to the main ar-
my; they were purfued by Arifto, commander of the Pao-
nian horfe, who, having defeated that body, and killed Satro-
pates their leader, brought back his head, and threw it down.
at Alexander's feet, telling him, that, in his country, ſuch a
preſent was uſually rewarded with a cup of gold. Alexander
replied ſmiling, With an empty one; but I will give you a
golden cup, and that full of wine. Not long after, Alexan-
der received intelligence, that Darius was not above an hun-
dred and fifty furlongs off; whereupon he halted, to refreſh
his foldiers before the engagement, having in the camp great
ſtore of proviſions. During this time, he intercepted ſome
letters written by Darius to the Greeks, foliciting them, with
great promifes, either to kill or betray Alexander. The king
was in doubt with himſelf, whether he ſhould read them in a
full affembly; for he relied as much on the fidelity of the
Gree's, as on that of the Macedonians; but Parmenio diffuaded
him from it, telling him, that even the railing of fuch thoughts
in the minds of foldiers might be attended with fome danger;
and that the hopes of a great reward were capable of prompting
a man to attempt the moft enormous crimes. The king
followed his prudent advice, and ordered his army to march
forward ". He was ſcarce fet out, when an eunuch brought
him word, that Statira, Darius's wife, was dead; whereupon
he immediately returned, and, entering the pavilion where
Sifigambis and the other royal prifoners were kept, comforted
them in fo kind and tender a manner, as plainly fhewed his
deep concern. He caufed the funeral obfequies of the de-
ceafed princefs to be performed with the utmoft fplendor and
magnificence; which Darius hearing, and at the fame time
being informed with what refpect Alexander had treated her
in her life-time, he is faid to have prayed the gods, that if
the time ordained by the fates for the transferring of the
Perfian empire into other hands was come, none might fit on
the throne of Cyrus, but fo juft, fo merciful, fo generous a
conqueror as Alexander t; and although he had twice fued
in vain for peace, yet, being overcome by the tenderneſs and
humanity which Alexander had fhewn his wife, mother, and
children, diſpatched ten of his relations as embaladors, of-
fering him new conditions of peace more advantageous than
the former, and returning him thanks for the kind treatment
he had indulged his family. He had, in his former propoſals,
offered him all the provinces of Afia, as far as the Halys;
but now he added the countries lying between the Hellefpont
I
ARRIAN. 1. iii. CURT. 1. iv. c. 23. PLUTARCH. in Alexandro.
CURT. 1. iv. c. 25. t
* CURT. & PLUT. ibidem.
and
CiXỈ
313
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
up-
and the Euphrates; that is, whatever Alexander was already
mafter of; and offered thirty thouſand talents by way of ranfom
for his family. Parmenio again adviſed Alexander to accept
of the conditions, telling him, that the provinces between
the Euphrates and the Hellefpont would be a great addition
to the kingdom of Macedon; and that the Perfian prisoners
were only an incumbrance to the army; whereas the treaſure
offered for their ranfom might be employed for the uſe of
his troops, or to reward the fervices of his friends.
But but reject-
Alexander, without hearkening to his advice, returned the ed by A-
following anfwer to the embaſſadors; that the clemency he-lexander,
had ſhewn to the wife and children of Darius proceeded from
his own good-nature, without any regard to their mafter;
that he did not make war upon women and children, but
on fuch only as appeared in arms againſt him; that, if Darius
had fued for peace in good earneft, he would have hearkened
to his propoſals; but fince he continued to ſpirit up, with
large bribes, his own foldiers to murder or betray him, he
could not believe, that his offers were fincere; and therefore
was determined to purfue him with the utmoft vigour, not as
a fair enemy, but as a traitor and affaffin; that, as to the
provinces he offered him, they were already his own; and if
Darius could force him to retire beyond the Euphrates, which
he had already croffed, he might then offer them as his; that
he propoſed to himſelf, as a reward for the toils he had already
endured, all thofe kingdoms which Darius ftill enjoyed;
wherein whether he flattered himſelf with a vain hope or no,
the next day's engagement fhould determine. He concluded
by telling the embaffadors, that he was come into Afia to
give, and not to receive; that the heavens could not hold two
funs; and therefore, if Darius would ſubmit to him, acknow-
leging him his lord and fovereign, he would then hearken to
propofals u. The embaffadors returned back, and told Da-
rius, that he muft prepare for an engagement: whereupon Darius
that prince encamped near a village called Gaugamela, in a encamps at
large plain, at a confiderable diftance from the city of Ar- Gauga-
bela, having beforehand levelled the ground, that his ca- mala.
valry and chariots might move and act with more eaſe.
Alexander, hearing that Darius was fo near, continued four
days in his camp to reft the army, and furrounded it with
deep trenches and palifades, being determined to leave there
his baggage, and fuch of his men as were indifpofed. He fet
out about the fecond watch, with a deſign to engage the ene-
my at break of day; and, arriving at a rifing ground, whence
he could difcover their whole army, he halted, and ſummoned
CURT. 1. iv. c. 26. JUSTIN. 1. xi. c. 12.
a council,
314
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
and his
enfwer.
a council, being in doubt whether he fhould encamp there,
Parme- or immediately fall upon the enemy. Parmenio adviſed him
nio's ad- to attack their camp in the night-time, alleging, that they
vice to A- might eafily be defeated, if taken by furprize, and in the
lexander, dark but the king anſwered, that it did not become Alex-
ander to ſteal a victory; and therefore he was refolved to fight
and conquer in broad day-light. Accordingly he encamped
there in the fame order, in which the army had marched;
and, after giving the proper orders, he retired to repoſe the
remaining part of the night; but, being under no fmall
concern, he could not fleep till towards the morning; fo
that when his generals were affembled at day-break before
his tent, they were greatly furpriſed to find, that he was not yet
awake. Parmenio, after waiting fome time, thought fit to
call him; and, feeming amazed that he fhould fleep fo found
when he was upon the point of hazarding a battle, on which
depended the empire of Afia, Alexander told him, that Da-
rius, by bringing all his forces into one place, had freed him
from the trouble of thinking how he might purfue them into
different countries w. He then, without delay, put on his ar-
mour, mounted on horſeback, and, having drawn up his
men in battle-array, advanced to encounter the enemy, who
were at a very ſmall diſtance.
Both ar-
mies
in battle-
array.
BOTH armies were drawn up in the fame order, the infan-
try in the centre, and the cavalry on the wings. Darius's
drawn up front was covered with two hundred chariots, armed with
fithes, and twenty-five elephants. Befides his guards, which
were the flower of his army, he had poſted the Grecian infantry
near his perfon, believing this body alone capable of oppofing
the Macedonian phalanx. As his army took up a far greater
fpace of ground than Alexander's, his defign was to ſurround
and charge them at the fame time in front and flank; which
Alexander fufpecting, ordered thofe, who led the wings, to ex-
tend them as wide as poffible, without weakening the centre.
His baggage, and the captives, among whom were Darius's
mother and children, were left in the camp, under a ſmall
guard. Parmenio commanded, as he had always done, the left
The battle wing, and Alexander the right. When the two armies were
of Gauga- in fight of each other, the Macedonians halted, waiting till the
mela. enemy ſhould advance to attack them; which they did accord-
Year of ingly, Darius himſelf charging in the first line. Arrian and
the flood Curtius defcribe this battle at length. They tell us, that the
Perfians were often repulfed; but returned again to the charge;
Bef. Chr. that victory inclined fometimes to one fide, and fometimes to
2017.
331.
W
and.
X
JUSTIN. 1. xi. c. 13. CURT. 1. iv. c. 30, 31. PLUT. in Alex-
ARRIAN. I. iii. CURT, 1. iv. c. 25, & feqq.
another
C.XI.
315
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
men,
another; that Parmenio, who commanded the left wing, was
in great danger, and his men obliged to give ground; that
Alexander's rear was put in diforder, and the baggage taken;
that both kings wrought wonders, c. But, after all, Curtius
tells us, that the Macedonians, notwithſtanding the great oppo-
fition they met with, loft only three hundred men; and Ar-
rian allows not a third of that number flain: whereas of the
Perfians there fell forty thoufand, fays Curtius; thirty thouſand,
according to Arrian; and ninety thouſand, if we believe Dio-
dorus. From theſe accounts we can form no other judgment
of this great encounter, but that the Perfians, at the very firſt
onfet, betook themfelves to flight, and the Macedonians pur-
fued them; for, had the feven or eight hundred thouſand
which Darius brought into the field, thrown each one dart,
or a ſtone, the Macedonians could not have bought the empire.
of the eaſt at ſo eaſy a rate. In the heat of the battle, when The Per-
the Macedonians were in the greateſt danger, Ariftander the fians rout-
foothfayer, cloathed in his white robes, and holding a branch ed.
of olive in his hand, is reported to have advanced among the
firft ranks, and, in concert with Alexander, to have cried out,
that he faw an eagle hovering over the king's head, a fure omen
of victory. He pointed with his finger at the pretended bird;
and the foldiers, believing him, and fome even fanfying they
faw it, renewed the attack with more courage and reſolution
than ever.
We are told, that Darius, feeing his numerous
army put fo fhamefully to flight, drew his fcimitar, and was
fome time in fufpenfe, whether he ſhould lay violent hands on
himſelf, rather than fly in fo ignominious a manner; but at
lait refolved to fave himſelf by flight, and arrived at Arbela the
fame night (Y). After he had paffed the Lycus, fome, who
attended him in his flight, adviſed him to break down the
(Y) This battle was fought
at Gaugemela, near the river Bcu
melus, as Ptolemy Lagi and Ari-
ftobulus, who were prefent, aver:
they are followed both by Strabo
(83), and Plutarch (84) Never-
theleſs, becauſe Gaugamela was
only a fmall village, and the
name not agreeable to the ear,
fignifying the camels houfe, the
battle is faid to have been fought
at Arbela, which was a great and
famous city in thoſe parts (85).
(83) Strabo, 1. xxvi. p. 737-
I m. p. 101. Strabs, ubi fupra.
Strab. I. i. p. 79.
Gaugamela and Arbela were at à
confiderable diftance from each
other; for between the river
Beumelus, on which flood Gau-
gamela, and the Lycus, on the
banks of which Arbela was fitu-
ated, Curtius reckons eighty
furlongs (86). According to
Strabo's deſcription of thofe
places, Arbela, in Ptolemy's fifth
map of Afia, ought to be placed
where we find Gargamela (87).
(84) Plut. in Alexand.
(86) Curt. 7. iv. c. 22.
(85) Arrian.
(87) Fide
bridge,
316
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Y
bridge, in order to ftop the enemy's purfuit; but he, reflect-
ing how many of his own men were haftening to paſs over
the fame bridge, replied, that he had rather leave an open way
to a purſuing enemy, than ſhut it to a flying friend (Z). Ho
arrived about midnight at Arbela, whither he was followed
by a great many of his nobles, and commanding officers, whom
he called together, and acquainted them, that he defigned to
leave all for the prefent to Alexander, and fly into Media,
from whence, and from the reft of the northern provinces, he
could draw together new forces, to try once more his fortune
in battle. Alexander purſued him as far as Arbela ; but, before
his arrival there, Darius was, by the quickneſs of his flight, got
over the mountains of Armenia, attended by fome of his rela-
tions, and a ſmall body of guards called Melophori, becauſe each
of them bore a golden apple on the point of his fpear. In Ar-
menia he was joined by two thoufand Greek mercenaries, who,
under the command of Pharon an Ionian, and Glaucus an Eo-
Alexan- lian, had eſcaped from the battle. Alexander took the city of
der takes Arbela, where he feized on immenfe fums of money, with all
the city of Darius's rich furniture and equipage, and returned to his
Arbela,
camp. After having allowed his army fome days of reſt, hẹ
fet out on his march to Babylon. Mazæus was governor of
that city and province, and had, after the late battle, retired
thither, with the ſcattered remains of the body he commanded;
but, on the approach of Alexander's victorious army, he had not
Marches to courage enough to oppofe him. Marching therefore out to
Babylon, meet him, he delivered the city and himſelf, with his children,
into the conqueror's hands. Bagaphanes, governor of the caſtle,
Submits to where all Darius's treaſures were lodged, did the fame; and
bim.
Alexander entered the city at the head of his whole army, as
though he had been marching against an enemy. After a ſtay
of thirty days in that city, he continued Mazaus in the go-
vernment of that province; but, giving the command of the
caftle and garifon to a Macedonian, he took Bagaphanes along
The city of with him, and marched towards Sufa, where he arrived twenty
Sufa, and days after his departure from Babylon. As he drew near the
all the city, Abulites, governor of the place, fent his fon to meet him,
king's trea- and acquaint him, that he was ready to deliver the city, and
fures, de-
and all
Darius's
rich furni-
ture.
awhich
livered up
to bim.
Y CURT. 1. iv. c. 36, 37. JUSTIN. I. xi. c. 14.
(Z) In Justin we read Cyd
nus inſtead of Lycus, which laft
river runs through the city of
Tarfus in Cilicia; and hence it
is, that Orofius, who ever fol-
lows Juftin, was led into fo grofs
a miſtake, as to think, that this
great battle was fought at Tar-
fus (88.
(88) Oref 4. iii, c. 17%
ત્રણ
C.XI.
317
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
all the king's treaſures, into his hands. The king received
the young nobleman with great marks of kindneſs, and,
ufing him as a guide, advanced to the river Choafpes, where
Abulites himself met him, with preſents worthy of fo great a
prince: among other things he prefented him with dromeda
ries, or running camels, of incredible fwiftnefs, and twelve
elephants, which Darius had fent for out of India. Having
entered this city, the governor delivered up to him fifty thou
fand talents in bullion, and forty thouſand in ready money,
with all the king's furniture, to an immenfe value. Here he
found part of the rarities, which Xerxes had brought out of
Greece, namely, the brazen ftatues of Harmodius and Ariſtogi-
ton, which he fent to Athens, where they were ſtill ſtanding
in Arrian's time. As for the purple and fcarlet robes, he fent
them all to Sifi amb's, to ether with fome others, curiouſly
wrought, which had been ſent him out of Macedon; adding
in his meffage to her, that, if fhe liked the Macedonian robes,
he would fend her thoſe who had wrought them, that her
grandchildren might learn the art, by way of amufement. At
thefe words, fhe could not help betraying fome concern and
uneafinefs, it being looked upon by the Perfian women as
mean and unbecoming to employ themfelves in works of that
nature which when Alexander underftood, he thought him-
felf obliged to make an apology for what he had done; and
accordingly went immediately to wait upon her, and beg that
The would not confider that as an affront, which was intirely
owing to his ignorance of the Perfian manners; adding, that
the robes he then wore, were not only a prefent from his fif-
ters, but wrought with their own hands 2.
:
ALEXANDER, having thus comforted Sifigambis, took his
leave of her; and, leaving a ftrong garifon in the city of
Sufa, advanced towards the province of Perfis. He arrived,
in four days march, on the banks of the Pafitigris, which
river he croffed with nine thouſand foot and four thoufand
horfe, and entred the country of the Uxians. This province He reduces
extends from Sufiana to the frontiers of Perfis, and was go- the Uxi-
verned by one Madates, who had married the niece of Sifi- ans.
gambis. Madates, who was not, like the other Perfian go-
vernors, a time-ferver, but faithful to his fovereign, refolved
to hold out to the laſt extremity; and, with this defign, re-
tired into a ftrong-hold in the midft of craggy mountains,
and furrounded on all fides by fteep precipices. Here he held
out for fome time with great bravery; and, when the city
was taken by affault, withdrew into the citadel, whence, fee-
ing there were no hopes of being relieved, he fent thirty de-
≈ CURT. 1. v. c. 8,
puties
3.18
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
puties to Alexander to treat of a furrender. The king, who
was greatly provoked againſt Madates, would not at firft
hearken to any propoſals; but in the mean time receiving
letters from Sifigambis, wherein the intreated him to pardon
her relations, he not only complied with her requeft, but fet
all the prifoners at liberty, reftored Madates to his former
dignity, left the city untouched, and the citizens in the full
enjoyment of their antient liberty and privileges.a.
HAVING reduced the Uxians, he ordered Parmenio, with
part of his army, to march through the plain, while he him-
felf, at the head of the light-armed foot, advanced by the way
of the mountains, which extend to the frontiers of Perfia.
The fifth day he arrived at the ftreights. of Perfia. Thefe
Ariobarzanes held with four thoufand foot, and ſeven hun-
dred horſe, which he had pofted on the tops of the hills
out of the enemy's reach. As foon as Alexander advanced to
attack him, the Perfians, from the tops of the mountains,
rolled down ſtones of fuch a prodigious fize, that they cruſhed
at once whole ranks. The king, being greatly frightened at
this fight, commanded a retreat to be founded, and with-
drew about thirty furlongs from the paſs, where he lay en-
camped fome time, not knowing how to advance, and being
afhamed to return; but, in the mean time, a Greck deſerter,
coming to his camp, offered himſelf readily to conduct him
through by-paths to the very top of the mountains; whence
he might eafily fo annoy the Perfians as to oblige them
to abandon the ftreights, and leave an open paffage to the
whole army. He was as good as his word; for Alexander, at
the head of fome chofen troops, having followed his guide all
that night through rocks and precipices, arrived, a little be-
fore day-break, at the top of a mountain, which command-
ed all the hills where the enemy was pofted; which they ob-
ſerving, betook themſelves to flight; and, at the fame time,
Craterus, who had been left in the camp, advancing with the
troops under his, command, poffeffed himſelf of the ftreights.
Ariobar- Ariobarzanes, with part of the cavalry, breaking through the
Macedonians, with great flaughter both of them, and of his
own men, made his efcape over the mountains, with a defign
to throw himſelf into Perfepolis; but, finding all the paffes
leading to that city guarded by the enemy, he returned back
upon thoſe that purfued him, and was killed with all that
followed him, after having cut in pieces great numbers of
the Macedonians b.
Seizes the
freights
of Perfia.
zanes's
gallant
conduct,
b CURT. ARRIAN. DIOD. PLUT. ubi
2 CURT. 1. v. c. 9.
fupra, & POLY: US, 1. iv. ftratagem.
BEING
C. XI.
3·19
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
BEING now poffeffed of the ftreights, Alexander purfured
his march into Perfis, or Perfia, properly fo called. When
he was at fome diftance from Perfepolis, the metropolis of
that province, he received letters from the governor of the
place, acquainting him, that the citizens, upon the news of
his approach, were ready to plunder Darius's treaſures, with
which he had been intrufted, and defiring him to march with
all poffible expedition, that he might feize them himſelf,
Alexander, upon the receipt of this letter, leaving his infantry
behind, marched the whole night at the head of the cavalry;
and, having paſſed the Araxes on a bridge, which, by his or-
der, had been built fome days before, arrived by day-break
within two furlongs of Perfepolis. The next day, having Perfepolis
affembled the generals of his army, he repreſented to them, fubmits,
that no city had ever been more fatal to Greece than Perfepo- but the in-
lis, the antient refidence of the Perfian monarchs, and the habitants
capital of their empire; that from thence thofe mighty ar- cruelly
mies had been fent, which had over-run and laid waste great
uſed,
part of Europe; and that it was therefore incumbent upon,
them to revenge, on that proud metropolis, the many injuries
and calamities which their anceſtors had fuffered. The com-
manders, being encouraged by this fpeech, allowed their fol-
diers to practife all manner of cruelties againſt the miferable
inhabitants, who were maffacred in the moft barbarous man-
ner. After this cruel execution, leaving Craterus and Par-
menio in the place, the king, with a fmall body, went to re-
duce the neighbouring cities and ftrong-holds, which all fub-
mitted at the approach of his troops; he then returned to
Perfepolis, and there took up his winter-quarters. In this city
he is faid to have found one hundred and twenty thouſand ta-
lents lodged in the treaſury to defray the expences of the war c
DURING his ſtay at Perfepolis, he gave himſelf up to feaſt-
ing and drinking, making daily great entertainments for his and the
officers, to refreſh them after the great fatigues they had en- palace
dured. In one of theſe entertainments, both the king and burnt.
his gueſts having drunk to excefs, fire was fet, at the
motion of a drunken ftrumpet, to the king's palace, which
reduced it to aſhes, as we have related above 4.
FROM Persepolis Alexander marched early in the ſpring to
Pafargada, refolved to purſue Darius, who was fled to Ec-
batan in Media. That unhappy prince had ſtill an army of
thirty thouſand foot, among whom were four thouſand Greeks,
who continued faithful to the laft. Befides thefe, he had four
thouſand flingers, and three thouſand horfe, moſt of them
* See above,
© CURT. 1. v. c. 13. JUSTIN, 1. xi. c. 14.
p. 108, & feqq. in the notes.
Bactrians,
Year of
the flood
2018.
Bef. Chr.
339.
320
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
!
J
Bactrians, and commanded by Beffus governor of Bactria.
When he heard, that Alexander was in full march to-
wards Ecbatan, he left that city, with a defign to retire
into Bactria, and there raiſe another army. But he was
not far advanced when he altered his refolution, and de-
termined to venture a third battle with the forces then about
him. While he was making the neceffary preparations for
the engagement, Beffus governor of Bactria, and Nabarzanes
a Perfian lord of great diftinction, formed a confpiracy
againſt him; propofing to feize his perfon, and, if Aleander
purfued them, to gain his friendſhip and protection, by be-
traying their mafter into his hands; but, if they eſcaped, their
defign was to murder him, ufurp the crown, and renew the
war. They eaſily won over the troops, by reprefenting to
them, that Darius was dragging them to deftruction; that
they were no-ways in a condition to make head againſt fo
powerful an enemy; that they would inevitably perifh, if
they followed Darius, crufhed under the ruins of an empire
which was ready to fall. Though thefe practices were car-
ried on with great fecrecy, yet they came to Darius's ear;
but he could not believe them. Patron, who commanded
the Greeks, earnestly intreated him to encamp among them,
and trust the guard of his perſon to men on whoſe fidelity he
might depend. Darius replied, that he had rather fuffer any
misfortune among thoſe of his own nation, than feek for
fhelter among ftrangers, how faithful and affectionate foever
he might believe them; and that he could not die too foon,
if his own Perfians thought him unworthy to live. Not long
after, Darius had occafion to repent of his not following
Patron's advice; for Beſſus and Nabarzanes, feizing his per-
fon, bound him, out of reſpect to the royal dignity, in
chains of gold, and, fhutting him up in a covered cart, fled
with him towards Bactria. The cart was covered with
fkins, and ftrangers appointed to drive it, without knowing
who the priſoner was they had in their cuftody. Beffus
was proclaimed commander in chief, in Darius's room, by the
Bactrian horfe; but Artabazus, and his fons, with the forces
they commanded, and the Greeks under the command of
Patron, retired from the body of the army under Beffus, and
marched over the mountains towards Parthiene f. In the
mean time, Alexander, arriving at Ecbatan, was informed
that Darius had left that city five days before. Here the
Theffalians fhewing a great reluctancy to accompany him
any further, he gave them leave to return to their own coun-
e CURT. 1. v. c. 18, 22, 23. ARRIAN. 1. iii, p. 67, £ CURT.
1. v. c. 23. ARRIAN. 1. iv. p. 68.
try;
C. XI.
321
The History of the Perfians.
try; and, at their parting, divided two thouſand talents
among them, over and above their full pay: to ſuch as were
willing to continue in his fervice, he gave three talents
apiece. He then commanded Parmenio to lay up, in the
caftle of Ecbatan, the remaining part of the treafures, which,
according to Strabo h, amounted to one hundred and eighty
talents; and afterwards to march with the Thracians, and
great part of the cavalry, into the country of the Cadufians.
He diſpatched orders to Clitus, who had fallen fick at Sufa, to
repair, as foon as he recovered, to Ecbatan, and from thence
to follow him into Parthia, with the cavalry, and fix thou-
fand Macedonians, that were left in Ecbatan. Alexander, with
the reſt of his army, purſued Darius; and the eleventh day
arrived at Rages, having marched, in that ſpace of time, three
thouſand three hundred furlongs. Moft part of thoſe who ac-
companied him died through the fatigues of fo long and expe-
ditious a march; infomuch that, on his arrival at Rages, he
could mufter but fixty horſemen. Finding that he could
not come up with Darius, who had already paffed the Caf
pian ftreights, he ftaid five days at Rages, in order to refreſh
his army, and fettle the affairs of Media. From thence he
marched into Parthia, and encamped the first day at a ſmall
diſtance from the Cafpian ftreights, which he paffed the next,
without any oppofition. He had fcarce entered Parthia, when
he was informed by Bagisthenes, a Perfian nobleinen, that
Beſſus and Nabarzanes had confpired against Darius, and de-
figned to ſeize him. Hereupon, leaving the main body of the
army behind, under the command of Craterus, he advanced,
with a ſmall troop of horſe lightly armed; and having march-
ed night and day, without ever halting, except a few hours,
came the third day to a village, where Beffus, with his Bac-
trians, had encamped the day before. Here he underſtood,
that Darius had been feized by the traitors; that Beffus had
caufed him to be fhut up in a clofe cart, which he had fent
before, that he might be the more fure of his perfon; and that
the whole army, except Artabazus, and the Greeks, who had
taken another route, obeyed Beffus, and acknowleged him for
their general. This was a freſh motive for Alexander to
haften his march: taking therefore along with him a fmall
body of light-armed horfe (for the others could not poffibly
proceed any farther), he fet out again the fame night; and
early next morning was acquainted by Orcillus and Mithrace-
nes, two Perfian officers, who, in deteftation of the treachery
* CURT. 1. vi. c. 3. ARRIAN. 1. iii. PLUT. in Alex. h STRABO,
1. xv. p. 741.
¡ ARRIAN. 1. iii. PLUT. in Alex.
VOL. V.
Y
of
322
¯ B. Ì.
The Hiſtory of the Perfians.
Darius
Codo-
mannus
of Beffus, had fled over to him, that the Bactrians were not
above five hundred furlongs off; and that they could lead him
to them by a nearer way. Taking them, therefore, for hist
guides, he fet out again the fame night; and, after marching
three hundred furlongs, was met by the fon of Mazaus, for-
merly governor of Syria, who informed him, that Beffus was
not above two hundred furlongs off; and that his army, as not
apprehending any danger, was marching in diforder; and
might cafily be furprifed, and cut in pieces. Hereupon Alex-
ander again doubled his pace, and, at laſt, came in fight of
the enemy. His unexpected arrival ftruck the barbarians,
though far fuperior in number, with fuch terror, that they im-
mediately betook themſelves to a precipitous flight; and, be-
caufe Darius refufed to follow them, Beffus, and thofe that
were about him, difcharging their darts at the unfortunate
prince, left him wallowing in his blood, to the mercy of the
Macedonians. This done, they feparated, and took different
routs, Beffus flying towards Hyrcania, and Nabarzanes into
Bactria, that, by this means, they might elude the purſuit of
flain.
the enemy, or, at leaft, oblige him to divide his forces. They
Year of were attended only by a few horfe, the reft, now deftitute of
the flood leaders, difperfing themſelves up and down the country, as
2018. fear or hope directed their fteps. Alexander, feeing in what
Bef. Chr. confuſion the enemies were, fent Nicanor, with a troop of
light-armed horſe, to ftop their flight; and himſelf followed,
at the head of three thoufand Macedonians. Nicanor put near
three thouſand of the ftragglers to the fword, but could not
come up either with Beffus or Nabarzanes; which Alexander
obferving, fent him orders to give quarters to all thoſe that
fhould throw down their arms, and fubmit. In the mean
time, the horſes that drew the cart in which was Darius,
halted of their own accord; for the drivers had been killed by
Beffus, near a certain village about four furlongs from the
highway, whither Polyftratus, a Macedonian, being preffed
with thirst, in the purſuit of the enemy, was foon after con-
ducted by the inhabitants, to refreſh himfelf at a fountain not
far from the place where they ftopt. As he was filling his
helmet with water, he heard the groans of a dying man; and,
looking round him, difcovered a cart, with a team of horſes,
not able to move, for the many wounds they had received. As
he drew near, he faw Darius lying in the cart, and very near
his end, having feveral darts ftill fticking in his body: how-
ever, he had ftrength enough to call for fome water, which
Polyftratus, being by a Perfian captive informed of this bar-
barous tragedy, readily brought him. Darius, after drinking,
turned to the Macedonian, and told him, with a faint voice,
that, in the deplorable ftate to which he was reduced, it was
330.
1
5
ΠΟ
C. XI.
323
The History of the Perfians.
no ſmall comfort to him, that his laft words would not be loſt.
He then charged him to return his hearty thanks to Alexander,
for the kindneſs he had fhewn to his wife, mother, and chil-
dren; and acquaint him, that with his laſt breath he befought
the gods to profper him in all his undertakings, and make him
fole monarch of the univerfe. He added, that it did not fo
much concern him as Alexander, to purfue and bring to con-
dign punishment thofe traitors, who had treated with fuch
cruelty their lawful fovereign, that being the common cauſe of
all crowned heads. Then, taking Polyftratus by the hand,
"Give Alexander, faid he, your hand, as I give you mine;
and carry him, in my name, the only pledge I am able to
"give, in this condition, of my gratitude and affection."
Having uttered theſe words, he expired in the arms of Poly-
Aratus. Alexander, coming up, a few minutes after, and be-
holding Darius's body, burit out in tears, bewailing the cruel
lot of a prince, who, faid he, deſerved a better fate. He im-
mediately pulled off his own military cloak, and covered the
corpfe, caufing it to be embalmed, and fent in a rich and mag-
nificent coffin to Sifigambis, that it might be interred with the
other Perfian monarchs k.
THUS died Darius, in the fiftieth year of his age, and fixth
of his reign. He was a mild and pacific prince, his reign hav-
ing been unfullied with injuftice, cruelty, or any of thoſe vices
which moft of his predeceffors had been greatly addicted to.
In him the Perfian empire ended, after it had lafted, from the
first of Cyrus, two hundred and fix years, 'under thirteen kings;
viz. Cyrus, Cambyfes, Smerdis, Darius Hyftafpis, Xerxes I.
Artaxerxes Longimanus, Xerxes II. Sogdianus, Darius Nothus,
Artaxerxes Mnemon, Artaxerxes Ochus, Arfes, Darius Co-
domannus. Upon the death of Darius, all his commanders.
fubmitted to the conqueror, by whom they were reſtored to
their former honours and employments: but, above all others,
he diſtinguiſhed Artabazus, in regard of his conftant and un-
fhaken fidelity to his mafter, and Oxathres, Darius's brother,
whom he ever treated in a manner becoming his high ſtation,
and noble birth: he was even, to his great difhonour, pre-
vailed upon to receive and pardon Nabarzanes, who, together
with Beffus, had murdered Darius: but Beffus having fled in-
to Bactria, and there affumed the title of king, Alexander,
in the beginning of the next fpring, marched against him. But
his march out of Perfia into thefe northern countries is by
authors defcribed with great confufion; for after they have told
us, that he was refolved to find out Beffus in Bactria, they
k CURT. 1. v. c. 25. JUSTIN. 1. xi. c. 15.
P. 69, 72. PLUT. in Alex. JUSTIN. 1. ii. c. 5.
ARRIAN. 1. iii.
Y 2
make
324
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
make him take the way of Hyrcania; from thence wander
northwards into the country of the Mardi, bordering on the
Cafpian fea; and, after fubduing the Mardi, crofs mount Co-
ronus into Aria and Drangiana. Be that as it will, he ar-
rived, at laft, after a long and tedious march, in Bactriana;
and, having reſted his army fome time at Drapfaca, he ad-
vanced againft, and reduced Aornos and Baltra, the two
ſtrongeſt cities of that province. Alexander had no fooner
reached the confines of Bactria, but eight thoufand Bactrians,
who till that time had followed Beffus, abandoning him, with-
drew to their reſpective homes. Hereupon Beſſus, at the head
of the few troops that continued faithful to him, croffing the
river Oxus, retired into the province of Sagdiana, with a de-
fign to raiſe there a new army: in order to prevent Alexander
from purſuing him, he burnt all the boats he had made uſe of
in paffing over his troops, hoping, that as the river was no-
where fordable, and the country affording no timber, he would
thereby be obliged to return, and give over the purfuit. But
no difficulties were unfurmountable to that conqueror, who,
finding no timber wherewithal to make boats or floats, caufed
the hides which covered the foldiers tents and carriages, to be
filled with ftraw, and tied together. By this means, he fup-
plied the want of timber, and paffed his whole army over that
large and deep river, in the ſpace of five days; which Beſſus
might have eaſily prevented, had he but dared to look the Ma-
cedonians in the face. When the Bactrians, who were en-
camped at a place called Nautaca, heard that Alexander had.
crofled the river, and was on full march to fall upon them,
Spitamenes, whom Beffus moft confided in, together with Ga-
tanes and Dataphernes, formed a confpiracy to ſeize Beffus,.
and purchaſe their own fafety, by delivering him up to Alex-.
ander; which they did accordingly, tearing in pieces his dia-
dem and royal robes, of which he had ſtript his lawful fovereign
Darius; and, carrying him loaded with chains to the Mace-
donian camp, Spitamenes himself prefented the traitor to Alex-
ander, not only bound, but ſtark-naked, holding him by a
chain round his neck; a fight no lefs agreeable to the Perfians
than the Macedonians. Alexander, having amply rewarded
Spitamenes and his companions, and caufed the traitor's nofe
and ears to be cut off, delivered him into the hands of Oxatres,
Darius's brother, to fuffer whatever puniſhment he fhould
think proper to inflict, for ſo baſe and treacherous a murder
fo '.
Plutarch m has left us an account of this execution,: he tells.
1 CURT. 1. vii. c. 12. ARRIAN. 1. iii. DIODOR. 1. xvii.
™ PLUT. in Alex. & DIODOR. I. Ävii. p. 554. ARRIAN. 1. iv. c. 7.
CURT. 1. vii. c. 10.
LIS,
C. XI.
325
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
limb that was tied to it.
Bef. Chr.
us, that feveral trees being, by main force, bent down to Beflus put
the ground, and to each one of the traitor's limbs faftened, to death.
the trees, as they were let return to their natural pofition, Year of
flew back with fuch violence, that each carried with it the the flood
Thus Beffus fuffered the punifh- 2018.
ment that was due to his treachery; and, at his death,
Alexander faw himſelf in quiet poffeffion of the whole Perfian
empire. This is what we have gathered from the Greek and
Latin hiftorians, of the beft account, concerning the affairs
of the antient Perfians in the following fection we ſhall hear
the Orientals on the fame fubject.
:
In ſtating the times of the Per-
fian empire, we have followed
all along Ptolemy's canon, and
the records of the Greek and
Latin authors: for the Jews
own fuch kings only as they
find mentioned in the books of
the Old Teftament; whence, ac-
cording to their computation in
the greater chronicle Seder Olam
Rabbah, the Medo-Perfian em-
pire, from the building of the
temple in the ſecond year of Da-
rius Hyftafpis, flourished only
thirty-four years. Jofephus ac-
knowleges only the following
kings of Perfia: Cyrus, Camby-
fes, Darius Hyftafpis, Xerxes, Ar-
taxerxes, and Darius. This Da-
rius, who was Darius Nothus, he
confounds with Darius Codoman-
nus, who was conquered by A-
lexander; and refers to the reign
of Artaxerxes Longimanus, what-
ever happened in the reigns of
Artaxerxes Mnemòn, and Arta-
xerxes Ochus.
SECT. V.
The history of Perfia, according to the oriental writers.
WE
330.
E have been fo long uſed to hear every thing tranſcribed What de-
from eaftern authors cenfured as vain and fabulous, gree of cer
that, how unwilling foever we may be to trouble the readertainty may
with preparatory difcourfes, yet, in this cafe, there feems to be expected
be a neceffity of faying fomewhat in fupport of the narratives in the fol-
we are going to recite, that they may not be taken for merè
lowing
figments, or romances void of all foundation. It is far from history.
being our opinion, that every thing recorded by the Perfian
writers is ftrictly fact; that would be to place them not on a
level with the beſt hiftorians of other nations, but in a clafs
high above them: for what people, what kingdom, what re-
public, can boaſt of fuch a faultless feries of hiftory? or why
fhould we expect a greater degree of clearness in the hiftory
of Perfia, as written by oriental authors, than we find in
the hiftory of Greece, though written by Greeks, who were
fo proud of their own abilities, that they ftiled all the rest of
the world barbarians? It is fufficient for our purpoſe (which
Y 3
is
326
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
ૐ
is no more than to gain the reader's proper attention for what
we have collected of the Perfian hiſtory from eaſtern writers),
that we fhew there is as juſt reaſon to ſuppoſe they have de-
livered us a great many truths in their accounts of theſe early
times, as can be produced in favour of any other hiſtory as
antient. In order to this, we fhall neither multiply argu-
ments nor words. In the first place, we are told by Mofes ²,
that there were kings in Perfia in the age immediately fol-
lowing that, in which the Perfian writers placed the begin-
ning of their monarchy. It is therefore evident, that theſe
writers are not wrong in making their kingdom fo antient aș
they do. But, fecondly, there is no juft caufe to doubt,
that either as foon, or within a finall time after the fettling
of regal government amongſt them, hiftories, or at leaſt hifto-
rical poems, were alfo introduced. This was the cuſtom in
all places, at leaſt as far as we are able to trace things back.
Firſt, a people lived miferably, and without order; then fome
great genius reformed and reduced them into fociety; fuc-
ceffive kings cheriſhed and increafed that fociety; and men,
having leiſure and cafe, confidered thefe benefits, and grate-
fully fung the praiſes of their benefactors. Mofes has pre-
ferved two fragments of an Amoritish poem, as old, in all
probability, as the times we are ſpeaking of; and if the bards
of that country fung fo early the praiſes of Sihon b, why
might not the Perfians have perfons among them as capable of
tranfinitting to pofterity the memorable deeds of their princes?
Thirdly, it is univerfally allowed, that the prefent Perfians
have not only quick wits, but are wonderfully ftudious, and
in a particular manner addicted to the confervation of the an-
tiquities of their country. It may indeed be objected to this,
that the modern and the antient Perfians are not one and the
fame people but hereto it may be replied, that the Perfees,
the unadulterated remnant of the old inhabitants of this widę
empire, are ftill more ftudious and thoughtful than the pre-
fent Perfians. We may therefore conclude, that there were
formerly many authentic hiftories of the reigns of the most
antient kings of this realm; I fay, we may conclude this
from the reafons already given, if we had no other proof; but,
as we have, it would be unfair not to mention it, eſpecially
fince it may be drawn into very little room. The authorities
which may be adduced in fupport of this affertion, that the
antient Perfians kept authentic records of their affairs, may
be reduced under theſe two heads; viz. facred and profane.
The authors of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah ſpeak
:
ª
C
a Gen. xiv. 1, 9.
11. p. 130.
d vi. 2.
b Numb. xxi. 27.
c ii. 7.
C CHARDIN, tom.
fre-
C. XI.
327
The History of the Perfians.
frequently, not only of the immutability of the Perfian laws,
which implies, that they were recorded, but alſo of public
acts and regiſters. In the book of f Esther, we have not only
frequent mention of thefe, but alfo of the chronicles of the
kingdom, or rather of the kings of Perfia, wherein every
thing of moment was fet down. As to profane writers,
8 Herodotus and n Xenophon are fufficient to fatisfy any im-
partial perfon as to the wiſdom and virtue of the antient
Perfians, and their care of all things which had regard to the
honour or welfare of their country.
SUPPOSING it therefore as clear as the nature of the thing How the
will admit, that the Perfians had amongst them of old the hi- antient
ſtories of their kings and heroes, we are next to fhew how theſe
hiftories
can be reaſonably believed to be yet in being, and to have have been
reached theſe diftant times. Of this however we are not po-
preferved.
fitive ourſelves: all that we can fay is this, that the Perfians
having lived under their own laws down to the time of lez-
degherd, there feems to be no difficulty in allowing, that, till
then, their hiftories were frequent amongſt them; for though
the Macedonians might burn and deftroy their records, yet it is
incredible, that they ſhould deftroy all the books in the empire.
Befides, we know, that the modern Perfees have the zend or
original code of Zerdhuft amongst them, with many other an-
tient books. Now, it being generally agreed, that Zerdhut
flouriſhed in the days of Darius Hyftafpis, it will be hard to
affign a reafon, why fome of their antient hiftories might not
be preferved, as well as theſe books of their law. But further
ftill, Mohammed Ben Emir Khoandfchah, commonly called
Mirkhond or Mirkhound, with other modern Perfian authors,
conftantly and uniformly affert, that they write from fuch au-
thorities; and therefore we have no juſt reaſon to doubt them,´
unleſs we could fhew the contrary (A)..
f ii. 23. vi. 1.
(A) This famous hiftorian is
quoted by various names, and
thofe names have received fome
alteration from the different or-
thographies uſed in oriental ap
pellations fometimes he is call-
ed Mirchond, fometimes Mirk
hond, and fometimes Chondemir:
he wrote a general history from
the beginning of the world to
8 Lib. i. & ix. paff.
(1) D'Herbalot, tit. Mircond,
h Cyropæd. paff.
IT
the year of the Hegira 900, un-
der the title of Raoudhat al Sa-
fa; he was a perfon of great
natural parts, and of much learn-
ing, perfectly well ſkilled in the
Perfian antiquities, and wrote
from the beſt hiftories extant in
his time (1); for this reaſon we
find him often quoted by the
very learned Dr. Hyde (2); and
(2) Hyds rel, vet, Perfar, c. 8. p. 152.
Y 4
indeed
1
328
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
On what
Ir is from the author before-mentioned that we take, for
authorities the most part, what is delivered in the following pages con-
this history cerning the oriental hiftory of Perfia. He is allowed to have
is founded. been a perfon of great learning and judgment by ſuch as are
well verſed in oriental hiftory; and his works are eſteemed as
oracles throughout the eaſt. We may juftly hope therefore,
that what we tranfcribe from him, with the addition of ſuch
circumſtances as we can meet with elſewhere, will render this
fection as ufeful and as agreeable as could be expected on fo
abſtruſe a ſubject. Without farther introduction therefore, let
us proceed to the catalogue of kings afforded us in his writings.
A table of the kings of Perfia, to the time of Alexander the
Great, according to Mirkhond.
The first race,
Or the dynaſty of the Pifchdadians.
1. Kejomaras or Cajoumaras
2. Siamek
Kejomaras refumes the kingdom
3. Hufhangh or Houfchenk
4. Tahmurafh
5. Giemfbid or Giamfchid
Dahác, Zahák, Zoák
6. Aphridûn, Phredûn, or Feridoun
1
7. Manugjahr or Manougeher, furnamed Phirouz
8. Nodar
9. Apherâfiab or Afrafiab
10. Zab, Zaab, or Zoub
1. Kaikobad
2. Kaikaus
The fecond race,
Or the dynaſty of the Kaianites.
indeed by all the writers of note
on Perfian affairs. His fame
became known in Europe by an
abridgment of his work, pub-
liſhed in Spanish by Teixera,
which is, however, far from be-
ing correct; there is a better
extract extant in a book cited at
40
50
30
wy
120
7
12
100
150
the bottom of the page (3). We
fhall have occafion to ſpeak
hereafter of this author, and
his works, when we come to
the hiſtory of the age in which
he lived; and fhall therefore put
an end to this note here.
(3) Les eftats, empires, & principautés du monde. Paris, 4to, 1662, p. 999.`
1
3. Kaik-
C. XI.
329
The History of the Perfians.
3. Kaikhofru
4. Lohrafp or Lohorasb
5. Gustafp, or Gustafp, or Kifchtafp
6. Ardſchir, ſurnamed Bahaman
7. Queen Homai
8. Darab I.
9. Darab II.
}
•
60
120
120
I 12
32
4
14
A table of the fame kings, with the years of their reigns, ac-
cording to other oriental authors.
The first race.
1. Kejomaras or Cajoumaras
Siamek, flain after a fhort reign
Kajomaras refumes the kingdom, and reigned
An interregnum
3. Tahmurash
2. Husbang or Houfchenk, furnamed Piſchdud
4. Gienfhid or Giamfchid
5. Dahák, Zahak, Zoak
6. Aphridún, Phridun, or Feridoun
7. Manugjahr or Manougeher, furnamed Phirouz
8. Nodar
9. Apherafiab or Afrafiab
10. Zab, Zaab, or Zoub
II. Gustafp fon of Zoub
1
560
30
200
50
700
30
1000
120
500
7
12
30
30
ww
1. Kaikobad
2. Kaikaus
3. Kaibofru
The fecond race.
120
150
60
120
120
112
32
4. Lohrafp or Lohorasb
5. Gushtafp, or Guftafp, or Kifchtafp
6. Ardfchir, furnamed Bahaman
7. Queen Homai
8. Darab I.
9. Darab II.
14
It is evident enough from the years fet down in the two The nature
tables above, that there is a great mixture of fable and uncer- thereof in
tainty in the accounts we have of theſe princes reigns; but point of
there may, notwithſtanding this, be a great deal of truth in tile, &c.
theſe relations; and, by comparing them with what the Greek
and other writers of the Perfian affairs have given us of the
fame times, it may be very poffible to extract a better idea of
the antient Perfian empire, than could have been had without.
con-
330
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Kejoma-
Eas.
confulting the oriental writers at all. Reafon will be everlaſt-
ingly the fupreme judge of facts; and, if an hiſtory be attended
with continual improbabilities or abfurdities, men of fenſe will
either doubt or reject its authority, whether its author lived in
the eaſt, or in the weft. On the other hand, where an hiſtory
is compoſed of a ſeries of mixed facts, fome probable, and
fome romantic, the candid reader will receive thofe, though
he throw away theſe, and will not deſtroy the wheat, becauſe
there are tares amongſt it. As to the ftile of the following
hiſtory, we have not pretended to follow the rhetorical pomp
of the Perfian authors; on the contrary, we have delivered
ourſelves with the utmoſt plainnefs and perfpicuity, and have
endeavoured, as far as in our power lay, to refcue truth out
of thoſe metaphoric clouds, which often obfcure the writings
of the eaſtern hiftorians. Farther remarks of the fame nature
we leave to the difcernment of our readers.
-
KEJOMARAS, Or Cajoumeras, is allowed, by all the oriental
authors, to have been the firſt king of the firft race furnamed
the Pifchdadians from Pifchdad, which fignifies a juft judge,
and was the furname given to Huhangh the ſecond king of this
race afterwards, however attributed to them all. The man-
ner whereby Kejomaras afcended the throne was this: In the
province of Aderbayagjan, the inhabitants, feeling the fad
effects of anarchy, and finding that liberty could not be en-
joyed, where every one was free to do what he pleaſed, una-
nimouſly refolved to elect one, who fhould be obeyed by all,
and to whoſe judgment they would fubmit, as to an irrefraga-
ble law. His confpicuous virtues determined them on this
occafion to Kejomaras, whom therefore they immediately
owned for their monarch, invefted him with royal robes, and
put a bonnet called tagi on his head, kiffing his feet, in token
of fubmiffion; which cuftoms laft-mentioned were preferved
in uſe by his fucceffors . His elevation had a proper effect
on the mind of this new king; he applied himſelf to every
branch of his duty; he erected courts of juftice; he taught
men to build houfes, and to live in villages; he invented va-
rious manufactures, fuch as the making woolen cloth, and
fpinning and weaving filk: in a word, he civilized his people,
and merited, by his wiſdom, juſtice and goodneſs, that dignity,
which, out of modefty, and a forefight of the cares it would
be attended with, he, for a long time, refufed *. The hap-
pineſs, enjoyed by fuch as lived under fo excellent a prince,
invited the neighbouring people to put themſelves under his
protection. Thus his empire was extended by the fame means,
k Tarik. Montekheb, i. e.
i MIRKHOND procem. hift,
The felect chronicle.
that
C. XI.
331
The History of the Perfians.
that it began, viz. thro' an opinion of his worth; and he,
upon their fubmiffion, treated his new fubjects with the fame
care and kindneſfs as he had always fhewn to his old. He ſent
his brother to take a view of thefe new-acquired dominions,
and went afterwards to look upon them himſelf. In the pro-
vince of Chorafan he met with his brother, and, embracing
him tenderly, he, to perpetuate the memory of that inter-
view, crected the city of Balch, where it happened; that
word being derived from a verb which fignifies to embrace.
He was alfo the founder of abundance of other cities of Per-
fia, particularly Kabulftan, Sigiftan, Gom, &c. This prince
had two fons; the name of the elder was Nazek, a young
man of wonderful prudence, who addicted himſelf intirely
to ſtudy; for which reafon he withdrew from his father's
court, and lived with his wife in a little hermitage, where he
gave himſelf over to contemplation: his father, who was
himſelf a very learned man, went frequently to vifit and
converſe with his fon in his cell. Once going thither on the
fame errand, he found his fon dead with feveral wounds up-
on his body: on a ſtrict inquiry he was informed, that this
cruel fact was committed by certain robbers of Tabreftan.
Thefe Kejomaras purfued into their own country, defeated
them, and, after putting many to the fword, made flaves of
the reft, and employed them in his buildings m. The other
fon of Kejomaras, or rather his grandfon, was Siamek, with
whom the wife of Nazek was big when he was murdered.
This child, as foon as he was born, Kejomaras adopted, bred
him up with the utmoſt care, and, having inſtructed him in
all the arts of reigning, he, with the confent of the people,
transferred the fovereignty to him, and made him king in his
life-time..
SIAMEK proved a gracious and warlike prince. Within Siamek.
a fhort time after his acceffion, fome of his neighbours en-
tered his dominions in a hoftile manner; whereupon he im-
mediately raiſed an army, marched againſt them, and gave
them battle, where, fighting valiantly, he received a mortal
wound; he was carried out of the battle, and died in the
arms of his wife, whom he left, as his father left his, big
with child, conjuring her with his laft words, if fhe brought
forth a fon, to put him continually in mind of his unfortu-
nate death, and to exhort him to revenge it on the people,
who, in fo fhort a time, had deprived him both of his life
and empire. Kejomaras being forced by this unlucky acci-
dent to afcend the throne again, the firſt thing he did was to
1 MIRKHOND hift. fect. I.
priental, tit. CAIAMURATH.
m D'HERBELOT. biblioth.
celebrate
$32
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Hufhang.
!
celebrate the obfequies of his deceaſed fon with great magni-
ficence; the next, to take vengeance of thofe who had flain
Siamck; after which he is faid to have reigned, with great ap-
plaufe, thirty years: but how long he reigned before he re-
figned the crown to Siamek, is uncertain (B).
HUSHANG, or Houfchenk, furnamed Pifchdad, was a pér-
fon of great parts, as well as great courage; and is equally fa-
mous throughout the east, for the extent of his knowlege,
and his mighty feats of valour. He is faid to have given a
regular body of laws to his fubjects; whence he was called
Pifchdad. He alfo divided his country, and eſtabliſhed go-
vernors throughout, encouraged the working of mines, and
invented most of the inftruments of agriculture; as alſo the
art of conveying water through fubterraneous paffages, for
the moiſtening their grounds. To him likewife they afcribe
the taming leopards, and other beafts of chace, and the in-
troducing furs, for keeping the body warm in winter. As
he made his kingdom flourish through his wifdom, fo he ex-
tended it by his courage; and, after a reign of fifty years,
was killed by the fall of a piece of rock thrown from the
mountains of Damavend, by an army of barbarians, who came
to invade his territories. Some are of opinion, that he made
#
SHARISTANI apud HYDE rel. vet. Perfar. c. 25. P. 175.
(B) There is nothing more
uncertain than the lineage of
this king, and the time in which
he flouriſhed. Some oriental
writers have fanfied him Adam;
and, becauſe he was the firſt
king, would needs have him to
be the firft man alſo ; but men
of better judgments, and cooler
imaginations, have conceived,
that this notion was owing to
a miflake, and that the antient
Perfians called him Adam by way
of honorary furname, fignifying,
that he was as much the father of
their nation, as Adam of man-
kind. The moft judicious a-
mong the Perfian writers believe
him to have been the fon of A-
rom, the ſon of Shem, the fon
of Noab; and that he chofe to
erect the feat of his empire not
far from mount Ararat, and the
countries firit planted after the
flood. His religion is another
difputable point, fome holding
him an idolater, and believing
that the magnificent pile he
reared for the burning of the
body of his fon Siamek, gave
birth to the fire-worship afcribed
to the Magians. But, if we may
credit graver authorities, Kejo-
maras, like moſt antient kings,
was at once both prince and
prophet, taught his people the
true religion of the patriarchs,
particularly the existence of one
infinite almighty Being, and of
a created evil being, the inde-
fatigable enemy of mankind.
The romance-writers allow him
a thousand years of life, and
fay, that of theſe he reigned
five hundred and fixty.
the
C. XI.
333
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
the province of Chufiftan the feat of his empire, by erecting
there the famous city of Sufa or Suſhan ° (C).
• Leb. Tarik. MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 3.
(C) There is hardly an an-
tient prince in the world, whofe
name is more famous in romance
than that of Hufhang; there is a
Perfian book which bears the
title of Hubang Nameh, i. e. Hu-
fhang's hiftory, which, for the
many wonderful things it con-
tains, has been tranflated into
the Turkiſh tongue. In this fa-
mous piece it is recorded, that
our hero beftrid a monstrous
animal, called Rakhſche, which
he found in the dry iſland, or
new world, being the iffue of a
male crocodile, and a female
hippopotamus; this fteed fed
upon nothing but the flesh of
ferpents and dragons: after
once Hubang had made this
animal fubmit to the faddle,
there was no giant fo terrible,
no monſter fo frightful, but he
attacked and fubdued. Amongst
the reft of his conquefts, he re-
duced the people of Mahifer, fo
famous in the eaſtern romances,
for their having fifhes heads,
and thence eſteemed a race of
formidable monsters. The truth
ſeems to be, that this prince ſub-
dued that people on the Perfic
gulf, called by the Greeks Ich-
thyophagi, from their living up-
on fiſh; whence the fruitful
imagination of eaſtern poets de-
duced a people with fiſhes heads.
The fame fabulous writers a-
fcribe to this monarch a certain
book, bearing the title of Gia-
vidan Khird, i. e. the wisdom of
all times: this is a very famous
piece, and is certainly very an-
TAHMU-
tient, and has been tranflated
into various languages, particu-
larly into Arabic, by the ſon of
the vizier of the caliph Almamon,
and into Turkijh, under the title.
of Anvar Sohaili; it has alio
been in part rendered into
French, and is in itſelf a very
excellent treatiſe; whence, in
all probability, it came to be
attributed to this monarch fo
famous for giving laws, and
teaching wifdom and civility to
his people (3). It is penned
with all the enthuſiaſm natural
to eaſtern writers; there are in
it, however, fome very fine fen-
tences; amongst others, theſe
which follow:
"Great kings are gods on
"earth, and have all the attri-
"butes of power, wiſdom, and
"mercy, in a fuperior degree,
"with refpect to private per-
CC
fons, as the Almighty hath
66 over them. Let not this,
(C
however, encourage them to
"ufe their fubjects with rigour.
"Thunder is feldom heard,
"but the fun ſhines every day;
we fee ten thouſand inftances
" of God's goodneſs, for one
"extraordinary act of venge.
ance; let kings imitate him
by doing all the good they
can, and always remember,
"that though death is in their
power, yet life is not: they
may order a man to be cut
"into a thouſand pieces; but
"there their dominion ends;
they cannot call him into be-
(<
(3) D`Hebrist, art. Hrujikenė,
"ing
334
B. Í.
The History of the Perfians.
Tahmu-
rafh.
TAHMURASH, furnamed Diùbend, i. e. the humbler of
the devil, fuppofed by fome to be the fon, by others the
grandſon of Hufhang, and, by a third party, his couſin, fuc-
ceeded that famous monarch, and governed with great repu-
tation; for, finding that the wars of his predeceffor had in-
troduced both poverty and confufion in his dominions, he,
to remedy the firft, remitted all taxes for three years; and;
to reduce things into order, made new laws, and took care,
that the magiftrates fhould every-where put them in execu-
tion. He is the firſt Perſian prince recorded to have had a
vizier or prime minifter; it is very poffible, that the diforder
in which he found the affairs of his empire, engaged him to
make ufe of fuch an officer. This king fortified the fron-
tiers of Perfia, to prevent fudden invafions; and fhewed fo
happy a mixture of wisdom and valour in his difpofition, that
feveral of the neighbouring nations, ftruck with the felicity
of his fubjects, voluntarily fubmitted themfelves to him, and
acknowleged him for their fovereign. At laft, after a glo-
rious reign of thirty years, a peftilence, which raged through-
out his dominions, and deftroyed, with equal rapidity, both
man and beaft, cut the thread of his life at Balch, to the
great grief of his ſubjects P.
،،
P MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 4. D'HERBELOT. tit. TAHMURASH,
ing again beware therefore
"of fudden judgments, and of
penitence coming too late.
"Minifters are as the hands
•
ઃઃ
or inſtruments of kings; men
"look not for an account of
"their actions from themſelves,
"but from their maſters; a king
"therefore fhould look well to
"his minifters; for it is as vain
"to throw the weight of crimes
tr
*
upon them, when the people
"rife in rebellion, as it would
"be for a murderer to tell the
judge, that it was not he, but
"his fword, that killed his
"neighbour. Bad princes have
"fometimes had good minifters,
"but good princes never have
"bad ones long.
"
ઃઃ
"The paffions of men may,
by long acquaintance, be
thoroughly known; but the
paffions of women are infcru-
"table: therefore they ought to
"be fevered from men, left the
<C
r¢
<<
CC
*
mutability of their tempers
"fhould infect others. Their
natures, humours, and con-
ftitution, require reſtraint:
large and coarſe ftones are
"employed in ordinary build-
ings; marble and alabafter in
palaces; but diamonds we
"lock up in cabinets; and as
ઃઃ
:
66
things are rare, or common,
"of finall value, or of great
price, we fet them to fhew, or
"hut them up cloſe (4).”
(4) Humaioun Nameh. ap. Beauchamp's eſſays, fet. 3.
GJEM-
C. XI.
335
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
GJEMSHID, or Giamfchid, or rather Gjem Schid, his Gjem-
name being Gjem, to which Schid, as a furname, was added, fhid.
becauſe of his wonderful beauty, Schid, in the Perfic lan-
guage, fignifying the fun; his eyes having fuch a luftre, that
none could look him fteadily in the face; tho' fome authors
are of opinion, that he received this addition to his name,
not from the beauty of his perfon, but from the glory which
refulted from his actions. It is not very certain whether this
prince was the fon of his predeceffor, his nephew, or his
grandfon; but all agree, that he was of the family of Kejo-
maras, and had a juft right to the throne. The reputation
of his anceſtors infpired him with a laudable ambition of.
equalling at leaſt, if not excelling them. With this view, he
encouraged all learned and wife men to come to his court,
where he highly preferred them: amongst the reft were two
perfons of fingular abilities, on whom he chiefly relied ; the
one a few, fays our author Mirchond, whofe name was Fael
Iſſuf Rabban, and the other a Greek, called Fithagores, i. e.
Pythagoras: but this muſt be a miftake; for though we have
no certainty as to the chronology of thefe times, yet it is
eafy to difcern, from the circumftances of things, that Gjem-
fchid flouriſhed at a confiderable diftance from Pythagoras.
But fuch errors as theſe are not infrequent in oriental writers,
through their want of underſtanding thoroughly the hiftory
of Greece; of which, however, they have moft of them a
general idea. By the advice, in all probability, of thefe
wife counfellors, Gjemfchid divided his fubjects into three
claffes; the firft confifting of foldiers; the fecond of huf-
bandmen; and the third of artizans 9. In his time, mufic
vocal and inftrumental, and aftronomy, were firft introduced
into Perfia. He was alfo the firſt who built granaries in Per-
fia, into which he caufed every year a certain quantity of
corn to be carried, that, in cafe of any deficiency in their
harvefts, famine might not be felt. In his time likewife
wine came to be efteemed, or rather brought into general
ufe, throughout his territories, from the following accident:
A woman, who was much in Gjemfchid's good graces, was
afflicted with an inveterate head-ach, which all the phyficians
in the court of Gjemfchid were not able to alleviate or re-
move: this woman went into the place where the king's wine
was kept, and drank of it very freely; and, finding that it,
in fome meaſure, relieved her, fhe returned thither again,
after refting herſelf for fome hours, and drank yet a greater
quantity, which completed her cure: this fhe told to the
king; and, it being divulged through the court, every body be-
• MIRKHOND, hift. fe&t. 5.
gan
336
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
gan to regard wine as an univerfal medicine, capable of re-
moving the moſt ſtubborn diſeaſes. Among the moſt illu-
ftrious events of this great monarch's reign, we may juftly
place the rectification of the calendar, which he undertook
and perfected, inftituting two years, a civil or ordinary year,
and an ecclefiaftic year, in which there was, in the ſpace of
one hundred and thirty years, a month intercalated. He
likewiſe inſtituted the 'Nauruz, i. e. the folemn obfervation
of the new year; concerning which we are told that it had
its rife thus: King Gjemfchid, going in progrefs through his
provinces, arrived in Aderbayagjan; and, fhewing himſelf on
a royal throne to his people, the fun fhone with, ſuch luftre
on his crown, adorned with precious ſtones and feathers, that
the people fhouted aloud, and faid, This is Nauruz, i. e. the
new day; whence the king took the opportunity of inftitut-
ing a feſtival, wherein, befides the prefents made to the
prince, it was uſual for him to receive and grant the petitions
of all forts of people, to releaſe prifoners, and to do all
other acts of clemency and benevolence which could be ex-
pected from him. As to the particular ceremonies attending
this feſtival, the reader may probably be pleafed to know,
that it lafted fix days. On the firft of thefe the king grati-
fied his people, or, if the phraſe may be allowed, his com-
mons. The ſecond day he paid the fame regard to the learned
men attending his court. On the third, his priefts and privy
counſellors preſented their petitions. On the fourth, he heard
the fuits of his nobility and kindred. On the fifth, thofe of
his children. The fixth belonged to himfelf. In the even-
ing of the fifth day, a young man, handſome in his perſon,
was picked out, and appointed to wait at the king's door all
night. At day-break he entered the chamber without cere-
mony; upon which the king, with an air of familiarity, aſked
him whence he came, whither he went, what his purpoſe,
and his name, wherefore he came, and what he carried: to
which the youth anfwered, I am Al Manfur, i. e. Auguft;
my name is Al-Mobarek, i. e. the Bleffed; I came hither from
GOD, bearing the new year. Then he fat down, and immedi-
ately entered the nobility, bearing each a filver veffel, in
which were wheat, barley, peas, vetches, pulfe, a ſugar-
cane, and two pieces of gold fresh from the mint. Out of
this bafon firſt the wafir or vizier, then the treaſurer, after-
wards the nobility, according to their rank, each offered his
filver veffel to the king. At the conclufion of the ceremony,
a very great loaf, made of feveral kinds of corn, was brought
in, and placed before the king, who, after eating ſome of it
HYDE rel. vet. Perfar. c. 14.
him-
C. XI.
337
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
himſelf, intreated fuch as were prefent, to eat the reft, in thefe
words, This is a new day of a new month, the beginning of a
new year: it is fit, therefore, that we renew our ties to each
other. Then rifing up, in his royal robes, he folemnly bleffed
his nobility, beſtowing on them rich gifts. The evening of
this day the Perfians called Phriſtaph, on which they did every
thing that might teftify joy, and ſtrong hopes of feeing a pleaſant
year. A great part of his reign Gjemfchid remained in Sig-
jiſtan, thinking it the propereft province of his empire for his
court, till affairs in the caft were thoroughly fettled: then he
changed it for the Proper Perfia, where he erected the noble
city of Eftechar, which moft take to be the Perfepolis of the
Greeks, though fome believe it the city of Schiras. If what
the antient Perfian writers deliver of the extent of this city of
Eftechar be true; viz. that it contained a fquare of twenty-
four leagues; then it is poffible, that both opinions may be
true: but if we meaſure the probability of this account by the
other things related of this prince; fuch as, that he made the
tour of the whole earth, was ſkilled in the occult ſciences, and
poffeffed a magic cup of incomparable virtues; we may fafely
reftrain the bounds of this city: and though we allow it to have
been very great, efpecially for thofe times, yet we may con-
ceive it not to have taken up more than a third part of the
ſpace they have affigned it. It is univerfally allowed, that
Gjemfchid gave himſelf up intirely to the ſtudy of the arts of
reigning; and fome fay, that he was much helped in his politi-
cal contemplations by confidering the tranfactions among the
bees; and that he drew many cuſtoms from the hive into the
court of Perfia. Among other inventions, the fignet-ring is
afcribed to him, and that mode which ſtill prevails throughout
the eaft, of preferring the left hand to the right, as the more
honourable: he likewife directed, that the different degrees of
people ſhould be diftinguishable, from their garb: in a word,
he made it the whole bufinefs of his life to render his kingdom
flouriſhing, and his people happy; in which he fucceeded to his
utmoſt wiſh. But this great felicity proved the fource of the
deepeſt misfortunes; for, having reigned long and gloriouſly, he
unaccountably took it into his head, that he was immortal; fent
pictures of himſelf throughout his empire, and ordered them
to be worshiped with divine honours. This madneſs ſoon loft
him the hearts of the people; fo that the province of Sigjiſtan,
by the perſuaſion of a certain great captain, who was related
to the king, and whofe name was Ahad, took arms; and,
when they had formed themſelves into a regular army, march-
ed, under the command of Zoâk or Dahac, towards Schiras,
VOL. V.
t
CASVINI, ap. Hyde, p. 237.
Z
where
338
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Dehoc.
where Gjemfchid met him with a powerful army, which he had
raifed. The engagement-was fierce and bloody; but, in the
end, Gjemfchid was defeated, and taken prifoner: upon which
the tyrant ordered him to be immediately fawn aſunder; which
was performed in Zoak's fight. This is the account given by
Mirchond, and the beſt Arabian hiſtories: others fay, that he
eſcaped from the battle, and wandered through his dominions.
He left behind him a fon, whoſe name was Phridun or Aphri-
dun, of three years old, whom his mother Phramak found
means to conceal from his enemies, and to breed up privately,
till providence enabled him to afcend the throne of Perfia ".
DEHOC, Dahac, Zahak, Zoak: fome authors affirm, that
the name of this prince is only an alteration of a nickname
beſtowed on him by the Perfians; viz. Deh-ak, fignifying,
that he had ten ill qualities, which made him hateful and
abominable; and that his real name was Piuraſh (D). As
this monarch gained the crown by his fword, ſo he governed
fiercely, and with little regard to his fubjects. He was, how-
ever, a perfon of great genius, and deeply ſkilled in the occult
fciences in one word, he is reprefented to us as a completely
wicked man; one whofe abilities anfwered the evil intentions
of his foul, and whofe perfon ftruck beholders with horror;
for he had a meagre pallid vifage, eyes wild and ſparkling, an
air fierce and haughty; at the fame time that his body was de-
formed, and his whole appearance terrible. The natural four-
neſs of his temper was irritated by a ſharp and incurable diſeaſe,
confifting in two painful ulcers, one on each fhoulder, the an-
guiſh of which refembled the pain following the bite of a fer-
pent; whence the ſtory inferted in a famous oriental romance,
that the devil, having for many years obeyed him, demanded,
u D'HERBELOT. tit. Gjemfchid.
(D) It is very uncertain of
what family this prince was;
fome report that he was lineally
defcended from Siamek, the fon
of Kejomaras; others, that he
was an Arabian, the fon of Ulu
an, defcended in, a direct line
from Abad, the chief of the Ad-
ites. The truth feems to be,
that he was an Arab by the fa-
ther's fide, but defcended of the
houfe of Kejomaras by the mo-
ther. There is indeed another
fabulous genealogy or two,
which ſcarce deferve to be men-
1
tioned, becauſe they are gla-
ringly falfe; the one fuppofes
but two generations between
him and Adam, the other, that
he was defcended from Ham, the
fon of Noah, and is to be looked
on as the Nimrod of the Scrip-
tures. It is very likely, that all
thefe ftories were invented to dif-
grace a prince whofe cruelty ren-
dered him odious, or that they
happened through fome miſtakes
in reading or tranſcribing the
works of antient poets.
at
C. XI.
339
The History of the Perfians.
at laft, as a full reward, that he might have leave to kifs his
ſhoulders; which being granted, an ugly ferpent immediately
took poft in each, and gnawed itſelf a den in his fleſh. Either
fome forcerer, or the devil in a dream, fuggeſted to Zoak an
inhuman remedy for this evil; viz. that of waſhing theſe ul-
cers frequently with the warm blood of men; or, as others ſay,
applying to them the brains of men newly flain. At firſt the
tyrant put to death criminals of all forts; but, when there were
no more of theſe, he fell without mercy upon the innocent,
that he might have wherewithal to alleviate his pain. The
prieſts, and other perfons in authority, employed all the
arguments they could uſe, to engage him to have recourſe ra-
ther to the blood or brain of fheep; but to no purpoſe: thofe,
however, who were intrufted with the care of theſe unhappy
wretches deftined to flaughter, for the tyrant's eaſe, often, out
of mere pity, let them make their efcape: fo that, flying to
the mountains, in order to preferve themfelves and their bene-
factors from danger, they there formed themſelves into a par-
ticular nation, called fince the Curdes *. All his reign long
Zoak caufed Phridun, the fon of his predeceffor, to be ſearched
for, but to no purpoſe; his mother took care to hide him out
of the reach of Zoak, and his other enemies: however, the ty-
rant diſcharged his wrath upon her father, whom he put to
death, as he did many others, whom he ſuſpected inclined to
the intereſt of the young Phridun. The chief cauſe of theſe
proceedings was a dream, wherein the tyrant beheld three
men, who came to attack him; thefe, he thought, threw him
down, and bound him: afterwards, one of them gave him a
mortal wound on the head; then the other two looſened his
girdle, tied his feet therewith, and carried him into the terri-
tory of Damavand. Having applied to the moſt ſkilful inter-
preters of dreams in his dominions, to know what this figni-
fied, they unanimoufly agreed, that it portended the lofs of
his kingdom, and of his life, becaufe, among the Perfians,
the girdle is a mark of dignity: now this Zoak conceived
could never be done but by Phridun, and his party. Among
the numbers put to death, on various accounts, by Zoak,
were the fons of a certain fmith, whofe name was Gao, or, as
others write it, Kaoh. This man, driven to madneſs at the
fight of his childrens blood, ran up and down the streets,
crying out for juftice and help againft the tyrant, holding up a
leathern apron in his hand, as if it had been a ſtandard.
ſhort time, the army he got together became very formidable;
fo that he made himfelf mafter of various ftrong forts, and
great cities, particularly of the city Heri, or Herat, the capi-
* MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 6.
Z 2
In a
tal
3
340
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
+
tal of Chorafan, where he ſtaid for fome time, to put his affairs
in order; and when he found, that he was in a condition to
offer Zoak battle, he made a long oration to encourage his
people, affuring them, amongſt other things, that he had not
taken arms with any view to his private advantage; but that,
as ſoon as he had reſtored them to their liberty, he would leave
them to elect whom they would for a king. The people,
with one accord, offered the fovereignty to him; which he as
pofitively refuſed, telling them, that as the fenfe he had of
his own injuries had put him upon firft taking arms, fo he
would never confent to injure others; that Phridun, the fon
of Giamfchid, was their lawful prince; that they ought to
bring him immediately from his retreat, and put him at their
head. Popular humours are eaſily turned: the army, on this
fpeech, grew as loyal to Phridun, as they had been grateful to
the fmith. Phridun obferving the fpirit of his people, and be-
ing informed, that Zoak's army were by no means hearty in
his intereft, he marched, with the utmoſt expedition, to meet
him; and the armies engaging, after a brifk action, Zoak's
troops abandoned him, and he was taken priſoner: whereupon
Phridun ordered him to be conducted to the mountains of Da-
-mavand, and gave directions for his being impriſoned in a cave
there. This victory being gained about the time of the au-
tumnal equinox, the Perfians inftituted a feaft in memory
thereof, which they called Mihirgjan, or rather Mibrag-
jần Y (E).
PHRIDUN,
HYDE rel. vet. Perf. c. 8. p. 158. D'HERBELOT. biblioth.
orient. art. Feridoun, Gaoh.
(E) The hiftory of Zoak makes
a prodigious figure in the Perfian
romances; what is related in
them of him being too abfurd as
-well as fabulous, it would be to
no purpoſe to ſwell out a note
with fuch ſtories. It is very like-
ly, that the poets, immediately
after the time of this cruel prince,
drew the moſt invidious chara-
Eters of him they could devife,
and heightened all the mifchie-
vous things he did with the ut-
moft force of their inventions.
If we conceive to ourfelves poets
writing with this view, and, at
the fame time, reflect on the ge-
ius of oriental writers in ge-
neral, and of poets in particular,
we need not be at a lofs for all
the ftrange things that we now
read of Zoak, and yet allow the
first authors of them to have
been men of good fenfe too.
Metaphors well underftood, al-
lufions readily apprehended, and
allegories eafily explained, in one
age, appear all as matters, or, at
leaft, as circumftances, of fact, in
ages which fucceed; and hence
it comes to paſs, that a ftroke of
poetic fatire, or the rhetorical
flourish of an author, is mifap-
prehended for a ftrict affertion,
and fo delivered by hiftorians,
who come after, and tranfcribe
all
C. XI.
341
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
3
PHRIDUN, Aphridun, or Feridoun. This prince proved Phridun.
one of the greateft, wifeft, and moſt ſucceſsful monarchs that
ever ruled in the eaft. His firft act, after being quietly feated
on the throne, was to make Kaoh the fmith general of his
armies; after which he ſent him towards the weſtern parts of
his dominions, in order to reduce fuch provinces, as, during
the troubles of the kingdom, had fhaken off the Perfian yoke.
Kaob ſpent twenty years in this enterprize, in which ſpace he
added many fine countries to the Perfian empire. At length
the king recalled him, and made him governor of Aderbazag-
jan, which he ruled ten years, with equal fatisfaction to the
people and his prince, and then died much regretted by Phri-
dun, who, to do honour to his memory, gave all his eftates.
among his relations; and then, taking his fons into his own
court, bred them there in a moft honourable manner, and,
when they grew up, gave each of them greater poffeffions than
their father had acquired. To fhew his gratitude yet more,
he made the leathern apron, which Kasb had hung upon a ftick
at the beginning of the infurrection, the royal ſtandard of Per-
fia, calling it dirfefch Kaviani, i. e. the ftandard of Kaoh,
* MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 7.
all they find, without weighing
or confidering how or in what
manner it was written. The
first hiftorians, in all countries,
were poets; the ſecond race
profe-writers, who copied from
them: and hence it is, that an-
tient hiſtorians are full of grave
fables, which, through length of
time, are hard to be understood:
this has been the fate of Greece,
and of Rome, of Britain, of Ire-
land, and why not of Perfia?
But fiction, though it may ob-
fcure, yet it does not abfolutely
deftroy truth. Zoak was, in all
probability, an Arabian invader,
who, after making himself ma-
fter of Perfia, uſed his new fub-
jects ill, till the weight of the
loads he laid upon them grew too
heavy to be borne, and then they
did, what a people may always
do, throw them off their fhoul-
ders, and would bear no more.
As to what we are told of his
being confined in the caverns of
Damavand, or rather of Dunba-
wand, we think it may be under-
ſtood to mean no more, than that
he was kept there in fome ftrong
caftie. Thefe mountains are in
the province of Aderbazagjan,
which, as we have more than
once remarked, is part of the
antient Media; they are rocky,
full of caverns, and confequently
have a gloomy appearance. The
poets therefore, taking the fame
licence here, allowed them elfe-
where, have feigned that Tahmu-
reb, after overcoming the dies,
or evil genii, impriſoned them in
thefe grottoes; and, by degrees,
thefe expreffions grew fo fre-
quent, that a wizard or a tyrant
was as readily fent to the moun-
tains of Damavand, as, among
our common people, ghoſts are
chained, or, to preſerve the true
phraſe, laid, in the bottom of the
Red fea.
Ꮓ
Z 3
that
4
342
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
that he might perpetuate his name and ſervices to all poſterity.
This ftandard he adorned with precious ftones, to which his
fucceffors continually adding, it became at laſt of ſuch inefti-
mable value, that, being taken by the Arabians in the battle
of Cadefia, it enriched the whole army 2. As Phridun was
defirous of reſtoring peace and good order throughout all his
dominions, he fent perfons, not only of great parts, but emi-
nent for their integrity, to govern all the provinces under his
dominion. He married alfo, with a view of intereft only, the
daughter of his predeceffor Zoak, by whom he had two fons,
Salm and Tur; but thefe proving, like their grandfather,
haughty, obftinate, and cruel, he took a Perfian lady to his
bed, by whom he had a fon, named Irege, equally wife and
courteous; ſo that he became at once the darling of his father,
and the delight of the people. Thus things paffed on, till
Phridun, feeling himſelf beginning to decline under the weight
of age and illneſs, fummoned his grandees together, and,
having informed them of his defign to quit the regal dignity,
defired to know, which of his fons they wished he ſhould make
his fucceffor. Thefe lords unanimously anſwered, that, if he
would no longer govern himſelf, they defired to have Irege for
their prince; to which Phridun affented: but, to prevent hist
brothers from taking this ill, he gave Tur all the eaſtern pro-
vinces of his empire; to Salm the provinces on the other fide;
and reftrained Irege within the compafs of Perfia, Affyria, and
Mefopotamia. From this divifion came the names of Turon
and Iran, the one fignifying that great extent of country which
fies to the eaſt of Perfia, and the other Perfia itſelf, and the
provinces dependent thereon. As for Tur, he built a noble
city, which he made the capital of his territories, calling it,
after his own name, Turon, and the country Turqueftan. This
city was feated in the province of Mauaralnahar, in the neigh-
bourhood of the Cafpian fea; and hence the nation inhabiting
that tract of country acquired the name of Turks c. However
large thoſe ſhares might be which Salm and Tur had received
from their father, they ftill hated him, and their brother Irege,
whofe ruin they concerted together. Things being at laft ripe
for the execution of their projects, Salm and Tur marched each
with great forces into Aderbayagjan; and, having joined their
armies, fent a fort of manifefto to their father, wherein they
fet forth, that, with juft reaſon, they were diſpleaſed with the
kindneſs which he had fhewn Irege, whom they ftiled a baftard;
and declared at the fame time, that they would never lay down
b HYDE
a D'HERBELOT. biblioth. oriental. art. Dirfefch.
rel. vet. Perfar. c. 35. p. 417. D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient, art.
Feridoun. MIRKHOND. hift. ubi fupra.
their
C. XI.
348
The History of the Perfians.
their arms till he was depofed, and the countries divided be-
tween them, which hitherto had been in his poffeffion. Phri-
dun, juftly diſpleaſed at this undutiful behaviour, fent imme-
diately his orders to Irege, to draw together all the forces he
was able, and to march againſt his brothers. Irege, however,
defired the king to have recourſe to milder meaſures, in hopes
of preferving the peace of the empire. Phridun was of a con-
trary opinion, and determined to reduce the rebels by arms,
But Irege, unwilling to do his brothers any wrong, took with
him ſome of his wifeft counſellors, and went with them to his
brothers camp, in order, if poffible, amicably to adjuſt the
differences between them. They, who wifhed for nothing
more, immediately feized him, and ftruck off his head; which
having ſtuck on a pole, they infolently fent to their father.
Phridun was exceffively grieved at his fon's misfortune, and
therefore reſolved to carry on the war againſt Salm and Tur
in order to which, he gave the dominions of Irege to his fon
Manugeher, who immediately marched with an army againſt
his uncles. They, defpifing his youth, quickly came to an
engagement, in which the two brothers were routed, and loft
their lives by the hand of Manugeher, who, after this glorious
victory, returned in triumph to his grandfather Phridun, who
was now grown blind. When he heard the acclamations of the
people at the entrance of Manugeher, he aſked, who it was that
prefumed to enter his prefence in fuch a manner. The young
victor cried out, It is your grandfon Manugeher, the avenger
of the blood of Irege, who hath flain Salm and Tur with his own
hand. Phridun then received him with open arms, and with
all the demonftrations of paternal fondneſs. Afterwards he
took the tagi or tiara from his head, and put it on that of Ma-
nugeher or Manugjar, decläring him thereby fovereign of
Perfia, appointing at the fame time one Soam or Soham, a per-
fon of great wifdom and valour, to be his vizird. Within a
ſhort ſpace after this, Phridun died, full of years and glory (E).
d D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Soham.
(E) The oriental writers are
univerfally agreed, that the terms
Touran and Iran, expreffive of
the two great empires on the
other and on this fide the Oxus,
called by them the Gjeibun, took
rife at this time. It may feem
trange, that fuch large tracts
of country fhould receive ap-
pellations from perfons who liv-
ed and governed them fo fhort
As
a time; for it appears, that Īrege,
Tur, and Salm, all died in the
life-time of Phridun, and within
a ſmall ſpace after the partition
of his dominions among them.
But, when this is more throughly
confidered, the wonder will ceaſe.
The monarchs of thefe extenſive
kingdoms were, during a long
courfe of ages, at war with each
other; and this enmity proceed-
2 4
ing
344
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
As to the perfonal qualifications of this prince, he is cele-
brated, by oriental writers, as the Solomon of Perfia, one who
made it his whole ftudy to govern his people in fuch a manner,
as that they might enjoy greater felicity than if they had lived in
a ftate of freedom. He extended his dominions, with a view of
extending happineſs to thoſe, whom he reduced under his obe-
dience. He was a zealous worſhiper of the true GoD, and
took ſuch care to reprefs Zabiifm, that fome Mohammedan
authors have not fcrupled to affert, that he was a muffulman.
It is alfo recorded of him, that he left this advice with his fuc-
ceffor Believe, my fen, that the days of your reign are so many
leaves of a book; be careful therefore to write nothing in any page
thereof, that you would not have ſeen by pofterity. Many
other wife fayings of this great prince are ſcattered in various
authors, which we have neither time nor opportunity to infert
here. Some Perfian writers think, that Phridun was cotem-
porary with Abraham. On the other hand, the learned Dr.
Hyde has entertained a notion, that this Phridun is the Phra-
ortes of Herodotus f. It would take up too much time to dif-
cufs this controverſy here; and, befides, we fhall have occa-
fion to refume this fubject hereafter, and to confider the opi-
nions of the critics on oriental hiftory all at once. In the mean
time, let us purfue the thread of our narration, and proceed to
the reign of Phridun's grandfon (F),
MA-
© D'HERBELOT: art Feridoun.
ing originally from the quarrel
of their ancestors, it was natural
enough for them to call their
dominions after thofe in whofe
right they held them. The whole
empire belonged to Phridun; the
defcendants of Tur or Tour kept
up the claim of their anceſtor to
the whole; the kings of Perfia
fucceeding Manugjahr afferted
the right of Phridun to divide his
dominions as he pleaſed; and
therefore it is likely, that Iran
and Torran were words firft ufed
in Perfia, and by degrees ſpread
themſelves throughout the eaft.
Whether Tur was the undoubted
father of the Turks, will admit of
fome queſtion, fince almoſt all
the oriental writers affirm, that
Japhet had a fon called Turk;
and yet many of them admit, that
f HYDE relig. vet. Perf. c. 8.
Tarqueftan had its name from the
prince we fpeak of. It would
be needlefs, and at the ſame time
improper for us, to enter into a
prolix difcuffion of that point
here, fince it must be examined
when we come to write the
hiftory of the Turks; however,
we think it not amifs to remark,
that there is nothing ftranger, or
more perplexed, in this double
derivation of the name of the
Turks, than there is in that of
the Hebrews, whom ſome affirm
to have been fo called from He-
ber the fon of Salah, and others
from the furname of Abraham,
who was ftiled the Hebrew from
his coming from the other fide
the river, i. e. the Euphrates.
(F) The reader will eafily per-
ceive, from the characters he
has
C. XI.
345
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
MANUGJAHR, or Manugeher, according to fome authors, Manuge-
was not the fon of Irege, but his grandfon by a daughter, It is her.
not very material to us which of theſe opinions is true 8. Cer-
tain it is, that he was a wife prince, and of a mild diſpoſition;
and had a minifter, viz. the vizir Soham before-mentioned,
whoſe fame is ftill great throughout all the eaft. Manugeher,
probably by his advice, made feveral juft regulations in the
government of Perfia: he aſcertained, more exactly than any
of his predeceffors had done, the boundaries of the provinces,
into each of which he fent a prefident or governor, independ
ent of whom he eſtabliſhed, in every great town or borough, a
mayor or provoſt; fo that the governors had no opportunity of
ſetting up for themſelves; and the provofts were obliged to be-
have prudently, for fear the governor fhould write.against them
to court. Obferving the infertility of Perfia to be chiefly owing
to the want of water, Manugeher confidered every way of
fupplying this defect: he caufed fine canals to be cut from
the mighty rivers Tigris and Euphrates, to refreſh the barren
& D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Manugeher.
The varying frailnefs of this flat-
t'ring world,
And the true excellence of heav'n's
high Lord;
Then would be this deſpiſe, and
truft in him.
The
world deceives us all. — In
God is truth.
Let not thy riches or thy pow'r
prevail
To fwell thy bofom with conceitş
of pride;
Look back, remember thofe thou
haft feen high,
has already feen drawn in this
hiſtory, that, among the orien
tal nations, wiſdom, as well as
valour, is thought neceffary in a
hero. Phridun is as famous
among them as any of the he-
roes of Greece or Rome amongſt
us; and for the fame reafon, be-
cauſe he was a man great in all
things, in war, and in peace, at
the head of armies, and on the
throne. On this account, ari-
ental writers preferve, with as
great care, the wife ſayings of
their princes, as the accounts of
their conquefts. We have ex-
cufed ourſelves above from the
repetition of all that has been re-
corded of this fort, in relation to
Phridun; but the reader will, in
all probability, be pleaſed with
the following fpecimens of his
wiſdom, becaufe they contain
rules eafily applied, and which
concern mankind in general. Or from a mattress thrown upon
the ground,
Man fhould weigh well the nature
We rife to take our journey? (5).
of himself,
(5) D'Herbelot, biblioth. orient, art. Feridoun,
And mark, if thou haft never ſeen
them fink;
Let this teach thee. One end a-
waits us all:
And when inevitable death com-
mands,
That we should follow to his
dreary realm,
Matters it much, if from a royal
couch,
coun-
*
346
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
countries in their neighbourhood; he took care to collect all
the ſtreams iffuing from the little fprings on the tops of moun-
tains, that their waters might be made as ufeful as poffible.
To encourage his fubjects to cultivate their lands with care, he
employed much time in gardening, and took great pains to
difcover the virtues of herbs and flowers, caufing ſuch as were
moſt valuable to be tranſplanted from mountains, and uncouth
places, into his own gardens, or thoſe of his courtiers. But,
while he was thus cultivating the arts of peace, Apherafiab,
the defcendant of Tur or Tour, invaded his dominions with a
great army of Turks, in order, as he gave out, to avenge the
death of his anceftor. Manugeher, finding himſelf too weak
to refift to formidable an enemy, retired towards the country
of Tabreftan. Some authors fay, that there happened a battle
between him and Apherafiab, and that Manugeher was routed.
However that matter was, all are agreed, that the king of
Perfia withdrew into a fortrefs, and prepared to defend him-
felf there againſt the attempts of his enemy. Apherafiab be-
fieged him with all his army; but to no purpoſe; and the
winter drawing on, the Turk, being afraid left his own men
fhould defert him, began to think of peace. Upon this, com-
miffioners were diſpatched on both fides, and a treaty concluded
on thefe terms: That Apherafiab fhould poffefs all the country
eaft of the river Gihon; and that he fhould leave Manugeher,
without moleftation, in poffeffion of Perfia, and the provinces
dependent on it. Such was the event of this cruel war, which
threatened no less than the fubverfion of the monarchy of Per-
fiab. As foon as Apherafiab was retired into his own country,
Manugeher began to provide againſt fuch invafions for the
future, and ordered all his governors to get ready their quotas
of troops. Theſe meaſures alarming Apherafiab, he gave or-
ders to his forces to make inroads into Perfia; but the Turk
had not the fame fuccefs in this as in the former war.
precautions of Manugeher perfectly anſwered his end; ſo that
the enemy were not only repulfed where-ever they made their
courfes, but alfo loft a great number of foldiers, who were
taken prifoners. Apherafiab therefore very willingly renewed
the peace, and left Manugeher to act as he thought fit in his
own dominions. That wife and good prince made the city of
Sigjiſtan for a time his royal feat; and when, by his preſence,
he had put all things on that fide in good order, he fent thither
his vizir Soham to preferve them in that ftate; and went him-
ſelf to refide in the centre of his empire, where he applied him-
felf, as he had done before, to the cultivation of arts and fci-
ences, and to every thing which might render his people
MIRKHOND. hift. fect, 9.
The
power-
C. XI.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
347
powerful and happy. Soham managed fo prudently in the pro-
vince of Sigjiftan, that he gained the good-will of the people,
as well as the favour of the court; but, in the midſt of his hap-
pinefs, an accident fell out, which furpriſed him not a little :
his wife was brought to-bed of a fon with long yellow hair.
Soham therefore gave him the name of Zal-zer, i. e. golden
hair. This young man, when he grew up to years of difcre-
tion, gave manifelt tokens of an exalted genius, infomuch
that Manugeher fent for him and his father to appear at court.
Thither they went; and the fight of the young nobleman aug-
mented the esteem and gratitude Manugeher had for his father
and family. Loaded with new honours and dignities, Soham
and his fon returned into their own country, and lived there
with the fame fplendor and reputation that they had done be-
fore. One day it happened, that Zal-zer went to hunt in the
province of Kabluftan, dependent on the kingdom of Touran,
but bordering northwards on the Perftan dominions. Meherab,
who was at this time governor of that province, being informed
of this, went out to meet him, that he might fhew his refpect
to the father by the honours paid to his fon. The converſation
he had with Zal-zer charmed him fo much, and made fo ftrong
an impreffion on his mind, that he could not help talking of
him to his family upon his return home; which had fuch an
effect on the mind of Roudabah his daughter, that ſhe fell vio-
lently in love with Zal-zer on his report; and, as womens
paffions are ever fudden and ungovernable, fhe fent immedi-
ately one of her maids into the place where Zal-zer was en-
camped, that ſhe might find an opportunity of fpeaking with
him. Her project fucceeded perfectly well: the young noble-
man, perceiving the maiden gathering flowers, entered into
difcourfe with her, inquiring her condition, and with whom
the lived. The girl, properly inftructed, anſwered him, that
ſhe was the fervant of Roudabah, the daughter of Meherab;
and then, talking of the family, expatiated on the wit, beauty,
and fweet difpofition of her lady. Zal-zer immediately con-
ceived a great eſteem for this amiable perſon, which, by de-
grees, ripened into fo warm a paffion, that he could neither
eat nor fleep till he had concerted the means of ſpeaking to
her. An interview, as our author obferves, between two per-
fons who equally defire it, is very quickly obtained. The
lovers made the beft ufe of their time; that is, they exchanged
the moſt folemn vows of fidelity, and engaged to marry each
other, as foon as the confent of their parents could be obtained.
To cover his amour, Zal-zer made a vifit at the fame time
to the father of his miftrefs, by whom he was very kindly re-
ceived; and, after ſtaying with him all night, fet out on his
return to his father in the province of Sigjiftan. Almoſt as
foon
348
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
foon as he came home, he acquainted Soham with all that had
happened, and that it was impoffible for him to live, at leaſt
in any degree of happineſs, without the poffeffion of the daugh-
ter of Meherab. Some difficulty there was in procuring the
king's confent to this marriage; for it was hitherto a thing
without precedent for a Perfian to eſpouſe a Turk. However,
the many fervices of Soham, and the great merit of Zal-zer,
prevailed fo far over Manugeher, that he at laſt yielded to all
they defired. The nuptials were celebrated with prodigious
magnificence, the inhabitants of Sig jiſtan and Kabluftan vying
with each other in their expreffions of joy on this occaſion:
nor were the confequences of this match leſs happy, than its
conclufion was fplendid; for, at the end of nine months, the
lovely Roudabah was brought to-bed of a fon, who was named
Ruſtan, the mighty hero of all the oriental romances ¹. The
reader will hereafter perceive how the loves of this illuftrious
pair came to find a place in the Perfian hiftory. Let us now
return to Manugeher, who ſpent all his time in putting the
affairs of his kingdom in the beſt order imaginable, with re-
ſpect both to peace and war; that is, he took care to baniſh
luxury, to encourage virtue, and to render every man's con-
dition fo happy, as to engage him to fight for that government,
on the continuance of which it depended. The perfonal qua-
lifications of this monarch have been already, in ſome mea-
fure, diſplayed. It remains however, that we do him juſtice
in one particular, of greater importance than all the reſt: he
was a moſt zealous worſhiper of the true God, of which we
have the moſt ſhining inftances in the hiftory of his life and
reign written by Tabari, an antient Perfian author. By him
we are informed, that as foon as this prince heard of the Turks.
paffing the river Gjeihon, in order to drive him out of his do-
minions, he aſſembled a great council of his nobility, wherein
he delivered himſelf in theſe words: "The most holy and
"high GOD delivered to me this kingdom, that I might ren-
"der him praiſe and glory by my actions as a prince, pre-
ferving my people in plenty and'eafe, and impartially dif
tributing juftice, that thereby the glorious gift of GoD
might, in my hand, be ftrengthened and increaſed. If,
"contrary to this my duty, I had acted ungratefully towards
<c
'
<<
my Creator, then I fhould juftly have deferved to loſe my
"kingdom here, and to fuffer everlafting puniſhment for my
"wickedneſs hereafter. The moft holy and high GOD having
caufed me to be born of royal blood, and, in right thereof,
"beſtowed a kingdom upon me, let us not, my friends, bafely
1 MIRKHOND. hift. fect, 8. D'HERBELOT. art. Manougeher.
Apud HYDE rel. vet. Perf, c, 8. p. 156.
6 throw
C. XI.
349
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
"throw it away, or tamely fuffer it to be taken from us.
"Confider well of the ftate we are in, and to-morrow I will
"more largely inform you of my fentiments of the matter."
The next day accordingly the nobles of Perfia affembled again;
and the king, being feated on his throne of ftate, with his
royal crown upon his head, and the mubad mubadan, or high-
prieſt, ſeated near him in his golden chair, rofe up, and fpoke
as he had done the day before, afcribing all dominion to the
Almighty, and acknowleging that the crown of Perfia was
his gift. He then obferved, that all things depended alike on
the will of the Supreme Being; and that nothing could take
effect, but by his command, or with his permiffion. He faid
further, that God had long indulged the Perſian nation in the
full enjoyment of many bleffings, in confequence of which,
they were bound to live in exact obedience to his laws, that is,
to make a proper uſe of the good things beſtowed on them. He
added, that, as to the point at preſent before them, viz. the in-
vafion of the Turks, it came not, but by the permiffion of GOD;
wherefore to him they ought firft to apply themſelves for its
being taken away. He exhorted them to reform their lives, to
be conftant in prayer, to exert their courage, and their under-
ſtandings, in the defence of their country, and to reſt ſtedfaſtly
in the hope, that the Almighty would not forfake them, but
reftore them again to peace and quiet, either by giving them a
victory over their enemies, or inclining the hearts of their ene-
mies to peace.
The piety of this prince was rewarded with a
very long life and reign. As to the extent of the former, we
have no certainty; but, as to the latter, authors agree in fix-
ing it at an hundred and twenty years. They fay likewife,
that the death of Manugjahr was, like his life, majeſtic and
ferene; that he called to him his fon and fucceffor, gave him,
in few words, his advice as to the government of his domi-
nions, and recommended his ſubjects moſt affectionately to his
care ¹.
-
NUDAR or Naudar fucceeded his father; but his reign was Nudar
far from being as happy. He was fcarce feated on his throne
before his grandees began to form parties, and to create fedi-
tions in his empire; which weakened it fo much, that the
Turks immediately conceived hopes of conquering it; a thing
they had long fet their hearts on. With this view, Pafhangh,
at that time king of Touran, the direct defcendant of Tur, the
fon of Phridun, called his fons together; and having expatiated,
firft, on the right which their family had to the kingdom of
Perfia, and, fecondly, of the low ftate the Perfian affairs
were then in, he told them, that the intent of his drawing
! D'HERBELOT. biblioth, orient, ubi fupra.
them
350
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
them together, was to know which of them had courage
enough to affert the pretenfions derived to him from his an-
ceftors, and to undertake the reduction of the provinces on the
other fide the Gjeihon. Apherafiab, his eldeſt ſon, ſtung with
ambition, and defirous of excelling his brethren, immediately
offered himſelf to raiſe an army, in order to conquer Iran.
Accordingly, he drew together four hundred thousand horfe
and foot; and, with this prodigious army, entered Sigjiftan.
Nudar, as foon as he was informed of this, caufed his beſt
troops to file off that way, and gave the command of them to
Soham, the father of Zal-zer; but he being old and decrepit,
was forced to march flowly towards the enemy; and even that
fatigued him fo much, that he died before he had reached the
place of rendezvous: an event highly pleafing to Apherafiab,
who very much dreaded the valour and conduct of this great
man. Nudar, not doubting that Soham, and his troops, were
already arrived at the place he appointed them, marched with
his army towards Mazanderan, where, on a fudden, and be-
fore he expected it, they came within fight of the enemy. The
camps being oppofite to each other, a Turkish champion,
whoſe name was Bafmon, challenged any of the Perfian war-
riors to a ſingle combat; which challenge was readily accepted
by Kobad, the grandfon of Kach, of whom we have faid fo
much in the life of Phridun. The combat terminated in fa-
vour of the Perfian, who, having flain his antagoniſt, fpoiled
him of his arms, and carried them, as the trophy of his vic-
tory, to his tent. The Turks were prodigiously incenſed at
this accident, and refolved with themfelves to revenge it
ſpeedily on Nudar, and his army. Accordingly, having pof-
feffed themſelves of all the pofts about it, they attacked the.
Perfians in their camp, where a moft obftinate battle was
fought, till, at length, there happened fuch a prodigious
ſhower of rain, attended with ſuch an extraordinary darkneſs,
that Nudar laid hold of this opportunity to retire, and to or-
der his fons Thus and Guftam, who were at the head of ſepa-
rate bodies,, to march ſpeedily to his relief; which they did,
accompanied by Karen the brother of Kobad, who had found
means to withdraw the royal treaſures out of Sigjiftan, and to
fend them to a place of fafety. Apherafiab obferving the mea-
fures taken by Nudar, and conceiving that his intent was to
fpin out the war, he, to prevent its running into a length,
which, in the end, would have been deftructive to his troops,
ſent an officer of his, whofe name was Karahon, with pofitive
orders to attack Karen, and the body of Perfians under his
command; which accordingly he did, killed their commander,
and effectually difperfed the reft. Not long after, Apherafiab
attacked Nudar in his camp; and, after obtaining a fignal
victory,
1
C. XI.
351
The History of the Perfians.
victory, took that monarch prifoner, in his flight, with many
Perfian nobles. As foon as they came into his preſence,
Apherafiab ordered them to be cut in pieces; but his brother,
a prince of great humanity and wiſdom, hindered him, and
prevailed on him to content himſelf with putting them in pri-
fon; to which, with much ado, he yielded. The next ſtep,
after this victory, was to poffefs himſelf of the court and trea-
fures of Nudar; in order to which, Apherafiab inftantly de-
tached a body of thirty thouſand men: they, entering the pro-
vince of Sigjiftan, made themfelves mafters of the capital, and
of the royal palace, the Perfians being every-where fo intimi-
dated, that they durft not ftir; but fubmitted tamely to the
yoke which conqueft had impoſed upon them. Meherab, it
feems, after the marriage of his daughter to Zal-zer, had re-
tired into Perfia, and lived in great honour and affluence there,
till this fudden overthrow of the empire threatened him, as well
as the reft of its inhabitants. Meherab, being a man of great
policy, bethought himſelf of a means to divert immediate dan-
ger, by fending a meffenger to Apherafiab, with very rich pre-
fents, and a letter to this purpofe; That, though he lived in
Perfia, he was by nation a Turk; and not only fo, but, in
fome meaſure, allied to him in blood, being lineally de-
fcended from Zoak: wherefore he hoped his family, and
this early teftimony of obedience, would be fufficient to re-
• commend him to his fpecial protection.' Having thus
amuſed the victor, he gave notice to his fon-in-law Zal-zer,
who, affembling as privately as he could feveral ſmall bodies of
men, appointed them a place of rendezvous, where he him-
felf joined them; and, finding them numerous enough to at-
tempt ſomewhat againſt the common enemy, he began to act
offenfively, and, in a fhort time, drove the Turks out of the
province of Sigjiſtan. Of which when Apherafiab received
intelligence, it provoked him ſo much, that he ordered the un-
fortunate Nudar to have his head ftruck off in prifon; which
was accordingly put in execution, without the leaft regard to
his dignity. As to the length of his reign, authors are divided,
ſome making it ſeven years, others enlarging it to nine. Mirk-
bond, whom we generally follow, adheres to the former number,
Some oriental writers make this prince cotemporary with
Jofbua; others place him much higher: we fhall not determine
here who are in the right .
*
APHERASIAB or Afrafiab, notwithstanding this rebellion, Aphera-
or rather infurrection, looking upon himſelf as monarch of fiab.
Perfia, fent an account to his father Pafhangh of the happy
fuccefs with which his expedition had been crowned. But it
MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 8. D'HARBELQT: art. Naudhar.
7
was
352
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
was not long before he had news of another nature to ſend
him; for the Perfians, univerfally detefting his haughty and
infolent temper, began to raiſe feditions in every part of the
kingdom; nay, their averfion engaged them in fteps which
carried their intrigues farther; and made them endeavour to
ftir up the brother of Apherafiab, who had, at firft, faved Nu-
dar's life, to put in his claim to the throne, promiſing him
both affiftance and obedience. He, burning with the ambition.
natural to his family, liftened readily to the propoſal, and ad-
viſed them to engage Zal-zer to invade the provinces in the
neighbourhood of Sigjiſtan, in the ſpring; afſuring them, that,
the war once begun, he would appear in their favour. Theſe
negotiations could not be carried on fo fecretly, but that
Apherafiab gained intelligence of them; and immediately ſet
all his wits to work, to prevent their taking effect: with this
view he cauſed his brother to be affaffinated, and then applied
himſelf indefatigably to the raifing troops, refolving to reduce
all his opponents. Zal-zer, being informed of thefe proceedings,
and vehemently regretting the lofs of the young Turkish prince,
openly excited the Perfians to take arms, deriding their
cowardice, and giving them to underſtand, that more than
half their enemy's ftrength lay in their fears. His diſcourſes,
by degrees, had fuch an effect, that the inhabitants of Perfia,
affembling together in ſmall bodies, marched by night through
fecret and by-ways to his camp; where, when they were all
arrived, Zal-zer found himſelf at the head of a very formidable
army . Apherafiab, who had his fpies every-where, receiving
an exact account of Zal-zer's fituation, immediately refolved
to change his manner of making war, and to act altogether on
the defenfive. This gave the Perfian captain a great deal of
trouble; but, at laft, he found an opportunity of bringing Aphe-
rafiab to a battle: it was very bloody, and ſo obftinate, that
it lafted till it was dark; and then each army, retiring to its
camp, found that neither fide had any reaſon to boaſt of vic-
tory. The war continued for a long time after this, without
any decifive action; whereby all induftry being deftroyed,
there followed firft a fcarcity, then a famine, and, at the end
of this, a grievous peftilence; which, falling at once into both
camps, filled Apherafiab and Zal-zer with thoughts of peace.
Negotiations were not long on foot, before a treaty was con-
cluded, whereby it was ftipulated, that Apherafiab fhould with-
draw his troops and effects without moleftation, and retire
into Touran; while Iran, and all its dependencies, fhould re-
main under the protection of Zal-zer. This peace concluded
and ratified, it would have been eaſy for that nobleman to have
n
"MIRKHOND. hift. ubi fupra.
raifed
C. XI.
353
The Hiftory of the Perfians."
raiſed himſelf to the throne of Perfia; but he, fcorning to barter
immortal fame for a fhort-lived royalty, fought out Zab or
Zoub, the lawful heir of the houfe of Kejomaras, and put the
crown upon his head º.
ZAB, Zoub, or Bazab, at the time of his acceffion to the Zab.
royal dignity, was far advanced in years, but had, notwith-
ſtanding, a tolerable ſhare of health and fpirits: he applied him-
ſelf to the reſtoring, as well as he could, the fhattered affairs of
Perfia: the more effectually to do this, he affociated with him,
in the empire, Gher fchafp, his nephew, whom ſome have called
Kifchtafp, and have made him not the nephew and affociate,
but,the fon and fucceffor of Zab or Zoub: but this feems to be
a miſtake, and the ground of it pretty obvious, the father of
this Gberfchafp being called Kifchtafp. But to return to Zab,
he facrificed much of the prerogative of the crown to make the
people eafy, and to enable them to recover their loffes, after
the wretched depredations committed by Afrafiab, and his
troops: he did more than all this; he threw open the royal
treafury, and, as often as any fums were paid in there, he firſt
paid his foldiers, and then diftributed the reft among the poor.
Theſe were certainly high virtues; but this prince is branded
for a vice particularly infamous on a throne, viz. that of glut-
tony, or rather luxury in eating; and is recorded to have been
the author of various forts of fawces and broths, unknown be-
fore in theſe regions. It is not very clear how long he reigned,
or who was his fucceffor. Mirkhond makes him exprefly the
laft of the first race of kings, who, from the furname of Hu-
Shangh, were called, in general, Pifchdadians, though to us it
feems more probable, that they received this appellation, be-
caufe, during the feveral reigns of theſe princes, the laws and
conftitution of Perfta were thoroughly fettled P. According to
other authors, Gherfchafp or Kiſchtaſp fucceeded in the em-
pire, by the voluntary ceffion of Zab or Zoub; his mother is
faid to have been a Jewess, of the tribe of Benjamin: he proved
a prince of great merit, and deferving of a better fate than he
met; for he did all in his power to reſtore the Perfian diadem
to its antient luftre. Afrafiab, little regarding his treaties,
took advantage of the diforder the kingdom was in, to re-enter
it with a formidable army, and to poffefs himſelf of various
provinces. The new king fought under great difadvantages;
but, in ſpite of thefe, he frequently defeated the Turks, and
recovered various places out of their hands: at laft, however,
he fell into the error of many of his predeceffors; that is, he
• KHONDEMIR, in Khelaffat Alakbar. D'HERBELOT. art. Afra-
ziab, Zal, Zoub. MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 10. P MIRKHOND. hift,
fect. 10. D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Naudhar.
VOL. V.
A a
put
354
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
put all his affairs to hazard in one battle, which he loft, and
with it his life, being killed fighting bravely for the liberty of
his country, after a reign fome fay of fix, others of thirty
years; but whether the former may not include the reigns of
Zab, and of this prince too, or whether the latter ought
to be accounted the time that this monarch reigned alone, we
pretend not to determine. In this all are agreed, that here
the empire of the Pifchdadians ended; and that Afrafiab, the
defcendant of Tur, became a third time abfolute lord of Per-
fia 1. How he afterwards loft the poffeffion of this empire,
will be fhewn in its proper place. In the mean time, it may
not be amiſs to infert here fome remarks on the foregoing pe-
riod, in order to juftify the obfervation we have fo often
made, that oriental hiſtory, though mixed with fables, is not
altogether ufelcfs (G).
9 D'HERBELOT. art. Gherſchtaſb, Kiſchſtaſp.
(G) In the courfe of this
work, our method has been to
ſpeak first of the chronology,
and afterwards of the hiſtory of
each country; in the prefent
caſe it was impracticable, unleſs
we had tormented the reader
with needlefs repetitions, and
naufeous tautologies. We have
therefore choſen to give the fe-
ries of the Perfian history, re-
lating to the kings of the firſt
race, as
as it lies in Mirkkond,
and other authors; and, after
laying down theſe facts as foun-
dations of onr arguments, to
lead the reader by degrees to
what we efteem the true ftate of
the antient Perfian empire. In
the first place it is remarkable,
that the oriental writers make
this race of kings Medes by
deſcent. The province of Ader-
bayagjan, of which they make
Kejomaras to have been at firft
fovereign, is a part of Media,
taking in alfo a part of Armenia;
fo that, in all probability, it
was one of the firſt peopled pro-
As
vinces of the dominion of Shem,
if we fuppofe, that territories
were afcertained and fet out im-
mediately after the flood. With-
in this province ftands the little
town, that is, confidering it in
its prefent condition, Nack/hivan,
which the inhabitants affirm to
have been the first town built af-
ter the flood; and indeed, in the
Armenian language, the very
name implies as much, it being
equivalent to the first place, or
first habitation (1). Thus the
early erecting of a monarchy
hereabouts is rendered every-
where probable, and confiftent
with the moſt antient accounts
facred and profane. As the
power of Kejomaras increafed,
he extended his territories to-
wards the eaſt, and towards the
fouth; for it is agreed, that he
made himſelf maſter of Irak-
agami,.afterwards Parthia; and,
in procefs of time, joined thereto
the province of Phars, or Proper
Perfia; where, fome hiftorians
affirm, he founded the city of
(1) Tavernier voyag, tom. i. p. 43. Chardin, voyag, tom, i, p. 250.
Iftacbr,
C. XI.
355
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
As to the religion of theſe antient kings, we have already
fhewn it to be very near the true religion; that is, the religion
of the patriarchs. The worſhip of fire was indifputably a very
antient doctrine; and there feems to be no reaſon for doubt-
ing the truth of what ſome authors have affirmed, that it took
its rife in, if not before, the time of Kejomaras. Certain it is,
Iftachr, afterwards called Perfe-
polis, though others deny it, and
fay it was later. The fucceffors
of this prince conquered Khir-
man_and_Sigjiſtan, and after-
wards many other countries on
the eaſt of the preſent Perfian
empire. It was Phridun, or Fe-
ridoun, who fettled the dominions
of Perfia in pretty near the fame
order we find them at this day:
it is evident therefore, that the
kings of the first race were not
petty princes or tributaries, but
lords of a very extenſive empire.
As to the capital of their domi-
nions in the time of Kejomaras,
fome think it was at Balch in
Chorafan, others at Iftachr. Per-
haps he might first fix his refi-
dence at Balch, and afterwards
remove it into the heart of his
kingdom. Hubangh refided again
at Balch; Gjemfchid fettled him-
felf at Iftachr, and is, by moft of
the Perſian authors, eſteemed its
founder. In the reigns of fuc-
ceeding kings, though their royal
refidence might fometimes be
changed, yet Iftachr remained
the capital, and received, from
time to time, great improve-
ments from the Perftan mon-
archs. Kifchtafp, the laft of
them, had a peculiar liking to
this place, and, no doubt, took
pains to re-edify whatever inju-
ries it might have fuftained
through the courfe of a long
war. Thus the glory of this
city, which was afterwards fo
famous among the Greeks under
the name of Perfepolis, began,
as we obferved in our defcrip-
tion of Perfia, under the firſt
race of kings (2). How it was
afterwards adorned with a royal
palace, of which the ruins are
ftill remaining, we ſhall fhew in
the hiftory of the princes of the
fecond race: in the mean time,
let it be remembred, that feve-
ral princes of the dynaſty of the
Pifchdadians were great lovers
of arts, and great encouragers
of ingenuity and learning: if
therefore there were in their
time, eſpecially in the days of
Manugeher, who is particularly
famous in the'oriental hiftory for
delighting in architecture, and
every thing dependent thereon ;
if, in his days, we fay, there
were any artiſts capable of carv-
ing in ftone, they might have
employed their time in cutting
fome of thofe wonderful hifto-
ries in bas-relief, which are yet
vifible in the living rock, behind
the ruins of Chilminar, or of
the other works of a like kind
remaining in other parts of Per-
fia. This, we fay, is poffible,
and not improbable; but we
affirm nothing: the piety, how-
ever, of Manugeher is a circum-
ftance nothing unfavourable to
this conjecture, that the king,
praying before the fire, and in
fight of the fun, reprefented in
the mountain before-mentioned,
might be intended for him.
(2) D'Herbelot, biblioth. orient. art. Efekar,
A a 2 /
that
356
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
&
that the province where he began to reign was the firſt in
which magifm prevailed; and was always held facred by the
profeffors of that religion, on that account: this the very
name implies; for Aderbayagjan is no more than the place of
fire, ader or azer fignifying fire, and bayagjan a place;
whence we frequently find this word thus written, Azerbayag-
jan. The high mountain of Albors was the principal place of
worſhip in theſe early times; and the people were perfuaded,
that celeftial fire was preferved there: on this account, when
the treaſures of Nudar king of Perfia were removed out of
Sigjiftan, as we have before related, they were, for fecurity,
placed here. Nay, what is far more extraordinary, this fuper-
ftition is not yet worn out of the heads of the Ghaurs, if we
may believe Sir John Chardin; on the contrary, they yet ſpeak
confidently of celeftial or elemental fire, which they fay is ftill
to be feen in this mountain. On the whole, therefore, the
religion of the Perfians, under the firſt race of kings, differed
very little from that which ftill fubfifts among the Ghaurs.
Some, indeed, have been of opinion, that there were no pyrea
or fire-temples at all before the time of Zoroafter or Zerdufht;
others, on the authority of fome Arabian writers, affert the
contrary; but the former opinion to us feems neareſt the truth,
for the following reafons: Firſt, The moft antient hiſtorians
extant fay nothing of temples till after the time of the exodus
of the children of Ifrael. Secondly, becauſe Herodotus fays.
exprefly, that the antient Perfians had no temples, but facri-
ficed on the tops of high mountains t. And thirdly, becaufe
pyrea being at that time in ufe, is not confiftent with the hi-
ftory of Zerdusht, as we fhall fhortly have occafion to fhew.
As to the time when theſe kings reigned, we can determine
nothing with any degree of certainty. The Scripture informs
us, that Elam was a very antient kingdom; for Chedorlaomer
came with a great army to reduce the region of Pentapolis in
Canaan, and the circumjacent countries, to his obedience, in
the days of Abraham: from thence we hear nothing of this na-
tion till the kingdoms of Ifrael and Judah were on their de-
cline. In refpect to theſe antient times, the Greek writers
are very infufficient guides, if we may believe the moſt judi-
cious writer of hiſtory that nation ever produced, viz. Thucy-
dides; who very frankly declares they knew very little of their
own affairs beyond the memory of man u
of man u; that is, they were
able to give no account of them with order and certainty. He-
rodotus pretends not to fay any thing of the hiftory of the Medes
above one hundred and fifty years before the time of Cyrus,
$
CHARDIN. Voyag. tom. i. p. 253. t HERODOT. 1. i. c. 131.
" THUCYDIDES, procem. hift.
where
C.XI.
357
The History of the Perfians.
where he places Dejoces, whom he makes the first king of Me-
dia, and fpeaks of his advancement to that dignity in terms x
exactly correfpondent to thoſe made ufe of by Mirkhond, in his
hiftory of the election of Kejomaras. Diodorus Siculus gives us
a lift of ten Median kings, reigning in all, two hundred and
eighty-two years. But there is ftill a great gap of time be-
tween the rife of the Perfian or Medo-Perfian monarchy,
and its being deſtroyed by the Affyrian emperors. If we al-
low the Perfians to have had kings of their own during this
interval, or any confiderable part of it, which is not at all im-
probable, we make room for all the Pifchdadians at once. But
as to the precife time in which they reigned, we are quite in
the dark; and therefore, inſtead of indulging conjectures, ſhall
refume the thread of our hiftory, and fhew by what ſteps.
Apherafiab was expelled, and the Perfian dominions once more
reſtored to a prince of that country.
The history of the Perfian kings of the ſecond race, or of
the dynasty of the Kainites.
Eykobad or Caicobad, whom fome writers make the fon of Keyko-
Zab, the fon of Tahamafp, the fon of Manugeher, king bad.
of Perfia, and others call fimply the nephew of Nudar was
feated on the throne of Perfia by the famous Zal-zer, who was
fo loyal to the family that raifed him, that he twice refufed
the Perfian diadem, becauſe he would not injure them. At
this time, he and his fon Ruſtan put themſelves at the head of
fuch a body of troops, as enabled them to give Apherafiab
abundance of trouble, and, by degrees, to put into the pof-
feffion of Keykobad the greateſt part of the provinces of Perfia.
This monarch proved at once a good prince to his fubjects in
general, and extremely grateful to the perfons particularly
concerned in raifing him to the empire. He intrufted the com-
...nand of all his forces with Ruftan, and did nothing in civil
affairs without the advice of his father. By degrees, his troops,
under the command of the famous hero before-mentioned,
gained fuch advantages, that Apherafiab retired before them,
and was at laſt driven to fuch diſtreſs, that he defired to treat
of a peace; but his commiffioners, and thofe of the king of
Perfia, differing about the terms, Apherafiab hazarded a fe-
cond battle, wherein, notwithſtanding his troops fought with
great reſolution, he was totally defeated. In the heat of this
engagement, Ruftan defired fome of the officers about him to
fhew him Apherafiab; which when they had done, Ruſtan
fpurred towards him with fuch an impetuous force, that he
y Biblioth. 1. ii. c. 3.
A a 3
x HERODOT. 1. i. c. 97, 98.
beat
358
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
beat him from his horſe, and, afterwards difmounting from
his own, tied his hands and feet together with a cord; and,
having laid him before himſelf upon his own fteed, rode out of
the battle, and threw him into a particular place. Apherafiab,
finding himſelf left alone, ftruggled with fuch force, that he at
laft got looſe then taking the cord, he tied the hands and feet
of a dead man, as Ruftan had tied his, and retired to a troop
of his own horfe, with whom he made his eſcape. After vi-
ctory had declared itſelf in favour of the army of Keykobad,
Ruftan rode up to falute him. Amongst other compliments of
congratulation, he informed him, that the war was now at an
end, himſelf having made Apherafiab prifoner, whom he alſo
promiſed immediately to produce. Riding, to that end, to the
place where he had thrown the Turkish monarch, he found,
with furprize, a dead man tied in his place. For this overſight
of his he afked pardon of Keykobad, and folemnly promiled,
that, if he met Apherafiab in battle again, he would not make
the fame miftake. But that prince, finding his affairs deſperate
in Perfia, retired into Turqueftan, and fent from thence an em-
baffador to treat with Keykobad; who was cafily prevailed on
not to carry his arms into Touran, when the right of him, and
his family, to Iran, was acknowleged by Apherafiab, and all ·
the ſcattered remnants of his army withdrawn 2.
The peace
once fettled, Keykobad applied himſelf to the reſtoring the af-
fairs of his kingdom; and, in the first place, fixed his court at
Spahawn, which had been built by the famous king Houshangh,
adorned by Phridun, and afterwards given by him to Kaob the
fmith, and his family. The reafon, in all probability, which
determined Keykobad to refide here, was its convenient fitua-
tion in the heart of his dominions. His court once fixed, the
king next beſtowed his favours on fuch as had been inftru-
mental in the expulfion of the Turks. To Ruftan he gave the
province of Zabluftan, on the borders of India, watered with
many pleaſant ſtreams, and adorned with the fineſt proſpects
that can be wiſhed. This province afforded a furname to Ru-
ftan, and received itſelf a new name from him, that hero being
ftiled, in moft of the romances, Zabeli, becauſe he was gover-
nor of Zabluftan; and that province, or at leaft a great part of
it, was thenceforward called Ruftandar, becauſe it had been
the government of Ruftan. Maharab, furnamed Kabuli, be-
caufe he had been, governor of Kabul, was another of Keyko-
bad's generals, and highly efteemed by him. Kavun, one of
the defcendents of the famous Kaoh the fmith, was alſo a per-
fon highly eftecmed by this king of Perfia; but what particu-
Z MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 12. D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient.
art. Afrafiab, Caikobad, Ruftan.
lar
C. XI.
359
The History of the Perfians.
lar rewards he received, authors do not mention. It ſeems he
was a fort of knight errant, and acquired from thence the fur-
name of Rezm Khuah, or the fearcher of adventures. A fourth
captain of Keykobad's was Keſchvad, furnamed Zerin Kulah,
from a golden tiara which he was allowed to wear, in reward
for the mighty things he had done for the good of the empire.
Keykobad divided all the ſpoil that had been brought into his
treafury among his foldiers, regulated their pay very exactly,
and afterwards employed them in making great roads through-
out the empire, fetting up public marks at the end of every
four thoufand paces; which ſpace, by the Perfians, is called
pher ſengh, and from thence parafang by the Greeks (H). In the
laft years of his life he grew blind, and continued fo till the
day of his death, which happened, as ſome hiftorians fay, after
a reign of one hundred years; according to others, when he
had reigned one hundred and twenty years 2.
KEYKAUS or Caikaus, the ſon, or, as fome fay, the grand- Keykaus.
fon of Keykobad, fucceeded him in the throne of Perfia; on
which he was ſcarce feated, before a war broke out in Mazan-
deran, a province bordering on the Cafpian fea, which required
his prefence. A rebel prince, taking occafion from the demiſe
of Keykobad, made himſelf fovereign there, and fortified the
capital in ſuch a manner, that he made it the ſtrongeſt place in
the eaſt. Keykaus marched immediately againſt him, and,
coming with too great an army to be oppofed, the rebel ſhut-
himſelf up in the city of Mazanderan, and prepared for a fiege.
Keykaus, having viewed the place, and received intelligence,
that it was extremely well provided with all forts of ammuni-
tion and victuals, gave over all hopes of reducing it by force:
but as, in fuch cafes, it is ufual for experienced generals to
have recourfe to ftratagems, Keykaus devifed one, which an-
ſwered his end effectually. He gave out in his camp, and
corrupted people to give it out in the city, that he was ex-
tremely diftreffed for provifions, and fhould, on that account,
be obliged fhortly to raife the fiege. His emiffaries in the place
immediately infinuated to the keepers of the ftores, that, by
a D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. artic. Rezm, Khuah, &c.
(H) As this monarch was re-
nowned for his wifdom and
prowefs, ſo he was no lefs fa-
mous on account of his piety.
The Mohammedan writers infift
very much upon this: they af-
fert that he had many prophets
who reforted to his court, that
he received, honoured, and e-
beyed them, and in time was a
true believer; by which we are
to underſtand, that he was not a
fire-worſhiper; but in this they
are certainly mistaken. They
make him alfo cotemporary with
Samuel the judge of Ifrael, and
affert that he had fome inter-
courfe with him.
A a 4
fup-
360
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
fupplying the king of Perfia with fmall quantities of victuals,
immenfe fums might be got. This trade once on foot, Key-
kaus paid fo well, that, in a fhort time, there was not a loaf
left. He then fummoned the city peremptorily to furrender;
and, on a diſcovery of their circumftances, the inhabitants were
forced to fubmit b. He had not the like fuccefs in another
war, undertaken in this province against Apherafiab; for, the
Perfian army being defeated, king Keykaus was taken, and
thrown into a prifon, from whence he was releaſed by the
timely care of his general Ruftan; who, entering Touran with
a numerous army, wafted all before him with fire and fword,
declaring, that he would deftroy the whole country, if they
did not ſet his mafter at liberty; which fo terrified the people,
that their clamour prevailed on Apherafiab to difmifs Keykaus,
on his promiſe to recal Ruftan. As foon as the Perfian mo-
narch had regained his liberty, he made ufe of the hero we
have ſo often mentioned to curb his enemies on every fide; and
he is recorded to have carried his arms into Mezr, i. e. Egypt;
Shamah, i. e. Syria; and Rum, i. e. Afia Minor. After theſe
wars were over, and all things in a quiet fituation, Keykaus, to
ſhew the high eſteem he had of Ruftan's fervices, gave him his
fifter in marriage; the name of this princeſs is Gebernaz, i. e.
endowed with all virtues; and with her, by way of portion, he
gave him the office of generaliffimo of all his armies, and made
him vicar-general of his kingdom, with the title of pehelevan
gihan, i.e. fupporter of the Perfian empire. We are not told
who it was Keykaus hinfelf married; but, whoever fhe was,
he had by her two fons, named Siavek and Phrailorz. The
eldeſt of theſe, viz. Siavek, was fent to live with, and to be
bred up under, his uncle Ruftan. How long things continued
in this tranquil ftate, does not appear; but the next war we
hear of was againſt Zulzogar king of Arabia. What provoca-
tion he gave Keykaus, is uncertain; but the king of Perfia car-
ried his refentment fo far, that he had well nigh reduced the
whole kingdom of Yemen, over which Zulzogar reigned, under
his dominion. At length it came to the ears of Keykaus, that
this Arabian prince had a daughter the moft lovely woman in
the world; upon which the Perfian king fent to demand her
in marriage. The king of Yemen, defirous to be rid at any rate
of fuch an enemy, fent immediately his daughter to the king
of Perfia's haram. As foon as Keykaus beheld Saudabah, he
was fo ftruck with her beauty, that he conceived himſelf the
happiest man in the world, by having her in his poffeffion.
Overcome therefore with the violence of his paffion, he aban-
doned himſelf to all forts of exceffes, giving great entertain-
b MIRKHOND. hift, fect. 13.
ments,
C. XI.
361
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
ments, and encouraging all kinds of diverfions in his camp,
without ſo much as remembering, that he was in an enemy's
country. Zulzogar, who forefaw all this, drew together pri-
vately a confiderable body of horſe; and, falling unexpectedly
on the Perfian army, abfolutely defeated it, and made the
king and all his court prifoners. The news of this no fooner
reached Perfia, than Ruftan put himſelf at the head of the
forces left under his command, and marched with them imme-
diatuly into Yemen. Zulzogar knew very well, that he had no
troops capable of contending with the veterans under the com-
mand of Ruſtan; and for this reafon he treated the king of
Perfia, while in his power, with the utmoſt civility and re-
fpect; fo that he had no great difficulty in prevailing on him
to fend his general orders to forbear hoftilities, and to think of
peace. A treaty was quickly concluded between the father
and fon-in-law, whereby the former quitted all pretenfions to
the kingdom of Yemen, and promiſed to invade it no more;
while the latter engaged to be the friend and ally of the Per-
fian nation, and to affift it to the utmoſt of his power: in
confequence of which, Keykaus was immediately ſet at liberty,
with all thoſe who had been taken prifoners with him, and
returned triumphantly into Perfia, with his new ſpouſe Sau-
dabah. Not long after this, Siavek came to court, and was
received with the utmoſt affection by his father. Saudabah,
either charmed with the beauty of his perfon, or affecting fo
to be, folicited him to an incestuous amour; which he, be-
ing a prince of great virtue, rejected with abhorrence: upon
which, waiting a proper opportunity, when the king was one
day alone in his parlour, Saudabah ruſhed in, with her hair
difhevelled, her night-gown torn, and her breaſt bloody, cry-
ing out for juftice againft Siavek, who had made an attempt
upon her honour. The king immediately caufed his fon to be
impriſoned, and obliged him to ftand a tryal; fome ſay, he
underwent the ordeal by fire: however it was, the young
prince was acquitted, and the wickedneſs of Saudabah clearly
appeared. Upon which the king would have put her to death,
if his fon had not interceded for her on his knees. Thefe pro-
ceedings having created fome divifions and heartburnings in the
court of Perfia, Apherafiab, who waited all opportunities of
diftreffing that nation, failed not to take this, and to paſs the
river Gjeihon with a great body of troops, in order to befiege
Balch. Keykaus, roufed by the impending danger, ordered
his fon to march into Sigjiftan with twelve thouſand horſe,
•
© D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Caicaus. MIRKHOND.
hift. fect. 13.
there
362
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
เ
11
there to join the forces under the command of Ruftan, in or-
der to make head against the enemy. Siavek readily obeyed,
and, after joining his uncle Ruftan, marched with fuch expe-
dition, that they were foon in the neighbourhood of Aphera-
fiab, and his army; but, not thinking fit to hazard an engage-
ment immediately, they took care to pitch on a very strong
camp. Apherafiab, knowing that his affairs would not per-
mit him to carry on a long and lingering war, attacked them
therein; which Rustan forefaw, and provided fo well for his
reception, that he was not only repulféd, but his troops fuf-
fered fo much in the attack, that he began fincerely to think
of peace, in order to prevent the coming of this army of Per-
fians into his dominions. With this view he fent commiffion-
ers to the camp of Siavek and Ruftan, in order to ſettle the
terms of a perpetual alliance: they were very kindly received;
and the young prince, his uncle, and two Perfians of great
quality, who were of his council, fettled with them the heads
of a treaty very advantageous to Perfia; which being ratified
by Apherafiab, the young prince diſpatched an exprefs to carry
the peace to his father. It feems the intrigues of Saudabah
had created this deferving young prince many enemies in his
father's court, who took this opportunity of perſuading the
king, that Siavek had exceeded his commiffion, and injured
the majeſty of the Perfian empire, by the treaty which he had
made. Keykobad, influenced by thefe fuggeftions, diſpatched
his uncle Thus to the army, with letters full of ſharpneſs, with
reſpect to the young prince, and with directions to deliver up
the command to Thus; and to fignify to Ruftan, that the
king thought him now old enough to take his reft; and there-
fore defired him to retire to his government of Sigjiftan.
Ruftan obeyed, and the prince continued in the army, which
now marched to the frontiers of Turquestan, in order to act
offenfively againft Apherafiab. When they were arrived in
the neighbourhood of the river Gjeihon, the prince taking with
him Piran-Vieh,. an officer of diftinction in the Turkish army,
who had remained with him as an hoftage, went directly to
the court of Apherafiab, to ſhew him how contrary to his ho-
nour it was to be guilty of a breach of faith. Apherafiab re-
ceived him with open arms, placed him on a throne by his
own, and gave him his daughter Franghiz in marriage d. The
nobility of Turqueftan were fo much charmed with this young
prince, and gave him continually fuch ftrong marks of their
efteem, that Garfiavefch, brother to Apherafiab, took umbrage
a D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Ruftan, Siavek, Piran-
Viffeh. MIRKHOND. hift. ubi fupra.
at
C.XI.
363
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
at it, and refolved to have him taken off. Siavek, who was
a prince of great penetration, difcovered his intention; and,
foreſeeing that in a ſtrange country it was impoffible for him
to guard againſt ſuch attempts, he ſpoke of it to his wife, who
was then with child; and conjured her, in cafe he fhould be
murdered, to fend his fon, if ſhe ſhould be brought to bed of
one, into Perfia. A fmall time after, what he feared came to
pafs: he was killed by fome affaffins, hired by Garfiavefch,
who would alſo have diſpatched his wife, if Piran-Viſſeh had
not luckily entered the room, and prevented it. Franghiz
was afterwards brought to-bed of a fon, called Key-chofrau,
who, in time, fucceeded his grandfather. The people of Tur-
queftan were fo much grieved for the death of Siavek, that, to
fhew their concern, they mourned in Perfian habits; a cuſtom
which has ever fince remained amongſt them. The news of
the prince of Perfia's death reaching Ruftan in his govern-
ment, he, without expecting orders, entered Turqueftan
with a confiderable army, burning and deſtroying all the coun-
try before him. Garfiavefch raiſed a body of troops as foon
as he was able, and marched to oppoſe him; but, coming to an
engagement, they were foon defeated, and Garfiavefch him-
felf had his head ftruck off by the fword of Ruftane. The de-
fire this hero had to do all the good he could to the family of
his pupil and nephew Siavek, put him upon inquiring for his
fon; but his mother kept him fo effectually concealed, that
neither his friends nor his foes could find him out; which gave
Ruftan inexpreffible concern: fome years after, however, Key-
kaus ſent Guiu the ſon of Gudarz, a young Perfian nobleman
of great capacity, into Turqueftan, in order to diſcover his
grandfon. Some fay, that Guiu, having fought the young
prince a long time in vain, met him by chance one day, as he
was hunting; and, knowing him by the refemblance he bore of
his father, addreffed himſelf frankly to him, told him his name,
and his commiffion. Key-chofrau liftened greedily to the pro-
pofal made of retiring into Perfia; but detired that he might
carry his mother, and Piran-Viſſeh, the old and faithful friend
of his father, with him, that they might be fafe from the at-
tempts of their enemies. This being agreed to, all things were
concerted fo well, that they quitted Turquestan, and got fafe
into Perfia, little to the fatisfaction of Apherafiab, who was
mighty well pleafed with having in his hands the heir of the
Perfian diadem. He ordered them immediately to be purſued
by feveral roads, but all to no purpoſe, though they paffed the
• D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Caiçaus, Siavek, Gher-
fciavefch.
river
364
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
river Gjeihon, in fight of their purfuers. On the arrival of
Key-chofrau at the court of his grandfather, the face of affairs
fuddenly changed; thofe who had been avowed enemies of the
prince Siavek, his father, were immediately removed; and
Keykobad, to fhew his affection for the young prince, made
him generaliffimo of his armies, and raiſed Guiu, who had
brought him back, to the highest honours. Thus, who had
been no friend to Siavek, began to be apprehenfive of the
power of Key-chofrau; and therefore took all opportunities of
influencing Fraiborz, the fon of Keykaus, by ſuggeſting to
him, that this new-come prince would rob him of the crown
of Perfia, which ought, by no means, to be placed on the
head of one defcended, by the mother's fide, from Tur, the
implacable enemy of their name and nation. Theſe feeds of dif-
fenfion fown, the Perfian court was quickly in diforder, all
the nobility taking one fide or other, to the no fmall detriment
of the affairs of the nation. Keykaus, in the mean time, was
unwilling to declare either againſt his fon or his grandfon : at
laft, to prevent, as far as in him lay, the inconveniences that
might attend a difputed fucceffion, he refolved to give the
competitors for the crown a fair opportunity of difplaying their
abilities, and to declare him who had the greateſt defert his
heir. One Bahaman, who had been intrufted with the city of
Ardebil or Ardevil, in the province of Aderbayagjan, had made
himſelf, prince of that place, and thrown off his allegiance to
the king of Perfia. Keykans fent a body of troops under the
command of his fon Fraiborz, to inveft the town on one fide,
and an equal number, under Key-chofrau, to fit down before
it, on the other; informing both the princcs, when they fet
out for their reſpective commands, that whoever reduced the
place, he would declare him fucceffor to the throne. Thus,
according to his repeated profeffions of friendſhip to Fraiborz,
fet out with him for the army, and did all that in his power
lay to make him mafter of Ardevil, but to no purpoſe: Baha-
man, apprifed of the fiege, had provided all things neceffary
for a long defence; and was himſelf fo confummate an officer,
that he triumphed over all the attempts of the Perfian army
under Fraiborz. Key-chofrau had better ſucceſs; the troops
commanded by this young prince behaved better than thoſe
under his uncle, infomuch that Bahaman, finding it impoffible
to hold out, furrendered Ardevil into his hands. According to
agreement, therefore, when he returned to court, Keykaus de-
clared him heir apparent to the crown; and thereby put an end
to the contention which had fo long fubfifted. Some fmall
time after this, the good old monarch, wearied with the fa-
tigues of royalty, retired from the world, and left his grandfon
in
C. XI.
365
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
in the poffeffion of the kingdom, after a reign of one hundred
and fifty years f (I).
KEY-
f MIRKHOND. hift. ubi fupra. D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient.
art. Caicaus & Caikofrau.
(I) According to the method
we have hitherto purſued, we
fhould here take leave of Key
kaus's reign. But as it is our de-
fign to inform the reader, as far
as we are able, of every thing
relating to the hiſtory of thoſe
kings we fpeak of, we find
ourtelves obliged to take notice
here of fome variations in cir-
cumftances, into which the Per-
Jan hiftorians have fallen, as to
the moſt material facts reported
in the hiftory of Keykaus. Thus,
as to Saudabah, fome make her
to have been the daughter of
Gherfchiavefch, brother to Aphe-
rafiab: they fay likewife, that
fhe was the mother of Siavek;
who taking fome diſguſt in
his father's court, he fled to
that of his uncle in Turque-
ftan, where, marrying the daugh-
ter of the king, he made him-
ſelf ſo confiderable, that his
grandfather, by the mother's
fide, caufed him to be deftroyed
(1). Mirkbond, fpeaking of the
invafion made by Ruftan on A-
pherafiab's dominions, in revenge
for the death of Siavek, men-.
tions one Keydab, the fon of A
pherafiab, who commanded the
armies of his father, and who
was flain in fingle combat by
Ruſtan.
If there be any fact in
this, then it is probable, that this
duel is reprefented in the figures
cut on the rocky mountain of
Tacks-Ruftan, which we took no-
tice of in our deſcription of Per-
fia (2). A Perfian writer hath
taken upon him to affert, that
Keykaus ought to be regarded as
the Nimrod of the Hebrews; and
he will have it that both thefe
names fignify the long-liver, or
the immortal; adding, that Key-
kaus was fo called, becauſe of his
long reign, viz. of one hundred
and fifty years. Mirkhond, like
a good hiftorian, reports this
fact; and obferves, that fome
have ftigmatized Keykaus with
building the tower of Babel, and
attempting to fcale heaven there-
by; but he fays exprefly, that
this ſtory is fabulous, and ought
not to be regarded; the king of
Perfia being a wife and pious
prince, who knew well, that, to
afcend to heaven, there was no
need of towers.
To prevent the reader's fall-
ing into any confufion with re-
fpect to the wars recorded in this
hiftory, it may be neceffary to
obferve, that the Perfians had for
their neighbours, under the mo-
narchs of the firſt and ſecond
race, on the north-eaft, the in-
habitants of the extended coun-
try. of Touran. We have already
ſpoken fo copiouſly of the fente
and derivation of this name, that
there is no neceflity for our add-
ing any thing farther on that
fubject: here it is fufficient that
we obferve, the boundaries there-
of were never well fixed; and
that it was always defigned by an
indefinite term, as well by the
(1) D`l¡erbelot. biblioth, orient, art. Gherſchiave,
fupra. Sce before, p. 113.
(2) Mirkbond, bift. ubi
Romans,
366
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Key-
KEY-CHOSRAU, or Kay-khofru, fucceeded peaceably to the
chofrau. throne of his grandfather, and fhewed himſelf worthy of that
Romans, as by the orientals: the
former ftiled all the provinces on
the other fide that river which
they call Oxus, but the antient
Perfians Gjeihon, and the modern
Amu, Tranfoxana; and the ori-
entals called the fame provinces
Mauaralnahar, i. e. on the other
fide the river (3). This coun-
try was inhabited by the Turks,
properly fo called, whom fome
conceive to be the fame nation
with the Tartars; and that thoſe
we generally call Turks have very
little right to that appellation
(4). On the east of Perfia lay
the empire of the Indies, then
governed by princes who were
natives of that country.
To
pre-
rize the ftile of his hiſtory to his
cotemporaries. As the country
of Touran bordered, as well as
Iran, on the Cafpian fea, and as
the laſt battle fought by Aphe-
rafiab happened in the plains of
Khuerezm, it was natural enough
for him to fly into the moun-
tains neareſt at hand, in hopes
of returning that way into Tou-
ran; and, when he found the
enemy poffeffed of the paffes
near the mouth of the river
Gjeihon, he had no other way
left than to endeavour to get
through the mountains of Ader-
bayagjan, and fo round the Caſ-
pian fea, till he entered Touran
on the north; in which, how-
ever, we need not wonder that
he proved unfuccefsful, fince,
from thoſe times to ours, no
conqueror whatever has had the
honour to make that tour with
his troops, excepting only the
Tartar hero Zinjis Khan. From
the obfervations in this note, it
will be very plain to the reader,
that Iran, under the reign of
this monarch Key-chofrau, con-
tained very nearly the fame ex-
tent of country, and the fame
provinces, which are ſtill com-
Kha-prehended under the empire of
Perfia; and that whatever diffe-
rence there might be, muſt have
lain on the provinces on the
weft fide of the empire; the
bounds of which are not ex-
actly laid down by the Perfian
hiftorians. As to the new king-.
dom on the Perfian gulf erected
in favour of Fraiborz, we fhall
have occafion to mention it here-
the fouth of Perfia lay the pen-
infula of Arabia, governed by
its own kings; and on the weſt,
the territories of Sham or Scha-
mah;
for fo the Perfians ſtiled
Syria, and the other dominions
of the kings of Nineveh and Ba-
bylon. Nothing can be darker,
or more confuſed, than the ac-
counts we have from the Per-
fian hiftorians, of the ftate of
their neighbours in thoſe times
of which we are now fpeaking.
To us, there ſeems ſome reaſon
to doubt whether the word
kan, made uſe of to fignify the
fupreme monarch of grand Tar-
tary by Mirkhond,was really heard
of in thoſe early times; it feems
more likely, that our Perfian hi-.
ftorians beſtowed that title,which
is now frequent, on the monarch
mentioned by the antient hifto-
rians to have reigned then in
thefe parts, in order to familia-
(3) D'Herbelot, biblioth, oriental, art. Touran.
vol. ii. p. 384.
(4) Hiftory of the Tartars,
after:
C. XI.
367
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
preference which had been given him; for, in the firſt place,
he took care to rectify all abufes in courts of juftice through-
out his whole dominions, difplacing all fuch officers as had
made themſelves odious to the people, and taking every me-
thod he could deviſe to put the poor into a condition of eating
bread, iffuing for this purpoſe great fums out of his treaſury,
and giving audience with the greateſt eaſe to all degrees of
people. When he found his kingdom in tolerable order, he
fummoned a grand council of his nobility, wherein, having
repreſented the miſerable death of his father, and the mighty
mifchiefs which had been done them by the inhabitants of
Turqueſtan, he defired them to ſpeak their minds freely, whe-
ther it would not be for their intereft, as well as for his ho-
nour, if an army were immediately raiſed for the reduction
of Turqueftan. They came unanimoufly into this propofal;
whereupon Piran-Viffeh returned into his own country, from
whence, as we have heard, he fled with Key-chofrau, and his
mother. The king of Perfia, knowing that without unani-
mity no war could be carried on with any reaſonable hopes of
fuccefs, took pains to reconcile himſelf to Thus, and to his
uncle Fraiborz; and, to fhew that his reconciliation was fin-
cere, he entruſted them with the command of thirty thouſand
horfe, and fent them to open the war, by invading the domi-
nion of Turquestank. At their fetting out; he fpoke to them
thus: "You must know, that, before my father married the
"princeſs Franghiz my mother, he had, by the daughter of
"his friend Piran-Vijeh, a fon called Ferud. This young
man, I am informed, has at preſent a command in the army
" of Apherafiab; but, where ever he is, remember that he is
my brother, and that, where-ever you find him, you do
"him no injury, but render him all honours due to ſo near a
"relation of mine." It happened unluckily, that the Perfian
army no fooner entered the country of Turquestan, than Ferud
came to reconnoitre them, at the head of a body of horſe. His
fcouts informed him, that the Perfians were by far more nu-
merous than the troops under his command; but he, to fhew
his valour, inſtead of retiring, attacked very brifkly the army
under the command of Thus; who, as foon as he understood,
that Ferud was at the head of the Turks, ordered his forces to
retire, and, preſenting himſelf before the young prince, in-
formed him of the order he had received from his brother the
* MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 14.
'66
66
fouth-eaſt to have been
pretty near the fame with the
prefent Shah's.
after in the mean time let us the
:
remark, that the fituation of
this kingdom proves the extent
of Key-chofrau's empire towards
king
368
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
king of Perfia. Ferud, full of imprudent bravery, would not
be perfuaded to retire; but caufing the Turkish horſe to make
a freſh attack, the Perfians repulfed them with great flaughter;
and Ferud, to the mighty regret of the whole army, was found
dead upon the place. Key-chofrau received this news with
great concern; and, apprehending that Thus had been, in
fome meaſure, inftrumental in his brother's death, he fent or-
ders to his uncle Fraiborz to take upon him the command of
the army, and to fend back Thus a prifoner, to anſwer in Per-
fia for his conduct. Fraiborz executed the king's commands
exactly with refpect to Thus; and then marched farther into
Turqueftan. Apherafiab gave the command of the great army
he had raiſed to Piran-Vieh, the moft experienced of his ge-
nerals, and who was perfectly acquainted with the Perfian di-
fcipline. This excellent officer did all that could be expected
from him he gave Fraiborz and Gudar fo much trouble, and
knew fo well how to encamp his troops out of danger of an
attack, that at length the Perfians were conftrained to retreat,
not without very confiderable lofs, Gudar, who commanded
in the rear, having no leſs than ſeventy gentlemen of his own
family flain. The news of this defeat obliged the king to
take other meaſures; he therefore removed his uncle from the
command of the army, and gave it to Gudar, to whoſe va-
lour and conduct it was owing, that any part thereof eſcaped.
He alſo ſent Thus, who had fully juftified himſelf as to the death
of Ferud, with a reinforcement of troops, in order to enable
him to carry on the war. Apherafiab, perceiving that the Per-
fians were refolved to deftroy his empire, called to his affift-
ance the kha-khan or king of Great Tartary, and Schargal king
of the Indies; and, by the help of his confederates, puſhed the
Perfian troops fo clofely, that they, being far inferior in num-
ber, were forced to retire to the mountains of Chorafſan, where
they threw up intrenchments, and fortified their camp in the
beſt manner they could. Key-chofrau, informed of their di-
ftrefs, fent orders to Ruftan to march with the utmoſt dili-
gence to their affiftance. That experienced general readily
obeyed his maſter; and the Perfian army, that was befieged
in the mountains, when they heard of his approach, made no
queftion of carrying the victory. Ruftan, as an earneft there-
of, deceived the vigilance of the Turkiſh officers; and, paffing
their advanced guards in the night, entered the Perfian camp,
before the enemy was aware. The next day, the moſt bloody
battle was fought, that hitherto had been feen in Perfia. Ru-
·
I D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Caichofrau. m MIRK-
HOND. hift. ubi fupra. D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Cai-
chofrau.
2
Stan
C. XI.
The History of the Perfians.
369
ftan did wonders; he took prifoner the kha-khan and kaimus,
one of the principal generals in the fervice of Apherafiab. In
the end,. victory declared itſelf for the Perfians; and Aphera-
fiab, having loft half his army, was obliged to retire with the
reft into his own dominions. Notwithſtanding this mighty
lofs, the king of Turqueftan meditated new invafions, exhauft-
ing his whole country to draw together an army fufficient for
this purpoſe. Key chofrau, on the other hand, fet four great
armies on-foot, the chief of which lay in the neighbourhood
of Balch, under the command of Gudar. Against him Aphe-
rafub fent a detachment of his choiceft troops, under the com-
mand of Piran-Vijeb, the beſt officer in his dominions. The
two armies had not long been in the neighbourhood of each
other before an action enfued, wherein Piran-Vifeh was kill-
ed, and his army beaten. When Gudar faw the body of Piran-
Vifeh on the ground, he alighted from his horfe, and, remem-
bering the courtefics that nobleman had formerly done to Sia-
vek, and to Key-chefrau when a young man, bedewed it with
tears, and took care afterwards to fee it interred with all the
honours due to fo great and worthy a man.
Of which when
the king of Perfia was informed, he highly commended his
general, and fpoke with very great regret of the death of his
old friend". Apherafiab, when informed of this new difafter,
fent his fon Schidah to command the remains of the army,"
which he cauſed to be reinforced as foon as poffible. By this
time Key-chofrau was come in perfon to his army, and marched
at the head thereof through the plains in the neighbourhood of
the Cafpian fea. Schidah, thinking this a proper place to give
battle, advanced with his army, and attacked the Perfians with
great refolution: but his fuccefs was not anfwerable to his va-
four; for he was killed in the beginning of the engagement,
and all his army cut to pieces. The king of Perfia, furveying
the field of battle, and the vast number of dead bodies which
lay thereon, cried out aloud, Khuareſmi-bud, i, e. I have ſeen
my defire: whence the plains in which this battle was fought,
and the province wherein they lie, received the appellation of
Khuarezm, which they ftill retain. Key-chofrau pufhed on
the war now with the greateſt vigour, marching directly to-
wards the capital of Turqueftan, whither Apherafiab had re-
tired; but this prince, not thinking himſelf fafe there, becauſe
the people murmured loudly at the evils they felt, firft fent
away his haram, and then retired himfelf. His wives and
children fell a fhort time afterwards into the hands of Key-
chofrau, who treated them with all imaginable kindneſs and
n D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. ubi fupra, & artic. Piran-
Vifſeh.
VOL. V.
B b
respect.
370
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Q
refpect. Apberafiab wandered from province to province with
a fmall body of troops, till, being fhut up in the mountains
of Aderbayagjan, he was at last taken prifoner, and, by the
orders of Key-chofrau, put to death. Thus ended this long
and bloody war, which had well nigh exhauſted both empires.
After it was finished, Key-chofrau fixed his court at Balch, for
the conveniency of governing Touran as well as Iran. There
it was that, ſeeing himſelf in full poffeffion of two great em-
pires, this monarch did what none of his predeceffors had
thought of: he computed all the levies which had been made
in Perfia for the carrying on the war againſt the Turks; and,
out of the mighty treaſures which were fallen into his hands,
he reſtored to every family the amount of the taxes they had
paid. He fent for his uncle Fraiborz, and, after having com-
mended him for his fidelity, erected ſeveral provinces on the
fhore of the Perſian gulf into a kingdom, and made him ſove-
reign thereof. He affembled the nobility of Touran, and, hav-
ing fhewn them the folly of hating the inhabitants of Iran, as
they had hitherto done, adviſed them to confider of ways and
means for re-eſtabliſhing the peace of their country, and affured
them, he would contribute to it as far as lay in his power. He
then marked out the quarters, and fettled the yearly pay of his
foldiers; took an exact account of the ſtate of all the provinces;
reformned ſeveral abuſes in religion; and, when he had done all
Key-chof- this, faid, He had reigned long enough for his own glory, and
rau refigns that it was now time for him to quit this world, and dedicate
the crown, the reft of his days to God. With this view, he introduced
his fucceffor Lohrafp into a grand affembly of the nobility,
put the tagi on his head, and retired himſelf to a cell in the
defert, having attained to the age of ninety years, fixty of
which he had paſſed upon the throne P (K).
DURING
• D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Caichofrau. P MIRK-
HOND. hift. ubi fupra. D'HERBELOT. ubi fupra,
(K) What has been above re-
lated of the reign of Keychofrau,
is taken from the best and most
'credible hiftorians, and connect-
ed with all the accuracy in
our power; let us now ſee what
other remarkable facts have been
related of this monarch, which
could not fo well be reduced in-
to the order we have followed.
With respect to the decifive
battle fought against the king of
Turqueftan, ſome writers tell us,
that it was not a general en-
'gagement, but that twelve Turks,
and as many Perfians, fought in
the fight of both armies, which
Providence decided in favour of
the latter; and this combat is
very famous in oriental roman-
ces, where it is generally ftiled
Genk duazde rokh, i. e. the com-
bat of the twelve heroes. The
terms on which this combat was
fought
C. XI.
371
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
DURING his reign flouriſhed Lokman the famous philofopher
of the eaſt, called, by way of furname, Lokman al Hakim;
i. e. Lokman the Wife. It would lead us far out of our way,
ſhould we enter here too deeply into the hiſtory of this extra-
fought were thefe: that, if the
Turks were victorious, the Per-
fians fhould own Apherafiab for
their lord; but, in cafe the Per-
fians were fuccefsful, then the
Turks were to retire into their
own country, and fo quit all
pretenfions to Iran (1). Aphe-
rafiab complied with the agree-
ment, and marched directly back
into his own country; but, fay
the fame writers, he foon after
broke the peace, by fending his
fon with a numerous body of
horſe to make inroads into Per-
fia: in confequence of which
followed the battle of Khua-
rezm, in which they make Aphe-
rafiab and his brother to have
been preſent. They add, that,
after the loſs of the battle, Aphe-
rafiab, with the remains of his
army, fled into the mountainous
countries on the banks of the
Cafpian fea, intending to pafs,
if poffible, behind it, and fo
through the extended territories
of the Kipjaks into his own do-
minions; but his efforts were
vain, the forces of Key-chofrau
furrounding the handful of
troops Apherafiab had with him
in the mountains of Aderbayag-
jan; fo that he was at laft taken
prifoner, and put to death (2).
Mirkhond, and the writers we
have followed, do not fay much
as to the perſonal bravery of
Key-chofrau; but there are wri-
ters who inform us of a very ex-
traordinary act of chivalry, per
formed by this monarch. They
tell us, that in his reign there
·
•
appeared in the mountains, which
feparate Irak Ajemi from Phars,
or as we call them, Parthia,
from Proper Perfia, a monftrous
ferpent, which ftruck the people
with fuch terror, that they aban-
doned their habitations, and left
all the adjacent country defo-
late; this formidable dragon
they ftiled Gavfchid. The king,
being informed of this, refolv-
ed, like a good prince, to go
immediately and deftroy this
monfter. Key-chafrau hunted it
for fome time before he came
up with it; but at last found it
in its den in the mountains of
Aderbayagjan; and his guards fly-
ing at the fight of the dragon,
he attacked it alone, and killed
it with his own hand. On the
fpot where this remarkable deed
was done, a pyreum, or fire-
temple, was erected, called in
fucceeding times Deir Gavfchid,
i. e. the habitation of Gavſchid,
renowned to this day amongſt
the Perfees, and held by fome
to be the first fire-temple erected
in Perfia (3). Though fome
writers are filent as to the va-
lour of this prince, yet all who
treat of his reign, expatiate
loudly on his wifdom and piety.
Some believe him a prophet ;
moſt acknowlege that he con-
verfed with the prophets, and
was in a peculiar manner fa-
voured by the Almighty for the
great regard he always fhewed
towards religion, and religious
perfons.
(1) D'Herbelot. biblioth orient. ubi fupra.
(3) D'Herbelot, biblioth, orient, artic. Deir Gafvid.
(2) Mir'bond, lift. ubi fupra.
Bb 2
ordinary
372
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
*
ordinary perſon: we fhall therefore content ourſelves with ob-
ferving, that it is generally agreed he was by birth an Ethio-
pian or Nubian, the oriental word Habafchi including both, his
parents mean, and himſelf fold for a flave, and carried from
onc place to another, till, at laft, he was brought into the
land of Ifrael, where he lived under the reigns of David and
Solomon. The Arabian writers tell us, that, fleeping, in this
condition, during the heat of the day, the angels entered his
room, and awaked him, with this falutation; Lokman, we
are the meffengers of Gop, thy Creator and ours, who hath
fent us to thee, to inform thee, that he will make thee a mon-
arch, and his lieutenant over the whole earth. Lokman,
after remaining filent for a ſmall ſpace, returned this anſwer:
If, by the abfolute command of GoD, I am to become what
you fay, his will muſt be fulfilled in all things; and I hope, if
it comes to pass, that he will afford me the neceflary affiftance
of his grace, that I may exactly execute his orders: but if he
would give me leave to choofe, I wifh rather to continue in
the ftate I am in, and that he would prevent me from offend-
ing him; without which grace, all the pomp and grandeur of
the world would be to me no more than a cumbrous and in-
fupportable load. This, fay theſe authors, appeared ſo juſt
in the fight of God, that he beftowed on Lokman fuch an ex-
cellent underſtanding, that he compofed, fay they, ten thou-
fand apologues, moral maxims, and wife fayings, each of them
more valuable than the whole world: a phrafe implying no
more, than that they are highly ufeful, as well as wonderfully
fublime. They tell us alfo, that Lokman ftanding one day in
the midſt of a great number of people, who all greedily liftened
to his wife and pleafant difcourfes, an Hebrew of great quality
asked him, if he was not the black flave whom he had foen
formerly tending the fheep. Lokman readily anfwered, I am.
And how then, faid the nobleman, have you attained fo high
a degree of virtue? Why, anfwered Lokman, by theſe three
eafy fteps: I have always fpoke the truth, I have conftantly
kept my word, and I have never meddled in any thing which
did not concern me. A Perſian poet hath recorded another
extraordinary inftance of Lokman's prefence of mind his
maſter ſent him, with fome other flaves, to gather fruit in his
garden; the reft eat the beſt: and when his maſter miffed
them, they roundly fwore, that Lokman eat them whether
they would or not. The matter, fir, faid Lockman, is eafily
decided; let us all drink heartily of warm water, and then let
us join hands, and run round: his lord commanded the experi-
ment to be immediately made; upon which they all fell to
vomiting, with this difference, that they brought up the fruits
which they had eaten, and Lokman nothing but the warm
water.
C. XI.
The History of the Perfians.
373
water. The comment of the Perfian poet on this ſtory is fo
remarkable, that the reader will doubtlefs be pleafed to fee it:
• When we ſhall all drink of this hot water, at our tryals, in
the day of the laft judgment, then whatever has been con-
cealed in the heart, and hidden far from the fight of men,
• ſhall be thrown up, in the view of all the world; and the
hypocrite, who acquired the reputation of a faint by his dif-
fembling, fhall then be covered with fhame and confufion of
face.' What we have reported is fufficient to fhew, that
there is a ſtrong reſemblance between the hiftory of Lokman, as
reported by the eaſtern writers, and that of Eſop, as we find
it written by the Greeks. Both were mean in their original,
both flaves, through the feverity of fortune, both famous for
their wisdom, and both delivered their maxims in the fame man-
ner, that is, by way of apologue. But there is a wide differ-
ence between the times in which the oriental authors fay Lok-
man lived, and thofe wherein the Greeks place Efop. As to
the first, it is generally allowed, that Lokman lived in the reign
of Solomon, whereas Efop is faid to have been cotemporary
with Creefus king of Lydia, and Solon the Athenian legiflator.
From the hiftory of their lives, and from the comparifon of
their fables, there is all the reaſon in the world to believe, that
Lokman and Efop were the fame perfon; the difficulty feems-
to lie here, whether the Greeks ftole him from the orientals,
or whether the orientals took him from the Greeks. It ſeems
moft natural to believe the former, fince, in ſuch caſes, the
Greeks are found to have been notorious thieves, and to have
altered every point of antient hiftory they were able, to their
own advantage: befides, the apologue was certainly the fa-
vourite mode of teaching in the eaſt, long before that or any
other kind of learning was known to the Greeks: after all,
this is but conjecture, which we offer to the reader's confidera-
tion, rather than his belief. The chief reafon why Lokman
is fo much confidered in the eaft, is, bccaufe Mohammed has
mentioned him in terms of refpect, in the koran; and has af-
firmed, that GOD beftowed on him the gift of extraordinary
wifdom. His fables, which are far from being numerous,
have been printed in Arabic and Latin, at Leyden; fo that En-
rope is now no ftranger to the wifdom of that famous perfon ".
But to return to Key-chofrau, he is reported to have been him-
felf a very wife and very learned prince, as well as remarkably
pious. He was very fortunate throughout his cign, and yet
he was fo little exalted by an uninterrupted feries of good for-
tune, that he not only refigned the crown, and retired into
i Koran. Sor. LOKMAN.)
art. Lokman, note H.
" D'HERBELOT, biblioth. orient.
Bb3
the
374
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
the deferts on the skirts of the province of Aderbayagjan, but
left alfo this remarkable memento to all his fucceffors, by
caufing it to be engraved in one of the rooms of his pa-
lace w (H).
"WE
MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 14. D'HERBELOT. art Kaichofrau.
(H) It is very fit, that we
fhould give an account in this
note what our reafons were for
inſerting the life of Lokman in the
Perfian history. Not to trouble
the reader with too long a de-
tail, we ſhall acquaint him with
no more than two: First, Lok-
man wrote in the Perfian lan-
guage, as is generally agreed,
and as the learned editor of his
fables in Holland pofitively af-
firms (8). Secondly, It is from
Perfian writers that we have the
best and fulleft accounts of Lok-
man's life and manners; and as
they conſtantly ſpeak of him as
cotemporary with Key-chofrau,
the third king of their fecond
dynaſty, it was but juft, that we
fhould infert his memoirs under
that reign. Having thus jufti-
fied our fpeaking of Lokman
here, let us be indulged a few
thoughts on fable, and on the
high reputation which this au-
thor has obtained from his wri-
tings in that way. It is univer-
fally agreed, that the apologue
was one of the moſt antient me-
thods of inftructing; and, of con-
fequence, that it was invented
in the caft, where indeed all
kind of fcience took birth. That
this mode of teaching was far
elder than Lokman's days, ad-
mitting that he lived where the
oriental writers have placed him,
we know from the facred wri-
tings. And that this method was
long, if it be not ftill, culti
(8) Prefat, Erpen. Lacm. fub.
Proverbs.
vated in the eaſt, is a point fo
notorious, that we need not un-
dertake its proof. Biſhop Pa-
trick has advanced a very inge-
nious, though it may be no very
folid opinion, in relation to the
rife and decay of fable. He
fays, that it was invented in
early times, when mankind were
as yet rude, and hiftories un-
written; that, as theſe came in-
to vogue, fable declined, be-
caufe truth being always pre-
ferable to falfhood, men chofe
rather to appeal to facts which
had happened, than to fuppofe
things which might never come
to pafs (9). But, with the bi-
fhop's good leave, the other fide
of the argument may be taken,
and fupported with greater force;
for points of hiſtory are very
feldom exactly agreed on in all
their circumftances, and confe-
quently can hardly ever be fimi-
lar one
to another; whereas
fables, which are indeed repre-
fentations of facts without names,
may be adjusted to the utmoſt
nicety, and conſequently are able
to ſtrike with far greater vigour
than any hiſtory applied. We
will give an inftance, which will
effectually fupport what we fay :
Might not Nathan the prophet,
when he reproved David for
taking the wife of Uriah, have
eafily bethought him of fome
hiftory, which would nearly have
reprefented the caſe of that
prince? but will any man fay,
(9) See preface to bis paraphrafe on the
that
C. XI.
The History of the Perfians.
375
"WE ought not to value ourſelves too much on our exalta-
❝tion above the ordinary rank of men, fince we are no more
" fecure
that a lecture from hiſtory would
have penetrated the foul of Da-
vid with fo lively a forrow as
Nathan's noble application of his
parable, Thou art the man (10)?.
Fables fhew us truth in an eaſy
natural light, and the mind hav-
ing thus confented to a doctrine
propofed, the underſtanding af-
terwards applies; and we learn
with the greater eaſe, becauſe
we do not difcern the teacher.
But to return to Lokman; his
fame is fo great, and fo univer-
fal throughout the east, that, to
expreſs an high idea of any man's
wiſdom, they are wont to fay.
as the learned Erpenius expreffes
it, Non neceffe eft docere Locman-
neceſſe
num. There is no need of teach-
ing Lokman (11). His fables
were doubtless almoft without
number; but the collection we
have of them is not large. Sir
John Chardin has printed a French
tranſlation of them, which agrees
exactly with the Arabic and La-
tin verſion above referred to.
We call them verfions, becauſe,
as we obferved before, Lokman
wrote originally in Perfian; and,
at this day, Sir John Chardin
tells us, this nation is fo fond of
them, that they are the first
things they teach their children,
and ſpare no pains to make them
enter into, and comprehend their
meaning. An inftance or two
may not be unacceptable (12).
The boy in the river.
A little boy went one day into a
‚river, and, not having learned to
(10) 2 Samuel c. xii. (11) Præfat.
din. voyag. tom. iiì. p. 227.
fwim, had like to have been
drowned: feeing a man at a di-
ftance, he called out to him for
help: the man, as fcon as he farv
the lad's diftreſs, began to expoſiu-
late with him on the folly of go-
ing into a river before he had
learned to fwim: the boy, instead
of answering him, cried out, Save
me, fave me, and then chide as
long as you will.
The finith and his dog.
An honeft Smith had a dog that
flept all the while his mafter was
at work; but as foon as he left
off, and fat down with his compa-
nions to dinner, the dog awaked,
and folicited him for meat: Worth-
lefs animal! faid the fmith, how
canft thou fleep amidst the noiſe
of hammers, which ſhake the
very earth, and yet wake at the
wagging of one's jaws, which
fcarce make any noiſe at all ?
The goofe and the fwallow.
The goofe and the fwallow en
tered into a league of friendſhip,
and refolved to live together. They
came unluckily to a place where
the fowlers were watching: the
Swallow, as foon as she faw them,
flew away: but the poor goofe, not
being able to make use of her
wings, was taken and killed.
The paffage in the Koran, re-
ferred to in the text, is the whole
thirty-first chapter, which there-
fore bears the title of Lokman.
Mohammed fpeaks in his own
Erpen, Lokman. fab. p. 7. (12) Chur-
Bb 4
perfon
376
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
Lohrafp.
"fecure of our crowns, than they of their eftates. That
"which defcended from ſeveral monarchs to me, will defcend,
"when I am gone, to feveral others; who then would be
"proud of what is uncertain in itſelf, and cannot at beft laſt
"long?
LOHRASP, or Loborasb, was the fucceffor of Key-chofrau,
and his near relation, that prince having no heirs male. The au-
thors, who have recorded the principal events which happened
under the reigns of the feveral princes of the first and fecond
race, differ in no part of their account fo much as where they
ſpeak of the actions of this prince. For the reader's eaſe, as
well as our own, we will firſt give, as fuccinctly as we can, the
ftory of this monarch's reign, according to Mirkhond; and we
fhall afterwards fet down fuch variations as feem of greateſt
importance, affixing the authors names from whom they are
taken. Lohrafp was the nephew to king Key-kaus's brother,
and was the next heir male of the royal line. He was elected
king, and not without confiderable oppofition. His temper
was known to be fevere and haughty; the grandees therefore
were many of them for putting the fceptre into a milder hand;
perfon at the beginning thereof,
vehemently declaiming againft
irreligious perfons and idola-
ters, fuch eſpecially as defpifed
the Koran, and lived in the er-
rors of their fathers. He then
makes Goo fpeak thus: We in-
Spired knowlege into Lokman, and
taught him to give GOD thanks;
be that returneth thanks to GOD
for his graces, doth good to his
foul; for God hateth the ungrate-
ful, and praife is in all places due
to him. Remember thou, that
Lokman faid to his fon, O! my
fon, believe not that GOD hath
equals; it is an exceeding great
fin; we have commanded man to
honour his father and his mother;
his mother bringeth him forth with
forrow, and weaneth him at two
years old: be not thou forgetful of
GOD's benefits; honour thy father
and thy mother; for thou shalt
be one day judged before GOD.
The reft of the chapter contains,
a great many excellent admoni-
tions, which are all put into the
mouth of Lokman, and confe-
quently fhew how high this phi-
lofopher ftood in the opinion of
Mohammed. To fay the truth,Mo-
hammed was a very artful perfon,
and took care never to run coun-
ter to popular opinions, where it
might be avoided. The chara-
&ter of Lokman was too well
eſtabliſhed to be overturned by
him; and therefore he very wife-
ly reprefented him as one who
had long ago taught the fame
doctrines which he now fought
to recommend. Hence, how-
ever, it has come to pafs, that
fome commentators on the Ko-
ran have taught, that Lokman
was a prophet; though others
underſtand what Mohammed fays
of that fage's having only the
gift of teaching (13).
(13) D'Herbelot, bibliotb. orient, art. Locman,
3
and
C. XI.
377
The History of the Perfians,
and at the head of this faction was Zal-zer, the father of Ru-
Stan; but their cabals were in vain: Lohrafp carried it in
fpite of them all, and was declared king. As foon as he was
feated on the throne, he determined with himfelf to raiſe his
reputation, and to extend his empire, by making war on both
fides thereof. In confequence of this refolution, he fixed his
court at Balch, and took all poffible methods for putting every.
thing in the best order in the eaftern provinces of Iran. He
fent, in the mean time, his general Gudarz, with a puiffant
army, into Shamah or Syria, with orders to reduce the whole
of that large country under his power. Gudarz effectually
anfwered his maſter's expectation: he conquered all Syria as
far as Damafcus, and alfo Palestine, with the famous city of
Jerufalem, called by the Perfians. the habitation of the faints.
The reigning king of the fews fubmitted, and promifed to
pay tribute; for which he put as hoftages into the hands of the
Perfian general feveral perfons of quality, whom Gudarz
quickly after cauſed to be flain. This provoked the Jews to a
rebellion, and gave Gudarz the opportunity he wanted of fack-
ing Jerufalem, where he treated the inhabitants with inex-
preffible cruelty, and, having loaded his foldiers with riches,
retired, carrying into Perfia with him a vaft number of cap-
tives. King Lobrafp had two fons, the eldeft called Gustafp,
the younger named Zaris. The former was of a fierce, haughty
difpofition; but was at the fame time warlike, and of great
abilities. This young prince drew in many, who were fond
of novelty, to join him in a rebellion against his father; in
which he had at firft fuccefs, and gained over to him a very
confiderable party. But Lohrafp, having drawn together all
his friends, and done every thing in his power to engage the
people to his ſervice, marched fo brifkly againſt his fon, that
Guſhtafp's adherents, fearing the fortune of the day in cafe of
a battle, abandoned him by degrees; which he obſerving, be-
gan immediately to provide for his own fafety, by retiring
into Turqueftan, in fo diftreffed a condition, that he lived at
that court even unknown and unfufpected. Here, by a very
odd accident, he married the daughter of the reigning prince,
It was, it feems, a cuftom in that country, that, whenever
the king had a mind to diſpoſe of a daughter in marriage, pu-
blic notice was given, and the people affembled in great num-
bers in an open court, where being difpofed into the beſt order
the place would allow, the king entered with his daughter,
one of whofe hands was held in his, and, in the other, fhe
had a golden apple, enriched with precious ftones. When
they were advanced into the middle of the place, the king let
looſe his daughter's hand; and fhe, after walking round, and
obferving every body diligently, beſtowed herſelf, and her
apple
378
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
peo-
apple, on the man fhe liked beft. It happened, not long after
Guhtafp's arrival in Turquestan, that the king determined to
give his eldeſt daughter in marriage; and, having brought her
out into the court, after the manner before deſcribed, fhe,
after looking a little about her, gave her apple to this un-
known perfon. The grandees of Touran were inexpref-
fibly vexed at feeing themfelves defpifed by the princefs for a
ftranger, whom they ſuppoſed of low birth. They therefore
engaged the king to make a law, that, for the future, the
princefles of Touran fhould have their choice only out of
ple of high quality, that the royal line might not be drawn in-
to contempt. The king had ftill two daughters, as remarkable
for their beauty, as for their birth. Thefe were demanded in
marriage by the two fons of a neighbouring and potent prince,
to whom the king of Touran made no fcruple of promiſing
them, on this condition, that they would reduce under his
obedience two lords who had revolted, and who committed
great devaſtations throughout all Touran. The young princeſs,
confidering the difficulty of this tafk, had recourſe to Gushtafp,
of whofe prowess they had fufficient proofs, and engaged him
to be aſſiſtant therein. Gushtafp, as foon as he had undertaken
to ſerve them, appointed an hunting-match, and invited the
two brothers to be of the party: he alfo brought to the chace
a fmall body of refolute friends. When they were aſſembled,
he diſcovered to them his project, which was to go immedi-
ately to a certain caftle, where, he was informed, the two
rebel lords had an interview, and to ftorm it, before they
could have any intelligence of their expedition. This was im-
mediately agreed to, and inftantly carried into execution.
Gushtafp entered the place first himſelf; and, having ſeized
the rebels, put them into the hands of the two princes, who
conducted them to court, and prefented them to the king.
The Turkish monarch was prodigioufly pleafed with this feat
of
arms, and very readily made good his promiſe to the princes,
by giving them his daughters in marriage. A few days after,
he caufed great feafts to be celebrated, and appointed public
tournaments; wherein Guſhtafp behaved himſelf in fuch a man-
mer, that he carried the glory of the day from all who were
prefent. The king, who had hitherto fhewed him but little
countenance, ſpoke to him on this occafion very kindly, and
gave him the higheſt praifes. Gushtafp took this opportunity
of faying, that, if he had excelled in combats that were not
in carneft, he had likewiſe been of fome ufe in quelling the
diſturbers of the public peace. This ftruck the king's mind,
who eafily comprehended the meaning; and, having diligently
fought out the truth, made Gushtafp henceforward his favour-
ite. It is to be obferved, that, after the conqueft of Touran
by
C. XI.
379
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
by Key-kofrau, though the people were left to live under their
own laws, and their own princes, yet they were obliged to
own the fuperiority of the monarchs of Iran, and to pay them
a confiderable tribute. Gushtafp perfuaded his father-in-law,
that this was at once difhonourable, and needlefs; and there-
fore adviſed him to throw off the yoke, by refufing tribute,
and by making preparations for, and declaring war againſt
Lobrafp, in cafe he fhould difpute his independency. This
Gufotafp did to be revenged of his father, and from an appre-
henfion, that, if ever he was difcovered, the nobility of Tou-
ran, in a time of peace, would certainly deliver him up. Loh-
rafp was exceedingly furpriſed at the arrival of the Turkish
embaffador in his court. He treated him, however, with
great civility, and endeavoured to get out of him the true
fource of theſe extraordinary proceedings. The embaſſador,
at firſt, thought to put him off with trivial anſwers; but, on
the king's preffing him, he acknowleged at laſt, that a certain
ftranger, who had married his maſter's daughter, was the true
author of all this mifchief. Lohrafp no fooner heard this, than
he gueffed it was his fon, and immediately diſpatched a meſ-
fenger to inquire privately, whether it was fo, or not. As
foon as he was certain, that this new and dangerous enemy
was his fon Gushtafp, he took at the fame time a moſt ſtrange
and moft generous refolution; which was, to fpare his people
at the expence of his crown. He found he was grown old;
he faw the ambition of his fon was to be fatisfied with nothing
lefs than the diadem; and, as he knew he was brave and wife,
though undutiful to him, he determined to refign to him his
dominions; and, in order to this, he fent his younger fon
Zaris with the tagi, or enfign of the royal dignity in Perfia,
to his brother in Turqueftan. Zaris took care to give his bro-
ther private notice of his arrival. Gushtafp went immediately
to pay him a vifit; and, being informed of his father's refolu-
tion, accepted the tagi or tiara, and caufed himſelf to be fo-
lemnly proclaimed king of Perfia. His father-in-law was at
first prodigiouſly diſturbed, conceiving that there was fome
treafon againſt him in theſe proceedings; but, when he found
things were really as they had been reprefented, he was over-
joyed to the higheſt degree: and the nobility of Touran came
in crouds to pay their compliments to the new king of Perfia.
Thefe ceremonies over, Guhtafp took leave of his father-in-
law, and, with his wife Karathun, fet out for his own domi-
nions, carrying with him a grand retinue, and a confiderable
number of camels loaded with riches. Lohrafp received his fon Lohrafp
with all the marks of tenderneſs and joy. Gushtaſp retained with-
him at court for many years, and did nothing without his ad- draws to a
vice. At laft the good old man withdrew to lead a folitary folitary
I
life; life.
380
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
1
life; to meditate on the vanities of this world; and to con-
template the wiſdom and goodneſs of GOD. A fhort time after,
he died, having firft fent for his fon, and given him, in his
laft moments, the moft falutary counfels in refpect to his own
glory, and the good of his people. This Lohrafp was furnamed
Balki, i. e. the Balchian, becaufe he refided moftly at Balk or
Balch, one of the antienteft cities in his dominions P (L).
GUSH-
P MIRKHOND. hiſt. ſect. 15.
(L) It must be owned, that
the foregoing account, taken
from Mirkhond, is by no means
agreeable to what other Perfian
authors have written on the
fame fubject. In two of the
moſt celebrated hiſtories of this
people, we find it recorded, that
Lohrafp was the grandfon of
Keykobad, and that he was op-
pofed by the Perfian nobility,
not for his cruelty or pride,
as Mirkhond fuggeſts, but be-
caufe his father and himſelf
had led their lives in privacy;
whence it was believed he
had not the capacity of reign-
ing it is alſo faid, that he was
the firft Perfian monarch who
enacted martial laws, and oblig-
ed his troops to live like the reft
of his fubjects, according to the
rules of equity and juftice, and
not as they had hitherto done, at
free-quarter, and in contempt of
both. He allowed his general
officers, and governors of pro-
vinces, to give audience on a
tribunal, raiſed one ſtory from
the ground, and railed round
about, referving to himſelf on-
ly this diftinction, that he had a
carpet or cloth of ftate thrown
before his foot-flool. We are
likewife told, that the name of
the general, fent by this prince
to invade Syria and Palestine,
was Raham; and that he was
furnamed by the Perfians Bakh-
talnaffar, from whence the He-
brews framed the name of Ne-
buchadnezzar, and the Greeks
Nebuchadonofor. We have alſo,
on the fame authority, the hi-
ſtory of Gustafp's flight, mar-
riage, and fucceffion to the
throne of Perfia; but we are
likewife told, what little agrees
with Mirkhond's hiſtory, that
Lohrafp, within a fhort time af-
ter he refigned the throne, was
befieged in the city of Balch
by Arjafp, nephew of Aphera-
fiab, the famous Turkish mon-
arch, who, after the town fell
into his hands, caufed the old
king of Perfia to be put to death,
after he had reigned one hun-
dred and twenty years (1 3).
Khondemir, the famous Perfian
hiftorian, differs not only from
Mirkhond, but the writers laft
cited; he ſays, that Lohrafp was
the fon of Keykaus's brother, and
that he was elected on account
of his extraordinary virtues:
according to him, it was Gudarz
who conquered Palestine, and
was furnamed by the Perfians
Bakht-Naffar; which furname
has occafioned fuch confufion
among the Hebrew and Greek
writers. As to the flight of
Gustafp, this writer fays, that
he retired to the court of a cer-
tain Greek prince, where he mar
(13) Lebtarik. Tarir. Montekeb,
7
ried
C. XI.
381
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
GUSHTASP, or Kifchtafp, the fon of Lohrafp, fucceeded Gufhtafp
his father with general applaufe: he was a prince of great
ried the king's eldeft daughter,
called by him Kenaioum, and,
who, as he tells the ftory, pre-
fented him publicly with an
orange, which is plainly fubfti-
tuted for the golden apple. In-
ſtead of the two rebellious lords,
he ſpeaks of two terrible mon-
fters, that this Grecian prince,
whoever he was, infifted fhould
be killed by thoſe who pretended
to the young princelles, who
were ftill unmarried.
The firſt of theſe was a fu-
rious ferpent, which had its den
in a wood ſo very thick, that it
was thought almoft impoffible
to penetrate it, in order to com-
bat this deftructive animal: the
other was
a lion prodigiously
fierce, which traverſed the plain
country, and tore to pieces all
he met with, whether of human
kind, or cattle. Two of the
chief princes of Greece, who
were pretenders to the daugh-
ters of the king in whoſe court
Gushtafp lived, were quite abaſh-
ed at theſe propoſals, defpairing
of the conqueft of theſe mon-
fters, and confequently of the
princeffes. However, they in-
formed Gushtafp of the anſwer
the king had given them. Gub
tafp readily offered them his af-
fiftance, and accordingly attack-
ed the monſters, killed them
both, and gave all the honour
of theſe extraordinary feats of
chivalry to the two Greek prin-
ces, which procured for them
the wives they defired. Some
time after this, Gushtafp grow-
ing a little into the king's fa-
vour, that prince aſked him one
ftrength
day how he paffed his time.
Gushtap anſwered, that fome-
times he went a hunting; and
that lately, as he was taking that
diverfion, he killed two extraor-
dinary creatures. The king im-
mediately underſtood what he
meant, and, having cauſed the
matter to be thoroughly inqui-
red into, found that Guſtaſp had
flain the monſters; upon which
he immediately made him his
chief minifter, as well as favour-
ite; and, at his perfuafion, re-
fufed to pay the king of Perfia
that tribute which he was wont
to fend him yearly, and alſo
declared war against him. Lob-
rafp, being informed of all this,
immediately conceived it was
his fon who had influenced this
king to fuch bold proceedings;
and therefore, inftead of pro-
viding for the war, he fent his
younger fon with the tiara, or
royal diadem of Perfia, to Gufb-
tafp, as a pledge of his friend-
fhip, and a certain fign, that he
intended him for his fucceffor.
On his return to his father's
court, continues our author, the
venerable old man went out to
meet him; kiffed his feet, ac-
cording to the Perfian cuftom in
fubmitting to a fovereign; and,
after tenderly embracing him,
placed the crown upon his head
with his own hands; after which
he retired from the world, to
lead a reclufe life at Balch,where
he was killed. The prophets
Jeremiah, Daniel, and Efdras,
were his cotemporaries (14). If
we may believe the eloquent au-
thor of the Shah Nemch, or
(14) Khondemir, in Kheloffat, Al Akbar,
Royal
382
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
ftrength and activity of body, of great wifdom, and extraor-
dinary abilities of mind. He, leaving Balch to his father, went
to refide at the antient metropolis of the kingdom, Iftachr, i. e.
cut out of the rock; which he adorned with many fine ftruc-
tures, and reigned there in peace and glory about thirty years;
at the end of that ſpace, there appeared, in his. dominions, a
very extraordinary perfon, who took upon himſelf the character
of a prophet, and declared that he was fent by God to teach
fuch as would liſten to him, the right way: this perſon was the
Zoroaftres of the Greeks, and the Zerduſht of the Perfians; but
as the hiftory of this famous perfon is of very great confequence,
we have found it neceffary, to prevent confufion, to detach it
from the reign of Gushtafp, and to deliver what hath been col-
lected of this wonderful man, by authors of all nations, in a
regular narration, with all the candour and impartiality we are
maſters of.
Royal Chronicle, Balch, at the
time Lohrafp refigned the king-
dom to his fon Gushtafp, was
eſteemed by the Perfians as the
holy city, the fountain of their
religion, and the place worthieft
of their eſteem, as Mecca is now
by the Mohammedans; on this
account therefore, Lohrafp made
it the place of his abode, where,
laying afide his royal robes, he
put on the habit of a prieft, ap-
plying himſelf wholly to devo-
tion, in imitation of his prede-
ceffor Gjemfchid, for the ſpace of
thirty years, till he was flain, as
will be hereafter related, in a
cloyſter of his own building,
which he called Nau-bahar, i. e.
the new spring (15).
In this note we have mention
ed two hiſtories, befides that of
Mirkhond; and fhall here give the
reader a fhort account of their
authors, that he may be able to
judge, in fome meaſure, of the
credit due to each. Tarikh Mon-
tekheb is the Turkish name of a
tranſlation of a Perfian hiftory,
ftiled in that language Tarikh
(15) Pbirdaufi in Shah Nameb. Hyde rel.
belot, biblioth, orient, art. Torikh Khoxideb.
Khozidch, i. e. the chofen chro-
nicle, written originally in Per-
fian verfe, and afterwards re-
duced into proſe by its author
Hamdallah Ben Abikekr Ben Ah-
med Ben Naffer Al Maftoufi Al
Cazvini, i. e. native of the city
of Cashin. It contains a gene-
ral history from the creation to
A. H. 730 (16). The book
commonly cited under the title
of Lebtarik, is properly called
Lobb Al Taovarikh, i. e. the mar-
row of hiftories: it was written
in the Perfian language by Jahia
Ben Abdallathif Al Cazvini: it
is divided into four books; the
firft, containing the life of Mo-
hammed, and the twelve Imans;
the fecond, the lives and reigns
of the kings who governed be
fore the introduction of Moham-
medifm; the third, the hiftory of
the reigning family in Perfia;
the fourth, an univerſal hiſtory
of the dynafties prior to Moham-
med; it comes down to A. H.
948, the author dying in 960,
or in the year 1552, according to
our account (17).
vet. Perf. c. 23. p. 302. (16) D'Her-
(17) Idem ib, art, Lobb. Al Táovarikb.
The
C. XI.
383
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
The life of Zoroaftres, Zoroaſter, or Zerduſht; extracted
as well from Greek and Latin, as oriental hiftorians.
IF
F to be famous after death can afford any joyful fenfation to
the immortal ſpirit, that of this man, whether prophet, im-
poftor, or philofopher, muft needs receive high fatisfaction
from the wide extenſion of his fame, which has been diffuſed
throughout the whole learned world, and fubfifted even to lateſt
ages. The Greeks, who were very inquifitive after the in-
ventors of ſcience, amongſt the nations whom they ſtile barba-
rians, and from whom, notwithstanding, they drew all the
learning they had themſelves, have written fo confufedly, and
fo obfcurely, concerning Zoroasters, that it is hard to know
hrw many famous men bore this name, when they lived, or
for what they were eminent.. Arnobius is thought to have re-
duced them to four; but fuch is the misfortune of all who
have written about Zoroafter, that the fenfe of this very paf-
fage is diſputed, fome affirming, that Arnobius ſpeaks but of
three Zoroafters; others, that he mentions only two (K).
How-
(K) In the text we have men-
tioned a paffage from Arnobius,
which has been very differently
understood. This Arnobius was
a rhetorician, and the mafter of
the famous Lactantius; being
converted to the chriftian faith,
he wrote a large work, in a de-
clamatory ftile, against the gen-
tiles; wherein there are many
things contained of high uſe in
refpect to the hiftory of learn-
ing among the antients; for
though, as a chriſtian, he wrote
but indifferently, thefe books
being compofed foon after his
converfion, and before he was
well inftructed in the faith; yet,
as to heathen learning, he was
a great proficient therein; and
his authority, in fuch a cafe as
this, muſt have confequently
confiderable weight. The paf-
fage, which has been fo diffe-
rently interpreted, runs thus:
(16) Declam, contra gentes.
log." pour les grands bommes, &t.
Age, nunc veniet quis fuper igneam
zonam magus interiore ab orbe Zo-
roaftres, Hermippo ut aſſentiamur
auctori. Bactrianus & ille con-
veniet, cujus Ctefias res geftas hi-
ftoriarum exponit in primo, Arme-
nius Hoftanis nepos, & familiaris
Pamphylius Cyri (16). Patri-
cius, the famous collector of the
Zoroastrian oracles (17), Gabriel
Naude, a man of diftinguiſhed
learning (18), and Kircher, who
well underſtood theſe things (19),
believe that Arnobius mentions
here four Zoroafters; the firſt a
Chaldean; the fecond aBactrian;
the third a Pamphylian; the
fourth an Armenian. Salmafius
will needs have the text read
thus (20): Age, nunc veniat, quæfo,
per igneam zonam magus interiore
ab orbe Zoroaftres, Hermippo &
affentiamur auctori, Ba&trianus,
& ille conveniat, cujus Ctefias res
geftas hiftoriarum exponit in primo,
(17) Comm. fup. orac. Zoroaft. (18) Apo-
(19) Obel, Pamphil. (20) Exerc. Plinii.
Arme-
384
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
1
However, four was certainly not too large a number, ſince
authors undoubtedly mention many more.
Of theſe we ſhall
Armenius, Hoftanis nepos, & fu-
miliaris Pamphilus Cyri. It is
evident, by thefe alterations,
that Salmafius has got rid of one
Zoroafter, though one would
think he has introduced an-
other; fince, of the three Zo-
roafters, which he admits to be
fpoken of in this paffage, the
first is faid to be an Ethiopian, or
one coming from a country near
the torrid zone; for fo Salmafius
expounds per igneam zonam,& ab
interiore orbe; which Ethiopian
or Lydian Zoroafter Hermippus
makes a Bactrian; the fecond
Armenius, nephew of Hoftanes,
of whoſe actions Ctefias gives us
an account in the first book of his
hiſtory; the third named Pam-
philus, friend to Cyrus. Urfinus,
from the fame words, is pofi-
tive that Arnobius mentions but
two, exploding the Bactrian Zo-
roaſter of Hermippus, and fhew-
ing, from Ctefias, that Zoroafter
was not fo antient as Eudoxus
fanfied, but that he lived in the
time of Cyrus (21). We are
afraid our readers are already
fatigued enough with thefe dry
reſearches as to the Zoroafter of
the Greeks: we hope, however,
they will have patience enough
to hear what we have to offer by
way of apology for this profu-
fion of quotations, of which, in
the other parts of this Perfian
hiſtory, we have been as fparing
as poffible. Our reafons are
thefe; firſt, in order to gain any
credit for the hiftory of Zer-
duht, as written by oriental au-
thors, there was a neceffity of
(21) In Zeroaft.
fpeak
T
J
1
deftroying the credit which has
been fo long given to the
Greeks; and, to do this, the beſt
and ſhorteſt method was to fhew
what the Grecks had faid, and
what, from their writings, the
moſt able of their difciples had
been able to collect, which, we
prefume to fay, is very little or
nothing. Secondly, We thought
it neceffary to fhew the reader,
that, in order to make fome
fenſe of the varying ftories of
the antients in relation to Zoro-
after, who, by the way, is called
by a greater variety of Greek
names, than he is in the orien-
tal languages; though in them,
as we have fhewn, the ortho-
graphy of his name is far from
being fettled; I fay, we thought
it convenient to fhew, that ſe-
veral Zoroafters have been fup-
pofed, in order to the diftribu-
tion of the feveral ſtories about
him. After all, the candidates
for the honours beſtowed on the
true Zoroaſter, may be reduced
to two, the Chaldæan and the
Perfian; and the very ingenious
Mr. Stanley has, with great im-
partiality, divided theſe honours
between them. But, thirdly,
our history of Zerdußht will fet
this matter in its true light, by
fhewing that there is in reality
but one Zoroafter. If it be in-
quired, how the Chaldæan magi
came to derive themſelves, and
their doctrines from this Perfian;
and how this is to be reconciled
to that chronology,which hither-
to has been approved by all the
learned, and fets the Chaldean
(22) Chaldaic. Philofophy, p. 4.
ป
Zoreafter
1
C. XI.
385
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
ſpeak as fuccinctly as we can: the firſt is thought to have been
a Chaldæan: Suidas calls him an Affyrian; and fays alſo, that
he was ftruck dead by fire from heaven . It is very probable,
that this is the fame Zoroafter ſpoken of by Dion Chryfoftom,
and faid to have appeared in fire u. The fecond was a Bactrian,
and a king, whom Juſtin, and the authors who follow him,
make cotemporary with Ninus the Affyrian, by whom he was
vanquiſhed in battle, and flain. He is reputed to have been
the inventor of magic; and is faid by Arnobius to have conteſt-
ed with Ninus, not only with fteel and ftrength, but by ma-
gical force, and the occult ſciences of the Chaldæans 1. The
third was a Perfian, as Laertius informs us; Clemens Alex-
andrinus ftiles him a Medea; Suidas, a Perfo-mede b: but
they all ſpeak darkly and ambiguously. The fourth was a
Pamphylian, commonly called Er, or Erus Armenius. Con-
cerning this Zoroafter, Clemens Alexandrinus quotes Plato, af-
firming, that he began a book thus: "This wrote I Zoroafter
Armenius, by defcent a Pamphylian, dying in war; and, be-
t Sub voce Ζωροάτρης.
y Decl. contra gentes.
ALEXAND. from. lib. i.
Ζειροάτρης.
" Orat. Boriſth.
* Lib. i.
2 LAERT. in procm.
a CLEM.
b In vocibus Μάγοι, ᾿Αερονομία,
Zoroafter far higher; we fhall
anfwer, that, in the first place,
we are not accountable for the
miſtakes of others: the Greek
writers knew not what to call
him, or where to place him;
for, as Mr. Stanley juftly ob-
ferves, "The fame name it is,
"which fome call Zabratis,
"others Nazaratas, others Za-
<<
res, others Zaran, others Za-
"radas; all which are but fe-
"veral corruptions from the
"Chaldee or Perfian word,which
"the Greeks moft generally ren-
"der Zoroafter (22)." What
certainty can be expected from
fuch writers? But then, fe-
condly, left this ſhould ſeem an
evafive anfwer, we allege, that
Zoroafter was not the inftitutor
of the magi, nor the author of
a new religion, which we fhall
fhortly prove at large; and
VOL. V.
this, as we conceive, occafioned
the great confufion about Zoro-
after: it was a received opinion,
that he was the founder of ma-
gifm; it was eaſily diſcoverable,
that magifm was as antient as the
days of Abraham, and that it
was the religion of Chaldæa: it
was natural enough therefore,
for fuch as looked upon Zoro-
after to be the inftitutor of the
magian doctrines, to fay with
affurance, that he lived in theſe
times; but then, diſcovering
from the Perfian records, at
what time he truly lived, they
chofe, rather than abandon their
former opinion, to make two
Zoroafters; the firſt a Chaldean
or Affyrian, cotemporary with
Ninas; the feconda Perfian,
flourishing in the reign of Da-
rius Hyftafpis.
(22) Chaldaic Philoſophy, p, 4.
C c
.६
ing
386
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
1
↳
e
ing in Hades, I learned of the gods.' He is reported, by the
fame author, to have rifen again after being ten days dead;
and to have told ftrange things which he had feen in that
fpace. The fifth was a native of Proconnefus, mentioned by
Pliny d. Some have imagined, not without reaſon, that he is
the fame with Arifteus the Proconnefian, mentioned by Suidas
to have had an art of letting his foul go out of his body, and
return as often as he pleafed . The fixth lived at Babylon,
at the time Pythagoras was carried thither by Cambyſes, as we
are told by Apuleiusf. As the Greeks made feveral Zoroafters,
fo they placed them in different ages of the world: Juftin
makes him thirteen years older than Sardanapalus &; Eudo-
xus, cited by Pliny, placed him fix thouſand years before the
death of Plato ; Plutarch makes him flouriſh five thoufand
years before the war of Troy i. Some authors, mentioned by
Suidas, fix him five hundred years before the Trojan war k;
Apuleius, Iamblichus m, Porphyry", Clemens Alexandrinus °,
and Agathias P, place him where he ought to be placed, about
the time of Cyrus; and Pliny, difcourfing on this very fubject,
fays, that the moſt accurate writers were of opinion, he lived
a little before Xerxes 9. But however they might differ in cir-
cumftances, they all agreed in paying him great honours:
Plato, Ariftotle, Plutarch, and Porphyry u, acknowlege
him to have been a perfon of extraordinary learning. Pliny
tells us, that he laughed the fame day he was born; that his
brains beat ſo hard, that they lifted up the hand laid upon
them; which was a prefage of his future fagacity: he adds
what is very extraordinary, that be lived in the deferts twenty
years, upon cheeſe fo mixed, that it did not grow ftale *. So-
linus draws his character in few words: he was, fays he, optima-
rum artium peritiffimus; in the beſt arts moft skilful . Apuleius
ftiles him, omnis divini arcani antiftes, the chief doctor in all
divine myſteries: and adds, that he was the preceptor of Py-
thagoras: Agathias tells us, he lived under Hyftafpes; and
that he was the author of magiſm among the Perfians, change-
ing their old religion, and introducing new opinions a.
Dion
Chryfoftom fays more of him than any of theſe writers, and
from better authority, fince what he delivered he had from the
f Florid. ii.
De Ifide & Ofiride.
C PLATO. polit. lib. x. & Hift. nat. lib. xxx. c. 1. & 1, vii.
• Sub voce 'Αριςούς.
c. 16.
h Hift. nat. 1, xxx. c. i.
Ζωροάτρης. 1 Florid. ii.
ibid.
• Stromat. 1. v.
i
m In vita Pythagoræ.
P Hift. lib. ii.
• Ubi fupra.
k Sub voce
n Idem
9 Ubi fupra.
• In Alcibiade. In libro de magia, citante LAERT. in procem.
* De Ifide & Ofiride. u In vita Pythagoræ.
1. XXX. c. I. y Cap. 1.
x Hift. nat.
Z Florid. ii.
a Hift. lib. ii.
Per-
C. XI.
387
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Perfians themſelves, as we fhall hereafter have occafion to
fhew b. Ctefias, an author univerfally condemned, was, in
all probability, more in the right about Zoroafter than thofe
who have anſwered him, fince we know, from Arnobius, that
he affirmed him to have lived under the reign of Darius Hy-
Stafpis, and ſpent the first book of fix, which he wrote on
Perfian affairs, in delivering his hiftory. The fum and con-
clufion of all we have hitherto faid, is this, that, except Ctefias
and Dion Chryfoftom, all the antients who have written con-
cerning Zoroafter, knew little about him more than this, that
he was a very learned and wife man, and the principal of the
magi; in refpect to which, Eufebius indeed fays, that he
wrote a book, which, from the citations he has given us, feems
to have contained the chief doctrines of the Perfian religion d.
THE oriental writers are fomewhat better agreed, in rela-
tion to this wonderful man, whom they call Zerduſht, Zara-
duſht, Zaratuſht, and Zard-huſht; for they, generally ſpeak-
ing, acknowlege that he flouriſhed in the reign of Gustafp.
The author of Lebtarikh, indeed, fays, that fome old writers
confound him with Dohak or Zobak, one of the Pifchdadian
princes; but all the Perfian hiftorians, who are to be fup-
pofed beft acquainted with the affairs of their own nation, ſpeak
of him, not as the author, but as the reformer of the magian.
religion, which, they ſay, he performed by the aſſiſtance of
Guſhtafp (L). With reſpect to his family; the common opi-
b Orat. Borifthen. c Contra gentes.
• D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Zerduſcht.
(L) Some Arabian writers
have endeavoured to infinuate,
that what they call the religion
of the fire-worſhipers, is not
of great antiquity; but all im-
partial authors agree in rejecting
this notion, and admit that ma-
giſm began very early, nay, even
before the time of Abraham:
certain it is, that the oldeſt book
extant in the world favours this
opinion; for thus fpeaks Job in
his proteftation of his integrity,
and his fervent declarations, that
he had always held the true
faith, and done all the good he
could: "If I beheld the fun,
nion
d Præpar. evangel.
"when it fhined, or the moon
"walking in brightnefs, and
<C
my heart hath been fecretly
"enticed, or my mouth hath
"kiſſed my hand, this alſo were
"an iniquity cognifable by the
CC
judge; for I fhould have de-
"nied the GOD who is above
"(2)." Nothing can be clearer
than this, nor can any thing
more fully prove, that this he-
refy was as old as the Perfians
make it, who affirm that Kejo-
maras, their first king. was the
author of their religion; and
therefore of old they affected
much to call themfelves Kejo-
(2) Jcb xxxi. 26.
С с г
marfians,
388
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
nion of the Perfian and Arabic writers is, that he either was
a Jew, or went very early into Judea, where he received his
marfians, or Kejomarthites. But
the point they chiefly laboured,
in reſpect to antiquity, was the
perfuading themſelves, and o-
thers, that their religion was the
religion of Abraham. It would
be no difficult matter to fhew
the probable ſource of this opi-
nion, which we have alfo touch-
ed elſewhere; but as this work
is intended for a body of hiftory,
and not a collection of critical
inquiries, we chuſe to infert here
fome extracts from a celebrated
Arabian history of the religions
of the eaſt, rather than to amuſe
our readers with conjectures of
our own, "The Perfian kings
"in general, fays this writer,
"adhered to the religion of A-
“braham, and their fubjects
were always of the religion
"of their prince; there was
"likewife a chief or high-
priest, reputed the wifeft of
"wife men, from whofe man-
"date there was no appeal, and
"whoſe ſentence was never re-
" verſed, the ſame reverence be-
"ing fhewn to them, as we
heretofore fhewed unto our
"caliphs." A little after, he
fays, "The peculiar doctrine
"of the magi was the duality
"of the fpiritual nature, which
"they affirmed to be good and
“evil, virtuous and wicked, be-
"nevolent and deftructive; theſe
"natures they diſtinguiſhed, by
educa-
"points, the explication of
light being mixed with dark-
"nefs, and of light freeing it-
"felf from darkness." Some
pages farther, the fame author
fpeaks thus: "Though the
"magi affirm theſe two prin-
"C
ciples, yet the moſt antient of
"them did not think themſelves
"under a neceflity of affirming,
"that both exifted from eter-
<<
nity; on the contrary, they
"held only light itſelf exiftent,
" and that darkneſs was pro-
"duced; but in accounting for
"this, they were fometimes at
a loſs; however; they con-
ftantly afferted, that they re-
"ceived thefe doctrines from
"wife men and prophets,among
"their anceſtors; firft, from
<<
<<
CC
Kejomaras; fecondly, from
"Zervan the Great; thirdly,
"from another prophet, whoſe
"name was Zerdusht. The
CC
CC
Kejomarthites infift, that Kejo-
maras is the ſame with Adam,
"wherein they agree with ſome
"Indian and Perfian chronolo-
86
gers; yet they are contradicted
by others fkilful in that art,
"The Kejomarthites alſo affirm,
"that their great maſter efta-
"bliſhed the opinion of two
ક fpiritual beings, Yezdan and
"Ahriman, acknowleging the
"former to be eternal and ſelf-
exiſtent, and owning the lat-
ter to be produced and cre-
"ated, and that after this man-
ner: Yezdan, i. e. GoD, faid
"in himſelf, Unleſs I am op-
CC
calling the one light, and the
"other darkneſs, or rather, in
"their own terms, Yezdan and
« Ahriman. Hence it came to pofed, how fhall it be, i. e.
paſs, that their whole reli- "how fhall my glory ariſe?
gion, and all the queftions of " which thought produced dark-
the magi, turned on thefe two" nefs, which is oppofite to
<<
"light;
it
C. XI.
389
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
education under one of the prophets, with whom he lived as a
fervant; and, emulous of his glory, ſet up for a prophet after-
wards himſelf f. Who this prophet was, is not well agreed;
fome fay Elias, others Ezra, and fome again, one of the di-
fciples of Jeremiah. Doctor Prideaux thinks Elias was too
early, and Ezra too late; he therefore fixes upon Daniel %.
Doctor Hyde inclines to Ezra b. How true the whole of the
ftory is, is hard to fay, fince the Mohammedans are all great
enemies to Zerdusht; and, if we take a part of their evidence,
we ought to take the whole; and then it will ſtand thus: he
quitted the fervice of the Hebrew prophet, becauſe, having
deceived and cheated him, the holy man prayed GOD to ftrike
him with a leprofy; which accordingly followed: if ſo, then
Zerdusht must have been the fame with Gehazi, the fervant,
not of Elias, but Elisha; and, confequently, the credibility
of the whole tale will be deftroyed. The Perfees in India pre-
tend, that Zerduſht was originally a Chineſe; that his father's
name was Efpintaman, and his mother's Dodo. But in this
they are miſtaken; for, as to his genealogy, we are not at all
at a lofs, fince it is thus fet down in the book of Sad-der; Za-
ratafht was the ſon of Purthafp, who was the fon of Piterafp,
the fon of Hitcherafp, the ſon of Thechſhuneſch, the fon of
Efpintamani: hence Zerdusht, being frequently called the fon
of Ifpeutamen, the Perfees in India miſtook him for his imme-
diate parent; whereas, indeed, he was only his remote an-
ceftor. He first took upon him the character of a prophet, in
the province of Aderbayagjan, which was always the refidence
of the fire-priefts, as we have already fhewn. Khondemir
gives us this account of his turning prophet: he fays, that
Zerdufht, from his great skill in aftrology, difcovered, that
another prophet was to arife, not inferior to Mofes, whofe
voice all the world was to obey: he from thence took it into
his head, that he muft needs be that prophet: upon this, re-
tiring into a cave, and revolving theſe things in his mind, a
f ABU MOHAMED MUSTAPHA in vita Gufhtafp, apud HYDE
rel. vet. Perfarum, p. 313. MECJDI in Zinato l'Magjalis, apud
HYDE, P. 315.
g Connection of the Old and New Teftament,
h Relig. vet. Perfar. c. 24,
part i. book iv. p. 213, 8vo.
P. 314. i Idem, p. 312.
"light; and then began the
controverfy which has fince
"fubfifted between them (3)."
We are informed by the fame
author, that Zerdught himſelf
owned Kejomaras to have infti-
tuted that religion he came to
reform; fo that it may pafs for
a point tolerably well eſtabliſh-
ed, that the religion of the Per-
fians is as antient as their mon
archy.
(3) Shariftani apud Hyde relig, vet. Perfar, c, 22, p. 294.
Cc 3
light
!
390
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
light fuddenly appeared, being no other than an illufion of the
devil, who, converfing with him out of the midft of the fire,
Zerduſht no longer doubted that he had received the miffion of
prophecy, but immediately fet about a book, containing a
fyftem of diabolical doctrines, which he called zend; and,
having finiſhed it, he made it his bufinefs to go about the world,
teaching this new religion, and erecting fire-temples k. There
is certainly a great deal of truth in what this writer fays; but,
we prefume, his notion of the devil's appearing in the fire, and
dictating diabolical doctrines to Zerdught, is a ſtroke of Mo-
hammedan zeal, and not much to be depended on. That Zer-
dufht really retired into a cave, and there ftudied and com-
poſed his zendevafta, is certainly true; and that, in this cave,
he gave himſelf up to prayer and contemplation, imbelliſhing
it with a great number of curious fymbols, is acknowleged,
and may be proved: but that he was either prompted by the
devil, or acted from a fpirit of impofture, is what we dare not
affert, fince his doctrines, if we except his permiffion of in-
ceft, which, however, is no-where found in his writings, and
is fixed on him only by his enemies; we fay, his doctrines, if
we except this, do not feem calculated at all for fupporting the
empire of Satan: and, if we may believe the divines, and a
greater than all divines, the devil is too wife to do or teach any
thing which may deftroy his own kingdom. We fhall con-
tent ourſelves, therefore, with obferving what has not been
obſerved before, that the Almighty had a peculiar favour for
the Perfians, and even for Darius Hyftafpis, the patron of
Zerdufht; and ſpoke many things by his prophets, as we ſhall
prove at the bottom of the page, infinuating his care, that they
ſhould not be deceived in the first and principal point of a reli-
gion, which, it is agreed, Zerdusht made it his bufinefs to fix,
beyond diſpute (M). How long he remained in this cave, or
*
k D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Zerdufcht.
(M) To clear the memory of
Zerdut, we ſhall fhew here,
firſt, that the Almighty fpoke
of and to Cyrus, as of and to a
prince acquainted with him the
true God; and never reproaches
either him, or his people, with
idolatry. Thus the prophet I-
faiah having, with wonderful
eloquence, difplayed the power
of GoD, and aflured his coun-
trymen, that, after all their fuf-
ferings, which their fins would
how
bring upon them, he would yet
turn again, and remember them
in mercy, and raiſe up a deli-
verer for them; which was Cyrus
king of Perfia; "This, faith
"the prophet, is the God that
"faith to Jerufalem, Thou fhalt
"be inhabited; and to the ci-
"ties of Judah, Ye fhall be
"built; and I will raiſe up the
decayed places thereof: that
"faith to the deep, Be dry, and
"I will dry up thy rivers:
❝ that
C. XI.
391
The History of the Perfians.
how many
books he wrote there, is not very certain: we are
told, indeed that he brought twelve volumes to Gushtafp,
66
rr
<<
cr
tr
}
"that faith of Cyrus, He is my
ſhepherd, and ſhall perform
"all my pleaſure; even faying
"unto Ferufalem, Thou shalt
"be built; and to the temple,
Thy foundation fhalt be laid.
"Thus faith the LORD to his
"anointed, to Cyrus, whofe
right hand I have holden, to
"fubdue nations before him;
" and I will looſe the loins of
kings, to open before him
"the two-leaved gates, and the
gates fhall not be fhut; I will
go before thee, and make the
"crooked places ftrait; I will
"break in pieces gates of brafs,
❝ and cut in funder the bars of
"iron. And I will give thee
"the treaſures of darkneſs, and
“hidden riches of fecret places,
"that thou mayeft know, that I
"the LORD, which call thee by
"thy name, am the Gon of
Ifrael. For Jacob my fer-
"vant's fake, and Ifrael mine
“elect, I have even called thee
by thy name; I have furna-
"med thee, tho' thou haft not
“known me (4)." This re-
markable prophecy, which does
fo much honour to Cyrus, was
ſpoken of him an hundred years
before he was born; and fure-
ly, if language can prove any
thing, the ftile of this prophecy
will be fufficient to fhew, that
Cyrus was no idolater. We are
very well aware, that there is
an expreffion at the clofe of what
Iſaiah fays of this glorious mon-
arch, which has been conftrued
in this fenfe; but we can eafily,
and, at the fame time, fully
each
prove, that it ought not fo to
be underſtood; the expreffion is
this: Ihave furnamed thee, though
thou haft not known me. The
meaning of which, we fay, is
this; that God gave him the
title of his shepherd, and his
anointed, and actually employed
him as the minifter of his will,
before Cyrus knew any thing of
the matter: but how does this
fhew he was an idolater, or that
he worshiped not the true God,
though he was unacquainted
with the Jewish difpenfation,
and knew not that GOD by the
name of Jehovah? After the
taking of Babylon, Daniel cer-
tainly explained all theſe pro-
phecies to Cyrus; and fhewed
him, that while he believed
himſelf acting only in confe-
quence of the ſchemes he had
formed, he was indeed fulfilling
what God had foretold of him;
in all which he was furthered and
affifted by the divine power, par-
ticularly in his amazing ftrata-
gem for taking of Babylon, by
altering the courfe of the great
river, which, in the prophecy
before quoted, Ifaiah had di-
ftinctly foretold, making the Al-
mighty fpeak thus, That faith
to the deep, Be dry, and I will
dry up rivers. As foon as Cyrus
was acquainted with thefe pro-
phecies, he readily teftified his
obedience to Jehovah, and his
fincere belief, that he was the
only true GoD, as appears by
his edict for reftoring the Jews,
which begins with theſe remark-
able words: "Thus faith Cyrus
(4) Iſaiab xliv. 26. xlv. 1—6.
Cc 4
"king
392
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
<<
to alter, or to deſtroy this houſe
of God at Jerufalem. I Darius
"have made a decree: let it be
"done with ſpeed (7)." But
let us return a little to Iſaiah,
and mark what God fays of him-
felf, after the long defcription
given by him of the power and
empire of Cyrus: "I am Jeho-
"vah, and none elfe; there is
(4
no god befides me; I girded
"thee, i. e. Cyrus; though thou
"haft not known me, i. e. by
(C
my name Jehovah; that they
may know from the rifing of
"the fun, and from the weft,
"that there is none befides me;
"I am Jehovah, and none elſe ;
"I form the light, and create
each of which contained an hundred skins of vellom: but this
will be the lefs wondered at, if we confider, that the antient
Perfian character took up a great deal of room; and Zoroafter
"king of Perfia, Jehovah, GOD"Jerufalem,deftroy all kings and
"of heaven, hath given me all "people that ſhall put their hand
"the kingdoms of the earth,
" and he hath charged me to
"build him an houfe at Jeru-
falem, which is in Judah.
"Who is there among ye of all
"his people? His God be with
"him, and let him go up to Je-
rufalem, which is in Judah,
"and build the houfe of Je-
hovah, GoD of Ifrael: he is
GOD,who is in Jeruſalem (5).”
We fuppofe there needs no com-
mentary to prove, that Cyrus
was now acquainted with Jeho-
wah, and was convinced, that
Jehovah, who revealed himſelf
to the Hebrews, was the only
true God, or, as Cyrus himſelf
ftiles him, GoD of heaven. The
very king, of whofe reign we
are now fpeaking, viz. Gub-
tafp, knew all this as well as
Cyrus; for, in his decree relating
to the temple of Jeruſalem, we
find theſe words: "That which
"they have need of, young bul-
"locks, and rams, and lambs,
"for the burnt-offerings of the
"GOD of heaven, wheat, falt,
"wine, and oil, according to
"the appointment of the priests
"which are at Jerufalem; let it
"be given them day by day
"without fail, that they may
"offer facrifices grateful unto
"the God of heaven, and pray
"for the life of the king, and
"of his fons (6)." But the
cloſe of this decree is yet ftrong-
er: "GOD, who hath caufed his
"name to dwell there, i. e. at
(5) Ezra i. 2.
xlv. 5, 6, 7,
& feqq.
(6) Ezra vi 9.
darkness; I make peace, and
"create evil; I, Jehovah, do
"all theſe (8)." It is moft evi-
dent, that this declaration was
made in regard to the errors
which had crept into the magian
religion, in reſpect to light and
darkness, and the powers prefi-
ding over them. That Zerdusht
rectified thefe errors, and exprefly
taught what is declared in the
text, that there was one felf-
exiftent Being, author of light,
and of darkness, of good, and of
evil, is acknowleged by antient
and modern authors, by the
friends and enemies of Zerduſht,
nay, by dean Prideaux himſelf,
who yet loads him with re-
proach, and never mentions him
but by the opprobrious name of
impoftor (9).
(7) Ezra vi. 12. (8) Ifaiab
(9) Connect, of the Old and New Teftam. part i. book iv. p. 212,
did
C.XI.
3932
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
did not only deliver the principles of his religion, but alſo his
own hiftory, and the rudiments of moft fciences, therein, as
we fhall have occafion to fhew hereafter, when we come to
ſpeak particularly of that book, and of its contents. In the
mean time, we need not wonder, that he retired ſo long from
the world, or chofe a cave for his abode, fince works of this
nature require filence and compofure. The antient prophets
refided much in deferts; that is, in unfrequented places.
Epictetus, and other philofophers, had their cells, whither
they retired, to avoid the noiſe and tumult of the world; and
they did all this without reproach. And why fhould Zoro-
after's cave be made the ftrong proof of his being an impoftor?
We fhall fhew, that his retiring to a cave was highly com-
mendable, if the inftructing mankind may be eſteemed fo (N).
(N) Porphyry has quoted an
oracle, which, he fays, was pro-
nounced at Delphos, of a very
extraordinary nature; it runs
thus:
Chaldees and Jews are wife in
worshiping
A felf-begotten GOD, of all
things king.
Theſe Chaldees were the magi,
which we can eaſily prove from
another learned writer, viz.
Laertius, who fpeaks thus (10):
"It is faid; that philoſophy had
"its original from the Barba-
"rians, fince among the Per-
fians were magi; among the
Babylonians or Affyrians, the
"Chaldæans; among the Indi-
"ans, the gymnofophifts; and
<<
<<
among the Celtes, the druids.”
For this Laertius quotes Ari-
ftotle; nay, Porphyry himself had
the higheſt efteem for the magi,
fince he deſcribes them thus:
Among the Perfians, thoſe wife
perfons who were employed about
the Divinity, and ferved him,
were called magi. Laertius, on
the authority of Aristotle, or
As
the author of the treatiſe of
magic, ſpeaks of the manner in
which they lived: They refrain,
fays he, from rich attire, and
from wearing gold; their gar-
ments are mostly white ; their
beds the ground; their food nothing
but herbs, cheese, and bread;
their chief employment is praying
to GOD, and exhorting men to live
uprightly. Dion Chryfoftom, the
moſt polite writer among the
Greeks, corrects the errors of his
countrymen with reſpect to thoſe
magi, in thefe words: "The
CC
r
Perfians called thoſe magi,who
were employed in the fervice
"of the gods; but the Greeks,
being ignorant of the mean-
ing of that word, apply it to
"fuch as are ſkilled in magic, a
"fcience unknown to the Per-
"fian fages 11)." Thefe magi
were not only the ſcholars, but
the mafters of Zoroafter or Zer-
dusht; they flourished long be-
fore his time, and he doubtless
acquired the rudiments of that
knowlege, which he afterwards.
fo much improved, from them.
Dion Chryfoftom has very happily
ſet down what from good autho-
(10) In preœm. hift. dogm. & vit. philofopb. (11) Orat. Boriftben.
rities
394
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
As our defign, in this fection, is to follow the oriental hi-
ftorians, we think it neceffary to infert here what is delivered
by
66
of
<<
rities he learned in relation to
Zoroafter. "It is reported, fays
"that admirable writer, that,
through love of wisdom and
juftice, he, i. e. Zoroafter,
"withdrew himſelf from men,
❝ and lived alone in a certain
"mountain; that afterwards
leaving the mountain, a great
* fire, defcending from above,
continually burned about him.
Upon this the king, with the
prime nobility of Perfia,
came and prayed with him to
"GOD; that he was unhurt by
"the fire; delivered himſelf in
"terms, which diſcovered more
"than human wisdom, exhort-
"ing the people to be chearful,
"and to offer certain facrifices,
44
"
66
and wealth, but wiſdom and
truth; they refemble rather the
baptift in his coarſe cloathing,
and his fimple diet, than thoſe
who are to be feen in the courts
of kings, proftituting religion
to private ends, and unworthily
taking the name of GoD in
vain, to gratify the pride of
mortals. In our account of the
Perfian religion, we have given
Zerdusht's rule for the clergy of
all ranks; and from thence it
evidently appears, he thought
not of erecting an empire over
the confciences of men, for the
aggrandizing the priesthood,
which, among the Perfians, was
hereditary; but endeavoured to
make his priests fuperior to
other men by the fingle method
whereby one
can excel
another, viz. through purity of
morals, and improvement of the
Such a
underſtanding (13).
fcheme as this needed neither
conjuring nor fanaticiſm to re-
and therefore,
commend it;
prima facie, it should feem, that
a man of Zerduſht's character re-
tired to a cave for the fake of
privacy and filence, and not to
raife devils, or coin lying fic-
tions: thefe are fit works for
fuch
illiterate and ambitious men,
as Mohammed was, but not for
Zerdusht. It fo happens, how-
ever, that we have ſome proof
of this great man's employment
in his cell. Porphyry tells us,
"that Zoroafter, first among the
as if God had come with him
"to that place; thenceforward
"he converfed not with all men,
« but with fuch only as were
"moſt addicted to truth, and,
"by reafon of their ſtudies,
more capable of the know-
lege of the gods, whom the
"Perfians ftile magi (12)."
Having thus learned from an un-
biafed author, what it was that
led Zoroafter to mountains and
deferts, let us next fee what we
can diſcover as to his employ-
ment in his cave. But, before
we proceed to quote authorities
on this head, let us obferve, that,
according to all the accounts we
have hitherto had of the magi,
they were very indifferently fitted
to act in fubferviency to an im-
poſtor, fuch as Zerduſht has been
reported; for they were ſpiritual
people, who fought not power
(12) Orat. Boriftben.
Co
man
Perfians, did confecrate a na-
❝tural cave in the mountains,
"in honour of Mithra, the king
(13) See above, p. 162, in not.
"and
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
395
by the Perfian hiftorians, relating to the appearance of Zer-
dufbt, when he firſt took upon him the character of a pro-
phet, and demanded from Gushtafp, and his ſubjects, the obe-
dience due to a meffenger from GOD. In regard to this, we
46
“and father of all; fignifying
by this cave the world framed
by Mithra, by the other things
diſpoſed within it, in fit dif-
tances, the elements and quar-
ters of the world (14)." The
very learned Celfus, as we find
him quoted by Origen, gives us
alſo an account of theſe caves
in theſe words: "The Perfians,
fays he, in their Mithrian
"rites, repreſent fymbolically
"the twofold motion of the
"ftars, viz. of thofe ftiled
(C
fixed, and of the planets, and
"the paffage of the foul through
"them. To demonftrate this,
they fet up a ladder, on the
"afcent of which there were
"ſeven gates, with the eighth at
"the very top; the first of
"lead; the fecond of tin; the
"third of brafs; the fourth of
"iron; the fifth of a mixed
"maſs; the fixth of filver; and
"the ſeventh of gold. They
"attributed the first to Saturn,
"the flowness of that planet's
"motion being intimated by
"the lead; the fecond to Venus,
(6
on account of the foftneſs
" and brightneſs of tin; the
"third being of brass, than
"which nothing is more folid
or durable, to Jupiter; the
"fourth to Mercury, becaufe,
"like iron, he is fuited to all
"forts of labours, from whence
**
(C
profit may be drawn; the fifth,
"becauſe of its mixture, vari-
ableneſs, and irregularity, to
"Mars; the fixth to the moon;
" and the ſeventh to the fun, be-
(14) In amer. nymphar.
(16) Orat. Boriftken.
"cauſe of the likeness in their
"colour to filver and gold (15).”
Here is a great deal of philo-
fophy, but no witchraft or en-
thufiafm, in theſe reprefenta-
tions; and if Zoroafter be con-
demned either as a magician or
impoftor, on account of the fur-
niture of his cave, what will be-
come of our makers of orreries?
We will conclude this very note,
with obferving, that the moft ju-
dicious Dion Chryfoftom, whom
we have ſo often quoted and
commended, knew well the folly
and falfhood of the Greeks, in
what they reported of the reli-
gion of the Perfians, and of
their confecrating horfes to the
fun (16). They were far, fays
he, from fanfying the chariot
of the fun, the moft fublime
ſpectacle in nature they were
acquainted with, the fupreme
charioteer, who put the univerſe
in motion, and ſtill guides it.
Of this fubject, not Homer, not
Hefiod, but Zoroafter, and the
magi his difciples, taught by
him, have fung in ftrains wor-
thy of the glorious theme. But
all their difcourfes are to be in-.
terpreted in a very different man-
ner, nay, directly oppoſite from
the comments of our writers.
They acknowlege, that the
director of the univerfe is inac-
ceffible and infcrutable; they
compare the motions of the fun
and moon to horfes under direc-
tion; but, as to horſes confe-
crated to them, the Greeks have
reported numberleſs fables.
(15) Celfus apud Origen, contra Celſum, lib. vis
have
396
B. I.
The History of the Perfians
1
སྙ
MT
<
C
←
C
،
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have a copious relation, written by a Perfee, from authentic.
memoirs of antient times, preferved by the judicious doctor
Hyde; the fubftance of which, as it never appeared before in
our language, we hope will be well received, though, doubt-
leſs, it ftands in need of great allowances, as to the miracles.
mentioned in it, and other things: however, the fabulous hi-
ftory of the Perfians is at leaft as well worth knowing as the
conjectures of weſtern authors on this fubject, which are often.
as improbable, and always as uncertain. Thus then proceeds
our author: In this reign flouriſhed Zerduft the prophet.
He, coming into the prefence of Gushtafp, informed him of
his commiffion, in thefe terms: I am a prophet, fent to thee
by the moſt wife GOD; and this book, viz. the zendevafta,
I brought from paradife: alſo he gave me this caffock, and
this girdle, faying, Put on this caflock, and gird thyself
with this girdle, that thy foul may be delivered from Gehen-
na, and that thou mayeft find ſalvation: go alfo and propa-
gate the true religion throughout the world. When Gush-
tafp had heard this meffage from the prophet, he ſaid, Bur
how fhall I know, that thou art really a prophet, and came
to me from the moft high GOD? for without a fign, the
• truth of what you fay cannot be known; neither ought a
religion to be received till it be fupported by miracles: if,
therefore, thou art truly a prophet, fhew us fome fign, that
• I may know, and be affured, that thou art a meffenger of
• GOD. When Zerdusht heard what the king demanded, he,
in compliance therewith, wrought the following miracle:
he planted before the gate of the palace a cypreſs-tree, which
grew, in a few days, fo wonderfully, that it was near ten
fathoms in girth, and full ten in height; and, in the top of
• this tree, he erected a fummer-houſe. When the king had
beheld this miracle, he was convinced; and determined, in
his mind, to embrace the religion of Zerdusht. He was,
• however, adviſed to call for certain wife men, who might
difpute with Zerdusht. This was accordingly done; but
they could not convince him; on the contrary, Zerdufht
• prevailed. Thefe, however, hating him, devifed this me-
thod for his deftruction: Zerdusht had his lodgings in the
palace; and, as often as he went out, he left his keys with
the porter: this porter they corrupted, and engaged him to
be filent, and not diſcover any thing they did. They then
• made uſe of him to gain entrance into the lodgings of Zer-
duft, when he was abroad; and, when they had fo done,
they threw into his wardrobe, put into his book zend, and
into his cloakbag, all forts of unclean and impure things;
'fuch as the bones of cats and dogs, and the hair and nails of
dead bodies: theſe they ſcattered amongſt his things. Which
C
<
C
+
2
• when
C. XI.
397
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
C
.
C
when they had done, they went out, fhut the doors care-
fully, and returned the keys to the porter. Zerdufht, in
the mean time, walked in the fimplicity of his heart, praiſing
• GOD; but his enemies confidered not this. They imme-
diately addreffed themſelves to the king, to this purpoſe:
This wicked man, viz. Zerdufht, is employed every night
in diabolical practices; by which, O king, thy heart will be
' inevitably infnared, unleſs thou wilt inftantly fend fome of
thy guards to fearch his apartments, that thou mayeft be
⚫ certified whether theſe things be fo or not. The king fent
hereupon his guards to the apartments of Zerdusht, to ſearch
them, and to bring all things they found in them before him.
This accordingly was done; and all forts of unclean things,
• ſuch as the bones of dogs and cats, the hair and nails of dead
bodies, were found in his cheft of cloaths, his book of zend-
evafta, and in his cloakbag. The king, feeing all this, turned
to Zerdusht, and ſaid, in an high paffion; How is this, thou
profligate; and what is it thou haft been doing? Zerduſht
heard his accufers, and the king, patiently, and without
• emotion. At laft, he thus anſwered for himſelf; O king,
< all thou ſeeft, I know nothing of, neither belongeth it to me.
Then the king called for the porter; and having examined
him, the king threw from him the book zend, and com-
manded Zerdufht to be fhut up in prifon. Thus, notwith-
ftanding his innocence, Zerdufht was thruft into confine-
<ment; which he endured chearfully, ftanding all day in one
poſture, praying to and praifing GOD, without receiving any
• fuftenance whatever. It happened fhortly after, that a black
• horſe, of which the king was particularly fond, was taken
‹ in an odd manner, its fore-feet fhrinking up to its belly in
fuch a way, that the creature fell down to the ground, and
• could no way be raiſed up. The maſter of the horſe, called
in the Perfian language, Mih-mard, when he came, as he
' was wont, into the ftables, and perceived what had befallen
the king's favourite fteed, he went immediately, and ac-
quainted Gufbtafp. The king no fooner heard it, than he
• went in perfon to the ftable; and, having viewed the horſe,
called for the wife men who had engaged him to impriſon
• Zerdusht, and defired them to contrive immediately fome
remedy for this extraordinary malady of the horſe; which
they were unable to do, and confeffed as much to the
king. When Guhtafp found this, he grew very uneasy,
• becauſe he valued his horfe extremely. On the fourth day,
the porter went to ſee Zerdusht in priſon of him Zerdufht
inquired news, and why he came not before to vifit him.
• The porter told him, the court was much diſturbed on ac-
count of a misfortune which had befallen the king's black
C
:
• courfer.
398
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
:
<
C
courfer. Zerdufht bid the porter tell the king, that, when he
fhould be releafed out of prifon, he would quickly reſtore
his horſe. The porter ran with this news to the king, who,
as foon as he was informed thereof, fent for Zerduſht out of
prifon,and carried him with him to the ftable. Zerdufht ſeeing
the condition the horſe was in, turned to the king, and ſaid,
Sir, this is no eafy matter, but, on the contrary, a cure very
• difficult to be performed. One thing, however, I have to
defire, that what you wiſh may be effected; it is this:
That you believe with your whole heart, that the religion
I taught you is true, and came from GOD; which if you do
fincerely, I fhall be able to reſtore your ſteed; otherwife, it
• muſt remain in the ſtate it is in. Then the king, ftruck
with the awful fteadineſs of Zerdufht, believed according as
he defired. Upon which the prophet, advancing to the
black horſe, ftroked his right fore-foot with his hand;
whereupon the fore-foot immediately withdrew out of the
belly of the horfe, and hung in its natural pofition. Then
Zerdusht, turning to the king, faid, It is neceffary, fir, that
both your fons come hither, embrace the religion I have
taught, and promiſe to make war on infidels for the propa-
gation of this religion. Then came inftantly Bafhuten and
Ifphendiyar, the fons of Gustafp, and embraced the religion
of Zerduft, as he had defired. Upon this the prophet went
again to the horſe, and with his left-hand ftroked the horſe's
left fore-foot, which immediately the creature extended in
• its natural ſtate. Then turned Zerduft to the king, and
faid, Sir, it is ftill neceffary, that Ketayun, the mother of
Ifphendiyar, fhould embrace this religion. Then Gustafp
• fent one of his attendants, with Zerduft, to the palace; and
.
<
C
<
•
the prophet, being come into the queen's prefence, addreſſed
• her thus: O thou, matron of matrons, whom Gon hath
• preferred above all women, and raiſed high above your ſex,
by giving thee Guſhtaſp for thine huſband, and Ifphendiyar
for thy fon, like whom there is none upon the earth; be-
hold now the king of kings, and thy fon Ifphendiyar, have
embraced, and with their whole hearts believe, the truth of
the religion I have taught; it is neceffary, O queen, that you
alfo receive and believe it. Then anfwered Keytayun, What-
• foever my huſband and my fon believe, that alſo will I em-
brace and believe. Then Zerdufht, returning to the black
horſe, put up his prayers; and, ftroking with his right-hand
the right hind-foot, it was reftored to its natural ftrength.
Then Zerduft, turning to the king, faid, You ſee your
• horfe has recovered three legs; it is neceffary, for the re-
covery of the fourth, that you interrogate your porter, and
the truth out of him, that the innocent may not be
<
get
blamed,
C. XI.
399
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
C
C
<
blamed, ſeeing, if the porter told the truth, then the horſe
will fully recover, or otherwife remain in the ſtate it did.
The king thereupon ordered the porter to be brought, and
caufed him to be feverely threatened, that he might difcover
the truth, as to the ſcattering unclean and abominable things
in the lodgings of Zerdusht. The porter, dreading the
king's anger, moft humbly befought him to grant him his
• life; which the king having promifed, he then opened the
• whole confpiracy, in thefe words: Four of theſe wiſe men,
• who are ſo much in your favour, that I was afraid of re-
fufing them any thing, gave me a bribe, and taking the keys
from me, did all that your majefty has heard and feen.
• When the king had heard all that the porter had to ſay, he
was extremely forry; and made a long apology to Zerdubt
for the injury he had done him, in cauſing him to be ſo long
imprifoned, without any grounds at all, befeeching him to
paſs by and forgive it. Then the four wife men were
•hanged on a gibbet; and Zerduſht, having lifted up his hands
in prayer, ftroked with his left-hand the left hind-leg of the
horfe, which immediately fell from his belly, and reſted on
the ground, as it uſed to do; ſo that quickly after the beaſt
rofe, and ſtood up on all his feet. At this the king greatly
rejoiced, treating Zerdufht with greater honour and reſpect
• than ever, caufing him to be placed on a golden feat; him-
felf, i. e. the king, believing the book zendevafta, and live-
ing in exact conformity to its precepts. It is reported, that
• fome time after this king Gushtafp applied himſelf to Zer-
dufht, and faid, There is one thing that I defire of thee; and
• I deſire it ſo earneſtly, that I hope you will not refuſe it,
• fince, if you grant me this requeft, then fhall I be thoroughly
fatisfied, that thou art a prophet fent unto me by the moft
• high GOD. Zerdusht defired the king, that he would ex-
plain himſelf, that he might apply to GoD for the gratifica-
tion of the king's will. Then king Guſhtaſp ſaid, My de-
fire is this, that, while I am yet alive, my foul may be fatif-
fied, as to its future ftate, by beholding the joys of heaven,
that it may be certain concerning them, and at eaſe. More-
• over, I defire that I may know all things that fhall pass till
the day of judgment, with the fame exactneſs as I know
things prefent. 3dly, I defire, that, in all the wars I wage
• on account of religion, my body may remain as it is; and I
< become invulnerable. 4thly, I defire, that my foul may
• continue to exift to the day of refurrection; and that I die
not at all. The prophet of God, hearing this, anſwered, I
will certainly put up my prayers to the Creator of all things;
C
C
<
C
'
C
• neither doubt I at all, but that the moſt high GoD will grant
what you have defired. But your four requeſts muſt be
I
• yielded
400
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
<
4
yielded to four different perfons, fince it belongs to GoD
alone to enjoy them all at once: do you, therefore, confider
• who theſe perfons fhall be; and I will put up prayers, that
one of your requeſts may be granted to each. Then king
• Gushtafp defired for himſelf, that he might be permitted to
behold his place in paradiſe, and take a diftinct view of all
• that was therein. He likewiſe mentioned three other per-
• fons, on whom the remaining bleffings ſhould be bestowed.
Then Zerduft, being ſatisfied, retired to his own lodgings,
and fpent the whole night in prayers and praiſes to GOD,
• beſeeching him, that, if it were poffible, all theſe things
might come to país. The next day, when light appeared,
and the fun difplayed his beams on the tops of the moun-
tains, it came into the mind of Zerdusht to confecrate the
four following things; viz. wine, a rofe, a cup, and the
• kernel of a pomgranate. And, after he had confecrated theſe
by prayer, having the facred twigs in his hand, he preſented
the wine to Guſhtaſp; and, as ſoon as the king had drank
thereof, he fell down, as if in a deep fleep, and continued
for three days and three nights in the fame pofition, his foul,
• within that ſpace, afcending into heaven, and beholding there
the joys of the bleffed. At the end of three days he awaked;
and, going to Zerdusht, befought him to pardon his incre-
• dulity. Then the prophet gave to Gjamafp the roſe which
he had confecrated; which he no fooner fmelt, than he knew
all things that had paffed, all that had happened from the
beginning, and which were to happen, and which ſhould
happen to the day of refurrection. Then Zerdusht gave milk,
in the cup, to Bebuten, the fon of Guſhtaſp, who, by drink-
⚫ing thereof, was made immortal. As to the fourth thing,
Ifphendiyar, having eaten the kernel of the pomgranate, had
his body rendered as invulnerable as braſs. After this, the
religion of Zerdusht fpread, and was propagated every-where,
all men readily yielding belief thereto, excepting Argjaft
king of Touran, who embraced it not¹.
C
THE great defire all people have to magnify the princes
who have ruled, and the prophets who have taught them, hath
doubtlefs encouraged the Perfees to propagate a multitude of
ftrange things in relation to Zerdusht. The foregoing long
quotation is fufficient to fhew the nature of their notions, and
to excufe us from making any further tranfcripts from their
books. Let us return therefore to the ftory of propagating his
doctrines.
THE two reigning herefies, before the birth of Zerduſht,
were zabiifm and magifm. The latter was far lefs grofs than
1 E lib. rariff, cui titul. Shah-nama-neſr.
the
C. XI
401.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
the former; and confequently there required more care to
keep its profeffors from going over to the oppofite religion;
for hiſtory informs us, and the experience even of our own
times renders it manifeft, that the bulk of mankind embrace
more readily ſuperſtition than truth. Hence it came to paſs,
that the Zabians gained ground in Perfia, and multitudes,
efpecially of the common people, were fallen into wrong no-
tions of the Deity, and into grofs errors in their manner of
worſhiping him, living alſo in continual fear of the evil ſpirit,
whom they conceived to be the enemy of their fpecies, and the
continual diſturber of the world. Zerdusht took pains to root
out all theſe notions, and to make the people eafier than they
had been, by infpiring them with reaſonable opinions. He Zer-
taught them, that the Supreme Being was independent, and duſht's
ſelf-exiſtent from all eternity; that light and darkneſs, good doctrine.
and evil, were continually mixed, and in a continual ſtruggle,
not through any impotency in the Creator, but becauſe ſuch
was his will, and becauſe this difcordancy was for his glory;
that, in the end, there would be a general refurrection, and a
day of retribution, wherein fuch as had done well, and lived
obedient to the law of GoD, fhould go, with the angel of
light, into a realm of light, where they ſhould enjoy peace and
pleaſure for evermore; and thofe, who had done evil, fhould
fuffer, with the angel of darkneſs, everlaſting puniſhment in a
land of obfcurity, where no ray of light or mercy fhall ever
vifit them; that thenceforward light and darkneſs fhall be in-
capable of mixture to all eternity. He took great pains to
perfuade his diſciples of all the attributes of the Divinity,
eſpecially of his wiſdom and his juſtice; in confequence of
which he affured them, that they had none to fear, but them-
felves, becauſe nothing could render them nnworthy of the
divine favour, but their vices. Of all virtues, he eſteemed
what the Greeks called philanthropy, and the apoftles brotherly
love, the greateft; for which reafon he exhorted all his fol
lowers to acts of charity and beneficence, fometimes alluring
them by promiſes, at other times driving them, as it were, by
threatenings. The credenda of his religion were not nume
rous, nor perplexed, though, according to the mode of the
eaft, he ſometimes made uſe of parabolic relations; as for ex-
ample, when he taught, that, on the fourth day after death,
the foul came to the bridge Tchinavar, and was there met by
the angels Mihr-Izad and Refbu-Izad, who weighed in the
balance the good and evil actions of the foul attempting to pafs;
and, in cafe the former prevailed, then it went fafely over the
bridge; if the latter, it was thrown thence into Gehenna, that
is, into the region of darknefs, where the fouls of the wicked
VOL. V.
D d
are
402
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
२
are puniſhed m. That this is really a parabolic deſcription,
and not a literal account of what is to happen after death, we
fuppofe appears from the very face of the relation; for it can-
not be fuppofed, that Zerdusht, who was indifputably a very
wife and learned man, and who took pains to make all his di-
fciples fo, fhould nevertheleſs attempt to impoſe upon them fo
abfurd a thing as this, taken in a literal fenfe; viz. that a
fpirit, divefted of matter, fhould travel over a bridge lying
acroſs hell, and leading to heaven; and that, after weighing
his actions in a pair of fcales, the good angel ſhould either
lead him over fafe, or the bad one pufh him down: this is
abſolutely incredible. But that he fhould make ufe of theſe
terms to infinuate, that the effects of our good and evil deeds
tranfcend the grave, and either lead us to everlaſting reſt, or
plunge us into never-ending inifery, is eaſy to be underſtood,
and might as eaſily have been believed... In the book fad-der,
which is a compendium of the doctrines of Zerdusht, collected
in his own words, this defcription of the state of the dead is.
placed in the firſt chapter; and, in the ſecond, it is thus ap-
plied: Men, who believe the religion of Zerdusht, will be
afraid not only of great, but of fmall fins.; for, ince all are
weighed and numbered, and, according to the preponderating
of this or that fcale, they are to be happy or miferable for ever,
whoever thinks of this will be afraid of adding weight to the
left-hand ſcale, and earnestly defire to heap meritorious actions
into that on the right-hand; becauſe his all refts on this tryal.
This is found divinity, and very intelligible, where the mind
is unprejudiced; otherwife it is eaſy to ridicule the foul-fup-
porting bridge, and the action-weighing angels, and confequently
to expofe Zerduft, not only as a wicked, but as a weak im-
poftor. But to, proceed: he carefully inftructed thoſe who
heard him, and directed them to inftruct all who would be-
lieve in his religion, that no man ought to defpair of the mercy
of GOD, or fuppofe that it was too late for him to amend.
He declared, that though we had a faculty of diftinguiſhing
between good and evil, yet that man has no conception of the
value which God ſets on our actions, nor how far the inten-
tion may fanctify, even a trivial act; wherefore even the worſt
of men may hope the divine favour from repentance and good
works. This he exemplified by another parable, which is alfo
-recorded in the book fad-der, and which runs in theſe words:
It is reported of Zerdusht, the author of our religion, that
one day, retiring from the prefence of GOD, he beheld the
body of a man plunged, in Gehenna, his right foot only
being free, and fticking without. Zerdught thereupon cried
8
E
Sad-der, parti.
6 out,
C XI.
403
The History of the Perfians.
66 a
"out, What is this that I fee? and wherefore is this man in
"this condition? He was anfwered, This man, whom you
"fee in this condition, was formerly the prince of thirty-
"three cities, over which he reigned many years, without
"doing any one good action; for, befides oppreffion, inju-
"ftice, pride, and violence, nothing ever entered his mind;
❝and, though he was the fcourge of multitudes, yet, with-
"out regarding their mifery, he lived at eaſe in his palace.
"One day, however, as he was hunting, he beheld a fheep
"caught by the foot in the thicket, and thereby held at fuch
diſtance from food, that it muſt have periſhed. This
"king, moved at the fight, and alighting from his horfe, re-
"leafed the ſheep from the thicket, and led it to the paſture.
"Now, for this act of tenderness and compaffion, his foot
"remains out of Gehenna, though his whole body be plunged
"therein for the multitude of his fins. Endeavour therefore
66 to do all the good thou canft, without fear or apprehenſion;
" for GoD is benign and merciful, and will reward even the
fmalleſt good thou doft " Thefe hints of his doctrines,
compared with what has been already delivered in ſpeaking of
the religion of the antient Perfians, cannot but be fufficient to
ſhew the general import of Zerdufht's fcheme of religion. As
to exterior rites, he altered the old method of burning fire on
the tops of mountains, and in other places, under the open
air,engaging his followers to erect pyrea or fire-temples through-
out all the dominions of Perfia, that this fymbol of the Divi-
nity might not, at every turn, be liable to be extinguifhed.
He gave
gave them likewife a liturgy, which they hold to have been
brought to him from heaven; and therefore refufe to make
any alterations therein, though the language, in which it is
written, is long ago grown obfolete, and is very little under-
ftood by the prieſts themfelves. The priests, or, as we ftile The magi
them, the magi, were, according to his inftitution, of three of three
ranks the firſt confifted of the ordinary or parochial clergy, ranks.
as Dr.Prideaux very fignificantly terms them. Their duty was
to read the holy offices daily in the chapels, and, at certain
ſtated and folemn times, to acquaint the people with the con-
tents of Zerdught's books, and to paraphrafe on and explain
them. In thefe parochial chapels there were no fire-altars, but
lamps only, before which their devotions were performed.
The next degree of their clergy had the fuperintendency of
theſe ordinary priefts, and were to them what bishops are to
us. Theſe too had their churches, in which were altars, where-
on fire was continually kept, there being a certain number of
the inferior clergy appointed to attend them, who, by four at
Sad-der, part v.
Dd 2
a time
404
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
a time, waited conſtantly near the altar, to ſupply it with fuel,
and to aſſiſt ſuch devout perfons as reforted thither with their
The archi-advice, and their prayers. Above theſe was the archimagus,
magus, or i. e the high-prieft, or, as the Perfians ftiled him, the mubad
high-
prieft.
Zer-
dufht's
vafta.
•
mubadan. Zerdut himſelf affumed this office, and refided in
the city of Balch, where he governed his magians, and inftructed
them in all forts of learning. As the aufterity of his own life,
and his extenſive knowlege, fupported him in the high repu-
tation he had gained among his cotemporaries, he recom-
mended, as we have ſeen in the rules given by him for the con-
duct of e archimagus, the fame behaviour, and the fame
application to ſtudy, unto his fucceffors. Thefe injunctions
were, for many ages, purfued by them, and was the reafon
that they were admitted into the king's councils, fat with him
in judicature, and had the education of the heirs of the crown;
infomuch that Pliny tells us, in this time, this religion was
received by many nations, and bore fway in the east over the king
of kings. It remains now, that we give an account of the
book of the laws ftill extant among the Perfees, and indubi-
tably written by Zerdusht, whether he was a prophet, or im-
poftor; for, as to the remaining actions of his life, and his
immature death, they belong to the reign of Guſhtafp, and
fhall be accordingly taken notice of therein.
ZERDUSHT's book, containing the inftitutes of his religion,
is ftiled zend, or zendevafta, ufually pronounced zund, and
book, or zundavaflaw, which is not a Perfian, but an exotic word,
the zende- fignifying a tinderbox; its author, in compliance with the ori-
ental cuftom of giving all important treatifes allegorical names,
having pitched on this to exprefs the nature of his book, which
was to inſpire its readers with divine zeal. He likewife caufed
it to be filed the book of Abraham, intimating, that it con-
tained the doctrine held by that patriarch. It is written, not
in the ordinary Perfian character, but in the old Perfic, called
from thence, among the ordinary Perfees, the zund character.
The very learned Dr. Thomas Hyde propofed to the world the
publiſhing a correct edition of it, with a Latin tranflation; but,
meeting with no encouragement to undertake fo laborious.
and expenſive a work, the world has been deprived of the fight
of this great curiofity . It was originally written in twelve
hundred ſkins, and confifts of one-and-twenty parts, or dif-
ferent treatiſes, all comprehended under the general title of
zend, or zendevafta; which is the reafon that we have had,
in Europe, fo many different accounts of this book, and its
contents. For the fake of the people who profeſs this religion,
and who have, notwithſtanding, no knowlege at all either of
• Hift. vet. Perfarum, p. 25.
4
the
C. XI.
تو
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
405
the zund character, or of the language in which that book is
written, a very learned prieft has taken the pains to make a
compendium thereof in modern Perfian, which is the book.
fad-der, fo often quoted by us from the Latin verfion publiſhed
by Dr. Hyde, and annexed to his impartial history of the reli-
gion of the antient Perfians. This learned critic is of opinion,
that Zerdusht did not originally intend to have made this book
confift of any more than two parts, viz the zend and pazend,
reſembling the miſhna and gemara in the Jewish talmud; the
first containing the liturgy and principal doctrines of his reli-
gion; the ſecond a commentary on them, explaining and ſhew-
ing the rationale of them: but, as new adverfaries roſe up
daily, and other occafions required new treatiſes, Zerdufht
continued to write them, and to add them to his zendevafta,
which ſtill retained the general title of the volume. Amongſt
the pieces comprehended under that title, there is one bearing
the title of Zeratufht-nama, i. e. the history of Zerdufht, which
is no other than his life, written by himſelf. This, that it
may be more generally known, has been rendered into the
common Perfian by the priests who publifhed the book fad-
der P. The celebrated Dr. Prideaux, fpeaking of this book,
acknowleges, that the rules and exhortations to moral living
are written very preffingly, and with fufficient exactness, ex-
cepting only in one particular, which is that of inceft; for
this, he fays, is wholly taken away by Zerduſht, who teaches,
that nothing of this nature is unlawful; but that a man may
not only marry his fifter, or his daughter, but his mother;
and he very juſtly obferves, that this is ſuch an abomination,
that, though all things elſe were right in that book, this alone
were fufficient to pollute it. But, in fupport of all this, the
doctor does not quote either the book itſelf, or its compen-
dium the book fad-der, or any other treatife written by an
avowed Perfee, but the authorities of Diogenes Laertius, Strabo,
Philo Judæus, Tertullian, and Clemens Alexandrinus 9. It is
but reaſonable, that we ſhould fufpend our belief, till we have a
decifive account of this matter, eſpecially if we confider, that,
in other reſpects, thefe authors are frequently miſtaken. It
may indeed be urged, that inceft was commonly practifed by
the Perfian kings (if we give intire credit to the Greek hiſto-
rians); but, admitting this to be fo, it is no direct proof, that
Zerdusht allowed it, any more than the contrary practice of
the Perfees at this day is a demonftration, that he did not
allow it. As to the rest of the contents of this book, we ſhall
not infiſt farther on them here, becauſe it would lead us into
P Hift. relig. vet. Perfarum, c. 25, 26. 9 Connection of the hift.
of the Old and New Teftament, part i. book iv. p. 223, & feqq.
D d 3
too
406
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
too long a digreffion from the thread of our hiftory; but the
inquifitive reader will find, at the bottom of the page, fome
farther accounts relating to the works of Zoroafter (0).
(0) In this note we fhal
fpeak of Zerdut's writings:
and, that we may do this clearly,
we will confider them, firft, as
they are known to the Perfees,
and oriental nations in general;
fecondly, as they are known to
the Greeks.
The zendevafta, as we have
faid in our text, is divided into
one-and-twenty treatifes, each
called by the Perfecs Nefick, or,
broadly pronounced, Nufk, i. e.
a part. Every one of thefe
treatiſes has its proper title fuit-
ed to the fubject of which it
treats. Thus pazend, which is
the name of the fecond treatife,
fignifies the prop or buttrefs of
the zend, becauſe it comprehends
the reafons fupporting the doc-
trines delivered in the first part,
called fimply the zend; the fix-
teenth treatife is that called sera-
tujht-nama, or the life of Zer-
dufot, mentioned in the text.
Dr. Hyde, who, like a generous
man, defired that all the world
fhould partake of the treaſures
he had in his hands, published
the contents of this book, in
hopes they might fo far move
the curiofity of the public, as
to enable him to publish the
book itself. It contains forty
chapters, and about an hundred
and forty pages; wherein the
whole myſtery of Zerduft's cha
racter as a prophet, and the me-
thods made ufe of by him for
propagation of his religion, are
let forth at large (17). The
twentieth treatife in the zende-
WE
L
vafta is called biziſbk-nama, i, e.
the book of phyficians, becauſe
it treats of the virtues of drugs,
and how they may be applied.
Thus the writings of Zerdut
contain not only the religion,
but the learning, of the magi;
and therefore he recommended
it to all his fucceffors in the of
fice of high priest, to be perfect
mafters of all ufeful learning.
As the book zend is the bible of
the Perfees, fo, to exprefs a
right or juſt thing, they fay
zendaver, i. e. permitted by the
zend; and an evil action they
call na-zendaver, i、e. not per-
mitted by the book zend. Zend-
laph fignies a zealous Perfee;
but zend-chuan, which, literally
rendered, is a reader of the zend,
fignifies not a common reader,
but him who reads it in the pa-
rifh-church; fo that it is equi- ·
valent to what the Jews call
chacham, and the Mohammedans'
imam. As to the notion of
Curtius, of the magi finging
their prayers, it is not, ftrictly
fpeaking, true, though they
have a particular tone of voice
proper to the recital of their
prayers, in which they agree
with the modern Jews, and
perhaps with many other nations
(18).
As to what the Greeks knew
of Zoroafter's writings, it is dif-
ficult to fay what ought to be
believed: Eufebius fpeaks of a
collection of phyfics written by
this great man; and quotes from
thence the following defcriptions
(17), Hift, wet, Perjar. 6. 2ifi p. 329, 330..
(18) Ibid. 3. 34%.
of
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
407
WE will conclude our account of this extraordinary perfon
with obferving, that he is faid, by credible authors, to have
CC
of GOD's attributes, affirming
them to be the exprefs words of
Zoroafter: "God hath the head
"of an hawk; he is the firft, in-
"corruptible, eternal, unbe-
gotten, indivifible, moſt like
himſelf, the charioteer of every
good, one that cannot be
bribed, the beft of things
"good, the wifeft of things
"wife; he is moreover the fa-
"ther of equity and justice,
"felf-taught, felf-exiftent, in-
"finitely perfect, omniscient,
"and the fole ruler of nature
CC
CC
(20)." Suidas afcribes to him
four books of nature, one of
precious ftones, five of the wif-
dom of the ftars (21). Pliny
fays he wrote two millions of
verfes, on which Hermippus wrote
commentaries, a treatiſe on agri-
culture, and a book of vifions
(22). But, of all the works
mentioned by the Greeks, his
oracles are the moſt confiderable,
becauſe of them there are still
fome remains, could we be fure
they were genuine; but Por-
phyry fays exprefly, that fome
Chriftian heretics, boafting of
the ſecret works of Zoroafter,
attempted to deceive the world
and, if they believe what they
fay, are deceived themfelves;
fince theſe treatifes are no better
than forgeries (23). The fa-
mous prince of Mirandula gave
the oracles yet extant fome repu-
tation, by the following account
of a manufcript in his own pof-
feflion: "I was, fays he, for-
"cibly taken off from other
;
re
pre-
things, and engaged to ſtudy
"the Arabian and Chaldean
"learning, by certain books in
"both thofe languages, which
came to my hands, not acci-
"dentally, but, queſtionleſs, by
"the difpofal of GoD in favour
"of my ftudies: hear the in-
C
fcriptions, and you will be-
"lieve it. Thefe Chaldaic
"books, if I ought to call them
« books, and not treafures, are
"the oracles of Zoroafter, Aben-
ezra, and Melchior, magi, in
" which thoſe things which are
"faulty and defective in the
"Greek, are read here perfect
"and intire. There is alſo an
CC
*
<C
expofition, by Chaldaic wife
men, concife, and fomewhat
"obfcure indeed, but full of
rare myfteries, and curious
learning. There is, befides, a
"book of the Chaldaic theo-
CC
<<
logy, with a copious and ad-
"mirable difcourfe of the wif
"dom of the Perfians, Grecians,
"and Chaldeans (24).” Ficinus,
to whom he directed this letter,
found theſe books after his de-
ceafe, but fo worn and illegible,
that nothing could be made of
them. Some of thefe oracles,
which efcaped the injuries of
time, were first publiſhed at Paris
by Lewis Tillet in 1563, with
the commentaries of Gemiftus
Pletho: the fame were after-
wards tranflated, and with the
comment of Phil publiſhed at
Paris, 1607. But Francifcus Pa-
tricius, having greatly inlarged
them by excerpts from Proclus,
(27) Eufebius, præp. evang.
(21) In voce Zopadist pus. ·(22) Hift. nat.
A xxvi, f. 21. (23) In vita Plotini, * (24) Epift. ad Ficinum.
D d 4
Her
408
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
predicted the coming of the Meffiah; and this not in dark and
obfcure terms, fuch as might have been applied to any other
perfon, but in plain and exprefs words, and fuch as could not
be miſtaken: nay, farther, it is affirmed, that the wiſe men out
of the eaſt, recorded by the evangelift to have come to Beth-
lehem, and there worthiped our Saviour on account of his ftar,
which they had feen in their own country, were the diſciples
of Zerdusht (P). Some of the learned indeed, flighting this
rela-
Matth. ii. 1.
Hermas, Simplicius, Damafcius,
and Arnobius, ſent them into the
world with an accurate tranfla-
tion of his own. From him our
ingenious countryman, Mr.Stan-
ley, took them; and publifhed
them with the commentaries of
Pletho and Pfellus, at the end of
his Chaldaic philofophy, in 1661
(25).
(P) The wifdom of the eaſt
was not only a ſcripture-phraſe,
but ufed alfo by the beft profane
authors, who knew very well,
that notwithſtanding the boafting
of the Greeks, fcience came ori-
ginally from that other corner
of the world. It is a common,
but no very probable opinion,
that they were kings who vifited
our Saviour in his cradle; tho'
they might indeed come from a
king, that is, from the king of
Perfia, to inquire for the Mef
fiah. That they might come,
as fome have infifted, from Ara-
bia, is true, becauſe Arabia lay
in their way; but that the magi
came from another country than
Perfia, in which they always
flourished, is what cannot eaſily
be believed: but that theſe ma-
gi, or wife men, went into Ju-
dea, in purſuance of Zerdusht's
prophecy, is a point to be prov-
ed, not by us indeed, who have
not feen the zendevafta; but,
(25) Vide preface to the Chaldaic oracles,
vel. vet. Perfar. 6. 31. p. 383.
r
even without feeing it, we fhall
be able to juſtify what we have
faid in the text, and defend our-
felves from the imputation of
fuperftition, if we can but pro-
duce probable authorities. Sha-
riftani, whom we have more than
once quoted, in his hiſtory of the
religions of the eaft, fays ex-
prefly, that Zerdusht prophefied
in his zendevafta, that in latter
times there ſhould arife a man
called Ofbanderbegha, i. e. homo
mundi; which differs little from
the title Chrift often gives him-
felf of the ſon of man, of whom
Zerdut prophefied, that he
fhould teach the world true re-
ligion and justice; that, for a
time, his kingdom ſhould be op
preffed by the devil; bat in the
end this righteous perfon ſhould
triumph, and eſtabliſh peace and
happineſs upon earth (26). To
this let us add a very extraordi-
nary paffage from the travels of
M. Tavernier : "They give,
fays he, three children to
their prophet; and though
they have not hitherto ap-
peared in the world, their
names are, however, fettled.
"As he paffed the river, fay
"they,ab ipfo ceciderunt tres femi-
“nis genitalis gutta, which are
CC
dc
preferved to the end of the
“world :' that God ſhall ſend
(26) Shariftani apud Hyde
$6 a vir.
C. XÍ.
409
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
relation, have fixed on Balaam's prophecy s, in order to ac-
count for that event; and hence, without doubt, it happened,
66
46
• HYDE hift. relig. vet. Perfar. p. 384.
"a virgin for whom he has a
"favour, into the fame water,
"who, per receptionem prima
gutta, fhall be impregnated,
" and bring forth a fon, who
"fhall be called Oubider; he
“ſhall appear in the world with
great authority, and fhall
oblige it to receive the law
"of his father, and ſhall dif-
"courfe with much eloquence,
" and confirm what he fays with
"miracles. The ſecond, who
"fhall be called Oufhiderma,
"fhall be conceived in the fame
manner; he ſhall ſecond his
"brother in his defigns, and
"fhall affift him in preaching;
"he ſhall ſtop the courfe of the
"fun ten days, to force, by
"that fign, the belief of the
people whom he teaches. The
"third ſhall be conceived by the
"fame mother, in the fame
way; his name fhall be Sen-
"noiet-hotius; he fhall come in-
<<
66
CC
to the world with greater au-
thority than either of his bro-
"thers, that he may reduce all
"nations to the true religion;
"after which ſhall be the gene-
"ral refurrection, when the
"fouls in heaven, and in hell,
"ſhall return, and take poffef-
"fion of their bodies; the
"mountains, and all the metals,
"fhall then melt, and, finking
into the gulf of hell, ſhall
"fill it up; fo that the man-
"fions of the devils fhall be
❝ ruined. After this great
"change, the earth fhall be
"plain and pleaſant, and men
CC
that
"fhall live happily therein,
praifing Goo, and his pro-
phet (27).” Dr. Hyde ob-
ferves very judiciouſly, that theſe
three fons repreſent the three
ſtates of the Meffiah; his na-
tivity, when his coming was
publiſhed to the world by va-
rious means; his miniſtry, while
he continued upon the earth,
preaching, and doing miracles;
and his fecond advent, when he
fhall judge the world in righte-
oufnefs, and his faints fhall re-
joice and fing (28). But the
ftrongest evidence of this mat-
ter is the teftimony of the fa-
mous Abul Pharajius, who writes
thus: "Zorodafht, or Zerduft,
"the preceptor of the magian
fect, began to teach in Ader-
"bayagjan, or, as fome fay, in
<<
Affyria. He taught the Per-
fians, that our LORD Chrift
"would manifeft himſelf, com-
manding them to carry him
gifts, telling them, that, in
"the latter times, a virgin
"fhould conceive without the
CC
rr
help of man; and that, when
"fhe ſhould bring forth, a ftar
"ſhould appear fhining in the
day-time, in the middle of
"which the figure of a virgin
"fhould be feen. You there-
"fore, O my children, having
"notice of his birth before all
"other nations, when ye fee
"that ftar, follow it, which
"will direct you to the place
"where he is born; adore him,
"offer him your gifts; for he
"is thatWord which eſtabliſhed
(27) Tavern, voyag, tom, i. lib, iv. p. 485. (28) Hift. rel. vet. Perfar.
6.31. p. 383.
"the
410
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
{
}
ū
that fo learned a man as Hornius was of opinion, that Zoroafter
might have been the fame perfont. On the whole, we may
be permitted to fay, that, on a view of what different authors
have delivered concerning Zerduft, and his writings, he
ftands fairly intitled to the character we have given him of an
extraordinary perfon; eſpecially when we reflect, that his mi
niftry was of no long continuance; according to the moſt au-
thentic accounts, not above five years; that is, from the time
of his preſenting himſelf to Gushtafp, to his being flain at the
fack of Balch. But it is now time for us to return to the
history of Gushtafp, and of the remarkable events which hap-
pened during his reign (Q).
片
​Hift. philoſoph. lib. ii. c. 4. p. 80.
"the heavens (29)." This
paffage is quoted by Dr. Hyde ;
but there is another in the fame
author, which he has not men-
tioned, which we therefore ſhall,
from that excellent author, ex-
hibit to our readers: "The
"fame year Cæfar the emperor
"fent Cyrenius into Judea, in
"order to tax it. Jofeph, the
"buſband of Mary, going up,
"upon this occafion, from Na-
"Zureth to Ferufalem, that he
'
<<
66
€6
might give in his name, when
"he came to Bethlehem, in the
way Mary did bring forth a
fon. The magi brought their
gifts from the east, and of
"fered to Chrift gold, myrrh;
"and frankincenfe. Being quee
* ftioned on this head by He-
"rod in their paffage, they
"anſwered thus: A person of
great fame among us, in a book
“avhich he left us, hath this
"admonished us : There hall
"Lereafter be born in Paleſtine a
"male child, defcending from
"heaven, whom the greatest
"part of the world fhall obey:
ભ
now the fign of his appearance
“ fhall be this: Ye shall fee a
THE
"Strange ftar, which fall di-
"rect you till it stops, which
<
CC
when you shall behold, take ye
gold, myrrh, and frankincenſe,
"and offer them to him, and
"adore him; then return ye,
" left great evil should overtake
ye. Now, therefore, this far
appearing, we come to do as
we were commanded (30).”
A noble teftimony furely!
CC
66
CC
(Q) The death of Zerdaſht
was violent indeed, but we can-
not call it unhappy, fince his
religion did not periſh with him,
which certainly it would have
done, if he had been as bun-
gling an impoftor as fome would
make him. A Perfian hiſtorian
tells us, that Argjafp overturned
the fire-temples erected by Zer-
duft in Balch, and flew feventy
priests, putting out the facred
fire with the blood of the ma-
gi (31): whether this muſt be
underſtood literally, or figura-
tively, it would be difficult to
tell, if another hiftorian had
not related it more at large:
"Notice, fays this writer, be-
ing given to the king of Tou-
ran of certain merchants, that
(31) Megjdi.
''
<<
(29) Abul Pharajius in hift. dynaft. p. 83.
apud Ilyde bift. relig. vet. Perfarum, p. 319.
(30) Ibid. p. 110,
"there
C: XI.
411
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
?
THE old animofities between the inhabitants of Touran and New war
Iran broke out into a freſh war, while Gushtafp fat on the throne between
of his anceſtors. It is not eaſy to fay, whether this monarch, the inha-
or Argjafp, who then reigned in Touran, was the aggreſſor.
bitants of
Mirkhand inclines to the former opinion, and makes this a re- Touran
ligious war, undertaken to reduce Argjaſp, and his fubjects, to and Iran.
the faith of Zerdusht. Be that as it will, Gushtafp, having
affembled the whole forces of his empire, marched with them
into Touran; and, meeting Argjaſp in battle, vanquifhed him,
flew his fon in the field, and, before the Turkifh monarch could
affemble a new army, poffeffed himſelf of his capital, and gave
the plunder of it to his foldiers. After which, returning tri-
umphantly into Perfia, he, on fome jealoufies or fufpicion,
impriſoned his fon Ifphendiyar in a ftrong caftle, feated on the
top of an high mountain, called Ghird Kouch, i. e. the round
mount: but he had foon reafon to repent the ill ufage of fo
deferving a prince; for Argjafp, irritated by the treatment
he had met with, raiſed all the forces of Touran, and, making
a ſudden inroad into the province of Choraffan, facked the city
of Balch, where he killed Lohrafp, the father of Gushtafp, in
his cloyfter, and flaughtered Zerdusht, with all his priests at- Zerdufht
tending there on the chief fire-temple, which he likewife over- killed.
turned, committing all the outrages that a mind, ftung with
the remembrance of what the Perfian king had done in his
own country, could fuggeft". Elated with this conqueft, he
u MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 16. LEBTARIK.
16
"there were no foldiers left in
"Balch, all of them having
repaired to the army of Guſh-
taſp; and that his father Lob-
rafp was left alone in that
city, with fuch as attended on
"the pyrea, and eighty priests;
"Argjafp, on this information,
"drew together an army of fif-
teen thousand men, fending
"his fon Kehram before him,
"and following with all expe-
"dition himſelf. It is faid,
"that, when Argjafp entered
"Iran,Lohrafp, receiving advice
"thereof, came out of his re-
(C
treat, and, putting himſelf at
"the head of a fmall troop,
"with them he killed many
"of the enemy; but in the
Ce
end, Lohrafp, with the eighty
"prieſts before-mentioned,were
flain, and the holy fire extin-
<<
guifhed with their blood:
"with theſe prieſts alſo fell
"Zerdubt the prophet, who
"then refided at Balch (32).”
Hence it came to pafs, that Sui-
das affirms of the Affyrian Zoro-
after, that he defired to die by
fire from heaven, and adviſed
his countrymen to preſerve his
afhes, affuring them, that, while
they were kept, their kingdom
ſhould never fail
fail (33). All
which the Alexandrian chronicle
refers to the Perfian Zoroafter,
or our Zerduft (34).
(32) In Shabnama nefr. apud Hyde rel, vet. Perfar. p. 325.
(34) Chron, Alexand. p. 89.
(33) Ubi fupra.
advanced
}
.
ter
2+-x
41-2
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
B. I.
advanced ſo brifkly into the dominions of Iran, that Gushtap
did not think fit to meet him in battle; but choſe rather to
confider, how an army might be drawn together able to fight
that of Argjafp on his return. His counſellors adviſed him to
fet his fon Ifphendiyar at liberty, and to intruft him with the
management of the war. Neceffity compelled him to take their
advice; and he accordingly fent his brother Gjamafp to Iſphen-
diyar, not only to releaſe him, but alſo to affure him, that his
father would refign to him the throne, in cafe he proved vic-
torious. As foon as Ifphendiyar arrived at the army, the Per-
fians took new courage, and numbers reforted to his ſtandard,
though they had declined following his father. The young
prince failed not to make uſe of theſe advantages; and, com-
Argjafp ing fuddenly on Argjafp, defeated intirely all his numerous
defeated army, obliging him to retire out of Perfia, and to make all the
by Ifphen- hafte he could into his own dominions. After this glorious
diyar.
victory, Gushtafp received his fon with all imaginable marks
of kindneſs and efteem. However, he declined putting him in
poffeffion of the crown; and, in order to amuſe him, obferved,
that it would be unbecoming fo brave a prince to put his father's
crown upon his head, while his fifters, who were taken pri-
foners at the fack of Balch, remained ftill in captivity. Ifphen-
diyar, piqued at this pretence of his father, which fhewed,
that he did not think the prince had throughly humbled his
enemies, immediately determined to undertake a new expedi-
tion, that his father might have no excufe left for the non-
performance of his promife. With this view, he ſelected out
of his army twelve thouſand foot, and as many horfe, with
whom he advanced towards the frontiers of Touran, accom-
panied by his brother Babuten, who was elder than himſelf.
Ifphendi- Having received intelligence, that Argjafp was retired to one
yar's ftra- of the ftrongeft places of his dominions, to which there were
tagem to three different roads; the one plain and eafy, fit for the cara-
jurpriſe vans, but fo round about, that it required no less than fix
Argjafp. months time to reach the place; the fecond pretty difficult,
but fo direct, that, by it, a man might reach the court of
Touran in a month; and the third, which was hardly paffable,
lay through woods and moraffes, and afterwards over high
mountains covered with fnow; Ifphendiyar, having directed
his brother to advance as expeditiously as he could through the
fecond of theſe roads, he, with fome refolute friends, threw
himſelf into the third. They were all habited like merchants,
and carried with them jewels, and other curiofities, of great
value. The inftructions he gave his brother were thefe; that,
when he drew near the refidence of Argjafp, he ſhould poſt
his army, with all the filence imaginable, in the neighbourhood
of certain meadows, which lay near the city; and that, as
foon
C. XI
413
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
•
foon as he ſhould perceive a great number of fires lighted in
that meadow, he fhould order his horfe to advance, and exe-
cute the orders which ſhould then be given them. Ifphendiyar,
and his retinue, making the beft of their way, reached in feven
day the court of Touran. The prince being introduced to
Argjafp as a merchant, who fled from the feverity of Ifphen-
dyiar, and was defirous of felling his goods in the dominions
of Touran, the king received him, and his companions, with
all imaginable courteſy, and accepted very kindly the magni-
ficent prefent which the prince thought fit to make him. This
lucky beginning was followed by a train of fuccefs anſwerable
to Ifphendiyar's wifhes; for, in a ſhort time, he wrought him-
ſelf into the higheſt degree of confidence with the king, and
his principal courtiers. When therefore he was apprifed, that
his brother, with his forces, was arrived at the place appointed,
he invited the king and court to a grand collation in the mea-
dows adjoining to the town. Thither they came in the even-
ing; and, great fires being lighted for dreffing the proviſions,
thefe ferved as fignals to Bahuten, who, at the head of his
horfe, fuddenly charged the Turks, and made himſelf ma-
fter of the city. Ifphendiyar, and thoſe who were about him, Ifphendi-
diſpatched, without delay, the moſt confiderable of the nobi- yar kills
lity, the prince killing with his own hand Argjaſp king of Argjaſp
Touran. Then, putting his fifters, whom he had releafed out with his
of captivity, into the hands of his and their brother Bahuten, own hand.
he adviſed him to retire, with part of his forces, into Perfia,
while he, with the reft, marched againſt feveral Indian princes,
in order to force them, and their fubjects, to abandon idola-
try, and receive the religion of Zerdusht; in which expedition
Ifphendiyar had prodigious fuccefs, and returned afterwards
into Perfia, crowned with laurels. When he arrived at Iftachr,
he expected that his father would, without delay, perform the
promiſe he had fo folemnly made, and fo often repeated, of
refigning to him his dominions; but the politic Guſhtafp in-
tended nothing lefs. He received his fon, as before, with
all the tokens of amity and tenderneſs; but, inftead of put-
ting the crown upon his head, he entertained him with a
ſtudied difcourfe on his great abilities, and the laudable obe-
dience he had hitherto paid to all his commands. After this,
the crafty old prince complained, that there was ſtill one ene-
my left to be fubdued, even in the heart of his dominions, viz.
Ruftan; who, having fortified himſelf in the provinces com-
mitted to his charge, abfolutely refufed to obey the king's
commands, or receive the religion of Zerdusht. Gushtap in-
finuated, that it was neceffary for Ifphendiyar to reduce this
nobleman, before he affumed the diadem, fince otherwiſe he
would receive from his father but half a kingdom. Piqued at
this
414
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
'this behaviour, the generous Ifphendiyar fet out for Sigjiftan,
carrying with him his fon Bahaman. On their arrival there,
Ruftan met him, and conferred with him at firſt with great
civility and reſpect; but, when the prince infifted on his yield-
ing obedience to his father's commands, and profeffing imme-
diately the faith of Zerduft, Ruftan grew angry, and, from
Iſphendi- hard words, they quickly came to blows. As they were both
yar killed men of great ftrength and agility of body, as well as of high
by Ruftan. ſpirit, and unconquerable valour, the combat was long and
doubtful. At laft it inclined to Ifphendiyar; but Ruſtan, col-
lecting all his ſtrength into one blow, gave the prince fo deep
a wound, that he died upon the ſpot, having only time to re-
commend his fon to Ruftan, and to defire his brother Bahuten
to take care of his body. Both his requeſts were exactly com-
plied with; Babuten carried back his body into Perfia, where
it received the higheſt funeral honours; and Ruſtan carefully
fent home his fon. Gushtafp was inconfolable for the death of
fo deferving a prince: his grief, however, was forced to give
way to the neceffity of the ſtate; for the new king of Touran
no fooner heard what had happened in Perfia, than, raiſing a
great army, he invaded that kingdom, and waſted it without
mercy with fire and fword. Gustafp, having collected as
great an army as the time would permit, marched with all
poffible diligence to oppofe him; and, after having encoun-
tered, and intirely routed his forces, conftrained him to retire.
into his own dominions. The public peace being now re-
Gufhtafp ftored, Gushtafp, to fhew the refpect he had for his fon's me-
refigns the mory, refigned the crown to Babaman the ſon of Iſphendiyar,
crown to and, according to the example fet him by his father, retired
Bahaman, from the world to a magnificent pleaſure-houſe he had erected
not far from Schiras, a palace of fuch fuperb architecture,
that, in after-times, as Mirkhond tells us, it was attributed
to Solomon the fon of David, to exprefs its excellence *. In
all probability it ſtood in the neighbourhood of that mountain,
which, lying behind the famous palace of Persepolis, is held
to be the fepulcre of the antient Perfian kings. We have
ſeen, from various inftances, that it was a common thing
among the Perfian monarchs to quit their thrones, when they
found their health and fpirits decay, and to ſpend the laft years
of their life in contemplation. If we admit, that Gushtafp
was the Hyftafpes of the Greeks, then we may apply what
Ammianus Marcellinus fays of the latter to this retreat:" Hy-
"Stafpes, fays this hiftorian, was a moft wife perfon, who,
"boldly penetrating into the inner parts of Upper India, came
"to a woody defert, whofe calm filence was poffeffed by thoſe
* MIRKHOND. hiſt. ſect. 16.
"high
C. XI.
415
The History of the Perfians.
"high genius's the Brahmans. From thefe he learned the true
"fyftem of the heavenly bodies, and their motions, and the
"true rites of pure religion; with which knowlege he returned
"into Perfia, and taught it to the magi, amongſt whom it
"has, by tradition, been preferved even to this time." But
perhaps, admitting Gushtafp and Hyftafpes to be one and the
ſame perſon, we ought to refer this expedition to his junior
years, when he fled from his father into Touran, from whence
his journey into India was not difficult. There are fome Per-
fian writers, however, who give a very different account of
this matter; of which the reader will have a clearer apprehen-
fion, if he recollects what we cited from an antient Perfian
hiſtorian, as to Zerdusht's promifing king Gushtafp to fulfil his
extraordinary requeſts. Theſe hiftorians fay, that not Gush-
tafp, but his fon Baſhuten, addicted himſelf to divine medita-
tions; and that this Babuten, in conformity to the prophet's
promife, was tranfported to the mountain Dunbavand of Da-
mavand, with thirty of his guards, where they yet live in the
moft quiet and happy manner; the approach of all living
creatures to their facred retreat being prevented by thick
ſteams of fal armoniac iffuing from all fides of the mountain *.
Our famous traveller Sir Thomas Herbert afcended this moun-
tain, and paffed directly over it, without meeting any fuch
fteams. He acknowleges, however, that there are vaſt quan-
tities of fulphur thereon; and that, in the night, fome lumi-
nous vapours are feen thereabouts, which, he thinks, proceed
from the fulphur . But the learned Dr. Hyde is for the
old opinion, and is for attributing them rather to fal armoniac;
but confeffes, not only that the hiftory of Babuten is fabulous,
but that fome ftories of the fame fort, related of Guftafp, are
likewife unworthy of belief. We may, with tolerable cer
tainty, affirm, that the reign of Gushtafp was the reign of
learning in Perfia. In his time flouriſhed a celebrated aftro-
loger, whofe name was, Gjamafp, furnamed, according to the Gjamaſp,
oriental cuſtom, Al Hakim, i. e. the wife, or the fage. That a celebrat-
fuch a perſon there was, and that he flouriſhed about this time, ed aftrolo-
is pretty clear; but who he was, is very far from being cer- ger.
Some have made him the fon of Daniel the prophet;
others the counſellor of king Guſhtafp: but the greater num-
ber, and thoſe too of the moft credible writers, fay, that he
was the brother of that prince, and not only fo, but his confi-
dent and chief minifter d. The fcience, for which he was
Y AMMIAN. MARCELL. hift. 1. xxiii. z HYDE hift. relig,
vet. Perfar. c. 23. p. 306.
HERBERT's travels, p. 112.
C CHALIL SUPHI apud
d MIRKHOND. ubi fupra.
tain.
a
b HYDE relig. vet. Perfar. ubi fupra.
HYDE relig. vet. Perfar. p. 385.
LEB. TARIKH.
==
parti-
416
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
particularly famous, was aftrology; and, from his ſkill therein,
he is faid to have predicted the coming of the Meffiah. Some
treatiſes under his name are yet current in the eaſt, of which
the reader will meet with fome account in the following
note (R).
(R) Dr. Hyde, fpeaking of
the philofopher mentioned in
our text, cites a paſſage from a
very antient author, having be-
fore told us, that this author
afferted there had been among
the Perfians ten doctors of fuch
confummate wifdom, as the
whole world could not boaſt the
like; then he gives the author's
words, to the fenfe following:
"Of theſe the fixth was Gjam-
46
re
46
aſt, an aſtrologer, who was
"counſellor to Hyftafpes. He
"is the author of a book, in-
"titled, Judicia Gjamafpis; in
"which is contained his judg.
ment on the planetary con-
"junctions. And therein he
gave notice, that Jeſus ſhould
appear; that Mohammed ſhould
"be born; that the magian re-
ligion ſhould be abolished,
"&c. nor did any aftrologer
ever come up to him (35)."
Of this book there is an Ara-
bian verfion, the title of which
runs thus: The book of the phi-
lofopher Gjamafp, containing judg-
ments on the grand conjunétions of
the planets, and on the events pro-
duced by them. This verfion was
made by Lali; the title he gave
it in Arabic was Al Keranat, and
he publiſhed it A. D. 1280. In
the preface of his verfion it is
faid, that after the times of Zo-
roafter, or Zerdusht, reigned Gush-
tafp, the ſon of Lohrafp, a very
powerful prince, who poffeffed
་
鲁
​BAHA-
not only Iran, but Touran, and
Habafchia, i. e. Ethiopia; that,
in his reign, flouriſhed in the city
of Balch, on the borders of Cho-
raffan, a moft excellent philo-
fopher, whofe name was Gjam-
afp, author of this book; where-
in is contained an account of all
the great conjunctions of the
planets which had happened be-
fore the time of this aftrologer,
and which were to happen in
fucceeding ages; and wherein
the appearances of new reli-
gions, and the rife of new mon-
archies, were exactly fet down.
This author, throughout his
whole piece, ftiles Zerdusht, or
Zoroafter, our prophet (36). That
aſtrology, by which we mean
foretelling future events, or pre-
tending to foretel them by con-
templating the heavenly bodies,
was a fcience, if we may be al-
lowed fo to call it, very early
in vogue among the Perfians,
might be eaſily proved, if this
were a proper place.
To fay
the truth, the very terms in ufe
among aftrologers, are irrefra-
gable proofs of it; for they are
moſt of them either Arabic or
Perfic; and for this reafon,
Chaldæa, the miſtreſs of our
weſtern aftrology, was, in an-
tient times, always in the pof-
feffion either of the one or the
other of theſe nations. The
notion of predicting the rife
and progrefs of religions from
(35) E lib. Mucj. p. 227. apud Hyde vel, vet. Perf, c, 31. P. 385. (36) D'Her-
belot, bibl. orient. art. Giamafe,
the
C.XI.
417
The History of the Perſians.
?
BAHAMAN, the ſon of Iſphendiyar, fucceeded his grandfa- Babaman.
ther Guſhtaſp in all the mighty empire he had acquired. Before
the grand conjunctions of the
planets, has been likewife pro-
pagated in our weftern parts:
Cardan was a bold affertor of
this doctrine, and, if he did not
intend it himſelf, we are pretty
certain, that his fcholar Vaninus
actually thought of fubverting
the belief of the gofpel-difpen-
fation, by pretending that all re-
ligions owed their force and
predominancy to the influence
of the ftars (37). The modern
Perfians are ftill great votaries
to this fort of knowlege; but
they diftinguish between aftro-
nomy and aftrology; they ſtile
the former elm-nejoum, i. e. the
ſcience of the ftars; and the
latter efte-krag, i. e. the revela-
tion of the ſtars: they have,
however, but one word to ex-
preſs aſtronomer and aſtrologer,
viz.manegjim, which is exactly
equivalent to the Greek word
aftrologos. Of all the provinces
of Perfia, Chorafan is the moft
famous for producing great men
in that art; and in Choraffan
there is a little town called Gena-
bed, and in that town a certain
family, which, for fix or ſeven
hundred years paft, has produced
the moſt famous aftrologers in
Perfia; and the king's aftrolo-
ger is always either a native of
Genabed, or one brought up
there. Sir John Chardin affirms,
that the appointments in his
time, for theſe fages, amounted
to fix millions of French livres
per annum; which fhews how
highly thefe fort of people are.
yet eſteemed in that country.
VOL. V..
→
we
As to the notions they have of
the tranfcendent ſkill of the an-
tient profeffors of that art, the
author, juft now mentioned,
gives us a fingular inſtance in
the hiſtory of Alkendi, a Jew,
who was profeffor of judicial
aftrology at Bagdad, in the ca-
liphate of Almamoum. Againſt
this Jewish aftrologer all the
Mohammedans had a very great
fpleen one, more hardy than
the reft, refolved to attack his
reputation, and to endeavour to
difpoffefs him of the caliph's
efteem: to this end he repaired.
to Bagdad, and, finding Alkendi
in the caliph's prefence, he afk-
ed him why he took upon him-
felf to know more in aftrology
than other people. Becauſe I
know, replied Alkendi, what you
know not, and you know not what
I know. This provoked the
Mohammedan doctor fo much,
that he would needs make a
trial of his boaſted knowlege in
the fight of the caliph. In or-
der to this, each drew a circle
about himſelf, and fat down
therein, with his books and in-
ſtruments. The Mohammedan
doctor at laſt took a piece of
paper and a pen, and, after
feeming to write a good deal,
folded it up, and gave it the
caliph; defiring Alkendi to give
a proof of his fkill, by telling
what was written in his paper;
to which the other, after a little
time, anfwered, You have writ-
ten but two words in your paper :
one is the name of a plant, the
other of an animal. The caliph,
(37) In amphitheatr. & dialog..
E e
open-
418
B.I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
we enter upon the reign of this prince, it is neceffary, that we
Mirkhand calls him, as we do, Baha-
fhould fettle his name.
opening the paper, found this to
be true. And this adventure
fpread the fame of Alkendi
throughout all the eaft. It hap-
pened there was then refident in
the college of Balch a young
ftudent, of bright parts, who had
been ſcholar to the Mohammedun
fage, over whom Alkendi had
triumphed he was fo much
piqued at the diſhonour done
his maſter, that, as foon as he
heard this ſtory, he bought him-
felf a poniard, and took a
journey of twelve hundred Eng-
lib miles from Balch to Bagdad,
on purpoſe to murder Alkendi.
When he arrived at this laft-
mentioned city, he inquired the
time when Alkendi taught in the
public ſchools; which when he
had learned, he went thither,
with his poniard under his
gown, as if he had been a ſtu-
dent come to hear him. Alkendi
was in the midst of his lecture
when he entered the room; but
he immediately made a full ftop,
and, turning his eyes to this ftran-
ger, addreffed him thus: I know.
auho you are, and to what purpoſe
you come: your name is Albuma-
zar (the true orthography is Abu
Ma Shar); and you will become
one of the greatest aftrologers of
your time; but then you must lay
afide the bloody defign which
brought you hither, and you must
throw into the midst of the ſchool
that poniard which you carried
on purpoſe to kill me. Albumazar,
ftruck at this ſpeech, firſt threw
down his poniard, and then
himſelf, at the feet of Alkendi :
man;
thenceforward he applied him-
ſelf ftrictly to the ftudy of
aftrology, and became, as that
fage had predicted, wonderfully
famous, being known to the
learned world by the name of
Albumazar of Balch (38). What
credit this account may deſerve,
we leave the reader to judge.
Gjamafp predicted, as we hinted
in the text, the coming of Chriſt.
A very learned countryman of
our own has reported the fame
thing from Albumazar; his
words are thefe: "In the fphere
"of Perfia, faith Aben Ezra,
"there arifeth upon the face of
"the fign Virgo a beautiful
"maiden, fhe holding two ears
"of corn in her hand, and a
"child in her arm: the feedeth
6C
him, and giveth him fuck,
"&c. This maiden, faith Al-
"bumazar, we call Adrenedefa,
"the pure virgin. She bring-
"eth up a child in a place
"which is called Abrie (the
"Hebrew land); and the child's
•
name is called Eifi (Jeſus).
"This was enough to make
"Albertus Magnus believe, that
our Saviour Chrift was born
"in Virgo; and therefore car-
"dinal Alliac, erecting our
"LORD's nativity by his de-
<<
ſcription, cafteth this fign in-
"to the horoscope. But that
was not the meaning of Albu-
mazar; his meaning was
"(faith frier Bacon), Quod beata
Virgo nata fuit, quando ſol fuit
" in Virgine; & ita habetur fig-
66
natum in calendario; & quod
"nutriet filium fuum in terra
(38) Cbardin, voyag. tom. iii, p. 203.
"Hebræorum :
C. XI.
419
The History of the Perfians.
-
man; and fays, that he had two furnames, the one Dirazdeft, Why fur-
i. e. Long-hand, becauſe his right hand was longer than his left; named Di
and the other Ardſhir, on this account: When his mother was
razdeſt.
big with this fon, there came a great aftrologer to the court of
Gustafp his grandfather; and, addreffing himself to Ifphendi-
yar, prefented him a ſmall baſket, which, he told him, was
for the uſe of the ſon that ſhould be born to him : upon open-
ing it, there was found a veſſel full of milk, and a little flour;
the perſon who brought it alleging, by way of excuſe, that his
circumstances did not allow him to bring any thing better.
Ifphendiyar and his wife were ſo much fatisfied with the pre-
fent, that they took from thence the name of their fon, ard
fignifying flour, and fhir milk, in their antient language:
hence it came to paſs, that this prince was better known by
his furname than by his proper name, being generally called,
in the oriental hiftories, Ardſhir Dirazdeft, and by the Greeks,
Artaxerxes Longimanus. He is reprefented by Mirkbond as His cha-
one of the wifeft and beft princes that ever fwayed a fceptre : raster.
he was fo folicitous for the impartial diftribution of juftice to
all his fubjects, that he fent fome favourites of his own pri-
vately into the courts of all his governors, that they might
bring him exact informations of their behaviour: and, when the
time of their governments was expired, he fent for them into
his prefence, and either rewarded and commended their virtues,
or elſe puniſhed what they had done amifs, according to the
nature of the offence. In a year after his acceffion to the
throne, he fummoned the ſtates of his kingdom, whom he ad-
dreffed in terms full of tenderneſs and love : he told them, that
he had affumed the regal dignity, not to gratify his own ambi-
tion, but to do good to them: he therefore intreated them, if
they knew any wrong fteps he had taken, or any.vices that he
had, which were detrimental to the public, that they would
freely cenfure and reprove them; nay, if they held him ut-
terly unworthy of the empire, he exhorted them to depofe
him; for he faid, that kings ought to be public bleffings, and
that fuch as were not fo ought not to wear the title. The
ftates, after highly commending the king's zeal, and receiv-
ing from him whatever they defired, feparated, and, going into
their reſpective provinces, carried with them the higheſt ſenti-
"Hebræorum: That the ſaid
“ virgin was born, the fun be-
ing in that fign, as alſo we
"have it fet down in the ca-
“lendar; and that he was to
bring up her fon in the He-
"brew land (39)." The reader
is to obferve, that Albumagar
wrote exprefly from the Perfic
aftrologers, it may be from the
very works of Gjamaſp, which
induced this note.
(39) Mr. John Gregory's notes on various paſſages of Scripture, p. 152.
E e 2
ments
420
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
*
7
ments of duty and refpect for fo deferving a prince. Ardſhir,
or Bahaman, took care to repair all the cities, fire-temples, and
public edifices, which, during the wars in Iran, had either
been beaten down, or, through the injuries of time, had fallen
to decay. This being done, and his empire every-where in a
flouriſhing condition, he thought it a proper time to revenge
the death of his father, and to reunite the provinces of Sigji-
ftan and Kabul to his eftates; and, to this end, he raiſed a
confiderable army, and marched into the territories of Ruftan;
whither he was no fooner come, than he was informed, that
this great warrior was dead; but that his fon Feramorz had
taken poffeffion of his government, and was marching to op-
poſe him with a great army. The king of Perfia, being de-
firous that the war fhould have a fpeedy determination, did
not decline a battle, in which he had all the ſucceſs he could
and kills defire, the enemy being intirely defeated, and Feramorz killed
Feramorz upon the fpot. He took likewife Zal-zer, the father of Ru-
the fon of ftan, prifoner, and returned triumphantly into Perfia, after
Ruftan. obliging the inhabitants of thofe provinces to acknowlege him
Account offor their lawful lord. Mirkhond gives us a very extraordinary
the death account of the death of Ruftan, which happened a little before
of Ruſtan. this war commenced: he had, according to this hiftorian, a
Defeats
brother whoſe name was Chajal, whom he fent to collect his
revenues in Kabul, where it happened, that Chajal fell de-
ſperately in love with the governor's daughter, who was a
woman of moft accompliſhed beauty, and of the rareft qualifi-
cations. The governor, obſerving how much the young man
was fmitten, made him promife to do for him whatever he de-
fired, provided he might have his daughter. Chajal having
promiſed this, the governor propoſed to him the delivering his
brother into his hands, that he might ſecure to himſelf the ab-
folute poffeffion of his own territories, by putting him to death:
to which Chajal, for the fake of his miſtreſs, affented. On his
return home, difcourfing with his brother, he informed him,
that the governor of Kabul, whom he trufted fo much, was
indeed a very. tyrant, and grievously oppreffed the people under
his jurifdiction. Ruftan, highly inflamed at this, threatened to
put that governor to death, and to extirpate his family; to
which end he aſſembled all his forces: but his brother, laying
hold of the predominant quality of vanity, which was always
prevalent in Rustan's temper, perfuaded him that his prefence
alone was ſufficient to frighten the governor of Kabul into ſub-
miffion: whereupon he fet out, attended only by a friend, and
this treacherous brother. As foon as they arrived in the neigh-
bourhood of Kabul, the governor, with a very few of his at-
tendants, came, and made his fubmiffion; and, having moſt
humbly befought Rustan's pardon, which Ruftan readily gave
him,
C. XI.
421
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
".
him, the governor intreated him to reft that night at his houſe,
which was but a ſmall diſtance from them. When they came
near its gates, Chajal rode on his brother's right, and the go-
vernor on his left; when, on a fudden, the ground gave way,
and Ruſtan and his horſe fell into a deep pit which had been
prepared for him, and fo artfully covered with earth and
leaves, that he did not perceive it. Ruftan, being appriſed of
their treachery, intreated one of the governor's attendants to
give him a bow and arrows, that he might not be devoured
alive by wild beafts. The man, touched with his misfortunes,
put them immediately into his hands; whereupon Ruſtan,
drawing the bow with all his ftrength, let fly two arrows with
fuch dexterity, that he ftruck the treacherous governor, and
his perfidious brother, each to his heart, dying a little after
himſelf of the wounds he received on his fall. Such, if we
yield an implicit belief to the Perfian hiftorians, was the end
of this mighty warrior, the glory and ſupport of his country,
and of its kings. But we fhall fhew, in the note below, that
this ſtory of the life and adventures of Ruftan muft not be un-
derſtood exactly as they have related it (S). After the re-
duction
(S) The title of this fection
is The hiftory of Perfia, according
to the oriental writers. It is
therefore our duty to report
whatever we find in authentic
hiſtorians ; but it does not fol-
low, that we muſt either believe
ourfelves, or obtrude on our
readers, all things contained in
them, for matters of fact. We
are as fenfible, as the moft in-
veterate critics can be, that there
is much of fable perhaps in the
beſt Perſian hiftorians; and it is
not impoffible that we may fome-
times miſtake their meaning.
For example; we know that
Aphorafiab, king of Touran, muft
have lived feveral hundred years,
if what we have fet down in our
hiſtory be true; or elſe, for a
long feries of years, the princes
of that country were ftiled Aphe-
rafiab, as the kings of Egypt
were called Pharaohs, and the
kings of the Philiftines were in-
(40) Genef. xxi,
titled Abimelech. But then the
fame difficulty recurs as toRuftan.
His father Zal-zer lived to be
carried away prifoner by Baha-
man, of whofe reign we are now
fpeaking: he must then have
been near feven hundred years
old, and Ruftan, who was lately
dead, must have been greatly
upwards of fix hundred: thefe
are incredible things, and there-
fore we muft fuppofe, that, not-
withſtanding the Perfian hifto-
rians fpeak all as of one man;
there was a fucceffion of heroes
in the fame family, who were
hereditary governors of the pro-
vince of Sigjiftan, and called,
from their famous ancestor,
Ruftans. Something of this fort
we meet with in Scripture, where
not only two kings of Gerar are
called Abimelech, but both the
captains of their hofts are ftiled
Phicols (40). What renders our
conjecture ftill the more pro-
22. xxvi. 26.
E e 3
bable,
422
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
duction of the provinces formerly held by the hero we have
juft now mentioned, Bahaman, or Ardhir, extended his em-
pire
bable, is, that the provinces go-
verned by this family took their
name; which is more likely to
have happened under a fuccef-
fion of governors, than in the
time of one man. We mention
this merely to prevent a fufpi-
cion, that we ſwallow, without
confideration, all that oriental
writers have delivered. When
we ſhall have cloſed our hiſtory
of the Perfian kings, natives of
that country, we fhall give a
large account of the chrono-
logy of theſe times, and make
it as intelligible as we can. In
the mean time, let us add a few
circumſtances, which we have
not had occafion to infert in the
text, as to the family of which
we were just now fpeaking.
The author of the Güliftan tells
us, that Zal-zer gave his fon
Ruftan this caution: Never de-
Spife an enemy, however impoteut
be may seem at prefent; for a
fiream which will ſcarce bear a
Araw at its fource, grows in its
courfe ftrong enough to carry away
a camel, and its burden (41). We
have frequently taken notice of
the mighty encomiums beltowed
by the oriental romance-writers
on our hero Ruftan. Of all his
exploits, none, however, fur-
niſhes them with fo much room
to expatiate on, as his two days
combat with Ifphendiyar. Thefe
ftories were fo pleaſant in them-
felves, fo agreeably embelliſhed
by thoſe who took them for
their theme, that they gave no
fmall interruption to Mohammed,
in his fettling his new religion.
It ſeems there was one Nefer,
(41) D'Herbelot. biblioth, orient. art. Zal. (42) Ibid. art. Alcoran.
who had been in Perfia about
his concerns as a merchant, and
there picked up the relation of
Ruftan's combats with Iſphendiyar;
he vehemently oppofed Moham-
med, and laughed at his pre-
tended miffion; and, the better
to carry his point, he diverted
the people with thefe ftories ;
which had fuch an effect, that,
when Mohammed brought them
a new chapter of the Koran,
they would frequently cry out,
This is an odd flory; there is no
great matter in this; it is not
half ſo pleaſant as the fiories of
Nefer: which provoked the pre-
tended prophet very much, and
put him upon curfing this Neſſer
violently as an enemy to GoD,
and the true religion (42). It
is to theſe ftories of Nefer's,
and to the behaviour of the
people thereupon, that Moham-
med alludes in the following paf-
fage of his Koran: "There is
"with GoD great reward for
"the righteous. O ye that be-
"lieve, if ye fear GoD,
he
"fhall remove your enemies far
"from you,and pardon your fins;
"his goodneſs is infinite. The
"wicked have confpired againſt
"thee, to puniſh and flay thee,
or drive thee from Mecca ;
"but God hath rendered their
confpiracy ineffectual; he
"knoweth all the defigns of
(C
confpirators. When his mi-
"racles were related to them,
" and his commandments taught
66
them,they faid, we have heard
"them: we had faid the like
things, had we ſo inclined; it
"is but a fong, and a fable of
“old
C. XI.
423
The History of the Perfians.
pire on all fides. Some hiftorians fay, that Kireſh, i. e. Cy-
rus, was his governor in Babylon; but this is a palpable mi-
ftake, grounded on a real fact, viz. the great kindneſs which
this prince expreffed for the Jews: fome have reported, that
his mother was of that nation; however it was, we may be af-
fured, that he had a very great regard for the chofen people,
and did them great kindnefles. This prince had a ſon, whoſe
name was Saffan, a man much addicted to learning, and eſpe-
cially to aftrology: whence it came to paſs, that either through
his own modefty he pretended not to the empire, or was pre-
cluded therefrom by his father, on account of his ftudious life,
which that active prince thought incompatible with the duties of
a fovereign: however it was, hiftorians are agreed, that he did
not fucceed, nor did pretend to the fucceffion, on the demife
of his father; but led contentedly a private life, though his de-
ſcendents afterwards recovered the kingdom, as will be fhewn
in the next period of our Perfian history from oriental hiſto-
rians. After a long and glorious reign, wherein he fo far ex-
tended his dominions, that fome will have his furname of Di-
razdeft derived from thence, Bahaman, or Ardhir, died, and Bahaman
left his empire to his wife Homai; whom fome writers alſo af- dies, and
firm to have been his daughter, and who, at the time of his leaves the
deceaſe, was big with child. The favourite faying of this empire to
prince was, That the gate of a king ought never to be ſhut e.
his wife
HOMAI, or Khamani, about five months after her acceffion Homai.
to the throne, brought forth a fon of wonderful beauty. Ac-
cording to the cuſtom of thoſe times, the aftrologers were con-
fulted as to the fortune of this young prince. They, it feems, Predictions'
were unanimouſly of opinion, that his fate would by no means of the
correfpond with his face; but, on the contrary, he would aftrologers
bring great misfortunes on his country as well as himfelf; for concerning
which reaſon they adviſed, that he ſhould be immediately de- her fon.
e MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 17. D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient, art.
Bahaman.
"old men. Remember thou
C
they faid, My God, if what
"Mohammed declareth be true,
"caufe a fhower of flint-ftones
"to fall upon us, and rigorously
"chaftife us. He fhall not cha-
"ftife them when thou art with
"them, neither when they beg
pardon of him. Who is he
"that is able to hinder God to
punish them? They are not
CC
"in his grace, when they hin-
"der true believers to enter the
""
temple of Mecca; he protect-
"eth only fuch as have his fear
"before their eyes, but moft of
"them underſtand it not. Their
CC
(C
prayers are very light; they
go hand in hand in the tem-
ple, but ſhall one day feel
"the puniſhment of Goo be-
"caufe of their iniquity (43),"
(43) Koran, cap. Alfan,
i. e. Of the booty.
E e 4
ftroyed.
424
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Is expofed
by his mo-
ther.
and
brought
up by a
dyer.
ftroyed. The tenderneſs of a mother would not permit Ho-
mai to follow their counfels; and yet her love for her country
extended ſo far, that fhe determined, at any rate, to prevent
his bringing on it thoſe miſchiefs the aftrologers had threatened.
With this view fhe caufed a little wooden ark or cheft to be
made; and, having put the child in it, covered him with pre-
cious ftones, and then fuffered the veffel to fail down the Gi-
hon, or Oxus. The floating cradle came, at laft, within the
But found view of a poor man washing linen, who was by trade a dyer.
He, ftruck with the novelty of beholding a cheft on the wa-
ter, took pains to draw it on fhore; and was mightily ſurpriſed
on finding therein a child with things of fuch value, not doubt-
ing but it was the deſcendent of ſome great family.
He car-
ried it, with the precious ftones which were in the cradle with
it, to his wife; who, concurring with him in opinion, that it
was the fon of fome perfon of diſtinction, bred it up with as
much tenderneſs and care as if it had been her own, the dyer
giving him the name of Darab, from the veffel in which, and
the element wherein he was found, dar fignifying .a wooden
veſſel, and ab water. When this child was grown up to
fuch an age as required its learning fome trade, the dyer
would willingly have taught him his own; but the boy fhewed
a vifible reluctancy thereto, and appeared to have a strong ge-
nius for war. The good old man, who had brought him up,
far from checking his inclinations, ftrained his abilities to the
utmoft, to furniſh the young Darab with an equipage neceffary
to his ferving in the army, then raiſed for the reduction of
Roumeftan, into which the young hero readily went. This
Serves and war was of no very long continuance; but Darab performed
diftin- therein ſuch extraordinary feats of arms, that they rung thro'
guishes the whole army; wherein, though the flower of the Perfian
himſelf in
army had ſerved, yet none had attained to ſo high a reputation
the army as this unknown youth. At their return, therefore, from the
war, the commander in chief reported fuch favourable things
of him to the queen his miſtreſs, that fhe would needs fee him.
Darab, upon this, was introduced into the royal prefence,
where, after fome difcourfe about the war, and the great
things he had done therein, the queen demanded of him what
was his name, and who were his father and mother. He an-
fwered, as to the first, that his name was Darab; but that, as
to his parents, he was able to fay nothing: that the perfons he
lived with, and whom he acknowleged for his father and mo-
The queen ther, were a dyer and his wife: that the man had taken him
owns him, out of the water, where he floated in a little cheft; and that,
and de-
from thence, they had given him the name of Darab. The
clares him queen, having confidered and inquired into this ftory, owned
her fuccef him for her fon, and declared him her fucceffor, with the ge-
for.
.
neral
C. XI.
425
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
neral approbation of her people f. This princeſs, all the
oriental writers who ſpeak of her agree, had a prodigious capa-
city, and was wonderfully careful in ordering all things for the
good of her people. Above all things, fhe ftudied the adorn- Homai
ing of the glorious capital of her dominions, Iftachr: to this faid to.
end ſhe erected a noble palace therein, the ruins of which are have built
glorious even to this day, and are the fame which the Perfians the palace
call Chilminar, and in the palace of Perfepolis. We will not of Perfe-
take upon us to affirm, that theſe authors are in the right; but polis.
we may fafely fay, that, in all human probability, this palace
was built about this time; and the reafon which the eaſtern
writers affign for queen Homai's choofing to erect it here, is
neither abfurd nor incredible: they allege, that Guſhtaſp hav-
ing erected ſeveral pyrea, or fire-temples, and cut for himſelf,
and for his fucceffors, fuperb tombs in the rock which lies be-
hind this palace, Homai was tempted to build a royal houſe in
their neighbourhood, that all theſe marks of Perfian magnifi- Her other
cence might appear together, and fet off each other: to her zworks.
alfo are attributed feveral other monuments of a royal mind,
and a deep defire of fame, ſuch as a multitude of pyramids
ſmaller, but not unlike thoſe in Egypt, ſcattered throughout
all Perfia, and every-where overturned by the foldiers of Alex-
ander the Great. This princefs is likewife faid to have built a
city called Semrim, or Semirah: whence a famous Perfian
author hath been led to think, that the Homai of the Perjians
was the Semiramis of the Greeks: but in this, perhaps, there
is more of criticiſm than folidity s. The author of another
Perfian chronicle is fo far from thinking her either the Semi-
ramis of the Greeks, or fo famous a queen of Perfia as other
authors make her, that he has totally omitted her name in his
hiitory of the Perfian monarchs of the dynafty of the Kain-
ites h. Mirkhond, however, affures us, that fhe reigned
thirty-two years, and then refigned the crown to her fon
Darabi (T).
ALL
f MIRKHOND. hift. fect. 18. D'HERBELOT. artic. Homai.
TARIK. MONTEKEBH.
h TARIKCOZIDEH.
i MIRKHOND.
ubi fupra.
(T) The oriental hiftories
mention various queens, who
flouriſhed, and did great things,
in their reſpective countries, and
yet are little known to us in the
weft. If we confider what the
Perfian hiftorians fay of her
Building the glorious palace at
Iftachr, we fhall find it not fo
improbable as at first fight it
may feem. We have fhewn be-
fore, from authorities of all
kinds, that in the reign of Guſh-
tap arts and ſciences flouriſhed
exceedingly in Perfia: his grand-
fon and fucceffor Bahaman must
have
426
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
»
Darab.
ALL hiftorians agree, that Darab aſcended the throne as the
fon of Bahaman, or Ardhir; and that he gave the higheſt
proofs of his royal defcent, by his wife and gentle adminiftra-
tion (V). His valour had been fufficiently diftinguiſhed be-
have carried them ftill higher;
for he was extremely fuccefsful
in all his wars, and, after
he had finished them, applied
himſelf to the adorning his
country with ſtately buildings,
as Mirkhond exprefly informs us.
That his widow therefore, who
was alſo a potent and fuccefsful
princefs, fhould endeavour to
eftablish her fame, by erecting
fo magnificent a pile, has no-
thing in it unlikely or incre-
dible: fhe might adorn this new-
raiſed palace of hers with the
fpoils brought by her immediate
predeceffors out of Egypt and
Syria: and as to the grand pro-
ceffion, which yet appears on
the walls of that palace (plate
VII. VIII. p. 104), if one might
be indulged to conjecture, why
may it not be fuppofed to re-
prefent the homage paid to Ba-
haman or Ardhir by the ftates of
Perfia, when he affembled them
in the first year of his reign,
and fubmitted his conduct, and
even his qualifications for the
royal dignity, to their cenfure?
That he did this, Mirkhond af-
firms; and that they were pro-
fuſe in their expreffions of gra-
titude and loyalty on this occa-
fion. What more noble tranf-
action could this princefs chufe,
than this recognition of her
huſband's right to his crown,
from virtue as well as defcent,
by a generous and wife people?
But let this proceffion be what
t will, it may as we ll be placed
fore
here as any-where elfe; and till
the learned, by dint of their in-
quiries and criticiſms, can fur-
nifh us with a better account, we
may as well accept of this from
the Perfian hiftorians. As to
the modern Perfians, they, as
we have here before obſerved,
fpeak very tenderly on this head;
and if we bar their tales of king
Solomon, and the fairies, have
nothing to offer against queen
Homai's being the founder of
that ſtupendous fabric, the ruins
of which are now called Chil-
minar, i. e. forty pillars; tho',
if we may truft Dr. Hyde, its
old Perfic name was Hazar-fu-
tun, i. e. a thousand columns (44).
(V) Darab, as we have al-
ready heard, was educated by a
poor dyer, or fuller, who took
all the care of him that could
be expected from a man in his
low condition. It is reported
by a Perfian writer, that the
young Darab, being one day at
the water-fide with his fuppofed
father, addreffed himfelf thus
to the dyer: I ſhould be very
glad if you would tell me the truth
as to my birth; for I begin to
imagine, from the averfion I have
to this buſineſs, and from my con-
tempt of all manual labour, that
I am not really your fon, as you
have hitherto made me believe.
Whoever, faid the dyer, bebeld a
ruby, and ſuppofed it dropt from a
common ftone, might conceive, that
a youth of your fhining parts was,
what till this time you have
(44) Hift. relig. vet. Perfar. cap. 23. p. 304.
paffed
C XI.
427
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
fore he afcended the throne: he fuffered it not to ruft after he
affumed the royal dignity; for, at the fame time he loved ju-
ftice, and took care to have it exactly adminiftred throughout
all his wide dominions, he was likewiſe a munificent patron of
arts and ſciences, eaſy of addrefs, eloquent in fpeech, and one
of the moſt humane princes that ever fwayed a fceptre. On Wages a
ſome account or other, he found it neceffary to turn his arms fuccessful
on Filikous, that is, Philip king of Macedon, at firft by his car with
captains, and, at laft, in perfon, with fuch fuccefs, that Phi- Philip of
lip, being driven to extremities, was obliged to accept fuch Macedon.
terms as Darab thought fit to impofe: and they were thefe;
that the king of Macedon fhould pay yearly the fum of forty
thoufand pieces of gold, by way of tribute; and ſhould give
his daughter, one of the handfomeft princeffes in Greece, to
Darab for a wife: which was accordingly done. The very Marries
first night that Darab paffed with his new ſpouſe, he found her his daugh-
breath fo offenfive, that he reſolved to fend her back to her fa-
ter, but
ther, notwithſtanding that, as fome writers fay, fhe was with fends her
child. After the Macedonian war, Darab applied himſelt back.
wholly to the arts of peace, and to the fettling fuch things as
were ſtill in diſorder, and inventing new methods for giving
eafe and fatisfaction to his fubjects. Amongst other wife and Settles
glorious acts of this good prince, the fettling pofts throughout pofts
all Perfia is particularly recorded; which he executed with through-
fuch skill, that he had news brought him from every corner of cut Perfia.
his empire, by couriers fetting out regularly twice a day. He
was the founder of a pleafant and beautiful city in Proper works.
Perfia, on which he beſtowed his name, calling it Darabgerd,
paſſed for, the son of a fuller.
Whatever my parts may be, re-
turned Darab, I should be much
pleafed to hear, without either al-
legories or metaphors, who I am
to ſuppoſe myſelf, and whether that
Spirit of ambition which I feel in
my breast ought to be checked or
cherished. Upon this, the ho-
neft old man related to him all
he knew; which, as foon as
Darab heard, he demanded the
jewels; and, having received
them, went directly to the ar-
my; and, applying himſelf to
the commander in chief, told
him all that his reputed father
had related. The general was
at that very time about to give
battle to the Greeks; he there-
fore gave no anſwer to Darab,
but adviſed him to keep his own
counfel, and to ferve the queen
valiantly in the approaching en-
gagement. Which inftructions
of his he exactly purfued, and
behaved with fuch prudence and
vivacity in the battle, that the
general gave eafy credit to what
he had told him; and, on his
return from the war, preſented
him to the queen, and gave it as
his opinion, that he was her fon.
Which of thefe ftories is true,
or which comes neareſt the
truth, we pretend not to deter-
mine.
His other
i. e.
428
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
}
i. e. Mount Darab; in the middle of which roſe an hill, in the
ſhape of a tent or pavilion; and without its walls lay a circle.
of hills, producing falt of various colours, tranfported from
thence into all the provinces of Perfia. He likewife erected
another city called Khourch: and, after a reign of four years,
according to Mirkhond k; of fourteen, fays another writer ¹;
at the end of twelve, fays a third m; he died univerfally la-
mented, and left the crown to his fon (V).
BARAB
1 TARIKH MONTEKEBH. m LĘBTARIKH.
k Hift. fect. 19.
(V) It is certainly no bad
caution to an hiſtorian, that, in
his writings, he ſhould forget his
country, or rather, that he ſhould
lay aſide that partiality which a
man naturally has for his coun-
try. The Perfian hiftorians, as
we have ſaid in our text, repre-
fent Darab moralizing in his laſt
moments, and reading a lecture
on the viciffitudes of this world
with his expiring breath, clofe-
ing all with paffionate intreaties,
that Alexander would ufe his
fubjects kindly, and take his
daughter Roufchengh to wife.
Who can avoid admiring a
prince, fo truly a prince, even
in the fight of death? The
Greek writers, on the other hand,
make Darius moralizę too; but
then it is in favour of their
hero he was fo ftruck with the
virtues of the Macedonian, that
he yielded to him his fceptre ra-
ther with admiration than dif-
guft. Let us hear what Plutarch
puts into the mouth of Darius
on this fubject, and we fhall be
conſtrained to own, that the de-
fire of making all facts contri-
bute as far as poffible to the
glory of one's country, is not
peculiar to Perfian writers. Plu-
tarch, having long expatiated
on the virtues of Alexander, tells
us, that Darius was a long time
of opinion, that he owed his
fucceffes to fortune; but, when
he underſtood the truth, he ſaid,
Well, I do not yet perceive the con-
dition of the Perfians fo deplore-
able; fince the world can never
tax us now with imbecillity or
effeminacy, whoſe fate it was to
be vanquished by fuch_a_perfon.
Therefore my prayers fhall be to
the gods for his profperity, and that
he may ftill be victorious in war,
to the end that in well-doing I
may ſurpaſs Alexander. For my
emulation and ambition leads me,
in point of honour, to her my.
felf more cordial and friendly than
be. If then the fates have other-
wife determined of me and mine,
O Jupiter, preſerver of the Per-
fians, and you his equal deities, to
whom the care of kings belongs,
hear your fuppliant, and fuffer
none but Alexander to fit upon
the throne of Cyrus (45). One
may fafely fay, there is as juft
ground to fufpect this paffage of
forgery, as any of the romantic
ſtories in the Perfian authors.
Darius worshiped no god but the
true GOD; he was utterly un-
acquainted with the Jupiter of
the Greeks; and it does not ap-
pear, that, even after Alexander
conquered Perfia, he eſtabliſhed
(45) Plutarch. de fortuna Alexandri.
the
C. XI.
429
The Hiftory of the Perfians."
DARAB the ſecond, or the younger, furnamed Darab Ku- Darab II.
chek, came very young to the crown, and, what was much
worſe, came to it without any of the qualities of a prince. He His evil
was of an ill difpofition, haughty, brutal, falfe, and cruel; pro- qualities.
perties which rendered him in a ſhort time hateful to his peo-
ple, and obnoxious to his neighbours. The Perfians, unufed His fub-
to fuch treatment, entered into private negotiations with Af-jects re-
cander the fon of Filikous, that is, Alexander the Great the volt, and
fon of Philip, whom many of the Perfian writers believe to join Af-
have been the ſon of Darab the firft by the daughter of Fili-cander.
kous, whom he fent back becauſe of her offenfive breath; and
perſuaded him to enter Perfia with an army, promifing to join
him as foon as he arrived with a force fufficient to protect them,
and to put him in poffeffion of an empire, of which they held
Darab to be unworthy. As a pretence for making war, they
adviſed Afcander to refufe payment of the tribute which his
father had agreed to fend annually into Perfia; and with thefe
negotiations the king of Macedon readily fell in. Darab, find-
ing that Afcander did not fend his tribute as ufual, fent an em-
baffador to demand it; to whom Afcander anfwered, that thofe Afcander
who paid tribute in his country were dead. But others fay, refuſes to
that the pieces of gold, in which the tribute was payable, being pay the
called by a name, which fignified at once a piece of corn and ufual tri-
an egg, Afcander anfwered Darab's embalador in derifion,
bute.
when he demanded a mighty fum of gold for the tribute in
arrear, that the bird which had laid thofe eggs was flown into
another world, alluding to his father's death, who had bur-
dened his fubjects with this tribute. This anfwer terribly pro-
voked Darab, who, to fhew at once his refentment and con-
tempt of fo weak an enemy, fent a fecond embaffador with an
harth meffage, accompanied with a prefent more expreffive
of his maſter's fentiments, than any ſpeech or letter could have
been. This prefent was a little cafket, containing a dibble or
planting-ftick, a bag full of fmall ftones, and another full of
fmall coin; the firft to intimate that he was young and incon-
fiderate, and that he had better employ himſelf in his gardens,
T
the fuperftitions of the Greeks
there. That Darius might re-
commend his kingdom, or his
daughter, to Alexander, or that
he might intreat him to uſe his
ſubjects well, is credible; but
that Darius fell in love with the
virtues of an enemy, who came
unprovoked to lay wafte his em-
pire, is a ſtroke of Greek elo-
quence, which may pleafe us
well enough in an oration, but
can hardly be digeſted for hi-
ſtory. We must therefore bear
with the Perfians as well as the
Greeks, feek truth in the writings
of the one as well as the other,
receive her kindly as oft as we
find her, and not charge one
people more than another, with
concealing or difguifing her, to
ferve a turn.
3
than
430
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
enters
1
than in matters of ftate; the fecond fhewing the power and
ftrength of the Perfian nation; and the third their riches: the
whole implying, that it was a rafh, imprudent thing for ſuch a
petty prince as him to oppoſe fo great and powerful a monarch.
However, this embaffador, with his prefent, found Afcander
on the point of going into the field; and had therefore no op-
.portunity of carrying back to his mafter any anſwer. The
troops of the king of Macedon were not very numerous; but
they were all chofen men, fuch as were valiant in their per-
Afcander fons, and, at the ſame time, inured to hardships. On his en-
tering Afia, he met with little oppofition, partly through the
Afia. hatred which the people had conceived against Darab, and
partly from the generofity of Aſcander's behaviour, who treated
them not as enemies, but fubjects. When he arrived in Ar-
menia, he received a letter from Darab, wherein that monarch
pretended great concern for his welfare, adviſed him not to
hazard a battle, but rather to confent to a peace while it was
yet in his power; adding fome menaces at the cloſe. Afcander
returned him for anfwer, that empires were beſtowed by GoD
alone, who changed them as he thought proper. After this,
he continued his march till he entered the province of Ader-
bayagjan, where he defeated one of Darab's captains, who
endeavoured to oppofe his paffage; and, having done this, he
advanced into Ghilan. This province, according to Mirk-
hond, was, in old times, a flouriſhing kindom, called by its
inhabitants Endſafet, i. e. the White Indies, in allufion to the
beauty of the country, which is far preferable to that of the
Indies properly fo called; its fituation alfo being remarkably
happy, by reaſon of the Cafpian fea on one fide, and their
eafy correfpondence with Tartary, Perfia, and Armenia, all
lying round them. This country Afcander quickly fubdued.
From thence he marched into the heart of Perfia; where, in
the province properly called by that name, Darab met him
Ghilan. with a prodigious army. After an obftinate and bloody battle,
Defeats
Afcander carried the victory; and Darab was forced to fly,
Darab in leaving his camp, his wives, and his daughters, in the power
a pitched of the victor. In their flight, the Perfians met with a river,
wherein many entering heedlefly, were drowned. At laft a
ford was diſcovered, through which Darab, attended by the
principal perfons in his army, paffed; but the foldiers, who
followed him, crouding each other, the weakest were thrown
down, and periſhed miferably in the water. As foon as the
king was come to a place of fafety, he fent once more embaſ-
fadors to Afcander to treat of peace, offering, in cafe he would
fend back his wives and daughters, and retire with his troops
back to Greece, to renounce all right of tribute, and make
ſome other conceffions. At the fame time that he propoſed
Reduces
the pro-
vince of
battle.
1
•
1
this
C. XI
431
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
murdered
this treaty, he diſpatched embaſſadors alfo to the kings of In-
dia and Macherek, intreating them to yield him aſſiſtance,
that he might be able to drive the Greek out of his dominions;
which they furniſhed with fuch readineſs, that, in a ſhort
time, he had an army on foot more numerous and potent than
that which he had loft. As for Afcander, he treated the offers
made him by Darab with derifion, making all the haſte he
could to engage the Perfian forces a fecond time, notwithſtand-
ing he was well informed of the great reinforcements they had
received. It was not long before he brought them to a battle, Gains an-
in which the Greek gained another complete victory, Darab other com-
flying, with a few of his captains, to a ftrong fortrefs, where, plete vic-
before he could well recollect himſelf, fome of his own ſub- tory.
jects moft treacheroufly put him to death; that is, they gave Darab
him ſeveral mortal wounds with their poniards, and then fled
to the camp of Afcander, leaving their unhappy prince welter- by his own
ing in his blood. Afcander no fooner received the news, than fubjects.
he went with the utmoſt expedition to Darab's fortrefs, and
found him in his laft agonies; which fight fo touched the Greek,
that, melting into tears, and holding up his hands to heaven,
he proteſted he had neither knowlege of, nor pleaſure in, fo
execrable a deed. The dying king expreffed great fatisfaction
thereat, affured him that he throughly believed all that he ſaid,
befought him to chaſtiſe the traitors by whofe hands he died,
and intreated him to eſpouſe his daughter Roufchengh, and
not to put the feveral provinces of the empire under the direc-
tion of ftrangers; with all which Afcander promifed to com- Afcan-
ply. Then Darab, after making many pitiful complaints of der's ge-
the mifery of human life, and the inconftancy of fortune, all
which are repeated by Mirkhond, yielded up the ghoſt, after haviour.
a reign of fourteen years. Thus far we have followed, for
the most part, the author laft-mentioned (W). The reader
(W) An author informs us
(46), that, in compliance with
Darab's laft requeft, Afcander,
or Alexander, appointed, for the
governors of Perfia, natives of
that country; but that after-
wards he had it in his head to
have changed this difpofition,
and to have appointed Greeks in
their room; but that Ariftotle,
whom this writer calls his vizir,
adviſed him to leave things as
they ſtood, and not to remove
might
any of the Perfian lords, to
whom he had given the direc-
tion of provinces. It is very
certain, that this circumftance is
not, ftrictly speaking, agreeable
to truth: Ariftotle neither ac-
companied Alexander in this ex-
pedition, nor took upon him to
dictate to him in matters of
ftate, except in general terms;
otherwiſe it is not at all impro-
bable, that he would have given
him the advice mentioned by
(46) Jabia ul Cufvini in Lebtarikh.
this
nerous be-
432
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
A
Alexan-
der.
might very well expect, that we ſhould here put an end to
this fection, eſpecially fince he has already feen the hiſtory of
Perfia, according to the Greek writers, concluded at the death
of Darius. But fo it is, that, in order to purfue the theme
laid down in the title of this fection, we are bound to carry on
our hiſtory to the death of Alexander; for, as we have ſhewn
before, the oriental writers, in order no doubt to ſave the cre-
dit of the Afiatics, have pretended, that the empire of Iran,
with its dependencies, which were then very great, came into
the hands of Alexander, not fo much by conqueft, as by right.
In this light therefore, Alexander was the laſt monarch of the
dynafty of the Kainites, and confequently his reign ought as
much to be taken notice of here, as the reigns of any of his
predeceffors P.
ALEXANDER, fon of Philip king of Macedon, is, by the
Perfian writers, ftiled Ifcander Ben Filoukous, which fignifies
the ſame thing; only they pretend, that it was a kind of fur-
name beſtowed on him for the following reafon: they will
have it, that he was the fon of Darab the firſt by the daughter
of Filikous, whom he fent home becaufe of her naufeous
breath; but that Philip bringing him up as his own fon, and
leaving to him the kingdom, he called himſelf, out of grati-
tude, Alexander the fon of Philip, though he put in his claim
to the kingdom of Perfia as heir to Darab his father.(X). The
oriental
P MIRKHOND. fect. 20, 21. D'HERBELOT. biblioth. art. Dara,
Efcander.
this author, fince it would evi-
dently have contributed to the
keeping the people quiet and
eafy; and would alſo have been
very conformable to the tem-
per of Alexander, who, when in
a right frame of mind, always
profeffed a generous regard for
mankind in general, and a defire
of behaving as an univerfal pa-
rent towards thofe over whom,
as an univerſal monarch, he
fought the power of ruling; at
leaft, this is the idea Plutarch
(47) would give us of him, and
of Ariftotle, who, though a phi-.
lofopher, was a great politician,
and had perhaps better concep-
tions of this conqueror's inten-
tions, than moſt of the writers
who have taken upon them,
not only to record, but to cri-
ticize his actions.
·
(X) The hiſtory of Alexander
the Great has not only been in-
termixed with fables by the Per-
fian writers; the eaſtern authors
in general, even thoſe moſt e-
fteemed, abound with very ex-
traordinary circumſtances relat-
ing to that conqueror. Joannes
Malela, a very celebrated writer,
to whom we are indebted for a
very curious hiftory of the Con-
ftantinopolitan emperors, hath
given us fome ftrokes in his ac-
(47) De fortuna Alexandri,
count
C. XI.
433
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
R
oriental writers in general beſtow another furname npon him,
viz. that of Dhoulcarnein, or rather Dulcarnein, which fignifies
count of Alexander, which do
not very well agree with what
the Greek writers have deliver-
ed, though he follows them in
the main for example,
he
makes Roxana the daughter of
Darius, in which he joins with
the Perfian hiftorians, who, as
we have feen, allege, that the
emperor of Perfia, in his laſt
moments, intreated Alexander to
marry his daughter Roufchengh;
whereas Arrian makes Roxana
the daughter not of Darius, but
of Oxyartes; but this is a fmali
matter: we have in the fame
author a ſtory of fome length,
which is quite in the oriental
tafte: "It was the cuſtom, fays
“he, of Alexander the Great, in
"the expeditions he made af-
"ter the conqueft of Perfia, to
"
CC
go in diſguiſe with fuch em-
"baffadors as he fent to the
courts of neighbouring prin-
66 ces, that in this fituation he
might make fuch obferva-
"tions as might facilitate his
defigns. Of this, it feems,
"Candace, queen of the inner
"or higher Ethiopia, had no-
"tice; whereupon fhe made
"ftrict inquiry as to the form
"and prefence of this conque-
<<
હર
<< ror.
The refult of this was,
"that we were told he was low
<in ftature; had large broad
"teeth; fome of which ſtood
"out; that of his eyes, one
was of a light grey, the other
quite black; which marks
"the carefully remembered.
"When therefore Alexander ap-
peared with his embaſſadors
"in her prefence, fhe inftantly
CC
VOL. V.
:
lite-
"fingled him out, addreffing
"herfelf to him in thefe words:
"You, O Alexander, have been
"too wife for all the world, and
yet one woman has been too
wife for you. To which he
" replied, I therefore grant you,
" and your ſubjects, my protec-
“tion, as a reward for your ex-
"traordinary capacity; I alfo
kr
CC
accept you for a wife. To
"which Candace readily yield-
“ed. After this marriage, A-
"lexander went into Ethiopia,
"and feveral other countries
"(47)." If we were critically
to inquire into the origin of
fuch ftories, we fhould perhaps
find it no difficult thing to fhake
off all romantic circumftances,
and leave only the naked truth;
but the compaſs of theſe notes
neither admits of fuch difquifi-
tions, nor indeed does the na
ture of this work allow them.
Our preſent buſineſs is to fhew
what oriental writers have faid
of affairs mentioned in the text;
and this therefore leads us to
recite what is recorded by Abul-
Pharajius. This celebrated hi-
ftorian calls Nebuchadnezzar by
the name of Bochtanfer, as the
Perfian writers do; and, in his
fhort account of thePerfian kings,
preferves exactly the names re-
corded by Mirkhand; we mean the
latter race of kings, the defcend-
ents of Guhtafp, who fucceeded
after the Greek power ceaſed to
have dominion in Perfia: he
calls the laft king of Perfia Da-
rab, the fon of Darab; of Alex-
ander he ſpeaks thus: "Alex-
"ander,
"ander, the fon
the fon of Philip,
(47) Chronographio, p. 449.
Ff
CC
reigned
434
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
literally with two horns, in allufion to the two ends of the
world, the eaſt and the weft. Of the firſt nothing can be faid
C
with
"find the foundations of this
"wall. At laft they were found
CC
by Yazdejerd, the ſon of Bah-
ram Fur, who began to carry
"on the work, but did not live
"to fee it finiſhed; feveral fuc-
reigned fix years after the
"death of Darius, having alfo
reigned fix years before his
"death. He fubdued many
"nations; ſo that his domi-
"nions extended even to In-
"dia, and the frontiers of China.
"He was called Dhul-Kharnain,
"i. e. two-horned, becauſe he
"feemed to have paſſed from
cc one horn of the fun to the
"other, i. e. from welt to eaſt.
"Five-and-thirty kings he flew,"
" and twelve cities he founded;
two of theſe in the province
"of Chorafan, viz. Hera and
"Marava; one in the region
Alfogd, viz. Samarchand; and
“in Egypt, Alexandria. When
← he returned out of India, he
"went to Babylon, where he
"died of poifon; and his body
C
ceeding kings proſecuted the
"fame defign, but none of them
"with effect, till GoD rendered
"it eafy to Chofroes Nufherwan,
"who built it ftrongly, uniting
"it to the mountains, and at
laft brought it down to the
"fea, placing iron gates at the
end, fo that an hundred men
( were then able to defend what
"would otherwife require an
*
∞
Co
army of an hundred thouſand
(48)." Of this wall, as it
nearly concerns the hiftory of
Perfia, it is neceffary, that we
ſhould give fome further ac-
being put into a chest of gold, count. The famous Abu l'Ghazi
"it was borne on the fhoulders Baliader Khan of Khowarazm,
"of kings and nobles to the in his genealogical hiftory of
Egyptian Alexandria, where the Tartars, has given us the
"it was interred. It was Alex- following account of it:
"ander, who began the wall Ya- "Thofe of Kitay have built a
juji, which was compoſed of great wall to cover their coun-
"ftone and iron, the iron being try, in which there are two
"let into the ftone, to faften it "iron gates for the paſſage of
"by the help of fire, each of "the merchants, and other tra-
"the ftones being twelve cubits "vellers. This wall is called
" in length, and eight broad. "Sat in Arabic, which fignifies
"This wall, when it was finiſh- fortrefs; in the antient Turk-
“ed, came down to the place iſh language it is called Turk-
"called Babo l'Abwah, in the urga; and, in the language
"valleys of the region of Xaph-" of Kitay, Ungu. Alexander
jak, from whence it was car- "the Great caufed a like wall
"ried over and through the "to be raiſed to cover the fron-
"mountains, as far as the fea "tiers of his dominions; but it
"of the Greeks; nor were there
"wanting many of the Perfian"
kings, who, to defend their
"dominions from the incur
fions of the Turks, fought to
r
CC
CC
was compoſed of all forts of
metals. His defign, by this
wall, was to hinder the na-
"tion of Jadjutz-Madzuth, i. e,
"of Gog and Magog, from car.
(48) Hijtrria dynaſtarum, p. 97.
"ying
C. XI.
435
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
with certainty, or even with probability. To the fecond the
eaſtern writers, and efpecially the Perfian hiftorians, pay great
honours, and tell a multitude of things concerning him, which
are not to be met with in the Greek or Latin hiftorians: for
example, they tell us, that this monarch, being aſked why
<<
rying their ravages into the
"lands under his dominion,
"where they had done great
"miſchief in times paſt. 'Tis
a general tradition with the
Tartars, that thoſe people
“ have the muzzle of a dog;
"and that this wall being made
<<
up of all forts of metals, they
"did all in their power to make
"a paffage through it by dint
"of licking, but they could
•
not fucceed; that neverthe-
"lefs, before the day of judg-
ment, they fhall come and lick
"their way through the wall;
and that then they fhall do a
great deal of miſchief in the
"world. Naufbir Wanadill, ful-
tan of Samachy, caufed, in
"like manner, a wall of earth
"to be built round about his
C
66
kingdom (49).” On this paſſ-
age the ingenious editor of that
curious work has added the fol-
lowing remarks : “The remains
"of this wall,which the Perfians
(6
pretend their king Naw-fhir-
Wan cauſed to be drawn from
"the Caspian to the Black fea,
are at this day to be ſeen up-
on the confines of the pro-
"vince of Shirman and Geor-
gia: it begins at the higher
town of Derbend, and extends
"thence north-weftward across
"the mountains of Georgia to-
"wards the Black fea. Thefe
"remains are every-where three
"feet thick, but its height is
<<
**
very unequal; for in fome
parts it is ſtill fix and feven
"feet high, in others only one
or two, and in ſome places it
"is quite beaten down. It ap-
(6
pears at first fight to be built
"of ſtone; but,when one comes
"to examine it near, it proves
CC
to be only a kind of petrified
"earth, fand, and fhells, which
"has formed fo folid a body,
"that there is no free-ftone
"better than it and it is
CC
on this account that our
"author thinks it might be
"called a wall of earth. The
"late emperor of Ruffia, in his
"Perfian expedition, had the
(C
curiofity to go fee the re-
"mains of this wall, fo far as
"the fituation of the country,
"and his affairs, would permit
"him; and he could not but
"admire the folidity of that
"compofition, which he found
every where fo exceeding
hard, that there was no break-
"ing off any pieces of it, with-
"out employing a good deal of
CC
CC
-
ftrength. He found alſo, ſome
leagues within the mountain,
a fkirt of it, which feemed to
"be intire, and was about fif-
teen feet high. In all pro-
bability, this wall had flood
"intire to this day, if it had
(C
nothing to fear but time; but
"the hands of men which built
"it, have alfo destroyed it;
" and moſt of the towns, bo-
CC
roughs, and villages of the
"countries thereabouts are built
"with the ruins of this wall
(50)."
CC
(49) Gezcalog, bift. of Tartars, vol. i. p. 42.
(50). Ibid, sol. ü. p. 722.
F f 2
be
436
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
1
66
he paid greater honours to his tutor than to his father, anſwer-
ed, that it was but juſt, becauſe his father made him deſcend
from heaven on earth; whereas the inftructions of his mafter
had made him rife from earth to heaven. One day he ſaid to
a counſellor of his, who had been long about his perſon, "I
am not fatisfied with your fervice for this reafon: I know
"that I am a man, and that, as a man, I am liable to errors
• and miſtakes ; for which you never have reproved me. If
"this happened for want of perceiving them, then you muft
"be ignorant, and unworthy of your office; but, if you did
"know them, and yet were filent, it was treafon s." It is
likewiſe reported of him, that, to make an experiment of a
courtier's temper, he removed him from an higher to a lower
office, and afterwards took occafion to aſk him, how the lat-
ter agreed with him, and how he brought himſelf to diſcharge
its functions. "Very well, anfwered the courtier, fince it
is not any office or dignity that does honour to a man, but
"the man that does honour to it; fince every poft requires
"fenſe and honefty to execute it well; and he who poffeffes
"theſe, cannot fail to diſcharge his duty with reputation."
Alexander, having heard this, commended him highly, re-
ftored him to his former employment, and gave him a great
reward. Somebody wondering, in the prefence of Alexan-
der, at his acquiring ſo young fo large an empire, and adding,
it was ſtill ſtranger he preferved it; he thereupon turned about,
and faid, "By two maxims I have done all this: I have taken
ર care to treat my enemies fo well, that they have found it
"their intereft to become my friends; while, on the other
fo
hand, my care of my friends, has been fuch, as to raiſe,
"out of gratitude, a double affection for my fervice." Khon-
demir the famous hiftorian, ſpeaking of Alexander the Great,
informs us, that a perfon in a very bad apparel preſented him
one day a petition admirably well penned. The king, having
read it with pleaſure, and much admiring both the thoughts
and the ftile, looked next on the perſon of the man, and then
anſwered him thus: "Friend, if you had taken care to appear
"before me in an habit as neat and decent as that in which
"you have cloathed your thoughts, I fhould have been much
"better pleaſed with you than I am." To which the man
readily anſwered, "Your fervant has received from nature
"that capacity of ſpeaking and writing, which you are pleaſed
to commnend; but it is to you, great monarch, who are ſo
"much famed for your bounty and generofity, that he muſt
"be indebted for ſuch a garment, as may render him worthy.
r Vit. RABIALAKIAR.
• HAFEZ. in Bahariftan.
ANNABI apud D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Eſcander.
}
+ Moi-
"" of
C. XI.
437
The History of the Perfians.
CC
<6
"of your regard." Alexander was fo well pleafed with the
modeſty and juftice of this anfwer, that he ordered a magni-
ficent habit to be brought, and, with a confiderable fum of
money, gave it to this wife man in neceffity, whofe learning
till then had left him in rags. In the nighiaristan, i. e. a book
fo called, the word fignifying literally a gallery, or place to
walk in, we are told, that a certain flagrant rebel being brought
bound hand and foot into the preſence of Alexander, that mon-
arch generouſly reſtored him to his freedom; which furprifing
thoſe about him, one of his favourites had the boldneſs to ſay,
"Sir, if I were in your place, I would not have extended
mercy to ſuch a man :" " And I (replied Alexander), who
am not in yours, have pardoned him." Then, after a
fhort filence, he added, "I the more readily pardon my ene-
"mies, becauſe there is no compariſon between the pleaſure
"one taftes in an act of clemency, and in an act of vengeance."
Khondemir, fpeaking of the death of Alexander, affures us,
that, finding his laſt moments approach, he wrote to his mo-
ther two verſes to confole her, to the purport following: Your
fon, after having counted fome moments of life, is delivered to
death. He is gone like a flash of lightning, and has only left
behind him matter of difcourfe ". It may be fuppofed, that
the intent of theſe verfes was to put his mother in mind, that,
as human life, fo human glory, was a mere nothing; and that
therefore fhe ought not to grieve at his being ſnatched ſo ſoon
from an empire fo lately acquired, fince, if he had lived longer,
it would have been of no great confequence to himfelf, and
would have furniſhed only more matter of fpeculation to thoſe
who amuſe themſelves with repeating the actions, and ſome-
times cenfuring the conduct, of others. On what authority
theſe ſtories are grounded, it is difficult to fay. They are
chiefly recorded by moral and political writers, who aim rather
at inftructing men by paraphrafing on remarkable actions, and
wife fayings, than at delivering a dry detail of facts, which,
without fuch reflections, inftruct very little. A Perfian author
of great genius hath related a remarkable ſtory of the hero we
are now ſpeaking of, which is, in all probability, founded on
what the Greeks tell us of his fparing Thebes, becauſe it gave
birth to Pindar. The Perfian ftory runs thus: Alexander
having iffued orders, after the reduction of a very ftrong place,
that it ſhould be given up to the mercy of his foldiers, fome of
his courtiers informed the king, that there was in this place a
philofopher of great name, who deſerved his majefty's notice.
The king ordered, that he fhould be immediately fent for.
When he appeared, it fo happened, that he made but a very
" D'HERBELOT, biblioth. orient. art. Eſcander.
Ff3
indif
438
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
66
indifferent figure: upon which Alexander, turning to thoſe
who had fent for him, faid, with a ſmile of contempt, "What
ftrange figure have you brought me here?" which fo piqued
the philofopher, that he repeated immediately the following
lines, which he made upon the ſpot:
O prince! of manners void, though great in fame,
Why shouldst thou flight my perfon, though uncouth?
Doft thou not know, that man's exterior form
Is but the fcabbard of th' enliv'ning mind?
Why shouldst thou judge then of the weapon's edge,
When yet you've nothing feen, except the cafe?
He added to this poetical reproof the following words in profe:
"One may fay of a man unindued with virtue, that his body
❝ is no better than a priſon; fince the foul muſt find itſelf fo
" penned up therein, that any other confinement would ſeem
liberty in compariſon thereof. The vicious man is tortured
"continually; there is no occafion for an executioner and
"guards to puniſh or diftrefs him: the very fkin, which covers
"his body, is at the fame time the unfurmountable wall of
"a perpetual prifon." The fame philofopher added, “There
"is nothing more unreaſonable than to envy others thoſe gifts
" which GOD and nature have beſtowed upon them. The
"bofom of the envious man is continually full of anger and
"fpleen againſt his Creator: he thinks every thing amifs
which is given to others, and at the fame time covets
"whatever is not defigned for him. As it is thus the cuſtom
"of the envious to oppofe conftantly the conduct of him
"who governs the world with infinite wifdom, fo the mouth,
"that thus murmurs againſt Providence, deſerves no other
"anſwer, than to be filled with earth. One of this difpofi-
❝tion exclaims at every thing he fees in the hands of his
, neighbour, For what reafon fhould this man have more than
" I?" At theſe words he ftopped. But Alexander, admiring
the boldneſs as well as prudence of the man, bad him go on;
affuring him, that he took all that he ſaid in good part. The
philofopher, on this, proceeded in his harangue: "Wife men
(continued he) are liberal of their wealth, and give part of
it to their friends while they are alive; but the covetous
"are fuch fools as to fatigue themſelves in laying up riches
"for their enemies. The railleries thrown out by the great
againſt fuch as are in low condition, tarnish the luftre of
"their high qualities, and take off that deference, which
"otherwife would be paid them. Whoever wearies himſelf
" with ftriking thoſe who dare not ftrike again, will be eafily
"beaten, when he meets one who dares oppofe him; and he
" who
5
C. XI.
439
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
"who puts to the ſword without pity, will one day feel, with-
"out pity, the edge of a fword." Alexander at this ſtopped,
him, revoked his refolution, pardoned the citizens whom he
had deftined to deftruction, and rewarded the philofopher for
his timely advice ". It may poffibly happen, that ſome rigid
critic may object to the inferting this dubious relation in our
hiſtory; but we hope, though it ſhould be exploded as a fact,
it will yet be received as a proper inftance of the Perfian mode
of writing hiſtory; and, at the fame time we remark this, let
us be indulged another obfervation, that the writings of Xeno-
phon, who was very well acquainted with the antient Perfian
learning, correfpond nearly with the manner of thofe authors
we have lately cited; for he reaſons on all the facts which he
delivers, infomuch that his moral and political reflections have,
in the opinion of many, removed him, as well as the Perfian wri-
ters, from the claſs of hiftorians into that of romance-writers:
but, as his excellent treatife of the education of Cyrus has,
within theſe few years, found many warm and learned de-
fenders, it may be the time is near, when we fhall fee apolo-
gies written in favour of orintal hiftorians, who, like Hero-
dotus, may have their credit perhaps reftored, when the ſub-
jects they treat of come to be examined to the bottom (Y).
The
w FAREZ in Bahariſtan.
(Y) The Greek writers would
perfuade us, that the Perfian
kings concealed themfelves from
the fight of the people, that
they might conceive extraordi-
nary ideas of one who dwelt in
fuch ſtate. But that they were
therein miſtaken, if the oriental
writers are to be credited, will
appear from an antient cuſtom
in uſe among the kings, of
whom we have been ſpeaking,
on the first day of April, called
from thence, that is, from this
custom, Cherrem-ruz, i. e. the
day of mirth; on which, as a
very antient writer informs us,
the king defcended from his
throne dreffed in a white gar-
ment; afterwards riding abroad
on a white horſe, accompanied
by his nobility, he and they gave
open and indiſcriminate audience
to all who approached them, lay-
ing afide all diftinctions, and act-
ing as if they were equals: huf-
bandmen and clowns fat down
at the ſame table with the king;
without ceremony told him their
minds, and without fear made
fuch requefts as they thought fit.
The king, on the other hand,
addreſſed them in theſe terms:
I am one of you; and, notwith-
standing the elevation of my fta-
tion, I know that all I have arifes
from your labour; and that kings
could not be without you, any more
than you could be without kings:
let us then agree like brothers,
fince nothing but union can pre-
ferve us (51). The foregoing
hiftory hath fhewn us, that the
Perfian kings, in antient times,
(51) Hyde bift, relig, yet, Perfur, c. 19. P. 253-
Ff4
were
440
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
The Perfians are not only much charmed with the character of
the great Alexander: they are alſo wonderfully pleaſed with
were really as wife, as humane,
and as condefcending, as any
that have reigned in the north
or weft. As to the modern Per-
fians, on whofe credit we are
now forced to take the hiſtory
of theſe early times, they ſpeak
and write as freely about go-
vernment as we do. For ex-
ample; the famous poet Sahdy
wrote an exprefs treatise on this
fubject, called An advice to kings:
among other wife and prudent
admonitions, he delivers thefe:
It is the wisdom of kings to be kind
to the poor, and not to oppress the
rich. The felicity of a ftate depends
on the good fenfe and right difpofi-
tion of the fovereign. The fecu-
rity of his country depends on his
adminiftring justice impartially.
Profperity follows fecurity, and
will be where that is. If a coun-
try is once known to be fecure,
merchants will refort thither; the
gain from thence will be large,
and all temporal bleſſings will
abound. If the country become
rich, the king cannot well be
poor; and, befides, at the last
day he shall be recompenfed amply
by GOD for fo well difcharging his
duty; whereas he who acts in a
contrary manner, will, in every
respect, meet with a contrary fate.
Be always kind to merchants, and
public minifters, that firangers,
being well received, may carry a
good report of you into their own
country. Soon will that kingdom
fall, wherein the fouls of fran-
gers are afflicted: be wife there-
fore, ufe the traveller well, that
wherefoever he goes he may speak
well of you.-A prince ought al-
aways to have before his eyes this
that
maxim; Dominion really belongs to
GOD, and he has no certainty how
long it shall be delegated to him:
he ought likewiſe to remember,
that the country he rules was given
by GoD to the people who inhabit
it, to the end he may not be milled
by the falfe ideas of things that
have no folidity, and place his
trust on joys that may not perhaps
last five days. It is reported of
the caliph Aron Reſchid, that he
one day faid to the famous Beloul
his brother, "Give me fome good
"advice." He answered, "There
"is nothing to be carried out of
“ this world into the other, but
CC
CC
good and bad works; it is in
your power to carry which load
you pleafe."-This Beloul was
a very knowing man, who, that he
might have the more leiſure to at-
tend his ftudies, would never
marry. The caliph his brother
aſked him another time for his ad-
vice, how he might govern his
people for their advantage and
his own. The fage anfwered,
"Let your decifions become laws
through their apparent equity,
" and never let reafon yield to
your will; prevent, as far
as you can, requests; give
“little to fuch as aſk, but think
"of giving in time to fuch as
"merit, and do not ask. The
"king is the head; the people are
"the body of the ftate: if the
“king is either ignorant or wic-
<<
ked, the head will devour the
body with its teeth.”—The go-
vernment of an empire is an af-
fair which requires a genius at-
tentive and collected, and an heart
which turns itself continually to-
wards the most high Gon, to in-
woke
CXI.
441
The Hiftory of the Perſians.
that of his vizir, as they call him, or, as he was in truth,
his preceptor, Ariftotle. This wife man they call ſome-
times by the name of Arifthathialis, but commonly, by way
of abbreviation, Ariftou. They report, that he was wonder-
fully fagacious, even in his childhood; that he addicted him-
felf very early to the fchool of Plato, and continued therein.
upwards of twenty years, till he fet up for himſelf, and became
author of the fect of mafchaioun, i. e. the peripatetics. They
affirm likewife, that he died very old, and in high reputation
throughout all Greece. They are very pofitive, that he was
prime minifter to Alexander the ſon of Philip; and, in confe-
quence of this notion, they report a multitude of fine fayings,
and moral maxims, under his name. Ben Caffan informs us,
that Ariftotle compofed above an hundred different treatiſes on
various fubjects; and, amongſt the reſt, mentions one, which
is neither found among his works as we have them at preſent,
nor is at all taken notice of by any of the Greek writers. Its
title runs thus, A difcourfe on the conduct which a great gene²
ral ought to obſerve after the gaining or lofing of a battle; which,
Ben Caffan fays, he dedicated to Alexander the Great. As to
his philofophy, we cannot find, that it was throughly ſtudied
by the antient Perfians, though, in after-times, it came to be
in high credit with the Arabians *. But to return to Alexan-.
der: Mirkhond, who has written very copioufly of his con-
quefts, affirms, that he reduced many nations to the eaſt of
Perfia under his dominion, and that he advanced as far as the
Indies; that he was the founder of many glorious cities, par-
ticularly of Heri or Herat, and Samarkand. He reports like-
wife, that this prince, being mightily taken with the Perfian
learning, caufed three celebrated treatifes, written in that lan-
guage, to be tranflated into Greek; the firſt relating to phyfic,
* D'HERBELOT. biblioth. orient. art. Arifthalis.
voke his aid, that its owner may
turn his feet, his hand, his tongue,
and his pen, aright; and the king,
who acts thus, GOD will un-
doubtedly endue with grace, to con-
Serve his empire and his piety (52).
It is evident from thefe cita-
tions, that the Perfians have at
prefent, and have always had,
very rational fentiments as to
the reciprocal duties of gover-
nors and fubjects; and it is
likewife plain, that the diffufe
manner of writing, peculiar to
the eaft, is not without its ad-
vantages; fince the intent of
hiftory is not tiring the me-
mory, but directing the judg
ment, which is perfectly anſwer-
ed by the oriental mode of de-
livering the wife fayings, as well
as great actions, of famous
kings.
(51) Apud Chardin voyag. tom. ii. p. 353.
the
442
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
the ſecond to aftrology, and the third to natural philofo-
phy (Z). He divided, fays the fame hiftorian, his ample do-
minions
(Z) At firſt fight it may feem,
that Mirkhond might have in-
ferted this ſtory of Alexander's
caufing books to be tranflated
out of the Perfic language into
Greek, merely to do honour to
his country; but it would be
unreaſonable to fuppofe this,
when we have good grounds to
Believe, that the fact was really
as he reports it. Theſe grounds
are, firft, that Alexander was a
very learned and inquifitive
prince; and fecondly, that it
was his cuftom to tranfmit what-
ever he thought might be ufeful
to the commonwealth of learn-
ing into Greece; as for inftance,
the aftronomical obfervations
which were found in Babylon.
But, as Mirkhond has fet down
the fubjects of the books which
he alleges were tranflated by
the conqueror's command, the
matter feems to be put out
of difpute, fince all the fci-
ences he mentions were indif-
putably better understood in
Perfia than in Greece. Firft, as
to phyfic, if we confider the
prefcriptions of Hippocrates, and
other antient phyficians, we
hall find, that the drugs then in
ufe, were most of them brought
from the caft, and not a few
from Perfia; and if they had
their drugs from thefe places,
why fhould we queftion their
learning from the inhabitants of
thefe places how to uſe them?
But farther ftill; among the
works of Zerdusht, there is a
treatiſe which bears the title of
Bizifhk-nama, i. e. the book of
phyficians, which is faid to treat
intirely of the virtues of herbs,
and how they ought to be ap-
plied; nay, he is reported to
have been ſo very ſkilful in theſe
matters, that Shariftani, in his
treatiſe of the religions of the
east, which we have ſo often
quoted, attributes exprefly all
the miracles Zerdufht is faid to
have done to his ſkill in fimples
only (53). Now, take it either
way; if he was inſpired, he
knew all things; if not, he
knew fo much of fimples as to
pafs himſelf for a prophet; con-
fequently there might be treatifes
on phyfic among the Perfians
well worth Alexander's directing
to be put into Greek. Second-
ly, as to aftronomy and other
mathematical fciences, we have
proved in our note (N), p.
393-395, that they were well
known to this people, when
they were very little known to
the Greeks, and that from the
teftimony of the Greeks them-
felves. It is true, that the mo-
dern Perfians ftand indebted for
moſt of their knowlege in theſe
ſciences to the writings of the
Greeks, which are tranflated into
Arabic and Perfian; but the rea-
fon of this is plain, becauſe the
antient books, relating to thefe
abftrufe fciences, were not fo
carefully preferved as thofe which
regard history and morality;
theſe being valuable in the fight
of many, thofe precious only
in the eyes of few. As to moral
philofophy, which was the fub-
ject of the third book mention-
ed by Mirkhond, it was the dar-
ling study of the antient Perfians,
(53) Shariftani apud Hyde relig, vet, Perf. c. 22. p. 300.
if
C. XI
443
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
minions into ninety governments; and, after a fhort and glo-
ríous life, ended his days at Babylon, in the thirty-fixth year
of his age, and feventeenth of his reigny, leaving his conqueſts
Y MIRKHOND, hift. fect. 21.
if we may venture to credit any
thing which oriental writers
have delivered. Morality is the
fubject of the book, intitled,
Gjouidan Chrad, afcribed to Hu-
hang, a king far older than
Zerdufbt. Morality was the fub-
ject of moſt of Zoroafter's writ-
ings, as we gather from fuch
fragments of them as we have
feen, and eſpecially from the
book of fad-der, which though
calculated for the vulgar in
verſe, and in a ballad ftile, con-
tains as many moral ſentences as
are to be found in Diogenes La-
ertius's lives of the philofophers.
To thefe arguments, in favour
of the learning of the antient
Perfians, we may add the ama-
zing love of fcience viſible in
the modern Perfians; for we
can hardly account for it any
other way than by their mixing
with the antient inhabitants of
this country, and borrowing
from their ſtores, fince they far
exceed the Turks, and indeed
all the eaſtern nations, except
the Chineſe, in their affection for
learning as a proof of which,
we ſhall allege the reigning ma-
xim in their ſchools, not un-
worthy perhaps of being echoed
in our univerfities: Doubting is
the beginning of Science; he who
doubts nothing, examines nothing;
he who examines nothing, diſcovers
nothing, is blind, and must remain
blind. An extraordinary affection
for myfterious theology feems to
have been the reigning paffion
of the antient Perfians, and of
the Perfees at this day. Among
the latter, there is a fect filed
Suphi or Sophi, who profeſs
themfelves admirers of the Py-
thagoric philofophy. To defcribe
the notions of the Suphi in few
words, we muft fay, that, ac-
cording to their own account,
they are quietifts or enthuſiaſts
in the opinion of the vulgar,
atheifts. They faft often, and
to excefs; they pretend to ec-
ftafies, and converfations with
GOD; they profefs themſelves
friends alike to all men, and
believe that the good in all re-
ligions are faved; they have a
remarkable averfion for church-
men, which is owing perhaps
to the outrageous antipathy the
clergy fhew towards them. Sir
John Chardin gives us a whim-
fical inftance of this: he fays,
he was prefent when a preacher
at Spahawn told the people in
his fermon, that the Suphi were
atheiſts; that they deſerved to
be burnt; and that he who
killed one of this fect did an
action more pleaſing in the fight
of GoD, than if he faved the
lives of ten other men. As foon
as he came out of the pulpit,
five or fix Suphi, who were
among his audience, cudgelled
him heartily; and when our
author interpofed, and begged
them to give ear to the poor
man's cries, one of them an-
fwered brifkly, What! ought a
fellow, who preaches up murder,
to complain of a beating (54) ?
(54) Chardin voyag, tom. Äi, p. 211..
to
444
B. I.
The History of the Perfians.
to be divided among his captains, who are diftinguiſhed by the
Arabians and Perfians with the title of molouk al fhaovaif, i. e.
the kings of nations or families. The Perfians likewife take
notice of Alexander's brother Aridaus, whom they ftile Ardous,
and, generally ſpeaking, make him the fon, inftead of the
brother, of that monarch. They agree, however, with the
Greeks in repreſenting bim as a prince little qualified for em-
pire; but they foften this account, by pretending, that he de-
ſpiſed grandeur for the fake of wiſdom, having learned from
Ariftotle to think thofe goods only valuable, which neither
fortune nor force can take away.
We have now conducted the hiftory of the Perfian empire
from its origin to its diffolution after the death of Alexander the
Great. In our next period, we fhall fee it revive under a
prince deſcended from their antient kings, and of the magian
religion. We have referred our reſearches into the chrono-
logy of the writers from whom we have taken this hiſtory,
till we come to the utter extinction of the monarchy of the
native Perfians in Yezdegherd. But, before we cloſe this fec-
tion, it will be proper to obviate fome objections to the bulk
of the foregoing hiſtory (A).
(A) First, It may be faid,
that there is fo much of con-
feffed fable in almost every
reign of theſe Perfian monarchs,
and the years, generally fpeak-
ing, affigned for the reign of
each, are fo incredible, that a
prudent man will be tempted to
reject the whole, rather than
take up with a tale full of ap-
parent abfurdities. To this we
anfwer, that if it once becomes
an eſtabliſhed rule to reject every
hiftory which carries in it a
mixture of fable, all the an-
tient historians must be con-
demned in the mafs. Berofus,
if we may judge from the frag-
ments which fill remain of his
work, inferted many fabulous
narrations in his Babyloniſh an-
tiquities. Manetho, the Egyp-
tian historian, can expect no
mercy, if once this law be
owned. Herodotus, Xenophon,
and innumerable others (55),
will ſhare the fame fate with
Mirkhond, and the reft of the
Perfian writers.
As to the incredible length
of the reigns of the Perfian
kings, we admit this charge to
be juſt; but at the fame time
we can fafely fay, the fame
charge may be brought againſt
every antient hiſtory extant a-
mong the orientals.
To give
but one inftance from the hiſtory
of the Tartars, written by Abu
l'Ghazi Bahader, khan of Khow-
arazm, from records the most
antient and authentic, if the
royal author is to be believed;
and yet he places but ſeventeen
khans between Bertizena Khan
and Kabul Khan; though, ac-
cording to his hiftory, there in-
tervened two thouſand five hun-
(52) Stilling fleet erigines facræ, lib. i. c. 5.
dred
C. XI.
445
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
dred and fifty years between
thoſe princes; and, in another
part of his history, he allows
a thouſand years for the reign
of fix princes (56). Theſe are
mistakes as great as any that
are to be met with in the hi-
ftorians we have cited; and it
would be no difficult thing to
draw together many examples
of the like nature, if this
were a proper place, But this
fingle one is fufficient for our
purpoſe: we do not pretend
to fay, that the numbers fet
down in our catalogues of kings
are right, or capable of being
defended; we only allege,
that they are not more pre-
poſterous than the numbers
which are met with in other
oriental hiſtorians, who are,
notwithſtanding, allowed to
have ſome truth in their works.
This confeffion, we hope, will
procure us fome favour, and
pave the way to thofe amend-
ments which we fhall offer in
due time. But, fecondly, it
may be objected, that our Per-
fian history from the oriental
writers being, in moft refpects,
directly oppofite to the hiſtory
in the foregoing fection, which
is extracted from the Greek
writers, one of the two muft
be rejected, fince oppofites can
never be alike true. To this
we may ſay, that we would be
glad to compound the differ-
ence, and to allow, that the
Perfian history by the Greeks
is frequently to be preferred to
this; and that this is, in other
places, frequently to be pre-
ferred to that. Something in
Something in
ſupport of this demand has
been already ſaid on account
of Xerxes's expedition, the life
of Zoroaster, and the death of
Darius: befides, as we have be-
fore obſerved, the Greeks differ
among themſelves; and to this
we may add, that they, like all
other writers, were notoriouſly
partial to their country and
countrymen, as indeed were the
Perfians; fo that, on the whole,
what we aik will not appear
very unreaſonable; eſpecially
when we refer it to the judg-
ment of the reader, to com-
pare, to weigh, and to decide,
as he pleafes. But, thirdly, it
may be objected, that thefe ac-
counts, being oppofite to what
is recorded by the Greek writers,
and having no authority to fup-
port them, but their reputed
antiquity, they ought, for this
reafon, to be rejected; fince
true hiſtory is always fupported
by concurrent teftimonies of na-
tives and foreigners, the latter
of which is wanting here. The
ftrength, however, of this ob-
jection, which is the laft, and
perhaps the moſt plaufible, of
all that can be offered againſt
the foregoing feries of facts,
will be effectually weakened,
from the following confidera-
tions: Firft, among thofe wri-
ters that are best known to the
learned, there are none who
come near the times contained
under the beginning of this pe-
riod. Among the Greek hifto-
rians, the history of the Medes
and Perfians afcends, as we
have fhewn, very little higher
than Cyrus, if we except what
Diodorus Siculus has tranfcribed
from Ctefias, which has been
(56) Preface to the genealag, bijt, of the Tartars, p. 8.
generally
446
B. I.
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
generally exploded by the cri-
tics. With refpect therefore to
writers of great antiquity, if
our hiſtory be unfupported by
them, it is likewiſe uncontra-
dicted. As to writers of a
later date, our Perfian history
is not deſtitute of friends among
them, fuch as are unbiaſed,
and whoſe authority ought to
be of fome weight. The royal
author of the hiftory of the
Tartars, ſpeaking of the ori-
ginal of his nation, places Kejo-
maras juſt where the Perfian
hiſtorians place him (57); and
it is likewife plain, that the be-
lief of the true religion is re-
ported, by the fame records,
to have remained untainted in
theſe countries, which is ex-
actly what our Perfian writers
fay. The fame author agrees
with them in many other things,
fuch as making Sam, i. e. Shem,
and his defcendents, the ori-
ginal inhabitants of Iran or
Perfia, and in acknowleging
Hufhang, the grandfon of Kejo-
maras, his fucceffor: he relates
likewife the wars carried on by
the deſcendants of Turk againſt
the monarchs of Iran, and pro-
portions the reigns of thoſe
khans to the reigns of the
kings of Perfia, mentioned in
the foregoing hiſtory. In Dr.
Hyde's learned book of the re-
ligion of the antient Perfians,
there are many Arabic and other
hiftorians quoted in fupport of
fuch paffages of the antient
Perfian hiſtory, as he has occa-
fion to touch on in that work.
It is true, that learned and ju-
dicious writer is far from con-
ceiving, that all theſe oriental
(57) P. i. c. 2. p. 6.
hiftorians have delivered ought
to be taken on truft; on the
contrary, he points out many of
their errors, as he does alſo thofe
of the Greek writers; whence
he
argues, as we do after him,
that intire credit ought to be
given to neither; but that the
likelieft method for attaining
truth, is to read and compare
both (58). Secondly, the whole
feries of antient hiftory teaches,
that in the moſt remote ages of
the world theſe countries were
very populous, and under the
dominion of potent monarchs.
This is exactly conformable to
what our writers of the Perfian
hiftory, and other oriental au-
thors, affirm; fo that we muſt
either renounce that opinion,
which has hitherto been gene-
rally entertained, of theſe eaftern
countries being firſt and moſt
fully peopled; or we muft ad-
mit, that theſe accounts are pro-
bable, if it were in refpect only
to this point. Thirdly, there
remain, of the antient Perfians,
thoſe poor diftreffed creatures
who are now ftiled Perfees, as fo
many living witneffes of the
truth of this hiftory. We can
no way avoid affording our be-
lief to this propofition, that the
religion they profeſs is the very
fame which their anceſtors held
in the reign of Yezdegherd; and,
if fo, we muſt trace this reli-
gion from their accounts, thoſe
of their conquerors, and fuch
as are to be met with among
their neighbour nations. Now
the Perfees, as well thofe in
India as thoſe who ſtill remain
in their own country, affirm
fteadily, that it was fettled by
(58) Hyde bift. relig vet. Perf. & in præf.
Kejo-
C. XI.
447
The Hiftory of the Perfians.
Kejomaras, reformed by Zer-
duft, and fo continued till the
diffolution of the empire of the
native Perfians. The modern
Perfians, and the Arabic hifto-
rians, acknowlege thefe facts to
be fo; they are likewiſe admit-
ted by fuch of the oriental Chri-
ftian writers as have come to
our knowlege: we may there-
fore conclude, that there is not
fo much in this third objection.
as at first fight there may feem ;
but that, confidering the na-
ture of the thing, this hiſtory
has as ftrong evidence in its
favour as most other hiſtories
of equal antiquity.
The END of the FIFTH VOLUME.
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