AN INQUIRY
INTO
UNION
WITH SCOTLAND
HAMELLITIMITIRISHE
ARTES
LIBRARY
1817
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
THE HOR
CIRCUMSHICL
Asa Gray
Collection
HIL
i
:
:
D4
807
P3
0-5-3
2882
Paterson, Will MER? - 1714
th
A N
INQUIRY
INTO THE
Reaſonableneſs and Confequences
O.F AN
UNION
WITH
SCOTLAND.
CONTAINING
A Brief Deduction of what hath been
done, deſigned,or propoſed,in the matter
of the Union, during the laft Age.
A Scheme of an Union, as accommodated
to the preſent Circumftances, of the two
Nations.
Alfo States, of the refpective Revenues,
Debts, Weights, Meaſures, Taxes and
Impofitions, and of other Facts of mo-
ment.
With Obfervations thereupon.
As Communicated to Laurence Philips, Efq;
near York.
LONDON:
Printed and Sold by Ben. Bragg, at the
Black-Raven in Pater-Nofter-Rom. 1705.
7
2
SIR,
B cha
Y the herewith inclofed
Proceedings you will ſee,
that altho' the point of
an Union of this Iſland be rea-
fonable, and plain, yet like
fome other good things, it hath
had the Fate to be rendered in-
tricate and doubtful to many,
through the prejudices, humours
and fecret defign's of a few, by
whom the necellary Facts, and
material Truths relating to this
Noble
A 2
+
The d
*
2
1
1
Noble Subject, have been con-
founded and perplext, with Names
and Phraſes, and involved in mul-
titudes of VVords without Un-
derstanding
And therefore it is, that after
having omitted the trivial and
frothy parts of the Occurrences,
and corrected the different Dia-
lects, our Society have thought
fit, to tranſmit thofe Enquiries
in their Native Habit, and with-
out any Drefs, that thus not
only the matter, but likewife
the manner might the better ap-
pear, and that the Characters of
the Perfons ſpeaking, as well as
the things ſpoken, might be more
eafily feen.
This point being over, at leaſt
at prefent, the Club have now
before
1
+
-
before them, the following Sub-
jects of Enquiry.
1. Into the past and prefent State
of the Trade, and Publick Reve-
nues of England.
2. Into the Conſequences, of the late
progrefs of Navigation and fo-
reign Trade, particularly of the
New Discoveries in the Indies.
3. Into the reaſons for Establish-
ing a National Council of Trade.
There are likewife feveral o-
ther things of great weight and
confequence in their view, the
which fhall be carefully communi-
cated from time to time, in order
to the having your Societies Advice
and Concurrence therein.
A 3
But
+
+
But fince, they are fenfible, that
this Iſland owes all the late Di-
ftractions and Diſorders, by
which it hath loft fo much of
its Value at home, and of its
VVeight abroad, to the want of
an Union, and cannot be other-
wife than of opinion, that the
Experience of the laſt Age,ought
to convince thoſe of this, That
Kingdom divided within, or a-
gainst it ſelf, cannot ſtand.
Wherefore, as thinking the
Union to be, not only a conve-
nient, but neceflary Introducti
on to all their otherPublickViews,
they have accordingly ordered
me to requeſt your Application
to this point, in the firſt place,
and that you would omit no op
portunity
portunity of tranfmitting your
Thoughts.
In expectation whereof, 1 am
with all poſſible regard
Your
To Lawrence
Phillips, Efq;
near York.
April 9. 1706.
Affectionate Friend
and ready Servant,
Lewis Medway.
1
THE
CONTENTS.
7
Pinions of Books and Pamphlets wrote up-
on the Union
Of Leagues and Confederacies
Page 2
4
A Scheme of a Confederacy, by fome called a
federal Union.
Opinions upon this Scheme
6
7
A Scheme of Limitations for the next Succef-
fors in Scotland
Opinions upon this Scheme
10
11
The general difpofition of the Kingdom of
Scotland to the Union at the time of the
Revolution
16
17
19
15
A Letter from King William to the Estates
of Scotland upon this Subject
The return from the faid Eftates to his Ma-
jefties moft gracious Letter
Why the Union was not concluded at the Re-
volution
That the Union will be a Security and Bal-
Lance to the respective Church Governments,
and the Tolleration in both Kingdoms 20
That the Laws and Judicatures of both Nati-
ons, ought to continue the fame as they now
are, after the Union
ibid.
The
The Contents.
The Rank and Intereft of the Nobility of Scat-
land will not be prejudiced by the Uni-
1
on
22
A Deduction of what hath past in the matter
of the Union, fince the Acceffion of the Kings
of Scotland to the Throne of England 25
The pretences for rendring the Treaty in the
year 1604 ineffectual
ibid.
Proceedings of the Commiffioners of the two
Kingdoms on that Treaty
Suppofed motives of fome who were then against
compleating the Union
26
28
How the effects of the want of an Union broke
out in the years 1639 and 40 ibid.
Confequences of the following Leagues and Con-
federacies
29
They terminate in a War between the two
Kingdoms, in which Scotland was reduced
by the then prevailing Power of the House
of Commons
ibid.
Jow upon this Reduction, the Long Parlia-
ment fent Commiffioners into Scotland to
treat with the Estates of that Kingdom of
an Union
39
31
The Union agreed on by the Estates of Scot-
land
The Long Parliament being diffolved, or bro-
ken up, before the Alt for an Union was.
road the third time, Cromwell afterwards,
having taken the Government, United
the Three Nations under a new Regulati-
on as to their Reprefentatives in Parlia-
meut
32
4 Scheme of this Reprefentative of the Three
Kingdoms, as likewiſe of the ſeveral pro-
portions
The Contents.
portions in the Aſſeſſment in the Year 1656
Obfervations upon the faid Scheme
33
43
Cromwell's Ordinance for Uniting of Scot-
land
Obfervations on the faid Ordinance
44
52
The Ordinance for the diftribution of Electi-
ons in Scotland
The like in Ireland
54
61
State of the Union till the Restoration 65
Differences which afterwards arose from fé-
veral Negative and Prohibitory Laws relat-
ing to Trade
Commiſſioners appointed to adjust theſe diffe-
rences
66
67
A Paper from the Commiffioners on the part
of Scotland, containing the state of their
Grievances
ibid.
A Paper preſented to His Majefty K. Ch. II.
by feveral of the most confiderable Perſons of
Ireland, containing Reaſons for an Union
with that Kingdom
The King impowered by the respective Parli-
aments of England and Scotland, to nami-
nate Commiſſioners to treat of an Union of
the two Kingdoms
73
77
ibid.
Proceedings of thofe Commiffioners
How and by whom this Treaty was at last bro
78
ken up
Diſadvantages to the two Nations for want of
an Union
80
An Obfervation that the reduction of Scot-
land brought an Union of courſe, and that
it would still be the fame, if either King-
đạm
1
The Contents.
dom fhould come to be reduced by the o-
83
ther
The mischievous confequences of a Spirit of
Contradiction after the Acceffion and Refto-
ration
84
The excellent Temper and Difpofition of the
Parliament of England manifefted in their
frank and ready repealing of the late Pro-
hibitory Claufes with regard to Scotland 86
An eminent Inftance of the Bravery of the Pri-
vernates, and of the Generofity of the Ro-
mans
A Scheme for uniting the two Kingdoms
Obfervations upon this Scheme
88
91
94 ..
ibid.
99
An Expedient for the Peerage of Scotland 97
Thoſe who will heartily endeavour the Union,
ought not to range themselves on one fide or
other, but be equally for the whole
Why the number of 40 is propofed as the Repre
fentative for Scotland
98
Reaſons for fome cafe to the Kingdom of Seot-
land in the matter of the Affements on
Land.
Abatement or Inequality of Customs or Excifes,
contrary to the nature of the Union
That the equivalent to Scotland for the prefent
Debts of England, ought either to be by
way of eafe in the Land Tax, or in ready
Money
Au Eftimate of the prefent Revenue of Eng-
land
An Estimate of what the Revenue of Scotland
may produce after the Union, and when up-
on the foot of the prefent Taxes of Eng-
land
ΙΟΙ
ibid.
102
103
An
The Contents.
An Eſtimate of the preſent Debts of Eng-
land
104
A Computation of the Expence of the particu-
lar Government of Scotland after the V-
nion
105
An Eftimate of the equivalent to the Kingdom
of Scotland, for the prefent Debts of Eng-
land
107
Difference betwixt the propofed Interest of 5
per Cent. and that of the prefent Annui
ties
108
Why the Interest of the Sum propofed for the
Equivalent is put only at 5 per Cent. per.
Annum
110
113
The preſent Waft and Expence for fubfiſtance
of the Poor in England
Why the Rent-charge for raising the Equivalent
10 Scotland is propofed to be made upon Her
Majefties Revenue
114
A State of the Weights and Measures of the
two Nations
116
Of the feveral Customs, Excifes and new
117
Duties
By the new or additional Excifes the Scotifh
Nation will be only obliged to contribute a
Small part of what they will gain by the
Union
119
Inconfiftency of difference of Taxes and Con-
tributions with an equal and compleat U-
nion
121
The dangerous tendency of the leaft remainder
of Restraints and Prohibitions between the
two Nations after the Union
122
A view of what benefits the Kingdom of Scot-
land will receive by the Union
123
The
1
The Contents.
1
The damage or prejudice which happened to
Scotland by a late Scarcity or Famine for
5 years together
124
125
Advantages of National Graneries
Benefits which may accrue to Scotland by the
application of the propofed Stock for the en-
couragement of their Trade and Fisheries
127
The Ports of Entry in Scotland, with what re-
lates to the different Coins, Weights, Mea-.
fures, and fuch like things, may be regulated,
after the Union
129
An alteration of the Coins in Scotland about
20 years ago
Confequences of this alteration
130
ibid.
Doubts and Scruples on the part of Scotland
against the Union
ibid.
That the Expence of the Kingdom of Scotland
by attendances at London, will after the
Union hardly be more than it now is
Doubts and Scruples on the part, of England
against the Union
131
134
137
Anſwers or returns to thofe Doubts or Scru-
pies
The objections usually made against the Uni-
on, under pretence of preferving Trade,
are upon examination, rather found reafons
for, than against, it
138
The Wealth and power of Nations confifts in
the Numbers and Induſtry of their People
139
A good Inftitution of the National Fisheries
and Grancries, capable of imploying and
fubfifting all the idle Perfons in the three
Kingdoms!
ibid.
That
*
The Contents.
140
141
That the Britiſh Fisheries will not, or at leaft
need not. be a prejudice to the Dutch, as
is vulgarly pretended
That the Hollanders ought not to be clamour-
ed against, but on the contrary deferve the
greatest commendations for their Oeconomy
and Industry
That the Commerce of the World, as extenfive-
ly taken, would not be advanced, but on
the contrary, rather brought upon the de-
cline by the fall of the Dutch
How dangerous it is, for Governments or States
to listen to the infinuations of falfifh Negot-
ators in matters of Trade
ibid.
The Hans Towns, as likewife Spain and Por-
tugal have luft their Trade by Restraints
and Prohibitions
142
ibid.
The Fisheries of Scotland ruined by Restraints
and Prohibitions
The manner hote
143
144
Several Acts of the Parliament of Scotland
relating to their Fisheries, in the 14th and
isth Centuries
Obfervations thereupon
145
ibid.
The clamorous pretences for making Monopo-
lies of the Fisheries in Scotland about two
Ages age, much the fame with those now
brought against the Union
148
A diftinction made betwixt meer Buyers and
Sellers, and Merchants, as taken in an ex-
tended Sence
The general knowledge of the Laws, Govern·
149
ments and Policies of the World, enables the
accomplished Merchant to enter into Confe-
quences,
}
}
1
1
A
}
The Contents.
quences, and judge of things, not as they
feem, but as they really are
ibid.
Accordingly fuch Men as theſe are promoters
of Naturalizations, Unions, Annexati-
ons, and other ſuch noble and generous Prin-
ciples
The intervening of the Sea, no objection againſt
Uniting with Ireland
ibid.
150
ibid.
Opinions of the Objections, or rather Clamours,
ufually brought against the Union
Nothing lefs or below a compleat Union capable
of fecuring the Religion, Laws, Liberties,
Peace and Happiness of this Ifland
154
No Negative put upon any part of the Laws,
Liberties or Constitutions of either Nation,
by the propofed Scheme of an Union.
The Union a neceffary Preliminary to all the
great and good things thofe Nations have in
view
155
Her Majefties moft Gracious Speech to the Com-
miffioners of both Kingdoms, at the last
Treaty of Union, to this purpoſe 156
A Scheme, of the prefent Reprefentative, of the
Counties and Boroughs of Scotland, together.
with their respective proportions in the Af
fellinent of 6000 1. per Month.
}
PRO-
}
(1)
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
Wednesdays CLUB
i N
Friday---Street,
Upon the Subject of an Union
with SCOTLAND.
Wedneſday December 19th. 1705.
T
HE Society having upon the
14th of November Adjourned
the further confideration of
the Point of an Union with
Scotland to this day.
When being accordingly met (Mr.
Brocks faid) he had of late imployed
no fmall part of his time in perufing
B
fuch
}
(2)
fuch Books, Pamphlets, or Papers, as
have been wrote, either for, againft,
or any ways relating to an Union with
Scotland.
But, to his great Difappointment,
found the most part, to confift, either
in long, tedious and perplext heaps of
of words, or at beft, but of ordinary,
and triffling matter.
Mr. May faid, he was forry to find,
that inſtead of coming to the point the
Writers upon the Union had fpent fo
much of their time in diftinguiſhing,
and refining upon fuch niceties, as,
either fignifie nothing, or at beft very
little to that, or any other purpoſe.
But I make a great difference be
tween the former and latter perfor-
mances. (fays Mr. Sands) For altho,
thofe have ufually handled the matter,
as if they were filled with their own
conceits, more, than the thing, or as
if they had been fomewhat to long at
School; yet are they ftill fo good na-
tured, as either to wifh us, a nearer
and more compleat Union, or at leaſt,
that things may remain as they are.
But fome of our new Politicians
are pleaſed to reafon from the things,
not as they are, but as they would have
them to be. Firft, fuppofing the two
Nati-
( 3 )
Nations divided, and afterwards to be
linked or tyed together by fome
League, Covenant, Confederacy, or I
know not what.
I likewiſe have feen, all, or moſt of
the Books, and Pamphlets you ſeem to
mean: (fays Mr. Jones from the Chair)
but look upon them, efpecially thoſe
of late, only to be the performances of
prejudiced Spleenitick and uneafie people
or at beft of fuch as either cannot, or
will not go to the bottom or Root of
any thing.
Its therefore my opinion we come
directly to the point of the Reaſons for
the Conveniencies of an Union without
amuſing our ſelves with heaps of Books,
and Pamphlets, little, if any at all to
the purpoſe.
I am as much as any for coming clofe
to the point, but pray let us firft fee if
we are agreed in it (fays Mr. Hunt )
for its faid there are not a few of the
moſt confiderable Men in Scotland, ut-
terly against an Union, and if fo, we
may ſpend our time to better purpoſe,
than upon a thing people will not have,
tho perhaps otherwife very good and
adviſeable in it felf.
В 2
I
(4)
I am forry to find any Gentleman fo
much mif-informed about the tempers
and difpofitions of my Countrymen :
fays Mr. Rofe) Since I am fatisfied
there is not a Man of Confequence in
Scotland against an Union, the queftion
being only about the manner (viz.)
whether it fhall be an Entire or Incor-
porating or only a federal Union.
What do you mean by a federal
Union? (fays Mr. Jones).
Such an Union, (replied Mr. Rofe) ·
as was formerly among the Grecian
Republicks, and is between the Cantons
of Swizerland; and the United Provin-
ces at this day.
We have but a Dark view of
things fo very remote, as the Leagued
Governments of Greece; fays Mr.
May) Only this is fufficiently known,
that unless they were in War, with,
or at least in imminent danger from
fome foreign Power; they were al-
moſt always together by the Ears, or
in Broils among themſelves.
The prefent Leagues of the Switzers
have their Subfiftance, principally from
the great Superiority of the Proteftant
Cantons, and the Immediate danger of
the whole from the neighbouring foten-
tates on the leaft mif-understanding a-
mong themſelves.
The
(5)
The United Provinces of the Ne-
therlands are kept together, by the like
cauſes (viz.) the Power, or Influence
at leaſt which the Province of Holland
hath over the other Provinces; And
of the City of Amfterdam over the
other Citys of that Province: To
gether the danger they are in from
without.
*
And whatever ſpeculations we at
this diſtance may have: The wifeſt
and moſt unprejudiced perfons in thoſe
Countries, do daily defire, and wifh
that their Governments, were more of
a Piece, and are fufficiently apprehen-
five, that thoſe different, and interfering
parts, and Interefts, fhall one time or c-
ther be their Ruin.
And certainly it would be inexcufa-
ble in us of this Illand, to take theſe
Inconveniencies of choice, which fome
of our Neighbours on the Continent,
have only from Neceffity.
You talk of Leagues and Confederacies:
But with whom would you make them?
(ſays Mr. Brooks).
With the Parliament of England (fays
Mr. Roſe).
The Parliament can make no Leagues,
nor have any Treaties. (fays Mr. Brooks)
That's the Queen's Prerogative, and
B 3
not
( 6 )
not only Inherent to the Crown, but
abfolutely neceffary for the Protection
of Her Subjects.
Poffibly we may differ more in words
than in things. (fays Mr. Rofe) And
fo handing Mr. Jones a Paper, he faid,
here is a Scheme of what I mean by
a federal Union, the which I defire may
be read.
This Paper was accordingly Read
three times, but being long and per-
plext, it was after much debate by
Common confent reduced to the follow-
ing Heads, viz.
1. That the two Kingdoms be united
in the fame Succeffor, but have their dif-
ferent Parliaments and Judicatures.
2. That the management of what may,
relate to them in Common, be committed
to a Committee, or Common Council, `con-
fifting of ten or twelve of each Nation.
3. That the Quantitys and Quotas of
Taxes be agreed upon from time to time by
Common confent.
4. That there be an Equal Communica-
tion, and Intercourse of Trade between the
two Nations.
By this Scheme, if we may venture
to call it fo. (fays Mr. Sands) The
Government of the two Nations is Pro-
pofed to be transfered to 20 or 24 Cóm-
!
}
1
mittees
(7)
mittees or Directors. If this be a Set-
tlement, it's hard to ſay what's not.
Where intend you thoſe Commiſſio-
ners or Directors fhall refide? (fays
Hunt)
Doubtless at York. (fays Mr. Speed)
Methinks Berwick, ſhould be a fitter
place. (fays Mr. More).
Certainly if we in England fhould pro-
poſe fuch a League, the Gentlemen of
Scotland, might very reaſonably ask,
who fhould be the Guarantees (fays
Mr. Gage)
Tufh! That's eafie fays Mr. Heath
I doubt not but the House of Bourbon
would readily accept of this good
Office.
But this muſt be, after fuch a Peace,
as I hope is pretty remote to them (fays
Mr. North).
I wonder how it ever came to be
imagined, that we in England fhould
be inclined to the Secret of fuch a League.
(fays Mr. Brooks).
And much more, that we ſhould be
willing to keep it, if made (fays Mr.
Farr).
But how came you to call a thing
by the name of an Union, which hath
ſo manifeſta tendency to a Separation
(fays Mr. Hall).
B 4
Whilft
1
( )
8)
8 Whilſt every one thus gave their Sen-
timents at random, Mr. Jones feeing
Mr. Rofe fomewhat out of Countenance,
faid, Gentlemen, the matter we are
upon is an Union. Pray let us come to
the Point.
After fome filence. Mr. Carr, faid,
my, friend Rofe. You know I always
told you, that tho this fancy of a Confe-
deracy, or federal Union, (which name
you faid they gave it, to fet it the bet-
ter off) might ferve, to pleaſe a few
fpleenitick, or difcontented people
whilft kept up, and whiſpered as a Se-
cret among them: Yet when once a-
broad, it would never bear the light,
but be ridiculed and run down, as now
you fee it is.
Inftead of uniting! It fo manifeftly
tends to divide the two Nations; That
I wiſh, thoſe you had it from have a
good meaning.
Doubtless you know Mr.Perth,who firſt
communicated this Scheme to me, (fays
Mr. Roſe) he is a good fort of well mean-
ing Man, and has taken a great deal of
pains in this matter, fo that however it
proves, I dare fay it proceeds from no
bad meaning in him.
Mr.
(9)
+
Mr. Rofe cannot but remember,
(fays Mr. Grant) that I have more
than once told him, whatever might
be intended, yet to me, it did not look
very well, that upon other occafions,
he has been fufficiently convinced;
That of all forts of Deceivers, your
honeft and well meaning Deceivers are
the most dangerous. And that when
a Man, has by taking a great deal of
pains, at laft made fhift to deceive
himſelf, he from thence forward be-
comes very fincere in his Endeavours
of that kind with others.
I am as much for an Union as any:
(fays Mr Shaw) and therefore, al-
ways told Mr. Rofe that whatever
name, himſelf or his friends migh: Im
poſe upon this, their Scheme, yet they
could never cover or hide its manifeft
tendency to divide, and diftra&, ra-
ther than to unite. And therefore, as
a medium, or expedient between an
Entire Union, and this fort of Confe-
deracy, fome, friends of mine propof-
ed Limitations.
That's a hard word too. (fays Mr.
Jones) Pray what did you mean by it.
We
( 10 )
We meant the fettling the Succeffi-
on with Conditions upon the Succef
fors, (fays Mr. Shaw).
That might be well, (fays Mr. More)
if the Conditions were but good. But
for better Information, be pleafed to
let us ſee them upon Paper.
Mr. Shaw produced the Limitations
propoſed to be made upon the Succef.
fors, and they are as follow.
1. That the next Succeffors should no
have the Power of Calling or Diffolving
of Parliaments.
2. That they should not have the Power
of Peace and War.
3. That they should not Raiſe, or keep.
up any Forces by Land or Sea.
4. That they should not have the Power
of making or contributing to the making
of any Officers, Civil, or Military, or in
the diſpoſal of any Publick Places, Sia-
tions or Benefits whatsoever.
This is a ſhort, but Comprehenfive
Paper. (fays Mr. Jones) But to whom
did you intend to give the things men-
tioned in this Paper? Since I find not
you were inclinable to take them from
the Succeffors.
To
(1)
་
To the Parliament (replied Mr. Shaw)
To whom elfe fhould we give them?
And when you had agreed upon thoſe
or the like Conditions; To what
would you have proceeded next? (fays
Mr. Sands).
To nominate the Succeffor, and af
terwards to make a Treaty of Com-
merce, with England (fays Mr. Shaw.
Succeffor, To what? (fays Mr.
Sands ).
To what? But our Crown! (ſays
Mr. Shaw).
What you mean by your Crown,I can-
not tell, (fays Mr. Sands) but certainly
after all thefe Negatives put upon it, if
it had been a Crown, it would have
been a very Metaphifical one; fince I
fee nothing under Heaven, they could
be Succeffor unto. They were to have
no Money, no Troops, no Power, or
means to Reward, or Puniſh, or indeed
to have or be any thing elfe; And
yet after all this, you talk of fettling
your Succeffion, your Crown, and I
know not what.
'
4
I fancy (fays Mr. North) this Pro-
ject has not been far abroad neither,
it looks fo very odly, to fay no
more.
T
It's
}
( 12 )
It's viſibly of the fame ftamp, and
has the like tendency with that of the
Confederacy. (fays Mr. Brooks) And
must proceed from men of the fame
principles, though perhaps of different
Humours and Views.
It's ſomewhat tender, therefore I am
unwilling to make further Obſervations,
but refer it to any cool or unbiaſed per-
fon, to confider what muſt have been
the Confequence of either of theſe
Schemes, Contrivances, or what elſe
you pleaſe to call them.
They know, I have often told them,
(fays Mr. Grant) that theſe fancies of
Confederacies, and Limitations, could
have no other confequence, than prov-
ing a means of ſetting my Countrymen
together by the Ears; And thereby
the puting one of the Parties under a
neceffity of dilivering up, not only their
Limitations, and Confederacies, but every
thing elſe, to thoſe who fhould be able,
and willing to free them from, and
Revenge them of their Foes.
You judge rightly (fays Mr. Speed
Such cauſes muſt have fuch effects, ef-
pecially in a Nation, who are not al-
together without Heats and Animofities
already, and who are naturally pretty
warm as well as we.
We
(13)
We have had fufficient Experience
of the bad effects of different humours,
and Interefts, fince the Union of the
Crowns (fays Mr. May). How much
more may we expect if ever this -If
land ſhould be ſo unhappy, as to have
the Administration of the Governments
of the two Nations entirely ſeparated.
I have no mind to fee the experiment.
(fays Mr. Sands) But wonder how any
one could fuppofe, we in England
ſhould come up to a Treaty of Čom-
merce, under thoſe or the like Circum-
ftances, especially, fince without a Com-
munication of Government.
Its utterly impoffibly for a Communica-
tion of Trade to fubfift.
But fuppofe, any troubles we were
in, or the Apprehenfions of them had
induced us to make fome Impoffible
Treaties or Contracts. How long did
they think we would keep them? (ſays
Mr. Gage)
Till an opportunity for breaking
them offered it felf (fays Mr. Heath ).
The more I think of thefe Confedera-
cies and Limitations, the more I fee
their inconſiſtencies (fays Mr. Jones).
Certainly had we propofed, or offered
fuch things as thefe to the Gentlemen
of Scotland; they would have been ve-
ry angry.
If
ļ
( 14 )
If you have any angry things to
fpare, I intreat you would difpofe of
them elſewhere (fays Mr. Hope);
fince I am affraid fome of my Country-
men are fo angry already, as not to ſtand
in need of further provocations.
I alſo have had hints to this purpoſe
(fays Mr. Hunt). Pray what's the mat-
ter? what do they want? I fpeak not
this as of my felf only, but as from o-
thers, who have a great difpofition to
pleaſe, or do them good.
I fhall endeavour to inform my felf,
how the matter ftands, and report it
with the first opportunity (fays Mr.
Hope).
If you find they know what they
want, or what they would have, even
altho they be angry, yet there is hope
(fays Mr. Speed). But if otherwiſe,
they are in a dangerous Condition.
I hope you do not think any of my
Countrymen are ſo very angry as not to
know what they want, or what they
would have (fays M. Bruce).
I wiſh none of my Countrymen were
(fays Mr. Gage.)
It's ftrange to fee, how men change
with the times, the times with men, or
fomething or other, (fays Mr. Hope )
for
( 15 )
for about five years ago, and fo for
twenty years before; I did not know
one in Scotland, who was not for the
Union at any rate: And now, I know
not what fome men are for.
As I told you before, I tell you a-
gain (fays Mr. Rofe ), there is no bo-
dy in Scotland againft the Union; only
the queſtion is. What kind of thing it
fhall be.
What they do in Scotland (fays Mr.
Sands) I cannot tell, but it's not the
manner here in England for people, to
ſay they are againſt a good or popular
thing, only, that this is not the right
way, the proper perfons, the fit time
or the like.
I am likewiſe one of thofe, who be-
lieve there are few, if any of my Coun-
trymen againſt the Union, (fays Mr.
Bruce) only perhaps fome may be a
little troubled with the fpirit of oppofi-
tion, as I am apt to be, when in a
fit of the Splene, or out of humour
but when we come to the buſineſs, that
will foon be over.
I incline to Mr. Bruce's opinion, (fays
Mr. Grant) and the rather, becauſe
that before thefe angry times, my
Countrymen were Zealoufly for the
Union, as thinking nothing lefs could
make
( 16 )
make this Iſland, (particularly their
part of it happy and eafie.
This difpofition of theirs appeared
eminently at the Revolution, as you
may fee by King William's Letter to
the Eſtates of Scotland, dated at Hamp-
toncourt the 7 of March 1689. where-
in his Majefty was pleaſed to expreſs
himſelf thus.
We were glad to find that ſo many of
the Nobility and Gentry when here at Lon-
don, were ſo much inclined to an Union
of both Kingdoms, and that they did look
upon it as one of the best means for proi
curing the happiness of thefe Nations, and
Settling a lafting Peace among them, which
would be advantagious to both,they living in
the fame Ifland,baving the fame Language
and the fame Common Intereft of Reli-
gion and Liberty, especially at this jun-
Eture, when the Enemies of both are foreft-
lefs, endeavouring to make and increaſe Fea-
loufies and Divifions, which they will be ready
to improve to their own advantage, and
the ruine of Britain: We being of the
fame opinion as to the usefulness of this
Union, and having nothing fo much
before our Eyes, as the Glory of God
the Establishment of the Reformed Re-
ligion, and the Peace and Happineſs of
thefe
(17)
thefe Nations. are refolved to use our ut-
most endeavours in advancing every thing
which may conduce to the effectuating the
Same.
And this general difpofition of theirs
appears ftill further and more amply in
the Letter of the Eftates of Scotland to
the King, with the offer of their Crown
dated the 24 of April 1689. and fign-
ed by Duke Hamilton their then Prefi
dent. Wherein they thus exprefs them-
felves.
your
We are most fenfible of your Majesties
Kindness and Fatherly Care of both
Kingdoms, in promoting their Union which
we hope hath been referved to be accom-
plished by you; That as both Kingdoms
are united in one Head and Sovereign,
So they may become one Body Politick,
one Nation to be Repreſented in one Par-
liament.
And to teftifie our Readiness to comply with
your Majefty in that matter: We have
nominated Commiffioners to Treat of the
Terms of an entire and perpetual Union
betwixt the two Kingdoms, with Refirva-
tion to us of our Church Government, as
it shall be Eſtabliſhed at the time of the
Union.
Thefe Commiffioners do it your
Majeſtics approbation and call, that they
C
rody
3
18)
1
may Meet, and Treat with the Commiffi-
oners to be appointed for England, at
what Time and Place your Majefty ball
appoint.
And if any difficulty shall arife in the
Treaty, we do upon our part refer the De-
termination thereof to your Majesty. And
we affure our ſelves from your Majefties
Prudence and Goodness of a happy conclufion
to that important Affair, fo as the fame
may be agreed to, and ratified by your Ma-
jefty in your first Parliament.
Nothing can be more full, or ex-
preffive upon the Union, than this Let-
ter: Wherein the word Entire, is made
ufe of, the first time I remember it
in any Publick Paper upon the Subject.
And therefore how fome of my Coun-
trymen, come now to be ſo much at
variance with their own word, I can-
not imagine.
One would conclude from this, (fays
Mr. Jones) that at the Revolution, the
Union was in a fair way. Pray what
then hindered it from being effected?
Upon this the King recommended it
very earneſtly to the Parliment of Eng-
land (continued Mr. Grant) but no-
thing was done.
Pray
(19)
1
Pray, what do you think was the
reafon of the Coldnefs on the part
of England at the Revolution? (fays
Mr. North)
The reafon was plain (fays Mr.
Grant) my Countrymen proceeded to
the declaring King William and Queen
Mary, upon the bare promife of an V-
nion, without feeing it firft effected
and were afterwards (as is uſual with
them) left to repent at leafure what they
had done in hafte: Since their Crown
being once fettled, they were thought
no more worth notice; much leſs the
trouble of a Treaty.
This neglect bore very hard upon their
Spirits; And no doubt, has been one
of the principal caufes of their difcon-
tents, tho the miſcarriage of their late
undertakings to the West Indies proved
the occafion of their breaking out.
After fome effects of their diſcontents
upon this miſcarriage, the King did
what he could to compofe thoſe mat-
ters, but ftill reckoned as formerly
that nothing but an Union could do it
effectually; He therefore recommended a
nearer and more compleat Union to the
Parliament of England, with great ear-
neftneſs,renewing this his Recommenda-
tion a few days before his Death. And
how
€ 2
令
​(20)
$
how much her prefent Majefty has pref-
fed this matter fince her happy Accef-
fion to the Throne is fufficiently
known.
But muſt not we be obliged to part
with our Sovereignty and Independen-
cy by this Union? (fays Mr. Carr).
Neither Nation can be faid to part
with, or loſe their Sovereignty by the
Union (Replyed Mr. May) fince the
two Sovereignties, will thereby be
made or Confolidated into one: And
thereby, thoſe partition Walls of Inde-
pendencies, with regard to one another
will be taken away.
To come to
to particulars (fays Mr.
Carr.) What hath always frighted me
moft from the thoughts of an Union,
has been the apprehenfions of its Incon-
fiftancy with the prefervation of the
Presbyterial Church Government in Scot-
Land. Wherefore in the first place, I
defire to know how that can be ſe-
cured?
The fecurity of the Church 'Govern-
ments of both Kingdoms (fays Mr. May)
is exprefly Provided for in the refpe-
tive Acts of Parliament lately paft for
a Treaty, the which of courfe makes
rhis to be the firſt fundamental condi-
tion
(21)
1
tion of the Union, and not only fo but
by the Union the two Churches and
the Tolleration will become a natural
poiſe and Balance to one another, whereas
otherwiſe (as we have formerly feen)
fome or other of thefe will always
be in hazard upon the leaft Rupture or
miſunderſtanding between the two Na-
tions, ſo that inftead of bringing the
Church Government of either King-
dom in danger, the Union will certain-
ly be the greateft humane fecurity for
them both, and for the Tolleration,
upon which their Quiet and Happineſs
fo very much depends.
But how fhall our Laws and Judica-
tures be preferved by this Union (fays
Mr. Shaw).
Without doubt, the Laws and Judi-
catures of both Kingdoms, will be con-
tinued Entirely as they are (fays Mr.
May :) And thus it has been in all U-
nions happily made, and of which we
have Examples almoft every where,
particularly in this land, where
not only the Principality of Wales, but
likewife the Counties Palatine of
Cheſter and Durham have for (everal
ages remained as a fort of separate furif-
dictions in point of Laws, and Fudica.
tures; Although in a manner inclofed
C 3
by
( 22 )
!
by feveral parts of England. Infomuch,
as it is but of late they have had the
Priviledge of fending Knights, and Ci-
tizens to Parliament.
The difference of Laws and Cu-
ftoms are certainly fo far from being
Arguments against; that they are and
ought to be taken among the principal
Reaſons for an Union; fince thereby
the worst parts of both, will the more
naturally come to be difcovered and
mended, and the better parts im-
proved.
This was the opinion of my Lord
Bacon, and all the confiderable men,
who were for the Union in the laft
Age (fays Mr. Sands) But as has been
hinted muſt be left to time, and the
General Concurrence, we fee the dif-
ferent Laws and Cuſtoms of Wales
Chester,Darham, and other places of Eng-
land, have never received any alteration,
without the unanimous Confent, and
Application of the Places, and Parties
concerned.
"
But what ſay you to the Rank of
our Nobility (fays Mr. Bruce). Will
not that be prejudiced by this Union.
Inftead of lofing any thing, either in
Rank or otherwife, (fays Mr.May) the
Intereft, and Influence of the Peerage
of
(23)
of Scotland, in this Iſland and confe-
quently in the reft of the world may
be confiderably advanced by the U-
nion.
If you make your Union upon this
foot, (fays Mr. Rofe ) it will certainly
be a federal Union.
We fhall not differ with you about
words or names, (fays Mr. May) If
you are but pleaſed, to let us have the
thing.
Men are fometimes apt rather to dif
fer about Words or Names, than Sub-
ftantials, or Things (fays Mr. Brooks)
Pray therefore let
let us agree up-
on the name, before we proceed fur-
ther.
When men are inclinable to differ
and miſ-underſtand one another, they
are uſually very nice about Words
Phraſes, and Names (fays Mr. May);
But I hope its not fo among us. How-
ever I think Mr. Brooks has made a good
motion.
2
I love Words as well as things,
when plain and eafie (fays M. Jones ).
Pray therefore, let us not pefter and
clog this word Union with the Epithets,
or Additions of Entire, Incorporate, Fe-
deral, or any other but rather call it,
(as I hope we all mean it; a plain
Union.
CA
Since
11
(24)
Since I perceive the Company are
agreed upon the name, by which I
reckon they have made a confidera-
ble progrefs (fays Mr. Sands). Pray
let us now come to the Thing.
Mr. Grant has been pleafed to give
us a very pertinent and fuccint Account
of what paft in the matter of the Uni-
on fince the Revolution (fays Mr. Brooks),
But I wifh he or fome other of the
Gentlemen would be at the trouble of
giving a Deduction of what hath been
done or endeavoured in it, from the be-
ginning of the laft Age.
This is the true way of difcovering
the neceffary facts, and confequently
of being rightly informed (fays Mr.
Grant, and in which we have none
fo capable, as our friend Mr. May if
he will pleaſe to favour us.
Sir, you hear what the Gentlemen
fay (fays Mr. Jones). And fince I
doubt not but you come prepared;
Pray be pleafed to gratifie them in their
request.
Mr. May made fome difficulty at firſt,
and would have put others of the Com-
pany upon it. However, after this and
fome other fuch excufes as are ufual
on like occafions, he proceeded to give
the following Deduction.
For
( 25 )
1
For a confiderable time before the
Union of the Crowns, all the moſt un-
derſtanding, and eaft prejudiced part
of the Inhabitants of this Ifland, con-
cluded, nothing under Heaven could
contribute more to the fecurity and
happineſs thereof, than by removing
the feparate and interfering Jurifdicti-
ons, and Interefts therein, to bring
them to be one people, having one In-
tereft, one Heart, and one Inclina-
tion.
And accordingly upon the Acceffion
of King James of Scotland to the Throne
of England, every one concluded, this
would of courfe unite the feveral in-
terfering Jurifdictions, and Interefts,and
confequently put an effectual End to
thoſe Humours, and Animfities, which
for feveral Ages paft had been fo fa-
tal to the Brittish Intereft in the
World.
Yet after all this, to the great fur-
prize of every one, the work of com-
pleating this happy Union was firft
brought to a ftand, and in a very
few months all thoughts thereof laid
afide.
1
From
'
•
( 26 )
From whence could this proceed?
(fays Mr. Sands) fince it's plain the
King at his firft Acceffion to the Crown
of England had fufficient influence in
both Kingdoms, and could not but
know, that by the removal of the Seat
of the Government from Scotland.
the compleating of the Union, was ba-
come, not only neceffary to the well be-
ing, but to the very being of that
Country.
It's a hard matter to judge of things
at fuch a diſtance (fays Mr. May).
But the blame is ufually laid up-
on fome of his Majefties followers
whoſe ſecret reafon of being againſt
it, was, that they doubted, whe-
ther they could be fo confiderable in
an United Nation, as in one di-
vided. But whofe publick pretences
were; the preſervation of Soverign-
ties, Independecies, and fuch like,
as you will find by the Limitations of
the Commiffioners appointed by the
two Kingdoms to Treat in the year
1604.
Who (as theſe had very fuperfici-
al, Perplext and Precarious Powers)
handled the matter accordingly: And
not to trouble you with their long and
intricate
( 27 )
L
intricate Papers; I fhall in a few
words give you what I take to be the
ſubſtance of what they then did,(viz.)
1. They agreed upon the abolishing of
*all Hoftile Laws, and the memory of all
Hoftilities on the Borders.
2. Upon a reciprocal Naturalization of
the Subjects of both Kingdoms.
3. Upon a Communication of Trade,
and mutual Commerce between the two
Kingdoms; but this last was clog'd with
Several perplext Restraints, Impofitions and
Exclufions.
Theſe things went very well down
in Scotland, where the Court had ftill
the 1ole Influence; But in England
where the Credit of fome of King
James's followers began to decline, they
were not so eafie ;) However the Parli
ament here, readily proceeded to the
Confirmation of fuch parts of the
Treaty, as regarded the Aboliſhing of
the Hoftile Laws, and the memory of
all Hoftilities upon the Borders.
But the Articles relating to the Na-
turalization and Communication of
Trade, they could not be brought to
underftand, as not knowing, how they
could fubfift between Nations, who
tho under the fame King, yet ftill pre-
tended to preſerve their Sovereignty
•
and
( 28 )
1
1
and Independencies, with regard to one
another.
However the Judges found out a
way fometime after, to declare, and
allow the Natives of Scotland, after the
Acceffion of their King to the Crown
of England, to be Engliſhmen, and fo
it has remained to this day.
The informations I have had of this
matter, (ſays Mr. Grant) leave me no
room to doubt, but the unhappy lofs
of that occafion, of compleating the
Union, was due to fome about the King,
who reckoned it their Intereft to keep
the Nations divided; That fo by the
playing the Parties, and Humours, a-
gainst one another, they might not on-
ly have the better Harveft, but likwife
more fafety, and eaſily reap the pub-
lick Spoils.
Thus, as Favorites often do, they
facrificed their Prince and Country to
their own little mean Conceits, Avarice
and Ambition. And left the Scottish Na-
tion without Government, or Order, from
which time their diftreffes and grievi-
ances,and confequently their difcontents
encreaſed, the which after having for
a long time burnt inwardly and prey-
ed upon themſelves: At laft the fatal
effects thereof broke violently out in
Scet-
1
( 29 )
3
Scotland in the year 1639, and in England
and Ireland in the years 1640 and 41,
Effects whereof we find not a few are
now changed into Caufes, of which it
grieves me to think, and ftill more, to
mention.
Mr. Grant has brought us infenfibly
to the times of our late misfortunate
inteftine Broils, which begun about
the year 1640, and lafted near 20 years.
(fays Mr. May) And fince I am
fenfible of your uneafineſs at the
remembrance of thofe unhappy things,
I fhall not mention more of them, than
what may fomeway or other relate to
the Union, or at leaſt to what was done,
or intended therein.
Soon after thefe misfortunate Broils
begun, there was a League, or Conte-
deracy made between the two Kingdoms,
the which with various interruptions
continued for fome years, until it was
entirely broke in the year 1650.
When a War breaking out between
the two Nations, Scotland was thereby
reduced to the Obedience of the
pre-
vailing Power of the Houſe of Com-
mons, who ftiled themſelves the Parli-
ament of England.
+
Well,
( 30 )
Well, and what was the effect of
this (fays Mr. North). I hope when
they had them in their Power, they
took care to manage them.
So they did (fays Mr. May), for
they immediately nominated Commif-
fioners to Treat with them of an
Union.
Did you not juft now fay, they had
reduced them by Force of Arms (fays
Mr. North) certainly if fo, they could
have united, annexed, or done what
they would without confulting them.
What need was, there then, of the
trouble of a Treaty.
Tho they had reduced Scotland by
force of Arms (fays Mr. May), yet
by what they did, its plain they
thought it could not be fo well kept,
or fecured as by an Union. And that
an Union.could never be fo happy
when impofed, as by a Treaty and mu-
tual confent.
For immediately after the Battle of
Worcester, which happened in September
1651, that is to fay, in the Month of
October following, the Parliament no-
minated, and appointed Eight of their
principal Members, as Commiffioners,
to go down to Scotland, and there to
Treat with the Eftates of that King-
dom
( 31 )
:
dom of an Union between the two
Nations.
The Commiffioners nominated for
this purpoſe were, The Chief Juftice
St. John, Sir. Henry Vane Junir, Major
General Lambert, Major General Dean,
Lieutenant General Monk, Collonel Fen-
wick, Alderman Tichburn and Major
Salway.
Accordingly in March following the
Eftates of Scotland, being Affembled at
Dalkeith, 20 of the 32 Shires and 35 of
the then 57 Boroughs agreed to the
Union. And in their Affembly at Edin-
bourg, about two months afterward, the
reft of the Counties and Boroughs did
likewiſe concurr.
And fince after this general Agree-
ment to the Union, feveral particular
things occurred, which required a fur-
ther Treaty, the Eitates of Scotland no-
minated 21 of their number, that is to
fay 14 for the Shires, and 7 for their
Boroughs, to attend the Parliament of
England, in order to the full fettlement
and adjuſting thereof.
In confequence whereof, the Bill for
an Union, as likewife, an Act for an
Indemnity in Scotland, was after feve-
ral meetings with a Committee of Par-
liament
3
( 32 )
1
liament in the Houſe of Lords agreed
unto, and ordered to be reported.
But before this Report could be
made, the Long Parliament was turn-
ed out of Doors by Cromwell, by which
there was a ftop put to the Union, as
well as to feveral other confiderable
things then depending.
The Long Parliament being thus di-
folved, or rather broken up in April
1653, Cromwell took the Government
upon him, and in December following
affumed the Name and Stile of Prote-
ctor, and at his Inftalment, figned an
Inftrument, whereby among other
things, the Counties, Cities, and Bo-
roughs of England, Scotland and Ireland
were brought under a new Regulation,
with refpect to their Reprefentatives
in Parliament: As you will fee by the
Scheme thereof, of which here is a
Coppy.
Upon which Mr May delivered to
Mr. Jones,a Coppy of Cromwell's Scheme
for a Repreſentative, as likewife of
the feveral proportions of the. Affeff-
ment of 35000l. on England 6000 /. on
Scotland, and 9000l. per month upon
Ireland in the year 1656,which is as fol-
lows (viz.)
The
( 33 )
I
The Scheme of the Repre-
fentative for England.
Members of Parl.
Counties
Cities
and
. Boroughs
1
Rates in the
Affeffment
of 35 000 1.
per month in
the year
1656.
}
5 County
I
Town
Ot Bedford-2
of Bedford
466 13 4
5 County.
of Berks-
I
I
Borough of Abingdon
Borough of Reding
544 8 11.1
5 County
of Bucks
Ι
Town
of Buckingham
I
I
Borough of Alisbury
Borough of Wicomb
641 13 4
4 County
of Cambridge
I
I
Town
of Cambridge
551 5
Univerfi. of Cambridge
2
Inle
4 County
of Ely
of Chefter
183 15
385
I
City
of Chefter
42 15 7
3 County
of Cornwall
I
Borough of Luncefton
Borough of Truro
Borough of Penryne,
Borough of East Low anl
Weft Low
B
816 13 4
2. Coun
b
(34)
1
2 County
I
City
of Cumberland
of Carlile
} SA
4 County
of Derby
I
Town
of Derby
} 466 33 4
11 County
Σ
I
I
I
1
2
City
6 County
of Devon
Borough of Plimouth
Borough of Dartmouth
Borough of Totness
Borough of Barnſtable
Borough of Tiverton
Borough of Honyton
of Exeter
Borough of Dorchefter
Borough of Weymouth
Borough of Lime
of Pool
1501 17 9
of Dorſet
53 13 4
I
I
655 15 3
I
1
Town
2 County
of Durham
I
City
of Durham
}
$ 7
76 17 #
14 County
of York
2
City
of Tork
Borough of Beverly
Borough of Scarborough
Borough of Richmond
I
I
Town
of Leids
I
Town
of Hallifax
1
Town
tz County
1
1521 14 9
W
of Kingſton upon Hull
NB. For the County
of York, 14 to be
chofen diſtinctly
by the three Rid-
ings: That is to
fay; for the Weſt
Riding 6. For the
Eaft Riding 4, for
the North Riding
4.
of Effex
Borough of Malden
Borough of Colchefter
33 16 8
1750
s County
( 35 )
$ County
1
I
of Glouceſter
Borough of Tewkesbury
Borough of Cirencester
813 34
2
City
of Gloucester
81 5 7
County
of Hereford
I
City
of Hereford
583 6 8
I
Borough
of Leominster
5 County
of Hartford
J
Town
of St. Albans
700
I
Borough
of Hartford
3. County
of Huntingdon
I
Borough
of Huntingdon
}
311
2 3
11 County
of Kent
2
City
of Canterbury
I
City
of Rochester
I
Borough
of Maidstone
1827 15 7
I
Port
of Dover
I
Port
1
4 County
I
of Sandwich
Borough of Queenborough
of Lancafter
Borough of Preſton
I
Borough of Lancaſter
466 13 4
I
Borough of Liverpoole
I
Town
of Mancheſter
4 County
of Leicester
Ź
Borough
of Leicester
$44 8 10
10 County
of Lincoln
2
City
of Lincoln
I
Town
of Boſton
1361 25
1
Borough of Grantham
Ι
Town
of Stamford
I
Town
of Greatgrimsby
6
City
of London
2333 68
4 County
of Middleſex
2
City
3 County
10 County
of Westminster
of Monmouth
of Norfolk
}
894 8 IF
233 68
A
Town
of Linne Regis
1812
4 1
2
2
Town
of Gr. Iarmouth
City
of Norwich
93
6 8
6
of Northampton
1 County City
of Peterborough
700
1
Town
of Northampion
4 County
of Nottingham
451 12 3
D
› Town
(36)
+
2
Town
3 County
of Nottingham
of Northumber
berland
15 12.
89 19 11
I
Town
of Newcastle up-
on Tine
17 1610
L
of Berwick upon
1
Tweed
2 18 4
5 County
of Oxford
I
City
of Oxford
I
Univerf. of Oxford
Borough of Woodstock
563 17.9
2 County
of Rutland
136 2 3
4 County
of Sallop.
2
Town
of Shrewsbury
661 22
Ι
Borough of Bridgnorth
I
Borough of Ludlow
3 County
of Stafford
I
Town
of Stafford
I
Borough
of Newcastle on
459 13 4
the Line
I
City
of Litchfield
7
11 County
of Somerfer
2
Borough
of Taunton
I
City
of Bath
1361 23
I
City
of Wells
I
Borough
of Bridgwater
2
City
of Bristol
85 II I
8 County
of Southampton
I
City
of Wincheſter
I.
Town
of Southampton
ΙΟΙΙ น
I
Town
of Portsmouth
2
Inle
of Wight
I
Borough of Andover
10 County.
of Suffolk
2
2
I
I
6 County
1
I
2
Borough of Ipswich
Borough of St. Edmunds
Borough of Dunwich
Borough of Sudbury
of Surry
Borough of Gilford
Borough of Rygate
Borough of cuthwark
1827 15 7
*
782 129
.92 7 3
9 County
{
(37)
9 County
I
City
1
i
I
of Suffex
of Chichester
Borough of Lewis
Borough of East Grinstead
Borough of Arundel
952 15 7
I
Borough of Rye
2 County
of Westmorland
36 198
4 County
of Warwick
2
City
of Coventry
622 45
I
Borough
of Warwick
5 County
of Worcester
591
2 2
2
City
of Worcester
31
2 3
10 County
of Wilts
City
of New Sarum
972 45
I
Boorugh
of Marlborough
I
Borough
of The Devifes
2 County
2. County
of Anglesey
of Breckon
2 County
County
of Cardigan
of Carmarthen¨
of CarnarvaN
of Denby
of Flint
67 17 2
180 16 8.
106 15
176 3 4
ion
2 2
136 23
67 17 3
62
8 10
4 5
2 County
2 County
2 County
2 County
I
Town
of Glamorgin
of Cardif
}
229-
I 'County
2 County'
2 County
of Pembrook
203
I
'Town
2 County
of Haverford
Weſt
of Ridnor
}
7 5 10
117 3 4
of Merioneth
of Montgomery
147 15 6
Total Members 400.
¡
1. 34893 5
N. B. Tho' this Scheme bath
been compared with fe-
weral Coppies Tet
it is ftill found to
come fhort of the Sum of
35000l. that of
D 3
106 15
Sebeme
Total 7. 35000
( 38 )
Members.
Scheme of the Repreſenta-
tive for Scotland.
Rates in the
Aff:ffment of
6000 1. per
Month in the
Year 1656.
County
I
N.B. The
Aſſeſſment
of Ross is
inferted in x
that of In- I
verneſs.
I
I
{
{
{
49 18 9
28
of Orkney and
Zetland
of Cathness
nd}
90 14 2
of Sotherland
of Rofs
of Cromarty
of Elgin
of Nairn
WM M
of Inverness
of Bamf
of Aberdeen
of Forfar
of Kinkardine
of Fife
of Kinross
of Perth
of Linlithgow
of Sterling
of Clackmannen
of Dumbarton
of Argyle
of Bute
of Aire
of Renfrew
5 13 9
88 5 5
23 3
215 18 3
95 17
339 16 7
272 163
82
I
419 17 1Q
11 3 2
419 17 10
105 16 6
146 3 8/2
29 734
63 14 7
162 5 104
25 14-2
322 10 5
112 15 7
I of
( 39 )
I
I
x{
1
={
I
of Lanerk
of Edenburg
263 17 10
265 66
of Berwick
234 85
of Roxborough
307 4 92
of Selkirk
75
7 5
of Peebles
City
of Dumfrees
of Wigton and
Kirkubright
of Hadington
of Edenburg
Borough of Dornock
86 17 6
226 1 5
223 56
231 17 2
334 12
Town
of Tain
of Innerness
of Dingwal
of Nairn
of Elgin
of Forrefs
of Bamf
of Collen
Borough of Aberdeen
of Forfar
of Dundee
of Arbroth
of Monrofs
of Brechin
Borough of Linlithgow
of Queensferry
of Perth
of Colerofs
I 9
4 19 7 1/
24 195
19 22/2
2 I 2
6 832
6 MM m
3
I IO.
66 12
2
I f
69 18 61
4 IO
19 19 71
6 14 6
17 16 10
4 I
39 19 3
4 10
of Sterling
of St. Andrews
of Dyffert
of Kirkaldie
of Cowper
of Anstruther }
Eaſt
of Pittinweem
of Creel
of Dunfermling
of Kingborn
of Anstruther
Welt
10 19 9
33
6
13 19 10
24 85
10 19 74
719 72
6 13 3 12/2
10 19
8 15
4 10
}
of Innerkething
of Kilreny
of burnt land
D 4
7 ?
3
4 19 9
1 10
10 19 9
(40)
30 Members
City
of Lanerk
of Glasgow
Borough of Rugline
of Rothsay
of Renfrew
of Air
Town of Irwing
Borough of Dumbarton
Borough of Dumfrees
of Sanchar
of Lochraaben
of Annan
of Wigton
6
64 18 9
2
3.
7.18 11
13 19 9
9 19 8
6
16 13
I
I
I
of Kirkubright
of Whiteborn
of Galloway
of Peebles
6 19 11
8
2
- 10
4
4 19 102
6 13 2
8 18 5
وفي
или
of Selkirk
of Fedburgh
of Lauder
of North Berwick
of Hadington
of Dunbar
2 6 10
18 34
10 19 7
Total
6000 17 2 ½
N.B. Tho' this Scheme bath
been compared with fe
veral Coppies, Yet its
Still found to exceed by
Remains
17 2
ฟล
L
6000
Scheme
(41)
Scheme of the Reprefen-
tative for Ireland.
Members
={
N
Rates in the
Affeffment of
9000 1. per
Month in the
Year 1656.
dagb
of Kildare
of Wichlo
County
Of Eastmeath
of Louth with the
Town of Tre-
1903 18
590 12
590
120
of Dublin
1080
City
of Dublin
720
County
of Catherlogh
200
of Wexford
600
of Kilkenny
1482 18
of Queens County
360
of Westmeath
573
of Langford
105
of Kings County
240
of Down
1466
of Antrim
340
of Armagh
of Carrickfergus } 1763
Town
of Belfast
County
of Donegall
of Tirone
of London Derry
Town of Derry
Barony of Colrain
1143
550
1012
I of
(43)
of Cavan
173
of Fermanagh
300
of Merham
of Kerry
155 2
180
of Clare
·745 4
of Limrick
City
of Limrick
}
956 16
of Kilmallock
Town
of Bandon
of Kingfale
County
of Tipperary in-
cluding Holi
crofs
1610
N
of Waterford
={
City
I
County
Town
of Cork
of Cork
County
of Waterford
of Clonmel
of Youghall
1120
} 3360 18
360
of Sligo
of Rofcomon
533
of Leitrim
130
of Galoway
2a60
of Mayo
477
Total
27000
N. B. This Affeffment
upon Ireland is for
3 Months,
By
( 43 )
By this Scheme, you fee, continued
Mr. May, that England and Wales was
to have 400 Reprefentatives, Scotland
30, and Ireland as many,
You likewife fee, how thofe 460
Repreſentatives were diftributed, and
what proportion they bore in the Af
feffment of the year 1656, wherein al-
tho 70000 l. per month was fettled as
the Quota, or ſhare of England, when
Scotland was brought in for 6000 1.
and Ireland for 9000 l. per month.
Yet fince this Kingdom had for fe-
veral years paft, been almoſt at all the
Expence of the War, they had the a-
batement of one moiety of their Share
or Proprotion, of the Affeffment for
three years.
That with regard to England, Scot-
land paid fomewhat more then one thir-
teenth part of the Affeffment, and had
fomewhat less than a fourteenth part of
the Repreſentative.
That Ireland paid near the ninth part
of the Affeffment, yet had but the fame
proportion in the Reprefentative with
Scotland.
per
This Affeffment of 70000 7.
month for England 6000 l. for Scotland
and 9000 1. for Ireland, was reck-
oned
(44)
oned equivalent to 2 s. in the Pound,
by which you ſee, they then valued the
Rents of England at 8,400,000 1.
thofe of Scotland at 720,000 l. and
thoſe of Ireland at 1,080,000 l.
But it is faid that thofe ftated va-
luations did not Amount to above two
thirds of the real extended values.
Upon the 12 of April 1654, Oliver,
and his Council paft the following
Ordinance for uniting of Scotland with
England.
H
IS Highness the Lord Protector of
the Commonwealth of England Scot-
land and Ireland, &c. Taking into Con-
fideration, how much it might conduce to
the glory of God, and the Peace and Wel-
fare of the People in this whole Iſland;
That after all thofe late unhappy Wars
and Differences, the People of Scotland
fhould be united with the People of England
into one Commonwealth, and under one
Government; and finding that in Decem-
ber 1651. the Parliament then fiting did
fend Commiffioners into Scoland to invite
the People of that Nation into fuch a hap-
py Union; who proceeded fo far therein,
that the Shires and Boroughs of Scotland,
by their Deputies convened at Dalkeith,
and
}
( 45 )
1
and again at Edenburgh, did accept of the
faid Union, and Affent thereunto: For the
compleating and perfecting of which Union,
Be it Ordained, and it is Ordained by His
Highness the Lord Protector of the
Commonwealth of England, Scotland and
Ireland, and the Dominions thereto be-
longing, by and with the Advice and Con-
fent of his Council, That all the People of
Scotland and of the Isles of Orkney and
Zetland, and of all the Dominions and
Territories belonging unto Scotland, are
and shall be, and are hereby Incorporated
into, Conftituted, Established, and Decla-
red, and Confirmed one Commonwealth
with England: And in every Parliament
to be held fucceffiively for the faid Com-
monwealth, Thirty Perfons (hall be cal-
led from, and ſerve for Scotland.
And for the more effectual prefervation
of this Union, and Freedom, and Safety
of the People of this Commonwealth fo
united, Be it Ordained, and it is Or-
dained by the Authority aforesaid. That
all the People of Scotland and of the Iſles
of Orkney and Zetland, and of all the
Dominions and Territories belonging unto
Scotland, of what Degree or Condition
foever, be diſcharged of all Fealty, Ho-
mage, Service and Allegiance, which is, or
Shall
( (46
46 )
+
fhall be pretended due unto any of the If
fue and Pofterity of Charles Stuart, late
King of England and Scotland, or any
claiming under him; And that Charles Stu-
art Eldeft Son, and James, called Duke of
York Second Son, and all other the If-
fue and Pofterity of the faid late King,
and all and every Perfon and Perfons,
pretending Title from, by, or under him,
are and be difabled to hold or enjoy the
Crown of Scotland and other the Domini-
ons thereunto belonging, or any of them,
or to have the Name, Title Stile, or Dignity
of King, or Queen of Scotland, or to
have and enjoy the Power and Dominion
of the Said Kingdom and Dominions or
any of them, or the Honors, Mannors,
Lands, Tenements, Poffefions and Here-
ditaments belonging or appertaining to the
faid Crown of Scotland, or other the Do-
minions aforefaid, or to any of them, Any
Law, Statute, Ufage, Ordinance, or Cu-
tom in Scotland to the contrary hereof in
any wife notwithstanding.
And it is further Ordained by the Au-
thority aforefaid, That the faid Office,Stile,
Dignity, Power and Authority of King
of Scotland, and all right of the three
Eftates of Scotland, to Convocate or Af
ſemble in any General Convocation or Par-
liament
( 47 )
liament, and all Conventional and Parlia
mentary Authority in Scotland, as formerly
eftablished, and all Laws, Ufages, and Cu-
ftoms, Ordaining, Conftituting or Confirm
ing the fame, fhall be, and are hereby, and
from henceforth abolished and utterly taken
away, and made Null and Uoid.
And that this Union may take its more
full effect and intent, Be it further Or-
dained by the Authority aforefaid, That
the Arms of Scotland, viz. a Cross Com-
monly called St. Andrews Crofs, be re-
ceived into and born from henceforth in
the Arms of this Commonwealth, as a Bage
of this Union: and that all the Publick
Seals, Seals of Offices, and Seals of Bu-
dies Civil or Corporate, in Scotland,
which heretofore carried the Arms of the
Kings of Scotland, fhall from henceforth
instead thereof carry the Arms of this
Commonwealth.
And be it further Ordained by the Au-
thority aforefaid, That all Customs, Excife,
and other Imposts for Goods transported from
England to Scotland, and from Scotland
to England, by Sea or Land, are and
fhall be fo far taken off and difcharged, as
that all Goods for the future hall pafs
free, and with like Priviledges, and
with the like Charges and Burthens from
Eng-
f
( 48 )
England to Scotland, and from Scotland
to England, as Goods paffing from Port
to Port, or Place to Place in England;
that all Goods Shall and may pass between
Scotland, and
any other part of this Com-
monwealth, or Dominions thereof with the
like Priviledges, Freedom, Charges and
Burthens, as fuch Goods do, or shall pass
between England and the faid parts and
Dominions, Any Law, Statute, Ufage or
Cuſtom to the contrary thereof in any-wife
notwithstanding.
And that all Goods prohibited by any
Law now in force in England to be tranf-
ported out of England to any Foreign parts,
or imported, shall be, and hereby are pro-
hibited to be Tranſported or Imported, by
the fame Law, and upon the fame Penal-
ties out of Scotland to any Foreign parts
aforefaid, or from any Foreign parts into
Scotland.
And be it further Ordained by the Au-
thority aforefaid, That all Ceffes, publick
Impofitions and Taxations whatsoever, be
Impofed, Taxed and Levyed from hence-
forth proportionably from the whole people
of this Commonwealth fo united.
And further, to the end that all Domi-
nion of Tenures and Superiorities Import-
ing Servitude and Vaffalage, may likewife
be
(49)
!
be aboliſhed in Scotland. Be it further
Declared and Ordained by the Authority
aforefaid,That all Heritors, Proprietors and
Poffeffors of Lands in Scotland, or the
Dominions thereunto belonging, and their
Heirs, fball from and after the 12 day of
April, in the year of our Lord 1654 hold
their respective Lands of the respective Lord
and Lords by Deed, Charter, Patent or
Enfeoffment, to be renewed upon the Death
of every Heritor, Proprietor or Poffeffor
as now they do) to his or her Heirs, by
and under fuch Yearly Rents, Boons and
Annual Services, as are mentioned or due
by any Deeds, Patents, Charters, or En-
feoffments now in being, of the refpective
Land therein expreſſed, or by vertue there-
of enjoyed without rendering, doing, or
performing any other Duty, Service Vaf-
falage or Demand whatsoever by reafon, or
occafion of the faid Lands, or any the
Claufes or Covenants in the faid Deeds,
Charters, Patents, or Enfeoffments con-
tained, faving what is hereafter herein
and hereby particularly Expreffed and De-
clared: That is to fay, Heriots where the
fame are due, Fines (certain where the
fame is already certain, and where the Fine
is uncertain, refonable Fines) upon the
death of the Lord, and upon the Death or
Alienation of the Tenant or any of them.
E
whers
(50)
where the fame have ufually been paid
which ſaid Fine (not being already certain)
Shall not at any time exceed one years va-
lue of the Lands, and alfo doing Suit and
Service to fuch Court and Courts Baron,
as fhall be constituted in Scotland, in fuch
manner as is Ordained by one other Ŏrdi-
nance, Entituled, An Ordinance for e-
recting Courts Baron in Scotland.
And be it Ordained by the Authority a-
forefaid, That all and every the Heritors,
Proprietors and Poffeffors aforefaid, and
their Heirs, are and shall be from hence-
forth forever difcharged of all Fealty, Ho-
mage, Vaffalage and Servitude, which is,
or shall be pretended due from them, or any
of them, unto any their Lords or Superi-
ors whatsoever, claiming Dominion or Fu-
rifdiction over them, by virtue of the Jaid
Patents, Charters, Deeds, or Enfeoffments,
and other rights thereof, or of any Claufes
or Conditions therein contained, other than
as is before Declared and Ordained. And
that all the ſaid Superiorities, Lordships
and Jurifdictions (other then as aforesaid)
hall be, and are hereby abolished, taken off
and discharged; and that all and every
the faid Deeds, Patents, Charters and En-
feoffments in that behalf be, and are hereby
declared, and made fofar Void and Null ;
And particularly, That all and every the
Heri-
→
1
(5)
Heritors, and others the perfons aforefaid
and their Heirs, are and shall be for ever
hereafter freed and difcharged of, and from
all Suits, and appearing at or any their
Lords or Superiors Courts of Justiciary
Regality, Stuartry, Barony, Bayliary, He-
ritable Sheriffship, Heritable Admiralty,
all which together, with all other Offices
Heritable, or for Life, are hereby abolished
and taken away; and that all and every
the Heritors and perfons aforesaid, and
their Heirs, are and (hall be forever here-
after freed, and difcharged of, and from all
Military Service and perfonal Attendance
upon any their Lords or Superiors, in Ex-
peditions or Travels, and of all Caſualties,
of Ward Lands formerly held of the King,
or other Superiors, and of the Marriage,
fingle and double avail thereof, Non-En-
tries, Compofitions for Entries, and of all
Rights and Cafualties payable if they be de-
manded, only, or upon the committing of
any Claufes Irritant. And that the fard
Heritors and perfons aforefaid be now asd
from henceforth construed, reputed, ad
judged, and declared free and acquitted
thereof, and of and from all and all man-
ner of holding, Suits, Duties, Ser-
vices Perfonal or Real, and demands wha's
foever (other than is before Declared and
Ordained notwithstanding the preſent Te-
E 2
hor
(52)
nor of any their Deeds, Patents, Enfeoff-
ments, or any Claufes, Articles or Cove-
venants therein contained or mentioned to
the contrary in any wife, and that in time
to come, all and every Claufe, Covenant,
Article, Condition or thing to the contrary
hereof, shall be omitted, out of all fuch Deeds,
Patents, Charters and Enfeoffments.
And be it further Ordained, That all
Forfeitures, Efcheats, Simple, or of Life,
Rent, Bastardy, and laft Heir, which here-
tofore Efcheated, Forfeited and fell to the
King, Lords of Regality, or other Supe-
riors ſhall from henceforth fall, Efcheat,
and Forfeit to the Lord Protector of the
Commonwealth for the time being.
Paffed 12 April 1654. Confirmed 1656.
By the Preamble thereof (continued
Mr. May) you may fee, That this Act
for an Union with Scotland is founded
upon the proceedings of the Parliament
in 1651 and 1652 upon that Subject.
Befides the Exclufion of the Royal
Family, there are feveral other Nega-
tive Clauſes therein, little, if at all to our
purpofe, as the taking away the Powers
of Affemblies, Conventions, and Parlia-
ments
(53)
ments in Scotland. The altering their
Arms, Seal; and fuch like.
;
The taking away the Wards, Servi-
tudes, and flavish Tenures, was thought
a good and popular thing in thofe
days, infomuch, that even after the Re-
ftoration, they continued them aboliſh-
ed, here in England, and gave an Ex-
ciſe to the Crown in lieu of them
Altho at the fame time ſeveral other
Good things were neglected for no o-
ther reaſon, (I could ever learn) un-
lefs it were from the abhorence of any
thing promoted, or done, in thoſe ſtill
Recent times of Ufurpation and Re-
bellion.
However, the Wards and Liveries
were in the year 1660 again reſtored in
Scotland, and fo continue to this day:
And its none of our buſineſs to talk of
taking them away, that motion muſt
come from themſelves, as in every
thing elſe they may find inconvenient';
For as I faid, the Union it felf is not in-
tended to be fuch, as to alter the munici-
pal Laws of either Kingdom.
On the 27 of June 1654 Cromwell and
his Council paft the two following Ordi-
nances for the Diftribution of the Re-
preſentatives for Scotland and Ireland.
E 3
An
( 54 )
A
典
​An Ordinance for Diftribu
tion of the Elections in
Scotland.
کچھ
C
W¹
Hereas by the Government of
the Commonwealth of Eng-
land, Scotland and Ireland, publickly
declared at Weminfier the 16 of
• December 1653, It is declared that the
'diftribution of the perfons to be cho-
"fen for Scotland, and the feveral Coun-
ties, Cities and Places within the
fame, fhall be according to fuch pro-
portion, of Numbers as fhall be agre
ed upon and declared by the Lord
Protector, and the major part of the
• Council before the fending forth
6 VVrits of Summons for the next Par-
6 liament.
<
८
6
,
And whereas His Highness, and
the major part of the Council, before
"the fending forth of any VVrits of
'Summons aforefaid, did Agree and
'Declare the diftribution of the perfons
to
(55)
'to be chofen for Scotland, according
'to the proportion and numbers here-
'after mentioned.
• Its therefore Ordained, Declared
and Agreed by His Highneſs the
'Lord Protector, with the confent of
'the Council, That the perfons to be
'chofen for Scotland, and the feveral
'Counties, Cities and Places within
the fame, fhall be according to the
'proportions, and numbers hereafter
'expreffed That is to fay, for the Shires
"of Orkney, Zethland and Caithness one,
and the place of meeting for the E-
'lection of fuch perfon fhall be at
• Caithness.
:
For the Shires of Sutherland, Rofs,
and Cromerty one, and the place of
meeting for the Election of fuch per-
'fon fhall be at Roſs.
"For the Shire of Inverness, one, and
'the place of meeting for the Election
of fuch perfon, fhall be in the fame
• Shire.
"For the Shire of Elgin and Narin,
C one, and the place of meeting for the
'Election of fuch perfon fhall be at Elgin,
"For the Shire of Bamff, one, and
the place of meeting for the Election
"of ſuch perſon, fhall be in the fame
• Shire.
E 4
For
(56)
For the Shire of Aberdeen, one, and
the place of meeting for the Election
' of fuch a perfon fhall be in the fame
• Shire.
6
}
For the Shires of Kinkardine and For-
far, one, and the place of meeting for
the Election of fuch perſon fhall be at
Forfar.
For the Shires of Fife and Kinross,
one, and the place of meeting for the
Election of fuch perfon fhall be in
• Fife.
€
6
For the Shire of Perth, one, and the
place of meeting for the Election of
fuch perfon, fhall be in the ſame
Shire.
6
For the Shires of Linlithgow, Ster-
ling and Clackmannan, one, and the
place of meeting for the Élection of
fuch perfon fhall be at Sterling.
'For the Shires of Dumbarton, Ar-
gyle and Bute, one, and the place for
the Election of fuch perfon fhall be
at Dumbarton.
"For the Shires of Aire and Renfrew,
one, and the place of meeting for the
"Election of fuch perſon ſhall be in Atre-
4 Shire.
*
誓
​6 For
(57)
For the Shire of Lanerick, one,and
the place of meeting for the Election
of fuch perfon fhall be in the fame
Shire.
For the Shire of Edinburgh one,
and the place of meeting for the Ele-
'ction of fuch perfon fhall be in the
fame Shire.
C For the Shire of Berwick one, and
the place of meeting for the Election
of ſuch perſon ſhall be in the fame
C Shire.
"For the Shire of Roxborough, one,
and the place of meeting for the Ele-
ction of fuch perfon, fhall be in the
fame Shire.
For the Shires of Selkirk and Peebles,
one, and the place of meeting for the
Election of fuch perfon fhall be at
• Peebles.
"For the Shire of Dumfrees, one, and
the place of meeting for the Electi-
on of fuch perſon, fhall be in the fame
Shire,
"For the Shire of Wigton, one, and
'the place of meeting for the Election
of fuch perſon ſhall be in the ſame
• Shire.
I
For
(58)
For the Shire of Hadington, one,
and the place for the Election of
'fuch perfon fhall be in the fame
'Shire.
And for the Boroughs of Dornoch;
• Tain, Inverness, Dingwell, Nairn, El-
gin and Forres, one, and the place of
meeting for the Election of fuch per-
fon fhall be at Inverness.
C
"For the Boroughs of Bamff, Cullen
and Aberdeen, one, and the place of
'meeting for the Election of fuch perfon
'fhall be at Aberdeen.
"For the Boroughs of Forfar, Dundee,
Aberbroth, Montrofs, and Brechin, one,
and the place of meeting for the Ele-
ction of ſuch perfon fhall be at
• Dundee.
For the Boroughs of Linlithgow,
Queensferry, Perth, Colrofs and Ster-
ling, one, and the place of meeting
for the Election of fuch perſon ſhall
"be at Sterling.
C.
"For the Boroughs of St. Andrews, Dj-
fert, Kirkaldy, Cooper, Anstruther East,
Pittenweem, Creil, Dumfermling, King-
horn, Anftruther Weft, Inerkeething,
Kilrenny, and Burnt-Ifland, one, and
"the place of meeting for the Election,
of fuch perſon fhall be at Cooper in
• Fife.
• For
( 59 )
>
For the City of Edenburgh two.
"For the Boroughs of Lanerk, Glaf-
$ gow, Ruglen, Rothfay, Renfrew, Aire
Irvin and Dunbarton, one, and the
place of meeting for the Election of
fuch perfon fhall be at Glasgow.
'For the Borough of Dunfrees, San-
'char, Lochmaben, Annan, Wigton, Kir-
kubright, White-Horne and Galloway, one
and the place of meeting for the E-
'lection of ſuch perſon fhall be at Dum-
"frees.
,
For the Boroughs of Peebles, Sel-
kirk, Fedborough, Lauder, N. Berwick
Dunbarr, and Hadington one, and the
place of meeting for the Election of
fuch perfon fhall be at Lauder.
"And it is further Ordained by His
'faid Highneſs the Lord Protector, with
the confent of the Council, That for
the effectual and orderly Election of
'the perfons aforefaid, to be choſen to
'fit and ferve in Parliament, as in the
faid Government is declared, feveral
Writs under the Great Seal of Eng-
land fhall Iffue and be directed to
the feveral and refpective Sheriffs of
'the feveral and reſpective Shires
wherein the refpective Elections are
to be made of the refpective perfons
to ferve in Parliament for the refpe-
Aive
$
( 60 )
1
Etive Shires, and the reſpective She-
'riffs of the County, where the Ele-
'ctions for the Boroughs are hereby
.
appointed to be made according to
the diftribution aforefaid: And that
'the reſpective Sheriffs, to whom fuch
Writs fhall be directed, are hereby
• Authorized and Impowered to make,
$ or cauſe Proclamation to be made of
'fuch Writ in all the Counties, Bo-
'roughs and places refpectively for the
'making fuch El ction and Elections,
and to Iffue his Warrant to the Chief
"Officer of the place, where fuch Ele-
Єtion for Boroughs is to be made,
notwithſtanding the fame be not with-
6 in the Shire whereof fuch perſon is
Sheriff, and to cauſe the Elections to
be made accordingly; which Writs
the Chancellor, Keeper, or Commif-
fioners of the Great Seal of England
'for the time being, fhall Seal, Iffue
and fend forth.
Ав
(61)
An Ordinance for Diftribu-
tion of the Elections in
Ireland.
6
W
Hereas by the Government of
the Commonwealth of Eng-
land, Scotland and Ireland publickly de-
'clared at Westminster, the 16th of Dec.
1653. Its declar'd, That the Diftri-
'bution of the Perfons to be choſen for
Ireland, and the feveral Counties, Cities
' and Places within the fame, fhall be ac-
cording to fuch proportions and num-
'bers as fhall be agreed upon and declar-
'ed by the Lord Protector, and the Ma-
jor part of the Council,before the fend-
ing forth Writs of Summons for the
'next Parliament.
'
C
(
And whereas His Highneſs and the
'Major part of the Council, before the
fending forth of any Writs of Sum-
mons aforefaid, did agree and declare
'the diſtribution of the Perfons to be
' chofen for Ireland, according to the
'proportion and numbers hereafter men-
• tioned.
•
(63)
'
tioned. It is therefore Ordained, De-
clared and Agreed by His Highnefs
the Lord Protector, with the Confent
"of the Council, That the Perfons to
'be choſen for Ireland, and the feveral
Counties, Cities and Places within
the fame, fhall be according to the
' proportion and number hereafter ex-
preffed. That is to ſay,
6
เ
'
<
For the Province of Lemfter, Ten,
(that is to fay) for the Counties of
• Meath and Lowth, two, and the place
of meeting for the Elections of fuch
'Perfons fhall be at Drogheda.
८
' 'For the Counties of Kildare and
Wicklo, two.
"For the County and City of Dub-
lin, two, and the place of meeting
for the Election of fuch Perfons fhall
be at Dublin.
"For the Counties of Carlo, Wexford,
Kilkenny and Queen's, two, and the
place of meeting for the Election of
'fuch Perfons fhall be at Carlo.
.
For the Counties of Weft-Meath,
Longford and Kings, two, and the
place of meeting for the Election of
fuch Perfons fhall be at Mullingar.
For the Province of Ulfter, Seven,
That is to fay,
• For
(63)
،
"For the Counties of Down, Antrym
and Armagh, two.
'For the Towns of Carickfergus and
Belfaſt, one, and the place of meeting
for the Election of fuch Perfons fhall
•be at Belfaſt.
6
For the Counties of Derry, Dunigal
and Tyrone, two.
'For the Towns of Derry and Cole-
rain, one, and the place of meeting
C for the Election of fuch Perſon ſhall be
"at Derry.
'
"For the Counties of Cavan, Ferma-
nagh and Monaghan, one, and the place
of meeting for the Election of fuch
• Perfon hall be at Ineshillyn.
For the Province of Munfter, Nine,
• That is to ſay,
For the Counties of Kerry, Lime-
rick and Clare, two, and the place of
'meeting for the Election of fuch Per-
fons fhall be at Rabral.
.
For the City and County of the
"City of Limerick and Kallmallock, one,
and the place of meeting for the E-
lection of fuch Perfon fhall be at Li-
'merick.
For the County of Cork, one.
For the Town of Cork and Toughall,
one, and the place of meeting for the
Election of fuch Perfon fhall be at Cork.
6
• For
(64)
For the Towns of Bandon and Kin
fale, one, and the place of meeting for
"the Election of ſuch Perſon ſhall be at
• Bandon.
6
For the Counties of Waterford and
Tiperary, two, and the place of meet-
ing for the Election of fuch Perfons
fhall be at Clonmell.
'For the Cities of Waterford and
Clonmell, one, and the place of meeting
' for the Election of fuch Perfons ſhall
"be at Waterford.
6
For the Province of Connaught, ex-
cept the County of Clare, four, That.
is to fay,
"For the Counties of Sligo, Rofcomon
and Letrym, two, and the place of
'meeting for the Election of fuch Per-
fons fhall be at fames-Town.
C
For the Counties of Galloway and
Mayo, two, and the place of meeting
for the Election of fuch Perfons fhall
"be at Galloway.
And it is further Ordained by His
faid Highneſs the Lord Protector, with
'the confent of the Council aforefaid,
$
that for the effectual and orderly E-
'lection of the Perfons aforefaid, to be
'chofen to fit and ferve in Parliament,
as in the faid Government is Declar-
ed, feveral Writs under the Great
• Seal
(65)
Seal of England fhall Iffue and be Di-
❝rected to the ſeveral Sheriffs of the a-
'forefaid Counties and Cities, to make
'the refpective Elections of the re-
'fpective perfons, to ferve in Parli
' ament for the faid refpective Counties,
Cities, Towns and herein before de-
'clared, which Writs the Chancellor,
، Keeper, or Commiffioners of the Great
Seal of England for the time being fhall
، Seal, Iffue and fend forth.
¿
About this time there were likewife
feveral other Ordinances, and Regula-
tions, with regard to Scotland, paft by
Oliver, and his Council, all of them
fo far as I can learn, at their own re-
queft, the moſt part thereof, with feve-
ral others for different purpofes were con-
firmed by an Act of the Reprefentatives
of the three Nations in 1656, which
hath the following remarkable Pream-
ble (viz.)
Whereas fince the 20th. of April 1653, s. 17.
in the great exigencies and meceffities of 1656.
thefe Nations, divers Acts and Ordinan
ces have been made without the Confent of
F
the
糜
​(66.)
the people affembled in Parliament, which
is not according to the Fundamental Laws
of the Nations, and the Rights of the
People, and is not for the future to be
drawn into example, yet the acting there-
upon tending to the Settlment of the Estates
of feveral Perfons and Families, and the
Peace and Quiet of the Nations; Be it en-
acted by his Highness the Lord Protector
and this prefent Parliament, &c.
Thus ftood the Union for fome
years during which as I have had it
from fome of the moſt knowing Men
of thoſe times, That Nation was ne-
ver more eafie and happy in it felf,
nor Juftice more Impartially Admini-
ftred.
At the Reſtoration, every thing re-
lating to Scotland, and Ireland, were
again put upon the fame unhappy foot,
as before the War. The ill effects
whereof were foon after felt in many
inftances, but particularly, by the paf-
fing and Execution of feveral Nega-
tive Acts, relating to Trade, which
not only awakned the Old, but
begot and raiſed many new Animo-
fities.
J
The
( 67 )
1
The Scots made heavy Complaints
and Remonftrances againſt theſe Impo-
fitions and Exclufions, but without any
Redrefs.
However in the year 1667. the King
was Impower'd to nominate Commif
fioners to Treat with thoſe of Scotland,
about the taking off, altering or ſuper-
feeding ſeveral Duties, Impofitions, Re-
ftraints or Prohibitions: And according
ly Commiffioners were nominated,
and had feveral meetings in January
and February 1667. But after all found
it impoffible to come to any refolution,
ſo this Treaty broke up, and came to
nothing.
The things which the Commiffioners
on the
part of Scotland, principally com-
plained of, on this occafion may be ſeen
by the following paper, the which Mr.
May delivered to be read and inſerted
in our Books.
C
'We have received your Lordships
Paper of the firft of February Inftant
figned by your Lordships order, John
"Walker, in anſwer to ours of the 25th
of January laft.
Į
F 2
To
(68)
.
To which we return this Anſwer.
'That as we are; and fhall be very far
'from formalizing in a buſineſs of fuch
"a Concernment. So when your Lord-
fhips fhall confider the dates of our
'Papers, we hope you will find we have
not been the cauſe of any lofs oftime
or delay.
C
'
€
“
By your Lordships firft Paper, you
'defired to have the whole in Prospect,
and we did conceive, you had it by
our firft Paper, wherein we reprefen-
ted, that contrary to the Priviledges
'declared to belong by Law, to his
'Maiefties Subjects of Scotland, born
under the Allegiance of the King:
And contrary to that freedom of Trade
enjoyed for fo many years, fome Acts
have been made, fince the 25th of
March, in the 12th year of his Maje-
'fties Reign.
6
"We expreft very particularly what
related to the Act of Navigation, and
where we faid, that by other Acts of
Parliament fince that time, fome Goods
and Commodities of Scotland, are at
fometimes charged with a Duty and
Impofition equal to, or above their
value: VVe' doubted not but your
'Lordfhips conceived, we meant that
• branch of an Act charging Scots Cat-
'tle
1
(69)
1
C
tle brought into this Kingdom after
"the 24th of August. And that by
'the Cuſtom and Impofition charged
upon fome Goods of Scotland about
، 16 times more than the Foreign Goods
' of the like nature: We meant the Act
impofing 16 s. 8 d. on each weigh of the
"Salt of Scotland, where only one Shil-
ling is impofed upon Foreign Salt:
We mentioned alfo unuſual Cuftom
exacted in Northumberland and Cumber-
land, which we conceived might have
'been very obvious to your Lordships.
.
<
Theſe are the moft material obftru-
'ctions, and we little expected your
Lordfhips could reafonably appre-
hend any Heterogenous matters from
<
<
C
us, being both our Commiffions are
'limitted to the Freedom and Liber-
'ties of Trade betwixt the two King-
'doms, and to the Impofitions obftru-
Eting the fame; Yet ſeeing your
Lordfhips do ftill infift, that we fhould
'firft declare more particularly what
'we have further to propofe, and give
you a Scheme of the whole; In com-
'plaince with this we do reprefent
That we expect your Lordships will
'confent to the reftoring his Ma
jefties Subjects of Scotland, to the fame
Freedom of Trade here in England
F 3
and
<
C
( 70 )
}
1
G
C
and the Dominions thereunto belong-
ing, which they enjoyed during the
happy Reigns of his Majefty's Roy-
al Grandfather, and Father of Blef-
fed Memory. And for that purpoſe,
'to the repealing all the Clauſes of
Acts of Parliament, here in England,
'which obſtruct and deſtroy that Free-
• dom.
•
6
'Having fully expreft our felves
as to the firft and greateſt Obftruction;
"The Act of Navigation.
<
•
>
We now mention further, The Act
for encouraging of Trade the 15 Car. II.
Chap. 7. and by it the Impofition on
Scots Cattle, from the 24 of August,
'to the 20 of December, and what by
'that Act may be interpreted to con-
'cern the Subjects of Scotland, as to
'their Importation of Freſh and Salted,
or Dryed Fifh: VVhich laft Claufe
'depends in part upon the Act of Na-
vigation,
.
An Additional Duty laid on Scots
Linnen Cloath, by the Act of Tunnage
and Foundage, in the 12 year of His
6 Majefties Reign, being one full moiety
more than is mentioned in the Book of
Rates.
That
(71)
That part of the A&t 14 Car. II.
Chap. 7. which forbid the carrying
'Skins or Hides, Tanned or Untaned
' into Scotland.
'That part of the Act for prevent-
'ing Frauds and Abuſes in his Maje-
'fties Cuſtoms, 14. Car. II. Chap. 11.
' which obliges all Goods and VVares
that ſhall be brought out or carried
'into the Kingdom of Scotland, to paſs
by or thro the Towns of Berwick or
' Carlisle, at leaſt we fhall defire an Ex-
planation of the fame.
،
،
II.
The Impofition laid upon Scots Salt,
'above 16 times more than that upon
Foreign Salt, 14. Car. II. Chap. 11.
"The Impofition laid upon Scots
Beer, viz. fo. Shilling per Barrel, as
"if Scotchmen were Foreigners, 18. Car.
• II. Chap. 5.
'
' And we further expect, that where
Foreigners, or places beyond the Seas
' are mentioned in any Act, that it be
'declared that his Majefties Subjects
of Scotland, nor his Kingdom of Scot-
'land are not meant, nor cannot be fo
• underſtood to be meant
6
'As concerning the unuſual Cuſtoms
'impofed lately in Northumberland and
Cumberland, we mean, that of late,
there have been demanded for every
'Stoncil
C
F 4
}
892
( 1
72 ):
6
6
3
I
Stoned Horfe, carried into Scotland
L. 6 s. 8 d. For every Gelding, 1 l.
for every Mare 61. 6s. 8 d. For e-
very quarter of VVheat carried by
Land 5. 4 d. Of Rye 4 s. Of Peaſe
4 s. Of Big and Barly 2's. 8 d. and of
Oats 1 s. 4d. upon a pretence of the
Acts made in the 13. and 15. years of
His Majefties Reign, and without any
colour of Law, New Impoft, as we
are informed, are laid upon Northum
berland Coals carried into Scotland, and
' unuſual Cuſtoms upon ordinary Market
• Commodeties, brought every Market-
day into Berwick.
..
C
(
Thus your Lordships have now the
• full Scheme of all that is to be de-
manded by us in this Treaty. But,
becauſe what we have given in, relat-
ing to the Act of Navigation, was the
firft in time, and is the greateſt ob-
ftruction of our Trade, and indeed
'without which our Trade cannot be
'carried on, we ftill infift upon an An-
fwer to it in the first place, and then
we fhall willingly proceed to Treat
on all the reft in order.
{
८
K
نا
And we hope it fhall appear, we
do and fhall defire nothing, but the
Juft and Reaſonable removal of the
Obftructions of that Freedom of Trade
1
• fo
(73)
fo long enjoyed; And the continuing,
& ftrengthening the happy agreement
of both the Kingdoms, which is
'our greateſt defire, and fhall be purſued
by us moftHeartily and Diligently.
Feb. 3. 1663.
Upon the Breaking up of this Trea
ty, continued Mr. May, it became ftill
more manifeft, that nothing lefs than
a nearer and more Compleat Union
could remedy thofe growing Evils,
and this not only with regard to Scot-
land, but likewife to Ireland, as among
other things appears by a paper about
that time prefented to his Majefty, by
feveral of the moft Confiderable Per-
fons of that Kingdom. To the fol-
owing effect.
6
'His Majefties Good Subjects in Ire-
land, upon the hearing of a Propofal
not long fince made for the uniting
England and Scotland, with all Obedi-
ence and Submiffion, humbly conceive
'it a means conducible thereto : If the
like Union of England and Ireland un-
der one Legiſlative Power affembled
6
F
in
(74)
>
6
6
' in one Parliament, might be refetled
de jure, in fomething the like manner,
'as it was formerly de facto, to the fa-
cilitating his Majefties gracious Go-
vernment of both Kingdoms, diffolv-
'ing of many intricate difficulties, tak-
ing away much of the Root of Diffe-
rence, and Difcord between the now
many Parties in his Majefties faid
Kingdoms, and ftrengthening his
hands against all Oppofers both at
'home and abroad.
6
८
'
The Grievances for want of Union.
1. The Judges are not agreed whe-
ther Laws made in England (fince
Poyning's Law ) do bind Ireland, tho
it be named in them: So that im-
< bezelling, razing, and abufing Re-
'cords, too often practixed, is not Fe-
lony there as in England.
.
6 2. The Judges are not agreed how
the Act 17 and 18 Car. I. made in
'the Parliament of England, may con-
fift with the Acts of Settlement and
Explanation fince made in Ireland.
3. The people of England, fent over
and living in Ireland for his Majefties
Service, are accounted as Foreigners
and
( 75 )
'and Aliens in many things. (viz.) That
"their Goods from Barbadoes muſt firſt
'come to England,that they pay double
'Cuſtom here,
6
c.
*
4. The Colonies ſent from England,
' are therefore the more difpofed in* See Stat.
64. Eliz.
'a generation or two to turn Irish, off for attain-
whom at this day two third parts are der of Ty-
degenerated English, and of the re- Miltons
mainder two thirds are of the Welch, Hiftories.
"and but one ninth of the old Bifcainers
6
❝ chaſed by the Goths, and Planted there
'by leave from England; and the best of
theſe as the Obrians, and divers others
are become true English.
C
८ 5. If Ireland continue fo to drein
away Men (as between the year 1649
and 1653, above 50000 Soldiers)both
that and England, and our Plantations
in America, may want Men, when as
it may be fo ordered as to help all the
'reft with Supplies.
6
6
'6. Thoſe turned Irish are againſt
Improvement, Ornament, the King's
Revenue, and Intereft there, the ad-
6 vancement of Trade. All theſe are
promoted by the English-Planters, who
"on
on any Commotion, lofe their Im-
provements and Stock, (generally
? five times more worth than their Lands)
their VVives and Children driven in-
to
rony and
་
(76)
I
6
6
}
to England in Diftrefs, moving age-
'neral pitty of their Calamity, and in-
'dignation against their Oppreſſors.
'
Advantages by the Union.
"1. The lefs Army would ferve, Train-
ed Bands might fuffice the English
Pals there being not compleatly four
• Couries, for many years kept it felf
' againſt the reft of Ireland without any
great Charge to England.
.
C
6
6
2. The English upon fuch evidence
and ground of Eſtabliſhment,and quiet
' in their Poffeffions, a main point, (pof-
'feft and difpoffeft, being a great foun
dation of differences there) in other
things would be more difpofed to any
reaſonable Conformity, which their
'dependance upon England will oblige
• them to.
6
(
G
C
3. The Irish being put from their
hopes of having any more Irish Parli-
aments, will be the easier difpofed to
English Habit, Language, Building
of Chimnies and other manner of Eng-
lifh living, according to many of our
Statutes, ftill in force to that end:
The want of all which things make
the great Confumption of the English
there.
Whilft
(77)
"Whilft this kind of Union held de
"facto in the late times, the Irish gene-
'rally went to the English Proteftant
Churches, and did actually conform as
' aboveſaid.
4. Neither then would the Great
'Men of all parts there, as hither-
to be fo concerned to expel
'their Engliſh Tenants and take in
Irish, tho at ki Rents, partly be-
'cauſe they are more abfolutely at their
own command, and flavifh; partly
to keep up the pretence and neceffi-
ty of a greater Army, wherein their
Relations, Servants and Dependants
' have convenient Entertainments.
C
..
5. There is here the greater facili-
ty from the general ufe of the fame
"Laws in both Kingdoms.
And the difpofition for an Union
with Scotland fo far prevailed, that in
the year 1670, the King was impow-
red by the Parliaments of both King-
doms to nominate Commiffioners to
Treat. The which Commiffioners were
accordingly appointed, and had feveral
meetings, but after all this Treaty, like-
wife came to nothing. The Commiffio-
ners on the part of Scotland,not only infi-
fting upon their old pretences of preferv-
ing fovereignities,and independencys,but
like-
( 78 )
_
A
likewiſe that by their Conſtitution they
could not fo much as Treat of an Union
untill their whole Parliament, and even
all their Conftituents had confented.
That at all Adventures, they would
not Treat of an Union, but only in the
Line of their King James the VI.
Thoſe were pretty remote Reafon-
ings fays Mr. More, Did they not come
nearer to the point?
In Compliment to the King contnui-
ed Mr. May, They at laft offered to try
if they could get their Countrymens
Confent, to have the two Parliaments
joyned,but would not abate one of their
Members upon any account whatſoever.
A good Motion, fays Mr. Gage, but
did they pretend to come in for the like
proportion of Taxes as of Reprefenta-
tives in Parliament.
When the proportion of Taxes was
urged as the Rule and Standard, for
that of their Reprefentatives in Parlia-
ment, replied Mr. May, they faid there
were many ſmall Boroughs in England,
which fent two Members to Parlia-
ment, yet in the Affeffment did not con-
tribute one per Cent of what was paid
by fome of the great Counties, and Ci-
ties; and much more to this purpoſe,
and confequently not worth remem-
brance.
Thefe
('79)
Theſe Reaſons are fomewhat faint,
to fay no more; fays Mr. Sands, we
have had enough if not too much of
them.
Thus you fee, continued Mr. May,
that tho the firft motion of a Treaty
come entirely from themſelves, yet it
was the Gentlemen of Scotland, who
broke it off.
But, fays Mr. Sands, methinks fince
they had fo altered their minds, they
might at leaſt have found more tolle-
rable and plaufible excufes than theſe;
but pray what do you think was the
fecret and true motives of their break-
ing up this their own Treaty.
>
Its faid that fome about Court, who
at firſt fancied they could increaſe their
Power, and Influence by the Union
replyed Mr. May, being afterwards
convinced it would have quite another
effect, accordingly took care to break
up the Treaty, as you have heard.
Its evident, that this Conduct
of the Commiffioners for Scotland, could
not proceed fo much from any thing,
as from the ill difpofition of fome, who
had the Influence and Secret of Scots
Affairs at Court, fays Mr. Grant, fince
both before, and for a confiderable
time afterward, they could and did
Com-
(80)
Command Obedience in Scotland, with
out reſerve, particularly in the matters
of Trade, about which moſt of theſe
differences arofe.
Would it not be worth while to
enquire what hath been gotten or reap-
ed out of thoſe diforders, fays Mr.
Sands, or what Families have been
railed by theſe kind of means.
As it was ungodly work, fays Mr.
Grant, fo a Curfe feems to have fol-
lowed, for at this day we can hard-
ly find a Family, or but the remainders
of one; raiſed by theſe fort of means.
It must needs have been a bad
game where all have been fuch loof-
ers, fays Mr. Hope, on the one hand
the Engliſh fay that by the Acceffion
of the Kings of Scotland to their Crown,
inftead of an addition of itrength as ex-
pected, they have had nothing but trou-
ble and umbrage from that Kingdom;
and on the other; its plain,that for want
of a nearer and more compleat Union,
the Kingdom of Scotland hath been great-
ly prejudiced: fince before this looſe
and irregular tic of the Union of the
Crowns,it is faid, to have been, with re-
gard to England, in People as one to four,
and in Wealth,as one to feven,but doubt
if it can now come up to half that pro;
portion.
I
I
( 81 )
I can hardly think your Country
ever came up to what you feem to
hint, fays Mr. May, but by what Pa-
pers I have ſeen, am apt to believe
.that Scotland was then much more con-
fiderable with regard to the reft of the
World than it now is, fince we find
that even by the regulation in Crom-
well's time they came in for about one
thirteenth part of the Affeffment, and
the queſtion is if they are now capable
of coming, in but for that proportion.
By what I have lately understood,
fays Mr. Hope, they can hardly come
in for half what they did in Cromwell's
time.
But what do you think could be the
cauſe of fuch a decline, fays Mr. North,
for one would think, if they had been
over-run by an Enemy, and Governed
by an Army for half an Age together,
they could hardly have been funk fo
much, as by this you feem to hint.
There is no doubt, but a Country
abandoned, is rather in a worfe condi
tion than when Conquered, (fays Mr.
Grant) For where a people are fubdued,
the Conqueror ufually takes fome care
of his Acquifitions, but when a place
is thus left, altho the names and forms
may be ftill the fame; yet hardly any
thing
G
1
(82)
thing of the Majefty, or effential parts
of Government remain. The Laws
and Magiftratures, being only fo far in
force as they can do harm, and confe-
quently the Inhabitants, are rendred
not only a Prey to one another, but to
the very Servants of Servants.
I am ſo far from wondering how
Scotland comes to be fo low, (fays Mr:
May) That confidering their circum-
ftances I am amazed to think how they
have made ſhift to fubfift, as they have
done, for more than an Age together,
for inftance, let us fuppofe, two
perfons, or Families of 100 l. per An.
each. The one encreaſing, and the o-
ther, confuming but only to the value of
one hundred pence yearly, at the rate
of 6 per Cent, per An. for one hundred
years continuance. Pray what do you
think would be the difference of thofe
two Eſtates at the determination of that
time ?
By this Table of Logarithmes (fays
Mr. Grant) I find the Eftate of the
gainer encreaſed to about 250 1.
per
Aunum, but that of the other utter-
ly confumed, and he about 800 /. in
Debt.
By
}
(83)
>
By this Inftance we may perceive
the difference between a thriving and
declining State, of a Family, Country,
or whatever it be (continued Mr.
May), But befides this, the Progreſs
Trade has made in the world during
the laſt Century, muſt have very much
contributed to this alteration.
From whence I conclud, that any
tollerable Conquest, had been much bet-
ter for Scotland, than this imperfect
and partial Union, which commenced
in the year 1603.
You fee the Conqueft in the year 1651
brought a Union of courfe (fays Mr.
Brooks), and no doubt but that would
ftill be the confequence of either Nati-
ons reducing the other.
That might do very well for any
thing I know (fays Mr. Grant). How-
ever I prefume it may be better to do it
now by Treaty, than to ftay till it be
effected the other way.
Since the rest of the Gentlemen feem
to be of your Sentiment, (fays Mr.
Jones) Pray let us proceed to the ne-
ceffary directions about forming a
Scheme to be prefented next meeting.
G 2
By
(84)
By what Standard, or Rule, do you
intend your Scheme fhall be drawn?
(fays Mr. More)
You fee. equality of Taxes, and Trade
with a proportionate Reprefentative in
Parliament were the Rules about 50
years ago. (fays Mr. May) Can any
one think of better?
I wish we could find fome other
Standard or Meaſure, than that of thoſe
times (fays Mr. More). Methinks I
fhould be unwilling to follow, or im-
mitate Rebels, and Ufurpers in any
thing eſpecially in a matter of this
moment
I wiſh fo too (fays Mr. Sands). Yet
in the mean time find my felf fo much
in temper, that rather than want a
Rule, methinks I could make ſhift,
with fuch as was in ufe even, in thoſe
evil times.
I hope our friend Mr. More, is only
in jeft (fays Mr. May), otherwiſe I
fhould tell him in earneft, that to op-
pofe, or find fault with good things,
becauſe handed from bad Times, bad
Men, or perhapps only from fuch as
we do not like, is as little a fign of
found Judgment, as it is of good Na-
ture.
Yet
}
1
1
(85)
Yet by this Spirit of Contradiction
and Oppofition, we may find that not
a few of the ill things of the World
have had their Rife, and of the good
things their Ruin (fays Mr. Jones).
Particularly, its to be fear'd the mat-
ter of the Union now before us, did not
fare the better in the Reign of King
James, for being fo much in Vogue in
that of Queen Elizabeth.. Nor upon
the Reſtoration for having been fo hear-
tily eſpouſed and brought to fuch
Confiſtancy during the preceeding times
of Ufurpation.
But let us forbear taking any further
notice of humours, or the effects of
them, and proceed to name fome per-
fons to prepare and bring in a Scheme
ofan Union at our next meeting.
Accordingly, upon this motion, Mr.
Brooks, Mr. May, Mr. Grant and Mr.
Hope, together with Mr. Jones were
appointed to draw up a Scheme of an
Union with Scotland, in order to its be-
ing prefented upon Wednesday January
16th, to which time the Society Ad-
journed the further confideration of this
matter.
G 3
Wednes
( 86 )
VVednesday January 16th 1705.
R. Jones acquainted the Society,
MR that fince our laſt meeting upon
*
this Subject, the Parliament of England,
to fhew their good and friendly difpofiti-
on to the Kingdom of Scotland, and the
better to pave the way to the Union had
frankly and unanimouſly concured with
our Gracious Queen, in repealing certain
Negative, and Prohibitory Claufes in
the Act, which paft laft Seffions for
impowering Her Majefty to Appoint
Commiffioners to Treat of an Union.
I was much concerned fome months
ago (fays Mr. May) to find many fo
warmly inclined, to the paffing fuch
Negative and Hoftile Laws, with re-
gard to Scotland; as thinking this was
the way, rather to widen, than to heal
our differences; To heighten than to
allay the Heats and Animofities among
UIS.
But now it has happily given the
Lords and Commons of England a
noble opportunity, of fhewing their
Temper and good Difpofition.
Are
(87)
3
Are you in England likewife apt to do
things, when Warm and Angry? (fays
Mr. Bruce)
You fee we, as others, are fometimes
troubled with Negative and Prohibito-
ry humours (fays Mr. May). But that
ftill we retain the capacity of mend-
ing.
Certainly what hath paft in our Par-
liament, with relation to the repealing
thoſe Clauſes (ſays Mr. Sands), deferves
Commendation to Pofterity, and has
expreft a Generofity of Mind fit to
be immitated by the beft, and bra-
veft Nations. And is hoped the Gen-
tlemen of Scotland will thereby be in-
duced to make fuch returns, as may
not only fix, and continue, but encreaſe
this friendly and regardful difpofition,
from which both Nations may hope to
reap fo excellent fruits.
Now thofe Hoftile Claufes are re-
pealed (fays Mr. Bruce). The A&t In-
titled an Act for the more effectual fecu-
ring the Kingdom of England from the
apparent danger, that may arise from ſe-
veral Acts lately past in the Parliament of
Scotland, looks more like, and corre-
fponds fomewhat better with the title,
than before. And I hope it fhall have
GA
all
(88)
Dec. I.
all the good effects in Scotland, that
can reaſonably be expected.
This is certainly the true way to
deal with my Countrymen, (fays Mr.
Grant) who tho otherwife a good fort
of people, yet like Reoboam's subjects,
are now and then apt to be a little fto-
machfull and itubborn.
This puts me in mind of a paffage
7. Livius in Fitus Livius (fays Mr. May). When
1.8. §. 20. the Senate of Rome had under confi-
deration, what punifhment fhould be
inflicted upon the Privernates, a people
who had broke their Federal Union with
the Romans,
21,
A Senator, who had been warm a-
gainſt that people, happening to ask one
of their Ambaffadors or Agents, What
punishment he thought in his Confci-
ence the Privernates deferved for this
their breach of League? Was contrary
to expectation anfwered. Such as they
deferve, who think themselves worthy of
Freedom.
Upon this, the Conful, who had re-
duced Privernum, and was better inclin-
ed to its Inhabitants, perceiving thoſe
who before were against the Priverna-
tes, to be ftill the more exaſperated by
this Antwer, endeavoured by a gentle
que-
(89)
queſtion to draw from them, fome more
Modeſt and Submiffive Language.
Accordingly faid. But ſuppoſe, we
fhould wholly remit your punishment; what
kind of Peace may we then expect with
you? to which the other briefly, but ftill
contrary to expectation, returned. If
a Good and equal Peace, we shall faithfully
obferve it for ever: But if hard Conditi-
ons be impofed, we ſhall not keep them
long.
What did they with the fellows?
(fays Mr. North) Did they not order
them to be hanged immediately?
Some were eager enough upon courſes
tending that way (replied Mr.May), who
accordingly cried out; This was plain
threatning, and the way to stir up quiet
People to Rebellion.
But there were others, who gave
this frank manner of expreffion a more
favourable. Conſtruction, (faying) It
was a Speech becoming a Man, and one
Free-born.
That it was not to be expected any State,
or indeed any Mortal would endure a bad
and uneafie condition any longer, than they
needs must :That the Peace can only be Sure
and Stable, which is voluntarily entred into.
But
1
(90)
ง
But that fidelity ought not to be expected,
where Slavery is impofed.
That they deferved to be Romans,
whofe Liberty was the greatest part of their
Care.
Upon theſe Confiderations, the Se-
nate and People, not only pardoned the
Privernates, but made and declared them
Citizens of Rome.
Thus you fee concluded, Mr. May,
That after the Romans had reduced
Privernum they united with it, and
that fo did the English with Scotland,
among many others that might be gi-
ven, certainly theſe two are Lively and
Noble Inftances, That Unions were and
are good Things.
After this Mr. Jones faid, the Gen-
tlemen, who were appointed to draw
up a Scheme for an Union with Scotland,
have concerted their Thoughts thereof
in the following Heads, the which he
Read, and afterward delivered them in
to be entred in our Books.
Hena's
( 91 )
Heads propofed for an Union be-
tween the Kingdoms of England
and Scotland.
T
I. Hat the two Kingdoms of Eng-
land and Scotland be united
into one, by the name of the Kingdom
of Britain.
2. That this Kingdom be reprefented by
one Parliament, under the happy Govern-
ment of our Gracious Queen Anne, and of
her Royal Iſſue, and in default of fuch Iffue,
under that of the mojt excellent Princess
Sophia, Electorefs and Dutchefs Dowager
of Hanover, and the Iffue of her Body,
being Proteftants.
3. That the House of Peers of the
Parliament of Britain may confist of the
preſent Peers of England, and of Juch
others, as Her Majefty fhall (according to
Her Royal Prerogative in that cafe)
from time to think fit to Creat? but
whereof not less than twenty, to be of the
preſent Peers of Scotland.
4. That the House of Commons of
Britain, do consist of the prefent repre-
ſentative in the Parliament of England, and
of
f
\
( 92 )
1
of forty others, as the proportion for Scot-
land.
5. That the Reprefentative for Scotland
be proportioned in such manner as the
Parliament of that Kingdom shall deter-
mine at the time of their Agreement to the
Union.
"
6. That the Church Governments of
both Kingdoms of England, and Scot-
land thus united, do after the Union
and notwithstanding thereof, remain the
Same as they now are, without Alte-
ration.
7. That the Municipal Laws and Ju-
dicatures of each Nation, do notwithſtand-
ing this Union, remain the fame without
Alteration.
8. That from the time of concluding this
Union, there may be a free Communication
and Entercourfe of Trade, between all the
Parts of this united Kingdom and Domi-
nions thereof, and accordingly, that all man-
ner of Reftraints, Prohibitions, Monopolies,
and Impofitions, interfering therewith be ta-
ken off, Repealed, and for ever Abolished.
9. As a neceffary Confequence of this free
Communication and Intercourse of Com-
merce in the Kingdom of Britain, that
there be the fame Home and Foreign Ex-
cifes, Customs, and other Taxes and Im-
pofitions, as likewife the fame Restraints
and
7
(93)
and Prohibitions thro all the Parts there-
of.
10. And in regard the Kingdom of Scot-
land may not at present be capable of bear-
ing fuch proportion of the Affeffments on
Land, as in fome time, after having reap-
ed the fruits of a happy Union, that there-
fore, the Quota thereof may not for
Years exceed what has been therein uſually
paid, nor in any valuations afterwards
the Medium of the fix Northren Counties
of England.
11. That her Majesty will be graciously
pleaſed to confent that a Rent-charge of
30,000l. per Annum by Quarterly pay-
ments, may be made upon her Royal Re-
venue, untill a Sum of 600,000l. to be
raiſed thereupon, and allowed to the King-
dom of Scotland, as an equivalent for the
prefent Debts of England, shall come to
be repaid.
12. That fo much as shall be requifite, of
the faid Sum of 600,000 1, be in the first
place applied to refunding the Expences,
and Loffes of the Indian and Affrican
Company of Scotland, with Intereſt at the
rate of 6 per Cent. per Annum, as like-
wile for fatisfying, fuch Publick Debts,
or Obligations, as there may be in Scotland,
at the time of Compleating the Union,
and
( 94 )
i
and that the remainder thereof may för
ever be Applied and Appropriated towards
a Fund for Imployment and Maintenance
of the Poor, Supporting, Promoting and
Encouraging the Manufactures, Fisheries,
Products and Improvements of that End
of this Ifland.
Thus fays Mr.Grant, the expence and
lofs of the Indian and Affrican Company,
being about 1 40,000 /.Principal Money,
which with the Intereft at the rate of
6
per Cent for, 11 years, will amount to
ſomewhat more than 230,000l.
And fuppofing about 100,000 l. to be
neceffary for fatisfying the Publick
Debts and Ingagements in Scotland.
There will remain about 260,000 l.
which together with the Sums already
impofed for the Poor, and the Publick
Charities, may be made a Fund for
maintaining, and Imploying the Poor,
and Encouragement of the Fisheries,
Manufactures, and other Improvements
of that Kingdom.
I like this Expedient for the Lords bet-
ter then any I have hitherto feen,faysMr.
Bruce, for here will be no breaking in
upon their Conſtitution by Deputations,
Rotations, or fuch like things, not only
quite
'
( 95 )
quite contrary to the Nature and Dig-
nity of the Peerage; but violently tend-
ing to Party and Faction, fince thofe
Deputies or Plenipotentiaries would pro-
bably be all of a piece to what fide
foever they fhould incline or fall.
But why is not the leaft number of
Lords on the part of Scotland fixed at
thirty, fays Mr. Shaw, fince poffibly that
might not only include the moſt part of
the Confiderable Families, but contri-
bute the more towards making the re-
mainder eafie, as thereby finding them-
ſelves in a better way of advance-
ment.
This number of twenty is only pitch-
ed upon, as beſt fuiting with that of
forty, propoſed as their Repreſentative
in the Houſe of Commons, replies Mr.
May, But the Queen is not limited in
this matter; there being no doubt but
in the Cafe of an Union, not only 20
or 30 of them but the rest of the No-
ble Families of that Kingdom will na-
turally fall under her Majefties Royal
Confideration and Care.
I entirely approve of this Expedient
for the Peerage, fays Mr. Carr, and
think it not material whether twenty
or thirty be the ftated number, fince
the
(96)
the thing has fuch evident Reaſon as
gives it Weight, to make its way.
But I do not fo well understand the
quota of Reprefentatives propofed for
my Country in the Houfe of Com-
mons, fays Mr. Rofe; as being but 40
to 513, at this rate they may eaſily out
Vote us at any time.
When the two Nations are become
one, there neither will nor can be any
fuch thing as out-voting, fays Mr, May,
This Kingdom is at prefent founded
upon its feven Dominions of old, to-
gether with thofe latter Unions with
Wales, Chester and Durham: Yet we ne-
ver heard that England went about to
out-vote Wales, or both of them Dur-
ham or Chefter. Were they only to be
tyed or tackt together by fome Cove-
nant, Confederacy, Agreement or Bar-
gain, there might be ground for fcru-
ples, but the propofal being to bring
them under one Government, Directi-
on and Intereſt, it confequently leaves
not room for fuch furmifes.
Altho perhaps one cannot in ftriat-
nefs infift for above forty as the Repre-
fentative of Scotland, (fays Mr. Shaw)
yet for the fake of Conveniency I could
wifh fome few more were allowed,
fince
(97)
fince by a Scheme I have lately feen,
it appears their Counties and Boroughs
cannot very conveniently be cantoned
to leſs than a number of, between Fifty
and Sixty.
Altho equality of Taxes and a pro-
portionate Repreſentative be the rules
by which thoſe who pretend to reaſon
upon the Affair of the Union ought to
fteer, fays Mr.Brooks, yet I doubt not,but
upon any Treaty, confideration would
be had to the eafe and conveniency of
the feveral Counties and Towns of
Scotland, and if need were, a ready con-
decenfion to fomewhat more in the Re-
preſentative, than can be admitted by
the ftrictness of the Rule, provided it
may not fo far exceed, as to give Juft
caufe of umbrage.
Thoſe who would cordially treat of
an Union, ought not to range them-
felves on one fide or other, but be for
both, fays Mr. May, not on the part of
England, nor upon that of Scotland as
abſtractedly taken, but on that of Bri-
tain, and accordingly nothing fhould
be required nor expected by one fide,
but what ought to be readily granted
by the other; yet if all was concluded
to this point, I doubt not but expe-
dients would be found.
H
Time
(98)
Since by the Union in the year Six-
teen hundred fifty four, the Kingdom of
Scotland was allowed but thirty in the
Houſe of Commons, why then do you
now propofe forty, fays Mr. More, ef
pecially confidering they pretend not
to come up to the fame proportion
of Taxes they then did.
By that Union they were allowed
thirty to four hundred,replied Mr. May,
and if 400, 30. 513. 384%, fo that we
have only in this as in other things,
propoſed the Grains to them, as to the
weaker fide, and we have not thought
fit to leffen their number in the Re-
preſentative, becauſe its hoped the fruits
of a happy Union, may in a few Years
enable them,to contribute the fame they
then did, or poffibly a greater propor-
tion of the Taxes, and publick Bur-
thens.
I doubt not but what relates to the
number of Repreſentatives in either
Houſe of Parliament, may be eafily ac-
commodated, when depending on thofe
who have a mind to it (fays Mr. Sands).
But let us come to the Money matters,
and in the first place, have your reaſons
for propofing fuch eafe to the Kingdom
of Scotland in the point of Affeffments
On Land.
The
(99)
The reaſon thereof is given in the
body of the Article relating thereunto
(replied Mr. Brooks), and both the Sum
and time are left Blank,that it may there-
by appear, we pretend not to ftate, much
leſs to determine this matter.
Some prefent eafe in the matter of
the Affeffment may perhaps be allow-
able, provided it be only for a time, and
untill they come to be in a better ſtate(fays
Mr. Gage). But why may not thoſe of
Scotland be afterwards obliged to come in
for more than the medium of the fix Nor-
thern Counties of England, fince I could
never yet underſtand why we in and a-
bout London fhould be thus lyable to
contribute our full Four Shillings, when
thoſe in the more remote and extream
parts of this Kingdom, pay not two
Shillings, perhaps not Twenty-pence in
the Pound.
I doubt not but upon enquiry it will
be found, that fuitable to their circum-
ftances, eaſe ought to be given and al-
lowances made, to places remote from
the Seat of Government and Center
of Trade (replyed Mr. May,) and cer-
tainly the Scheme of the year 1656, and
the rifing of the feveral Excifes in the re-
moter parts of this Kingdom, together
with
H 2
UorM
こ
​( 100 )
with the daily experience of thoſe who
have Eftates in the different places, do
fufficiently manifeft the truth of this
pofition.
I hope you pretend not to plead for,
or countenance fuch allowances as a
mount to one half or perhaps to two
thirds of the real values (replied Mr.
Gage).
That's far from being my meaning
(returned Mr. May) altho in the cafe
before us, poffibly one third, or were
it fomewhat more, might not be unrea-
fonable. And in the mean time it
ought to be remembred, that the King-
dom of Scotland, is ftill more remote
from the Center of Government and
Trade, than the fix Northern Counties
of England.
You ſpeak of the Four Shillings in-
the Pound on Land, as of a certain
ftanding charge (faid Mr. Gage), where-
as I truft we are far from that hazard,
the reft of the Funds with good ma-
nagement being more than fufficient to
defray the Publick expence, and dif-
charge the National Debts, if the pre-
fent War was but once ended, which
it's hoped may not be long, from whence
I infer that the Gentlemen of Scotland
feem
(101)
ſeem more afraid in this matter than
there is danger of their being hurt,
why do not they therefore rather pro-
pofe to have what they pretend by
way of eafe, or Equivalent, in Cuſtoms,
Excifes, as fome more ftanding and
certain Revenues, than that of the Land
Tax.
There is no poffibility of making al-
lowances, or Abatements, by way of
Customs or Excife, without creating
much greater lofs and diforder, not on-
ly in the Trade, but likewife in the
Publick Revenues, than the benefit
to them replied Mr. May), Where-
fore what they have by way of eaſe
or equivalent muft neceffarily be either
in the Affeffment, in ready Money, or
by both. Accordingly we had regard
to this in the following Article, where-
by they are to have only 600,000 1.
as an equivalent for the prefent Debts
of England. Although this Sum be
confiderably less than what in ftrict-
nefs they might otherwife pretend, as
you will fee by the following Eftimate
of the Revenues and Debts of the two
Kingdoms,from whence we have drawn
our Poſitions.
H }
Upon
( 102 )
Upon this, Mr. May, read and deli-
vered in, the following Eftimates of
the Revenues and Debts of the two
Nations.
Eſtimate of the preſent
Revenues of England.
Y the Cuftoms
Excifeon Bear
Br
and Ale.
1. 1,200,000
1,100,000
Salt Excife
180,000
Low-wines, &c.
160,000
Duty on Coals
120,000
By Paper and Parchment
90,000
By the Poft-Office
90,000
Small branches
Malt Tax
Land Tax
1, 5,610,000
70,000
600,000
2,000,000
An
(( 103
103 )
I
An Eſtimate of what the Revenue
of Scotland may produce when
upon the foot of the prefent
Taxes of England.
Cuf Excife on Beer
70,000
and Ale
40,000
Malt and Salt Taxes
40,000
Crown-Lands
6,000
Stamped Paper and o-2
ther ſmall Duties
10,000
The Land Tax fuppofe
50,000
l. 216,000
AB
(104)
An Eſtimate of the prefent Debts
of England.
Y the Annui-
Br
Reign
ties in the late 1,881,745 15
The Annuities
of this Reign S
Bankers Debt
5,140,189 13 112
664,263
Due to the Bank of
1,200,000
England
To the New Eaſt
India Company
2,000,000
Remains of the st
Deficiencies
By the fecond Defi-
ciencies likewife
618,317 15
charged upon the
2,338,628 15 51
Funds commonly
called the general
Mortgage.
Arrears of Interest
upon the Said
Debt for about 7
1,200,000
years fuppofe
Dea
7
( 105 )
Debenture Debt,fuppofe 1,000,000
On the Low Wine Duties 722,175
On the Additional Subfidies 780,132
On the Lottery Fund
On the Coal Fund
Houfbold and other
Debts due from his
400,000
258,771
300,000
late Majefty, Sup-
pofe
{
Debts contracted fince
her Majefties Accef
fion to the Crown.
Suppoſe
1,700,000
20,204,223 1*
Confidering the Debts which have
been Annually contracted fince her Ma-
jefties happy acceffion to the Crown,
and the prefent profpect of Affairs, it
might be fuppofed this may be en-
creaſed to near if not quite twenty
two Millions by the end of the run-
ning year. But we have only found-
ed our Propofitions upon a Sum of 1.
21,000,000.
The Government Debts of Scotland
are inconfiderable, being, as its faid,
not above 60,000 7. but the expence of
their
( 106 )
their Civil Government may after the
Union, be ſuppoſed to be.
To the Chancellor
l. 2000
Privy Seal
1000
Prefident of the Council
1000
One Secretary of State
1000
Prefident of the Seffion
1000
Juſtice General
800
Treaſurer Deputy
600
Juſtice Clerk
600
Regiſter
500
14 Lords of the Seffion 500 l, each 7000
Queens Advocate
500
Queens Sollicitor
300
Two Clerks of the Council
500
l. 16800
Allowance for Grants, Pen-
fions and other extraor-
dinary Expences
13200
in all 1. 30000
f
So that after the Ex-
pence of the particular
Government of Scot-
land fhall be defrayed, l. 186,000
there will remain of
the Revenue of that
Kingdom an overplus j
of about
And
( 107 )
And 186,000l. the Revenue of Scot-
land being to 5,610,0co the Revenue
of England, as one is to thirty very
near, by dividing 21,000,000 the Debts
of England, by this number thirty, we
found the equivalent to the Kingdom
of Scotland ought to be 700,000.
But I obferve you make no allow-
ance for the Expence of the Military
Government of Scotland after the Union.
(fays Mr. Sands)
The Military Expence of the Govern-
ment of Scotland after the Union, as
taken properly will be very little (fays
Mr. Grant), befides the affiftance the
Queen will thereby have in her Forces
both by Sea and Land, will much more
than compenfate this expence, whate-
ver it fhall be.
Are you fure your Eftimates of the
Publick Revenues and Debts are right,
and confequently your proportions well
ftated (fays Mr. More),
Upon which Mr. May faid, the Cu-
ftoms and Excifes do fo very much de-
pend upon the accidents of the War,
with other Contingencies, and the Na-
tional Debts, are continually fo de-
creaſing on one fide, and increaſing on
the other, as makes it impoffible to
form
1
(108)
form an exact ſtate thereof, wherefore
we pretend not fo much to exactneſs in
the particular Articles, having there-
in kept up to round Sums, as we do
in the whole, which we have ftated
at fomewhat more than may be fup-
poſed to ariſe in the time of War, yet at
leſs than may be expected in a time of
Peace, and confequently prefume thoſe
Eftimates are ſo near the truth, as to
be fufficiently capable of fupporting our
Pofitions and Conclufions.
Beſides at the drawing up of this
Scheme,it was obſerved, that the Money
propoſed to be raiſed as an Equivalent
for the Debts of England, was but upon
an Intereſt of 5 per Cent, whereas that
of the Annuities here; is of 6%
per Cent per Annum, or upwards, the
which, if nicely accounted for, might
make a difference of at least 210,000l.
That likewife if due allowances were
made for ſuch parts of the Revenue of
England, as may be charged with Grants,
Penfions or otherwife anticipated, this
might poffibly make another difference
of
30 or 40,000 1. That altho' the Re-
venue of Scotland, as all new Duties may
coft fome time before it be eſtabliſhed,
yet afterwards it would be pro-
portionably more improvable than that
of
(109)
of England; from all which it was in-
ferr'd, that the equivalent for the faid
Debts might thus Amount to near if not
quite 1,000,000l.
But becauſe fome of the Gentlemen
on the part of Scotland, feemed to in-
fift upon a confiderable Allowance in
the matter of the Affeffment on Land,
and fince a much lefs Sum may fupply
the publick occafions of that Kingdom,
we ftated this equivalent only at
600,000 l.
It ought likewiſe to be remembred
(ſays Mr. Grant ), That altho the
par-
ticular and immediate benefit thereof
be defigned for Scotland; yet about one
moiety of this Sum of 600,000 l. is
propoſed to be applied to Publick Uſes,
which will equally redound to the ge-
neral advantage of this united Iſland.
If the rest of your Pofitions be not
better founded than your Compariſon
between this perpetuity of 5 per Cent
and the Annuities; I fancy they may
be eaſily overthrown (fays Mr.
North), for you feem not to have con-
idered, that the one is a Perpetuity
whereas the other is only for a term of
98 or 99 years.
>
Pray
( 110 )
Pray what difference in the Purchaſe
do you believe there is between 98
years, and that of a Perpetuity? (fays
Mr. Brooks).
I have often heard, there is at leaft
5 or 6 years Purchaſe difference (re-
plied Mr. North).
There may be that, and much more
in the fancies of people (fays Mr.
Brooks): But by the rules of Com-
pound Intereft, there is not fix Weeks
Purchaſe difference between a Rent-
charge for 98 years, and that of a Perpe-
tuity, at an Intereft of 6 per Cent. The
very difference between Quarterly and
Annual Payments, being capable of dif-
charging the Debt, in less than two
thirds of that time.
per
Annum.
I therefore am of Opinion that at
this Intereft of 5 per Cent, the Money
will hardly come in (fays Mr. More).
Why, therefore did you not rather put
it at 6, or 64
Cent per
Becauſe (faid Mr. Brooks) we were not
only for concerting things as reaſonably,
but likewife for making them as eaſie as
poſſible : Beſides we put the Intereſt on-
ly at 5 per Cent, as being fatisfied, this
Fund may be fo ordered and methodized,
as that the Money may not only come in
as
( in )
as well as if it were higher, but ſo as
this whole Debt may be diſcharged in
about the ſpace of 40 Years.
If this can be done, there is certainly
a great deal of ill husbandry in our
preſent Funds of Annuities (fays Mr.
Gage.) But how is it poffible?
It may be effected (replied Mr.Brooks)
by appropriating a Sum of ready Mo-
ney of ten per Cent, or perhaps fome-
what lefs of the value; for circulating
thoſe Securities at an Intereft of 4 per
Cent, or under, and applying the remain-
der towards paying off the Debt untill
it fhall come to be difcharged: This
matter might be inlarged upon, but I
fhall forbear, untill we come upon the
point of Enquiry into the past and
pre-
fent State of the Trade, and Publick
Revenues of England.
In the mean time, there can be no
lofs or hazard by this experiment (fays
Mt. May), Since the Sum to be imploy-
ed for refunding the Indian and Affri-
can Company, and diſcharging the Pub-
lick Debts in Scotland, which are to be
paid in the first place, will be but about
one moiety thereof, and as the remain-
der cannot all be laid out and imploy-
ed together, but mult be the work of
fome
( 112 )
1
fome years, fo it will not be required
all at once.
I perceive a part of this Equivalent
is to be imployed in refunding the late
loffes of the Indian and Affrican Com-
pany of Scotland (fays More ). I fhould
be glad to be rightly informed in the
matter of their late attempts to the
West Indies, fome fay, it was an ill
founded, rafh and precipitant under-
taking, but others again affirm, that it
might not only have had fuccefs, but
been of the greateſt confequence, if due-
ly fupported.
The reaſons for that undertaking,
together with the Cauſes of its miſcar-
riage and the Confequences thereof (re-
plied Mr. Jones), will more properly
fall under confideration when we fhall
be upon the point of Enquiry into the
Confequences and tendency of the late pro-
grefs of Navigation and foreign Trade,
particularly of the New Discoveries in the
Indies.
I very much like the appropriating
fo confiderable a Sum of Money to-
wards imploying and relieving the Peo-
ple; Encouraging the Fisheries, Manu-
factures, and other Improvements in
Scotland (fays Mr. Gage) but wiſh at
the fame time, we could have a pro-
pro-
(113)
portionate Sum applyed to the like
uſes here in England.
Among other happy fruits of the V-
nion, I doubt not but it may contribute
the introducing of fuch a Conftitution
into England (returned Mr May.) But
he who deſigns ſuch things muft think
of taking ſtep by ſtep,and doing them by
degrees.
But where fhould we find the Mo-
ney for fo great a defign (faid Mr. Gage),
efpecially in this time of War and
Difficulties?
In the fame manner as this for Scot-
land is found (replied Mr. May), that
is to fay, by management and good hus-
bandry. England is at prefent at the
Annual expence of at leaſt a Million for
maintenance of their Poor, yet they
hardly half live, if but one moiety of
this Income was only fetled for 15 years,
à Sum of 5 or 6 Millions might be raiſed
upon this Fund, the which, together
with the other moiety would with
good direction be a fufficient and per-
petual provifion for the Poor, and
Spring for the encouragement of Trade,
and Improvements.
But we ſhall have occafion to En-
large upon this Subject, when the
reaſons there are for Establishing a Nati-
f
onal
( 114 )
14)
onal Council of Trade fhall be under con-
fideration.
How came you to propoſe this Rent-
charge of 30,000 l. per Annum, to be
made upon the Hereditary and Tempo-
rary Revenue (faid Mr. More,) and
not rather think of fome other way,
which might make it more eafie?
Becauſe (replied Mr. May) the
Queens Hereditary and Temporary Re-
venue of Scotland, confifting in Cuftoms,
Exciſes, Crown Lands and fmall Du-
ties, in value about 80,000l. per Annum,
will not only be Improved about one
third by the Union, but after the com-
pleating thereof, the particular charge
of the Government there, will not a-
mount to much more than one third part
of the preſent Expence.
If this be the cafe ( fays Mr. Gage,)
there is no doubt but you have put it
upon the beſt and moſt reaſonable foot;
Since it will be but a part of what her
Majefty, in her proper Revenue will
fave by the Oeconomy of the Union:
But why then did you propoſe this
Charge upon the Revenue in General,
and not rather upon that of Scotland in
particular.
Becauſe
( 115 )
1
Becauſe (replied Mr. May) we were
of opinion, that for the better Oeco-
nomy thereof, the Receipts and Pay-
ments of the Publick Revenue, ought as
much as poffible, to be reduced into one
Current or Channel, and that tho' the
fecurity would be the fame, yet it might
be more fatisfactory to thofe here about
London, who fhould advance their Mo-
neys upon this Fund, to find it a Gene-
ral charge upon the Revenue in the
nature of the three thouſand feven hun-
dred pounds per week; then only upon
the particular Revenue of Scotland; the
which eſpecially at firft, might to them
poffibly feem too remote.
However it be, I fee no great difficul-
ty in fixing the manner of this thing,
the matter being the fame (fays Mr.
Grant), fince there is no doubt, but
that after the Union the particular Re-
venue of Scotland will be a fufficient
Security for this Charge, as may be feer
by our Eſtimate thereof.
I
By this Eſtimate (faid Mr. Carr,
perceive the Kingdom of Scotland will
by the Union be charged with_feve-
ral New Dutys, of which I fhould
be glad to fee a State together with
I 2
the
L
1
( 116 )
¿
NB. How-
there is
the requifite Obfervations upon what
Effects they may have.
In order to the better underſtanding
the Nature and Effects of thofe Duties
(faid Mr. May) it will be firft neceffa-
ry to have a ſtate of the Weights and
Meaſures of the two Nations.
Upon which Mr. May delivered a
Paper containing the ftate of the Weights
and Meaſures of the two Nations, to-
gether with that of the ſeveral Duties
as they now ftand, which are as fol-
low
The Weight in Scotland, upon which
ever in the not only their other Weights, but likewife
practise their Liquid and Dry Meaſures are found-
difference, ed, is the French Troy Ounce, being
the right about one and four fifths per Cent. ligh-
ter than ours, but their Pound confifting
Ounce be- of fixteen Ounces, whereas that of ours is
half per only of twelve.
French
Troy
ing near
Cent. bet-
ter than
the Scot-
tish.
There is no doubt but this Ounce was
originally the fame with ours, and that its
only time and neglect hath made this dif-
ference.
The Scottiſh Pint, upon which all their
Wet and Dry Measures are founded, ought
to weigh of the running Water of Leith
fifty
t
}
(117)
fifty five of those Ounces, and to contain
about 99 Square Inches. Confequently
their three Pints being as 297 is to 282,
five per Cent. better than our Beer Gale
lon, near 103 of fuch Pints going to our
Beer Barrel.
Their ordinary Peck confifts of 21 of
fuch Pints, but the Peck used for Oats,
Barly and Malt contains near 31 of fuch
Pints; and their Boll confifts of four
fuch Pecks; thus their ordinary Peck is
about one fifteenth part less than our Bu-
Shel, but the extraordinary about a fourth.
part more.
The Duties upon the Importations are
much lower in Scotland than in England,
and confequently they will be confiderably
raiſed by the Union.
In England, the Strong Beer and Alc
with the Additional Nine-Pences is 4 s
9 d. but the Small Beer is but 15 d. per
Barrel Exciſe.
The standing Excife of Beer and Ale in
Scotland is, of three of their Pennies, or
an Engliſh Farthing per Pint, and con-
fequently about 2 s. 2 d. our Barrel, but
with the Additional Two-Pennies, whick
hath been fometimes impos'd, would be near
3 s. 8 d. per Barrel.
I 3
But
( 118 )
But confidering that at least two thirds
of their common Beer and Ale can by the
rules of the Excife pafs only for Small-Beer,
their Beer Excife will not upon the whole
be heavier than now it is.
During this time of War, there hath
been Annually impofed four Shillings per
Quarter, or Six-Pence per Bushel on Malt
here in England.
d.
There is likewife a Duty of 3 s. 4
per Bushel on Salt, and another by Stampt
Paper and Parchment,
The Duties on Marriages, Births and
Burials are not to be continued after the
first of Auguft next.
Befides thefe, there is only a small Duty
on Glass Windows, but fo inconfiderable in
England, that we thought it not worth a
place on our Schemes, and therefore left it
open towards making up fuch Deficiencies
is may be in fome other Eftimates.
J
After having viewed the ftate of the
Weights and Meaſures together with
that of the ſeveral Impofitions of the
two Nations given in by Mr. May, Mr.
Shaw faid, I underftand that by thofe
new and additional Duties,the Cuſtoms
or foreign Exciſe in Scotland will, in ſe-
veral cafes,poffibly be doubled,how then
will that Nation be able to bear it?
Your
(119)
Your Countrymen (replied Mr. May)
will herein be but oblig'd to pay a
fmall part of what they directly gain
by the Communication of Trade, be-
fides thoſe Duties may be made much
eafier, by being laid more by way of
Excife, and on the Confumption, and
confequently leſs upon the Merchant
and Navigation than they now are.
I take it for granted, fays Mr. Carr,
that in what quantities or manner fo-
ever the Impofitions on Foreign Trade
fhall be laid, they muſt ftill be equal
in all the parts of the United Kingdom,
otherwiſe the Communication of Com•
merce, which is fo effential a part of
the Union, can never fubfift. But the
Queſtion with me is, how thofe of Scot-
land will be able to pay the Additio-
nal Exciſe on Beer and Ale?
I fee not that there will be any Ad-
ditional Excife on Beer and Ale, in-
troduced into Scotland by the Union,
(replied Mr. May) fince at least two
thirds of the Malt Drink of that King-
dom, cannot be reckoned otherwife
than Small Beer, fo that upon the whole
the Duty will be little if any thing hea-
vier than it now is.
'
L
I A
By
( 120 )
By what I have obferved in the
practice in feveral parts of England,
(faid Mr. Bruce) I am apt to think, the
Beer Excife in Scotland, will after the
Union, be near, if not quite, as eafie
as now, wherefore I am not fo much
in doubt about that, as the Malt Tax,
which will be altogether new, and as
I apprehend it, very heavy.
;
Even in the Malt Tax, of which
you feem fo very apprehenfive, (repli-
ed Mr. Brooks) the Scottish Nation will
only be brought in to pay a part of
their Gain, fince the value of the Du-
ty will be doubly compenfated in the
advance of the price of Malt, Barly and
Oats, by means of the Communication
of Trade, befides, this Excife upon
Malt is only from Year to Year, during
this time of War.
But you have not the like to ſay of
the Excife on Salt, (replied Mr. Bruce)
the which is not only perpetual, but
being 6. 13 s. 4 d. per Weigh, is at
leaft three times the Original Value
thereof.
Salt exported or imployed in the Fi-
fheries, is altogether free from this
Duty, (returned Mr. May) befides, in-
ftead of any disadvantage, the Raifers
of Salt in Scotland will have a great
deal
,
( 121 )
deal of benefit by the Union, fince it
will create a much greater Confumpti-
on and demand for that Commodity.
And thus I doubt but the Duty on Salt
will be found as eafie and fupportable
as any other.
I am glad to find the Tax on Births,
Burials, c. will not be continued af-
ter the first Day of August next, (faid
Mr. Rofe) its enough that Mankind
muſt expect to be peſtered with Duties
and Difficulties in their paffage tho-
rough, but a great deal too much,to find
Impofitions upon their very coming in-
to, and going out of the World.
1
Since the Duties on Stampt Paper
and Glaſs Windows will be very in-
confiderable in Scotland, and not very
much relate to Trade, (faid Mr. Shaw
I hope if we of that Kingdom fhall
be brought in for all the reft, they will
at leaſt abate us thoſe.
The Union (replied Mr. May) is pro-
pofed to be founded upon the princi-
ples of Juftice and Equality, and con-
fequently cannot poffibly admit of the
leaft abatement or difference in the
point of Taxes or Contributions, for e
therwiſe it would not be properly an
Union, but rather a Contract or Bargain,
After
( 122 )
After all, I am not yet convinc'd
(faid Mr. Shaw) that eafe or forbearance
of fome of the Excifes, particularly
thofe on Malt and Salt, would be fo in-
confiftant with the Union and Com-
munication of Trade, as is ufually re-
prefented, fince thofe Commodities
might in the mean time be prohibited
from coming into England.
The leaft root or remainder of Re-
ftraints or Prohibitions, (replied Mr.
May) would not only be waftful and
deſtructive in it felf, but the occafion
of dangerous Animofities and Struggles,
wherein altho' both would be loofers,
yet the weakest ftill the moft, and
therefore it is that thoſe who will en-
deavour a happy Union, efpecially on
the part of Scotland, ought to avoid the
very appearances thereof.
But the jealoufies of thofe new
and additional Duties will appear
ftill the leſs excufable, when it ſhall
be confidered, that the very Advantages
the particular Commodities will receive
in the rife of their Price at home, by
means of their currency abroad, will
much more than compenfate thefe Im-
poſitions.
And
}
1
( 123 )
And that not only thefe, but all the
others will receive the like benefit,
fuch as their Corn, Cattle, Linnen,
Cloath, or whatever elfe is, or fhall be
produced by that Country, as likewiſe
the labour of their People will be raif-
ed at leaſt 20 per Cent. or one fixth
part in a very little time, and after-
ward be upon a foot of continual ad-
vance.
And thus, fuppofing the People of
Scotland to be in number one Million,
and that as matters now ftand, their
Induſtry yields them only about five
Pounds per Annum per Head, as reckon-
ed one with another, or five Millions
yearly in the whole, at this rate theſe
five Millions will by the Union, not
only be advanced to fix, but put in a
way of further improvement, and al-
lowing 100,000 1. per Annum were on
this foot to be paid in Additional Taxes,
yet there would ftill remain a yearly
Sum of about 900,000 7. towards ſub-
fifting the People more comfortably,
and making provifion againft times of
fcarcity and other accidents, to which
I underſtand that Country is very much
expofed.
I
BorM
}
J
-
1
( 124 )
I am of Opinion, (faid Mr. Grant)
that if fuch a Sum, as is now propof
ed for the encouragement of the Trade
of that Kingdom, had between the
Years 1689 and 1695 been laid out in
Stores of Corn for Publick Support,
that befides other great advantages, it
had been capable of faving at leaſt
80,000 Lives, which perifhed or were
otherwife lo for want, and 400,000 l.
in Money exported for Bread, during
their five following Years of Scarcity
and Famine. The which hath chiefly
contributed towards bringing that Na-
tion to low as it now is, eſpecially as
being attended with the Expences and
Loffes they had in their Attempts to
their Weft-Indies, and followed by the
bad effects of fome uneafie Tempers
who inftead of endeavouring to efta-
bliſh their Country by good and whol-
fome Provifions, after that m:fcarriage,
have made ſhift to Reſtrain and Pro-
hibit away what little Trade there ſtill
remained.
i
Altho' the impatience of my Coun-
trymens Tempers, (faid Mr. Hope) hath
not hitherto allowed them to be very
provident in publick things, yet confider-
ing the uncertainty and rigours of their
Seafons, where the years of Plenty are
almoft
I
( 125 )
}
almoſt always fore-runners of thoſe of
Dearth and Scarcity,I wonder how they
could fo long avoid making National
provifions of Corn.
In other Countries as well as yours,
(faid Mr. Brooks) Extremities (like the
Years of Plenty and Scarcity formerly
in Egypt) commonly produce one ano-
ther, and as there is no doubt but all
Governments ought to make ſuitable
Provifions for Contingencies, fo thofe
particularly whofe Countries are expof-
ed to the greateſt uncertainties.
But inſtead of the Oeconomy you
feem to mean, (replied Mr. Hope) my
Countrymen ufually take quite another,
and as I underſtand it, contrary courfe
as may be ſeen by their practife. In
Summer 1695, they were very buſie
in giving rewards for having their
Corn carried abroad, and in a few
Months after, as impatiently imployed
in buying it back again.
Poffibly, they may have learned this
piece of management from us, (faid
Mr. Brooks) for we too, are inclinable
to give premiums to have our Corn
carried away, when cheap, and as ea-
ger in giving the fame or greater Al-
lowances to fetch it back again when
dear. If half the Money which du-
ring
( 126 )
ring the laft Age, hath been confound-
ed this way, had, on the contrary been
imployed in National Graneries, the
price of Grain might thereby have not
only been kept upon an equal and cur-
rent foot, to the great advantage of
the raiſers thereof, but by this time,
the National Stock thereby increaſed
to the value of ſeveral Millions.
Do you then by means of this Stock,
intend to make a Monopoly of the
Graneries, Fiſheries, and fuch other
things, (faid Mr. Rofe.)
We pretend not in the leaft to hin-
der any from buying or felling thoſe
or any other Commodities, (replied
Mr. May) but on the contrary, rather to
help fuch as fhall need affiftance, our de
fign being only,by buying,to prevent the
price of Grain from falling extreme low,
and by felling, from rifing extreme
high, and ftill not fo much with a
profpect of particular advantage of the
Stock as to that of the Publick, for
which its wholly defigned to be im-
ployed.
At this rate, you muſt needs expect
to be loofers in whatever you deal,
(replied Mr. More.
You
( 127 )
127)
You will doubtlefs find reaſons to
have other ſentiments in this matter,
(returned Mr. Grant) when you fhall
confider,that the Kingdom of Scotland,is
one way or other, at confiderably more
than one hundred thouſand Pounds
per
Annum Expence towards the mainte-
nance of their Poor, and that yet they
hardly half live. Now fuppofe this
Annual Income were for 15 or 20 Years
applied to the like Ufes, with the Sum
now propofed for the incouragement
of Trade, and maintenance of the Poor
of that Nation; do not you think that
with any thing of a tollerable manage-
ment, a great deal might be thereby
gained or faved.
A bad Oeconomy, (faid Mr. Brooks)
is ſtill better than none, upon the draw-
ing up of this Scheme it was obſerv'd,
that in fuch caſe it might be hoped,
the Poor fhould, during that time, be
better maintained, the Fisheries put in
a way of raiſing and keeping up 15 or
20,000 Seamen, the which would of
courſe make room for the imployment
of at leaſt ten times as many Hands
on Shore. Finally, that Nation there-
by put in a way not only of maintain-
ing their Poor better than they now do,
but likewiſe of increafing this Stock at
lefs
(128)
f
leſs than half the prefent Waft and
Expence.
Upon the whole, (faid Mr. Hope)
I am fully convinc'd that without a
Communication of Government and
Taxes, the Union can never be equal,
and confequently not an Union, but
rather an Agreement or Bargain, which
if ever made, one may venture to ſay,
it will not be eafie or hold long. That
the increaſe of Taxes in Scotland, when
ballanc'd with the advantages of the
Union, will be very inconfiderable, and
for that reaſon, were there no other,
ought chearfully to be acquiefced in.
After this there was Silence, and Mr.
Jones obferving that every one feemed
to Acquiefce in what Mr. Hope had
faid, and confequently that the prefent
Converfation upon this Subject was near
a conclufion, faid, Gentlemen, you have
now the point of an Union fully before
you, my Advice therefore is, that we
adjourn the further, or rather re-confi-
deration thereof, for fome Weeks, that
we may hereby have an opportunity,
not only to recollect our felves, but like-
wife Have the thoughts of our Friends.
#
Upon which motion, the Company
adjourned this point to Wednesday the
27 February.
Wed-
(129)
*
VVedneſday, February 27.
A
1705:
Fter feveral Letters from Tork and
other Places were read, Mr. Carr
defired to know, in what manner the
Ports of Entry were propoſed to be ſet-
tled in Scotland.
Upon which Mr. May faid, it was
his Opinion, feven or eight Ports of
Entry might be fufficient for that King-
dom, the which ought to be fuch as
lie moſt convenient for Trade, and are
beft for Collecting and Securing the
Caftoms; but that this matter with
that of the different Coins, Weights
and Meaſures, and other fuch things,
may be regulated after the Union fhall
be concluded.
The Coin in Scotland (faid Mr. Shaw)
was alter'd about twenty Years ago,
that is to ſay, it was raiſed in its De-
nomination, or funk in its Value,about
a thirteenth part. I could never yet un-
derſtand whether my Countrymen have
gained or loft by this project.
K
You
{
!
I
(130)
F
เ
You may affure your felf (replied
Mr. May) that they, as well as other
States, who have been drawn into this
filly and deſtructive fecret of altering
their Coin, are confiderable loofers.
But is there any ways, of diſcovering
the quantities of Lofs and Gain herein,
and confequently the certainty of this
pofition of yours, (fays Mr. Grant.)
This evil (replied Mr. May) is very
fubtil, and therefore all the particular
miſchiefs and diforders thereby occafi-
oned, eſpecially at home, cannot fo
eaſily be deſcribed, but the knowledge
of the rates of Exchange, together
with the Sums remitted or negotiated,
are capable of giving great light into
fuch of its effects as directly relate to
foreign Trade.
Since our laft Meeting upon this Sub-
ject, (faid Mr. Rofe) I have had much
Converſe with feveral of my Country-
men, who ftill affirm, that an entire
or incorporating Union as they call it,
will undoubtedly ruin Scotland, fince
it muſt certainly draw, all the remain-
ing People and Money from thence.
Did you not tell them, (fays Mr.
Brooks) the Union we promoted, was
not meerly entire, incorporating or fæ-
deral, but only a plain upright Union.
So
=
( 131 )
131)
So I told them, (returned Mr. Rofe)
yet they ſtill infifted, that if we Unit-
ed the Parliaments it would be the
fame thing. That their Country was
already fufficiently drained by the per-
petual recourſe to London for Places and
Preferments, and how much more
muft it be ſo, if to this there fhall
be likewiſe added, that of Repreſenta
tives in Parliament.
Is this all? (faid Mr. Sands ?)
Is it not enough (replied Mr. Roſe?)
Yes, (faid Mr. May) and a great
deal too much, if true, but when due-
ly examined, I doubt not but this will
be found fo far from being capable to be
made an objection on the part of Scot-
land, that it is the principal motive,
and ought above all other things to in-
duce the Scottish Nation to defire an
Union, fince, were the Union compleat,
all the expence of thoſe who ſhould
come to Court or Parliament, would
perhaps not amount to more than it
now doth, and that is not 5 per Cent.
or a twentieth part of what that Na-
tion would naturally gain by the V-
nion.
I wish we could hear that made
out, faid Mr. Rofe.)
K 2
To
( 132 )
To begin then with the expence
Parliament, (returned Mr. May) do
you think that 40 s. per Day to the
Lords and Commons one with another,
during the Seffion thereof, might not
defray their neceffary expence.
Doubtlefs it might, (replied Mr.
Roſe.)
Then (continued Mr. May) let us
fuppofe 40 s. per Day to fixty Per-
fons, (viz.) twenty Lords and forty
Commoners, for four Months, or one
hundred and twenty Days, To how
much doth that amount?
I find it 14,400 1. per Annum, (re-
plied Mr. Rofe.)
Then 14,400 /. is the expence of the
Parliament, the which likewife in-
cludes the greateft part of that of the
Court, (returned Mr. May) on the o-
ther hand, you ought to confider, that
as matters now ftand, the Commiffi-
oner to your Parliament hath every
Year 3500l. allowed for his Equipage,
beſides 55 4. per Day for at leaft fuch
120 Days, the which amounts to
10,100 /. and if to this, you reckon
the Annual Sums allowed to your Of
ficers of State, and others, as Expences
for their coming up to London, that
may poffibly amount to near, if not
quite
( 133 )
quite fo much more, thus the very Go-
vernment of Scotland is now at more
Expence in this matter, than the Na-
tion need to be at after the Union fhall
be compleat.
Its true, were your Law Suits to
come up to London, at fo great a di-
ftance, it might poffibly be a damage
to that Country one way or other, at
leaft five times this Sum; but as it is,
you may now fee, how eafie it will be.
I have formerly had this Objection,
or rather fcruple, under confideration,
(faid Mr. Grant) but upon examination
foon found it groundleſs.
I likewife (faid Mr. Hope) have
found fufficient reafons to be of Mr.
Grants opinion, not only from the ſtate
of the Facts, which Mr. May has urg-
ed, but alfo from other reafons, the
which as unneceffary I forbear to
mention,
After this, there was Silence for
fome time, which Mr. Jones obferving,
faid, To the point, Gentlemen, is there
any more objections?
Upon which Mr. Stone faid, I havẹ
been hitherto filent, as being willing
to hear what others could fay to the
point of this Union, and upon the
whole, do think the objections or doubts
K 3
on
( 134 )
+
on the part of the Gentlemen of Scot-
land are either ill grounded, or very
frivolous, fince certainly, without en-
tering into particulars, one may eafily
fee, how greatly that Nation will be
advantaged by fuch an Union, as is
pro-
pofed, but I am of opinion, you have
hitherto heard but one fide, and that
on the part of England, there are in
fuperable difficulties against it.
When Mr. Stone had thus expreſs'd
himſelf, the Gentlemen looked upon
one another, as if in fome furprize;
which Mr. Jones perceiving, faid, Pray
let us have fome of your doubts, Sir,
you ſee the Gentlemen are attentive.
Here hath been a mighty ftrefs put
upon their Church, their Nobility,
their Laws, and I know not what elfe,
(continued Mr. Stone) whereas, what
fignifies it what Church Government, fo
we have but the Chriſtian Religion and
Liberty of Confcience, or what Laws
or from whence they come, fo they be
but good, or how many or what fort
of Nobility, fo we can prevail with
them to do but little hurt, but its the
Trade of England which muft main
tain and ſupport the Churchmen, the
Nobility, the Lawyers, and every thing
elfe, yet its this Trade which now
?
run's
!
}
( 135 )
runs the rifque of being diſtracted and
ruined by your Union.
As the Cafe already ftands, a Man
cannot get above 10 or 15 per Cent.
per Annum by his Money in Trade,
whereas, I have known the time when
20 or 25 per Cent. per Annum was to
be got, thus Trade is already half
ruined, and what confounds it, but on-
ly too many Traders, had we but half
the Traders, we fhould be in a better
condition: But how then muſt it be
when we admit the Scots among us,
certainly one Man will not be able
to live by another; for my part I
have followed Trade above thefe 40
Years, and never knew fo bad times
as now, infomuch that I have already
fome thoughts of leaving it off, but
fhould this Union be concluded, it will
certainly determine me, I fhall retire
and live upon what I have. A Man
had better take 6, 7, or perhaps '8 per
Cent. of the Government for his Mo-
ney, wherein there is no rifque or trou-
ble, than befides his labour and pains
to run the hazard of his Eſtate in Trade
for double this profpect.
I prefume, (faid Mr. Sanas) Mr.
Stone may venture to leave off Trade,
as having not only been many Years
K A
(136)
a Dealer, but as I am inform'd, got
pretty well by it, at which I do not
wonder, fince by what he ſays, his
Heart appears to have been fo very
much in it, as to leave him little room
or inclinations for any thing elſe.
་
What ſhould I mind but my Trade
and Family, (returned Mr. Stone) I
think that's taking care of the Publick,
or at leaſt of my part of it, my buſineſs
has always been to take advantages
where they could be had, and to make
the beſt of things, as I found them,
without troubling my felf about, or
pretending to mend the World, as not
a few idle People are apt to do, I ob-
ferve few of thefe Fellows ever get
any thing, but rather fpend what they
have fome indeed there are who have
got confiderable Eftates by thoſe fort
of things,but thofe have only been fuch,
who altho' they made the Publick Bu-
fineſs their pretence, yet were fo wife
as to make it fubfervient to their In-
tereſt.
Since Mr. Stone (faid Mr. May) feems
fo unwilling to be queftioned for fol-
lowing his proper bufinefs, or taking
care of his Family, its ftrange he fhould
not at the fame time have leiſure to
think, that Church-men, Nobility,
Law
•
(137)
Lawyers, and thoſe of other Profefli-
ons, may poffibly apprehend them-
felves as much concerned to fupport
their Stations and ways of Living, as
Merchants, or other fort of Traders do
that of theirs, likewiſe that thoſe who
are paid and imployed by the Publick,
ought to take the fame care thereof,
as private Men of their Families, that
the ill fuccefs of thoſe who have Pub-
lick Spirits, is an evil which ought to
be rectified in all Governments, parti-
cularly in ours, as I doubt not but
this Society will fufficiently find, when
they come to enquire into thoſe matters.
Thofe who have the charge of Go-
vernments, (faid Mr. Brooks) are com-
monly better paid, and have more ad-
vantageous returns, than Heads or Ma-
fters of Families ufually find, and there
is no doubt, but the People. in their
charge fhould be as carefully and ten-
derly lookt after, particularly it ought
to be their buſineſs not only to pro-
tect, but as much as poffible to affift
every honeft induftrious Man in his
way, yet fo, as not to give to any one,
or number of them fuch advantages,
as may be detrimental to the Commu-
nity, for which they are equally con-
cerned.
1
1
1
เ
( 138 )
I must confefs (fays Mr. Sands) that
in the diforders of a State, eſpecially
when riſen to a confiderable heighth,
its very difcouraging to find not a few
of the Fault-finders, rather qualified
for marring than for mending them,
as having every whit as much igno
rance, and many more conceits and
prepoffeffions, than thoſe, who in a
ſelfiſh way or humour are againſt all
alterations.
Altho' (faid Mr. Brooks) the Igno-
rance and Emptinefs of not a few of
thoſe who pretend to Reformations,
may be ftumbling Blocks to the Blind,
or to fuch who look only to appearances,
yet fince we do, and pofterity muſt
owe all their excellent things to fome
or other, who have or fhall firft in-
troduce them: Men of an extenſive and
fuperiour Genius by, thoſe who would
be reckoned the moſt valuable part of
Mankind, ought not to be the lefs but
rather the more prized and valued.
To come to the point, (faid Mr.
May) I think the objections, or rather
doubts, which Mr. Stone has raiſed,
may more properly be uſed as reaſons
for than against the Union, fince even
his proper Conduct, as well as other
parts of our Experience, fufficiently
convinces
( 139 )
convinces us that its in the Numbers,
good Difpofal and Imployment of their
People, that the Wealth, Power and
Happineſs of Governments, or Nations
doth confift.
Its true, when as in our prefent Cafe,
a confiderable part of the People, ei-
ther are not imployed at all, or at leaſt
not half fo profitably as they might,thus
indeed inſtead of doing good,they ferve
only to be a dead weight upon the o-
thers, for Mankind muft confume, whe
ther they work or not.
But where will you find work for
them, ays Mr. Stone) in fome heat.
I doub: not (replyed Mr. May) but
the Imployments now on foot, if well
lookt after would be found capable of
great improvements, but without en-
tering into the detail of them, I fhall
only Inftance the Fisheries and Grane-
ries, already mentioned, the which are
in a manner new, and with their
neceffary dependencies only, might
be made more than fufficient to im-
ployed and fubfift all the idle People
of the three Kingdoms.
But will not the Hollanders be againſt
you (objected Mr. Stone) I have heard
much talk of theſe Fiſheries, but they
always fay it will ruin the Dutch.
If
2
量
​1
( 140 )
140)
If thoſe are the fentiments of any,
(returned Mr. May) it muſt be only
of fuch whofe Education hath been
ſo much in the Negative part of Trade,
as to difable them from coming up
to the Affirmative, who confider Trade
only as a little Monopoly or Intrigue,
and not as the general fcope of the In-
duſtry of the World, and that confe-
quently Trade is ftill capable of being
encreaſed, as People fhail be multi-
plied and imployed, upon whofe num-
bers and labours it wholly depends.
And upon this foundation it is, and
from thoſe motives, I profefs my felf to
be one of thofe, who believe that,tho the
proper Fiſheries of thefe British Islands
might greatly help us, yet it would not,
at leaſt need not hinder the Dutch:
For inftance, fuppofe there are two
Millions of people in the three King-
doms, who do not half live, and that
the other half of their maintenance was
made out upon Fifh, by having Stores
thereof in all the confiderable places, in
order to their being diftributed as occa-
fion fhould require, this might be ca-
pable of Confuming at leaſt two thou-
fand Laft per week more than there now
is, which at but 10l. per Laft would
be upwards of the yearly value of a
Million.
In-
(141)
Inftances might likewife be given of
the Granaries, and other things, but
as not being directly to our point, I
fhall refer them to a more convenient
opportunity.
Provided they bring meat in their
mouths (faid Mr. Stone) that is to fay,
new Imployments, and ways to fubfift
along with them, Unite them, with all
my heart, otherwife, as I told
you, I
am fure it will not do. After Mr. Stone
had expreffed himſelf to this purpoſe,he
took his leave of the Company.
"
Upon which Mr. May faid, I have
often heard the Hollanders clamoured
againft, for their Oeconomy and Indu-
ftry, the things in the world, for which
they deferve the greateſt Commendati-
on but this hath always been ei-
ther from Ignorant or Envious peo-
ple, fuch lovers of themſelves, as hate
all others, and therefore deſerve no
credit with Humane Race. For my
part I believe not that we, or any o-
ther Nation would have more, but ra-
ther the lefs Trade were there no fuch
people as the Dutch: It's plain, Trade in
thofe parts of the world has greatly
encreafed during the laft Century,
wherein the Netherlanders have had
their rife And notwithstanding the ad-
vantages
( 142 )
vantages_fome few, might make of the
profent Dutch Markets, untill by their
lafineſs and prefumptions, they had ru-
ined them, or diverted Trade another
way, yet I am of opinion, the fall of
the Dutch would bring the Commerce
of the World as extenſively taken upon
the decline.
All Trading Nations have found in
their turns, that meer Buyers and Sel-
lers,Negociators, or Money getters, are
not only the worst Judges, but the moft
prejudiced against all the most generous
and extenſive parts of Trade, and to
paſs by many other Inftances that might
be given, it was by the fatal Advice and
Conduct of their pur-blind and ſelfiſh
Negociators, that the Hans Towns firft
reftrained and prohibited away almoſt
all the Trade of this fide of the world,
which they had pofleffed for fome Ages,
and with a little more Induſtry but leſs
prefumption might in all probability
have preferved to this day; and after
them the Spaniards and Portugueze have
hedged out, the vaft advantages they
might otherwife have had by the Indies,
and that which humanly fpeaking might
otherwiſe have raiſed them to be the
greateft people ever was, has been thus
the
ち
​( 143 )
the principal means of bringing them
fo low, as we now find they are.
We need not go fo far as the Hans
Towns, or to Spain or Portugal, (faid
Mr. Grant) to find the fatal effects of
ſuch narrow
ſelfiſh and contracted
Views, fince we have enough of them
at Home. Among which the ruin of the
Fiſhery in Scotland, which hath by much
the greateſt Conveniencies for it of any
other Country in Chriſtendom, is, in my
opinion,one of the moſt eminent and fur-
prizing Inftances.
I have often heard (faid Mr. Gage)
that there are greatConveniencies for the
Fiſheries in Scotland, but never that
they made any confiderable uſe of them.
By the accounts of thofe times return-
ed, Mr. Grant, I find that Nation had
a great intereſt, and made confiderable
progrefs in the Fiſhing for near an Age
together, (viz.) from the year 1470,
till about the time of the Reformation.
How did they make ſhift, faid Mr.
Gage, to chafe away the Fishery, fince
we hear the Fishes are there ſtill.
Only by this Witchcraft and Enchant-
ment of Reſtraints and Prohibitions,
replyed Mr. Grant.
But was this done by the Government,
faid Mr. Sham?
Yea
(144)
→ Anno
$493.
Yea by the Government of Scotland,
replyed Mr. Grant.
That's fomewhat too fevere upon our
Country (faid Mr. Shaw). Do you
think,ever the Government of Scotland
could be capable of diſcouraging their
Fiſhing, which they could not but be
fenfible, was the moſt confiderable thing,
that either did, or poffibly could belong
to their Country.
I do not fay, they intended it (fays
Mr. Grant); people are fometimes
apt to do the greateſt hurt, when they
do not intend it, or perhaps intend any
thing at all.
It may be fo (replied Mr Shaw), but
I fhall never believe the Government
of Scotland prejudiced their Fiſhing, un-
lefs you can fhew it me upon Re-
cord.
Then to come to matters of Record,
returned Mr. Grant, In the fifteenth
Century, the Parliament of Scotland,
by ſeveral of their Acts, gave great en-
couragement to their Fisheries, which
was then in a flouriſhing condition par-
ticularly, by the 49th Act of the 4th
Parliament of King James the IV. *
which mentions the great and innume-
rable richefs (as its there expreffed),
which were lost to that Kingdom, for want
of
(145)
of convenient. Ships, and Buffes, to be
imployed in Fiſhing, wherefore for the great
advantage, that might thereby be had, and
to caufè idle Men and Vagabonds to labour
for their livings, and for eſchewing of vice
and idleness, and the common profit and
univerfal well-fare of the Realm; his Ma-
jesty and Estates of Parliament appoint,
that Fishing Ships and Buffes of 20 Tuns
burthen or upwards, be made in all Bur-
oughs and Towns of the Realm, in pro-
portion to the Ability and Substance of each
Town.
M
*
This with feveral Acts and Encou
ragements given before, and about that
time, brought the Fiſhing of Scotland
and confequently the Naval Forces, and
other Improvements of that Kingdom
to a confiderable height, but to my
Countrymens great misfortune, their
Conceits and prefumptions were encrea-
fed at leaſt in proportion, as you may
fee by another Act of their Parlia
ment: Paffed within lefs than half
an Age after this good difpofition †,† 98. A
whereby among other things, it is En- 7. Farlia-
acted, That no Man, Merchant, or others, Fames :
bould fend any White Fish out of the Realm,
but permits Strangers to come and buy them
of Merchants or Free-Men of Burough-
ment.
१ 1540.
L
WILK
(146)
with ready Gold, or Silver, or bartering
of fufficient Merchandiſe.
To pafs over feveral other As of
lefs moment, as they ftand in the Sta-
tute Book, I fhall come to the 60th of
4th Parliament of King James the VI.
by which they at once totally ruined
and confounded the Fiſhing, and where-
by it's declared. That for as much as it
was heavily complained, how that the whole
flayers of all kind of Fifbes within the
Realm, not regarding the Acts made by
our Sovereign Lords dearest Predeceffors,
which are that when Herring and White
Fifb are lain, they ought to be brought to
the next adjacent Burough or Towns, where
the flayers thereof do dwell, to the effect
that the Leiges may be firft ferved. And
that if abundance hath occured, they may
be falted, and transported by free Bur-
geffes.
By the neglect whereof, our Sovereign
Lord is greatly defrauded of his Customs,
and the good Subects of this Kingdom
wants the fruits of the Sea, appointed by
God for their nourishment. And the Bur-
geffes, and Freemen of Buroughs disappoin-
ted of their Trafick and Commodity.
Therefore our Sovereign Lord, with
advice and conſent of his Regents Grace,
and
(147
( 147 )
and the Estates of Parliament: Ordaines,
That all Fibers, and others whatfoever,
who shall happen to play any Herring, or
Whitefish, do bring the fame to free Ports,
there to be Sold, first commonly to all the
Subjects, and afterwards the remainder to
Freemen,under pain of forfeiture of theShips,
and of all the movables of the Offenders.
How was it poffible (faid Mr. More)
for any Parliament, or indeed any num-
ber of Men, to be drawn into the fe-
cret of fuch forts of Acts as theſe, cer
tainly had the greateſt Enemies of that
Country been its Councellors, they
could hardly have deviſed ſo deſtructive
a Monopoly, or if they had, furely,
they would have been more generous
and humane than to have Impoſed
it.
This matter being over (faid Mr.
May) the Effects thereof are more eaſi
ly feen, but I wish we in this Nation
had not fome reftraints and prohibi-
tions, now on foot every whit as unac
countable as this Monopoly was, we
may be fure thofe of Scotland, were then
as full of, and as prefumptuoully con-
ceited of their Fisheries, as we now are
of our Wool, Woollen manufactures,
and fome other things, and according
ly the advifers thereof, infinuated to their
Prince
L 2
(148
Prince and Parliament, That no other
Nation had fuch quantities of Fish con-
veniencies for Fishing, nor fo many well
Experienced Fishers:That there was no doubt
but strangers would not only run the rifque
of the Sea, in thofe times reckoned
much more terrible than now, to fetch
the Filh from Scotland, but if need were
buy them at any rate. That as matters
ftood, the filly ignorant Fishermen fold
their Fish for half nothing, and this too to
Strangers, by which means the Natives,
not only paid dearer for their Fish, but the
King loft his Customs, and the Nation
vast advantages.
Behold (faid Mr. Sands) juft ſuch
another heap of Clamourous prejudices
and Inconfiftencies as we have from
(Mr, Stone); This confirms me in my
former fentiments, that Merchants are
the worst and most dangerous adviſers
in matters of Trade.
This
may poffibly be faid of Mer-
chants in a limited fenfe (faid Mr.May),
that's to ſay of meer Buyers and Sel-
lers, whoſe Buſineſs and Prejudices al-
low them not means nor time to en-
ter into Confequences; who to get one
or perhaps but half per Cent more for a
Commodity, care not who lofes,or what
others
( 149 )
others may fuffer, and, who for this rea
fon, are not only for limiting Trade to
their own Countries, but to their own
Towns, or even to their own Houſes,
if they could tell how,
But Merchants, in an extended fenfe
are quite another fort of men, their
Education Genius. General ſcope of
knowledge of the Laws, Governments,
Politiy, and managements of the feveral
Countries of the World, allowing them
fufficient room and opportunity, not
only to underſtand Trade as abftracted-
ly taken, but in its greateſt extent, and
who accordingly are zealous promoters
of free and open Trade, and confequent-
ly of Liberty of Confcience, General Na-
turlizations, Unions and Annexions.
If Unions be fo good things (faid
Mr. Gage)eſpecially in relation to Trade.
why do not you, likewife propofe the
uniting with Ireland.
Let us firft fee how this with Scotland
fhall prove (replied Mr. May) and af
terwards we may have a fitter occafion
to confider of Ireland.
Hold, faid Mr. Gage, altho I am for
uniting Scotland, becauſe only another
part or piece of this Island: yet I know
not what to fay in the cafe of Ireland
and other remote places, poffibly by
L
£ 3
the
( 159 )
• ' .
the aid of the Sea, the opportunities of
dark Nights or dark Times at leaſt,
thofe fellows may be tempted to run
away with our Trade, indeed, were
there a Bridge between us and Ireland,
I fhould be for an Union likewife with
that Nation, but fince there is nothing
of this,not a word of an Union with Ire-
land I befeech you.
Altho we have not a Stone-bridge
as at Berwick, (returned Mr. May) yet
we have a better, I mean our Wood-
en-bridge, or Shipping, and am of
opinion that the uniting of Ireland,
as likewife what other Dominions the
Queen either hath, or fhall have, would
be the moſt effectual way not only of
improving thoſe places, but for ftrength-
ening and preferving this noble and
valuable Bridge between us, and if the
prefent Union before us goes forward, I
truft it ſhall produce other Unions and
good things.
After all (faid Mr. Rofe), I fee
nothing in all theſe noify Objections, or
rather Clamours, whether from one
fide, or the other, against the Union,
they appear to me rather to be the
effects of Ignorance, ill Nature, bad
Intentions, or all of them, than
an any thing elſe, yet in order to the
humour
(151)
humouring fome people; what if we
fhould propofe this Union only for a
ſpace of years, and thus they may have
an opportunity, to try how it will do:
Methinks this for ever is fo long a
time.
You are miſtaken Mr. Rofe. It's no
time at all, faid Mr. May, fmilling, but
however, if you will we fhall propofe
it as one of the Conditions, that after
10. 15. 20 or fuch like number of
years, upon two or three years notice,
and your Countrymens refunding what
they have during that time gained by
the Union, you may be at liberty to fet
up again for your félves.
Do you think (faid Mr. Sands),
that Ireland would defire this Condition,
if an Union with them was propoſed,
or that Wales, or Berwick would make
ufe of this Liberty if they had it.
I believe not (ſaid Mr. Grant) and
dare even venture my Countrymen
upon this point.
I fuppofe (faid Mr. Jones), the
Gentlemen have done with the bufinefs,
fince they are ſo very merry, iffo, Pray
let us adjourn the fumming up of this
matter to fome convenient time,
mean while we fhall fee, what other
Objections may brought against the
Unica.
1 4
AC-
Ac
+
(152)
}
Accordingly the Company adjourned
till Wedneſday the third of April next.
VVedneſday April 3. 1706.
M meeting, her Majefty had been
R. Jones faid, That fince our laſt
Gracioufly pleaſed to nominate Com-
miffioners for both Kingdoms, to Treat
of an Union, and fince every thing
ſeemed to concur in promifing a happy
Iffue to this Treaty, it was therefore
requiſite we ſhould conclude our pre-
fent proceedings on this Subject, in or-
der to the tranfmitting them to our
friends in the Country.
Mr. May, faid he, readily concurred
with this motion, but firft defired to
know,if there were any other Objection,
or material difficulties to be offered a-
gainſt the Union.
After filence for fome time Mr.
Sands faid, he was not only fully con-
vinced of the great benefits and advan-
tages of the Union, but that there nei-
ther was, or poffibly could be any rea-
fonable objection against it.
}
Mr.
( 153 )
1
Mr. Brooks, faid, he had never ýet
heard any thing faid or objected a-
againſt the Union, but what, when due-
-ly weighed and examined, was really
found an argument for it.
Mr. Grant faid, that by all his En-
quiries, he never yet found any true
Reafon, or or real Objection against the
Union, but that the Doubts, Difficul
ties of Clamours on all fides, have ei
ther proceeded, from Ignorance, Hu-
mour, fecret Motives, or from all of
them, that the thing was eafie, if peo-
ple have a mind to it, which after fo
many miſchiefs and misfortunes befallen
this Ifland for want thereof, he hoped
they now had.
And there being again filence for
fome space, at laft Mr. Jones faid.
Gentlemen,
After having had the affair of the
Union, directly before you for feveral
Months, wherein after a full view, of
what hath been done or intended there-
in, as likewife of the ftate of the two
Nations, you have found reafon, to be
of opinion, that not any fort of League,
Confederacy, Limitation, Agreement
or Bargain, or indeed any thing lefs,
or below a Compleat Union, can intro-
duce the good, which may be justly
1
ex-
(154)
{
expected therefrom, or effectually de-
liver theſe Nations from the mifchiefs
and inconveniencies, they labour under,
and are expofed unto, for want there-
of.
{
That nothing less than a Compleat
Union can effectually fecure the Religi-
on, Laws, Liberties, Trade, and in
a word the Peace, and Happineſs of this
Ifland.
You have obſerved, that the reducti-
on of Scotland in the late Inteftine War,
not only produced a Union of courſe;
but confidering the then Circunftances
upon fo reaſonable and equal terms.
That had fomething like this Union
been fuited unto, and continued after
the Reſtoration, beſides the many mif-
chiefs thereby prevented, that King-
dom might now be in a condition to
furniſh a much larger quota to the Pub-
lick Support.
And you, therefrom naturally inferred,
that fince a Civil War can never have a
за
happy,or effectual end, but in an Union,
it muſt certainly be better to make it by
Treaty, than to ftay till it comes the o-
ther way.
From theſe views, you have proceed-
ed to draw a Scheme of an Union
whereby no hardſhip is propoſed to be
put
( 155 )
put upon Parties, Perfons, or Circum-
ftances, nor fo much as, one negative
upon the Religion, Laws, or Confti-
tutions of either Nation.
And fince by the Bleffing of God, a
happy occafion now offers,for compleat-
ing this Great and Good Work, not in
Humour, or in Rage, but in cool Blood,
with Reafon and Underſtanding: It's
hoped, that after all the Troubles, Ha-
zards and Deftreffes of theſe Nations
for want thei eof, an Union fhall in this
Temper and Difpofition be concluded,
to the Glory and Renown of our Ex-
cellent Queen, common benefit, and ge-
neral fatisfaction of all her Subjects, who
as having but one Intereft and Inclina-
tion,may for ever after,be of one Heart
and one Affection.
But fince, the fence of my weakneſs,
gives me fufficiently to underſtand,that
by enlarging, I cannot poffibly add, to
the juſt Idea, you already have, of this
neceffary Preliminary, to all the great, ⋆ To the
and good things, we of thefe Nations Commiffio-
can reaſonably hope for, I beg leave, toners of
conclude, with the following inimitable bothing-
Expreffions of our Glorious Queen *.
My
dom at the
Taft Treaty
of Uni-
on, Dec.
14, 1703.
५
My Lords,
( 156 )
I am fo fully perfwaded, that the Union
of my two Kingdoms, will prove the Hap-
pinefs of both, and render this Iſland more
formidable than it hath been in Ages past,
that I wish this Treaty,may be brought to a
good and speedy Conclufion,
I am come to know, what progress you
have made in it, and do affure you, that
nothing shall be wanting on my part, to bring
it to perfection.
After the Society, had expreffed their
general fatisfaction,with thofe proceed-
ings; and defired Mr. Jones to review
them, they ordered Copies to be allow-
ed the friends in Town, as likewiſe to
be tranſmitted,to our Correfpondents at
Tork.
*
Adjourned.
FINIS.
+
'
A Scheme,of the prefent Repreſentative,
of the Counties and Boroughs of Scot-
land, together with their refpective
Rates in the Affeffment of 6000l. per
Month, in the fame order as in their
Acts of Parliament.
1
Num
ber of
Rates in the
of 6000 1.
per Month
Affeffiment Repre-
fenta-
tives in
Parlia-
ment.
Shire Of Edinburg
of Hadington
of Berwick
of Roxburgh
of Selkirk
of Peebles
265 5
4
231 17 2
4
234 8
4
307 4 91212
75 7 5
?
2
of Lanerk
86 17
257 12 8
2
4
of Dumfrees
226 I 5
of Wigton
83 14 7
2
of Kirkubright
139 10 II
2
of Air
322 10 5
of Dumbarton
of Bute
of Renfrew
of Sterling
of Linlithgow
of Perth
of Kincardin
of Aberdeen
of Invernes
of Rofs
63 14 2
25 14
112 11 7
146 3 812
97 9 10
I
2
419 17 10
82
339 16 7
IOI I
94 5 6
23 3
17 16 8
2
of Nairn
of Cromarty
2
of Argyle
163
5 10%
of Fife and Kinross
431
of Forfar
27. 16
# A# men Ä *A*AN A
4
of Bamf
of Sutherland
of Cathness
of Elgin
of Orkney and Zetland
of Clackmannan
95 17
28
49 18 9
88 S
I
90 14 1
29: 7 34
Σ
For the Shires
5002 13 11/1/2
I
City
of Edinburg
Bor.
of Perth
323 6 8
30
I
of Dundee
46 13 4
I
City
of Aberdeen
60 10
I
Bor.
of Sterling
14 6
8
I
of Linlithgow
13
I
City
of St. Andrews
6
1
of Glasgow
150
I
Bor.
of Air
10 13 4
of Hadington
16
1
of Dyfart
2 10
I-
of Kirkaldy
24
of Montroſe
of Cowper
of Anstruther Ea
of Dumfrees
20
୨
I
I
1 10
I
19 3 4
I
of Inverness
15
of Burnt Island
of Innerkething
of Kingborn
of Dunfermling
of Pittinweem
of Selkirk
of Dumbarton
3 10
I
of Brechin
4 10
I
of Irwin
I
of Fedburgh
8 10
Σ
of Kirkubright
3
I
of Wigton
3
I
7 10
I
2 10
I
I
* 10
I
of Renfrew
of Dumbar
of Lanerk
3
I
៩
S
of Aberbroth
4 10
I
of Elgin
of Peebles
11 10
I
410
I
no am the Mmba
I
6
1
2 10
I
}
of
{
邂
​of Crail
of Tain
of Colerofs
IMAN M
I
2 10
I
I
of Bamf
of Whiteborn
of Forfar
of Rothsay
of Nairn
of Forres
of Rugline
of North Berwick
of Anftruther Weft
of Cullen
of Lauder
of Kintore
of Annan
of Lochmaben
of Sanchar
2
3 10
13 4
2
A N
2 10
I
I
I
Σ
I
10
Σ
10
13 4
I
2 10
Σ
I
I'
五
​I 10
10
I
of New Galloway
of Kilrenny
of Fortrofe
of Dingwall
10
13 4
I 10
I
13 4
I 10
I
I
of Dornoch.
of Queensferry
of Inverary
4 10
2
of Inverury
J
of Week
1 13 4
I
of Kirkwal
6
I
of Inverbervy
of Stranraer
of Cambleton
By the Agent for the Boroughs.
ΙΟ
I
I
I
I
87 for the Shires
100
5002 13 11/2
67 for the Boroughs
1000
Total 7. 6002 13 11
N. B. This Affement was made in 1695, in which, as
appears, there is an Error by way of over-plus of
2 13 118; but its faid, this Error is corrected in a
Rate fince made, which we have not feen.
ન
+
<
$
!
Page
ERRAT A.
Age 2. line 7. Del. of. p. 38. in the Margent
for inferted r. included. p. 66. l. 18. d.. every,
r. things. p. 91. 1. 21. r. from time to time. p, 121:
1. 4. to doubt add not. p. 124. 1. 18. tor their r.
the. 1. 24. to away add much of.
Says having, by mistake, been uſed inſtead of ſaid
in fome of the first Sheets, has, for the most part, been
fo continued in thofe following, which, with other
Eſcapes of the Prefs, the Reader is defired to Correct
Pl