**
JINIIHH
ARTES
1837
SCIENTIA
LIBRARY
VERITAS
OF THE
! UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN |
PLURIBUS UNDH
TOE BOR
IQUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAM,
CIRCUMSPICE
THIS BOOK
FORMS PART OF THE
ORIGINAL LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
BOUGHT IN EUROPE
1838 TO 1839
BY
ASA GRAY
PRubenis
MILIEN DE BET
BETHUNE
Duke of Sully. Great Mafter of the
Ordnance; Marthal of France &c.
born at Rofny in 1559. died at hif Seat of
Villebon in the County of Chartrain Dec. 21.1641.
HENRY IV.
Surnam'd the Great LXII King of France
th
Died at Paris May 14.1610. after
Reigning 21 Years.
MEMOIRS
O F
MAXIMILIAN DE BETHUNE,
DUKE OF SULLY,
PRIME MINISTER TO
HENRY THE GREA T.
CONTAINING
The Hiſtory of the LIFE and REIGN of that MONARCH,
and his own ADMINISTRATION under Him.
Tranflated from the FRENCH, by the Author of the
FEMALE QUIXOTE.
}
To which is added,
The TRYAL of RAVAILLAC for the Murder of
HENRY THE GREAT.
IN FIVE VOLUME S.
A NEW EDITION.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
Printed for J. RIVINGTON and Sons, J. DODSLEY, S. CROWDER,
G. ROBINSON, T. CADELL, and T. EVANS,
M.DCC.LXXVIII.,
1
To the High, Puiffant, and Moft Noble PRINCE
THOMAS HOLLES-PELHAM,
Duke of NEWCASTLB, Marquis and Earl of Clare,
Viſcount HAUGHTON, and Baron PELHAM of Laughton,
AND BARONET,
One of his Majefty's Privy-Council, Lord Lieu-
tenant and Cuftos Rotulorum for the Counties
of Middleſex, Weftminster, and Nottingham;
Steward, Keeper, and Guardian of the Foreft of
Sherwood, and Park of Folewood, in the County
of Nottingham; One of the Governors of the
Charter-Houfe, Knight of the Moft Noble Or-
der of the Garter, First Lord Commiffioner of
His Majeſty's Treafury, Chancellor of the Uni-
verfity of Cambridge, LL. D. and F.R.S.
MY LORD,
A
UTHORS are often unfortunate
in the choice of their Patrons: and
Works are devoted with great folemnity,
to the uſe of thofe who cannot uſe them,
and the pleaſure of thoſe whom they can-
not pleaſe.
à 2
That
DEDICATION.
!.
fo
That I have avoided this impropriety,
in dedicating to your GRACE thefe ME-
MOIRS OF THE DUKE OF SULLY,
a whole Nation, whofe affairs you have ſo
long and fo happily directed, will bear
me witneſs: But then, I can claim no
praiſe from my own difcernment; becauſe
I only echo the Voice of the People, and
addrefs myſelf, where that leads me.
:
Though my fex and manner of life make
me a ftranger to public affairs; I yet dif-
cover of myſelf, that the Hiftory I have
tranflated, is not only interefting but im-
portant and that the original author of it
was not only well verfed in all the prime
operations of government, but that he
ſaved a Nation, by bringing method and
order into every branch of her revenues,
and adminiftring the whole with the moſt
accurate œconomy.
A Book, thus filled with political wif-
dom, could be fitly offered only to him,
who lays out his whole time and attention,
in labours of the fame tendency; and for
the ſervice of a more free, and therefore a
nobler People.
That Providence may co-operate with
your endeavours; and that your Grace may
fteer
DEDICATION.
fteer not only fafely, but triumphantly,
through every difficulty of the preſent con-
juncture, are wiſhes fo natural to all true
Britons, that they cannot be thought im-
proper even from a woman, and in this
public manner. She is, with the profound-
eft Reſpect,
MY LORD,
Your GRACE's moft Obedient,
London,
Sept. 5, 1755.
and moft Humble Servant,
CHARLOTTE LENNOX.
THE
PREFACE
TO THE
FRENCH EDITION.
A
S in the judgment of good critics and
lovers of literature, THE MEMOIRS
OF SULLY have been always ranked amongſt
our best books, I have no need to enter here
into a difquifition which will be of little ufe to
thoſe who are acquainted with the work.
To give thoſe an idea of this perform-
ance who have never read it, it will be fuffi-
cient to tell them, that it contains a hiſtory
of whatever has paffed from the peace in
1570, to the first year of Lewis XIII. during
a ſpace of forty years, which is a time that
has fupplied the moſt copious ſubjects to the
hiftorians of France; and that it treats of the
reign, or, to ſpeak more properly, almoſt of
the whole life, of Henry the Great. They
preſuppoſe, indeed, fome knowledge of the
foregoing commotions, which are only occa-
fionally mentioned; but it diſplays all the fuc-
ceeding events with the utmoſt particularity.
The events are equally numerous and diver-
fified; wars, foreign and civil; interefts of
ſtate and religion; mafter-ſtrokes of policy;
unexpected diſcoveries; ſtruggles of ambition;
ftratagems of policy; embaflies and negoti-
a 4
ations;
ii.
PREFA C E.
ations; are all to be found in this book; and
all this is far from the whole.
The Memoirs of Sully take their value,
perhaps their greateſt value, from the innu-
merable recitals of a private kind, which
fcarcely belong to the province of hiftory.
this is the particular advantage of memoirs,
they admit all fubjects, however numerous,
and all incidents however various, which one
can defire to infert; and they are not ſubject
to the burthen impofed upon hiftory, of con-
tinuing the narrative through dry generalities,
with which even the writer finds himſelf
difgufted.
To obtain a complete knowledge of any
prince, it is neceffary that the picture of his
private life be fet to view, together with his
public conduct; he muſt be fhown with his
courtiers and domeftics, in thofe moments
when he is little obferved his character muſt
be fixed by his letters and converfation; the
paffions are better diſplayed by a fingle word,
related as it was fpoke, than by all the art
which a hiftorian can uſe. This idea of me-
moirs is quite anſwered by thoſe of Sully; fo
that no man, till he has perufed them, can
have a just conception of Henry IV. They
repreſent to us that great prince, in his good
as well as his bad fortune; now as a private
man, now as a king, as a warrior, or as a
politician; and to come ftill lower, as a huf
band, father, or friend; and all told in fo
affecting a manner, that the reader cannot re-
frain from taking part in the moſt minute and
indifferent incident of his life: at moft, I can
7
only
PREFACE.
only except fome military recitals, which oc-
cur perhaps too often at the beginning of the
work, and a ſmall number of other paffages
lefs pleafing; though, on the other hand,
thefe recitals are always connected with the
public affairs, and diverfified, like the reft,
with the part which was born in them by the
duke of Sully.
The
He is as the fecond actor, and this double
action makes no breach in the unity of intereſt,
becauſe this minifter fays almost nothing of
himſelf, which has not fome relation to pub-
lic affairs, or the perfon of his maſter.
reader will, doubtless, be pleaſed to know what-
judgment was formed of thefe Memoirs when
they first appeared in the world, and I ſhall
give him information from the author of an
old diſcourſe, to be found among the MSS.*
of the king's library: "One of the moft
"beautiful pictures of human prudence and
66
fidelity, fays he, is to be found in the ac-
"count left to the public, in two volumes,
<<
by the duke of Sully, of the nature of the
"advice he had given, and the fervices he
"had done, to his king and benefactor, as
"well for his particular and perſonal honour,
"as for the profperity of his kingdom. And,
in truth, the fortune of Henry the Great,
"and the virtue of his prime minifter, are
"two things which appear alternately, or,
more properly, go hand in hand. The mi-
nifter, in this work, ferves and obliges the
"king, in all the ways that a king can re-
•
*Vol. 9590.
4 ceive
iv
PREFACE.
"ceive fervice or obligation from a ſubject,
"with his hand, his courage, his fword, and
66
even with his blood, or actions of bravery
"and adventure, but particularly in his coun-
"cil and cabinet, with the greateſt under-
"ſtanding, and moft quick-fighted policy,
"the moſt pure difintereſtedneſs, and un-
"tainted fincerity, that has ever been known
"to hiftorians, either of our own or other
" countries.'
>>
It is natural, in the reign of a prince like
Henry IV. to look for great generals, deep
politicians, and ſkilful minifters; but we are
furprized to find in one man, the warrior, the
politician, the wife manager of bufineſs, the
fteady and unbending friend, as well as the
clofe confidant and darling of his mafter. But
what is yet more uncommon, is to fee in a
work where the actions of two fuch extra-
ordinary perfons are collected after their
deaths, a great king forced to make a conqueft
of his own kingdom, engaged with a miniſter,
in his way, not lefs great, in contriving means
to make his undertakings fuccefsful; labour-
ing afterwards, in concert with him, to make
his kingdom not only peaceable but flouriſh-
ing, regulating the revenue, laying the foun-
dation of trade, methodizing the government,
and, in fhort, recovering every part of the
eſtabliſhment from confufion.
In this work therefore are comprized two
lives united together, and illuftrating and
adorning one another; the lives of a king and
a miniſter, his confidant, nearly of the fame
age, carried on from the infancy of both to
the
PREFACE.
the death of the king, and to the retreat of
the minifter.
;
+
We may add, that theſe Memoirs of Sully
are yet further valuable, by maxims of excel-
lent morality, by politics derived from truth
by an infinite number of views, fchemes, and
regulations, of almoſt every kind, with which
they are filled. The duke of Sully is faid,
by one of his cotemporaries, to have been
the only man that ever difcovered the means
of uniting two things, which our fathers not
only could not join together, but confidered
in their own nature inconfiftent, the increaſe
of the king's revenue, and the relief of the
people. He that would have an idea of a
good fubject and an incorruptible miniſter,
muft look for it in this picture, where he
will fee œconomy in its full luftre, and po-
licy in all its practice; the art of ufing and
of gaining power; the fcience of reigning as
a man, and of reigning as a king; the fineſt
inſtructions and moſt forceable examples of
morality are here exhauſted, and the whole
fupported and adorned by a knowledge of
every thing, from the higheſt arts to the me-
chanic occupations.
However high this praiſe may ſeem, I do
not find that the fevereft critics depart much
from it; one need only confult the abbot Le-
Laboureur, in his additions to the Memoirs of
Caftelnau, vol. II. book ii. p. 687. father Le-
Long, and a multitude of modern writers;
for who is there that does not cite the Me-
moirs of Sully as the firft political treatiſe
that has fhewn us the real power of this king-
dom, and in which are contained the feeds of
whatever
vi
PREFACE.
whatever has been done by Richelieu, Maza-
rine, and Colbert; and in which is opened
the beſt ſchool of the art of government?
I will now quit this confideration for ano-
ther, which I neither can nor ought to con-
ceal; the pleaſure which fo valuable a book
affords, is attended with a degree of fatigue
which makes this ornament of libraries ufe-
lefs to the greater part of readers.
This is to be imputed to want of method,
and defects of ftyle; the fubjects lie here in
great confufion; thofe who have ranged them
propofe to entertain us with particular recitals
of military, political, and domeftic affairs
but they neither know how to keep them
apart, nor to join them properly: a fact is
cleared up, or a narrative continued, at the
diftance, fometimes, of an hundred pages;
from the beginning of the firft volume, one
muft often jump to the end of the fecond;
the letters of Henry, which ought to be re-
gularly inferted in the ftory, are bundled up
together and put by themſelves, or introduced
where they only break the thread of the dif-
courſe, to which very often they have no rela-
tion: the maxims of law and government are
driven off to a diftant part, where it is often
difficult to meet with them; they have the
appearance of an independant note, and one
might have known, that the compilers were
mere men of bufinefs, though they had not
told it.
As to the diction, it is not going too far to
fay, that it has every fault which diction can ·
admit; it is too much diffuſed, obfcured fre-
quently by the enormous protraction of the
fentences, and frequently by the impropriety
of
PREFACE.
vii
of the words, which are fometimes creeping
and low, and fometimes fwelled with ridi-
culous magnificence.
Theſe two general reflections on the Me-
moirs of Sully, one thould have imagined
might have put it into the thoughts of fome
of our beft writers, to make that book agree-
able, which is fo interefting and uſeful; the
other, becauſe what they have good arifes from
the fubject, and what is wrong confifts only
in the form in which they are thewn. It is
allowed on all hands, that this muſt be ex-
cepted from the number of thofe old books,
which cannot be altered without being spoiled;
but the danger of giving offence to the nicety
of critics, has hitherto driven away all thoughts
of fuch an undertaking: and I confefs that I
could never have engaged in it, had I not been
urged on by that fondnefs for the original,
which brings the paffions as well as the ge-
nius into a work, and makes us blind to all
the obitacles that may oppoſe us; for, to ac-
commodate fuch a work as this to the prefent
taſte, a man muft preferve at once the fidelity
of a tranſlator, and the liberty of a compoſer:
he muft carefully preferve the ſenſe of his au-
thor, tho' he muſt abridge, tranfpofe, and
methodiſe his work.
An emendation, merely grammatical, which
ſhould reach no farther than to change thoſe
expreffions, which are confeffedly bad, and to
retrench thofe that are apparently fuperfluous,
would have been fhort of the reformation
which the ftyle requires; and, if nothing had
been attempted but to bring the fcattered
parts of the ſtory together, and methodiſe thoſe
things
viii
PREFACE.
things that are out of order, to free the book
from the inconvenience of confufion, even
this muſt have ended in the deſtruction of the
text. I have tried every method that I could
invent to avoid the neceffity of taking the
work wholly to pieces, and moulding it anew;
but I faw, at laft, that no other way would
anſwer my intention: I was convinced that
a ſtyle ſo faulty as that of theſe Memoirs, was
far from deferving to be treated with the
fame reſpect as that of Comines, Montagne,
and Amyot: that the mere general altera-
tions, which are confeffedly neceffary, would
change it ſo much from its preſent ſtate, that
to make it yet more different, was no great
matter and that thefe alterations, producing
a neceffity of connections and tranfitions
which would naturally be of a different caſt
of language from the reft, many patches of
new ftyle appearing in theſe pages of anti-
quity, would have been a difagreeable and
diffimular mixture: and that the original
must not only be cleared from a great number
of odd expreffions, but of unnatural and un-
ufual ideas, which appears in the ridiculous.
fingularity in the very title, Oeconomies Roy-
ales, & Servitudes Loyales: that fuch liber-
ties as I have taken was neceffary, in order to
arrive at a juſt chronology and arrangement
of matter and that this liberty was confiftent
enough with the obligation of preferving the
fenfe of the original, and fuffering the Me-
moirs of Sully to lofe nothing by being put
into a new language.
:
In the first place, I found it indifpenfably
neceffary to change this ftated language of fe-
cretaries,
PREFACE.
ix
cretaries, who know nothing but to praiſe
and flatter. What can be more tedious than
to ſee them, at every line, addreffing their
maſter to put him in mind of fomething that
has already happened, and to confefs that he
underſtands the bufinefs better than them-
felves? This perpetual addrefs made the
book little more than a long dedication; and
yet this could not have been corrected with-
out giving the work a new form.
I must add, that the hiftorical narrative,
which allows only the third perſon to be uſed,
could not take place here, as I immediately
found, when I endeavoured to apply it: for
the Memoirs of Sully, as I have already faid,
inſtead of one principal actor, preſent us with
two, whofe parts conftantly intermingle in
the recital, or who almoſt always make their
appearance together, either talking between
themſelves or with other perfons. The pro-
nouns he and him, which in other hiftories
ſupply ſo conveniently the place of proper
names, muft, in a book like this, have been
applied fometimes to one, fometimes to ano-
ther, which would have produced an obfcurity
not to have been avoided, but by repetitions
and circumlocutions equally inconvenient. If,
to rid our hands of this difficulty, which will
be generally perceived, this book had been
entituled Memoirs to contribute to a hiſtory of
Henry IV. and the relation had been con-
tracted to the actions of that prince, this had
at once cut off half the Memoirs, and perhaps
that half which can leaſt be ſpared; for the life
and actions of Henry the Great are every where
7
to
PREFACE.
to be found; but thofe of the duke of Sully
can be read no where elſe: and it had been
ftill leſs proper to have mentioned only the
actions of the minifter.
There remained therefore only one ſcheme
to purſue, that of making Sully tell his own
ftory. I yielded with lefs reluctance to this
neceffity, as I found it likely to be the fource
of new pleaſure; for nothing is more proper
to throw over a work thoſe intereſting paffages,
which put the heart into emotion, than to in-
troduce the principal actor in a complicated
affair, entertaining you with an account of the
part which he acted; and what an actor would
he appear if one could attain to make him
fpeak as fuch a minifter, fo favoured by his
maſter, and ſo reſpected by all the ranks of
the community, might be fuppoſed to ſpeak
at the preſent time.
This fingle motive might prevail upon the
public to grant me the indulgence which I re-
quire, for the only real liberty I have taken,
if it fhould be found that I have, in other re-
ſpects, diſcharged the duty which this licence
made indifpenfible; but, as I cannot affume
fo much to myſelf, I ſhall found my defence
upon a matter of fact; which is, that, in re-
ality, the duke of Sully himſelf is the true
author of the Memoirs which bear his name;
fince the original pieces are his own, and his
ſecretaries did nothing more than ſtitch them
together. This is eafily perceived in ſeveral
places, where the pen of the minifter being
withheld, either by promife of fecrecy or
fome confideration equally ftrong, you ſee the
reader's
+
}
PREFAC E.
xi
1
!
reader's expectation diſappointed with regard
to facts of which the fecretaries themſelves had
apparently not the leaft knowledge. This is
therefore no robbery, but an honeft reftitu-
tion, which I make to their mafter of his own
works. In atteftation of this, I can produce
all our writers, who fhew evidently when they
quote the Memoirs of Sully, that they confi-
der them as the work of that great man, and
depend upon his authority. The fingle doubt
of Vittorio Siri is of no weight againft fo
much evidence.
This critical difquifition I do not think of
fufficient importance or amufement, to require
that I ſhould tranfcribe whole pages to eſtabliſh
this truth, by exhibiting the words of Henry,
Sully, or the fecretaries themfelves: he that
thinks it worth his while, may confult the
places marked in the margin +. I fhall here
offer only a conjecture, which I fubmit to the
difcernment of my reader.
upon
The Memoirs of Sully were formed first
the obfervations which M. de Rofny be-
gan, from his earlieſt youth, to make upon
the events of his times, as well thofe that re-
lated to the public as thoſe that affected his
mafter and himſelf. To thefe were added, in
the next place, the obfervations which he fet
down at the entreaty of his prince, who foon
began to diftinguifh a man of his character.
M. de Rofny had plainly no intention to write
a connected narrative, much lefs a formal hif-
* Mem. Rec. Vol. I. p. 29.
+ Edît. des 1, & 3 Tom.
Tom. II. p. 407, 409, 410,
VOL. I.
434, 435, 440, 448. Tom
III. p. Sz, 83, 294, 385, &C.
Tom. II. p. 440.
b
tory,
XIL
PREF A CE.
tory, but only a collection of pieces upon fe-
veral events of his time, which he improved
with his own reflections on government*. The
term Journal, which is fometimes uſed, is not
to be taken in the firicteft fenfe: accounts con-
fifting of pieces thus independent, were not
things abfolutely new in his time. It is not
unlikely that he confidered himſelf as col-
lecting materials for more regular memoirs,
which he afterwards thought fit to commu-
nicate to the public, under the name of his
fecretaries, rather than his own.
Thefe regiſters †, of which there has been
already mention, were put into the hands of
four of his fecretaries, two of whom compofed
at firft the two former volumes, fuch as they
now appear, the two other fecretaries, who
were taken into the fervice of Sully at the time
of his retreat, were bufy, at the fame time,
upon the firſt of his two following volumes,
which compriſes a ſpace of five years, from
1605 to the death of Henry IV. and imagining
their labour incomplete, unleſs they thould
produce two volumes as well as their fellows,
they fell to tumbling over all their mafter's pa-
pers, and at laft attained their purpoſe. But
notice muſt be taken, that they are not to be
believed too eafily with refpect to the place
where thefe Memoirs are faid to be printed;
for they had an intereft in impofing upon the
public, by making it be believed that thefe
Memoirs were not printed in France ‡. Guy-
Patin, father Le-Long, the abbe Lenglet, and
* Tom. II. p. 448. Tom. III. p. 83, 385.
+ Epît. Limin du Tom. III. Tom. II. p. 410.
Epît. Limin, ibid,
feveral
1
PREFACE.
xiii
feveral others, are confident that the two firſt
volumes were printed at the caftle of Sully;
and for the two laft, it is a known fact that
their first appearance was in an edition printed
at Paris 1662, by the care of the Abbe Le-
Laboureur.
In the Memoirs of Mademoiſelle mention
is made of letters, and a great number of other
original pieces, which the count de Bethune
kept with great care, and fhewed as a curiofity
to thofe that came to fee him. Of thefe, part,
at leaft, may be thought the minutes of the
duke of Sully. But, fince none of theſe pieces
are found in the vaft collection of manufcripts
prefented by the count de Bethune, in 1664,
to the late king, we may conclude that, after
the publication of thefe Memoirs, thofe mi-
nutes were deftroyed as of no farther ufe: but,
for my part, I make fo little reckoning of the
works of the compilers, that I could wish to
have only the originals as they had them; for
what they have given us of their own makes
no effential addition, nor has any confequence
but that of concealing the true work of Sully,
which, in many places, cannot be diftinguiſhed
or difintangled from theirs; for they did not
content themſelves with ranging their pieces
according to the order of time, which was the
beft thing they were capable of doing.
I know not whether there is not even room to
ſuſpect them of having fuppreffed fome pieces
of confiderable importance. One may fafely
charge them, at leaft, with having deſtroyed
The Treatife of War, The Marechal de Camp,
The Inftructions Military and Political, and
b z
fome
xiv
PREFACE.
fome other works of the duke of Sully, which
have certainly been once in exiftence. They
have been fought to no purpofe in the clofet
of the prefent duke of Sully *, notwithſtand-
ing the pains which he, who is fo well known
for his love of literature and antiquities, has
taken to recover monuments which contribute
fo much to the honour of his family. He has
little more than fome accounts and memoirs
relating to the different employments of Maxi-
milian duke of Sully, of which the fubftance
is found in this book. The only manufcripts
that raiſe much curiosity, are the original copy
of the firſt volume of the Memoirs of Sully,
from which the impreffion was certainly taken;
and the two laft volumes of a kind of heroic
romance, of which the two firft have been loft.
Theſe adventures, or allegorical hiftories of
that age, are entituled, Gelaftide, ou les Il-
luftres princeffes pucelles du puiffant Empire
de la grande Sclaramane Dolofophomorie, les
Sclarazones diamantées, Percy de Rubicelle &
Pyrope; titles as fingular as thofe of the Me-
moirs of Sully, and which thew that they are
drawn up by the fame hand.
It is poffible that the lofs of theſe originals is
imputed to Sully himfelf, fince his fecretaries
acted not only under his orders, but under his
own eyes. In that cafe we fhall be forced to
confefs, that a little vanity, from which this.
miniſter was not free, kept him from fuffering
his Memoirs to appear in his own name: he
perceived that he could not forbear to give him-
*Louis-Pierre-Maximilian de Béthune.
Tom. III. p. 83 and 294.
I
felf
}
PREFACE.
XV
1
felf the honour of the brighteft part of the
reign of Henry IV. and, not caring either to
praiſe himſelf or to lofe the praiſe he had de-
ferved, he determined to have that faid by
others which he could not modeftly fay him-
felf.
He is charged with another fault proceeding
equally from vanity, but which, if we examine
it well, may appear very innocent; it is the
freedom with which he acts and fpeaks. Let
us hear, on this head, our antient differtator.
"This ftiff and haughty humour, fays he,
"which fo often obliges his prince to speak
cc
firit, and to open himfelf to him, if it had
"been foftened and made more eafy, would
"have been perhaps more perfe&, and more
66
deferving of imitation; but, if the original
"was as it is reprefented, and nature had
"formed it of this caft, it ought not to be flat-
"tered or difguifed: if this gravity and general
(6
66
66
circumfpection, which his enemies mention
"as a reproach to his memory, was the very
quality which gave fo much value to his
miniftry and his credit, we ought not to
regret it in him as a blot, or condemn it as
"a defect." And indeed, if a minifter is of
known honefty, and unfufpected of any bad
defign, why fhould he, in fpeaking to his
mafter, or tranfacting with him, recede from
the privilege of following the fevere dictates of
truth? Without this liberty the condition of
private men would be much happier than that
of princes; but we may fufficiently prove, that
Sully deferves no reproach of this kind, by
obferving that he never received any from his
mafter,
b 3
:
xvi
PREFACE.
mafter, who not only allowed, but loved and
praiſed his freedom of fpeech. Whatever
may be faid, for inſtance, of the famous pro-
mife of marriage which Sully tore in pieces in
the hands of Henry, I fee nothing in that
affair which does not deferve admiration, and
there is no fear that it ſhall be drawn into pre-
cedent.
The neceffity of being beforehand with the
reader, for my own fake, has given occafion
to theſe two remarks. I have confidered it as
indecent in Sully to relate all that happened of
this kind with Henry IV. and as to perfonal
commendations, I cut off what was uttered by
fecretaries, and could never have been faid by
him, and keep all that he has faid, or fuffered
others to fay to him, that was for his own ho-
nour, or for that of the family of Bethune.
In like manner I let all ſtand which the fame
vanity, joined with his religious prejudices,
difpofed him to advance with relation to the
greateſt families; fuch as the houſe of Auftria,
among others, or concerning private perfons,
to whom he has not always done juftice; fuch
as the dukes de Nevers and de Epernon, mef-
fieurs de Villeroi, Jeannin, and the cardinal de
Offat, and others, among ft the roman catholics;
and the dukes de Rohan, de Bouillon, and de
La-Trémouille, Du-Pleffis-Mornay; and, to
conclude, with refpect to a ſociety deſerving
eſteem, for purity of manners, and the ſervice it
has done the public, by the education of youth,
and the advancement of polite literature.
If I ftop at this head, it is only to ſhow how
much I deteft every fpecies of prejudice; for
other-
1
PREFACE.
xvii
otherwiſe I know well enough that I fhall
never be called to account about it: it was my
duty to preferve the ground-work of the origi-
nal inviolate; and as the original, which I am
far from fuppofing that my work will put out of
the world, muft always remain in its true ftate,
it would appear againſt me, if I ſhould dare to
alter it, and furniſh an accufation againſt me of
diſhoneſty and flattery; all that I have been
able to do, and I proteft I have done it only
out of regard to justice, is to fhew my diflike
by frequent corrections, from which alone the
public is to judge of my real fentiments.
It appears indeed to me, that a fingle word
is fufficient to put an end to the greatest part
of the imputation thrown upon the jefuits and
other good catholics by the duke of Sully: we
must confider that they acted upon one prin-
ciple, and he judged of their actions upon
another. It may be added, that in the cir-
cumftances of thoſe things, during the tranf-
action, it was difficult to pafs a right judgment
upon the meaſures of the different parties: at
prefent, fince time has given new light to their
cauſes, motives, and means, we who are
neither carried away by the heat of action, nor
overpowered by fear, hope, or defire, have,
with refpect to the fubject on which we are
treating, two opinions almoft oppofite; we
deteft the league, and have great reaſon to
deteft it; but, on the other hand, we judge,
and not without probability, that, if the league
had not been, France was in danger of fuffer-
ing the greatest of all evils, the lofs of the true
religion. If Villeroi, D'Offat, and others,
ftand
b 4
The Jesuite
xviii
PREFACE,
«
ftand in need of defence, it is on this principle,
That they muſt be defended.
A motive of the fame kind determined me
likewife to write notes upon paffages where
Sully fpeaks unfavourably of the Spaniards, the
Engliſh, and other kingdoms in our neigh-
bourhood. I am as far from applauding his
prejudices as eſpouſing his quarrels. To fee
nothing in other nations worthy of praife, is
to be blind; to fee it, and not own it, is ta
be weak.
Another article, which appears to me of yet
greater importance than all thefe, is the liberty
with which the author fometimes diſcovers his
particular principles, with refpect to the very
fubftance of religion. It is natural to imagine,
that a man full of knowledge, of reflection,
and of good qualities, must have been very
dangerous when he was led to fpeak of the
reformed religion, which it is known that the
duke of Sully always remained a firm adherent
to.
Such was my notion of the matter; but
the first perufal of his Memoirs altered my opi-
nion. I will quote, upon this occafion, for
the laft time, the writer whofe teftimony I
have fo often made ufe cf, to fhew that theſe
Memoirs cannot make, at this time, theſe im-
preffions which they were unable to make when
they were new. "It is not, fays the author,
"upon account of his religious opinions, that
he is to be confidered as a model, or as an
original; we are to look into thefe Memoirs
forageneral, a grand-mafter of the ordnance,
a fuperintendant of the finances, and a mi-
nifter of an univerfal genius, concurring in
છું...
L
.
66
4
all
the
I
PREFACE.
xix
..
* all the ſchemes of his prince; but you are
"not here to expect a picture of a chriſtian,
" and much lefs of a catholic. Theſe
"books," fays the fame writer, in another
place, "do not fhew him properly pious or
religious, becauſe they do not fhew him a
"catholic."
66
The author might have added another rea-
fon of yet greater force, which is, that when
Sully reprefents himſelf either as a reformed,
or catholic, that man, whofe reaſonings upon
almoſt every other fubject is folid and con-
clufive, appears fo wretched as a divine, that
the mere comparifon of his writings with
themſelves is fufficient to confute him; befides,
how many confeffions are drawn from him by
the force of truth? how much does he fay
against the mad determination of fome pro-
testant fynods, against the intrigues and bad
defigns of the chief of that party; againſt the
mutinous and feditious temper of the whole
body? It is fomething fo fingular, to fee the
duke of Sully by turns a Calviniſt, and an
enemy to Calvinifts, that I thought it necef-
fary to preferve whatever he has faid on the
fubject of religion, left what I had fuppreffed
had been thought of more importance than it
really is. But I thought it neceffary to be
likewife liberal of my notes, in oppofition to
thofe paffages, and perhaps under the notion,
that I could never be careful enough of weak
minds, I may, without thinking of it, have
fhewn fome regard to my firft fcruples.
The notes have been confiderably multiplied
by another confideration. As I was defirous
to
XX
PREFACE.
+
to make this work more clear and compleat, I
have fhewn the fame regard to things of mere
entertainment as for thofe of neceffity. I
could not prevail upon myſelf to ſkip over a
fact obfcure or but flightly touched, without
clearing it up and explaining it. In one place,
therefore, you will find a paffage of pure
amuſement producing another of the fame kind:
in another place, a perfon of note is mentioned
only by his name, and I have thought it ne-
ceffary to add his chriftian or furname, his
dignities or employments, and ſometimes the
year of his birth or his death. There are notes
likewife, in which I have endeavoured to rectify
falfe calculations and miſtaken dates, and to
adjuſt the valuation of coins; and on all theſe
occafions, I have endeavoured to copy only
from our beft writers, and to draw imme-
diately from the fountain-head; thus the Me-
moirs of the League, d'Etoile and de Nevers ;
les Chronologies Novennaire et Septennaire of
Cayet, and the Mercure François; meffieurs de
Thou, Péréfixe, Matthieu, Davila, Le-Grain,
D'Aubigné; the manufcripts of the king's li-
brary, the Letters of the cardinal D'Offat*, &c.
are my vouchers for facts; and for all the reft,
my credit depends upon the books which have
furniſhed the affiſtance that I happened to want,
I have commonly contented myfelf with giving
their words upon the ſubject before me, with-
out entering into any difquifitions, except when
contrariety of opinions feemed to require it.
Butnotwithſtanding this precaution, the margin
*For theſe letters I confulted the old folio edition, as alſo the
old edition of L'Etoile's Memoirs.
i
of
PREFACE.
xxi
of the five or fix first books are fomewhat croud-
ed; nor was it in my power to do otherwife, the
first Years of Henry IV. affording a prodigious
number of facts of every fort, which Sully has
only hinted at, or mentioned very flightly.
To theſe might very properly have been
added, notes upon politics, war, the finances,
government, and naval affairs; and I could
not but, in compliance with my inclination,
ſcatter a few upon the laft books, particularly,
of which the fubject made them often uſeful,
and ſometimes abfolutely neceffary.
As to maxims and reflections, the only uſe
that could properly have been made of them,
was to ſcatter them here and there in the places
where they have relation. With reſpect to
another part of this work, I have taken a con-
trary method: I have brought together all that
was faid in different places upon the great and
famous defign of Henry IV. which feems often
to break the narration in an unpleaſant man-
ner; and finding no place where a recital of
fo many particulars could be inferted, I made
a book of it by itſelf. I may be fufpected upon
thefe laft heads, of having made great ad-
ditions to my original; but let the reader fuf-
pend his judgment till he has read it from begin-
ning to end. I am well aware, that the neceffity
of arranging theſe materials in a different order,
has given this work a kind of original air,
which diftinguiſhes it from common tranfla-
tions, without giving the rank of a work of
invention. There are many other places where
it will be feen, that if I had thought myfelf
entitled to an abfolute authority over my ori.
ginal,
Ι
1
xxii
PREFACE.
}
ginal, I ſhould often have given it another caft.
As to references, it was not poffible to put
them all in the margin, and they would have
only tired the reader.
The letters, which are fcattered here and
there, I could only have made uſeful, by caft-
ing them into a narrative, and joining them
with the fact to which they relate by this
means, I have contrived to diverfify my hiftory,
and have made the letters more uſeful than
they were before. It is common for thofe
who write on things talked of by them before,
to mention them imperfectly; thefe omiffions
I commonly fupplied with a note, when the
matter is fuch as can be difcovered, or deferves
explanation; for of this prodigious number
of letters, either of the king's or Sully's, the
greater part only contains particulars of ſmall
importance: all thefe I confider as ufelefs,
and retrench them either wholly or in part;
and I take the fame courfe with the recitals
that are too long, with trifling remarks, with
diffufe memorials and regulations of the fi-
nances, drawn out in particularities: but when
I find letters, converfations, or other pieces,
truly original, I copy them faithfully, except
when I meet with a word that would offend
the ear, I change it to another: this I intend
for the gratification of thofe readers who
would complain, if in thefe ancient Memoirs,
the perfonages that are introduced fhould talk
always like men of our own time, and judge
of the pleaſure they muft receive from the
fingularity of the ancient language, by that
which it gives to myſelf.
7
I have
PREFACE.
xxiii
I have followed the ufual method, of di-
viding an hiſtorical work into books, rather
than into chapters; there are here thirty books,
reckoning the account of Henry's great project
for one of them. Some were of opinion, that
this project, having never been executed,
might have been omitted; but it feemed to
me to make fo confiderable a part of Sully's
Memoirs, that the public were likely to be
offended with its fuppreffion.
I thought it not for my purpoſe to proceed
farther than the retreat of Sully, in which I
have ventured to differ from my original: but
befides, that, according to my theme, I faw
no ufe to be made of the pieces which had no
relation either to Sully or Henry IV. I thought,
judging of thefe pieces critically, that they did
not deferve much attention from mankind. I
find nothing in the fourth volume which can
truly be called the work of the duke of Sully,
more than what he fays of the new court, of the
council, and of himſelf, to his departure from
Paris; together with the regulations that he
had formed for different purpofes, and the
evidence he gives of the great defign of
Henry IV. As to the furious invective againſt
Villeroi, and the other pieces belonging to the
reign of Lewis XIII. and, in a word, whatever
is contained in the two hundred laft pages of
the fourth volume, the whole is apparently of
another hand; fo immethodical, fo uncon-
nected, and at the fame time ſo trifling and fo
dull, that I could look upon it only as a thing
compiled by one of his fecretaries, without
judgment, and for this only purpoſe, as them-
felves
xxiv
PREFACE.
1
!
felves confefs, that the laft volume might be
as large as the former *; all this is to be
ranked with the panegyrics, fonnets, and other
pieces, both in French and Latin; which the
reader, if ſuch things happen to pleaſe him,
may look for in the original.
As we cannot learn from theſe Memoirs
what became of the duke of Sully from his
retreat to his death, and as the reader may be
curious about him, I have given him a Sup-
plement. Nothing of the lives of great men
fhould be loft or neglected: this Supplement
is more full and interefting than I at firſt
could promiſe myſelf, by means of the infor-
mation with which the duke of Sully has been
pleaſed to ſupply me.
I make ufe, as I have already faid, of the
edition in folio; it is properly in four volumes,
though in fome libraries it is bound in two:
the firſt and ſecond of thefe volumes printed at
Amfterdam, that is to fay, at Sully, without
the date of the year or the printer, for that
which appears at its head is counterfeit; this
is commonly called the green-lettered edition,
on account of its VVV, and its front-piece
coloured with green. The third and fourth
volume, printed at Paris by permiflion, by
Auguftin Courbé, in 1662. this edition is in-
correct, but fome of the others are mutilated,
which is worfe. I fhall here enumerate the
fubfequent editions; the two firft volumes
were reprinted at Rouen, 1649. in two vo-
lumes in folio; in a ſmaller letter at Amfter-
dam, 1654, in four volumes 12°. At Paris,
* Epit. Limin. du Tom. III.
1664,
PREFACE.
XXV
1664, by Courbé, in two volumes in folio.
The third and fourth volumes were reprinted
at Paris, 1663, in eight volumes 12°; and at
the fame time at Rouen, in feven volumes 12°.
The laft edition is that of Trevoux, in 1725,
in twelve volumes 12°.
What I have here to add is to affure the
public, that I refpect it too much to expofe
myfelf to its cenfure, by any faults that labour
and attention could enable me to avoid; and
as for any others, as they may ſerve, if not to
correct my work, at leaſt to mend myfelf for
the future, I am fo far from endeavouring to
obviate them, that I entreat the world not to
fpare them; they fhall never find me claiming
the indulgence naturally due to the first at-
tempt, nor do I plead my fituation in excuſe;
though my fituation was fo little propitious to
this kind of labour, that I fhould have ſeen
myfelf obliged to throw it up, had I not been
affifted by perfons whofe generofity was equal
to their zeal for the advancement of learning.
This confeffion is due to truth. I fhould like-
wife be guilty of extreme ingratitude, if I
omitted to make it known, that a man of
ge-
nius and candor, who had been intimately ac-
quainted with the two late dukes of Sully, not
only gave me the first notion of this work, but
aflifted me likewife to form the plan, and pro-
moted the execution by all the means which
his friendſhip or generofity could dictate.
A SUM-
A
SUMMARY
SUMM
OF THE
Books contained in the FIRST VOLUME.
SUMMARY of the FIRST BOOK.
M
EMOIRS from the year 1570 to 1580.
State of affairs in the council of France,
and thofe of the calvinifts, at the peace of
1570. Rofny's extraction, and anecdotes of the houſe
of Bethune. Some account of the birth, edu-
cation, and early years, of the prince of Na-
varre. Idea of the government under Henry II.
Francis II. and during the first years of the reign
of Charles IX. Artifice of queen Catherine of
Medicis to ruin the huguenots. Rofny engages
himſelf in the fervice of the king of Navarre, and
follows him to Paris. Death of the queen of Na-
varre. The wounding of admiral Coligny, and
other caufes of fufpicion, which the court gave to
the proteftants. Profound diffimulation of Charles
IX. Maffacre of St. Bartholomew: a particular
relation of this event. Obfervations and reflections
upon it. The conduct of Charles IX. and admiral
Coligny. In what manner the king of Navarre and
Rofny eſcaped being maffacred. Education of
Rofny. The calvinifts refume courage, and retrieve
their affairs. Flight of the prince of Condé. Im-
prifonment of the princes. The infurrection of
Shrove Tueſday. Death of Charles IX. His cha-
racter. Henry III. returns to France, and declares
VOL. I.
C
war
xxviii
SUMMARY.
war againſt the huguenots. Flight of Monfieur and
the king of Navarre. The queen-mother deceives
them by the peace called the Peace of Monfieur.
The war is renewed. Military rencounters, and
taking of cities. Rofny's firft exploits in arms.
The peace of 1577. Conferences between the
queen-mother and the king of Navarre. More mi-
litary expeditions. Taking of Cahors, &c. Faults
committed by Rofny.
SUMMARY of the SECOND BOOK. 1
MEM
EMOIRS from the year 1580 to the year
1587. Affairs of Flanders. The United
Provinces offer their crown to Monfieur: he
goes
to Holland; Rofny attends him. The taking of
Château-Cambrefis, &c. Monfieur furpriſes the
citadel of Cambrai : he goes to England; returns
to France; is hated by the Dutch and the pro-
teftants on account of the treachery attempted by
him at Antwerp; difconcerted by the prince of
Orange. Rofny diffatisfied with Monfieur, who
finding all his fchemes blafted, returns to France.
Rofny returns likewife, after having vifited the
city of Béthune. Spain makes offers to the king
of Navarre. Rofny fent to the court of France by the
king of Navarre: he vifits Monfieur. Death of that
prince. Rofny's fecond journey to Paris, and ne-
gociation there: his marriage. Domeſtic employ-
ments. Origin, formation, and progrefs, of the
League. Henry III. joins the League againſt the
king of Navarre. Divifions in the calvinift party;
the views of its chiefs. Rofny is again fent to Pa-
ris by the king of Navarre, to obſerve the motions
of the League. An attempt upon Angers; fails.
A dangerous journey taken by Rofny. The prince
of Condé in extreme peril. The king of Navarre
in great perplexities. Military expeditions. Rofny
negociates an alliance between the two kings. The
taking of Talmont, Fontenay, &c. Rofny goes
3
to
SUMMARY.
-xxix
to vifit and affift his wife during the calamity of
the plague. Fruitless interviews between the queen-
mother and the king of Navarre. A feries of mi-
litary expeditions. Rofny defeats one of the ene-
mies fquadrons. Other fucceffes of the calvinifts;
a declared perfecution against them. Madame de
Rolny in great danger. Rofny's fecret journey to
Paris. The duke of Joyeufe leads an army into
Poitou, and is beat by the king of Navarre at
Coutras; a particular account of this battle.
SUMMARY of the THIRD BOOK.
MEM
EMOIRS from the year 1587 to the year
1590. Errors committed by the king of
Navarre and the proteftants, after the battle of
Coutras. Secret defigns of the prince of Condé,
the count of Soiffons, and the vifcount Turenne.
Death of the prince of Condé; obfervations upon
his death. The battle of the Barricades, and the
confequences; reflections upon this event. The
duke and cardinal of Guife affaffinated; reflections
and obfervations on this occafion. Death of Ca-
therine de Medicis. The pufillanimity of Henry
III. with respect to the League. Rofny negociates
a treaty of alliance between the two kings; the
diſguſt he receives upon this occafion. Interview
of the two kings. The duke of Maïenne fits down.
before Tours; military exploits on both fides.
Battle of Foffeufe, at which Rofny is preſent.
Death of madame de Rofay. Military fucceffes of
the two kings. Siege of Faris. Death of Henry III.
particulars of this aflaffination. Henry IV. aks
counſel of Rofny; the perplexing fituation of this
prince. The difpofitions of the feveral officers in
the royalift army with respect to him. Rofny fur-
prifes Meulan. Military expeditions. A particular-
account of the battle of Arques, at which Rofny
was prefent. Skirmishes at Poilet. Henry IV. often
in danger. An attempt upon Paris. Rencounters
C 2
•
and
*
XXX
SUMMARY.
1
}
and feges of different places. Digreffions upon
thoſe Memoirs. Siege of Meulan. A Spaniſh army
in France. Rofny defends Paffi. The battle of
Ivry; particulars of this battle. Rofny often in
great danger; is wounded in ſeveral places; he is
carried by his own orders to Rofny: Henry IV's
affectionate behaviour to him there.
SUMMARY of the FOURTH BOOK.
MEN
1
EMOIRS from 1590 to 1592. A mutiny
in Henry's army after the battle of Ivry; dif-
fipations of the finances, and other caufes of the
little advantages he derived from it. Cities taken.
Attempts on others; difappointed. The taking
of the fuburbs of Paris; the fiege of this city;
particulars relating to this fiege; the cauſes which
obliged Henry to raiſe it. The prince of Parma
leads an army thither: his encampment, and other
military details. An error committed by Henry:
he obliges the prince of Parma to retire. The fiege
of Chartres. An adventure wherein Rofny is in
danger of being killed: he retires to Rofny in dif-
content. Succefs of Henry IV's arms. The taking
of Corbie, Noyon, &c. An enterpriſe upon Mante,
The duke of Montpenfier's expeditions in Nor-
mandy. Preparations for the fiege of Rouen ;
crrors committed at this fiege. Mutual animofi-
ties between the foldiers and officers of Henry's
army. Attacks, affaults, and other particulars of
this fiege. The prince of Parma comes again with
an army into France. The infolence of the council
of fixteen. Henry advances to meet the prince of
Parma. An enterprife boldly feconded by the duke
of Nevers. The battle of Aumale; particulars of
this battle, and obfervations upon it. Henry raifes
the fiege of Rouen: marches, encampments, ren-
counters, and battles, betwixt him and the prince
of Parma, in the neighbourhood of Rouen. Ob-
fervations upon thefe battles. A glorious exploit
of
SUMMARY.
xxxi
of the prince of Parma at the paffage of the Seine.
Henry's army refuſes to purſue him; the cauſes of
this refufal; and reflection upon it.
SUMMARY of the FIFTH BOOK.
MEMOIRS from 1592-1593. A fuccinct
account of the ſtate of affairs in the provinces
of France during the years 1591 and 1592. In-
trigues carried on by the count of Soiffons: his cha-
racter. An abridgment of the duke of Epernon's
hiſtory his diſobedience; his character. Several
parties formed in the ſouthern provinces of France:
a fhort account of what paffed there. The fiege of
Villemur. The fiege of Epernai, where marſhal
Biron is flain his eulogium. Death of the prince
of Parma. Rofny marries again, and retires in
difcontent. The caufe of it. He intercepts the
memoirs of the negociations between Spain and the
League. A detail and examen of thofe papers.
A third party formed in France: the perfons who
compofe it; and their views. Henry follows
Rofny's advice. The wife and cautious conduct
obferved by them both. Converfations betwixt
them, wherein Rofny prevails upon him to change
his religion. Henry founds the proteftants upon
this refolution. Rofny's conference with Bellozane,
the two Durets, and Du-Perron. Conditions of-
fered by the League to Henry; with what defign;
rejected. The meeting of the ſtates of Paris. A
project of the prince of Parma's badly executed.
Difunion of the catholic chiefs in thefe ftates: their
intrigues and artifices to fupplant each other. The
parliament of Paris publishes an arret. The zeal
of its members for the honour of the crown. The
truce. The great wifdom and ability of Henry in
profiting of the diffenfions among the chiefs of
the League. Conduct of Villeroi and Jeannin.
Rofny gives the king very prudent advice. The
fiege of Dreux; taken by Rolny's means. Henry
removes
xxxii
SUMMARY.
removes all obftacles to his converfion. Particu-
lars relating to his abjuration.
SUMMARY of the SIXTH BOOK.
EMOIRS from 1592-1594. Conduct
of Henry with regard to the Pope, Spain,
the League, and the huguenots, after his abjuration.
Another truce. Artifices of Spain. Barriere's
attempt upon the life of Henry. The jefuits ac-
cuſed and cleared of this crime. Rofny begins a
negociation with admiral Villars, to difengage him
from the party of the League. Fefcamp furpriſed
by a very extraordinary method. A difpute raiſed
about this fort. Several cities furrender to Henry.
Rofny's journey to Rouen: a detail of his negocia-
tions with Villars. The character of that gover-
nor. Rofny is employed by Henry to effect a re-
conciliation betwixt the duke of Montpenfier and
the count of Soiffons, and to break off the mar-
riage of the latter with the princefs Catherine. He
vifits the duchefs of Aumale at Anet. A farther
account of his negociations with Villars, Médavy,
and others, The treaty with Villars, after many
obftacles, concluded. Henry is received into Paris.
Circumſtances relating to this reduction. Several
inftances of the generofity and clemency of this
prince. An accommodation with Villeroi. Rofny's
third journey to Rouen. Villars fends away the
deputies of Spain and the League. The cere-
mony with which Rouen was furrendered to the
king. The conditions upon which Rofny con-
ſents to receive any gratuities. Villars comes to
court. An inftance of Henry's generoſity. Lyons
fubmits to the king, notwithstanding the endea-
vours of the duke de Nemours to the contrary.
Poitiers, Cambrai, and other cities do the fame.
The taking of La-Capelle by the Spaniards. The
fiege of Laon commences. The affairs which
oblige Rofny to return to Paris: his converfation
with
SUMMARY.
xxxiii
with the cardinal of Bourbon: he fupports the
jefuits in their procefs with the univerfity and
curates of Paris he returns to the fiege of Paris.
A farther account of the fiege. Henry's inde-
fatigable labours there. A great convoy of Spa-
niards defeated by Biron. Rofny preſent at this
The king diſpleaſed with Biron.
The Spaniards endeavour in vain to throw fupplies
into Laon.
rencounter.
MEMOIRS
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MEMOIRS
O F
SULL Y.
T
BOOK I.
HEY flattered themfelves at the court of
Charles IX. that the miferies which befel
the proteſtants under the preceding reigns,
would at laſt oblige them either to fubmit to the
king's will, or to leave the kingdom. The death
of the prince of Condé *, their leader, the lofs of
two great battles †, the utter diſperſion of their fol-
diers, and the little probability of their being able
to re-animate the feeble remainder of their troops,
diſcouraged by a long train of misfortunes, all con-
tributed to perfuade them, that the moment of
their ruin approached t. A courage fuperior to
* Lewis the firft, prince of
Condé, brother of Antony king
of Navarre, and fon of Charles of
Bourbon, duke of Vendome. He
was taken prifoner at the battle of
Jarnac, in the year 1569, and mur-
dered by a pistol-fhot in the back
part of his head, by the baron de
Montefquieu. This gentleman bc-
ing captain of the guards to the
duke of Anjou, that prince was
accuſed of having commanded him
to affaffinate the prince of Condé.
+ Jarnac and Moncontour.
The reader must not forget
that it is a proteftant who speaks
VOL. I.
in thefe memoirs: the condition
in which religion and politics are
at prefent in France, leaves no
room to apprehend any bad con-
fequences to either from what
Monfieur de Sully can fay in fa-
vour of the pretended reformed
religion. One may even, from
the author's own words in feveral
places, draw very ftrong argu-
ments for the unity of religion in
a kingdom, and the advantage the
catholic religion has over the
proteftant. See what is faid on
this fubject in the preface to this
work.
all
B
1570.
2
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1570. all events, fupported them in circumſtances fo dif-
treſsful: they recalled their foldiers, who were fcat-
tered throughout the provinces, and who now be-
gan to draw together from Burgundy, Bourbon,
and Berry. La Charité was named for the place
of their general rendezvous; Vezelai, and fome
other towns, ſtill holding out for them in that neigh-
bourhood. They had even the boldness to pro-
miſe themſelves, they ſhould ſpread the alarm as
far as Paris, as ſoon as they were reinforced by fome
confiderable ſupplies of horfe and foot, that they
expected from Germany.
This news gave great uneaſineſs to the queen-
mother, Catherine de Medicis; but fhe flattered
herſelf, that it would not be difficult to hinder their
junction, and afterwards to diſperſe the troops,
which fhe fuppofed would be by that means thrown
into a confternation. For this purpoſe fhe ordered
a powerful army to march. Strozzy*, La Chatre,
Tavannes, La Valette, and all the general officers
in France, were defirous of ferving in it; and the
marechal de Coffe†, who was to have the fupreme
command, fuffered himſelf to be intoxicated with
the glory he ſhould acquire, by extirpating even
the last hugenot foldier, and bringing the chiefs of
the party bound hand and foot to the queen mo-
Philip Strozzy, lord of Eper-
nay, fon of Peter Strozzy, marechal
of France. Claude de la Chatre, af-
terwards marechal of France. John
de Nogaret, father of the duke d'E-
pernon. Gafpard de Saulx de Ta-
vannes, who was alfo marechal
of France; he had been page to
Francis I. and was at that time
one of the counfellors and con-
fidents of Catherine de Medicis.
His character may be known by
the following traits, which I fhall
copy from the author of the Hen-
riade in his notes, p. 34.
"the night of St. Bartholomew,'
fays he, he ran through the
treets of Paris, crying, "Let
5
" In
"blood, let blood; bleeding is
"as good in the month of Auguft
"as in May. His fon, who has
"written his memoirs, relates,
"that his father being upon his
"death-bed, made a general con-
"fellion of the fins of his life;
"after which his confeffor faying
"to him with an air of altoniſh-
CC
ment, Why! you speak not a
"word of St. Bartholomew. I
"look upon that, replied the
"marechal, as a meritorious ac-
"tion, which ought to atone
"for all the fins I have ever
"committed."
† Artus de Coffé, lord of Gon-
nor, who died in 1582.
ther:
Book I.
3
OF SUL L Y.
ther: but he was foon undeceived: the proteftant 1570.
army received him with great intrepidity; they
were always the firft to offer battle; in the fkir-
miſhes, which were frequent, the advantage was
wholly on their fide; and they even carried away
a kind of victory at the encounter of Arnai-le-duc*.
So much obstinacy convinced the queen-mother,
that to ruin the proteftant party it would be necef-
fary to have recourſe to other measures than war.
Treachery feemed to her the fecureft; and, in or-
der to gain time to prepare for it, fhe liftened fo
favourably to propofals for an accommodation, that
a peace was concluded when it was leaſt expected,
and upon conditions very advantageous for the hu-
genots. This was the peace † of 1570. After
which, during the fpace of two years, each party
tafted the ſweets of a repofe, that had been equally
defired by both.
* It was expected from appear-
ances, that the marechal de Coffé
would beat the hugenot army, or
at least prevent it from approach-
ing Paris: neither the one, nor
the other he performed; on the
contrary, he was obliged to re-
treat after a very fmart encoun-
ter, and from thenceforward con-
tented himſelf with watching the
motions of the enemy. In this
engagement the calvinifts were
commanded by the prince of Na-
varre and the prince of Condé
his coufin german, the one fix-
teen, the other feventeen years of
age, and by the admiral de Co-
ligny. Peter Matthieu, the hiſto-
rian, relates thefe words of Henry
IV. after he had afcended the
throne: fpeaking of this encoun-
ter of Arnai-le-duc, “My firſt
exploits in arms, faid this prince,
"were at René-le-duc, where the
queftion was, whether I fhould
"fight or retire. I had no retreat
nearer than forty miles from
"thence, and if I ftaid, I muft
"neceffarily lie at the mercy of
"the country people. By fight-
"C
CC
B
"ing, I ran the riſk of being ta
"ken or flain, for I had no can-
non, and the king's forces had;
"and a gentleman was killed
"not ten paces diftant from me
"with a cannon fhot: but re-
tr
commending the fuccefs of this
"day to God, it pleaſed him to
"make it favourable and happy."
Vol. 1. book V. p. 327. In this
fame year, the hugenots gained
the battle of Luçon, and took
Marennes, the ifle of Oleron,
Brouage, Xaintes, &c.
+ By this treaty of peace, many
privileges. of which they been
deprived, were reſtored to them,
the number of their churches was
augmented, and four cities were
given them for fecurit, La-Ro-
chelle, Montauban, Cugnac, and
La-Charité. This peace was ign-
cd the 11th of Auguft, and was
called the lame and ill-founded
peace, becauſe it was concluded
in the name of the king by Biron,
who was lame, and by N. de
Mefmes, lord of Malaífize, which
in French fignifies ill founded.
2.
My
:
4
Book I.
MEMOIRS
!
1570.
*
My father retired to his houfe at Rofny, and
employed himſelf in fettling his domeftic affairs.
As it is the hiftory of my own life, jointly with
that of the prince whom I ferved, that will make
the fubject of thefe memoirs, 'tis neceffary that I
ſhould give ſome account of my family and perfon.
By fatisfying the curiofity of the public in thefe
particulars, I muſt intreat, that neither vanity nor
affectation be imputed to me, ſince a ſtrict regard
to truth is my only inducement for relating what-
ever may appear advantageous for me, either here,
or in the fucceeding parts of theſe Memoirs.
Maximilian is my baptifmal name, and Bethune
that of my family †, which derives its origin, by
the houfe of Coucy, from the antient houfe of
Auftria: we muſt not, however, confound it with
that which is at prefent in poffeffion of the empire
of Germany, and the two Spains. This laft is de-
fcended only from the counts of Habfbourg and
Quibourg, private gentlemen, who three hun-
* Francis de Bethune, Baron
de Rolny, who died in the year
3575. His first wife was Char-
lotte Dauvet, daughter of Robert
Dauvet, lord de Rieux, prefident
of the chamber of accounts, and
of Anne Briconnet; by whom he
had three children, whofe names
will be mentioned hereafter. His
fecond wife was Margaret de Lou-
vigny, who brought him no iſſue.
Thefe particulars relating to
the houſe of Bethune, are drawn
from the body of the antient Me-
moirs of Sully, and the pieces
joined to them; but it will be fafeft
to rely on the best modern gene-
alogifts, whofe opinions we ſhall
mention hereafter.
It was long believed, that
the houfe of Auftria was defcen-
ded from the counts of Habfbourg,
or Thierftein. The writings of
the abbey de Mure, or Muri, in
Switzerland, carelefly confulted by
Theodore Godefroy, and upon his
word adopted by the beft cri-
ticks, and even by father Le Long,
have given rife to this error; but
by thefe writings better examined,
by the charters of the monastery
of St. Trutpert, and other acts, it
appears that this houſe origi-
nally from Brifgaw, that it is de-
fcended from the ancient counts
of Alface, and goes back, by
Luitfrid, Rampert Orpert, &c.
counts of Habfbourg, and land-
graves of Allace, not only to Gon-
tran the rich, count of Altem-
bourg, who lived in the beginning
of the tenth century, but even to
Adelric or Ethic the first, called
duke of Germany, eighteenth an-
ceftor of Raoul or Rodolph the
first, to the middle of the feventh
century. This feems to be fuf,
ficiently well eſtabliſhed by the
new work in Latin of father Mer-
quard Hergott, a benedictin, print-
ed at Vienna 1737, in three vo-
lumes, folio, entitled, The diplo-
dred
Book I.
5
OF SULLY.
dred years fince were in the pay of the cities of
Strafbourg, Bafil, and Zurich, and who would
have thought themfelves highly honoured by be-
ing ftewards of the houfhold to fuch a prince as the
king of France; fince Raoul, chief of this fecond
houſe of Auſtria, held a like employment under
Ottocar king of Bohemia. It is from the fon of
this Raoul, that the new ftock of Auftria properly
begins, for he took the name of Auſtria inſtead of
his own.
The houfe of Bethune (which has given its name
to a city of Flanders, and from whence iffued the
counts that anciently governed that province) boafts
of one Robert de Bethune, protector of the
church of Arras, whofe father and grandfather,
bearing alfo the name of Robert, were declared
matic genealogy of the auguft house
of Habfbourg, &c. See alfo the
learned and judicious cxtract of
this work, inferted in the journal
des Savans, March, April, and
June, 1740.
Befides this gene-
ral error, our Memoirs feem to
have fallen into two other parti-
cular ones. It is certain, we ought
not to confound this fecond houfe
of Auſtria, with that which had
the poffeffion of Auftria, &c. till
the year 1248, that Frederick the
Jaft of it died, and which drew
its origin from the ancient dukes
of Suabia; but we want proofs
of the houfe of Bethune's being
allied to that of Suabia, or the
firſt houſe of Auftria, tho' it was to
the fecond, by the houfe of Coucy.
The duke of Sully probably gave
credit to the ancient fable, that
derives the house of Auftria from
Sigebert, fon of Theodebert, king
of Auftrafia, and has applied it
not to the fecond houfe of Auf-
tria, but to the firft, although the
one is no more true than the other.
He has reafon for faying after-
wards, that Raoul or Rodolph,
count of Habbourg, and the first
of this houfe that was emperor,
had been ſteward of the houſhold
to Ottocar, king of Bohemia; and
that Albert his fon, elected emperor
likewife, was the firft of his houfe
who took the title of duke of Auf-
tria, which happened in 1274,
when Rodolph gained the dutchies
of Auftria, Stiria, Carniola, &c.
from Ottocur his rival; but he
ought at the fame time to have
done more juftice than he has to
the antiquity of this houfe.
*Du Chefne feems to be much
of the fame opinion. He proves,
that Robert, called Faiffeus, the
head of the houſe of Bethune, who
lived in the tenth century, de-
fcended from a younger branch of
the ancient counts of Flanders,
and had for his portion the lord-
fhip of the city of Bethune, first
barony of the earldom of Artois.
If this opinion be well grounded,
'tis certain, that it was the city
of Bethune from which this branch
took its name, and which was
from that time borne by all the
houfe of Bethune. The title of
patron of the church was then fo
noble, that many fovereigns
thought it an honour to be diftin-
guifhed by it.
B 3
protectors
1570.
6
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1570. protectors of the province of Artois. One of theſe
two Roberts de Bethune fignalized himſelf in
France, by the taking of La-Roche-vandais, a for-
trefs upon the confines of Auvergne, where the re-
bel Emerigot Marcel had retired; and the other in
the wars of Sicily, by killing with his own hand
the tyrant Mainfroy, in the preſence of two armies;
a fervice which Charles of Anjou, the rival of
Mainfroy, did not reward too highly, by giving
him his daughter Catherine to wife. They men-
tion a fourth, Robert de Bethune, who gained a
naval battle over the infidels in the Mediterranean.
In the church, a James de Bethune, bifhop of
Cambray, at the time of the Croifade of the Albi-
geois; and a John de Bethune, abbot of Anchin
near Valenciennes, who died in the year 1250,
with the reputation of great fanctity, and whoſe
bones are revered as thofe of a martyr. The hif-
tory of the Croifades has not forgot thoſe who dif-
tinguiſhed themſelves at the taking of Jerufalem,
by being the firſt that mounted the breach. An-
tony and Coëfne de Bethune †, emulating the
glory of their anceſtors, were alſo the firſt that fixed
the ſtandard upon the walls of Conftantinople,
when Baldwin, count of Flanders, won this capi-
tal from Alexis Comnenus; and Coëfne obtained
the government of it.
Whoever has fuch domeſtic examples as theſe,
cannot recall them too often to his memory to ani-
mate himſelf to follow them. Happy, if, during
the courſe of my life, my conduct may be fuch,
that fo many illuftrious men difdain not to ac-
knowledge me, nor I have occafion to bluſh that
I am defcended from them.
†Thefe are apparently the two
brothers, fons of Robert the fifth,
lord of Bethune, whom (according
to William of Tyr) Philip of Al-
face, count of Flanders, propofed to
marry to the two daughters of Bald-
win, king of Jerufalem. It is al-
fo certain, that after the death of
Peter de Courtenay, emperor of
Conftantinople, this Coëfne or Co-
non de Bethune was declared re-
gent of the empire, during the
minority of Philip de Courtenay
his fon.
At
Book I.
7
OF SULLY.
At length the houfe of Bethune, growing every 1571.
day more illuftrious, became allied to almoft all
the fovereign houfes in Europe; it entered into that
of Auftriat, and to conclude with what honoured
it infinitely more, the auguſt houſe of Bourbon ‡
did not contemn its alliance.
But I muſt confefs, that the branch from which
I am defcended, had then loft much of its firft
fplendor. It was the iffue of a younger brother ||,
and the poorest of all who have borne this name.
The eldeſt branch having three times fallen into the
female line, all the great eftates it poffeffed in dif-
ferent parts of Europe did not go to the collate-
ral branches, but went with the daughters to the
royal houſes they married into.
My particular anceſtors, by marrying advanta-
geouſly, reſtored to their branch what it wanted
to maintain the dignity of its name; but all theſe
riches were almoſt entirely diffipated by the prodi-
See in Du Chefne and father
Anfelm, all the alliances of the
houfe of Bethune with different
princes of France; with the em-
perors of Conftantinople, the counts
of Flanders, Hainault, Boulogne,
the kings of Jerufalem, the dukes
of Lorrain, the kings of Caftile,
Leon, Scotland, and England, the
families of Courtenay, Chatillon,
Montmorency, Melun, Horn, &c.
+ By Jean de Coucy, who mar-
ried John de Bethune. It must
be obſerved, that as often as the
houfe of Coucy is mentioned here,
it is not in reality the houfe of
Coucy but that of Guines that is
meant. The eldest branch of this
ancient houfe of Coucy was extinct
in the perfon of Enguerrand the
fourth of Coucy. Enguerrand de
Guines, who married Alice de
Coucy, the daughter of a younger
branch, revived it, by taking the
name and the arms. The houſe
of Guines was not lefs ancient and
illuſtrious than that of Coucy.
By the houſes of Chatillon,
Neelle, Montmorency, Luxem-
bourg, and laftly by the houſe of
Melun.
Anne de Melun, lady of Rofny,
who married John IV. de Bethune,
reckoned in her family, fays Du
Chefne, as well on the fide of her
father, Hugo de Melun, viſcount
de Gand, as on that of Jean de
Horn her mother, more than ten
princes of the blood-royal of
France, and all the fovereigns of
Europe.
John de Bethune, anceſtor in
the feventh degree of the duke of
Sully, had two fons, Robert and
John. Robert, by three mar-
riages, left only daughters. John
is the younger brother, of whom
the author here fpeaks; he was
lord of Locres and Autreche.
Matthew de Bethune, another
ancestor of the author's, had
likewife three daughters, and no
fon.
В 4
gality
8
Book I,
MEMOIRS
,
1571. gality and bad management of my grandfather *;
who left nothing to his fon my father, but the
eftate of Anne de Melun his wife, which it was
not in his power to deprive him of.
As for what relates to me perfonally at the
time of which I have been ſpeaking, I entered into
my eleventh year, being born the 13th of Decem-
ber 1560. Although I was but the fecond † of
four fons, yet the natural imperfections of my eldeſt
brother made my father look upon me as the fu-
ture head of his family; all the indications of a
ſtrong and vigorous conftitution recommending me
ftill more to his favour. My parents bred me in
the opinions and doctrine of the reformed religion,
and I have continued conftant in the profeffion of
it; neither threatenings, promifes, variety of
events, nor the change even of the king my pro-
tector, joined to his moft tender folicitations, have
ever been able to make me renounce it.
Henry | king of Navarre, who will have the
:
*John de Bethune, baron de
Baye he married Anne de Melun,
daughter of Hugo de Melun, vif-
count de Gand, and of Jean
d'Horn; he was heirefs of Rofny.
After her death, he married Jean
Du-Pré, a private gentlewoman.
He fold the lordships of Hautbois,
d'Avraincourt, Novion, Caumar-
tin, Baye, Bannay, Taluz, Loches,
Villerenard, Châtillon, Broucy,
&c.
Du Chefne, ibid.
+ Francis de Bethune, baron de
Rofny, &c. had fix fons, but the
author does not reckon John and
Charles, who died young. The
four others are, Lewis, Maximi-
lian, Solomon, and Philip de Be-
thune. He mentions each of them
in another place.
I Lewis drowned himſelf at
twenty years of age.
H The houfe of Bourbon,
from Lewis IX. to Henry IV.
"had been almoft always neg-
lected; and to fuch extreme
5
'
poverty was it reduced, that
"the famous prince of Condé,
"brother to Antony king of Na-
varre, and uncle to Henry the
great, had no more than fix
"hundred livres a year for his
"patrimony." Efay on the civil
wars.
Thele words of the author of
the Henriade might eafily lead one
into an error, if at the fame time
we were not warned of it by an
hiftorian better informed, who
tells us, that the houfe of Bour-
bon was then in poffeffion of a
revenue of more than eight hun-
dred thousand livres a-year in
lands only, which was at that
time thought a very confiderable
fortune. Tis certain, that this
was all it poffeffled of the ancient
eftate of Bourbon, or even of the
houfe of Moncade, the maternal
ftock; the eftates of theſe two
houfes, which came by very rich.
and illuftrious alliances, being ali-
principal
Book I.
79
OF SULLY.
principal ſhare in theſe memoirs, was feven years 1571.
older than me, and when the peace of 1570 was
concluded, entered into his eighteenth year *. A
countenance noble, open, and infinuating, free,
eafy, and lively manners, with an uncommon dex-
terity in performing all the exercifes fuitable to his
age, drew the efteem and admiration of all that
knew him. He began early to † difcover thoſe
great talents for war, which have fo highly diftin-
guiſhed him among other princes. Vigorous and
indefatigable by the education of his infancy, he
enated to purchaſe the viſcounty
of Narbonne. Peter Matthieu's
hiftory of Henry IV. vol. II. p. 1.
and 2.
For thefe alliances, and
the genealogy of the houfe of Bour-
bon, confult alfo the New Chrono-
logy of Peter Victor Cayet. vol. I.
book I. p. 237, and our other
hiftorians.
tr
* He was born at Pau in
Bearn, December 13th, 1553.
Mr. de Perefixe relates fome very
curious particulars concerning his
birth. <<
Henry d'Albert, his
grandfather, made his daughter
promife to fing a fong to him
"while fhe was in labour; in
"order, faid he, that you may
bring me a child who will nei-
"ther
weep nor make
nor make wry faces.
"The princefs had fortitude
enough, in the midst of her
pains, to keep her word, and fang
a fong in Bearnois, her own
"country language. As foon as
rr
st
Henry entered the chamber, the
"child came into the world with-
"out crying; his grandfather im-
mediately carried him to his
own apartment, and there rub-
"bed his little lips with a clove
"of garlic, and made him fuck
"fome wine out of gold cup,
CC
to make his conftitution ftrong
"and vigorous." Perefixe's hif-
tory of Henry the great, p. 1.
Cayet, vol. I. book I. p. 241.
+ "This young prince, when
he was only thirteen years of
CC
age, had judgment enough to
"obferve faults in the conduct
"of the prince of Condé, and the
"admiral Coligny. It was his
CC
“
opinion, and a very judicious
one, that at the great fkirmish
"at Loudun, if the duke of An-
"jou had had troops in readineſs
"to attack them, he would have
"done it that he did not do it,
"but choſe to retire, was a proof
"of his being in a weak condi-
"tion, and therefore they ought
"to have attacked him; this
they neglected, and by that
"means gave time for all his
CC
CC
troops to join him. At the
"battle of Jarnac, he reprefented
"to them with equal ftrength of
"judgment, that they had not a
"favourable opportunity for fight-
((
ing, becauſe the forces of the
princes were difperfed, and
"thofe of the duke of Anjou all
"joined but they were too far
"engaged to retire. At the battle
"of Moncontour, when he was
"but fixteen years of age, he
"cried out, We lofe our ad-
vantage, and confequently the
"battle." Perefixe, ibid.
"He was brought up in the
"caftle of Coaraffe in Bearn, fi-
"tuated amidſt rocks and moun-
"tains. Henry d'Albert, his
"grandfather, would have him
"cloathed and fed like other
"children in that country. They
"even accuſtomed him to run up
breathed
1
10
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1571. breathed nothing but labour, and feemed to wait
with impatience for occafions of acquiring glory.
The crown of France not being yet the object of
his aſpiring wiſhes, he indulged himſelf in forming
fchemes for the recovering that of Navarre, which
"and down the rocks. It is faid,
"that his ordinary food was
"brown bread, beef, cheeſe, and
garlic; and that they often
"made him walk barefoot and
"bareheaded." Perefixe, ibid.
While he was in the cradle, he
was called prince of Viane. A
little time after, they gave him
the title of duke of Beaumont, and
after that prince of Navarre. The
queen of Navarre his mother took
great care of his education, and
appointed La Gaucherie, a very
learned man, but a ftrict Calvinist,
for his preceptor.
..
"While he was yet a child, he
was prefented to Henry II. who
"afked him if he would be his
"fon: he is my father, replied
"the little prince in Bearnois,
CC
pointing to the king of Navarre.
"Well, faid the king, will you
"be my fon-in-law then? Oh,
"with all my heart, anſwered the
"prince. From that time his
"marriage with the princeſs Mar-
garet was refolved upon. At
"Bayonne the duke of Medina,
looking at him earneſtly, faid,
"this prince either will or ought
"to be an emperor." Cayet,
Vol. I. b. I. p. 24.0.
re
cr
In the Meinoirs of Nevers we
meet with fome letters written in
1567, by the principal magiftrates
of Bourdeaux, that contain ſeveral
very interefting particulars con-
cerning the perfon and manners of
young Henry. "We have here,
<<
fays one, the prince of Bearn;
"it muſt be confefs'd, that he
"is a charming youth. At thir-
"teen years of age he has all the
"riper qualities of eighteen or
"nineteen: he is agrecable, po-
"lite, obliging, and behaves to
"C
every one with an air ſo eaſy
"and engaging, that wherever he
"is, there is always a crowd.
"He mixes in converfation like a
"wife and prudent man, ſpeaks
(C
always to the purpoſe, and
"when it happens that the court
"is the fubje&t of difcourie,
"'tis eafy to fee that he is per-
፡፡
fectly well acquainted with it,
"and never fays more nor lefs
than he ought, in whatever
८८
place he is. I fhall all my life
"hate the new religion for having
"robbed us of fo worthy a fub-
"ject." And in another, "His
"hair is a little red, yet the la-
"dies think him not lefs agree-
"able on that account: his face
"is finely fhaped, his nofe nei-
"ther too large nor too fmall,
"his eyes full of fweetnefs, his
"fkin brown but clear, and his
"whole countenance animated
"with an uncommon vivacity:
"with all thefe graces, if he is
"not well with the ladies, he is
"extremely unfortunate.' A-
gain, "He loves diverfions and
the pleaſures of the table.
"When he wants money, he has
"the addrefs to procure it in a
ઃઃ
manner quite new, and very
agreeable to others as well as
"himself; to thofe, whether men
or women, whom he thinks his
“ friends, he ſends a promiffary
r
note, written and figned by
"himfelf, and intreats them to
"fend him back the note, or the
"fum mentioned in it. Judge,
"if there is a family that can
"refufe him: every one looks
upon it as an honour to have a
"note from this prince," &c.
Vol. II. p. 586.
Spain
Book I. OF SULLY.
II
Spain had unjustly ufurped from his family; and 1571.
this he thought he might be enabled to perform, by
maintaining a fecret intelligence with the Moors in
Spain. The enmity he bore to this power, was
open and declared; it was born with him, and he
never condeſcended to conceal it. He felt his cou-
rage enflamed at the relation of the † battle of Le-
pante, which was fought at that time; and a like
opportunity of diſtinguiſhing himſelf againſt the
infidels became one of his moft ardent wishes. The
vaft and flattering expectations which the aſtrolo-
gers agreed in making him conceive, were almoſt al-
ways prefent to his mind. He faw the foundation of
them in that affection which Charles IX. early en-
tertained for him, and which confiderably increaſed
a fhort time before his death: but animated as he
was with thefe happy prefages, he laboured to fecond
them only in fecret, and never diſcloſed his thoughts
to any perfon but a finall number of his moft inti-
mate confidents.
In order to form a juft idea, either of the gene-
ral ſtate of affairs in the government of France,
or of thofe of the young prince of Navarre, and
what he might have to hope or fear in the times of
which we are ſpeaking, 'tis neceffary to give a fum-
mary relation of the different fteps taken by the mi-
niſtry, both before and after the death of the king
My ewe, faid Henry d'Al-
bert, has brought forth a lion.
And added from a fecret prefage,
This child will revenge me on
Spain for the injuries I have re-
ceived from her. Peref. ibid.
† Gained this year against the
Turks by Don John of Auftria,
natural fon to Charles the fifth.
He was generaliffimo of the Spa-
nifh and Venetian troops.
than give in the words of the
author of the Henriade.
"Fran-
"cis de Guife did deſign to aſſaſſi-
"nate him in the chamber of
CC
king Francis II. Antony de
"Navarre had a great deal of
courage, though his judgment
was weak; he was informed
"of the plot, yet went refolutely
"into the chamber where it was
"to be executed. If they mur-
Antony de Bourbon, huſband "der me, faid he to Reinfy, one
of Jane d'Albert queen of Na- "of his gentlemen, take my
varre. He turned catholic. M. "bloody fhirt, and carry it to
de Thou relates an anecdote of my wife and fon: that will
him, which we cannot do better" teach them what they ought to
CC
of
12
Book I.
MEMOIRS
A
I
1571. of Navarre his father, flain before Rouen. I fhall
go back, therefore, to the rupture that kindled the
war between Henry II. and Philip II. of Spain.
To which fide foever it owed its rife, the event was
not fo favourable to France, as convenient for the
views of the two men who adviſed it. Thefe were
the conſtable * de Montmorency, and the duke de
Guife †, who hoped theſe troubles wouid furniſh
them with the means of reciprocally fupplanting
each other. In this war there was fufficient em-
ployment for both. The duke of Guife, at the
head of a powerful army, paffed into Italy, where
he performed nothing worthy his reputation. But
the conftable was ftill more unfuccefsful: the moft
diſtinguiſhing poſt, which was the command of the
army in Flanders, he referved for himfelf, and loft
St. Quentin, with the battle of that name, where he
was taken prifoner. This defeat was followed by
that of the marechal Thermes at Gravelines.
The duke of Guife faw all his wishes compleated
by theſe unfortunate events. He was recalled from
Italy, to be placed fingly at the head of the council
and armies, with which he acquired Calais to
France. The conftable in his prifon felt all the
force of this blow; and being refolved to go and
"do to revenge me. Francis the
"fecond durft not ftain himſelf
"with this crime; and the duke
"of Guife at leaving his chamber,
"exclaimed, What a poor king
"have we!"
* Anne, conftable of Montino-
rency. He received a wound at
the battle of St. Denis, October 10,
1567, of which he died.
+ Claude de Lorrain, a ſtem of
the houſe of Guife in France, had
fix fons, Francis, duke of Guife;
Charles, archbishop of Rheims,
called cardinal of Lorrain; Claude,
duke of Aumale; Lewis, cardinal
of Guife; Francis, grand prior;
and René, marquis d'Elbeuf.
Francis the eldeft, is he whom
the author here mentions. He
married Anne d'Eft, and was
murdered in 1563, with three
poifoned balls, by the hand of
John Poltrot de Meri, a gentle-
man of Angoumois. Poltrot im-
peached the admiral, the count
de la Rochefoucault, and Theo-
dore de Beze, as accomplices in his
crime; but afterwards varying in
his accufations, the admiral was
declared innocent. His titles were,
duke of Guife and Aumale, prince
of Joinville, knight of the order
of the king, peer, grand mafter,
grand chamberlain, and grand
huntfman of France.
Paul de la Berts, lord of
Thermes, marechal of France,
defend
Book I.
13.
OF SULLY.
defend his rights at any price, he treated of a peace 1571.
with Spain. It was not indeed an honourable one
for the king his mafter, but it releafed him from
captivity. The death of king Henry II. entirely
funk his credit. This prince was flain in the midft
of the magnificent rejoicings on account of his
daughter's marriage with the king of Spain, which
was the feal of the peace. Francis II. who fuc-
ceeded him, was young, weak, and infirm: he
had married the niece † of the duke of Guife, and
that nobleman became in his turn the fole governor
of the king and kingdom. The proteftants could
not have fallen into the hands of a more cruel
enemy. He was bufied in forming vaft projects,
and meditating the ftrangeft cataſtrophes in France,
when he himſelf experienced the viciffitudes of for-
tune. A fudden death, occafioned by a pain in his
ear, deprived him of Francis II. The reign of
Charles IX. his brother, yet an infant, was fingu-
lar in this, that the authority feemed to be equally
divided amongſt the queen-mother, the princes of
the blood, the conftable, and the duke of Guife..
Each of them in fecret fupported a party of his
own. The good deſtiny of the duke of Guife
placed him a ſecond time at the head of affairs, by
the union that Catherine made with him. Upon
this union fhe even founded the principal part of
her politics; and it is pretended the hatred fhe
began to fhew towards the princes of Bourbon, had
a great fhare in it: this averfion arofe from her
having taken it into her head, upon the faith of an
aftrologer, that none of the princes her fons fhould
have iffue, in which cafe the crown muft pafs to a
* Struck in the eye with a
fplinter of a lance in a tournament,
where he ran against the count de
Montgomery, July 10, 1559.
Mary Stuart, queen of Scot-
land, daughter of James V. king
of Scotland, and of Mary of Lor-
rain, of the houfes of Guife.
The abfcefs that he had in
this part turning to a mortification,
he died the 5th of December,
1560. No more was needful tö
rife a fulpicion of his being poi-
Toned.
branch
}
14
Book I
MEMOIRS
1571. branch of the houſe of Bourbon. She could not re-
folve to fee it go out of her family, and therefore
deſtined it to the pofterity of her daughter, who
was married to the duke of Lorrain. Whatever
there may be in this predilection of the queen-mo-
ther†, it is certain fhe gave birth to two parties
in politics as well as religion, which began from
that moment to fill the kingdom with confufion,
horror, and the moft dreadful calamities.
This dreadful tempeft feemed folely formed to
burſt upon the head of the young prince of Na-
varre. The king of Navarre, his father, was
juft then dead: his death, indeed, left a prince
and a king to be head of the reformed religion in
France: but this prince was a child of feven years
of age, and the mark at which all the blows of the
new council were aimed, who acted in concert
with the pope, the emperor, the king of Spain,
and all the catholics of Europe. In effect, this
party experienced the moſt cruel reverſes of for-
tune; yet, by the wife conduct of its chiefs, and
the early talents of young Henry, it ſupported it-
felf with glory till the peace of 1570, at which pe-
riod thefe Memoirs commence.
Prince Henry made ufe of the quiet that was
given him, to viſit his eſtates, and his government
of Guyenne; after which he came and fettled in
* Claude of France, the fecond
of three daughters, which Cathe-
rine de Medicis had by her mar-
riage with Henry II. She mar-
ried the duke of Lorrain, and had
children by him.
+ M. L'Abbé le Laboureur, in
his additions to the Memoirs of
Caftelnau, affigns another reafon
for queen Catherine's hatred to
the king of Navarre: He declares
he read in thefe memoirs, that
this prince and the duke d'Alen-
çon being prifoners together, they
plotted to ftrangle the queen mo-
ther with their own hands, when
fhe came into their chamber. This
defign was not executed through
the horror they themselves felt at
the fact; and the king of Navarre
afterwards but ill concealing the
fecret, Catherine de Medicis was
to the last degree enraged againſt
him.
The author is miſtaken in
placing the death of Antony king
of Navarre in 1560; it did not
happen till 1562, by a wound he
received at the fiege of Rouen.
See his character and eulogium in
the Memoirs of Brantome, vol. iii.
p. 242.
Rochelle,
Book I.
15
OF
SULLY
Rochelle, with the queen of Navarre his mother, 1571.
the admiral de Coligny *, and the principal chiefs
of the proteftant party, to whom this important
city, far diftant from the court, feemed moſt ad-
vantageous for the intereft of their religion. A
very wife refolution, had they been capable of ad-
hering to it conftantly.
Queen Catherine diffembled the trouble this con-
duct gave her, and during the whole year 1571, fpoke
only of faithfully obferving the treaties, of enter-
ing into a clofer correfpondence with the proteſ
tants, and carefully preventing all occafions of re-
kindling the war. This was the pretence of the
marechal de Coffe's deputation, whom fhe fent to
Rochelle with Malaffize and La Proûtiere †, ma-
fters of requeſts, her creatures and confidants; but
the true motive was to obferve all the fteps of the
calvinifts, to found their inclinations, and draw
them infenfibly to an entire confidence in her, which
was abfolutely neceffary to her defigns; and fhe
forgot nothing on her fide that was capable of in-
fpiring it. The marechal de Montmorency was
fent to Rouen with the preſident de Morfan ||, to do
juſtice there for the outrages committed againſt the
hugenots; any infringements of the treaty of peace
were feverely puniſhed; and king Charles ufually
called it his treaty, and his peace. This prince
would on all occafions artfully infinuate, that he
confented to this peace, in order to fupport the
princes of his blood againſt the too great authority
of the Guifes, whom he accufed of confpiring
with Spain to throw the kingdom into confufion**
* Gafpard de Coligny, lord of
Chatillon-fur-Loing, admiral of
France.
+ Philip Gourau de la Proûtiere.
Francis de Montmorency, eld-
eft fon of Anne, Conftable of
Montmorency, died in 1579.
fan.
Bernard Prevot, lord of Mor-
** Charles IX. had a natural
averfion to the duke of Guife. He
was fo offended at his having de-
manded the princefs Margaret his
fifter in marriage, that fpeaking
on this fubject one day to the
grand prior of France, natural fon
of Henry II. he faid, fhewing
him two fwords, "Of these two
Thefe
16
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1571. Theſe noblemen ſeemed daily to decreaſe in favour;
and their complaints, whether true or falfe, gave
all imaginable colour to this report. Charles did
not even make the leaft difficulty of advancing as
far as Blois and Bourgueil, to confer with the pro-
teftants, who for their deputies had named * Té-
ligny, fon-in-law to the admiral, Briquemaut,
Beauvais-la-Nocle, and Cavagne; and thefe four
deputies, when they went afterwards to Paris, were
loaded with prefents and civilities.
The marechal de Coffé did not fail to give weight
to theſe appearances of fincerity: having by that
means infinuated himſelf, he began to confer in
earneſt with the queen of Navarre on the fcheme.
of marrying the prince her fon to the princefs
Margaret, fifter to the king of France; and was
commiffioned by Charles to promife a portion of
four hundred thoufand crowns. For the † prince
of Condé, he propoſed the third heireſs of Cleves,
a very confiderable match; and the counteſs
"fwords that thou feeft, there is
CC
CC
one of them to kill thee, if to-
morrow at the chace thou doft
CC not kill the duke of Guife with
"the other." Thefe words were
repeated afterwards to the duke of
Guife, who quitted his purfuit.
F. Matthieu, book vi. p. 333.
The fame hiftorian adds, that
Charles IX. purſued the duke of
Guife one day with a javelin in his
hand, and ſtruck it forcibly into a
door, at the fame moment that
the duke came out of it, for
having, in playing, touched him
with a file. Ibid. p. 376.
Charles, lord of Téligny in
Rouergue, Montreüil, &c. married
to Louifa de Coligny. He had
fomething fo fweet and amiable in
his countenance, that at the maf-
facre of St. Bartholomew, thofe
perfons who were firft fent to
affaffinate him, ftopt as in fuf-
pence, and had not refolution
enough to ftrike the blow. Fran-
cis Briquemaur. John de Lafin,
called Beauvais-la-Nocle, to dif-
tinguiſh him from Philip de Lafin
his eldeſt brother. The author
wrote Tavannes, but we muft
read Cavagne. Arnaud de Cavagne
was a counfellor of the parliament
of Toulouſe.
Henry the first, prince of
Condé : Mary of Cleves, marchi-
onefs d'Ifle, related to the Guiſes,
and brought up in the court of
the queen of Navarre. She had
no children by her huſband, who
afterwards married Charlotte Ca-
therine de la Trimouille.
Jaqueline de Montbel, only
daughter of Sebaftian, count of
Entremont, widow of Claud Ba-
tarnai, lord of Anton, who was
killed at the battle of St. Dennis.
The duke of Savoy detained her
fome time in his dominions, but
fhe efcaped, and came to Rochelle
to marry the admiral. His firft
wife was Charlotte de Laval.
d'Entremont
Book I. OF SULLY.
I'
d'Entremont for the admiral de Coligny, whom he 1571.
rightly judged would be more difficult than all
the others to be perfuaded to this laft article,
therefore, he added a nuptial preſent of a hundred
thouſand crowns, which the king engaged to give
the admiral, together with all the benefices his
brother the cardinal had enjoyed *. The mare-
chal de Biron † was fent to confirm thefe fhining
offers, and entirely gained the queen of Navarre,
by feigning to impart to her in confidence the
fufpicions which were entertained at court, that
Philip II. king of Spain had poifoned the queen
his wife, Elizabeth of France ‡, who had been
falfly accuſed of an intrigue with the infant Don
Carlos. At the fame time he told her, under an
injunction of fecrecy, that the court being refolved
to revenge this injury, would carry the war into
Flanders and Artois, the reftitution of which
would be demanded from the king of Spain, as
* Odet de Chaſtillon, cardinal
biſhop of Bauvais, abbot of St.
Benoit fur Loire, &c. He was
made a cardinal at fixteen years
of age; and although he was de-
graded from this dignity by pope
Pius the fourth, he was publicly
inarried in the habit of a cardinal
to Elizabeth de Hauteville, a lady
of Normandy, to whom he gave
the title of countefs of Bauvais,
and as fuch fhe took rank at the
public ceremonies. In 1564, he
was accufed of high treafon be-
fore the parliament of Paris. He
died in the beginning of the year
1571, at Southampton in England,
whither he was fent during the
war, to fupport the interefts of
the calvinifts with queen Eliza-
beth; and after the peace he was
commiffioned by the king to treat
of a marriage between this prin-
efs and the duke of Alençon.
"Tis certain, tho' D'Aubigné takes
no notice of it, that his valet de
chambre poiſoned him with an
apple, as he was preparing to re-
VOL. I.
turn to France, being recalled by
the admiral his brother. Thua-
nus, lib. 50.
D'Aubigny adds, that the ad-
miral was in reality put into pof-
feffion of great part of theſe be-
nefices, and enjoyed them during
the space of a year; and that
Charles the ninth gave him alfo a
hundred thousand francs, to pur-
chafe furniture for his houfe of
Chaftillon. D'Aubigny's hiftory,
vol. II. book i. chap. i.
† Armand de Gontault de Bi-
ron, marechal of France.
Eldest daughter of Henry II.
and Catherine de Medicis. Molt
of the French hiftorians are of this
opinion.. The Spaniards attribute
her death to bleeding, and medi-
cines, that the phyficians, not
knowing that he was with child,
made her take. She died a little
time after, in 1658.
Don Carlos, prince of Spain,
whom Philip II. his father alfo put
to a violent death.
C
being
;
18
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1571. being antient fiefs of the crown, like that of
Navarre; and that they would commence hofti-
lities by fuccouring Mons, which the prince of
Orange had juft taken from the Spaniards.
*
To compleat all, he added, that the king had
fixed upon the admiral to command his army,
with the title of viceroy of the Low Countries :
and he was actually at that time permitted to no-
minate the general officers that were to ſerve under
him, as a little while before he had done the
commiffioners of the peace. The report of this
expedition into the Low Countries fpread fo far,
that it is certain, the grand feignor offered the
king of France his gallies and troops to make a
diverfion, and to facilitate the conqueft. With
regard to the queen of England, nothing was
omitted that was neceffary to be done on this
occafion. Montmorency was fent ambaffador thi-
ther, with inſtructions to uſe every method, by
which he might gain this princefs, and prevail
upon her to chufe one of the king's brothers for
a hufband. A marriage, which, they faid, would
alike ſtrengthen the union of the two religions,
and the two powers.
This conduct, fo full of feeming franknefs,
might have been fufpected by its excefs; yet it
had the defigned effect, and the diſcourſe of the
courtiers did not a little contribute towards it.
The defire of breathing the air of a gay and mag-
nificent court, and of enjoying the honours that
were prepared for them, ferved more than any
thing else to banish their fcruples. † Beauvais,
Bourfaut, and Francourt, were the firft who fuffered
themſelves to be perfuaded, and they made a point
of it afterwards to perfuade others. Some hints
for a journey to Paris had been already thrown
out; these three perfons ſtrongly ſupported that
* William of Naffau, prince of the prince of Navarre. Gervais
Orange.
Barbier, lord of Francourt, chan-
cellor to the king of Navarre.
Beauvais, governor to
defign,
1
Book I.
19
OF
SULLY.
defign, and reprefented to the queen of Navarre, 1571.
that if the refuſed to go upon this occafion, ſhe
would not only give offence to the king, but lofe
all the advantages of this favourable fituation of
her affairs. At firſt ſhe doubted, and continued
irrefolute during fome months, but yielding about
the end of the year 1571, preparations for the
journey were made the beginning of 1572, and
the time of their departure fixed the month of
May following.
The huguenots, one would imagine, affected
to cloſe their eyes, that they might not ſee a
thouſand circumftances, fufficient to make the fin-
cerity of fuch great promifes fufpected. The king
and queen could not fo well diffemble, but that they
fuffered their real fentiments to be fometimes gueffed
at. It was known, that Charles had one day faid to
Catherine, "Do I not play my part well?" To
which the anſwered, " Very well, my fon, but
CC
you muſt hold out to the end." Something alfo
had taken air, relating to the refult of the confe-
rences held at Bayonne *, between the courts of
France and Spain. The king of Navarre had
been very ill received in his government of Guy-
enne: Bourdeaux had fhut its gates againſt him;
and the marquis de Villars †, who commanded
the royal army there, would neither draw off his
*In 1564, the queen-mother,
after having travelled thro' great
part of the kingdom, advanced al-
moſt to Bayonne, where he had
many private conferences with the
duke d'Albe, who had attended
the queen of Spain thither. There
were appearances fufficient to
make it probable, that the fub-
ject of theſe conferences was an
alliance between the pope, France,
and the houſe of Auftria, and the
means by which they fhould extir
pate the proteftant party: but
there is no certainty that the de-
fign of the maffacre of Bartholo-
mew, which was not executed till
feveral years after, was formed
there. Matthieu tells us, that the
prince of Navarre being then a
child, and almoft continually with
Catherine de Medicis, heard fome-
thing of the plot to exterminate
all the heads of the proteftant
party: He gave notice of it to the
queen his mother, and he to the
prince of Condé and the admiral,
and the rage this infpired them
with, carried them to the enter
prize at Meaux. Hift. of France.
vol. I. p. 283.
+ Honorat, a baſtard of Savoy,
marquis of Villars.
C 2
troops,
20
Book I.:
MEMOIRS
1571. troops, nor permit them to receive orders from
the prince. In Rochelle, they were not ignorant
that the king had actually a naval force over all
the coaft, which they fuppofed had been deſtined
for Holland. The citizens had moreover difco-
vered the artifices which Strozzy *, La Garde,
Lanfac, and Landereau, had made ufe of to gain
the cuſtody of their gates, and to feize their city.
In fine, while they boaſted of their exactneſs in
maintaining the treaty of peace in its fulleft ex-
tent, it was but too plain, that a great number of
injuries were offered to the proteftants, which the
court either authorifed, or diffembled the know-
ledge of. The chancellor de l'Hopital † being in-
clined to puniſh the aggreffors at Rouen, Dieppe,
Orange, &c. this was the cauſe, together with his re-
fufing to feal the revocation of an edict of pacifica-
tion, that he was banished from court. Without all
thefe inftances of treachery, the huguenots, one
would imagine, were fufficiently warned by the
knowledge they had of Catherine's temper, as well
as that of her fon. Could they flatter themſelves that
this prince, naturally furious and vindictive, would
forget the attempt at Meaux, the invafion of
Orleans, Rouen, Bourges, Lion, &c. Havre given
up by the huguenots to the English, foreigners
introduced into the heart of the kingdom, fo many
battles fought, fo much blood thed? Reafons
of ſtate, that phraſe fo familiar with fovereigns,
* Philip Strozzy: the baron de
la Garde, called captain Polin :
Lanfac the younger, brother of
Lewis de Lufignan of St. Gelais,
lord of Lanfac: and Charles Rou-
hault, lord of Landereau, who
commanded this fleet.
+ Michael de l'Hopital, chan-
cellor of France. The feals were
taken from hin, and given to John
de Morvilliers. He died in 1573.
I
In the year 1567, the prince
of Condé, and the admiral de Co-
ligny, formed the deſign of ſeizing
Charles the IX. at Meaux, where
he then was, and from whence the
queen-mother made him fet out
precipitately at night, to return to
Paris. This defign would have
been executed, but for the fen-
fonable arrival of three thouſand
Swifs, who covered the king in
his march, and the calvinifts durft
not attack him. See the hifto-
rians.
that
1
Book I.
21
OF SUL LY.
that under the difguife of policy they may fatisfy 1572.
their perfonal refentment, and other paffions will
fcarce permit them to fuffer their fubjects to en-
gage in fuch enterprizes with impunity. Cathe-
rine, to that time, had always perlifted to impute
the death of her huſband to them, which ſhe could
never pardon, no more than their having treated
the whole family of Medicis like the enemies of
Chrift. Nor was there lefs imprudence in trufting
the Parifians, whoſe animofity and fury againſt the
huguenots had broke out again, in the affair of
the croſs of Gatine*. From all this, my father
conceived fuch ſtrong apprehenfions, that when the
report of the court of Navarre's journey to Paris
firſt reached him, he could not give credit to it.
Firmly perfuaded, that the preſent calm would be
of ſhort continuance, he made hafte to take ad-
vantage of it, in order to fhut himſelf up imme-
diately with all his effects in Rochelle, when every
one elſe talked of nothing but leaving it. The
queen of Navarre herſelf informed him more par-
ticularly of this deſign ſoon after, and requeſted
him to join her in her way to Vendome. My
father prepared to go; and being defirous of tak-
*The following is the fact, as
it is related by M. de Thou, Book
L. anno 1571. Philip Gatine, a
rich merchant of St. Denis ftreet,
having fome years before been
convicted of lending his houfe to
the huguenots, to ferve them for
a church, he was by the parlia-
ment of Paris, condemned to be
hanged or burnt the 30th of July.
His houfe was demolished, and in
its place a pillar was erected, in
the form of a crofs, which was
afterwards called the crofs of Ga-
tine. With the edict of pacifica-
tion, paffed in the year 1570, the
calvinifts obtained, that this crofs
fhould be thrown down, which
after fome delay was at laft exe-
cuted; but it occafioned fuch vi-
olent tumults amongst the popu-
lace, that the council was obliged
to fend fome troops thither, under
the command of the duke de
Montmorency. Felibien, in the
fecond volume of his hiftory of the
city of Paris, fays, that this crofs
was replaced at the entry of the
church-yard of the Innocents, af-
ter the iron plate, upon which the
decree of the parliament was en-
graved, had been taken away;
and it is ftill to be feen there.
Sauval, vol. II. book viii. of the
Antiquities of Paris, mentions the
place where this houfe ftood, in
the ftreet of St. Denis, over-againſt
the ftreet of the Lombards, where
indeed there is a hollow in the
ground, which poffibly might be
the foundation of Gatine's houfe.
C 3
ing
22
Book I.
MEMOIRS
(c
sc
<c
<c
1572. ing me with him, he ordered me, fome days be-
fore his departure, to attend him in his chamber,
and no one being prefent but La Durandiere, my
preceptor, he thus fpoke to me: "Maximilian,
"fince cuftom does not permit me to make you
"the principal heir of my eftates, to balance this
"difadvantage, I will endeavour to enrich you
" with virtues; by means of which, I hope, as
"hath been predicted to me, you will one day
"diftinguiſh yourſelf. Prepare, therefore, to fup-
port with fortitude whatever difficulties you may
meet with in the world, and by nobly fur-
mounting them, procure the efteem of all good
men, particularly that of the maſter to whom
"I am defirous of giving you, and in whoſe ſer-
"vice I recommend to you to live and die. I
"am going to Vendome, to meet the queen of
"Navarre, and the prince her fon; difpofe your-
"ſelf to accompany me, and when I prefent you
"to him offer him your fervice; and, that you
"may expreſs yourfelf gracefully, ſtudy a little
"fpeech for that purpoſe." Accordingly, I at-
tended him to Vendome *. He found there a ge-
neral fecurity, and an air of fatisfaction on every
face, which in public he durft not object to; but
whenever he had an opportunity of converfing in
private, either with the queen, the prince, the ad-
miral, the counts Ludovic † and Rochefoucaut,
and the other proteftant lords, he very freely told
them, he was furprized they had fo foon forgot
the many occafions that had been given them for
well-grounded apprehenfions; that from a recon-
ciled enemy, exceffive promifes and civilities were
*Francis de Bethune, the au-
thor's father, followed the prince
of Condé to the battle of Jarnac,
and was there taken prifoner.
An indictment of high treaſon was
made out against him, for having
borne arms against his majefty,
and his eftates were feized, but
were reſtored to him at the peace.
Du Chefne.
+ Or Lewis of Naffau, brother
to William prince of Orange.
Francis, count of Rochefoucaut,
and prince of Marfillac, flain in
the maffacre of St. Bartholomew.
no
Book I.
23
OF SULLY.
no lefs fufpicious, and much more dangerous, than 1572.
open menaces and declared hatred; that it was
hazarding ftill more to expofe a young prince,
too little guarded againſt the allurements of plea-
fure, to the attractions of the moft voluptuous
court in the world. He reprefented to them, that
inſtead of dreaming of an alliance fo unhappy as
that muſt neceffarily be, between this prince and
a princeſs who profeffed a different religion, they
ought rather to have endeavoured to marry him
to the queen of England, who might have affifted
him in his attempts to recover the crown of Na-
varre, and poffibly, as occafions offered, that of
France likewife. He had fo ftrong a foreboding
of the fatal confequences of this French match,
that he often faid, if the nuptials were celebrated
at Paris, the bridal favours would be crimſon.
This prudent advice was looked upon to be the
effect of weakneſs and timidity. My father, not
willing to appear wifer than fo many perfons of
more diſtinguiſhed underſtandings, ſuffered himſelf,
contrary to his opinion, to be driven with the tor-
rent, and only demanded time to put himſelf into
a condition of appearing with that fplendor his
rank required, in a court where every thing was
magnificent. For this purpoſe, he again took the
road to Rofny; but before he went, he prefented
me to the prince of Navarre, in the prefence of
the queen his mother, and, in my name, gave him
affurances of an inviolable attachment; which I
confirmed with great boldneſs, putting one knee to
the ground. The prince raiſed me immediately,
and after twice embracing me, had the goodneſs
to commend the zeal which my family had always
diſcovered for him, and, with that engaging air
fo natural to him, promiſed me his protection; a
promiſe I at that time regarded as a mere effect
of his complaifance, but which I have fince ſeen
accompliſhed far beyond my hopes and merit. I
did not return with my father to Rofny, but went
C 4
to
24
Book I,
MEMOIRS
1572. to Paris in the queen of Navarre's train. As foon
as I arrived, fenfible of the neceffity my youth had
of inftruction, I applied myfelf clofely to my
ftudies, without neglecting, however, to make
my court to the prince my mafter, I lived with
a governor and valet de chambre, at a diſtance
from the court, in a quarter of Paris, where al-
moſt all the colleges ftood, and continued there
till the bloody cataſtrophe, which happened a short
time after.
Nothing could be more kind than the reception
the queen of Navarre, her children, and principal
fervants met with from the king, and queen-
mother, nor more obliging than their treatment
of them; Charles IX. was continually praiſing the
virtues and good qualities of the count de Roche-
foucaut, de Teligny, Refnel*, Beaudifner, Piles,
Pluviaut, Colombieres, Grammont, Duras, Bou-
chavannes, Gamache, my father, and other pro-
teftant lords. The admiral he always called fa-
ther, and took upon himſelf the care of reconciling
him with the princes of the houſe of Guiſe. Ta
him alfo he granted the pardon of Villandry t
which he had denied to his own mother and his
brothers, his crime being thought too great for
forgiveneſs. When the admiral was wounded,
the king, at the first news he heard of it, broke
into oaths and threatenings; and declared, that
the affaffin fhould be fought for in the moſt
* Antony de Clermont, marquis
of Refnel; Galiot de Cruffol, lord
of Beaudifner, brother to the duke
d'Uzès; Armand de Clermont,
baron of Piles, in Perigord; N
de Rochefort, lord of Pluviaut Cla-
veau, a gentleman of Poitevin;
Francis de Bricqueville de Colom-
bieres; Antony de Grammont, vif-
count d'After; John de Durefort,
vifcount Duras; Bayancort, lord
of Bouchavannes; Nicholas Rou-
haut, lord of Gamache.
Villandry being one day at
5
play with the king, was fo rafh as
to commit fome offence againſt
majefty itſelf, for which he was
fentenced to be put to death. Da-
vila, book v. See d'Aubigné, who
relates this fact more particularly,
vol. II. book i. ch. 2.
He was called Nicholas de
Louviers, lord of Maurevert in
Brie, "Muft I," faid Charles IX.
throwing his racket at him in a
rage, "be perpetually troubled
"with new broils; fhall I never
"have any quiet?" Many per-
fecret
Book I.
25
OF
SULLY.
fecret receffes of the palaces of the Guifes. He 1572.
made all the court, after his example, vifit the
wounded perfon; and when the Guifes came to
intreat that he would condefcend to hear their
fons have doubted, whether theſe
threatenings of Charles, and his
violent tranſports of rage, were
not fincere ; and whether this
prince, who had at first entered
into all the defigns of the queen
his mother, did not fuffer himſelf
at laſt to be gained by the admiral
de Coligny, in thofe private con-
verfations they had together, in
which the admiral never ceaſed to
repreſent to him the fatal confe-
quences of this princess's bad go-
vernment, and to exhort him to
ſhake off his dependance on her.
Villeroy's Memoirs of ſtate, vol. II.
p. 55, and 66, and many other
writers of thofe times, produce
fuch strong proofs of this fact,
that it is very difficult to decide
upon the queſtion. If the Me-
moirs of Tavannes may be relied
on, Charles IX. and his mother
agreed fo ill, that this princefs
faw no other mens of preferving
her authority, which fhe was up-
on the point of lofing, than by
caufing the adiniral to be affaffi-
pated; and this writer pretends,
that Maurevert was fuborned, un-
known to the king, to ftrike the
blow. On the other fide, the hif-
torian Matthieu believes he has
fufficient reaſon to maintain, vol. I.
book vi. that Charles IX. deceived
the admiral from first to last. He
relates, that this prince obferving
the oppofition fome of his counfel-
lors gave to the defign of extirpat-
ing the huguenots, reprefented to
them in a rage, that the kingdom
was loft if their plot was not exe-
cuted that fame night, for a longer
delay would put it out of their
power to prevent the fchemes the
huguenots were forming; who,
he told them, were well acquaint-
ed with their deſign. He added,
that thofe who did not approve of
his refolution, would never be
confidered by him as his fervants.
But this hiftorian does not per-
ceive that a few pages after, he
himfelf leffens the weight of thefe
proofs, by relating a converfation
that paffed between Henry III. and
his phyfician Miron, in Poland; of
which the following is an abridg-
ment, for it is too long to be in-
ferted here at length. Henry III.
then duke of Anjou, going, fome
days before the maffacre of St. Bar-
tholomew, into the chamber of the
king his brother, obferved, that
this prince looked upon him with
eyes fo full of rage, and ſuch indi-
cations of fury in his air, that,
apprehending the confequence of
thefe violent emotions, he foftly
regained the door, and hurried im-
mediately to give the alarm to the
queen-mother. She, from what
had happened to herself, being but
too much difpofed to believe it,
refolved to get rid of Coligny with-
out further delay. Maurevert hav-
ing partly failed in his attempt,
fince he only wounded the admi-
ral in the arm, the queen-mother
and the duke of Anjou, finding
they could not hinder the king
from vifiting him, thought it ne-
ceffary to accompany him, and,
under pretence of fparing the ad-
miral's ftrength, interrupted, as
often as they could, the private
converfation they held together.
During this vifit, Catherine, who
was furrounded with calvinifts, ob-
ferved, that they frequently whif
pered to each other, and looked on
her from time to time with very
fufpicious eyes. This adventure,
fhe acknowledged, was the moſt
dangerous of all ſhe had ever been
engaged in. As they returned,
the preffed the king fo vehemently
to tell her the fubject of his private
juftifica-
26
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1572. juftification, he gave them a very unfavourable re-
ception. The Spaniſh ambaffador was on this oc-
cafion fo ill treated, that he thought fit to with-
draw: nor could pope Pius V. efcape the refent-
ment of Charles, he having refufed to give the ne-
ceffary difpenfation for Henry's marriage with the
princess Margaret, for which the moft magnificent
preparations were then making. The king car-
diſcourſe with the admiral, that this
prince could not hinder himſelf
from betraying it, by telling her,
with his ufual oath, that ſhe ſpoil-
ed all his affairs, or fome words
to that purpoſe. Catherine, now
more alarmed than before, had re-
courfe to an artifice that fucceeded.
She told her fon, that he was rea-
dy to fall into the fnare the admi-
ral had prepared for him; that he
was upon the point of being de-
livered up to the huguenots, com-
bined with foreigners; and had
nothing to hope for from his ca-
tholic fubjects, who, through dif-
guft at finding themſelves betray-
ed, had chofen another leader.
All the other counſellors, except-
ing only the marechal de Retz,
feconded her arguments fo ftrongly,
that Charles himself being feized
with fear, and paffing from one
extreme to the other, was the first
to refolve, and even prefs, not
only the murder of the admiral,
but of all the huguenots; to the
end, faid he, that there may not
one be left to reproach me. All
the rest of that day and the follow-
ing night, they confulted upon the
means of executing this defign.
At break of day, Charles, the
queen-mother, and the duke of
Anjou, went to the gate of the
Louvre, and hearing a piftol go
off, fear and remorfe feized them.
The king fent orders to the duke
of Guife to proceed no further.
To which the duke replied, his
orders had come too late and
they recovering from their con-
fternation, joined in every thing
that was afterwards performed.
'Tis poffible, I think, to recón-
cile thefe different opinions, and
preferve to the proofs alledged on
cach part all their force, by fay-
ing, that Charles IX. who_cer-
tainly invited the admiral to Paris
with no other view than to have
him murdered with the rest of the
huguenots, fuffered himſelf to be
fhaken by his arguments; and that
he embraced alternately propofiti-
ons from each of the contending
parties; and from their different
reafons, was thrown into a ſtate
of irrefolution, from whence he
was only freed by the natural im-
petuofity of his difpofition, which
Catherine well knew how to take
advantage of. Coligny's fecurity
proceeded from his not being able
to doubt the efficacy of his argu-
ments on the mind of this prince;
otherwife, it would not have been
poffible for Charles to have fo long
impofed upon a man of the admi-
ral's great prudence and fagacity.
A young king of three-and-twenty
years of age, who till then had
been almost always governed by
others, was not capable of that
deep policy which they have had
the complaifance to attribute to
him: however, it muſt be confeffed,
that this young prince already car-
ried diffimulation to its utmoſt
height, of which his having never
difcovered the fecrets of his council,
or thoſe of the admiral to each
other, although ftrongly preffed to
it, is an inconteftable proof.
ried
1
h
27
Book 1.
OF SULLY.
ried his refpect for this prince fo far, as to dif- 1572.
penſe with his going into the church of Notre-
dame *, and even with obſerving any of the romiſh
ceremonies. The cardinal de Bourbon † making
ſome remonftrances upon thefe tolerations, which
to him feemed to exceed all bounds, was difmiffed
with a fevere reprimand: and when the queen of
Navarre died, the whole court appeared fenfibly
affected, and went into deep mourning. In a
word, it is not paffing too harsh a cenfure up-
on this conduct of Catherine and her ſon, to call
it an almoſt incredible prodigy of diffimulation;
fince a man of the admiral de Coligny's great
wiſdom fell into the fnare, notwithſtanding a
thouſand circumftances concurred to make him
apprehend the danger that was approaching: for it
was loudly faid, that Genlis and La Nouë ‡,
who had been ſent to the affiftance of the prince of
Orange, were defeated with the connivance of the
* "The king, fays le Grain,
"was refolved that the marriage
"fhould not be celebrated in a
"
manner wholly conformable to
"either religion. Not to the cal-
"vinift, becauſe the vows were to
"be received by a prieft, who
"was to be the cardinal of Bour-
"bon; nor to the romifh, be-
"cauſe theſe vows were to be
"received without the facramental
"ceremonies of the church.
<<
"A great fcaffold was erected
"in the court before the principal
gate and entry of the church of
"Paris, on Monday Auguft the
" 18th, 1572, upon which were
"betrothed and married on the
"fame day, and by a ſingle act,
"The moſt high, &c. This done,
"the bridegroom retired to meet-
40
ing to hear a fermon, and the
"bride went into the church to
"hear maſs, according to the ar-
❝ticles of the treaty of marriage;
* after which, they both came to the
entertainment prepared for them
❝ in the great hall of the palace,"
&c. B. le Grain, Dec. of Henry
the great, book ii.
Charles the ninth gave his fifter
three hundred thouſand crowns for
a portion; and the queen of Na-
varre yielded the Upper and Low
Counties, of Armagnac, &c. to her
fon at his marriage. F. Matthieu,
vol. I. book vi.
+ Charles de Bourbon, cardinal,
uncle to Henry IV.
‡ John d'Angeft d'Ivoy, of the
antient houfe of Genlis. Francis
de la Nouë, a gentleman of the
greatest reputation in the prote-
ftant party, and efteemed even by
the catholics themfelves. The ad-
miral fpeaking of this misfortune
to Charles the ninth, attributed it
to the fecret being but ill kept in
the council. Charles demanded
of the duke of Alba, by Claude
Mondoucet his refident in the Low
Countries, the French proteftant
gentlemen, who had been taken
prifoners. De Thou, anno 1572,
book ii,
French
28
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1572. French court; which, whilft uncertain of fuccefs
in the principal object of its diffimulation, was not
willing to hazard all the confequences which that
diffimulation might produce.
They were alſo informed of the conferences
which the queen-mother, and the principal mini-
fters, held with cardinal Alexandrin, nephew of pope
Pius V. and with the Guifes; who were twice dif-
covered converfing in mafques with the king,
the queen-mother, the duke de Retz *, and the
chancellor de Birague † this was fufficient to
ſhew what they ought to think of their pretended
difgrace. In the death of the queen of Navarre ‡,
they perceived plain indications of poifon. It
never was doubted, but that the wound the ad-
miral received came from the houfe of Villemur,
preceptor to the Guifes; and the affaffin was met
in his flight, upon a horſe belonging to the king's
* Albert de Gondy, duke of
Retz, marechal of France.
+ René de Birague, a Milanefe,
bishop of Lavaur, afterwards car-
dinal. He was at that time only
keeper of the feals, and was not
nade chancellor till the following
year, after the death of the chan-
cellor de L'Hopital. See his eulo-
gium in the Negotiations of Buf-
beg. Aug. Gift. Bufbequii Epif.
29. Of him it was faid, that he
was cardinal without a title, chan-
cellor without feals, and prieft
without a benefice.
Her lodgings were in the pa-
lace of Charles Gaillart, bishop of
Chartres, a man violently fufpected
of calvinifm. Soon after her re-
turn from Blois, whether he had
followed the court, fhe was feized
with a fever, and died on the fifth
day of her illness. Many different
opinions prevailed concerning the
manner of her death. The Me-
moirs of L'Etoile, D'Aubigné, and
all the calvinifts, attribute it to
poiſon, which they fay was given
her in a pair of gloves by a Flo-
rentine, named René, perfumer to
the queen-mother. De Serres, in
his Memoirs, gives us to under-
ftand, that the phyficians who
opened her body, had orders not
to touch her brain, whch was ſup-
poſed to be affected by the poifon :
but they are all contradicted by
Le Grain, and feveral others, who
maintain, that ſhe died of a pleu-
rify, occafioned by her being over-
heated in making preparations for
the nuptials of her fon : to which
was added, the vexation fhe con-
ceived at being obliged to kneel to
the holy facrament as it paffed
before her houſe, on Corpus Chrifti
day. La Popeliniere, Perefixe, and
De Thou, endeavour to remove
all fufpicions of poiſon. The laft
mentioned affures us, that Charles
IX. ordered the head of this prin-
cefs to be opened, as well as the
reft of her body; and if the phy-
ficians did not do it, it was becauſe
they found the true caufe of her
death in an abfcefs fhe had in her
body. This is alſo the opinion of
Matthieu the hiftorian.
ftable.
Book I.
29.
OF SUL L Y.
(under 1572.
ſtable. Even the guards that Charles
the pretence of fecuring the admiral's perfon from
the like attempts) placed about him, were almoſt
all his declared enemies; nor was it lefs certain,
that all the citizens of Paris were furniſhed with
arms, which by the king's order they kept in
their houſes.
The moſt clear-fighted amongſt the huguenots,
yielding to proofs fo convincing, quitted the court,
and Paris itſelf, or at leaſt lodged in the fuburbs.
Of this number were Meff. de Langorian †, de
* This is all true, and proves
that the queen-mother, and not
the king, was the defigner of this
ftratagem. 'Tis hard to fay, what
was her real intention by this
ſtroke; whether fhe fought to get
rid of a man who poffeffed too
much power over the king's mind,
and was capable of ruining her
deſign of extirpating all the hu-
guenots; or whether, if the admi-
ral had died of this wound, ſhe
would have confined her vengeance
to his fingle death or laftly, whé-
ther the expected the noife of this
affaffination would excite the cal-
viniſts in Paris to revolt, and by
that means furnish her with the
occafion he wanted to fall upon
them, for which her party was al-
ready prepared. In the council,
many expedients to give a pretence
for attacking them were propofed;
amongst others, the affault of an
artificial fort built in the Louvre,
which would afford them an op-
portunity of turning the feigned
flaughter into a real one againſt
the huguenots; at laft, they re-
folved to put them all to the ſword
in the night.
N- de Loncaunay, a gentleman
of Normandy, flain at the battle of
Yvry, at feventy years of age.
N- de Rabodanges. In the ma-
nufcripts in the king's library,
No. 8669. p. 31, may be ſeen the
original of a letter of Charles the
eleventh to M. de Rabodanges,
dated from St. Maur, May 6,1566,
which begins thus, " Monfieur de
CC
tr
Rabodanges, I know with what
fidelity you have acted on oc-
"cafion of the commiffion which
"I delivered you fome time ago,
"to punish the vagabonds and
"robbers of your country.
"
N de Segur de Pardaillan.
N-Du Touchet, a gentleman of
Normandy, near Domfront. N-
Des Hayes Gafque. Guy de Lufig-
nan of St. Gelais, fon to Lewis,
lord of Lanfac. Peter de Choup-
pes. John de la Fin, lord of Beau-
vais la Nocle. Peter de Grandrie,
fteward in ordinary of the king's
houfhold, &c. All thefe perfons
earnestly preffed the admiral to
leave Paris: “ By doing fo," he
replied, "I muft fhew either
"fear or diftruft. My honour
"would be injured by the one, by
"the other the king. I fhould be
"again obliged to have recourſe
"to a civil war; and I would
"rather die than fee again the
"miferies I have feen, and fuffer
"the diſtreſs I have already fuf-
Matthieu, vol. I. book
The admiral lodged in the ſtreet
Betify in an inn, which is called
at preſent the Hotel S. Piere. The
chamber where he was murdered
is ftill fhewn there.
+ N De Montferrand, ba-
ron of Langoiran. John de Ro-fered."
han, lord of Frontenay. John de vi. 343.
Ferrieres, viſcount of Chartres.
1
Frontenay,
30
Book 1.
MEMOIRS
1572. Fronténay, the viſcount de Chartres, de Loncau-
nay, de Rabodanges, Du-Breüil, de Segur, de Say,
Du-Touchet, Des-Hayes,de Saint-Gelais,de Choup-
pes, de Beauvais, de Grandrie, de Saint Eftienne,
d'Arnes, de Boifec, and many other gentlemen
of Normandy and Poitou. Happily my father
was one of thofe, whofe life was preferved by a
wife and prudent diftruft. When he was preffed
to come nearer the court, he replied, that he
found the air of the ſuburbs agreed better with his
conſtitution, and that of the fields was ftill more
advantageous for it. When they were informed
that the biſhop of Valence*, in taking leave of
the king for his ambaffy to Poland, had penetrated
into the fecret, and been indifcreet enough to re-
veal it to fome of his friends, and that they had
intercepted letters fent to Rome by the cardinal
de Pellevé t, in which he unfolded the whole
myſtery to the cardinal de Lorrain; it was then
that theſe gentlemen renewed their intreaties to
the king of Navarre, that he would either leave
Paris, or permit them to retire to their own houſes.
To this advice the prince oppoſed that which had
been given him by a great many other perfons,
and ſome even of the proteftant party; for where
are not traitors to be found? They warned him
to be cautious, they told him the names of all
thoſe who had been gained by the queen-mother to
deceive him. He liftened to nothing. The ad-
miral appeared no lefs incredulous: his bad
deſtiny began by blinding him to lead him to his
* Jean de Montluc, biſhop of
Valence.
+ Nicholas de Pellevé, cardinal,
archbishop of Rheims, paffionately
devoted to the league. Charles,
cardinal of Lorrain.
It has been faid, that all the
great actions which the adiniral
Coligny performed in his life, were
against his God, his religion, his
country, and his king; how much
is it to be lamented, that he did
not employ his talents more ufè-
fully! All the hiftorians agree in
faying, he was the most confumt
mate politician, and greateſt war
rior that ever appeared. 'Tis
thought that it was in confequence
of the advice he gave to the prince
of Orange, that the Low Countries
rebelled against Spain, maintained
the war during ten years, and
ruin.
Book I.
31
OF SULLY.
ruin. It would have been happy, if he had acted 1572.
with the fame prudence that marechal de Mont-
morency did; who could never be drawn from
Chantilly, notwithſtanding repeated invitations
from the king, who preft him to come and par-
take his favour with the admiral, and be near his
perfon, to affift him with his advice.
If I was inclined to increaſe the general horror,
inſpired by an action fo barbarous as that per-
*
formed the plan of a republic,
which in part has fucceeded. It
is alfo believed, and not without
probability, that he would have
inade a like attempt in France. In
Villeroy's Memoirs, vol. IV. p.
322, 340. he is accufed with great
violence, but he always fteadily
denied, particularly in his laft will,
his ever having any intention of
attempting the perfon of the king.
See his elogium, and political de-
figns in Brantome, vol. III. De
Thou, and the other hiftorians.
* What M. de Sully fays of the
maffacre ought not to be thought
too ſevere: "An execrable ac-
❝tion, cries Perefixe, that never
"had, and I truft God never will
"have, its like." Pope Pius V.
was fo much afflicted at it, that he
fhed tears ; but Gregory XIII.
who fucceeded him, ordered a pub-
lic thankſgiving to God for this
maffacre to be offered at Rome,
and fent a legate to congratulate
Charles IX. and to exhort him to
continue it. The following is a
fhort account of the maffacre: All
the neceſſary meaſures having been
taken, the ringing of the bells of
St. Germain l'Auxerrois, for ma-
tins, was the fignal for beginning
the laughter. The admiral de
Coligny was firft murdered, in the
midft of his fervants, by Befmes,
a French gentleman, and a domef-
tic of the duke of Guife; the duke
himſelf, and the chevalier de Guife
ftaying below in the court. His
body was thrown out of the win-
dow. They cut off his head, and
5
carried it to the queen-mother,
together with his box of papers;
among which, 'tis faid, they found
the memoirs of his own times,
compofed by himself. After they
had offered all forts of indignities
to the bleeding carcafe, it was
hung on the gibbet of Montfau-
con, whence the marechal de Mont-
morency caufed it to be taken down
in the night, and buried at Chan-
tilly. The whole houſe of Guiſe
had been perfonally animated
againſt the admiral, ever ſince the
affaffination of Claude duke of
Guife, by Poltrot de Meré, whom
they believed to have been incited
to this crime by him; and 'tis
certain, the admiral was never able
to clear himſelf of this imputation.
If this cruel flaughter (as many
people are fully perfuaded) was
only an effect of the Guifes' re-
fentment, who adviſed the queen-
mother to it, with a view of re-
venging their own injuries; it
must be confeffed, that no parti-
cular perfon ever drew fo fevere
a vengeance for an offence. All
the domeftics of the admiral were
afterwards flain; and the flaughter
was at the fame time begun by the
king's emiffaries in all parts of
the city. The moft diftinguished
of the calvinifts that perifhed, were
Francis de la Rochefoucault, who
having been at play part of the
night with the king, and finding
himfelf feized in bed by men in
mafques, thought it was the king
and his courtiers, who came to
divert themſelves with him. An-
petrated
A
32
MEMOIRS
Book I.
1572. petrated on the 24th of Auguft, 1572, and too
well known by the name of the maffacre of
St. Bartholomew, I fhould in this place enlarge
upon the number, the quality, the virtues, and
great talents of thofe who were inhumanly mur-
dered on this horrible day, as well in Paris, as in
every part of the kingdom: I fhould mention at
leaft the ignominious treatment, the fiend-like cru-
elty, and favage infults thefe miferable victims
fuffered from their butchers, and which in death
were a thouſand times more terrible than death
itſelf. I have writings ftill in my hands, which
would confirm the report of the court of France
having made the most preffing inftances to the
neighbouring courts to follow its example with
regard to the proteſtants, or at leaſt to refuſe an
aſylum to thoſe unfortunate people; but I prefer
the honour of the nation to the fatisfying a ma-
lignant pleaſure, which many perſons would take
in lengthening out a recital, wherein might be
found the names of thofe who were fo loſt to hu-
manity, as to dip their hands in the blood of their
fellow-citizens, and even their own relations. I
tony de Clermont, marquis de Ref-
nel, was murdered by his own
kinfman Lewis de Clermont, of
Buffy d'Amboife, with whom he
was then at law for the marqui-
fate of Clermont. Charles de Quel-
lenec, baron of Pont in Bretagne,
whofe dead body excited the curi-
ofity of the ladies of the court, on
account of a proceſs carried on by
his wife, Catherine de Parthenay,
daughter and heirefs of John de
Soubize. Francis Nonpar de Cau-
mont, was murdered in his bed,
betwixt his two fons; one of them
was ftabbed by his fide, but the
other, by counterfeiting himſelf
dead, and lying concealed under
the bodies of his father and bro-
ther, efcaped. Teligny, fon-in-
law to the admiral; Charles de
Beaumanoir de Lavardin; Antony
de Marafin, lord of Guerchy;
Beaudifner, Pluviaut, Berny, Du-
Briou, governor to the marquis
of Conti; Beauvais, governor to
the king of Navarre; Colombieres,
Francourt, &c. The count of
Montgomery was pursued by the
duke of Guife as far as Montfort
L'Amaury. The king pardoned
the viſcounts of Grammont and
Duras, and Gamache and Boucha-
vannes the three brothiers of the
marechal de Montmorency were
alfo fpared, through fear that he
might hereafter revenge their death
See the hiftorians and other writers,
and that fine defcription of the
maffacre of St. Bartholomew, by
M. de Voltaire in his Henriade;
Canto fecond.
would,
Book I.
33
OF SUL L Y.
would, were it in my power, for ever obliterate 1572.
the memory of a day that divine vengeance made
France groan for, by a continued fucceffion of
miferies, blood, and horror, during fix-and-twenty
years; for it is not poffible to judge otherwiſe, if
one reflects on all that paffed from that fatal mo-
ment till the peace of 1598. 'Tis with regret that
I cannot omit what happened upon this occafion to
the prince, who is the fubject of thefe Memoirs,
and to myſelf.
I was in bed, and awaked from fleep three hours
after midnight, by the found of all the bells, and
the confuſed cries of the populace. My governor
St. Julian, with my valet de chambre, went haſtily
out to know the caufe; and I never afterwards
heard more of theſe men, who without doubt were
anongſt the firſt that were facrificed to the pub-
lic fury. I continued alone in my chamber dref-
fing myſelf, when in a few moments I faw my
landlord enter, pale, and in the utmoſt conſter-
nation: he was of the reformed religion, and hav-
ing learned what the matter was, had confented
to go to maſs, to fave his life, and preferve his
houſe from being pillaged. He came to perfuade
me to do the fame, and to take me with him. I
did not think proper to follow him, but refolved
to try if I could gain the college of Burgundy,
where I had ftudied: tho' the great diftance be-
tween the houſe where I then was, and the college,
made the attempt very dangerous. Having dif-
guifed myſelf in a fcholar's gown, I put a large
prayer-book under my arm, and went into the
Atreet. I was feized with horror inexpreffible, at
the fight of the furious murderers; who running
from all parts, forced open the houſes, and cried
aloud, "Kill, kill, maffacre the huguenots:" the
blood which I ſaw ſhed before my eyes redoubled
my terror. I fell into the midst of a body of
guards; they ſtopped me, interrogated me, and
were beginning to ufe me ill, when, happily for
VOL. I.
D
me,
34
MEMOIRS
ра
Book I.
1572. me, the book that I carried was perceived, and
ferved me for a paffport. Twice after this I fell
into the fame danger, from which I extricated
myfelf with the fame good fortune. At laft I
arrived at the college of Burgundy, where a danger
ftill greater than any I had yet met with, awaited
me. The porter having twice refuſed me entrance,
I continued ftanding in the midſt of the ſtreet,
at the mercy of the furious murderers, whofe
numbers increaſed every moment, and who were
evidently feeking for their prey, when it came
into my mind to afk for La Faye, the principal
of this college, a good man, by whom I was ten-
derly beloved. The porter, prevailed upon by fome
finall pieces of money which I put into his hand, ad-
initted me; and my friend carried me to his apart-
ment, where two inhuman priefts, whom I heard
mention Sicilian vefpers, wanted to force me from
him, that they might cut me in pieces, faying the
order was, not to fpare even infants at the breaſt.
All the good man could do, was to conduct me
privately to a diſtant. chamber, where he locked
me up.
Here I was confined three days, uncer-
tain of my deſtiny; and faw no one but a fervant
of my friend's, who came from time to time to
bring me proviſions.
}
At the end of theſe three days, the prohibition
for murdering and pillaging any more of the pro-
teftants being publifhed, I was fuffered to leave
my cell; and immediately arter I faw Ferriere and
La Vieville, two foldiers of the guard, who were my
father's creatures, enter the college. They were
armed, and came, without doubt, to refcue me by
force wherever they fhould find me. They gave
my father a relation of what had happened to me;
and eight days afterwards I received a letter from
him, in which he exprelled the fears he had fuffered
cn my account, and advifed me to continue in
Paris, fince the prince I ferved was not at liberty
to quit it. He added, that to avoid expofing my-
felf
Book I.
35
OF
SULLY.
1
felf to an evident danger, it was neceffary I ſhould 1572.
refolve to follow that prince's example, and go to
maſs. In effect, the king of Navarre had found
no other means of faving his life. He was awaked,
with the prince of Condé, two hours before day,
by a great number of foldiers, who rufhed boldly
into a chamber, in the Louvre, where they lay,
and infolently commanded them to drefs them-
felves, and attend the king. They would not
fuffer the two princes to take their fwords with
them; who, as they paffed, beheld feveral of
their gentlemen* maffacred before their eyes.
The king waited for them, and received them with
a countenance and eyes in which fury was vifibly
painted: he ordered them, with oaths and blaf-
phemies, which were familiar with him, to quit a
religion that had been only taken up, he faid, to
ferve for a cloak to their rebellion. The condition
to which thefe princes † were reduced, could not
hinder them from difcovering that they fhould
obey him with grief. The king, tranfported with
anger, told them, in a fierce and haughty tone,
"That he would no longer be contradicted in his
opinions by his fubjects; that they, by their
RC
k
example, fhould teach others to revere him as
"the image of God, and ceafe to be enemies to
"the images of his mother." He ended by de-
claring, that if they did not go to mars, he would
James de Segur, baron of Par-
daillan, a Gafcon; Armand de
Clermont, baron of Piles, a Peri-
gordin, &c. Gafton de Levis, lord
of Leyran, took refuge under the
queen of Navarre's bed; who
faved his life. Some perfons were
fent to Châtillon, to feize Francis
de Châtillon, the admiral's fon,
and Guy D'Andelot's fon; but
they both escaped, and fled to
Geneva. Armand de Gontault de
Biron was faved by fortifying him-
felf in the arfenal.
† As Henry went to the king,
Catherine gave orders that they
fhould lead him under the vaults,
and make him pafs through the
guards drawn up in files on each
fide, in menacing poftures. He
trembled and recoiled two or three.
fteps back, when immediately Nan-
cai-la-Chatre, captain of the
guards, endeavoured to remove his
apprehenfions, by fwearing they
fhould do him no hurt. Henry, thu'
he gave but little credit to his
words, was obliged to go on amidil
the carabines and halberts. Pere-
fixe's hiftory of Henry the great.
D 2
treat
36.
MEMOIRS
Book 1.
1572. treat them as criminals guilty of treafon againſt divine
and human majefty. The manner in which theſe
words were pronounced, not fuffering the princes
to doubt if they were fincere, they yielded to ne-
ceffity, and performed what was required of them.
Henry was even obliged to fend an edict into his
dominions, by which the exercife of any other re-
ligion but the Romish was forbid. Tho' this fub-
miffion preſerved his life, yet in other things he
was not better treated; and he fuffered a thouſand
capricious infults from the court: free by intervals,
but more often cloſely confined, and treated as a
criminal, his domeftics fometimes permitted to at-
tend him, then all on a fudden not fuffered to
appear.
As for me, I employed this leifure in the moſt
advantageous manner I was able. I had it no
longer in my choice to profecute my ſtudy of the
learned languages, nor of whatever is called learn-
ing: this application, which my father had ſtrongly
recommended to me, became impracticable from
the moment I lived in the court. It was with re-
gret that I parted with an excellent preceptor, to
whofe care he had intrufted my education; he
himſelf perceiving he could be no longer uſeful
to me, afked leave to retire. From his hands I
paffed into thofe of a man named Chrétien, whom
the king of Navarre kept in his train, and who
was ordered by him to teach me methematics and
hiftory; two fciences which foon confoled me for
thoſe I renounced, becauſe I felt an inclination for
them, which I have ever fince preferved: the reft
of my time was employed in learning to write and
read well, and in performing all thofe exercifes
that give eafe and gracefulness to the perfon. It
was in theſe principles, to which a ftill greater at-
tention to form the manners was joined, that that
method of educating youth confifted, which was
known to be peculiar to the king of Navarre, for
he himſelf had been brought up in that manner. I
continued
7
Book I.
37
OF SULLY.
continued to follow it till I was fixteen years of 1572.
age, when the fituation of affairs throwing both
him and me into the tumult of arms, from which
we had no hope of being freed, to theſe exerciſes
thoſe only that related to war fucceeded; which I
began by learning to fhoot, and renounced all
others. In fuch circumftances all that a young
man can do, is to improve his morals, if he can-
not his genius; for even the hurry and confufion of
arms offer excellent ſchools of virtue and politeneſs
to him that is defirous of profiting by them: but
miferable, and that during his whole life, is he who
engages in a profeffion fo fatal to youth, without
having ftrength or inclination to refift bad ex-
amples: tho' he ſhould have the good fortune to
preferve himſelf from being tainted with any fhame-
ful vice, how will he be able to inftruct and for-
tify his heart in theſe principles, which wifdom
dictates as well to a private man as a.prince, but
by making virtue habitual by practice? fo that any
good action may never become painful, and that,
if reduced to a neceffity of faving all by a crime,
or loſing all by a virtuous action, he may find his
duty and inclination the fame.
It was not long before Charles felt the moſt
violent remorfe for the barbarous action to which
they had forced him to give the fanction of his
name and authority, From the evening of the
24th of Auguſt, he was obferved to groan invo-
luntarily at the recital of a thoufand ftrokes of
cruelty, which every one boaſted of in his prefence.
Of all thofe who were about the perfon of this
prince, none poffeffed fo great a fhare of his con-
fidence, as Ambrofe Paré, his furgeon. This man,
tho' a huguenot, lived with him in fo great a de-
gree of familiarity, that, on the day of the maf-
facre, Charles telling him, the time was now come
when the whole kingdom would be catholics, he
replied, without being alarmed, "By the light of
God, fire, I cannot believe that you have forgot
D 3
your
38
Book I.
MEMOIRS
cr
<c
1572. your promiſe never to command me to do four
things, namely, to enter into my mother's
"womb, to be prefent in the day of battle, to
"quit your fervice, or to go to mafs." The king
foon after took him afide, and diſcloſed to him freely
the trouble of his foul: "Ambrofe, faid he, I
"know not what has happened to me theſe two or
"three days paft, but I feel my mind and body as
"much at enmity with each other, as if I was
feized with a fever: fleeping or waking, the
"murdered huguenots feem ever prefent to my
"eyes, with ghaftly faces, and weltering in blood,
"I with the innocent and helpleſs had been fpared."
The order which was published the following day,
forbidding the continuance of the maffacre, was in
confequence of this converfation.
The king hoped to retrieve his honour, by pub-
licly difavowing all that had been done. In the
letters patent which he fent into the provinces, he
threw all upon the Guifes, and would have had the
maffacre pafs for an effect of their hatred to the
admiral. The private letters he wrote on this fub-
ject to England, Germany, Switzerland, and other
neighbouring ſtates, were all conceived in the fame
terms.
It is not to be doubted, but the queen-mother,
and her council, made the king comprehend the
bad confequence of fo formal a difavowal; for, at
the end of eight days, his fentiments and language
were fo much changed, that he went to hold his
bed of justice in the parliament, and ordered other
letters patent to be regiſtered, which declared, that
nothing was acted on the 24th of Auguft but by
his exprefs commands *, and to puniſh the hugue-
*Nothing is more certain, than
that he was ſeen with a carabine
in his hand during the maſſacre,
which,' tis ſaid, he fired upon the
calviniſts that were flying. The laft
marechal de Teffé, in his youth,
was acquainted with an old man
↓
of ninety years of age, who had
been page to Charles IX. and often
told him, that he himſelf had load-
ed that carabine. 'Tis alſo true,
that this prince went with his
court to view the body of the ad-
miral, which hung by the feet with
nots;
Book I.
39
OF SUL L, Y.
nots; to each of the principals of which party, a 1572.
capital crime was imputed, in order, if poffible, to
give the name and colour of a juft execution to
that deteftable butchery. Theſe letters were ad-
dreffed to the governors of provinces, with orders
to publifh them, and purfue the reft of the pre-
tended guilty. I ought here to make honourable
mention of the counts de Tende *, and de Charny;
of Meffieurs de Mandelot, de Gordes, de Saint-
Heran, and de Carouge, who boldly refuſed to
execute fuch orders in their governments. The
viſcount d'Ortez, governor of Baïonne, had refo-
lution enough to anſwer Charles IX. who wrote
to him with his own hand, " That on this point
" he muſt not expect any obedience from him.
The number of proteftants maffacred, during
eight days, over all the kingdom, amounted to
feventy thousand. This cruel blow ftruck the
party with fuch terror, that, believing itfelf wholly
extinct, nothing was talked of but fubmitting, or
flying into foreign countries. A bold and vigo-
a chain of iron to the gallows of
Montfaucon ; and one of his cour-
tiers obferving it ſmelt ill, Charles
replied, as Vitellius had done be-
fore him, "The body of a dead
enemy always fmells well."
Theſe two anecdotes I relate after
the author of the Henriade, in his
notes, p. 32 and 37.
cr
*Claude de Savoy, count of
Tende, faved the lives of all the
proteftants in Dauphiny. When
he received the king's letter, by
which he was directed to destroy
them, he faid, That could not be
his majeſty's order. Elconor de
Chabot, count of Charny, lieute-
nant general in Burgundy: there
was only one Calvinift murdered at
Dijon. Francis de Mandelot, go-
vernor of Lyon: he was refolved
to fave the proteflants, neverthe-
lefs they were all matfacred in the
priſons where he had put them for
fecurity. He is faid, by M. de
Thou, to have only feigned igno-
rance of this barbarity. Bertrand
de Simiane, lord of Gordes, a man
in great efteem. N- de S. Heran
de Montmorin, governor of Au-
vergne : he pofitively refuſed to
obey, unless the king was prefent
in perfon. Tanneguy Le-Veneur,
governor of Normandy, an honeft
humane man; he did all that lay
in his power to preferve the pro-
teftants at Rouen, but he was not
mafter of it. N-viscount d'Or-
tez, governor of all that frontier.
See his anfwer to the king. "Sire,
‹‹ I have communicated your ma-
EC
jetty's orders to your faithful
« inhabitants, and to the troops in
"the garrifon; I found there good
"citizens, and brave soldiers, but
"not one executioner," &c. De
Thou, hook lii. and liii. D'Au-
bigné, vol. II. book i. &c.
D
4
rous
40
Book L
MEMOIRS
1572.
rous ftroke for once broke this refolution. * Renier,
a gentleman of the reformed religion, having by a
kind of miracle efcaped out of the hands of the
lord de Vezins, his moft cruel enemy, faved him-
felf, with the viſcount de Gourdon, and about
eighty horfe, and came to Montauban. He found
this city under fuch a confternation, and fo little
in a condition to defend itſelf againſt the troops of
Montluc †, who were approaching, that, having
ventured to adviſe the inhabitants to hold out, he
himſelf had like to have been delivered up to Mont-
luc; which obliging him to leave Montauban pre-
cipitately, his little troop fell in with a ſquadron of
450 horfe, belonging to the army of Montluc;
and, being defirous of dying nobly, performed
fuch wonderful acts of valour, that they were all
cut in pieces. Renier returned to Montauban with
this good news; he was now obeyed, and they
shut the gates upon Montluc. This refiftance, and
the refolution of Montauban fpreading about, thirty
towns followed its example, and behaving in a
manner the proteſtants had not dared to hope for,
obliged the catholics to keep themſelves upon the
defenfive.
The catholics immediately turned all their forces
againſt Rochelle and Sancerre, which, taking ad-
yantage of the general fear, they had invefted.
Theſe enterprizes did not fucceed: Sancerre, after
having fuffered all the horrors of a famine, of
which no hiſtory can furniſh us with examples, at
laft concluded a fort of treaty with the befiegers;
but Rochelle held out, and baffled all the duke of
Anjou's efforts, who had in perfon come to befiege
Here is an error in the Me-
moirs of Sully: It was Vezips him-
felf, a man of great honesty, but
of harsh manners, that faved the
life of Renier, whofe enemy he had
a long time been, and ſtill conti-
nued to be, notwithstanding this
action. See this remarkable hifto-
ry in M. de Thou, book lii,
+ Blaite de Montluc, marechal
of France.
I The marechal de Montluc, in
his Commentaries, finds great rault
with the conduct of this fiege, that
they did not fend troops enough,
carried on the affaults improperly,
hazarded too much, and fuffered
victuals to be brought into the place
it:
Book I.
41
OF SU L L Y.
it. The election for the throne of Poland hap- 1572.
pened very opportunely to fave the honour of this
prince; and by a treaty, in which Nunes and
Montauban were comprehended, Rochelle pre-
ſerved all its privileges: and theſe were the only
cities which kept entire all the advantages of the
laft edicts.
Time alfo produced other favourable conjunc-
tures for the calvinifts. The queen-mother, of all
her children, felt only a true affection for the duke
of Anjou. The departure of this prince for Po-
land gave her as
her as much grief as it occafioned joy to
his two brothers, king Charles and the duke of
Alençon; the laſt of whom, by his brother's re-
moval, becoming duke of Anjou, began to enter-
tain great hopes of the crown of France, when
he reflected that Charles had no children, and that
his weak ſtate of health was changed into a mortal
difeafe. The oppoſition he thought there was rea-
fon to apprehend the queen-mother would give to
his defign, wholly alienated his affections from her.
This princefs, by beſtowing her confidence on a
fmall number of foreigners of mean birth, who
governed her finances, had made the greateſt part
of the nobility almoſt as difcontented as the duke
of Alençon: He privately fomented this revolt,
and perfuaded them to apply to the proteftants for
affiftance, in whofe difgrace they partook. To
ward off this blow, and at once to gratify the duke
of Anjou, and her tenderneſs for the king of Po-
land, fhe began from that moment to think in
earneſt of marrying the firft of theſe princes to the
queen of England, and of procuring for him the
by fea; however, he fays, it would
have been taken at last. He ad-
vited the queen-mother, from the
time he went to Baïonne, to take
pofiffion of this city it would
have faved France both men and
oney had this advice been follow-
ed. See a relation of the fieges of
Rochelle, and Sancerre, in D'Au-
bigné, vol. II. book i. La Pope-
liniere, book xxxiii. and Matthieu,
vol. I. p. 340, and other hifto-
rians.
fovereignty
42
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1572. fovereignty of the Low Countries: but his difcon-
tent had already produced its effect.
1573.
Charles, through another motive, joined in his
brother's refentment againſt the queen their mother.
The difeafe with which he found himſelf attacked,
began at Vitry, whither he had accompanied the
king of Poland, in appearance to do him honour,
but in reality to have the pleasure of feeing him
leave his kingdom. The condition to which he
foon faw himfelf reduced, gave birth to a thouſand
fufpicions againſt Catherine in his mind, fo that,
uniting his intereft with that of the proteftants, he
began to fhew them a great deal of favour. This
principally appeared in his permitting them, not-
withstanding the oppofition made by the queen-
mother, to fend deputies to court, to declare their
grievances, and propofe their demands. Theſe
deputies meeting with others, who came from the
catholic provinces, who had been prevailed upon
by the discontented lords to demand the fuppreffion
of certain new taxes, and a diminution during ten
years of the old, they joined each other. The
memorial indeed which contained their demands.
was figned only by four or five gentlemen, but the
terms in which it was conceived fhewed the moft
immoveable ſteadinefs in a party that feemed to de-
rive new ſtrength even from its loffes. The queen-
mother was violently enraged at it; but the king
not fuffering her to exert any authority upon this
occafion, all ſhe could do was to make ufe of de-
lays till the death of this prince, which the fore-
faw was not far diftant. The proteftants pene-
trated into her defigns; and, that they might not
be prevented, appeared fuddenly in arms.
was called the rebellion of Shrove-Tuesday, becauſe
they poffeffed themſelves of feveral towns on that
day *. Montgomery † returned from England to
*Fontenay, Lufignon, Melle,
Pons, Tonnay-Charente, Talmont,
Rochefort, Oriol, Livron, Orange,
and other places in Poitou, Lan-
1
guedoc, Dauphiny, &c.
This
+ Gabriel, count of Montgo-
nery, the fame that wounded
Henry II.
Normandy,
Book I. OF SULLY.
43
Normandy, where he fortified himſelf. The queen- 1574-
mother, and the whole court, was then at St.
Germain-en-Laye. She was reſolved, at leaſt, to
take fuch meaſures, that the princes fhould not
eſcape; but the attempts that were every day made
to get them out of her power, did not a little em-
barraſs her. Guitry * and Buhy came one day to
St. Germain to carry them away by force; the
alarm was very great, but the confpirators not
having fufficiently fecured the fuccefs of their der
fign, Catherine had time to fly with the princes to
Paris; where fhe beheaded Coconnas † and La-
Mole, the contrivers of the plot, and imprifoned
the marechals de Montmorency and de Coffe. She
afterwards placed guards about the king of Na-
varre and the duke of Anjou, and fent foldiers to
Amiens to arreft the prince of Condé, who was
there ſtrictly watched, and bring him to Paris.
The prince was informed of it, and difguifing him-
felf, eluded his fpies, and the third time eſcaped
happily to Germany; where, upon his arrival, he
was declared generaliffimo of the proteftant troops
in France.
The queen-mother took a refolution to fend all
her forces against the huguenots immediately.
They were divided into three armies: Matignon ‡
led the first into Normandy, where Montgomery,
having only two or three | inconfiderable forts in
* John de Chaumont, marquis
of Quitry or Guitry: Peter de
Mornay, lord of Buhy, brother of
Du-Plelis-Mornay. See an ac-
count of this enterprize in the life
of Du-Plemis-Mornay, Book i.
P. 26.
+ † Jofeph Boniface de-la-Mole;
Hanibal, count of Coconnas, a
Piedmontefe. "La-Mole and.Co-
connas were beloved by two
great princeffes, [the queen of
Navarre and the duchefs of Ne-
"vers] love and jealoufy brought
them both to deftruction." Me-
moirs of Nevers, vol. I. p. 75.
}
James de Matignon, marechal
of France: he died in the year
1597. This nobleman, for his
great qualities, deferves all the
prailes that M. de Thou has given
him, particularly for his inviolable
attachment to the perfon of his
king; a virtue in thofe times very
uncommon. De Thou, book lxvi.
Thefe were Carentan, Valog-
ne, Saint-Lo, and Donfront. In
this laſt he was taken fighting like
a man in defpair. -D'Aubigné,
who was hinfelf a zealous pro-
teftant, cannot certainly be fufpect-
ed of partiality upon this queſtion
his
{
44
Book I.
MEMOIRS
}
1574 his poffeffion, was foon defeated, and obliged to deliver
himfelf up to this marechal, who carried him to Paris,
where he was beheaded. The fecond, commanded by
the duke de Montpenfier*, went to inveſt Fontenay,
and afterwards Lufignan, which he took, notwith-
ſtanding the bravery with which the viſcount de Ro-
han defended it. The prince † Dauphin, who com-
manded the third, took likewife fome fmall places in
Dauphiny; but having fat down before Livron, fhame-
fully raiſed the fiege. All was fufpended on account of
the king's death, which happened this year, on Pen-
tecoft day. This prince died at the caſtle of Vin-
cennes, in the moſt exquifite torments, and bathed
in his own blood. The cruel maſſacre on St. Bar-
tholomew's day was always in his mind; and he
continued to the laft, by his tears and agonies, to
fhew the grief and remarfe he felt for it . The
1
A
relating to the promiſe given to the
count by the marechal. "The
"place, fays he, was taken, and
"life was promiſed to all but the
tr
count, to whom artful affurances
"were given, that he ſhould not
"be delivered into any other hands
"than the king's. This I am con-
vinced of, notwithstanding the
contrary has
has been
been written.
France is guilty of but too many
perjuries, there is no occafion
"to invent any to charge her
with," &c. Vol. II. book ii.
chap. vii. Montgomery ſubmitted
to his fate like a hero. De Thou,
Brantome, &c.
::
* Francis of Bourbon. This
branch of Montpenfier defcended
from a Lewis of Bourbon, fecond
fon of John II. of Bourbon.
+ Francis of Bourbon, fon to the
duke of Montpenfier, bore this title.
Memoirs of Brantoine, vol. iii. p.
301.
He fent for the king of Na-
varre, in whom only he acknow-
ledged to have found faith and ho-
nour, and moſt affectionately re-
commended to him his wife and
daughter. Perefixe. A little be-
fore he expired he faid, he was
glad he had left no children, who
would have been too young to
govern the ſtate in fuch difficult
times. Montluc, De Thou, and
almoſt all the hiftorians agrce in
faying, that if he had lived he
would have been a very great
prince. He poffeffed, and in a
great degree, courage prudence,
eloquence, acconomy, and fobriety:
he loved polite literature and learn-
ed men; but he was choleric and a
great fwearer. He was but twenty-
five years of age when he died.
Many contufions were found in his
body. De Thou. However, there
were no proofs found of his being
poifoned, as the author of the
Legend of Claude duke of Guiſe
fays he was. His death proceeded
from violent exerciſes, to which he
was very much addicted, and a
great quantity of hile, that often
made his eyes look quite yellow.
His ftature was tall, but he was
not trait, his fhoulders were
bent, his legs thin and weak, his
complexion pale, his eyes ghastly,
and his countenance fierce. See
F. Matthieu, vol. I. book vi. and
the life of this prince written in
Latin by Papire Maſſon.
cardinal
Book I.
45
OF SU L L Y.
cardinal of Lorrain* died alfo on the 23d of December, 1574.
this year, in the pope's territories; a day made remark-
able by the moſt terrible ſtorm that ever was known.
The king of Poland was informed of his bro-
ther's death in thirteen days, and the night after
the news was brought him he ftole out of the
court and fled. In his journey he vifited the
emperor Maximilian, and Charles duke of Savoy,
and took his route thro' Venice t. In all thefe
places, they gave him advice equally wife and con-
formable to his interefts, which was, to grant the
proteftants peace, and the free exerciſe of their re-
ligion; but, inſtead of complying with it, he im-
mediately upon his arrival in France broke the
truce that had been granted them for three months,
and changed it, at the follicitations of the queen-
mother, into a declaration of war againſt the whole
party; to which a great number of catholics had
lately joined themſelves, out of affection to the
marechal de Damville 1, who had been difgufted
by the impriſonment of his brother.
The king went in perfon to lay fiege a fecond
time to Livron, which he was likewife obliged to
raife; and brought nothing away with him, but
the ſhame of finding himſelf infulted from the top
of the walls by the women, and even children, and
hearing the moſt fatirical and cutting reflections on
the queen his mother. From this time he always
appeared fo different from what he had been when
duke of Anjou, that it may be faid with reafon,
his fhameful flight to Avignon was at once the æra
of his ignominy, his kingdom's misfortunes, and
his own.
In his journey to Rheims, whither he
went immediately after to be confecrated, he con-
* Charles, cardinal of Lorrain,
archbishop of Rheims. See his
character in the third book of Bran-
tome's Memoirs. He died, fays he,
at Avignon by poifon, if we may
give credit to the Legend of St.
Nicuife, p. 138. and moft piously,
according to Matthieu, who wrote
his eulogium, vol. I. book vii.
p. 407.
†The reader may confult Mat-
thieu, vol. I. upon the departure-
of Henry III of Poland, and the
particulars of his journey.
Henry de Montmorency, duke
of Danville, fecond fon of the con-
ftable Anne de Montmorency.
ceived
46
Book I.
MEMOIRS
}
1575.
ceived a paffion for one of the daughters of the
count de Vaudemont *, and married her.
It was fortunate for him, that the duke of An-
jou was all this time clofely confined; but after
Henry's coronation, this prince, who again quitted
his title to take that of Monfieur, enjoyed, as well
as the king of Navarre, a little more liberty, which
was increaſed or leffened according to the reports
that were brought of their correſpondence with the
enemies of the queen-mother †. One of Cathe-
rine's other cares was to difunite thefe two princes;
which ſhe effected, by promifing each of them fe-
parately the poſt of lieutenant-general of the French
armies, and by making ufe of fuch means as feldom
fail to fucceed, intrigues of gallantry, and com-
petitions in love. Notwithſtanding all her arts,
Monfieur eſcaped at laft: he deceived his guards,
and fled in diſguiſe on the evening of the 17th of
September. He no fooner gained Dreux, than he
faw himſelf attended by a numerous court, and at
the head of a powerful party.
The prince of Condé had laboured fo effectually
in Germany, that prince Cafimir was foon in a
condition to enter France with a ftrong army.
Catherine had now recourfe to other ftratagems;
ſhe endeavoured to regain Monfieur by the moſt
fpecious offers, and purfued him from city to city,
always attended by a train of young and beautiful
ladies, on whom the relied ftill more.
*Louifa of Lorrain, daughter
of Nicolas, duke of Mercœur,count
of Vaudemont, and Margaret of
Egmond, his first wife. Matthieu
gives this princeſs great praiſes for
her virtue and affection to her huf-
band. Vol. II. book iii. p. 438.
Henry III. hated Monfieur,
on account of his having, as he fup-
pofed, attempted to poifon him.
He endeavoured to perfuade the
king of Navarre to kill this prince,
but was refufed with horror. Hen-
In a
ry III. being ill with a diſorder in
his ear, the king of Navarre one
day faid to the duke of Guiſe,
whom he loved, "Our man is
''
very ill." The duke anfwered
the first time, "It will be no-
"thing." The fecond, "We
"muft think of it." And the
third he faid to him, "I under-
"ftand you, Sir;" and ftriking
the hilt of his fword, "This, ad-
"ded he, is at your fervice."
Matthieu, vol. I. book vii.
P. 418.
1
word,
+
Book I.
·74
OF
SULLY.
*
word*, fhe fucceeded fo well, that he fell at laft
into the fnare fhe laid for him.
The king of Navarre, who had given credit to her
promiſe of making him lieutenant-general, thought
himſelf now fecure of it, and rejoiced at firſt that he
had got rid of Monfieur, whom he always looked
upon as his rival; but the ladies de Carnavelet and de
Sauves drew him out of his miſtake. They made him
comprehend, that if one of them could pretend to this
great employment, it would be Monfieur, of whoſe re-
conciliation it would be made the price; but that in
reality Catherine deceived them both, and that he in
particular had nothing to expect but a more rigorous
captivity. This opened the prince's eyes, and he now
wholly applied himſelf to the recovery of his liber-
ty. The means were offered him one day in the
month of February, when he was hunting near
Senlist: his guards being difperfed, he inſtantly
paffed the Seine at Poifly, gained Chateau-Neuf
in Timerais, which belonged to him, where he
took up fome money of his farmers, and, followed
only by thirty horfe, arrived at Alençon, which
the lord de Hertra had feized in his name. There
he had a conference with Monfieur and the prince
of Condé, and they agreed to unite all their forces,
From Alençon the king of Navarre went to Tours;
where he no fooner arrived, than he publicly re-
fumed the exercife of the proteftant religion. I
was one of thoſe who accompanied this prince in
his flight and during his whole journey. He
fent me from Tours with Fervaques, to demand
the princeſs his fifter of the court. She was de-
livered to us, and the ſecond day after, fhe allo
refuming her religion, heard fermon in the calviniſt
*They conferred together at
Champigny-fur-Vadė, a houſe be-
longing to the duke of Montpen-
fier, upon the confines of Touraine.
† See an account of this in
D'Aubigné,vol. II.ch. xviii. Mat-
thieu, vol. I. book vii. page 420,&c.
William de Hauteiner, count
of Grancy, lord of Fervaques, &cc.
marechal of France, and lieutenant-
general in Normandy. He died in
the year 1613, aged feventy-five
years. Madame Catherine of Bour-
bon, afterwards dutchess of Bar.
church
1576.
-48
Book f..
MEMOIRS
1
1576. church at Chateaudun, and joined the king, who
waited for her at Parthenay.
turn.
<<
cc
The three princes, after uniting their troops,
found themſelves at the head of fifty thouſand *
effective men, and made Catherine tremble in her
A bloody war was now expected. I threw
myſelf into the infantry, in the character of a
volunteer, till an employment more fuitable was
given me. I made my firſt effay in arms in the
neighbourhood of Tours, where feveral fkirmiſhes
happened between detachments from the different
parties. The king of Navarre hearing that my
behaviour had more of rafhnefs than courage in it,
ordered me to be called, and faid to me, Rofny,
"it is not here that I would have you hazard
your life; I admire your valour, but I defire
you ſhould employ it on a better occafion."
This occafion was not fo near as we believed, for
Catherine finding herſelf deficient in ftrength, had
recourſe to her ufual artifices. She talked of peace;
fhe offered more than we thought we could de-
mand; promiſes coft this artful princefs nothing.
In a word, fhe had addrefs enough to make the
princes lay down their arms, and peace was con-
cluded upon, and figned three months after. This
was called Monfieur's peace †, for, befides that
Catherine's principal view in making it was to
gain this prince, he was fo much the dupe of her
artifices, that at laſt he wiſhed for it, and folicited
it more warmly than any other perfon. It muft
be confeffed, it was a very advantageous one;
however, the princes never committed a fault more
irreparable than when they figned it.
According to others, 30,000
only.
By the edict of fixty-three
articles, paffed at the convent of
Beaulieu near Loches in Touraine,
between the queen mother and the
princes, the memory of the admi-
ral de Coligny and the other pro-
teſtant chiefs were reſtored, cham-
bers of juftice, compofed equally
of proteftants and catholics, were
granted in the principal parlia-
ments, and feveral cities given for
fecurity. Monfieur procured alfo
a large appennage for himſelf, and
a confiderable fum in money and
jewels for prince Cafimir. De
Thou, D'Aubigné, &c.
To
7
Book I. OF SUL L Y.
49
op-
To this Monfieur added a fecond error as con- 1576.
fiderable againſt his own intereft; he ſeparated
from the proteftants*, and by that means loft
portunities both in France and England, of becom-
ing one of the moſt powerful princes perhaps in
Europe. Thus all things fell out agreeable to the
queen-mother's wishes, who, in making this peace,
had nothing in view but the difunion of her ene-
mies.
Henry, upon the conclufion of the peace, re-
tired to Rochelle, where the inhabitants, except
that they offered him no canopy, paid him all the
honours they could have done to the king. The
catholics in this prince's train did not meet with fo
favourable a reception. Caumont, afterwards duke
of Epernon †, was not fuffered to enter the city,
nor any other whom they could prove had embrued
his fword in the bloody flaughter of the 24th of
Auguft.
The king of Navarre ftaid but a ſhort time in
this city. As foon as he demanded the accom-
pliſhment of the treaty, he became fenfible of the
great fault he had committed: the queen-mother
denied the had promifed any thing to the prote-
ftants, who were obliged to take up arms again be-
fore the expiration of the year.
I now quitted my firft poft; M. de Lavardin †,
my kinfinan, who had a great affection for me,
prefented me with a pair of colours in the com-
pany he commanded. I was appointed to defend
Périgueux, and afterwards Villeneuve, in Agenois,
which was threatened with a fiege. The king of
Navarre had a deſign to undertake fome confider-
able enterprizes, but the opportunity for them
>
* In reality, Monfieur, on this
occafion, facrificed the king of
Navarre and the huguenots to his
interefts, or his politics. In the
memoirs of Nevers, vol. I. p. 90.
and following, may be feen all the
fteps taken by each party on oc-
cafion of this treaty.
VOL. I.
↑ John Lewis de Nogaret de la
Valette, duke of Epernon. He
will be inentioned hereafter.
John de Beumanoir de Lavar-
din or Laverdin, marcchal of
France.
E
was
50
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1576. was loft: the greateſt part of the troops, upon
which he relied, diſappointed him, and the reſt
were in fo bad a condition, that it was with diffi-
culty he made two attempts, the one upon Réole,
the other on St. Macary; in the laft of which he
failed. Favas*, who conducted that of Réole, put
me at the head of fifty foldiers, who entered it
with very little danger. I demanded a like com-
miffion of Langoiran, to whom the affault of St.
Macary was entruſted; he granted it, and joined
my coufin Bethune with me: but Favas retained
us in the fecond troop. This I mention as an in-
ſtance of the firſt good fortune I met with in
war; for the inhabitants of St. Macary, having
had notice of our deſign, received us fo well, that
not a man of the firft troop, who had courage to
enter, ever returned.
At the fiege of Ville-Franche, in Périgord,
which was afterwards carried on by Lavardin, I
was expoſed to a danger more confiderable. Du-
ring the affault, having mounted the wall with my
colours, I was overthrown by the pikes and hal-
berts into the ditch, where I lay funk in the mud,
and fo entangled with my colours, that had it not
been for the affiftance of La Trape, my valet de
chambre, and fome foldiers, who helped me to get
up, I muſt infallibly have perished. The city
being forced while they were parlying on the walls,
it was given up to pillage. I gained a purfe of a
thouſand crowns in gold for my ſhare, which an
old man, who was purfued by five or fix foldiers,
gave me to fave his life. The name of Ville-
Franche recalls to my memory a very fingular ad-
venture that happened fome time after. The in-
habitants of this town having formed the deſign
of feizing upon Montpaziert, another little neigh-
bouring town, by furprize, they chofe for the ex-
* John Favas, called captain.
Favas.
+ A town in Périgord, upon
the confines of Quercy.
ecution
Book I.
5 F
OF SULLY.
ecution of it the very fame night which the citizens
of Montpazier had, without knowing any thing of
the matter, pitched upon to make themſelves maf-
ters of Ville-Franche. Chance ordered it ſo, that
the parties taking different ways, did not meet;
all was executed with fo much the lefs difficulty,
as the walls of both towns were wholly without
defence. They pillaged, they glutted themfelves
with booty; each thought himfelf happy till day
appeared, and diſcovered the miſtake. They then
came to a compofition, every thing was reftored
to its right owner, and they returned to their re-
fpective habitations. Such was the manner of
making war in thofe times; it confifted of feizing
by artifice the towns and caftles of the enemy,
tho' often thoſe attempts produced very bloody en-
gagements.
*
It must be confeffed, however, that the king
of Navarre was very indifferently ferved: his army
was almost equally compofed of proteftants and
catholics, and he often faid, that his obligations
were greateſt to the laft, for they ferved him dif-
intereſtedly, and through pure attachment to hist
perfon: but it was this medley of catholics and
proteftants that ruined his affairs. Meffieurs de
Turenne, de Montgomery, de Guitry, de Lufig-
non de Favas, de Pardaillan, and other prin-
cipal proteftants, had an invincible averfion to
Meffieurs de Lavardin, de Mioffens †, de Gram-
mont, de Duras, de Saint Colombe, de Roque-
laure, de Bogole, de Podins, and other catholic
officers. This appeared, amongſt other occafions,
in an affair where I was concerned: an officer
named Frontenac I, having treated me contemp-
tuouſly on account of my youth, added, that the
milk was not out of my nofe. I replied, that 1
*Lewis D'Lufignon of S. Ge-
lais.
↑ Henry D'Albret, baron of
Mioffens.
↑ Antony de Buade de Fronte-
nac.
1576.
E 2
found
52
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1576. found myſelf ſtrong enough to draw blood from his
with my fword. This quarrel made a noife; and
what was very extraordinary, tho' my antagoniſt was
a catholic, and myſelf a proteftant, yet the viſcount
de Turenne* promifed him his affiftance, and that
of his proteftant friends, againſt me; which M.
de Lavardin being informed of, he and his catholics
offered their fervices to me. The vifcount's hatred
to me, proceeded from my having taken Langoi-
ran's part (to whom I was obliged) in a quarrel he
had with that nobleman. M. de Turenne expec-
ted, that wherever he and Langoiran were toge-
ther, the latter fhould receive orders from him as
his general. Langoiran, who thought his birth
equal to Turenne's, made a jeft of his pretenfions;
and adding fome ftrokes of raillery, fpoke of Tu-
renne as a bigot, who came over to the reformed,
only becauſe Buffy † had fupplanted him in Mon-
fieur's favour. When the quarrel was, compofed, I
was adviſed to feek the friendship of Turenne. I
complied, but he anſwered my firſt advances fo
ill, that I drew back, and we continued at a greater
diſtance than ever.
A
This animofity between the parties gave rife to
an oppofition in the king of Navarre's councils,
which blafted many of his deſigns, and in parti-
cular that upon Marmande ‡. Lavardin having
attacked it, contrary to the advice of La Noue,
and even of the king of Navarre himſelf, he cauſed
feveral bodies, of a hundred arquebufiers each, to
advance, with orders to poffefs themſelves of the
hollows and other advantageous parts near the
walls of this city. The command of one of theſe
bodies was given to me; and fcarce had I poſted
* Henry de la Tour, viſcount
de Turenne, afterwards duke of
Bouillon.
+ Lewis de Clermont de Buffy-
d'Amboife, celebrated for his va-
lour and perfonal accompliſhments.
In an affignation he had fome time
after with the lady de Montforeau,
he was killed by her husband and
his domeftics.
† In Agenois, upon the Garone.
myſelf
4
Book I.
5.3
OF SULLY.
myſelf at about two hundred paces diftant from 1576.
the city, when I was attacked by a detachment of
the befieged three times fuperior to mine in num-
ber: I entrenched my men, and being favoured
by fome houſes, we defended ourſelves a long
time. The king of Navarre, who faw the danger
to which we were expofed, ran to us, covered only
with a cuirafs, fought the whole day, and gave us
time to feize the deftined pofts; but they were of
little ufe to us, as we had not men enough to fur-
round the city on all fides; and the king of Na-
varre would have had the mortification of not be-
ing able to approach it, and of being under a ne-
ceffity of fhamefully raifing the fiege, had not the
arrival of the marechal de Biron, with propofals
for an accommodation, furniſhed him with an ho-
nourable pretence for withdrawing his troops.
A truce only could be agreed upon, during
which the king of Navarre went to Bearn, to vi-
fit the princefs his fifter, or rather the young
Tignonville*, with whom he was in love. I was
permitted to accompany him; and giving back my
enfign's commiffion to M. de Lavardin, who be-
ſtowed it upon young Bethune, my coufin, I
quitted my equipage of war, and took one more
fuitable to the character I was to appear in. My
œconomy during three or four years, joined to
my military profits, made my finances fo confide-
rable, that I faw myfelf now in a condition to en-
tertain feveral gentlemen in my pay, with whom
I attached myſelf folely to the perfon of the king.
As I had no inclination to defcend from this fta-
tion, I regulated my domeftic affairs in fuch a
manner, that the king of Navarre, who was al-
ways attentive to the conduct of his officers, con-
feffed to me afterwards, that I owed the greateſt
* This young lady was daughter
to madam de Tignonville, gover-
nefs to madame the king of Na-
varre's fifter, who in the court of
Navarre was generally called ma-
demoiſelle Navarre. Mademoiſelle
Tignonville was afterwards mar-
ried to the baron of Pangeas.
E 3
part
*
54
MEMOIRS
Book I.
1576. part of that efteem with which he honoured me,
to the prudent economy he obſerved in this dif-
pofition of my affairs. It was my youth only
that made this conduct appear extraordinary, for
I began early to be fenfible of what advantage it
is, to preferve an exact regularity in domeftic con-
cerns. Such a propenfity, in my opinion, is a very
happy prefage, either for a foldier or a ſtatefinan.
During our ſtay at Bearn, nothing was thought
of but diverſions and gallantry. The tafte which
Madame, the king's fifter, had for amufements,
proved an inexhauſtible fource of them to us. Of
this princefs I learned the trade of a courtier,
which I was yet unacquainted with. She had
the goodneſs to make me one in all her parties;
and I remember, fhe would teach me herſelf the
fteps of a dance in a ballet that was performed with
the greateſt magnificence.
The truce was now almoft expired, and the
king of Navarre, who had been informed that the
city Eaufe*, excited by the mutineers, had refuſed
to give entrance to a garrifon he fent thither, or-
dered us to come, with our arms concealed under
our hunting-habits, to a certain part of the coun-
try, where he himſelf waited for us. He arrived
at the gates of this city before they could be ad-
vertiſed of his march, and entered it, without
meeting with any refiftance, at the head of fifteen
or fixteen of his men, who had followed him cloſer
than the rest of his troop. As foon as the muti-
neers perceived this, they called out to have the
draw-bridge inftantly let down; which was accord-
ingly done, and fell almoft upon the buttocks of my
horfe and Bethune's, fo that we were ſeparated
from the body, which remained without the city.
The rebels at the fame time rung the alarm-bell,
and arming haftily, a band of fifty foldiers came
thundering upon us: among theſe we diftinguiſhed
**
A city of Armagnac.
three
1
Book I.
55
OF SULLY.
three or four voices, which cried, "Fire upon 1576.
"that fcarlet cloak, and white plume, for it is
"the king of Navarre." "My friends, my
<<
46
(c
companions," faid this prince, turning towards
us, "it is here that you muſt fhew courage and re-
folution, for our fafety depends upon what we
now act; follow me then, and do as I do, with-
"out firing your piſtols." As he ended thefe
words, he marched fiercely up to the mutineers
with his piftol in his hand: they could not fuf-
tain the fhock, and were foon difperfed; three or
four finall bodies of men prefented themſelves af-
terwards, and theſe alſo we drove before us; but
the enemies drawing together, to the number of
two hundred, and our forces being greatly dimi-
niſhed, the danger became inevitable. The king
retired to the gate, which facilitated his defence,
and there he kept firm. He had the prefence of
mind to order two of us to climb up upon the
belfrey, and make a fign to our companions, who
continued in the field, to advance and force the
gate. This they performed with the more eafe, as
very fortunately the bridge had not been drawn up.
Thofe of the citizens who were well affected to
the king but had been forced by the feditious into
their meaſures, perceiving the foldiers upon the
point of entering the city, attacked the rebels be-
hind. Thefe laft defended themfelves till the gate
being forced, the city was filled with our troops.
All would have been put to the fword, and even
the city abandoned to pillage, had not the princi-
pal inhabitants, with their confuls at their head,
thrown themfelves at the king's feet, and implored
his pardon. He granted it, and contented himfelf
with punishing only thofe four perfons who had
fired upon the white plume.
The king of Navarre, leaving * Bethune go-
vernor in Eauſe, advanced haftily towards Mi-
* See all theſe little military expeditions in Aubigné, book ii.
E 4
rande,
56
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1576. rande *, upon advice, that St. Criq, a catholic
gentleman of his party, had poffeffed himfelf of
the city; but not having men enough to keep it,
had been obliged to throw himſelf, with his troops,
into the tower, where he was befieged, and hard
preffed by the citizens and garrifon of the place.
Notwithſtanding the king marched with all poffible
diligence, he could not prevent the unhappy fate
of this officer, who had juſt been taken, and burnt
with all his men, when Henry appeared before
the walls of Mirande. The inhabitants, who
thought to draw him into their power, artfully
concealed what had happened, and made the trum-
pets found, as if St. Criq was rejoicing for the af-
fiftance they brought him; when a huguenot fol-
dier in the city, perceiving the danger into which
the king of Navarre was going to precipitate him-
ſelf, together with all his men, who muft infal-
libly have periſhed, through the great fuperiority
of the enemies numbers, came over the wall, to
inform him of the fnare that was laid for him. The
king now thought of nothing but retreating; but as
he was very far advanced, the inhabitants of Mirande
foon perceived that their defign was prevented, and
fallying out, attacked him in his retreat. Myfelf
and young Bethune having engaged too far amidſt
the enemy, were furrounded on all fides: defpair
added to our ſtrength, and we fought like men
who were refolved to fell their lives dear; but we
fhould certainly have been overpowered, extreme
wearinefs making it hardly poffible for us to uſe
our arms any longer, when happily for us, Le-
figna, and the elder Bethune, whom the king of
Navarre had fent to our affiftance, charged the
enemy fo fiercely, that they gave back, and af-
forded us the means of retreating. The fieur
D'Yvetot, a gentleman of Normandy, and La
A city in the county of Armagnac.
3
نيز
Trape,
Book I.
57
OF SUL LY.
Trape, my valet de chambre, did me great fer- 1576.
vice upon this occafion,
The king of Navarre, feeing night approach,
gave orders to ceafe fighting, and retired to
Jegun; where two or three days after, the royal
troops, with the marechal de Villars at their head,
appeared in arms, drawn thither by the report of
the attempt upon Mirande. It would have been
rafhnefs to attack them, therefore we kept firmly
intrenched, and fought only to engage them to
force us; but this they durft not attempt. The
two armies continued in view of each other till
night: a combat of fix againſt fix was propofed by
Lavardin and La Devêfe; but we not being able
to agree amongſt ourſelves about the choice of
the combatants, the king and the marquis de
Villars both drew off their refpective troops the
beginning of the night.
Some time after the king of Navarre going from
Leictoure to Montauban, commanded the count
de Meilles* and me with five and twenty horſe,
to fall on a body of mufqueteers, which the inha-
bitants of Beaumont † had poſted in the vine-
yards and hollow places in our paffage. We en-
gaged, and drove them almoft to the city gates,
from whence about an hundred foldiers came
out to their affiftance; part of thefe we left dead
upon the place, and the reft were drowned in the
ditches. The king, who faw the rampart begin
to be crowded with foldiers, did not think proper
to purſue this advantage, and continued his rout.
At his return, he endeavoured to avoid paffing
under the walls of this city, and took a lower road,
by a place, which, if I remember right, was called
St. Nicholas I, near Mas de Verdun. Scarce had
we marched a league, when we heard the beating of
*Frederick de Foix de Can-
dalle.
St. Nicholas de la Grave.
Mas de Verdun, or Mas Garnier,
† Beaumont of Lomagne in a city of Armagnac.
Armagnac.
drums,
58
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1
1576. drums, and diſcovered a party of three hundred
mufqueteers, marching in very indifferent order,
under five enfigns. A council was immediately
held; fome were of opinion that we ſhould attack
the enemy, notwithſtanding the fuperiority of
their numbers; others difapproved this. The
king of Navarre, who wanted only to try, them,
ordered fifty horſe to advance, and in the mean
time we drew up in a line, with our domeftics be-
hind us, and prefented a front to the enemy,
which concealed the fmallneſs of our numbers.
The fhining of our armour contributed to deceive
them: they fled across the woods, whether we
purſued them; till meeting with a church, they
entered it, and barricaded themſelves within.
This church was very large, ftrong, and well
furniſhed with provifions, being the accuſtomed
retreat of the peaſants; a great number of whom
were then ſhut up in it. The king of Navarre
undertook to force it, and fent to Montauban,
Leictoure, and other neighbouring towns, for
workmen and foldiers for that purpoſe; not doubt-
ing but Beaumont, Mirande, and other towns of
the catholic party, would fend powerful fuccours
to the befieged, if they were not prevented. In
the mean time we endeavoured, with the affiftance
of our fervants, to undermine the church. The
choir was allotted to me; and in the ſpace of twelve
hours I made an opening in it, tho' the wall was
of a great thickness, and built of very hard ftone:
afterwards, by means of a ſcaffold raiſed over this
gap, I threw a great quantity of grenadoes into
the body of the church. The befieged had no
water, and were obliged to temper their meal with
wine; and what incommoded them ftill more,
they had neither furgeons, linen, nor falves for
the wounds that were given them by the grena-
does. A powerful reinforcement being fent from
Montauban to the king of Navarre, they capitu-
lated, and this prince contented himſelf with only
ordering
1
Book I.
$9
OF SULLY.
ordering ſeven or eight of the moft mutinous to 1577-
be hanged; but he was obliged to abandon them
all to the fury of the inhabitants of Montauban,
who forced them out of our hands, and butchered
them without mercy. We learned the cauſe of
that rage which animated them againſt theſe
wretches, in the reproaches they made them, of
having carried away fix women, whom, after they
had raviſhed, they put to death, by filling them
with gunpowder, and fetting fire to it. A horrid
excefs of the moft favage cruelty!
The ſtates, which were then held at Blois, named
the archbiſhop of Vienne*, and the duke of Mont-
penfier and Richlieu, for deputies to the king of
Navarre. This prince fent Bethune and me as
far as Bergerac, to receive them. They were
commiffioned to exhort the king of Navarre to
embrace the catholic religion, which the ſtates had
declared ſhould be maintained throughout the king-
dom. This interview, which had produced a
fufpenfion of arms, having had no other effect,
the deputies returned, and hoftilities again began.
Some attempts were made upon Caftel-Jaloux t
and Nerac, by the admiral de Villars; but the
king of Navarre was prefent every where, and
difconcerted all his defigns. He expofed himſelf
to equal dangers with the meaneft foldier, and
gave a ftriking proof of the greatnefs of his cou-
rage at Nerac ; when being furrounded by a
* The three deputies whom
the ftates fent to the king of Na-
varre, were Peter de Villars, arch-
bishop of Vienne, for the clergy;
Andrew of Bourbon, lord of Ru-
henpré, for the nobility; and Me-
nager, general of the finances of
Touraine, for the third tate.
Here therefore is a fault in thefe
Memoirs confultDeThiou, D'Au-
bigné, &c. See alfo an account of
the feffion of the ftates of Blois, in
Matthieu, vol. I. book vii. p. 438,
and in the Memoirs of Nevers,
vol. I. p. 166, and following.
+ Caftel-Jaloux, or Caſtel-Ge-
loux, near Auch.
Honorat of Savoy, marquis
of Villars. Although he was made
admiral by the king during the ad-
miral de Coligny's life, he did not
in reality exercife that employ-
ment till after the death of that
nobleman.
In Guyenne, the capital of
the dutchy of Albret.
body
60
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1577. body of horſe, detached on purpoſe to furpriſe
him, he repulfed them almoſt by his fingle valour.
It was not in our power, by the moſt earneft in-
treaties, to make him take more care of his life;
and his example animating us in our turn, twelve
or fifteen of us were bold enough to advance
within piſtol-fhot of the whole catholic army.
The king of Navarre, who obferved us, faid to
Bethune, "Go to your coufin, the baron of Rof-
66 ny; he is rafh and heedlefs to the laft degree;
bring him and his companions off; for the
enemy feeing us retire, will no doubt charge us
"fo fiercely, that they will be all either taken or
"killed." I obeyed this order, and the prince
perceiving my horfe wounded in the fhoulder, re-.
proached me for my temerity, in a manner, how-
ever, wholly obliging. He propofed this day a
combat of four againſt four; but it did not take
place, the admiral having given the ſignal for re-
treating.
rr
It was of the laſt importance to the king of Na-
varre to hinder the taking of Brouage *, then be-
fieged by the duke † of Maïenne. Accordingly he
haſtened thither, leaving the viſcount de Turenne
to bring his troops after him; but befide that this
nobleman did not arrive foon enough to fuccour
the city, the interview between the king of Na-
varre and the prince of Condé at Pons + fo exafpe-
rated them against each other, that the prince of
Condé wanted to fight with the viſcount de Tu-
renne, whom he accuſed of being the author of
their miſunderſtanding, and foon after openly fe-
parated from the king of Navarre.
The peace which fucceeded accidents fo unfa-
vourable to the reformed, was the fole work of
Henry III. who was defirous of giving this mor-
tification to the Guifes. War was no longer agree-
*A city and port in Saintonge.
+ Charles de Lorrain, duke of
Maïenne, fecond fon of Francis
of Lorrain, duke of Guife. He
was general of the league.
1 In Saintonge.
able,
Book I.
61
OF SUL LY.
;
able, either to his inclinations, which led him to a 1577.
ftrange kind of life, divided between devotion and
fenfuality*, nor to his defigns, that tended only
to the crufhing of the princes of Lorrain, now
grown too powerful by the league. But although
this peace was lefs advantageous to the hugue-
nots than that of Monfieur, yet they obferved the
articles of it with more fidelity than the catholics
who while it ſtill fubfifted, poffeffed themſelves of
Agen, and Villeneuve §, for which it was im-
poffible to make them give fatisfaction. The
confequence of a peace fo very ill obferved, was
an inactivity full of diftruft; which rather re-
fembled a long fufpenfion of arms, than a real
peace. In this manner paffed the remainder of
this year, and part of the following.
Whether it was, that the queen-mother was de-
firous of labouring effectually to compofe the
troubles of the ſtate, or that fhe had fecret defigns,
which obliged her to gain, if poffible, the king of
Navarre, he quitted Paris with all her court,
and making the tour of the provinces, had a
conference with this prince at Réole and Auch.
She even ſtaid with him a long while, at
different times, either at Nerac, Coutras,
*There is nothing, faid Six-
tus V. to cardinal de Joyeuſe,
which your king has not done, and
does, to be a monk; nor nothing
which I have not done to avoid
being one. He had no less than a
hundred and fifty valets de cham-
bre, miniftros cubicularios, fays Buf-
beq, Ep. 31.
By the treaty that was con-
cluded at Bergerac, between the
king of Navarre and the marechal
de Biron, and the edict that fol-
lowed in the latter end of Septem-
ber, the number of churches was
diminiſhed, the exercife of the
pretended reformed religion was
prohibited ten leagues round Paris,
the burying-places of the calvinifts
in this city taken away, the liberty
of marriages revoked, the cham-
bers of juftice compofed of half
catholics and half proteftants,
fuppreffed in Paris, Rouen, Di-
jon, and Rennes, &c. King Hen-
ry III. called this his treaty. Nei-
ther party obferved it faithfully:
the catholics complained that fe-
veral articles were infringed by the
calvinifts. Memoirs of Nevers.
§ Villeneuve in Agenois, upon
the Lot.
At Nerac, fays Le Grain, the
queen-mother had feveral confe
rences with the king of Navarre,
her fon-in-law, in which fome ar-
ticles were explained, but not all;
for the good lady would always
Fleix,
62
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1578. Fleix*, or other places; for the year 1578, and
part of 1579, were wholly confumed in journies
from one place to another, and reciprocal com-
plaints of the bad execution of treaties, which in-
deed both parties did not fcruple to infringe.
The mixture of two courts equally remarkable
for gallantry, produced fuch an effect as might
have been expected. Nothing was feen but balls,
feſtivals, and polite entertainments; but while love
became the ferious buſineſs of the courtiers, Ca-
therine was wholly abforbed in politics: for once,
however, fhe did not fucceed. She, indeed, re-
conciled the king of Navarre to his wife, then
greatly difgufted with the proceedings of her bro-
ther Henry III. towards her; but he could never
draw this prince again to Paris, nor prevail upon
him to refign to her thoſe places of fecurity, to
obtain which had been her principal view.
I fhould fwell thefe Memoirs too much, were I
to enter into a detail of this medley of politics and
gallantry; and, to confefs the truth, my youth
and other affairs, more fuitable to my inclinations,
did not permit me to engage in the firft; as for
gallantry, befides that I have loft the remembrance
of it, a trifling detail of intrigues would, in my
opinion, make a very indifferent figure here. 'Tis
fufficient to ſay, that all was reduced to a defire of
pleafing, and fupplanting each other: I fhall not,
however, omit fome adventures relating to the war.
The queen-mother and the king of Navarre,
could only agree upon a truce, which was to be
in force over the whole kingdom, till the prince
and fhe feparated: but, whether the thought that
war would afford her a more favourable opportu-
nity of feizing feveral towns by furprize and ar-
tifice, or that this method was more likely to ac-
compliſh her views, fhe was not forry that both
keep her Spanish gennet by the
bridle as much as the was able. It
was here that Henry IV. fell in
love with the two ladies, D'Agelle
and Toffcufe.
*Fleix in Perigord.
parties,
Book I. OF 63
O F
SUL LY.
SULLY.
!
parties feemed to forget they were in peace, and 1578.
treated each other as enemies. It was now refolved,
that there should only be a truce where the court
was, and not to extend beyond a league and a half,
or two leagues, from the place where the queen
and the princes refided. This gave riſe to a con-
traft altogether new: here they loaded each other
with civilities, and converfed with the greateſt fa-
miliarity; there they fought with the utmoſt fury
and animofity. The two courts being at Auch,
upon a ball night, news was brought to the king
of Navarre, that the governor of Réole, who was
an old man, and a zealous proteſtant, having con-
ceived a violent paffion for one of the queen-
mother's maids of honour, had been prevailed upon
to violate his duty, and deliver up the town to the
catholics. The king of Navarre, who would not
long defer his revenge, privately ordered me, and
three or four others, to withdraw, and with our
arms, concealed under our hunting-habits, join
him in the fields. We got together as many of our
people as we could; and taking care that the en-
tertainment ſhould fuffer no interruption, left the
hall, and joined the king, with whom we marched
all night; and arriving early in the morning at
Fleurence, the gates of which were open, feized it
without oppofition. The queen-mother, who
could have ſworn that the king of Navarre had lain
at Auch, was greatly furprized next morning with
the news of this expedition; however, fhe was the
firſt to laugh at it: "I fee, faid fhe, this is in
revenge for Réole: the king of Navarre was
"refolved to have nut for nut, but mine has the
" better kernel.”
<<
An adventure of the fame kind happened a fhort
time after. When the court was at Coutras *, the
king of Navarre having refolved to feize St. Emi-
lion, he ſent us over-night to St. Foi †, which was
not comprehended in the truce, from whence we
* In Guienne near Libourne. † Upon the Dordogne in Agenois.
marched
1
1
3
1
64
MEMOIRS
Book I.
1579. marched to St. Emilion, with a petard, which we
faſtened by two port-holes to a great tower. The
burſting of this machine made a noife that was
heard even at Coutras. A breach was made in the
tower wide enough to admit two men a-breaft, and
by this means the town was taken. The queen-
mother was enraged, and faid openly, that fhe
looked upon this action as a premeditated infult,
St. Emilion being within the bounds of the truce.
'Tis certain, that the diftance between Coutras and
this town was fuch, as rendered the cafe a little
doubtful; but the king of Navarre, who knew
that a few days before, the citizens of St. Emilion
had pillaged a proteftant merchant, which the
queen-mother maintained to be a lawful prize,
juftified what he had done by this fact, and all was
paffed over.
It often happened, that the two courts feparated
from each other, when any thing fell out to give
either of them difguft; but the defire of pleaſure,
which languifhed while they were divided, foon
brought them together again. The queen-mother's
court was carried by the king of Navarre to Foix;
where, among other diverfions, he was refolved
to give them that of bear-hunting. The ladies
were frighted; this entertainment did not fuit with
their delicacy. Some of theſe animals tore the
horfes to pieces; others overthrew ten Swifs, and
as many fufileers; and one of them, who had been
wounded in ſeveral places, mounting upon a rock,
threw himſelf down headlong, with feven or eight
hunters whom he held faft in his paws, and cruſh-
ed them to pieces.
At laft the queen-mother left the king of Na-
varre, and continued her rout through Languedoc,
Provence, and Dauphiny, where fhe had an inter-
view with the duke of Savoy, and returned to
Paris, leaving all things in the fame ſtate in which
fhe found them; that is, in a peace which only
increaſed the doubts and fufpicions of each party:
however,
Book I.
65
OF SULLY.
A
}
however, ſhe did not forget to ſeduce part of the 1580.
king of Navarre's catholic officers; among whom
were Lavardin, Grammont *, and Duras. Ano-
ther effect of her preſence was, to embroil fo per-
fectly the prince with the viſcount of Turenne, that
he challenged him to a ſingle duel. Turenne went
indeed to the place of combat, but it was only to
make thofe fubmiffions which he owed to the high
quality of his antagoniſt. This duel produced
nothing fatal, but the viſcount received ſeveral
wounds in a fecond, to which he was challenged
by Duras and Rofan †. It was faid at that time,
that the advantage they had over Turenne, upon
this occafion, was owing to an artifice fcarcely
allowable.
After the queen-mother's departure, the court
of Navarre went to Montauban, and from thence
to Nerac, where they continued fome time, un-
certain whether it would not be proper to renew
the war. This court being no lefs voluptuous
than that of France, nothing was thought of but
pleaſures and gallantry:
The news of the catholics having taken the city
of Figeac by furprize, and holding the caftle
* Philibert de Grammont, John
de Durfort.
+ The two brothers, Durfort de
Duras, and Durfort de Rofan,
fought with the viſcount de Tu-
renne, and John de Gontaut de
Biron, baron of Salignac, his fe-
cond. Although the brothers were
armed with coats of mail, yet the
diſadvantage was wholly on their
fide. The viſcount permitted Ro-
fan to rife, and Salignac allowed
Duras to change his fword; at the
fame moment nine or ten armed
men fell upon the viſcount, and left
him upon the place pierced with
two-and-twenty wounds, none of
which, however, proved mortal.
He recovered, and generouſly in-
treated the queen-mother to par-
don Duras. The marechal de Dam-
VOL. I.
ville, called by the death of his
brother, marechal de Montmoren
cy, coming thither about that time,
was confulted on this action; and
it was his opinion, as well as that
of many others, that the viſcount
de Turenne was at liberty to fatisfy
his revenge by any means what-
ever, without expofing his own
life. Memoirs of the duke de
Bouillon. His life by Marfolier.
De Thou. Brantome in the tentli
volume of his memoirs, fpeaking
of duels, feems to doubt whether
this duel was conducted in the
imanner it was reported, confider-
ing the reputation the two brothers
were in for courage and honour.
F
A city of Quercy, upon the
confines of Auvergne.
befieged,
· 66
Book I.
MEMOIRS
CC
1580. befieged, determined them to take arms imme-
diately. The king of Navarre fent the viſcount
Turenne to raiſe the fiege; who at parting faid to
me, Well, Sir, will you be of our party?"
"Yes, Sir, I replied, I fhall be always of your
party, provided it is for the fervice of the king
my maſter, and yours at all times, when you
"favour me with your friendſhip."
(c
<<
The catholics, furpriſed at our diligence, aban-
doned Figeac; and the war being now begun by
the huguenots, they made above forty attempts on
different places, of which three only fucceeded *
Theſe were Fere in Picardy, Montagu in Poitou,
and Cahors. At this laft I was prefent, for which
reafon, as well as that of all the towns attacked
by petard and undermining, this was the moft re-
markable, I fhall give fome account of it.
Cahors is a large and populous city, fur-
rounded on three fides by water. Vefins, who
was governor of it, had above two thouſand men,
befides a hundred horfe, under his command; and
he obliged the citizens alfo to take arms. He kept
himſelf upon his guard like a man who expected
to be attacked; which we difcovered by a paper
found in his cabinet, on which he had wrote theſe
few words with his own hand, "A fig for the
<<
huguenots." The king of Navarre, whofe little
army was weakened by the abfence of Chouppes,
and who faw no means of opening himſelf a paffage
but by petard and undermining, did not, how-
ever, deſpair of taking the city. He reinforced
his troops with all the foldiers he could find in
Montauban, Négrepeliffe, St. Antonin, Cajare, and
Senevieres; but the whole did not amount to
* See all theſe expeditions par-
ticularly related in D'Aubigné.
Vol. II. book iv.
walls.
L
The river of Lot waſhes its
The fame who is mentioned
in the beginning of this book. It
is thought, that if he had not beer
flain in the attack, at the head of
his people, the king of Navarre
would not have made hinfelf
matter of the place.
Towns in Quercy.
more
Book.
67
ÓF SUL LY.
ment.
more than fifteen hundred men, with whom he 1580.
left Montauban, and arrived about midnight with-
in a quarter of a league of Cahors. It was in the
month of June, the weather extremely hot, with
violent thunder, but no rain. He ordered us to
halt in a plantation of walnut-trees, where a foun-
tain of running-water afforded us fome refreſh-
Here he fettled the order of his march,
and of the whole attack. Two petardeers belong-
ing to the viſcount Gourdon *, the chief contriver
of this enterprize, followed by ten of the braveft
foldiers in the king's guards, marched before us,
to open a paffage into the city. They were fuftain-
ed by twenty others, and thirty horfe of the king's
guards likewife, under the conduct of St. Martin t,
their captain; forty gentlemen, commanded by
Roquelaure‡, and fixty foldiers of the guard com-
poſed another body, in which I was, and marched
afterwards. The king of Navarre, at the head of
two hundred men, divided into four bands, came
next; the remainder of his little army, which made
a body of about one thouſand or twelve hundred
arquebufiers, in fix platoons, clofed the march.
We had three gates to force; thefe we made
hafte to throw down with the petard, after which
we made uſe of hatchets. The breaches were fo
low, that the first who entered were obliged to
creep through upon their hands and feet. At the
noife of the petard, forty men armed, and about
two hundred arquebufiers, ran almoft naked to
difpute our entry; mean time the bells rung the
alarm, to warn every body to ftand to their de-
fence. In a moment the houfes were cover'd with
foldiers, who threw large pieces of wood, tiles,
and ſtones upon us, with repeated cries of "Charge,
"kill them." We foon found, that they were
refolved to receive us boldly; it was neceffary,
Gourdon.
de Terride, vifcount of
+ Charles le Clerc de St. Mar-
-
tin.
He was flain there.
Antony de Roquelaure.
F 2
therefore,
68
Book I.
MEMOIRS
1
1580. therefore, at firft, to fuftain an encounter, which
lafted above a quarter of an hour, and was very
terrible. I was caft to the ground by a large ſtone
that was thrown out of a window; but by the af-
fiftance of the Sieur de la Bertichere, and La
Trape, my valet de chambre, I recovered, and
refumed my poft. All this time we advanced very
little, for freſh platoons immediately fucceeded
thofe that fled before us; fo that before we gained
the great ſquare, we had endured more than twelve
battles. My cuiffes being looſened, I was wounded
in the left thigh. At laſt we got to the fquare,
which we found barricaded, and with infinite la-
bour we demoliſhed thoſe works, being all the
time expoſed to the continual diſcharge of the
artillery, which the enemy had formed into a
battery.
The king of Navarre continued at the head of
his troops during all theſe attacks; he had two
pikes broke, and his armour was battered in ſeveral
places by the fire and blows of the enemy. We
had already performed enough to have gained a
great victory; but fo much remained to do, that
the battle feemed only to be juſt begun; the city
being of large extent, and filled with fo great a
number of foldiers, that we in compariſon of them
were but a handful. At every crofs-way we had a
new combat to fuftain, and every ftone-houſe we
were obliged to ftorm; each inch of ground was
fo well defended, that the king of Navarre had
occafion for all his men, and we had not a mo-
ment's leifure to take breath.
It is hardly credible that we could endure this
violent exerciſe for five whole days and nights;
during which time, not one of us durft quit his
poft for a ſingle moment, take any nouriſhment,
but with his arms in his hand; or fleep, except for
a few moments leaning againſt the fhops. Fatigue,
faintnefs, the weight of our arms, and the ex-
ceffive heat, joined to the pain of our wounds,
deprived
Book I.
69
OF
SULLY.
deprived us of the little remainder of our ftrength; 1580.
our feet fcorched with heat, and bleeding in many
places, gave us agonies impoffible to be expreffed.
The citizens, who fuffered none of theſe incon-
veniencies, and who became every minute more
fenfible of the fmallneſs of our numbers, far from
furrendering, thought of nothing but protracting
the fight till the arrival of ſome fuccours, which
they ſaid were very near they fent forth great
cries, and animated each other by our obftinacy.
Tho' their defence was weak, yet they did enough
to oblige us to keep upon our guard, which com-
pleted our misfortunes. In this extremity, the
principal officers went to the king, and adviſed
him to aſſemble as many men as he could about his
perfon, and open himſelf a retreat.
himſelf a retreat. They re-
doubled their inftances at the report which was
fpread, and which they found to be true, that the
fuccours expected by the enemy were arrived at the
bar, and would be fo foon in the city, that he
would have but juft time to force the wall, and
fecure himſelf a paffage. But this brave prince,
whofe courage nothing was ever able to fupprefs,
turning towards them with a finiling countenance,
and air fo intrepid, as might have infpired courage
into the moſt pufilanimous heart, "Tis heaven,
"faid he, which dictates what I ought to do upon
"this occafion; remember then, that my retreat out
"of this city, without having fecured one alfo to my
CC party, fhall be the retreat of my foul from my body.
My honour requires this of me; fpeak therefore to
"me of nothing but fighting, conqueft, or death.”
CC
Animated by thefe words, and the example of
fo brave a leader, we began to make new efforts;
but in all probability, we fhould at laſt have been
wholly defeated, but for the arrival of Chouppes
whom the king had the precaution to fend for be-
fore the attack: he, having underſtood the danger
* Peter de Chouppes.
F 3
*
,
Henry
70
Book I.
MEMOIRS
!
1580. Henry was in, opened himſelf a paffage into the
city, with five or fix hundred foot, and a hundred
horfe, trampling over the enemy as he paffed, whọ
gathered in crowds to obftruct his way. As foon
as he joined us, we marched together to the bar,
where the enemies fuccours were endeavouring to
enter. All this quarter we forced, and when we
had made ourſelves maſters of the parapets and
towers, it was not difficult to oblige the enemies
without to abandon their enterprize and retreat ;
after which, the inhabitants finding themſelves no
longer able to reſiſt, laid down their arms, and the
city was given up to plunder. My good fortune
threw a ſmall iron cheft in my way, in which I
found about four thouſand crowns. In the relation
of an action fo hot, fo long, and fo glorious for
the young* prince that conducted it, I am obliged
to fupprefs many circumftances, and many parti-
cular exploits, performed by the king and his
officers, which would have the appearance of being
fabulous.
The king of Navarre having left Cabrieres †
governor in Cahors, returned to Montauban. He
defeated likewiſe two or three fquadrons belonging
to the marechal de Biron's army, who was under a
neceffity of fhutting himfelf up in Marmande.
The king, for the greater convenience of taking
this city, came to Tonneins ; which produced a
great many little attacks, the marechal de Biron's
foldiers making inroads every day into the enemy's
country. Henry one day ordered Léfignan, at
the head of five-and-twenty gentlemen well mount-
ed, of which number I was one, to advance even
to the gates of Marmande, as if to defy them;
which was often done. We were followed by a
* Other hiftorians agree, that
this attack lafted five whole days,
and that Henry IV. had a great
many foldiers wounded there, and
only feventy flain. M. de Thou's
relation of this action is a little dif-
ferent, but our Memoirs deferve
moft credit.
+ Confult D'Aubigné upon theſe
expeditions, Vol. II. book iv.
‡ In Agenois upon the Garone.
hundred
Book I.
71
OF SULLY.
hundred foot, who lay down on the ſhore of a rivulet 1580.
not far from us; and the king, with three hundred
horfe, and two companies of his guards, concealed
himſelf in a wood at a finall diftance. Our orders
were to fire our piſtols only, and to endeavour to
take any of the foldiers whom we ſhould find with-
out the walls, and retire towards the little body of
foot when they began to purfue us. Accordingly,
as foon as we faw ourſelves ready to be attacked
by a hundred horfe, who came out of the city,
we marched off, tho' they infultingly called out to
us to stay. An officer of our troop, named Quafy,
hearing himſelf defied by name, could not reſtrain
his indignation, but turned his horfe's bridle, and
fhot his challenger dead: he loft his horfe, how-
ever, and regained his brigade on foot. Upon
feeing him attacked by the enemy's party, who
were enraged at the death of their comrade, we
marched immediately to his affiftance: and now
fo fierce a combat enfued, that one of our valets,
feized with terror, fled, and carried the alarm to
the king of Navarre; telling him, that we, and
the whole party of foot were put to the fword.
This he faid without the leaft foundation; for the
enemy, on the contrary, feeing the body of foot,
who came out of their ambufcade to fecond us,
fearing fome ftratagem, and fuppofing that the
whole army would fall upon them, retreated pre-
cipitately into the city.
It was with great difficulty, that they could re-
ſtrain the ardent Henry from rufhing upon the
enemy's army to revenge us, and perifhing glo-
riously; but they made him fuch preffing inftances
to retire, that he confented to it at laft, tho' with
infinite regret. His aſtoniſhment was extremely
great when he faw us, and his grief ftill greater for
having yielded to counſellors too timid, efpecially
when he faw Léfignan, who complained bitterly
that he had been abandoned upon this occafion.
F 4
As
72
Book I,
MEMOIRS
1580. As for me, I loft an horfe in the action, which was
killed under me.
The king of Navarre's difcontent was greatly in-
creafed by the bad news that was brought him.
The prince of Condé, not fatisfied with having
corrupted fome of his troops, and openly feparating
from his party, had drawn ſeveral towns of Dau-
phiny and Languedoc into his intereft, and took
them from Henry to compofe a fovereignty for
himſelf. Aiguefinortes and Pecais *, he had en-
gaged to prince Cafimir as fecurities for the forces
this prince had promifed: and very lately, he had
poffeffed himſelf of Fere † in Picardy; the lofs of
which fenfibly affected the king of Navarre. His
army, already much inferior to that of the catho-
lics, he was now obliged to difinember, and ſent
Turenne againſt the prince of Condé, who foon
difconcerted all his projects as for himſelf,
being no longer able to keep the field before the
marechal Biron, he ſhut himself up in Nerac; in
which the ladies and court of Navarre then were,
and as brilliant as ever, notwithſtanding the bad
condition of the king's affairs.
:
This retreat gave a new face to the war; it could
neither be called a campaign, nor a fiege, but it
was both together. Biron, judging the fiege of
this place to be an enterprize for which he had not
fufficient ſtrength, fought only to keep us in con-
tinual alarm, by furrounding it with all his troops;
and the king of Navarre, tho' blocked up in the
city, did not however fail to fhew himſelf open in
the field. The gates of the city were kept fhut by
his orders, his cavalry therefore was of no ufe to
him; and our only refource was to affemble in
fmall parties, and fally out by the private doors,
to attack the feparate detachments of the royal
army, and fometimes we would advance to the
* Towns in Languedoc.
It was re-taken immediately
by the marechal de Matignon. In
the Memoirs of the league there
is a letter from queen Catherine to
the prince of Condé, in which the
thanks him for having taken arms
againſt the court.
very
Book I.
73
OF SULL Y.
very
front of the whole army. I refumed my for- 1580.
mer condition of a private foldier, and mixing with
the officers, performed many of thoſe rafh actions,
in which there is neither fame nor advantage to be
gained; and were likewife feverely condemned by
the king of Navarre. When he was informed one
day that I was wounded and taken by a party of
the enemy, notwithſtanding his anger, he fent
Des-Champs and Dominge to refcue me if poffible;
and at my return calling me rafh and prefumptu-
ous, he exprefsly forbid me ever to leave the city
without his orders. I confefs, I but too juftly
merited theſe reproofs; for it is great folly and
extravagance to precipitate one's felf into inevitable
dangers, from whence nothing leſs than a miracle
can extricate one. The marechal de Biron made
fhew of befieging Nerac; but all ended in a few
flight ſkirmiſhes, which the ladies beheld from be-
hind the ramparts. The enemy's general had fo
little refpect for them, that he ordered five or fix
diſcharges of cannon* to be made, tho' he expected
no advantage from it.
The king of Navarre did not, however, neglect
to make himſelf maſter of Monfégur †. Milon,
one of his captains, encloſed five hundred weight
of powder in a fauciffe, which he found means to
introduce into a common fhore, which ran into a
ditch between the two principal gates; the end of
the fauciffe, to which the fire was to be applied,
was concealed amongst the grafs. When every
thing was ready for the playing off this machine,
the king permitted us to go and fee the effect,
which indeed was wonderful. One of the two
gates was thrown into the midft of the city, and
the other fifty paces forwards into the field. The
vaults were all ruined, and a breach being made
in the wall, wide enough to admit three men
* Some cannon was difcharged
againſt a gate of the city, behind
which was the queen of Navarre.
At the peace, the procured the go-
3
vernment of Guienne to be taken
from this marechal.
In the country of Foix.
a-breaſt,
74
MEMOIRS
Book I.
1580. a-breaſt, the city was taken. The enemy feeming
determined to recover it, the king commanded me
to fhut myſelf up in it with forty gentlemen. We
applied ourſelves to the fortifying the place well
with palifades and intrenchments, in the place of
thofe the powder had deftroyed; and this we per-
formed without interruption, notwithstanding we
were all afflicted with a kind of epidemical di-
ftemper*, and myſelf more than any other. At
length we put the place into fuch a condition, that
we had nothing to apprehend from the enemy;
after which I returned to the king of Navarre,
who by the careffes with which he loaded me on
this occafion, was defirous of teaching me to make
a juſt diſtinction between military exploits that are
authorized by duty, and thoſe which a rafh and
inifguided courage fuggefts.
It was with pleaſure that I faw this prince's fa-
vour towards me increafe every day, and to find
that he gave to inclination what he believed he had
granted only to his mother's recommendation;
who, when dying, preffed him to take care of my
fortune. Some flight fervices I did him this year,
he rewarded by the poft of counſellor of Navarre,
and chamberlain in ordinary, with a penfion of
two thouſand livres, which at that time was thought
very confiderable. I was then but nineteen years of
age, and the fire of youth drew me into a fault
which had like to have made me lofe for ever the
favour of this prince.
I was at fupper one night with Beauvais, the fon
of the king of Navarre's governor, and an officer
named Uffeau, who happening to quarrel, refolved
to fight, and intreated me to provide them with
the means. Inftead of immediately acquainting the
king of Navarre with their defign, that prince
being very folicitous to prevent thefe fort of combats,
* This distemper feized them in
the reins, the head, and particu-
larly in the neck. Bleeding and
purging were mortal in it. De
Thou obferves alfo, that this diſ-
eafe was the fore-runner of a plague
that carried off forty thouſand peo-
ple in Paris. Book lxxiii.
which
Book I.
75
OF SULLY.
which a falſe ſenſe of honour made very frequent at 1580.
that time, I was imprudent enough to promife to
comply; and after having in vain endeavoured to
reconcile them, conducted them myſelf to the
meadow where they fought, and each received a
very dangerous wound. The king of Navarre,
who loved Beauvais, was extremely offended with
me for the part I had acted in this affair. He or-
dered me to be fent for, and told me in a rage,
that I infulted the authority of the fovereign, even
in his own court, and that, were ſtrict juftice to be
done on me, I ſhould lofe my head. Inftead of
repairing my fault by an ingenuous confeſſion of it,
I added another ftill greater: Piqued at this prince's
threatning, I answered haughtily, That I was nei-
ther his fubject nor his vaffal; and threatened him,
in my turn, with quitting his fervice. The king
diſcovered no other refentment for this infolence,
than a contemptuous filence. I went out of his
prefence, with an intention to leave this good
prince, and perhaps for ever, had not the princeffes
undertaken to make my peace with the king, whọ
liftening only to the dictates of his friendship for
me, contented himfelf with puniſhing me no other-
wife for my fault, than by treating me, during
fome time, with great coldnefs: at length, when
he was convinced of the fincerity of my repentance,
he refumed his former fentiments. This inftance
of his goodneſs made me know in what manner fo
worthy a prince ought to be ferved. I attached
myſelf to him more ftrongly than before, refolving,
from that moment, never to have any other maſter:
but I ſaw myſelf removed from him for fome time,
by an imprudent promiſe which I had made to the
duke of Alençon.
MEMOIRS
1580.
MEMOIRS
O F
SUL
T
L Y.
воок II.
HE queen-mother, whofe fertile imagina-
tion was ever producing fchemes for the
grandeur of her houſe, and' ftill more
employed for her own particular defigns, having
no longer any hope of marrying her youngeſt fon
to the queen of England, turned all her views up-
on Flanders, of which the undertook to make him
fovereign. She had at firſt made feveral ineffec-
tual attempts upon the Dutch; who, thinking they
ſhould appeaſe the refentment of Spain † by chuf-
ing a mafter out of the houfe of Auftria, decreed
that honour to the arch-duke Matthias, notwith-
* M. de Thou, treating of this
fubject, fays, book xcvi. that be-
fore the crown of Poland was of-
fered to the duke of Anjou, Ca-
therine, who was refolved to make
him a fovereign one way or other,
had fent Francis de Noailles to
Selim, then grand feignior, to afk
the kingdom of Algiers for this
prince; Sardinia was to be added
to it, which had been obtained
from Spain, in exchange for the
kingdom of Navarre, which they
had promiſed him the poffeffion
of; and as an equivalent for the
claim the king of Navarre had to
this kingdom, other eftates in
France were to be given himn.
+ The revolt of the United
Provinces from Spain, an account
of which will be ſeen in the fol-
lowing part of thefe Memoirs, be-
gan by an infurrection, and a con-
federacy formed in the year 1566,
the defign of which was to hinder
the eſtabliſhment of the inquifition
in thoſe countries. Manufcripts
in the king's library, marked
9981.
ſtanding
Book II.
77
MEMOIR S, &c.
ſtanding the powerful intrigues of Catherine. The 1580.
archduke was a weak prince, abfolutely deftitute
of the qualities neceffary for a fovereign; upon
this occafion eſpecially, where valour was fo ne-
ceffary, he behaved in fuch a manner, as to in-
fpire the nobility with the utmoſt contempt for
him; and by preferring the prince of Orange
openly to all the other lords, and declaring him
lieutenant-general of his forces, rendered himfelf
completely hateful to them. The Dutch, difgufted
with this new mafter, thought of nothing but free-
ing themſelves from his power, and caft their eyes
upon Monfieur, brother to the king of France;
whom they confidered as a prince capable of de-
fending them in his own perfon, and procuring
them the powerful protection of his country.
He was at Coutras when the deputies from the
United Provinces came to make him this offer:
he accepted it joyfully, and deferred his journey to
the Low Countries no longer than till he could
appear there with a train fuitable to the dignity of
his birth. For this purpoſe, he earneſtly folicited
the moſt diſtinguiſhed amongſt the lords and gentle-
men of the king of Navarre's party to follow him.
The greateſt part of the catholics attached them-
felves to him, and the hopes of a ſolid and laſting
peace, with which the queen-mother took care to
amuſe the proteftants, was the cauſe that many
of thofe alfo promiſed to attend him.
Fervaques and Rochepot †, two of my kinfmen,
engaged themſelves in his party; and, to prevail
upon me to follow their example, reprefented to
me, that after the lofs I had lately fuffered by the
death of my father, I fhould take care to recover
the fucceffion to the viſcount de Gand's eſtate,
who had difinherited me on account of my religion,
* William of Naffau, prince of
Orange.
Antony de Silly, lord of
Rochepot.
Hugh de Melun, viſcount de
Gand, grand-father by the mo-
ther's fide to M. de Sully.
and
78
MEMOIR S Book II.
I
*
1580. and endeavour to get poffeffion of feveral other
eftates in Flanders, to which my family was en-
titled, and which only the protection of a new fo-
vereign could procure me. To theſe reaſons they
added, in the name of Monfieur, a promife of
twelve thouſand crowns, to furnish me with an
equipage. I yielded to their folicitations, and
gave my word to go with them. Our expedition.
was protracted a confiderable time, on account of
feveral different affairs; at length all obftacles
being removed, and the Dutch repeating their in-
treaties, Monfieur reminding us of our engage-
ment, fent us orders to join him. When I went
to take leave of the king of Navarre, I had a long
converfation with him on my departure, and the
occafion of it; which I have never reflected on
fince without the deepeſt gratitude for that gene-
rous affection he difcovered for me, nor without
admiration of his penetrating wit, and the juſt-
nefs of his conjectures. When I mentioned leav-
ing him, "Tis by this ftroke, faid he, that we
"fhall lofe you; all is over, you will become a
"Dutchman and a papift." I affured him that I
would be neither; but that I fhould have cauſe to
reproach myfelf eternally, if by neglecting to cul-
tivate the favour of my relations, and for the fake
of avoiding a little trouble, I fhould fee myſelf
deprived of thofe large eftates that might revert
to me from the houfes of Bethune, Melun, and
Hornt. I added, that it was this confideration
alone which induced me to join Monfieur, and that
By the peace concluded at
Fleix, a caftle upon the Dordogne,
between the king of Navarre and
the duke of Anjou. The prote-
ftants, to whom the laft war had
not been very favourable, con-
fented to it without any difficulty.
The duke of Anjou defired it
with great ardour, in order to
profecute his defigns upon the
Low Countries; it was figned in.
the month of November. The
articles were not made known,
but were believed to be of little
importance. The cities given for
fecurity, were to be kept by the
calvinis fix years longer.
† Anne de Melun, the author's
mother, was the daughter of Hu-
go, viſcount of Gand, and of
Jane d'Horn.
5
only
Book II.
79
OF
SULLY.
only for a little time, after which nothing fhould 1580.
be able to prevent my following my inclinations,
which were to attach myſelf folely to him; and
that whenever he had the ſmalleſt occafion for my
fervice, I would leave Flanders at his firſt order.
The king then entertained me with the predictions
that had been made him, that he ſhould one day be
king of France; and I, in my turn, informed him,
that a great fortune had been foretold me. An early
prepoffeffion in favour of theſe pretended prophe-
cies had made me weak enough to give credit to
them; but as for the king of Navarre, who was of
opinion that religion ought to inſpire a contempt
for thoſe evil.prophets, as he called them, he had
within his own mind an oracle more certain, which
was a perfect knowledge of the perfon and cha-
racter of Monfieur, and a fagacity that opened
almoſt futurity to him. "He will deceive me,
"faid he, if he ever fulfils the expectations that
are conceived of him: he has fo little courage,
"a heart fo malignant and deceitful, a body for
"ill made, fo few graces in his converfation, fuch
<<
<<
want of dexterity in every kind of exercife,
"that I cannot perfuade myſelf he will ever per-
"form any thing that is great." The king of
Navarre had leiſure to ſtudy this prince thorough-
ly, during the time that they were kept prifoners
together. His memory at this inftant furniſhed
him with an infinite number of particulars, that
gave him room to believe, Monfieur would infal-
libly fail in an enterprize fo noble and hazardous
as that he had undertaken. Amongſt others he
told me, that Monfieur flung himſelf againſt a
pillar in running at the ring, and managed his
horfe with fo little fkill, that he would have been
thrown to the ground, had not his equery with
great hafte and fubtilty cut the reins of his horfe,.
and fpared him the fhame of fo aukward a fall.
That he fucceeded no better in dancing, hunting,
or any other exercife; and far from feeling a juft
conſciouf-
80
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1580. conſciouſneſs of theſe natural defects, or of repair-
ing them in fome degree by an ingenuous modefty,
he fecretly hated all who were more favoured by
nature than himself; particularly the king of Na-
varre, who, on account of the preference the ladies
gave him to Monfieur, tho' the brother of their
king, and his having rivalled this prince in the
favour of madam de Sauves*, and other court-
quarrels of the fame nature, became the object of
his jealoufy and hate.
Thefe little anecdotes with which he entertained
me, tho' inconfiderable in themſelves, yet ceafed
to appear fo, when the event fully juftified the
conclufions he drew from them. He concluded
with telling me, that he plainly perceived Cathe-
rine had formed a defign to exterminate the pro-
teſtant party; and that he fhould foon have occa-
fion for his faithful fervants: then embracing me,
he wiſhed me a happier journey than our leader's
was likely to be. I threw myſelf at his feet, and
kiffing his hand, protefted that I would ever be
ready to fhed the laſt drop of my blood in his
fervice. I quitted
I quitted his prefence, to go and pay my
refpects to the queens; after which I took poft
for Rofny.
From hence I fent Maignan, my equery, to
Paris to buy me fome horſes. I have never fince
de Beaune of Samblan-
çay, married to Simon de Fizes,
baron of Sauves, counfellor, and
firft fecretary of ftate, who died
November the 27th, 1579. She
made this name well known by
her gallantries. Her fecond huf-
band was the marquis of Noir-
moutier. "One night, fays Ma-
"thieu the hiftorian, when the
"duke of Alençon was with her,
"the king of Navarre laid a fnare
"for him, fo that as he came out
"he fell againſt ſomething in his
way, and hurt one of his eyes.
"The next day the king of Na-
(C
varre meeting him, exclaimed,
"Heavens! what is the matter
"with your eye? what accident
"has happened to it? The duke
"anſwered rudely, It is nothing,
"a fmall matter furprizes you.
"The other continuing to bemoan
"him, the duke being offended,
"advanced, and feigning to jeft,
whiſpered in his ear, Whoever
"fhall fay I have got it where
you imagine, I will make him a
"liar. Souvray and Du Gualt
"hindered them from fighting."
Vol. I. book vii, page 409.
had
Book II.
81
OF SU L L Y.
had any that equalled, two which he brought me. 1580.
One of them was a Spaniſh horfe; he was quite
black, except a white fpot on his right buttock.
The other was a Sardinian horfe, to whom nature
had given an inftinctive quality of defending his
rider; for he would roll his eyes furiously, and
ſpring upon the enemy with his mouth open, never
quitting him till he had thrown him to the earth.
Part of the lands belonging to Monfieur ex-
tending to the neighbourhood of Rofny, I took
occafion from thence to draw fome advantage from
his offer, and afked for the remainder of a wood,
to be applied to my ufe; which was granted; and
it produced me the fum of forty thouſand franks.
With this money, in fifteen days, I fitted out my
whole troop, which was compofed of eighty
gentlemen; fome of whom followed me difinte-
reſtedly, and others received only two hundred
livres at moſt. With this train I went to join
Monfieur, who waited for us in his caftle of La-
Fere, in Tartenois; from whence, after fome time
fpent in deer-hunting, we marched to Saint Quen-
tin, where all his troops were affembled.
The prince of Parma * furrounded Cambray 1581.
with his whole army, and kept it blocked up.
This afforded an occafion for the braveft amongſt
us to fignalize themfelves, and each one was de-
firous of commanding the firft party that fhould
be fent to reconnoitre. This honour fell to me,
by the difpofition into which Fervaques † the
quarter-mafter general, who was my relation and
friend, had put the army: it procured me, how-
ever, no advantage, for I returned without having
taken one prifoner, the befiegers keeping all clofe
behind their lines, although I paffed near enough
to fuftain feveral difcharges. The vifcount Tu-
renne fecretly rejoiced at my difappointment, be-
* Alexander Farnefe duke of
Parma.
VOL. I.
+ William de Hauterfier de Fer-
vaques
G
caufe
5
A
82
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1581. caufe I had refufed the offer he made to join me,
if I would wait till the next day. He chofe out
one hundred gentlemen, with whom he advanced
towards Cambray, flattering himſelf that he ſhould
perform no inconfiderable exploit. The event did
not anfwer his expectations; this fine troop had
the misfortune to be defeated by fourfcore or a
hundred men belonging to the regiment of M. de
Roubais*, of the houfe of Melun, who ſerved in
the enemy's army. Ten or twelve of our party
were made prifoners, amongft whom were Venta-
dour t, and the vifcount Turenne himſelf.
Mean time Monfieur advanced, with an inten-
tion to give battle to the enemy's general; but he
pofted himself to advantageoufly that we durft
not attempt to force him, and the following night
he raiſed the blockade, and retired towards Valen-
ciennes, without the lofs of one foldier, leaving
the paffes alfo fo fecurely guarded, that he was
under no apprehenfion of being over-taken. Mon-
fieur now entered Cambray, and was received with
great magnificence by the governor, whofe name
was D'Inchy. Chateau Cambrefis refuſing to fur-
render, was taken by affault. Monfieur, willing
at first to diſcover a gentlenefs that might conci-
liate the people's affections towards him, forbid,
upon pain of fevere puniſhments, any violence
againſt the women, who are generally the miferable
victims of war; but fearing that theſe orders would
not be fufficient to reftrain the foldiers brutality,
any more than the plague with which the fort was
Robert de Melun, Marquis of
Roubais. The viſcount Turenne's
defign was to throw himself into
Cambray. See his Memoirs, p. 311,
and following. It is obferved
there, that he chofe rather to be
prifoner to the prince de Ro-
becque, general of the Spanish
cavalry, than to the king of Spain:
which was the caufe that he was
detained two years and ten months;
for Spain feared, that after Ro-
becque had received the money for
the vifcount's ranfm, which was
fifty-three thoufan crowns, he
would quit its fervi e.
† Anne de Levis, afterwards
duke of Ventadour, knight of the
king's orders, governor of Limofin,
and lieutenant-general in Langue-
doc. He died in 1622.
infected,
Book II.
83
OF SULLY.
infected, he gave them the churches for afylums, 1581.
and placed guards about them. A very beautiful
young girl threw herſelf into my arms as I was
walking in the ſtreets, and holding me faft, con-
jured me to guard her from fome foldiers, who,
fhe faid, had concealed themfelves as foon as they
faw me.
I endeavoured to calm her fears, and
offered to conduct her to the next church; but ſhe
told me she had been there, and aſked for admit-
tance, which they refufed, becauſe they knew fhe
had the plague. My blood froze in my veins at
this declaration, and anger renewing my ftrength,
I thruſt this girl from my arms, who expofed me
to death, to fave her, when fhe carried, in my
opinion, her fecurity about her; and flying away
as faft as I was able, expected every moment to be
feized with the plague.
tr
Monfieur having attacked the paffages of Ar-
leux, and L'Eclufe, I took fome prifoners there,
whom I fent back without ranfom, as foon as I was
informed that they belonged to the marquis de
Roubais, my coufin. Roubais, who was not igno-
rant of my juſt pretenfions to the eftates of the vif-
count de Gand, which he had ufurped, received
this generofity very ill. By heaven, faid he,
"thele civilities are very fine; but if he is taken,
"be brings his ranfom along with him." I had
reafon to be apprehenfive of this misfortune, and
it would actually have happened to me two days.
after, at the attack of a wall, if Seffeval, by a
very feaſonable charge, had not extricated me from
the danger.
The prince of Parma having divided his army
in the Low Countries, Monfieur returned to Cam-
bray, where he was guilty of an artifice towards
D'Inchy, very unworthy of a great prince, whoſe
word ought always to be fo inviolable, that no per-
fon fhould have a thought of fufpecting his inte-
grity. He invited himſelf to dinner with this go-
vernor, who was at an exceffive expence to receive
G 2
him
84
MEMOIRS
Book II.
1581. him in the citadel, in a manner fuitable to his
rank. D'Inchy invited above fixty of us to attend
this prince, and treated us all with equal greatneſs
and magnificence. During the repaft, he was
told that Monfieur's guards prefented themſelves at
the gates; D'Inchy thinking he ſhould fail in the
moft effential part of his reception of Monfieur, if
he fent them back, gave orders for their admit-
tance, and every one elfe that come in that prince's
name, who, he ſaid, was fole maſter in the caſtle.
He ſpoke indeed prophetically, tho' he did not
think fo at the time; for fo many made ufe of
this privilege, that our party became at laſt the
ftrongeft, and Monfieur's guards difarming thofe
of M. D'Inchy, they feized upon the caftle. This
exploit was wholly the contrivance of Monfieur,
who relied upon that fincerity in the governor,
which he himſelf was not poffeffed of. As foon
as D'Inchy was fenfible of his misfortune, he com-
plained bitterly of it to Monfieur, who anfwered
him only with an infulting fimile upon the accent
of his country, which was Picardy; and obliging
him to quit the caftle, which he gave to Balagny*
thought he made D'Inchy fufficient amends by
the gift of the town and dutchy of Chateau-Thi-
erry; but that gentleman, who perceived the dif-
ference between what was given him, and what he
had been deprived of, refigned himſelf up to deſpair,
and feeking death found it foon after in a ſkirmiſh.
,
After this Monfieur returned to France, 'not-
withſtanding the intreaties of the inhabitants of the
Low Countries to the contrary, who affured him,
that after five or fix fortreffes more were taken,
the only important ones that remained, all Flan-
ders would fubmit to him. His defign in going
to France was to make preparations for his voyage
to England, whether he went a little time after.
John de Montluc, natural of Valence; he is mentioned
fon of John de Montluc, bishop hereafter.
The
ht
Book II.
85
OF SUL LY.
The reception he met with from queen Elizabeth *, 1582.
and the engagement he contracted with her, having
been mentioned by all the hiftorians, I fhall take
no notice of them here, tho' I attended him in this
voyage. From England Monfieur again returned
to Zealand; flattered with a thoufand agreeable
hopes. He came to Lillot, and afterwards to
Antwerp, where he was crowned duke of Bra-
bant by the prince of Orange, affifted by the prince
Dauphin, and all the nobility of the Low Coun-
tries, who expreffed their joy on this occafion, a
thouſand different ways. This affection of the
Dutch towards Monfieur had but a fhort duration.
The prince of Orange, who only was more be-
loved by the people than him, was wounded in his
chamber by a piftol fhot . The populace, who
thought none but the French could be guilty of
this action, mutinied, and would have fallen upon
them; and Monfieur could find fecurity no where
but in the houfe of the wounded perfon, whither
he fled for refuge. When the true author of this
intended affaffination was difcovered, there was
no fort of excufes or atonement which the bur-
geffes did not offer Monfieur for the injuftice of
*It is well known that the
queen of England allowed ſeveral
of the princes of Europe to flatter
themſelves in this manner with
hopes of marrying her; and whe-
ther policy, or reafons purely na-
tural, was the caufe that the never
came to any conclufion, is a quef-
tion not eaſy to decide. Monfieur
went to England in the winter of
1581, and returned to Flanders
the fpring following. See an ac-
count of this voyage, and of all
the negociations concerning this
marriage at length, in the Me-
moirs of Nevers, vol. I. p. 474.
603.
The 18th of March 1582, by
John de Jaureguy. The ball went
quite through his jaw. The affaffin
was taken by the foldiers of the
prince of Orange, who ruſhed in
at the noife, jult as he was draw-
ing his poignard to dispatch him.
Chron. Piaficki.
§ By the papers that were
found in his pocket, he was known
to be a Spaniard : this it was that
appeafed the people, who were
ready to put all the French to the
fword. Mem. D'Aubery du Mau-
rier. The people ran about the
ftreet, crying, Behold, this is the
marriage of Paris, let us kill there
murderers. Matthieu, vol. I.
† A fort upon the Scheld.
Francis of Bourbon, fon to book vii. to the end.
the duke of Montpenfier.
G 3
their
1
1
86
MEMOIRS
Book II.
1582. their fufpicions, and the revolt they had occafion-
ed; but this outrage made a deep impreffion on
his heart, and he refolved within himſelf to take a
fignal revenge for it. The prince of Orange was
not a man that could be eaſily deceived; he began
from that moment to be upon his guard; for he
perceived the refentment with which he was fired,
and the rooted hatred he bore to proteftants in
general.
As for me, I had already received perfonal
proofs of it, which, added to other caufes of com-
plaint that were given me by Monfieur, abfolutely
difgufted me with his fervice. At firſt I attached
myſelf folely to his perfon, and to pleaſe him
fpared neither labour nor expence; I thought
therefore that I might folicit his intereft with
regard to my pretenfions to the eſtate of the vif-
count de Gand, which reverted to me.
He re-
ceived my requeſt very coldly, put me off with
delays, and at laſt, when I preft him one day on
the fubject, he told me very cavalierly, that he
could not gratify two perfons at the fame time;
and that my coufin* the prince of Epinoy had
obtained, without any trouble, what I had la-
boured for with fo much affiduity. There was
fomething in this anfwer more difobliging than
the refufal itſelf; I was fenfibly affected with it,
and a few days after had a convincing proof of the
little fhare myſelf, and the other proteftant officers
had in his favour, when I heard him fay publicly,
that he had juft baniſhed D'Avantigny from his
council, the laſt of the proteftants to whom he
confided his fecrets, and he was now perfectly eaſy,
From that time I refolved to quit this ungrateful
prince; and while I waited for an opportunity to
return into France, applied myſelf to gain the
favour of the prince of Orange, in whom I found
4
Robert de Melun prince of Epinoy, fon to the marquis of Riche-
bourg.
all
1
1
Book II.
87
OF SULLY.
1
all thoſe qualities in which Monfieur was deficient. 1582.
I remember, a few days before the treacherous
attempt upon Antwerp, that I was at this prince's
palace with Sainte Aldegonde*, and a minifter
named Villiers; when fpeaking of Monfieur and
the catholics, by whom he was governed, he faid,
"Thefe men have defigns pernicious both for
"themſelves and us, in which it is my opinion,
they will not find their account; and I intreat
CC
you, fir, added he, turning to me, not to go
"far from my lodgings." He thought very
juftly; and his diligence finishing what his fore-
fight had begun, Monfieur fuffered the double re-
proach of unſucceſsful treachery †.
Having affembled his army in the plain, under
pretence of reviewing it, he went out of Antwerp
one day in February, and ordered his foldiers to
enter the city again by thofe gates that were at
his diſpoſal, and to make themſelves mafters of it by
force. Accordingly his men threw themfelves into
Antwerp, as into a city taken by affault, crying out,
"Kill, kill, the city is ours; mafs for ever."
rr
But
their triumph lafted not long: the prince of Orange,
who carefully obferved every ftep of Monfieur's,
gave fuch good orders every where, or rather caufed
thoſe he had long before given, to be fo well exe-
cuted, that Monfieur's foldiers were all either re-
pulſed, cut in pieces, or forced to throw themſelves
off the walls; for their terror was fo great, that
thoſe who could not get to the gates, becauſe of the
great number of carcafes that obftructed their way,
had recourſe to that dreadful expedient. I had
mounted my horſe two hours after noon, to go and
*
Philip Marnix, lord of Sainte
Aldegonde.
+ About that time the fame
attempt was made by Monfieur's
orders, on the principal cities of
Flanders; the plot fucceeded upon
Dunkirk, Dixmnude, and Dender-
monde, but failed upon Bruges,
Oltend, Nieuport, &c. De Thou,
book lxxvii. The duke of Mont-
penfier, and the marfhal Biron en-
deavoured in vain to diffuade Mon-
fieur from this enterprize. Mat-
thieu, ibid.
G 4
join
88
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1583. join Monfieur in the field; but before I got out
of the city, the loud fhouts of the affailants ftruck
my ears, and in the fame moment I met the
prince of Orange, who defired me and fome other
French gentlemen of the reformed religion, who
were with me, to retire to his lodgings. As
Frenchmen we could not expect to be ſafe at that
time in the city, and as huguenots, we had every
thing to fear from the French army, who had ta-
ken poffeffion of it. We followed his advice,
therefore, and he returned to us as foon as he had
reftored quiet to the city. The care he took to
pacify the Flemish, and prevail upon them to for-
get a behaviour fo inexcufable, is a proof that he
bore with regret, and only in his own defence, an
action which no Frenchman difapproved of. It
was not his fault that the proteftant party in Flan-
ders was not reconciled to Monfieur; and as for
us, as foon as he knew we intended to join this
prince, he put us into a condition to do it without
danger.
- - - ཎ སྨཱ ཨི ་བºོག དང མ
We found ourſelves greatly perplexed in the
neighbourhood of Mechlin, whofe inhabitants, by
opening their fluices, had formed a large marſh.
Four or five thousand foot, and as many horfe of
Monfieurs army, perifhed there by cold and hun-
ger, in a moft rigorous feafon. Monfieur, how-
ever, ftaid five or fix months in Flanders after this
fatal enterprize: but his army had been fo confi-
derably leffened, and the remainder ſo broken with
fatigue, the cities fo well guarded, and to com-
pleat his misfortunes, the prince of Parma returned
with an army fo vaftly fuperior to his, that he was
at laſt obliged to go back to France with the duke
de Montpenfier, and the marechal de Biron, leay-
ing nothing behind him in the Low Countries but
the remembrance of a name juſtly deteftable.
A prince who has not prudence enough to con-
ceal his hatred of perfons whofe fervices become
neceffary to him, muft be unhappy; but this muft
be
Book II.
89
OF SULLY.
be, owned, to the advantage of virtue, that it fecures, 1583.
by the most infallible means, the fuccefs of all
great enterprizes. Wifdom, equity, difcipline,
order, courage, good fortune; qualities which fuc-
ceed each other in the order they are mentioned,
form the chain of action in truly great men. The
proceedings of thofe who unjustly arrogate to
themſelves that title, offer, on the contrary, no-
thing but raſhneſs and obftinacy, the companions
of blind ambition. A vain confidence in their ta-
lents, prefumptuous dependance on their good for-
tune; all confequences of Hattery, which generally
enflaves no períons fo much as thofe falfe heroes
who think themfelves born to fubject the whole
world.
I could not refolve to leave Flanders without
viewing thoſe places where my anceſtors were born;
and having procured a paffport from the count of
Barlaymont, I went to Baffée, to vifit madam de
Maftin, my aunt. She received me as a nephew
whom he had difinherited, becauſe he neither be-
lieved in God nor his faints, and worſhipped the
devil. This notion father Silvefter, a cordelier, a
famous preacher, and this lady's director, had
thought proper to give her of all proteftants; and
fhe took it upon his word. She carried me with
her to fee an abbey fhe had founded; and as fhe
was fhewing me fome fine tombs of my anceſtors,
which the had caufed to be erected there, took
occafion to fpeak to me on the fubject of my faith.
If I was aftonifhed to hear her utter theſe extra-
vagant whims that father Silvefter had put into her
head, fhe was no lefs furpriſed to hear me repeat
the creed, and all thofe prayers which we uſe in
common with the Roman catholicks. With her
reaſon, nature was alſo awakened; her great fim-
plicity was the cauſe of the little tenderneſs ſhe
had hewn me. She embraced me with tears in her
*Claude de Barlaymont, lord of Hautepenne,
eyes,
90
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1583. eyes, and promifed me not only the certain fuc-
ceffion to her eftates, but alfo engaged to get thofe
of the viſcount de Gand reftored to me. This at
the time was her fincere intention; but father Sil-
veſter, no doubt, found better reaſons to prevent
the effect of thofe good defigns, for none of them
were ever executed.
I had an earneft defire to fee the city of Be-
thune, the country, and ancient inheritance of my
anceſtors, who for a long time were in poffeffion
of very confiderable eftates there. The treachery
Monfieur had ufed towards the city of Antwerp,
rendered all the other cities of the Low Countries
fufpicious; they would not fuffer me to enter Be-
thune till I had fhewn my paſport, declared my
name, and convinced them I came from madam
de Maftin; which produced an effect I little ex-
pected: I had taken the road to an inn, whofe fign
was the coronet of the family of Bethune, when I
faw a platoon of foot approach, that gave me ſome
apprehenfions. It was, however, the burgeffes of
the city, who, full of reſpect for the blood of their
ancient lords, no fooner heard my name, than they
refolved to pay me all poffible honours, and
brought me a prefent of wine, and other refections.
Before I left this city, I vifited and examined with
great exactnefs, and a fecret pleaſure, all the pub-
lic and private monuments which preferved to
pofterity the remembrance of the benefits my an-
ceftors had conferred on this city, and its grati-
tude for them.
Having nothing more to detain me in Flanders,
I returned to France, and took the direct road to
Rofny, which I left immediately, and went to
Guyenne, full of joy to meet again the king of
Navarre after ſo long an abfence. This prince's
reception of me was fuch as left me no room to
doubt that my return was very acceptable to him.
He obliged me to relate all my adventures, and
thofe of Monfieur; and when I had finifhed,
"Well,
Book II.
91
OF SUL LY.
“Well, ſaid he to me, is not this the accomplish- 1583.
"ment of all I predicted of this prince, in my
"converfation with you at Coutras? but the vif-
count de Turenne, whom I diffuaded as much
as poffible from following him, has fucceeded
"much worſe than you."
CC
Monfieur's expedition into the Low Countries
had enraged the king of Spain to fuch a degree,
as to make him endeavour to gain the king of
Navarre's friendſhip, and offer him fupplies for re-
newing the war with the royalifts of France. This
propofition he received at Hagemau, whether he
went to vifit the countefs of Guiche; for his
paffion for this lady was then at its height. The
diftruft Henry always entertained of Spain, and
his natural antipathy to that court, prevented his
giving any credit to it. I will not take upon me
to aniwer for the fincerity of the Spaniards in
thefe offers, which were made him at different
times by Bernardin de Mandoce, the chevalier
Moreau, and Calderon; however, I believe there
were fome intervals, in which the king of Spain
dealt faithfully with the king of Navarre t. But
be that as it will, the king of Navarre gave no
anfwer to this propofition, and made no other ufe
of it, than to convince the king and queen-mother
of the juftice, of his defigns. He fent me there-
Diana, or Corifande Dan-
doins, viſcountefs of Lovigny, &c.
wife, and afterwards widow, of
Philibert Count of Grammont. In
the obfervations upon the amours
of Alcander the great, this lady is
faid to have fent Henry IV. three
or four and twenty thousand Gaf
cons, levied at her own expence.
It is alfo mentioned there, that the
had a fon named Antony, whom
that prince offered to acknow-
ledge for his own; but the young
man replied, that he chofe rather
to be confidered as a gentleman
than the baſtard of a king. Jour-
nal of Henry the third's reign,
page 270.
That which induced him to
believed this, was, that to this let-
ter of the king of Spain's, pre-
fented to the king of Navarre by
the chevalier Moreau, or the com-
mandeur Morrée, as Davilla calls
him, book II. was added an offer
of fifty thouſand crowns, made by
the fame chevalier to the viſcount
de Chaux, on the frontier of Bearn,
to maintain the king of Navarre's
army; provided he would turn
his arms against France. Mem. of
the League, vol. V.
fore
92
.Book II.
MEMOIRS
1583. fore to Paris, to inform them of the ſtep which
Spain had taken.
1
I
There was no longer any acceſs to be had to the
king; he had retired to Vincennes, where he faw
none but his favourites, and the minifters of his
pleaſures. I expected to have been introduced to
him by the queen of Navarre; for this princeſs,
whoſe temper could not agree with that of the
king her huſband, had left him to return to the
court of France: but I learnt from madam de
Bethune, that ſhe was on no better terms with the
queen her mother, and the king her brother.
then had recourfe to madam de Sauves, who pro-
cured me an audience of Catherine. The affair
ſeemed to her to be important; fhe mentioned it
to the king, and a negotiation was begun there.
I even obtained from his majefty, a credential letter
to the king of Navarre; but what reliance ought
one to have on the determinations of a court,
that, as it fhould feem, never formed a good de-
ſign that was not immediately repented of? The
queen-mother thought fit to make no other uſe of
the king of Navarre's confidence, than to enter
into a ftricter union with Spain: which came to
Henry's knowledge by the reproaches the king of
Spain made him, for having betrayed his fecret.
The bad reception Monfieur met with at his
return from Flanders, was one effect of this recon-
ciliation with Spain. This prince retired to Cha-
teau-Thierry, oppreffed with grief. After my de-
putation was finiſhed, being at home, and engaged
in no employment, curiofity led me to vifit Mon-
fieur at Chateau-Thierry. I imagined his bad for-
tune would have made him wifer; but it had only
From that time they always
lived ſeparate, notwithstanding the
reproaches which Henry III. often
made the king of Navarre on that
occafion, and fome others that are
mentioned by L'Etoile. One day,
5
when the latter received fome very
fharp letters from Henry III.
"The king, faid he, in all his
"letters, honours me greatly;
for
<<
by the first he calls me C, and
"by the laſt the ſon of P-.
abated
Book II.
93
OF SULLY.
abated his pride. He received me with a kindneſs 1583.
that I was far from thinking difintereſted, and
from which I immediately concluded, he had ſome
great defigns in his head. The advantageous of-
fers made me in his name by Aurilly, who had
procured me the honour of kiffing his hand, con-
vinced me I was not miſtaken; but, amidst the great
projects* with which Monfieur was intoxicated, I
diſcovered a melancholy and fecret difcontent that
preyed upon his heart, and which nothing could
remove. From hence proceeded that languishing
diſorder, which fome time after put an end to all
his ambitious defigns by death †.
At my return to Paris, I received an order from
the king of Navarre to come to him upon fome
very important affairs. He was endeavouring to
difconcert, if poffible, all the enterprizes of the
league; a deſign, which this wife prince had al-
ways in view. He had occafion for a perſon on
whofe probity he could rely, to refide at the court
of France, and ſtudy all its motions; and it was
to charge me with this commiffion, that he had
commanded my attendance. He communicated
his reflections to me, gave me all the neceffary in-
ſtructions, and when I took leave of him, em-
braced me feveral times, faying, "My friend, re-
member, that the firft quality in a man of true
"courage and worth, is to keep his word invio-
lably; that which I have given to you, I will
r
CC
* Monfieur took the titles of
fon of France, by the grace of
God, duke of Lauthier, of Bra-
bant, Luxembourg, Guelderland,
Alençon, Anjou, Tourain, Berry,
Evreux, and Chateau Thierry,
count of Flanders, of Holland,
Zealand, Zulphen, Maine, Perche,
Mante, Meulan, and Beaufort,
marquis of the holy Roman em-
pire, lord of Friefland, and Mech-
lin, defender of the Belgic liberty.
Hercules was the name that was
given him at his baptifm, but when
he was confirmed, it was changed
to Francis.
† There is not any hiftorian
who doubts that he died by poifon.
His blood ran through all his pores,
as if every vein had been burſt.
De Thou, bock lxxviii. "This
CC
happened, fays the Memoirs of
"Nevers, by his having lain with
"La- who made him finell a
"poifoned no:egay." Ibid. p. 163.
Bufbeq, Ep. 33, 35-
<s
never
94
Book II.
MEMOIRS
rr
1583. never fail in." There was no neceffity for rack-
ing my invention, to furniſh me with a pretence
for this fecond journey to Paris. The favour in
which I had left my two younger brothers* at
that court, afforded me a very plaufible one. They
had begun to create jealoufy in the favourites, for
the king already made them his companions in his
parties of devotion, which was a ftep that was
likely to lead them to the greateſt familiarity;
however, on my arrival, I learned that they were
difgraced; the reafon of which I did not know till
a long time after, and it is of the number of thoſe
things that ought to be buried in oblivion. This
accident did not hinder me from entering upon
my new employment at Paris, and the court.
gave the king of Navarre exact intelligence of all
that paffed, that he might take fuch meaſures as
were moft fuitable to the ftate of his affairs.
I
Engaged in this new kind of life, which obliged
me by the nature of the employment I had under-
taken, to frequent the court, to mix in the politeſt
company of the city, to fhare in their amufe-
ments, their pleaſures, and even to be infected
with their idleness; and being befides in the prime
and ſtrength of my age, it is not ſtrange that I
fhould pay the accuſtomed tribute to love. I be-
came violently enamoured of the daughter of the
prefident de St. Mefmin, one of the moſt beautiful
ladies in France.
At first, I wholly abandoned myſelf to a paffion,
which, in the beginning, is fo delightful, that when
I would have ftifled it afterwards, upon reflecting
that this alliance was not convenient for me,
found that confideration too weak, when oppofed
*Solomon and Philip de Be-
thune. The firft as eldeft, was
called baron of Rofny, and was
governor of Mante. The fecond
has formed the branch of the counts
of Selles and Charoft. By attaching
themſelves to the perfon and party
{
of the king of France, they both
abjured the proteftant religion, in
which they had been educated.
+ Thofe who are curious to
know it, need only confult the
feventh chapter of the Confeffion
of Sancy.
to
Book II.
95
OF SULLY.
to the friendſhip this whole family expreffed for 1583.
me, the eſteem of a father truly refpectable, and
the charms of a miſtreſs worthy my tendereft af-
fection. My own endeavours alone would not
have been fufficient to have broken this chain.
La Fond*, to divert the courſe of my thoughts,
propofed to me to vifit Mademoiſelle de Courte-
nay †, whom he earneftly wiſhed I would make
my
addreffes to, as a perfon who, in all refpects,
was much more fuitable to me. I faw her, and
approved this choice; but Mademoiſelle de St.
Mefmin foon deſtroyed all theſe wife reflections.
Being one day at Nogent upon the Seine, at-
tended by this La Fond, and fome other perfons, I
went to lodge at an inn, whither chance had con-
ducted both mademoiſelle de St. Mefinin, and ma-
demoiſelle de Courtenay, which I learnt the mo-
ment I entered the inn. This was one of the
moſt delicate conjunctures imaginable, and I judged
it would be impoffible to leave the place without
breaking for ever with that lady of the two, to
whom I ſhould neglect to pay my firſt viſit and
affiduities. In a cafe of this nature, no artifice, no
addreſs can fatisfy two women at the ſame time.
Mademoiſelle de St. Mefmin's youngeſt fifter
coming down ftairs at that moment, found me
abforbed in reflection, like a man that was la-
bouring to reconcile his reafon with his love. She
perceived it, and my confufion affording her a fine
opportunity to difplay the vivacity of her wit, fhe
endeavoured to draw me to her fifter's feet; when
La Fond approaching me, whiſper'd in my ear,
"Turn to the right, monfieur: there you will
"find a large eſtate, a royal extraction, and equal
CC
beauty, when it fhall have attained to the age
"of perfection." Theſe few words, fo feaſonably
uttered, recalled my fcattered reaſon, and fixed my
*La Fond was his valet de
chambre. He is mentioned in
nother place.
5
+ Anne de Courtenay, youngeſt
daughter of Francis de Courtenay,
lord of Bontin.
wavering
96
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1583. wavering purpoſe. I was convinced the advice
La Fond gave me was good, and that the only
difference between the beauty of mademoiſelle de
Courtenay, and her rival, was, that the one was
already in the poffeffion of charms, which a year
or two more promiſed the other. I fent an ex-
cuſe for not attending mademoiſelle de St. Meſmin,
which drew upon me great reproaches; but I
courageouſly fuftained the affault, and went imme-
diately after to vifit mademoifelle de Courtenay,
who valued this facrifice at its full price. She was
pleafed with the preference; and I applauded my-
felf for it, when I confidered my new miſtreſs with
more attention, and that a few vifits more had
given me a perfect knowledge of her character.
My addreffes were favourably received, and a ſhort
time after this adventure we were married*.
The tenderneſs and affiduity due to an amiable
bride, detained me in Rofny this whole year, amidſt
rural employments, exerciſes, and diverfions; ano-
ther kind of life not lefs new to me than the for-
mer. The country, to thofe whofe time has been
divided between the court and the field, is gene-
rally an occafion of double expence; but it affords
many reſources to a man, who knows that good
œconomy fupplies the place of great riches. My
turn for fine horſes, which I had cultivated merely
for my pleaſure, did not make up a ufelefs part of
this domeſtic ceconomy. I kept jockeys in my
fervice, whom I fent to buy horfes in foreign
countries, where they were cheap, and fold them
in Gafcony, at the king of Navarre's court, where
I never failed to draw large fums for them. I re-
member to have fold, amongit others, a filver
roan-horſe to the vifcount de Chartres, for fix hun-
dred crowns, which coft me but forty. The ta-
peſtry which adorns the hall of Sully, in which are
!
Guy de Bethune, fon of ried one Frances de Courtenay
Alpin de Bethune, great grand- Bontin.
father of M. de Rofney, had mar-
delineated
Book II.
97
OF
SULLŸ.
delineated the labours of Hercules, came from 1584.
M. de Nemours de la Garnache, who paid me
with that for a fine Spanish horfe that I had fold
to him at the rate of twelve hundred crowns.
Towards the end of this year*, a letter from the
king of Navarre drew me from a life fo inactive;
he informed me, that the time in which he had
foreſeen that the affiftance of his faithful fervants
would be neceffary, was now come: that the ftate
and our religion were threatened with the fevereſt
misfortunes, if immediate endeavours were not
uſed to prevent them; and that he ſhould foon have
a cruel war to fuftain. I inftantly difpofed myſelf
to attend this prince, taking with me, as well for
his occafions, as my own, forty eight thoufand
francs, which I raiſed by the fale of a wood of
high trees, that was cut down for that purpoſe.
*The peace continuing in force
till the following year, the Me-
noirs of this and the preceding
contain little concerning the king
of Navarre. Le Grain relates the
adventure that happened to him
with captain Michau, who pre-
tended to have quitted the fervice
of Spain for that of this prince, in
order to find fome opportunity of
murdering hin treacherously.
"One day, fays he, when the
CC
*C
king of Navarre was hunting in
"the forests of Aillas, he per-
"ceived Michau juft behind him,
"well mounted, with a couple of
piftols cocked and primed. The
king was alone and unattended,
it being cuftomary for hunters
"to feparate; and feeing him ap-
proach, "Captain Michau, faid
"he to him, with a bold and de-
"termined air, difiñount; I have
a mind to make trial of your
"horfe, that I may know if it be
as good a one as you fay it is."
"The captain obeyed, and dif-
"mounting, the king got upon
"his horfe, and taking the pistols,
"Do you deſign to fhoot me with
VOL. I.
:
"one of theſe? faid he Ì am
"told, you intend to kill me, but
"in the mean time I can kill you
"if I pleaſe." Saying this, he
"difcharged the two piftols in the
"air, and commanded the captain
to follow him. Michau, having
"good reafons to defire to be ex-
"cufed, took leave of him two
"days after, and never after ap-
ເ
peared." Decade of Henry the
great, book viii. Bufbeq, who
at that time refided at Paris, in
the quality of ambaffador from the
emperor Rodolphus II. affures us
alfo, in his Letters, that a deferter,
whom he does not name, admini-
fred poifon to the king of Na-
varre; but that this prince, either
by the ftrength of his conftitution,
or the weakneſs of the poifon, felt
no bad effects from it and adds,
that this fame man having at-
tempted afterwards to ſhoot him
with a piftol, and failed, was
taken and put to the torture; and
that it was known by the beha-
viour of Henry III, upon this oc-
cafion, that he had no part in the
defigned affaffination. Épiſtle 46.
H
In
98
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1585. In effect, the bold enterprifes of the league t
broke out this year. One cannot reflect without
+ The first step which difcover- of the league to be much more an-
ed the defigns of the league, was cient, and that it took its rile in
an affociation of princes, prelates, the council of Trent, through the
and gentlemen of Picardy, who endeavours of the cardinal of Lor-
met at Peronne, to avoid obeying rain, the uncle; during which
the edict of fixty-three articles, Francis duke of Guife on his fide
given in the year 1576, in favour formed the plan of it in France;
of the proteftants. The manifefto but the death of the latter fufpend-
that was there drawn up, ferved ed the effect. 'Tis pretended alio,
for a model to all the other pro- that Don John of Auftria paffing
vinces, and even to the ftates of through France, in his way to
Blois, which were fummoned about Flanders, concerted the fcheme
the end of that year, and whofe with the duke of Guife. The col-
refolutions obliged Henry III. to lege of Forteret has paffed for the
declare himself the head of the ca-cradle of the league. 'Tis faid
tholics against the huguenots, that
he might not leave this title to be
affumed by the duke of Guife. At
firit, they talked only of maintain-
ing the catholic religion alone in
the kingdom, but at length a de-
bate concerning the fucceffion to
the crown was introduced, in which
they brought the Pope and king of
Spain. See the form of thefe affo-
ciations in the MS. volume marked
8826, in the king's library, p. 160.
The conspiracy of the nobility of
Normandy, with the oath to pre-
ferve the catholic religion in France,
and the crown to the houſe of Va-
lois, fee in vol. 8832. p. 5. All
this volume is likewife filled with
Memoirs relating to the league, and
the firft ftates of Blois. See alfo
the treaty the league made with the
king of Spain at the cattle of Join-
ville, and figned by the respective
parties, with many other pieces on
The fame fubject, vol. 8866. All,
or part of thefe pieces, with very
curious circumstances relating to
the fame fubject, may be found
in different authors, fuch as the
Memoirs of Nevers, vol. I. Me-
moirs of the league, vol. I. Me-
moirs of ſtate by Villeroy, vol. 1.
De Thou, book lxiii. and lxxxi.
D'Aubigné, vol. II. book iii. ch. 3.
Matthien, vol. I. book vii. and
viii. Le Novonnaire de Cayet, vol.I.
at the beginning; and many others,
Many perions believe the origin
7
that an advocate, named David,
carried the Memoirs to Rome;
and that thefe Memoirs, which may
be read in the firit volume of the
Memoirs of the league, being in-
tercepted by the huguenots, gave
them the firft certainty of it. Some
perfons have doubted whether this
advocate, who died in his journey
to Rome, or, as others fay, in his
return from thence, did not treat
with the Pope by his own motion,
and agreeably to his own opinion:
which is not lefs probable. As for
Henry III. he certainly deferves all
the reproaches which the duke of
Sully here cafts upon him. He had
undeniable proofs of his enemies
defigns upon the royal authority
to whom, when he broke the edict
of pacification in 1577, he faid
aloud thefe words, "I am much
afraid, that by our endeavours to
"fupprefs calvinism, we ſhall bring
"the mafs into danger." We are
affured, that all the fecrets of the
league were difcovered by a gentle-
man named La Rochette, to whom
they were encruited, and who tuf-
fered himself to be taken on pur-
pofe, that he might reveal thein
without danger. In, a word, 'tis
alfo certain, that the Duke of Guile
began to raiſe the ſtandard of his
party in the year 1585, when he
was ftill fo weak, that he could
not depend upon inore than four
thoufand foot and a thouſand horſe.
horror,
(
Book II.
OF SULLY.
99
horror, that in leſs than four years, ten royal ar-
mies fell upon the king of Navarre, when the
danger that equally threatened the two kings was
turned against him alone, through the weakness of
Henry III. who allowed his own enemies to give
laws to him, and conducted himfelf the hand that
fought to overthrow his authority.
*
Henry III. perceiving the league would publicly
raiſe the ſtandard of revolt, waked a little from the
lethargy into which he had been plunged, and
thought proper to fend the duke de joyeufe into
Normandy, to oppofe the duke d'Elbeuft, who
kept
an army there, which the league made ufe of
to extort the famous edict of July 1, wherein all the
huguenots were ordered, either to go to mafs, or to
leave the kingdom in fix months.
Joyeuſe, who had my two brothers in his army,
paffed by Rofny, and prevailed upon me, without
much difficulty, to go with him: by attacking the
league, the friends of the king of Navarre entered
into his true interefts. I gave him the best reception
in my power, but nothing charmed him fo much
as the beauty of my horfes.
Lavardin likewife took his way through Rofny,
but went to lodge at the extremity of the town.
Chicots, who would always give free fcope to his
Beauvais Nangis alfo (and lte re-
latcs it himself in his Memoirs)
aſked him one day what he intend-
ed to do if the king fhould come to
attack him: "I will retire ini-
"mediately to Germany, replied
"the duke, and there wait for a
r
more favourable opportunity."
* Anne duke of Joyeufe, the
eldeſt of ſeven ſons of William of
Joycufe.
+ Claud of Lorrains
This was the treaty of Ne-
mours, the triumph of the league,
and the difgrace of Henry III.
Henry IV. told the marquis de la
Force, in the prefence of Matthieu,
who relates it in his eighth book,
that the moment he was informed
of this ſhameful weakneſs of the
king of France, his muftaches turn-
ed fuddenly white on that fide of
his face, which he fupported with
his hand. Sixtus the fifth appear-
ed aſhamed himfelf; and by the
fame bull of September the 5th,
158, wherein he excommunicated
all that affifted the huguenots, he
likewife excommunicated thoſe
who undertook any thing againſt
the king and kingdom. He fore-
fw at that time all the miferies
that would befall France.
thele articles of Nemours, and the
proceedings of the league in France
and Rome, vol. I. of the Memoirs
of Nevers, p. 6o1, and following.
See
$ Chicot was a Galcon, brave,
rich, and a buffoon. At the fiege
of Rouen, he wounded Henry of
H 2.
humour,
1585.
Hor M
100
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1
1585. humour, refolved to divert himſelf at Lavardin's
expence, whom he called a madman; and fending
for him one day, told him with a myſterious air,
that that devil of a huguenot (meaning me) cer-
tainly intended to keep the deaf man (a nickname
he gave likewife to the duke of Joyeufe) prifoner.
Lavardin, without reflecting that his attempt would
be uſeleſs, tho' it had not been ridiculous, armed
himſelf immediately, with all his domeftics, and
came with them in bravado before my door; where
he was obliged to bear the railleries of the whole
company, who did not ſpare him.
What I am now going to fay, will hardly appear
credible. We fet out together, and had fcarcely
reached Verneul, when the duke of Joyeufe re-
ceived a packet from court, which informed him,
that the king had concluded a peace with the league,
and that it was his majesty's intention, that the
army, which two days ago was to fupport him
againſt the league*, fhould be led againſt the king
Lorrain, count of Chaligny, in the
thigh; and taking him prifoner,
prefented him to Henry IV. faying,
Here, keep what I give thee.
The count, enraged at being taken
by a fool, gave him a blow on the
head with the hilt of his fword,
which killed him. He uſed to ſay
whatever he pleaſed to the king,
without giving him any offence.
When the duke of Parma came to
France, Chicot faid to the king,
before all the courtiers, "
"friend, I fee very well that all
"C you do will fignify nothing, un-
"lefs you either turn catholic or
rr
،
My
pretend you are one." An-
other time he faid to him, "I am
"convinced that to be peaceably
"f
king of France, you will give
both papifts and huguenots to
"Lucifer's clerks: fo true it is,
"that you kings have no religion
"
but in appearance." "I am
"not furprized, faid he, another
"time to his majesty, that fo many
"perfons defire to be kings: it is
“à good trade, and by working
7
"at it only an hour in a day, one
(C
may make fufficient provifion
"for the rest of the week, with-
"out being obliged to one's neigh-
"bours; but for God's fake, my
"friend, take care and keep out
"of the hands of the leaguers,
"for if you fhould fall into fome
"of them, they would hang you
up like a hog's gut, and write
upon your gibbet, at the crown
"of France and Navarre, are good
((
ઃઃ
CC
lodgings to be lett." Memoirs
for the hiftory of France, vol. II.
p. 72.
*The king was obliged to it at
Châlons by the leaguers, who were
affembled there. He fecretly ex-
cufed himſelf to the king of Na-
varre, upon the neceffity he was
driven to. This prince and the
queen his mother fuffered them-
felves to be unfeaſonably intimi-
dated by the threats of the league,
whofe forces were exaggerated,
although it would not have been
difficult to have deftroyed them in
the beginning. The council miffed
of
1
1
Book II. OF SULLY.
ΙΟΙ
rr
of Navarre. Joyeuſe, in relating this to me, 1585.
added, "Well! Monfieur le Baron de Rofny,
"this ftroke will give me a cheap bargain of your
"fine horſes, for the war is declared againſt the
proteftants: but I perfuade myſelf, continued
"he, that you will not be fo fimple as to join the
king of Navarre, and by embarking in a caufe
"that will infallibly be ruined, lofe your fine
" eſtate of Rofny."
cc
The duke might have ſpoken much longer with-
out interruption; for although I was fufficiently
acquainted with the court, fo that nothing from
that quarter could furprize me, yet I could not
reflect, without aſtoniſhment, upon thoſe difficul-
ties through which fortune feemed to take a plea-
fure in leading the king of Navarre, before the
conducted him to that greatnefs which was deftined
for him; for I was always perfuaded of this in my
own mind, and the predictions of La Broffe were
continually preſent to me. My anfwer, therefore,
to Joyeuſe, turned wholly upon theſe prefages;
after which I quitted him abruptly. This ſtep
might appear a little extravagant to him; and I
have been informed, that he faid to thofe about
him, "There goes a confummate fool; but he
"will be finally deluded by his forcerer."
I returned to my houſe, from whence I fet out
again immediately, after taking fome new meaſures
conformable to the fudden change which had fo
lately happened. I went directly to Guienne,
where the king of Navarre was, and ftaid with
him four or five months, during which he was em-
ployed in making preparations againſt the ftorm
that was burfting upon him. He carried me with
him to Montauban, where he held feveral confe-
rences with the proteftants upon the part it was ne-
an opportunity of uniting the Low
Countries to the crown, by fending
back the deputies from thofe pro-
vinces, without an anfwer, who
came to offer the fovereignty of
them to the king, provided he
would march with his troops on
that fide. Thus were two great
errors committed at one time. De
Thou, bock lxxxi,
H 3
ceffary
102
Book II.
MEMOIRS
a b c
1585. ceffary they ſhould take in this conjuncture. Un-
happily for them, upon this occafion, when all
was at ftake, they did not underſtand their true
intereft fufficiently, at leaſt fo as to oblige them to
a perfect union amongſt themfelves, and a faithful
concurrence in the fame defigns. From that time,
fome of the principal leaders thought more of their
own advancement than the king's, without con-
fidering that their fortunes were fo clofely con- .
nected with his, that if he failed, it would be im-
poffible for them to fucceed. Each was for building
a fortune for himſelf, independent of the general
plan.
This difunion of minds fhewed itſelf more ap-
parently in a private conference held at St. Paul de
Lamiate, where audience was given to a doctor of
divinity, named Butrick, fent thither by the elector
Palatine. It was there that the vifcount de Tu-
renne gave the firft indications of that turbulent,
falfe, and ambitious fpirit, which formed his cha-
racter. He had, in concert with this Butrick, pro-
jected a new fyftem* of government, into which
they had drawn Meffieurs de Conftans, D'Aubigné,
de St. Germain-Beaupré, de St. Germain de Clan,
de Brezolles, and others. They wanted to form
the Calvinist part of France into a kind of repub-
lican ftate, under the protection of the elector Pạ-
latine; and five or fix lieutenants in his name were
to be fent into the different provinces.
If we examine this project, it will eafily appear,
that the king of Navarre was but little obliged to
thefe gentlemen, fince, by this plan, they blended
the princes of the blood with the officers of the
proteftant party, and reduced them all to the qua-
*The hiftorian who gives us
the life of the duke of Bouillon,
does not deny that there were the
views of this calvinift nobleman.
He was a very able politician, ex-
tremely ambitious, paffionately de-
firous of the quality of leader of
the calvinifts of France, and very
capable of filling that poft. This
is all that can be faid of him, to
foften thofe terms, rather too fe-
vere, which monsieur de Sully fre-
quently makes use of in thefe Me-
moirs, when he ſpeaks of the duke
of Bouillon,
lity
Book II.
103
OF SULLY.
lity of lieutenants under a petty foreign prince. 1585.
This was not the only time that the king of Na-
✩arre found fecret enemies in his councils, amongſt
his dependents, and, in appearance, moft faithful
fervants, and even amongit his own friends and
relations.
From men all things may be expected; they
áre not to be kept firm to their duty, integrity,
and the laws of fociety, by fidelity and virtue, but
by their hopes, and wiſhes. But how could theſe
confummate politicians undertake to mention
unity and conduct in their pretended republic?
they, who were for giving it fo many heads, each
independent of the other, and all under little fub-
jection to a protector too weak to make himſelf be
obeyed. It was perceived immediately, that their
defign was to make themſelves fo many fovereigns
in their feveral diftricts, not foreſeeing that by
that means they would only deliver up each other
to the diſcretion of Spain, and the league, who
would eaſily deſtroy them, by attacking them fe-
parately.
Although theſe cabals of the principal officers
in the proteftant party with a foreigner, were car-
ried on privately enough, yet happily they did not
hinder the better party from prevailing in the affem-
bly. The duke of Montmorency* was of opinion,
that in the preſent danger we fhould be all united,
and keep ourſelves effectually upon the defenſive.
I infifted, in all the councils, upon the neceffity of
acknowledging the authority of one only head, and
of not weakening our power by dividing it. As
we came out from one of thefe councils, the king
of Navarre drawing me afide faid to me, "Mon-
"fieur le Baron de Rofny, it is not enough to
cc
rr
fpeak well, we must act ftill better: are you
"not refolved that we fhall die together? it is no
longer time to be frugal; all men of honour,
"and who have their religion at heart, muſt ven-
* This is Henry, marechal Damville, afterwards duke of Montmorency.
H 4
<< ture
104
Book II.
MEMOIRS
}
1585.
"ture one half of their eftates to fave the other.
"I am perfuaded, that you will be amongſt the
"firſt to affiſt me, and I promiſe you, if I fuc-
"ceed, you fhall partake of my good fortune."
"No, no, fir, replied I, we will not die, but we
"will live together, and make our enemies fhorter
"by their heads. I have ftill a wood that will
1
>>
produce me a hundred thouſand franks, and all
"hall be employed on this occafion; you fhall
"give me more when you are rich, which will
"certainly happen: I had a preceptor who was
"poffeffed by a devil, and he foretold it me.'
The king of Navarre could not help fimiling at this
fally, and embracing me clofely, "Well, my
friend, faid he to me, return to your houſe, be
diligent, and come to me foon again, with as
many of your friends as you can bring with you,
"and do not forget your wood of high trees."
He afterwards communicated to me the defign he
had to draw the war to Paris, or at leaſt to the
Loire; which was, in effect, the only means of
fucceeding. He told me alfo, that he carried on
a private correfpondence in Angers, but that he
feared the prince of Condé would by his precipi-
tation obftru&t his defigns there, more than the
catholics: the event will thew if he judged rightly.
He promiſed to inform me of all that paffed, and
took leave of me, with a thoufand teftimonies of
friendſhip, which I ſhall never forget,
I arrived at Bergerac, almoft in the fame mo-
ment that the cardinal de Lenoncourt *; M. de
Şillery, and M. de Poigny came thither alfo, being
deputed by the court to the king of Navarre, to
repreſent to him, for the laſt time, the neceffity he
was under of fubmitting to the king's pleaſure, and
of changing his religion †. Poigny came to me
Philip de Lenoncourt, cardinal
and archbishop of Rheims, Nicolas
Brulart, marquis of Sillery, after-
wards chancellor, John D'Angen-
nes, lord of Poigny.
+ In the Memoirs of the life of
J. A. de Thou, book iii. there is a
converfation which Michael de
the
Book II.
105
OF
SULLY.
the next day, diſcloſing to me the purport of his 1585.
commiffion, and aſked me what I thought would
be the event of his journey. I affured him that he
was giving himſelf an uſeleſs trouble; and that on
an occafion when religion, the ſtate, and the royal
authority were in fo great danger, it would not be
words only that could prevail upon the king of
Navarre. He fhrugged up his fhoulders, fighed
at my anfwer, and inſtead of replying, "I believe,
"faid he to me, it will be a difficult thing to pro-
"cure a maſs in this city." I conducted him to
the chapel myſelf with the other deputies, being
defirous to perfuade them by this liberty that was
allowed to catholics, in a city wherein the pro-
teſtants were maſters, that we were not the real
enemies of the king.
What I had foretold the deputies of the event of
their commiffion, exactly happened. As for me,
I continued my journey to Paris, where, on my ar-
rival, I found nothing was talked of but the de-
Montagne had with this preſident,
that the reader may not be dif-
pleaſed to ſee here. "As they
<<
were difcourfing, fays the au-
"thor, upon the cauſes of the
preſent troubles, Montagne told
"the prefident, that he had been
"a mediator between the king of
Navarre, and the duke of Guife,
"when theſe princes were at the
"court; and that the latter by
"his cares, his fervices, and affi-
"duities, made advances to gain
"the king of Navarre's friend-
"themſelves fecure, while the
"king of Navarre lived; and the
(C
r
king of Navarre, on his fide,
was perfuaded, that he ſhould
"draw no advantage from his
right of fucceffion to the crown,
during the duke's life. As for
"religion, added he, which they
"both make fuch a noiſe about,
"it is a good pretence to procure
"adherents, but neither of them
"is much affected by it. The
"fear of being abandoned by the
"proteftants, is the fole caufe
"that prevents the king of Na-
<<
<<
varre from embracing the reli-
gion of his anceſtors, nor would
"the duke recede from the con-
"feffion of Augfburg, if his uncle
"Charles, cardinal of Lorrain,
"had convinced him, that he
"might follow it without preju-
"dice to his intereft. Thefe, he
"faid, were the fentiments he
"diſcovered in thefe princes, when
fhip; but finding that he made
"a jeft of him, and that after all
"his endeavours he was still an
"implacable enemy, he had re-
"courfe to war as the laſt reſource
"to defend the honour of his fa-
mily; that the enmity which
raged in the minds of theſe two
perfons, was the caufe of a
war, which was at prefent fo
far kindled, that only the death
"of one of them could extinguiſh" he was employed in their af-
it; that neither the duke, or
any of his family, believed
66
"fairs.
fign
106
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1585. fign of ruining the king of Navarre entirely, and
extirpating the huguenots. Every thing there was
conducted according to the inclination of the league,
which, fince the fhameful ſtep the king had taken,
ruled defpotically, and all the worthy Frenchmen
that remained, were under a neceffity of lamenting
in private the misfortunes which the king's weak-
nefs had drawn upon the kingdom. It was to
thefe that I addreffed myſelf, and I had fome con-
ference with Meff. de Rambouillet, de Montbazon *
the elder, d'Aumont, de la Rocheguion, des Ar-
pentis, and fome others. They all affured me,
that when once the king of Navarre fhould ap-
pear in the neighbourhood of the Loire, he fhould
foon ſee a confiderable number of true Frenchmen
in his train. I confirmed them as much as I was
able in theſe good refolutions †, and after I had
bought fome horfes at Paris, I made hafte to pro-
cure thoſe fums I had promifed the king.
I learnt by public report, what had happened at
Angers but, in order to give a diftinct account
of it, it is neceffary to take the ſtory a little higher.
Briffact, who was governor of the caftle of this
city, placed a lieutenant there in his abfence, called
captain Grèc, with twenty foldiers on whoſe fidelity.
he had an entire reliance. Two of theſe foldiers,
having formerly been of the reformed religion,
fuffered themſelves to be gained by the king of
Navarre and the prince of Condé, and waited only
for a favourable opportunity to deliver up the caftle
to them, which would neceffarily be followed by
the furrender of the city. When it was known
at Angers, that Henry III. had joined with the
king of Navarre againſt the league, a third party
* Nicholas d'Angennes, mar-
quis of Rambouillet. Lewis de
Kohan, created duke of Montba-
zon, in the year 1588. John
D'Aumont, miarechal of France,
de Silly, count of Rocheguion.
Lewis du Bois, lord of Arpentis,
maſter of the king's wardrobe, go-
vernor of Touraine.
+ Monfieur de Rofny's nego-
tiation with Henry III. is inen-
tioned by De Thou, book lxxxii.
Charles de Coffy, count de
Briffac.
was
Book II. OF SULLY.
107
was formed, headed by Du Hallot*, who likewife 1585.
endeavoured to gain Rochemorte and Frefne, fo
were the two foldiers named. Matters did not
long continue in this ftate; the two ſoldiers, preſs'd
by the prince of Condé, furprized captain Grec,
and killed him, together with fome of his men:
after which they feized upon the caftle. Du Hal-
lot, who knew not of the change that had fo lately
happened at court, gave himſelf no trouble about
this action; on the contrary, he fatisfied the peo-
ple, by reprefenting to them, that the two foldiers
had only acted according to the king's orders; and
he remained in this error, till offering to enter the
caſtle, he himſelf experienced the treachery of
Rochemorte and Frefne, and, through his miſtake,
fuffered death upon the wheel†.
Hitherto every thing fucceeded for the king of
Navarre, and the prince of Condé's party. But
they foon experienced the inftability of fortune.
Rochemorte having been drawn beyond the bridge
by the catholics, who kept the caſtle inveſted, per-
ceiving that their defign was to furprize the place,
and make him their prifoner, endeavoured to get
in again. In this tumult, thofe within the caitle
thought of nothing but of drawing up the bridge
immediately. Rochemort grafped the chains,
which lofing from his hold he fell into the ditch,
where a flag that was feeding difpatched him by
tearing him in pieces. Frefne only remained, who,
two days after, as he was fleeping upon a parapet
on the wall, where he thought himſelf in fafety,
was killed by a carabine, fhot from the other fide
of the river, at the diftance of above 500 paces.
After which the catholics drove out the rest of the
huguenots from the city and caftle, with the fame
facility that they had feized it. Things would not
have taken this unfavourable turn, if the king of
*Michael Bourrouge de Hallot.
Lewis Bouchereau,de Rochemorte,
Leon de Frefne.
The king was ſo much afraid
of the league, that he publicly
difavowed Du Hallot's enterprize.
Navarre
108
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1585. Navarre had conducted the enterprize alone; for
he would not have fuffered the two confpirators to
begin their operation, till he was at the gates to
fupport them with his whole army.
This ill-concerted fcheme produced more mif-
fortunes; the prince of Condé being engaged in
the fiege of Brouage, when news was brought him,
that his party had furprized Angers, balanced not
a moment whether he fhould quit the fiege, but
went immediately to the affiftance of his confe-
derates at Angers; where arriving too late, he
failed in both his defigns. This was not all; the
whole catholic army being idle and difperfed, affem-
bled again in the neighbourhood of Angers, which
took away all poffibility of regaining it, precipi-
tated all the actions of the campaign, and brought
the prince of Condé himſelf, as we fhall fee pre-
fently, into a danger, from whence he efcaped but
by a fingular inftance of good fortune.
After this firſt act of hoftility on the proteftant
fide, I believed it would be no longer poffible to
keep any meaſures with the catholics. If to continue
at Rofny, therefore, was dangerous, the country
being overſpread with royalifts, it was no lefs fo
to endeavour to make my way to the king of Na-
varre: however, I refolved upon this laft expe-
dient, being convinced, that he never had more
need of my affiftance than in the prefent con-
juncture; and that the difficulty of fending dif
patches through the midft of an enemy's army,
was the only caufe of my not hearing from him as
he had promiſed. * Meffieurs de Moui, de Feu-
quieres, and Morinville, to whom I imparted my
defign, judging it to be too hazardous, refufed to
accompany me; but this did not hinder me from
fetting out on my journey, attended only by fix
gentlemen, and my domeftics, two of whom car-
ried portmanteaus, in each of which were fix thou-
fand crowns.
* Ifaac Vaudré, or Vaudray, lord of Mouy. de Pas-Feuquieres.
I lay
Book II.
109
OF
SUL L Y.
I lay the first night at Nonancourt, and the 15.
fecond at Chateaudun †. Hitherto no unfortunate
accident befel me; for although we every where
met with great numbers of catholic foldiers, yet
they all fuppofed I was going, like them, to join
the body of the duke of Joyeufe's army; with
whom, as a foldier, named Mothepotain, inform-
ed me, every thing went very well. I left Cha-
teaudun before day, left I fhould be diſcovered,
and came to Vendome; where not being willing
to be known by Bénehart, I made Boiſbreuil,
one of the gentlemen in my train, pafs for the
maſter of the troop, and I mounted, like one of
the domeftics, upon a horſe that carried baggage.
He who appeared to be the chief amongst us, was
afked feveral queftions, to which he made proper
anfwers, and we were fuffered to pats. We tra-
verfed the whole city, in order to lodge in the
moſt diſtant part of the fuburbs. Bénehart, who
believed us to be catholics, as we had affured him
we were, very obligingly ſent to adviſe us to return
into the city, becauſe the prince of Condé's army,
which had been repulfed before Angers, was dif
perfed over the country, and fometimes made ex-
curfions to the gates of the city, which rendered
our ſtay in the fuburbs very dangerous. What he
repreſented to us as a misfortune we ſhould have
looked upon as a very great happineſs; but there
was a neceffity for concealing it: therefore, the
pretended maſter of the equipage, ſeeming to ap-
prove of this advice, ordered the baggage to be
put upon the hories again, that we might return
into the city. It belonged to me, who performed
the part of a domeftic, fecretly to protract our ſtay
till the night approached. The hurry and con-
fufion, occafioned by the removal of all the people
who lodged there, for the order was general, kept
* In Porche.
In the county of Chartrain.
James de Maillé de Bénehart,
governor of Vendome.
our
110
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1585. our artifice unfufpected; at length, we in reality
made preparations for going, as well as the reft;
but after our horfes had been fed and refreshed,
and the night half over, we mounted, and, in-
ftead of entering the city, filed off into a bye ftreet,
which I had cauſed to be reconnoitred, and got in-
to the fields on that fide, where I fuppofed the
prince of Condé's army might be.
We had, however, reafon to apprehend, that
the artifice which had hitherto proved fo fucceſsful,
would occafion our ruin, through the impoffibility
of diftinguishing readily, what party thoſe whom
we might happen to meet, belonged to. A miſtake
might coſt us our lives; but there being no re-
medy, we continued our journey, tho' with fuffi-
cient uneafinefs, thinking it neceffary not to alter
our ufual anſwer. In effect, the firft, we met with
was a company of light-armed horfe, commanded
by Falandre. To the queftion, which was, Qui
vive, we replied, Vive le Roy; and Falandre ex-
arining us no further, adviſed us to join him, leſt
we ſhould meet the prince of Condé's little army,
which he affured us was not far off; adding, that
if we doubted him, we might get further informa-
tion from two or three companies of argoulets
who were coming after. Thefe laft words furnifhed
us with a pretence for evading his perplexing civi-
lity: we feigned to have reafons for not following
the fame route with him, and for waiting to take
our meaſures from the anfwer we fhould receive
from the argoulets. In reality, we were no lefs
apprehenfive of this other rencounter, but we pre-
pared for it, relying ftill upon the good fortune of
efcaping, by means of our difguife. Accordingly,
we did not fail to the queftion, Qui vive, which
was aſked us by the next company we met, to an-
* So called from the bows with
which they were at firft armed.
They ferved on foot or on horſe-
back, as our dragoons do at pre-
fent. When the arquebufes were
*
firft in ufe, they were called horfe-
arquebufiers; and it is by this
namic they are generally called in
thefe Memoirs.
fwer
Book II. OF SULLY.
III
fwer boldly, Vive le Roy, being perfuaded that 1585.
we fpoke to the argoulets of the royal army, whom
Falandre had mentioned to us. This fuppofition,
however, probably drew us into a very great
danger; for thefe argoulets having perceived the
prince of Condé's army at a diftance, difperfed,
and threw themfelves into the woods. Inftead of
them, therefore, thefe whom we now encountered
were four companies belonging to the prince;
which we foon comprehended by the whole troop's
falling upon us, and aiming their pieces, crying
out to us to furrender. At that moment, I plainly
diſtinguiſhed three officers of my acquaintance,
whom it would not have been difficult in any other
fituation to have made myſelf known to; but I re-
flected, that in fuch fort of encounters, the firſt
word, the first motion, that tend to an explanation,
are generally underſtood as a refufal to furrender,
and followed by a diſcharge of the piece clofe to
the breaft. Inftead, therefore, of naming myſelf,
or thoſe officers, I behaved like a man who yields
himſelf priſoner, and marched after the reft; till
coming near Meffieurs de Clermont * and St. Gelais,
whom I furprized very much by embracing, they
ordered my equipage to be reftored to me, and
likewife the portmanteaus which contained my
money.
The prince of Condé came up foon after theſe
four companies: he could fcarcely believe what he
faw, fo bold did my enterprize appear to him.
We lay all night in this place, after fupping very
temperately out of wooden difhes; and when the
time came which obliged us to feparate, the prince,
who was fo thinly accompanied, that far from
being able to make head againft a royal army, he
was not in a condition to defend himſelf againſt a
ftrong detachment, and being likewiſe in a pro-
vince where he was fought for in all parts, would
have had me to receive him into my company, in
George de Clermont d'Amboife, marquis of Gallerande.
the
+
112
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1585. the quality of a private gentleman. He was fo
well known, that I could not yield to his requeſt,
without ruining both him and myſelf. I intreated
him, therefore, to difpenfe with my compliance;
and making the fame excufe to the duke de la
Trémouille, charged myſelf only with Meffieurs
de Fors, Du Pleffis, de Verac, and d'Oradour. The
prince of Condé remained behind, extremely per-
plexed; and finding it ftill more dangerous to con-
tinue with his twelve hundred horfe, than to march.
with a ſmall retinue, he divided them into pla-
toons, of which the moft confiderable confifted
only of twenty horſe, making them take bye ways,
and marching himſelf through the fame roads, by
a good fortune of which there are but few ex-
amples, twelve times efcaped the purfuits of his
enemies.
Nor indeed was I lefs fortunate myſelf. To the
artifices I had already made uſe of I added another,
which fucceeded wonderfully: I affumed the name
of one of my brothers; and to make myſelf look
more youthful, cut off my beard and muftaches.
This, however, did not difguife me fo well, but
that through every place I paffed, I could hear
people about me fay, that I perfectly refembled
my brother the huguenot. To avoid the queftions
that might be aſked me, I took the ftyle of a
zealous partizan of the league, fpread the report
of the prince of Condé's defeat †, and the rout of
the proteſtant forces by the duke of Joyeuſe, by
which means I arrived fafe at Chateau-Renaud.
The great difficulty was how to pass the Loire
yet this I accomplished, through the affiftance of
M. des Arpentis, who acted. on this occafion like
a true friend. I received, likewife, fome ſervices
from M. de Montbazon. As foon as I arrived at
Montbazon, he fent me a prefent of wine and
fruit, and treated me with fo much kindneſs in fe-
* Claude duke de la Trémouille. + In Touraine.
veral
Book II. OF
113
SULLY.
veral other inſtances, that although I was known 1585.
in this place, I complied with his intreaties, and
ftaid there three days, which was no more than ne-
ceffary, as our horfes began to be greatly fatigued.
By the death of M. de Montbazon*, which hap-
pened ſoon after, I was deprived of an opportu-
nity of fhewing my gratitude to a man, who had
the good of the ſtate ſo nearly at heart.
The
Favoured by my new difguife, I traverfed Châ-
telleraud and Poitiers. At Ville-fagnan †, meeting
with a regiment of Swifs that was going to join
the marechal de Matignon's army, I refolved to
draw fome advantage from this encounter.
Swifs were not difpleafed with any thing I faid to
them, becauſe I always took care to provide them
each morning with a repaft; and I believe I might
have depended upon them, had I even difcovered
my true name. I travelled with them four days,
and we did not feparate while I could poffibly
avoid it. Scarce had I quitted them, when paff-
ing the river at St. Maríaud ‡, I was known by
Puiferret, who advanced with his company to the
bank of the river. Happily for me, I had al-
ready got to the other fide; and having this ad-
vantage of him, I gained the houſe of § M. de
Neufvy. At Marton | I went down, as ufual,
into the fuburbs, and immediately, through a
ftrange foreboding, returned into the city. I was
informed the next day, that the door of the ſtable
in which my horſes were fuppofed to be, had been
burſt open in the night by a petard; but the re-
flections I made upon this accident, did not pre-
vent me from giving orders for my departure:
when I was accofted by a ftranger, who faid to
*He was flain at the battle of
Arques.
† Upon the confines of Poitou,
and Saintonge.
A village in Saintonge.
The youngest fon was called
VOL. I.
Bertrand de Melet de Fayoles of
Neufvy; for Magdelaine de Melet
de Fayoles, lord of Neufroy, his
eldeft, was in the party of the
league.
In Angoumois.
I
me,
114
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1585. me," Monfieur, I do not defire to know who
66
you are; but if you are a huguenot, and leave
"this place, you will perish; five miles diſtant
"from hence there is an ambush of fifty horfe,
"well armed, which I believe is defigned againſt
"you." I thanked this man for his kindneſs,
without feeming difcompofed by what he had told
me, and coldly anfwered, that although I was not
a huguenot, yet to fall into an ambuſh, appeared
to me to be always dangerous. I then returned to
my inn, where pretending that one of my fineſt
horfes had hurt his foot, I ordered them to be all
unfaddled.
That I might be affured whether what I had
heard was true, I made one of my fervants, named
Perigordin, who could imitate perfectly well the
gibberish of a peafant, difguife himself like one;
and after inftructing him what he was to do, fent
him to that part of the country, where I was told
the ambuſh was pofted.
Perigordin meeting theſe fifty horſemen, told
them, in anfwer to the queftions they afked hin
concerning the news of the city, that my departure
was deferred till the next day. He followed them
to a town, two leagues from thence, where they
retired extremely mortified at having miffed their
blow, but refolved to return to the fame place the
next morning and came back to me to make his
report. I fet out that moment, and after fome
other little adventures of the fame kind, arrived at
the houſe of M. de Longa, and went from thence
to Bergerac, where the king of Navarre then was.
This prince, on whom no inftance of kindneſs was
ever loft, held me a long time embraced in his
arms; and appeared extremely fenfible of the dan-
gers to which, through my attachment to him, I
had expofed myſelf. He would make me acquaint
him with the leaft particulars relating to my jour-
ney, eſpecially the rencounter I had with the prince
of
Book II.
115
OF
SULLY.
of Condé, and the flippery condition in which I 1586.
had left him.
'Tis impoffible to defcribe the king of Navarre's
perplexity at this time: without troops, money,
or aid, he faw three powerful armies marching
against him. Thofe of the dukes of Maïenne and
Joyeuſe were advancing by great journeys; and he
had the marechal de Matignon's army actually in
front. The forty thouſand franks I had brought
with me, proved a very ſeaſonable ſupply to this
prince, who could not have raifed fuch a fum in
his whole court. We marched towards Caftillon
and Montfegur*, which Matignon made a fhew
of befieging; but he falling fuddenly upon Caftets,
we were obliged to turn to that fide, and after a
long and extreme cold march, for it was in the
month of February, we arrived time enough to
make them raiſe this fiege.
But when we learnt that the duke of Maïenne's
army was near, then it was, that not being able to
think of any means by which we could refift the
efforts of two armies, whofe numbers were fo fu-
perior to ours, we were thrown into the greateſt
confternation imaginable; we knew not which way
to turn, nor what refolution to take: one was of
opinion, that the king of Navarre fhould retire
into the heart of Languedoc; another, that he
fhould go
ftill farther; and a third adviſed him to
paſs over to England, from whence, after he had
fecured fome powerful fuccours, he fhould go and
put himſelf at the head of thofe that Germany had
given him hopes of. All agreed upon this one
point, that the king ought to go farther from
Guienne. It was with grief that I faw this advice,
which would leave the proteftant party in France
without any reſource, likely to prevail.
The king of Navarre defiring to know my opi-
nion, I repreſented to him, that our affairs were
* Cities of Gascony, in the bishopric of Aire:
I 2
not
116
MEMOIRS Book II.
1586. not reduced to fuch an extremity, as to oblige us
to abandon them entirely that it would be time
enough to do that, after we had endeavoured once
more to make head against them every where ;
which did not appear to be impoffible, by leaving,
for example, the viſcount de Turenne, with a
fmall body of troops, fuch as could be got toge-
ther, to act upon the defenfive in Guienne; and
while the duke of Montmorency did the fame in
Languedoc, and Lefdiguieres in Dauphiny, the
king fhould referve the defence of Rochelle, and
the neighbouring country, for himſelf, till the fo-
reign troops, that were now very foon expected,
arrived, which would bring the two powers nearer
to an equality. The king of Navarre approved
of this advice, and declared he would follow it:
"But, added he, the duke of Maïenne is not fo
<<
peevish a boy, but that he will permit me to
"walk up and down a little longer in Guyenne."
He then gave fome orders before he fet out for Ro-
chelle, and took a journey to Bearn; which the
prefent conjuncture rendered abfolutely neceffary.
He ftaid there but eight days, and during this
interval, the two catholic armies having joined,
and feized all the paffages by which they thought
the king of Navarre could return to Poitou, he
faw himſelf upon the point of being fhut up in
Nerac. In this extremity the king refolving to at-
tempt all things, rather than not fecure himſelf a
paffage he left Nerac, followed by two hun-
dred horfe, and took the road towards Caftel-ge-
loux †. When he was got half way thither, he
ſeparated his whole troop, and keeping only twenty
of us that were beſt mounted, and a like number
of his guards, appointed Sainte-foy for a place
*
* See this paffage of the king
of Navarre, and all the military
expeditions on both fides in D'Au-
bigné, vol. III. Matthieu, vol. I.
book xviii. Cayet, book i. and
other hiftorians.
A city of the principality of
Albret.
A city of Guyenne, upon the
Dordogne.
3
of
Book II. OF SULLY.
117
of rendezvous for all the reft: then, turning fhort, 1586.
ftruck into a road amidst woods and heaths, with
which he was well acquainted, having often hunted
there, and arrived at Caumont, where he flept
three hours. We paffed the river after fun-fet,
and marched all night through the enemy's quar-
ters, and even over the moats of Marmande ;
after which, taking a bye-way near Sauvetat, we
came two hours before day to Sainte-foy, where
all the reſt of his men, who had divided into
fmall platoons, arrived alfo by different ways,
without the leaft lofs, not even of their baggage.
The duke of Maïenne, exafperated at this difap-
pointment of his hopes, went to diſcharge all his
rage upon Montignac le Comte t, where captain
Roux, and ferjeant More defended themſelves fo
courageoufly againſt his whole army, that he
could not oblige them to furrender, but by grant-
ing them the moſt honourable conditions.
This general found lefs refiftance in Sainte Ba-
zeile. Defpueilles, the governor of that fmall
place, was allied to the family of Courtenay, and had
the reputation of a very brave man: which infpired
me with an inclination to fhut myfelf up with him,
contrary to the advice of my relations and friends,
who without doubt knew him much better than I
did. The king of Navarre a long time denied me
the permiffion I afked of him; at laſt, overcome
by my importunity, he gave me thirty men, with
whom I threw myfelf into Sainte Bazeile. I found
the place in a very bad condition, without ram-
parts, and the houfes all built of clay, which the
cannon went quite through. However, it might
have held out fome time, but Depueilles being
feized with fear, rejected all my advice, and was
mad enough to put himfelf into the enemies hands,
who treated the city as they pleafed. The king
* Another city of Guienne.
A city of Bazadois upon the
† A city of Perigord upon the Dordogne.
Vezere.
I 3
of
118
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1586. of Navarre, at the firſt confuſed reports he heard
of this action, was angry with us all; but when he
was informed of the truth, the whole weight of
his diſpleaſure fell upon Defpueilles, which was
increaſed by this cowardly governor having the
imprudence to tell him, when he prefented him-
felf before him to excufe his conduct, that if he
had been there himſelf, he could not have acted
otherwiſe. The king of Navarre put him under
an arreft, from which, eight days after, he was re-
leafed at our folicitations.
The king did not quit the field till he was re-
duced to the laft extremity, and after having dif-
puted the ground inch by inch. When he re-
treated, he threw the remains of his forces into
Monségur*, Caftillon, and Sainte-foy. I lent him
fix thouſand livres more, to fortify Mont flanquin,
where Bethune † commanded. At laft, fearing fome
fatal accident on the fide of Rochelle, he left fome
troops in Guyenne, under the command of the vif-
count de Turenne, and took the road to that city,
by Pons, and Saint Jean d'Angely ‡.
There were moments in which Henry III. en-
raged at the fhameful part the league obliged him
to act, wifhed ardently to find fome means of re-
venging himſelf but willing to do this without
danger, rejected always the thought that often pre-
fented itself to his mind, of calling in the king of
Navarre, and uniting with him. The deputies
from the four Swifs catholic cantons coming to
Paris, to treat of the fuccours which fome time
before had been demanded of this republic; the
king, who was then in one of his temporary fits
of anger againſt the league, refolved to make uſe
of theſe Swifs, which, with the troops that were
at his own difpofal, and thoſe he might expect
* Upon the Dordogne.
+ Floreftan de Bethune.
Cities of Saintonge.
he faid, as L'Etoile relates, De ini-
micis meis vindicabo inimicos meos ;
fpeaking of the leaguers, and the
It was in theſe moments that huguenots,
from
Book II.
119
OF SUL L Y.
from the king of Navarre, would form a body of 1586.
men capable of reducing the league to reafon. He
wrote to the king of Navarre, and acquainting
him with his new defigns, defired him to fend
a perfon in whom he could confide, to confer with
him upon this whole affair, and particularly upon
the ufe they were to make of the Swifs. A blank
paffport was added to this letter, which the king
of Navarre filling up with my name, obliged me
to depart immediately.
I arrived at Saint Maur, where the court then
was, and went down to the houſe of Villeroy, with
whom I dined, and fraid the reſt of that day, and
on the next he prefented me to the king. I fhall
never forget the fantastic and extravagant equipage
and attitude in which I found this prince in his
cabinet he had a fword at his fide, a Spaniſh
hood hung down upon his fhoulders, a little cap,
fuch as collegians wear, upon his head, and a baf-
ket full of little dogs hung to a ribband about his
neck. He continued in a poſture fo fixed, and fo
immoveable, that in fpeaking to us, he neither
moved his head, hands, or feet. He began by
giving vent to his indignation against the league,
which made me conclude he had received fome
new affront from it, and talked of his union with
the king of Navarre, as a thing, the utility of
which he was perfectly convinced of; but fome
remains of fear made him always add, that he
looked upon it as impoffible, while the king of
Navarre perfifted in his refolutions of not changing
his religion. I took the word, and told the king
in anfwer, that it would be in vain to propofe fuch
an expedient to the king of Navarre, who by
agreeing to it must act against his confcience;
which, were he capable of doing, would not pro-
duce what his majefty hoped from it; that the
motive by which the league was actuated, was
neither a regard to public good, or to religion;
that fo precipitate an action would deprive the
I 4
¿
king
120
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1586. king of Navarre of all the affiftance he might
expect from the proteftants, without drawing one
man from the league; but, on the contrary, fuch
a weakneſs would increaſe the pride of their com-
mon enemies. The king did not fail to anſwer
my reafons; but I ftill perfifted in maintaining,
that the king of Navarre, by complying with the
terms propofed to him, could bring only his fingle
perfon to his aid, whereas by uniting with him in
the condition he was now in, without requiring the
facrifice of his religion, he would ftrengthen the
king's party with a body very powerful in the
ſtate. I had a conference, to the fame effect, with
the queen-mother: and I perceived that the force
of
my arguments made fome impreffion on them
both, at firſt, and that it was the fear of that
change which an union with a prince of the re-
formed religion might produce, which only pre-
vented them from yielding. I did not, however,
deſpair of prevailing upon them to ſtrike this great
blow, and by the (not only gracious but) free and
open manner, in which their majefties treated with
me, I had reaſon to flatter myſelf I fhould fucceed.
I left them in theſe favourable difpofitions to go
to Paris, to confer with the Swifs deputies, and
brought them to my purpoſe with very little dif-
ficulty. It coft me nothing, but a fmall expence
in provifions, eſpecially wine; for which they
promifed, without any limitation, a body of ten
thouſand Swifs; four thoufand of which were to
ſtay in Dauphiny, and the other fix thouſand to
be employed in the fervice, and at the diſcretion of
the two kings. The king of France again affured
me by Meff. de Lenoncort, de Poigny, and Bru-
lart, that his fentiments were not altered, and that
he paffionately wifhed for the union; which was
not lefs earnestly defired by the king of Navarre:
in the diſpatches I received from him almoſt every
day, he exhorted me to ufe all my endeavours to
fecure
2
Book II. OF
121
SULLY.
fecure its fuccefs, and even to facrifice for that 1586.
purpoſe ſome part of his intereft.
At my return to St. Maur, I gave the king an
account of my journey, and aſked what uſe he
would make of the fix thouſand Swiſs, and to what
place he defigned they fhould go. The king de-
manded, that they fhould be brought into the
neighbourhood of Paris; and even, if there was a
neceffity for it, ferve him againſt the league. I
forefaw all the inconveniencies that would attend a
project of this kind, and did not yield to this ar-
ticle, but by the expreſs command of the king of
Navarre, who thought fo fmall a matter ought not
to retard their reconciliation. It will be ſoon ſeen
whether this article was really of as little impor-
tance as was imagined, and what was the confe-
quence of this imprudent compliance.
The treaty between the two kings being con-
cluded upon the conditions that have been menti-
oned, I refolved to depart from court, leaving only
Marfilliere at Paris, under colour of continuing
the negotiation that had been begun but he had
only attended me to Paris, to take the firſt favou-
rable opportunity of going to Germany, to facili-
tate, by the affiftance of Meffieurs de Clairvant*,
and de Guitry, the departure of a body of Ger-
man troops from thence, which the proteftants of
thofe countries had promifed the king of Navarre.
This defign Marfilliere executed very happily.
As for me, I ftaid but eight days at Rofny with
my wife; after which I returned to the king of
Navarre, who was extremely well fatisfied with the
fuccefs of my commiffion.
This prince could not refolve to lie idle in Ro-
chelle, and therefore prevailed with the inhabitants
to furnish him with twelve hundred foot, two
hundred horſe, and three cannons; thefe he gave
to the duke de la Tremouille, for the reduction of
* Claude Antony de Vienne, lord of Clairvant.
Talmont,
}
122
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1586. Talmont *, which he could not endure to ſee in
the enemies hands. I followed the duke de la
Tremouille, with Mignonville, Fouquerolles, Bois-
du-Lys, and fome other officers.
The town having no fortifications, we feized it
without oppoſition, and began immediately to at-
tack the caftle; the walls of which were very
ftrong, but had no works on the outfide. Maro-
niere, who was governor of it, although he did
not expect to be attacked, depended upon fome
ſpeedy fupplies that Malicorne + had engaged to
bring him; which determined us to prefs the place
vigorously. The paffage by fea from Talmont to
Rochelle is but fix hours: I embarked for that
place to fetch a fupply of powder, with which we
were not fufficiently provided, and to inform the
king of Navarre, that we fhould find it very dif-
ficult to fucceed with fo fmall a number of men.
The king foon raifed two thouſand more in the
neighbourhood of Rochelle, and fhipped them on
board of three veffels, which during three days
were in danger of perifhing. At length we arrived
at Talmont; the three veffels caft anchor there,
one after another, and the befieged learning that
the king of Navarre conducted the attack in per-
fon, furrendered the place to him.
It was want of money that had prevented Mali-
corne from bringing fupplies to the governor of
Talmont; the king of Navarre, therefore, being
freed from this fear, drew off his troops, in order
to attack Chizai . Fayolle, who commanded
‡.
there, defended himſelf bravely. He made good
uſe of a culverine, which was the only piece of
artillery he had in the place; nor yielded till the
laft extremity. I took notice of a fingular acci-
dent that happened there: the princefs Catherine
having fent the fteward of her houfhold, with a
* A city of Lower Poitou.
In Upper Poitou, upon the
+ John de Sourches, lord of Boutonne.
Malicorne.
letter
Book II.
123
OF SULLY.
letter to the king her brother, a bullet of this cul- 1586.
verine went quite through the body of his horſe,
and came out at his breaft, yet the beaft continued
ſtanding near ten minutes after.
Another ſhot from an arquebufe was the cauſe
of a much greater misfortune: a gentleman charged
with a verbal meffage to the king of Navarre, con-
cerning fome important affairs, was fhot dead at
the feet of this prince, having only had time to
fay that he came from Heidelberg, from Meffieurs
de Clairvant and de Guitry. This officer was fent
to inform the king, that the German horfe, and
other proteftant troops from Germany, were ready
to enter France; and to know of him through what
place' he thought it most proper they ſhould march.
Some were for their entering France, by Lorrain,
where the league was very powerful; others main-
tained, that they ought to take their rout by the
Bourbonnois, from thence by Berry and Poitou,
and the fide of the Loire. Meffieurs de Montmo-
rency and de Chatillon were for keeping them in
Languedoc and near the Rhone. Never was fo
great a diverfity of opinions known, and unhap-
pily the worst prevailed, which was to bring them
in through Beauce; doubtlefs, becauſe the king of
France was willing to have them near him, that
he might make ufe of them against the league, or
at leaſt to keep it in awe. It is not probable that
the king of Navarre would have confented to this,
but the accident that has been related was the caufe
that he was even ignorant of their contentions.
*
This prince, by a continuance of the ſame good
fortune, took Sanzay, and afterwards St. Maix-
ant ; the noife of five or fix cannons, which till
that time were feldom made ufe of in fieges, pro-
duced this effect. He took advantage of his fuc-
çefs, and feeing himfelf reinforced with two hun-
*Other cities of Upper Poitou.
dred
124
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1586. dred horfe, and five hundred foot, which were
brought him by the prince of Condé, and the
count de la Rochefoucault *, whom he had juſt
made colonel-general of his infantry, he believed
himſelf ſtrong enough to undertake the fiege of
Fontenay, the ſecond place for ſtrength in Poitou;
although he was not ignorant, that in this place
there was a brave governor, and a ſtrong garriſon.
The governor, whofe name was La Rouffiere, re-
folved to defend not only the city, but fuburb Des
Loges alfo, which was larger and more magnifi-
cent than the city itfelf, and furrounded with a
great moat; to which was added ſtrong barrica-
does, which cloſed up the entrance of this fuburb.
The king of Navarre fent La Rochefoucault, at the
head of forty gentlemen, to attack the upper end
of this fuburb in a very dark night. I joined
Meffieurs de Dangeau †, de Vaubrot, d'Avantigny,
de Challandeau, de Feuquieres, de Braffeuffes, Le
Chene, and two or three others. We pofted our-
ſelves at one fide of the barricadoes, with our pikes
in our hands, and our piſtols at our girdles, with
a deſign either to throw them down, or leap over
them. We were repulfed three times. Vaubrot,
Avantigny, and I, in falling, drew five or fix
hogfheads of dung upon us, from which we were
apprehenſive we fhould not foon difengage our-
felves; but our party having at that inftant forced
the works, we got up by means of this effort, and
the enemies feeing us mafters of the barricade,
thought of nothing but retreating, after having
firſt ſet fire to it, to protract our purfuit, left by
following them too clofe, we fhould in their con-
fufion enter the city along with them.
We now took up our lodgings in the fineſt
houſes in the ſuburb, where we found all things in
Francis de la Rochefoucault, St. Bartholomew. He was killed
prince of Marfillac, fon of him in 1591.
who was flain at the Maſſacre of
+ Lewis de Courcillon de Dan-
geau.
great
Book II. OF
SULLY.
125
great abundance.
The only inconvenience we 1586.
fuffered, was from the ſmall ſhot of the place,
which made the entrance to the king's and our
own houſes very dangerous; and the batteries up-
on the ramparts commanding all the avenues of
this fuburb, it was impoffible to enter it without
being expofed to continual difcharges. One day,
when I came out of my own houfe to go to the
king's, which was the most beautiful in the ſuburb,
a ball, as I was paffing thro' the ftreet, cruſhed
my head-piece, juft as Liberge, my valet de
chambre, came up to tie it. I caufed a rope to
be inſtantly faſtened acroſs the ſtreet, and by means
of fome cloaths that were hung over it, prevented
the beſieged from ſeeing at leaſt thoſe that paffed.
We afterwards applied ourſelves without ceaf-
ing to the trenches and undermining. The king
of Navarre took inconceivable pains in this fiege:
he conducted the miners himſelf, after he had ta-
ken all the neceffary precautions to hinder fupplies
from entering without: the bridges, avenues, and
all the roads that led to the city, were ftrictly
guarded, as likewife great part of the country.
One night, when I was upon guard with twenty
horfe, at the ford of a river, I heard the noiſe of
trampling of horfes at a diſtance, which made me
conclude I fhould be attacked. This noife ceafed
for fome minutes, then began again with more
violence; and came fo near, that I prepared for
defence. I fuffered the troop to approach within
arins length; but when we were juft ready to fire,
I perceived the occafion of our alarm to be a
number of horfes and mares, which had been
wandering about this field, and came to water at
the river. I was one of the firſt to laugh at this
adventure; but in fecret I was not forry that I had
given orders to the perfon whom I pitched upon to
go for affiftance, not to fet out till we were en-
gaged in fight.
At
126
Book II,
MEMOIRS
1586. At this fiege, my principal employment was the
conduct of the artillery. The mining was fo far
advanced, that we could hear the voice of the fol-
diers who guarded the parapets, within the lodg-
ment of the miners. The king of Navarre was
the first who perceived this; he fpoke, and made
himſelf known to the befieged; who were fo aſto-
niſhed at hearing him name himſelf from the bot-
tom of theſe fubterraneous places, that they de-
manded leave to capitulate. The propofals were
all made by this uncommon way: the articles were
drawn up, or rather dictated by the king of Na-
varre, whoſe word was known by the befieged to
be fo inviolable, that they did not require a writ-
ing. They had no cauſe to repent of this confi-
dence; the king of Navarre, charmed with a pro-
ceeding fo noble, granted the garrifon military ho-
nours, and preferved the city from pillage.
A woman of the city having killed a fat hog the
fame day that they had capitulated, hearing that
the garrifon had furrendered, devifed a pleaſant
ftratagem, to deprive the rapacious foldiers of their
prey. She made her husband hide himfelf, and
wrapping the dead animal in a fheet, laid it, by
the help of fome friends, in a coffin, and by her
cries drew all her neighbours about her. The
mournful preparations for a funeral gave them to
underſtand the cauſe of her lamentations; the prieſts
were deceived as well as others. One of them con-
ducted the funeral proceffion a-crofs the fuburbs,
into a church-yard without the city, by the king
of Navarre's permiffion. The ceremonies over,
and the night being come, fome perfons pofted by
this woman near the grave, came to take up the
dead animal, and carry it into the city; but they
were perceived by fome foldiers, who driving them
from thence, diſcovered the truth, and feized the
prey. One may eafily imagine the fecret was not
well kept; it was known all over the city: a prieft,
to whom this woman, preft with remorfe of con-
5
fcience,
1
Book II.
127
OF
SULLY.
ſcience, had revealed it, publiſhed the adventure 1586.
every where.
*
The king of Navarre leaving the lord of La-
Boulaye governor in this place, went to take
the abbey of Maillezais, the fituation of which he
found fo advantageous, that he refolved to make
it a regular fortreſs, and ordered me to draw a
plan of it. Davailles, a relation of La-Boulaye,
was appointed to guard it. His troops took Mau-
leon likewife, and afterwards the caftle of La-
Garnache t; from whence Monfieur de Genevois t
drove his own mother. She retired to Beauvois,
a little city upon the fea-fide, whither her fon ſtill
purſued her, but falling this time into her hands,
the in her turn made him prifoner of war.
I was not preſent at either of theſe ſieges; the
melancholy news I received from Rofny obliged
me to go thither. During my ſtay at St. Maur,
I obtained a protection for my caftle and eftate of
Rofny, together with neceffary paffports for going
thither when I pleafed. It was this liberty that
made me eafy with regard to my wife, at a time
when all forts of outrages against the proteftants
were allowed. I learnt that this town was at that
time almoſt wholly depopulated by the plague:
my wife had loft the greateſt part of her domeftics;
and fear having obliged her to fly into the neigh-
bouring foreſts, fhe had paffed two days and nights
in her coach, and had afterwards taken refuge in
the caſtle of Huet, belonging to madame de Com-
* Charles Echalard, lord of La-
Boulaye.
† Other ftrong places in the
Lower Poitou.
D'Aubigné explains this bet-
ter, vol. III. b. i. c. x. "The
"lady of La-Garnache, fays he,
fifter to the duke of Rohan,
held the city of La-Garnache,
" and the caſtle of Beauvois upon
"the fea in neutrality. Her fon,
called prince of Genevois, by his
"mother's marriage with the duke
"of Nemours, feized La-Gar-
"nache, by means of a correfpon-
"dence he held with the domef-
"tics. He made the fame at-
"tempt upon Beauvois, but he
<<
was taken prifoner by his mo-
"ther. The refult of all which
was, that the king of Navarre
"interefting himſelf in procuring
"his liberty, obtained it, and by
"the fame means the place."
pagnac,
128
Book II.
MEMOIRS
}
1586. pagnac, my aunt. Her joy, when ſhe knew I was
fo near her, gave way to her fears of the danger I
incurred by coming amongſt perfons infected with
the plague; and thinking to force me to return,
fhe ordered the gates to be fhut upon me.
She
had too much occafion for affiftance and confola-
tion to be abandoned in that condition; I entered,
notwithſtanding her refiftance, and ftaid a month
in this houſe, having only two gentlemen, and as
many domeftics, with me: breathing the air of
the country in freedom, for the report of the plague
kept all troublefome vifitors from my houfe. I
was not wholly ufelefs to the king of Navarre all
this time; my wood-merchant ftill owed me twenty-
four thousand livres, and I preft for the payment
of it. The perfecution that was declared againſt
the proteftants, put me entirely in their power;
and the fear left this money, together with all my
eftates, ſhould be confifcated for the uſe of the
league, obliged me to be contented with ten thou-
fand livres.
As foon as the contagion ceafed, I carried my
wife back to Rofny, after having taken the ne-
ceffary precautions to purify the houſe; and left
her at the report, that the duke of Joyeuſe, whofe
march had hitherto been flow, and his operations
very inconfiderable, was advancing haftily, to drive
the king of Navarre from Poitou. This prince
had juſt then been repulfed before Niort and Par-
thenai; and finding it impoffible to keep all his
fortreffes againſt forces fo fuperior to his, he caufed
the greateſt part of them to be rafed and dif-
mantled, and preferved only Fontenai, Talmont,
Maillezais, and St. Maixant * He afterwards re-
treated to Rochelle, where I found him.
The treaty of alliance between the two kings,
which was mentioned above, feeming to promife a
more favourable event, the reader is, no doubt,
* All theſe places are in Poitou,
impatient
Book II.
129
OF SUL LY
impatient to know the fuccefs. All was already
over; in one moment the whole deſign was over-
thrown. This proceeding of the court was cer-
tainly very uncommon, and will appear a myſtery
abſolutely incomprehenfible to thofe who know
not what changes, a prince who delivers himfelf up
to irrefolution, idlenefs, and timidity, is capable
of affuming in affairs of ftate: nothing is more!
dangerous than a mind thus fluctuating and unde-
termined. In difficult fituations, all things ought
not to be trufted to chance, nor ought it to be
wholly neglected; but after having fixed on a
particular defign, every ſtep that leads to it, ought
to be regulated by wife and cool reflections. A
neceſſary peace cannot be too earneſtly deſired, nor
concluded too foon; but in critical circumftances
nothing ought to be more carefully avoided, than
keeping the people's mind in fufpenfe, between
peace and war. It was not by maxims like theſe
that Catherine's counfellors conducted themfelves;
if they formed any refòlution, it laſted but a mo-
ment, never held out to the end; and fo timorouſly
was it made, that it afforded even but a very im-
perfect remedy for the prefent evil. The fault of
minds taken up in little trifling intrigues, and in
general, of all thofe that have more vivacity than
judgment, is to repreſent to themſelves things that
are near, in fuch a manner, as to be dazzled by
them; and fee thofe at a diſtance as through a
cloud: a few moments or days make up their
futurity.
To this fault of never being able to refolve upon
any thing, the king, or rather the queen-mother,
added another ſtill greater*. This was the ufe of
I know not what kind of little affected diffimu-
lation, or to fay better, a wretched ftudy of
* It has been afferted, that the
intereft of the true religion had no
part in the politics of this queen.
Witnefs thefe words which the was
VOL. I.
heard to fay, when the thought the
battle of Dreux was loft, "Well!
"we muſt pray to God then in
"French."
K
hypocrify
مجمد
1586.
130
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1586. hypocrify and deceit, without which ſhe imagined
her politics could not fubfift: the firſt of theſe
errors concealed from us the misfortune with which
we were threatened, and the laſt tied the hands of
thoſe who might have affifted us to prevent it:
What could we expect but to be ruined by it fooner
or later? Thus it happened to Henry III. through
his want of refolution to make ufe of the remedy
that was offered him, by joining his troops with
thofe of the king of Navarre; by which means he
might cruſh the enemies of his authority: he neg-
lected to proſecute this deſign, and the confequence
was, that he faw himfelf reduced to an extremity
which might have been as fatal to the royal name
as fhameful to the memory of this prince.
Catherine had recourfe to her ufual artifices, and
thought the performed a great deal, becauſe fhe
endured the fatigue of a long journey: fhe went
into Poitou, and had ſeveral conferences with the
king of Navarre at Coignac, Saint-Brix, and
Saint Maixant. Sometimes fhe endeavoured to
allure him, at other times to intimidate him with
the fight of the confiderable forces that were going
to pour upon him, and whoſe efforts, fhe told him,
fhe had hitherto fufpended. In a word, fhe forgot
nothing which the thought might induce him to
change his religion. This, however, is certain,
that it was not without regret the faw the league
in a condition to oppreſs the king of Navarre, be-
cauſe it was not her intereft that his ruin fhould be
*The queen afking him what
he would have? he replied, look-
ing at the young ladies the had
brought with her, "There is no-
"thing here, madam, that I would
"have." Perefix's hiftory of Hen-
ry the Great. Matthieu adds, that
Catherine preffing him to make
fome overture, "Madam, faid he,
"there is no overture here for me,
vol. I. book viii. p. 518. This
interview was at St. Brix the 25th
of September. "He was hunting
''
"one day at Saint Brix, and want-
"ing to fhew that his horfe was
CC
more lively than two very fine
"ones belonging to Belliévre, a
"herd of pigs behind a hedge
frighted his horie, who threw
him upon the earth, where he
"lay fenfelefs, bleeding at the
"nofe and mouth. They carried
"him like one dead to the castle.
"However, two or three days
"after he difappeared." Mem.
of Nevers, vol. ÎÎ. p. 588.
accompliſh-
Book II. OF SULLY.
131
accompliſhed by that means. But what fecurity 1586.
did the give this prince, by the rafh and unfeafon-
able meaſures ſhe wanted to engage him in? Had
he not reafon to believe, that the propofal fhe was
conftantly making him to change his religion, was,
at the bottom, but an artful fnare to deprive him
of all affiftance from the proteftants, to make him
countermand the troops that he expected from
Germany, to draw him to court, to ruin him,
and, after him, all his adherents? I had particular
proofs that juftified thefe apprehenfions; for thoſe
conferences at which I was prefent with the king,
not affording me the means of clearing my doubts,
I held private ones, by his orders, with the ladies
D'Uzes, and De Sauves, who were better ac-
quainted with Catherine's inclinations than any
other perfons, and by whom I was loved with fo
much tenderneſs, that they always called me their
fon. In order to come to the knowledge of their
real fentiments, I pretended to be well convinced
of what indeed I only fufpected, and complained
that the queen-mother made ufe of all her endea-
vours to facrifice the king of Navarre to the league.
Thefe two ladies confeffed to me in confidence,
that they believed religion ſerved Catherine only
for a pretence, and that affairs were in fuch a ftate,
that the king of Navarre could no otherwife ex-
tricate himfelf from his difficulties, but by the
force of his arms. They protefted to me after-
wards, that they faw with grief the bad difpofi-
tions of the council towards this prince. Thefe
words I have always believed to be fincere, al-
though ſpoke in a court where, next to gallantry,
nothing was fo much cultivated as falfhood.
*
Whatever were the queen-mother's intentions, 1587.
the returned without obtaining any thing; and
*“ After a long converfation,
"the queen-mother aſking him if
*the trouble fhe had been at was
*to produce no other fruit, fhe
"who loved nothing fo much as
CC
CC
peace; he antwered, Madam, I
am not the caufe of it; ir is
"not I who hinders vou from
K 2
Joyeute
132
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1587. Joyeufe with an army took her place. The con-
duct of an army entrusted to Joyeufe was a fecond
myſtery: Was it to mortify the heads of the league,
who had better pretenfions to this command than
him, or to ruin them entirely, if the new general
had fucceeded? Was it, on the contrary, the dif-
covery of his connections with the league, that in-
duced the king to give him a poft, wherein he was
affured this ungrateful man would perish, or at
leaft mifcarry? Or was it only to remove a fa-
vourite from his prefence, who had now a rival in
his affections? for it is often a mere trifle, that
produces effects which are always attributed to the
moft folid caufes: but was it not rather to enhance
the luftre of his favour by an employment fo diſtin-
guifhed? Such was the fpirit of the court, that
conjectures, the moft oppofite, were fupported by
equal probabilities. What feems, however, to de-
termine in favour of the laft fuppofition, is, that
the army which Joyeufe commanded was compofed
of the beſt forces in the kingdom, was filled with
the flower of the nobility, and plentifully provided
with whatever could contribute towards rendering
it victorious.
८
The king of Navarre employed himſelf chiefly
in putting Saint Maixant in a condition of defence;
he went thither with fo much hafte and precipitation,
that finking under his watching and fatigue, he
was obliged, in his return to Rochelle, to throw
himſelf into a waggon drawn by oxen, where he
flept as in a bed. To prevent the proviſion with
which he had ſtored Sainte-Maixant from being con-
fumed, he ordered the two regiments of Char-
bonnieres *, and Des Bories, which had been
appointed to defend it, to be poſted at La Motte
fleeping in your bed, it is you
"that prevents me from refting
ce in mine; the trouble you give
yourſelf pleaſes, and nourishes
44
<<
you; peace is the greatest enemy
"of your life." Perefix, part i.
* Gabriel Prevot of Charbon-
nieres.
Sante-
Book II.
133
OF SUL L Y.
Sainte-Eloi, and there to expect the enemy's ar- 1587.
rival. All theſe precautions could not prevent the
reduction of this laft place, and its caftle, nor that
of Saint-Maixant, Maillezais, and many others,
any more than the defeat of feveral companies,
amongſt others that belonging to Defpueilles, which
was beat almoſt within fight of Rochelle. The
cruel behaviour of the conquerors made theſe miſ-
fortunes ftill more affecting; all we could do in
revenge, was to fall upon the waggons and the
ftragglers, during the marches of this army.
One day, as the duke of Joyeufe led his army
back again from Saintes to Niort, I pofted myſelf
with fifty horfe in the foreft of Benon, near the
great road, to wait for an opportunity of ſtriking
fome blow. A foldier whom I had directed to
climb up a tree, to obferve the order and motions
of the enemy's army, told us, that he faw a de-
tachment advancing fome paces before the firft bat-
talions. Thoſe who accompanied me were for fal-
ling upon this detachment, which they fuppofed it
would not be difficult to fubdue, before any affiftance
could come up to it. I did not relish this propofal.
I remembered a maxim of the king of Navarre's,
that to attack a party when the whole army was
near, feldom fucceeded; and I reftrained the ardour
of my troop, who burned with an eager defire to
come to blows with them. We faw this detach-
ment paſs by, and afterwards the whole army, the
battalions of which we could eaſily count. The
laft ranks marched fo clofe, that I was of opinion
there was nothing to be done; but as we were ready
to make our retreat, the fentinel informed us, that
he faw two ſmall fquadrons of fifty or fixty horſe
each, marching at a great diftance from each other.
I would have ſuffered the firſt to paſs by, but it
was impoffible now to reſtrain the impetuofity of
the foldiers; we fell upon the firſt with ſuch fury,
that we left twelve or fifteen dead upon the place,
took as may prifoners, and the reft faved them-
felves
K 3
134
Book II
MEMOIRS
1587. felves by flight. But how greatly was I mortified
for not having followed my own opinion, when I
found the ſecond troop was compoſed of fifty of
the principal officers of the catholic army, with the
duke of Joyeufe himſelf at their head, he having
ftopped at Surgeres*, to refreſh himfelf with a
collation there. When I gave the king of Navarre
an account of this action, he told me fmiling, that
he perceived I was willing to fpare the duke's fqua-
dron, on account of my two brothers who were
with him. One of them having an inclination to
fee Rochelle, I obtained a paffport for him, and
conducted him every where. I went to Niort foon
after, where the enemy's army lay, to agree upon
terms of a combat that had been propofed between
the Albanois of captain Mercure's company, and
a like number of Scots under the command of
Ouïmes; but the duke of Joyeufe would not permit
it to be executed.
I found this general gloomy and difcontented,
and gueffed fo truly the caufe of his uneafinefs,
that when he told me he fhould foon fet out for
Montrefor, I replied without heſitation, that he
could go very eafily from thence to the court. At
theſe words he turned towards my brother, as ac-
cufing him of having revealed what had paffed.
Tho' he knew that there was nothing in it, he ima-
gined his difgrace was certain, fince the report of it
had already reached Rochelle; and it was this, I
believe, that confirmed him in his refolution to go
and deſtroy, by his prefence, the cabals of his ene-
mies. However, he concealed his fentiments, and
coldly anſwered, that I fuffered myſelf to be de-
ceived by my too great difcernment; and endea-
voured to perfuade me, that he had no intentions
of returning to Paris: but I was fo well affured of
the contrary, that I went back immediately to the
king of Navarre, to concert with him proper
5
* A town in the country of Aunis.
meaſures
{
Book II.
135
OF
SULLY.
meaſures for drawing fome advantage from an 1587.
abfence which would leave the catholic army with-
out leaders; for I did not doubt but many of the
general officers would take this journey likewife:
in effect, Joyeuſe was no fooner fet out than his
whole army, already badly diſciplined, lived with-
out order and obedience.
The king of Navarre, who had fecretly affem-
bled twelve hundred men, which he had drawn out
of his garrifons, fell fo feaſonably upon the com-
panies of Vic, of Bellemaniere, the marquis of
Refnel, Ronſey, and Pienne, and even upon that
of the duke of Joyeuſe, that finding part of them
in bed, and part at the table, he cut them all in
pieces. He oftner than once alarmed the whole
army, which was now under the command of La-
vardin. He followed it to La Haye in Touraine **
and found means to keep it, as it were, beſieged
during four or five days. If on this occafion he
had had forces fufficient to have enabled him to
keep his poft longer, it is my opinion, that hunger
would have delivered the whole army into his power.
The foldiers ſpreading themſelves over the villages,
and neglecting their fafety to get provifions, we
paffed the river, and ſurpriſed them every moment.
During this fhort ſpace of time, we killed and
took above fix hundred men. With fix horſe only,
I went into a village full of foldiers; they were fo
accuſtomed to be beaten, that I ordered the arms
of thoſe who were at the tables, and upon the beds,
to be ſeized, and their matches to be put out,
without their offering to repulfe us, although they
were forty in number. I brought them to the
king of Navarre, and they enlifted in his troops.
The count of Soiffons t, who was difcontented
with the court, had long given the king of Na-
* Upon the confines of Poitou.
+ Charles of Bourbon, fourth
fon of Lewis 1. prince of Condé,
who was flain at Jarnac, and bro-
ther to Henry I. prince of Condé,
of Francis, prince of Conti, and
the young cardinal, Charles of
Bourbon, but by another mother,
Frances d'Orleans de Longue-
ville.
K 4
varre
136
MEMOIRS Book II.
1587. varre hopes, that he would come over to his party,
and this prince neglected nothing that could keep
him in this favourable difpofition. The negligence of
the catholic army afforded them both the opportu-
nity they waited for. The count of Soiffons took
the road towards the Loire, and the king of Na-
varre fent all his troops to Rofiers, to facilitate
this prince's paffage over the river. They ferved
him likewife to feize the baggage of the duke de
Mercœur; the great convoy that efcorted it, was
attacked fo fuddenly near a bank, that they fur-
rendered without ftriking a blow, and the baggage,
which was extremely rich, was entirely pillaged.
My part of the booty amounted to two thoufand
crowns. My brothers were no longer in this
army; I had obtained a paffport for them to leave
La Haye.
This ſervice was repaid by another of the fame
kind; they procured me a paffport for Paris,
whither a preffing occafion called me. At this
time the perfecution against the proteftants was at
its height. On which fide foever they turned, in-
evitable ruin awaited them: in the villages, where
every one became a foldier, in order to pillage, their
houfes could not fecure them from the fury of their
perfecutors; and in Paris, and other great cities,
they were expoſed to rigorous fearches, which the
zeal of religion inſpired, and the defire of being en-
riched by their ſpoils made but too feverely executed.
Princes will often fee themſelves fubjected to mif-
fortunes like theſe, while they know not how far
their rights and duties with regard to religion
*
* 'Tis true, it never has been
demonſtrated, that religion obliges
fovereigns to perfecute thofe who
make profeffion of another faith,
but this does not hinder the ma-
xims which the duke of Sully efta-
bliſhes here from being very dan-
gerous, in that they feem to dif-
charge kings from that indif-
pentable obligation they are under
to preferve the true religion; an
obligation which includes that of
making the worship, and all the
exterior practices of it, to be ex-
actly obferved; which is equally
conformable to the principles of a
wife policy, as to thoſe of religion;
a fatal experience having but too
well fhewn, that it is much more
neceffary to prevent all difputes
extend,
Book II.
137
OF SUL L Y.
}
extend. They cannot punish with too much fe- 1587.
verity, a crime by which nature, fociety, or the
laws, are wounded. A religion that is capable of
authorifing fuch actions, becomes neceffarily the
object of all the rigour of their juftice; and then
only is religion fubjected to the power of crowned
heads; but their jurifdiction does not extend over
conſciences, in that precept that regards our love
of God, the different comments of which form
the difference of religions; the fovereign Lord of
all referves to himſelf whatever relates to fpecula-i
tion, and leaves to princes all that tends to deſtroy
the common practice of it. Ignorance, or con-
tempt of this maxim, was the caufe of great mifery
to the proteftants: thofe whofe eftates were large
enough to admit of their living in Paris, chofe that
as the leaft dangerous way, becauſe of the eaſe
with which they could keep themſelves unknown
in a city fo full of tumult and confuſion.
My wife had retired thither fome time, having
uſed the precaution to take a borrowed name; to
her was added, befides the common misfortunes,
that of being far advanced in her pregnancy, during
which fhe wanted all kinds of conveniencies. When
I fuppofed fhe drew near her time, the apprehen-
fions of what might happen to her in this condi-
tion, made me refolve to take a journey to Paris.
I found her juft delivered of a fon, to whom I gave
for godfather the lord of Rueres, then a prifoner
in the gaol of the parliament, and the child was
carried from the baptifinal font to church, by a
upon matters of religion, than to
filence them when they are begun.
After the confeffion Monfieur de
Sully fo often makes in his Me-
moirs of that fpirit of revolt, and
independence, which conducted all
the fteps of the calvinist party in
France, it is ftrange he is not fen-
fible that, according to his own
maxims, this body deferved to fuf-
fer all the rigour of the law. This
place, in my opinion, fufficiently
juftifies what I have faid in the pre-
face to this work, that it is more
proper to relate all the author's
fentiments in theology, than to
fupprefs them. It is not poffible
to underſtand his meaning here on
the fubject of charity. Obfcurity
is generally a proof of falfe prin-
ciples, and weak reaſoning.
citizen
X
138
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1587. citizen named Chaufaille and his wife; for the
proteſtants did not ceaſe to meet in churches, and
hold affemblies, notwithſtanding the fevere infor-
mations that were made againſt them. At this
very time, feveral women were burnt upon that
occafion; the dangers I ran myſelf were extremely
great, and I avoided them only by not being
known, which was indeed an amazing inftance of
good fortune.
At laft the number of fpies increafing in all
parts of the city, the fearch was fo diligent, that
nothing could eſcape. I did not think it poffible
to ſtay any longer in Paris, without expoſing my-
felf to evident danger. I left it therefore alone,
and in difguife, and fled to Villepreux; from
whence I took a bye-road to Roſny.
The duke of Joyeufe had been received in Paris
with praifes and acclamations, which ought to
have made him blufh in fecret for not having de-
ferved them. They did not, however, hinder
him from being fenfibly affected with the defeat of
his army, of which he was foon informed.
He
endeavoured by all poffible means to make fatif-
faction for this lofs, which in the difpofition the
king was in with regard to him, was not a difficult
taſk. His arrival had difconcerted all the fecret
practices of his enemies, and his favour with
Henry was riſen to fuch a height, that he could
refuſe him nothing. All the courtiers attached
themſelves to him, and he fet out again for Guyenne
with the flower of the French nobility, while feve-
ral other bodies of troops, taking ſeparate ways,
affembled at the rendezvous he had appointed for
them.
«In his embaſſy to Rome, he
"was treated as the king's bro-
"ther he had a heart worthy of
his great fortune. One day
"having made the two fecretaries
"of ſtate wait too long in the
"king's anti-chamber, he ex-
"cufed himſelf by refigning up to
"themahundred thoufand crowns
"which the king had juſt given
"him.' Notes upon the Hen-
riade.
Thefe
Book II.
139
OF SULLY.
Theſe different marches of the troops made the 1587.
roads fo dangerous, that I found no other means of
returning to Rochelle, but by altering the date of
my paffport, which was expired. By this little
fraud I got fafe to the king of Navarre, whom I
found employed in taking meaſures to prevent the
dreadful ftorm he ſaw ready to burft upon him. He
drew together all the foldiers he could find in Poitou,
Anjou, Touraine, and Berry, and fent orders to
the prince of Condé, the count of Soiffons, mef-
fieurs de Turenne, de la Trémouille, and Roche-
foucault, to join him with all the forces they had:
yet, with all theſe fupplies, his troops were greatly
inferior to thofe of the duke of Joyeufe. They
only ferved to put him in a condition of opening a
way through Guyenne, Languedoc, and the Lyon-
nois, towards the fource of the Loire, where he
depended upon meeting the German auxilliáries.
He made ufe of all his endeavours to accompliſh
this junction, before the troops of Joyeuſe were all
joined. This prince, therefore, advanced with
his army towards Montlieu, Montguyon, and La
Roche-Chalais *, but always cloſely followed and
watched by the enemy's general, who having pene-
trated into his defign, thought he ought not to
wait for the arrival of the marechal de Matignon,
nor of ſeveral other regiments that were coming to
join him, left he ſhould loſe an opportunity, which
he might never be able to recover. His forces were
already fo much fuperior to the king of Navarre's,
that this refolution could not be accuſed of raſhneſs
and temerity; and the king, who never hazarded
a dangerous action, but when obliged to it by ne-
ceffity, inftead of feeking the battle, thought of
nothing but how to get the river between them,
that he might purfue his march without oppofition,
and gain the Dordogne, upon which he had feveral
ftrong forts which might ſtop the enemy's purfuit.
* Cities upon the borders of gord, as were Chalais, and Au-
Saintonge, of Guyenne, and Peri- beterre.
With
140
Book II.
MEMOIRS
1587.
With thefe difpofitions on both fides, the king
of Navarre arrived at the paſs of Chalais and Au-
beterre. It was of great importance to him to
gain Coutras * a poft that might favour this
paffage, and no lefs to Joyeufe to hinder it. He
fent Lavardin to poffefs himſelf of it; but La
Trémouille, being more diligent, prevented him,
and maintained himfelf in it, after a very fharp
fkirmish. The king of Navarre refolved to take
advantage of this poft to attempt the paſs, and
marched thither in the night, referving to himſelf
the care of conducting the troops over, and left
that of the baggage, particularly the artillery, to
Clermont, Bois-du-Lys, Mignonville, and me.
As it was neceſſary to make uſe of all poffible dif-
patch, we ſet ourſelves to work immediately, hav-
ing the water up to our knees. One half was
already got to the other fide of the river, when
the ſcouts, whom the king of Navarre had fent
during the night to make difcoveries, returned
with fome prifoners they had taken, and informed
us, that Joyeufe having refolved to force the king
of Navarre to a battle, had marched all night, and
would be up with him at furtheft by feven or
eight o'clock in the morning. This intelligence
convinced the king that our labour was not only
uſeleſs, but extremely dangerous, becauſe if found
by the enemy employed in paffing the river, that
part of his troops which fhould remain on this fide
of it muſt be inevitably defeated, as it could re-
ceive no affiſtance from the troops on the other.
Thoſe who had already got over, were ordered to
return immediately. Our labour was now re-
doubled, and to add to it, we loft Mignonville †,
* Coutras, a city of Guyenne,
upon the borders alfo of Perigord,
at the confluence of the rivers of
Lille and Droume.
+ Mignonville, who was flain
foon after before Nonancour when
Henry IV. ftormed that city. He
was marechal de camp, and an ex-
cellent officer. Henry had a great
number of fubaltern officers of un-
common merit and abilities in
his army; fuch were Mongomery,
Bellezuns, Montaufier, Vaudoré,
Des Ageaux, Favas, whom the
hiftorians, in relating this battle,
have mentioned with honour.
5
for
Book II.
141
OF SULLY.
for whom the king had occafion. Although we 1587.
were extremely weakened by the faitigue we had
ſuffered, yet that did not hinder the king from
pointing out to us an eminence, upon which he
expreffed a wifh that his artillery could have been
placed, but durft not hope that we ſhould have
time to gain it. In effect, we already diſcovered
the enemy's van. Luckily Joyeuſe, who without
doubt was not fufficiently acquainted with the
ground, or fuffered himſelf to be too far tranfported
by his ardour, had given orders for fixing his ar-
tillery in a place fo low, that afterwards finding it
would be uſeleſs, he cauſed it to be removed, and
by that means gave us leifure to place our own. It
muſt be confeffed, that this general, by fome means
or other, drew but little advantage from his ar-
tillery, and that this was one of the chief cauſes of
his lofing the battle. This fhews, that there is no-
thing more neceffary for the general of an army,
than an exact and piercing fight, which fhortens
diſtances, and prevents confufion. I never knew
a general that poffeffed this quality in an equal de-
gree with the king of Navarre *.
The battle was already begun, before our ar-
tillery, which confifted only of three pieces of can-
non, was fixed, and we had foon occafion for it.
The troops in monfieur de Turenne's quarter be-
haved very ill; that of La Tremouille was forced the
firſt ſhock, which was beginning to throw the whole
* Le Grain makes him pro-
nounce this military harangue to
his foldiers," My friends, behold
"here a prey much more confi-
"derable than any of your for-
mer booties; it is a bridegroom,
"who has ftill the nuptial por-
"tion in his pocket, and all the
"chief courtiers with him." Dec.
of Henry the Great, book iv.
† It began the 20th of October,
at nine o'clock in the morning,
and was ended at ten. The vic-
tory was complete, five thousand
of the enemy were left dead upon
the place, and five hundred taken
prifoners. In the king of Navarre's
army, there were but very few
foldiers flain, and not one pri-
foner of diftinction.
De Thou,
book lxxxvii. Mem. of Du Pleffis,
book i. D'Aubigné, vol. III.
book i. Matthieu, vol. I. book viii.
P. 533. Father Daniel, in his
history of France, vol. IX. 4to.
gives an exact defcription of the
battle of Coutras. I could wish to
have tranfcribed the whole article
here.
army
142
Book II
MEMOIRS
1587. army into diforder. The catholics cried out Vic-
tory; and indeed they wanted but little of being
victorious; but at the fame moment our artillery
began to play, and fo terrible * was the fire, that
every difcharge carried away twelve, fifteen, and
fometimes five-and-twenty men. It put a stop im-
mediately to the impetuofity of the enemies, and
reduced them to fuch extremity, that feeking
to avoid the fire, they difperfed, and offered only
a diforderly and ill-fuftained body to the efforts of
the king of Navarre, the prince of Condé, and
the count of Soiffons, who fcoured the field at the
head of three fquadrons. Theſe three princes †
performed prodigies of valour in this battle; they
overthrew all that oppoſed them, and ſtriding over
the bodies of the dead to meet new dangers, their
arms were all battered with blows. The face of
things was changed in an inftant, and the death of
the catholic general ‡ gave the proteftants a com-
pleat victory.
As foon as I beheld the enemy fly, I abandoned
the cannon, which were now ufelefs, and mount-
ing a horſe which Bois-breuil kept ready for me
behind the artillery, I flew to learn tidings of my
brothers, and I had the confolation to hear, that
neither of them had been in the battle. I met the
king of Navarre buſy in difperfing || the fugitives,
"The first fire of the artillery,
fays Le Grain, carried off feven
captains of the regiment of Pi-
"cardy, the beſt and moſt war-
"like in the duke's army."
Book iv.
+ " "All I fhall fay to you,"
faid the king of Navarre to them,
"is, that you are of the houſe of
"Bourbon, and, pleafe God, I
"will fhew you, that I am your
eldeft brother."
His valour was that day far fu-
perior to all the others. He wore
a plume of white feathers on his
helmet, to make himfelf remark-
able. Some of his friends throw-
r
ing themfelves before him, to de-
fend and cover his perfon, he cried,
"Give me room, I beseech you ;
you ftifle me; I would be ſeen."
He forced the firft ranks of the
enemy, took feveral prifoners with
his own hand, and collared an offi-
cer named Château Regnard, cor-
net of a company of foot, faying,
Yield thee, Philiftine. Perefix,
ibid.
Slain in cold blood, by La
Mothe St. Henry; others fay, by
two captains of foot, named Bor-
deaux, and Defcentiers.
Some perfons feeing the fugi-
tives halt, came and told him, that
and
Book II.
143
OF SULLY.
and compleating his victory, which he did, not
thinking himself fecure while there remained any
to oppofe him. The bodies of Joyeuſe and St.
Sauveur * his brother, were drawn from beneath a
heap of carcafes, and laid upon a table in the hall
of the caſtle of Coutras, and a coarſe ſheet thrown
over them t.
:
the marechal de Matignon's army
was in fight he received thofe
tidings as a new fubject of glory,
and turning courageoufly to his
Let us go, my friends, faid
he two battles in one day, is
what has never before been feen.
Perefix, ibid.
men,
* Claude de Joyeuse the youngest
of ſeven ſons of William duke of
Joyeufe.
†The following is an anecdote,
the truth of which I cannot an-
fwer for. However, the reader
may not be difpleafed to fee it
here: I met with it in the me-
moirs of Amelot de la Houffaye,
vol. II. p. 443. who relates it as
drawn from the hiſtory of the lords
of Enghien, by Colins. This au-
thor fpeaks thus, "The king of
"Navarre gained the victory, to
"the great fatisfaction of the king
..
"of France, who fecretly corre-
fponded with the victorious ar-
iny, through the faithful inter-
"poſition of the marquis of Rofny,
"of the houfe of Bethune, now
"duke of Sully, who remained
"unknown at Paris." This au-
thor feems to have been acquaint-
ed with the duke of Sully's fecret
negotiations with Henry III. al-
ready mentioned; but he is miſtaken
in this, that thefe negotiations pro-
duced no effect, fince the duke of
Joyeufe was ftill highly favoured
by this prince, at leaft if we may be-
lieve Monfieur de Sully, who ought
to know better than any other :
And that Sully could not be at
Paris, becaufe he was at the battle;
and that even the laft journey he
took there, fome time before, had
no other motive than the defìre of
feeing and affifting his wife.
1587.
MEMOIRS
1587.
MEMOIRS
O F
SULL Y.
воок III.
HAT the proteftant party might have de-
rived great advantages from the victory
of Coutras, and that they did not, is
equally true. I am fincere enough to confeſs, that
the king of Navarre did not, upon this occafion,
do all he might with a victorious army, and maſter
of the field: if he had advanced to meet the fo-
reign auxiliaries, nothing could have prevented
their junction; and, after a ftroke fo important,
his party would have at leaſt been equal to the ca-
I tholics. 'Tis certain, that the true value of a
moment is never known, the wifeft are deceived *.
The ambitious defigns, and felf-interefted views
of feveral of the leaders in the victorious army, fnatch-
ed from the king of Navarre the fruits of his victory;
but this is a truth few people are acquainted with.
The prince of Condé being feduced by the ad-
vice of Tremouille †, thought the time was now
* Our beſt hiſtorians agree in
theſe two things, that the king of
Navarre knew not how to take ad-
vantage of his victory, and that
he did not do all he might have
done. D'Aubigné is almoft the
only perſon who exculpates this
prince's officers, and lays the
blame wholly upon him. Vol. III.
b. i. c. xv.
+ Claude duke of Tremouille.
come,
Book III.
145
MEMOIRS, &c.
come, when he could execute the bold fcheme he 1587.
had long before meditated, which was to difmem-
ber the crown of France of Anjou, Poitou, the
countries of Aunis, Saintonge, and Angoumois,
to compofe of them an independent fovereignty.
With this view, he haftily withdrew the troops he
had brought to the general army, and turned all
his thoughts to the reduction of Saintes and Brou-
age,
which he flattered himſelf he fhould be maſter
of at the firft alarm; and that afterwards, nothing
would be able to oppofe him. So true it is, that
ambition reſembles that bird in the fable, who has
a ftrong wing, and an infatiable hunger *.
The duke of Sully does not
agree here with D'Aubigné, Du
Pleffis Mornay, and the author of
the life of the duke of Bouillon;
it is probable he had better me-
moirs than them all, with regard
to the defign he attributes to the
prince and the duke on this occa-
fion; but I am afraid, there was
fome prejudice and paffion on his
fide. In my opinion, Monfieur
de Thou is better able than any
other perſon to decide this quef-
tion: fpeaking of the confequences
of the battle of Coutras, he fays,
that a council being affembled to
deliberate upon what meaſures
were neceffary to be taken, the
prince of Condé propofed, that
they fhould go to meet the foreign
troops along the fide of the Loire,
and fecure them a paffage over
this river, by feizing Saumur; that
this advice was not followed, for
reaſons which he relates, and which
are very bad; and it was agreed
only, that the prince of Condé
fhould go, with what troops they
could spare him, to join to the
German army towards the fource
of the Loire, taking his way
through the heart of Angoumois
and Limofin. That the king of
Navarre, on his fide, feeing him-
felf abandoned by the greateſt part
of the nobility of Poitou and Sain-
VOL. I.
tonge, marched towards St. Foi
in Agenois, from whence he took.
the rout to Pau, leaving the con-
duct of his little army to the vif
count de Turenne; who hot wil-
ling to let the foldiers be idle, be-
fieged Sarlat in Perigord, defigning
at least to lay it under contribu-
tion, if he could not take it. This
is what De Thou fays, to which
may be added, a very important
circumftance, and at the fame time
a very true one, fince neither the
duke of Bouillon, nor his apolo-
gifts, could contradict it: which
is, that it was the viſcount him-
felf who rejected the prince of
Condé's prudent advice. From all
this it follows, that the prince of
Condé was not guilty of what he
is here accufed of: which is fur-
ther confirmed by D'Aubigné, who
adds, that it was upon a promiſe
the king of Navarre made him to
join him foon, that he advanced
to Angoumois, where he waited
a long time to no purpofe. The
prince, however, is not cleared of
having had likewife views of inde-
pendence, of which no hiftorian
doubts.
Although the vifcount Turenne
appears to have acted upon this oc-
cafion in confequence of the refolu-
tion of a general council; yet, in
my opinion, we are not the lefs
L
The
146
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1587.
The viſcount Turenne having the fame defigns
upon the Limofin, and Perigord, where he al-
ready poffeffed great eftates, purfued the fame con-
duct with the prince of Condé; and obliging all
his troops (which alone compoſed one third of the
army) to follow him, led them to the fiege of
Sarlat, foothing them with hopes that this expedi-
tion would enrich even the meaneft foldier. He fully
juftified the proverb, that great promifers perform
the leaft: the check he received before this little
paltry town, ought to have convinced him in time
of the vanity of his pretenfions. The viſcount
had no one to accufe but himfelf for this misfor-
tune; as for the king of Navarre, he had acted
quite contrary to his advice.
The count of Soiffons concealed his deſigns with
more art; however, it is certain, that his new at-
tachment to the king of Navarre was not fincere,
and that it was intereft alone which induced him to
it. He had gained the heart of the princefs Ca-
therine, the king's fifter, and he was continually
expreffing to this prince, the earneſt defire he had
of uniting himſelf more clofely to him by mar-
riage; but this defign concealed another too fhame-
ful for him to fuffer to appear. His pretenfions
by this marriage were, to fubftitute himfelf in the
place of the king of Navarre; and as he faw no
probability that this prince, having the pope, Spain,
and the French catholics for his enemies, fhould
ever accompliſh his defigns, he depended upon en-
authorized to think difadvantage-
oufly of him.
It is bad reafoning
in Marfolier to grant on one fide,
that he was inftigated by his am-
bition to wicked deſigns, and on
the other fide to complain, that
thoſe deſigns are fuppofed the mo-
tives of his conduct. This is to
deſtroy the idea he would give us
of the duke of Bouillon, as of the
greatest politician of his time.
Theſe rash judgments are con-
demned by religion, but are al-
lowed by the laws of hiftory; and
political conjectures are often re-
duced to this foundation alone.
As for what has been faid in
the fame place againſt the count of
Soiffons, it is, and will be fill
more fupported hereafter by un-
anfwerable proofs. De Thou, book
lxxxvii. Memoirs DuPleffis, booki.
D'Aubigné, vol. III. chap. xv.
Marfolier's Hiftory of Henry duke
of Bouillon, vol. Í. book iii.
riching
4
Book III.
147
OF SULLY.
apen-
riching himſelf with his fpoils, and upon gaining, 1587.
at leaft, the great eftates which make up the apen-
age of the houfe of Albret on this fide the Loire.
Such being his intentions, he took care neither to
affift him with his advice, or his arm, to puſh his
laft victory further; on the contrary, he feized
that moment to prefs him fo earnestly to allow
him to go to Bearn to vifit the princefs his fifter;
that the king, feeing himſelf in a more deftitute
condition than if he had loft the battle, thought he
was obliged in gratitude for the affiftance the
count had given him, to grant him this fatisfac-
tion. He himself was alfo dragged thither (and
the count was not ignorant of it) by a paffion
which had always been the weakneſs of this prince.
Love called him back to the countefs of Guiche,
to lay at her feet the colours he had taken from
the enemy, which he had caufed to be fet apart for
that purpoſe.
Accordingly they took the road together to Bearn.
Happily this unfeaſonable journey did not produce
all the diſadvantages that might have been reafon-
ably expected from it: it was fo far of ufe to the
king of Navarre, as to give him a more perfect
knowledge of the perfon on whom he was going
to beftow his fifter. The count of Soiffons could
not fo well diffemble his fentiments, but that the
king gueffed at fome part of them; and a letter,
which he received from Paris, fully revealed them.
By this letter he was informed, that the count of
Soiffons had taken this ftep purely at the inftiga-
tion of the ecclefiaftics, who had fallen upon this
ftratagem to deprive him of all his poffèffions :
that the count had folemnly fworn to them, as foon
as he had married the princefs, he would bring her
with him to Paris, and abandon for ever the party
of his benefactor, and afterwards concert meafures
with them to finish the reft. The king of Navarre
received this letter at his return from hunting,
when he was juſt ready to fall into the fnare that
L 2
was
148
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1587. laid for him; and it gave him an averfion to the
count, which nothing was ever able to remove.
He broke with him, and regretted too late, that he
had abandoned himſelf to his advice.
I had not the mortification of being a witneſs to
all theſe refolutions which were taken after the
battle of Coutras, and which I fhould in vain have
oppoſed. Some days before theſe extravagant and
fenfeleſs ſchemes had poffeffed the minds of the
principal officers in our army, the king of Navarre
took me afide, in a garden, and aſked my opinion
concerning the condition into which this laft action
had put his affairs. I told him that I thought it
neceffary he ſhould march immediately with all his
forces towards the fource of the Loire, to receive
the foreign fupplies, or, what would anfwer the
fame end, to facilitate their paffage, by taking
poffeffion of all the towns on this fide of the river;
and which, except Poitiers and Angoulême, which
he might leave, feemed not difficult to be won.
By this means he would at leaft fecure to himſelf
the fineſt and beſt provinces, from whence he could
not be driven in a fhort time, nor by very incon-
fiderable forces.
The king of Navarre approved of this advice,
and appeared refolved to follow it exactly. He
told me, that he had juft fent Montglat* to the
foreign army, and that fince he could not go to
put himſelf at the head of it, he ardently wifhed
the prince of Conti† would accept of that charge
having received letters from this prince, in which
he offered to afflift him in perfon: and he added
that, under pretence of going to the royal army,
the prince of Conti might join the auxiliaries with-
out danger. The king then left to me the care of
prevailing upon the prince to take this ſtep, and
* Lewis de Harlai, lord of
Montglat.
+ Frances de Bourbon, prince
of Conti, fecond fon to Lewis I.
5
prince of Condé, and Eleanora de
Roye. He died
He died in 1614, leaving
no children by his two marriages.
recom-
Book III. OF SULLY.
149
1
recommended to me to uſe all my endeavours to 1587.
fecure the fuccefs of it.
I fet out from the army, charged only with a
letter of three lines, and fending my equipage to
Pons, paffed through Maine; where I expected to
have found the prince, by means of the acquain-
tance I had with the governors of thoſe places
through which he muft pafs. I learnt, at my ar-
rival, that the prince of Conti fet out by himſelf
two days before; and had not fo well concealed
his march, but that his intelligence with the fo-
reigners was fufpected, which was the caufe that
the roads were filled with the detachments which
were fent after him; and therefore I was obliged to
take a circuit, in order to join him, and to país by
Rofny; from whence coming to Neaufle, I was
there informed of what had happened. The Ger-
mans entering without order, and without guides,
into provinces unknown, ftopped by large rivers,
harraffed continually by the troops of the league,
had at length been totally defeated at Auneau
that the Swiſs, to avoid the like misfortune, had
enlifted, to the number of twelve thouſand, in the
troops of the league: that the king of Navarre
was at Bearn, his forces unemployed, and difperfed
on all fides.
* Sce a detail of this in De
Thou, book lxxxvii. D'Aubigné
vol. III. book i. Matthieu, vol. I.
book viii. p. 537.
Chron. No-
venn, vol. I. p. 39. and particu-
larly the Memoirs of the league,
vol. I. where it is obferved, that
at the time this army was encamp-
ed near the river Yonne, Mont-
glat came from the king of Na-
varre, to deſire the commanders of
it would march towards the fource
of the Loire, where he would put
himſelf at their head; but they did
not think proper to do fo. The
leaders were, the baron d'Onau,
or Dona, Guitry, Clervant, Beau-
*
vois La-Nocle, &c. If they had
obeyed this order, the king of Na-
varre, then returning from Bearn,
would have had time to join them
with all his troops, and the army
would not have been defeated.
Davilla, in his eighth book, re-
lates the duke of Guife's reply to
the duke of Maïenne, who was
fenfible of the danger of attacking
an enemy fo much fuperior in num-
ber. "Thofe, faid he, that do not
<<
care to fight, may ftay here.
"What I cannot refolve upon in
"half an hour I never refolve on
my
whole life."
CC
L3
This
150
MEMOIRS Book III,
1588.
This mournful news ftopped my journey, and
rendered my commiffion ufelefs. Nothing now re-
mained for me to do, but to turn back to Rofny;
where, while I fecretly deplored the fatal conſe-
quences of our bad conduct, I feigned, for my fe-
curity, to take part in the public rejoicings, for the
defeat of Auneau. I vifited my eftates in Nor-
mandy; and while I was expecting thofe remedies,
which time, and the king of Navarre's return
might bring to our calamities, I learnt that this
prince had left Bearn, and I went to join him at
Bergerac *, where the news of the taking of Caf-
tillon confoled him a little, amidft fo many cauſes
for affliction. The fiege of this place had coft the
duke of Maïenne a million of crowns, and the
viſcount Turenne retook it † for lefs than two.
A little time afterwards, we were informed of
two accidents that were likely enough to change the
face of affairs; one was the death of the prince of
Condé, a death as fudden as tragical, the im-
prifonment of fome of his chief attendants, and
the puniſhment of one of his domeftics ||, who was
Upon the Dordogne.
By means of a ladder of
cords.
‡ Notwithstanding the fecret
jealoufy that fubfifted between the
prince of Condé and the king of
Navarre, vet the king was ex-
tremely afflicted for his lofs, and
fhutting himself up in his cabinet
with the count of Soiffons, he was
heard to ſend forth great cries, and
to fay, "That he had loft his
right hand." Perefix, Hiſtory of
Henry the great, part I. This
prince was called Henry, and was
ion to Lewis of Bourbon, first
prince of Condé. He had no chil-
dren by his first wife; after whom
he married Charlotte Catherine de
la Tremouille, whom at his death
he left three months gone with
child. It is a great error which
was spread among the people, that
Henry of Condé, the twelfth of
that name, was born thirteen
months after the death of his fa-
ther. He was born the rft of
September following.
The name of this domeftic
was Brillant. One of his pages
was executed in effigy. The 'prin-
cefs herfelf was comprehended in
this accufation. René Cumont,
the lieutenant-particulier of St.
Jean, commenced a proceſs againſt
her, which was fufpended on ac-
count of the birth of Henry II.
prince of Condé. After fix years
imprisonment, the princefs pre-
fented a petition to the parliament
of Paris, who brought this affair
before their tribunal, and acquitted
Charlotte Catherine de la Tremou-
ille of the crime of which he was
accufed. The prince of Condé
died at St. John d'Angely, March
torn
Book III.
151
OF SU L L Y.
torn to pieces by four horſes, left no room to doubt 1588.
that he died by poifon. The news of the populace
rifing* at Paris †, and barricading the ſtreets, and
the 5th, 1588, aged thirty-five
years. De Thou, book xc. Mo-
rifot, I know not upon what au-
thority, fays, that the death of
the prince of Condé might be oc-
cafioned by a wound he received
in his fide, by a lance, at the
battle of Coutras. Henry Magn.
cap. xii. p. 27.
Thurfday May 12.
† I ſhall not give a detail of it
here, as it would be too long, and
may befides be found in a great
many other books. It is fufficient
to fay, that Henry III. to prevent
the dangerous defigns of the league,
having ordered about fix thoufand
troops, the most part Swifs, to
enter Paris, and ſpreading them in
different quarters of the city, the
people rofe, and being kept toge-
ther by fome of the chiefs of the
league, fortified themſelves in the
ftreets, repulfed the foldiers, dif-
armed the Swiſs, defeated the
king's guards, and carried the bar-
ricades within fifty paces of the
Louvre, &c. Henry III. feeing
himſelf ready to be befieged in the
Louvre, and not willing to expofe
himself to the violence of an en-
raged populace, went out pri-
vately by the Tuilleries, and the
fuburb Mantmantre, from whence
he got to Chartres. The affair
was afterwards turned into a ne-
gotiation, between the queen-mo-
ther, and the duke of Guife, and
the abfolute decifion of it remitted
to the ſtate of Blois,
I obſerve, after D'Aubigné, that
it was very fortunate for Henry III.
that his troops feized and kept pof-
feffion of the fuburb St. Honore,
and the back of the Tuilleries;
and that no one of the league
thought of feizing thefe quarters.
Thofe who guarded the gate of
Neffe, fired at a distance upon the
king's troop, and feeing the ferry-
boat of the Tuilleries approach, in
which they fuppofed the king to
be, cut the cable. Chronol. No-
ven, tom. I.
Henry III. was on his fide guilty
of a much greater fault, in for-
bidding Grillon, colonel of the
French guards, to take poffeffion
of the fquare Maubert, and the
quarter of the univerfity, and by
hindering his foldiers from firing
upon the populace; who, by a
ftep more firm and feafonable,
might have been retained in their
duty. The duke of Guiſe waited
fix whole days at Soiffons, not
daring to come to Paris, contrary
to the king's orders, which were
fignified to him by Belliévre, in
two letters that he fent him at
different times by the poft. They
were to blame, as Matthieu the
hiftorian alfo obferves, vol. I.
book viii. for not fending thefe
letters by an exprefs to the duke
of Guife; for the duke imagined,
that he might elude this order, by
denying he had received the letters,
as in effect he did at the queen's
palace, in the prefence of the king
and Belliévre, to whom he pro-
tefted, with deep oaths, that they
were never delivered to him. This
fault was not committed through
negligence, but becauſe they had
not five-and-twenty crowns to
fpare to pay the courier for his
journey.
;
Henry III. was adviſed by the
duke of Epernon, to fuffer his
guards to affaffinate the duke of
Guife as he came to the Louvre
and this prince, they fay, would
have engaged La Guefle and Ville-
quier in the defign, but they dif
fuaded him from it. It is reported
alfo, that the fame day, wherein
the streets were barricaded, Al-
phonfo d'Ornano affured him, he
would bring him the head of the
L 4
of
152
Book III.
ΜΕΜOIRS
1588. of the king's departure from that city, followed
foon after, and was fpread every where by the
courier, who was fent with an account of it to the
duke of Epernon. To this abject condition a king
duke of Guife, if he would
permit him. In a word, it is
thought, that the king did not
make ufe of half the precautions
he might have done, informed as
he was of all the defigns of the
league, having himſelf narrowly
milfed being taken as he was going
to Vincennes; and had just been
convinced by what had happened
at the impriſonment of La Morli-
ere, a famous leaguer, that the
people only waited for an oppor-
tunity of infulting him. The
king's council acted without com-
pariſon better in that affair of La
Morliere, than on the day of the
barricades. Memoirs of the league,
vol. V. Satyr Menip.
The duke's defign in this enter-
prize has given rife to great dif-
putes, which I cannot here enter
into a detail of; in this, as in all
other dubious matters, much has
been faid pro and con. Thoſe who
will have it, that he intended to
carry, or fuffer the people to carry
things to an extremity, to feize
the king's perfon, in a word, to
put the crown upon his own head,
fupport their affertions by fome
writings of great confequence, to
which I am obliged to refer the
reader. See the firft vol. of the
Memoirs of the league, and the
vol. marked 8866, in the king's
library: the chief of which are,
A letter written to him by the
dutchefs of Lorraine, after the
victory of Auneau, in which ſhe
adviſes him to make uſe of the
prefent opportunity to declare
himſelf king, &c. A letter writ-
ten by the duke himself the next
day after the fortifications in the
ftreets of Paris, to the governor of
Orleans, wherein are thefe words,
"I have vanquished the Swifs, cut
"in pieces part of the king's
guards, and hold the Louvre fo
clofely invested, that I fhall be
"able to give a good account of
"thofe that are within. This
"victory is fo great, that it will
"never be forgot," &c. Many
other letters, in which he mentions
the king very difreſpectfully, and
the princes of the blood with the
utmoſt contempt; to this they add,
the difcontent the duke diſcovered,
and the reproaches he made the
queen-mother, for having amuſed
him with conferences, while his
prey escaped him. In fine, the
writings that were, fay they, pub-
lifhed by his commands; wherein
was attempted to be proved, the
pretended right the houſe of Lor-
rain had to the crown, not to
mention an infinite number of
other pieces, which were indeed
but fo many fatirical libels againſt
Francis duke of Guife, reproaching
him with having attempted to af
fert his chimerical claims upon
Anjou and Provence; and the car-
dinal his brother, with endeavour-
ing to make himſelf fovereign of
Metz, under the protection of the
emperor, a project which the vi-
gilance of Salcede prevented the
execution of; but he loft his head
for it: and for having treated about
religion with the king of Spain, at
the council of Trent, without his
mafter's participation. The great-
eft part of thefe writings are ſtill
in every body's hands.
For the duke's juftification they
bring thofe arguments made uſe of
by himfelf in a letter, or a fort
of manifefto, which he drew up
the fame day, being the 13th of
May. He there declares, that the
report of the king's intention to
fill the city with foreigners, and
to fall upon the citizens with
them, was the true caufe of the
faw
Book III. OF SUL LY.
153
faw himſelf reduced, who neither knew how to 1588.
prevent, to ftifle, or to divide factions, who amufed
himfelf with conjecturing, when he ought to have
acted, who exerted neither prudence nor fortitude,
nor was even acquainted with the characters of
thoſe whom he commanded, nor thoſe that were
neareſt his perſon. The revolutions which happen
in great ftates, are not produced by chance, or the
caprice of the people; 'tis a weak and diforderly
government that caufes rebellions, for the popu-
populace rifing; that, inſtead of
fupporting them, he had made ule
of his utmoſt endeavours, till two
hours after midnight, to calm the
tumult; that he had preferved the
Swifs, and prevented the maffacre;
that he had intreated the rebels to
refpect the royal authority; and
that, far from attempting any
thing against the king's perfon,
"I might, faid he, have Ropped
"him a thouſand times, if I had
"been inclined to do fo." &c.
Add to this, that in treating with
the queen-mother, he required no-
thing but the deftruction of the
proteftants, and that religion fhould
be fecured; and declared likewiſe,
that it was not in his own name
he treated, but in that of the car-
dinal of Bourbon, whofe interefts
he ſupported against thofe of the
king of Navarre, and the other
princes of the blood.
I do not find it fufficiently prov-
ed against the duke of Guife, that
his defign was to place himfelf
upon the throne, after the death of
Henry III. and the cardinal of
Bourbon; and this is very extra-
ordinary. What ambitious man,
and in his place, could have re-
fifted the fuggeftions of the Pope,
the king of Spain, and a great
part of Europe, who all confpired
for his elevation? See the duke of
Parma's opinion of this event, Da-
vila, bookix. "The duke of Guife
made fhew of doing too much,
"and did in reality too little he
"ought to have remembered, that
"whoever draws his fword againſt
"his prince, ought to have that
"inftant thrown away the fcab-
"bard. Sixtus V. when he re-
ceived the news, cried out, "Oh
"that prefumptuousduke, and that
"weak king." The earl of Staf-
ford, ambaffador from England,
(I relate this anecdote in the words
of Le Grain, book iv.) "being
"adviſed to take a fafe-conduct
"from the duke of Guife, I will
"have no other fecurity, faid he,
"than the law of nations, and the
<<
protection of the king to whom
"I am fent, whofe fervants and
fubjects you and the duke of
"Guife both are. The first pre-
fident de Harlay anfwered the
duke of Guife with the fame firm-
nefs, That in the king's abfence,
he would take his orders from the
queen-mother.
There is one piece upon the
different conduct of the league and
council, before and after the mu-
tiny in Paris, that deferves to be
read, and is entitled, The Verbal
Procefs of Nicholas Poulain, the
mayor of Paris, upon the league,
from 1585 to 1588. This Nicho-
las Poulain, who fecretly favoured
the king's party, often gave good
advice in this affair, which was
never followed. This piece of ſe-
cret hiſtory is to be found in the
firft vol. of the Journal of Henry
III's reign, p. 132, and following.
lace
154
Book III.
MEMOIRS
ོ་ སད་ ་
1588. lace never rife through a defire of attacking, but
an impatience of fuffering.
The juft refentment that filled the heart of the
king of Navarre, for an infult fo cruel, offered to
one of his own blood, and which, in fome degree,
reflected a difgrace upon all crowned heads, effaced
in a moment the remembrance of Henry III's in-
jurious treatment of himfelf. He declared his
affliction at it in his council, who all with one
voice approved of his refolution to affift and de-
fend the king of France; and he fent his fecretary
immediately to this prince; to affure him, that
he might difpoſe of his perfon and troops.
The count of Soiffons, whole mind was en-
groffed by perpetual chimeras, looked upon this
event as a ſtroke of fortune, which by ridding him
of all his rivals, would give him the chief fway in
the council, and court of Henry III. Changing
therefore his battery in an inſtant, he refolved to
go and offer his fervice to this prince; and to give
himſelf more confequence with him, he fought de-
pendents in the court of the king of Navarre, and
from amongſt his moft affectionate fervants, whofe
fidelity he did not fcruple upon this occafion to
tempt. The king of Navarre, though he was pretty
fenfible of all the bafenefs of this conduct, dif-
fembled his fentiments of it; and reflecting that it
would be of uſe to him to have fome perfon with
the count of Soiffons, in whom he could confide,
to watch all his motions, and ſtudy the new ſyſtem
he purſued at court; he commanded me to give
ear to this prince's difcourfe, and to affect a zeal
for him that I was very far from feeling. The
count of Soiffons fuffered himſelf to be eaſily de-
ceived; he congratulated himfelf for having gained
me, and treated me with a diftinction that did not
fail to raiſe me fome enemies, who envied me the
fhare I poffeffed of his favour. I accompanied
him in his journey, after having received inftruc-
tions from the king of Navarre, and concerted
5
with
Book III.
155
OF
SULLY.
with him thoſe meaſures which his fervice required 1588.
me to take upon this occafion.
During our whole journey, the count continu-
ally entertained me with the favour, the magnifi-
cence, and the honours that waited him at court.
The king of Navarre, he thought, would not
even attempt to rival him: amidst all the ftrokes
of vanity, and infupportable pride which efcaped
him, there mingled, without his perceiving it, a
kind of bitterneſs againſt the king of Navarre,
that fufficiently diſcovered the hatred and antipathy
he bore him. I could neither fubmit to flatter his
inclinations, nor to approve of his ridiculous
fchemes; and all my anfwer was, that I forefaw
the difunion of the royal family, which had been
already the cauſe of fo many misfortunes, would
bring France at laft under the power of the houſe
of Auftria, after it had made them deſtroy each
other. A difcourfe more foothing would have
been more to his tafte; but mine, however, feemed
to bear the marks of a fincere attachment to him,
which could not fail of pleaſing.
We arrived at Nogent-le-Rotrou, and after-
wards at Mante, where the king of France was.
We found him in that reftlefs and unquiet difpofi-
tion of mind, which a violent refentment occafions,
and filled with confufion for the affront he had fo
lately fuffered. Notwithſtanding all this, he was
fo incapable of taking the advantage of the change
in his affairs *, that even at that yery time he
*It is believed that if Henry III.
had acted with more prudence and
fteadiness, he would have been
till able to retrieve his affairs.
It is certain, that the Parifians, in
great confternation at his leaving
Paris, fent deputies to him at
Chartres, to intreat him with every
kind of fubmiffion to return to
that city; and to render this de-
putation more affecting, they made
the capuchins walk in proceffion,
and enter the cathedral with the
inftruments of the paffion, crying
Mifericordia. The king received
them with that air of majeſty and
authority neceffary upon this occa-
fion. He fhewed great favour to
the deputies from the parliament,
which had not been any ways
concerned in the affair of the bar-
ricades; the others he threatened
made
156
Book III.
MEMOIRS
}
1
1588. made the duke of Epernon admiral, and ſoon after
gave him the government of Normandy, vacant
by the death of the marechal Joyeufe. The count
of Soiffons was received in a manner fo different
from what he expected, that there needed no more
to convince him of the folly of his great projects.
The king addreffing himſelf to me, afked me if I
had quitted the king of Navarre's party? I evaded
this perplexing queſtion, by telling him, that in
coming to offer my fervice to his majefty, I did
not think myſelf feparated from the king of Na-
varre, becauſe I was affured, that that prince,
whoſe intereſts were the fame with his, would in a
little time do the like. I found this anſwer did
not diſpleaſe the king; but being furrounded, and
carefully obferved by perfons, on whofe counte-
nances it was eafy to read the uneafinefs which my
diſcourſe gave them, he concealed his fentiments.
The weakneſs of this prince was indeed incom-
prehenfible: his real enemies could not be un-
known to him, after the audacious manner in
which they had fo lately taken off the mafque
but ftill feigning ignorance, he again delivered
himfelf up to the queen-mother, and through
with a refolution never again to
enter Paris, and to deprive it of
its charters, and fovereign courts;
at which they were fo greatly
alarmed, that the duke of Guife
was obliged to excrt all his art
and credit to pacify them.
* In the circular letter that
Henry III. fent into the provinces,
after the action of the barricades,
and which began thus; "Dear
" and well beloved, you have, as
66
we fuppofe, heard the reafons
"that induced us to leave our city
"of Paris, the 13th of this
"month," &c. This prince
ſpeaks more like a fupplicant than
a king; he defends his defign of
introducing a foreign garrifon in
Paris, and doubts of the fidelity
of the Parifians. He gives a falfe
;
and bad colour to his flight, and
declares that he is ready to begin
the war againſt the huguenots, at
the head of the league. MS. of
the royal library, number 8866,
8891.
The author means the confe-
rences which the queen-mother
held, by this prince's command,
with the cardinal of Bourbon and
the duke of Guife; to which were
alfo admitted, as I find in vol.
8906, of the manufcripts in the
royal library, the lords de Lanfac,
Lenoncourt, Des-Chateillers, and
Miron, first phyfician to his ma-
jefty, who had been employed in
carrying meffages between the two
parties on the day of the barri-
cades. Theſe conferences were
held at Chalons, at Sarry, a houſe
her
Book III. OF SULLY.
157
her to his perfecutors, with whom fhe reconciled 1588.
him. Perhaps, however, this laft ftep was in
this prince but a ftroke of the moſt profound dif-
fimulation; for the bold action he committed
belonging to the bishop of Cha-
lons, at Nemours, &c. The league
made most extravagant demands
there, fuch as the entire aboli-
tion of the pretended reformed re-
ligion, the difmiffion of all the
calvinist officers, even if they ab-
jured; the publication of the coun-
cil of Trent, the inquifition, &c.
and at last obtained all they de-
manded by the edict of July 21,
which was given in confequence
of thofe conferences. Memoirs of
the League, vol. I. Memoirs of
Nevers, vol. I. Matthieu, vol. I.
book viii. Chron. Noven. vol. I.
and others.
* The death of the two bro-
thers, the duke and cardinal of
Guife, whom this prince caufed
to be murdered in his own apart-
ments, by his guards, the 23d of
December at Blois, where he held
the ftates. See this murder in the
fame hiftorians, with a relation of
the proceedings and intrigues of
both parties in the ftates of Blois.
The cardinal of Bourbon was kept
prifoner, the other brothers of the
duke of Guife fled.
The duke of Guife periſhed as
the admiral Coligny did; prefump-
tion hindered them both from fee-
ing the danger with which they
were threatened. The duke heeded
none of the warnings that were
given him; it is faid, that the
marchioness of Noirmoûtier, the
fame lady who made fo much noile
under the name of madam de Sau-
ves, came on purpoſe to pafs the
night with him; and neither by
arguments or intreaties, could hin-
der him from going the next day
to the council.
Some perfons took upon them to
juftify Henry III. for this action,
ainong others the cardinal de Joy-
eufe, in a long memorial upon this
-
*
fubject, which he fent from Rome,
where he then was. Villeroy's
Memoirs of State, vol. II. p. 175.
But the moft judicious of our hif-
torians, and even thoſe who have
carried the privilege of the royal
authority furtheft, all deteft it.
"The fhocking circumftances of
"the murder of the Guifes, fays
"Perefix, appeared horrible, even
"in the eyes of the huguenots,
"who faid, that it too much re-
"fembled the maffacre of St. Bar-
"tholomew.' On the other fide
it cannot be denied, that Henry III.
had no other way of preferviug
the crown in his houfe, and per-
haps on his own head; for there
is not the leaft probability in what
Villeroy afferts in his Memoirs,
vol. I. p. 25. that the king, with-
out taking that courſe, might have
made himſelf malter of the deli-
berations of the ftates of Blois,
and have obliged them to comply
with his will.
In this alternative one cannot
help lamenting the confequences
of bad conduct in a prince, which
reduces him to fuch a fad neceffity.
He was himself a fatal example of
this truth, that he who ftrikes with
a knife, fhall perish by a knife.
eye,
The duke of Guife was almoft
adored by the catholics, eſpecially
the people, who called him always,
Our great man. He had a fear on
the left cheek, below his
which only ferved to make him
more refpected, becauſe he received
it fighting against the huguenots,
at the battle of Château-Thierry,
by a piſtol ſhot from a German
trooper. He was, on the con-
trary, fo hated by his own family,
whom he treated with an infup-
portable infolence and feverity,
that we are affured his relations,
and even his own brothers, through
againft
158
MEMOIRS
Book III.
1589. againſt the ſtates of Blois, gives us room to be-
lieve, that his revenge was never one moment out
of his thoughts and if one might form any judg-
ment of this affembly, in all appearance, every
individual that compofed it, had each a fecret ob-
ject in view, to which all their defigns tended,
and which fuccefs difcovered in fome, and diſap-
pointment concealed in others.
The death of Catherine de Medicis, which hap-
pened foon after the affaffination of the duke of
fear of falling under the power of
a tyrant, were the perfons that
fent Henry III. the most certain.
intelligence of his actions and de-
figns; an intelligence which was
fufpected by this prince, as that
given to the duke by many of the
courtiers concerning the king's vi-
olent refolution against him, was
by him; for they both imagined
from thence that the deſign was to
prevail upon them to quit the party
and break with the ftates of Blois,
in which each of them would have
found his account. Henry III. at
first defigned only to arrest the
duke of Guife, but he found it
would be dangerous, and ftill
inore to make him prifoner;
therefore he determined to have
him poignarded. Both the bodies
were confumed in a fire, the
bones burnt in a low hall of the
caſtle, and the afhes thrown into
the air.
The king of Navarre, who had
no hand in this affaffination, was
the perſon that gained moft by it.
In all appearance, while the duke
of Guife lived, he would never
have obtained the crown. We
are affured alfo, that there were
then great defigns formed between
France and Spain, not only to
extirpate the proteftant party, but
even to dethrone Elizabeth, which
the event of the barricades, fol-
lowed by the death of the duke of
Guife, was only able to hinder
the execution of. The king of
Navarre lamented the fate of the
duke of Guife, without blaming
Henry III. "I always, faid he,
"forefaw, and ſaid, that Meffieurs
"de Guiſe would never under-
"take the enterprize they had
"conceived, and bring it to an
"iffue, without endangering their
"lives." Cayet, vol. I. fol. 114.
Several other perfons were of the
fame opinion. "Curfed be Lor-
"rain, faid Hubert De Vins, in
"the Memoirs of Caftelnau, for
"his ftupidity in fuppofing, that
CC
a king, whofe crown he was
"attempting to take away by dif
"fimulation, would not likewife
"diffemble with him, to take
away his life." "Since they
"are fo near each other, faid
"madam de Fourbin, the fifter
"of de Vins, we fhall hear the
Cl
very first day, either one or
"the other has flain his compa-
"nion."
The tragical events of the year
1588 have appeared to fome to
verify the prediction of Regiomon-
tanus, and other aftrologers, that
this year would be the climacteric
of the world. I find in it only a
new confirmation of the folly of
this ridiculous fcience.
*In the opinions of thoſe who
have beftowed fo many praiſes up-
on this princefs, it feemed fufti-
cient fo merit the title of a poli-
tician, that the knew how to en-
grofs the management of all affairs,
and to keep herſelf in poffeffion
of authority; but when one re-
flects, that theſe fuppofed abilities,
Guife
Book III.
159
OF SULLY.
Guife, did not afford Henry III. more liberty to 1589.
follow his inclinations, which led him to unite
himſelf with the king of Navarre. The league
was not extinct with the duke of Guife: he had
the minds of the people to calm, the grandees to
regain, the pope to appeafe, and Spain to keep in
bounds, and the difpleaſure of all the catholics to
affuage, who, after this execution, were very well
difpofed to question his religion.
Henry, like all weak men, magnified theſe
difficulties; he flattered himſelf he ſhould reduce
every thing to order by mildneſs; and therefore,
publickly afferted his privilege, explained his rea-
fons for what he had done, and loudly juftified
his conduct. He ought to have employed arms
alone againſt a party, which had no longer any
reſpect for the royal authority; and, inftead of
increaſing the prefumption of the populace (who
in power are no leſs infolent, than abject in obe-
dience) by a moderation which can only be aſcribed
to weakneſs, he ought to have declared himfelf
boldly the affailant, and fought for vengeance like
a king. Had he acted in this manner, conjunctly
which confifted, however, in mak-
ing ufe of unworthy means, and
contemptible artifices, brought
things at laſt to fuch an extremity,
that neither the, nor any other,
knew any longer what remedies to
apply to them; it may be juftly
afferted, that the quality of a po-
litician did not compenfate for the
numberless faults the committed.
It is believed, that the fatal confe-
quences which the apprehended
would attend the murder of the
Guifes, in which fhe had no part,
the cardinal of Bourbon's reproach-
es, the horror of the prefent time,
and perhaps the ftings of her con-
fcience, haftened her death, which
happened the 5th of January, 1589.
She was forgot foon afterwards.
De Thou, book xciv. Her laft
advice to her fon was, to put an
end to the perfecution against the
proteftants, and to establish an
entire liberty of religion in France.
Chron. Novenn. vol. I. fol. 132.
Brantome's prejudices againſt this
queen renders all he has laid to her
difadvantage very doubtful, vol.
VII. of his Memoirs, p. 31, and
following. Varillas is not more to
be believed, when he fays, that
her death was occafioned by her
grief for the murder of the duke,
whom he was very fond of. Siri
praifes her like a foreigner, who
was not well acquainted with the
;
affairs of our court in that time
for he came to France long after
the death of that queen. Memoirs
of Recon di Vittorio Siri, vol. I.
page 26.
with
160
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1589. with the king of Navarre, he might, in all pro-
bability, have prevented the lofs of Orleans, and
an infinite number of other places; nor had
he been at laſt reduced to the cities of Blois, Beau-
gency, Amboife, Tours, and Samur.
**
I was either a witnefs to all thefe events, or was
foon informed of them at Rofny, whither I had
retired, as to a place from whence I could eaſily
obferve whatever paffed at court. I left it, as foon
as I thought it was neceffary to give the king of
Navarre an account of thefe tranfactions. He had
not been a little perplexed himſelf during this in-
terval, in unravelling and overthrowing the ſchemes
of the viſcount Turenne; who putting himfelf in
the prince of Condé's place, continued all his pro-
jects for himſelf, and acted in the fame manner
by the king of Navarre as the duke of Guife did
by Henry III. In an affembly of the proteftants,
held at Rochelle, he boldly declared, that France,
in the preſent conjuncture, could not poffibly avoid
feeing her monarchy difmembred; and he gave
them to underftand that, in the divifion which
would be made of it, he would not forget him-
felf. The king of Navarre complained of this
conduct in the fame affemblies; and to engage the
proteftants more firmly to his perfon, he joined
actions to words, feized upon Garnache, and took
Niort by ftorm, after a bloody and furious
battle. It was at his return from this expedition,
that he fell dangerouſly ill at La Mothe-Frêlon.
*"'Tis a puff of wind, faid
Henry III. fpeaking of thofe
cities, which has thrown down
a pack of cards."
+ In Poitou.
He left St. Hermine, in Lower
Poitou, in the month of January,
to go and affilt Garnache, which
was beficged by the duke of Ne-
Du-Pleffis-Mornay led his
troops, and he himfelf marched on
vers.
foot, as if he was fhooting. He
over-heated himself, and was ſeized
with a pain in his fide, attended
with a fever, which obliged him
to ftop at the firſt houſe he came
to, which belonged to a gentle-
man called La-Mothe-Frêlon. Du-
Pleffis perfuaded him to be let
blood, which cured him. Life of
Du-Pleffis-Mornay, booki.p.125.
I took
Book III.
161
OF SULLY.
I took my way through Blois, in order to form 1589.
my last conjectures by the fituation in which I
fhould find the court. Although I made ufe of
all poffible precautions to avoid being difcovered
by any perfon; yet the marquis of Rambouillet *
feeing me pafs through the ftreet, knew me, tho'
wrapt up in my cloak, and ordered me to be
watched to my lodging. The marquis was a man
of ſtrict honeſty, and had always the good of the
ftate in view, without any confiderations of felf-
intereft: he conceived, that it belonged to him to
draw fome advantage from this encounter, to
make one more effort upon the king's mind, and
prevail upon him at length to throw himſelf into
the arms of the king of Navarre. He found him
in fuch a difpofition as he wished, and the king
was the rather induced to employ me upon this
occafion, as he remembered I had already been
fent to him on that bufinefs. Rambouillet com-
ing to me by his order, we concerted together
what was neceffary to be done; after which he
prefented me to his majefty, who confirmed to me
himſelf his intentions. The many ineffectual en-
gagements into which he had entered with the
king of Navarre, made me think it neceffary to
afk him for a credential letter to that prince; but
he denied this requeſt, out of an apprehenfion that
this letter might fall into the hands of Nuncio
Morofini †, or the duke of Nevers, to whom,
he faid, notwithſtanding the eſteem he had for me,
* Nicholas D'Angennes.
John Francis Morofini, bifhop
of Brefce. Lewis de Gonzague,
duke of Nevers. Sixtus V. had
just then published a bull of ex-
communication against Henry,
which this prince ufed his utmoft
endeavour to get recalled. This
pope, who was faid to be equally
fit to govern a great kingdom as
to be the head of the church, fe-
cretly approved of that juftice
VOL. I.
which the king of France had ex-
ecuted upon the duke of Guife;
but he could not parden him for
involving a cardinal in it. See in
Villeroy's Memoirs of State vol. II.
p. 175. the cardinal de Joycute's
letters already cited. Sixtus V.
foretold, that the league would
reduce Henry to the ncceffity of
applying to the king of Navarre
and the huguenots for affiftance.
M
he
J
162
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1589. he ſhould be obliged to deliver me, if I was difco-
vered in Blois. I gave up this point, therefore;
but afterwards demanded, for the fecurity of the
king of Navarre, that when he fhould enter a
country full of his enemies, a town might be
given him, that would afford him a free paffage
over the Loire. This, for the fame reafon, was
not granted. I did not attribute theſe refufals to
any bad intention of the king's, but only to the
fear he was in of thofe two men, upon whom
he had voluntarily made himfelf dependent. I
did not, however, believe, that the king of Na-
varre, without this laft article was yielded to,
would advance with his troops as far as Blois.
But this difficulty was removed by Brigneux, the
governor of Beaugency, whom I vifited before I
went away. After telling me, that he faw, with
grief, this place, like the reft, would be infallibly
loft by the meaſures the king purfued, he offered
to refign the care of it to me, or to Rebours, or
any other officer the king of Navarre fhould ap-
prove; adding, that he chofe rather to refign his
poft, and follow this prince as a volunteer only,
than to continue in Beaugency, where his advice
was not regarded.
After this affurance, I returned immediately to
the king of Navarre: this prince liftened to me
attentively, but not being able to ſuppreſs thofe
doubts, which his frequent difappointments from
the king of France had inſpired him with, he
often aſked me, with an unquiet tone of voice, and
irrefolute action, if I now really thought the king
of France fincere? I protefted to him that I be-
lieved he was; and added the engagement of
Rambouillet. "Well then, replied the king, I
"will not take his towns, while he continues to
"treat faithfully with me;" for he had taken
Châtellaraud* that very day. "Return then,
* In Poitou.
" added
Book III.
163
OF
SULLY.
"added he, and carry him my letters; for I nei- 1589.
"ther fear Morofini nor Nevers." Accordingly
he made me go with him that moment to break-
faſt in his cloſet; and I took poft again for Blois.
The king of France, who did not doubt but
the king of Navarre's anfwer would be fuch as he
deſired, had, through impatience, advanced as far
as Montrichard, with all his train. I found all the
lodgings in this little place either taken up or be-
fpoke, fo that as I arrived very late, I began to
think I fhould be obliged to paſs the night in the
ftreet: luckily Maignan found out the marquis of
Rambouillet's lodgings, and he provided me with
thoſe that had been defigned for one of my bro-
thers, who was then at Tours. At midnight I
went to the king, who waited for me in a garret of
the caſtle. He approved of, and figned every
thing, even to the paffage over the Loire; and
would have had me to fet out again that fame
night. The report of a treaty between the two
kings had already reached Châtelleraud, when I
arrived there; and was fo paffionately deſired by
the people, that as foon as I appeared, they loaded
me with a thouſand bleſſings.
The king of Navarre was already gone from
thence. This prince, who depended upon nothing
but his fword, being informed that the league had
entered Argenton *, marched haftily thither, and
arrived ſo ſeaſonably, that he forced the troops of
the league to diflodge, before they had received
the fupplies neceffary to maintain them there. He
left Beaupré governor in this place, after I had
viſited the caſtle, and put it into a condition of
defence.
The fatigue I had fuffered from fo many fuc-
ceffive journies, threw me, at my return, into a
continued fever, which confined me to my bed
twelve days. Du-Pleffis took advantage of this
*In the Upper Poitou.
M 2
accident,
164
MEMOIRS
Book III
1589. accident, to deprive me of the honour of a treaty
which he had only the trouble of drawing up, and
in which the marquis of Rambouillet* had as great.
a fhare as himſelf. This treaty was figned at
Pleffis les-Tours, to the great fatisfaction of the
two kings. Saumur was the place of ſecurity that
was agreed upon, and Du-Pleffis † did not fail to
procure the government of it, as a fit reward for
him to whom they were obliged for the fuccefs of
the treaty.
t
This proceeding appeared to me fo extremely
unjuftifiable, that I complained loudly of Du-Pleffis,
and even of the king of Navarre himself, who had
beſtowed the fruit of my labour upon another.
The count of Soiffons, who never had any regard
to the general intereſt, or took part in the public
joy, made ufe of this circumftance to endeavour to
engage me in his new defigns; and my two brothers,
on the other fide, preffed me earnestly to attach
myſelf wholly to the party of the king of France:
but I rejected this propofition, nor was my fidelity
to my prince to be fhaken by all the efforts which
were made to feduce me. When I reflected alfo,
that the government of Saumur would have obliged
me to a conftant refidence there, and by confe-
quence have removed me always from the king of
Navarre, I found, that what had appeared an act
of injuftice, was, in reality, a favour, which merited
my acknowledgment.
Nothing now remained for the two kings to do,
but to have a conference together, in order to con-
cert their future enterprizes. For this purpoſe, the
king of Navarre fet out from Pleffs-les-Tours.
Still affaulted by fome remains of diſtruſt †, which
* It is but just to inform the
reader, that thefe facts are related
very differently in the life of Du-
Pleffis Mornay, book i. p. 131;
but to which of the writers moft
credit ought to be given is not eafy
to decide.
+ Philip Mornay, lord of Pleffis
Marly.
CC
I
His old huguenot officers,
they fay, were afraid, that at a
time when treachery was fo
"neceffary to Henry III. to ex.
tricate him out of the laby-
he
Book III.
165
OF
SULLY.
<<
he could with difficulty fupprefs, he ftopped near 1589.
a mill, about two leagues from the caſtle, and
would know the opinion of each of the gentlemen
that compofed his train, upon the ftep he was
going to take. I was amongst them, and the re-
membrance of the injuftice, as I then thought it,
which he had offered me, keeping me filent: the
king of Navarre turning to me, "You fay no-
thing, faid he; what are your thoughts of the
"matter?" I answered, in few words, That it
was true, the ſtep he was taking was not without
danger, becauſe the troops of the king of France
were fuperior to his; but that I looked upon this
to be one of thofe circumftances, in which fome-
thing ought to be left to chance; and that as for
the reft, one ought to content one's felf with uſing
all the precautions which prudence could fuggeft.
This prince paufing for a few moments, then turn-
ing towards us, "Let us go on, faid he; my
"refolution is fixed."
The king of France came into the field to meet
the king of Navarre, and the joy of an union
which had been fo ardently defired, drew together
fo great a concourfe of people, that the two kings
continued above a quarter of an hour, at the di-
ftance of fifty paces from each other, without being
able to approach nearer: at length the croud giving
way, they embraced with equal fatisfaction on both
fides t, and took the road together to Tours,
"rinth into which the action he
"had committed at Blois had in-
"troduced him (for he had been
"excommunicated by Sixtus V.)
"he would not fcruple to purchaſe
"his abfolution at the price of the
"king of Navarre's life." Perefix,
ibid. This prince had often him-
felf faid, as De Thou relates,
"That he never went to the king's
"cloſet but through the midſt of
"two armies, ranged on each
"fide."
*He wrote to Du-Pleffis-Mor-
may, in thefe terms: "Monfieur
"Du-Pleffis, the ice is broken,
"not without many warnings,
"that if I went I fhould be a
"dead map: I paffed the water,
"recommending myfelf to God,"
&c.
At the bridge of La-Motte, a
quarter of a league from Tours;
Courage, my lord, faid Henry
"IV. to Henry III. two Henrys
are worth more than one Ca-
cr
蛋白
​"rolus." Matthew, vol. I. p. 52.
The duke of Maïenne's name was
Charles.
M 3
where
166
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1589. where the king of Navarre lay one night, and then
returned to his quarters at Maillé. As for me, I
ftaid at Tours, being detained by a great number
of my friends and relations, whom I found there,
and fixed my refidence in the fuburb St. Sym-
phorien.
The duke of Maïenne, who had taken arms to
revenge the death of the duke of Guife, and to
fupport the intereft of the league, had no defign
to leave us long in quiet, but marched with his
whole army towards this city. The king, who
had walked as far as Marmoutier*, unarmed, and
attended only by twenty horfe, narrowly eſcaped
being taken, and was obliged to return precipi-
tately to Tours. The fuburbs having no other in-
trenchments than fome flight barricades, erected in
hafte, by fix or feven regiments of royalifts, who
defended them, I quitted the fuburb of St. Sym-
phorien, and ordered all my equipage to be carried
into the city. My conduct was by the officers
taxed with timidity; but it was not long ere it was
fufficiently justified.
The duke of Maïenne attacked the fuburb. He
was ſtopped fome moments by means of five or
fix houfes, on the top of the hill, where our people
had poſted themſelves; but they were foon obliged
to abandon them, in order to intrench themſelves.
behind the baricadoes, where expecting foon to be
affaulted, they made uſe of this interval to fnatch
a hafty refreſhment.
I met the king at the gate of the city, and
making me enter, he told me, that he believed it
would be in vain to endeavour to defend the fuburbs.
In effect, the barricades could not refift the ene-
my's cannon; they were forced at the firft onfet,
and as they had no ditch to fupport them, their
retreat into the city was fo confuſed, and ſo much
expoſed to the enemy, that I am ſurpriſed all the
foldiers in the fuburbs were not either taken or
I
* An abbey near Tours.
flain,
Book III.
167
OF SULLY.
}
flain, and that the enemies did not even enter the 1589.
city along with them. Two pieces of cannon
would have been fufficient for that purpoſe. I faw
the flight of our people from the convent of Ja-
cobins, which looked over the walls of the city;
and fearing that the danger would increafe, I ran
with my two brothers to the gate, to which they
all preft tumultuoufly, and by means of fome in-
trenchments we ordered to be made, rendered their
retreat more fecure, and with a little time and
order, they all entered; after which we clofed up
the gate, and fet a ſtrong guard over it.
It was no longer doubted, but that the city
would be befieged in form. I joined Chatillon,
and fome others, and we went to intreat the king
to confide fome important poft to our care; he
gave us the Ifles*, and we laboured there without
ceafing from that moment, till the next morning,
that the king came to vifit our work. He ad-
dreffed himſelf to me, and praiſed our diligence
greatly, but it was ufelefs; fer at the firft news of
what had happened, the king of Navarre marched
haftily with his troops at Tours, and appeared in
three hours before the city. The duke of Maïenne
would not wait for him, but retreated, after plun-
dering the fuburbs, and the neighbouring places.
A fervice of this importance gave great hopes of
what an alliance between the two kings might pro-
duce, and made the inhabitants of Tours look
upon the king of Navarre † as their deliverer.
The two kings continued together eight or ten
days, after which they feparated for the expedi-
tion that had been projected on the city of Poitiers.
While they carried on the works there, the king
of Navarre fent me with three hundred horfe, and
* Read the ifle, This quarter,
which is inhabited only by water-
men, and the meaneft people, is
of great confequence to the defence
of Tours.
† Henry IV. highly extolled the
behaviour of Henry III. who ſhew-
ed great courage upon this occa-
fion. Mem. of Nevers, vol. II.
p. 589.
M 4
a like
168
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1
}
1589. a like number of arquebufiers, to whom he alfo
gave horfes, to defend Chartres, it having been
difcovered, that Maintenon was fecretly endea-
vouring to poffefs himfelf of this city, in the
name of the league. I provided myfelf with rope-
ladders, petards, and other inftruments, and came
directly to Bonneval ‡, without taking any refreſh-
ment that whole day. Some prifoners whom we
took from a detachment of twenty-five troopers,
informed us, that the enemy had a party of four
hundred horfe in the field, with Broffe Saveufe* at
their head; and that Reclainville t, who led the
twenty-five troopers, had taken us for a body of
a hundred and twenty horfe with which Lorges ††
had juft furprized Châteaudun. We concluded
from this account, that the party of four hundred
horfe wanted to come up with us; and we, on our
fide, having the fame defire, left our arquebufiers
to purfue the road to Chartres leifurely, and taking
ours through the little hills, in order to reach the
enemy's fquadron, we met them on the top of a
finall hill, which each party had climbed up on his
own fide; fo that we neither faw them, nor they
us, till we were within two hundred paces of each
other.
We came to blows immediately §, and with fa
much fury, that by the firft fhock forty of our
men were thrown to the ground. I was of this
number, together with Meff. De Chatillon || de
Mouy, De Montbazon, D'Avantigny, and Dẹ
Preffaigny. Happily I had received no wound;
my horfe, who was only cut in the jaw, got up
again, and I found myſelf ſtill on his back. Per-
Lewis D'Angennes, lord of
Maintenon.
A town upon the confines of
Perche.
* Charles de Tiercelin, and
Anne his brother; the eldest was
called Saveufe, and the youngest
De Broffe.
↑ Lewis de Alonville, lord of
Reclainville, or l'Arclainville, who
commanded in Chartres for the
duke of Maïenne.
†† de Montgomery of Lerges.
§ May 18.
Francis de Chatillon, the ad-
miral's fon, the leader of the troop.
Ifaac Vaudré de Mouy. Lewis de
Rohan, duke of Montbazon.
haps
Book III.
169
OF SULLY.
haps there never was an action, of this kind of 1589.
combat, more furious, obftinate, or more bloody.
Four or five times we returned to the charge, the
enemies rallying again the moment they were put
into diforder. I had two fwords broke, and was
obliged to have recourſe to a pair of piſtols loaded
with ſteel balls, againſt which no arms were proof.
Our enemies finding they had loft two hundred of
their men, left us at laft in poffeffion of the field
of battle.
We were not in a condition to enjoy the fruits
of our victory: extreme wearinefs, and the pain
of our wounds, kept us motionleſs. A little reſt
was all we wifhed for, when a heavy rain fell,
which, mixing with our fweat, wet us all over in
an inſtant; for we were obliged to cover our arms
with our cloaths: and to complete our misfortunes,
we learnt that the duke of Maïenne was at our
heels. In this melancholy fituation a council
being held, it was refolved, notwithſtanding the
condition we were in, that we fhould march all
night, and endeavour to get back to Beaugency.
We arrived there, almoft fpent with fatigue and
thirſt. My ftrength being quite exhaufted, all I
could do was to fink down upon a bed, nor was it
poffible to awake me to take any nouriſhment.
The report of this battle being fpread every
where, the king of Navarre came to Beaugency to
vifit us, and expreffed himſelf highly fatisfied with
our behaviour. Saveufe being among the prifoners,
was brought before him, and the king, who, from
the fame principle of generofity careffed the brave,
and compaffionated the unfortunate, endeavoured
to conſole him, by praifes on his conduct, and
every kind of good treatment. But Saveufe know-
ing that a great number of his relations, and almoſt
all his friends, perifhed in the fight, his grief for
their lofs, the fhame he felt at being vanquished,
and the dangerous wounds he had received, in-
ſpired fuch an extreme defpair, that he became de-
1
lirious,
170
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1589. lirious, and died in the frenzy of a raging fever,
without fuffering his wounds to be dreft. The king
of Navarre made us fet out for Chateaudun, where
eight days reft entirely obliterated all remembrance
of our paſt fatigues.
I was upon the point of leaving this place, when
a courier brought me news that my wife was dan-
gerouſly ill. I flew to Rofny, with Dortoman *,
firſt phyſician to the king of Navarre, whom this
prince ordered to accompany me. All this canton
was in the interefts of the league; and one of my
brothers †, who had taken poffeffion of my houſe,
the fame wherein my wife lay ill, had the cruelty
to draw up the bridge, and refuſe me entrance.
Pierced to my inmoft foul, with a treatment fo
inhuman, I fwore I would enter, or perish in the
attempt, and already began to apply ladders to the
walls, when my brother, who did not perhaps ex-
pect fo much refolution, ordered the gate to be
opened.
The only confolation I had was to find my wife
ſtill alive, and to receive her laft embraces: all re-
medies were ineffectual, and fhe died four days.
after my arrival. The lofs of a wife fo dear to
me, and whofe life had been expofed to fuch cruel
viciffitudes of fortune, fhut my heart during a whole.
month to every other paffion but grief. I heard
with infenfibility the progrefs of the arms of the
two kings, which at any other time would have
inflamed me with an ardent defire of fharing in
their dangers and glory; for it was about this time,
that they took Gergeau, Pluviers, Eftampes,
Chartres, Poiffy, Pontoife, the ifle Adam, Beau-
mont, and Creil. Every little inconfiderable town
boafted of having ſtopped her king, who found no-
thing but revolt and difobedience over all his do-
* Nicholas Dortoman, a native
of Arnheim.
†
This is certainly the cldcft,
who was called the baron of Rolny.
Towns in the neighbourhood
of Paris, in the ifle of France, La
Beauce, and L'Orleans. See an
account of this in the hiftorians.
minions.
Book III.
171
OF SULLY.
minions. He was now fenfible of the great ad- 1589.
vantage he drew from the king of Navarre's af-
fiftance. As for this prince, he was as prodigal of
life as if he had been weary of it: wherever there
was most danger, there was he to be feen at the
head of his foldiers. In one of thoſe many encoun-
ters he had to maintain, at the very moment when,
to reft himſelf, he was leaning upon Charbonniere,
this colonel was, by a muſket-ſhot, laid dead at
his feet.
*
I awaked as from a deep fleep at the news
of
the two kings holding Paris befieged; and leaving
a place where every object I faw renewed my
affliction, I went to join the army. It was here
that I foothed that grief which ſtill filled my heart,
by expofing myſelf carelefly in all the fkirmiſhes
we had with the enemy, then more frequent than
ever, particularly in the field, which was called the
Scholars meadow. The king of Navarre perceived
my defign, and obferving that Maignan, my equery,
whom he often ordered to go to me, and force me
away, durft not do it, he defired him only to tell
me, that he wanted to ſpeak to me.
Scarce had he uttered one word, when he was
interrupted by a gentleman, who whiſpered fome-
thing in his ear, and left him immediately. The
king of Navarre, amazed at what he had heard,
called me again inftantly, and told me an affaffin
had dangerouſly wounded the king of France with
a knife: then mounting his horfe, and attended.
* If we may believe Matthieu,
vol. II. p. 3. theſe two kings were
greatly diffatisfied with each other.
Henry III. could not conceal his
jealoufy of Henry IV. who far
from expecting to reign, refolved
to retire as foon as he had re-
eſtabliſhed the king upon his
throne.
+ By James Clement, a jacobin
monk, born in Sorbonne, a village
in Burgundy. He was introduced
by LaĠuefle, the folicitor general,
into the king's chamber, as having
a letter of great confequence to de-
liver to him. This prince, who
had a great kindnefs for monks,
rofe from the clofe-ftool upon
which he was fitting, having al-
ready read part of the letter, when
the affaffin ftruck him in the belly
with a knife, which he left ſtick-
ing in the wound. The king drew
it out and wounded the jacobin
with it in the forehead, who was
immediately killed by the gentle
only
172
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1
1589. only by five and twenty gentlemen who were about
him, took the road to St. Cloud, which was the
king's quarters. At his entrance into this prince's
apartment, he found he had juft received an
injection, which came away again without either
pain or blood. The king of Navarre approached
men of his chamber. His body
was burnt, and the afhes thrown
into the Seine. The hiftorians
have not forgot to obſerve, as a
circumftance at that time not
doubted of, that Henry III. was
murdered in the fame houſe and
(if we believe them) in the fame
chamber, place, and month, where
feventeen years before that prince
had affifted at the council, in which
the maffacre of St. Bortholomew
was refolved upon. Monfieur
Bayle feems to have given credit
to this anecdote, which is now
proved to be falfe, the houfe at the
time of the maffacre of St. Bartho-
lomew not being built. Henry III.
died in the night between the ſe-
cond and third of Auguſt, aged 38
years. "James Clement being at
6C
St. Cloud, fome perfons, who
fufpected him, went at night
"into his chamber to obſerve him.
4C
They found him in a profound
"fleep, his breviary before him,
open at the article of Judith.
"He fafted, confeffed himself, and
"received the facrament before he
"ſet out to affaffinate the king.
"He was praiſed for this action at
"Rome, in the chair where Hen-
CC
ry the Third's funeral oration
"ought to have been pronounced.
"At Paris, his picture was placed
on the altars with the encharift.
Cardinal de Retz relates, that
on the anniverſary day of the
barricadoes, in the minority of
"Lewis XIV. he faw a gorget
upon which this monk was en-
graved, with theſe words under-
neath, St. James Clement."
Notes upon the Henriade.
"The king of Navarre," fays
Victor Gayet, Chron. Novenn.
vel. I. fol. 223.
C6 kneeled at his
"bedfide, fighs and tears not per-
CC
mitting him to ſpeak a word. He
"took his majeſty's hands between
his, and kiffed them. The king,
perceiving that he was filent
ihrough the ftrong emotions with
which he was agitated, em-
"braced his head, kiffed him, and
gave him his benedi&ion. Had
not the knife been poifoned, the
"wound would not have been
"mortal; for it was not deep,
"and had not reached the in-
"teftines. fol. 217. Bourgoin,
"prior of the Jacobins, was tore
"to pieces by four horfes. They
"could extort nothing but theſe
"words from him, We have done
“what we could, but not ruhat we
"would have done; which made it
"be believed, that Henry IV. was
"defigned to have been affaffinated
"at the fame time. The fieur de
CC
Rougemont was arrested, for
"having defired to frike the blow
"himfelf." fol. 228. He died like
"a good chriftian. "He forgave
"his enemies, and even Clement
"
himfelf," fays Matthieu the
hiftorian. Sec, in the hiftorians,
a fuller account of his death. His
character may be collected from
what is faid of him in thefe Me-
moirs. He was called, at his
baptifm, Edward Alexander, by
Edward VI. king of England, and
Antony king of Navarre; but Ca-
therine made him afterwards af,
fume the name of his father.
It is faid, that feventeen or eigh-
teen perfons having gathered up
the afhes of Clement, which the
wind had difperfed, getting into a
boat with theſe afhes, the boat was
fwallowed up by the Seine, and all
that were in it.
his
Book III.
173
OF SUL LY.
his bed, amidſt all the agitation and grief that the 1589:
fincereft friendſhip could infpire. The king com-
forted him with affurances, that his wound would
have no bad confequences, and that God would
prolong his life, that he might be in a condition
to give him new proofs of his affection. The
wounded monarch pronounced theſe words in fuch
a manner, as removed part of the king of Na-
varre's apprehenfions, who ſeeing likewife no ap-
pearance of any dangerous fymptom, left him to
his repofe, and returned to his quarters at
Meudon.
rr
My lodgings were at the bottom of this caftle,
in the houſe of a man named Sauvat. After I had
attended the king of Navarre to his apartment, I
went home to fup, and had juft placed myfelf at
table, when I faw Ferret his fecretary enter, who
faid to me, "Sir, the king of Navarre, and per-
haps the king of France, defires you will come
"to him inftantly." Surpriſed at thefe words, I
went with him immediately to the caftle; and as
we walked, he told me that Dortoman had inform-
ed the king of Navarre, by an exprefs, that if he
would fee the king of France alive, he had not a
moment to loſe.
I went directly to the king of Navarre's apart-
ment, where while our horfes were faddling, he
did me the honour to confult me upon the preſent
conjuncture. So many different thoughts prefented
themſelves to my mind that moment, that I con-
tinued fome time filent, nor was the king in lefs
agitation. It was not the event of a little nego-
tiation, the fuccefs of a battle, or the poffeffion of
a ſmall kingdom, fuch as Navarre, that employed
his thoughts, but the greateſt monarchy in Europe.
But how many obſtacles had he to furmount, how
many labours to endure, ere he could hope to ob-
tain it! All that he had hitherto done, was nothing
in compariſon to what remained to do. How cruth
a party fo powerful, and in fuch high credit, that
it
174
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1589. it had given fears to a prince eſtabliſhed on the
throne, and almoft obliged him to defcend from
it! This difficulty already fo great, appeared in-
furmountable, when he reflected, that the king's
death would deprive him of the beft and greateſt
part of his forces. He could have no dependence
either on the princes of the blood, or the grandees;
and in his preſent condition he had occafion for
every one's affiftance, yet he had no one in whom
he could confide. I was ftruck with fear, when
he fuggefted to me, that it was probable fuch fur-
prifing and unexpected news might occafion a
revolution, which would expofe him with only a
few of his moft faithful fervants to the mercy of
his old enemies, in a country where he was abfo-
lutely deſtitute of every refource.
Notwithſtanding all thefe difficulties, every one
confeft that the king of Navarre had but one part
to take, which was to feize this opportunity, and
ufe it with all thofe precautions which generally de-
termine the event. Without attempting to judge
of the future, which depends upon too many ac-
cidents, much lefs to fubject it to our precipitation;
in bold and difficult enterprizes, we fhould endea-
vour to fubdue one obftacle at a time; nor fuffer
ourſelves to be depreft by their greatnefs, and
their number. We ought never to deſpair of what
has been once accomplished. How many things
have the idea of impoffible been annexed to, that
have become eafy to thofe who knew how to take
advantage of time, opportunity, lucky moments,
the faults of others, different difpofitions, and an
infinite number of other circumftances?
The anſwer I made the king was founded on
theſe maxims; and we agreed that, inftead of
going back to the distant provinces, he fhould re-
main in the midſt of the royal army to fupport his
claim, and fet out immediately for St. Cloud, but
well armed at all events, taking care, however, to
keep our extraordinary arms concealed, that we
might
Book III. OF SULLY.
175
1
might not ourſelves be the firft to create terror and 1589.
fufpicion. When we entered St. Cloud, they told
us the king was better; and obliged us to put off
our fwords. I followed the king of Navarre, who
advanced towards the caftle, when fuddenly we
heard a man exclaim, "Ah! my God, we are
"loft." The king of Navarre making this man
approach, who continued crying, "Alas! the
king is dead," aſked him feveral queftions,
which he fatisfied by fuch a circumftantial, recital
of the king's death, that we could no longer doubt.
the truth of it.
CC
Henry no longer doubted, when he faw the
Scots guard, who threw themfelves at his feet,
faying, "Ah, Sire! you are now our king and
our maſter." And fome moments after, Meſſ.
de Biron *, De Bellegarde, D'O, De Chateauvieux,
De Dampierre, and ſeveral others, did the fame.
CC
The king of Navarre was convinced that this
was one of thoſe critical moments, upon the good
or bad ufe of which his deſtiny depended. With-
out fuffering himſelf to be dazzled with the view of
a throne, to which he was that inftant called, or
oppreft by difficulties, and ufelefs grief, he calmly
began to give orders for keeping every one in their
duty, and preventing mutinies: then turning to
me, with that familiar air which he uſed to thoſe
of whofe affection he was affured, he bid me go
to the marechal de Aumont's † quarters, and there,
with all the precaution neceffary to his intereft,
fpread among his troops the news of the king's
death, and to ſpeak by this marechal to the French
guards, to engage their offices to come and pay
their homage to him in the afternoon, and to pre-
vail upon the nobility to do the like. He recom-
mended to me to obferve my own quarters carefully,
* Armand de Gontaut,marechal
de Biron. Roger de St. Larry de
Bellegarde, grandecuyer of France.
Francis D'O, governor of Paris,
and fuperintendant of the Finances.
Joachim de Châteauvieux.
+ John duke D`Aumont, mare-
chal of France.
and
$
176
MEMOIRS
Book III.
1589. and keep all there in due obedience. After which
he applied himſelf to gain all the foreign powers,
on whofe affiftance he thought he might depend,
and wrote or fent deputies to Germany, England,
Flanders, Switzerland, and the republic of Venice,
to inform them of this new event, and the claim
which it gave him to the crown of France.
I reprefented to him, that it was abfolutely ne-
ceffary to get poffeffion of Meulan * immediately;
a place, upon this occafion, of the utmoſt im-
portance, the governor of which (who was called
St. Marc) he knew to be a zealous partifan of the
league in his heart. I explained to him in few
words how eafily this might be executed, and the
king approving my fcheme, I went to Meulan,
and demanded a conference with St. Marc, upon
affairs I faid of the greateſt confequence to him.
He came to me, and while I amufed him with a
feigned confidence, the marechal D'Aumont paffed
over the bridge with his troops, and taking ad-
vantage of the confternation this occafioned, pro-
ceeded to the caftle, which he made himſelf mafter
of, and we drove out the too credulous St. Marc.
The king offered me this government, but from
many confiderations I chofe not to accept of it.
Part of his apprehenfions were foon juftified by
the event; he found it impoffible to keep either
the duke of Epernon †, or many other difaffected
*In the ifle of France.
† The author of his life affigns
very bad reafons for this retreat :
it is plain that nothing can excuſe
it. Upon this occafion it appears,
that befides the proteftant party,
there were three others among the
catholics themselves, the firft of
which was compofed of thofe per-
fons who abandoned Henry IV.
after the death of Henry III. the
fecond, thoſe who not being able
to prevail upon this prince to de-
clare that very moment, that he
would embrace the catholic reli-
gion, continued with him, but had
neither affection to his perſon, nor
a fincere attachment to his intereft.
The number of thefe was very
great; the chief among them were
the dukes of Longueville, and Ne-
vers, D'O, (who had ſpoken to
him in the name of the reft) and
many others. The third party was
made up of those who declared
publicly, fays D'Aubigné, that
they would ferve the king without
any conditions: and thefe were
indeed but very few in number,
among which were the marechals
catholics,
Book III.
177
OF SULLY.
catholics, in his fervice, efpecially thoſe who owed 1589.
their fortune to the deceafed king. Their dif--
fention reduced him almoft to thofe troops only,
which he had brought with him, and put it out of
his power to continue the fiege of Paris, or even
to hold the adjacent places. The foreign powers
either gave him nothing but promifes, or offered
him fuch fupplies as could be of no ufe, in his
prefent exigencies: he was obliged therefore to re-
tire into the heart of the kingdom. He had al-
ready (tho' without difcovering his real motive for
it) caufed a report to be ſpread among his foldiers
of an intended journey to Tours. This retreat
was equally neceflary for the fafety of his perfon,
and the fuccefs of his affairs. A thouſand dangers
threatened him in the neighbourhood of a city,
where the king his predeceffor, tho' a catholic, and
with a powerful army under his obedience, could
not eſcape a violent death. It was here that the
laft refolution was taken for the murder of this
prince; and he had ftill more reafon to tremble,
when he reflected that thofe cruel defigns were
formed in the midft of his army, and the affaffins
perhaps near his perfon.
In this perplexing fituation, it was neceffary to
place a governor in Meulan, who had a regiment
ready to defend it againſt the league, which becom-
ing infolent by the king's death, in imagination
already enjoyed the conqueft of it. I having no
regiment, nor fufficient time to raife one, the go-
vernment of Meulan was given to Bellengreville *.
D'Aumont, and Biron, Givry, &c.
Henry was extremely perplexed at
the rude propofition inade him by
the catholics, and the declaration
they added to it, that they would
retire, if he did not give them this
fatisfaction. He told them refo-
lutely, that he would never be re-
proached with having been con-
trained to take fuch a ſtep. And
demanded fix months time to think
upon it.
See the hiftorians upon
VOL. I
this fubject,and particularlyD'Au-
bigné vol. III. book ii. chap. 23.
Henry IV. received fuch impor-
tant fervices upon this occafion
from the marechal Biron, that it
was reported, it was he who made
him king: and the marechal is faid
to have reproached Henry with his
fervices in thofe very terms. Mem.
of Brantome, vol. III. p. 346.
* Read, Joachim de Berengue-
ville.
N
The
178
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1589.
The king, in his retreat, took Clermont *, and
fome other ſmall towns. His forces were too in-
confiderable to admit of his engaging in greater en-
terprizes, which was the reafon likewife that I
miffed of taking of Louviers †, upon which I had
a defign that in all appearance would have fucceeded.
This defign I communicated to the king, and de-
fired he would give me fome forces for the execu-
tion of it. He could fpare me no more than a
company of his light-armed horte, commanded by
Arambure, which was not fufficient; but he affured
me that I fhould be joined at Louviers by a regi-
ment of twelve hundred men, which was then at
Nogent; and for this purpofe he wrote to Cou-
ronneau the colonel of it.
With this hope I fat down before Louviers,
where I waited in vain for the fupplies that had
been promifed me. The river of Eure, which
ran into the ditches of Louviers, being turned, a
great aqueduct that fupplied the city with water,
became dry. This I obferved, and it was through
this place that I propoſed to enter it; but as it
was not probable, that Meffieurs d'Aumale ‡, de
la Londe, de Fontaine-Martel, de Medavy, de
Contenant, and many other officers of the league,
of which this city was full, would furrender, or
fuffer themſelves to be taken, without ftriking a
blow, I thought it would be raſhneſs to attempt
to force it with a handful of men: in order there-
fore to juſtify the truth of what I had afferted, I
contented myſelf with fending feveral perfons into
the aqueduct, where I employed them only in en-
larging the entrance, by forcing up with a petard
the grate that cloſed it. By this means they feveral
times penetrated into the city, and came out again
In Beavaifis.
+ A city of Normandy.
Charles de Lorraine, duke of
Aumale Bigars de le Londe,
mayor of Rouen; Francis de Fon-
7
taine-Martel, governor of Neuf-
châtel; Charles-Francis de Rouxel
de Medavy; Timoleon de Bauves
de Contenant.
without
J
Book III.
179
OF SULLY.
without being perceived, which was a convincing 1589.
proof that our attempt would have fucceeded, if
we had had a fufficient number of foldiers.
*
,
I returned by Pont-de-l'Arche, to meet the king
of Navarre, at Ecoüy, from whence he hoped to
go immediately to Touraine; but he found the
Normans fo well inclined towards him, that he
was determined by their offers, to attempt the im-
portant fiege of Rouen. While preparations were
making for this expedition, we took Gournay
Neufchâtel, the city of Eu, Treport, and Dar-
netal; where the king received advice that the
duke of Maïenne was very defirous of coming to
a battle with him. I was ordered to go with fifty
horfe to reconnoitre this general's army, which I
found in the neighbourhood of Mante, and ſpread
all over my eftate. I went, and poſted myſelf in
the foreft; from whence I made obfervations, and
brought the king information, that the army of
the league confifted of twenty-five thousand foot
and eight thoufand horfe. The king, who had
only a little flying camp to oppofe to fo formidable
an army, was not willing to neglect any precaution
which might be neceffary. He had already cauſed
the commander of Chaftes † to be founded, to
know if in any cafe of neceffity, he would receive
him into Dieppe: and he had reafon to be pleafed
with his anfwer; but, in order to be better affured
of this governor's intentions, he went himfelf to
confer with him, and returned extremely well fatif-
fied. Finding therefore that he might depend
upon a retreat fo fecure as Dieppe 1, he the lefs
feared to keep the field before the enemy; and re-
* In Upper Normandy.
+ Aimat de Chattes, knight
of St. Lazarus, and governor of
Dieppe.
Henry IV. it is faid, was re-
duced to fuch an extremity under
the walls of this city, that he was
upon the point of retiring into
England, which the marechal de
Biron prevented, by advifing him
to make wood his poft at Ar-.
ques. Before the battle of Ar-
ques, he faid, that he was a king
without a kingdom, a huſband
without a wife, and a warrio
without money.
N 2
folving
180
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1589. folving to make head againſt them till the laſt ex-
tremity, he came and pofted himſelf before Ar-
ques".
At the end of the caufeway of Arques there is a
long winding hill, covered with coppice: beneath
is a ſpace of arable land, in the midſt of which is
the great road that leads to Arques, having thick
hedges on each fide. Lower down, upon the left
hand, there is a kind of great marth or boggy
ground. A village called Martinglife † bounds
the hill, about half a league from the cauſeway.
It was in this village, and in the neighbourhood of
it, that the whole army of the duke of Maïenne
was encamped. The king was fenfible, that by
attempting to refift an army of above thirty thou-
fand men, with lefs than three thouſand, his con-
duct would be accufed of rafhneſs; but befides,
that it would be very difficult to find a place more
favourable for his few forces, and that there was
danger in going back, he thought that the preſent
weak condition his party was in, demanded fome
bold blow at the beginning. He neglected no-
thing that might compenfate, in fome degree, for
the finallneſs of his number; he ordered deep
trenches to be cut at the cauſeway, and above as
well as beneath the great road: he poſted twelve
hundred Swifs on each fide of this road, and fix
hundred German foot to defend the
upper trenches;
and placed a thouſand or twelve hundred others in
a chapel, which ſtood in the midſt of the upper
and lower trenches. Thefe were all the infantry
he had his cavalry, which amounted in all to
but fix hundred men, he divided into two equal
fquadrons; and with one, pofted himſelf between
the wood and the road, and feparating the other
into platoons, made them go down between the
road and the morafs, to fill in fome fort that ſpace.
He did not ſleep that whole night; during which,
*In the country of Caux.
+ Or Martin Eglife.
fearing
Book III.
181
OF SULLY.
fearing that the enemies would make themfelves 1589.
maſters of the caufeway, he kept guard there him-
ſelf. In the morning they brought him fome re-
freſhments into the Trench, where he invited his
principal officers to breakfaft with him; after
which he thought, perhaps, to have taken a few
moments reft, when he was informed by the guards,
that the army of the league was marching to-
wards him, in order of battle.
At this news, he ordered the viſcount de Char-
tres, Palcheux, Braffeufe, Avantigny, and three
or four others, to advance into the wood, and en-
deavour to make fome prifoners; they foon re-
turned, bringing with them the count de Belin*.
The king went to meet him, and embraced him
fmiling. The count, whofe eyes were in fearch of
the king's army, feeing hardly any foldiers about
him, anſwered him no otherways than by expreffing
his furprize at the finall number that feemed to be
with him. "You fee not all,' faid the king to
him with the fame gaiety: "for you reckon not
"God, and my claim, who fight for me." Ac-
cuftomed as I was to fee this prince, I could not
help admiring the tranquillity that fat upon his
countenance, on an occafion fo much the more
deſperate, as it gave time for reflection. His air
was fo ferene, and his ardor tempered with fo much
prudence, that he appeared to the foldiers as fome-
thing more than human, and infpired them all
with the intrepidity of their leader
The duke of Maïenne ordered the upper trenches
to be attacked by a fquadron of his German foot,
who feemed to refufe fighting, becauſe they had
only Germans to encounter, and feigned to fur-
render. Our Germans were fo effectually deceived
by this artifice, that they fuffered the others to
advance and gain the trench, from whence they
drove out ours; and from this advantageous poft
* Francis de Faudoas, d'Aver-
ton de Serillac, count of Belin,
deputy governor of Paris for the
duke of Maïenne,
they
N 3
182
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1589. they gave us a great deal of trouble. I foon loft
fight of all that was done at the fide of the wood;
for that part of the morafs where I was, with ten
of my men, was that moment attacked by a fqua-
dron of eight or nine hundred horfe.
At the ap-
proach of fo large a body, we drew together about
a hundred and fifty horfe, and drove them back as
far as the valley; where meeting with four other
fquadrons, we were obliged to retreat, till being
joined in our turn by the count D'Auvergne
who brought a hundred and fifty horfe more to
our affiſtance, we a fecond time beat back the
enemies fquadrons. This game could not laft
long three hundred horfe from the enemies army
joining the firft, we were forced to give ground,
and regained the chapel in diforder; where fortu-
nately our foot foldiers, who were pofted there,
ftopped this cavalry fhort, and engaged in a battle,
wherein Sagonne † and ſome other officers were ſlain.
*
>
The duke of Majenne commanding all the reft
of his German foot to attack the chapel, we yielded
at length this poft; and overpowered by numbers,
abandoned the hollows in the road, and even the
* Charles de Valois, natural fon
of Charles IX. He is mentioned
hereafter. It is upon the relation
of this count, afterwards duke of
Angoulême, that father Daniel, in
his hiftory of France, vol. IX. has
given a defcription of this battle,
to which nothing can be added,
and differs but little from that in
our Memoirs. See alfo father
Matthieu, vol, II. p. 14. and fol-
lowing. Cayet, vol. I. book ii,
fol. 263, and following. The Mc-
moirs of Nevers, vol. II. p. 597.
and the Phyſician Du Chefne's ac-
count, &c. This battle was fought
on Wednesday September the 20th;
it began at ten o'clock in the morn-
ing, and ended at eleven. The
duke of Maïenne, five days be-
fore, made feveral attempts upon
Dieppe, which were called efcar-
mouches du Pottet. "My compa-
"nion, faid Henry IV. to Arre-
،،
guer, colonel of the regiment
"of Soleure, I come to die, or
"to gain honour with you." "He
"drove back the treacherous Ger-
64
mans, &c." Le Grain, book v.
"My father, faid this prince to
"colonel Galati, keep a pike for
me, for I will fight at the head
"of your battalion," Matthieu
ibid. p. 14. After the battle, he
wrote to Grillon in thefe terms,
tr
Hang thyfelf, brave Grillon, for
we have fought at Arques with-
out thee. Adieu, brave Gril-
"lon, I love thee whether I will
or not.”
(C
''
John Babou, count of Sa-
gonne. Lewis de Rohan, and Jo-
fias de la Rochefoucaut, counts of
Montbazon and de Roufly, loh
their lives alſo there.
road
Book III. OF SULLY.
183
road itſelf. This might be called the beginning 1589.
of a defeat; we fhould have had reaſon to fear the
event, had we not happily met the battalion of
Swifs, who fuftained the fhock, gave us time to
rally, and put us again into a condition of renew-
ing the fight. Nothing could have happened more
ſeaſonably. My horfe that moment falling dead of
his wounds, I mounted a freſh one. To vanquish
the brave refiftance of our Swifs, the enemies
thought proper to order five hundred horfe to
march along the fide of the moraſs: they would
have taken us in the rear, and have eaſily over-
whelmed the Swifs, and the reft of the foldiers,
when luckily the horſes approaching too near the
morals, they remained entangled in the mire, and
their riders with difficulty difengaged them, by leav-
ing their lances fticking there.
"
The battle continued fome time longer in this
ftate; that is to fay, while we had any ftrength
left; but at length we began to fink under the
fatigue. On our fide the fame men were always in
action, while our enemies were fuftained with freſh
Great
fupplies, and multiplied every moment.
part of our brigade was difarmed and difimounted:
in this extremity, I was deputed by the troop to
repreſent our fituation to the king, and to aſk
him for a reinforcement. I met this prince com-
ing to our quarter: "My friend, faid he to me,
"I have no fupplies to fend you; however, we
"must not fuffer ourfelves to be depreffed." In
effect, he was in no better condition than we.
He turned towards Monfieur le Grand *, and bid
him follow me with all the men he could get
together from the upper part of the road. I went
back to my party, and with a feeming joy in-
formed them of the fupply that was coming;
upon which, however, I but little depended. In-
ſpired with freſh vigour, it may be truly faid, that
at that moment every man gave proofs of a valour
* Roger de St. Sarry, of Bellegarde.
N 4
fcarcely
3
184
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1589. fcarcely credible. The thick fog, which concealed
us from our enemies, hid from us likewife our
danger; but when this fog was diffipated, the fun
fhewed us to them, and difcovered their whole
army to our view, which was pouring upon us. It
was already ſo near, that we could not hope to
gain the end of the cauſeway, where our laft in-
trenchment was, and we thought of nothing but
felling our lives dearly.
Our fafety we owed to a circumſtance that we
had looked upon as our greateſt misfortune. The
cannon of the caſtle of Arques had been rendered
uſeleſs by the thickneſs of the fog; but as ſoon as
the enemies could be diſtinguiſhed, it made a dif-
charge fo juft, and was followed by fo terrible an
effect, although there were but four pieces of can-
non, that the enemies were thrown into confufion.
Four other vollies fucceeded with fuch rapidity, as
went quite through their army; which, no longer
able to endure the fire, retired in diforder to the
fide of the valley: behind which, fome moments
after, all this terrible multitude were loft; afto-
niſhed, without doubt, at the great lofs they had
fuftained, and difheartened by a refiftance which
the duke of Maïenne had not expected.
The king, after an action which covered him
with glory, retired to Arques, from thence he went
to Dieppe, harraffed continually by the enemies,
and engaged in frequent fkirmishes; the detail of
which I fupprefs, as having nothing very intereſt-
ing after the battle of Arques. The king, how-
ever, in one of thefe rencounters, found himfelf
expoſed to a danger ftill greater: for, believing the
enemies at a diftance, he was exercifing a kind of
military game in a meadow, and fuftained a dif-
charge from two hundred fufileers, who lay in am-
bufh upon the ground between two hedges, not
more than two hundred paces from the place.
where we were.
It
Book III.
185
OF SULLY,
It is certain, that any other than Henry would 1589.
haye funk under theſe difficulties, before he could
have been relieved by the fupplies which were
preparing for him; but by his valour*, and his
ikill in difputing the ground, he gave time for four
thouſand Engliſh and Scotch, that queen Elizabeth
fent him, to paſs the fea; and this reinforcement
was foon after followed by one more confiderable,
which was brought him by the count of Soiffons,
Henry of Orleans, duke of Longueville, D'Au-
mont, and Biron. It was owing to the count of
Soiffons that he was fo often in danger at Dieppe,
who amuſed himſelf with difputing about the com-
mand of the forces, inſtead of haftening to the
king's affiftance.
The duke of Maïenne durft not wait for the
junction of all theſe troops; he diſappeared with
his army, and left the king mafter of the field.
Henry, then changing his refolution of keeping in
Normandy, fet out again for Paris, which he had
quitted with regret. He paffed through Meulan
and Poiffy †, and from thence difpatched me with
the duke of Montpenfier‡, to endeavour to per-
fect a correfpondence he had a long time before
begun in Vernon, or to feize the city by means
of that terror which his approach would caufe in
it. We found no probability of fucceeding in
either of theſe defigns; therefore, the duke of
* "Sixtus V. prefaged, that
"the Bearnois would be the up-
"permoft, fince he was not longer
in bed than the duke of Maïenne
*C
*
was at table. The duke of Maï-
"enne was extremely flow in all
"his motions. If he does not
"act in another manner, faid the
"king, I fhall certainly beat him
always in the field." Perefix,
ibid. 2.
The fame pope, after the
battle of Arques, applied thefe
words to Henry IV. Super afpidem
& bafilifcum ambulabis, & concul-
çabis leonem, & draconem; mean-
ing by the afp the duke of Maï-
enne, the duke of Savoy by the
bafilifk, the king of Spain by the
lion, and himſelf by the dragon.
+ Thefe towns are upon the
Siene.
Henry of Bourbon-Montpen-
fier, prince of the blood, the only
fon of Francis and Renée of Anjou,
at that time feven and twenty years
old. Henry III. took the govern-
ment of Bretagne from him, with-
out any caufe, to bestow it on the
duke of Mercoeur. He foon had
reafon to repent of it.
Mont-
186
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1589. Montpenfier went back to Normandy, and I joined
the king at Villepreux.
His defign was to alarm Paris, and even to at-
tack it; and as he faw opportunity, to attempt to
make himſelf maſter of it. He had taken the
precaution to fend perfons to break the bridge of
St. Maixance *, by which the duke of Maïenne
might have been able to affift this great city; for
that general, alarmed by the king's march, had
alfo come near Paris by the oppofite fide, that he
might not meet the king. Henry, therefore, gave
the neceffary orders for attacking all the fuburbs
at the fame time: that of St. Germain fell to
Monfieur D'Aumont, de Chatillon, and me. As
foon as the fignal was given, we fell upon this
ſuburb; and having, tho' an immenfe, yet a con-
fuſed and terrified multitude to oppofe, we hem-
med two large bodies of foldiers within the enclo-
fure of the market of St. Germain; and there, in
a leſs ſpace than two hundred paces, we left four
hundred of them in a moment dead upon the place.
I could hardly prevail upon myfelf to kill men al-
ready more than half dead with fear; but putting
them out of a condition to refift us, we paffed,
and advanced as far as the gate of Nefle: fifteen
or twenty of us entered the city; but perceiving
that our men did not follow us, we turned back:
an order from the king to give over the attack was
the cauſe of their abandoning us. The perfon
whom he had fent to demolish the bridge † of St.
Maixance had performed this commiffion fo ill,
that the duke of Maïenne appeared within fight of
* Upon the river Oife.
† De Thou obferves, that the
guard of this bridge was given to
William de Montmorency, lord of
Thoré; but being indifpofed at
Senlis, he could not defend it.
Book xcvii. It was attacked on
All-faints day, upon advice fent
by James Corbinelly, a Florentine
gentleman, to Henry IV. in theſe
three words, Come, come, come,
written in a bit of paper, which
the bearer incloſed in a quill, and
held in his mouth. They did not
carry it for want of cannon to
beat down the gates. Matthieu,
vol. II. book i. p. 17. Cayet,
vol. I. p. 270,
Paris
Book III.
187
OF SULLY.
Paris with his whole army, at the fame moment 1589.
that we entered it.
The king was now convinced that his enterprize
was no longer practicable, and that although we
fhould make ourſelves maſter of the city, which on
our fide would infallibly have happened, an army
thus diſperſed in a city of ſuch vaſt extent as Paris,
would have been in danger of being overpowered;
having fuch an infinite number of people to oppoſe
within, and an army without to fight againft,
which would either enter with us, or keep us be-
fieged there. It was thus that this prince, temper-
ing fo happily courage with prudence, never ſuffer-
ed his ardour in battle to hinder him from follow-
ing the calmer dictates of wifdom. He was fatif-
fied with throwing terror into the very heart of
that city that dared to defpife him, and giving it
to know what it had to expect from him. Part of
the ſuburbs was pillaged: our foldiers left nothing
in that of Germain, that they could conveni-
ently carry away. I had for my ſhare three thou-
fand crowns, and all my men made very confide-
rable booty.
Two days after, the king went to Eftampes † ;
and refuming his firft defign of fhewing himfelf
in the heart of the kingdom, went towards Tours,
and in a ſhort time took a great many little towns
in Touraine ‡, Anjou, Maine, and Lower Nor-
*The Sieurs de Châtillon,
" and La Noue," fays Le Grain,
book v.
"affaulted the fuburbs of
St. Germain, Bully and Netle,
"which were richer and more
magnificent than the others, and
where they expected to find
"moft refiftance, as well upon
"account of the fine houfes that
"were in the fuburb St. Germain,
"which makes its value equal to
the fecond city in France, as the
abbey St. Germain, which was
fortified. Châtillon made it ap-
pear that he remembered St.
Bartholomew's day, and was
36
"reſolved to expiate the murder,
"and appeaſe the manes of the
"admiral his father."
+ In Beauce.
‡ Alençon, Le Mans, Chateau
Briant, Sablé, Château-Gontier,
Maïenne, Laval, Argentan, Fa-
laife, Lifieux, Baieux, Ponteau de
Mer, Pont l'Evêque, Honfleur,
Havre-de-Grace, Donfront, &c.
De Thou, book xcvii. D'Aubigné,
Vol. III. book. iii. chap. 4, &c.
See alſo the Memoirs of the league,
and particular accounts of thefe ex-
peditions printed at that time.
mandy,
188
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1
1590. mandy. He left fome troops with the marechal
I
Biron, who took Evreux, without cannon.
drove the catholics from Antfreville. The king
gave me all the countries about Mante and Rofny
to preſerve, with a ſmall body of troops, with
which I narrowly miffed feizing the duke D'Au-
male, as he paffed by Rofny. Afterwards I joined
the marechal Biron, at the fiege of Evreux. I
cannot give a more circumftantial account than this
of actions of little importance, and muſt even fup-
prefs the greateſt part of them, as it is neither
poffible, nor neceffary, to relate at length facts in
themſelves fo inconfiderable.
I forewarn the public therefore to expect in
theſe memoirs a detail only of important events;
fuch as 1 have been a witneſs to, or what regards
the king himſelf; and if I fhould add any others,
they will be thofe, the truth of which I can war-
rant from the authenticity of thoſe memoirs which
have fallen into my hands. As for the reft, it will
be fufficient juſt to point them out, that the reader
may from thence form an idea of the condition,
and affairs of Henry the Great, in different peri-
ods of time. It was to relieve my memory, that
I at firſt committed fuch particulars as moft ftruck
me, to paper; efpecially thofe converfations I had
with the king, or he with others, either upon war,
or politics, which I apprehend might be of great
uſe to me. This prince, who perceived it by my
fometimes repeating exactly what had fallen from
him on theſe fubjects, commanded me to put my
work in fome order, and to enlarge it. I found
fome difficulty in obeying him, for my ftyle was
none of the beft; and I would gladly have been
excuſed, but upon repeated commands from his
majefty, and his promifing to correct it with his
own hand, I refumed and continued this work with
more affiduity. Such was the rife of theſe me-
moirs. But to return to my fubject.
t
The
Book III.
189
OF
SULLY.
1
The army of the league fitting down before 1590.
Pontoife*, took it, and afterwards laid fiege to
Meulan. As I looked upon this place to be of
great importance to the king, I endeavoured by all
the methods I could think of, to ſupply it with
powder, and to introduce fome perfon into it on
whom I could depend, to prevail upon the befieged
to hold out till affiftance, which was very near,
arrived. And this I performed by making a man
fwim over to it; and in the mean time fent to
inform the king of what had paffed, and to de-
mand fupplies. My repeated inftances determined
this prince to come thither himfelf; but it was
with great unwillingneſs that he left other places
where his prefence was no lefs neceffary.
"Your
importunity brings me to the affiftance of Meu-
"lan." Thus he wrote to me. "If any thing
"unfortunate fhould happen, I fhall never ceafe
to reproach you." It would indeed have ap-
peared very furprizing to me, if no misfortune
had happened; for this prince leaving all his in-
fantry before Honfleur, brought with him fo finall
a number, that it was impoffible for him to fuftain
the attack of a whole army which then preſt Meu-
lan, and would not fail to fall upon him as foon as
it was known how ill he was attended.
This I took the liberty to repreſent to him; and,
in effect, he had no fooner left Verneuil || to proceed
to Ivry, than going out to reconnoitre, I faw the
whole army of the league, which was no doubt in-
formed of his march, making directly towards
him, which obliged him to turn back to Verneuil.
It was not ufual for this prince to give ground
before his enemies, nor did he now without
great regret. In the firſt tranſports of his rage,
*In the ifle of France.
The duke of Sully is men-
tioned with diſtinction, in the rela-
tion of this fiege, by de Thou,
book xcviii, and father Matthieu,
Vol. II. p. 22.
In Perche.
Upon the river of Eure, Bi-
fhopric of Evreux.
be
190
Book III.
MEMOIRS
}
1590. he reproached me as the cauſe of his fuffering this
affront, and with being lefs folicitous for his repu-
tation, by calling him thither, than careful to pre-
ferve my lands from pillage. It was not difficult
for me to juſtify myſelf; and this prince, who
comprehended the importance of fuch a place as
Meulan, gave orders for all his army to join him.
This produced the effect which I had promifed
myſelf. The enemies feeing the army on its march,
drew their cannon on this fide the river, and with-
out wholly raifing the fiege, abandoned the care of
it, to guard againſt furprizes.
I fent the king advice of this proceeding, and
he thought it neceffary to haften his march, to
prevent any accident which might occafion the lois
of Meulan, and fent me the fcouts of his army,
that while I waited for his arrival, I might be able
to give the befiegers fome trouble. He came foon
after, and entered the fort, where being defirous
of obferving the enemy's army*, he climbed up,
with fome of us, into the belfrey. The befiegers
that moment directing a battery againft this bel-
frey, demoliſhed the ſtaircafe, and obliged the king,
and all of us that were with him, to come down
with the help of a cord, and a ſtick paffed between
our legs. The king, to pay them in the fame
coin, ordered four pieces of cannon to be raiſed
in this place which was contrary to my opinion;
for I forefaw that the enemies would quickly dif-
mount them, which really happened before we
could derive the leaft advantage from them, and
the befiegers fired there fo furioufly all day, that
we were not able to remove theſe four pieces till
night. The enemies, who took care to have the
river between them and the king, made a terrible
attack on the bridge on that fide; but this was
their laft effort. The king pofting himſelf at Or
4
*"As Henry IV. was afcend- "cannon-ball paffed thro' his
ing the belfrey of St. Nicaife, a "legs.” Matthieu, ibid. 24.
greux,
Book III.
191
OF SULLY.
greux, they were afraid of being overcome, and 1590.
fuddenly decamped.
The marquis of Alegre * had better fuccefs,
and feized Rouen for the league. I received the
news of it at Roíny. The king, whofe whole atten-
tion it had been to hinder the reduction of this
place, marched inftantly to Rouen; but upon his
arrival at Gaillon he learnt that the misfortune was
without remedy. In revenge he went to befiege
Dreux †, after putting me in garrifon in Paffy.
The duke of Maïenne, who had juft been rein-
forced with the whole Spanish army, paffed the
river, and fpread his troops all round Mante and
Rofny, with a refolution to raiſe this fiege. The
vanguard of this army, which was conducted by
one of my relations, named Rofny, had orders
from the general to poffels himfelf of Paffy in his
way. I gave the king notice of his approach,
who replied only, that I might do as I pleafed.
I refolved, therefore, to defend myfelf; and al-
though monfieur de Rofny wrote to me, reprefent-
ing to me, that it would be raſhneſs to ſuffer my-
ſelf to be ſtormed in a place that had not even
walls, and offered me very advantageous condi-
tions, yet he could gain nothing upon me.
I thanked him for his falfe complaifance, and,
in the night, caufed a ditch to be dug, which
might in fome degree ferve the garrifon for a fhel-
ter. Luckily the enemy had no defign to wafte
time in fo inconfiderable a fiege, and wanted only
* Chriftopher D'Allegre, gover-
nor of Gifors.
In the bishopric of Evreux.
Father Matthieu mentions this
fact, exactly in the fame manner
as it is here; he even relates the
duke of Sully's reply, in the very
words he made uſe of." Here is
the king ready to give battle;
tell the duke of Maïenne, that
"he is now reckoning upon win-
ning it; and then I will confi-
"der whether I am to lote it.
،
""
The only difference between
them is, that this officer of the
enemy's, who is here called Rof-
ny, was, according to Matthieu,
the baron de Rofne, one of the
gc-
neral-officers of the League: How-
ever, to thofe who read the Me-
moirs of Sully, it would feem im-
poffible for the error to be on his
fide. Compare the two writers,
Oeconomies Royales, &c. Vol. I.
p. 71. and Matthieu's hiſtory,
Vol. II. book i. p. 25.
to
ነ
192
Book III:
MEMOIRS
=
1590. to feize the place. As they paffed next morning;
the noife of the baggage gave me to understand,
that the army had purfued its rout, which drew
me out of great perplexity. During the night,
which I ſpent entirely in fortifying Pafly, I thought
I faw diftinctly two armies fighting in the air*.
I know not whether this object was real, or only
an illufion, but it made fuch an impreffion on my
mind, that I was not furprized at reading a letter
next day from the king, wherein he informed me
that the duke of Maïenne's army, joined to the
Spaniards, had approached with a defign to offer
him battle; that he had waited for it till the even-
ing of that day on which he wrote to me, but that
the whole day had been paffed in fkirmishing, mak-
ing lodgments, and fecuring advantages, and that
the general action was put off till the next. His
letter concluded with thefe words, "I conjure you
}
then to come, and bring with you as many of
"the forces as you can, particularly your own
"company, and the two companies of Badit and
James's horfe-arquebufiers; for I know them,
"and am refolved to make ufe of them upon this
" occafion."
CC
I was fenfible that, without extraordinary dif-
patch, I fhould arrive too late for the battle with
theſe companies, which I forefaw the king would
be in great need of, as he was much inferior in
numbers to the enemy. I therefore loft not a mo-
ment, and was fortunate enough to arrive an hour
and half before the battle began. The king ordered
*Davila, who alfo takes no-
tice of this phenomenon, book xi.
defcribes it in this manner: "The
"thunder and lightning, fome-
"times mingled with horrid dark-
"nefs, added to their terrors; and
"fuch a flood of rain poured fud-
"denly down, that the whole ar-
my was alarmed. A prodigious
apparition, which appeared in
the fky as foon as it had ceafed
3
"to rain, encreafed the general
difmay; for during the noife of
"the thunder, at which the bold-
"eft amongst them trembled, two
"great armies were diftinctly feen
<<
in the air, that after continuing
"fome time engaged in fight, dif-
"appeared, covered with a thick
"cloud; fo that the event of the
"battle was not feen.'
ine
1
Book III.
193
OF SU L L Y.
SULLY.
me to make my company paſs to the right wing,
where his own fquadron was, to which he joined
it; and making the two companies of arquebufiers
difmount, fent their horſes amongſt the baggage,
defigning to make ufe of them as the forlorn hope.
After this, he bid me follow him to view the dif
pofition of the two armies, "in order, added he,
"that you may learn your trade." He had no
fooner placed himſelf at the head of his ſquadron
than the trumpets founded the charge.
*
>
I fhall not here encroach upon the hiſtorian's
right; I leave it to them to relate all the particu-
lars of this battle, and ſhall confine myſelf only to
what I was an eye-witnefs of. It is fufficient to
fay that, upon this occafion, what gave the victory
to the weaker party, was the valour of the mare-
chal D'Aumont, who prevented the entire defeat
of the light horfe; as alfo the great difference be-
tween the enemy's manner of ufing their artillery,
and ours; and above all, the uncommon abilities.
of the king, which were never fo perfectly known
as in the day of battle, in the difpofition of his
troops, rallying them, their difcipline, and their
exact and ready obedience.
It is certain the duke of Maïenne, and the count
of Egmont, who were at the head of the Spaniards,
imagined that if the king ventured to wait for
them, the victory would be theirs; and that, if he
**
I
I
"My companions," faid he,
addreffing himfelf to his fqua-
dron, "if to-day you run my
fortune, I alfo run yours.
am refolved to die, or conquer
with you; keep your ranks,
"beseech you, and if I ſhould quit
them in the heat of the battle,
rally immediately; which will
"be gaining the victory: you will
"do it between thofe three trees
"which you fee up there on the
right and, if you should lofe
fight of your ſtandards and co-
VOL. I.
CC
"lours, keep my white plume of
"feathers always in view; there
you will find the road to victory
and glory. Perefix, ibid. 2d
They loft fight of him
in the battle, where, accompa-
"nied only by twelve or thirteen
part.
et
(C
perfons, he was ſurrounded by
"the enemy. He killed the count
"of Egmont's equery with his
own hand. We muſt uſe our
piftols, faid he to his troop;
"the more men the more glory."
Matthieu, Vol. II. booki. p. 26, Erc
<<
O
yielded,
1590.
194
Book III.
MEMOIRS
$
1590. yielded, or gave ground before them, as they ex-
pected, they depended upon nothing less than fore-
ing him out of whatever place he fhould retreat
to; and thus finish the war by a fingle blow.
With fuch difpofitions, what muſt be the confe-
quence? I fay nothing of the generals, who alone
are worth many thouſand men. The ſtronger
party never makes ufe of thofe precautions that
are neceffary against an enemy of equal ftrength;
and the weaker never forms a refolution to defend
itſelf againſt a more numerous army, without de-
termining likewife to fupply by valour and addreſs,
the deficiency of numbers. Danger, which infpires
a courage animated by glory and difficulties, re-
duces both fides to a kind of equality.
The king's fquadron *, where I was, had the
attacks of the count of Egmont to fuftain, who
fell upon us with his own fquadron, and another of
a thoufand, or twelve hundred German horfe. It
is true, the Germans, who profeft the fame religion
as our foldiers did, fired their pieces in the air:
but the count of Egmont behaved like a man who
* Sec upon this action De Thou,
book xcviii. D'Aubigné, Vol. II.
book iii. chap. 3. Le Grain, book v.
The Memoirs of the league. Father
Matthieu, idem. The Chron. No-
venn. of Cayet, vol. II. fol. 327.
and an account printed in 1590,
and others.
De Thou and Cayet obferve,
that Henry the IVth's artillery had
fired nine times before the duke of
Maïenne's began; they alfo blame
the duke for having difpofed his
army in the form of a crefent, like
Henry's, when, being fuperior in
number, he ought to have given it
the form of a triangle. According
to Matthieu, Henry IV. was guilty
of a great fault, in not beginning
the battle, by falling upon the light
horfe commanded by Du Terrail,
and upon the duke of Maïenne's
body, who, having advanced too
far, was obliged to go half a league
The
about in retreating. It appears,
that the cavalry only fought there;
and, if we believe Le Grain, twelve
hundred horfe defeated an army of
twenty thousand men. But here
is a little exaggeration. The king's
army was compofed of about two
thouſand cavalry, and fix or feven
thoufandinfantry; and the league's
confifted of five thousand horfe,
and eight thoufand foot.
count of Egmont, who had boaft-
ed that his fquadron alone was
fufficient to fubdue the royal any,
was flain, in the fight. He was
the fon of L'Amaral d'Egmont,
who was beheaded at Bruffels with
the count of Horne. It is faid,
that when he came to Paris, the
perfon who complimented him,
nixed in his difcourfe fome praifes
of L'Amoral his father: "Donot
"mention him," he replied; "he
was a rebel, and deferved to die."
5
was
Book IIÍ. ÓF SUL LY.
195
*
was refolved to conquer. He charged us with 1590.
fuch, fury, that notwithſtanding the defertion of
the Germans, after a terrible fire; and an encoun-
ter which laſted a full quarter of an hour; the
earth was covered with dead bodies. Our ſqua-
dron fled on the left, and on the right they were
broke and gave ground. At the firſt onſet, my
horſe was wounded in the noftrils, and in the neck
at a fecond, where the faddle did not reach, and
a third quite overpowered him, and carried away
two of his feet, and a piece of flesh off the
calf of my leg. I received another wound in
my hand. A piftol fhot gave me a third more
confiderable; the ball entered my hip, and came
out near my belly. I fhould certainly have been
killed, if my equery, had not flown to my affiftance
with another horfe, upon which I mounted, though
with great difficulty. This inftance of affection
drew a great many wounds upon poor Maignan,
and had like to have coft him his life.
At a ſecond charge, this horfe was likewiſe ſlain,
and in the fame moment I received a piſtol-ſhot in
the thigh, and a cut with a fword on the head.
I fell to the earth, and with my fenfes loft all the
remaining part of the action, which from the ad-
vantage the count of Egmont had already gained,
boded no good to us. All I know is, that a long
time after, recovering my fenfes, I faw neither
enemies, nor any of my domeftics near me, whom
terror, and the diforder, had difperfed; another
prefage which appeared to me no lefs unfavourable.
I retired without a head-piece, and almoſt with-
out armour, for in the battle mine had been bat-
terred to pieces. In this condition I faw a trooper
of the enemy's running towards me, with an in-
tention to take away my life. By good fortune I
found myſelf near a pear-tree, to which I crept,
and with that little motion I was ftill able to ex-
ert, made fuch good ufe of the branches, which
were extremely low, that I evaded all my adver-
O 2
fary's
196
MEMOIRS
Book III.
1590. fary's attempts, and kept him at a diſtance, who
being weary with turning round the tree, at laſt
quitted me. Feuquieres had not the like good
fortune; he was killed that moment before my
eyes. Juft then La Rocheforêt (who has fince
been with me) paſſing by, I aſked him for a little
nag which he was leading, and paid him for it up-
on the ſpot thirty crowns. It was always my opi-
nion, that on fuch occafions it is proper to carry
a little money about one.
Thus mounted, I was going to learn news of
the battle, when I faw feven of the enemy ap-
proach, one of whom carried the white ſtandard
belonging to the duke of Maïenne's company.
I thought it impoffible to efcape this new danger,
and upon their crying, "Qui vive?" I told my
name, as being ready to furrender myſelf a prifo-
ner. But how was I aftoniſhed, when inſtead of
attacking me, I found four of theſe perfons in-
treating me to receive them for prifoners, and to
fave their lives; and while they ranged themfelves
about me, appear rejoiced at this meeting! I grant-
ed their requeft: and it ſeemed fo furprizing to
me, that four men unhurt, and well armed, fhould
furrender themfelves to a fingle man, difarmed, co-
vered with his own blood, mounted upon a little
paltry nag, and ſcarce able to ſupport himſelf, that
I was tempted to take all I faw for an illufion.
But I was foon convinced of the truth of it. My
prifoners (fince they would be fo) made themfelves
known for monfieurs de Châtaigneraie *, de Si-
gogne, de Chanteloup, and d'Aufreville. They
told me, that the duke of Maïenne had loft the
**John de Vivonne, lord of
Châtaigneraie. Charles de Beau-
foncle, lord of Sigogne, cornet of
the duke of Maïenne's company.
The hiftorians take notice of the
prifoners monfieur de Rofny took
in this encounter, and the wounds
he received to the number of fe-
ven. It was for fome time be-
lieved, that Henry IV. was flain.
What gave rife to this falfe report
was the marquis of Nefle, who
was that day dreft like the king,
being feen furrounded by the ene-
my, and wounded in feveral places,
of which he died. Matthieu, ib.
battle;
Book III.
197
OF SULLY.
*
>
battle; that the king was that inftant in purfuit of 1590.
the vanquished, which had obliged them to fur-
render for fear of falling into worfe hands, their
horfes not being in a condition to carry them out
of danger; at the fame time Sigogne, in token of
furrender, prefented me with the white ftandard.
The three others, who were the duke of Nemours
the chevalier D'Aumale, and Tremont, not ſeem-
ing inclined to furrender, I endeavoured to per-
fuade them to do fo, but in vain. After recom-
mending their companions to me, feeing a body
of the victors advance, they rode away, and fhewed
me that their horfes were ftill vigorous enough to
bear them from their enemies.
I advanced with my prifoners towards a batta-
lion of Swiſs, and meeting one of the king's chief
pages, I gave him the ſtandard to carry, it being
too weighty a burthen for me. I then faw more
plainly the marks of our victory. The field was
full of the fugitive leaguers and Spaniards, and the
victorious army † of the king purſuing, and fcat-
tering the reft of the larger bodies, had difperfed,
and were again drawing together. The Swifs fol-
diers of the two armies, meeting, bullied each
other with their pikes lowered, without ftriking a
blow or making any other motion.
The white ſtandard embroidered with black
flowers-de-luce, was known by every one to be
* Charles of Savoy duke of Ne-
mours.
+ "The king cried, Spare the
"French, and fall upon the fo-
"reigners." Perefix, ibid. part
2d. "Henry," fays the author
of the Henriade, "owed this vic-
tory to the fuperiority of his
"fkill and valour. But he con-
"feffed that Maïenne had per-
"formed all the duties of a great
"general; he had no fault," faid
he," but in the caufe he fup-
"ported." The duke of Maïenne
would have been taken, but for
his precaution in breaking the
bridge of Ivry as he fled. But by
that means he expofed the German
horſe and foot to be flaughtered
there, twelve hundred of which
were killed upon the fpot; a like
number of French infantry, and
a thouſand horfe. Some have
made the lofs much greater. Of
the royalifts, five hundred private
men, and about twenty gentlemen
were killed. This battle was
fought between Dreux and Nonan.
court, at the villages of St. André
and Foucrainville.
0 3
that
198
MEMOIRS
Book III,
1590. that of the Guifes, which they bore in memory,
and through horror, of the affaffination of Blois,
and drew great numbers to it, as to a prey equally
rich and honourable. The black velvet coats of
my prifoners, which were covered with filver
croffes, glittered from afar in the field. The firſt
who flew to feize them, were Meffieurs De Cam-
brai, De L'Archant, Du Rollet, De Crevecœur,
De Palcheux, and De Braffeufe, who were joined
by the count de Torigny.
I advanced towards
them, and fuppofing they would not know my
face, disfigured by blood and duft, I named my-
felf. The count de Torigny no fooner knew La
Châtaigneraie, who was his relation, than judging
that, in the condition he faw me, I fhould not be
able to preſerve my prifoners from infult, he in-
treated me to give Châtaigneraie to his care, for
whom he would be anfwerable. I readily granted
his requeſt, yet it was with regret that I faw him
go away. What Torigny did through a principle
of friendſhip had a fatal confequence for the un-
happy Châtaigneraie: fome moments after he was
known by three men belonging to D'O's company,
who had been guard to Henry III. theſe men le-
velling their pieces at him, fhot him dead, crying,
"'Sdeath! thou traitor to thy king, whom thou
"haft murdered, and triumphed in the deed."
I might have made the count of Torigny pay
this priſoner's ranfom, and I was adviſed by feve-
ral perſons to do fo; but I could not refolve to add
this new cauſe of affliction to what he already felt
for the death of a man, with whom I had myfelf
been well acquainted.
I foon faw myſelf furrounded by many perfons,
amongſt whom there was not one that did not envy
my good fortune. D'Andelot came after the
reft, and paffing through the croud, perceived Si-
*
* Charles de Coligny, marquis d'Andelot, one of the admiral de Co-
ligny's fons.
gogne,
Book III.
199
OF
SULLY.
gogne, and the page who carried the ftandard. 1590.
He was preparing to feize it, believing his good
fortune had preſerved this prize for him, when a
report that the enemies had rallied, obliged him
to go away abruptly. I had not time to draw him
out of his error; for after he had bid the page
keep that ſtandard for him, he fuddenly diſappear-
ed. The news was found to be falfe, and had no
other foundation than the arrival of two hundred
foldiers from Picardy, which meffieurs de Mouy*
and de la Boiffiere had brought to the duke of
Maïenne.
>
Being now difengaged from the croud, and find-
ing myſelf in need of help, efpecially for the wound
in my hip, by which I lost a great deal of blood,
I advanced with my prize to the head of Vignole's †
regiment, which had behaved bravely in the battle.
Here, fearing no further furprize, I aſked for a fur-
geon to bind up my wound, and defired fome wine
to prevent fainting, which I found coming upon
me. My ftrength being a little renewed, I got to
Anet, the keeper of which gave me an apartment,
where I caufed the firft dreffing to be put on my
wounds in the prefence of the marechal Biron,
who ſpent a few moments there after my arrival,
and took fome refreſhment in my chamber. He
was conducting the corps de referve, which he
commanded, to the king, who, without ſtopping
after his victory, had paffed the river of Eure, in
purſuit of the enemies; and, as I was told, took
the road at laft to Rofny, where he lay the fame
night.
Charles D'Humieres. The
vol. of manufcripts in the king's
ibrary, marked 8930, is filled
with his great actions. Charles,
marquis de Mouy, or Moy. Chrif-
topher de Lanoy de Boifliere, go-
vernor of Corbic.
† Bertrand de Vignoles.
"That night he fupped at
I
the caftle of Rofny. Being in-
"formed that the marechal D'Au-
tr
mont was come to give him an
"account of what he had done,
"he rofe up to meet him, and
"embracing him affectionately,
"made him fit down at his table,
"with thefe obliging words, that
"it was but juft, that he who had
04
After
1
200
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1590.
After the marechal Biron was gone, D'Andelot
arrived at Anet, full of refentment againſt me for
taking away his prize; for fo he thought it. He
entered my chamber, attended by five or fix armed
men, and with an air equally fierce and infulting,
demanded an explanation, or rather fought to do
himſelf juftice; for perceiving the white ftandard,
which, with that belonging to my company, had
been placed at the head of my bed, he would
have taken poffeffion of it by force, without at-
tending to what I faid. I changed my tone im-
mediately, and high words paffed between us. In
the condition wherein I was, I could do no more.
But he fpeaking with fury, and making uſe of
threats, the noife drew fifteen or twenty of my
troopers into the chamber, at the fight of whom
D'Andelot reſtraining his rage, went out, com-
manding Sigogne to follow him, which he refufed,
and endeavoured, but in vain, to make him com-
prehend the injuftice of his pretenfions.
The next morning I caufed myſelf to be carried
by water to Paffy, with an intention to go to
11
"ferved him fo well at his nup-
"tials, fhould fhare the feast.'
Perefix, ibid. 2d part.
Monfieur de Perefix, in the fame
place, relates another circumftance,
which does honour to the king.
"He remembered that, the even-
"ing before the battle, he had uſed
"fome harth expreffions to colonel
"Theodoric Schomberg, who had
"afked him for money, and told
"him in a paffion, that it was not
ઃઃ
acting like a man of honour to
"demand money, when he came to
"take orders for fighting. He af-
"terwards went to him, when he
CC
re
was ranging his troops in order,
"and faid, Colonel, we are now
upon the point; perhaps I fhall
never go
from this place; it is
"not just that I fhould deprive
"brave gentleman as you are of
your honour; I come therefore
"to declare, that I know you to
ઃઃ
a
"be an honeſt man, and incapable
"of committing a bafe action.
(C
Saying this, he embraced him
"with great affection. The co-
"lonel, fenfibly moved with this
"behaviour, replied, with tears
"in his eyes, Ah! Sire, in re-
k
ftoring to me my honour, you
"take away my life; for after
"this I fhould be unworthy of
your favour, if I did not facri-
"fice it to-day for your fervice. If
"I had a thousand lives, I would
"lay them all at your feet. In
"fact, he was killed upon this oc-
"cafion." Ibid.
The marechal Biron, who at the
head of the corps de referve, had
greatly contributed towards this
victory, faid to Henry IV. “Sire,
you have performed what Biron
"fhould, and Biron has done that
"which the king ought to have
❝ done.”
Roſny,
Book III.
201
OF SULLY,
Rofny, to finish my cure. On my arrival, I 1590.
learned that part of the foldiers in my train, and
my valets, with all my baggage, had retired thi-
ther, not knowing what was become of me, and
intimidated by a report which was ſpread, that the
king had loft the battle. Being apprehenfive of
the reproaches I might make them, they kept
themſelves concealed. I caufed them to be fought
for, but they were fo much afhamed of their
cowardice, that the following night they fled away
on foot; nor have I fince been ever able to get
any intelligence of them. They left all my bag-
gage behind them, with four of their own horfes,
which I ordered to be fold, and diftributed the
money amongſt their wounded companions.
As I was not in a condition to mount a horfe, I
ordered a kind of litter, compoſed of the branches
of trees, with the bark ftill on, and the hoops of
fome veffels, to be made for me in hafte, and tra-
velled by Beurons, to avoid the afcents and de-
clivities of Rougevoie, and Chatillon.
Maignan, who was a youth of a lively imagina-
tion, thought proper to give this march the air of
a little triumph. Two of the grooms of my
ſtable were at the head of this train, each leading
one of my fineft horfes; they were followed by
my pages, one of whom rode on my horfe, the
fame who having received three wounds in the
battle, and being thrown to the ground by a
fourth, got up again without a faddle, and running
about the field, was fortunately known by three
of my arquebufiers. This page carried my cui-
rafs, and the duke of Maïenne's ftandard, the
other bore my bracelets, and my helmet, fo
bruiſed, that it was no longer of any ufe. My
equery, the contriver of this diverting fcene,
marched next, with his head bound up, and his
arm in a ſcarf, he was followed by Moreines, my
valet de chambre, dreft in my coat of orange-co-
loured velvet, with thin plates of filver, and
mounted
202
Book III.
MEMOIRS
1590. mounted upon my Engliſh nag, holding in his
hand, as a trophy, a bundle of the fhivers of my
piftols, the broken pieces of my fwords, and the
tattered remains of my plume of feathers. The
litter in which I lay came next, covered only with
a cloth, upon which they had hung the black
velvet coats of my prifoners, with their plumes,
and pieces of their piftols and fwords at the four
corners. The prifoners themſelves followed my
litter, and preceded the reft of my domeftics; after
whom ranged in order, came my own company
of foldiers, and the march was clofed with James
and Badet's two companies of arquebufiers. They
had fuffered fo much in the battle, that there was
not one of them who had not his head bound up,
and his arm in a fcarf, and fome of thefe brave
foldiers were even obliged to be carried by their
companions.
When we came near Beurons, we perceived all
the plain covered with horfes and dogs; and the
king himſelf, who, after a flight repaft, had re-
turned from Rofny to Mante, and was hunting
there in my warren. This fhew feemed to pleaſe
him; he thought it very happily difpofed, and fimiled
at the vanity of Maignan, who had the honour of
being known to this prince, ever fince his father,
who was a very brave man, had made himſelf re-
markable at the taking of Eaufe. The king ap-
proached my litter, and in the fight of his whole
train, difdained not to give me fuch proofs of
tenderness and concern, as (if I may be allowed
the expreffion) one friend would do to another.
I could not expreſs my gratitude by throwing my-
ſelf at his feet, but I affured him, and with truth,
that I would gladly fuffer a thouſand times more
for his fervice. He enquired, with an obliging
folicitude, whether all my wounds were of fuch a
nature, that I might hope to be cured without
mutilating any part of my body, which he
thought almoft impoffible, knowing that I had
been
Book III. OF SULLY.
203
been thrown down fenfelefs, and trampled under the 1590.
When he was convinced that I had
horfes feet.
nothing to fear, he caft himself on my neck, and
turning to the princes and noblemen who followed
him, he faid aloud, that he honoured me with the
title of a true and honeft knight, a title which he
faid, he thought fuperior to that of a knight-com-
panion of his orders. Being apprehenfive that
I ſhould hurt myſelf by ſpeaking too much, he
put an end to this agreeable converfation with
his uſual proteftation, that I ſhould ſhare in what-
ever good fortune heaven fhould fend him; and,
leaving me, faid, " Farewell, my friend; take care
"of yourſelf, and, depend upon it, you have a
good mafter." There are princes who are ca-
pable of gratitude, but this quality is feldom in-
creafed, or even kept, in fuccefs.
5C
MEMOIRS
MEMOIRS
OF
1590.
SULLY.
Τ
воок
IV.
HE fame day that the king gained the
battle of Ivry, his party alſo prevailed in
Auvergne *, where Randan commanded
the troops of the league; but fortune, as it fhould
feem, when ſhe gave this prince fuccefs fufficient
to put him in poffeffion of feveral crowns, took
pleaſure, at the fame time, in producing circum-
ftances which hindered the effect, and left him no
other fruit of his victories than the fole glory of
having conquered. After the battle of Ivry, terror
and confternation feized the whole party of the
league, fo that it feemed hardly poffible for the
king, who was now refolved to let flip none of his
advantages, to have failed of drawing very great
ones from the prefent pofture of his affairs. Nor
did he expect to have feen them raviſhed from him
by a general mutiny in his army, particularly of
the Swifs, who refuſed to advance a ſtep farther,
till they were paid thoſe ſums the king owed them.
This prince had then neither money nor means
in readineſs to recover any. He came to Mante,
to demand fome of the fuperintendant of the finan-
* At Iffoire. See an account of &c. John Lewis, de La Roche-
it in Cayet, ibid. 329. De Thou, foucaut, count of Randan.
ces.
Book IV.
205
MEMOIRS,
&c.
ces.
This man, who fecretly hated the king, and 1590.
beheld his fuccefs with grief, took pleaſure in adding
to his perplexities, and had but one anfwer to make
to all his folicitations. In this time of confufion,
when the royal treaſure became a prey to the firſt
poffeffor, the finances were very difficult to ma-
nage, and the king's revenues fcarce fufficient to
fatisfy the avarice of the receivers, which generally
increaſed with public mifery. Henry wanted that
abfolute authority, which alone was able to check
them, and ſtill more the means of convicting them
of any miſdemeanor; for he had not the flighteſt
knowledge of the affairs of the finances. Notwith-
ſtanding this, he entered into a detail which be-
came neceffary for him, and obliged *D'O to de-
liver up certain fums, which it was not difficult
to ſee had paffed through his hands. Theſe fums
he made ufe of to pacify his foldiers; but this
affair took up at leaft five days, during which the
king could not leave Mante, and confequently de-
rive no advantage from his victory. I remember
to have heard this prince declare, that he now, for
the first time in his whole life, faw himſelf in a
fituation to convert his defires into deſigns:
" for
"I have often had defires, faid he, but never
"found a fit opportunity to form defigns." He
gave the fame fignification to this laſt term that all
wife men do; a fcheme, the fuccefs of which is
fecured by reflection and prudence: and it is in
this fenfe which every one wishes to take what feems
right in his own opinion, without prejudice to any
other perfon; but it is fools only who rafhly en-
gage in defigns, without any appearance of fucceed-
ing in them.
During his ftay at Mante, D'Andelot went to
him to complain of me, and this prince gave him-
* Francis D'O, lord D'O, de
Mullebois, and de Frefne, mafter
of the wardrobe to Henry III. firft
gentleman of the chamber, fuper-
intendant of the finances, governor
of Paris, and ifle of France. He
will be mentioned hereafter.
5
felf
206
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1590. felf the trouble to come to Rofny, that he might
hear us both. D'Andelot was there generally con-
demned, and the raillery his ridiculous claim drew
upon him from the principal officers, made fuch
an impreffion on his mind, that he went over to
the party of the league. I did not think the fame
juftice was done me with regard to the govern-
ment of Mante, the taking of which was almoſt
the only confequence of the battle of Ivry. The
king, of whom I requeſted this poft, bestowed it
on a catholic *, at which I made loud complaints.
I confefs, to my confufion, that if I had feriouſly
confidered the fituation the king was then in, every
moment upon the point of being abandoned by the
foreigners for want of payment, and thofe catholics
that were in his fervice, ready to feize the flighteſt
occafion of diſguſt for a pretence to quit him, I
ſhould not have murmured, that he granted to a
catholic, who had but little affection to his perſon,
what he refuſed to a faithful fervant. There was
more greatneſs of mind in being fatisfied with the
friendſhip of this prince, independent of its effects,
than in receiving favours, which were determined
by policy, and the neceffity of the time.
All obftacles being removed, the king advanced
with his troops, took Dreux, and marched towards
Sens, which he expected to have furrendered
through the correſpondence he held within the city;
but this failed, and Henry, unwilling to come fo
far in vain, and being befides informed that the
place was deftitute of ammunition, he undertook
the fiege of it. It was not long before he found
himſelf, through the malice of his fecret enemies,
in a general want of all things neceffary to finiſh
this enterprize, and was therefore obliged to aban-
don it. To efface the fhame, he gave out, that he
raiſed this fiege, in order to go and inveſt Paris
itſelf, and he took his rout thither by Corbeil,
* This government was given to Monfieur de Rofny's youngeſt brother.
Meulan,
Book IV.
207
OF SULLY.
Meulan, Lagny, and St. Denis *, which he feized 1590.
in his way.
I was not at any of theſe fieges; and my wounds
were not yet half cured, when I learnt that the
king had inveſted Paris; and not able to reſiſt the
defire I had to be prefent at this expedition, I fet
out, with my arm however in a ſcarf, and fup-
ported by two crutches. The king, forgetting all
my complaints, received me with his ufual good-
neſs, and commanded me to ftay near his perſon.
He communicated to me the defign he had formed
upon Paris, which he was refolved at the fame
time to carry into execution over all the ſuburbs ;
in order to deprive the city of the fubfiftence it
drew from them, fuch as fruit, vegetables, &c.
He divided his army into ten little bodies, to
equal the number of the fuburbs he defigned to
ftorm; and having made choice of the night for
the execution of his fcheme, he withdrew to the
mountain of Montmarte, that he might ſend fup-
plies wherever there was occafion for them. He
placed himſelf in an abbey, where he was not only
followed by the wounded, who could have no ſhare
in the glory of that night, but by all the aged,
and the gentlemen of the robe and pen. He made
me ftay with him at a window, from whence he
viewed the action; during which, he converfed
with Du-Pleffis, Rufe, de Frefne, Alibour †, and I.
The attack began at midnight, with a frightful
noiſe of the artillery, which was anfwered by that
of the city. There was not one perfon, who did
not think that this immenfe city would be de-
ftroyed, either by the fire of the artillery, or the
mines kindled in its bowels: never was there a
ſpectacle more capable of infpiring horror. Thick
clouds of fmoke, through which darted by inter-
vals fparks of fire, or long trains of flames, co-
*Cities of the ille of France.
+ Du-Pleffis Mornay, Martin
Rufé, lord of Beaulieu, and Peter
Forget, lord of Frefne, his ma-
jefty's fecretaries. Alibour his
phyfician.
vered
208
Book IV:
MEMOIRS
1590. vered all that ſpace of earth, which, by the viciffi-
tude of light and darknefs, feemed now plunged
in thick fhades of night, and now fwallowed up
in a fea of fire. The thunder of the artillery, the
claſhing of arms, and the cries of the combatants,
added to this object all that can be imagined ter-
rible, which was ftill increaſed by the natural horror
of night. This ſcene continued two whole hours,
and was cloſed with the reduction of all the fuburbs,
not excepting that of St. Antoine; although by
its great extent we were obliged to begin the attack
at a confiderable diſtance. They blocked up the
city-gates, ſo that nothing could enter without the
permiffion of thoſe who guarded them; and the
people immediately faw themfelves reduced to an
exceſs of mifery and famine, which I cannot yet
think of without horror.
I muſt be permitted to pafs flightly over this
part; I cannot, with any pleaſure, enlarge upon
fo dreadful a fubject. The king, naturally com-
paffionate, was moved with the diftrefs of the
Parifians he could not bear the thoughts of feeing
this city, the empire of which was deftined for
him by Providence, become one vaft church-yard.
He fecretly permitted every thing that could con-
tribute to its relief, and affected not to obſerve
the ſupplies of provifions which the officers and
foldiers fuffered to enter the city, either out of
compaffion to their relations and friends who were
in it, or with a defign to make the citizens pur-
chaſe them at a high price. Without doubt, he
imagined this conduct would gain him the hearts
of the Parifians; but he was deceived, they en-
joyed his benefits without ceafing to look upon
him as the author of their miferies, and, elated
with the prince of Parma's arrival, they infulted
him, who only raiſed the ſiege becauſe he was too
much affected with the miſeries of the beſieged *.
*Perefix, Cayet, and many
others are alfo of opinion, that the
king was witheld from taking Paris
by ftorm, and from yielding to the
To
Book IV.
209
OF SULLY.
To juſtify an action, in itſelf as much blamed by 1590.
the mafters in the art of war, as praifed for its
motive by hearts truly benevolent, the king caufed
it to be reported, that his deſign in raiſing the fiege
of Paris was to go and meet the prince of Parma *,
<<
έσ
r
repeated intreaties of his foldiers,
particularly the huguenots, by his
having perceived, that on this oc-
cafion they were refolved to re-
venge the mallacre of St. Bartho-
lomew, by putting all within Paris
to the fword. "The duke of
Nemours, fays Perefix, fent all
"ufelef's mouths out of Paris:
"the king's council oppofed his
granting them paffage; but the
ઠંડ king, Being informed of the
"dreadful fcarcity to which thefe
"miferable wretches were reduced,
"ordered that they ſhould be al-
lowed to pass. I am not fur-
"prized, faid he, that the Spa-
"niards, and the chiefs of the
league, have no compaffion upon
"thele poor people, they are only
tyrants; as for me, I am their
"father and their king, and can-
"not hear the recital of their ca-
"lamities, without being pierced
"to my inmost foul, and ardently
"defiring to bring them relief."
Perefix, part 2d. The cardinal de
Gondy, bishop of Paris, having
been fent, during this fiege, to
make Henry propofitions for peace:
"I will not diffemble, faid he,
"but diſcover my fentiments to
you freely. I am willing to
grant you peace, I defire it my-
felf; I would give one finger to
"have a battle, and two to have
a general peace. I love my
"city of Paris, I am jealous of
"her, I am defirous of doing her
* fervice, and would grant her
"more favours than the demands
"of me; but I would grant them
voluntarily, and not be com-
"pelled to it by the king of Spain
"or the duke of Maïenne." It
may be added, that Henry IV. ex-
pected the Pariſians would capitu-
r
<<
r
VOL. I.
รา
late before. the prince of Parma's
arrival. The extremity to which
this city was reduced, raiſed at
once compaffion and horror: in
the ſpace of a month, 30,000 per-
fons died of hunger: mothers fed
upon the fleth of their children:
by the Spanish ambaffador's advice,
they dug up the dead bodies, and
made ufe of their bones pounded,
to compofe a kind of pafte. This
deteftable food coft the greateft
part of thofe that eat of it their
lives. See a relation of this in the
hiftorians, particularly in the fe-
cond volume of Villeroy's Memoirs
of ftate, p. 358, &c. Read alſo
the fine verfes of the Henriade
upon this fubject, Canto the tenth.
The Parifians owed their fafety
chiefly to the duke of Nemours;
whofe gallant defence has been
lightly praised by our writers. The
people feconded him with an ob-
ftinate eagerness, which had more
of fury than true courage in it. A
regiment of priests and monks
were feen there, Capuchins, Fo-
lietanis, Carthufians, &c. gro-
tefquely armed above their frocks.
This aukward regiment being eager
to falute the legate, killed his fe-
cretary at his fide. The monks of
St. Genevieve, St. Victor, the Be-
neditins, the Celeftins, and fome
orders, would have no part in this
military mafquerade. Cayet's Ch.
Novenn. ib. 360.
* Alexander Farnefe, duke of
Parma and Placentia, fon to Octa-
vio Farnefe, and Margaret of Au-
ftria, natural daughter to Charles V.
He married Mary of Portugal, by
whom he had Ranucio Farnefe,
duke of Parma, and Odoard Far-
nefe, cardinal.
P
and
Z10
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1590. and by a decifive action put an end to a war already
too long. He made ufe of all the precautions ne-
ceffary to fecure a fafe retreat from a city fo
popu-
lous as Paris, and commanded every one to hold
themſelves in readineſs for a general fignal; to the
end that, all the fuburbs being evacuated in a mo-
ment, no perfon might remain at the mercy of the
populace. This retreat required great wifdom and
addrefs, and was happily effected on the firft or
fecond of September in the fame year; after which
the whole army arrived at the common rendezvous,
without meeting with any accident.
དད ནསྙ;
The king* knowing that the prince of Parma
was in the neighbourhood of Meaux, came and
poſted himſelf between this city and Paris, and
made his light horfe advance as far as Claye t;
where the two camps being fo contiguous, feveral
fmart encounters enfued. The king, upon the
marechal Biron's reprefentations, preferred to this
poft that of Chelles, and went thither contrary
to his own opinion; for he looked upon Claye to
be a more advantageous poft, and at the fame time
fitter to fhut up the road to Paris from the enemy's
general; for he had ſtill views upon the city, and
carried on a correfpondence within it, which if the
prince of Parma had entered, would have failed
him, and which it did notwithstanding. The
king then took poffeffion of a rifing-ground, which
on one fide prefented nothing to view but a deep
valley and a morafs, that took away all poffibility.
of acting in that place. The prince of Parma per-
ceiving this, encamped on a hill oppofite to ours.
It was neither his deſign nor his intereſt to hazard
a battle, but to give us a check; his camp an-
* De Thou fays, that Henry IV.
was obliged to pretend, that he
only raised the fiege of Paris in
order to go and meet the prince of
Parma, and to give him battle;
for fear that his foldiers, whom
the hopes of the plunder of Paris
T
had only prevailed upon to ftay
with him, fhould abandon him.
Book xcix.
† A town between Paris and
Meaux.
† A town between Paris and
Meaux.
fwered
Book IV.
211
OF SULLY.
fwered this purpoſe exactly, as he was there fheltered 1590
from any attack, and out of the reach of the can-
non. The king became fenfible of the error,
which too much complaifance for the opinion of
another had drawn him into; when, after remain-
ing two or three days in this pofition, he faw
Lagny * taken before his eyes, without having it
in his power to prevent it †.
This event, joined to his raifing the fiege of
Paris, mortified him extremely, becauſe he was
fenfible that it might be concluded from thence,
that the enemy was fuperior to him in judgment,
which this prince confidered as a matter of great
importance in war. What gave him ftill more un-
eafineſs was, that none were more ready to believe,
or even to ſpread, theſe diſadvantageous reports,
than the catholics of his own army. What reliance
could he have on the affiftance of perfons, by whom
the difobedience of his foldiers, and his want of
money, were occafioned? and he was convinced
that this difpofition with regard to him was an in-
curable malady, which his good or his bad fortune
equally increaſed. Such is the hatred that religion
is the foundation of! and in the end, the king had
a thouſand fatal proofs of it.
He now refolved upon a very prudent mea-
fure, and indeed the only one that was left him.
* A city of Brie upon the
Marne.
+ The duke of Sully is more
candid than the greatest part of the
hiftorians, who will not confefs
that Henry IV. committed any
fault upon this occafion. They
cannot agree amongst themſelves,
either about the railing the fiege of
Paris, or all thefe different en-
campments. Villeroy in his Me-
moirs mentions this circumftance in
the fame manner as Sully does;
and attributes to that one fault, of
preferring the poft of Chelles to
Claye, all the honour the prince of
Parma gained by obliging the king
to raiſe the fiege of Paris, without
coming to a battle; the taking of
Lagny, &c. vol. I. p. 190. vol. II.
p. 466. See likewife upon all
thefe expeditions Matthieu, ibid.
53, &c. and the other hiftorians.
The prince of Parma was defirous
of feeing Paris, and entered it in-
cognito. "I am informed, faid
"he to the duke of Maïenne, that
"the king of Navarre makes more
"ufe of boots than fhoes, and
"that to ruin him we must pro
"tract the time, and employ de-
“lays, rather than force." Cayet`s
Chron. Novenn. ibid. 390.
FF
P 2
No
212
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1590. No longer perfifting in his defign of taking Paris,
which fo many circumftances concurred to ruin,
he quitted his poft at Chelles, where he ran great
hazards with an army whofe interefts clashed with
thofe of its leader, and fuddenly abandoning all
thofe quarters, retreated to the river of Oife, and
fixed at Creil; where, without ceafing to har-
raſs the prince of Parma, he ſuffered him flowly to
confume of himſelf. During this time, he made
no other motions than what ferved to hinder his
army from being enervated by floth. He laid fiege
to Clermont †, and continued it by frequent de-
tachments. My company he poſted in the neigh-
bourhood of Mante, to keep the country of Char-
traine, and part of the ifle of France, in order.
I obtained leave to continue near his perfon, though
I was not in a condition to do him any very great
fervices; the wound in my hip not permitting me
to fit my horſe but with great uneafinefs, and that
in my elbow took away the uſe of one of my
hands.
}
It happened as the king had foreſeen: the prince
of Parma boafted of his advantage in being mafter
of the field; and that he might make ufe of it,
laid ſiege to Corbeil. The king had provided this
place, as well as all the other royalift Towns, with
whatever was neceffary to enable them to hold
out againſt a long fiege. The enemy's general,
who did not expect this, was aſtoniſhed at the firm
reſiſtance of Rigaut, governor of Corbeil, whom
he a long time defpaired of fubduing; but thinking
his honour was engaged in this undertaking, he
continued his efforts, and fucceeded at last. It
was with this only exploit, however, that the
campaign ended; he had bought it too dear to
attempt a fecond at the fame price; and not being
able to effect any thing upon the king's army, any
more than his towns, he thought the wifeft thing
† A town upon the Oife.
I
In Beauvailis.
he
}
Book IV.
213
OF
SUL LY.
he could do was to return to the Low Countries: 1590.
which he did, to the extreme regret of the league,
whom his preſence had greatly relieved.
He judged, like an able general, that the king,
who had (if the expreffion may be allowed) clofed
his eyes upon all the advances he had made, would
open them upon his retreat; and that this would
not be effected with the fame eaſe as the reft. He
was not mistaken; but he acted with fo much
prudence, that he prevented the laſt misfortune
which muſt unavoidably have happened to any
other. Notwithſtanding all his precautions, the
king, by an infinite number of attacks and fkir-
miſhes, fometimes beat up his quarters, and brought
him within an inch of his ruin. The moſt con-
fiderable of thefe little battles, was at the paffage
over the river of Aîne. It was upon this occa-
fion, that the baron de Biron engaged himſelf fo
far amongſt the enemies battalions, that if the king
had not run thither in perfon, with as many of us
as were about him, and made a powerful effort
to bring him off, he would have loft his life there,
or at leaſt his liberty.
*
I was able to keep my rank with the reft during
this whole march, which was an excellent fchool
for a foldier to learn his trade in. It no leſs juſti-
fied the conduct the king had till then obferved,
than it did him honour by the manner in which he
executed it. Laying aſide only the terms of igno-
minious and ſhameful, which the courtiers, eager
to pleaſe this prince, joined (in my opinion very
unjustly) to the prince of Parma's retreat, it is cer-
tain, that the manner in which the king rendered
an army ufelefs, which had promifed itſelf the con-
queft of all France, his bravery in attacking a
powerful enemy who retreated not through weak-
nefs, and his dexterity in feizing all advantages,
gave matter for admiration to perfons confummate
*Charles de Gontaut, fon to the marechal.
P 3
in
214
Book IV,
MEMOIRS
1591. in the art of war, and equally ftruck the eyes of the
ignorant. The king's conduct upon this occa-
fion, gave his partifans new courage. Several
towns fubmitted, and fome catholics came over to
his fide; among others, the duke of Nevers, who
brought his troops along with him, either becaufe
he began to be afraid of him, or was difgufted
with the league.
It was not fuch allies as thefe that I wiſhed the
king: I found he dearly bought by his compliances.
the affiſtance of a man, who might have been in-
deed of ſome uſe to him; but who, in my opinion,
only increaſed the number of his fecret enemies †
in the council: for thus I cannot help calling all
thoſe intereſted catholics, who carried every thing
there with a high hand, and thought they had a
right to give laws to Henry.
During this prince's ftay in the neighbourhood.
of Mante, I took Giforst, by means of a corre-
fpondence, which a gentleman in my company,
named Fourges, carried on with his father, who
was in the place. I did not imagine the govern-
ment of this city would have been refufed me; but
it happened in this inftance as it had done in many
others. Meffieurs De Nevers, D'O, and other
catholics, put in practice all thofe mean artifices,
1
Henry IV. fays father
"Matthieu, when he was in pur-
fuit of the prince of Parma,
"ftole away from Attichy, and
went, for the first time, to fee
"the beautiful Gabriella at Co-
❝uvres.
He contented himfelf
with eating fome bread and but-
"ter at the gate, that he might
"not raiſe any fufpicion in her
father. Afterwards mounting
his horfe, he faid, he was going
"towards the enemy, and that
the fair one fhould foon hear
what he had performed through
his paffion for her. Vol. II. p. 59.
By all the letters that paffed
between the duke of Nevers and
Henry III. which are at the end of
the firft volume of the Memoirs
that bear his name, it appears,
that the duke of Nevers ferved this
prince effectually againſt the league,
but without any kindness to the
king of Navarre. When he joined
this prince, their reciprocal letters
fhew, that the fervices he did
Henry IV. were confiderable in-
deed, but that he exacted a very
high price for them, and that it
was with difficulty Henry bore
with his caprice, his jealouſy, and
his bad temper.
A city of Vexin.
which
Book IV.
215
OF
SULLY.
O F
which procured them favours that ought only to 1591.
have been the rewards of merit, and prevailed
upon the king to give this poft to one of their own
religion.
I was too fincere to diffemble my thoughts of
fuch injuftice; I chofe to explain myfelf upon this
fubject at the very time when all thefe gentlemen
might hear what I faid, and concealed nothing
that lay upon my heart. The king, who was a
better politician than I was, fèemed not to be
moved with my invectives againſt the catholics,
although he fecretly agreed that I was injured, and
only anſwered me coldly, "I perceive you are
"heated at preſent; we will talk of this affair an-
"other time. I must confeſs, added he, after I
retired, that he has fome reaſon for his com-
plaints; his temper is naturally fiery: however,
" he will never be guilty of any thing bafe or
"wicked, for he is a good man, and loves ho-
<c
CC
nour." In the firft emotions of my anger, I
left my company to the care of my lieutenant, and
went to take a tour in the valley of Aillant, and to
Combrailles, upon my wife's eftate, taking only
I did
fix gentlemen, and my domeftics with me.
not expect to be employed in any military duties
in this journey; but while I was at Bontin*, the
count of Tonnerre † prevailed upon me, to affift
him in an attempt he made upon Joigny t. His
defign was to force with a petard a poftern-gate,
which for a long time before had not been opened,
and through that to enter the town. Tonnerre,
for this exploit, had only two hundred arquebufiers,
which he had got together in hafte. They fol-
lowed him about two hundred fteps into the city;
but here their leader falling by a thot from an ar-
quebuſe, terror feized thern, and they haftily re-
treated towards the poftern, carrying the wounded
Upon the confines of Cham-
paigne, and Orleanois.
† Francis Henry, count of Cler-
mont and Tonnerre.
In Champagne, upon the
Yonne.
P 4
count
216
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
ļ
1591. count along with them. Their danger, or rather
their fear redoubling, they had the bafenefs to leave
him upon the pavement, about thirty fteps from
the poſtern; where he would have been cut to
pieces by the citizens, if I had not flown to his
affiftance, with only twenty men for notwith-
ſtanding all my endeavours, I could not prevail
upon thofe cowardly foldiers to face about. How-
ever, I reſcued Tonnnere, who took the road to
Gien*, of which he was governor; after which I
muftered up his brave troop, and refumed my way
to Bontin.
1
The remembrance of the king's former goodneſs
to me, and an invincible inclination, drew me
back to him. I found him employed in the fiege
of Chartres; the taking of which was principally
owing to the valour and addrefs of Chatillon .
I was prevented from being prefent at this fiege,
by an adventure the most dangerous I was ever
engaged in, in my whole life; nor have the in-
tentions of the authors of it, or even their names,
ever come to my knowledge.
Returning from an affault which Chatillon made
upon the body of the place, by means of a bridge
of a new and very ingenious ſtructure, the king,
who obſerved that my former ardour for his fer-
vice was not diminished, called me, and com-
* A city of Orleanois upon the
Loire.
+ The magiftrate of this city
"made him a very long harangue;
and telling him, that he ac-
"knowledged the city was fub-
“ject to the king, by divine and
human right; the king, out of
"patience at his prolixity, inter-
rupted him, pushing forward his
"horfe to enter, and faid, Ay, and
"add alfo by the cannops right."
Father Chalon's hiſtory of France,
vol. III. p. 227. This fiege was
Jong and bloody. See Matthieu,
vol. II. p. 63, Cayet, vol. II.
P. 415, and other hiftorians,
Francis de Coligny, fon to
the admiral, and adıniral of Guy-
enne. He died this year 1591, m
his caftle of Louve, thirty years
of age, leaving by Margaret D'Ailly
de Péquigny, three fons. The cal-
vinift party had a great lofs in him,
for it is believed, that if he had
lived, he would even have excelled
his father. De Thou, book cii.
Three fons of D'Andelot, the ad-
miral's brother, died at one time,
in the year 1586; their names were
Laval, Sailly, and Rieux. They
were fons of Francis de Coligny,
and Claude de Breaux, fole heirefs
of the houfe of Laval. Book lxxxv.
manded
1
Book IV.
217
OF
SULLY.
manded me to bring my company before Chartres, 1591.
I was obliged to go and get my men together my-
felf, and at the fame time to provide every thing
neceffary for their maintenance. About three
leagues from Mante, near the town of Touvery, I
faw a brigade of twenty horfe in the field, which
I ordered Tilly to reconnoitre. Upon his infor-
mation that they bore white ſcarfs, I advanced
without fear or precaution: as for them, continu-
ing their rout, as if they had not even feen us,
they ſtruck into the wood; from which, according
to the courſe of the road I had taken, I could not
expect to fee them come out. I rode on with Tilly,
La-Poterie, and La-Ruë, before the reft of my
troop, which confifted only of fix other gentle-
men, and four fervants, who followed at fome
diſtance feparately. Theſe troopers, or robbers, I
know not what to call them, knew the road per-
fectly, and had taken their meaſures fo well, that
they met us at the paffage out of the foreſt, juſt
where our road croffed theirs. The two firſt took
off their hats, when to the word, Qui vive? we
anſwered, Vive le roi; but at the fame time taking
advantage of our fecurity, fired clofe to our breafts.
I faw three of the foremoft take aim particularly at
me. There was no probability that any of us would
have eſcaped; but doubtlefs, precipitation, fear,
and the terrors of confcience, caufed the hands of
thefe villains to tremble, fo that of three fhots at
me, one only reached me, which entering my lip,
came out at the nape of my neck: it appeared to
me, that La Poterie and Tilly received the two
others in their cloaths. La Rue was the only per-
fon who fell.
The rest of my troop running up at the noife,
furrounded me, crying, "Vive Rofny." We
all together charged our affailants, who retired,
firing, to a village, covered with hedges, where
we loft fight of them. They continued only to
fire upon us from within the houfes, which covered
my
218
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
¡
1591. my face with ſmall ſhot. By this circumſtance I
concluded, that our adverfaries were of intelligence
with the country; and that this village was full of
foldiers, who only fought, perhaps, to draw us
nearer. After ſeveral times calling to thofe traitors
to turn and accept a defiance, I thought it was the
wifeft way to leave them, and take fome care of
my wounds; eſpecially that in my neck, which
was the moft confiderable, and by which I loſt a
great deal of blood. I got to Touvery, where, in
the houſe of Monfieur d'Auteuil, I put the firſt
dreffing upon them, and from thence retired to
Mante, where I was fix weeks under the furgeons
hands. During this fpace, the king's army not
only feized Chartres, but Corbie likewife. Parabere
had the conduct of this fiege, in the abſence of the
king, who was kept at St. Quentin †, by his new
paffion for mademoiſelle D'Eftrées ‡.
*M. de Combault d'Auteuil.
It is to this year, and while
Henry IV. ftaid at St. Quentin,
that we must bring back this
prince's Letter to M. de Rofny,
which is without date, and may
be feen amongst the MSS. of the
king's library, the contents of
which perfectly agree with the text
of our Memoirs, and is as follows:
"All the news I have from Mante
are, that you have been fa-
"tigued, and are much emaciated:
"if you have any defire to refreſh
yourſelf and grow fat, it is my
opinion, that you ought to come
hither; mean time your brother
"will fend us news from thence
"of our fiege at Chartres," &c.
From feveral places in thefe
Memoirs, where the thare Henry
IV. gave to M. de Rofny in all his
refolutions is mentioned, particu-
mentioned, particu-
Jarly that relating to his conver-
fion, which we ſhall come to pre-
fently, we may infer, that this
prince had always an entire con-
fidence in him. I have tranfcribed
the foregoing letter to fhew by an-
other teftimony, that this opinion
is not ill founded; and that the
duke of Sully has not through
vanity impofed upon his readers.
The hiftorians have not mentioned
this minifter till he began to appear
publicly at the head of affairs.
'Tis more than probable, that a
long time before that, he had been
the foul of all the actions and coun-
cils of Henry the great. 'Tis eafy
to trace this time back to his mot
early youth; tho' indeed all the
actions of the duke of Sully com-
pofe a life, wherein no period of
it feems to have been that of youth.
This advantage muſt be allowed to
minds born, as it were, grave and
ferious, over thoſe more lively and
full of fire.
She is often mentioned in the
courfe of this work. Her name
was Gabrielle; fhe was daughter
of John Antony D'Eftrées, and
Frances Babou de la Bourdaifiere.
She bore fucceffively the names of
the fair Gabrielle, madame de
Liancourt, themarchionefs of Mon-
ceaux, and dutchefs of Beaufort.
The
Book IV.
219
OF SULLY.
The fiege of Noyon followed that of Corbie.
There is none which I could have more wished to
have given a circumftantial relation of than this,
if I had been a witneſs of it. A thouſand brave
actions were performed by the befieged. The
duke of Maïenne, who knew this place was of
great importance to the league, fent orders to the
duke D'Aumale *, lieutenant general, who was
then at Ham with fome of the forces of the party,
not to neglect giving it all poffible affiftance till he
approached. The duke D'Aumale endeavoured
twice to throw fuccours into it; but La Chan-
telerie and Tremblecourt, who led them, were cut
in pieces one after the other. The vifcount de Ta-
vannes †, major general, thinking he might be
more fuccefsful, prefented himfelf with four hun-
dred arquebufiers: they met with a party of fifty
or fixty horſe, belonging to us; who, after the
Qui vive, charged them boldly, and put them to
flight: the principal officers, who would have re-
fifted, were all wounded, and taken prifoners with
Tavannes, their commander. D'Aumale flattered
himſelf, that he fhould, in his turn, beat two
quarters of light horfe, which he had ordered Bel-
langlife to reconnoitre; but he found them mount-
ed, and going to meet the king, and having at-
tacked them, thefe light horfe, notwithſtanding
the great fuperiority of the enemy, defended them-
felves fo long, and fo bravely, that the baron de
Biron, Meffieurs de la Hargerie ‡, and de la Boif-
fiere, had time to come up to their affiftance: after
which, theſe two troops joining, they defeated
D'Aumale's whole detachment, which confifted of
* Charles de Lorraine, duke
d'Aumale, fon of Claude, flain be-
fore Rochelle, in the year 1573.
He was the third of Claude de Lor-
rain's fons; from whence iflued all
the branches of the houfe of Lor-
rain in France: that of D'Aunale
was extinct foon after.
† John de Saulx, vifcount of
Tavannes, one of the marechals of
the league. See a relation of the
fieges of Noyon, Pierrefont, and
of all thefe expeditions, in the
above-named historians.
Lewis D'Ognies de la Har-
gerie count of Chaune.
five
1591.
220
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1591. five hundred horfe, and as many horfe arquebu-
fiers. Very few reached Ham without wounds,
and a great number of prifoners were taken.
*
The duke of Maïenne arriving at Ham at the
very moment that theſe ſhattered remains retreated
thither, was a witnefs of his lofs, and proteſted
publicly, that he would efface this fhame, either
by raiſing the ſiege of Noyon, or by a battle. He
drew together all his forces, ordered the baron de
Rofne † to bring him the Spaniſh troops under
the command of the prince of Afcoli in Cham-
pagne; and finding himſelf at the head of nine
hundred foot, and two hundred horſe, he advanced
towards Noyon. He forgot his oath, when he
faw that he had to do with men, who ſeemed not
to have perceived his arrival. The commander of
Noyon had reprefented to him by a gentleman,
whom the king permitted to pafs through his army,
that he had engaged to furrender the place in fix
days, if no fuccours were fent to him. The duke
of Maïenne, the prince of Afcoli, and the duke
of Auinale, fuffered Noyon to be taken before
their
eyes.
This commander certainly deferved to
have been better feconded. His name was Rieux;
and from a private foldier, became governor of
Pierrefond, by his ſkill and bravery. Upon the
report of Noyon's being attacked, he found means
to throw himſelf into it, with fifty horſe, and as
many arquebufiers, to reaffure this city, where all
were in confternation and difmay, and to hold it
out till the laſt extremity.
The duke of Maïenne feeing that his army was
now uſeleſs, fent it into quarters, and marched
flowly towards Paris. He had long carried on a
correſpondence in Mante, and he now thought it
time to execute his defign upon that place. He
privately drew out the garrifons of Paris, Dreux,
me.
* Another city upon the Som-
+ Chriftian de Savigny, baron
of Rofne, in the dutchy of Bar.
and
Book IV. OF SU L´LY.
221
*
and Pontoife, and fuddenly prefented himſelf with- 1591.
in mufquet-fhot of this city, before day. My
brother was governor of it, and I was then there
myfeif; my wound not permitting me to keep the
field. As foon as I was informed of the enemies
arrival, I ran upon the ramparts with my head
bound up; and cauſing ſome diſcharges to be fired
at the affailants, forced them to abandon their
defign.
The duke of Maïenne fucceeded no better before
Houdan †, which he alarmed as he paffed by.
My other brother, who was there with his regi-
ment, and fome companies, gave him fuch a re-
ception, that he retreated with diſgrace.
What had happened at Mante, joined to the in-
formation my brother had received, convinced us,
that the enemies had a correfpondence in the city.
After confulting together upon what was neceffary
to be done on this occafion, I fixed upon the fol-
lowing expedient: I had ftill in my pay fix of
thoſe brave foldiers, who ferved as a forlorn hope
in the battle of Ivry, and to whom, befides their
pay, I gave eight livres a month. They were then
in my brother's garrifon, to whom I could not re-
fuſe them, and their fidelity I was abfolutely affured
of. As it had been concerted with us two, they
pretended to be difcontented with the governor of
Mante; and prefenting themfelves to the garrifon
of Pontoife, were received with open arms. They
immediately propofed to D'Alincourt to make
him mafter of Mante by the connection which they
told him they ſtill had in that place. To convince
the governor of this, they afked for four foldiers,
whom by my connivance they conveyed into Mante,
* Solomon de Bethune, called
baron de Rofny, the author's
youngeſt brother, and the third of
thofe four brothers he mentioned
at the beginning of thefe Memoirs.
† On the borders of France and
Normandy.
Charles de Neufville, marquis
D'Alencourt, fon to Nicolas de
Neufville de Villeroi, fecretary of
ftate: he will be mentioned after-
wards.
and
222
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1
1591. and directed them to get acquainted with fome citi-
zens, who were well diſpoſed to engage in all forts
of factions. In a little time every thing was agreed
upon, and the day fixed for delivering up Mante
to the league. Thele four foldiers found fo little
difficulty in the profecution of their defign, that
D'Alencourt, believing the fuccefs of it infallible,
would have all the honour of it to himſelf. My
foldiers gave me exact information of all that was
contriving in Pontoife, and the joy which fo well
concerted an enterprife occafioned there. The ge-
neral council of the league, headed by the cardinal
of Bourbon*, refided in that city.
Mean time I took my meafures very deep, that
no affectation might appear in my conduct. I
cauſed trains of gunpowder to be laid upon the
ramparts which they intended to fcale, without any
one's perceiving it; and fhut up all the houſes that
ftood near that fide; after which I introduced into
the place, by ſmall divifions at different times, the
beſt foldiers of the garrifons of Nogent, Vernon,
and Meulan. This done, I thought myfelf obliged
to fend and inform the king, who was at Com-
peigne, of all that paffed; which ruined our pro-
ject. This prince could not refift the defire he had
to receive the duke of Maïenne himſelf in Mante,
and imagined he took fufficient precaution againſt
hurting our ſcheme, by not entering Mante till the
*This is not the old cardinal,
Charles of Bourbon, fon of Charles
of Bourbon, duke of Vendome,
and brother to Antony king of Na-
varre, whom the league had pro-
claimed king. He died of the ftone
the year before, at Fontenai, in
Poitou, whither Henry IV. had
caufed him to be removed from
Chinon, aged fixty-feven years; a
prince, who had reafon to com-
plain, that they obliged him to af-
cend a throne which had no allure-
ments for him. He could not con-
teal his joy for the victory that
Henry IV. gained at Coutras; and
only accepted the crown, fays
Cayet, to preferve it for that prince
whom he loved. Chron. Novenn.
vol. I. book ii. p. 357. The per-
fon mentioned here, is the cardinal
his nephew, named Charles after
him, fon to Lewis the firft, prince
of Condé, flain at Jarnac, and
brother to the prince of Condé,
who died at St. John D'Angely,
to the prince of Conti, and the
count of Soiffons. He is men-
tioned in another place.
night
Book IV.
223
OF SULLY.
night that it was to be executed, and by carrying 1591.
in with him only fifty horfe, and the fame number of
foot. As for me, when I faw him arrive, I was
fo well perfuaded that all our meaſures were broke,
that I could not help reproaching him with fome
warmth for coming thus to undo our work, and
expofing, perhaps, the lives of the four foldiers,
who conducted it, by means of the evidences that
might appear against them. The king affuring
me, that nothing of what I feared would happen,
went to fup at the governor's, and there, being
fatigued with his long journey, threw himſelf upon
a bed with his cloaths on, and large boots.
:
Day came, without any appearance of the ene-
mies I watched for them all night upon the ram-
parts with one of my brothers; the other ftaid with
the king. Just as I had retired to reft, Bellengre-
ville, whom I had ordered to obferve the enemies
motion without, came to me, and informed me,
that the duke of Maïenne having received advice
that fome troops, led by the king in perfon, had
entered Mante in the night, fuppofed his defign
was diſcovered, and had retreated, after having
advanced as far as Bourgenville. I carried him to
the king, to whom he made the fame report, and
as a proof of the truth of what he faid, produced
two carts, loaden with rope-ladders, and fuch other
inftruments, which the leaguers, imagining they
already faw the king at their heels, had left in the
field, that they might not obſtruct their retreat.
The affair became public and irretrievable; for the
foldiers who escaped on both fides could not be
filent.
This
The king fucceeded better at Louviers *.
city kept a priest †, in its pay, who from the top
of a belfrey, which he never left, played the part
of a fpy with great exactnefs. If he faw but a
fingle perfon in the field, he rung a certain bell,
* In Upper Normandy, This priest was called John de la Tour.
and
224
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1591. and at the fame fide hung out a great flag. We
did not defpair of being able to corrupt his fide-
lity; which two hundred crowns, and a promiſe
of a benefice worth three thouſand livres a-year,
effected. There remained only to gain fome of
the garrifon; the Sieur Du Rollet took this upon
himfelf, and fucceeded. He addreffed himſelf to
a corporal and two foldiers; who eafily prevailed
upon the reſt of the garrifon to truſt the guard of
one of the gates to them only. Every thing be-
ing concluded upon, the king prefented himſelf
before Louviers, at twelve o'clock in the night *.
No one rung the bell, nor was there the leaft mo-
tion in the garrifon. Du Rollet entered, and open-
ed the gate, through which the king paffed, with-
out the ſmalleſt reſiſtance, into the center of the
town. Fontaine-Martel made fome ineffectual
efforts to draw the garrifon together; as for the
citizens, they were employed in concealing their
wives and daughters. This city, whofe chief riches
confifted in its magazines of linen and leather, was
wholly pillaged. I had a gentleman with me, cal-
led Beaugrard, a native of Louviers, who was of
great ufe to us in difcovering where thefe fort of
goods were concealed, and a prodigious quantity
of them was amaffed together. The produce of
ſhare amounted to three thouſand livres. The
care of Louviers was by the king configned to
Du Rollet.
my
The fame good fortune attended the duke of
Montpenfier in all his enterpriſes in Normandy †.
* June 5.
† In the Lower Normandy Fa-
laize, Baïeux, Argentan Lizieux,
&c. were in the intereft of the
league; Caën, Alençon, Sécz, E-
couché, &c. in the king's. The
moft confiderable action happened
in April 1589, in the field of Ar-
gentan, near Pierrefitte, Villars,
and Commeaux, where the duke
of Montpenfier cut off the leaguers
of thofe cantons, whom they cat-
led Gautiers, to the number of
five or fix thoufand. They were
commanded by the count of Brif-
fac, Pierrecourt, Louchan, the ba-
ron d'Echaufour, and others.
Three thouțand were left dead
upon the fpot, and a thouſand ta-
ken prifoners; the reft efcaped to
Argentan. Commeaux, which is
at prefent fcarce a village, was
This
Book IV.
225
OF SU L LY.
1
This fuccefs was no more than neceffary to com- 1591.
fort the king for the news he received, that the
duke of Guife*, whom he confidered as his prin-
cipal enemy, had efcaped from the caftle of Tours,
where he had been confined ever fince the affaffi-
nation at Blois. The king now refumed his for-
mer deſign of attempting Rouen. Secure of the
affiftance and affection of almoſt all the cities of
Normandy, he quitted Mante, where for fome
time paſt he had fixed his abode, and made it a
little capital for the refidence of his court and
council; and caufed his troops to file off towards
this city. While preparations were making for
this important fiege, Henry took a private journey
to Compeigne, of which love was the true cauſe,
though he gave out that it was to fend to Ger-
many for a recruit of horfe. The viſcount Tu-
renne undertook this affair, through gratitude for
the king's have effected, and honoured with his
prefence, his marriage with mademoiſelle de Se-
dant, daughter, and fole heirefs of the deceaſed
taken with great difficulty. At
length the duke of Montpenfier
extirpated this whole party, and
reduced feveral of the rebellious
cities. He was affifted by the
count of Torigny, Meff. D'Emery,
De Loncauniai, De Beuvron, De
Viqnes, De Bacqueville, L'Ar-
chant, and others. See thefe expe-
ditions in the third volume of the
Memoirs of the league.
* Charles of Lorrain, fon of
Henry duke of Guife, who was
flain at Blois, and of Catherine
of Cleves. He was born in the
year 1571. "The flight of the
duke of Guife will ruin the
"league," faid Henry IV. as it
is related by Le Grain. The duke's
valet de chambre having found
means to amuife. Rouvrai, and his
guards, either by play, or drink-
ing, let him down from the higheft
window in the caſtle, in the midlt
of the day, with a rope, which
VOL. I.
he afterwards made ufe of to de-
fcend himself. The duke got into
a fmall boat, which carried him
to the other fide of the river,
where two horfes waited for him,
&c. Matthieu, Vol. II. p. 81.
Cayet, Vol. II. book iii. p. 465, &c.
Charlotte de la Mark, daugh-
ter of Robert de la Mark, fove-
reign prince of Sedan, and of Fran-
ces of Bourbon-Montpentier: by
the death of her brother, Will
liam Robert de la Mark, duke of
Bouillon, which happened at Ge-
neva, in the year 1588, the be-
came heires of this principality.
The duke, in his laft will, forbad
his fitter to marry a Roman catho-
lic. This circumftance, the king's
friendship for the vifcount Tu-
renne, his defire of taking the
lady from the dukes of Lorrain,
Montpenfier, and Nevers, each of
whom demanded her for his fön
policy, which adviſed him to give
duke
226
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1591. duke of Bouillon, which was concluded this year.
nor was I, for my part, forry that this retreat
gave me an opportunity of enjoying, fome time
longer, at Mante, the company of madam Châ-
teaupers, with whom chance had brought me ac-
quainted; and the inclination I felt for her was
ftrong enough to make me entertain thoughts of a
fecond marriage.
The king had exprefly forbidden all commerce,
and exportation of merchandiſes, and every kind
of provifion into Paris and Rouen, as being cities
in open rebellion: but in this, as in every thing
elfe, he was very ill obeyed. The governors of
paffes, eſpecially on the fide of the Seine, gained
by the immenfe fums, which they procured them,
almoſt publickly granted the neceffary paffports
for merchants, and mafters of boats. De Fourges,
whom I have formerly mentioned, came one day
and informed me, that a large boat, whofe lading
was reputed worth fifty thouſand crowns, had gone
up the river to Paris, where, after a few days
ftay, a lefs one would bring back the produce in
filver to Rouen; which he was well affured of, be-
caufe his father had charge of the boat. I caufed
it to be fo well watched, that in its return it fell
into my hands, and I faw with aſtoniſhment the
paffport figned by Berengueville, and my brother,
the one governor of Meulan, and the other of
Mante; but they did not care to mention this to
me, nor did I take any notice of it to them, but
cauſed the boat and its mafter to be brought to
Mante. I opened two large packets, where I ex-
pected to find the fifty thoufand crowns, in fpecie.
But ſeeing only fome pieces of gold and filver
thread, and a piece of Spaniſh filk, I threatened
an ambitious neighbour to the
duke of Lorrain; and perhaps the
belief that this marriage would in-
duce the viſcount to lay afide his
defign of making himſelf head of
the calvinifts in France: theſe
were the motives which deter-.
mined Henry IV. to marry the
heirefs of Sedan to the viſcount
Turenne.
to
Book IV.
227
OF SULLY.
to put the mafter of the boat into a dungeon. 1591.
The elder Fourges, alarmed at this threat, pre-
fented me with letters of exchange for fix and
thirty thouſand crowns, which he would have per-
fuaded me was the whole produce of the fale; but
as he defended himfelf with much action, the
weight of the gold he had about him broke his
pockets, and fo great a quantity fell from them,
that the floor was in an inftant covered with crowns
of the fun *. He probably intended to apply this
fum to his own ufe, or thought it could be in no
place fo fecure as about himſelf. 'Tis impoffible
to expreſs the confuſion he was in at this accident.
After diverting myſelf ſome time in obliging him
to take feveral turns about the room, I ordered
him to ſtrip, and found ſeven thouſand crowns in
gold fewed up in his cloaths. I was then in fome
neceffity for money, and waiting for the fale of
my corn, wood, and hay, at Rofny: the king
made me a prefent of this fum, and was extremely
pleaſed with the recital of poor Fourges's adven-
ture. As for Berengueville, and my brother, they
were extremely angry with me. But to return to
the fiege of Rouen.
The king had never feen himſelf at the head of
fuch confiderable forces. Four thoufand Engliſh
were fent him under the command of Roger Wil-
liams, and he expected foon a fecond reinforce-
ment from England, which landed during the
fiege, commanded by the earl of Effex †, the mi-
nifter and favourite of queen Elizabeth. The
United Provinces, befides the two regiments in
the ſervice of this prince, fent a fleet of fifty fail
well equipped, with two thouſand five hundred
* A gold coin current in thoſe
times. It was firit ftruck in the
reign of Lewis XI. and fo called,
becauſe there was the figure of a
fun above the crown. The value
of theſe crowns at this time is
fixty-four fols.
+ Robert D'Evreaux, earl of El-
fex, favourite to queen Elizabeth.
See the letter of thanks which
Henry IV. wrote to queen Eliza-
beth. Villeroy's Memoirs, Vol. IV.
p. 249.
е
foldiers,
228
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1591. foldiers, under the command of count Philip of
Naffau, on board, to the coaſt of Normandy.
The duke of Bouillon (for the viſcount Turenne
took this title after his marriage) fucceeded fo
well in his negotiation in Germany, that he brought
back five or fix thoufand horfe, and fome compa-
nies of foot, with the prince of Anhalt at their
head. Thefe foreign auxiliaries, joined to fix thou-
fand Swifs, which the king had in his pay, to dif-
ferent reinforcements that came from feveral places,
particularly Normandy; and to thofe troops, either
proteftants or catholics, that were at his own dif-
pofal, compofed, in all, an army of forty thou-
fand men.
Caën, and the other chief towns of
the province, engaged to furnish provifions, and
every thing neceffary for a fiege, which could not
fail of being long, the goodneſs of the place, and
the ſtrength of the garrifon confidered. The mar-
quis of Villars*, well known for his courage and
capacity, fhut himſelf up there with the fon of
the duke of Maïenne, refolved to bury themſelves
under its ruins. In effect, from the day that we
fat down before this city, till the prince of Parma's
arrival, which obliged us to raiſe the ſiege, there
paffed almoft fix months; and what is worſe, fix
winter months: for it was invefted the firſt of Oc-
tober, and abandoned the twentieth of March fol-
lowing, after attempts on the part of the befieg-
ers, and a reſiſtance on that of the befieged, fome
circumſtances of which I ſhall relate.
The troops of the befiegers were placed in diffe-
rent quarters; the king's were at Darnetal, and
that of my company at Frefne l'Efplen, whither I
feldom went, the king having honoured me with
a lodging in his. Here I difpofed myſelf for a
long ſtay, and hardly ever quitted him or the ma-
*André de Brancas-Villars, of
the ancient family of Brancatio,
originally Neapolitan. It is not
5
the fame with that of the marquis
of Villars, which is defcended from
Honoré baftard of Savoy.
rechal
Book IV.
229
OF
SULLY.
rechal de Biron. At firſt there appeared fuch an 1591.
emulation amongſt the officers to be employed, that, -
to avoid all difputes, the king regulated the time
and duration of each of their fervices; and de-
clared that every fourth day he would himſelf work
at the trench, with the gentlemen that were about
his perfon, who were to the number of two or
three hundred.
I had folicited beforehand for a poft in the ar-
tillery, for which my inclination was fo ftrong,
that I fubmitted to ferve not only under the ma-
rechal de Biron, but meffieurs de La Guiche*, de
Borne, and de Fayolies alío. But Biron, who hated
me, gained over thefe generals, and prevailed up-
on them to exclude me, with which I had after-
wards reafon to be well pleaſed; for thoſe pieces
of ordnance of which I was to have the charge,
happened to fall into the enemy's power.
This it was that gave riſe to the marechal's ha-
tred towards me: It was debated in the council
on what fide the place fhould be attacked. Biron
was of opinion, that we fhould begin with the
caſtle; I, on the contrary, did not fcruple to main-
tain, that we ought firft to attack the city, which
would bring along with it the reduction of Fort
St. Catherine. This queſtion was a long time the
fubject of all converfations, as well at the table,
as council; and Biron never forgot the expreffion
I generally uſed, The city taken, the caftle muft fur-
render.
I cannot comprehend how a man fo experienced
as the marechal was, could determine for attacking
the caſtle, which, not to mention the uncommon
fkill of the commander, and ftrength of the gar-
riſon, nor its excellent fortifications, had this cir-
cumſtance in particular from the nature of the
place, that in attacking it without, not half the
* Philibert de La-Guiche, John du Durfort de Boner, Bertrand de
Melet de Fayolles.
Q3
num-
230
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1591. number of foldiers could be brought againſt it
which the befieged could bring to defend it; which
is quite contrary to all other cities of war.
However, the opinion of the marechal de Biron
carried it; for his authority, and that dependence
to which he had accuſtomed the other general offi-
cers, fecured all the votes. Without doubt, this
marechal, flattering himſelf that nothing could be
able to refift fo ftrong an army, took thofe mea-
fures which he thought moſt honourable, and like-
lieft to bring the fiege foon to an end; and the king,
who was refolved not to fpare * himſelf, by fol-
lowing this advice, feemed to be of the fame opi-
nion. For I look upon as a calumny only, raiſed
by the marechal's enemies, that report which was
whiſpered in the army, that he had afked the king
for the government of Rouen, which this prince
had refuſed him, becauſe he had before promiſed
it to Du Hallott, upon the recommendation of
monſieur de Montpenfier; and that he endeavoured
fecretly to thwart this enterprize, and, through en-
vy, gave fuch advice as he knew would render all
our efforts upon this place ineffectual. 'Tis cer-
tain, theſe continual contefts with the duke of Bou-
illon had more than once been like to ruin all; for
this nobleman, to be revenged on the king, raifed
a mutiny amongſt the horſe and other German
forces which he had brought with him.
* Perhaps alfo they depended
upon blowing up the fort of St.
Catherine with the mine; but the
defign was difcovered by the be-
fieged. Memoirs of the league,
Vol. V. Thoſe writers that have
defended the marechal Biron's ad-
vice againſt that given by the duke
of Sully, with regard to the place
at which they fhould begin the at-
tack, fay, that it was very diffi-
cult, and at the fame time very
dangerous, for the army of Henry
IV. to leave behind them the fort
of St. Catherine, the hill eſpecially
being fo near the city. See, upon
the operations of this ficge, F. Mat-
thieu, Vol. II. p. 96, and follow-
ing. Cayet, Chron. Novern. Vol.
II. book iv. (who is for the duke
of Sully's opinion againſt the ma-
rechal Biron) and other hiftorians.
+Francis de Montmorency Du
Hallot, lieutenant-general for the
king in Normandy. He was wound-
ed at the liege of Rouen, and after-
wards flain by the marquis d'Al-
legre.
The
Book IV.
231
OF SULLY.
The batteries were accordingly raiſed oppofite 1591.
to the fort, and we contented ourſelves with guard-
ing the lower part of the river, and placed there
fome companies of German foot, which having
been worſted in ſeveral fallies that were made on
that fide, yielded the poft to the Dutch, who un-
derſtood ſieges better than they. In effect, theſe
laft maintained themſelves there, and prevented any
more fallies from that place. It was not long be-
fore the king perceived that he had engaged in a
very difficult attempt; but nothing, he imagined,
was impoffible to continued labour. Villars was
not contented with defending himfelf within; he
fallied out of the caftle, and caufed a deep trench
to be cut upon the declivity of the hill, over-
againſt the fort, with which the end of it commu-
nicated, and placed there in the night a guard of
fix or feven hundred men.
As this new work was extended far into the
country, and as it not only diſordered the beſiegers
in their attacks upon the caftle, but alſo expoſed
them to be fallen upon in the rear, while at the
fame time they had the garrifon from within in
front, the king refolved to feize it, and rendered it
ufelefs to the enemy. For this purpoſe he made
choice of the fame night when it was his turn to
watch at the trench with his three hundred gentle-
men, whom he commanded to be completely arm-
ed, and to have, befides their ufual arms, halberts
in their hands, and piſtols at their girdles, and to
this troop added four hundred mufketeers. It was
at midnight, and amidft the extreme cold of De-
cember, that we attacked this trench in different
places. The action, which was very obftinate,
continued half an hour with equal animofity on
both fides. We ufed our utmoſt endeavours to
gain the brink, and the befieged repulfed us feve-
ral times. I was twice thrown to the ground, my
halbert broke, and my arms loofened or broke in
pieces. Maignan, whom I had obtained permiffion
Q4
to
232
MEMOIRS
Book IV,
1591, to keep near me, raiſed me, put my arms again in
order, and gave me his halbert. The trench was
at laft carried by main force, and we cleared it
of more than fifty dead or dying enemies, whom
we threw from the top of the hill. This trench
was open to the cannon of the fort, but the king
had the precaution to order fome gabions, hogf-
heads, and pieces of wood to be brought there,
which covered the English, to whom he commit-
ted the guard of it.
CC
Villars did not expect to have feen his outworks
carried in fo fhort a time. When he was told it,
and that it was the king himſelf who had conducted
the enterprize, "By heavens," faid he, "this
"prince deferves a thouſand crowns for his valour,
"I am forry that, by a better religion, he does
"not infpire us with as ftrong an inclination to
gain him new ones as to detain from him his
own; but it fhall never be faid, that I have
"failed to attempt in my own perfon what a great
king has performed in his." In effect, he put
himſelf at the head of four hundred men, armed
as he had been told the king's were, and taking
alfo eight hundred musketeers felected out of his
whole number, he attacked the Engliſh, and dif-
lodged them from the trench. The king, piqued
with the vanity of Villars, and refolving rot to
let go his hold, prepared for a fecond attempt,
The Engliſh, apprehending reproaches, which they
certainly had not deferved, intreated the king to
put a hundred Engliſh gentlemen in his troop, and
to fuffer all the foot, who were to attend him on
this occafion, to be Engliſh likewife. They allo
demanded leave to fuftain the firft effort of the
enemy, and behaved fo bravely, that the trench
was a fecond time regained they afterwards
maintained themfelves in it, and took away from
the befiged all inclination to approach it for the
future. By this obftinate ſtruggle for a trench
only, it is eafy to judge of the event of a fiege,
of
Book IV.
233
OF SULLY.
of which this attack was but the beginning. The 1591.
king was fenfible, that notwithſtanding all his care,
and the infinite labour he underwent, he would
find great difficulty in fucceeding. It was the
good deſtiny of France that preferved this prince
on occafions, when he hazarded his perfon in fuch
a manner, as to make us tremble for his life. And
it was upon this account, that the next day after
the trench was taken, I took an opportunity to ex-
preſs our common fears, when he drew me afide,
in the prefence of the catholics, and all the cour-
tiers, to converfe with me upon the prefent fitua-
tion of his affairs. "I cannot do otherwife, my
CC
friend," replied he, as foon as I began to expof-
tulate with him; " and fince it is for my glory
"and crown that I fight, my life and every thing
"elfe ought to be of no confideration with me."
It is certain, that in the king's fituation he could
not do leſs than he did, to perfuade the world, that
if this fiege failed, it would not be through his
fault; and all thofe inftances of fhining valour
were no more than neceffary to efface the fhame of
being foiled in an attempt which one half of his
army feared he fhould fucceed in, almoft as much
as the enemies themfelves. Thefe were the very
fame catholics whom I have formerly mentioned,
who, not contented with having obliged him to
begin the fiege at a place which rendered the tak-
ing of the city impoffible, fuffered him to fuſtain
all the danger and fatigue, obeyed him but by
halves and with regret, created innumerable diffi-
culties, and publickly declared, that nothing was
to be expected from them, while he continued to
profefs a religion different from their own.
It was to exprefs himfelf freely upon fo many
caufes of uneafinefs, that he was defirous of dif-
courfing with me, and I then faid nothing to him
which he did not know as well as myſelf, at fo
little trouble were his domeftic enemies to conceal
their fentiments. He told me, he had perceived
for
}
>
234
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1591.
for fome time the approach of a much greater mif-
fortune, which was the defertion of all the catho-
lics in his army, " which will bring along with it,"
added he," the ruin of the ftate, and the houſe of
"Bourbon; for if they once break with me, they
"will never more chufe a king out of that family."
He added, that this difobedience was an incurable.
evil, which he was obliged to diffemble the know-
ledge of. He made me obſerve, that at the very
time we were fpeaking, meffieurs De Nevers, De
Longueville, De la Guiche, D'O, and De Châ-
teauvieux, jealous of fo familiar a converfation
with an huguenot, looked at us maliciouſly from
a corner of the hall, and whiſpered continually
together. For this reafon, he faid, it would be
neceffary to ſeparate, and that he would go and
tell them our difcourfe turned upon a negotiation
with the marquis of Villars, which, in reality, the
king had hinted to me in this converſation.
Nothing could have happened more advantage-
ous for the king, than to have put an end to the
fiege of Rouen by a treaty with Villars, which, in
reality, would have drawn him from the league
into his own party. It was what this prince ar-
dently wiſhed for, but ftill lefs for the honour of
his enterprize, than the advantage that would arife
from the gaining over ſuch a man as this governor.
He imagined it might be brought about by means
of La Font, for whom Villars had great confide-.
ration, though he was only his fteward. The
king was not ignorant that Villars had received
this domeſtic into his fervice, after he had left
mine; and that La Font owed his favour with his
new maſter to thoſe teftimonies I had given of his
integrity. This thought had ftruck me before it
was mentioned by the king, and I had even found
means to get La Font founded upon the fubject.
His anfwer, which I related to the king, was, that
at preſent he faw no appearance of what I pro-
pofed to him; and, far from confenting to fee me,
as
Book IV.
235
OF SULLY.
as I defired, he ſaid he thought himſelf obliged, 1591.
to prevent his maſter's entertaining any fufpicion of
his fidelity, to have no commerce with me. All
he could do, therefore, was to obferve if monfieur
de Villars changed his fentiments; and in that
cafe to confirm him as much as poffible in them,
and to inform me of it.
Henry thought no more of it; but before we
ſeparated he aſked me what he ought to do with
regard to the fiege, and the prince of Parma,
who, he had juſt learned, had paffed the Somme,
to join his troops with thoſe of the duke of Maï-
enne. The king made no queftion that his inten-
tion was to proceed directly to Rouen, nor that
Villars would eaſily hold out till his arrival. I
told the king, that in my opinion there were but
two things for him to do, and that it lay in his
own breaſt to determine upon which of them he
pleaſed: one of which was, to change abfolutely the
order, and place of attack, and to carry it to the
fide of the city, and there ufe his utmoſt endea-
vours to make himſelf mafter of it before the ene-
my ſhould appear: the other, that without loſs of
time he ſhould go and attack the prince of Parma,
and oblige him to repaſs the Somme, after which
he might continue the fiege without fear.
The king refolved upon the laſt; but, as by
following it he had no defign to raiſe the fiege,
left the prince of Parma, who perhaps had that
only in view, fhould afterwards avoid the battle,
he told me, that he would go and meet him with
feven or eight thouſand horfe, who were of no uſe
at the fiege; and that he would attack him with
this cavalry, or, if he had not paffed the Somme,
difpute the paffage with him. He quitted me, or-
dering me to prepare myfelf to go along with him
with fifteen or twenty troopers, chofen from the
reft of the company.
I returned at the end of two days from Freíne
l'Efplen; and, on my arrival at Darnetal, I learnt
i
236
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
{
*
1592. that Villars had made a fally at the head of a hun-
dred horfe, with whom he overthrew the guard;
and would have been the caufe of much greater
confufion, if the king, armed only with a cuirafs,
had not ran thither, followed by the baron de Bi-
ron, an Engliſh officer (whofe name I have forgot,)
Grillon, and fome others who were about him:
theſe three gentlemen efpecially gained immortal
glory there. Grillon's arms was broke by a
fhot from an arquebuſe. As for the king, having
precipitated himſelf into a danger fomewhat like
that which is related of Alexander the Great in the
city of the Oxydracæ, he extricated himſelf out of
it with equal prefence of mind, and equal intrepi-
dity. If this, which is only an example, has all
the
appearance of a fable, Henry's action had two
whole armies to be witneſſes of it.
The prince of Parma, with his whole army,
poffeffed the border of the Somme, and, fatisfied
with recovering this river, made no other motion;
for the goveror of Rouen had fent to inform him,
that, as he intended to ftrike fome important blow,
he might let it be a good while before he came to
his affiftance; and he likewife waited for the arrival
of Sfondrate, who was to bring him the troops of
his uncle pope Gregory XIV. †, and thofe of the
duke of Maïenne, who however came not imme-
diately. He had been obliged to go with his beſt
troops to Paris, to punifh the infolence of the
Council of Sixteen, who, abuſing the power he had
trufted them with, had dared to hang the prefident
Briffon, and fome other counfellors as venerable
* James Berton de Crillon, or
Grillon.
+ Sixtus V. died in the month
of Auguſt 1590. Henry IV. when
he was informed of his death, faid,
"here is a trick of Spanish po-
"licy I have loft a pope who
was every thing to me."
Barnaby Briffon, Claude Lar-
cher, and John Tardif, lord Du Ru,
counfellors of the parliament. "A
rr
catastrophe very unworthy of
"fo learned and excellent a man,"
fays Mezeray, fpeaking of the pre-
fident Briffon, but ufual to thoſe
"who think to keep well with
"two parties." For the parlia-
ment being transferred by the king
to Tours, Briffon was the only
one of the fix preſidents who re-
for
Book IV.
237
OF SULLY.
for their virtue as their age; and who might 1592.
poffibly have carried their outrages farther, if the
duke of Maïenne, fearing perhaps fome fudden
caprice of thefe rebels against himſelf, had not
doomed them to the like punishment: but as in
executing this act of juftice he had certain mea-
fures to keep, he did not join the prince of Parma
as foon as had been expected.
The king when he was informed of this difpo-
fition, thought it neceffary to haften his march.
He left to the marechal Biron the care of carrying
on the fiege, whofe forces he weakened but by
ſeven or eight thouſand horfe; confifting from three
to four thousand French troopers, as many German
horſe, and a thouſand horſe-arquebufiers; at the
head of which he left Darnetal, and took the road
to the Somme. He paffed the firft day by Boiffiere
and Neuf-Châtel; the fecond by Blangy, Londi-
niere, Longueville, Senerpont, and Gamache; and
the third advanced to Folleville, with one detach-
ment only, leaving the body of his cavalry be-
hind him, under the conduct of the duke of
Nevers.
We met a confiderable party, led by meffieurs
de Rofnet, de Balagny, de Vitry, the baron de la
mained at Paris. The league
obliged him to perform the duties
of first prefident, and it was he
that helped to degrade king Henry
III. According to the duke of
Nevers' obſervation, his death was
looked upon to be a juft puniſh-
ment of his ingratitude. Henry
III. had freely beftowed upon him
the poft of prefident. However,
he was one of the greatest men of
the robe. The duke of Maïenne
revenged his death, by caufing
Louchard, Ameline, Aimonet, and
Anroux, four of the fixteen, to be
hanged in a parlour of the Louvre.
See the hiftorians.
*One of the fixteen, named
Normand, faid one day in the duke
of Maienne's chamber, "Thofe
"who made him, have a right to
unmake him." Hamilton, the
curate of St. Côme, a furious
leaguer, came himſelf, attended by
priefts, inftead of foldiers, to feize
the counfellor Tardif in his houſe.
+ Chriftian, or Chrétan de Sa-
vigny, baron of Rofne; John de
Montluc de Balagny; Lewis de
l'Hopital, lord de Vitry; Claude
de La-Châtre; Antony de St. Pol;
Valentine de Pardien, lord de la
Mothe, governor of Valenciennes.
This laft was a Frenchman, of the
country of Beauvoiſis; but he had
all his life ferved in the Spanish ar-
my, and was flain in the year 1 595,
at the fiege of Dourlans, at the
Châtre,
238
MEMOIRS
Book IV.
1592. Châtre, St. Pol, La Mothe, and others, who had
doubtless advanced with the fame defign as we,
to diſcover the fituation and forces of the enemy.
The king commanded the baron de Biron, mef-
fieurs de Lavardin, de Givry *, de St. Geran, de
Marivaut, de Chanlivaut, La-Curée, d'Arambure †,
and fome others, to go and attack them, who
were repulfed and handled very roughly; and part
fell, among which was Lavardin. Henry ran with
three hundred horfe to difengage them; and, be-
lieving this encounter might be followed by an ac-
tion more confiderable, at leaſt between the cavalry
of the two armies, which was what he ardently
wifhed for, fent orders to Nevers to haften and
join him: but the prince of Parma had a contrary
defign, and reſtrained his ſquadrons, who had re-
treated of themſelves when they perceived ours ad-
vance; and the king, feeing no appearance of
effecting any thing in the midſt of ſo many batta-
lions, contented himſelf with obferving this army
cloſely, and checking its motions, as he went to
his quarters at Breteuil; where his cavalry, for
fear of a furprize, were obliged to keep themfelves
extremely clofe, and part of them even lay with-
out all night, though the ground was covered with
fnow.
The ardour with which the king went to meet
an enemy fo greatly fuperiour to him in numbers,
head of the Spanish artillery, very
much regretted by the Spaniards.
The king of Spain had juſt created
him count of Ekelbeke. See his
death and panegyric in De Thou,
book cxii.
* Anne d'Anglure, baron of
Givry. This officer was equally
famous for his abilities in war, and
his tafte for polite literature.
Claude de l'Ile Marivaut; René-
Viau, lord of Chanlivaut;
Filhet de La-Curéc: he was one of
thoſe perſons in whom the king
confied, and was called by him
5
nothing but Curée. He perform-
ed wonders at the battle of Ivry,
and on many other occafions. The
vol. of manufcripts marked 8929,
of the royal library, is filled with
relations of his intrepidity: we
may have occafion to mention him
hereafter. He was killed in an
encounter at the fiege of Mon-
tauban.
John lord d'Arambure.
This town, and fome of thofe
places abovementioned, are in Pi-
cardy: the others are in the coun-
try of Caux.
awakened
Book IV.
239
OF SULLY.
}
awakened all our fears for the dangers to which he 1592.
expofed his perſon, and obliged us to reprefent the
confequences to him in very ſtrong terms. But
this prince, who had no conception of that caution
we propoſed to him, when glory was in queſtion,
did not alter his conduct; but fatisfied himſelf with
naming thirty of us to continue near his perſon,
and not to leave him upon any occafion whatever.
An employment highly honourable indeed; but
the danger of which, in fome degree, made it lefs
defirable. With this precaution, which was no
more than neceffary, he only refigned himſelf ftill
more to his eager thirſt of glory.
Being informed that the duke of Guife, who
commanded the prince of Parma's van-guard, had
put himſelf at the head of his troop to facilitate
the lodgment of his infantry in a large town called
Bures*, he refolved to cut off this troop; which
he executed with the utmoſt bravery, at the head
of twelve hundred horſe and a thouſand horfe-
arquebufiers. A great number of the enemies
were left dead upon the place, and the reſt betook
themſelves to flight. The duke of Guife's green
ſtandard was taken, and all the baggage plundered.
Henry, who was not willing that any of theſe
troopers fhould efcape, eſpecially their colonel,
fent immediate orders to the duke of Nevers † to
advance to Bully, that he might poffefs himſelf of
the road through which he fuppofed the duke of
Guife and the fugitives would retreat to the reft of
the army, and to take them prifoners. I was or-
dered to fuftain the duke of Nevers with fixty
horfe, which I obeyed with reluctance, not doubt-
ing but in fuch hands the affair would have an end
very unworthy the beginning.
The duke of Nevers, who was the floweſt of
all men, began by fending to make choice of the
*In Beauvaiſis.
+ Lewis de Gonzague de Man-
tua, duke of Nevers, by his mar-
riage with Henrietta of Cleves,
dutchefs of Nevers.
moſt
240
Book IV:
MEMOIRS
1592. moft favourable roads, and marched with a flow
pace to Bully, with his hands and nofe in his muff,
and his whole perfon well wrapt up in his coach.
This once he had no occafion to boast of his ex-
treme caution. It was fo long before he arrived,
that he gave time to the prince of Parma, who
was more diligent than he, to throw a regiment of
five or fix hundred men into Bully, who made
fuch hafte that they reached the town in the be-
ginning of the night. As for the duke of Nevers,
the fun was riſen the next day when he had juft
afcended the mountain, at the bottom of which
Bully is fituated, preceded by his couriers, whom
he had that day doubled, through an excefs of
caution againſt a flying enemy: the first, to the
number of fifty, marched two or three miles be-
fore him; and the fecond, which amounted to an
hundred, went fome few paces before his coach.
But unfortunately, with all his forefight, he forgot
to make fure of this paffage, and had not fent a
fingle foldier to keep guard there. He began to
defcend the mountain with great tranquility, and
the more fo, as he was ignorant of the troops that
were in Bully. His firſt couriers, entering the
city, were fufficiently furprized at the fight of fo
much good company; but the cold having obliged
the foldiers to unarm themſelves, and to lay down
their pikes, to range themfelves round a large fire
that they had kindled, thefe fifty couriers had time
to fave themſelves by flight. They did not direct
their courfe to that fide where their maſter was,
but paffed quite through the city, and went out at
the oppofite end, without being in the leaft troubled
about what might happen to the duke of Nevers. ;
whofe coach at that time was funk into the deepeſt
part of a declivity, equally ſteep, rugged, and
winding. It was in this place that the duke of
Nevers, hearing the noife of fome fufileers who
were firing after his firſt couriers, and the ſecond
coming to make their report, full of confterna-
1
tion,
Book IV.
요​수호
​OF SULLY.
tion, he was frozen with terror; and refolving 1592.
now to lofe no time, threw away his muff and his
furs, not without feveral times exclaiming,
"The
"devil," and quarrelling with his fervants for not
coming foon enough to help him out. All their
endeavours could not difengage the coach, which
was forced to be dragged back to the top of the
mountain; where the duke again made ufe of it,
to return with more ſpeed to the place where he
had lain the preceding night. It was thus that we
feconded the king upon this occafion: a truly ri-
diculous exploit, where the danger was far lefs
than the fear, fince not a fingle man was loft.
The prince of Parma, by this important blow,
knowing what fort of an enemy he had to deal
with, durft not, for the future, fuffer his van-guard
to be ſeparated from the army; and perceiving
that the king almoſt never loft fight of him, re-
doubled his vigilance and caution, which was,
without doubt, the caufe that he did not take all the
advantage he might have done of the encounter at
Aumale: an action uncommonly bold on the king's
fide, and well deferving of a particular relation here.
Some days after that I have juft mentioned, the
king following the prince of Parma at a great dif-
tance, had advanced with fix thoufand horfe as
far as Aumale. Givry, whom he had fent at the
head of fome troopers to get intelligence, returned
and informed him, that the enemy's army was ad.
vancing directly towards him in the plain, in good
order, apparently with a defign to force him back,
and to cut him off in his retreat. The king cal-
led a council; and finding, as he faid, that he had
too many and too few foldiers, he refolved to fend
all his cavalry back to Ophy, Blangy, and Neuf-
Châtel, and to keep with him only four hundred
troopers, and five hundred horſe-arquebufiers, and
with this body of men to advance into the plain, to
difcover exactly the condition and number of the
VOL. I.
enemy;
R
242
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1592. enemy; and, hovering about them, to take or cut
off fome fquadrons.
He afcended the hill of Aumale * with his nine
hundred horſe, and marched two leagues without
perceiving any thing, 'till the fky, which had been
extremely cloudy and dark, becoming very clear,
he a fecond time faw Givry return, who came to
fatisfy him in every particular relating to this ar-
my, which was fo near that they heard diftinctly
the found of the trumpets and drums. The king,
however, willing to obferve it himſelf, made an
exact review of it, and found that it confifted of
feventeen or eighteen thouſand infantry, with feven
or eight thouſand cavalry, who marched very cloſe;
the cavalry, in the midſt of the battalions, and the
whole flanked with chariots and baggage, that ren-
dered all approach impoffible. From this fitua-
tion of the enemy, he found he had ſtill too many
men; and retaining only an hundred troopers, or-
dered the eight hundred others to repafs the dyke
and town of Aumale, and three hundred horfe of
his fquadron to ſtop upon the declivity of the hill,
to be ready to affift him, if there fhould be occa-
fion. Five hundred arquebufiers he gave to the
conduct of Lavardin, with orders to poft them in
the ditches and hedges that were at the entrance of
the town, from whence they might harrafs the
enemy, if they approached too near. As for him,
he not only waited for the enemy with his hundred
horſe, but even marched to meet them.
We now gazed upon each other with the ut-
moſt aſtoniſhment at the raſhneſs of a defign,
which feemed to expofe the king to inevitable
death. No one durft venture to expoftulate with
him, yet knew not how to be filent. At length I
was chofen and deputed by the reft to reprefent
to the king, in the name of us all, the danger to
which he expofed himſelf, and to intreat him to
*In Normandy, upon the borders of Picardy.
alter
Book IV.
243
OF SULLY.
alter his refolution. This commiffion I perforined 1592.
with all imaginable caution. "'Tis fear," replied
the king,
"that occafions this requeft: from you,
" of all others, I never expected to hear fuch a
"propofition." I conjured him not to think fo
unjuftly of any of us; and told him, that all we
required was that he would give us what orders
he pleaſed, provided he would himfelf retire.
Henry confeffed to me afterwards, that he was
fenfibly affected with theſe words; and repenting
of what he had faid to me, replied, that no ex-
preffions of our fidelity could reach the idea he
conceived of it. "But," added he, coldly, and
with an air that convinced me how much in vain.
it would be to fpeak to him any more upon this
fubject, "be you alſo affured, that I am not fo
"rafh as you imagine; that I am as careful of
"myſelf as any other, and that I will retreat fo
"feaſonably that no misfortune fhall happen."
The prince of Parma looked upon this bold at-
tempt as a fnare that was laid for him, to draw his
cavalry into an open field where he fhould meet
with the king's, which he fuppofed to be con-
cealed, and much fuperior to his. He even ſuf-
pected a long time, that the king's whole army
was not far off; and, having no defign to engage
him, he did not quit his poft, which was in the
centre of the army, where he was feated in an un-
covered chariot, without arms or boots, and em-
ployed in giving orders to reſtrain the ardour of
the foldiers, who fuffered with impatience a hun-
dred men to infult thirty thoufand. However,
when he was affured, by the report of his light
horſe and his carabineers, that at prefent he had
but a hundred horfe in front, and that if there was
any cavalry it must be on the other fide of the
valley, he thought he fhould riſk nothing by at-
tacking us; which he did with fuch fury, and at
fo many places, that we were broke through, and
driven back as far as the valley. Here it was that
R 2
Our
224
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1592.
our arquebufiers had pofted themſelves; and on
our arrival the king cried to them to charge, after
having firft warned us not to charge, in order that
the enemy might fufpect an ambufcade in this
place, and ſtop. In effect, they did ftop fhort;
but finding that this cry was followed only with
fifty or fixty ſhots which we fired upon them, they
came on again more furiouſly.
Our arquebufiers, feized with fear, or perhaps
willing to chufe a more advantageous ground,
had retired much lower than the place that had
been prefcribed for them, and they were the prin-
cipal caufe of the misfortune that happened. The
enemy's fquadrons, encouraged by the little reſiſt-
ance they found, forced our ranks, and we could
not hinder them from mixing amongſt us. We
faw ourſelves reduced to the neceffity of fighting
with this vaft multitude with our piftols and fwords,
in a danger that may be eaſily imagined: and, in-
deed, in my opinion, there could not be a greater;
for the hundred troopers were already reduced to
forty. Henry, feeing that none came to his affift-
ance in this extremity, refolved to make his re-
treat; which, on this occafion, was almoft as dan-
gerous as a defence, becauſe we had a bridge to
país, and that bridge at a great diſtance. This
prince, with a compofure truly admirable, placed
himfelf in the rear of his troop, and made it file
off towards the bridge of Aumale, which, by the
order he caufed to be obſerved, it paffed over with-
cut confufion. He was the laft that paffed, and
held firm againſt the enemy till every one of us
was on the other fide. That moment he was fhot
in the reins, which fortunately was the only wound
he received, and which did not hinder him from
continuing to fight on the other fide of the bridge,
while he was endeavouring to gain the hill; where
the four hundred horſe he had fent thither made
fo good an appearance, that the prince of Parma,
being more than ever' perfuaded that he only
fought
'5
Book IV.
245
OF SULLY.
=11
fought to draw him to a battle, forbid his troops 1592.
to advance, and made them all return to Aumale.
The king, on his fide, reached Neuf-Châtel,
where his wound obliged him to go to bed. The
furgeons removed our fears and confternation by
affuring us, that it was a very inconfiderable one.
He obliged us to come near his bed, and converfed
with us familiarly upon the dangers of that day:
upon which I obferved, as fomething very extraor-
dinary, that amongſt us all, who were in the
chamber, there were not two who agreed * in the
recital of the most particular circumſtances of the
action. In general, it paffed as I have related:
what appeared doubtful to me, I have fuppreffed;
but as it is here, there are perhaps few kings whofe
lives † will afford fo thining an inftance of valour
and good conduct.
The prince of Parma's extreme prudence failed
him upon this occafion: it hindered him from cut-
ting off our whole fquadron, and finiſhing the war
that day by the death or taking of the king; for
the one or other was inevitable. But he was de-
termined to undertake nothing till he was joined
by the duke of Maïenne, not being willing to bear
alone all the inconveniences of a war, of which he
was not to have the fole advantage.
* There is fcarce any fkirmish
or battle of which as much may
not be faid. Although there are
a great number of writers, and
even contemporaries, who have
treated of the military exploits con-
tained in thefe Memoirs, I cannot
meet with two who agree exactly
in thefe defcriptions. D'Aubigné,
in that of the encounter at Aumale,
does not even mention the king's
wound, which was the only one
he ever received in his life. Mat-
thicu, ibid. p. 100, and our belt
hiftorians, differ but little from
our Memoirs.
Henry having fent to the
prince of Parma to afk his opinion
of this retreat, he replied, that
"indeed it was a very
was a very fine one;
"but that, for his part, he never
"engaged in any place from
"whence he was obliged to re-
"tire." Peref. ibid. part ii. It
was on this occafion that Du-
Plefiis-Mornay wrote this excel-
lent letter to the king: "Sire, in
rr
t
war you have been an Alexan-
der: it is time you ſhould now
"be Auguftus: it is our glory and
duty to die for you: and yours,
"I dare tell you, fire, to live for
"France," &c. Notes upon the
Henriade.
}
R 3
He
246
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
MOIR S
1592.
He was not able to comprehend the cauſe of
this delay in the chief of the league: the fufpicions
he entertained of it made him fuddenly change the
march of his army, and take the road back again
to the Somme. An action very pardonable in a
foreigner, who faw himſelf in the midft of a ſtrange
country, where he alone was to fuftain the war.
Henry, who, without confidering what was glo-
rious for himſelf in this laſt battle, called it only
the error of Aumale, and being folicitous to repair
this heroic error, could not refolve to fuffer the
Spaniſh general quietly to retreat; putting off
therefore the cure of his wound to another time,
he again mounted his horfe, and harraffed the
prince continually, only regretting that he could
not do more. But he had a politic general to deal
with, who, notwithſtanding all his endeavours,
prefented him always with an infantry in front,
which he could not break through; and obferved
fo prudent a conduct, that it was not poffible,
even at the paffage of the river, to have an en-
counter with him. The king at length, quitting
him at Pontdormy, returned to Neuf-Châtel, to
have his wound cured, at the houſe of monfieur de
Claire; where I was received as a friend and re-
lation. I kept only a valet de chambre, a page,
and a footman with me, and fent all the reſt of
equipage to my quarters before Rouen.
my
The fuccefs of the fiege became more uncertain
every day at laſt the king was informed, by a
courier, that Villars, at the head of two hundred
muſketeers, and three or four hundred foldiers,
had in the night made a furious fally on the fide of
Darnetal; that he had penetrated even into the
king's quarters, where he had cut all the German
foot to pieces, and carried off fix pieces of cannon,
and all the powder; that afterwards, purſuing his
advantage, he had fallen upon the trench, which
he attacked behind; had killed there three or four
hundred men, and put the reft to flight: in a word,
that
Book IV.
247
OF SU L L Y.
that he did not retire till he had deftroyed almoft 1592.
all the works of the befiegers.
This melancholy news recalled the king imme-
diately to Rouen: he was there convinced, that
this misfortune was wholly occafioned by the ma-
rechal de Biron's fault; but although he looked
upon it as irreparable, and hated this commander*,
yet he took care to conceal his fentiments. That
irreconcileable averfion which the catholics of his
party bore to the proteftants, made them feize this
opportunity to infult the marechal de Biron, who,
next to the king, was looked upon as the chief
fupport of the proteftants. The catholics faid
openly, that heaven would never favour Henry's
party, while he continued a heretic (a reflection
very unreaſonable and unjuſt, the fuccefs he had
hitherto met with confidered); that they expofed
themſelves to the divine vengeance by affociating
with that reprobate body. From thence, animated
by their zeal, they formed a defign of taking up
the huguenots, who had been interred indifcrimi-
nately with the catholics, and leaving their carcaffes
a prey to the crows. Two things hindered the
execution of a defign as contrary to religion as to
nature itſelf the difficulty of diftinguishing the
bodies, and fear left the proteftants, who com-
poſed two thirds of the army, fhould think their
honour engaged to revenge upon the living catho-
lics an outrage, which, through a zeal for religion,
exceeded all others.
* There cannot be a ſtronger
proof of the reſpect and deference
which Henry IV. thought himself
obliged to fhew the marechal Biron,
than what this prince faid one day
to Châtillon, on a certain occafion,
when this young man offered fome
very reaſonable advice, but con-
trary to that given by the mare-
chal: "The goflings," faid he,
"would lead the geefe to the paſ-
"ture.
When your beard is
"white, perhaps you may have
"acquired fome knowledge. I do
"not approve of your fpeaking fo
"freely: that belongs only to my
"father here," pointing to Biron,
who had threatened to retire.
"We muſt," purfued he, em-
bracing him, "go all to his fchool."
Matthieu, vol. II. p. 16.
R 4
The
248
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1592,
The king, who perceived thefe difpofitions on
both fides, inſtead of blaming any particular per-
fon, or fuffering a difcontent to appear, which
might increaſe the public broils, affected to fay
openly that the misfortune was not fo great as had
been reprefented. In reality, it did not appear
of
fuch confequence to the king as a diſcord in his .
army, which would either deprive him of all the
catholics in his party, or, on the firft opportunity,
fet one half againſt the other. It was a mortifying
circumftance for this prince, in the midft of fo
many caules of difquiet, to be obliged to keep all
within his own breaft, and fubftitute unworthy
compliances in the place of abfolute commands:
but he was not ignorant that the voice of authority,
which has the power of fubjecting all men, when
it proceeds from a perfon diftinguiſhed for his fupe-
rior abilities, has no effect upon minds by religion
inflamed and difunited.
He was perfuaded alſo, that after the misfortune
occafioned by fuch bad conduct, nothing now re-
mained to be done but to raiſe the fiege of Rouen:
and he fought for a plaufible pretence for doing fo,
without awakening at the fame time the public
diffenfions. He learnt therefore with great joy,
that the prince of Parma, reinforced by the troops
of the duke of Maïenne and Sfondrate, was return-
ing hastily to give him battle. He thought this
a favourable opportunity to leffen the fhame of
raifing the fiege, and to turn againſt the common
enemy the fury of two parties which were rending
his army in pieces.
That he might gain time to abandon his lines
without confufion, and regulate the order of his
march, he fent Givry to throw himſelf into Neuf-
Châtel*, which the enemy would be obliged to
take before they could come to Rouen. This,
although a very strong place, did not hold out near
A city in the county of Caux.
fa
Book IV.
249
OF SULLY.
fo long as was expected: the caufe of which is diffi-
cult to be affigned; but the whole blame was caft
upon Paicheux, who was much weaker, and worfe
ſuſtained, than Givry*. Although an old officer,
and diftinguiſhed by his actions and his wounds,
he fuftained all the violence of the ftorm; and was
put under arreſt at Dieppe, in my opinion, very
unjustly. The relations and friends whom the gar-
rifon of Neuf-Châtel had in the party of the league,
ſeemed to me to be the true caufe that the place made
fo flight a refiftance. It furrendered in the middle
of March. The king, by his care and diligence,
repaired this misfortune, and brought off his troops
from Rouen without receiving the leaft checkt;
and, putting himſelf at their head, advanced
without lofs of time to that fide on which the
prince of Parma was approaching the city.
On his arrival at a plain, where the enemy's
army muft pafs, he waited for it; and, as foon as
it appeared, fent and offered the prince of Parma
battle. The prince accepted it with a joy that was
far from being fincere: he was afraid of engaging
with a general fuch as he knew Henry to be, and
of expofing to the event of a battle the reputa-
tion of the greateſt warrior in Europe, which a
long feries of great actions had acquired him
amongst his partizans. Finding himfelf now in
fuch a fituation as that he might be forced to fight,
he had recourfe to one of the moft artful ftratagems
imaginable to avoid it: he caufed the beft troops
amongst all his battalions to advance, and com-
pofed of them a front of battle; behind which
he drew up, as without defign, all his cavalry.
*«Neuf-Châtel might have
"been taken in an hour's time,"
fays F. Matthieu; who neverthe-
lefs, as well as the duke of Sully,
blamed Givry for furrendering
without making greater refiftance.
vol. II. p. 102.
†This fiege cost the king a
great many foldiers: in thofe times
it was reported that he loft three
thousand men, and the befieged
only five hundred. The earl of
Effex challenged Admiral de Vil-
lars to fingle combat, who replied,
that his quality of governor would
not allow him to accept his chal-
lenge. See the Chron. Novenn,
and Mezerai.
Under
1592.
y'
250
MEMOIRS
IR S
Book IV.
1592. Under favour of this front of infantry, in fuch
order as was ufual for an action, and feeming to
wait only for the fignal, all his cavalry, the re-
mainder of his foot, and the whole baggage, entered
into the defiles which ferved for an outlet to the
enemy's camp; and, covered by hills and buſhes,
which the prince of Parma knew well how to take
advantage of, they faw themſelves immediately
out of reach of the king's army, who were igno-
rant of all that paffed behind the camp. This
front of infantry, which had no depth, taking the
fame rout after the cthers, in four and twenty
hours all diſappeared; nor was it poffible, on ac-
count of the ground being full of narrow ftreights
and necks of mountains, to diforder the enemy's
retreat, or to engage with his rear-guard.
T
The prince of Parma was extremely rejoiced,
that, without the leaft lofs, he had reached almoft
the gates of Rouen. He knew no perfon would
be raſh enough to attempt to ftorm him under the
walls of this city; his defign, therefore, was to
ſtay there fix weeks, which was a fufficient time to
refreſh his army in, and afterwards to march back
to the Somme by Neuf-Châtel, Aumale, St. Va-
lery*, and Pontdormy; confining all the expedi-
tions of this campaign to the advantage of putting
this capital, and the reft of the cities that kept firm
to the league, out of a condition to apprehend any
thing from the king's army. Henry penetrated
into this general's views; and laying afide his de-
fign of making head againſt an army fo advan-
tageouſly poſted, fuffered the prince of Parma to
enjoy his triumph, and laid another fnare for him.
He difbanded his whole army, as if it was now be-
come uſeleſs to him, or that he was conſtrained to
it by neceffity. Part was difperfed in Arques,
Dieppe, Gournai, Andely, Gifors, Magny, and
other diftant places; and part had Mante, Meulan,
*St. Valery in Piçardy.
and
Book IV.
251
OF SU L L Y.
and the adjoining places for its quarters: the reft 1592.
he ſpread about Pont de l'Arche *, Evreux, Paffy,
Vernon, Conches, and Breteuil, and fixed himfelf
at Louviers. This conduct was fufficiently juftified
by appearances: it would not have been long
poffible to have fubfifted a numerous army, had
he kept them together; but by the diſpoſition of
his quarters, particularly the laft, where he had
diftributed all his beſt troops, and the promiſe he
had exacted from his officers to repair to Pont de
l'Arche at the firſt order, it was eafy for him to
reunite his army in a fhort time. This feparation,
he did not doubt, would make the Spanish general
perfectly fecure, and furnish him with fome means
of furpriſing him, at leaft in his retreat.
In effect, the prince of Parma, fearing that
Rouen, furrounded by fo large an army, would be
in want of provifions, reprefented to them that
there would be no danger in fpreading himſelf
over the country, and made part of his troops ad-
vance to Ponteaudemer: D'Hacqueville † delivered
up this city to him cowardly enough; and the king
not only ſeemed to be indifferent about it, but alſo
feigned ignorance of the enemy's defign upon
Caudebec, which greatly annoyed the city of
Rouen; and neglecting to fend fupplies to La
Garde, who was governor of it, fuffered this place
to be taken likewife. He obferved, with extreme
fatisfaction, that the enemy, after theſe two con-
quefts, drawn by the conveniency of lodgings and
provifions, extended themſelves along the Seine,
below Rouen, as far as they could. The Spaniſh
general, however, was not without fufpicion of
fome defign in this inactivity, fo unuſual with
Henry; and probably, had he been the fole com-
mander of this army, he would not have hazarded
All theſe cities, as likewife
the places abovenamed, are in
Upper Normandy.
+ de Vieuxpont, lord d'Hac-
queville. He was gained, 'tis faid,
by a fum of money.
Upon the Seine, above Rouen.
fo
252
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1592.
fo much. But his collegue, the duke of Maïenne,
who was detained in Rouen by an indifpofition,
affured him there was no danger; and he believed
it, upon a fuppofition that he was better acquainted.
with the ftate of the country.
The king, finding the enemy contributed of
themſelves to ferve his defigns, refolved to haften
the execution of them. In leſs than eight days he
affembled twenty thoufand foot, and eight thoufand
horfe, with whom he ſpeedily advanced to Vari-
carville and Fontaine-le-bourg. All the paffages
between Rouen and Caudebec he fhut up, and
began with revenging himſelf completely for the
taking this place and Ponteaudemer, by cutting
off from the troops, which were there, all com-
munication with the body of the army, which put
them wholly into his power. He afterwards went
in perfon with ten thouſand foot, and three thoufand
troopers, to attack the enemy's van-guard, com-
manded by the duke of Guife. The furprize into
which his fudden arrival threw this troop, gave
him an eafy conqueft of them. The duke's fqua-
drons were broke through at the firft onfet, and he
was obliged to fly with precipitation towards the
body of the battalions, leaving, with a great num-
ber of the flain, all the baggage, which was very
confiderable, in the power of the victor.
The prince of Parma, ftruck as with a thunder-
bolt at this news, applied himſelf wholly to fecur-
ing his other quarters, by placing the duke of
Guife at Yvetot, and in fortifying the camp, in
which he lodged his difperfed troops, on all fides.
He was defirous of quartering all the army there;
but as this camp was too finall to contain it, he
commanded the reft not to remove far from it, to
guard their pofts with great care, and to keep them-
felves very cloſe. After this precaution, which he
did not think fufficient, to fupport all the lodg-
ments fpread around his camp, he pofted three
thouſand men in a wood which bounded them,
fortified
Book IV.
253
OF SULLY.
fortified this wood all round with intrenchments, 1592.
and joined it by a line of communication with the
camp. The laſt ſtep the king had taken made
him extremely formidable to the prince of Parma;
but this prince thought to eſcape him by his great
forefight, and diligence in going wherever his pre-
fence was neceffary: he was again mistaken. The
next day the king ordered the baron of Biron to
attack the wood with a body of eight thouſand
infantry, compofed of an equal number of Engliſh,
Dutch, and Germans, in order that they might be
animated by emulation to excel each other, and
caufed them to be fupported by fix hundred
troopers, completely armed. The attack lafted
three hours; at the end of which the wood was
carried. Thoſe who defended it, feeing themfelves
broke through, fled in diforder to the fortified
camp, after having loft eight hundred of their
men. Their flight expofed the greateſt part of the
lodgments, particularly that of Yvetot, where the
prince of Parma thought he had inclofed, as in a
fafe afylum, the duke of Guife, with the fame
van-guard that had been fo badly handled before.
Henry, as if he had a perfonal hatred to the duke
of Guife, haftened to reconnoitre the quarter of
Yvetot; and judging by the alarm, and the con-
fufed cries he heard there, that their confternation
was not yet over, he fell upon this quarter with
four hundred mufqueteers and a thouſand foot,
armed with piftols and halberts, and attacked it
in feveral places at the fame time. The prince of
Parma, who had not expected fuch rapid exploits,
faw his whole van-guard upon the point of being
put to the fword; and taking counfel only of ne-
ceffity, ran thither himſelf, and vigorously fuſtained
our efforts, till the troops of this whole quarter
had gained the fortified camp. He loft there
feven or eight hundred men, almoſt all private.
foldiers. The greateſt misfortune was, that in this
action, wherein he behaved like a man who knew
as
J
254
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1592. as well how to fight as command, he received a
very dangerous wound in the arm*.
Night approached before this battle was ended.
The king, inftead of taking any reft after a day
of fuch extraordinary fatigue, employed the night
wholly in preparing himfelf for greater advantages.
Judging, therefore, that the enemy's army, nu-
merous indeed, and covered with intrenchments,
yet difmayed, and half vanquifhed, would keep
clofe within the camp, where their numbers would
do them more harm than good, he heſitated not a
moment in refolving to ſtorm it. That readineſs
and difpatch, which governed all the actions of
this prince, was in him not only the effect of na-
ture, but the fruit of reading, in particular the
lives of Cæfar and Scipio, whom he ſtudied pre-
ferably to all the conquerors of antiquity. He
drew out in the night fix pieces of cannon, which
he directed againſt the fortification of the camp,
* The little reliance one can have
on the exactness of thofe military
details which the hiftorians give
us, is fhewn particularly in this,
in which I have obferved a great
many contradictions amongst them,
with regard to the encampments,
and the number and date of the
encounters. The author of theſe
Memoirrs relates all thefe expedi-
tions in fuch a manner, that he
ſeems to allow but three or four
days for actions which could not,
and were not, performed in lefs
than three weeks. He can no
otherwife be juftified, than by fup-
pofing that he intended to give a
lightnotion only of this campaign.
D'Aubigné, either becauſe he was
ignorant of the facts, or had no
defign to relate them minutely,
gives room for the fame miftake,
as our Memoirs, Vol. III. b. iii.
c. 15. It is in De Thou, Davila,
Matthieu, Cayet, and the Me-
moirs of the league for the year
1592, that we muſt look for
them; although, as I have juft
faid, their relations differ in many
circumftances. According to the
Memoirs of the league, which, in
my opinion, merit moft to be cre-
dited, the king defeated the duke
of Guife on the 28th of April, and
another body of troops on the first
of May: on the 5th attacked the
fortifications before the camp; and
on the roth, at five o'clock in the
morning, began the great attack,
in which the prince of Parına re-
ceived this dangerous wound, vol.
V. De Thou will have it, that it
was at the taking of Caudebec that
the prince of Parma was wounded,
and that he did not pafs the Seine
till the 22d of May, b. ciii. Cayet
is of the fame opinion, vol. II.
b. iv. p. 82. and following. Mat-
thieu blames Henry IV. for not
taking the duke of Maïenne prifon-
er at the fkirmish of Yvetot, and,
with as little reafon, for avoiding
a decifive battle, p. 109. The
king is by fome others aceufed of
ftill greater faults, in being igno-
rant of the prince of Parma's prepa-
rations to pafs the river, and with
not knowing how to prevent him.
that
1
Book IV.
255
OF SULLY.
that he might make uſe of them at the dawn of 1592.
day. He vifited his whole army; and kept it in
fuch a difpofition, that it might at the fame time
and place be drawn out in order of battle. His
commands were executed with the greateft exact-
neſs: his former fucceffes gave an authority to all
his words, that made the moft mutinous obedient.
Here it is impoffible to forbear praifing the
prince of Parma for a conduct, which in my opi-
nion, can
can never be fufficiently admired. His
camp lay between Rouen and Caudebec, at ſome
diſtance from the Seine, over which, in all that
fpace, there was not any bridge; yet the next
morning the whole camp was deferted. All the
troops, who indeed lay there in heaps one upon
another, thofe that were in Caudebec, and, in ge-
neral, all that were fpread about the neighbour-
hood of it, had tranfported themſelves to the other
fide of the river. Can it appear otherwife than a
fable, or an allufion? Scarce could the king and
truft the evidence of their own eyes.
army
his
The prince of Parma had foreſeen the king's re-
folution to attack him in his camp the next day;
and he did not doubt, after what had paffed, but
it would be formed, and his whole army delivered
up to the mercy of the victors. A forefight
ufelefs, and only productive of defpair to any
other, whofe prudence had not beforehand pro-
vided a refource: for notwithſtanding all the
duke of Maïenne's reprefentations, he had not de-
livered himſelf up fo entirely to that fecurity he
would have inſpired him with, as to neglect any
means that might extricate him from danger, if it
fhould happen that he fhould be one day obliged
to engage with the enemy in a country where there
were fo few refources, as on the borders of the
Seine below Rouen.
Theſe meaſures had been to provide himſelf ſe-
cretly with all the boats he could find, which he
cauſed to be brought near Caudebec. It was to
5
this
256
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
f
1
1592. this precaution, which few generals would have
been capable of, that the prince of Parma owed
the fafety of his troops, and the prefervation of his
glory, reputation, and perhaps his life. He caufed
theſe boats to be laid over the river in the night ;
and notwithſtanding the diforder of his camp, and
the inconvenience arifing from his wound, he gave
fuch good orders, that a bridge was built that very
night, over which his whole army and baggage
paffed fecurely. This we received particular in-
formation of the next day at Caudebec, which
furrendered as foon as we approached. He only
deferves the reputation of a confummate warrior,
who, before a battle, is as cautious as if he was
perfuaded he ſhould be conquered, and in it be-
haves as if he was fure of conquering.
On the king's fide, but one moment was loſt in
aftoniſhment: all the others were employed in
taking speedy meaſures to deprive the Spaniſh ge-
neral of part of the fruits of his dexterity. Henry,
after having well confidered his attempt, and re-
moved all doubts of fuccefs from his own mind,
held a council of war, and there propofed to pafs
his army over Pont de l'Arche, or at Vernon, and
purfue the enemy immediately. Some of us,
though indeed a very finall number, fupported
this propofition as it deferved. If it had been fol-
lowed, this campaign had perhaps put an end to
the war but, as it fhould fecin, the prince of
Parma, having performed actions that lifted him
above humanity, obliged fortune now to come
over to his fide; for, upon the propofal of march-
ing the army to Pont de l'Arche, a cry was raifed
in the council, and a kind of general mutiny, as
if the king had made the moft unreaſonable propo-
fition imaginable. The catholics, the proteftants,
and foreigners, feemed to outvie each other in
fearching for difficulties to oppofe it: they cried
that the prince of Parma's army, being in a level
country,
Book IV.
257
OF SU L LY.
*/
country, might get to the gates of Paris in four 1592.
or five days; whereas it would be as long before
we could gain Pont de l'Arche. They reprefented
to the king, that the way through which they
muft paſs being full of forefts, mountains, and
defiles; the army could reach the rendezvous
but in finall divifions; and that, although it
fhould have time to come up with that of the
league, the fatigue of fo troubleſome a march
would make it impoffible for them to attack it.
In a word, they all treated this propofal as a defign
equally ridiculous and chimerical.
The king, more enraged at the fecret intentions
of thofe who talked to him in this manner, than
the purport of their difcourfe, could not hinder
himſelf from replying with fome bitterneſs, That
all theſe difficulties were only unfurmountable to
thoſe, to whom fear and a diſlike of fatigue made
them appear fo. He convinced them they might
reach Pont de l'Arche in two days, and Vernon in
four, from whence they might continually fend
detachments of four or five hundred horfe to re-
tard the prince of Parma's march; to which alfo
the many obstacles he would meet with would con-
tribute, ſuch as the paffage over the river of Eure;
Louviers, Paffy, Maintenon, Nogent-le-Roi, and
Chartres, all being fufficient to oblige him to go
greatly out of his way: that the enemy had no
bridge open to them but thofe of Aquigny, Co-
cherel, Serify, and two or three others which lay
out of their road; and that it would not be im-
poffible to break or burn part of thefe bridges,
before the enemy arrived.
Thefe arguments fufficiently proved the king's
propofal to be practicable; and it may be faid, that
the general officers, by refufing to yield to them,
*It is acknowledged by De
Thou, that the king might have
topt this army, by fending his
cavalry to fhut up the paffage to
VOL. I.
Pont de l'Arche. It is with great
injuftice, as we find here, that he
charges Henry IV. with this er-
rer.
S
refifted
4
258
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
4
1592. refifted the ſtrongeſt conviction. And this natu-
rally occafions two reflections: first, how it hap-
pened that a prince, who in all his expeditions
made ufe of mercenaries, picked up wherever he
could find them, of different countries, manners,
religions, and interefts, often a very ſmall number,
and always ready to mutiny, fhould be able to per-
form what is related of him in this hiftory. The
fecond is, what this prince would have done, if,
inſtead of ſuch troops, he had had a confiderable
number of well-difciplined foldiers under his com-
mand, all united, obedient to his will, conftantly
attached to his perfon, and willing to facrifice their
lives for him; in a word, fuch troops as thofe con-
querors had, whofe actions have been fo highly
extolled by pofterity? If theſe reflections are not
made every time they offer, it is becauſe that is in
every page: and, befides, no one can be ignorant,
that we fhould judge very ill of merit and abilities
by fuccefs, if we did not at the fame time judge of
the fuccefs by the obſtacles.
It is fcarce poffible to affign a reaſon for that in-
vincible obftinacy which the general officers in the
king's army difcovered upon this occafion, in op-
pofing fo prudent a propofal, unleſs it was owing
to that difpofition of mind which I have juft now
Imentioned. If a fmall number of French pro-
teſtants be excepted, whofe fidelity was unqueſtion-
able, and moſt of the English troops, who feemed
to act fincerely with us, all the reft of the king's
army, proteftants, catholics, and foreigners, ferved
him without affection, often unwillingly, and per-
haps wiſhed more than they feared that he might
fuffer ſome confiderable lofs. However, notwith-
ftanding this difguft to their leader, on fome oc-
cafions they all performed their duty, and feconded
him bravely: fuch had been the attack of the duke
of Guife, the encounter at the wood, and the
battle that followed it. Such would have been
the attack of the prince of Parma's camp, if he
had
Book IV.
259
OF
SULLY.
A
had waited for us; for at that time all the king's 1592.
operations, which he knew well how to give a de-
pendance upon each other, were executed with
fuch rapidity, that he did not fuffer their courage,
when once heated, to have time to cool, nor their
minds to return to their ufual habit of thinking.
The behaviour likewife of a ſmall number of brave
men is alone fufficient to raife emulation in a whole
army, and force it to follow their example, when
they are once engaged: but this fiercenefs, and
this ardour, abated, their former ideas return with
greater violence, and are fo much the more capable
of embittering their minds, as they then become
fenfible that they have done the very contrary of
what they intended. Unhappily the leaders of the
royal army were in this unfavourable difpofition,
when the king made a motion to purſue the prince
of Parma. The catholics, who had a little time
before publicly declared that they were refolved to
withdraw their affiftance, if the king did not ab-
jure Calvinifm, within a certain term which they
prefcribed to him, and reunite themfelves with the
reft of France, there to appoint a king of their
own religion: thefe catholics could not reliſh a
project, which, by making the king mafter of his
enemies, would put him into a condition of giving
them the law, inſtead of receiving it from them.
The huguenots, who feared this change of re-
ligion as much as the catholics endeavoured to en-
hance the neceffity of it, took umbrage at every
thing, and always thought they were upon the
point of being facrificed, while the king only fa-
crificed himſelf to that neceffity which obliged him
to endeavour to gain the catholics. Through an
apprehenfion that, by extirpating the league, they
fhould only labour for the catholics againſt their
own intereft, they the easier reconciled themfelves
to circumſtances which would at leaſt make the
balance even, and render them neceffary: and, in
cafe the king fhould one day forfake their religion,
S 2
they
រ
260
Book IV.
MEMOIRS.
1592. they were refolved to take fuch meaſures before-
hand, as might make them be feared both by the
catholics, and him whom they gave them for a
maſter.
Theſe precautions were, to procure a great num-
ber of towns to be yielded to them, to obtain fuch
favourable edicts, and fo many other fecurities,
that the king, although a catholic, fhould find it his
intereſt to be well with them. It was towards this
end that the duke of Bouillon, who governed ab-
folutely the refolutions of the party, directed all
his views, and to which he made the five or fix
hundred German horfe under his command fub-
fervient. On the flighteſt occafion of diſcontent,
or rather on the firft caprice, they broke into mur-
murs, and threatened, as they did then, that they
would return immediately to Germany. The king,
being obliged to behave in fuch a manner as to
fatisfy equally fuch oppofite parties, was greatly
perplexed by his endeavours to ftifle thefe feeds of
divifion: he was defirous of avoiding an open rup-
ture, or at leaſt of protracting it, till he fhould be
out of danger. It was this perplexity that re-
duced him to compliances very prejudicial to his
affairs.
There is no maze fo intricate as was the difin-
tangling thofe interefts which divided the different
parties that compofed the king's army. I have yet
but touched upon the falleft part. The catholics,
befides their common object, had each of them
his own private one in view, which was to make
Henry purchaſe their perfonal fervices at a very
high price; and he was convinced, that without
this fatisfaction they would not bring affairs to a
general conclufion. The interefts of the French
Calvinifts were not entirely the fame with thofe of
the foreign proteftants. There were certain times
when the English, who alone were united, mur-
mured amongſt themfelves, that, in all the dangers
they were expofed to, they were actuated by a
principle
Book IV.
261
OF SULLY.
principle of generofity, which, whatever turn affairs 1592.
might take, would bring them no advantage; and,
while this reflection employed their minds, they
would look upon themſelves as madmen, who fa-
crificed their lives purely to gratify the paffions of
foreigners, and demand leave to retire, as they did
upon this occafion, when they abfolutely refuſed
to engage beyond the Seine, feeing neither any fe-
curity or refource for them in a country at fuch a
diftance from the fea. To exafperate them more,
and to ftrengthen their fufpicions, the catholics
feized thoſe moments of diicontent to perfuade
them, that the king's abjuration was become ab-
folutely neceffary.
With regard to the other foreigners, who were
paid for their ſervices, D'O, and thefe fame catho-
lics, had a fecret equally fhort and infallible, and
they made use of it frequently: this was to keep
the king in want of money. Therefore, when the
Swifs and German horfe were afked if they would
purſue the prince of Parma, they replied only by
demanding their pay; fwearing, that, if it was
not inftantly given them, they would return to
their homes, or engage in the fervice of the league.
Even the Spaniards, the king's declared ene-
mies, had alſo their intrigues, and took part in
this prince's affairs. At this very time they made
a propofal to him, not only to withdraw their
troops, but even to lend them to him, to ferve
him againſt the league, in a word, to put the crown
upon his head, provided he would yield Bur-
gundy and Brittany to them for ever. In order
to affift the king to fubdue thofe fcruples which the
making fuch an extraordinary gift might raife in
his mind, they recalled to his remembrance the ex-
ample of Francis I. who, they faid, in a fitua-
tion lefs preffing, had given up to them the fove-
*By the treaty which was
paffed during the imprifonment of
This prince at Madrid, the 25th of
**
February 1526, Francis I. refigned
his claim there likewife to the dut-
chics of Burgundy and Milan, to
S 3
reignty
1
262
Book IV.
MEMOIRS
1592. reignty of Flanders and Artois; and that of Hen-
ry II. who had given Spain more towns* than
were contained in both thoſe provinces. The king
had fufficient reafon to believe that fo unfeaſonable
a negotiation was a piece of Spanish artifice, in
the tafte of Hagemau, which tended only to create
more confufion, and render him fufpected both by
the proteftants and catholics: but, although this
propofition had been really fincere, he had a mo-
tive for rejecting it infinitely ftronger, which was
the implacable hatred he bore to Spain and the
houfe of Auftria.
At laft even the league, for fome view or other,
entered into the refolutions that were taken in the
king's council, Villeroi, Jeannin, Zamet, and
others, offered Henry, in the name of the league,
to give him the crown upon certain conditions. It
is very difficult to guefs the true caufe of this ftep:
whether difguft at the pride and infolence of the
Spaniards, an artifice to procure new fupplies, or
a defign to alienate the proteftants from the king,
The only evidence of the fincerity of this propo-
fition was the very hard conditions that were an-
nexed to it: I fhall foon have occafion to enlarge
upon this fubject.
One of the leaft confequences of this chaos of
views and interefts was the fpreading over every
affair an impenetrable obfcurity, and creating in
every mind jealoufy and diftruft. It is indeed
furprifing, that after this the proteftants and ca-
tholics could live together in the fame camp, with-
out expofing the king to the grief of ſeeing them
mutiny, or of cutting each other's throats. Thofe
the kingdom of Naples, &c. but
this treaty was declared void by
the ftates of the kingdom affembled
at Cognac.
By the treaty of Château-
Cambrefis, in Jan. 1559, after the
battle of St. Quentin, for three
cities only of Ham, Câtelet and
St. Quentin, France yielded to
↑
Spain and her allies more than an
hundred and fifty fortified places.
The conftable Montmorency's jea-
loufy of the duke of Guife, and
his eagerness to be freed from his
confinement, made him conclude
this treaty, at which the whole
kingdom murmured,
who
Book IV.
253
OF SULL Y.
Y
who in a prince fought for what is termed policy, 1592.
might here find fufficient room to praiſe the pru-
dence of a king who kept fo many jarring interefts
united, and to admire his difcernment in diftin-
guiſhing thoſe who acted with fidelity towards him:
nor ought it to pafs unobferved, that fo many fe-
cret and various defigns left an appearance of order
and tranquility. Falfhood affumed the femblance
of truth, and enmity concealed itſelf under the dif-
guife of friendſhip. Thoſe who pretended the
greateſt affection to the king, either betrayed him,
or laboured only to advance their own intereft.
It would be uſeleſs to diffemble, that the mare-
chal de Biron often played this game, either
through malice at being refuſed the government of
Rouen, or defire of protracting the war, or a
diſpoſition that took pleafure in creating difcord
and confufion. He was never known to agree
with the general opinion, or to yield to the king's
inclinations. He always contradicted, either for
the fole pleaſure of contradicting, or becauſe he
would oblige every one to embrace his opinion. In
the council, when the queſtion that has occafioned
this digreffion was debated, he was neither for
fuing the enemy, nor for ftaying in Normandy:
he thought it was neceffary to go before and wait
for the prince of Parma on the frontiers of Picardy,
through which He would be obliged to pafs in his
return to Flanders. A project uncommonly chi-
merical, which was immediately applauded by the
proteftants, who were devoted to the will of this
marechal.
pur-
The king faw plainly, that all endeavours to
retain fuch diſcontented troops in his fervice would
be in vain. The campaign was drawing towards
an end, and a fiege fo long and fatiguing as that of
* "What then, rafcal! wouldft
thou fend us to plant cabbages
for Biron faid this marechal
to his fon, who propofed to him
an expedient to finish the war at
one blow. Perefix, part ii. ibid.
S 4
Rouen
264
&c. Book IV,
MEMOIRS,
1
1592. Rouen made the foldiers extremely defirous of reſt,
The king was refolved to grant it them: he followed
that maxim, that a prince ſhould always have the
appearance of doing voluntarily even what he is
conſtrained to do. He told the foreigners, that he
was willing they should return home, and gave
them permiffion to do fo. He diſtributed all the
money he had amongſt them, leaving himſelf with-
out any to fupply his neceffary expences and
though they were not wholly fatisfied in this re-
ſpect, yet they had reaſon to be pleaſed with the
noble manner in which he praiſed and thanked them
for their ſervices. As he had left Normandy in
peace, and (except Rouen, and a few other cities)
entirely reduced under his obedience; and as there
was no reaſon to apprehend that the army of the
league would come thither foon, he permitted all
the officers of his army, as well catholics as pro-
teſtants, to retire to their habitations: and, to lay
the marechal de Biron under a neceffity of not aban-
doning him with his proteftants, which, after this
permiffion, he forefaw he would do, he declared
that he would follow his advice, and in a few days
would fet forwards to Picardy; not that he really
entered into this marechal's views, but as he had
not yet fhewn himſelf in that province, nor in Cham-
pagne, he thought it neceffary to make himſelf
known there, and to endeavour to conciliate the
affections of the people towards him. A fecret and
more powerful motive contributed to favour and
confirm this refolution; and Biron, who knew and
flattered the king's weakneſs, drew from thence his
beſt reaſon.
* His paffion for mademoifelle
D'Eftrées. He fometimes tole
away from his army to go and fee
He once difguifed himfelf
like a countryman, paffed through
her.
*
the midst of the enemy's guards,
and came to her houſe, not with-
out hazarding the danger of being
taken. Notes upon the Henriade.
MEMOIRS
MEMOIRS
O F
SULL Y.
..
W
BOOK
V.
HILE the king with a few proteftants 1592.
purſued the road to Picardy, the prince
of Parma haftened to Paris, from whence,
without any difficulty, he returned to Flanders,
but little fatisfied with his campaign, difcontented
to the laſt degree with the league, and its chiefs,
and much troubled at a wound which he knew was
incurable.
*
It is in general, and particular hiftories, that a
relation of all that was performed this year, and
the preceding, in different parts of the kingdom,
muſt be fought for. The attack of St. Dennis
where the chevalier D'Aumale loft his life; the
taking Stenay and Dun, in Lorrain; the defeat
of the fieur D'Amblife, with the duke of Bou-
illon's † other exploits, either before or after his
* Claude de Lorraine, knight of
the order of St. John of Jerufalem,
having furpriſed this city at the
head of a body of troops in the
fervice of the league, De Vic ran
and beat them back. The cheva-
lier D'Aumale was killed in this
encounter.
+ The duke of Bouillon took
Stenay the fame day that his nup-
I
tials was celebrated. Africanus
d'Anglure d'Amblife, general of
the troops of Lorrain, coming to
attack Beaumont in Argonne, a
city three leagues from Sedan,
which the duke of Bouillon had
taken from the duke of Lorraine,
Bouillon defeated his troops under
the walls of this place, and D'Am-
blife was flain.
marriage;
266
MEMOIRS
Book V.
1592. marriage; the lofs of the battle of Craon*; the
defeat of the fieur de la Guerche, and the bloc-
kade of Poitiers, are the principal actions, to which
an infinite number of others in Provence, Dauphiné,
and Poitou may be added. From the departure of
the prince of Parma, to the negotiations which
preceded the king's coronation, many things hap-
pened worthy of notice, and may likewife be found
there. I have, in another place, excuſed my ſilence
on theſe heads, and the liberty I allow myſelf of
relating only the moſt important facts; among
which are thofe that regard the count of Soiffons,
and the duke of Epernon; and even theſe the nar-
ration I have juft made has not permitted me to
enlarge upon.
The count of Soiffons †, after having abandoned
the king's party, and been at open variance with
him at Bearn, ſtill retained hopes of marrying the
princeſs, his fifter, of whofe affections he always
remained mafter. By the death of Henry III. to
whom he had laft attached himſelf, he was left
in the king's army, whom he ferved without affec-
tion, and only till he had refolved upon fome new
project, or till fome opportunity favourable to his
paffion prefented itfelf. He thought he found one
in the fiege of Rouen, an enterprize, in his opi-
nion, of too much importance to afford the king
leiſure to employ himſelf in other affairs. He pre-
*This battle was fought before
the city of Craon in Anjou, which
was then befieged by the royalift
troops; they were compofed of
French, English, and Germans, to
the number of 7 or 8000 men,
commanded by the duke of Mont-
penfier, the prince of Conty, the
duke of Damville, &c. who were
defeated by the duke of Morcoeur
at the head of the Spanish troops,
and thoſe of the league. About
the fame time, George de Ville-
quier, viſcount de la Guerche, at-
tempting to paſs the Vienne, a
river in Poitou, was defeated at
the head of a fmall body of troops
of the league, and himſelf drowned
See a relation of the
in the river.
blockade of Poitiers, and the fe-
veral ſkirmishes before this city, in
D'Aubigné, Vol. III. book iii.
chap. 11. For all thefe expedi-
tions confult likewife the hiftori-
ans above cited.
+ Charles of Bourbon, fon of
Lewis the firft, prince of Condé,
(flain at Jarnac) and of Frances
d'Orleans-Longueville. He died
in 1612.
tended
Book V.
267
OF SULLY.
tended to take a journey to Nogent, and ſtealing 1592.
away from the camp, went fecretly, and with the
utmoſt expedition, to Bearn, in order to accompliſh
his marriage there unknown to Henry. But he
was one of thofe perfons, whofe moft inconfiderable
actions were ftrictly obferved by the king. This
prince penetrating into the count's defigns, fent fuch
orders there, that the count, upon his arrival at
Bearn, found the princefs Catherine indeed in the
moft favourable difpofitions towards him, and
ſome ſay that ſhe had herſelf prefs'd him to come
thither; but it was quite otherwiſe with the coun-
cil, to which the king, in his abfence, had com-
mitted the care of the province. The fieur de
Pangeas, who was at the head of this council,
oppoſed him boldly, fhewed him the orders he had
received from the king, raifed the country upon
him, and obliged him at laft to return to France,
with the difgrace of having failed in his attempt;
for which the count could take no other vengeance
on Pangeas, than by throwing him down a ftair-
cafe one day, when he met him in the king's
apartments at Pontoife.
By thefe ftrokes the count of Soiffons's character
may be eaſily underſtood; to finish the picture,
let it be added, that there never was a more blind
or more boundlefs ambition. To him every new
event appeared to lead him a ſtep forwards to the
attainment of his ends, and engaged him in new
meaſures, which threw him at fo much the greater
diſtance from them, as he imagined he approached
nearer. He himfelf knew not the object his wifhes
aimed at; reftleís, uneafy, and jealous, his ambi-
tion was fed by every thing, and drew advantage
from nothing. Nature had given him qualities
quite contrary to thofe of the king; he refembled
him neither in humour nor manners. The king
was open, frank, and generous; the count of
3
de Pardaillan de Pangeas, or Pangeac.
Soiffons
A
268
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1592. Soiffons to a mind naturally reſerved, and incapable
of a wife forefight, added an affected moderation
and deſpicable cunning. He endeavoured to im-
pofe upon the world an affumed ferioufnefs for an
air of grandeur; laboured to appear impenetrable,
and miftook the frozen countenance which falfe
gravity wears for refpect. Pomp, and the often-
tation of grandeur was his tafte: in a word, am-
bition had taken abfolute poffeffion of his heart,
and his whole behaviour was made up of ceremony
and formality. The near affinity this character
bore to that of the Spaniards in general, was per-
haps the fource of that antipathy the king con-
ceived for him, and which he could never fur-
mount.
,
As for the duke of Epernon
** ambition was
not his predominant paffion; he was likewiſe actu-
ated by an unconquerable pride; an infolence, or
* John Lewis de Nogaret de la
Valette, duke of Epernon, colonel
general of France, governor of
Guienne, Metz, and the county of
Mefin. He died in 1642, aged
88 years; and, as the author of
his life obferves, he was the oldeft
duke and peer of France, the oldest
officer of the crown, general of an
army, governor of a province,
knight of any order, and counfel
lor of ftate, and almoft the oldeft
man of rank in his time. They
called him the king's wardrobe,
becauſe of the great number of
pofts which he poffeffed in this
prince's houfhold. There is re-
corded an excellent answer of his
to Henry IV. who one day in
anger reproached him with not
loving him. The duke of Eper-
non, fays his hiftorian, without
being furprized at the king's rage,
anfwered coolly, but with great
gravity, "Sire, your majelty has
"not a more faithful fervant than
myſelf in the kingdom: I would
"rather die, than fail in the leaft
part of
my duty to you; but,
"Sire, as for friendship, your
"majefty well knows that is only
" to be acquired by friendflip.”
The king, who equally knew how
to admire great actions and fpeeches
of this kind, converted all his in-
dignation into eſteem, &c. Life
of the duke of Epernon, page 225.
The character which is here given
of him by the duke of Sully,
is rather too diſadvantageous;
however, it would not be eafy to
refute what he fays: all the hifto-
rians agree with him in charging
the duke of Epernon with a bound-
lefs ambition, and his correfpon-
dence with Spain is proved by fe-
veral letters of the cardinal d'Offat.
As for his extraction, "Patrem,
fays Bufbcq, habuit bello egre-
gium, avum tabellionem five
"notarium.'
Epift. 17. On the
contrary, according to father Vaif-
fette, he defcended from William
de Nogaret, famous for his quar-
rels with the pope in the reign of
Philip le Bel. Confult likewiſe our
genealogifts.
cr
CC
53
rather
Book V.
269
OF SULLY.
rather a natural ferocity, which fhewed itſelf in 1592.
every word and action. Ambition, 'tis ſaid, makes
uſe of various methods to accompliſh its deſigns.
Epernon, regarded in this light, could not be an
ambitious man, for he ufed only one, which was
that haughtiness by which he expected to carry all
before him. In a word, ambition was, in him,
but a natural love of independence, inſpired by a
harſh diſpoſition, mifanthropy, and a prefumption
that made him confider himfelf fuperior to friend-
ſhip and rewards. He hated the king, becauſe he
hated the whole world; and, without doubt, there
were moments when he was not well fatisfied with
himſelf. A conftant difobedience to his fuperiors,
an infolent behaviour to his equals, and a cruel
and infupportable conduct towards his inferiors,
make up the reft of his character.
Epernon, finding that his enterprizes had not
the fuccefs his pride had flattered him with, was
obliged to alter his behaviour, and fometimes,
though but feldom, behaved courteouſly to thofe
whom he might have occafion for; but even his
kindneffes, if that phrafe may be allowed when
fpeaking of him, had a fort of ſpleen and con-
tempt in them: fo that if he hated the world, he
was equally hated by it; no one ferved him from
any other motive than fear, which was the cauſe
that with great difpofitions for war, and in a fitu-
ation which might have made them ufeful, he
ruined his affairs. Provence and Dauphiné held
for him, and for Valette his brother. Thefe
provinces, whofe governor, before him, had been
the grand prior †, the natural brother of their three
laft kings, defpifed him for his extraction, and
hated him for his cruelty. They were rejoiced
when Epernon (who when Henry III. was living
would not remove far from the court) fent them
*Bernard de Nogaret, admiral
of France.
† Henry, count d'Angouleme,
fon of Henry II. and of
vington, a Scots lady.
Li-
La
270
Bock V.
MEMOIRS
1592.
La Valette in his ftead, who made himſelf beloved in
Provence, and ferved the king with fidelity. Hen-
ry III. becoming acquainted with the true charac-
ter of his favourite, began to be apprehenfive of
him himſelf; he difgraced Epernon, and had
thoughts even of putting him under an arreft at
Angoulême. La Valette, on this occafion, loft his
government; but all was reſtored to them after
the murder of the duke of Guife, which laid Hen-
ry III. under the neceffity of ftrengthening himſelf
with every one whom he could engage in his party,
at any price whatever. After the death of this
prince, Epernon, whofe vanity would not fuffer
him to obey the king of Navarre, quitted him at
Pontoife, notwithſtanding all the inſtances he made
him by meffieurs de Bellegarde and Roquelaure to
return, to which he condefcended himſelf to in-
treat him. To oppoſe a king was a circumftance
highly flattering to his pride, and in his govern-
ment of Provence he forgot nothing that might
contribute to it: he was the first amongst the no-
bility to fign the king of Navarre's exclufion from
the crown. It will not be rash to judge, by Eper-
non, of the fincerity of this plea of religion, with
which it was then uſual to cover a defign of re-
ſtraining the lawful authority.
The remainder of the duke of Epernon's hiftory
will give a fuperficial knowledge of the affairs of
the provinces in the fouth of France. He there
experienced great reverfes of fortune: the two bro-
thers affifting each other mutually, were often
worſted, and could not prevent three or four con-
fiderable parties from being formed in Dauphiné
and Provence, which oppofed them there, with-
out reckoning one in each of the great towns, who
endeavoured to make themſelves independent. The
duke of Savoy *, and the duke of Nemours his
brother, carried on intrigues there, and their party
* Charles Emanuel, duke of Savoy. He died in 1630..
became
Book V.
OF
27 I
SULLY.
became very powerful, after the king of Spain had
permitted the duke of Savoy, who was his fon-
in-law, and whom he vigoroufly ſupported, to be
acknowledged count of Provence, and hold this
fief of his crown. In the midft of their fucceffes,
theſe two princes met with a formidable rival, who
.ſtopped their career, and reduced their party to
ineffectual menaces. This was Lefdiguieres, re-
markable for his valour and good fortune againſt
the duke of Savoy. He always continued faith-
ful to the king, and could never be reproached
with having appropriated to himfelf the fruits of
his actions, nor of having coveted the fovereignty
of Dauphiné. Perhaps he only wished that the
king might long have occafion for his affiſtance,
and never come into this province. Meffieurs de
Montmorency, and D'Ornano †, gave great ftrength
to this party. The others were formed by the
duke of Joyeuſe, the countefs of Sault, and the
count of Carces, with the fieur de Vins. Lewis
d'Aix and Cajoux, Ligny, Martinengue, and ma-
ny others, raiſed tumults there, and filled theſe
countries with divifions and flaughter; but their
faction did not yet extend itſelf beyond the bounds
of one city. La Valette was hardly able to fup-
port himſelf longer in Dauphiné, when he was
flain at the fiege of a little inconfiderable town ||.
The duke of Epernon immediately invaded this
government: for form's fake he demanded letters
patent for it from the king, who durft not refuſe
them to him; but, inftead of quelling all theſe
different parties, he went thither only to make a
new one, upon which the king had as little reaſon
to depend as any of the others. One may judge
* Francis de Bonne, duke of
Lefdiguieres, conftable of France.
+ Alphonfo D'Ornano, colonel
of the Corficans.
Antony Scipio, knight of
Malta, who took the title of duke of
Joyeuse after the death of his bro-
thers. Chriftiana D'Aguerre, coun-
tefs of Sault, baronefs of Vienne,
Gafpard de Pontevez, count of
Carces. Hubert de la Garde, lord
of Vins. Charles de Cafaux, &c.
Roquebrunne in Provence.
of
1592.
272
MEMOIR S
Book V:
1592. of this, by what paffed at the fiege of Villemur*,
the only action which I fhall give a particular re-
lation of from memoirs, the authenticity of which
I can anſwer for.
The duke of Joyeuſe, a zealous partizan of the
league in Languedoc, having drawn together five
or fix thouſand foot, and eight or nine hundred
horſe, in the neighbourhood of Toulouſe, advanced
with them on the 15th of June, in the year 1592,
towards Montauban, pillaged the little villages,
and the flat countries, and after exercifing all the
cruelties ufual in thofe miferable times, came and
laid fiege to Villemur.
The fieur D'Ariat, after whom I relate thefe
circumftances, and the citizens of Villemur, had
recourſe to Thémines †, who commanded for the
king in that province, and intreated him to come
immediately with powerful fupplies to their aſſiſt-
ance. Thémines, knowing he was not ftrong
enough, addreffed himſelf to the duke of Epernon,
and while he waited for the reinforcement the duke
promiſed to give him, fent a detachment of fimall
bodies of cavalry and foot, which got into Ville-
mur with great difficulty, the troopers on foot,
becauſe their horfes could be of no uſe to them, the
city was fo clofely environed. Joyeufe was fe-
verely puniſhed for the error he was guilty of
there, as we fhall fee prefently. This error was
the attacking the town itſelf, inftead of beginning
with the caftle, which, altho' much fronger im
appearance, was in reality the weakeft. Without
doubt he was not fufficiently acquainted with the
place, or had a defign to make uſe of the maga-
zines of corn, and other ammunitions, of which
he knew it was full.
Epernon fent indeed a confiderable body of
troops; but as he had given them orders to act
* A city of Languedoc.
Pons de Laufiere de Cardaillac, afterwards marechal of France.
but
Book V.
273
OF SUL LY.
(-
but faintly, and particularly to avoid hazarding 1592.
much in fighting, theſe troops, although great ex-
pectations were raiſed by them, minded nothing
but recreation, abandoned their pofts, and by their
bad example did more harm than good to the
other royaliſt foldiers: Joyeuſe, who did not want
courage, especially when he was to act in perfon,
finding the occafion favourable, and perhaps doubt-
ful of the duke of Epernon's defigns, fell upon his
foldiers, furprized them, and would have made a
great flaughter, if Thémines had not run thither
time enough to fave the remainder; he could not,
however, prevent feven or eight hundred from being
flain. There needed no more to make Epernon
recal thém abſolutely. Thémines afterwards ftrong-
ly folicited both him and the marechal de Matignon
for affiftance, but in vain; and all he could do was
to throw himſelf into Villemur, with D'Ariat, two
hundred and fifty arquebufiers, and about a hun-
dred or a hundred and twenty troopers, to fupport
the besieged, whom Joyeufe preffed more vigo-
roufly than before. He obliged Reiner, who was
lord of it, but who was grown too infirm to per-
form the duties of a governor upon this occafion,
to go out, and refolved to defend himfelf there till
the laſt extremity, being affured that the king,
whom he acquainted with his fituation, would not
fuffer him to perish.
In effect, this prince wrote inftantly to the dukes
de Montmorency, and d'Epernon, to fend him
fupplies. Epernon, accuftomed to difobey, gave
no attention to this order; but Montmorency fent
him Lecques + and Chambaut, with fome brave
* All this is fo pofitive, that it
may balance the authority of De
Thou, who mentions this fact very
favourably for the duke of Eper-
non, and that of, the author of
this duke's life, who maintains
that his foldiers drove thofe be-
longing to the league from Ville-
VOL. I.
mur, and put this place into a
state of defence, p. 134. The
Chronologie Novenn. agrees here
with our Memoirs, Bock iv. p. 63,
as likewife the Memoirs of the
league, Vol. V.
† Antony Du-Pleix, lord of
Lecques.
T
proteftant
274
Book V.
MEMOIR.S
1592. proteftant troops. Theſe were fill too few in
number to oppofe the army of Joyeuſe, lately re-
inforced by the inhabitants of Touloufe: Lecques
and Chambaut, therefore, had recourſe to Meffil-
lac *, lieutenant for the king in Auvergne, and
to the vifcount de Gourdon, as remarkable for his
courage and fidelity, as for his deformity. Theſe
two officers marched immediately to the affiſtance
of Villemur, with eight hundred arquebufiers, and
two hundred and eighty horfe. Joyeuſe fent to
offer them battle, which they refuſed, warned by
the misfortune which had happened to Epernon's
troops, and folicitous only to accompliſh their firſt
intention. After this refufal, the befiegers cavalry,
who found themſelves too much ftraitened in their
lines, demanded permiffion of Joyeufe to remove
into the neighbouring villages, which this general
granted with fome difficulty, and contrary to the
opinions of the fieurs D'Onous and Montberaut.
He obliged the officers to give their words, that
upon the first fignal which fhould be made them,
they would return to the camp.
Meffillac, Lecques, and Chambaut, perceiving
that this removal of the cavalry had extremely
weakened the army of the befiegers, divided their
whole foot into four bands, to each of which they
added fifty troopers,. whom they cauſed to dif-
mount. A regiment of eight hundred men was
drawn up in battalia within view of the entrench-
ments, with orders to charge on a certain fignal.
Four hundred men attacked the firft intrenchment,
and were fupported by the four troops. The guard
there ufually confifted of no more than two hun-
dred foot; but Joyeufe, who had fpies amongst us,
being informed of the defigned attack a few mo-
ments beforehand, fent thither four hundred men
more, and at the fame time made the cannon fire
three times, which was the fignal agreed upon with
* Raimont de Meffilac de Reftignac.
his
Book V. OF SULL Y.
275
1
his cavalry. It happened, that either through 1592.
flackneſs in obeying on their fide, or eagerness on
that of the proteftants, this cavalry did not come
up till after the action was begun. Our men ad-
vanced before fun-rife, and falling upon the firſt
intrenchment, laid a hundred of thofe who defend-
ed it dead upon the ground; the reft fled towards
the ſecond entrenchment, and carrying thither only
their fears, this, tho' much better than the firft,
was likewife ftormed with confiderable lofs.
Thémines beholding all within the walls, fe-
conded the affailants, and made fo feaſonable a
fally, that he completed the rout of the befiegers.
Their cavalry fhewed themfelves that moment at
the head of the camp; but instead of putting a
ftop to this confufion, they no fooner perceived
the eight hundred men, which compofed the body
of referve, with three hundred horfe pufhing againit
them, than they followed the example of the reft
of the army, and fought for fafety in flight. Their
terror increaſing every moment, it foon became a
general rout, which it was not in the power of
Joyeufe to prevent. Dragged along himself with
the fugitives, he gained a bridge of planks and
ropes which he had ordered to be thrown over the
Tarn. The number of thofe who haftened thither,
on this fide, overcharging this bridge, it funk
under Joyeuſe, and he and all that were with him
were fwallowed up in the river. Fear had fo
blinded the reſt of the troops, that ftill imagining
they faw a bridge where none now was, they
plunged into the waves where it had flood. More
than three thouſand foot, and four hundred horfe,
periſhed on this occafion, either by the fword or
the water. A prodigious lofs for an army fo in-
confiderable, whereas the royalifts loft only thirty
men. The citizens of Villeimur beheld this afto-
nishing fpectacle from the top of their walls, with
a joy mingled with wonder and horror; which
made them compare an effect of fear, which had
{
T 2
the
276
MEMOIRS
Book V.
1592. the appearance of a miracle, with that which the
facred hiftory relates of the Egyptians at the paf-
fage of the Red-fea. But to return to the king.
This prince went into Picardy, and in order to
give employment to his troops, fent the marechal
de Biron to befiege Epernai *. The fiege was
long and obftinate; Biron was flain there by a can-
non ball †. And if the king, who during that
time ftaid at Compaigne, had not refolved to fhew
himſelf before this city, they would have found great
difficulty in taking it. He defeated fome power-
ful fuccours which were endeavoured to be thrown
into the place, and obliged it at laft to furrender.
His funds failing him entirely, he was obliged,
after this expedition, to diſband the remainder of
the foreign troops. He continued fome time longer
in his quarters, upon the report that was ſpread of
the prince of Parina's having returned into France
to execute the great projects he had formed againſt
the king. The death of this brave general ‡ hap-
pened very fortunately for Henry, who faw him-
felf not in a condition to oppofe fuch an enemy.
The Spaniſh army, having loft its leader, difperfed.
The time that was taken up in appointing his fuc-
ceffor, gave the king leifure to breathe again; he
In Champagne.
Which took off his head. He
was almoft as famous for his learn-
ing as his abilities in war. De
Thou greatly regrets the lofs we
have had of his Commentaries.
He commanded in chief in feven
battles, and every wound he re-
ceived in thefe battles made a fcar.
He was god-father to cardinal de
Richlieu, who was named after
him. The city of Gontaut, in
Agenois, gave its name to this fa-
mily. See the panegyric of this
marechal in Brant. Vol. III.
At Arras in the abbey of St.
Vaaft. The Spaniards were ac-
cufed of having poifoned him
through jealousy, but the wound
he received in Normandy the year
before, joined to the bad make of
his body, was the only cauſe of
his death, as was acknowledged
when he was opened. Cayet,
ibid. go.
See in De Thou, book
civ. a panegyric on his great qua-
lities. His body was carried
through Lorrain to Italy attended
by 160 horfe, caparifoned in black.
He was no more than 48 years of
age. He complained of being
twice poifoned by the Spaniards,
if we may believe D'Aubigné,
who affures us that the Italians
were fo fully perfuaded of it, that
from that time they could never
endure the Spaniards, Vol. III.
book iii. chap. 28. And this alfo
is the opinion of Bongars, Book
xlix.
drew
1
1
Book V.
277
OF SULLY.
drew near Paris, and thought of nothing but tak- 1592.
ing advantage of the Spaniards removal.
I did not attend the king in his journey to Pi-
cardy; I went to Mante, where finding madam
de Châteaupers in a difpofition favourable to my
love, I married this lady, and our nuptials were
celebrated the fame day that the prince of Parma *,
with his army, paffed through Houdan.
To confefs the truth, the king's politics were
not to my tafte. I faw with pain, that the exi-
gency of his affairs laid him under the neceffity
of complying with every defire of the catholics,
while the proteftants were neglected; and after
the departure of the foreign troops, which gave their
rivals many advantages over them, their affiftance
was of no confideration. I had, in particular, of-
ten experienced the effects of their hatred or jea-
loufy, from whence I concluded, that I fhould ne-
ver be able to advance my fortune. I was like-
wife difgufted with the king's behaviour towards
me; his coldnefs, though I knew it to be feigned,
had fuch an appearance of a total eftrangement,
that I determined to quit war, and retire to my
eftate, there to live far from bufinefs, and the
tumult of life.
The event juftified the king's prudence, and I
was the firſt to come over to his opinion, and to
give him advice very oppofite to my former fen-
timents; but then I faw things with other eyes.
The reflection on all that the proteſtants and my-
felf had endured; the little confideration I appeared
*This could not be till the 23d
or 24th of May, as the prince of
Parma did not país the Seine till
the night of the 21st or 22d of
that month. Here then is a mif-
take either in the New Journal of
Henry III. printed in 1720, (where
in the 271ft page, the duke of
Sully's marriage is obferved to be
celebrated on the 18th) or in the
+
Memoirs of Sully. The baron de
Rofny's fecond wife was called
Rachel de Cochefilet, daughter of
James lord of Vaucelas, and of
Mary d'Arbalefte. She was firft
married to Francis Huraut, lord of
Châteaupers, and Maris, who died
in 1590. She furvived the duke
of Sully, and died in the year
1659, aged 93 years,
1
тз
to
7
278
MEMOIRS
Book V,
1592. to be then of, and fomewhat of that general difpo-
fition of mind which always dictated the intereſt
of religion, formed all my refolutions, and were
the foundation of that fyftem I built for the king,
and which at that time feemed to me to be the
only reaſonable one. I would have had this prince,
doing juſtice to thofe who had ferved him with
zeal and affection, to have refufed all other affift-
ance, and caft himſelf entirely in their arms. I was
perfuaded that after fuch an open declaration, of
his dependence upon the proteítants, England,
Holland, and all the proteftant powers in Eu-
rope, would exert themfelves fo effectually in his
favour, that they would foon, without any affift-
ance from the catholics, feat him upon the throne.
In this, as in every thing elfe, the king's un-
derſtanding was fuperior to mine. He knew, from
the firſt moment, that a kingdom, like France,
was not to be gained by foreign hands; and al-
though it had appeared even poffible, yet it was
the hearts of the French, rather than their crown,
that this good prince fought to conquer. And he
would have thought the rewards which, on that
occafion, he ſhould be obliged to beftow upon the
authors of his elevation, to their prejudice, to have
been an encroachment upon their lawful rights.
My laft motive for retiring was, that a little
after I arrived at Mante, the wounds in my mouth
and neck, which I had received in that unfortu-
nate rencounter at Chartres, opened again, and
obliged me to go to Rofny to be radically cured,
to prevent the fatal confequences which generally
attend wounds of that nature. I continued there
fome time after a life fo tumultuous, as that
which, till this moment, I had led, I tafted, with
higher reliſh, the fweets that retirement offers to a
heart detached from ambition. I amufed myſelf
there with writing the events varied by good and
bad fortune, to which I had been expoſed for the
fpace of twenty years.
3
Buhy,
Book V.
279
OF SUL LY.
Buhy, the King's lieutenant in the Vexin, came 1592.
one day to viſit me, and informed me that the king
had written to all the governors to draw together
what troops they were able, and to come immedi- -
ately to his affiftance; for it was about this time
that they were in expectation of the prince of Par-
ma's return into France; and Buhy, therefore,
afked me, if I would not, upon this occafion,
do as others did. This queftion recalled the re-
membrance of the many governments which I had
requested, and had been denied to me; and, laſtly,
the poft of one of the king's lieutenants, which
the duke of Nevers and the catholics had hindered
me from obtaining, in a very haughty and infulting
manner. I answered this officer, with fome emo-
tion, that if the king had had any occafion for my
fervice, he would have done me the honour to
write to me. Buhy found fomething of anger in
my reply, and, like a good courtier, exaggerated
it, when he repeated it to the king, and gave him
to underſtand, that he ought no longer to have
any dependence on me, for I had refolved to ſpend
the rest of my days in the country. This cir-
cumftance was added by himſelf; for I did not
eſteem Buhy ſo much as to make him my confi-
dant. "His difpofition then is greatly altered,"
replied the king immediately, "for he never failed
"to be prefent on fuch occafions as are now ap-
"proaching. Although he excufes himſelf on
"account of his wounds, I know well what de-
<tains him; he is offended with me, and not
"without reafon. He would play the philofo-
pher for the future; but when I fee him, I fhall
"be able to make all up again; for I know him
thoroughly."
tr
This converfation paffed in the prefence of the
prefident Seguier †, who dined with me fome time
* Peter de Mornay de Buhy, brother of Du Pleffis Mornay.
† John Seguier.
T 4
after,
280
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1592. after, and related it to me. Having freely dif
cloſed my moft fecret thoughts to this great magi-
ſtrate, whom I knew to be my friend, an honeſt
man, and an excellent politician, he anſwered me
in theſe words, which I fhall never forget, becauſe
they first opened my eyes, and removed my pre-
judices. Sir, you appear to me to be touched
"with refentment. We live in a time when tran-
"quility is very difficult to procure. The wifeft
amongst us are filent, and patient in hopes of
"more favourable days; and the king is fo pru-
"dent, and fo virtuous, that God has no doubt
"referved our reftoration for him."
}
CC
cr
From that moment, finding no other inconve-
niency from my wound, than a little difficulty in
Ipeaking, I began again to ride, and followed by
fifty horſe, I made excurfions over the great road
of Vernueil and Dreux to Paris, in order to re-
fume my former occupation, which I perceived
was again likely wholly to engroſs me. In the
fecond of thefe journeys, one day when I was rid-
ing towards Dreux, between the villages of Ma-
rolles and Gouffainville, I met ten or twelve men
on foot, who, the moment they faw us, ftruck
into the woods with which that country abounds.
I followed them immediately, and feized two of
them, who had not quitted the great road. Thefe
were peafants who were returning from Paris,
whither they had been to fell their poultry. I
afked them fome queftions, and they anfwered me
very ingenuously; they told me, that it was their
cuftom to travel in the night, to avoid the incon-
veniencies they were expoſed to in thoſe roads in
the day, but that they had taken courage this
once, having nine or ten perfons in their company,
among whom they faid were three domeftics be-
longing to meffieurs de Mercœur, de Medavy, and
de Vieux-Pont.
There needed no more to make me purſue theſe
three men, whofe myfterious journey excited my
curiofity.
Book V.
281
OF SU L L Y,
SULLY.
t
$}
curiofity. It was impoffible to overtake them; my 1592.
people could only feize two others of thoſe that
were of Verneuil, from whom finding I could
draw nothing by threatenings, I made ufe of ano-
ther method. I gave them four crowns, and pro-
miſed them more, if they would tell me all they
knew concerning thoſe three domeftics. They de-
fired me to follow them, and led me directly to a
large hollow oak, furrounded with thickets, where
they told me theſe fervants had ſtopped, and put
ſome papers into the trunk of this tree: in effect,
I found there two tin boxes, and a ticking fack,
which feemed to me to be full. This acquifition
confoled me for the meffengers eſcape; and after
rewarding the two men, I returned to Rofny, very
impatient to open my packets.
They appeared to be fuch as I wiſhed: in the
firft I found commiffions from the duke of Maï-
enne to levy foldiers, feveral letters written in
cyphers, in this general's own hand, to the duke
of Mercœur: but papers more important engaged
all my intention; they related to the third party,
which was then beginning to be talked of, and
amongſt which I found two memorials that feemed
to be of the utmoft confequence. The firſt was
a memorial of the demands which the prefident
Jeannin* made upon Spain, in the name of the
duke of Maïenne; and the fecond contained the
anfwer given to thefe conditions by the arch-duke
Erneft for the king of Spain. All the reflections
imaginable could not throw fuch light upon the
duke of Maïenne's defigns, the fpirit of the league,
and the politics of Spain, as the contents of theſe
two pieces of which this is an extract.
The duke of Maïenne fubmitted the league to
the pope, and put it under the king of Spain's
protection, upon the following conditions, which
*René Jeannin, baron de Montjeu, prefident of the parliament
of Dijon.
regarded
282
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1
:
}
1592. regared the party in general, as well as himſelf in
particular. Firſt, That the king of Spain ſhould
furnish, and maintain in the fervice of the league,
an army of fixteen thouſand foot, and three thouſand
horfe; in which army there fhould be two thou-
fand foot, and five hundred troopers, all French,
of whom the duke of Maïenne was to have the
fole difpofal, befides four thoufand foot more, and
five hundred horfe, French likewife, who were
to continue near his perfon only, and to be main-
tained by Spain: That the number of theſe troops
fhould be augmented as occafion required: That
the duke of Maïenne fhould have the chief com-
mand of theſe troops, and thofe of the party, with
the title of lieutenant-general of the crown, till a
king of France was elected: That this election
ſhould be made in a general conference, by which
they certainly meant the ftates of the kingdom:
That till this election was made and confirmed, the
penfion which Spain already paid to the general
fhould be augmented to as much more, that is,
from thirty thouſand livres a month, to fixty, be-
fides a hundred thoufand crowns, which he ſhould
receive immediately, and a hundred thouſand livres
after the ratification of the treaty; in expectation
of which, they fhould begin, by putting him in
actual poffeffion of Burgundy: That after the no-
mination of the future king, the duke of Maïenne
fhould be continued in the government of the
ftate, with the title of lieutenant-general; and that
then, and not before, he should yield up the city
of Soiffons to the Spaniards, becaufe it was at pre-
fent the only place of fecurity he had for hinfelf
in France: That if he found infurmountable ob-
ftacles, either in the election of a future king,
probably from the king of Navarre, or in the in-
vaſion and keeping of Burgundy for the duke of
Maïenne, the king of Spain fhould make the duke
amends, by an annual penfion of three hundred
thoufand livres, for the poffeffions he might lofe
in
Book V.
283
OF SULLY.
in France; which penfion fhould never be leffened 1592.
or taken away, whatever agreement might be made
between the king of Spain and the acknowledged
king of France, but be continued to his heirs for
ever: That Spain fhould cancel all the duke of
Maïenne's debts, or thofe of the king elected with
the confent of this crown, if he was a native of
France: That they fhould give fuitable rewards
to the other principal officers of the league; thefe
were not expreffed, either becauſe the duke of
Maïenne was lefs folicitous about the interefts of
others than his own, or that he thought this article
would be eaſily fettled, becaufe, if money was
wanting, the lords might be fatisfied with penfions,
dignities, or governments.
Such were the demands of the chief of the
league, in which, as we have feen, he did not for-
get himſelf. For all this, he offered the king of
Spain (befides the crown, which, although he was
not mentioned, could only be defigned for a prince
of the houſe of Auftria, fince the duke of Maï-
enne feemed to exclude himfelf) he offered, I fay,
a certain number of towns, for whofe names, as
well as that of the future king, were blanks;
thoſe that Spain might take being to be reftored to
the French catholics, under the protection of the
king of Spain and the duke of Maïenne. All was
calculated for the fecurity and caution of Spain, till
the election of a king, without any further expla-
nation; which proves alſo, that they thought this
election would fufficiently indemnify this crown; at
leaſt that they wanted, by this infinuation, to flat-
ter it with hopes, in order to procure an imme-
diate and effectual affiftance from it. What gave
rife to this fufpicion was, their care in infifting
upon, and often refuming, the following claufe:
That till all thefe articles were agreed to at Ma-
drid, for which they allotted the ſpace of a month,
Spain fhould firft begin by fending a powerful
fupply into Burgundy, which they faid was in great
danger,
284
MEMOIRS
Book V.
1592. danger. The more to haften the refolutions of
this court, the duke of Maïenne, who throughout
the whole treaty fhewed himfelf to be a faithful
fervant (although a little intereſted) of the houſe of
Auftria, protefted coldly, that if thefe conditions
were not thought advantageous enough for Spain,
The might turn to whatever fide fhe pleaſed, for he
was weary with bearing the burden, and wifhed
for nothing more than to be eafed of it.
But this was only a feint; he had to do with a
council who would not fo eafily change, and who
underſtood their intereft ftill better. To this me-
morial the arch-duke anfwered, in the name of the
king of Spain, That his Majefty was well pleaſed
with the title of Defender of the League, and
would look upon himſelf as chief of the party:
That they fhould find him always ready to grant
them whatever fupplies they demanded againſt the
king of Navarre, and even more than they de-
manded; for he agreed to fend into Picardy alone
the nineteen thousand men formerly mentioned;
it is eafy to fee with what defign, this province
bounding the Low Countries; befides thofe which
he offered to fend into different parts of the king-
dom. He did not feem to be fo much alarmed on
account of Burgundy as the duke of Maïenne,
probably becauſe the council of Spain diſcovered
that this general, who had demanded the poffef-
fion of the province, would be glad that the troops
hould be all employed there. Upon this article,
he only granted wherewithal to raiſe a thouſand
German foot, and to maintain three hundred horfe,
He added, however, that if the whole force of
the war was turned againſt this province, his ca-
tholic majefty would not refufe to fend a confide-
rable number of troops there; and without doubt,
in this he meant to keep his word.
As to what regarded Maïenne in particular, his
catholic majefty appeared much leſs liberal. Of all
the articles this was the moſt reduced: he would
make
Book V.
285
OF SULLY:
y
make no addition to the penfion of thirty thoufand 1592.
livres a month; and would grant him but, and
that only while he continued in,perfon in the army,
two thoufand foot, and five hundred troopers.
Upon the other articles he was filent.
With re-
gard to thoſe places which might be feized, Spain
confented that the duke of Maïenne fhould keep
what he had taken, provided ſhe was allowed to do
the fame: fhe would not relinquish her demand of
Soiffons, and was abfolutely refolved to have this
city for a fecurity for thofe advances fhe made in
this war; fhe promiſed only to refign it after the
election of the king: this nomination appeared
ftill uncertain to Spain, who gave them to under-
ftand, that if ſhe was fatisfied with it, every thing
might be expected from her gratitude, but before-
hand fhe would riſk nothing. For this purpoſe,
all the other articles were left unanfwered, and a
new one was added, which was, that the duke of
Maïenne fhould remove certain perfons from about
him, who, doubtleſs, did not fupport the intereſts
of Spain with the French general; their names
were not written; but it was faid, that they had
been fignified by word of mouth to the agent for
the treaty. Such were his catholic majefty's dif-
pofitions, who by attending only to his own interefts,
and refolving to fell his affiftance very dear, fol-
lowed exactly the duke of Maïenne's example.
The reading of theſe papers left no room
any longer for refentment in my mind; and think-
ing them of great importance to the king; I
haſtened immediately to Compiègne. I found time
and abfence had not altered his fentiments with re-
gard to me. I had half an hour's private converfa-
tion with this prince, to whom I related in brief the
occafion of my journey. The examination of theſe
papers was deferred till the evening of that day,
when, all the courtiers being retired, I was intro-
duced into the king's apartment, and remained
there fhut up with him. After his majeſty had fent
for
286
Book V.
MEMOIRS
4
1592.
for Beringhen and Choirin, to decypher the greateſt
part of the papers, from them we learned whom
the third party was compofed of, which as yet had
been only mentioned in whiſpers, and had been
formed even in the court, and fupported and directed
by the abbé* de Bellozanne, the two Durets, and I
believe the abbé du Perron; all of them depen-
dants of the count of Soiffons and the cardinal of
Bourbon, and particularly attached to the laſt. In
all appearance, theſe perfons were the authors, and
at firſt the only promoters, of this faction, which
was afterwards joined by meffieurs de Nevers, de
Longueville, de Villeroi, D'O, and the reft of
thofe catholics who were in the court, who valued
themſelves upon being too good Frenchmen to
fuffer the Spaniſh dominion, and too zealous for
the Roman religion to confent to have a proteftant
king. The count of Soiffons fome time after joined
thefe gentlemen; and it was reported, that, incon-
ftant to his former miſtreſs, he was feveral times
upon the point of marrying mademoifelle de Lon-
gueville. They had affurned the name of poli-
ticians, to diftinguifh themfelves from the royalifts
and leaguers, and to fhew that they regarded the
good of the ftate, and the prefervation of the
rights of the crown beyond every other confidera-
tion. Their principal view was alike to exclude
every foreign prince, the duke of Maïenne, and
the king of Navarre, from the throne. The bulk
of the party knew no more: but the leaders, who
were mafters of the fecret, thought of nothing but
getting rid of the two laft by the fword or poifon †;
after which they might, without any difficulty,
nake the cardinal of Bourbon king, and not to
John Touchard, abbot of Bel-
lozanne; Lewis Duret, lord of
Chevry, phyfician; and Charles
Duret, counsellor of ftate, intendant
and comptroller-general of the fi-
mances, and prefident of the cham-
ber of accompts.
This accufation is to be met
with in no other writer, and is of
the number of thofe which the au-
thor ought not to affert without
giving likewife a proof.
His name was Charles; he was
the third fon cf Lewis I. prince of
difoblige
7
Book V.
287
OF
SULLY.
difoblige Spain entirely, procure a difpenfation for 1592.
him to marry the infanta.
When this project is compared with that of
Jeannin, it is matter of furprize, that papers which
contained fuch oppofite fchemes fhould be found
in the fame packet. Without feeking for the rea-
fon of it in the fecrets of providence, which by pre-
fenting the king, at one and the fame time, with
all the plots that were formed against his perfon,
feemed to fuggeft to him fuch meafures as were
neceffary to prevent them; it is my opinion, that
it may be found in the different interefts of thofe
perfons who correfpond together, and fome from a
great diſtance, fuch as the duke of Mercœur*
without any other motive than that common hatred
they bore to the king, which gave birth to a thou-
fand chimerical defigns, and delivered them up to
thoſe hints which darted into their minds, without
any other fixed and determined object than that of
excluding the king of Navarre. In fuch a con-
fufion of fentiments, it is not furprifing, that he
fhould by the fame means meet with fuch oppofite
fchemes.
I continued three days at Compiègne, in which
time I had ſeveral conferences with the king, who
appeared to be fenfibly affected with the defigned
attempts againſt his perfon, becauſe he had flattered
himſelf, that his conduct would have fuppreffed
fuch thoughts. He fent me to Mante, perceiving
that my endeavours to ſpeak in theſe converfations
might open my wounds. I received from this
good prince all the marks of a tender and un-
bounded confidence. At parting, he deſired me to
obſerve carefully every motion of his enemies, and
to prepare myſelf to give him good advice on his
arrival at Mante, being refolved, he faid, to re-
Condé, and Eleanora de Roy. His
other brothers were, Henry, prince
of Condé, Francis, prince of Con-
ty, and Charles, count of Soiffons.
*Philip Emanuel of Lorrain.
gulate
}
288
Book V:
MEMOIRS
1592. gulate his behaviour in fo difficult a conjuncture
wholly by my directions. He ſtayed no longer in
Picardy than was neceffary to make fome proper
difpofitions there, and fet out for Mante. This
city he preferred to any other, becauſe by its fitua-
tion it was beft fitted to difcover and overthrow
the different cabals of his enemies, at a time when
the intrigues of the cabinet were likely to fucceed
to the operations of war.
His council was already
there, and he caufed the princefs, his fifter, to be
conducted thither alfo. After the difcovery this
prince had just made of the plots that were laid
against his life, it would have been the greateſt
imprudence imaginable to have neglected any pre-
cautions neceffary for his fecurity. He doubled
his guards, placed in Limay, which is the fuburb of
Mante, a body of English troops, whofe affection
to him was unquestionable, and refolved to hold
all the world fufpected, fince he was convinced
that thoſe perfons whom he had admitted to his
councils, his table, and his pleafures, were capable
of forming the moft violent refolutions againſt
him.
If of all the favours that a prince (as eftimabie
for the qualities of his mind as for the greatnefs of
his actions) could grant, eſteem and tenderneſs are
thoſe which have moft effect upon a man of honour,
how much am I obliged to this prince, who ho-
noured me in particular with his confidence at a
time when infidelity, treachery, and all that in-
tereſt could ſuggeſt to ſubjects who had exalted
this idol in the place of love to their king, had
left him no other part to take than that of a gene-
ral referve and diftruſt. Nor can I forbear to add
(for why fhould I omit a circumftance which of all
others feems most likely to procure me the eſteem
of truly virtuous perfons?) that in a conjuncture
fo delicate, this prince was refolved to refign him-
ſelf wholly to my direction, and to me confide his
deſtiny
Book V.
289
OF
SULLY.
deſtiny and crown*, for without me he undertook 1592.
not the finalleft affair, perfuaded that the advice of
a man actuated by a fincere attachment to him,
and (if I may uſe the expreffion) a true friendſhip,
ought to be preferred to penetration and ability,
when they are joined with a doubtful fidelity. No-
thing ever gave me fo pure and noble a delight as
the honour of fuch a diftinction: but after having
reſigned myſelf up to it fome moments, I perceived
the weight of that burden I was loaded with, and
trembled amidſt my joy, left my weakneſs and in-
capacity ſhould engage me in fome falſe ſtep that
might prejudice not me, for on thofe occafions
felf, I believe, is leaft in one's thoughts, but the
prince who had laid it upon me.
* If we may believe De Thou,
Gafpard Schomberg, count of Nan-
teuil, Lewis de Revol, fecretary of
ſtate, and himſelf, contributed to
fix Henry IV. in his refolution of
changing his religion. There is
not a hiftorian who afcribes it to
any one particular perfon; they do
not even ſeem to have thought of
Sully in this affair, which how
ever does not invalidate the truth
of what is afferted in this part of
his Memoirs, that it is chiefly, and
even in fome manner wholly to him,
the honour of it is. due. Tacitus
tells us, that Auguftus, after hav-
ing deprived one of his chief mi-
nitters entirely of his favour, per-
mitted han till to have the appear-
ance of enjoying it with regard
to the duke of Sully, it was quite
the contrary, for he already was
in abfolute poffeffion of his master's
favour, while no one fufpected it.
And that which is moft reinarkable
in their history is, that a long time
after this minifter's favour with the
king was known, by his being in
poffeffion of the first employments
in the kingdom, even until his
mafter's death, in public the king
behaved to him with the utmoft
circumfpection; while in private,
never were familiarity and con-
VOL. I.
fidence carried farther between a
king and his fubject. Hence it
was, that in fome hiftories of Hen-
ry the Great, the authors of which,
without penetrating into the fecrets
of the cabinet, contented them-
felves with reprefenting only the
public face of affairs, the name of
Rofny is never mentioned, and
that of Sully, fo well known to
writers better informed, very fel-
dom, confidering the part Sully
played during the ten or twelve
lat year's of this prince's life. In-
comprehenfible as this referved and
myfterious conduct appears, thoſe
who reflect upon the fituation of
affairs in thofe times, together with
the religion of the duke of Sully,
will comprehend, without any diffi-
culty, the neceffity the king and
his minifter were under, to obferve
this conduct, and never to part
from it. Nor is this one of the
leaft inftances of the prudence and
abilities of thefe two great men.
I thought it neceffary to make this
obfervation once for all. "Rofny,”
fays Matthieu the hiftorian, Vol. II.
p. 278. “ had a long time a are
in the king's molt important
"affairs; and from the time of
"Henry III. was one of his moft
"intimate confidants," &c.
U
From
1
290
ΜΕΜΟ IRS Book V
1592.
From this moment, all thofe precautions the.
king made uſe of for the ſafety of his perfon, I
alſo obſerved in the advice I was going to give him.
I prepared myſelf for it by the moſt ſerious reflec-
tions on the ftate of the neighbouring kingdoms in
general; and on that of France, of the parties into
which it was divided, and of the king, in particular.
I confidered, that if in fuch employments as mine,
one cannot even be guilty of unintentional faults,
without deferving fome reproaches, we draw thoſe
reproaches upon ourſelves when we act according
to the dictates of paffion. This reflection led me
to ſtudy carefully my own difpofition, and the bent
of my inclinations, and convinced me of the ne-
ceffity of beginning with obliging my own heart
to fubdue and forget itfelf. A ferious review of
my paft conduct fhewed me the injuſtice of thoſe
complaints which I fuffered frequently to efcape me
againſt the king's behaviour to me and the reft of
the proteftants. I fearched into the ground of it,
and I foon found it in that common prejudice,
that to be worthy of the religion one profeffes,
cruelty, perjury, and deceit ought to paſs for no-
thing, provided one can fecure the fuccefs of it.
I fuppreffed thefe fentiments, equally injurious to
the author of religion, as dangerous to him who
makes uſe of fuch unworthy means: and when I
declare, that there was nothing I more diítruſted
than thoſe ſhares which the zeal of religion might
lay for me, I fhall be eafily believed, if the advice
I gave the king be attended to.
When I was thus certain of myſelf, I the leſs
feared to carry my views into that impenetrable
chaos of different interefts, and into future events,
which offered, on every fide, nothing but fright-
ful precipices. Muft the miferies of France be per-
petuated by giving arms, perhaps, for more than
an age, to two parties in religion, then almoſt
equal? Muſt a prince, who fo well deferved to be
happy, wear away his whole life amidſt the horrors
of
?
Book V.
291
OF
SULLY.
of a war, which till then had not given him time 1592.
to breathe; and, if I determined upon this, pre-
pare for him labours infinitely greater than all he
had yet endured? On the other hand, ought I to
expofe the whole body of proteftants in France,
who fought only juftice and peace, to become
victims of human policy, and deliver them up to
the fnares of their moſt cruel enemies; and while
uncertain of the event of the war, and at a time.
when the king might be fuddenly taken off, ought
I to bring things to fuch an extremity, that France
inight, perhaps, become a prey to Spain, and to
all her neighbours, or difimembered by a thoufand
tyrants, lofe in one moment the glory of her
name, the luftre of her monarchy, and the fuc-
ceffion of her kings? What miferies to be expected
by a war? what fnares to be dreaded in a peace?
how many dangers to be apprehended on all fides?
Was it poffible to take any refolution, when alarmed
by fo many almoft inevitable evils?
But the greateſt danger was the not fixing upon
any refolution at all: At laft, when all was tho-
roughly examined, it feemed neceffary to prefer
that which would put an end to the civil war, re-
ftore tranquility to France, fubmit it to a good
king, and put it in a condition to take vengeance
on its foreign enemies: I mean that refolution
which might the moſt effectually remove the prefent
inconveniences, and procure time to bring a re-
medy for thofe which were to be apprehended.
In one word, I refolved to prevail upon the king
to embrace the Roman catholic religion, and to
perfuade him to it by degrees. I was fenfible, that
by this means I fhould give difguit to two forts of
perfons, the proteftant neighbours of France, and
the French calvinifts. But as to the firft, France,
when united with itself, had no occafion for any
foreign affiſtance; and it was eafy to give the fe-
cond fuch advantages, as would make them behold
this change without murmuring. With regard to
U 2
both,
292
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1
1592. both, I depended upon that gratitude which a
prince like Henry could not fail of having for
perfons to whom he owed fuch powerful obliga-
tions.
Theſe reflections wholly employed my mind from
the moment I left Compiegne, and I was ftill ab-
forbed in them when the king arrived at Mante.
The firſt thing he did, was to fend for me to come
to him with the ufual precautions. Jaquinot in-
troduced me into his chamber before day, and we
immediately entered upon our fubject. Henry,
who on his fide had made a thoufand reflections on
the perplexing fituation he was in, began by draw-
ing a very natural reprefentation of it; irrecon-
cileable intereſt in the princes and nobility of the
kingdom; hatred amongſt themſelves, and rage
againſt him; mutiny and diſobedience in all minds;
inactivity in the foreign allies; intrigues and ani-
moſity on the part of the enemies; treachery with-
in; violence without; rocks and precipices on all
fides. The end of this pathetic difcourfe was to
demand what remedy I was able to apply to theſe
evils.
I replied that, without taking upon me to give
his majeſty advice, I faw only three things for him
to do, and he might determine upon which he
pleaſed. The firft was to fatisfy every one's de-
mands at his own expence, or rather at the ex-
pence of the ſtate; the fecond was not to make
conceffions to any, but to endeavour to wreſtle
vigorously with them all; the third, which held a
medium between theſe two, was to take away all
obftacles that oppofed his advancement to the
crown, by turning Roman catholic. The king then
told me, that what I had faid to him was my opi-
nion only, and commanded me to tell him plainly,
what I would do in his place. I endeavoured to
make him comprehend the full extent of the three
different methods I had propofed to him, by ex-
amining them one after the other. I made him
perceive,
Book V. OF SULLY.
293
perceive, that by following the firft, he would re- 1592.
duce himſelf to nothing, and that if there was a
neceffity to gratify wholly the rapacioufnefs of
Spain, and the French leaguers, he would fcarce
out of fo great a kingdom keep a few provinces
for himſelf. As to the fecond, I reprefented to
him, that as foon as he fhould give room to believe,
that he depended only upon the claim his birth
gave him to the crown, the defertion of all the
catholics, and the unbridled fury of a whole na-
tion of enemies both within and without the king-
dom, would draw upon him a terrible ftorm. The
inconſtancy of fortune, and the uſual reverſes of
war, although this prince had not yet experienced
them, found their place in this reflection. As to
the third, I was filent, only telling the king, that
being a proteftant myſelf, I could fay nothing upon
this fubject.
While I was ſpeaking, I perceived the perplexity,
into which the prefent conjuncture had thrown the
king, to increaſe every moment. I did not doubt,
but the review of all thefe difficulties would bring
him to the point I defired. I was fure that he
would not pauſe one moment upon the firſt of my
propofals. I knew him too well to believe him
capable of agreeing to an accommodation which
would leave him only the femblance of king, a
fubject or dependent upon Spain, or reduced at
laft to a final part of France. It was the two
others only that embarraffed him. On one fide,
he faid, by continuing in his religion he faw united
againſt him all the princes of his blood, the no-
bility of the kingdom, and thoſe who were at the
head of all affairs, and the finances, fuch as Mef-
fieurs De Epernon, De Nevers, De Longueville,
De Biron, D'O, De Rieux *, De Villeroy, De
*René De Rieux, lord of Sour-
deac, John D'O, lord of Manou,
brother to the fuperintendant.
Lewis de L'Hopital, ford de Vitry.
Francis de Balzac, lord of En-
tragues. Francis D'Efcoubleau,
marquis of Sourdis. Joachim de
Châteauvieux.
U 3
Manou,
294
MEMOIRS
Book V.
T
事
​1592. Manou, De Châteauvieux, De Vitry, D'Entragues,
and De Sourdis. It would be too tedious to men-
tion them all. He faw them ready to refolve upon
forming against him a body independent of the
league, or, what was moft probable, and likewife
most dangerous, to unite themfelves with the league,
and deprive him of the poffibility of afcending the
throne. On the other, he objected the complaints
of the dukes of Bouillon and La Tremouille, and-
the outcries of the proteftants whom he was going
to abandon; thofe who were fo dear to him, and
from whom he had fo long drawn his only affiftance.
He reprefented them as paffing from difcontent to
a refolution which defpair at being facrificed by an
ungrateful prince would infpire, which was to elect
another leader, canton themſelves out in France,
and oblige him to turn his arms against them. He
ended with thefe words: "I can never ufe them
,
ill, nor declare war againft them, for I fhall al-
ways love them." This fentiment, which dif-
covered a fenfibility fo feldom to be found in the
hearts of princes, moved me extremely. I thanked
him, in the name of all the proteftants, by bending
upon one knee, and kiffing his hand. The reafons
with which this prince oppofed his change of re-
ligion, and the manner in which he delivered them,
were what alone diffipated my apprehenfions, and
confirmed me likewife in the opinion, that no other
remedy could be applied to the prefent evils. I
told him that meffieurs de Bouillon and de la
Tremouille, and all of merit and diſtinction in the
calvinist party, would not be fo unreafonable as to
take arms against him, for a refolution which ne-
ceffity only had forced him to embrace, when he
continued to treat them with that efteem and re-
fpect which was due to their perfons and fervices.
I explained all my thoughts on this fubject to the
king, and added, that the foundation of all re-
ligions which believe in Jefus Chrift being effen-
tially the fame; that is, faith in the fame myfteries,
and
Book V.
295
OF
SULLY.
and the fame notions of the divinity, it ſeemed to 1592.
me, that one who from a catholic became a pro-
teftant, or from a proteftant became a catholic,
did not change his religion, but followed, for the
intereft of religion* itfelf, which policy fuggefted
as the moſt proper means to compofe all diffe-
rences: But although my opinion fhould be er-
roneous, yet this must be allowed to be an incon-
teſtible truth, that the embracing the catholic reli-
gion did not include the neceffity of perfecuting
all others; on the contrary, that God perhaps dif-
pofed the king to this change, to give a new ex-
ample to Europe, and one more worthy of religion
itſelf: That the difference of religions had long
produced the moft tragical effects in France, and
was a perpetual fource of diforders and calami-
ties, by the averfion with which it infpired peo-
ple againſt thoſe of a contrary faith from their
own, which was equally the cafe with the prote-
ftants as well as catholics. I told the king, that
he might cure this dangerous evil, by uniting thofe
who profefied thefe different religions in the bands
of chriſtian charity and love; or, if this was impof-
fible, preſcribe to them rules ſo juſt as might make
both parties be contented with what was granted
them. I did not doubt but this prince would be
* Add to theſe words of the
duke of Sully what he fays fome
pages before, and what has been
obferved a little higher, where he
fpeaks of the duty and authority of
kings in religious matters; it may
be determined that he was a cal-
vinift without rigour, and confider-
ed all religions as indifferent, which
agreed in effentials. It is thus,
that the author of the MS. which
I have quoted in the preface of this
work, fpeaks of it, and it is even
the chief of thote arguments which
he makes ufe of to justify the duke
of Sully for having given to Henry
JV. fuch advice, as, without this,
would agree but ill with the laws
of confcience and natural rectitude.
"It being his opinion, fays he,
CC
fpeaking of the duke of Sully,
"that the king might as easily
"work out his falvation in our
religion as in his own, he offered
"no great violence to his con-
fcience, in perfuading him to
this change; on the contrary,
"it was effectually ferving the
"itate, nay, chriftianity itself,
"without hurting his reputation.
Happily, Henry the great did not
adopt the neutral opinions of his
minifter, as he himfelf confeffcd
very fincerely.
U A
infly-
296
MEMOIRS Book V.
1592.
influenced by that fingle thought of immortalizing
his memory, by reſtoring peace, plenty, and fecu-
rity, to a kingdom wafted with inteftine divifions,
and of meriting, by the uſe of thoſe abilities he
had received from heaven, the glory of giving
happineſs to France, after ſhe had begun to deſpair
of it, and to look upon her wounds as incurable.
I am certain, that this motive was more intereſting
than that of his own quiet; which, however, I did
not forget and I obliged Henry tacitly to confefs,
that his fpirits, after being exhaufted, if I may
ufe that term, with war, demanded a fituation lefs
turbulent, and more tranquil.
In
The ſtrongeſt proof of the reaſonablenefs and
juſtice of the arguments I uſed upon this occafion,
was, that the king, who poffeffed that happy fa-
gacity of diſtinguiſhing immediately the truth or
falfehood of any pofition, confeffed to me that my
diſcourſe had penetrated to the bottom of his heart,
which, he added, ftill refifted ſtrangely, but that
he believed he fhould follow no other advice.
effect, at the end of three days he had taken his
refolution, and he now only endeavoured to remove
the difficulties which remained. Some of theſe re-
garded his own opinion; for as fincerity and recti-
tude were fixed in his heart, and regulated all his
words and actions, I am perfuaded, that there is
not any thing which could have prevailed upon
him to embrace a religion which he inwardly de-
fpifed, or even doubted of. A prince who had
never deceived mankind, could have no intention
to deceive his God.
The other difficulties related to the leaders of
the proteftant party, whom the bare propofition
of changing his religion would not fail to make
revolt, as well through fear, as a point of honour.
He affembled them, and addrefling himſelf to the
moft diftinguiſhed amongſt them, which were
Meffieurs de Bouillon, De Sancy, Du Pleffis, De
Salignac,
Book V.
297
OF SULLY.
Salignac, De Morlas, De Conftans, and Salettes*; 1592.
I alſo being prefent. He told them (with an in-
tention to found their inclinations) that he had
brought them together to know their opinions upon
what he had to communicate to them. He faid he
had received certain advices, that Bellozanne, and
the two Durets, agents for the third party, had
had an interview with Villeroy and Jeannin, and
that it was agreed upon to unite all the forces of
the league and the other catholics againſt him;
that the time which the catholics had fo often
threatned him with was now come, for they were
going to abandon him entirely; their common de-
fign being now to place the cardinal of Bourbon
upon the throne, to marry him to the infanta of
Spain, and to endeavour by all poffible methods
to rid themſelves of his perfon. That the car-
dinal, indeed, had expreffed great reluctance to
comply with this laft propofition, but, by all ap-
pearances, they would foon gain his confent, when
they convinced him, that the crown could by no
other means be fecured to him. He conjured them
to tell him fincerely what they thought he ought
to do upon this occafion, efpecially upon the de-
fertion of the catholics, which would reduce his
party to the laſt extremity.
By the noiſe and confufion this declaration raiſed
in the affembly, it would feem that all thoſe who
compofed it, having never made any reflections.
upon what might happen, incapable of conducting
their deſigns prudently, of keeping one determined
object in view, or of preferving any fincere at-
tachment to the king, had till then thought only
of living from day to day; of gaining time, and
Salettes was preſident of
the parliament of Pau, and coun-
fellor of ſtate at Navarre. Morlas,
his natural fon, was member of the
privy-council, counsellor of ftate,
and fuperintendant of the maga-
zines of France! They were both
converted. Henry IV. when he
was informed of the death of Mor-
las, who was a man of great merit,
faid, "I have loft one of the
"wifeft men in my kingdom.”
Chron, Novenn. Book vii. p. 545•
profiting
298
MEMOIRS
Book V.
1
1592. profiting by their maſter's abilites for war. They
could never agree, nor form any refolution fit to
be approved of. They did not know whether to
wifh for peace, or continue the war. One faid,
that there was nothing to be done but to refume
their arms, and rifque all at one calt. Another
was of opinion, that by arresting eight or ten of
the principal catholics, who were not yet upon
their guard, particularly the contrivers of the plot,
they might prevent the execution of it. Others
more moderate, or perhaps more doubtful, con-
tented themſelves with faying, that it would be
neceffary to accommodate matters by negotiations,
without adviſing how. I took this hint, and by
annexing to it fome reaſonable expedients, carried
all the votes for a negotiation. They were not
ignorant that I had fome influence over the count
of Soiffons, and that I had free accefs to the car-
dinal of Bourbon. This cardinal often faid in
public, that although I was a huguenot, there was
no perfon in the world for whom he had ſo ſtrong
an inclination as me. I offered to uſe my media-
tion with theſe two princes, to prevail upon them
not to liſten to the perfuafions of the king's ene-
mies; and the better to enfure fuccefs, I promifed
I would endeavour to gain their dependents and
counſellors, eſpecially the abbot de Bellozanne, the
Durets, confidents to the count of Soiffons, and a
lady called madam des Rofieres, an intimate of the
cardinal's.
No perfon oppofed this advice, doubtlefs becaufe
the proteftants, who had heard the declaration,
fenfible that they were too weak actually to renew
hoſtilities, thought that at prefent there was no-
thing better to be done. The king, on his fide,
was not forry at its being unanimouſly voted by the
proteftants, that he fhould addrefs himfelf to the
princes of the blood, and hold a commerce with
the catholics of the league. According to my
plan, I began with the abbé de Bellozanne. I
I
knew
Book V.
299
OF SULLY.
-
knew that jealouſy had made him the fecret enemy 1592.
of the Durets, and believed that by taking him on
this fide, confirming him in his hatred, and flat-
tering him with having fhortly the chief part in
all affairs, I fhould bring him to my purpofe. I
introduced myſelf with telling him, that I was
come to thank him, in the name of the king, for
having in his favour fo generouſly oppofed the at-
tempt of the Durets, which could only proceed
from the rectitude of his heart, and his good-will
towards the king, which his majefty, although he
had but a finall acquaintance with him, efteemed
as he ought: fo that he might expect the moſt
convincing proofs of his affection, which would
certainly be the procuring him a cardinal's hat, or,
at leaſt, one of the richest benefices in the kingdom,
when thofe rewards were in his power, by his
change of religion, which was likely to happen
very ſhortly.
This introduction, which flattered his vanity
extremely, gave me occafion to enter, as if unde-
fignedly, into the fecret proceedings of the Durets,
which I pretended to be well informed of, in order
to learn them from him, and to engage him to
oppoſe them more refolutely. In effect, I had
fcarce dropped a few words on this fubject, when
my man, giving way to his inclinations, fell feverely
upon the Durets, and fpoke fo much to their dif
advantage, that I fell into the other extreme, and
believed that he was induced by his hatred of them
to accuſe them falfly. The hint of the cardinal's hat
and the bishopric producing its effect, Bellozanne
pretended to feel that zeal for the king's fervice,
which I affected to attribute to him. He endea-
youred to perfuade me, that he would oppoſe the
violent refolutions of the catholics, whofe intrigues
and views he informed me of. I flattered myfelf for
fome time, that I had brought over this man to
the king; but rogues foon refume their natural cha-
racter. Immediately after he had made this pro-
teftation
300
Book V.
MEMOIRS
4
1592.
teſtation to me, he made one quite contrary to the
cardinal of Bourbon, and afterwards to Villeroy
and Jeannin, to whom he repeated all the conver-
fation he had juft held with me. If he drew ad-
vantage from his treachery, by the increaſe of fa-
vour it procured him, I, on my fide, perhaps,
made better uſe of it for the king, than if he had
kept the fecret: befides finding means from thence
to inform theſe gentlemen of the king's difpofition
to embrace their religion, which drew them fecretly
towards this prince, Bellozanne's imprudence pro-
duced likewiſe another good confequence, which
was the infpiring them with a defire of fupplanting
each other in their endeavours to acquire his favour.
I willingly therefore pardoned Bellozanne's double
knavery, and even drew a third good confèquence
from it, with regard to the Durets.
Theſe gentlemen, perceiving the honour Bello-
zanne had gained by the new fecrets he had dif-
cloſed to his patrons, and the increaſe of favour
they had procured him, were the more ready to
hear the propofitions I went afterwards to make
them. I told them, the king, offended at the
knavery of Bellozanne (which in reality he was,
because he had carried it fo far as to give umbrage
to the proteftants) would have no commerce for
the future with a man fo little to be depended on,
and was difpofed to make uſe of them in the mea-
fures he would fhortly take. I confided fome papers
to their care, the reading of which I was certain
would have a wonderful effect. This was the
fcheme for an agreement between the league and
Spain, and the anſwer in confequence of it, which
they had no knowledge of, and which I fhewed to
them that moment. This was a mortifying ftroke
for them; they thought themfelves defpifed, and
the project fo reaſonable as to fear it might be ex-
ecuted, and affairs brought to a conclufion without
their participation; which to theſe fort of men
feems the greateſt of all misfortunes. They hefi-
tated
5
Book V.
301
OF SULLY.
tated not a moment in offering me earneſtly their 1592.
fervices for the king. The change of religion,
which I had alfo infinuated to them, feemed to re-
move all the oppofition that could be made to this
prince. They were charmed at being employed
in a ſcheme, the intention of which appeared to
them more happy than that which the duke of
Maïenne had propofed to Spain; or rather there
remained no other part for them to take, after the
advantage Bellozanne had juft gained over them.
In effect, they kept the fecret better, and laboured
in it to more purpoſe.
I applied myſelf afterwards to the abbé Du
Perron, who by his character, his fame, and his
eloquence, had more power with the cardinal of
Bourbon, when he aimed at making him either
take or change a refolution, than all the artifices of
Bellozanne and the Durets. We had been ac-
quainted a long time, and he had received fome
favours from me. I concerted my diſcourſe before-
hand, as having to do with a man for whom elo-
quence, great fentiments, and deep reafoning, had
powerful charms †; and I introduced into it as
much or more of politics and worldly views as of
religion. My brother, the governor of Mante,
was prefent at this converfation, when after having
flided into my difcourfe fome mention of the king's
future abjuration, I undertook to prove to Du
Perron, that except Spain and fome turbulent per-
fons in France, it was the intereft and advantage,
not only of France, but of all Europe, that the
king of Navarre fhould afcend the throne, and
poffefs the kingdom in the fame extent, and with
the fame power, which had been enjoyed by the
kings his predeceffors.
* James Davy-Du-Perron, after-
wards bishop d'Evreux, and then
cardinal he will be mentioned
hereafter.
†The duke of Sully's character
of the cardinal Du-Perron feems
more conformable to truth, than
that given him by Jofeph Scaliger,
who treats him only as a babbler,
locutuleius or loculu levis.
I began
F
302
Book V:
MEMOIRS
J
1592.
I began with the pope. I told Du Perron, that
he who had fo perfect a knowledge of the court of
Rome, knew better than any other perfon, that
Clement VIII. now in poffeffion of the holy fee;
was neither fo violent as Sixtus V. nor fo mutable
as Gregory XIV. That the pope confidered the
prefent affairs of Europe and chriftianity in a clear
and impartial view. That it was not his intention,
by breaking the neceffary balance between the
houfes of Auftria and Bourbon, to fubje&t France
to Spain, becauſe he was not ignorant of any of
the views of this laft power for univerfal monarchy.
That the pope would in this find not only his in-
tereft as common father of the catholics, but alſo
his temporal interefts in particular, becaufe Italy
and the patrimony of St. Peter would foon follow
the deſtiny of France, and the other kingdoms;
and the pope would be in danger of feeing himfelf
one day reduced to the quality of chaplain to the
kings of Spain. That befides, his Holinefs had
too much judgment not to open his arms to a king,
as foon as he ſhould exprefs his defire to be received
there, without troubling himſelf about that mighty
phraſe a relapfe, with which fools only were
affected.
There was ſtill lefs difficulty to be apprehended,
with regard to my propofition, from the other
crowned heads of Europe; I therefore did not
dwell long upon them, that I might be at liberty
to refume the converfation upon Spain. I afked
the abbé Du Perron, if he did not agree with me
in the opinion, that thofe deep politicians who gave
rife to all the diforders in France, began to defpair
of the fuccefs of the great project they had formed
to conquer all France, and this upon the knowledge
they had, as well of the king and the proteftants
in his intereſt, as of the French catholics. Could
the king of Spain ever ferioufly intend to make a
Spaniſh province of France, and flatter himſelf
that his domination would be endured by a people,
who
Book V.
૩૦૩
OF
SUL L Y.
who had always emulated and hated Spain? Of all 1592.
this there was already more than bare fufpicion.
By the king of Spain's conduct it was plain, that
he imagined the dukes of Maïenne, Guife, and
Mercœur, fought only to make him their dupe;
nor had he a more favourable opinion of the dukes
of Savoy and Lorrain, whom he faw make uſe of
his troops and money without fhewing any greater
reſpect for him. One convincing proof that theſe
were the real fentiments of Philip was, the propo-
fitions he had made, and often renewed, to the
king of Navarre, by D. Barnardin de Mondoce,
Moreau, and the count de Taxis. For, in reality,
this prince feeing that all he could pretend to from
the troubles in France was, at the moft, the poffef-
fion of two or three of its provinces, it was of
little confequence to him, whether he obtained
them from the king or the league. It is true, that
if he divided France amongſt the chiefs of the
league, he gained hopes of one day getting it all
to himſelf, by feparately attacking thofe petty
kings but that, in effect, he purchaſed thefe
hopes at a very high price, by that ſcarcity of
troops and money into which the greedinefs of the
league had thrown him. And although the king
fhould be able to maintain the war but a fhort
time, Philip perceived that he might be obliged
to recal the fupplies he lent to France, having but
fufficient for himfelf in Flanders, where the war
raged more fiercely every day.
Obferving that Du Perron liftened to me atten-
tively, and feemed to be convinced of the rea-
fonableneſs of all I faid, I did not fo foon quit
the fubject of Spain. I told him it was not pro-
bable that ſo many brave men, fond of their liberty,
their laws, and cuftoms, would ever be eaſy under
a foreign flavery, and refolve to bear away no
other reward for their gallant actions, than the ho-
nour of being dependants upon the grandees of
Spain, or at beft penfionaries of a king, who al-
though
304
Book V.
MEMOIRS
F
1592. though he had greater obligations to the prince of
Parma than to any other perfon, fuffered him to
hope for no reward of his ſervices till his death:
That the whole view of the French lords, by feem-
ing to join the king of Spain, was only to procure
the grant of greater rewards from Henry, while
he continued in the profeffion of the proteftant re-
ligion; after which they would abandon, without
any difficulty, that hacknied reproach of a relapſe,
as well as the defign of chufing a king from amongſt
themſelves, the marriage of the infanta, and all the
reſt of their idle projects. For a proof of the truth
of what I ſaid, I produced the treaty which the
league had propoſed to Henry by Villeroy and
Jeannin, foon after the raifing of the fiege of
Rouen, which I have not given a full account of
in its place, but fhall lay before the reader imme-
diately. After this, turning fuddenly towards Du
Perron, I aſked him if he was not of the intereſt
of all good Frenchmen, and would not be the firſt
himſelf to prevent fuch deſigns from being effected;
whether the good of the ſtate required, that by de-
ftroying in a moment an edifice which had coft
the kings of France fuch labour to raife, and which
fome of them had cemented with their blood,
France ſhould be again filled with thoſe little ty-
rants, ambitious and cruel, who claimed a right of
giving law to their prince, and who were always
ready to fly before the firft enemies that attacked
them? And lastly, if he did not confefs that a
monarchical government, by which all the mem-
bers are united, and under the direction of one
only head, was the moft glorious and moft advan-
tageous of any, and for the French nation in par-
ticular?
I cut ſhort my difcourfe upon this third party of
politicians, by obferving to Du Perron, that one
of theſe two things muft neceffarily happen, either
that they would unite themſelves to the league,
and fo deprive it of all affiftance from Spain; or
take
Book V.
305
OF
OF SU L L Ÿ:
take meaſures feparately from it, which would 1592.
produce the neceflity of deftroying, or being de-
ftroyed by it. In any of thefe cafes, nothing could
happen that would not be for the king's advantage.
To conclude with what related to the king him-
felf, I found no difficulty in making the abbé con-
fels, that this prince was abfolutely fitted to reign
over the French. I reprefented to him, that his
reputation was fo well eſtabliſhed every where,
that the league had great reafon to fear, and the
third party (whofe intereft and credit were but
very ſmall) ſtill more, that in the provinces, where
no one delivered himſelf up fo blindly to the caprice
of the league as in Paris, they would put them-
felves entirely under the protection of this prince,
when their intoxication was over, and had given
place to that love of reft fo natural to thofe who
have fuffered a great deal. That the provinces
began already to diſcover their diſcontent openly;
but without that, could not the king, brave and
experienced as he was, and affifted only by the
proteftants and foreigners, maintain the war a long
time, and guard againſt domeftic attempts upon
his perfon? They had feen him when he had nor
ten cities in his party, and with only a handful of
men, make a ſtand againſt all the forces of the
kingdom. I concluded with faying, that inftead
of giving the enemies of France the pleafure of
ſeeing her waſte and deſtroy herſelf, it was the ge-
neral intereft, to favour and fupport a prince, who
appeared capable of reftoring her to her former
tranquility, and of raifing her to a new degree of
fplendor.
The abbé Du Perron had no reply to make to
theſe arguments; he was convinced of their force;
and, as I had expected, knew well how to bring
over the cardinal of Bourbon to his opinion, by
adding to them all thofe which his own penetra-
tion fuggefted to him, and which he did not fail
to adorn with all the perfuafive charms of elo-
VOL. I.
quence,
X
306
MEMOIRS
Book V.
1592. quence. The remainder of this year, and the be-
ginning of the next, were employed by him and
I in going backwards and forwards, and in confe-
rences of this kind. As foon as a negotiation was
begun, we had more negotiators than we wifhed.
It is certain, that Villeroy and Jeannin had a
long time before prefented the king with the ſcheme
of a treaty, in the name of the league, by which
they offered, upon certain conditions, to acknow-
ledge him for king. This piece is curious enough
to deſerve an abftract fhould be given of it. The
true ſpirit of the league difcovered itſelf there
plainly. The king's abjuration was at the head,
as the firft and principal condition. They required
that in the ſpace of three months he fhould make
a public profeffion of the catholic religion; that
he ſhould reſtore it in all thofe places from whence
the fuperiority of the reformed had baniſhed it;
that he fhould break off all alliance with them;
that they fhould have no fhare in the dignities,
embaffies, and employments of ftate of any kind
whatever in a word, that their continuance in
France should be tolerated only, and for a certain
time.
Many other articles feemed to be inferted there
only to perfuade the people that the chiefs of the
league, by treating with Henry, had nothing but
the fervice of religion and the ftate in view. Such
were the claufes of naming to benefices, conform-
able to the canons; that of holding the ſtates from
fix to fix years; and many others.
Thefe were all fpecious conditions, but they
added (which was the moſt effential point for the
authors of the project) That the king ſhould acknow-
ledge, authorife, and fupport the league with all
his power: That he fhould leave a certain number
of towns in their hands, without even putting a
garrifon into them; the meaning of which was,
that he ſhould reign under them: That he fhould
diftribute all the governments of France amongſt
fuch
Book V.
307
OF SUL L Y.
fuch of his principal officers as they fhould name 1592.
to him: That he fhould keep a fufficient number
of troops to maintain the Roman-catholic religion
there: That he ſhould not difpofe of the taxes,
impofts, and other revenues of the crown; but
they ſhould be all applied to this uſe, according to
a divifion proportioned to the quality and occa-
fions of thofe governments: That all the garrifons
which ſhould be put in the fortreffes of the king-
dom fhould be paid in the fame manner. The
diftribution of theſe governments was as follows:
Provence was to be given to the duke of Nemours,
Languedoc to the duke of Joyeufe, Bourbonnois
and Marche to the duke of Elbeuf, Bretagne to
the duke of Mercœur, the two Vexins, with the
title of governor, to D'Alincourt, part of Nor-
mandy to Villars, the Iſle of France to the baron
of Rofne, Orleanois and Berry to La Chatre,
Picardy to the duke of Aumale, Champaigne to
the duke of Guife, with the poſt of high ſteward,
and all the dignities and benefices which his family
had enjoyed.
The duke of Maïenne had, with reafon, the
largeſt ſhare. To the government of Burgundy,
which was allotted for him, they added thofe of
Lyonnois, Forêt, and Beaujolois; and in all theſe
provinces gave him a power that hardly left the
king the fhadow of any authority: the right of
difpofing, as he pleafed, of governments, lord-
lieutenancies, and other employments, not only in
the army, but alfo in the finances, and courts of
judicature; and what was ftill more, the nomina-
tion to ecclefiaftical dignities and benefices and
to all theſe extraordinary advantages, they added
the poft of conftable, or lieutenant-general of the
crown. It was this only that feemed worthy of
the duke of Maïenne's acceptance. They likewife
kept in referve four marechals batons, and the
*Thefe four marechals batons
were given the following year
to Rofne, La Châtre, Bois-Dau-
phin, and Saint-Pol, each of whom
X 2
league,
308
MEMOIRS
Book V.
1592. league, at their own leifure, were to name the per-
fons on whom they were to be bestowed; befides
very confiderable penfions to the moſt diſtinguiſhed
amongſt them, they carried their violence fo far
as to lay the king under an obligation of clearing
the debts of fome confiderable perfons of their
party whom they fhould name, to the number of
twenty. And, to conclude, with abſolutely tying
up his hands, they added, that he ſhould allow the
league to chufe the foreign princes that were to
accede to the treaty, and be guarantees for its ex-
ecution. The pope's name only was expreffed ;
doubtlefs, the blanks were to be filled up with
the king of Spain amongſt the reft. By this they
too plainly acknowledged the views of the Spa-
niards. Charles V. required nothing elfe than fuch
a ſcheme when he faid, that he had been falfely
accuſed of hating a king of France, fiice inſtead
of one he wifhed there had been twenty.
ARA K
No perfon believed that the league, by treating
with the king on conditions fo injurious to this
prince, could perfuade themfelves that he would
fubmit to them. It was more than probable there-
fore, that they did it in order to make his refufal
give difguft to the dregs of the people. The king
likewife, far from treating thefe propofals as a fe-
rious matter, or anfwering them privately, as he
would have done had he thought it poffible to have
come to any accommodation, facrificed them im-
mediately to the proteftants, who gave this treaty
all the epithets it deferved; it even turned the
catholics againſt the author; for thefe catholics
finding that all there was badly defigned; that it
was full of articles which, being only fnares, would
prove an inexhauſtable fource of difficulties; and
that there were fome which it was impoffible to
will be mentioned hereafter. On
this occafion there is a bon mot rc-
lated of Chanvalon. Sir, faid he
one day to the duke of Maïennc,
you have made baſtards, which
will be legitimated at your ex-
pence.
execute,
Book V.
309
OF SU L L Y.
execute, they took no notice of what made the 1592.
ſtrongeſt impreffion upon them, which was, that
by the diftribution of favours and rewards, nothing
remained for them.
The king making no other ufe of theſe propofals
than to bind thoſe who ſerved him more cloſely
to his interefts, gave a very ſhort and cool anſwer
to the prefident Jeannin. It was at the camp be-
fore Caudebec. There is no neceffity to repeat the
contents.
Civil wars, eſpecially thofe wherein religion has
a fhare, give a freedom and boldneſs which on any
other occafions would be very furprizing. Jean-
nin, offended at the ridicule with which his projec
had been treated, anſwered in writing, which he
addreſſed to the king himſelf, That he was greatly
aftoniſhed at his behaviour towards him: That if
his project was well confidered, he would find that
he had not yet ftipulated for fufficient advantages
for the league: That the only fear he had when he
drew it up was, that it would be difavowed, efpe-
cially by the duke of Nemours, who, inftead of a
government, had already formed a principality for
himſelf in Lionnois, with the approbation of the
king of Spain: And he had ftill more reafon to
believe the duke of Maïenne would be difpleafed at
it, whofe interefts had been too much neglected in
this treaty (certainly this moderation of Jeannin's
was truly admirable :) That, in his opinion, he had
fhewn the king his readineſs to ferve him, by not
mentioning his giving the league any towns as a
fecurity for the performance of his word (as if
thoſe which were to be beſtowed upon the gover-
nors did not anfwer the fame purpofe :) That, to
pleaſe the king, he had eluded the queftion, of
making thofe governments hereditary. This in-
deed was true, but after the privileges he had in-
veſted them with, would it be difficult for them to
feize this alfo?
X 3
Jeannin
310
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1593.
Jeannin afterwards obferved to the king, with
great freedom, or rather an excefs of infolence,
that the catholics having with juftice taken arms
againſt him, he ought not to make uſe of the words
crime, and abolition; for they were entitled to
treat with him upon the foot of an equal, becauſe
they did not look upon themfelves as enemies fub-
dued, nor him as king, while the cardinal of Bour-
bon, the only acknowledged king in France, was
alive; nor even after his death could he claim that
title, on account of his religion; therefore it was
the body of the monarchy which treated with a
foreign prince that, for the fame reaſon, the king's
acceptation could not be called an edit of pacifi-
cation, granted to a king by his ſubjects, but an
amicable contract with a people, who freely chofe
a king after the reafons for refufing him were re-
moved. Many other impertinences with which
this letter was filled, do not deferve to be repeated.
Jeannin concluded, by abfolutely rejecting all af-
fiftance from meffieurs De Bouillon, Du Pleffis,
and the other proteftants whom the king had men-
tioned in his letter, and declared he would have
no intercourfe with them.
While the king deliberated upon what refolu-
tions he ſhould take, the States were held at Paris *.
The hint of affembling them came from the prince
of Parma; and it muſt be confeffed, that by the
methods he purfued there, in order to accompliſh
his defigns, a refolution more dangerous for the
king's caufe need not haye been taken. This ge-
neral intended to have fummoned them at Rheims,
and to have renewed all his endeavours to make
*The States were ordered to
meet the 25th of January, but
they were not opened till next day,
in the Louvre, which was prepared
for that purpofe, All the fpeeches,
acts, and ceremonics of this af-
fembly, may be found in many of
the hiftorians, fee particularly De
Thou, Book cv. Davilla, B. xiii.
Memoirs of the league, Vol. V.
Villeroy, Mem. of State, Vol. IV.
Mem. of Nevers, Vol. II. Mat-
thieu, Vol. II. Chron. Novenn.
for the year 1593. B. v. Satyre
Menipée, &c,
himfelf
Book V.
31I
OF SULLY.
himſelf maſter of the deliberations within; while, 1593.
with a fuperior army without, he retained the
people in his party, and the nobility in their duty,
he perfuaded himſelf that he ſhould obtain an elec-
tion entirely agreeable to the king of Spain, and
cauſe the elected monarch to be crowned immedi-
ately. This whole plan was the effect of deep
politics, quick difpatch, great liberality, a well-
chofen opportunity, and, above all, an army ca-
pable of infpiring awe: thefe were indeed the true
means of bringing affairs to an iffue, and of
excluding the king for ever from them. But the
prince of Parma dying juft as he was upon the
point of executing thefe projects, they all expired
with him, or were afterwards conducted neither
with order, diligence, nor other neceffary meaſures.
It is true, that the count of Mansfield, who fuc-
ceeded him, came at laft with an army as far as
Noyon; but at that time, the fame fubiniffion was
not made to Spain, as had been before they had
entertained hopes of feeing the king abjure cal-
vanifim; and the count of Mansfield returned with-
out having done any thing; befides, there was
now an alteration in a circumftance, which to the
prince of Parma had always appeared of great
confequence; this was, that inftead of getting the
ftates affembled at Rheims, the duke of Maïenne
had prevailed upon the pope, and the Spaniſh ple-
nipotentiaries, who were Don Diego d'Ibarra, the
duke of Feria †, Inigo de Mandoce, and count
John-Baptift de Taxis, to confent that they fhould
be affembled at Paris. Each of theſe perfons
hoped, that in a city which was entirely in their
intereſts by their alliances, their intrigues, and their
prefents, they might practife a thoufand artifices to
engage all the fuffrages for themfelves: but when this
* See the duke of Parma's letter on this fubject to the king of
Spain, Chron. Novenn. Book iv. fol. 5.
† Laurent. Saurès de Figueroa y Cordua, duke of Feria.
X 4
great
312
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1593. great diforderly body was affembled, they found
themfelves croffed by fo many and fuch different
interefts, that the Spaniards having only their own
voices, like the reft, and deftitute befides of the
means of making them be heard by force, found
that they fhould meet with more obftacles than
they had forefeen; and from that time they feared,
that they fhould draw no other advantage from all
their intrigues and fecret practices, than the em-
broiling affairs fome time longer; till this en-
tanglement of fo many different views, and the
impoffibility of ever uniting them, would at length
oblige them to obey the dictates of reafon.
How would they be able to bring the pope into
their meaſures, or rather his legates, who had
each his particular defign, the king of Spain, the
dukes of Savoy and Lorrain, the dukes of Maï-
enne, Nemours, Mercœur, and Guife, in fine, the
princes of the blood, who had alſo their different
defigns*, of which they were no lefs tenacious?
All thofe factions, when the ftates were opened,
reflecting that this was the laſt effort of the party,
had recourſe to a thouſand ftratagems which de-
ſtroyed each other, and according to the notion
of what is called policy, involved and concealed
themfelves under falfe meaſures to bring others to
the purpoſe they defired. To the great number of
counfels already fo perplexing, they added a flux
and reflux of opinions, which formed a maze where
no perfon knew where he was. No one declared
his fentiments at firft, but feemed to ſpeak only to
hide his emulation, and to make his real defigns
be gueffed at.
The Spaniards at this juncture regulated their
conduct by their ufual maxim, and the particular
caft of their nation; or perhaps their deſign was
*«The league was of this
advantage to France," fays Le
Grain, that every one was wil-
"ling to command in it, and none
"to obey."
to
Book V.
313
OF SU L L Y.
to found the inclinations of the French, to diſcover
if they would bear willingly a foreign prince to
reign over them. When they perceived that by
this delay they were in danger of lofing what they
had been fo long aiming at, they at laſt made the
moſt reaſonable propofition in their power, which
was the marriage of the infanta* with the cardinal
of Bourbon. All the French nobles, with the
Guiſes at their head, waited only for this ftep of
the Spaniards, and concurred in one common de-
fign, which was, to make uſe of this propoſal to
kindle between the king and cardinal all the hatred
that could animate two declared rivals, and confe-
quently between the king and the leaders of the
contrary party, the count of Soiffons, the duke of
Nevers, Longueville, and others. They fuffered
this propofition to be carried fo far, as to have
the articles drawn up and fent by Bellozanne to the
cardinal; but the nobles afterwards uniting, knew
how to put a stop to it, which they did, with a de-
fign that may be eaſily penetrated into, in order
that what theſe lords took away from the cardinal
and the princes of the blood might fall into their
* Clara Eugenia of Auftria, fe-
cond daughter of Philip II. of
Spain. Catherine, the eldeft, was
married to the duke of Savoy, but
not till after the cardinal of Pla-
centia, legate, and cardinal de Pel-
levé, had endeavoured, in vain,
to bring France under fubjection
to Spain, by the marriage of this
infanta with prince Erneſt of Au-
ftria, the eldeſt of the emperor's
brothers. Villeroy's Memoirs of
ftate impute to the court of Ma-
..drid, as an error, by which Spain
loft the crown of France, their not
fuffering this infanta, the future
queen, to come to France, unleſs
the prince whom they deftined for
her huſband was declared and ac-
knowledged; but I doubt whether
the arrival of this princefs at Paris
would have removed all obftacles.
According to De Thou, the duke of
Guife's party was fo powerful, by
the union of Spain and the clergy
of France, that had not his own
uncle, the duke of Maïenne, fe-
cretly oppofed him, and the king
of Navarre declared very feafonably
his refolution to embrace the catho-
lic religion, in all probability this
prince would have been declared
king. "The duke of Guife,"
fays father de Chalons, after Mat-
thieu, Hiftory of France, Vol. III.
p. 257. was praifed for the
"moderation he diſcovered on this
"occafion. He gave no indica-
"tions of his having flattered
"himfelf with fuch agreeable
"hopes, nor thewed any follici-
"tude for fo great a fortune."
Own
1593.
}
314
MEMOIRS
Book V.
1593. own power, as the princes of the blood: by feem-
ing to refign their hopes in favour of the cardinal,
they had an oblique view towards themfelves;
which fhewed them, that after him the crown
would more eaſily revert to them, than if a fo
reigner had firſt poffeffed it. The Spaniards com-
prehended the meaning of all the intrigues of the
princes of Lorrain, and, one may eafily imagine,
never forgave them.
This common intereſt of the nobles, which
united them againſt Spain and the princes of the
blood, divided them afterwards into as many fac-
tions as there were perfons. Each thought him-
felf moſt worthy of the diadem. Jealoufy and
malice ſoon actuated the whole party to fuch a de-
gree, that each difputed for the crown, for the
fole pleaſure of hindering another from obtaining
it. Some of theſe parties objected to one perfon
only, and comforted himfelf for not being able to
fucceed in his own defigns, if he could overthrow
his. Of this clafs was the clergy, which, without
naming any perſon for the throne, uſed only their
utmoft endeavours to hinder the king of Navarre
from being elected. Another undertook to fup-
plant two, three, or more of the competitors:
but there was not one from any of thefe motives
who was capable of forming a party fo much fu-
perior to the others, as to bear down all its op-
pofers. The people, although generally the flaves
of prejudice to one particular candidate, were
here, by the number of them, hindered from de-
termining. And upon this occafion it happened,
as has been often experienced, that adopting the
ſtyle of that fort of indifferent and neutral perfons
who are always to be found in public affemblies,
an affair of this importance was turned into a mere
fhew, and cauſed only laughter at the unhappy
candidates who were rejected.
But theſe intrigues, this play of falfhoods, could
not last long; in fuch fort of debates, the firſt
refo-
1
Book V.
315
OF SULLY.
reſolutions, and the firſt motions, are fuggefted by 1593.
the paffions. If by a concurrence of caufes they
are prevented from fucceeding, reafon, though it
flowly appears in tumultuous affemblies, yet forces
itſelf at laft to be feen and acknowledged, and
after long oppofition is followed through neceffity.
The firſt thing that was done on this occaſion was
by means of the parliament, which weighing deli-
berately the different propoſals that were brought
upon the carpet, either for a Spaniſh king, or one
of Lorrain, found that it would be an everlaſting
reproach to them, to fuffer a law fo fundamental
as the hereditary right of fucceffion to be infringed,
and began, without knowing what would be the
confequence, by granting an edict which forbad
the carrying the crown out of the royal family.
This was far from being a new thought; there was
not one whoſe mind had not fuggefted it to him,
and who was not confcious of the injuftice of act-
ing contrary to it,
*
The claims of royal family began to appear
facred to a thouſand perfons, who a moment be-
fore had not reflected on them. Spain, whoſe at-
tempt was fruſtrated by this edict, might have ſtill
warded off the blow, had fhe united with the Lor-
rains, whom it equally ftruck at; but the more
fhe thought ſhe was entitled to depend upon their
The edict was paffed the 28th
of June. "This action," fays
Villeroy, Vol. II. p. 58, "was
"the more applauded by all good
men, as the danger that attend-
"ed it was fo great; it was cer-
"tainly of great ufe, and I muſt
fay, that the kingdom owed its
"fafety to the courts. John Le
Maitre, altho' made prefident of the
parliament of the league by the duke
of Maïenne, the prefident Edward
Molé, the counſellors William Du-
Vair, afterwards keeper of the feals,
Stephen Fleury, Peter D'Amours,
Lazarus Coqueley, &c. were the
chief promoters of this cdia: in
confequence of it, the prefident Le
Maitre, with the counſellors De
Fleury and D'Amours, were de-
puted that fame day, to make re-
monftrances to the duke of Maï-
enne, as lieutenant-general of the
crown. The duke complained bit-
terly of this affront from the parlia-
ment; and the archbishop of Ly-
ons, who was with him, hav-
ing repeated the word affront in a
paffion, and treated the deputies
with bad language, the prefident
Le Maitre filenced him with great
authority and dignity. See Vol.
IX. of the Memoirs of the league.
Memoirs of Nevers, Vol. II. p. 635.
fuffrages,
316
Book V.
MEMOIRS
!
1
1593. fuffrages, the more irreconcileable was her enmity
toward them, when fhe found they had betrayed
her. They made her no offers, and their conftant
mifunderſtanding infenfibly paved the way for the
victory of their common adverfary.
To accomplish this, there remained but one ftep
to be taken, which was prevented by the ſtrong
oppofition of the clergy* A ftop therefore was
put to the affair for fome time: they refumed, as
if for amufement, fome of their former worn out
projects. Different hopes were again raiſed to be
foon and effectually extinguifhed; for there was
not one perſon who did not tacitly confeſs, that if
the king † abjured calviniſm, all conteft would be
at an end. Every one voted for the engaging him
to comply with this demand, and they applied
themſelves to it, not flightly as before, but from
a more clear and diftinct view of the true intereſt
of the ſtate: a view which from this moment be-
came that of the parliament, and the whole people,
and which met with no more oppofition, but what
fome nobles for their perfonal intereſt were pleaſed
to give to it.
The dukes of Maïenne, Nemours, and Mer-
cœur, were the moſt difficult to be perfuaded into
theſe meaſures, as was moſt natural, confidering
that they, of all others, had flattered themſelves
with hopes of the greateſt advantages: but bad as
their intentions were, they could not hinder a con-
All the Memoirs of theſe
times confirm the violent proceed-
ings and outrageous behaviour of
the cardinal de Plefance legate, and
of almoſt all the bishops of France,
and curates of Paris and the Sor-
bonne. "Débourbonnez-nous, Seig-
neur, was the explication a
preacher gave of theſe words of
fcripture, Eripe me, Domine, de luto
facis. There are an infinite num-
ber of fuch circumſtances, the ma-
lignity of which cannot furely be
excufed by zeal for the true reli-
gion. De Thou obferves, that the
clergy was the only one of the
three eftates that perfifted in vot-
ing for a war.
It is clear at this time, that
Henry IV. was not only the law-
ful heir to the crown, that was
never difputed, but alſo that in
his perfon the three races of our
kings were united. See a proof
in a new work entituled, Gene-
alogical hiftories of all the fove-
reign families, in the 22d gene-
alogical table.
ference
:
Book V.
317
OF SULLY.
ference with the king from being propofed, and 1593-
paffed by a plurality of voices in the ftates. It
was, however, in their power to deftroy or fuf-
pend the effect, and they did not fail to do ſo:
for this purpoſe they uſed their utmoſt endeavours;
they fet their emiffaries to work, took advantage
of the king's * bad fortune at Selles, cauſed Manf-
field to advance, who took Noyon, gave all the
force they were able to the pope's refufing to al-
low the cardinal de Gondy †, and the marquis de
Pifany, whom the king had fent to him, to enter
Rome, or any of his holiness's territories. Could
they flatter themſelves, that the irregularity of theſe
proceedings would not be commented upon, after
having fo often proteſted, that in all their actions.
they had only the intereft of religion in view, and
that they were ready to fubmit to Henry as foon
as he fhould quit his erroneous opinions. No
perfon was deceived; and although they prevented
all the confequences which the conference held at
Surêne, in the month of April 1, might have pro-
duced, it was thought the laft effort of an expiring
power. It appeared plainly, that if the king, after
having confented that no proteftant deputy fhould
appear at that conference, had not yet entirely
complied, it was becauſe the leaguers raiſed more
difficulties about temporal, than the king about
fpiritual matters. The people, efpecially, were
difpofed to do him juftice, and the fweets of a
*The journey which Henry IV.
took towards Tours, and the ne-
ceffity to which he reduced him-
felf of railing the fiege of the city
of Selles in Berry, were then
thought very confiderable faults.
+ Peter de Gondy, bishop of
Paris. John de Vivonne, marquis
of Pifany.
In the latter end of April,
and during part of the month of
May. See in the records, Vol.
8889 of MSS. in the royal library.
Villeroy's Mem, of ſtate, Vol. IV,
:
Matthieu and Cayet, ibid. &c.
The archbishop of Bourges, who
pleaded the king's caule, main-
tained that obedience is due to
pagan princes, and fupported this
affertion by the authority of St.
Paul, the privileges of the Gallic
church, and by many other unan-
fwerable proofs. Weak as the
arguments alledged by the archbi-
hop of Lyons to the contrary were,
they carried their point in this
conference.
truce,
睿
​318
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1593.
truce, which was the only benefit refulting from
his conference, drew them entirely into his inte-
refts. But I
But I now return more particularly to this
prince.
He made Mante the place of his conftant re-
fidence, where all his prudence was fearce fufficient
to keep a party, compofed of perfons fo oppofite
in their fentiments, together. He had been alarm-
ed, at first, with the convention of the ftates;
and with fo much the more reafon, as the firſt
thought which fuggeſted itſelf to his mind on that
occafion, was, that an affembly, in appearance fo
auguſt and refpectable, would foon find a remedy
for the diforders of the ſtate. Under this appre-
henfion, the king began to flatter the catholics
more than ufual; and, as we have juft feen, made
fome efforts to gain the pope, to the end that he
might not extinguish in both parties the only
hope that could hinder them from coming to an
open rupture with him. It may be eaſily ima-
gined, that this could not be done without awaken-
ing the difcontent of the huguenots. But the king
by his wifdom was beforehand with them, and it
appeared, that nothing was done but in confe-
quence of that general council of the proteftants, of
which we have already feen that the refult has
been to turn every thing into art and negotiation.
When their complaints grew too loud, and the
king found reafon to fear that they would carry
things to extremity againft him, he knew how to
appeaſe them by fome new military expedition,
which he likewife engaged in, to convince the
people ftill more, that a prince, who, by his kind
and gracious behaviour, appeared fo deferving of
their love, was, by his valour and abilities in war, no
lefs worthy of their obedience.
As foon as he was informed of the difunion that
raged in the ſtates, the confufion and oppofition
that every word gave rife to, he looked upon this
affembly to be the happy means by which his de-
5
figns
Book V.
319
OF
SUL LY.
figns would be accompliſhed, and all his perplexity 1593.
now was the regulating his conduct with the great
number of mediators who meddled in his affairs,
as foon as it was propofed in the ſtates to treat
with him. This prince would at that time have
met with no obftacle to retard his gaining poffef-
fion of the crown, if he had appeared willing to
fatisfy the exceffive demands which the nobles and
other members of the league began to make him;
but he was refolved that pofterity fhould never
reproach him with his having owed the royal dig-
nity to his meannefs in fubmitting to the rapaciouf-
nefs and caprice of his fubjects. That he was thus
able to refift his natural inclination and ardor to
afcend the throne, was a convincing proof of his
being worthy of it.
I ought here to do juftice to fome of them (the
number indeed is not very great) but I am well
affured that * Meffieurs de Belliévre, de Belin and
Zamet, had no view to their own interefts in thoſe
applications which they made to the king. Some
others there might be who behaved in the fame
manner, but of them I cannot fpeak with any cer-
tainty. As to the reft, I fhall content myſelf with
naming the principal agents deputed to the king,
as well by the league and the ftates, as by the
clergy and French nobility. I fhall not repeat
names already mentioned, but add to them only
the cardinal De Gondy, the marechals D'Aumont
and De Bouillon, the admiral De Biron, meífieurs
D'O, De Vitry, De Lux, Du Pleffis, La Verriere,
De Fleury, and the abbé De Chefy. A great ma-
ny others remained undiftinguiſhed in this croud,
although there was not one amongst them, who
was not perfuaded in his own mind, that he fhould
be one day mentioned in hiftory, as the perſon who
had brought affairs to a conclufion. I once counted
Pomponne de Belliévre. Francis de Foudoas d'Averton. Sebaf-
tian Zamet.
over
320.
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1593. over to the king, by their names, above a hundred
of thefe perfons. Thefe that remained would
make a very fine figure here, if one could for a
moment only open and diſplay, the hearts of thefe
ardent counſellors. Vanity, the defire of favour,
felf-intereft, vile artifice, jealoufy, knavery, and
treachery, would be all one would difcover there.
There were fome, who till the laft moment did
not quit their difguife, by which they abuſed the
privilege of conferring with this prince, in order
to betray him more fecurely, and to fpread fnares
for him, which any other could not have efcaped.
It is with regret, that I name Villeroy and Jean-
nin here, but the fact is too well known, and the
confufion they were afterwards in, when the king
publicly reproached them with it at Fontainbleau,
is a full conviction of it, as well as the intereſted
* In the firſt volume of Ville-
roy's Memoirs of State, which
confifts only of a juftification of
this fecretary's conduct, he can-
didly confeffes that he would never
have been prevailed upon to cn-
gage in the party of Henry IV. if
he had not beforehand taken all
the neceffary meaſures for the fc-
curity of the catholic religion. He
confeffes alfo, with the fame fin-
cerity, his connections with the
league and Spain, and the political
principle which he had cfpoufed,
that in making peace, it was moft
advantageous for the king to fepa-
rate him from the intereft of Eng-
land, and unite him with Spain.
With regard to other accufations,
he defends himself with great force:
He protefted, that he never receiv-
ed any money from Spain; and
whatever arguments he offered,
either in the ftates or any other
councils, were fincerely meant for
the king's advantage, and to for-
ward the peace. See the note up-
on this fubje&t fome pages above,
and what is faid in the preface to
this work. As to the oath taken
by the league, which the duke of
5
!
*
Sully here mentions, and which is
the heaviest article againſt Villeroy,
he is fully juftified in Matthieu,
Vol. II. p. 153, and following,
Chron. Novenn. Book v. fol. 229,
and fome other hiftorians, that it
must be confeffed, that this is an
error in our Memoirs. According
to thefe hiftorians, Villeroy had
not only no part in this oath,
but was alſo abſolutely ignorant of
it, till Henry IV. fhowed him this
writing at Fontainebleau, and
charged him to remonftrate the
bafeneis of fuch a proceeding to the
duke of Maïenne, when Villeroy
was at that time, by the king's
command, honeftly endeavouring
to feparate from the league. But
it is ftill more certain that Ville-
roy reproaching the duke of Maï-
enne with this criminal defign,
Maïenne anfwered him in thefe
words, "I would neither tell you,
CC
nor the prefident Jeannin of
"this oath, becauſe I promifed
"the Spaniards and the league to
"the contrary, and was not igno-
"rant that you would never be
"brought to approve of fuch a
"remedy." Matthieu, p. 155.
conduct
}
Book V.
321
OF SUL LY.
conduct Villeroy afterwards obferved. Two days 1593.
only before the king's abjuration, thefe gentlemen
procured a fecret affembly to be held, compofed
of the pope's, and the king of Spain's minifters,
and the chief partifans of the league, either in per-
fon, or by proxy, for the dukes of Nemours and
Mercœur, men then abfent. In this affembly,
the legate made them all fwear, upon the crofs,
the evangelifts, and even the hoft, to maintain the
league; till they faw, upon the throne of France, a
king agreeable to Spain, and, above all, never to
acknowledge the king of Navarre for ſuch, though
he fhould, to the claim his birth gave him, add
that of a fincere abjuration. This very pious and
charitable oath, figned by the whole affembly, was
incloſed in a packet, and ſent to Rome. It was
from a letter wrote by the cardinal of Placentia to
fome members of parliament, the bearer of which
was taken up at Lyons by the king's foldiers, that
we came to the knowledge of this oath. In this
manner did they fport with fidelity, virtue, and
religion. This circumftance, though anticipated,
feems to me not improperly mentioned here.
Amongst that croud of negotiators and coun-
fellors there were many who imagined they could
deceive the king, while in reality they deceived
themſelves. The king let them remain in this
opinion, not to perfuade theſe ſchemers, but the
people, that he might be eaſily brought to the
point they wifhed. This I had from the king
himſelf. I remember one night, which was, I be-
lieve, on the 15th of February, when all the
courtiers had quitted his apartment, he fent Feret,
his fecretary, to bring me to him, who introduced
me into his chamber, where I found him in bed.
He owned to me, that he was under a neceffity of
ufing this precaution whenever he had an inclina-
tion to converfe with me, that he might not give
difguft to the catholics, and the proteftants like-
wife, who hated me ftill more, perhaps, through
VOL. I.
Y
jealouty,
322
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1593. jealouſy, than the former did through a natural
averfion. After complaining of this reftraint in
terms very obliging to me, he talked to me of
thofe affairs which were at prefent upon the carpet,
and of the intrigues of the courtiers to obtain each
feparately the honour of the decifion. I had faid
before, and it had been repeated to the king, that
I was afraid his eafy difpofition would make him
give up more than he ought to do. But the man-
ner in which this prince repreſented to me the ſtate
of affairs, painted the different characters of all
the pretenders to his favour, convinced me I had
been deceived. I was furprifed at that juftnefs of
penetration with which he immediately diſcerned
truth amidst the fhades that obfcured it. Nor was
I lefs charmed, when fubmitting his knowledge to
mine, he infifted upon my prefcribing to him the
manner in which he ſhould finiſh an affair which,
to confefs the truth, was not without danger till
the laſt moment. I endeavoured to excufe myſelf
from accepting this honour, but all I could obtain
was a delay of three days to take my refolution:
it was during this converfation that the king firſt
mentioned to me his defign of entrufting his finan-
ces to my care.
After three days deep reflection, I waited upon
the king with the fame fecrecy as before. I did
not approve of any of thofe fchemes which had
been recommended to him, and which differed only
in the proportion of thofe rewards which were to
be granted to the members of the league, and
other intereſted perfons. My opinion was, that
matters were not yet ripe for a conclufion, which I
fupported with the following reafons: That the king
was freed from that only fear which could induce
him to put a precipitate end to the prefent nego-
tiations, by which I meant the fear that all thefe
competitors for royalty fhould unite refolutely in
favour of one particular perfon, becauſe the mif-
underſtanding which had already riſen amongſt the
princes,
Book V.
323
OF SULLY.
princes, the nobles, and the Spaniſh minifters, 1593
gaining ftrength every day, we might expect to
fee thern foon deſtroy each others pretenfions. From
whence it muſt neceffarily happen, that thofe who
were difintereſted, and had right intentions, would
bind themſelves more clofely to the king's party :
That this effect was already indifputable, with regard
to thofe cities of France which were at too great a
diſtance from the league, and the cabal, to be in-
fluenced by the eagerness and warmth which ac-
tuated them: That the heads of the league them-
felves, through hatred, jealoufy, or even a confi-
deration of their own intereft, would, one after the
other, throw themſelves into the king's party :
That the bare hopes only which this prince would
fuffer them to entertain, would give him before
hand moſt of thofe advantages he could gain from
the accompliſhment of them, without hazarding
any thing: That the dangers of a too precipitate
execution were firft, an open deſertion of the pro-
teftants, who were not yet fufficiently prepared for
this change, which might produce the moft fatal
confequences, fince the king, not being yet fecure
of all the catholics to oppofe them, would remain
at the mercy of both parties; and, fecondly, the
neceffity he laid himfelf under, by throwing him-
felf into the arms of the catholics, of granting all
their demands, however exorbitant they were;
which, both for the prefent and the future, was of
dangerous confequence: That it was neceffary to
allow thefe fchemers, and all the chiefs of the
league, time to give a diftinct form to their de-
mands, by which they would perceive that they
were encroaching upon each other, and they would
be obliged voluntarily to reduce their extravagant
pretenfions, to agree that by fetting too high a
value upon flight fervices they would put it out of
the king's power to fatisfy them, and at length to
feek their own intereft in the general intereft of the
ftate. I told the king, that he would find the firſt who
Y 2
took
324
MEMOIRS
Book V.
1593. took this step, would be thoſe, who, having only
been influenced by the foreign powers to demand
rewards which they were perhaps defirous of fharing
with them, would begin to be fenfible of the in-
justice of their proceedings in proportion as their
hatred of thofe foreigners increaſed: and that thoſe
very foreigners, finding the king fo ready to com-
ply with the demands that were made upon him,
would prevail upon others to aſk for what they did
not believe they could obtain for themſelves.
I fhewed the king, that whatever change ſhould
happen in his affairs, it could not be fo fudden,
but he would have it in his power to prevent it,
fince the ſpeaking a few words only would anſwer
that purpofe; whereas, by gaining time he would
diſcover all their defigns; and fecretly breaking
thofe connections between them, all that remained
to put an abfolute end to the treaty, would be to
beſtow rewards upon thoſe who had a right to de-
mand them. To bring affairs happily to this end,
I faw nothing better to be done, than for the king
to perſiſt in that conduct he had hitherto obſerved.
To receive every one kindly, promiſe little, feem
defirous of bringing matters to a conclufion, afcribe
always the fault of delays to obſtacles, and earneſtly
endeavour to remove them. This, in my opinion,
is the manner in which one generally ought to act
in political affairs which are a little perplexed. It
is well known that the difference between precipi-
tation and diligence is, that this laft, as much a
foe to inaction and floth as the other, engages in
nothing without having firft confulted judgment
upon it; while in the practice they are almoſt
always confounded.
In thefe arguments which I made uſe of to the
king, his fuppofed converfion was always the foun-
dation I built upon; and his majefty by contra-
dicting none of them, gave me to underſtand, that
he would not be ſtopped by that formality. I added
only one thing more, which was, that he would
not
Book V.
325
OF SUL LY.
not ſuffer this negotiation to degenerate into mere 1593.
debates, as his adverſaries did, but join ſome mili-
tary expedition to it. Having many other reaſons
to add, I offered the king to give them to him in
writing. His majefty replied, there was no occa-
fion for it; that he believed he comprehended all
I could have to fay to him; and that when he had
more leifure, he would difcourfe with me upon a
ſyſtem, by which it feemed to him, that after
having united himſelf to the catholics, it would
not be impoffible to reconcile them to the pro-
teſtants.
That this refolution might be fully executed,
the king, at his return to Mante, after the breaking
off the conference of Surêne, caufed others wholly
upon the ſubject of religion *, to be held between
the catholic priefts, and the proteftant clergy, at
which he was always prefent; and, on the other
hand, made preparations for opening the campaign,
in the month of April, by fome action of im-
portance, rather indeed to keep up his reputation
with the people, than with a defign to continue in
earneft a war, which for want of money
he was
unable to fupport.
This defigned expedition was the fiege of Dreux,
for which the king borrowed a large fum of mo-
ney from the city of Mante; and leaving that
place about the beginning of April, came to pafs
the river of Eure at Serify, while I on my ſide
affembled, and led the neceffary artillery. The
admiral de Biron †, by the king's order, inveſted
the city, which made little refiftance: all the diffi-
culty lay in taking the caftle, and efpecially the
tower Grife, which was impenetrable to the can-
non. I promiſed the king to carry it, if he would
give me four Engliſh and Scots miners, and a cer-
tain number of workmen. My enterpriſe did not
At La Villette, at Pontoiſe, at
Mante, and elsewhere.
+ Charles de Gontaut, fon to
the marechal, to whom the king
gave the title of admiral.
Y 3
fail
326
MEMOIRS
Book V.
1593. fail to furnish matter for laughter and contempt to
my enemies, who eagerly feized this occafion to
mortify me. The king, though very doubtful of
my fuccefs, granted my requeft. I led my miners
and pioneers to the foot of the tower, where to
guard them against the fire, and efforts of the be-
fieged, I covered them with mantelets, and ſtrong
pieces of wood, and made them apply fo cloſely,
and with fuch eagernefs to the work, that out of
fix and thirty pioneers, which was my whole num-
ber, four only could labour at a time: the ex-
ceffive hardneſs of the ftone exhaufted their ftrength,
and covered them with fweat the inftant they be-
gan to work, but I caufed them to be relieved im-
mediately by four others; fo that the work was
not difcontinued for one moment, although the
enemies within endeavoured to deftroy them, by
throwing down large pieces of ftone, and firing
inceffantly upon them.
When I found that, notwithſtanding this vigo-
rous defence, I had the very firft day made an
opening five feet in height, three in width, and
four in depth, I believed the fuccefs infallible.
Six days were confumed in this work. I encloſed
three or four hundred pounds of excellent powder,
in feveral cavities of fix or feven feet fquare, in
the thickest part of the wall, which I fhut up with
ſtrong ſtones cemented together with plaifter, leav-
ing a paffage only for two large fauciffes of dry hides
filled with good powder, the end of which reached
to the powder within, and joined on the outſide of
the tower a train to which the fire was to be put.
The duke of Montpenfier, defirous of feeing the
difpofition of this machine, received a muſket
fhot there in his face. Every one waited impa-
tiently for my confufion, which was all the refult
expected from this great work. And when they
were informed of the time when I was to fet fire
to it, they eagerly affembled to behold the effect,
which was not indeed immediate: for at firít a low
found
Book V.
327
OF SULLY.
found was heard, accompanied with a thick fmoke, 1593.
during which a thoufand contemptuous glances
were caſt upon me, and I was forced to endure as
many ftrokes of raillery upon my mine; but I
foon had my revenge.
A few minutes after, a
thick cloud of fmoke rofe as high as the tower,
and, at the fame inftant, we faw it divide exactly
into two parts, one of which fell, dragging men,
women, and children with it, who were buried
under its ruins. The other part continued ftill
ſtanding, but in fuch a condition, that we could
behold under its uncovered roof all thofe that were
within, who, terrified and aſtoniſhed at fuch an
horrible accident, and at our foldiers firing imme-
diately upon them, fent forth moſt lamentable
cries. The king, moved with compaffion, or-
dered the fire to ceafe, and fending for thoſe miſer-
able objects, gave a crown to each of them. The
caſtle inftantly furrendered, and this once I was
fure, that the government of a city, taken almoſt
wholly by my means, would not be refufed me.
But D'O enjoyed the triumph of gaining it from
me, and I yielded it to him, after the king had re-
prefented to me, that the terms he was upon with
the catholic party made it impolitic to diſoblige
them on fo flight an occafion.
The king ſtopped only to perform a few more
fuch little expeditions, and returned immediately
to Mante, to refume his conferences. This alter-
nate fucceffion of war, and debates, lafted all the
time that the ftates continued to be held, and even
till the day that the king abjured the proteftant
religion. I fhould betray the caufe of truth, if
I fuffered it to be even fufpected, that policy, the
threats of the catholics, the fatigue of labour, the
defire of reft, and of freeing himſelf from the
tyranny of foreigners, or even the good of the
people, tho' highly laudable in itſelf, had entirely
influenced the king's laft refolution. As far as I
am able to judge of the heart of this prince, which
Y 4
I be-
328
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1593. I believe I know better than any other perfon, it
was indeed theſe confiderations which firft hinted
to him the neceffity of his converfion; and I con-
fefs that I myſelf fuggefted no others to him, fully
perfuaded, as I have always been, although a cal-
vinift, from what I have gathered from the moſt
learned of the proteftant clergy, that God is no
lefs honoured in the catholic, than in the proteftant
church. But at length the king was fully con-
vinced that the catholic faith was the fecureft. That
native candour and fincerity which I always obferv.
ed in this prince, perfuades me, that he would not
have been able, during all the remainder of his life,
to carry on fuch a fallacy.
{
The confeffion I make here ought not to be
judged harfhly of. It is not furpriſing that Henry,
who never heard any arguments about religion,
but in theſe conferences, and continual contro-
verfies*, fhould fuffer himſelf to be drawn on that
fide, which they took care to make always victo-
rious. For it muſt be obferved as an effect of the
king's prudent delays, that every one, even the
proteſtants, nay more, the proteftant clergy who
were employed in the conferences, were at laſt
thoroughly convinced that the king's change of
religion was a circumftance abfolutely neceffary for
the good of the ftate, for peace, and even for the
advantage of both religions; fo that there was a
kind of general combination to draw him to it.
The proteftant clergy either defended themſelves
All theſe difcourfes of the car-
dinals and prelates of France, whe-
ther intended to enlighten his un-
derftanding, or encreate his zeal,
may be found in the volume of
MS. in the king's library, marked
9214.
The fincerity of his converfion
is there proved by the following
circumſtances, his refpect for the
pope, the cardinals, and the whole
clergy, his follicitude for the con-
verfion of the young prince of
Condé, his alliance with the pope,
by marrying the princcfs of Flo-
rence, his endeavours to cultivate
a good intelligence between the
fovereign pontif and the queen
of England, the marriage of his
fifter with the duke of Bar, the
erection of the hofpital for fick,
and other buildings, the fepulchre
of our Lord, and the holy places,
the fatisfaction which he fhewed at
the victory gained over the calvi-
nifts by the bishop of Evreux, &c. .
no
Book V.
329
OF SULLY.
no longer, or did it fo weakly, that their adverfa- 1593.
ries had always the advantage.
The abbe du Perron, whoſe triumph there was
complete, was not a man who would lofe the fruits
of his victory. With that foft and infinuating
converfation, that ftrong and perfuafive eloquence,
that inexhaustible fund of learning, fupported by
a wonderful memory, he could neither be over-
thrown, nor convicted of falfhood, but by the help
of a whole library; a fort of languishing defence,
With princes, the progreffion from complaifance
to flattery is very eafy, Some of the proteftant
clergy, who were moft about the king, and whom
he confulted upon his difficulties, formally be-
trayed * their faith; or, by a defigned perplexity,
flattered that religion which they already looked
upon to be their king's.
The leaders of the proteftant party were not ſo
eafily brought to comply with the prefent exigency.
They were often abfolutely untractable. It was in
vain to remonſtrate to them, that by their obſti-
пасу
nacy the king would lofe the crown, and that fince
it was neceffary it fhould be poffeffed by a catholic
prince, it was an advantage to them, that this
prince was the fame who had fo long been affection-
ately united with them, and upon whoſe friendſhip
they had all the reafon imaginable to depend. They
had flattered themfelyes, that they fhould fee a
prince of their own faith upon the throne, and
that calvinifm fhould be the eſtabliſhed religion in
France. They thought it hard to be deprived of
this advantage. Self-love in all religions makes
fuch a lofs be looked upon as irreparable †.
* D'Aubigné names fome of
thoſe proteſtants; he obſerves alſo,
that the marchionefs de Monceaux,
the king's miſtreſs, acted the fame
part, in the hope of becoming queen
herſelf, if Henry fhould be declared
king. Vol. III. book. iii. chap. 22.
す
​"If I follow your advice,"
replied Henry IV. to a clergyman
named La Faye, who addreſſed
him in the name of the proteftant
party, "there will in a little time
be neither a king or kingdom in
"France. It is my defire to give
peace to all my fubjects, and
"quiet to my own foul; confider
The
+
330
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1593.
The king experienced this excefs of diſcontent,
when fome of the chief cities in the kingdom, that
had been fuffered to groan under the oppreffion of
an infinite number of little tyrants, firft applied to
his majefty, and deputed the count of Belin to
demand of him the freedom of commerce. Henry
was either at Mante, or at Vernon, when the count
of Belin came to make him this propofition,
which he would not receive but in the prefence of
his whole council. There was not a proteftant
there, who appeared willing that he fhould grant
it; and what is ftill more furprizing, it met with
equal oppofition from the catholics, without their
being able to affign a lawful, or even a plauſible
reafon, for fuch a conduct. All theſe perfons were
perplexed in their debates, and perceived plainly
that their opinion would fignify nothing, yet could
not prevail upon themſelves to alter it. The king
looking at me that moment, "Monfieur de Rofny,
faid he to me, "what makes you fo thoughtful?
"Will not you fpeak your mind abfolutely any
८८ more than the others." I took the word, and
was not afraid to declare myſelf againſt all thoſe
that had voted, by maintaining, that it was necef-
fary not to hefitate a moment in compleating
the gaining the people over to the king's in-
terefts, by an inftance of kindnefs which he
might revoke if they made a bad uſe of it. This
advice raiſed a cry of difapprobation, which I have
always regarded as a retaliation for that confent I
had extorted from the council (which has been
mentioned before.) The king was obliged to yield
to their importunity, and the count of Belin re-
turned without fuccefs.
Henry, reflecting upon this refufal, and judging
that there wanted but little more of the fame nature
to alienate the people's affections from him, with-
out a poffibility of regaining them, and to induce
them to go over to the party of his enemies, he
e
among yourſelves what is moſt you ſhall always find me ready
"neceflary for your own fecurity," to fatisfy you." Chr. Nov.ibid.
re-
Book V.
331
OF SULLY.
refolved to defer his abjuration no longer. He 1593-
was now convinced that there was no probability of
his fubduing the reluctance of feveral of the pro-
teftants, or of ever obtaining their free confent to
this proceeding; but that it was neceffary to act
independantly of them, and hazard fome murmurs,
which would end in nothing. As for the catholics
of his party, the king endeavoured only to remove
their fears, that, looking upon them as perfons of
whom he was already fecure, he would apply him-
felf wholly to the gaining the reft, by beſtowing all
rewards upon them. He therefore at laft declared
publicly, that on the 20th of July he would per-
form his abjuration, and named the church of St.
Denis for this ceremony.
This declaration threw the league into confufion,
and filled the hearts of the people, and the catholics
of the royal party with joy. The proteftants, al-
though they had expected it, diſcovered their dif-
content by figns, and low murmurs, and did for
form's fake all that fuch a juncture required of
them; but they did not go beyond the bounds of
obedience. All the ecclefiaftics, with Du Perron,
intoxicated with his triumph, at their head, flocked
together; every one was defirous of a ſhare in this
work. Du Perron, for whom I had obtained the
bifhopric of Evreux, thought he could not fhew
his gratitude for it in a better manner, than by ex-
ercifing his function of converter upon me. He
accoſted me with the air of a conqueror, and pro-
poſed to me to be prefent at a ceremony, where he
flattered himſelf he fhould fhine with fuch powers
of reafoning as would diffipate the profoundeſt
darkneſs. "Sir," replied I," all I have to do
"by being prefent at your difputes, is to examine
"which fide produces the ftrongeſt and moſt ef-
* Henry IV. was always fenfi-
ble, that his abjuration would ex-
pofe him to great dangers, which
made him write in this manner to
mademoiſelle D'Eftrées. << On
"Sunday I fhall take a dangerous
"leap. While I am writing to you,
"I have a hundred troubleſome
<<
people aboutme, which makes me
"deteft St. Denis as much as you
"do Mante," &c. See the new edi-
tion of Henry the Great's letters.
"fectual
332
Book V.
MEMOIRS
1593-
"fectual arguments. The ſtate of affairs, your
"number and your riches, require that yours
"fhould prevail." In effect they did. There
was a numerous court at St. Denis, and all was
conducted with great pomp and fplendor. I may
be diſpenſed with dwelling upon the defcription of
this ceremony here, fince the catholic hiftorians *
have been fo prolix upon that fubject.
I did not imagine I could be of any ufe at this
time; therefore kept myſelf retired as one who
had no intereft in the fhew that was preparing,
when I was vifited by Du Perron, whom the car-
dinal of Bourbon had fent to me, to decide a dif-
pute that had arofe on occafion of the terms in
which the king's profeffion of faith ſhould be con-
ceived. The catholic priefts and doctors loaded
him with all the trifles their heads were filled with,
and were going to make it a ridiculous, inſtead of
a grave and folemn compofition. The proteftant
miniſters, and the king himſelf diſapproved † of
the puerilities and trifles with which they had ſtuffed
this inftrument, and it occafioned debates which had
like to have thrown every thing again into confufion.
I went immediately with Du Perron to the car-
dinal of Bourbon, with whom it was agreed, that
none of theſe articles of faith which were contro-
verted by the two churches, fhould be omitted,
but that all the reft fhould be fuppreffed as ufelefs.
The parties approved of this regulation, and the in-
ftrument was drawn up in fuch a manner, that the
See, befides the abovemen-
tioned hiftorians, Mezcrai, and the
volume of MS. marked 8935, in
the king's library, where may be
found likewife the letter written to
his holiness by the king, the com-
miffion given to M. du Perron,
when he went to Rome to make a
tender of obedience to the pope,
and the king's declaration of the
motives on which he was con-
verted, &c.
す ​"There is no neceffity to
" mention a Requiem," faid Hen-
ry IV. "I am not dead yet.
See the original of it in the
old Memoirs. Du Pleffis Mornay,
and Mezerai after him, reproached
the king and the catholics, appa-
rently without any caufe, that this
firft inftrument which they fup-
preffed, was however the fame that
was fent to the pope, as if the
king had compofed, written, and
figned it with his own hand, but
in reality counterfeited, by mon-
king
Book V.
333
OF SULLY.
1
king acknowledged there all the roman tenets upon 1593.
the Holy Scripture, the church, the number and
ceremonies of the facraments, the facrifice of the
maſs, tranfubftantiation, the doctrine of juftifica-
tion, the invocation of faints, the worſhip of relics
and images, purgatory, indulgences, and the fu-
premacy and power of the pope *. After which
the fatisfaction was general t.
fieur Lomenie. Thefe are his own
words, book i. p. 198. book ii.
p. 207.
"To be received,” ſaid the king,
"into the pale of the catholic,
"apoftolic, and roman church.”
Do you defire it?" added the
prelate. "Yes I do defire it,"
replied the king. Then kneeling
faid, "I proteft and fwear in the
prefence of Almighty God, to
“live and die in the catholic, a-
Another act of equal validity,"
by which Henry IV. acknowledged
the pope's authority, is the decla-
ration which he made after his
converfion, that it was neceffity
and the confufion of affairs that
obliged him to receive abfolution
from the prelates of France, rather
than from thoſe of the Holy Fa-
ther. This declaration is recorded
in the third volume of Villeroy's
Memoirs of ſtate, p. 61.
+ It was Renauld, or Beaune de
Samblançai,archbishop of Bourges,
who received the king's abjuration;
the cardinal of Bourbon, who was
not a pricft, and nine other bifhops,
affifted at the ceremony. Henry
IV. entering the chapel of St. Denis,
the archbiſhop ſaid to him, "Who
are you?" Henry replied, "I
"am the king. "What is your
request?" faid the archbishop.
ל,
<<
"C
poftolic, and roman religion;
to protect and defend it againſt
"all its enemies, at the hazard of
my blood and life, renouncing
"all herefies contrary to this ca-
"tholic, apoftolic, and roman
"church." He afterwards put
this fame confeffion in writing, into
the hands of the archbishop, who
prefented him his ring to kiſs,
giving him abfolution with a loud
voice, during which Te Deum was
fung, &c. See a particular account
of the ceremony in the hiftorians.
Cayet, book v. p. 222. and fol-
lowing. Matthieu, &c.
MEMOIRS
1
1593.
MEMOIRS
O F
SU
ULLY.
T
BOOK
VI.
*
HE ceremony of the king's abjuration was
followed by a deputation of the duke
of Nevers to Rome, who, together with
the cardinal de Gondy, and the marquis de Pifany,
were to offer the pope the fubmiffions ufual in fuch
cafes. Although this change was a mortal ſtroke
for the league, the Spaniards and the duke of
Maïenne ſtill held out; they endeavoured to per-
fuade their partifans that there ftill remained re-
* Clement VIII. refuſed to ac-
knowledge and receive the duke of
Nevers as ambaſſador, and would
oblige the French bishops to go and
prefent themfelves to the grand in-
quifitor, pretending that they had
no power to abfolve the king. M.
De Thou blames, with as much
reaſon, the pope's inflexibility up-
on this occafion, as he extols the
courage, prudence, and the whole
conduct of the duke of Nevers,
Book 108. See tom. II. Mem de
Nevers, MSS. de la Bibliot. duRoi,
and in the hiftorians mentioned
above, the particulars of the em-
baflies of Nevers and Luxem-
bourg, and the negotiations of
father Seraphin Olivari, de la Cli-
3
elle, of the abbots Du-Perron and
D'Offat with the holy father. The
pope ftill deferred a long time an
abfolution which he had a great
defire to grant, and received very
ill La-Chielle, who prefented to
him the letters of Henry IV. Fa-
ther Seraphin, who was prefent,
and plainly perceived that the
pope's anger was only feigned,
" Holy
faid to him merrily,
"Father, if the devil himself was
"to come, and afk an audience
"of you, and you had any hopes
"of converting him, you could
"not in confcience deny him it."
This fpeech drew a fimile from his
holincis.
fources
Book VI.
335
OF SULLY.
fources capable of making it ineffectual; but they 1593.
fpoke at that time contrary to their own opinion,
and this feigned confidence was only defigned to
obtain greater advantages from the king, before he
was fecurely fixed on the throne.
This is not a mere conjecture only, at leaſt with
regard to the king of Spain, ſince it is certain that
he ordered Taxis and Stuniga to offer the king
forces fufficient to reduce all the chiefs of the
league and the proteftant party, without annexing
any other condition to this offer, than a ftrict alli-
ance between the two crowns; and an agreement,
that the king ſhould give no affiftance to the re-
bels in the Low Countries. Philip II. judged of
Henry by himſelf, and confidered his converſion
only as the principle of a new political ſyſtem,
which made it neceffary for him to break through
his former engagements. It may not perhaps
be unufeful to mention here an obfervation I have
made on the conduct of Spain, which is, that al-
though before and after the death of Catherine de
Medicis fhe had put a thouſand different fprings in
motion, changed parties and interefts as the thought
moſt expedient to draw advantages from the divi-
fions that fhook this kingdom, the proteftant party
was the only one to which ſhe never made any ap-
plication: fhe has often publicly protefted, that
ſhe never had the leaft intention to gain or fuf-
fer their alliance. It is by an effect of this very
antipathy that the Spaniards have conftantly re-
fuſed the new religion admiffion into their ftates:
an antipathy which cannot be attributed to any
thing but the republican principles the proteftants
are accuſed of having imbibed. The king being
fully convinced, that to ftifle the feeds of fchifm
in his kingdom, it was neceffary to give none of
the different factions occafion to boast that his
power was at their difpofal; and that to reduce all
parties, he muſt be partial to none; he therefore
fteadily rejected thefe offers from Spain, and thoſe
which
336
MÉMOIRS
Book VI
1593. which the duke of Maïenne made him to the fame
purpoſe: but at that very time appeared willing
to treat with any of the chiefs or cities of the
league which would ſurrender, and reward them in
proportion to their readineſs and fervices: and it
was this prudent medium that he was refolved to
perfift in. Although he now profeffed the fame
religion as the league, yet his averfion to the ſpirit
which actuated that party, and to the maxims by
which they were governed, was not leffened; the
very name only of the league was fufficient to
kindle his anger. The catholic leaguers fuppofing
that his abjuration authorized them to abolish, in
thofe cities which depended upon them, the edicts
that were favourable to the huguenots; the king
caufed them to be reftored; and though in fome
places the leaguers had obtained the confent even
of the huguenots themſelves (determined to pur-
chaſe peace at any price) for this purpoſe, yet the
proteftant party murmuring at it, Henry cancelled
all that had been done to that effect*, and fhewed
that it was his defign to keep the balance event.
The duke of Maïenne, finding that in this laft
fcheme, which he had believed infallible, he was
diſappointed as well as the reft, placed all his
future dependance upon his old friends the Pari-
fians, and neglected no method by which he might
awaken their mutinous difpofition. But fo far
was he from fucceeding in this attempt that he
could not hinder them from difcovering their joy
at what had juft paffed at Saint Denis. They
talked publicly of peace, and even in his pre-
fence; and he had the mortification to hear a pro
pofal to fend deputies to the king to demand a
* The king, on the 12th of De-
cember this year, held an affembly
of the proteftants at Mante, in
which he publicly declared, that
his changing his religion fhould
make no alteration in the affairs of
the proteftants. Mem. de la Ligue,
3
tom. 5. And the calvinifts having
afked many things of him, he told
them he could not comply with
their requests, but that he would
tolerate them. Matthieu, toin. II.
liv. i. p. 164.
truce
Book VI.
337
OF SULLY:
truce for fix months, and they obliged him to give
his confent to it. The truce for three months,
that had been granted them at Surêne †, had only
inſpired them with an inclination for a longer one.
The king gave audience to the deputies in full
council. The greateſt number of thoſe who com-
poſed it, liftening to nothing but their jealoufy of
the duke of Maïenne, whom they feared as a man
that had the means in his power of purchafing
favour and rewards, were of opinion, that no re-
gard ought to be fhewn to this demand of the
deputies, becauſe the perfon who fent them per-
fifted in his revolt againſt the king, even after his
abjuration. Notwithſtanding the juſtice of not
confounding the duke of Maïenne with the Pari-
fians, I faw this advice was likely to be followed,
and certainly it might have produced fome terrible
misfortune. I infifted fo ftrongly upon the advan-
tage of letting the people, already recovered from
their firſt terrors, tafte the fweetnefs of a peace
which would intereft them ftill more in the king's
favour, that this prince declared he would grant
the truce they demanded of him, but for the
months of Auguft, September, and October, only.
The next day a prodigious concourſe of the
populace of Paris affembled at St. Denis. The
king fhewed himfelf to the people, affifted pub-
licly at mafs; wherever he turned his fteps the
crowd was fo great, that it was fometimes im-
poffible to pierce through them: at the fame mo-
inent, a million of voices cried, Long live the king.
Every one returned, charmed with the graceful-
† Or at Villette, fituated be-
tween Paris and St. Denis, as it is
obferved in the Memoirs of the
league. It is dated the 31ft of
July, and was publiſhed the next
day at Paris.
* rr
They are wild," faid Hen-
to fee a king." Etoile, ib.
ry',
In a letter which he wrote to ma-
demoiſelle D'Entrées, upon this or
VOL. I.
*
fome other fuch occafion, he fays,
"A pleafant adventure happened
"to me at church; an old woman
"of So years of age, feized me
"by the head and kifled me; I
was not the firft who laughed at
"it; to-morrow you ſhall ſweet-
CC en my mouth." Recueil des
lettres d'Henry le Grand.
N
nefs
1593
338
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1593. nefs of his perfon, his condefcenfion, and that po-
pular air which was natural to him: "God bleſs
1
<<
him," faid they, with tears in their eyes, "and
grant that he may foon do the fame in our
"church of Notre Dame in Paris." I obferved
to the king this difpofition of the people with re-
gard to him; tender and fenfible as he was, he
could not behold this fpectacle without a ftrong
emotion.
The Spaniards had now recourfe to their ufual
artifices. D'Entragues came to me one morning,
and told me, that a Spaniard was juſt arrived at
St. Denis, charged with diſpatches of great im-
portance, from Manduce, who had ordered him
to make his applications directly to me, being the
only perſon who had any knowledge of the pro-
pofals which he had a long time ago made to the
king at Bearn, by Moreau and the viſcount De
Chaux. This Spaniard, whofe name was Or-
dognès, or Nugnès, had been a domeftic of D'En-
tragues, whofe fervice he had quitted for that of
Mandoce D'Entragues correfponded, by his
means, with the Spaniſh ambaffador to the league:
This is what I learned of this man by the recital,
whether true or falſe, that D'Entragues made me.
I did not confide much in this Spanish emiffary,
and lefs in D'Entragues, whofe turbulent difpofi-
tion I was well acquainted with; I received him
therefore coldly enough, for I did not doubt but
this was all a Spanish ftratagem: but D'Entragues
feemed fo affected with my fufpicions of his fide-
lity, and added fo many affurances of the veracity
of his Nugnès, that I permitted him to bring him
to me that evening. The king, whom I informed
of D'Entragues's vifit, had the fame opinion of it
that I had; however, he commanded me to hear
what the envoy had to ſay.
D'Entragues did not fail to return at the time
appointed, accompanied by the Spaniard, who af-
ter fome vague converfation about the joy there
was
Book VI.
339
OF
SULLY.
*
was in the court of Spain for the king's abjuration, 1593.
and a great many proteftations of kindnefs, which
I had no reaſon to believe very fincere, at length
told me, he had a commiffion to propofe a mar-
riage between the king and the infanta of Spain,
with fome other articles, which he declared he had
been ordered to explain only to the king, to whom
he intreated me to prefent him. Henry being wil-
ling to hear him, I told Nugnès, without any ce-
remony, that fince he came from fo fufpected a
place, he muſt purchaſe the honour of an audience
from his majefty, by fubmitting to a few precau-
tions that would perhaps be a little mortifying.
He thought nothing too hard. I therefore began
to fearch him myſelf, and afterwards caufed two of
my valets de chambre to make a more rigid fcru-
tiny about his perfon and cloaths; one of them
having been a taylor, acquitted himſelf of this taſk
with great exactnefs. When he came into the
king's apartment I made him kneel, and held both
his hands betwixt mine. He added nothing to the
propoſals he had already made me, but talked of
the alliance between the two crowns in terms fo
fpecious and lofty, that the king, who at firſt
would hardly liften to him, could not hinder him-
felf from approving of the Spaniard's propofal, to
fend fome perfon on whom he could rely, to en-
quire of Don Bernardin de Mandoce himfelf, if
what he had juſt faid could be depended on.
This deputation, which would have the appear-
ance of a myſtery, I could not approve of, and
ftill lefs of the choice his majefty made of La Va-
renne for this occafion, a man remarkably vain †.
The king, to whom I difcovered all my apprehen-
* Clara Eugenia of Auftria, fe-
cond daughter of Philip II.
† We shall mention him again,
in the fequel of thefe Memoirs; his
name is William Fouquet, and he
derives the title of La Varenne
from the marquifate of La Varenne
in Anjou, which he bought. His
firft employment was that of a cook
to the princefs Catherine, and his
chief excellency in it was larding
meat. If it be true, that this
princefs met him one day after his
preferment, and faid to him, "La
Varenne, thou heſt gained more
"by carrying my brother's pou-
Z 2
fions,
340
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1593. fions, thought he fhould avoid any appearance of
an engagement or negotiation with Spain, by giv-
ing La Varenne no commiffions in writing, and
making the regulation of fome boundaries upon
the frontiers of Spain the pretence for his journey.
La Varenne had no fooner received orders to de-
part, than he boaſted of his commiffion, affumed
the ambaſſador, and repreſented himſelf as fuch to
Mandoce; who, on his fide, paid him greater
honours than he had required. This produced
the effect which the Spaniards defigned it fhould.
It was for fome time believed in England and Ger-
many, that Henry fought to gain the king of
Spain's friendfhip, and to break his alliance with
the proteftant powers; which might have produced
an open rupture, if the king had not taken meaſures
immediately to convince them of the contrary.
The laft refource the league now depended upon,
and which was the cauſe that they always pro-
tracted an agreement or rupture with the Spaniards,
was the horrid refolution of affaffinating the king;
a refolution with which they knew well how to
inſpire a ſmall number of determined men, whoſe
heads they had turned with the alluring profpect of
great rewards, if they fucceeded in their enterprize,
lets, than by larding of mine,"
one may conclude, that the means
by which he gained the king's fa-
vour were not very honourable.
He was first made cloak-bearer to
this prince, afterwards counſellor
of state, and comptroller-general
of the poſt-office, and always lived
in great familiarity with Henry IV.
who ennobled him. La Varenne
appointed a gentleman to attend
his fon. "What," faid this prince
to him, "if thou hadt given thy
"fon to a gentleman, I fhould have
"underfood what you would be
"at; but to give a gentleman to
him, is what I cannot compre-
hend." They fay likewife that
La Varenne having obtained fome
favour of the king which the chan-
cellor De Bellievre made fome dif-
ficulty to grant him, La Varenne
faid to him, "Sir, don't have fuch
a high opinion of yourſelf: I
"would have you to know, that
"if my mafter was twenty-five
<<
years younger I would not
change places with you." See
D'Aubigné, Geneal. de Sainte-
Marthe, Mem. de m. le duc d'An-
gulême. Mem. de Du Pleffis, &c.
Menagiana. Cayet, ibid. tom. V.
p. 276. fpeaks of the embaffy of
La Varenne into Spain, in a quite
different manner from our Me-
moirs.
* Porter le poulets, in French, fignifies to carry love-letters: the jeft lies
in the ambiguity of the word poulet, which fignifies either a pullet or a girl.
and
1
Book VI.
341
OF
SULLY.
and the hopes of meriting a crown of martyrdom 1593.
if they funk under it. Nature itſelf fo recoils at
the reflection, that thoſe who boaſt of being the
fupporters of religion, fhould fo impioufly violate
its moſt facred injunctions, that this paffage ought
to be blotted from all hiftories; were it not like-
wife certain, that there is not any fociety of men,
who bear the name of chriſtians, that would fuffer
the imputation of authorizing fuch a crime; ſuch,
indeed, that no body of men, or even any indivi-
dual, ought to be accuſed of it, without a proof
too clear to be conteſted.
*
The king had but too many in thoſe journeys
he took from St. Denis to Châlon-fur-marne, to
Fort de Gournai, to Brie-comterobert, to Melun,
and afterwards to Meulan and Fontainebleau.
Upon this article, the monks eſpecially have con-
tracted a ftain which they will not eaſily efface.
Henry, while at Melun, had like to have periſhed
by the hand of one of theſe enthufiafts, whom
the jefuits and Capuchins every where fuborned
for that purpoſe. Amongſt other informations
which were fent him upon this fubject, he re-
ceived advice, that one of theſe villains had ſet out
from Lyons, with a refolution to come thither and
affaffinate him. Fortunately, before he left Lyons,
he declared his defign in confeffion to a prieſt;
who, terrified at this frenzy, revealed it to a gentle-
man of Lyons. This gentleman pofted away im-
mediately to get to Melun before the murderer,
and defcribed him fo exactly to the king, from
the picture the prieſt had drawn of him, that he
was known and feized amongſt the crowd at
Melun, confeffed his intended crime, and re-
Cayet. Chron. Novenn. liv.5.
p. 280. fpeaks more pofitively of
thofe confpiracies against the life
of Henry IV. Marifot fays, that
a Flamand, called Avenius, came
to St. Denis with a defign to ftab
the prince, but obferving with
what devotion he behaved at mafs,
he threw himself at his feet, and
implored his pardon; but after-
wards, refuming his firft intention,
he was broke upon the wheel in
the year 1593. Chap. 33.
Z 3
ceived
17
!
342
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1593. ceived puniſhment for it. The king, afhamed
even for his enemies, who by this wickednefs dif-
covered the true bent of their difpofitions, equally
alarmed with all thefe attempts againſt his perfon,
and tormented with the precautions he was obliged
to take, often complained to me in the moſt af-
fecting manner of his uneafy fituation.
He would not have been unhappy if the be-
haviour of the catholics in his court had at leaſt
compenfated for that of the catholics in the league;
but the king's abjuration had produced no more
change in them than the others, and they thought
they were entitled to make him comply with their
inclinations in all things. They bore with impa-
tience the king's not breaking off all commerce
with his old proteftant fervants, and openly mur-
mured if he but converfed with any of them, efpe-
cially with me. The apprehenfion of my bringing
him back to his former religion affected them much
leſs than their fufpicions that, in thofe converfa-
tions I had with the king, I fhould prevail upon
him to rectify the abufes in the government, efpe-
cially the confufion of the finances. Henry, who
was not yet in a condition to affert his authority,
fo far complied with their caprices, as to avoid all
private converfation with the huguenots, refumed
his conferences upon religion with the catholics
only, and continued them at Andrefy* and Mil-
ly. I took this opportunity to afk the king'
permiffion to go to Bontin, where I had grain to
fell to the value of five or fix thoufand crowns.
He granted it, and told me, that at my return he
might perhaps be able to form a more exact judg-
ment of the ſtate of his affairs, and that he would
then talk farther with me.
*And likewife, at Pontoife,
and Fleury, a castle in Gatinois,
belonging to Henry Claufe, chief-
juftice in eyre. The Roman ca-
tholics, who were there, were, ac-
cording to M. De Thou, nieffieurs
De Schomberg, De Villeroi, De
Belin, De Revol, Jeannin, and De
Thou himself, who gives us alſo to
understand, that their difcourſes
turned more upon politics than
religion.
I came
Book VI.
343
OF SULL Y.
I came to Bontin, with my wife, at a time when 1593.
grain bore a very high price. All the great cities,
taking advantage of the truce, haftened to fill their
magazines, whatever might happen, and paid for
what they bought with the money which the
Spaniards had ſcattered throughout the kingdom.
Spaniſh piſtoles were then fo common, that com-
merce was generally carried on in that money.
,
I had ſcarce fold half of my grain, when a let-
ter the king wrote to me from Fontainebleau
obliged me to return. He had, in my abſence,
opened three letters directed to me, from which
he could draw no intelligence, becauſe two of
them, one of which came from madam De Simiers *
fifter to Vitry, and a great friend of admiral Vil-
lars; and the other from La Font, were written in
cyphers; and all that the third, which came from
a man named Defportes, of Verneuil, contained,
was, that he had fomething to communicate to me
relating to the propoſal I made him in my abbey
Saint-Taurin of Evreux. The king, rigidly watch-
ed by the catholics, could only give me theſe let-
ters, the contents of which I afterwards acquainted
him with. Defportes was the agent employed by
the baron De Medavy † to treat of an accom-
modation with him, and the furrender of Verneuil.
The letter from madam De Simiers, and that from
La Font, turned only upon fome favourable cir-
cumſtances which now prefented themfelves, to en-
gage Villars in the king's intereſt. But affairs
foon took another turn with regard to him; the
lofs of Fefcamp ‡ fo affected this governor, that
for this time he broke off all meaſures towards an
accommodation. I was informed of it by letters
*Louifa De l'Hôpital-Vitry,
wife to James Simiers, chief groom
of the ftole to the duke of Alençon.
+ Peter Rouxel, baron of Mé-
davy, count of Grancey, lieute-
nant-general in Normandy, and
counfellor of ftate, died in 1617.
He was remarkable for an uncom-
mon ftrength of body.
A port and fortrefs in the
country of Caux.
Z 4
from
344
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
}
1593.
from madam De Simiers and La-Font, in anſwer
to mine, at the very moment when, by the king's
command, I was preparing to go and confirm Vil-
lars in his good reſolutions.
The manner in which Fefcamp was furpriſed is
fo remarkable that it well deferves a particular re-
cital here. When this fort was taken by Byron
from the league, in the garrifon that was turned
out of it, there was a gentleman, called Bois-rofé *,
a man of fenfe and courage, who making an ex-
act obfervation of the place he left, and having
concerted his fcheme, contrived to get two fol-
diers, whom he had bound to his intereft, to be
received into the new garrifon which was put into
Fefcamp by the royalifts. That fide of the fort
next the fea is a perpendicular rock fix hundred
feet high, the bottom of which, for about the
heighth of twelve feet, is continually waſhed by the
fea, except four or five days in the year, during
the utmoſt recefs of the fea, when, for the ſpace
of three or four hours, it leaves fifteen or twenty
fathom of dry fand at the foot of the rock. Bois-
rofé, who found it impoffible by any other way
to furpriſe a garrifon, who guarded with great care
a place lately taken, did not doubt of accompliſh-
ing his defign, if he could enter by that fide which
was thought inacceffible; this he endeavoured by
the following contrivance to perform.
He had agreed upon a fignal with the two fol-
diers whom he had corrupted, and one of them
waited for it continually upon the top of the rock,
where he pofted himfelf during the whole time
that it was low water. Bois-rofe taking the op-
portunity of a very dark night, came, with fifty
refolute men, chofen from amongft the failors, in
two large boats, to the foot of the rock. He had
provided himſelf with a thick cable, equal in length
De Gouftiminil, or Goufininil, lord of the manor of Bois-
rofe. See Chron. Novenn. book v. p. 94.
ta
Book VI.
345
OF SULLY.
to the heighth of the rock, and tying knots at 1593.
equal diſtances, run ſhort ſticks through, to ferve
to fupport them as they climbed. The foldier
>
whom he had gained, having waited fix months
for the fignal, no fooner perceived it, than he let
down a cord from the top of the precipice, to
which thofe below faftened the cable, by which
means it was wound up to the top, and made faft
to an opening in the battlement with a ſtrong crow
run through an iron ftaple made for that purpoſe.
Bois-rofe giving the lead to two ferjeants whofe
courage he was well convinced of, ordered the fifty
foldiers to mount the ladder in the fame manner,
one after another, with their weapons tied round
their bodies, himfelf bringing up the rear, to take
away all hope of returning; which indeed foon be-
came impoffible, for before they had afcended half
way, the fea rifing more than fix feet, carried off
their boats, and fet their cable a floating. The
neceffity of withdrawing from a difficult enterpriſe
is not always a fecurity againſt fear, when the
danger appears almoſt inevitable. If the mind
reprefents to itſelf theſe fifty men, fufpended be-
tween heaven and earth, in the midſt of darkneſs,
truſting their fafety to a machine ſo inſecure, that
the leaſt want of caution, the treachery of a mer-
cenary foldier, or the flighteft fear, might precipi-
tate them into the abyfs of the fea, or dafh them
against the rocks; add to this, the noife of the
waves, the heighth of the rock, their wearineſs, and
exhauſted ſpirits; it will not appear furprifing, that
the boldeſt amongſt them trembled, as in effect he
who was foremoſt did. This ferjeant telling the
next man that he could mount no higher, and that
his heart failed him, Bois-rofé, to whom this dif-
courfe paffed from mouth to mouth, and who per-
ceived the truth of it by their advancing no higher,
crept over the bodies of thofe that were before
him, adviſing each to keep firm, and got up to
the foremoſt, whofe fpirits he at firft endeavoured
to
"
Book VI.
346
MEMOIRS
1594. to animate; but finding that gentleness would not
prevail, he obliged him to mount by pricking him
in the back with his poignard; and, doubtlefs, if
he had not obeyed him, he would have precipitated
him into the ſea. At length, with incredible la-
bour and fatigue, the whole troop got to the top
of the rock, a little before the break of day, and
was introduced by the two foldiers into the caſtle,
where they began to flaughter without mercy the
centinels and the whole guard; fleep delivered
them up an eaſy prey to the enemy, who killed all
that refifted, and poffeffed themfelves of the fort.
Bois-rofé immediately fent notice of this amazing
fuccefs to admiral Villars, and thought the govern-
ment of the citadel he had fo dearly bought was
the leaft reward he might expect. However, he
heard that Villars, or rather the commandeur de
Grillon*, had a defign to drive him out of it.
Amidſt the firft tranfports of his rage for this in-
juftice, he delivered the caftle of Fefcamp to the
king, whofe converfion he had juſt been informed
of. Villars, at this news, broke off the negoti-
ation which he had permitted madam De Simiers
and La Font to carry on in his name, and ſent
forces to inveſt Fefcamp. Bois-rofé, finding him-
ſelf too weak to make a long reſiſtance, called the
king to his aid, who inftantly fet forward for
Dieppe, and came to St. Valery in Caux. When
this hoftility broke out, the three months truce.
was expired; but the king had been prevailed
upon to prolong it for two or three months longer,
upon the duke of Maïenne's reprefentation, that it
was neceffary he ſhould have more time to fettle
an affair of fuch importance as his treaty, and that
of the league, with the king. He failed not to
exclaim against this violation of the truce, and
fent the count of Belin, governor of Paris, to the
king, to complain of it. Belin came to St. Valery,
* Thomas Berton, governor of Ilonfleur, and brother to Grillon.
acquitted
t
Book VI.
347
OF SUL LY,
*
acquitted himſelf of his commiffion, and demanded 1594.
a farther prolongation of the truce for three months,
which he faid was no more than neceffary for the
duke of Maïenne to make known his laft intentions
at Rome and Madrid, whither he had fent cardinal
de Joyeuſe and Montpezat for that purpofe. The
king, who perceived he only wanted to amufe him,
rejected the count of Belin's propofals; and, with-
out liſtening to any more complaints of the action,
which his enemies had been the firſt cauſe of,
marched directly to Fefcamp, forced the troops
of Villars to retire, and provided this fortreſs with
plenty of all things neceſſary for its ſecurity.
The king, at his return to Mante, being in-
formed that the marquis de Vitry † was inclined to
receive him in Meaux, to favour the good inten-
tions of this governor, he came to Lagny, where
all things were ſo ordered, that he made his public
entry into Meaux on the first day of the year
1594. La Chatre § immediately followed this ex-
ample, with the cities of Orleans and Bourges.
The truce | being at an end, the king laid fiege
to Ferté-Milon. I would have taken this opportu-
nity to finish the buſineſs that had carried me to
Bontin, but his majefty commanded me to re-
view fome battalions of Swifs at Montereau 4. I
fent to madam De Rofny to meet me at this place,
from whence I intended to carry her to Mante.
*Francis, the fecond of the
feven tons of William De Joyeufe.
Henry Des Prés, fieur of Mont-
pezat.
+ Lewis de l'Hopital, marquis
of Vitry.
+ The duke of Maïenne up-
braiding Vitry for having betrayed
him, in delivering the city of
Meaux into the king's hands, Vitry
faid to his meffenger: "You prefs
"me too much: you will at last
"make ne fpeak as becomes a
foldier. Suppofe a thief had
ftolen a purfe, and confided it
r
"to my care; if afterwards,
"coming to the knowledge of the
:
right owner, I fhould reſtore it
"him, and refuſe to give it back
"to the thief who had intrufted
me with it, do you think I
"fhould commit a wicked and
"treaſonable action? I did no-
re
CC
י
thing else when I delivered up
the city of Meaux. Memoirs
for the Hiftory of France, tom. II.
§ Claude de la Chatre.
Between Meaux and Soiffons.
Monterau faut-yonne, in
Champaigne.
She-
348
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594.
She waited for me there to no purpoſe. Two days
before that in which I was to review the Swifs, I re-
ceived new diſpatches from madam De Simiers and
La Font, which informed me, that the man (mean-
ing Villars) was appeaſed, and that nothing hin-
dered me from refuming the ſcheme that had been
laid afide. This affair the king thought of fuch
importance as not to admit of a moment's delay.
The count De* Chaligny juft then coming to the
army with a paſſport for Paris, intreated the king
to fend a perfon whom he could depend upon, to
conduct him to that city; and the king was willing
that I ſhould take advantage of this opportunity,
which offered me both the means of procuring a
more certain knowledge of the defigns of the duke
of Maïenne and the league, and of getting to Rouen
fecurely.
Accordingly, I accompanied the count De Cha-
ligny to Paris; from whence, after having an in-
terview with the duke of Maïenne, I went to Lou-
viers, to the houſe of the fieur De St. Bonnet,
about two leagues from Rouen: from this place I
fent notice of my arrival to the perfons who ma-
naged our interview: they came to fetch me the
next evening, and introduced me into Fort St.
Catherine, where captain Boniface received and
treated me very magnificently while we waited for
Villars, who came at night, attended only by one
fervant; I likewife having none but my valet de
chambre with me. We did not part till after a
converfation that lafted two hours, which left me
entirely fatisfied with the intentions of this govern-
nor. Our interview was conducted with the ut-
moſt ſecrefy; for, befides that the governors of
the chief royalift cities in the neighbourhood of
Rouen would not have failed, either through jea-
loufy or felf-intereft, to crofs the negotiation, and
perhaps have done fomething worfe, as in effect
Henry De Lorrain, count of Chaligny, of the family of Moüy.
3
they
Book VI.
349
OF SUL LY.
they did, as foon as they had any fufpicion of the 1594.
affair; there were in this province a great number
of forces, as well foreigners as thoſe belonging to
the league, over whom Villars had no authority,
and which might in a little time be joined by fuch
confiderable fupplies, as to make him repent of
the meaſures he had engaged in.
I ftaid five days in Fort St. Catherine with the
fame privacy; during which time I had feveral
conferences with Villars, and entered upon the
principal conditions for an accommodation. In-
tereft was not here the greateft difficulty to get
over; he was lefs folicitous to gratify mercenary
views, than to be convinced that the king, by
treating with him, fought not only to gain the
capital of a province, but to bind to his intereſts a
man whom he knew to be equally willing and able
to ferve him. It has been already obferved, what
idea Villars had conceived of the king: as foon as
any difcourfe had confirmed him in it, I could per-
ceive the treaty to be in great forwardnefs; but I
could not then go any farther, not having in writing
the neceffary powers for concluding it.
But to give a more perfect knowledge of this
governor's character: his whole conduct was in-
fluenced by one or the other of two qualities that
predominated in him, or was produced by their
concurrence: theſe two qualities were, courage and
integrity; the firſt infpired that elevated generofity,
that inborn noble pride, which in great fouls is
only a perception of their own worth, without the
leaft mixture of mean vanity, or the intoxication of
felf love; the fecond produces fincerity and truth,
makes its owner incapable of artifice and furprize,
and always ready to yield to reaſon and juſtice: he
who unites thefe two qualities, has feldom any
other fault than being too quickly moved to fudden
eruptions of anger.
*M. De Thou, ſpeaking of ad-
miral De Villars, fays, that he was
of a harsh and infolent diſpoſition,
book ciii.
Such
350
Book VI:
MEMOIRS
1594.
Such was Villars: and what I have ftill to fay
concerning him will juftify the truth of this cha-
racter: there was too great a conformity between
his difpofition and the king's, to fuffer him to con-
tinue long in a ſtate of enmity with him. The
only difference between them was, that Henry, by
often reflecting on the fatal effects of anger, by a
habit acquired in a long courfe of misfortunes, by
the neceffity he was under of gaining friends; and
laftly, by the native tenderneſs of his heart, con-
verted his firſt violent fallies of rage into fuch* emo-
tions as were wholly under the government of his
* Here is a piece of private
piece of private
hiftory, extracted out of the Me-
moirs of the life of the president
De Thou, which proves what the
author fays here concerning the
character of Henry IV. and which
has alfo fome relation to what had
been faid before upon the fiege of
Rouen. "One day that Grillon
"came into the king's clofet, to
"excufe himſelf upon his being
66
reproached, that his going back-
"wards and forwards, to treat
"with the admiral, had afforded
"him an opportunity and the
"means of making that furious
"fally which has been mentioned,
"he pafied from excufes to dif-
putes, then fell into a paffion
"and uttered blafphemies. The
king, being exafpcrated at this
"behaviour, commanded him to
go out; but as Grillon was
"coming back every moment from
"the door, and they perceiving
that the king grew pale with
anger and impatience, they were
afraid he would feize upon
"fomebody's fword and run the
"impudent fellow through. At
"laft, being come to himſelf, after
"Grillon went out, and turning
"towards the lords who attended
"him, and who, with De Thou,
had admired the patience with
"which he bore this infolence, he
faid to them, "Nature has form-
* ed me paffionate, but ſince I have
3
CC
"been fenfible of this fault, I have
always endeavoured to guard
against the dictates of ſo dan-
gerous a paffion; I know by
experience that it is a bad ad-
"vifer, and am glad to have fuch
<<
good witneffes of my modera-
"tion." It is certain, that his
conftitution, the fatigues he had
"endured, and the many viciffi-
"tudes of fortune to which he
"had been ſubjected, had given
"him a firmnefs of foul, that was
proof against the efforts of rage,
"but not the allurements of plea-
"fure. It was remarked, that
"while Grillon was thus conteſt-
"ing with him, marthal Biron,
"who was then in the king's
room, fitting upon a trunk, pre-
"tended to be afleep; and as the
66
diſpute grew warmer, his fleep
became more found; though
"Grillon came near him in order
"to abufe him, and cried aloud
"in his ears, that he was a mangy
"fnarling dog. The company
«Ε
were perfuaded that the marſhal
"only affected that deep fleep,
"that he might not expoſe him-
"felf to the brutality of fuch a
fiery hot-brained man; which
"would infallibly have happened
"if he had feemed to hear him.
"It was alfo believed, that he
"was willing to leave the king all
"the fatigue of the converfa-
❝tion."
reafon,
Book VI. OF
351
SULLY.
reaſon, and ſeldom appeared in his countenance or 1594.
gefture, and ſtill ſeldomer in his words.
*
,
which
The king was juſt come to Chartres
place he had chofen † for the ceremony of his co-
ronation, when I joined him, to give him an ac-
count of my journey, and to procure full powers
for concluding the treaty with Villars. I had ex-
pected to depart again immediately, and did not
imagine he would detain me with him ten or twelve.
days, which was really the cafe. He was then
endeavouring to reconcile the count of Soiffons,
and the duke of Montpenfier, whofe enmity was
firſt occafioned by fome difputes relating to the
prerogatives of their rank as princes of the blood,
and ftrengthened and confirmed by their compe-
tition for the fame poſts, the fame governments,
and, above all, for the fame miftrefs, who was
the princefs Catherine, fifter to the king. The
duke of Montpenfier had certainly the advantage
in the king's favour, as well as in fortune, for he
had immenfe eftates; he appeared at the corona-
tion with a train of four or five hundred gentle-
men, while his rival could with difficulty maintain
a dozen: but, poor as he was, without places,
without governments, and difliked by the king
ever ſince his eſcape from Rouen, he had this ad-
vantage over the duke, to poffefs entirely the heart
of the princefs. The countefs of Guich was their
confidant; fhe was acquainted with all their fecrets,
managed their correfpondence when they could not
fee each other, and to confirmed their mutual af-
fection, that ſhe made them both fign a contract
* Feb. 17, 1594.
† Againſt a frivolous decree of
the ſtates of Blois, which annuls
this ceremony unless it is made in
the city of Rheims. It was de-
cided, that his majefty should be
crowned by Nicholas De Thou,
bishop of this city, and not by the
archbishop of Bourges, who claimed
that honour as lord almoner; and
·
that no uſe ſhould be made of the
Sainte-Ampoule, or holy bottle. See
this ceremony defcribed in the hif-
torians.
The fame who had been
miftrefs to Henry IV. but he was
grown very fat, coarfe, and red-
faced. Journ. of the reign of
Henry III. tom. ì. p. 270.
of
352
Book VI
MEMOIRS
1594.
of marriage, which the confufion only of the times
prevented them from folemnizing.
His majefty was fo paffionately defirous of re-
conciling theſe two princes of the blood to each
other, that the treaty with Villars was fuffered to
ſtand ſtill, whilft he applied himſelf wholly to this
affair. He had no regard to my remonftrance,
nor to the danger there was in delaying it; he in-
fifted upon my undertaking the difficult task of
making them friends, conjointly with the biſhop of
Evreux, whom he had pitched upon at firſt, but
found he was not able to fucceed alone, in ſo de-
licate an affair. It is certain, I ftill preferved a
great fhare of the count's efteem, but I was well
acquainted with his infolent and haughty diſpoſition,
and that the fear only of feeming to yield to a
rival who was his fuperior, would not only confirm
him in his pretenfions, but perhaps induce him to
form new ones.
I will not tire the reader with a
detail of the diſputes, refuſals, and fallies of ill
humour which we were obliged to endure; we
were more than once upon the point of giving up
our taſk, as hopeleſs of ever accompliſhing it:
however, by the force of arguments, founded upon
the king's command, with much patience, and
many importunities, we prevailed upon the two
princes to fee each other, and to embrace. I was
not to anſwer for the fincerity of this reconciliation:
the article of their paffion for the princeſs, and her
marriage, which I carefully avoided mentioning,
continuing ftill undetermined, left the feeds of di-
vifion in their hearts: but this I looked upon as an
infurmountable obftacle.
I was extremely well fatisfied at having fucceeded
fo far, without touching upon this article, and I
now faw nothing to delay my journey to Rouen.
But I was deceived: the king's extreme folicitude
to reconcile theſe princes was with a view of attain-
ing another end, which he ftill more ardently de-
fired; and this was the very fame that I thought I
had
Book VI: O F SULLY.
353
had fo prudently laid afide, the marriage of the 1594.
princefs his fifter. Unfortunately I was the perfon
his majefty fixed upon to accomplish this defign.
I was commiffioned to get the contract of marriage,
which I have just mentioned, out of the hands of
the parties concerned; that, this obftacle being
removed, the king, who was refolved to refuſe the
duke of Montpenfier nothing he demanded, might
be able to make ufe of his authority to prevail
upon the princefs to receive him for a huſband,
and by that means deliver himſelf from the appre-
henfion of feeing a marriage concluded, which,
though clandeftinely, would be no lefs dangerous,
fince the count of Soiffons would become his heir,
whether he confented to it or not, and make uſe
of his own riches against him: and if this marriage
produced any children, as there was no doubt but
it would, that would give his majefty, who had
none, another caufe for uneafinefs.
I trembled when I received the king's order for
this purpoſe. I would have reprefented to him,
that Villars would certainly engage himfelf in the
enemy's party for ever, as would alfo Medavy, and
feveral other governors in Normandy, unlefs I
went immediately to thofe places. The affair was
refolved upon; the king would not hear me, and
only granted me what I asked to infure the fuccefs
of his fcheme, which was, to give no fufpicion of
my being employed in it, and to leave me the
choice of what meafures I thought neceffary to
take.
When I was alone, and had reflected upon the
nature of the commiffion which I had received, I
confeſs I was thrown into the utmoſt perplexity.
From the knowledge I had of the princels Cathe-
rine's difpofition, from whom it was neceffary to
get this contract, I was convinced it was not in the
power of human eloquence to make her approve of
the king's defigns with regard to her. How diffi-
cult a talk to perfuade a woman, and a princefs,
VOL. I.
A a
to
354
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594. to renounce the man ſhe loved, and beſtow herſelf
upon one whom the hated. There was no proba-
bility of fucceeding but by artifice. I endeavoured
to vanquish my fcruples by reflecting, that in de-
ceiving the lady, though I did not confult her in-
clination, yet I was attentive to her real intereſt;
and that it was to free the king and kingdom from
the bad confequences that might attend her irregular
conduct, which induced me to act in this manner.
I flattered myſelf that the princefs would one day
think herfelf obliged to me for having, by an in-
nocent ftratagem, prevented the ruin of her for-
tune, together with the lofs of the king her bro-
ther's friendſhip. Specious as theſe reaſons were,
I cannot help confeffing, that I did betray her;
and this gave me pain. The impoffibility of fuc-
ceeding by any other means, and the hope that
even fhe would one day pardon the deceit, and
confefs that I had done her a real fervice by it,
was what at laft determined me. As for the count,
having no occafion to make any application to him,
and being likewife but little attached to him, the
reſpect that was due to his perfon ought to be laid
afide, when it oppofed the public utility, and what
the fervice of the king my mafter required of me.
However, this affair, in the end, was the cauſe of
great uneafinefs to me, which my fcruples, and
the reluctance I had to engage in it,' fhould have
preferved me from.
There was ſtill another difficulty to be removed.
I faw the princefs very feldom, on account of the
multiplicity of bufinefs in which I was engaged,
and I knew her difcernment too well to doubt that
whatever ineafures I made ufe of to obtain the
contract in queftion, my unuſual affiduity would, in
a mind naturally diftruſtful, create fufpicions which
would put her upon her guard againſt all I could
fay or get others to fay to her: I therefore endea-
voured to act in fuch a manner that ſhe ſhould pre-
vent me herſelf. For this purpoſe I made uſe of
the
i
Book VI. OF SULLY.
355
the two Du-Perons, who I knew (efpecially the I594.
youngeſt) were of a humour to make their court
to the Great at the expence of betraying a fecret.
I was intimate only with the biſhop of Evreux, the
eldeſt but one rifques nothing in depending upon
the good opinion all men have of their own
merit; on this article they are always their own
dupes first. I went therefore to vifit the younger
Du-Perron; I flattered him: I infinuated myſelf
into his favour by feigning to impart fecrets to him.
He began to think himfelf a man of vaft impor-
tance, and, through vanity, believed every word
I ſaid to him. When I perceived him intoxicated
with felf-admiration, I told him (with all the ap-
pearances of the utmoft fincerity, exacting at the
fame time an oath of fecrecy from him, which Ì
ſhould have been very forry he had kept) that the
king had imparted to me in confidence his inten-
tions with regard to the princefs; that he was re-
folved to marry her to the count of Soiffons; and
that fome little difficulties, which ftill remained to
be got over, prevented his majefty from publicly
declaring his defign. I was affured two days only
would be fufficient for Du-Perron to get rid of this
weighty fecret, in fuch a manner that it would
reach the princeſs Catherine. Accordingly, a mo-
ment afterwards he told it, with injunctions of
fecrefy, to monfieur De Courtenai*, and two other
of the count of Soiffon's moft intimate confidants.
They ran to inform the count of it, and he the
princefs and the countefs of Guiche.
I did not doubt but the princefs, flattered with
fuch an agreeable hope, would make me the firſt
advances; and I was not deceived. Going to take
leave of her, as a man just ready to undertake a
long journey, I had a complete proof of Du-
Perron's fidelity. The princefs received me with
more than uſual refpect; and the countefs of
Gafpard de Courtenai.
A a 2
Guiche,
356
MEMOIRS
}
<<
a
Book VI,
1594. Guiche, not willing to lofe fo favourable an op-
portunity, after fome converfation upon indifferent
matters, made hafte to bring the affair of the prin-
cefs's marriage with the count, who was prefent,
upon the carpet, and embracing me in a tranfport
of friendſhip, "See," faid fhe to the lovers,
"man who is able to ferve you." The princefs
then, addreffing herſelf to me, told me, that I
knew the count and her had always efteemed ine
greatly; and that fhe in particular would be ex-
tremely obliged to me, if I would affift her endea-
vours to reſtore herſelf to the favour of the king
her brother. She fpoke only thefe few words, and
left the care of faying more to that infinuating and
graceful air, which the knew better than any other
woman in the world how to affume when the
pleafed. I feemed to be abfolutely gained, and
after thanking the princefs for the honour ſhe did
me, I added, that if I might depend upon the
fecrefy of all that were then prefent, I would in-
form them of fome circumftances which would not
be indifferent to them. Women make no fcruple
to promiſe fecrefy, though they have been always
accuſed of performing that promife very ill. The
princeſs and her confidant added an oath to the
affurances they gave me; but it was not my defign
to explain myfelf farther at that time. I afked
them for three days delay: they affifted me in find-
ing an excufe for deferring my journey to Rouen;
and I took leave of the company, who impatiently
expected the time I had preſcribed.
I was punctual to my appointment, and waited
upon the princeſs at the expiration of the three days.
I fuffered myſelf to be preffed a long time before I
would diſcloſe my fecret; at laft, feeming to yield
to the importunity of the two ladies, I told them,
that having feveral times founded the king upon
the marriage in queftion, he at firft fhewed fome
reluctance to it, without caring to explain himſelf
farther;
* Book VI.
OF
357
SULLY.
farther; but my earneſt intreaties had at length pre- 1594.
vailed upon him to open his heart to me upon this
fubject; and he confeffed, that far from feeling any
repugnance to conclude this marriage, he thought
it a very proper one; and that fince he had no
iffue of his own, he ſhould be overjoyed to ſee the
offspring of his fifter and a prince of his blood,
whom he would look upon as his own children :
that the gentle and complying difpofition of the
count of Soiffons and the princefs was highly agree-
able to him, but that he fhould find it very diffi-
cult to forget that the count had endeavoured to
deceive him, and to obtain his fifter without his
confent. This fpeech, every word of which I had
concerted before, produced the effect I defigned it
fhould: the two lovers and their confidant began
to confefs they had acted indifcretely, and to condemn
themſelves for conducting the affair with fuch a
ſpirit of independance. This was what I waited
for: I feized this opportunity to convince them
that I believed the offence might be foon repaired;
that the king was naturally kind, and eaſily forgot
paft injuries; all that was now neceffary to be done,
was to behave in a quite contrary manner, to folicit
his favour, feem abfolutely dependant upon him,
leave him mafter of their deftiny; in fine (and
this was the most difficult point of all) facrifice to
him the contract they had both figned, as being
what he was moſt offended with; and not to fear
giving him even a declaration in writing, in which
they fhould both bind themfelves not to marry
without his confent: after this condefcenfion, I
told them, on their fide, I believed I might affure
them, that in lefs than three months the king would
himſelf prevent their defires, and unite them for
ever.
I found no difficulty in gaining credit to theſe
affurances, and that very inftant they promifed to
refign the contract of marriage, poffibly becaufe
they thought it would be of no ufe to them, if the
A a 3
king
358
Book VI,
MEMOIRS
1594. king, when he became abfolute mafter in his do-
minions, fhould not agree to it. The counteſs of
Guiche faid fhe had left it at Bearn, but would fend
for it immediately. They did not ſo eaſily yield
to the declaration I demanded afterwards, and with-
out which their refigning the contract fignified no-
thing, fince the parties might whenever they pleaſed
renew it. This was the very argument I made ufe
of to enforce the neceffity of giving it, and I con-
vinced them, that without this the king could
neither depend upon their fincerity, nor be affured
of their obedience. This article was ſtrongly con-
teſted; and when at last, by the force of remon-
ftrances, I obtained a writing, by which the prin-
cefs and the count cancelled all promifes that had
paffed between them, releaſed each other frorn any
engagement, and fubmitted themſelves abfolutely
to the king's difpofal, the confequences of this
writing alarmed them, and they had recourfe to a
medium, without which it is probable the affair
had reſted as it was: this medium was, that I only
fhould be intrufted with it, and fhould not fuffer it
to go out of my hands, not even though the king
fhould require it. Luckily they did not add, that
it fhould be returned to the princefs, if matters
took an unfavourable turn. I promiſed them,
upon my word and honour, that I would not part
with it; which fatisfied them entirely, and the
writing was delivered to me, in form, figned by
the princeſs and the count, and fealed with their
arms. The king's joy for my fuccefs, which he
durft hardly flatter himſelf with the hopes of, was
confiderably lefs, when he found the writing was
to remain in my hands: he often entreated me
earneftly to give it him; but finding, by my per-
fifting to refufe him, that the obedience I owed him
could not influence me to a breach of my promife,
he no longer folicited me to it. The two lovers
feeing the agreeable hopes I had given them ſtill
unaccomplished, could not, as it may be well
7
imagined,
Book VI.
359
OF SULLY.
imagined, pardon me for having deceived them: 1594-
the fucceeding part of thefe Memoirs will fhew how
they refented it.
Áfter the conclufion of this affair, which I can-
not remember without pain, I was wholly em-
ployed in preparing for my journey to Rouen. I
was apprehenſive, and not without reaſon, that fo
long a delay had abfolutely broke all my firft mea-
fures with admiral Villars: however, I obtained
full powers
from the king to conclude a treaty,
not only with this governor, but alſo with all the
other governors and officers of the province. Juft
as I was going to fet out, Defportes arrived, and
ſtopped me once more; he was fent by the baron
De Medavy to the bishop of Evreux, to defire that
he would lend him his houſe of Condé for a little
time; and alfo prevail upon me to come thither,
that he might confer with me upon the conditions
of his treaty, and that of Verneuil. I left Char-
tres, and came in the evening to Anet, madam
D'Aumale having long earneftly folicited me to
vifit her there.
This lady, who had more underſtanding and
prudence than her husband, conjured him inceffantly
to break with the league, and refign himſelf wholly
to the king. She was fenfible, that not only his
duty and fafety required that he fhould take this
ftep, but his intereft likewife; for the duke D'Au-
male's † domeſtic affairs were in fuch diſorder, that
there was no other way to avoid approaching ruin,
but by being amongſt the firſt who returned to their
duty and obedience on this occafion, and were
therefore diftinguiſhed with very confiderable re-
wards. I alighted at an inn in Anet, and while
my fupper was preparing, went to wait upon
*The prefent duke of Sully has
the original of this full power in
his poffeffion, as likewife many of
the originals of Maximilian de
Bethune's letters upon this fubject.
Charles de Lorraine, duke of
Aumale, who died in 1631, in his
retirement at Bruffels; his wife
was Mary de Lorraine, daughter of
René, duke of Elbeuf.
A a 4
madan
360.
MEMOIRS Book VI.
}
1594. madam D'Aumale, attended only by one page.
To the joy that animated the countenance of this
lady the moment fhe perceived me, fhe added the
favour of a moft obliging and friendly reception;
and that the might not waite moments fo precious,
took my hand and made rne walk with her in
thofe fine galleries and gardens which make Anet
a moſt enchanting place: here fhe expreffed to
me her earneft defire to have her huſband return
to the obedience he owed his fovereign, and named
the conditions upon which he might be induced to
confent to it. I omit all the propofitions, either ap-
proved or rejected, that paffed between us. Hither-
to I had feen nothing but what did honour to the
mafter of a houfe truly royal; and I fhould have
been ignorant of the deplorable extremity to which
the duke was reduced, if fhe had not intreated,
and even forced me to fup with her, and to ſtay
there all night. After a repaft, which we waited
for a long time, and when it camne was as bad as
the attendance we had at it, I was conducted into
a very large chamber, all fhining with marble,
but almoſt deſtitute of furniture, and fo cold, that
I could neither get heat, nor fleep in a bed, where
the ſhort narrow filk curtains, one thin coverlid,
and damp fheets, were fufficient to benumb one
with cold, even in the midſt of fummer: not able
to continue in bed, I rofe, and thought to fecure
myſelf againſt the inconveniences of my damp
lodging by making a fire, but I could find no
other wood to burn than green holm and juniper,
which it was impoffible to kindle: I was obliged
therefore to wear my gown the whole night, by
which means I was very early awake, and joyfully
quitting fo difagreeable a lodging, I went to join
my attendants, the meaneft of whom fared better,
and paffed the night more comfortably than their
maſter.
I made myſelf amends for this fatigue at Condé,
where I found every conveniency that could con-
tribute
Book VI,
361
OF
SULLY.
}
tribute towards an agreeable reception: as foon as
I arrived, I got into a good bed, Medavy not be-
ing expected till noon. At first he regulated his
behaviour according to that notion, that in fuch a
conjuncture as the prefent the moſt confiderable
nobleman has a right to fet ten times a greater
value upon himſelf than he is worth; he performed
his part perfectly well, by an air of falfe diftruft,
and an affected fuperiority, which he imagined,
would procure him fome advantage. I contrafted
his vanity with a frankneſs that fhewed it to him-
felf, and told him calmly, that if he waited till
the great cities came to an accommodation, he,
who had only Verneuil to offer, his facrifice would
immediately loſe half of its value; and that after-
wards perhaps his propoſals would not be liſtened
to, and no reward granted him. My fincerity
forced him to be candid likewife; he appeared
more reaſonable, and we foon agreed: he only
intreated me not to make the affair public till the
end of March, becauſe he had engaged to Villars
to do nothing without his participation. He fent
Defportes with me to Rouen, to pay this compli-
ment to the governor, and to obferve, at the fame
time, whether I concluded the treaty with Villars,
whofe accommodation drew his along with it, and
in fome meaſure neceffarily.
I came to Louviers the next day, from whence
making known my arrival to admiral Villars, he
fent the captain of his guards to receive me at the
gate of the city. I did not enter fecretly as be-
fore, but publicly, and with a kind of pomp. The
ftreets were filled with the people; and the hopes of
a peace, by which quiet and commerce would be
reftored to their city, drew loud acclamations of
joy from them as I paffed. Villars had caufed
the fineft houfe in Rouen to be prepared for the
reception of me and my train, which confifted of
twelve or fifteen gentlemen; and had given all
the neceffary orders for treating us magnificently.
La-
1594.
362
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
น
1594.
La-Font, who had the care of my reception,
waited to conduct me thither: he outdid his maf-
ter, and at night gave me the mufic, and the di-
verfion of dancers, and jugglers, whom I could
not prevail upon to receive either money or pre-
fents. I fent Du-Perat to make my compliments
to the admiral, madam de Simiers, and the abbé
De Tiron *, who all had a great ſhare in the ma-
nagement of this affair: they returned me the fame
civility a few moments after by the fieur De Per-
driel, and defired him to tell me, that I muſt reſt
this day, and we ſhould enter upon buſineſs the
next. This, however, did not hinder the abbot
from viſiting me in the evening, without cere-
mony; indeed his whole conduct upon this occa-
fion diſcovered a degree of rectitude and fincerity
rarely to be found in fuch negotiations.
I found by his diſcourſe that the king had been
within a very little of lofing Villars irretrievably.
A deputy from Spain, named Don Simon-Anto-
nio, and another called Chapelle Marteau ‡, from
the duke of Maïenne, came to Rouen fome days
before my arrival, and had made very advanta-
geous propoſals to this governor; he had likewiſe
daily received letters from the catholics, even thoſe
in the king's party, which tended to raiſe unfa-
vourable fufpicions of his majeſty's defigns, and to
prejudice him againſt a negotiation entruſted to a
proteftant agent: this argument had great weight
with Villars, always zealous for his religion, and
would have infallibly determined him for the ene-
mies party, if in this perplexity his mind had not
been ballanced by other letters from the cardinal of
Bourbon, the biſhop of Evreux, and the marquis
de Vitry, who all affured him he might depend
upon the king's word and my fincerity. Tiron
fhewed me part of each of theſe letters, and
* Philip Des-Portes, abbot of
Jofaphat, Tiron, and Bonport.
Michael Marteau, fieur de la
Chapelle,
thought
Book VI. OF SULLY.
363
"
thought it neceffary to warn me, that the admiral, 1594.
having been perpetually befet by deputies from the
league, and offended likewife at the delays that
had been uſed with him, I must not expect to
vanquish his irrefolution without fuffering fome of
thoſe fallies of rage, ſo natural to him, and which
with a little patience it was eaſy to allay.
*
I went to wait on Villars, well prepared to
ſuſtain all theſe little affaults, and at firft perceived
plainly that the fight of me awakened fome re-
mains of diftruft and anger in his mind. My be-
haviour foon diffipated this cloud, and he with
great calmnefs and ferenity propoſed his conditions,
which were comprized under the following heads:
That he ſhould continue ftill in his poſt of admi-
ral, which had been bestowed on him by the
league; and in his government of Rouen poffefs a
power independent of the duke of Montpenfier,
governor of that province, at leaſt during three
years; and that this power ſhould extend over the
bailiwics of Rouen and Caux: That the exerciſe
of the proteftant religion fhould not be allowed in
this capital, nor fix leagues about it: That all the
officers poſted by the league in the cities belonging
to his government fhould be continued there, with
fifteen hundred foot, and three hundred horſe, to
be maintained by the king for the fecurity of thoſe
cities: That his majefty fhould give him the ſum
of an hundred and twenty thouſand livres to pay
his debts, and a yearly penfion of fixty thouſand:
That Fefcamp fhould be delivered to him: And
laftly, that he ſhould have the difpofal of the
abbeys of Jumiéges, Tiron, Bonport, La Valafe,
Saint Taurin, and that of Montiviliers, which he
defigned for a fifter of Madam de Simiers.
* M. de Villars, in the Me-
moirs of thofe times, is reprefented
to be of a haughty difpofition,
and fubject to frequent tranfports
of anger. It is there obferved,
that the baron De Rofny was the
only one that could fucceed in theſe
negotiations. Memoirs for the
hiftory of France, vol. II. Theſe
negotiations of the baron De Rof-
ny are alfo commended by M. de
Thou, b. cix.
If
364
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594.
If all theſe articles had as much depended upon
me as that relating to the abbey of Saint-Taurin,
which was my own, and which I immediately
yielded to Villars, the treaty had been concluded
without any farther delay; and this I affured him
of with regard to thoſe wherein the king was ab-
folute mafter. But however full and extenſive the
powers I had received from his majefty were, I
could do nothing in thoſe articles which regarded´
the duke of Montpenfier, and Biron, who was
inveſted with the poſt of admiral, and in pof-
feflion of Fefcamp, which he had got from Bois-
role on a promiſe of indemnification, that had not
yet been fulfilled; and I did not think I had a
right to fettle this affair without informing the
king of it. As I did not heſitate upon any of
thofe conditions which depended immediately upon
the king to grant, I expected that Villars would
have been fatisfied with my conduct; but this gover-
nor going out with the deputies from the league at
the very moment that I was endeavouring to make
him comprehend my reafons, he interrupted me
haftily with theſe few words, pronounced with
great fury: "That I might fpare myfelf the
trouble of talking to him any more, fince he
was determined either to finiſh the treaty upor
the fpot, or break it off entirely."
Although I was a little ftunned with this un-
forefeen blow, I anfwered Villars calmly, that I
was perfuaded the king would grant him the three
articles in queftion, as well as all the others (that of
Fefcamp making two, becaufe Bois-rofe was con-
cerned in it:) That this needed not hinder us from
drawing up the treaty, and even figning it that
moment, as if every thing was agreed to, infert-
ing only this note in the margin over againſt the
three articles, To be determined by the king. And
to convince him that I fought not to gain time,
in order to betray him afterwards, I offered to re-
main in his power as an hoftage, till his majefty
returned
Book VI. O 365
OF
F
SUL LY.
returned an anſwer. Villars ftill ſtarted new diffi- 1594.
culties, but he could not refift madam de Simiers,
the abbot Tiron, and La Font, who all fupported
my arguments. I had the treaty drawn up in hafte;
we figned it; and I fent a copy of it immediately
to the king, with a long letter, in which I gave him
an account of all that had paffed. But before the
anſwer could be brought to Rouen, an incident
happened, which we once imagined would have
rendered it uſeleſs.
Moſt of the governors of the ſmall forts in the
neighbourhood of Rouen, far from returning to
the duty and obedience they owed their king, per-
fifted in their revolt, becaufe, in the prefent con-
fuſed ſtate of affairs, they acquired gains, which
they forefaw would ceaſe with the war. The moft
artful amongſt them made themſelves equally ne-
ceffary to each of the contending parties, and ex-
acted bribes from both. Du Rollet, governor of
Pont de l'Arche, was one of thofe who acted on
theſe principles with the greateſt fubtilty. He had
for more than a year flattered the king with hopes
that he would fall upon means to deliver the city
of Rouen and its governor into his hands, pro-
vided he would give the government of this place
to him, which his majefty at all events gave him
a written promife of. Du Rollet failing in an en-
terprife which exceeded his abilities, took it into
his head to blaft my negotiation, which he at-
tempted in this manner:
He commanded an officer named Dupré to
mingle with my train as I paffed through Ponte
de l'Arche, and to enter Rouen with me. I had
been informed that Du Rollet was difaffected, but
I had no reaſon to fufpect this officer of having
any bad defigns, nor could I hinder him from fol-
lowing me. I was likewife abfolutely ignorant of
this Dupré's being the very fame perfon who had
been employed by Du Rollet before to cabal againft
グ
​Villars
366
MEMOIRS
Book VI.
1594. Villars in Rouen *. He was no fooner entered,
than, renewing his former acquaintance, he put
himſelf at the head of a party of raſh inconfiderate
perfons, with whom he laid a plot to feize the old
palace, and fecure the governor's perfon; perfuad-
ing them that he acted thus by my orders. As he
had no other defign than to alarm the governor,
and to inſpire him with the utmoſt deteftation of
me, he was not at much trouble to keep the
affair fecret; in effect, Villars was informed of it
immediately.
The exceſs of anger this news threw him into,
and the injurious thoughts it infpired him with
againſt the king, and eſpecially me, may be eaſily
imagined. Convinced that he had now an incon-
teftable proof of my treachery, he would not ex-
amine the matter any further, but fent D'Infen-
court to me that moment to defire I would come
to him. I had dined that day with La Pile, at-
torney-general of the chamber of accounts, and
had juft received letters which pleafed me exceed-
ingly. The king granted Villars the three articles.
which had been referred to him, and engaged to
procure the conſent of the parties concerned. Over
against thefe articles, I had written upon the mar-
gin of the original treaty which I had carried with
ine, To be agreed by his majesty's command. I pro-
mifed myſelf great pleaſure in thus furprizing Vil-
lars, who could not expect fuch a quick difpatch;
and went out of La Pile's houfe with the treaty in
one hand, holding a white fcarf which I had put
into my pocket in the other, intending to throw
it about Villars's neck, and embracing him, to fa-
lute him admiral and governor of the diftricts of
Rouen and Caux. The contrariety of reflections
* During the fiege of Rouen,
Du Rollet endeavouring to throw
himſelf into that city, was taken
and ſhut up in the old caftle, where
however, it is probable, he ſtill
continued to carry on intrigues for
the king's intereft. Cayet, b. iv.
p. 14.
that
Book VI.
367
OF SULLY.
that employed our minds as we advanced towards 1594.
each other had, I believe, fomething in it very
incommon.
My gaiety was foon overcaft, for Villars per-
ceiving me at a diſtence, came towards me with
hafty itrides, his face fwelled and inflamed, his
eyes fparkling, and all his looks and geftures ex-
preffive of the moft violent tranfports of fury.
He began by fnatching the paper out of my hand,
and not giving me time to fpeak, with a voice fo
altered by this inward agitation that it was fcarcely
articulate, he ſtammered out thefe words, too re-
markable, not to be related exactly.
<<
CC
"So, fir, where, in the devil's name, are you
going fo airy, and fo full of mirth? By heavens
you have not attained your purpofe, and before
"the game is ended, you may perhaps have no
"caufe to finile, at leaſt if I treat you as you de-
"ferve. You are out in your reckoning, you,
"and your king of Navarre alfo, for by my foul
" he has got a
in the baſket, and if he can
"find no other footman than Villars, I fancy he
"will be but badly ferved." Saying this, he tore
the treaty in a thoufand pieces, and threw them
into the fire. Having given the reins to his fury,
he added an infinite number of invectives in the
fame tone, and equally extravagant, intermingling
them with oaths, the rage he was in furniſhing
him with an inexhauftible fource of them.
That I fuffered him to go on thus, without in-
terruption, was at firft owing to my aftoniſhment,
or rather indeed to the neceffity I was under of
hearing him, and afterwards to the reflection that
thefe forts of difpofitions cannot bear contradiction:
at length ſtopping of himfelf, he began to traverſe
his chamber, which was very long and wide, like
a man out of his fenfes. Well, fir," faid I, when
I found he was filent, "have you done yet talk-
ing at random? You have reaſon to be fatisfied
"at having thus behaved like a madman, without
6C
(C
<C
being
368
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594.
being contradicted in your extravagancies." Per-
ceiving that the calm manner in which I fpoke to
him obliged him in fpite of himfelf to liften to me,
I proceeded to tell him, that what he had juſt ſaid
and done in my prefence appeared to be nothing
but an artifice he had conceived to retract the word
he had fo folemnly given; but that this turn would
always diſhonour him, and greatly leffen my opi-
nion of his wifdom and integrity.
"'Sdeath,"
cried he, ftopping fhort, "I never did, nor ever
"will deferve or fuffer fuch a reproach. I am a
"man of too much honour; fuch evafions are
KC
>>
only fit for thofe who betray their friends,
" and endeavour to get them affaffinated." Hi-
therto he had faid nothing fo plain as this laſt
word, by which, though I could not comprehend
the whole extent of his meaning, yet I was able
to guefs from whence fo furious a behaviour pro-
· ceeded.
I demanded an explanation, and protefted to
him, with that air of fincerity and confidence with
which even the moft prejudiced cannot help being
affected, that I was abfolutely ignorant of his
meaning; and that if I could be convicted of any
unfair proceedings with regard to him, I was ready
to deliver myſelf into his hands, without defiring
either pardon or favour. Thus obliging him to
be more explicit, he reproached me with having
employed Dupré to affaffinate him, and to feize
upon the old palace. The violence of his agita-
tion not permitting him to ſpeak otherwiſe than in
broken and interrupted fentences, the affair ap-
peared to me utterly improbable, and I could not
hinder myſelf from entertaining fome fufpicions,
of his fincerity, nor from telling him, that he had
been feduced by Spanish piftoles to contrive fuch a
flight pretence for breaking with me.
"Who
"I?" cried he, relapfing again in a rage, "'Sdeath,
" muſt I confefs that I have acted treacherouſly
"with you, and broke my oath? I would rather
"die
Book VI.
OF
369
SULLY.
"By 1594.
"die than be guilty of fuch bafenefs."
"heaven, fir," anfwered I, "for you teach me
to ſwear, it is only by your fulfilling or breaking
"off the treaty, that I fhall know whether to
"believe you an honeft or a perjured man."
We continued thus expoftulating a long time,
which increaſed rather than leffened our mutual
diffatisfaction; fo that at laft we both became
equally enraged. During this conteſt the abbot de
Tiron came in, and entering immediately into the
occafion of our quarrel, reduced us both to reaſon.
Depend upon it, fir," faid he to Villars, "the
"baron de Rofny is not guilty of the fchemes
"that have been laid againſt you; he is a man
"of too much honour; and, in fuch a cafe, too
prudent to throw himſelf into your power.
cc
>>
Theſe few words explained every thing. I turn-
ed calmly towards Villars, telling him, that I was
convinced anger alone had been the caufe of all the
injurious things he had faid; and that I expected,
as foon as it was allayed, he would repair his
fault, by performing his firft promiſe. "Well,
"fir," faid he, already half pacified, "I will keep
my word but take care alfo not to fail of
yours, with regard to the three articles yet un-
"determined." I answered, that if it had not
been for his fury, which made him throw the
treaty into the fire, he might have feen that the
king confented to grant him them all.
cc
CC
CC
t
We were upon thefe terms when madam De
Simiers was introduced. "Don't be angry with
me, madam," faid he, as he went to receive
her: "all is over, we are good friends again;
but, by heaven, the traitor who made all this
"mifchief fhall die before I eat or drink."
kept his word, for caufing Dupré to be brought
before him, after he had confeffed the whole
affair, he ordered him, without the formality of a
trial, to be hung up at a window.
B b
VOL. I.
He
Villars
}
MEMOIRS Book VI.
370
$594.
re-
Villars intreating me afterwards to fhew him
the king's letter, I did not fcruple to tell him, that
his majeſty's fecrets ought only to be communi-
cated to his open and declared fervants. To make
Villars of this number, nothing more was necef-
fary but to draw up the treaty again, which we
figned, and each of us kept a duplicate of it. It
was agreed between us, that the affair fhould
main a fecret for fome time, on account of the
league and the Spaniards, againft whom this go
vernor took new meafures, by reinforcing the
troops he had in Rouen. After this, I no longer
made any difficulty in fhewing him all my letters,
as well thofe which I had written to and received
from the king before, as that in which I informed
him of the ratification of the treaty, and his ma-
jeſty's anſwer to it. The courier who carried theſe
laft difpatches was not more than four hours on his
journey.
Thefe letters gave great fatisfaction to Villars,
particularly the laft, written with the king's own
hand. His majefty in that thanked me more like
a friend, than a fovereign, for the fervice I had
juſt done him, and concluded with thefe words,
"Come to me at Senlis, on the 20th of March,
or at Saint Denis on the 21ft, that you may
$C
EC
help to cry Long live the king in Paris, and after-
"wards we will do the fame at Rouen:" for I
wrote to him that his prefence there was neceffary.
"Shew this letter," added he, " to the new friend
FC
CC
you have acquired me, that he may fee I do
"not forget him, and be convinced that I love
him, and know how to prize and reward fuch
"brave men as he is." **
By heaven," faid Vil-
lars, at this place, "this prince is too gracious
"and obliging to remember me, and fpeak of
me in fuch advantageous terms." From that
moment Villars continued firm in his obedience
and affection to the king; nor had his majefty
amongſt his moft antient fervants one more abfo-
r
lutely
!
Book Vİ. OF
371
SUL S
Ì Y.
O F
lutely devoted to his interefts than him. He de-
fired me to be fatisfied with his word for the faith-
ful execution of all the articles comprehended in
the treaty, and I accepted it as the beft fecurity
he could give me.
The remainder of the time that I ftaid in Rouen
was employed in regulating fome affairs of the
fame nature. I ufually spent the day with the ad-
miral, and at night retired to my apartment, to
give audience to all the officers as well of the city
and parliament, as of the army, that were ſcattered
throughout that province, and who came to me
privately to concert meafures for feparating the
people from the interefts of the league. Medavy
was of this number, and I concluded the treaty
with him. Verneuil not being a city of fuch im-
portance as to make it neceffary to uſe the fame
precautions with it as with Rouen, the king or-
dered Medavy to publifh his treaty, for an example
to the other governors.
As I was fellicitous not to neglect meeting his
majefty at the place he had appointed me, I made
hafte to leave Rouen, after receiving from the
governor every inftance of gratitude and refpect.
I took a leave equally affectionate of the abbot De
Tiron, and madam De Simiers, promifed them
to return foon, and affured madam De Simiers,
I would bring her brother, the marquis De Vitry,
along with me, with a body of troops fufficient
to put Villars into a condition to explain himſelf
without danger. The obligations I owed to them
were great enough to demand this fervice of me,
although his majesty's intereft had not been an
additional motive to it.
It was upon fome correfpondencies the king
carried on in Paris that he found his hopes of
being foon admitted there, and he was on his way
thither from St. Denis when I joined him. His
party in that city was fo firmly united, and fo
many perſons of equal courage and fidelity had
Bb 2
joined,
1594.
❤
372
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594. joined, that it was almoft impoffible but that it
fhould fucceed. Ever fince the battle of Arques,
when the count Belin was taken prifoner by the
king's forces, and had an opportunity of difco-
vering the great qualities of that prince contrafted
with the weaknefs of his enemies, the duke of
Maïenne perceived the inclinations of this gover-
nor to lean fecretly towards the king. Full of this
fufpicion, he did not heſitate a moment about de-
priving him of the government of fo confider-
able a city as Paris, and fought for a man whoſe
fidelity to himſelf and the league could be depended
upon, to entruſt the care of this great city to, at
a time when the neceffity of his affairs obliged
him to repair to the frontier of Picardy; accord-
ingly he fixed upon Briffac †, and beſtowed this
government upon him.
*
Briffac, at firſt, anſwered his purpofe perfectly
well. The ſtudy of the roman hiſtory had infpired
this officer (who valued himſelf greatly upon his
penetration and judgment) with a very fingular
project, which was, to form France into a republic
upon the model of ancient Rome, and make Paris
the capital of this new ſtate. Had Briffac de-
fcended ever fo little from theſe lofty ideas to an
attention to particular circumſtances, which in the
greateſt deſigns it is neceſſary to have fome regard
to, he would have perceived that a fcheme, how-
ever happily imagined, may, by the nature of the
obſtacles which oppoſe it, by the difference of the
genius and character of the people, by the force
of thofe laws they have adopted, and by long
cuſtom, which, as it were, ftamps a feal upon
them, become alike chimerical and impracticable.
Time only and long experience can bring remedies
* The parliament upon this oc-
cafion made a decree, highly ho-
nourable for the count of Belin.
The citizens are there exhorted
rather to partake than fuffer his
banishment from the city. Me-
moirs for the hiftory of France,
Vel. II. Memoirs of the league,
Vol. VI.
+ Charles De Coffe, count of
Briffac, marechal of France.
Book VI.
273
OF
SULLY.
to the defects in the cuftoms of a ſtate whofe form 1594
is already determined; and this ought always to
be attempted with a view to the plan of its ori-
ginal conftitution*: this is fo certain, that when-
ever we ſee a ſtate conducted by meaſures contrary
to thoſe made ufe of in its foundation, we may
be affured a great revolution is at hand; nor do
the application of the beſt remedies operate upon
difeafes that refift their force.
Briffac did not go fo far; he could not for a
long time comprehend from whence the general
oppofition his defigns met with proceeded, for he
had explained himſelf freely to the nobles and all
the chief partifans of the league: at laft he began
to be apprehenfive for his own fafety, left while,
without any affiftance, he was labouring to bring
his project to perfection, the king fhould deftroy
it entirely, by feizing his capital. Poffeffed with
this fear, the Roman ideas quickly gave place to
the French ſpirit of thofe times, which was to be
folicitous only for his own advantage. When ſelf-
intereſted motives are ftrengthened by the appre-
henfion of any danger, there are few perfons who
will not be induced by them to betray even their
beft friend. Thus Briffac † acted: he entered into
the count of Belin's refolutions, but from a motive
far lefs noble and generous; and thought of no-
thing but of making the king purchaſe, at the
higheſt price, the treachery he meditated againſt
the duke of Maïenne, in his abfence. St. Luc‡,
* The fenfe in which the duke
of Sully understands this maxim,
and the true one in which it ought
to be taken, is, that the ancient
form and fundamental principles
of government are to be changed
aş little as poflible; he does not
mean, that we are to admit the
abuſes which ignorance or neceffity
have introduced in the different
inftitutions relating to the finances,
politics &c. He will treat this
jubject more largely in the fequel
of thefe Memoirs.
+ The duke of Maïenne, as De
Thou obferves, was informed of
Briffac's treachery by the dutchefs
of Guife, his mother; but he
would not believe her. See the
reduction of the city of Paris,
Matt. vol. II. b. i. p. 174. Chron.
Novenn. b. vi. p. 334. and other
hiftorians.
Francis D'Epinay, lord of St.
Luc, mafter-general of the ord-
nance.
Bb 3
his
374
MEMOIRS Book VI.
1594. his brother-in-law, undertook to negotiate with
the king in his name, and having procured very
advantageous conditions, Briffac agreed to admit
Henry with his army into Paris, in fpite of the
Spaniards. The troops of the league were abſo-
lutely at his difpofal, and they had no reaſon to
apprehend any oppofition from the people.
D'O* loft no time in making application for the
government of Paris, and the ifle of France, and
obtained his requeft; but now a conflict between
his intereft and ambition fo perplexed this fuper-
intendant, that, notwithſtanding his new dignity,
the reduction of Paris was amongst the number of
thofe things he moft feared fhould happen he
would have had it believed, that the true motive
of this fear was, left the finances fhould become a
prey to the men of the fword and gown, by whom,
he faid, the king, as foon as he was poffeffed of
Paris, would be oppreffed, for the payment of
penfions, appointments, and rewards. But this
difcourfe deceived none but thoſe who were igno-
rant of the advantage he found in keeping the
affairs of the finances in their prefent ftate of con-
fufion, and with what fuccefs he had hitherto la-
boured for that purpoſe.
The king, upon this occafion, put all the friends
of the count of Belin in motion, on whom he had
no lefs dependance than upon Briffac; and at nine
o'clock in the morning † prefented himſelf, at the
head of eight thouſand men, before Porte Neuve,
where the mayor of Paris, and the other magi-
*Our Memoirs make no men-
tion of monfieur D'O's being de-
prived by the league of this go-
vernment, which Henry III. had
bestowed upon him. Peref. 2d.
part.
+ March 22.
This mayor of Paris was John
L'Huillier, who when Briffac faid
to him, "We must render to
Cæfar the things that are Ca-
Cæ-
«far's" he replied, "We muſt
"render them, indeed, but not
"fell them to him." F. L'Etoile's
Journal afcribes the repartee to
Henry IV. L'Huillier was reward-
ed with the poft of prefident of
the chamber of accounts, and coun-
fellor of state; and Martin Langlois,
an alderman, was made mayor of
Paris in his room. Le Grain, b. vi.
It is obferved, in the volume of
ftrates,
Book VI.
375
OF SULLY.
ſtrates, received him in form. He went immedi- 1594.
ately and took poffeffion of the Louvre, the Pa-
lace, the Great and Little Châtelet, and found no
oppofition any where; he proceeded even to the
church of Notre Dame, which he entered to re-
turn thanks to God for his fuccefs. His foldiers,
on their fide, fulfilled with ſuch exactneſs the or-
ders* and intentions of their mafter, that no one
throughout this great city complained of having
received any outrage from them. They took pof-
feffion of all the fquares and cross-ways in the
ſtreets, where they drew up in order of battle.
All was quiet; and from that day the fhops were
opened with all the fecurity which a long continued
peace could have given.
The Spaniards had now only the Baftille, the
Temple, and the quarters of St. Anthony and St.
Martin in their poffeffion; and there they fortified
themſelves, being about four thouſand in number,
with the duke De Feria and Don Diego d'Evora
at their head; all greatly aſtoniſhed at ſuch unex-
pected news †, and firmly refolved to defend
themfelves to the laft extremity, if any attempts
were made to force them from thofe advantageous
pofts. The king relieved them from their per-
plexity, by fending to tell them, that they might
MSS. marked 9033. in the king's
library, that Henry IV. entering
Paris by the new gate, which has
been fince called the gate of the
conference, he went out again, and
returned feveral times, fearing,
notwithstanding the repeated affu-
rances of the mayor and aldermen,
that by permitting his troops to
enter Paris, their defign was to
cut them in picces, and feize his
perfon.
The king perceiving a foldier
take a loaf from a baker by force,
ran to him and would have killed
him. L'Etoile's Journal. Percfix
fays, that La-Nou being arrefted
for debts which his father con-
tracted in this prince's fervice,
complained to him of that infe-
lence. The king, in public, faid
to him, "La-Nouë, you muſt pay
your debts, I pay mine;" but
afterwards, taking him afide, he
gave him his jewels to pawn to
the creditors, inftead of the bag-
gage they had feized of his. Peref.
part 2d.
+ L'Etoile obferves, that this
news being brought to the Spa-
niards while Langlois was amufing
them with relating circumftances
out of the Roman hiftory, the duke
of Feria cried out two or three times,
"He is a great king." L'Etoile's
Journal.
Bb 4
leave
376
MEMOIRS
الاية
Book VI.
1594. leave Paris, and retreat in full fecurity. He treated
the cardinals of Placentia and Pellevé with the
fame gentleness, notwithſtanding the refentment
he ftill retained for their conduct with regard to
him. Soiffons was the place whither thefe enemies
of the king* retired, protected by a ſtrong eſcort.
His majefty then publiſhed a general pardon † for
all the French who had borne arms againſt him,
When this facrifice is not extorted by neceffity,
but, on the contrary, made at a time when ven-
geance has full liberty to fatiate itſelf, it is not one
of the leaft marks of a truly royal difpofition,
Madam De Montpenfier being introduced to the
king, he received her as politely, and converfed as
familiarly with her, as if he had fome very im-
portant reafon for fparing her the confufion which
any other perfon in his fituation would have been
fond of throwing her into. ||
*The king had a mind to fee
them march out, and looked at them
from a window over St. Denis's
gate. They all faluted him with
their hats off, bowing profoundly
low. The king, with great polite-
neſs, returned the falute to the prin-
cipal officers, adding these words,
"Remember me.to your mafter;
<** go, I permit you, but return no
<< more. Peref. 2d part. This
anecdote agrees with that in
the Memoirs for the hiftory of
France; but is contradicted by the
Journal written by the fame au-
thor.
''
+ All the Memoirs of thoſe
times are filled with inftances of
Henry's clemency, and his fprightly
and agreeable repartees. See the
Memoirs above cited. A leaguer
coming to him one day when he
was playing at primero, "You are
"welcome," faid the king to him,
for if we win you will be ours.
Le Grain, book x.
''
Catherine-Maria of Lorrain,
widow of Lewis of Bourbon, duke
of Montpenfier.
Perefix obferves, that he play
ed at cards with her that very
evening. L'Etoile adds, that he
returned both hers and madam De
Nemours'selt; and relates a very
extraordinary converfation that
paffed between this prince and
her; at the end of which, madan
de Montpenfier, whofe hatred for
Henry was publicly known, tak-
ing notice of his entering Paris, the
wished that it had been her brother
the duke of Maïenne who had let
down the bridge for his majesty.
"Ad-zokers, replied the king,
" he might poffibly have made me
"wait a long time, and I fhould
"not have entered fo carly." This
lady, purfued he, hearing the
pulace cry, Long live the king, faid,
laughing, that Briffac had done
more than his wife, who in fifteen
years had made but one cuckow
fing; whereas he, in eight days,
had made more than twenty thou-
fand parrots fing in Paris. L'E-
toile, ann. 1594.
po-
The
Book VI.
377
OF SULLY.
The king had not yet found an opportunity to 1594.
converſe with me upon the negotiations of Rouen; ---
therefore that evening, when the croud of courtiers
had quitted his apartment, he took me afide to a
window in the Louvre, and made me give him a
circumftantial relation of all that had paffed, even
to the minuteft incidents; to which he liftened
with the utmoſt attention. He accuſed himſelf of
being the cauſe of Du Rollet's unfeafonable at-
tempt, by not acquainting me with the propofals
he had made him, which would have put me upon
my guard againſt all that could have happened
from that quarter.
The king had not yet mentioned to the duke of
Montpenfier, or the baron De Biron, the conditions.
which, at their expence, he had granted to admiral
Villars and this was now all that perplexed him;
for he conducted himſelf by quite different max-
ims from thoſe princes, who, in ſuch caſes, inſtead
of fubmitting to make ufe of prudent meaſures
to pacify the murmurings they may expect, begin
by filencing all complaint, and exact an unwilling
obedience by the force of authority only. He or-
dered me to make him, in the prefence of theſe
two noblemen, the fame relation I had juft now
done, as if it were for the first time; and to give
them to underſtand, that the conclufion of the
treaty with Villars depended upon their facrificing
to him their rights. This I performed exactly as
we had concerted; after which the king, turning
towards them, faid, with fome emotion, that he
would rather lofe Villars and Rouen both, than
gain them by doing any injuftice to two perfons
whom he greatly efteemed. Montpenfier and Bi-
ron were to affected with this manner of treating
them, that they declared they would willingly re-
fign their pretenfions. Henry thanked them, and,
as an equivalent, gave the firft the governments
of Perche and Maine, to be joined to that of
Normandy, as foon as it ſhould be entirely reduced;
but
378
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594. but Villars's generofity changed this difpofition:
and to Biron a marechal's baton, with four hun-
dred and twenty thouſand livres in money, to in-
demnify him for his lofs.
The reduction of Paris engaged the king in new
affairs, which obliged him to delay ftill longer
his journey to Rouen. He was employed in receiv-
ing the homage of all the different courts *, of
the univerfity, and other corporations of the city
of Paris; whofe early fubmiffion he thought he
could not better reward, than by applying his cares
to the reſtoring to them that harmony and regula-
rity which the civil wars had interrupted. He had
likewife anfwers to give to feveral governors of
towns and fortreffes, particularly of the ifle of
France, who, after the example of the capital,
came to make their fubmiffions to him.
Villeroi was not amongſt the firft: it was ne-
ceffity alone, that either fixed his irrefolution, or
forced his inclinations. Some places † of little
importance ſtill held out for him and his fon, with
which, by means of Du-Pleffis his friend, and
Sancy, whofe daughter was juft married to his
fon, he made very advantageous conditions for
himfelf: after obtaining, by repeated importunities,
two truces, the one of two months fpace, the other
for three months; which he procured to be rati-
fied by the duke of Maïenne; after having a long
time affected a neutrality, and fet a thoufand
ſprings in motion to protract, till the laſt extre-
mity, his feparation from his old friends, he at
lafſt concluded a treaty §, almoſt after all the reft,
* The parliament of Paris was
recalled from Tours, where it had
been removed by letters patent
from the king, dated the 28th of
March, 1594.
+ Pontoife, &c.
Jaqueline de Harlay-Sancy.
This circumftance in our Me-
moirs is pofitively contradicted by
De Thou, who ſays, bock cviii,
that Villeroi's treaty with the king
was concluded long before, but
that his majeſty would not ſuffer
it to be made public, becauſe he
was defirous that Villeroi fhould
make uſe of his influence over the
duke of Maïenne, to prevail upon
him to join his party. Matthieu,
in the places already quoted, is of
the fame opinion; and Cayet, who
and
Book VI. OF SULLY.
379
and obtained the poſt of fecretary to the king, in 1594.
recompenfe for that he had given up.
The day after the king's entry into Paris he
thought proper to make me fet out for Rouen,
fince he could not go thither himſelf. I arrived at
that city on the 25th of March, bringing with me
Vitry, at the head of three hundred men. La-
Font received me at the gate of the city, and con-
ducted me, with all my train, to the houſe that
was prepared for my reception, which belonged to
the fieur De Martinbault, the fineft in the whole
town, and, by Villars's orders, furniſhed magni-
ficently for me, Simon Antoine and La-Chapelle
likewife fupports it elſewhere, does
not contradict it by Villeroi's letter
to the duke of Majenne, dated the
zd of January in the fame year;
although, in relating the purport
of this letter, he cafts a kind of
reproach upon this minifter. In
this letter, which was intercepted
by the royalifts, Villeroi, whofe
defign was to inform the duke of
Maïenne beforehand of his treaty
with Henry, which was going to
be publified, and to endeavour
once more to prevailupon him tofol-
low his example, adviſes Maïenne
to confider in earneſt of a peace for
the party in general, and himſelf
in particular, "Becaufe," fays he,
"their caufe is defperate;" and
adds, "We have loft all confi-
"dence in each other," &c. Cayet,
book vi. pag, 293.
With the key that De Thou and
other hiftorians have given us to
Villeroi's fecret tranfactions with
the chiefs of the league, and to
the part he played by the king's
order, the meaning of those words
which they would impute to him as
a crime, is eafily comprehended;
and it is even plain, that in fpeak-
ing to the duke of Maïenne he
could not have expreffed himſelf
otherwife. Indeed if on this occa-
ſion Villeroi could be charged with
any fault, it was in not discovering
a little more generofity when he
had fo good an opportunity for it;
for befides thofe rewards mentioned
in our Memoirs, he procured the
government of Lyons for Charles
de Neufville,marquis of Alincourt,
his fon. But what French noble-
man in thofe times, or even what
man, however little diftreffed in
his circumstances, could boaſt of
being exempted from this reprcach?
Father de L'Etoile does not conceal
the covetous and felfifh difpofition
of Villeroi. "Henry IV." fays
he in his Journal, "going one day,
"with twelve or fifteen of his
"courtiers, to partake of a ſlight
"collation with Villeroi, faid to
"them, when they were feated at
"table, My friends, we are at an
"ordinary, let us fare well for our
"money, for we have an hoſt
"that will make us paydear for our
"entertainment," I do not think
it will be neceffary for the future
to obviate all thofe inyectives which
the duke of Sully, in the fequel of
thefe Memoirs, throws upon a man
who has been highly ferviceable to
this kingdom, till his death in the
year 1617, having poffeffed the
posts of minister and fecretary of
ſtate under four fucceffive kings,
Charles IX. Henry III. Henry IV.
and Lewis XIII,
did
A
380
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594.
did not approve of ſuch a remarkable diſtinction.
They were yet ignorant of the treaty, but had
taken ſo much umbrage at my firſt journey, that
they made ufe of all their credit with the governor.
to prevail upon him to forbid my entrance into the
city.
La-Font, who acquainted me with all their in-
trigues, apprifed me alfo, that they were that very
night appointed to fup with the governor; as
were likewiſe the abbé Tiron, the prefident Bo-
quemare, Medavy, and D'Hacqueville, two coun-
fellors of the parliament, and fome others. I was
refolved to take this opportunity to declare myfelf;
and La-Font having affured me, that the admiral
would not be difpleafed with any thing I did, I
was willing to enjoy the confufion of the two de-
puties from Spain and the league, by telling them
what had juft happened at Paris.
I went immediately to St. Ouen, where Villars
was with all his guefts; he was talking to the depu-
ties at one end of the gallery when I entered; I did
not ſcruple to interrupt their converfation, by run-
ning to embrace him, and told him I was come to
invite myſelf to fup with him, having fome news
to acquaint him with. Villars, after returning my
embrace, pointing to the two deputies, as if he
knew my intended ſcheme and acted in concert
with me, told me cooly, that having fo many
people to fup with him that night, he was afraid
I fhould not find the party well afforted. I replied,
that I could accommodate myſelf to any fet of
company, and I was perfuaded (the animofity of
party afide) thofe two gentlemen would receive the
news I had to tell them with pleafure. The go-
vernor glancing a look at Simon Antoine, that
deputy replied, with an eafy air, that he would be
very glad to hear how the king had treated the
Spaniards and the two cardinals; adding enco-
miums on this prince, and compliments to me,
with great art and politeness. By what I ob-
<< ferve
Book VI.
381
OF SULLY.
<<
ferve, you will oblige me to treat you all," faid 1594.
Villars; adding an apology for the meanneſs of his
entertainment.
The reft of the company approaching, the pre-
fident Boquemare preffed me to declare my news;
but I would fay nothing till we were feated. "I am,
faid the admiral (placing himſelf firſt at the middle
of the table) "a very bad mafter of the ceremonies."
I was refolved not to uſe any with Don Simon, who
I knew did not want ambition, which was like-
wiſe ſupported by his rank; left therefore he ſhould
accept, on a bare compliment, of the chief place,
which, on an occafion, when I reprefented the king's
perfon, might have had fome confequence, I feated
myfelf, without any ceremony, at the head of the
table, telling the Spanish deputy, that if our own
perfons only were concerned, I would willingly pay
him what I thought due to a ftranger of his merit:
to which he anſwered with great politenefs. La-
Chapelle obferving to him, that the place I held at
table was a type of that the king poffeffed now at
Paris, and that things only followed their natural
courſe, "I perceive it," faid the Spaniard, " and
"I am afraid this precedence is but a bad augury
"for us; however, it fhall not hinder us from
tr
being merry, and drinking to the health of our
"mafters, who are not enemies, fince there is no
"war declared between them." This anfwer was
equally wife and politic; and, during the whole re-
paft, the Spaniard fupported his part of the con-
verfation with great ſpirit and underſtanding, feem-
"ed charmed with the king's fine qualities, and praiſed
him particularly for the clemency with which he
acted towards his enemies, whether foreigners or
French. I took notice that Tiron, and a prieſt
named Dadré*, were filent while this fubject was
difcuffed.
The whole company either were, or feemed to
be, highly pleafed with the entertainment of the
* John Dadré, penitentiary of the church of Rouen.
evening.
382
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594. evening. When we broke up, Villars, as he at-
tended me out, intreated me not to vifit him next
day, which he would employ in getting rid, fome
way or other, of his deputies. He knew not yet
how theſe two men intended to take their leave of
him, but told me, that if I wanted to be informed
of it, I need only ſpend the afternoon with madam
De Simiers: there I learned, that Villars had been
clofeted three whole hours with the two agents;
that they had made uſe of reproaches, and very
harſh language to him. But this governor was not
a man to be eaſily intimidated or induced to alter
his refolution; he told them plainly, that he had
concluded a treaty with the king, therefore it was
neceſſary they ſhould retire without delay, either
to Soiffons, or to the duke of Maïenne, whither
he would grant them a fafe conduct, the only fa-
vour he had now in his power to beftow. There
was a neceffity for coming to this extremity with
them: and Villars took care to guard againſt the
effect of their refentment, by giving orders for the
newly arrived troops to enter Rouen; with which
he took poffeffion of the palace, the fort, and the
caſtle. This done, he fent La-Font to me, to tell
me, that the next day, at my firſt requeſt, he would
declare himſelf for the king, in the prefence of all
the inhabitants of the city, whom he caufed to be
affembled for that purpofe, with all the form and
ceremony that might make this action more folemn.
I never experienced a more perfect fatisfaction
than what aroſe from the reflection of having done
the king and kingdom fo confiderable a fervice;
nor enjoyed a more tranquil fleep than that which
the fucceeding night afforded me. The next morn-
ing early I haftened to Villars, at St. Ouen, whom
I found walking in the great fquare, whither he had
come an hour before, and which, as well as all the
principal ftreets, was filled with fuch a prodigious
concourfe of people, drawn thither by the report
of the deputies departure, and the new ceremony,
that
Book VI. OF SULLY.
383
that Perdriel, D'Ifencourt, La-Font, and the fol-
diers whom the governor had fent to attend me,
could with difficulty open me a paffage: the joy
was general, and diffufed itſelf on every face.
I went up to the admiral, with whom I found
the baron de Medavy and the preſident Boquemare:
after the accuftomed falutations were over, I told
him, that the king being now a good catholic, it
was time he ſhould give him fome teftimonies of
his duty and zeal. Villars replied, that in his
heart he was already faithfully devoted to his ma-
jeſty's fervice; and that if, to make an open pro-
feffion of it, nothing more was neceffary than to
put on the white fcarf, he was ready to receive it at
my hand. I took one out of my pocket; and
Villars had no fooner put it on, than, without
further thought, "Come on," cried he, with a
tranſport which marked his character, the league is,
to cry Long live the king. The profound filence
that had been held during our conference, was now
interrupted at this word by an univerfal acclama-
tion of Long live the king: at the fame inftant, the
ringing of the great bell, with all the others in the
city; the difcharge of all the artillery from the
fort and other places; added to this general
fhout a noife capable of infpiring terror, if the joy
which dilated every heart had permitted them to
perceive, that there was not a houfe in the city
that was not fhook by it. "The found of theſe
bells," faid I to the governor, "fuggefts to us
"to go and give thanks to God in the church of
"Nôtre Dame." Accordingly, Te Deum was
fung there with great folemnity, and followed by
the celebration of the mafs, at the beginning of
which I retired. As foon as it was over, Villars
took me up in his coach, and carried me to a mag-
nificent entertainment, to which the fovereign
courts, all the officers of the army and magiftrates
of the city were invited. Orders were fent to Ver-
neuil, Pontaudemer, Havre, where the chevalier
1594.
D'Oife
384
Book VI,
MEMOIRS
1594. D'Oife* commanded, and to all thofe places that
acknowledged the admiral's authority, to follow
the example of the capital.
It was my firſt care, as foon as I was at leifure,
to inform the king of what had juft happened, and
to intreat him to fend fome of his counfellors to
re-eſtabliſh the parliament. The next day the citi-
zens came in a body to thank me for my fervices,
and to bring me their prefent, which confifted of
a fide-board of plate, gilt and finely wrought, of
upwards of three thouſand crowns value; which I
was obliged to accept, notwithſtanding all my en-
deavours to the contrary. It was not long before
my courier returned with diſpatches from his ma-
jefty: he brought a letter for admiral Villars, in
which the king ftyled him his coufin, admiral, go-
vernor in chief of Rouen, Havre, &c. and invited
him to come to court in terms which promiſed him
a moſt gracious reception: that which was for me
contained an order to return as foon as poffible.
The admiral, who would not appear there till
he had an equipage fuitable to his rank and digni-
ties, took time to prepare himſelf, as for me, I
fet out before, and lay the firſt night at Louviers,
where I had the following adventure with Bois-rofé,
whom I did not know.
This gentleman having learned by public report.
that the king had given Villars the fort of Fefcamp,
and heard no mention made of any recompence
that was to be beſtowed upon him, refolved to
complain of this hardſhip to the king; and having
occafion for the protection and countenance of fome
governor who was known to his majefty, came to
Louviers a few moments after my arrival, to get
a letter of recommendation from Du Rollet. He
alighted at the fame inn which I had chofen, and
was told that a gentleman was just come, who by
his train, and the difcourfe of his domeftics, ap-
* George de Brancas Villars, chevalier D'Oife, the admiral's brother.
peared
7
Book VÍ.
385.
ÖF
SU
SULLY.
Ý.
peared to be in great favour at court: my name 1594.
they did not mention. Bois-rofé believing me to
be ftill at Rouen, could not know it but by in-
fpiration, and did not heſitate a moment in prefer-
ring the protection of this lord to Du Rollet's.
He entered my chamber, and after making him-
felf known, told me, that he had great reafon to
complain of a nobleman of the court, called the
baron De Rofny, who, abufing his mafter's fa-
vour, had facrificed him, as well as the duke De
Montpenfier, and marechal Biron, to admiral Villars
his old friend. He afterwards explained his de-
mands, but with fo much emotion, fo many oaths
and menaces againſt this baron De Rofny, that I
was never fo well diverted in my life, as at the
gure I made on this occafion.
When he had vented all his rage, I told him
that I was well enough acquainted with the affair he
mentioned to me, to affure him, that the baron
De Rofny durft not have done any thing in it but
by the king's exprefs command; and that his ma-
jeſty would not fail to repair his loſs of Feſcamp,
by a recompence wherewith he would have reafon
to be contented. I did not think it neceffary to
carry my civility fo far as to promife him to ferve
his refentment againſt that baron of whom he com-
plained fo bitterly; on the contrary, I told him
that if he knew the baron De Rofny, he would
confefs that a man who, for the good of the ftate,
voluntarily refigned his abbey of Saint-Taurin,
could only be influenced by neceffity to do what he
attributed to injuftice. I took leave of him, faying,
that I fhould be glad to fee him when I arrived at
court, where I promiſed to ſpeak to the king con-
cerning him, and to obtain the equivalent he de-
manded for the lofs of Fefcamp. Bois-rofe went
away as much pleafed with me as diffatisfied with
the baron De Rofny; but having enquired my
name of one of my pages, whom he met at the
bottom of the ſtair-cafe, he was thunderftruck to
VOL. I.
Сс
hear
386
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594.
hear the name of a man whom he had talked of in
fuch harsh terms to himfelf; fo that being appre-
henfive of the refentment he fuppofed I entertained
againſt him, he mounted his horſe again inſtantly,
went to another inn, and fet out with all poſſible
expedition for Paris, that he might get thither be-
fore me, and fecure himſelf againſt the bad offices
he expected from me, by fome powerful protector.
The adventure did not end here. While Bois-
rofé took precautions againſt me as an irreconcilable
enemy, I with more tranquility purſued my route
by Mante, from whence I brought my wife to Paris.
The first thing I did after my arrival, was to wait
on the king, and give him an account of my jour-
ney. He, according to his ufual cuſtom, obliged
me to inform him of the minuteft particulars. After
having exhaufted every thing that was ferious, I
was willing to divert him with the fcene at Louviers;
for Bois-role had taken no notice of that, and had
only conjured his majeſty not to be prejudiced by
what I might fay againſt him, on account of an
ancient quarrel between us. The king laughed
heartily at the adventure of Bois-rofé. I fent for
him, and he finding I was the perſon to whom he
was referred, believed his affairs defperate: I en-
joyed his uneafinefs and perplexity for fome time,
and afterwards drew him out of it in a manner that
furprifed him greatly. I folicited warmly in his
favour, and obtained for him a penfion of twelve
thouſand livres a year, a company with an appoint-
ment, and two thouſand crowns in hand. He had
not hoped for fo much; but, his bluftering apart,
I looked upon him as an officer of great courage
and refolution; and afterwards bound him more
cloſely to me, and thought him worthy of the poſt
of lieutenant-general of the ordnance, in Normandy,
when the king had made me grand mafter of it.
I concealed nothing froin the king of all that had
happened to me at Rouen, except the prefent of
the fide-board of gilt plate. He was aftonished
one
Book VI.
387
OF SULLY.
one morning to fee it brought into his chamber. I 1594.
told him, that, having in vain endeavoured to
hinder the city of Rouen from making me this pre-
fent, I came to bring it to his majefty, as a thing
which belonged to him, fince I had bound myſelf
by a folemn vow, never on fuch occafions to accept
of any gift from his fubjects, while I continued in
his fervice.
And here it ſeems not improper to declare my
reaſons for this conduct, which I am perfuaded
will not be thought a well concerted ftratagem to
gain greater riches; for although the rewards I re-
ceived from the king were very confiderable, and
even furpaffed my expectations, it will be readily
allowed that a man, who for fo long a time had
almoſt the fole management of the finances and the
army, was able to enrich himſelf by a much fhorter
method. It is not neceffary that I ſhould name it;
the paſt age has afforded but too many examples
of it; and notwithſtanding all my endeavours to
introduce a contrary cuftom, the future I doubt
will fupply many more.
Intereft therefore being out of the queſtion, my
reſolution to avoid receiving any obligations will
be placed to the ſcore of vanity. Againſt this im-
putation I can offer only a fimple affurance, but a
very fincere one; that I acted thus from no other
motive, than the defire of teaching thofe who
inight fucceed me in the conduct of affairs, that in
this refpect there is no difference between them and
fuch as are fet over the diftribution of juſtice; for
if a judge who appears willing to receive preſents,
even without any intention of being influenced by
them, is looked upon with abhorrence, a minifter,
and any man invefted with a public employment,
renders himſelf equally guilty, who willingly re-
ceives gifts, which thofe who beftow, have always
in view the indemnifying themfelves fome time or
other, either at the king's or the people's expence.
If we cannot depend on the rectitude of intention
Cc 2
of
388
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594.
of thoſe who make us thefe prefents, (it is to my
fucceffors that I addrefs myſelf now) much lefs can
we on our own who receive them; and let us ac-
cuſtom ourſelves to regard as two, things which can
never be reconciled, our maſter's profit, and our
own, unleſs, as I have obferved before, it fhould
be himſelf who beftows gifts on us; and his libera-
lity will always go fo far as to leave us no cauſe to
complain of hirn upon this account, after we have
been able to convince him that our expectations are
confined to him alone. But unfortunately, being
accuſtomed to calculate and to fee immenfe fums
pafs through our hands, we are led infenfibly to
confider as a ſmall matter thoſe that ſuffiſe to raiſe
a fortune for one individual.
The king did not fcruple to own that he was
not uſed to this fort of reaſoning; and that if this
fyftem, fimple as it was, could be once eſtabliſhed
in the finances, it would be a fure method of en-
riching both the king and the ftate; a method
that before and fince has been ardently fought for
in vain. He would not have accepted the fide-
board, but to accommodate himſelf to my way of
thinking, by obliging me to take it from his hand.
This prefent became publicly known, becaufe he
granted me a writing*, in which it was ſpecified,
that this fide-board was a prefent made by the city
of Rouen to his majefty, who had beſtowed it upon
me; and the next day this prince fent me three
thouſand crowns, in his own ftrong box, to make
* Rofny's difpofition agreed per-
fectly well with the king's. When
Le trufted the finances to his care,
he defired him to receive no pre-
ient whatever without his know-
ledge; and when Rofny informed
him of any that were offered to
him, the king immediately per-
mitted him to accept of them, being
To defirous that he fhould find his
advantage in ferving him faithfully,
that he often added gifts of his
own to thoſe perquifites, to en-
courage him to perfevere in his
7
integrity. But Rofny never re-
ceived them till they were duly re-
gittered in the chainber of ac-
counts, that every one might know
the bounty of this prince towards
him; by which means he would
avoid the reproach of abufing his
favour to empty his coffers. Peref.
pag. 227. This writer as well as
the rest of the world were, through
the duke of Sully's modeity at that
time, ignorant that he himself was
the contriver of this judicious
cheme.
me
Book VI.
389
OF SULLY.
me fenfible that ſuch an action in a minifter fhould 1594.
not go unrewarded. I now fulfil his views by
informing the public of this double donation.
Admiral Villars appeared foon after at court,
with a train of more than an hundred gentlemen,
fome of whom were of the greateſt families in
France; but people foon drew off their attention
from the magnificence of his horfes, and the gran-
deur of his equipages, to fix it upon his generofity
and modefty, in which indeed true riches confift,
although they are feldom poffeffed by the fame
perfon. He approached the king with an air per-
fectly noble, yet full of the deepeſt reſpect, and
threw himſelf at his feet. "Admiral," faid the
king, in pain at this pofture, and raifing him
haftily, "fuch fubmiffion is due only to God;"
and refolving to elevate as much as the admiral had
humbled himſelf, he began to expatiate to the
courtiers upon the great actions which Villars had
performed, and did it with a diſcernment ſo juſt as
gave them new merit. The admiral, by protefta-
tions of reſpect, and devotion to his fervice, en-
deavoured to ſtop the courſe of thoſe praiſes; and
afterwards perceiving the duke of Montpenfier, he
went up to him, and, kiffing his hand, acknow-
ledged him his fuperior, refigning to him his go-
vernment of Roun with fo good a grace, that this
prince, who had at firft received him coldly, being
charmed with his generofity, embraced him feveral
times; and from that moment received him into
the number of his moſt valued friends.
The months of April and May were employed
in the fame manner by the king and his council, in
receiving deputies from the different cities and go-
vernors, who came to treat upon conditions for
furrendering. Thofe of Lyons and Poitiers were
the moſt confiderable. A ftrange fall for the duke
of Nemours *! This ambitious man fuffered the
Charles Emanuel of Savoy, and Anne D'Eft, widow of Francis
dluke of Nemours, fon of James, of Lorrain, duke of Guiſe.
Cc 3
chimerical
390
MEMOIRS Book VI.
1594. chimerical project of making himfelf king of
France, by marrying the Infanta of Spain, to
employ his mind; which the public hatred, and
the oppofition of his own brother, the duke of
Majenne, obliging him to renounce, he foon con-
foled himſelf for this difappointment, by erecting,
in idea, a principality compofed of the provinces
of Lyonnois, Beaujolois, Forêt, Maconnois, and
Dombes, which he was to hold of Spain. He
began by endeavouring to make fure of the capital
of his new kingdom; but the Lyonnois *, more
fubtil than he, took care to fecure the perfon of
their pretended fovereign, who treated them already
like a tyrant; and confidering him in that light,
kept him confined, without any intention however
of breaking with the party. The league was of-
fended at the affront offered to one of their leaders 3
and Saint Sorlin †, the duke of Nemours's youngeſt
brother, intereſting Spain in his caufe, obtained from
the duke of Savoy, and the duke of Terra Nova,
governor of Milan, a powerful fupply of forces,
with which he fell upon the Lyonnois. This vio-
lence determined them to feparate openly from the
league; and calling in colonel D'Ornano to their
affiſtance, they declared openly for the king, pulled
down and dragged the arins and colours of Spain,
Savoy, and Nemours in the dirt, burnt with in-
fulting raillery, in the public fquare, the effigies of
a woman, in the habit of a forcerefs, with this in-
fcription on her forehead, The league; and allowed
Perefix fuppofes the duke of
Maïenne himtelf to be the author
of the revolt of Lyons, it being his
deign to fnatch this city out of the
hands of his half brother. What
the duke of Sully fays here of the
duke of Nemours, ought not to
hinder us from doing hiin juftice in
other refpe&ts: he is allowed by all
the hiftorians, to have poffeffed
very great and amiable qualities,
both of mind and perſon, and to
have been one of the most deferving
noblemen in all France. See his
panegyric, and that of the marquis
de Saint Sorlin, his brother, in the
third vol. of the Memoirs of Bran-
tome, under the article of monfieur
De Nemours, p. 23. and following,
and the account of the affans of
Lyons, in Cayet, book vi. fol. 299,
and other hiftorians.
† Henry de Savoy-Nemours,
marquis of Saint Sorlin.
1
7
only
Book VI. OF SULLY.
391
only three months time to all the little towns de- 1594.
pendant upon Lyons, to return to their duty.
The duke of Nemours remained in great per-
plexity during this tumult; and apprehending fome-
thing worſe than confinement from his pretended
fubjects, to effect his efcape, put on the habit of
his valet de chambre, whom he refembled in his
ftature, and going out of his apartment with his
cloſe ſtool pan in his hand, paſſed through the ante-
chamber where the guards were, without being
known becauſe he turned his face afide, as if to
avoid the bad finell; from thence he ſtole into the
ftreet, and gained the fields; too happy, after fo
much imaginary grandeur, to abandon, like a
fugitive, a city which he had deftined for the ſeat
of his glory; and convinced by fad experience of a
truth to which we are always blind, that there is
nothing fo difficult as to make effects anfwer our
defires.
Ambition made alfo another madman. Ba-
lagny feeing himſelf governor of Cambray, a
place by its fituation of great importance for the
king, had the boldnefs to demand his title of go-
vernor to be changed into that of fovereign prince,
and the misfortune to obtain his requeft. Hence
he flattered himſelf that he fhould fee his name in-
creaſe the catalogue of crowned heads, and forgot
that he wanted means to maintain himſelf in that
elevated rank. He maintained it, or thought to
have done fo, by exhaufting his purfe to appear
with magnificence at court, and to fend to the fiege
of Laon two thouſand arquebufiers, and three hun-
dred horfe. But the glory of this new potenate
was of fhort duration; he, as well as Nemours,
fplit upon the common rock fo fatal to ambitious.
men, who can never be perfuaded to believe, that
the beſt concerted fchemes are thofe which afford
only moderate advantages, but thofe advantages
John De Montluc, baſtard of John De Montluc, biſhop of Valence.
Cc 4
fubjected
箕
​392
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
!
1594. fubjected to no changes, and fecured from all
→ dangers.
The Spaniards feeing that in the center of the
kingdom every thing flipped through their hands,
refolved to ftop the torrent by fome important
blow, and laid fiege to La-Capelle. The king did
not balance a moment upon the neceffity of leaving
all his domeſtic affairs, to go and prevent the re-
duction of this place. His foldiers however were
not in the fame difpofition; weary of war, they
fought only to lofe the remembrance of it in re-
tirement and eafe: fo much time therefore was
wafted before the king could draw his army to-
gether, that although he marched before with a
fmall body of troops, yet he came too late; he
found the fiege fo far advanced, and the count of
Mansfield who commanded it, fo advantageouſly
poſted, that, weak as he was, he could not ven-
ture to force him. But the place being of great
ftrength, he flattered himſelf that the governor
would hold out long enough to give time to the
reſt of the troops to join him, and then he would
be in a condition either to throw fuccours into the
place, or force the befiegers to a battle. But this
governor, following the maxim of thofe times, at-
tentive only to his own profit in every thing, had
been fo fparing of provifions, ammunition, and
foldiers, to man his garrifon, that he was obliged
to furrender much fooner than with a contrary con-
duct he need to have done, and thus faw himſelf
ruined by his avarice.
The king, by way of reprifal, inveſted Laon*;
he was not ignorant that the league had put this
place, already fo ftrong by its fituation and fortifi-
cations, into a condition fufficient to make whoever
attacked it repent of his attempt, Du Bourg †
* In Picardy.
+ He chofe rather to go out of
the Baftile, of which he was go-
vernor, publicly with the black
fcarf, than to receive a bribe to
put it into the king's hands. F. de
L'Etoile, Cayet, vol. II. pag.
691. He was called Antony Du
was
Book VI. OF
393
SULL Y.
was governor of it; one of the beſt and moſt ex-
perienced officers the duke of Maïenne had in his
army: the duke's fecond fon, the count of Som-
merive*, with a great number of the nobility, was
fhut up there. The king therefore, confidering
that, on this occafion, he had his military reputa-
tion to fuftain, a reputation to which he owed all
his fuccefs, neglected no care or attention, to ac-
compliſh his enterprife.
I attended him joyfully to this fiege, and was
charged, according to my taſte, with the direction
of a battery of fix pieces of cannon, conjointly
with the elder De Born †, who, in quality of lieu-
tenant-general of the ordnance, had the conduct
of it in the abfence of the count de la Guich I grand
mafter, and conſented to take me for his collegue.
Scarce had I taken poffeffion of my new employ-
ment, when I was obliged to abandon it. The
king was informed by letters from Paris, that the
count d'Auvergne §, with d'Entragues, his father-
in-law, had begun thofe fecret practices againſt
him which afterwards had like to have brought
him to a ſcaffold; and that many difaffected and
feditious perfons daily reforted to Paris. A violent
difpute had likewife juft commenced, between the
univerſity and curates of Paris, on one fide, and
the jefuits on the other; which, in a government
yet hardly eſtabliſhed, might produce dangerous
confequences,
Maine, furnamed Du Bourg or
L'Efpinaffe.
*Charles Emmanuel of Lor-
raine, count of Sommerive.
† John De Durefort, lord De
Born.
Philibert de La Guich, go-
vernor of Lyons, was made grand
mafter of the ordnance in the year
* 578, in the room of the marechal
De Biron.
§ He will be mentioned in the
fequel. Charles of Valois, duke
of Angouleme, grand prior of
France, fon of Charles IX. and of
Mary Touchet, lady of Belleville,
daughter of the lieutenant particu-
lier of Orleans. She died in the
year 1638, aged 89 years, and the
duke of Angouleme in 1639. He
was fon-in-law to Francis de Bal-
zac, Lord of Entragues, who by
his marriage with Mary Touchet,
had Henrietta De Balzac, marchio-
nefs of Verneuil, miftrets of Hen-
ry IV. and half fifter to the count
of Auvergne.
This
1594.
394
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594.
This news convinced his majefty that there was
a neceffity for having a vigilant and faithful agent
in that great city; yet he delayed mentioning the
affair to me, becauſe he knew well that I should
not be pleaſed with an employment which would
oblige me to leave the fiege. However, a letter
which I received from the cardinal of Bourbon,
and which I could not avoid fhewing him, deter-
mined him to propofe it to me. The cardinal,
without giving a particular account of what had
happened at Paris, only expreffed himſelf ardently
defirous of feeing me, upon affairs of great im-
portance, which he faid I only could fucceed in.
Although all this had only the air of a com-
pliment, yet his majefty thought he ought not to
neglect this advice: and had theſe affairs related
only to the cardinal, the king had fo many mo-
tives for being folicitous about him, that when
he had read this letter, he commanded me to pre-
pare for returning to Paris; which I obeyed, but
with great regret at quitting the fiege. There
was a neceffity to fill up the employment I left
vacant with a man whofe fidelity could be de-
pended upon. I named to his majefty Vignoles,
Parabere, and Trigny, and he chofe Parabere.
I flattered myſelf that when the affairs which
called me to Paris were terminated, I fhould
return to Laon; and I was refolved to uſe all
poffible expedition with them; but they were fuc-
ceeded by others, and that ſo foon, that from the
end of May to the beginning of Auguft, which was
the time this fiege lafted, all I could fee of it was
in thofe little excurfions I fometimes made thither
from Paris; therefore my account of it will be
equally interrupted.
Having received the king's laft inftructions for
my journey, I fet out, and reached Crêpy the firft
* John de Baudean de Parabere.
night,
Book VI.
395
OF
SULLY.
*
night, where I lay, and the next day arrived at 1594.
Paris. I waited upon the cardinal immediately,
and found him very ill, and as much weakened
in mind as body: he embraced me tenderly, and
diſcovered great joy at feeing me; then ordering
his chamber to be cleared, made me fit down by
his bedfide, that I might hear the many important
things he had to ſay to me. Thoſe he began
with gave me no great opinion of the reft; but
they were fuch as fat neareſt his heart, although
they confifted only of domeſtic uneafineffes, and
female quarrels, which I am almoſt aſhamed to
entertain the public with. A certain lady, named
madam De Rofieres, was the cauſe of them. The
cardinal, either through jealoufy, or a diſturbed
imagination, had taken into his head, that fhe
haftened his death by magic, to be revenged on
him for ſowing diffention between her and the abbé
De Bellozanne, her favourite: his only confolation
was, that if he did not die, his murderefs would.
My wife had informed him that this madam De
Rofieres was dangerouſly ill; and probably it was
upon this information that he had formed his
whole dream of magic and death.
He imparted all theſe fecrets to me with fuch
apparent dejection, that I did not doubt but the
full poffeffion, which theſe extravagant notions had
taken of his mind, contributed in a great meafure
to haften his death. I endeavoured to bring him
back to reafon; and he at laft was able to ſpeak to
me of his other affairs, which he had like to have
forgot. Next to madam De Rofieres, the king was
the perfon of whom he complained with greateſt
bitterneſs; for his mind was in fuch a ftate, that
he inveighed moſt againſt thoſe whom he loved the
beft. He had afked the king's permiffion to dif-
pofe of his benefices; and his majefty, he faid,
* The moment he perceived
himself ill, he departed from Ga-
illen, and came to St. Genevieve,
and afterwards to his fine houſe of
the abbey of St. Germain, accord-
ing to De Thou, book cix.
had
396
MEMOIRS
Book VI.
1594. had not received his requeft very favourably, which,
he added, could only be occafioned by this prince's
not having any regard for him, or that he was not
fincerely attached to the catholic religion; (for
how indeed could he be a good catholic, and dif-
oblige a cardinal?) Afterwards, without confider-
ing whom it was he was fpeaking to, he intreated
me to defend the romifh religion to the king, to
confirm him in it, to prevail upon him to keep up
a cloſe correſpondence with the pope, to demand
the holy father's benediction, that he might after-
wards obtain of him the diffolution of his marriage
with queen Margaret of Valois, and be at liberty
to marry another princefs, by whom he might
have children who would fecure the crown to the
houſe of Bourbon, and peace and tranquility to
France. The end of this difcourfe was much more
judicious than I had reafon to expect: nor was the
pope's panegyric improperly introduced in it; for
it muſt be confeffed that Clement the eighth was
not only poffeffed of great wifdom and juſtice, but
alfo fo good a politician, that the court of Madrid
could never boaft of having deceived him by their
artifices.
The cardinal afterwards brought the affair of
the jefuits upon the carpet; and although, as a
man devoted to the court of Rome, he openly fa-
voured them, yet the arguments he made ufe of to
prevail upon me to fupport them, were founded
upon policy and the intereft of the king, and fo
judicious, that I was convinced his underſtanding
was not impaired by fickneſs, but only on occa-
fions where he was perfonally concerned. All the
fteps I took in that affair were in confequence of
his eminence's prudent reflections on the danger
of banifhing the whole fociety from France in
fuch a conjuncture; for, as we fhall foon fee, no-
thing lefs was in agitation.
A fourth affair, which he recommended to me,
was to fupport, againſt the fuperintendant, the old
arch-
Book VI.
397
OF SULLY.
archbiſhop of Glaſgow in Ireland, whom he loved 1594.
and honoured as if he had been a near relation.
This archbishop bore the name of Bethune *.
The queen of Scotland his benefactreſs being dead,
all he now defired was to ſpend the ſhort remnant
of his life in peace, far from his native country:
but in the fuperintendant he found an enemy, to
whofe perfecutions he was perpetually expofed, and
who feemed refolved to drive him, if poffible, out
of France. I never could diſcover the true cauſe
of this hatred; perhaps it was owing to the at-
tachment this prelate always fhewed to the family
of the Guifes, from whom the queen of Scot-
land his miſtreſs was defcended. The cardinal faid,
that it had no other foundation than the intereft he
took in whatever concerned the archbiſhop: and
it is certain that, as often as his eminence folicited
the ſuperintendant in favour of the old prelate, he
feemed to be more eagerly bent upon his deftruc-
tion. The cardinal therefore intreated me to pre-
vail upon the king to take the archbiſhop under
his protection: he had promiſed to have no con-
cern, for the future, in any affairs, either within
* James de Bethune, archbishop
of Glafcow, or Glaſgow, in Scot-
land, and not in Ireland, came to
Paris in quality of ambaſſador in
ordinary from the queen of Scot-
land, and died there in the year
1603, aged eighty-fix years: hav-
ing, during fifty-feven years, fuf-
fered great viciffitudes of fortune,
after the murder of cardinal De
Bethune, archbishop of St. An-
drews, his uncle, which happened
in the year 1546. His epitaph
may be ſtill ſeen in the church of
St. John of Latran. Amelot de la
Houffay, in his Memoirs, men-
tions the proceſs that Nicholas De
retz, bishop of Orleans, had with
Maximilian Francis, duke of Sully,
in which it appears that they un-
justly difputed the right this family
had to the name of Bethune.
"However this may be," faid he
fpeaking of this archbishop," the
CC
family of Betun in Scotland,
"from whence were defcended the
"cardinal archbiſhop of St. An-
"drew's, and the archbishop of
"Glaſgow,ambaffador from queen
"Mary Stuart in France, where
" he died in 1660, or 1601 (here
"is an error in the date) is ac-
"knowledged by meffieurs De Sul-
(C
ly, and De Charoft, for a branch
"of their houfe." Vol. II. p. 68.
Therefore, according to our Me-
moirs, both the archbishop of Glaf-
gow, and the archbishop of St.
Andrew's true name was Bethune
and not Betun.
Mary of Lorrain, daughter of
Claude duke of Guife, married in
the year 1530 to James Stuart,
king of Scotland.
or
1
398
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594. or without the kingdom: indeed he was no longer
capable of it, nor could his conduct be juftly re-
proached with any fault. To gain me entirely
over to his interefts, the cardinal told me that this
archbiſhop had ſo great an affection for me, that
he wept continually for my unhappineſs in being
educated in the proteftant religion.
He refumed again the ſubject of his benefices,
with which he concluded his difcourfe; and ear-
neſtly intreated me to obtain for him his majefty's
permiffion to refign them, confeffing that the pof-
feffion of theſe benefices had given dreadful uneafi-
nefs to the deceafed cardinal his uncle, from whom
he had them, as well as to himfelf, fome of them
having been forcibly taken from families who were
the lawful proprietors of them; and his eminence
thought he ſhould make a fufficient atonement both
for himſelf and his uncle, and pacify his confcience,
by reftoring them to the injured perfons after his
death. He had finiſhed all he had to fay to me,
when his phyſician entered the chamber. Duret*
for it was he, having recommended filence to his
patient, took upon himſelf the care of acquainting
me with all the fecrets of the cardinal, whofe con-
fidence he poffeffed; and he acquitted himſelf of
this taſk like a man who had a great opinion of
his own eloquence, for he wearied me fufficiently.
I made no other anfwer to his tedious harangue,
than reiterated promifes of ferving his eminence.
During the three days which I paffed at Paris, I
was fufficiently convinced of the dangerous corre-
fpondences carried on by the count D'Auvergne,
D'Entragues, and his wife. Their houfe was the
rendezvous for all the king's enemies, either in the
league or the Spaniſh party: every night they held
fecret councils againſt the king's intereft and fer-
vice. Till I fhould have an opportunity of con-
ferring with his majefty upon the meafures necef
Lewis Duret, lord of Chevry.
fary
Book VI.
399
OF
SULL Y.
fary to be taken to fupprefs this wicked cabal, I
reprefented to meffieurs De Chiverny *, De Pont-
carré, De Bellievre, and De Maiffe, that they could
not watch too narrowly the motions of theſe dif-
affected perfons; and I particularly recommended
it to Maiffe, whofe diligence I was well acquainted
with.
I afterwards applied myſelf with a particular at-
tention to the affair of the jefuits, againſt whom a
proceſs was actually commenced before the parlia-
ment, and vigorously purſued by the univerſity
and curates of Paris, who accufed them with hav-
ing monopolized to themſelves the education of
the youth, and the direction of confciences; re-
prefented them as a fociety very pernicious to
the ſtate; and propofed their being baniſhed as
fuch from all the dominions of France. It was
far from being certain, that all thefe enemies
of the fociety would triumph over them, even
if the king ſhould not interpofe his authority.
The jefuits, on this occafion, exerted all their
power. The party was already fo well ſupported,
that, without laying any ftrefs upon the pope,
Spain, and their partifans in the league †, who
were not few, one half of the parliament was
on their fide, and openly folicited in their favour.
The caufe was at laft put into the hands of counſel
in the higheſt fame at the bar: the jefuits retained
Duret, and Verforis; and their adverfaries Ar-
naud and Dollé. In Paris nothing was talked of
but theſe two powerful factions.
I reflected upon what the cardinal de Bourbon
had repreſented to me, That there was no extre-
mity to which this order would not proceed, ſti-
་
* Philip Hurault de Chiverny
or Cheverny, lord chancellor of
France. Camus de Pontcarré,
mafter of requests. Pomponne de
Bellievre. Andrew Aurault Sieur
de Maiffe; in the following year he
was made embaſſador to Venice.
+ The cardinal of Bourbon, the
fuperintendant D'O, Anthony Se-
guire, king's advocate, and a great
many others, publicly folicited
for the jefuits.
mulated
1594
400
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1594.
1
mulated either by revenge, or by the hope of
forcing us to repeal their banishment: That by
their intrigues they might animate part of Europe
againſt us, make their perfecution be looked
upon
as an injury offered to religion itſelf, and bring
the king under a fufpicion of being fecretly attach-
ed to that which he had juft quitted; which, in
the preſent ſtate of affairs, might have very dange-
rous confequences, Clement VIII. not having yet
been able to refolve upon granting the abfolution
folicited for at Rome; the king being engaged in
one of thoſe enterprifes, the event of which is al-
ways fo uncertain, and often fo dangerous; and,
in a word, the catholics who had moft power in
the kingdom, as well thofe who were at Paris, as
thofe that filled the court, fearing, or feeming to
fear, for their own intereft, that they had not yet
fufficiently provided for the fecurity of the romith
religion in France. I was fenfible that meffieurs
De* Longueville, Nevers, and Biron, had publicly
expreffed themſelves to this purpoſe, and had uſed
all their endeavours to communicate their apprehen-
fions to the cardinal of Bourbon, by means of
D'Entragues, D'Humiers, Des Sourdis, and others.
It is not my defign to impute here any bad inten-
tion to theſe perfons; but it is certain, that amongſt
thefe zealous catholics there were few who were
not actuated by a motive like that of Biron, who
did not propagate thefe fort of difcourfes till he had
loft all hope of obtaining the government of Laon.
Be this as it will, prudence, I thought, required
that the authority of the abfent king fhould not be
expofed for a quarrel between priefts and theolo-
gifts and did not doubt but his majefty in fuch
a cafe, would chufe the moſt moderate fide. I
therefore declared to the council, that the king did
not think the accufations, which were brought
againſt the jefuits, of fufficient importance to au-
thoriſe any harfh treatment of them; and that his
Henry D'Orleans, duke of Longueville.
majefty
Bock VI.
401
OF
SULLY.
majefty would be determined by their future beha- 1594.
viour to the ftate and himſelf, whether he ſhould
baniſh them, or permit them to continue in France:
and that till he had given more pofitive orders con-
cerning them, he abfolutely forbad any violent pro-
ceedings againſt thofe fathers; that no invectives.
fhould be permitted in the pleadings againſt them;
and even that their caufe fhould be tried in full
court. No perfon expected to find in me a pro-
tector of the jefuits; and I may fay, without va-
nity, that my recommendation of them at that
time would not have been ufelefs, although I had
not ſtrengthened it with the king's authority. In
effect, no farther progrefs was made in this affair.
The refpect I owed to the cardinal of Bourbon
made me reſolve to ſpeak to the fuperintendant in
favour of the archbishop of Glasgow; though I
knew well what I had to expect from a man fo
little folicitous to conceal the hatred he bore to my
whole family, and which a late quarrel with my
youngeſt brother had augmented. I hoped to find
more juftice from the king, and I haftened to join
him at Laon, after taking leave of the cardinal,
who continued ftill extremely ill.
At Bruyeres, where I had left my field equi-
page, I learned, that the duke of Maïenne, being
in conftant expectation of a great army, which
count Charles of Mansfield was to bring him, had
advanced with fome troops as far as La-Fere, and
twice attempted to throw a fupply of one hundred
horfe and two hundred arquebufiers into Laon;
that the firſt was defeated by Givry, and the fe-
cond by the count of Soiffons, whofe turn it was
that day to guard the trench: that the king gave
always a glorious example to the princes and off-
cers, and mounted guard in the trenches in his
turn.
His majeſty was in bed when I arrived at his
quarters, although it was three o'clock in the after-
noon: he afked me if I was not furprifed to find
VOL. I.
D d
him
402
MEMO Í Ŕ S Book VI.
1594. him in bed at fuch an hour: this bed, however,
was only two mattraffes upon the bare ground.
All night, and the preceding day, this prince
had been ſtanding at the trench, where he was em-
ployed in directing works to be made in the moun-
tain, upon the declivity of which Laon is fituated,
either to change the place of fome batteries, or to
fhelter the workmen by parapets. He was fo
greatly fatigued ftanding upon the ground, which
was extremely rugged, that ſeveral contufions rofe
in his feet, which did not, however, hinder him
from ftaying to fee the work carried on till all thefe
contufions bursting, each of his feet became one
continued wound, which obliged him to be put to
bed, and fome dreffings to be applied to them;
thefe he ordered to be changed in my prefence,
"That you may be convinced," faid he, "I do
not act the fick man unſeaſonably." I was very
far, indeed, from entertaining fuch a thought, and
if I accufed him of any thing, it was of the con-
trary excefs. I believe he perceived it; for feek-
ing, as it were, to juftify himfelf, he told me,
that he was under a neceffity of undertaking and
fuperintending this work, which would give him
two days advance upon the befieged city'; and that
I would not condemn him after I had feen it, or,
at leaft, heard an account of it from the connoif-
feurs whom he had fent to vifit it, and whofe re-
turn he expected at five o'clock.
cc
I took advantage of this opportunity of being
alone with the king to give him an account of my
journey, which I did, kneeling on a cuſhion which
he made me bring to the bed-fide. His majefty,
defirous of authorifing what I had done, ordered
Beaulieu-Rofé to write three letters inftantly; the
firft, which was addreffed to the chancellor, re-
garded the jefuits, and contained only a repetition
of what I had faid. In the fecond, he informed
D'O, that it was his intention the archbiſhop of
Glaf-
14-
༧༩་ ༢ ས
Book VI.
463
OF SULLY.
Glaſgow fhould enjoy the only two abbeys he 1594.
had in France peaceably, and juftified this prelate's
paſt conduct by the gratitude he owed his benefac-
trefs. The third, to the cardinal of Bourbon, was
written in the name of Loménie, fecretary of ftate,
who made known to his eminence, that the king
would approve of the difpofition he fhould make
of his benefices, and was ready to ratify it, by
figning himſelf the form he fhould fend him, pro-
vided he found in it nothing contrary to the canons,
the liberties, and cuftoms of the kingdom. He
concluded this letter with an affurance of his pro-
tection and friendſhip; and as a proof of his con-
fidence, fent the two others under cover to him,
that he might tranfinit them himfelf to the per-
fons they were directed to; and had the complai-
fance to acquaint him with the contents. I defired
Du-Peirat, whom the king fent with theſe three
letters to Paris, to deliver one from me to the car-
dinal, in which I exhorted him, by every thing that
I thought could make any impreffion upon his
mind, to free himſelf from all his domeftic un-
eafineffes.
Thefe affairs were but juft over before the arri-
val of meffieurs De Biron, Givry, Saint-Luc, Ma-
rivault, Parabere, Vignoles, Fouqueroles, and
others whom the king had fent to examine his
works of the preceding day, particularly two
mines which he had caufed to be opened. Every
one gave his opinion of them to fhew his own
fkill: they could not agree, and a difpute infen-
fibly arofe amongst them: marechal Biron, vain
of his great talents for war, by an affuming
air, and a fuperiority of accent which made him
always mafter of the converfation, could with dif-
ficulty bear to hear any one declare himfelf of an
opinion contrary to his.
* Notre-dame de l'Abfie, in Poitou, and the priory of St. Peter of
Pontoife.
ļ
D d 2
The
{
404
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
"
}
1594.
The king, perceiving that words grew high
amongſt them, in order to oblige them to filence,
told them he had received notice from three ſpies,
who came one after the other from different places,
that the duke of Maïenne and the count of Manf-
field had refolved, at all hazards, to throw a very
confiderable convoy of ammunition and provifions
into Laon, in order to avoid a battle; and that
this convoy was to fet out inftantly upon its march,
fupported by a very powerful efcort, with a defign
to furpriſe the guard, force themſelves a paffage,
and enter into the befieged city. This afforded a
new fubject for conteftation, which ended at laſt
in Biron's favour, who procured the command of
a ftrong detachment, with which he intended to
poft himſelf in the foreſt between Laon and La-
Fere, and to attack both the efcort and the con-
voy. He compofed the detachment himſelf, which
confifted of twelve hundred French infantry, all
chofen men, eight hundred Swifs, three hundred
light horfe, two hundred troopers, and one hun-
dred gentlemen of the king's houfhold. I afked
the king's permiffion to go along with this detach-
ment, which he refuſed me feveral times, alledg-
ing, that there were many things which he wanted
me to inform him of; but, upon my repeated im-
portunities, he allowed me to go.
We began our march at fix o'clock in the after-
noon, and reached the foreft at one in the morn-
ing, where we advanced cautiouſly to the extremity
of the wood near La-Fere; here we lay in ambuſ-
cade. Marechal Biron detained all the paffengers
we met on the great road, who he thought might
carry intelligence of his defign into La-Fere;
and placed centinels on horfcback at the end of
the wood, to bring him an exact information of
whatever came out of the city. We waited with
great impatience till four o'clock in the afternoon,
before we heard any news; and then the centinels
came to inform us, that the great road from La-Fere
to
Book VI.
405
OF SULLY.
to Laon was covered with ſo long a file of foldiers, 1594.
and fuch a vaſt quantity of baggage of every kind,
that they could imagine nothing elfe but that the
whole army of the enemy was advancing. That
inſtant I perceived feveral of the moſt reſolute
amongst us to look pale, and whifper to each
other, that it was neceffary to make our retreat.
This, many of us, oppofed; and the commander
declaring himſelf for this laſt opinion, it was agreed
upon by a plurality of voices, that fome one of
the troop fhould be fent to reconnoitre, and bring
back an exact account of what he faw. Fouque-
roles, whofe valour and prudence was well known,
was chofen with two others, for this employment;
and returning a little time afterwards, informed us,
that this feemingly formidable line was compofed
of three hundred carts, laden with ammunition,
eſcorted by four fquadrons of one hundred horfe
each, who marched before the convoy, followed by
eight or nine hundred mufqueteers, an equal num-
ber of Spaniſh infantry brought up the rear.
:
This number not being equal to ours, it was
agreed upon, with one voice, that we should attack
them; and we only differed upon the manner of
doing it I, with many others, were of opinion,
that it would be better to let the convoy enter the
foreſt, and afterwards fall upon them in the rear.
Givry *, Montigny, and Marivault, who were at
the head of the cavalry, were for the negative, and
maintained ſo poſitively, that there was lefs danger
in attacking them in the open field, that they
drew marechal Biron into this opinion. At firſt
this method fucceeded; the cavalry of the enemy
gave way as foon as they were attacked, though at
the beginning they fhewed great refolution, and re-
tired to the fides of the waggons: but we foon
* Anne D'Anglure, baron of
Givry. He was killed at Laon a
few days after this encounter, and
greatly lamented by Henry IV.
Francis de la Grange, lord de Mon-
tigny he is mentioned again.
Chaude de L'Ifle, ficur de Mari-
vault.
Dd 3
found
Z
406
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
¥594.
found whom we had to deal with; the enemy's
infantry which were in front waited firmly for our
troopers, whom Biron fent to attack them, and
fired upon them with fuch excellent order as obliged
them to give ground. Biron commanded them to
return to the charge by the left flank, while he at-
tacked the right, which was evidently the leaſt
dangerous. The onfet was fo terrible that the
enemy's foot were forced to retire, and like the
other fquadrons, take fhelter in the midft of the
carts, from whence they ftill continued to defend
themſelves in the mean time, the Spanish batta-
lion advanced from the rear to the front, and
formed itſelf in fuch a manner, that it was fup-
ported on all fides by the cavalry and the waggons,
without lofing the affiftance of the firft battalion:
they made fo vigorous a defence, that all Biron's
intreaties and menaces could not hinder our fix
hundred horfe from quitting the fight, extremely
weakened. The Swifs and French infantry, who
took their place, found equal refiftance. The
battle lafted a long time. Biron apprehending,
that an action which paffed fo near La-Fere would
give time for a confiderable fupply to be fent to
the convoy, if it was not very fpeedily ended, for
a laft refource, commanded the hundred gentle-
men to difmount, to add to their other arms,
which confifted of a fword and piſtol, a pike, of
which we had brought a great quantity along with
us; and to bring up to the charge all our foot,
both French and Swifs, which had not yet encoun-
tered the Spaniards. Meffieurs de Guitry *, de
Montigny, de Marivault, de Trigny, D'Aram-
bure, de La-Curée, de Lopes, D'Heures, and
*This is not John de Chau
mont de Guitry, who has been to
often mentioned in the Hiftory,
and in theſe Memoirs; he died in
the year 1592.
See his panegy-
ric in M. de Thou, book. CliI.
The perfon mentioned here was,
I
according to Cayet, called fo, be-
caufe he married the heirels of
this family. Chron. Novenn. b. iv.
p. 23. But Cayet is mistaken
John de Chaumont left feveral ions,
who bore arms in the king's fer-
vice.
others,
Book VI.
407
OF SULLY.
*
others, advanced in this manner at the head of 1594.
three hundred foot; and Biron, with an equal
number, followed them. I was in the fecond bat-
talion. They charged us with fuch fury that the
pike and fuſee became uſeleſs; we fought hand to
hand, and even wreſtled with each other. The
Spaniards at length gave ground, and, after throw-
ing away their arms*, fled for fhelter to the woods
and waggons.
This laft refuge was of no fervice
to them; we purſued them there, and made a
horrible carnage of them: no lefs than twelve hun-
dred were left dead upon the place. We took but
few prifoners. Thofe perfons that were of any
diſtinction in the cavalry had time to get back to
La-Fere. We neither purfued them, nor the
others who had taken fhelter in the woods, left we
fhould be ſurpriſed and put into diforder by new
troops fent from La-Fere to their affiftance: on the
contrary we only thought of rallying, and keeping
upon our guard, during the time that was neceffary
to reſt and refreſh ourſelves with fome of thofe
proviſions of which we found great abundance in the
convoy. In the night we marched back to the
camp, and brought thither, without meeting with
any obſtacle, all the enemy's baggage, but fo pil-
laged by the foldiers, and fo carelefly looked after,
notwithſtanding the commander's ftrict orders con-
cerning it, that above four hundred war or baggage
horfes were lamed.
Biron, with the fame fupercilious air which he had
affumed to procure the command in this expedition,
prefented himself to his majefty at his return to
receive the praifes due to his fuccef's. Having a
fubject fo copious to difcufs, one may eafily imagine
what a man, who knew not that on fuch occafions
filence is merit, would fay to enhance the greatneſs
of his victory. Indeed his difcourfe feemed to
* La Curée, who was a good
judge in thefe matters, attributes
the Spaniards defeat to their custom
of using too long fwords, and
wait-belts too fhort. Vol. 8929.
MSS. de la Bibliot. du Roi.
Dd 4
infinuate,
408
Book VI,
MEMOIRS
1594. infinuate, that he had that moment fixed the crown
upon the king's head. Experience has fhewn that
this haughtiness which borders a little upon boaſt-
ing, of itfelf fufficiently in the French tafte, com-
monly fucceeds with a general who has Frenchmen
to lead with them to feem fure of a victory, goes
a great way towards gaining it. The king was not
ignorant of this difpofition; and he had found very
happy confequences from it, on thofe hazardous
occafions, when the foldiers fought only in the
countenance and words of their leader, the idea
they ought to have of the prefent danger. Hence
a feeming confidence of fuccefs became habitual to
him, which was imitated by all the general officers;
and, as it often happens, many of them, but par-
ticularly marechal Biron, carried that confidence
fo far as to become infupportable to all the others,
and even to the king himself, who was not on this
occafion the lefs indulgent.
The obliging reception which his majefty gave
to Biron, and thofe that had followed him, created
great jealoufy in the courtiers, who were not of the
party, and completely turned Biron's head. How-
ever, he could not obtain the government of Laon,
which was what he aimed at by exalting his laft
action, and arrogating all the glory of it to him-
felf alone, as if the others had had no part in it,
The king diſcovered his thoughts of it freely to
me, and feemed on many accounts greatly difcon-
tented with this marechal. His majefty told me
that, after ſo many caufes of complaint which Biron
had given him, after his having dared even lately
to threaten him with going over to his enemies, and
the diſcoveries he had juft made of the correfpon-
dence he carried on with meffieurs D'Epernon, and
D'Auvergne, he could not refolve to truft him
with the care of a place fo near the Low Countries
as Laon, which ought only to be given to a man
*This government was given to Marivault.
*
whofe
Book VI.
409
OF SULLY.
whoſe fidelity had been tried; but he feared, he 1594.
faid, that Biron would keep no meaſures after this
refufal, and would openly join the party againſt
him, or what was ftill more dangerous, continue
near his perfon, while he fecretly fided with his
enemies. Henry, who from this moment was per-
fuaded that he would one day have all this to fear
from Biron, added, that he perceived this mare-
chal had fought my friendſhip for fome time, doubt-
lefs with an intention to procure my concurrence
to a marriage between his brother, and mada-
moifelle De Saint-Geniès.*, my niece, who was
one of the greateft fortunes in France; and he
ordered me to take advantage of this new friend-
ſhip, to penetrate into his defigns.
The great convoy being defeated, the king,
without any obftacle, continued the fiege of Laon,
till he received notice that the duke of Maïenne,
and the count of Mansfield, far from being dif-
heartened by this bad fuccefs, talked of nothing
leſs than coming to force the lines of the beſiegers,
as foon as they had received fome troops they were
in expectation of. Biron treated this news with
contempt; but his majefty, who neglected no-
thing, was not eafy about it till Givry, whom he
had fent to reconnoitre, eſcorted by three hundred
horfe, with ftrict orders not to return without a
perfect knowledge of the fituation and forces of
the enemy, brought him, at the end of three days,
certain intelligence that there was not a ſingle com-
pany of them on this fide the Oife; and that the
Spaniards were more inclined to return to Flanders
than to Laon. The king, relying upon the juftneſs
of this report, that very evening made a party to
go and dine the next day at St. Lambert, a houſe
dependent upon the domain of Navarre, and fitu-
ated in the midft of the foreft, where he remembred
Daughter of Elias de Gon-
fault, lord De Badefou, and Sain-
Genies, governor of Bearn, vice-
roy of Navarre, and of Jacqueline
de Bethune, monfieur de Roíny's
fifter,
to
410
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
རཅུ??
1
1594. to have often gone to eat fruit, milk, and new
cheeſe, during the time that in his youth he had
refided in the caftle of Marle; and he ftill promifed
himſelf great pleaſure in feeing it again.
About thirty of us attended him to St. Lam-
bert, where, as he had paffed part of the preceding
night in viſiting as ufual the trenches, batteries,
and mines, he fell aſleep as foon as he had dined:
his good conſtitution, joined to a habit of fatigue,
had accuſtomed him to fleep in any place, and when
he pleaſed, and to wake at any hour. The weather
being then extremely hot, eight or ten of us went
into the thickeft part of the foreft*, not far from
the great road leading from La-Fere to Laon. We
had not gone farther than twelve or fifteen hundred
paces, when a noife which came from that fide near
La-Fere drew all our attention; it ſeemed to be a
confufed mixture of human voices, fmacking of
whips, neighing of horfes, and a noife like the
diftant found of trumpets and drums. That we
might hear more plainly, we came forwards to the
road, from whence we faw diftinctly, eight hun-
dred paces before us, a column of infantry, which
appeared to us to be foreigners, marching in good
order, and without any noife: that which we had
heard proceeded from the fervants and vagabonds
who followed, and thofe that conducted a confi-
derable convoy of artillery which guarded it. Ex-
tending our view as far as it was poffible, fo great
a number of troops appeared to us to file off after
thefe waggons, that we did not doubt but the
enemy's whole army was there.
We returned immediately, and found the king
awake, fhaking a plum-tree, of whofe fruit he
feemed very fond. "Faith, fir, faid we, fome
"men that have paffed juft now, will prepare
"other plums for you not quite fo eafy of di-
"geftion." We explained ourſelves in few words;
and the king the more readily believed us, having,
*The foreft of Folambray.
as
Book VI.
411
OF SULLY.
as he told us, heard a noiſe during the ſpace of a 1594.
quarter of an hour, which (not being able to
imagine that Givry could have acquitted himſelf fo
ill of his commiffion) he thought had proceeded
from his own camp. His majefty ordered twelve
of us, who were ready at hand, to go inftantly to
the different quarters of the cavalry (a lift of which
he always carried in his pocket) to ſpread the alarm
there, and bring them all with the utmoſt expedi-
tion to his quarter, while at the fame time others
were fent to the infantry to form them into bat-
talions, and poft them between the fame quarter
and the trenches. He gave thefe orders as he was
mounting his horfe, and although he rode with
great fwiftnefs, he continued giving them to all he
inet, with the fame juftnefs and extent of thought
as if he had been long before prepared for a battle.
Such was this prince's quicknefs of apprehenfion,
and admirable prefence of mind, that nothing
efcaped him; whereas any other, in the fame fitu-
ation, inſtead of forming a well regulated plan,
would have been hardly able to have fixed upon a
tolerable expedient. The enemies upon their
arrival found every one prepared for them; to
which perhaps the whole army owed its preferva-
tion for it muſt be confeffed that, if the enemies.
cavalry, which at the fame inſtant appeared in the
front of the camp, where they formed themfelves
into fquadrons with great expedition, had only
been able to have thrown the foldiers into a con-
fternation, which, the king and part of the officers
being abfent, muft infallibly have happened by an
effect of the firſt ſurpriſe; it would have been eafy
for them, amidſt that fudden confufion, to have
defeated great part of the army, and probably fear
might have delivered up the reft into their power.
This example is alone fufficient to prove of what
utility it is for a general of an army, not only to
poffefs that quality of the mind which takes in all
poffible contingencies, but to be well acquainted
with
412
Book VI.
MEMOIRS
1
$
1594. (with the names, abilities, good and bad qualities
of all the officers, as well as the different bodies
which compofe his army, and in his turn to be
known by it for him of all the general officers,
whofe advice (the quality of leader apart) they
would chufe in any difficult conjuncture to follow,
as the wifeft and beft; to give that advice with
firmness, but without the oftentation which feems
to ariſe from the certainty of having found out the
beft; to infpire them with a fondnets for their occu-
pation; to render their difcipline pleafing, by never
oppreffing them with orders, but at the fame time
to accuftom them never to expect that thofe already
eſtabliſhed will on any occafion whatever be dif
penfed with or diminifhed; in a word, to poffels the
art of making himfelf be at all times readily obeyed
by them, without infpiring that timidity which
keeps them filent, when by a feaſonable hint they
might affift the thoughts of their leader; an in-
convenience which has often been the ruin of many
armies, and their commanders.
Notwithſtanding the expedition the king ufed on
this occafion, if the enemy's general had taken
advantage of the opportunity which chance had
given him, it is probable we might have fuffered a
confiderable fhock; but knowing the prince he
had to deal with, he durft not fuffer the van of
his army to appear, till the whole was come out
of the foreft, that one part might be deprived of
the affiftance of the other, in cafe the king fhould
be informed of his march, and meet him with his
entire army. It happened alfo, that the march of
this army was protracted by the breaking of a car-
riage, upon which a piece of ordnance was placed,
which embarraffed them greatly. The waggons
fphic in pieces when the convoy was defeated, the
ſpli
luggage of which, with the bodies of men and
hovies, overfpreading the road, caufed a fecond em-
ban afment ftill greater and laftly, the perfon
whom the duke of Maïenne had fent to recon-
noitre
Book VI.
413
OF SULLY.
noitre a place proper for pitching his camp, did 1594
not return ſo ſpeedily as he might have done.
The king took advantage of all thefe delays.
He drew out from the trenches as many men as
were fufficient to cover them, without leaving too
few within, and ranged the reft of his army in order
of battle before, when the enemies, who no longer
hoped to ſurpriſe him, gave him time. That day was
employed on each fide in chufing the moſt advan-
tageous poſts for a battle. It was not however the
intention of the two generals of the enemy to en-
gage; they dreaded the king's afcendant, and our
cavalry which was almoft all compofed of gentie-
men. Their whole defign by this motion was to
oblige the king to raife the fiege of Laon by coming
to meet them, and afterwards to evade a battle, or
throw, at leaſt, in the confuſion caufed by their
arrival, three thouſand foot, and three hundred
troopers into the place; but as we did not know
their intention till afterwards, that we were informed
of it by fome prifoners whom we took, it was not
doubted but that there would be a general action
the next day; our two camps being fo near that
we heard diftinctly the found of their trumpets, and
the fhouts of their foldiers.
In the midſt of the ground that feparated us
from the enemies, there was one fingle hill almoſt
round, which, with regard to the befieged city,
might be of great importance, if the enemy fhould
poffefs themſelves of it. The king, who had fent
me to reconnoitre it, gave me two pieces of cannon,
to fupport a regiment that were by his order to poft
and fortify themfelves there. I caufed a hut to be
erected for myfelf, and when the king came to
vifit this poft, he found every thing in good order.
The next day the enemy making a fhew of greater
refolution than the evening before, began a fkir-
miſh with all their ſmall fhot, and endeavoured to
make themſelves mafters of a little wood which
lay between the two camps. Above fifty thoufand
finall
414
MEMO IR S, &c.
L
F
1
Book VI.
1594. fmall arms were fired, but with fo little effect that
Parabere, who came to my hut to fup with me,
affured me that they had not twenty men flain, nor
more than twice that number wounded.
Night coming on during this tumult; and the
two generals of the enemy's army, who thought of
nothing less than engaging farther, took advan-
tage of it to retreat, without being difcovered, to
La-Fere. The king fuffered them to fly, con-
tenting himſelf with the difgrace they had drawn
upon themſelves by this ridiculous attempt.
ለ.
END of the FIRST VOLUME.
*