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BOTANY, &c.—continued.
By SIR JAMES EDWARD SMITH, M.D. F.R.S.
Late President of the Linnaean Society, &c.
THE ENGLISH FLORA. 6 vols. 8vo. £3. 12s. boards.
CoNTENts:—Wols. I. to IV. the Floweſt ING PLANTs and the FERNs, price
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INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY of PHYSIOLOGICAL AND
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* * º * f º f
Kai Tori punktorov vártov Ščov Aiyaíoud.
Dionys. PERIEG. v. 799.
- --- —-ºs---- - --
V O L. I.
O X FORID,
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRIFSS,
MDCCCXXXII.
P. R. E. F. A. C. E.
—-sº-
THE present volumes complete the plan I
had originally proposed to myself of illustrat-
ing the geographical antiquities of the three
countries, which offered the greatest interest
to the classical student. Asia Minor presents
a field of inquiry hardly inferior to the other
two in historical importance, since it exhibits
a nearly unbroken chain of events, from the
siege of Troy to the downfall of Constanti-
nople; and it possesses moreover one point
of peculiar interest, from being so closely
connected with the name and labours of
St. Paul.
With respect to the comparative geogra-
phy of this extensive and diversified country,
our information on several points, more espe-
cially in the interior, is still inadequate and
defective. Much certainly has been done
by that eminent geographer and antiquary
iv. PR EFACE.
Col. Leake, in his work on Asia Minor", and
some further light has since been derived
from the journals of Mr. Arundell and Ma-
jor Keppel, and from foreign sources; but still
our knowledge of Anatolia is in many respects
incomplete.
The late celebrated Major Rennell had
apparently bestowed much time and labour
on the comparative geography of Western
Asia, and had he lived to complete the work,
he would certainly have produced a valuable
map of those extensive regions. But the two
volumes which have been published from his
papers contain little that was not known be-
fore; and present rather a series of detailed
notes and observations, than a systematic and
organized work".
Such being the state of our information
respecting the comparative geography of Asia
Minor, I cannot pretend to offer the map
a Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, with Comparative
Remarks on the Ancient and Modern Geography of that
country, by W. L. Leake. 8vo. Lond. 1824.
b A Treatise on the Comparative Geography of Western
Asia, accompanied with an Atlas of Maps, in two vols. 8vo.
Lond. I831.
PREF ACE. V
which accompanies these volumes as at all
equal in truth and accuracy to those of Italy
and Greece, but I may express the hope that
it will be found superior to any that have
preceded it. And I think considerable credit
is due to Mr. Findlay for the manner in
which he has put together and arranged the
different materials within his reach.
CONTENTS
OF
THE FIRST VOLUME,
SECTION I.
ASIA MINOR.
PRELIMINARY observations on the name of Asia—
Principal geographical features of the peninsula com-
monly called Asia Minor—Inquiry into the origin of the
various nations by which it was peopled—Divisions.
Page 1.
SECTION II.
MYSIA AND TROAS.
Origin and history of the Mysians—The Hellespont and
Propontis—Interior of Mysia—The Teucri and Dardani
—Ancient Ilium and the Homeric topography—The
Troad—AEolian colonies—Kingdom of Pergamus—Island
of Lesbos. 30.
SECTION III.
BITHYNIA.
Origin and history of the Bithynians—Boundaries of the
province under the Roman empire—Description of the
coast on the Propontis—Interior of the country around
mount Olympus and the lake Ascanius—Nicaea and Ni-
comedia, with the adjoining bays—Chalcedon and the
Thracian Bosphorus—The Euxine—Coast of that sea as
far as the Sangarius—The Mariandyni and Caucones—
Interior of eastern Bithynia. 167.
viii CONTENTS.
SECTION IV.
PAPHLAGONIA.
Origin and history of the Paphlagonians—Boundaries of
their country—Description of the coast between the
rivers Parthenius and Halys—Interior of the province.
216.
SECTION V.
PONTUS.
Dynasty of Pontus from its foundation as a kingdom till its
conquest by the Roman arms—Boundaries and geogra-
phical features—Course of the river Halys—Description
of the coast—Interior. 242.
SECTION VI.
IONIA AND LYDIA.
General history of the Ionian colonies and their confederacy
—Description of the twelve states of Ionia and the adja-
cent islands—Origin of the Maeonians and Lydians—
Dynasties of Lydia—Boundaries and topography of that
country. 323.
SECTION I.
A SI A M I NO R.
—-sº-
Preliminary observations on the name of Asia—Principal geo-
graphical features of the peninsula commonly called Asia
Minor—Inquiry into the origin of the various nations by
which it was peopled—Divisions.
As EARLY as the time of Herodotus we find the
*me of Asia employed to designate the vast conti-
*nt situated to the east of Europe, and almost
entirely subject at that period to the Persian domin-
10n. The Greeks, as we learn from that historian,
Pretended that it was derived from Asia, the wife
* Prometheus, but the Lydians, on the other hand,
affirmed that its origin was to be sought for in their
°untry. For that Asius, from whom it was de-
duced, was the grandson of Manes, one of their earliest
"onarchs; and, to corroborate this assertion, they
"duced the fact of the name of Asias having been
%iginally attached to a Sardian tribe". (IV. 45.)
he evidence which can be brought forward in fa-
"our of the Lydian tradition, leaves little doubt re-
Specting the issue of this question. It may be ob-
* Bochart derives the name Asia would signify the conti-
Tom Asi, a Phoenician word ment situated between Europe
*gnifying a middle part, or and Africa. Geogr. Sacr. IV.
something intermediate; ac- 33. p. 298.
°rding to which etymology
VOL. I. R
2 A SIA MINOR
served that Homer applied the name of Asia to a
small district of Maeonia, or Lydia, situated near
the river Caystrus,
'Agiº Év Asplöv, Katjarpiov &ppi #s6p2.
II. B. 461.
a passage which Virgil has imitated in his Georgics:
tº ſº * ºn g quae Asia circum
Dulcibus in stagnis rimantur prata Caystri.
I. 383.
Euripides also evidently restricts the appellation to
a portion of Lydia, where he says,
'Aaſia; &nd yā;
ispèv TwóAov &psilºxala-
BAccII. 64.
(Cf. Dionys. Perieg. 836. et Eustath. Comm.)
By what process this specific name came to be
applied generally to the whole peninsula, and after
that to the entire Asiatic continent, it is not easy to
determine. But it is probable that the Ionian
Greeks, on their first arrival on the banks of the
Maeander and Caystrus, adopted the name which
they found already attached to the country, and com-
municated it to their European countrymen. These
gradually learned to apply it first to that maritime
portion with which they were most familiar, then
to the interior also, and finally to all those countries
which were situated to the east of Greece. This
final extension had already taken place, as I have
before observed, in the time of Herodotus, who
employs the division of Upper and Lower Asia.
The latter of these answers in fact to what we now
call Asia Minor, while the former denotes the vast
ASIA MINO R. 3
tract of country situated to the east of the Eu-
phrates. N otwithstanding, however, this wide ac-
*ptation given to the name, it appears clearly that
lt always remained attached in a peculiar and re-
Stricted sense to a portion of Asia Minor, which
strongly confirms the notion that the appella-
tion originated in that district. In proof of the
above assertion it is only necessary to refer to the
title of Asia Propria, # biºs kaxovgéºn Agia, given to
the Roman proconsular province forming a part
9nly of the Asiatic peninsula. (Strab. XIII. p. 626.
II. p. 188.) It is in this sense too that we always
find the word used in the New Testament, as in
the Acts ii. 9, where Asia is distinguished from
Cappadocia, Pontus, Phrygia, and Pamphylia; and
*Vi. 6. it is said, “Now when they had gone through-
" out Phrygia and the region of Galatia, and were
“forbidden of the Holy Ghost to preach the word
º in Asia.” From the book of Revelations, which
*S addressed to the seven churches in Asia, it is fur-
ther seen that the name was strictly confined to that
Portion of ancient Lydia which contained Ephesus,
Smyrna, Pergamus, Sardis, &c." It is not exactly
known when the peninsula came to be designated
by the name of Asia Minor, now generally used by
the European nations; but it does not, I believe,
ºppear in any author prior to Orosius, who employs
* (I.2) as well as Constantine Porphyrogenetes,
(de Themat. I. 8.) The term Anatolia, used by
the Turks to denote this portion of the Ottoman
b See Cellarius Dissertatio Hist. disquisition touching the
| Sept. Eccles. Asia, inter Asia properly so called. Ox-
Disser. Academ. p. 412. ; also ford, 1643.
*chbishop Usher's Geogr. and
IB 2
4. ASI A MINOR,
empire, is evidently of Greek origin, and answers to
the Frank word Levant. Towards the decline of
the Roman empire we find Asia Minor divided into
two dioceses, or provinces, called Asiana and Pon-
tica, (Notit. Imper. I.) each governed by a lieute-
nant termed Picarius. (Cod. Theod. V. tit. 2.) Other
divisions were afterwards adopted by the Byzan-
tine emperors, but these do not come within the
scope of a work especially intended to illustrate
classical geography.
Asia Minor is bounded on the north by the Pon-
tus Euxinus, or Black sea, which communicates
with the Propontis, or sea of Marmara, by means
of the Bosphorus, or straits of Constantinople; and
this again with the Ægaeum Mare by the Helles-
pontus, now straits of the Dardanelles. The AEgean
sea, called Archipelago in modern geography, forms
its western boundary, while on the south its shores
are washed by that inland sea to which the name of
Internum or Mediterraneum was more particularly
applied. In order to define the eastern limit of the
peninsula, we must follow the river sometimes called
Acampsis, at others Apsarus, now Tchorok-sou,
which divides Pontus from Colchis, from its termi-
nation into the Euxine, to where it meets the great
chain of Armenian mountains formerly called Scy-
disces. This ridge, running in a south-westerly di-
rection from the Acampsis to the Euphrates, then
forms one boundary as far as the latter river, the
course of which, dividing the two Armenias, traces
the line of separation as far as the little district of
Melitene, belonging to Cappadocia. At this point
the great chain of mount Taurus, running from
west to east, is intersected by the river. Our line,
A SIA MINO R. 5
therefore, leaving the Euphrates, follows Taurus to
the West, till it meets mount Amanus, which, branch-
*g off from the central ridge in a south-westerly
direction, closes upon the Cilician sea at the defile
called the Syriae Pylae, and thus completes the angu-
lar line which joins the two seas, and forms the
fourth side of the Asiatic peninsula.
Were we to form our notions of the shape and
°xtent of Asia Minor from the measurements trans-
*mitted to us by the geographers of antiquity, we
should be led into numerous errors, and those of no
trifling kind. This will be at once evident by merely
attending to those of Strabo ; for being a native of
the country, and, generally speaking, the best in-
formed writer on the subject of which he treats, he
hay fairly be considered as affording the best crite-
tion of the accuracy of the ancients on the point in
Question.
Now with respect to the northern coast of Asia
Minor, Strabo's want of accuracy is rendered appa-
rent, by his supposing the shore of the Euxine to
form nearly a straight line from Byzantium to
Amisus; (II. p. 74.) whereas it advances in a north-
erly direction nearly the whole way, from the Thra-
“ian Bosphorus to the Cape Inje, formerly Syrias,
above Sinope; so that the difference of latitude be-
tween this promontory and Byzantium is more than
One degree. From Sinope it bends to the south
*gain as far as Amisus, which is nearly forty miles
below the parallel of the former town. From
Chalcedon to Sinope, Strabo reckons 3500 stadia,
and 900 from Sinope to Amisus, in all 4400; and
for the southern coast about 5000, from Rhodes to
Issus in Cilicia. Thus Issus would be 600 stadia to
B 3
(5 A SI A MINO R.
the east of Amisus, and yet Strabo himself else-
where looks upon these two places as situated under
the same meridian. (II. p. 126. XIV. p. 678.*) With
regard to the southern coast, the same geogra-
pher, when he affirms that it extended from Rhodes
to Tarsus in a south-easterly direction, does not
appear to have been aware of the great sweep it
takes, first round the province of Lycia to the great
gulf of Attalia, the ancient Mare Pamphylium, and
round Cilicia to the mouth of the Cydnus. With
respect to the breadth of the peninsula, Strabo has
given us no positive statement; but from his mea-
surement of the western coast, and the too great
elevation he assigns to Byzantium, it appears he
considered it to be much broader than it is. He in-
forms us, however, that Eratosthenes reckoned 3000
stadia between Issus and Amisus, where the neck of
the isthmus is the narrowest. This statement comes
very near the truth; for the best modern maps allow
about 330 miles from one sea to another in this
part. It may be here observed, that Herodotus was
very wide from the mark, when he estimated the
distance from the coast of Cilicia to Sinope to be
only five days' march for a person lightly equipped.
(II. 34.") . The peninsula is widest between capes
Anemurium, Anemur, in Cilicia, and Carambis,
ICerempe, in Paphlagonia.
Asia Minor contains numerous chains of mountains,
some of which attain to a great elevation. The most
• Gosselin, Géogr. des Grecs for Scymnus of Chios corrects
Analysée, p. 95. his statement, and observes,
d The ancients themselves that the distance is not less
were aware of the error made than seven days' journey.
by Herodotus in this matter, Fragm. v. 885.
A SI A MINO R. 7
°onsiderable is that of mount Taurus, which, com-
"encing at the Sacrum Promontorium on the Lycian
*nd Pamphylian coast, stretches in a north-easterly
direction through Pisidia, Isauria, and Cappadocia,
till it is intersected by the Euphrates near Melitene.
It extends, however, much further, according to
Strabo, as that geographer connects it with the
§reat Indian ridge of Imaus, or Emodius, now
Himalaya. (XI. p. 511.) He looks, indeed, upon
this great chain as forming the belt of the entire
Asiatic continent for the space of 4500 stadia, (XI.
P. 490.) whilst its breadth in some parts is not less
than 3000 stadia. That part of mount Taurus
which belongs to Asia Minor, and with which we
are alone concerned at present, is called by the
Turks Sultan dagh. To the west it is connected
With the chain of lofty mountains known to the
ancients by the name of Cragus, and which rises
precipitously above the coast of Lycia throughout
nearly the whole of its extent. To the north-east
Taurus sends out one of its ramifications under the
name of Anti-taurus, through Cappadocia and Ar-
menia Minor; the highest point of this ridge was
mount Argaeus, its summit, as Strabo affirms, being
covered with perpetual snow. (XII. p. 538.) Fur-
ther north, Anti-taurus is connected with the inferior
chains which traverse Paphlagonia and Pontus;
Such as mount Teches, Scydisces, Paryadres, and
others, uniting afterwards with the central Arme-
nian range of which Ararat forms the highest point;
and stretching also into Colchis, where it meets the
no less elevated ridge of Caucasus. In the north-
western parts of Asia Minor we have the celebrated
chain of Ida, which rises above the coast of the an-
B 4
8 ASI A MINO R.
cient Troad, and unites to the north-east with the
high range of the Mysian, and Bithynian Olympus;
this again is connected with several chains which
form the principal basons and valleys of Phrygia
and Galatia. To the south of Ida, and in the an-
cient kingdom of Lydia, we have the parallel chains
of Sipylus and Tmolus running from west to east,
and uniting with the different ranges which sur-
round Phrygia on every side. From these and
other mountains, which will be specified in the
course of this work, descend numerous rivers, form-
ing large and fertile valleys, and finally discharging
their waters into the several seas which wash the
shores of the peninsula. Of those which fall into
the AEgean sea the principal are the Caicus, now
Bakir-tehai, Hermus, Kodus, Caystrus, now Lesser
Mendere, and the Maeander, Greater Mendere.
All these, with the exception of the first, which rises
in Mysia, come from the mountains of Phrygia,
together with their numerous tributary streams, and
have their course generally parallel to each other.
The rivers which flow into the Propontis from
mount Ida and Olympus are the Granicus, Satal-
dere, Æsepus, Bohlu, or Guimenen-fchai, and Rhyn-
dacus, Edrene-sou. Those which discharge their
waters into the Euxine are the Sangarius, now
Sakaria, which rises in Galatia and traverses a
great portion of Phrygia and Bithynia, the Billaeus,
Filbas, and Parthenius, or Bartan. But the largest
of these rivers, and indeed of all Asia Minor, is the
Halys, now Kisil-ermak, which consists of two
branches, one rising in the Cappadocian mountains
on the frontiers of Cilicia, the other in Armenia
Minor on the borders of Pontus, and after a long
ASIA MINO R. 9
and tortuous course, in which it nearly traverses the
Peninsula from south-west to north-east, falls into
the Euxine to the south-east of Sinope. Beyond
is the Iris, formed by the junction of the Scylax,
Lycus, and other streams; its mouth is a little to
the east of Samsoun, the ancient Amisus. The
rivers which discharge their waters into the Pam-
phylian and Cilician seas are much less considerable,
Owing to the proximity of mount Taurus, from which
they descend, to the coast. They are the Catarrhac-
tes, now Duden, Calycadmus, Ghiuk-sou, Cydnus,
Tersoos, Sarus, Sihoun, and Pyramus, now Gihoun.
Asia Minor contains several lakes, but most of
them are inconsiderable, and unnoticed by classical
Writers. Those which can be identified are the
Aphnitis, Dascylitis, Miletopolitis, and Apolloniatis,
in Mysia; the Ascanius and Sophon, in Bithynia.
In Phrygia we find the great salt lake Tattacus,
noticed by Strabo, (XII. p. 568.) now Tusla, to-
gether with the Palus Trogitis and Caralitis, besides
Several others, whose ancient names are unknown.
Few countries present such a diversity of soil and
climate as the great peninsula to which our atten-
tion is at present directed. The genial temperature of
Ionia, Lydia, and Caria, and indeed, generally speak-
ing, of the whole of western Asia, together with the
extreme fertility of those provinces, are proved be-
yond dispute by the number and opulence of the
towns they contained, especially those founded by
Grecian colonists. Herodotus affirms, that the cli-
mate of Ionia surpassed that of every country with
which he was acquainted, (I. 142.) and the testi-
mony of antiquity is in this respect fully confirmed
by the accounts of modern travellers and geogra-
10 ASIA MINO R.
phers. On the other hand, large tracts of country
were very thinly inhabited, from the coldness of the
climate and the unproductiveness of the soil. This
was more especially the case in the mountainous
districts of Lycia, Pisidia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia,
where the land is very elevated, and the snow re-
mains for a considerable part of the year. Many
parts of Phrygia and Galatia were also nearly de-
serted, from the barrenness of the ground, which
was strongly impregnated with salt, and exhibited,
besides, other indications of volcanic agency. This
was principally observed in that part of Lydia
called Catacecaumene, or the burnt, and near the
Maeander. Several other provinces presented simi-
lar appearances, though in a less degree; but the
whole country appears to have been subject at an
early period to violent earthquakes, which destroyed
or damaged many flourishing cities. (Strab. XII.
p. 578.)
Nevertheless, taken collectively, Asia Minor was
one of the most productive and opulent countries
of which antiquity has left us any account. The
wealth of the kings of Phrygia and Lydia had be-
come proverbial at a time when Greece and the rest
of Europe were yet without civilization or com-
merce. Under the empire of the Persians, Asia
Minor was divided into five nomes or districts, if
we include the tribes which belong to the province
commonly known by the name of Pontus; these
poured annually into the royal treasury the sum of
2060 Euboic silver talents, or little short of one
seventh of the whole revenue, which is estimated
by Herodotus at 14,560 talents. Of this sum it
should be observed, that India alone furnished in
A SI A MINO R. II
gold ore the value of 4680 silver talents, and As-
Syria 1000 talents. (Herod. III. 90.) So that if we
deduct the produce of these two satrapies from the
Whole amount, it will reduce the proportion of the
revenue of Asia Minor to that of the remaining 18
Satrapies as 2 to 9. And it may be seen by the
map that Asia Minor does not constitute one tenth
part of the Persian empire in the time of Darius.
It was by means of the great resources which the
younger Cyrus derived from this country, that the
Lacedaemonians, whom he befriended, were enabled
to conquer Athens, and to put an end to the Pelo-
ponnesian war. By the help of the same resources
that prince had nearly succeeded in his ambitious
enterprise against the throne of his brother Arta-
Xerxes. Persia may be said to have been already
conquered - when the battles of the Granicus and
Issus secured to Alexander the possession of Asia
Minor. Its annexation to the crown of Syria, after
the death of that prince, in consequence of the de-
feat and death of Antigonus in the battle of Ipsus,
threw a degree of weight in the political scale in
favour of the Seleucidae, which might have proved
prejudicial to the independence of the surrounding
countries, or at least have served to check the rapa-
cious designs of the Romans, if the sovereigns of
that house had been gifted with greater energy and
powers, of mind. One battle, however, wrested it
from the feeble grasp of Antiochus, and annexed it
to the empire of his enterprising and restless foes.
In their hands Asia Minor became a source of vast
profit and wealth; and we have the authority of
Cicero for stating, that the Roman treasury derived
its largest and surest revenues from that great pro-
19 ASIA MINOR.
vince. (Orat. pro Leg. Manil. . 2, 6.) “Certissima
“ populi Romani vectigalia, et maxima.” And, (0.6,
I.) “Asia vero tam opima est et fertilis, ut et uber-
“tate agrorum, et varietate fructuum et magni-
“tudime pastionis, et multitudime earum rerum,
“quae exportantur, facile omnibus terris antecellat.”
With regard to mineral productions, we know that
the mountains of Lydia, Phrygia, and Mysia, in
ancient times, produced gold. Pontus furnished
silver, iron, and sandarach. Phrygia, Mysia, and
Caria supplied several sorts of marble highly prized
by the Romans for the beauty and variety of their
colours. In Cappadocia were to be found quarries
of alabaster, onyx, and crystal, and rich veins of
the earth called sinope. The vegetable produce
consisted in corn, millet, and every other sort of
grain, which were grown in the greatest abundance,
not only in the extensive valleys and plains, but even
on some of the elevated lands in the chain of mount
Taurus. The Hellespontine district, the islands of
Lesbos and Chios, and some parts of Ionia and
Caria, furnished wines highly esteemed by the an-
cients. Pontus, Bithynia, and Galatia abounded in
fruit-trees of different sorts; Cilicia supplied saffron
and the gum storax; and the olive and fig-tree flou-
rished in almost every part of the peninsula. The
forests of Ida, Tmolus, Olympus, and Taurus grew
timber for the construction of ships, and other pur-
poses, as well as fuel in the greatest abundance.
The rich pastures of the provinces watered by the
Halys, Thermodon, Sangarius, and Maeander, sup-
ported numerous herds and flocks. Paphlagonia
was celebrated for its mules as early as the days of
Homer; and the steeds of Cappadocia were reserved
A SIA MINO R. I3
for the royal studs of Persia and Byzantium. The
fleeces of Ionia were unrivalled throughout the
World for the softness of their texture; and the
Persian monarchs drew from Cilicia annually a tri-
butary supply of white horses.
If to these physical advantages we add others,
presented by the great extent of coast and the num-
ber of excellent harbours it afforded, it will appear,
that no country was so much favoured by nature,
and so well calculated for becoming the centre of a
mighty and perhaps universal empire. But the
moral condition and character of its population has
never kept pace with the physical resources of the
country. From the earliest period, under the kings
of Assyria, the dynasties of Lydia and Persia, under
the empires of Rome and Byzantium, down to the
present day, Asia Minor has been peopled by a race
fitted, as it were, by nature for slavery and bondage.
Effeminacy and luxury have been the prevailing
habits of the inhabitants from the times of the soft
and voluptuous Lydians to those of the indolent
Turk; and this will probably always be the case
as long as the softness of the climate and the fer-
tility of the soil continue to exercise an enervat-
ing influence over the character of the people; an
influence which has shewn itself so strikingly, first
in the change it wrought upon the Greek colonists,
who, from being brave and hardy like the parent
race, became proverbially soft and effeminate; then
upon their Persian conquerors; and, lastly, on the
warlike and fierce Osmanlis.
There is only one short period in the history of
Asia Minor during which it may be seen how the
genius and energy of one man, even with such a
14 ASIA MINO R.
population as we have here described, and the re-
sources of less than half the peninsula, could grapple
with the giant strength of Rome, and even shake
her power to the very centre. The noble stand
made by Mithridates, though finally unsuccessful,
serves at least to prove, that if Asia Minor had been
united under the sole command of such a prince, it
never would have remained a province of the Ro-
man empire.
The origin of the first tribes who peopled Asia
Minor, like that of almost every nation of antiquity,
is a question involved in obscurity, and beset with
doubts and perplexities; from which we are not
likely to extricate ourselves with ease and readiness
at the present day. Where history supplies no ade-
quate information on the subject, the language of a
people has always been considered as affording the
best clue for discovering its primary seat and origin.
Here, however, that resource is denied us; since,
with the exception of a few detached words, pre-
served by the Greek grammarians and lexicograph-
ers, we are left in entire ignorance as to the pre-
vailing dialects among the indigenous tribes of Asia
Minore. I use the word indigenous, in contradis-
tinction to the colonies established by the Greeks, in
times which are well authenticated. It appears then
that we are obliged, in this question, to glean from
e These will be found near-
ly all brought together in a
learned and elaborate disserta-
tion of professor Jablonsky, en-
titled, Disquisitio de Lingua
Lycaonică, and which has been
printed in the 3d vol. of his
Opusc. Acad. published by prof.
Te-Water, at Leyden, 1809.
Other dissertations on the same
subject by different learned men
have been brought together in
a work, entitled, Thesaur. Nov.
Dissert. ex Musteo Hasaei et
Ikenii, tom. II. p. 625–661.
A SI A MINO R. 15
history such scattered notices and hints as it has
Placed within our reach. Scanty and imperfect as that
Source is found to be, it is so far satisfactory, that
it does not present us, as in the cases of Greece and
Italy, with conflicting systems and opinions scarcely
reconcilable with each other. It may be remarked,
in the first place, that the ancients did not look upon
*ny of the tribes of Asia Minor as autochthonous.
In the next place, all those writers whose testimony
is thought to have most weight, agree in deriving
the origin of those tribes from two principal sources
or channels, though diametrically opposed to each
other, considered geographically; I mean the na-
tions of Upper Asia and the Thracians of Europe:
the former penetrating into the peninsula by the
Syrian gates and the upper valleys of the Euphrates;
the latter, by the straits of Byzantium. This being
premised, we have now to consider by which of
these two routes Asia Minor received its first set-
tlers. Taking then the Mosaic account as the basis
of our investigation, it will be seen at once that the
descendants of Noah, after their dispersion in the
plains of Mesopotamia, would, from their proximity
to Asia Minor, have had time, not only to occupy its
nearest provinces, but to spread over the whole
Country, before their more northern brethren could
reach the Bosphorus by the slow and circuitous
journey round the Palus Maeotis and the shores of
the Euxine. Not to mention that the process of
crossing an arm of the sea, in order to occupy a
country, implies necessarily a state of things some-
what removed from a rude and primitive order of
Society, and supposes consequently a period much
16 ASIA MINO R.
subsequent to the primeval dissemination of man-
lcind recorded in the book of Genesis.
Probability then alone would lead us to derive
the origin of the primary settlers in Asia Minor
from the plains around the Euphrates and Tigris.
But this ceases to be even a matter for inquiry,
when we find how strongly it is confirmed by the
testimony of history. We are assured by Herodo-
tus, that in the time of Croesus all the tract of coun-
try to the east of the Halys was occupied by a race
of Syrians, whom the Greeks termed Leuco-Syri, or
the White Syrians, in order to distinguish them
from their more sunburnt kinsmen, who occupied
the country to the S. E. of the Amanus and the
shores of the Mediterranean as far as Palestine.
Herodotus affirms, that the Cappadocians, a name
derived from the Persians, were Syrians; and by
extending their country to the shore of the Euxine,
it is evident that he included the people of Paph-
lagonia and Pontus under the same denomina-
tion and race. (I. 72.76.) Under the Cappadocians
too we must range the inhabitants of Lycaonia and
Isauria, who, though speaking a dialect of their
own, are classed by Strabo with the former people.
(XII. p. 538.) The Cilicians are spoken of as a
nation distinct from the Cappadocians, but it is
highly probable that they were only another branch
of the same eastern stock. Herodotus states that
they were originally called Hypachaei, but had taken
the name which they then bore from Cilix, the son
of Agenor, (VII.91.) which is saying, in other words,
that they received a Phoenician colony. The pre-
sence of this most ancient and remarkable people in
ASIA MINOR. # 17
Several parts of Asia Minor, at a very remote pe-
iod, is too well attested, by the direct as well as the
*direct testimony of antiquity, to be called in ques-
tion, even if we should not be disposed to go so far
as Bochart and his followers have done in the ety-
*nological system. If we range along the southern
°oast of Asia Minor from Cilicia, we shall find
"races of the Phoenicians in Pamphylia, though that
*ame is certainly Greek, but indicative, at the same
time, of a mixed and heterogeneous population; we
find traces of them beyond Pamphylia, in the coun-
*y of the ancient Solymi, who are always spoken
of as the first inhabitants of what was afterwards
called Pisidia. Still further to the west, we hear of
them on the coast of Caria, and in the island of
Rhodes, under the names of Telchines and Heliades.
There is little doubt that the Cilices of Homer, who
°CCupied the plain of Thebe in the Troad, as well
as the Dactili of mount Ida, were also Phoenicians.
We have the authority of Thucydides for believing
that the same people had, at a very early period,
settled in several of the Greek islands. (I. 8.) He-
*Odotus affirms, that they colonized Thasus. Other
*uthorities speak of their establishments on the
shores of the Propontis and Hellespont. And there
* every reason to believe, with Bochartſ, that the
Worship of the Cabiri, and the Samothracian mys-
teries, were first introduced by them, and afterwards
"dopted by the Pelasgi. According to Strabo, Cad-
ºnus and his Phoenicians 8 had first occupied Euboea
before they colonized Boeotia. It is also highly pro-
bable that the Carians and Pelasgi, the earliest
* Geogr. Sacr. I. 12, p. 394, bians, (X, p. 447.) Cf. Plut.
* Strabo calls them Ara- Thes, tom. I. p. l
VOL. I. C
18 ASI A MINO R.
people among the Greeks who made any proficiency
in nautical affairs, derived their instruction from this
enterprising race.
Thus we have seen that the whole coast of Asia
Minor was covered with Phoenician establishments
at a period of remote antiquity, while a branch of
the same people occupied, in land, the whole of the
country which lies between the Halys and the Eu-
phrates. But however the former river might have
been the boundary of the Leuco-Syrians to the west,
in the time of Croesus, it is not to be supposed that
this had always been the limit of the Asiatic colo-
mists of the peninsula. On the contrary, it is plain,
as we have before stated, that they must have had
time to spread over the whole country before the
Thracian tribes had become strong and populous
enough to cross the Bosphorus, and occupy the
shores of the Propontis. It is probable too that
the Syrians of Cappadocia and Cilicia were the last
and most recent influx of Asiatic tribes, those who
preceded them having become blended with the
hordes which successively crossed over from Europe,
and thus preserving but faint and imperfect traces
of their primary origin".
Having thus brought forward what evidence we
possess of the population of Asia Minor having been
derived in the first instance from more eastern coun-
garmah. Others, however, have
imagined, that it was peopled
h Most of the commentators
on the book of Genesis Sup-
pose Asia Minor to have been
occupied by the immediate de-
scendants of Gomer, Askenaz,
whose name is thought to bear
some resemblance to that of
Ascania, and Riphath and To-
by the descendants of Shem,
among whom Aram would be
the progenitor of the Syrians,
and Lud of the Lydians. Boc-
hart, Geogr. Sacr. III. 8 and 9.
p. 171. II. 12. p. 83.
ASI A MINO R. 19
tries, we may pass on to consider summarily what
*dditions were subsequently made to it from Eu-
"ope. I have stated already, that according to the
°oncurrent testimony of antiquity we must admit
the European origin of several extensive tribes in
Asia Minor. Of these, the earliest and most nu-
*herous appear to have been the Phrygians, who, as
We learn from Herodotus, on the authority of tra-
ºlitions preserved by the Macedonians, once dwelt
in their country under the name of Bryges; but
having crossed into Asia at a period of which we
"annot now form any accurate notion, they changed
that appellation to the form under which it was
°ver after known. (I. 72.) The testimony of Hero-
dotus is confirmed by that of Strabo, who quotes
from Xanthus, the Lydian historian, and Mene-
°rates, of Elaea, (XII. p. 572. Cf. VII. p. 295. XII.
P. 550.) and Conon. (ap. Phot. Narrat. I. p. 424.
Cf. Plin. V. 32.) It may be observed also, that
there existed a people named Brygi in Macedonian
Thrace, in the time of Herodotusi, (VI. 45. VII.
185.) and the same historian alludes to traditions
Which represented that country as the original abode
of the Phrygian Midas. (VIII. 138.) On such evi-
°nce it seems impossible to deny the fact of a mi-
Station of these Thracian Bryges into Asia at an
"ncertain epoch, but certainly prior to the Trojan
War, since the Phrygians are clearly mentioned by
Homer as a people of Asia Minor. (B. 862. T. 184.)
S to those traditions which assign to the Phry-
Šians a date anterior even to the formation of the
*gyptian nation, (Herod. II. 2.) if any credit is due
i r
l The word briga appears to Thracians as well as to the
lave belonged to the ancient Celts. Strabo VII.
C 2
20 A SIA MINO R.
to them, they must apply, I conceive, to that indi-
genous race who occupied this rich and fertile coun-
try before the Thracian migration, and became
united by conquest with their successful invaders.
Herodotus, too, clearly recognises an affinity between
the Phrygians and the Armenians; (VII. 73.) and
though I suspect that the fact is exactly the reverse
of what he states, and that the Armenians were the
progenitors of the Phrygians rather than descended
from them, the tradition seems to strengthen the
idea of what may be called an Asiatic foundation in
the Phrygian stock.
Antiquity is not less positive respecting the Thra-
cian origin of the Lydians, Carians, and Mysians,
though there are many questions which render the
early history of these nations intricate and perplex-
ing; these will be considered more at length when
we come to examine the origin of each people sepa-
rately. At present it will be sufficient to state gene-
rally, that the three nations above mentioned ac-
knowledged a common origin, (Herod. I. 172. Strab.
XIV. p. 659.) and if it be true that the Mysi in par-
ticular were the same as the Moesi of Thrace, and
came from that country, (Strab. XII. p. 571. VII.
p. 303.) it will follow, that the Carians and Lydians
had also their primary seats in the same part of the
European continent.
From the southern position occupied by the Ca-
rians, it is reasonable to suppose that they came first
in the order of migration. Herodotus has stated,
that this people occupied first of all the Cyclades,
and other islands, under the name of Leleges; but
that having been driven from thence by Minos, on
account of their piracies, they passed over to the
A SIA MINO R. 21
Asiatic continent. The historian, however, observes,
"at the Carians themselves affirmed that their na-
tion had always been possessors of the province
which derived its name from them. (I. 171.) The
first account, however, confirmed as it is by Thu-
°ydides, (I. 4.) and other weighty testimonies, has
doubtless superior claims to our attention. Amongst
these must not be forgotten that of Homer, who
brings together the Carians, Leleges, Pelasgi, and
'aucones, people all apparently of Thracian origin,
and of wandering habits. (Il. K. 480.)
Next in order to the Carians are the Lydians, or,
as they are more anciently called, the Maeones; at
least it appears to have been the more general opin-
ion among the ancients that they ought to be iden-
tified. Some writers, however, as Strabo affirms,
looked upon them as two distinct nations. (XII.
P. 571. XIII. p. 625.) Homer appears to have
known only the name of Maeones, which, accord-
ing to Herodotus, was also the more ancient appel-
lation. (VII. 74.) It must be confessed, however,
that this change of name, as well as the whole ac-
Count of the Lydian dynasties, together with the
celebrated tradition of the Tyrrhenian migration,
"ecorded by that historian, are all alike unsatisfac-
tory, and beset with great difficulties, especially in
*egard to chronology. These will be fully discussed
When we come to treat of Lydia in particular; but
I will only observe by the way, that when we find
among the Lydian kings of the Heraclid dynasty
the names of Ninus and Belus, it is impossible not
to admit that there must have been some connex-
ion, though Herodotus was not aware of it, be-
tween Lydia and the ancient kingdom of Assyria;
C 3
22 A SIA M IN OR.
a circumstance which tends to confirm our hypothe-
sis of an Asiatic substratum in the population of the
entire peninsula.
The Mysi, whose Thracian origin appears least
subject to dispute, if we may judge from their more
northern position, settled in Asia posterior to the
Maeonian migration. Indeed Herodotus affirms, that
they were a colony (3roikoi) of the Lydians. (VII. 74.)
This people always retained, as it should seem, a
footing in the European continent; and it is to that
more ancient and considerable part of the nation
that we must perhaps refer that great invasion of
Paeonia and Macedonia recorded by Herodotus as
having taken place before the Trojan war, though
it is certain that the historian expressly states that
they crossed over on that occasion from Asia into
Europe in conjunction with the Teucri. (VII. 20.
75.) The latter people, who are probably the an-
cestors of the Trojans, certainly formed settlements
on the Asiatic shores of the Hellespont, with the
Mysi and Dardani, at an early period; but we must
look for the original seat of all these tribes in the
great Pannonian and Moesian plains, south of the
Danube. It must be observed, that Herodotus him-
self supposes that the Paeonians were descendants
of the Teucri, (V, 13.) but this could hardly be true
of the Trojan Teucri. And when we find that the
Dardani, who were certainly Illyrians, and conti-
guous to the Moesi, boasted of having anciently
been masters of all Paeonia, (Liv. XLV. 29.) it is
natural to suspect that the Teucri belonged to the
same European stock, whether of Thracian or Illy-
rian origin.
The Bithynians are another Thracian people, but
A SIA MINO R. 23
belonging apparently to a different family from that
of the three important tribes we have just men-
tioned. Herodotus affirms, that they were origi-
nally called Strymonii, from the great Macedonian
river on whose banks they were settled. But hav-
ing been disturbed by the irruption of the Teucri
and Mysi, they finally crossed over into Asia, and
took the name of Bithyni. (VII. 75.) The Thra-
cian origin of the Bithyni is also attested by Xeno-
phon, (Anab. VI. 4, 1.) and Strabo, (XII. p. 511.)
And I should imagine that Homer alludes to this
people under the name of Hellespontine Thracians,
in his account of the Trojan forces and their allies.
(Il. B. 844.) To the great Thracian family belong
also the Mariandyni, Bebryces, Doliones, Caucones,
and other early and obscure tribes, which once had
a separate political existence on the shores of the
Propontis and Euxine, but became merged after-
Wards in the general momenclature of Mysians and
Bithynians. (Strab. XII. p. 542.) Respecting the
Paphlagonians, who follow next in the same line of
coast, it is not so easy to form an opinion; as the
Writers of antiquity seem to be silent on the ques-
tion of their origin. According to Strabo, they
were certainly a different people from the Cappa-
docians, and yet he allows that there were many
Words common to the two nations; whence it might
be inferred, that the Paphlagonians were a mixed
people, formed from the Leuco-Syri, or Cappado-
cians, and some other race; which, if not Thracian,
came most probably from Scythia. The Amazons,
who settled on the Paphlagonian coast, were be-
lieved by many to have come from that vast coun-
try, as well as the Halizones and Heneti, ranked
C 4
24 ASIA MINO R.
by Homer among the Paphlagomes. (Il. B. 851.
Strab. XII. p. 543.) And it is not improbable that
some of the minor tribes which occupied the coasts
and mountainous regions of Pontus, as far as Col-
chis, might trace part of their population to a Scy-
thian source; the rest being derived, more espe-
cially in the case of the Chalybes and Chaldaei, from
Armenia and Assyria.
Having thus endeavoured to analyse succinctly
the probable elements of what may be called the
barbarian population of Asia Minor, I shall proceed
to give a brief and general history of Greek coloni-
zation in that extensive country.
If we are to allow the Pelasgi the honour of being
considered the progenitors of the Hellenic race, we
may then look upon their settlements in Asia Minor
before the siege of Troy, as the first attempts to
establish Grecian colonists in that country. Next
to the Pelasgic migrations, we must place the set-
tlements formed by Minos, who seems to have
reigned, not only over Crete and the Cyclades, but
to have had possessions on the coast of Caria and
Lycia. In the former country, Sarpedon, his bro-
ther, is said to have founded Miletus; in the latter,
the same chief established his Cretan bands, named
Termilac, after having driven from the coasts or
exterminated the Milyae and Solymi, the first pos-
sessors of the country, and descended, as appears
most probable, from the Phoenicians or Syrians.
But a fresh change was again introduced on the
arrival of Lycaon, or Lycus, son of Pandion king of
Athens, and the whole population was thenceforth
designated by the name of Lycians. (Herod. I. 173.
Strab. XII. p. 573.)
A SIA MINO R. 25
We must likewise place before the siege of Troy
the colonization of Rhodes and Cos by the descend-
ants of Hercules, (Il. B. 655. Strab. loc. cit.) and
that of Mysia by Telephus. (Strab. XIII. p. 615.)
Some of the Hellespontine towns, such as Abydos
and Cyzicus, owed their foundation to Greek or
Pelasgic colonists before the same era. Other cities
on the coast of Pamphylia, Cilicia, and Cyprus, are
supposed to be nearly coeval with the downfall of
Troy. But the most numerous and important mi-
grations from the Grecian continent were posterior
to that celebrated event. The first of these was the
Apolic colony, led, as we learn from Strabo and
Pausanias, by some descendants of Orestes, after
the death of that prince, through Thessaly and
Thrace to the Hellespont; whence they crossed
over into Asia, and occupied the shores of the ancient
Troas, and the island of Lesbos. (Strab. XIII. p.582.
Pausan. Lacon. 2.) Other descendants of Agamem-
non shortly after crossed over from Thessaly, with
a fresh body of Æolian colonists, and founded Cumae,
south of the Caicus. Strabo places these events
about 60 years after the fall of Troy, and not long
before the return of the Heraclidae into the Pelo-
DOnneSuS.
The Ionian migration was four generations later,
or 1130 B.C. It was composed principally of Io-
nians from Attica and Ægialus, subsequently called
Achaia; but Herodotus affirms, that a large por-
tion of the colony was composed of people who had
nothing in common with the Ionian name. These
settled on the coast of Asia Minor, then occupied
by the Carians and Leleges, whom they expelled;
and having founded twelve principal cities, formed
26 ASIA MINO R.
themselves into a federal government, which held
its meetings in the temple called Panionium. (I.
146. Strab. XIV. p. 633. Pausan. Achaic. 2.)
The coast of Caria, to the south of Cape Posi-
dium, was occupied by Dorian Greeks, who mi-
grated at different periods from Megara, Troezene,
Argos, and other cities of the mother country. The
principal colonies then formed were Halicarnassus
and Cnidus, with the islands of Rhodes and Cos,
which together constituted the Dorian confederacy;
whose meetings were held at Triopium. (Herod. I.
144.) Besides these, numerous single settlements
were from time to time formed by the Greeks, both
on the shores of the Euxine and those of the Ci-
lician and Pamphylian seas. Insensibly also they
spread themselves in the interior of the peninsula,
as well in Lydia and Phrygia as in Galatia and
Cappadocia; so that finally there was not a pro-
vince, from the AEgean to the Euphrates, which
could not boast of possessing more than one Greek
colony. It is this circumstance which gives to Asia
Minor its classical character and principal historical
interest, and causes it to be associated, in the mind
of the scholar and the antiquary, with all that we
admire in Grecian genius and taste. It is true, that
the Greeks of Asia Minor, owing to the softness of
the climate, and the debasing influence of a despotic
government, afford us no such recollections as the
glorious achievements of the sons of Hellas recall
to the mind; yet it is certain, that in refinement, and
the cultivation of the arts, they were at least equal,
if not superior, to their European brethren. If Asia
Minor cannot boast of having given birth to war-
riors and statesmen, she glories justly in her poets,
ASIA MINO R. 27
her historians and philosophers, her sculptors, paint-
*S, architects, and musicians. And in the three
first departments she may more especially boast of
having rather served as a guide to the mother coun-
try than followed in her train".
We learn from Herodotus, that subsequent to the
“stablishment of the Greek colonies Asia Minor was
overrun consecutively by large bodies of Cimme-
rians and Scythians; the former being propelled,
as we often find was the case with barbarian mi-
§rations, and pursued by a more powerful horde of
Scythians from the Caspian and over mount Cau-
casus, to the shores of Pontus, whence they after-
Wards penetrated into Lydia, and took Sardis. (He-
rod. I. 6. and 15. IV. 1. II. 12.) But this irrup-
tion was of short duration, as the barbarians, being
unable to secure a permanent footing in the coun-
try, were soon expelled by Alyattes, king of Lydia.
(Herod. I. 16.) Many centuries after, another bar-
barian horde, coming from the west of Europe, ar-
rived, after traversing several countries, and expe-
riencing various vicissitudes of fortune on the By-
Zantine territory. These were a body of Gauls,
Who had left their country under the banners of
Brennus; and having survived the disasters which
befell their countrymen in Greece and Thrace, reach-
ed the Hellespont, whence they crossed over into
Asia, at the instigation of Nicomedes, king of Bi-
thynia, and finally settled in that part of the pen-
insula which took from them the name of Gallo-
thagoras, Anaxagoras, Bias,
* In poetry Asia lays claim
to Homer, Hesiod, Sappho,
lcaeus, Anacreon, Mimmer-
nus, Hipponax, and Nicantler.
In philosophy, to Thales, Py-
and Pittacus. In history, to
Hecataeus, Charon, Hellani-
cus, Xanthus, Herodotus, Cte-
sias, and Ephorus.
28 ASIA M IN OR.
Graecia, or Galatia. (Liv. XXXVIII. 16. Strab.
XII. p. 566.) This was the last important addi-
tion made to the population of Asia Minor; and on
looking back to the mixed character of its inha-
bitants, and the many revolutions it has experienced
from the earliest period, we must feel how hopeless
a task it would be, even with less scanty materials
than those which we possess, to trace the languages
and dialects of the peninsula to a common primitive
SOUll’Ce.
In the description of Asia Minor, the geographers
of antiquity appear to have adhered to no fixed plan
of arrangement, but to have followed that order
which accorded with their whole system. Thus
Strabo begins his description with Cappadocia, and
proceeds through the remaining provinces from east
to west, because he had been led by his periegesis
of northern Asia to Armenia. Scylax and Scym-
nus, of Chios, set out from Colchis, and so make the
circuit of the peninsula from Pontus to Cilicia.
Pomponius, Mela, and Pliny, on the contrary, be-
gin with Cilicia, and proceed round the whole of
the coast to the river Phasis. Ptolemy takes first
the north coast from the Hellespont to the extremity
of the Euxine, and then returns to the Hellespont
to describe the western and southern coasts.
This method of description being evidently arbi-
trary, I have preferred adhering to that of D'Anville,
as being both most simple and natural in itself, and
as agreeing better with the practice I have generally
observed in my other geographical works, of com-
mencing the periegesis or periplus of a country from
west to east, and from north to South. D'Anville
has, with great perspicuity, divided the peninsula
A SIA MINO R. 29
into three parallel strips, each containing four sec-
tions. According to this arrangement, Asia Minor
Will comprise twelve principal provinces, which are
*S follows: 1. Mysia, including the Hellespontine
district and the Troad, with the ADolian colonies.
8. Bithynia. 3. Paphlagonia. 4. Pontus. 5. Lydia,
including the Ionian towns and islands. 6. Phry-
gia, including Lycaonia. 7. Galatia. 8. Cappado-
°ia, together with Armenia Minor. 9. Caria, with
its islands. 10. Lycia. II. Pamphylia, including
Pisidia. 12. Cilicia. The last section will be de-
Voted to the island of Cyprus.
SE ('T' I O N II.
M Y SIA AND TROAS.
Origin and history of the Mysians—The Hellespont and Pro-
pontis—Interior of Mysia—The Teucri and Dardani—Ancient
Ilium and the Homeric topography—The Troad—AEolian
colonies—Kingdom of Pergamus—Island of Lesbos.
It was the prevailing opinion of antiquity that
the Mysians were not an indigenous people of Asia,
but that they had been transplanted to its shores
from the banks of the Danube, where the original
race maintained itself under the name of Moesi, by
which they were known to the Romans for several
centuries after the Christian era. (Strab. VII. p. 303.
Artemid. ap. eund. XII. p. 571.) Nor is that opinion
at variance with the tradition which looked upon
this people as of a kindred race with the Carians
and Lydians, since these two nations were likewise
supposed to have come from Thrace; (Herod. I.
172. Strab. XIV. p. 659.) nor with another which
regarded them in particular as descended from the
Lydians, in whose language the word mysos signi-
fied a beech, which tree it was further observed
abounded in the woods of the Mysian Olympus.
Strabo, who has copied these particulars from Xan-
thus the Lydian and Menecrates of Elaea, states also
on their authority that the Mysian dialect was a
mixture of those of Phrygia and Lydia. (Strab. XII.
MYSIA AND TRO A.S. 31
p. 572. Steph. Byz. v. Mucía) We may collect from
Herodotus that the Mysians were already a nu-
merous and powerful people before the Trojan war,
Since he speaks of a vast expedition having been
undertaken by them, in conjunction with the Teucri,
into Europe, in the course of which they subjugated
the whole of Thrace and Macedonia as far as the
Peneus and the Ionian sea. (VII. 20.75.) Subse-
quent, however, to this period, the date of which is
Very remote and uncertain, it appears that the Mysi
Were confined in Asia Minor, within limits which
correspond but little with such extensive conquests.
Strabo is inclined to suppose that their primary seat
in that country was the district which surrounds
mount Olympus, from whence he thinks they were
afterwards driven by the Phrygians, and forced to
retire to the banks of the Caicus, where the Arca-
dian Telephus became their king. (Eurip. ap. Ari-
stot. Rhet. III. 2. Strab. XII. p. 572. Hygin. Fab.
CI.) But it appears from Herodotus that they still
occupied the Olympian district in the time of Croe-
Sus, whose subjects they had become, and whose aid
they requested to destroy the wild boar which
ravaged their country. (I. 36.) Strabo himself also
recognises the division of this people into the My-
sians of mount Olympus and those of the Caicus.
(XII. p. 571.) These two districts answer respect-
ively to the Mysia Minor and Major of Ptolemy.
Homer enumerates the Mysi among the allies of
Priam in several passages, but he nowhere defines
their territory, or even names their towns; in one
place indeed he evidently assigns to them a situation
among the Thracians of Europe.
32 M Y SIA AND T R O AS.
Nárºw #4' introváAzov Gºgºzāv Kozłopag.svo; alav,
Mvačv t' &yxspéxov, x2, &yavāv 'ITTºu.oxyāv,
TA2xtotáywv, &3íow ts, Čikaiotárov &vºpóTww.
IL. N. 5.
(Cf. Strab. VII. p. 303.)
The Mysians of Asia had become subject to the
Lydian monarchs in the reign of Alyattes, father to
Croesus, and perhaps earlier ; as appears from a
passage of Nicolaus Damascenus, who reports that
Croesus had been appointed to the government of
the territory of Adramyttium and the Theban plain
during the reign of his father. (Creuzer. Hist. Frag.
p. 203.) Strabo even affirms that Troas was already
subjected in the reign of Gyges. (XIII. p. 590.)
On the dissolution of the Lydian empire they passed,
together with the other nations of Asia, under the
Persian dominion, and formed part of the third
satrapy in the division made by Darius, (Herod. III.
90. VII. 74.) After the death of Alexander, they
were annexed to the Syrian empire; but on the defeat
of Antiochus, the Romans rewarded the services of
Eumenes, king of Pergamus, with the grant of a
district, situated so conveniently with regard to his
own dominions, and which he had already occu-
pied with his forces. (Polyb. XXII. 27, 10. Liv.
XXXVIII. 39.) At a later period Mysia was an-
nexed to the Roman proconsular province; (Cic. Ep.
ad Qu. Frat. I. 8.) but under the emperors it formed
a separate district, and was governed by a procura-
tor. (Athen. IX. p. 398. E.) It is to be observed
also, that St. Luke, in the Acts, distinguishes Mysia
from the neighbouring provinces of Bithynia and
Troas. (XVI. 7. and 8.)
MYSIA AND T R O A.S. 33
The Greeks have stigmatized the Mysians as a
*Wardly and imbecile race, who would suffer them-
selves to be injured and plundered by their neigh-
*rs in the most passive manner. Hence the pro-
Verbial expression Mvačv Aeta, used by Demosthenes
(Cor. p. 248, 23.) and Aristotle (Rhet. I. 12, 20); to
Which Cicero also alludes when he says, “Quid
"porro in Graeco sermone tam tritum atque celebra-
"tum est, quam, si quis despicatui ducitur, ut My-
"sorum ultimus esse dicatur.” (Orat. pro Flacc. c.
*7) Elsewhere the same writer describes them as
“tribe of barbarians, without taste for literature
*nd the arts of civilized life. (Orat. c. 8.)
It is extremely difficult, as Strabo had already
observed, to assign to the Mysians their precise
limits, since they appear to have varied continually
from the time of Homer, and are very loosely marked
by all the ancient geographers from Scylax to Pto-
"my. Strabo conceives that the Homeric bounda-
*ies of the Lesser Mysia were the AEsepus to the
West, and Bithynia to the east; (XII. p. 564.) but
Seylax removes them considerably to the east of
this position by placing the Mysians on the gulf of
Cius. (Peripl. p. 35.) Ptolemy, on the other hand,
"as extended the Mysian territory to the west as
far as Lampsacus, while to the east he separates it
from Bithynia by the river Rhyndacus. The more
eligible arrangement in this difficulty will be to look
to the physical division of the coast, and to neglect
istinctions which appear so variable and uncertain.
propose, therefore, to subdivide the whole extent of
°oast belonging to this section into three portions;
the former comprising what is situated on the Pro-
Pontis between the Rhyndacus and the headland of
VOL. I. D
34 MYSIA AN ID T R O A.S.
Propontis.
Priapus.
Priapus, now Karaboa, where the Hellespont com-
mences; the second, the Hellespontine shore from
the last mentioned point to the promontory of Si-
geum, where the strait terminates; the third and
last part will include Troas and the AEolian colonies
as far as the Caicus, together with the islands of
Tenedos and Lesbos. In the interior we shall have
to examine what belongs to the two Mysias, and we
shall conclude the section with the history of Perga-
mus and its kingdom, and the AEolian towns near
the mouth of the river Hermus.
The Greeks gave the name of Propontis to that
minor bason which lies betwixt the AEgean and the
Euxine, and communicates with those seas by means
of two narrow straits, the Hellespont and Bosphorus.
Herodotus estimates its breadth at 500 stadia, and
its length at 1400. (IV. 85.) Modern navigators
reckon about 120 miles from one strait to another,
while its greatest breadth from the European to
the Asiatic coast does not exceed forty miles. To-
wards its south-eastern extremity it forms a deep
bay, at the end of which was situated the ancient
town and harbour of Cius; and immediately to the
north of this another, formerly called Astacenus
Sinus, from the port of Astacus placed on its shores.
The modern appellation of Marmara which has
been given to the Propontis is derived from the
island of that name, anciently called Proconnesus ”.
The first town to be noticed on entering the Pro-
pontis from the Hellespont is Priapus, founded, as
a For a description of the trouvées en Grèce, Asie, &c.
sea of Marmara, see Belon, Ob- II. l. Thevenot, Voyages au Le-
servations sur plusieurs singu- Vant, p. l. l. i. c. 15. Walpole's
larités et choses memorables Turkey, vol. II. p. 46.
MYSIA AND T R O A.S. 35
Strabo reports, by a colony from Miletus, or, as others
late, by the inhabitants of Cyzicus. The god
*pus, whom it was said a nymph had borne to
*chus, gave his name to this town, whose territory
Produced excellent wine, a circumstance which suffi-
*ntly accounts for the worship paid to him there.
(Strab. XIII. p. 587. Schol. Theocr. I. 21.) Thucy-
dides speaks of Priapus as a naval station. (VIII.
"7) It surrendered to Alexander before the battle
* the Granicus. (Arrian. Exp. Alex. I. 13. Cf.
Strab. loc. cit. Scyl. Peripl. p. 35. Plin. V. 40. Steph.
W4. v. IIpſarog.) The modern name is Karaboa".
A little to the east was a spot called Harpagium, or Harpa-
*pagia, where, according to mythologists, Gany-"
*de was snatched away by the eagle of Jove.
(Strab. loc. cit. Athen. XIII. p. 601. Steph. Byz. v.
ºyia.) Thucydides notices it in conjunction with
*apus (loc. cit.) The surrounding district was
*own by the name of Adrastea, which is also that Adrasten
* a small town situated to the west of Priapus."
tomer has spoken of this little tract of country in
* Catalogue of the Trojan forces. (Il. B. 828.)
Strabo, on the authority of Callisthenes, reports that
"took its name from king Adrastus, who erected
there a temple to Adrastea, or Nemesis. (XIII. p.
§8. Steph. Byz. v. 'Aºpárreia.) Through the Adras-
*n plain flowed the Granicus, which, according to grania's
t *metrius of Scepsis, had its source in mount Co-"
ylus, belonging to the chain of Ida. (Strab. XIII.
P 602) The Table Itinerary marks twenty-seven
'niles between its mouth and Priapus. Homer enll-
* There are both autonomous and IIPIATIH.N. Sestin. Mon.
§ imperial coins of Priapus. Vet. p. 73.
* legend is IIPIA. TIPſAII.
ID 2
36 MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S.
merates the Granicus with the other streams which
descended from Ida “.
A} Tórs untićavro IIoasiºãwy x2] 'Atréaxww
Teixo; &#12xºtival, Torapºv učvo; slacºyáyovres,
"Oago &n' 'Ibalov Čpšov &A28s rgopéoval,
"Pºgó; 6', 'Erráropá; rs, K&pnad; re, "Pobio; re,
Tožvixá; re, x&i Alamºros, Šid, re Szépezvēpo;.
This torrent is celebrated in history on account of
the signal victory gained on its banks by Alexander
the Great over the Persian army 334 B.C. (Arriam.
I. I3. Plut. Alex. c. 24. Diod. Sic. XVII. 19.)
The Granicus is the river of Dimotiko, mentioned
by Chishull d. “At this place,” says the traveller,
“ occurs a moderate river with a wooden bridge ;
“ and an hour beyond the town, a large one with a
“fair bridge of stone.” The small river which here
met the Granicus was thought by some to be the
Rhesus of Homer. (Demetr. Sceps, ap. Strab. XIII.
p. 602.) Strabo places on its banks an ancient city
named Sidene, which once possessed an ample terri-
tory, and was governed by a prince named Glaucias;
but having been taken and destroyed by Croesus, it
never rose from its ruins. (XIII. p. 587. 601.) Di-
motico, as Chishull supposes, answers probably to a
town named Didymi-teiche, which Polybius places
in this part of Mysia. (V.77.)
The AEsepus flowed also from mount Cotylus,
and after a course of 500 stadia emptied itself in the
Propontis, to the east of the Granicus. (Demetr.
Sceps. ap. Strab. XIII. p. 602.) Strabo conceives
that Homer extended the boundaries of Priam's
• Mannert is therefore mis- Granicus, vol. VI. p. iii. p. 523.
Sidene.
Didymi-
teiche.
AEsepus fl.
taken when he says that Homer " Travels in Turkey, p. 60.
was not acquainted with the
MY S.I.A. A. N.D TR. O.A.S. 37
kingdom to this river, (XIII. p. 582.) It is now
called Boklu, as appears from Chishull, who crossed
it on his way from Mihalick to Lampsaki. He
came, he says, “to Boxaegee, seated in the Adras-
“tian plains; and at the same place to a large and
“fair river, named by the Turks Boclew, which
“we leave on our left hand, till in two hours we
“cross it by a dangerous wooden bridge near Sor-
“ricui".” Chishull, however, mistook the Æsepus for
the Rhyndacus. Mons. Gosselin calls the Æsepus
Sataldere'. The Barenus, or Varenus, of Anna
Comnena, is probably no other than the AEsepus.
She describes it as flowing from a mountain named
Ibibus, from whence spring also several other rivers,
Such as the Scamander, Angelo-Cometes, and Empe-
lus. The Ibibus I take to be the Cotylus of De-
metrius Scepsius. (Ann. Comn. p. 439. B.)
At the distance of eighty stadia from the mouth of Zeleia.
the AEsepus, and 190 from Cyzicus, Strabo places
the ancient Zeleia, the city of Pandarus.
O; 8: Zéxelay valov ÚTai Táča velarov"Iöng,
'Apysiol, Tivovre; tºwg tºway Airãºrolo,
Toàs; Tāv «ăr' ºpxs Auxáovo; &yazès viès,
IIávèapos, 3 xai rāšov 'Airóxxov adrā; #8wksy.
IL. B. 824.
Here it may be observed that the poet describes
the subjects of Pandarus as Trojans, but Strabo
remarks that elsewhere he designates them as Ly-
cians, alluding probably to the line
O53; rig v Auxin a éoy' sixercz, elva, &psiva v.
IL. E. 172.
* Travels in Turkey, p. 59.
* Note to the French Strabo, tom. IV. p. 187.
D 3
38 MYSIA AND TIRO A.S.
which, however, might only be meant to express,
that even the archers of Lycia, a country celebrated
for its bowmen, could not equal the skill of Panda-
rus. However, some lines above, that chief him-
self speaks of Lycia as his mother country;
tº gº ei èreów we
'Qpasy &vağ, Afºg við;, &ropváuevow AvXiºsy.
IL. E. 105.
but how or when this colony came to settle on the
Trojan territory, Homer has never informed us.
The epithet of 'Aqvetol, given to the same people,
was thought to be derived, as Strabo informs us,
from the lake Aphnitis, otherwise called Dascylitis.
(XIII. p. 587.) Homer elsewhere terms Zeleia “the
“sacred city.”
Oixa’s voatia’a; ispi; si; &gru Zeasing.
II. A. 103.
Zeleia is mentioned by Arrian as the head quar-
ters of the Persian army prior to the battle of the
Granicus; (I, 13.) and it is evident from Strabo
that it still existed in that geographer's time. (Cf.
Plin. V. 40. Steph. Byz. v. Zéxeta.) Chishull must
have passed near the site of this town between
Boxaegee and Sorricul F. Mons. Gosselin calls it
Biga". Above Zeleia was a mountain named Pi—
rossus, where the sovereigns of Lydia and the Per-
sian monarchs had a park, for the diversion of hunt-
ing. (Strab. XIII. p. 589.) Some geographers iden-
tified it with the Terea of Homer. Not far from
the mouth of the AEsepus, Strabo places the tomb of
Memnon, son of Aurora, and near it a small town
of the same name as that hero. (XIII. p. 587. Pau-
Pirossus
III OIlS.
Memnonis
tumulus et
V10 llS.
g Travels in Turkey, p. 59.
h French Strabo, tom. IV. p. 149. marg.
MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S. 39
* Phoc. c. 31, 2.) Beyond Zeleia is the river Tarsius fl.
Tarsius, which, as Strabo asserts, travellers had to
P*s twenty times; but he does not state on what
*9tte. Chishull, who crossed it once only, describes
it as “a fair and broad river, now called Tarza by
“the Turks.” He was informed that it fell into a
*ighbouring lake, and afterwards into the seat.
We must now return to the coast, to speak of Cy-Cyzicus.
%icus, the largest and most celebrated city on the
Shores of the Propontis. Its first foundation is
"scribed by Conon to a colony of Pelasgi from Thes-
*aly, under the conduct of Cyzicus, son of Apollo,
*nd Aristides speaks of the god himself as the foun-
der of the city. (Orat. Cyzic. I. p. 414.) In process
of time the Pelasgi were expelled by the Tyrrheni,
and those again made way for the Milesians, who
are generally looked upon by the Greeks as the real
Settlers to whom its foundation is to be attributed.
(Conon. Narrat. XLI. Strab. XIV. p. 635.) Ac-
Cording to several ancient writers, the first inhabit-
ants of the Cyzicene district were the Doliones, a Doliones.
people of great antiquity and uncertain origin.
(Strab. XII. p. 575. Apollod. ap. eund. XIV. p. 681.)
'Igºwby & at Tsºſov Te Aoxloves &p.psyépcowro
'Avēps; iv 8 jew; Aiviſio; vi); &vago's
Kóšixos. Apollon. Rhod. I. 947.
They occupied the tract of country which lay be-
tween the Æsepus and the lake Dascylitis. (Strab.
loc. cit.) They are not mentioned by Homer, nor
has he spoken of Cyzicus. Herodotus informs us,
that Cyzicus had become subject to the Persian em-
pire in the reign of Darius, having surrendered to
i Travels, p. 58, 59.
D 4
40 MYSIA AND TRO A.S.
CEbares, satrap of Dascylium. (VI. 33.) After the
battle of Mycale, it appears to have been wrested
from Xerxes, with the other Hellespontine cities, by
the Grecian fleet, and with them it became after-
ward tributary to Athens. Having revolted from
that city in consequence of the disasters of Sicily, it
was recovered by her fleet after the battle of Cynos-
sema, being them, as we learn from Thucydides,
without fortifications. (VIII. 107.) Not long after,
Alcibiades completely defeated the Lacedaemonian
fleet under Mindarus off Cyzicus, and again entered
that city which had been occupied by the Lacedae-
monian admiral and Pharnabazus. Alcibiades, on
this occasion, levied a heavy fine on the inhabitants.
(Xen. Hell. I. 9.) After the battle of Ægospotami,
Cyzicus received a Spartan harmost ; (Xen. Amab.
VI. 2. VII.3.) but at the peace of Antalcidas it
once more reverted to the Persians. Alexander took
possession of it after his victory on the banks of the
Granicus, and caused the island on which it was
built to be connected with the main land by means
of a bridge. (Plin. V. 32.) After the death of that
prince, we find this city retaining its independence,
and powerful enough to interpose its mediation be-
tween Ptolemy Philopator and Antiochus. (Polyb.
V. 63, 5.) The Cyzicenes were also allied to the
kings of Pergamus, and through their means secured
the favour and protection of Rome. (Polyb. XXVI.
6, 13. XXXIII. 11, 2.) At this period their city
was at the height of its prosperity. Florus says of
it, “nobilis arce, moenibus, portu, turribusque mar-
“moreis, Asiaticae plagae litora illustrat.” (III.5.)
Cicero styles it, “urbem Asiae clarissimam, nobis-
“que amicissimam.” (pro Leg. Manil. 8.) Strabo
MYSIA AND TROAS. 4]
assures us that it equalled the most renowned cities
of Asia in extent and beauty, as well as in the wis-
dom of its political institutions, and the firmness
of its government in time of war or peace. The
Cyzicene commonwealth resembled those of Rhodes,
Marseilles, and Carthage. They elected three ma-
gistrates, who were curators of the public buildings
and stores. They possessed extensive arsenals and
granaries, and care was taken to preserve the wheat
by mixing it with Chalcidic earth. Owing to these
Wise and salutary precautions, they were enabled to
Sustain an arduous and memorable siege against
Mithridates, king of Pontus, both by sea and land.
(74 B. C.) In order that the reader may be better
enabled to follow the operations of the siege as they
are detailed by Appian and Plutarch, it will be me-
cessary first to give a brief chorographical description
of the city and its vicinity.
Cyzicus was placed in an isländ which is nearly
triangular, and about 500 stadia in circuit; its base
being turned towards the Propontis, while the vertex
advances so close to the continent, that it was easy to
connect it by a double bridge. This, as Pliny re-
ports, was accomplished by Alexander. The city
Was situated partly in the plain which extended to
the bridges, and partly on the slope of mount Arc-
ton-oros, which rose above it, towards the north.
Another mountain, named Dindymus, overhung the
city also in the direction of the Propontis, having
On its summit a temple, said to have been erected by
the Argonauts in honour of Cybele, who was wor-
shipped by the Cyzicenes with peculiar veneration.
(Strab. XII. p. 575.)
42 MYSIA AND TRO.A.S.
"Earl 8é rig aireia IIpotovriè0; #9800, viaos,
Tvrºv &nd Povying troxvAſtov #reſpoto
Ei; &A., xexxipºvn, 3raow tº #Tipºpera ia (pºs,
X; y * f • ? 33 tº jº *
spaq, stimpyvn; Katzsigswo; sv os o axto,
Applºupol, xsivrai & rég ºaro; Ala#Toto.
"Apxroy pºly Kaxéova w śgo; repwaterãovres.
Apoll. RIIoD. I. 936.
Terra sinu medio Pontum jacet inter et Hellen
Ceu fundo prolata maris; namdue improba caecis
Intulit arva vadis, longoque sub acquora dorso
Litus agit, tenet hinc veterem confinibus oris
Pars Phrygiam, pars discreti juga pinea montis.
Nec procul ad tenuis surgit confinia ponti
Urbs placidis demissa jugis: rex divitis agri
Cyzicus. VAL. FLAcc. II. 630,
(Cf. Ovid. Trist. I. 9. Aristid. Orat. Cyzic.)
It had two ports, which could be closed, and might
contain 200 galleys. One of these harbours was
called Chytus,
"Hot 3' tiravića, péya Aſvöupov, ºppo, Kai atrol
Gnºraivro Tépous xelyn; &Aá; iv 8 &pa Toſys
Nº. Xvrot, Algévo; "porépov ###x2cay Şopov.
Apoll. Ithod. I. 985.
the other Panormus, as we learn from the Scholiast.
(I. 954.) The latter still retains the name of Pa-
normo. The same poet names the two fountains
Artacie and Cleite. (I.958. 1068.)
Mithridates having assembled an immense force,
estimated by Appian at 300,000 men, by Strabo at
150,000 infantry, with a numerous cavalry, pro-
ceeded to invest Cyzicus on the land side by occupying
mount Adrastea, opposite to the town, while he
blockaded it by sea with a fleet of 400 vessels. The
Cyzicenes, who had lost 3000 men and ten galleys
MYSIA AND T R O A.S. 43
in a naval engagement fought previously near Chal-
cedon, (Plut. Lucull. c. 9.) were not intimidated by
these formidable preparations, but resolved to de-
fend their city to the last extremity. The siege was
then pressed with the greatest vigour, and Mithri-
dates, having succeeded in throwing troops into the
island itself, brought up his engines, and began to
batter the walls and towers on ten different points.
One of these machines is said to have been 100
cubits high, and this sustained another tower, from
which darts and missiles of every description might
be discharged. It was the work of Nicomedes, the
Thessalian. But a violent wind, raised, as it
Was supposed, by Proserpine, in favour of the be-
Sieged, blew with such force as to hurl this huge
mass, and other engines, to the ground. This loss
Was however soon repaired, and other machines
again shook the walls; whilst secret attacks were
directed against the town by means of the sap and
mine. These were, nevertheless, vigorously and dex-
terously repelled by the besieged, who had even
nearly seized Mithridates in one of the mines which
he was directing in person.
Meanwhile, however, Lucullus, the Roman gene-
*al, having assembled an army for the relief of the
town, posted himself at a place called Thracia in
the vicinity of Cyzicus, and in the rear of the
°nemy's camp. From thence he greatly harassed
Mithridates by cutting off his supplies, and destroy-
ºng whole divisions of his army, and throwing re-
inforcements into Cyzicus, which was plentifully
Supplied with provisions, whilst the besiegers were
reduced to the greatest distress. Famine and disease
*made such ravages amongst them, that Mithridates
44 MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S.
was finally obliged to break up his camp and raise
the siege with the greatest loss and disgrace. Lu-
cullus then entered the town, and was received with
every demonstration of gratitude and joy. (Appian.
Bell. Mithr. c. 73. seq. Plut. Lucull. c. 9. seq. Strab.
XIII. p. 575.) The Romans, in acknowledgment of
the bravery and fidelity displayed by the Cyzicenes,
guaranteed to them their independence, and besides
granting them several privileges and immunities,
extended their territory towards Troas, and as far
as the lake Dascylitis in the direction of Bithynia.
(Strab. loc. cit.) Under the Roman emperors Cyzi-
cus continued to flourish and prosper greatly. Ari-
stides, who lived in the reign of Hadrian, has left us
an Oration he composed expressly in honour of this
city, from which the following passages may be
selected as most illustrative of its greatness and flou-
rishing condition. “Its plains,” says the orator,
“would suffice, not for a city merely, but for na-
“tions: and as for rivers and lakes, and pools and
“dells, there are so many, that if any one chose to
“form settlements around them all, it would be pos-
“sible to have many cities on the banks of the
“lakes; many too on the shore of the sea, and not
“a few inland.” The forum was consecrated to
all the gods, and also a temple within it, which
appears to have been one of the most magnificent
and extensive buildings of the kind recorded in anti-
quity. “The temple,” says Aristides, “ supplies
“ the place of heights, and you alone require neither
“lights, nor beacons, nor watch-towers for those
“who arrive in your ports; but the temple, which
“fills the whole sight, exhibits at once to the view
“both the city, and the noble spirit of its inhabit-
MYSIA AND TRO A.S. 45
“ants. You might say, that each of the stones of
“which it was built was equal to a temple; and
“the temple itself to the whole peribolus of such an
“ edifice; the peribolus again to the circumference
“of an entire city. The parts below ground, as
“well as the upper and the middle, are worthy of
“admiration. And there are also subterraneous,
“ as well as other walks, raised all round the build-
“ing, which appear, not as a sceondary object, but
“as if they alone had constituted the original plan.”
From an epigram preserved in the Anthology, it
appears to have been dedicated to Hadrian. Xiphi-
linus affirms, that it was the largest and most beau-
tiful of all temples. The columns being four yards
in thickness, and fifty cubits high, and each formed
out of one piece. This magnificent edifice, accord-
ing to the same writer, was destroyed by an earth-
quake, which caused great damage at Cyzicus, and
Several other towns on the Hellespont. (p. 799.)
Pliny speaks of a temple at Cyzicus in which
golden threads were inserted in all the joints of the
marble blocks of which it was built; which contri-
Vance diffused a rich and soft colouring over the
pictures and statues which adorned the edifice.
The same writer notices a remarkable echo near the
gate called Trachia. Also the fugitive stone, as
it was called, from its always moving from the pry-
taneum, where it was kept as a curiosity, having
been left by the Argonauts, who used it as an
anchor. The Cyzicenes, to prevent its escaping, at
last fastened it down with lead. The senate-house
was a vast edifice, in the construction of which no
iron had been employed, and the blocks with which
it was built were so arranged, that any of them
46 MYSIA AND TRO A.S.
might be removed and replaced without the use of
props. (Plin. XXXVI. 15. Vitruv. IV. 10.) Great
facility was afforded for the erection of these and
other important public buildings, from the extensive
quarries of marble with which the island of Cyzicus
and that of Proconnesus abounded. (Strab. XIII.
p. 589. Plin. V. 32.) The games, and other festi-
vals celebrated at Cyzicus, were commensurate with
the greatness and wealth of the city. We hear of
Olympian games held every five years; of others in
honour of Lucullus, to commemorate the deliver-
ance of the town by that general; of the Hierome-
nia; the festival of Cybele, and others. (Aristid.
Collect. Hist. Vit. Appian. Bell. Mithr. c. 76.) Cy-
zicus was also famous for its golden staters, which
were beautifully executed, as we learn from Suidas.
Xenophon often speaks of them in the Anabasis,
and Demosthenes states that they were worth twenty-
eight Attic drachmae". Under the Byzantine em-
perors this city continued to flourish as the metro-
polis of the Hellespontine province, (Hierocl. Sy-
necd. p. 661. Jo. Mal. Chron. I. p. 364.) and its see
furnished several bishops to the Christian church 1.
Having been often taken by the Turks, and reco-
vered by the Greek emperors, it was nearly de-
stroyed by an earthquake A. D. 943. Cyzicus
gave birth to several historians, philosophers, and
other writers, whose works are quoted by Athe-
k For a full account of the the imperial series extends from
gold and silver staters of Cyzi- Augustus to Justinian. Sestin.
cus, the reader may be referred Mon. Vet. p. 72.
to a special work of Sestini, * Geogr. Sacr. Car. S. Paol.
(Descrizione degli Stateri An- p.238. Le Quien, Oriens Chris-
tichi. Firenze 1817, p.45.) The tianus.
autonomous coins are rare, but
MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S. 47
*us, the Scholiast to Apollonius, and Suidas; such
tlS Agathocles, Neanthes, Deilochus, Eudoxus, and
9thers". The remains of this celebrated city have
been described at some length by Pococke n, and
Lucas °, and still more recently by Sestini, in a
Journey made there in 1779.P Pococke points out a
large area, about 100 paces broad and 400 long,
With the remains of an extensive building, having
* Corinthian portico and several passages under-
§round; it is also described by Sestini; but neither
of these travellers seems to have suspected that these
Were the ruins of the celebrated temple, the theme of
Aristides' panegyric: this is however evident from
the subterraneous works, and its position in the
forum. The modern name of Atraki, which attaches
to these ruins, recalls to mind the little town of
Artace, spoken of by Herodotus, Scylax, and Strabo. Aruce.
The former, in relating the history of the impostor
Aristaeus of Proconnesus, mentions Artace as a
town in the vicinity of Cyzicus. (IV. 14.) In an-
other place he says, it was burnt by a Persian fleet,
together with Proconnesus. (VI. 33.) Scylax says
it was within the isthmus. (Peripl. p. 35.) But
Strabo speaks of it as a mountain of the peninsula
“overed with thick woods, and having a little island
°pposite to it. (XII. p. 576.) Elsewhere, however,
," See a full list of these Cy-
*cene writers in a learned and
Sºborate note to Thucydides
VIII. i07 by wasse,” from
Which I have derived much in-
9rmation.
* T. II. p. ii. p. 114. seq.
'' Second Voyage, t. I. c. 4.
Ci ". Viaggio per la penisola di
*ico a Nicea fatto dall’ Ab-
bate Domenico Sestini Livorno,
8vo. 1789. This antiquary ob-
serves, that the island is now
completely united to the land,
and that there are no indica-
tions of the bridges mentioned
by Strabo. The isthmus is a
flat, about a mile and a half in
length, and three furlongs broad.
Lett. VI. p. 502. seq.
48 MYSIA AND TRO A.S.
the same geographer acknowledges a town or place
of that name in the Cyzicene territory, opposite to
Priapus, and colonized by the Milesians. (XIII. p.
582. XIV. p. 635.) Timosthenes, a writer cited by
Steph. Byz. v. 'Aprékm, gave this name both to a
mountain of Cyzicus and a little island about one
stadium from the land. The mountain bending
round the shore, makes a haven capable of receiving
eight ships. Sophocles alluded to Artace in a verse
preserved by Steph. Byz.
º tº
TipáàAer''Apraxsie Ts xori IIspxágio ;
and Demosthenes, the Bithynian poet,
N&qaaro & "Apraxioia w łºśa rio; &lyloxoia iv.
p 'y
Pliny calls the island Artacaeon, and places the town
in it. (V. 32.) In the time of Procopius, Artace
was considered to be a suburb of Cyzicus. (Bell.
Pers. I. 25.)
Melanos Cape Melanos, which Strabo places in a ship's
!.” course from Cyzicus to Priapus, is probably the
western extremity of the Cyzicene peninsula. More
to the north, and nearly opposite to the mouth of
Proconne- the AEsepus, is the island called Proconnesus, or isle
.." of stags, by the ancients, now Marmara, whence
the modern name of the Propontis is also derived.
Proconnesus was much celebrated for its marble
quarries, which supplied most of the public build-
ings in Cyzicus with their materials. (Strab. XIII.
p. 588.), as also the palace of king Mausolus. (Vitruv.
II. 8.) The marble was white, with black streaks
intermixed q. From Herodotus We collect that there
was a town of the same name with the island, of
q Blasius Caryoph. de Marm. Antiq.
MYSIA AND T R OAS. 49
which Aristeas, who wrote a poem on the Arimas-
Pians, was a native. (IV. 14. Strab. XIII. p. 588.)
This town was burnt by a Phoenician fleet, acting
under the orders of Darius. (Herod. VI. 38.) Strabo
distinguishes between an old and new Proconnesus ;
and Scylax, besides Proconnesus, recognises another
island, named Elaphonesus, with a good harbour łº.
it was dependent on the former. (Peripl. p. 35.) SURS IIlSUllà.
Pliny seems to consider Elaphonesus as a more an-
°ient name for Proconnesus. (V. 32.) Pausanias
*ěports that Proconnesus was conquered by the Cy-
*icenes, who removed from thence the statue of
Pindymene. (Arcad. c. 46.) Mention is made of
this island as a bishopric in the ecclesiastical histo-
rians and the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon F.
Pliny names several other islets in this part of the
Propontis: Ophiusa, Acanthus, Phoebe, Scopelos,
Porphyrione, Halone, with a town, Delphacia, and
Polydora. (V.44.) Of these, Halone is the only
9ne which can be identified with the modern Alonia,
* little to the west of the peninsula of Artakis.
Polydora is placed by Steph. Byz, in the vicinity of
Cyzicus.
Returning to the mainland we have to mention
*ntigonea, a fortress belonging to the latter city, Antigonea.
about fifty stadia from the sea, (Steph. Byz. v. 'Ay- -
*Yoveta,) as well as Scyrmus, which the same geogra-Scyrmus.
Pher ascribes to the Doliones. (v. Xkippºds.) Con-
inuing along the coast from Cyzicus, we may notice
°ylace and Placia, named by Herodotus among the Scylace.
r Geogr. Sacr. S. Paol. p. TIPOKON. Sestini Mon. Vet, p.
. There are some few au- 75. * * *
..ºnºus coins belonging to s Pococke, tom. II. part iii.
* island with the epigraph c. 22.
VOI. I. F.
50 MYSIA AND TROAS.
Placia.
Ariacos.
Rhynda-
cus fl.
Artynia
sive Mile-
topolitis
palus.
Apollonia-
tis palus.
few settlements belonging to the ancient race of the
Pelasgi which existed in his time. The inhabitants
of these towns spoke a language which was entirely
different from that of the neighbouring people.
(I. 57.) Scylax names only Placia. (Peripl. p. 35.)
Mela and Pliny both towns. (I. 19. V. 32.) The
latter notices also an obscure place called Ariacos.
Further on we come to the mouth of the river
Rhyndacus, which separates Mysia from Bithynia.
Strabo reports that it took its source in Azanitis,
a district of Phrygia ; and after receiving the waters
of the Macistus, and other streams of Mysia, dis-
charged itself into the Propontis, opposite to
the little island of Besbicus. (XII. p. 576.) Pliny
states that the Rhyndacus was formerly called Ly-
cus, and took its source in the lake Artynia, near
Miletopolis; that it received the Macestus, and
other rivers, and separated the province of Asia
from Bithynia. (V. 32.) It is easy to see that this
account is quite at variance with that of the Greek
geographer. The latter, however, is confirmed by
other writers, and especially by modern geogra-
phers, so that he is alone to be followed. The lake
which Pliny calls Artynia is the same to which
Strabo gives the name of Miletopolis, from a neigh"
bouring town so called. (XII. p. 575.) But ther”
is another lake further to the east, through which
the Rhyndacus flows before it reaches the Propon.
tis. It was called Apolloniatis, from the town 0
Apollonia, situated at its northern extremity, and
near the point where the river issues again from it.
Hence Apollonia was usually distinguished by the de'
nomination of ad Rhyndacum, from other towns of the
MYSIA AND TROAS. 51
same name *. With respect to the assertion of Pliny
that the Rhyndacus was once called Lycus, I do not
find that it is supported by any other authority; but
all from Scylax to Ptolemy give it only the former
name. Polybius, indeed, mentions a river Lycus in
this vicinity, (V. 77.) which may have united with the
- Rhyndacus; and this might account for Pliny’s mis-
take. The Scholiast to Apollonius Rhodius is equally
in error, when he says the Rhyndacus was called, in
his time, Megistus; (ad Argon. I. 1165.) for the
Megistus, or Macestus, is clearly distinguished from
that river by Strabo and Pliny. The former de-
Scribes it as rising in the district of Abasitis, near
a place called Ancyra, and after flowing through
Abrettene, a part of Mysia, as uniting with the
Rhyndacus. (XII. p. 57 6.) Polybius also mentions
the Megistus in his narrative of an expedition of
king Attalus into Mysia, which I shall have occa-
Sion to notice presently. (V.77.) From the infor-
nation communicated by modern travellers, it ap-
Pears that the Macistus is the stream which the
Turks call Mikalick, and which, after receiving the
Waters of the lake Miletopolis, now called Minias,
joins the Rhyndacus, or river of Lubad, a little
below that town. Chishull, on his way from Smyrna
to the Hellespont, crossed this river, which he mis-
took for the Æsepus, at the village of Mandahora";
*nd he informs us, “that he came to it again at a
“ place called Susegierlick, and that he could trace
“the whole of its remaining course almost as far as
“Mikalick, where it enters the sea :” in the latter
*ssertion, however, his information is not correct.
* See a description of the and Sestini.
coins of Apollonia in Eckhel u Pag. 58, and p. 52.
E 2
52 MYSIA AND T R O AS.
The same traveller describes the lake of Miletopolis
as being “about thirty miles in circumference,
“always full of water, and stored with plenty of
“fish. A river empties itself into this lake, from
“whence by a new channel it takes its course to
“ Mikalick. Directly beyond this lake,” he adds,
“we then beheld the fair exalted hills of Cyzicus,
“ and the peninsula Cyzicena ".” Miletopolis, as
its name implies, must have been a colony of the
Cyzicenes, who themselves came from Miletus. The
earliest writer who mentions it is Apollodorus,
quoted by Strabo. (XIV. p. 681. Id. XII. p. 575.
Plin. V. 32.) Stephanus Byz. places it between Cy-
zicus and Bithynia, near the Rhyndacus. (v. Mixº-
toūroxis.) Mention is made of the bishops of Mile-
topolis in ecclesiastical writings y, and its coins shew
that it was a place of some note *. In the Synecde-
mus of Hierocles (p. 663.) it is probable, that for
Máxt; we should read Muxºrároxi;. The Table Itine-
rary reckons twenty miles from this place to Apol-
lonia. Sestini says, its ruins are to be seen at a place
called Milet, or Melté, by the Turks a. The site of
the ancient Apollonia is occupied, as we are in-
formed by modern travellers, by the Turkish town
of Abullioma, situated in a peninsula about five
miles in circuit, which advances into the lake to-
wards its north-western extremity. Near it are
scattered two or three small islands. The lake is a
fine piece of water, nearly fifty miles round and ten
long ; it is well stocked with fish b. Apollonia on
Miletopo-
lis.
#º
ad Rhyn-
dacum.
x P. 59. from Tiberius to Otacilia.
y Geogr. Sacr. S. Paol. p. a Viaggio per Brusa, p. 82.
230. b. Sestini Viaggio p.86. Chi-
* Sestini Mon. Vet. p. 73. shull, p. 51.
The imperial series extends
MYSIA AND TROAS. 53
the Rhyndacus is noticed by Strabo, (XII. p. 575.)
Pliny, (V, 30.) Ptolemy, and Steph. Byz. (v. 'Atox-
Awvia.) Plutarch reports that a division of the forces
of Mithridates was defeated in this vicinity by Lu-
cullus. (Lucull. c. 164.) The Rhyndacus is now
called the river of Ulubad, from a Turkish town of
that name, situated on its left bank a little below
the point where it issues from the lake. Ulubad does
not represent Apollonia, as Chishull imagined, but
Lopadium, a Greek town of the Byzantine empire, Lopadium.
Said to have been built by one of the Comneni
against the Turks of Nicaea. It is often mentioned
by the historians of the lower empire, and appears
to have been a bishop's see. (Nic. Chon. p. 186.
Ann. Comn. p. 177. C.) The ruins of Ulubad com-
sist in massive walls, with turrets placed at inter-
Vals. The Rhyndacus is navigable at this point,
and ships often come up to Ulubad from Constanti-
nople and the Black sea C. Anna Comnena men-
tions a river called Lampes, near Lopadium, which Lampes fl.
is either the Rhyndacus, or some branch of it.
(p. 177. C.) The poet Apollonius places at the
mouth of the Rhyndacus the tomb of the giant
Algaeon, or Briareus.
'AAA' 3rs 3; Muddy Asximpºvo, #Teipolo,
'Puy?&xièas Tpox03; p.éyo, r \piov Aiyaíovo;
Tvrºv 'n' #x ‘Pevying trapsgårpsov sia opówyrs;.
ARG. I. 1164.
This spot, according to Bacchylides, cited by the
Scholiast, was properly called Rhyndacus. (Cf. Steph.
Byz. v. ‘Pvy?aká.) The little island now called Ka-
'olimno, situated in the Propontis, about two miles
from the mouth of the river, answers to the Besbi-Besbicus
insula.
c Sestini Viaggio, p. 83.
E 3
54 MYSIA AND T R OAS.
Abrettene
regio.
cus of the ancients. Pliny says it once formed part
of the mainland, but that it was separated from it
by an earthquake. (II. 88.) According to the same
writer it is eighteen miles in circumference. (V. 32.)
Other traditions relative to this island will be found
in Steph. Byz. v. Béagikog. This part of the Pro-
pontis abounded with the zoophyte called halcyo-
nium. (Dioscor. V. 136.)
Little is known respecting the interior of Mysia,
since even the ancient geographers were but imper-
fectly acquainted with it, there being no towns of
any importance situated in that part of the province,
and the country possessing no features sufficiently
attractive to deserve a particular description. The
information obtained by modern travellers is almost
exclusively confined to the tract which lies between
Bergamah and Ulubad, the road between these two
towns being the only one which appears to be fre-
quented at present. The country to the south of
Lopadium and the lake of Apollonia was mountain-
ous and difficult, and it required three days’ march
to make the circuit of the latter. (Mich. Duc. p. 93.)
That portion of Mysia which lies around the
sources of the river Macistus, and between it and
the Rhyndacus, was called Abrettene, as we learn
from Strabo, who informs us, that in the reign of
Augustus it formed part of a principality granted
by that emperor to Cleon of Gordiu-come, a bandit
chief, who had rendered him some service in his
wars against Antony. Strabo adds, that Cleon was
also priest of Jupiter Abrettenus, and lord of Mo-
rene, another Mysian district, noticed by no other
writer. (XII. p. 575.) The Abretteni are mentioned
by Pliny. (V. 30. Cf. Steph. Byz. v. 'A3perrán. The
MYSIA AND T R OAS. 55
road mentioned above as leading from Pergamus
and along the Caicus by Gelembe, near the sources
of that river to Mandrakhora, Susugherli, and
Olubad, must have traversed part of Abrettene.
The country is described as wild, desolate, and
mountainous by Chishull", Lucas", and Sestinif.
The only remains of antiquity which appear to have
been there noticed by Chishull are at Mandrak-
hora; they consist in seven large pillars, of coarse
Porphyry, which support the roof of the khan, or
inn, at that place. This may have been the M4-Mandra.
ºpa frtoi, or Māºpa frtov, of Hierocles Synecd. (p.
663.) Joannes Malala speaks of a place called
Mandra, or Mandro, where Priam sent Paris to be
nursed. The word Mávöpo, signifies simply a stall
or stable. The river which runs by Mandrakora
is probably the Lycus of Polybius 5. It flows to-
Wards the Propontis, as Chishull, Sestini, and other
travellers represent. Polybius, in describing an ex-
pedition of king Attalus into Mysia, with a large
body of Gallo-Graeci, or Galatae, (V. 77.) says, that
having crossed the river Lycus, he advanced to- Lycus fl.
Wards the settlements of the Mysians; from thence
he directed his march towards Carseas, which is pro-
bably the Caresus of Strabo, and placed by that
Writer in Troas. Carseas and Didymoteiche hav-
ing surrendered, the king moved onwards, and ra-
Waged the plain of Apia. Now the plain of Apia Apia cam-
is placed by Strabo above Thebe and Adramyttium,"
and north of mount Temnus, (XIII. p. 616.) ex-
actly where it was observed by Chishull in 1701.
d P. 47. g See the map to col. Leake's
* 3me Voyage, tom. I. p. 133. Asia Minor. . It is by mistake
* Viaggi i}iversi, p. 136-8. made to fall into the Caicus.
E 4
56 MYSIA AND TIROAS.
“In somewhat more than six hours we had passed
“ the Temnus, and enter into a rich plain, extended
“all along the backside of Ida, now Cordag’; at the
“ foot of which, about four miles distant from the
“road, we descry the agreeable seat of Balihisar.”
From the Apian plain Attalus crossed over a moun-
...” tain named Pelecas, and arrived on the banks of
the Megistus, where the Gauls having refused to
proceed further, he settled them on the Hellespont,
and returned with his own forces to Pergamos. The
Pelecas of Polybius is probably that continuation of
mount Temnus which separates the valley of the AEse-
pus from that of the Megistus. This ridge appears
ºiani in the Byzantine historians under the name of Len-
tiani montes; at least it is the only range in the
vicinity of Cyzicus and Lopadium, which seems to
answer to Anna Comnena's narrative of the capture
of the latter city by a Turkish army, and their sub-
sequent retreat over these hills by a defile named
flºata al- Aorata, in which they were attacked by Camytzes,
a general who had been detached in their pursuit
by the emperor Alexius. In the immediate vicinity
of these hills, but nearer Cyzicus, as we learn from
Pºmane- the same narrative, was Poemanenus, a Mysian town
IlliS, of some note, and a place of great strength, (Toxty-
viov pupwórarov.) Ann. Comn. p. 440. A. Aristides
also informs us, that it had a temple, sacred to
AEsculapius, which was held in great veneration.
(Sacr. Orat. IV. p. 569.) The orator passed through
Poemanenus on his way to the hot baths of the AEse-
pus, which had been recommended to him for the
cure of a complaint to which he was subject. He
was then coming from Hadriami, his native town,
which we know to have been situated in Bithynia,
MYSIA AND TIROAS. 57
at the foot of mount Olympus, and near the Rhyn-
dacus. He seems to reckon 160 stadia, or some-
What less than 20 miles, from thence to Poemani-
"On ; but there is reason to suppose either that this
number is corrupt, or that it is not reckoned from
Hadriani, but from some nearer spot. At all events
We shall be justified in placing Poemanenus between
the Rhyndacus and the Mºsepus. The Table Itinerary
Will furnish us another indication of its position;
for we find in it a place laid down on the road from
Pergamus to Cyzicus, under the name of Phemenio,
Which, as Mannert judiciously observes, can be no
other than the town in question". It is evident in-
deed, from Anna Comnena, that it was not far from
Cyzicus; and Stephanus Byz. terms it expressly
Xºpſy Kvºikov, (v. IIaipávivo.) Hierocles calls it Poe-
thanentus, and enumerates it with other towns be-
longing to the Hellespontine province. (Synecd. p.
662. Cf. Plin. V. 32.) In the Geographer of Ra-
Venna, (p. 761.) the name is written Pomenion,
which comes nearest to the Phemenio of the Table.
Mannert is inclined to identify the site of this town
With some ruins on a hill observed by Pococke at a
place called Doulokcuik, to the S. E. of Cyzicus,
and on the road from that city to Mikalitzka. But
I think it could not have been to the north of the
lake of Miletopolis; I should rather look for its
*uins above the Hamanlee of Chishull, among the
hills which overhang the Tarsius.
h Geogr. tom. VI. part. iii. IIoIMANHNoN. There are
P. 543. others also struck in the reign
"There are autonomous coins of Trajan. Sestini Lett. Nu-
belonging to this town with the mism. tom. VI. p. 76.
*ad of Jupiter crowned with k Geogr. tom. VI. part. iii.
:*rel; on the reverse, a thun- p. 543.
°rbolt, and the inscription,
58 MYSIA AND TROAS.
Argiza.
Ergaste-
rion.
Prezii.
I shall conclude this article on Poemanenus, by
reminding the reader, that according to ecclesiastical
documents it was a bishopric", and that its church
was dedicated to the archangel Michael. (Georg.
Acrop. p. 19.) The Byzantine historian just quoted
seems to speak of Lentiana as a tract of country
about Poemanenus and Lopadium, and between the
latter and the Hellespont. (p. 6. C.) In another pas-
sage he distinctly refers to a town of the same name.
(p. 15. C.) This is perhaps the same town which
Hierocles calls SkéAevra, (Synecd. p. 662.) and which
itself may be a corruption of IIexeKávra. (Polyb. V.
77.)
The Tabula Theodosiana lays down, immediately
after Poemanenus, on the road to Pergamus, and at
the distance of thirty miles from the former, and
thirty-five from the latter, a station, under the name
of Argesis, which Mannert is inclined to identify
with the Ergasteria observed by Galen on the same
route"; but that writer reckons 440 stadia, or about
fifty Roman miles, from Pergamus to Ergasterion;
consequently it must have been situated fifteen miles
beyond Argesae, towards Cyzicus. (Simpl. Med. IX.
22. p. 127.) There can be little doubt that Argesae
is the Argiza of Hierocles, (Synecd. p. 663.) and
that writer, by distinguishing it from Ergasterion,
which he also names, throws a further obstacle in
the way of Mannert's conjecture. It is not impro-
bable that Argiza is the same town as the Erezii
of Pliny, which he seems to place about Poema-
menus and Miletopolis. (V. 32.) The road from
! Geogr. Sacr. S. Paol. p. 238. in Geogr. tom. VI. part. iii.
Le Quien Oriens Christ. p. 769, p. 543-4. º
MYSIA AND TROAS. 59
Pergamus to Cyzicus led probably along the valley
Of Tarsius, and if so, according to Strabo, must
"ave crossed it no less than twenty times. (XIII.
D. 587.) It is in this valley, which no modern tra-
Weller seems to have explored, that I would seek for
*rgiza or Erezii and Ergasterion; the latter might
“asily be found from the scoria and other metallic
*Ppearances indicative of ancient mines noticed by
Galen, (loc. cit.)
Germe, or, as Ptolemy terms it, Hiera Germe, a Germe.
*ame which also appears on its coins", is classed by
that geographer among the towns of the Lesser
ysia, and by Stephanus Byz. is said to be near
Cyzicus and the Hellespont, (v. Téppºn. Hierocl. Syn-
dec. p. 662.) Socrates, the ecclesiastical writer,
*ports, that it was in great measure destroyed by
*n earthquake in the reign of Valens; but the
yzantine historians speak of it as still existing in
their time; (Georg. Pachym. p. 295.) and one of
its bishops is known to have sat in the council of
Chalcedon”. From the mention of the Germian
*nountains in Anna Comnena, (p. 464,) we collect,
that this town was situated in a hilly country, and
in the vicinity of Lopadium ; and it is in this di-
*ection that Leunclavius P, Holstenius", and D'An-
Ville, point out a small town, named Ghirmasti by
the Turks, as occupying the ancient site. In the
*me direction I would look for the remains of Oca, oea.
* Occa, a town mentioned only by later writers,
* The epigraph is sometimes p. 239. º
IEPA. º, º sometimes p Ap. Car. S. Paol. loc. cit.
*PA cºnraitoc tepMHN- q Annot. ad Geogr. Car. S.
• Sestini Mon. Vet. p. 73. Paol. p. 239.
O Geogr. Sacr. Car. S. Paol. r Geogr. Anc. p. 96.
60 MYSIA AND TROAS.
Acrocon
saltus.
Temeno-
thyritae.
Mvso-Ma-
C&ClOIlêS.
Pentade-
mitae.
such as Hierocles, Synecd. (p. 662.)* and the eccle-
siastical notices, which record the fact of its being
a bishopric in the reign of the emperor Leot. I
take Oca to be the same as the Acrocon, i.e. "Akpa
'Oköy of Anna Comnena, (p. 441. A.) from whom
we collect also, that to the south of it was a defile
leading to Philadelphia, in Lydia, (p. 443. A.) We
may conjecture, that this pass traversed the moun-
tains which divide the valleys of the Megistus and
Rhyndacus from those of the Hermus and its tri-
butary streams. Another pass appears to have led
from Lopadium to Thyatira. (Mich. Duc. p. 45.)
Ptolemy names three obscure tribes in the inte-
rior of Mysia, which are unknown, I believe, to the
other geographers. Of these the Temenothyritaº
occupied the west of the province, the Myso-Mace-
dones the centre, and the Pentademitae the south,
p. 126.
HELLESPONTU.S.
The narrow strait which separates the Thracian
Chersonnese from the coast of Asia, and by which
the waters of the Propontis are poured into the
wider bason of the AEgaean, had in fabulous times
received its name from the fate of Helle, daughter of
Athamas, who was supposed to have perished there
in her voyage to Colchis. -
"Oggoy it, a rewarby ºwp 'Affapawtºo; "Exam;.
Dionys. PER. 515.
"Evºa otiv Aziºned; &n város' iotic, č' oùpºp
~ * * Af * f * v ∈ f §
Stºråusvol, xogen; 'Adawayríð0; air&#s6p2
Eiaºğ2×ov. Apoll. Rhod. I. 926.
s It should be observed, that AHPON.
I adopt Wesseling's correction * Geogr. Sacr. Car. S. Paol.
of OKH, SIAHPON for O KIXI- p. 239.
MYSIA AN ID TIROAS. 61
(Cf. Apollod. I. 9, 1.) The tomb of Helle was placed,
as Herodotus reports, on the shores of the Cher-
Sonnese, near the city of Cardia. (VII. 58.) The
narrowness and length of this celebrated channel,
together with the sinuosities of its shores, and the
rapid and powerful current which is constantly
* flowing through them, are sufficient reasons to jus-
tify Homer in the epithets of TIAarð;, which he ap-
plies to it, if we regard the epithet as bestowed
upon what might be viewed rather as a mighty river
than a winding arm of the sea.
"Oppo. # rapy ſawai xxpyxopºdavrs; 'Axxioi,
Służ ré of xsſawa w świ Taatsi 'Exxpatówrºp.
* IL. H. 86.
(Cf. II. P. 432. Od. Q. 82. Hºsch. Pers. 880.) It will
not be necessary, therefore, to seek for an explana-
tion of the word in the remote signification of
brackishness, which has by some critics been at-
tached to it, (Athen. II. p. 41. B.) more especially
if we take into the connexion the analogous epithets
of 3yáppoo; and &reſpov, which are elsewhere used by
the poet.
"Oora ov; ‘Exxº~Towro; &yɘ $vrò; #épys.
II. B. 845.
Kai Pevyin x2%rsp0s, x2, Exx?atovros & Tsipov.
* * IL. Q. 545.
It may be worth while to adduce, in confirmation,
the remarkable expressions of boxsp?; kai &Apup?;
*otºpog, which Herodotus puts into the mouth of
Xerxes, as applied to the Hellespont. (VII. 35.")
The straits begin properly a little to the south
of cape Karaboa, where the ancient town of Pria-
* See the word ºxart, in the glossary of Bloomfield's edition
ºf the Perse, v. 880. r
62 MYSIA AND T R OAS.
pus stood, and terminate with cape Sigeium, now
C. Kumkalé. Some ancient geographers, however,
supposed them to commence only at Sestos and
Abydos; they consequently extended the shores of
the Propontis, in a south-westerly direction, to the
vicinity of those towns. (Strab. XIII. p. 583. Cf.
Ptol. p. 126.) When Herodotus states that the
breadth of the Hellespont is seven stadia, (IV. 85.)
he must be considered to mean in the narrowest
part; which is between Sestos and Abydos, where
Xerxes built his famous bridges. (Cf. VII.34.) The
same historian reckoned 400 stadia for the length
of the strait, without however stating from what
point he measured his distance. Modern measure-
ments give about sixty miles from Kamares, where
the straits of Gallipoli, or the Dardanelles, as they
are now called, fairly commence, to the Sigeian pro-
montory. The mean breadth seems to be not less
than three miles”.
The name of Hellespont, though properly belong-
ing to the sea straits, in process of time was applied
to the land on each side, and to the cities founded there
by the Greeks. (Thuc. VIII. 86.) Not unfrequent-
ly also the Persian satrap, of whose government
these cities formed a part, on the Asiatic side, was
designated by the title he derived from this cele-
brated channel. The importance of the passage, in
a political and commercial point of view, was as
much felt in ancient times as at present; and the
possession of it was always considered by the Athe-
nians as indispensable to the preservation of their
x See a particular Memoir on TAcadémie des Belles Lettres,
the Hellespont by D'Anville, LXXVIII. p. 318.
inserted in the Mémoires de
MYSIA AND T R OAS. 63
naval ascendency, and the security of their com-
nerce. It was here, in fact, that the struggle be-
tween them and their enemies was long carried on
With alternate success, each making the greatest
efforts to drive the other from the sea, till at last
the decisive battle of Ægospotami deprived Athens
of her fleet, and, by closing the Hellespont to her
ships, stripped her of her best resources, and left
her no alternative but to surrender. I shall com-
inence the Hellespontine periplus from the point
Where the shores of the Propontis begin to be strait-
ened, that is, somewhat to the south-west of Pria-
Dus, which town has been considered as belonging
to that sea.
Parium, founded by the Milesians, the Erythrae-Parium.
ans, and the Parians, of Paros, (Strab. XIII. p.
588.) is mentioned for the first time by Herodotus,
in the reign of Darius. (V. 117.) Under the kings
of Pergamos it became a city of some extent and
Opulence, having been enlarged by those princes at
the expense of the neighbouring towns of Adrastea
and Priapus. (Strab. XIII. p. 588.) Its harbour
Was secure and capacious, being able to contain a
fleet of more than eighty ships. (Xen. Hell. I. 1, 8.)
At a later period, it was dignified by Augustus with
the title of a Roman colony. (Ulpian. Digest.L. tit. 5.
Plin. V. 32.x)
The ruins of this town are pointed out by travel-
lers at Kamares. “The walls of the city, which
“fronted the sea, still remain, and are built of large
y Coins and inscriptions give lius Cæsar to Saloninus. The
it the title of Colonia Julia and autonomous coins are also very
Xolonia Antonia. The series numerous. Sestin. Mon. Vet.
of the former extends from Ju- p. 73.
64 MYSIA AND TROAS.
Linum.
Pityea.
Pityus re-
gio etmons.
Adrastea.
“ blocks of squared marble, without mortar. We
“ saw ruins of an aqueduct, reservoirs for water,
‘ and the fallen architraves of a portico. There are
“ also some subterranean buildings, whose arched
“ roofs incline or dip from the horizontal level. As
“ Kapºpa means both arch and aqueduct, we can be
“ at no loss for the derivation of Camaris, the modern
“ name of the town. The circuit of Parium has
“ been about four miles”.”
Linum was a spot situated on the coast between
Parium and Priapus, and well known for a sort of
shell-fish caught there. (Strab. XIII. p. 588.) More
inland was the town of Pityea and the district of
Pityus, which derived its name from a hill covered
with firs. The town is named by Homer, with
other places in this vicinity,
6
O; 8''Aºp?a retév tº eixov x2, ºpov 'Aragoş,
Kø IIIrúslav #xov, x2] Tºpeln; 620; airá.
Tây ºpx "A?gºrró, Te Kai"Apºlo; Alvo?&gº,
Tis 860 Mápoto; [Ispxwo ſov. I LiAD. B. 828.
and by Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. I. 933.
. . . .2%my re rap?pºsičov IIIrúslav.
Some writers, however, identified Pityea with Lamp-
sacus. (Schol. Apoll. ad loc. cit. Steph. Byz. v. Agu-
Jakos.)
Pliny was of opinion that the Adrastea of Homer
had made way for Parium, (V. 32.) but Strabo ex-
pressly asserts, that it stood between the latter city
and Priapus; and that it possessed a temple and
z Walpole's Turkey, tom. I. P. 439. B. The bishop of Pa-
p. 88. from Dr. Sibthorp's Pa- rium is named among the pre-
pers. It appears from Anna lates who sat in the council of
Comnena that Parium still re- Chalcedon. Geog. Sacr. S. Paul.
tained its name in her time, p. 240.
MYSIA AND TROAS. 65
9tacle of Apollo Actaeus. This building was, how-
*Ver, afterwards demolished, and the materials were
*ēmoved to Parium, and employed there in the con- '
Struction of a magnificent altar. (XIII. p. 580.) In
the vicinity of Parium there was said to exist a race
of men, named Ophiogeneis, who were supposed to
have some affinity with serpents, and to be able to
°ure persons who had been bit by those reptiles.
(Strab. ibid.) Iliocolone, according to Strabo, was Iliocolone.
* place situated in the Parian territory. (XIII.
P. 589.)
Apaesus, or Paesus, for Homer employs both ãº,
names, urbs et fl.
Oi 8''A8p?orsi&v T' sixov x&i 8%uoy 'Atraigoń.
IL. B. 828.
Kai 8áxsy "Au plov, Sexã)00 jºv, 6; º' #vi IIzia:
Nais Toxoxtºway, woxvX%iog. IL. E. 612.
Was situated to the south of Parium, on a rivulet of
the same name, now called Beiram-dere". It had
been founded by the Milesians, but they afterwards
deserted it for the more flourishing colony of Lamp-
saeus. (Strab. XIII. p. 589.) Paesus, however, ex-
**ted in the time of Herodotus, who records its
9°cupation by a Persian general at the time of the
9nian revolt excited by Histiaeus and Aristagoras
(W. II.7. Steph. Byz. v. 'Aragóg.)
Lampsacus, one of the most celebrated of the Hel- lºw-
"spontine cities, was known to have existed under"
"he name of Pityusa before it received colonies from
e Ionian towns of Phocaea and Miletus. (Strab.
III. p. 589. Steph. Byz. v. Aguilakos. Plut. de Virt.
ul. 18. P. Mel. I. 19.) It was situated opposite
* Chevalier, Voyage dans la Troade, p. I. ch. 5.
VOL. I. F
66 MYSIA AND TROAS.
to Callipolis, in the Thracian Chersonnese, the
strait which separated the two cities being only
forty stadia in breadth, and it possessed an excellent
harbour.
Herodotus relates, that the first Miltiades, who
settled in the Chersonnese, made war upon the
Lampsacenes, who surprised him in one of his at-
tacks, and took him prisoner. Being threatened,
however, with the vengeance of Croesus, who fa-
voured Miltiades, they released their captive. (VI.
37.) The same historian informs us, that Lamp-
sacus fell into the hands of the Persians during the
Ionian revolt. (V. 117.) The territory of this city
produced a great abundance of excellent wine, a cir-
cumstance which induced the Persian monarch to
bestow it on Themistocles, when that illustrious
Athenian sought refuge in his dominions, in order
that his table might be furnished with that beverage
from thence. (Thuc. I. 138. Athen. I. p. 29. F.) It
continued, however, under the government of a nãº
tive prince or tyrant, named Hippocles. His son,
AEantides, married Archedice, the daughter of Piº
sistratus, whose tomb, with an inscription commer
morative of her virtues, was to be seen at Lampsa."
cus when Thucydides wrote. (VI. 59.) Athenaeus
has recorded the attempt of another citizen, named
Euagon, to obtain possession of the citadel, and sei?"
thereby the sovereign power. (XI. 508. F.) It be
came tributary to Athens after the battle of Mycale,
and revolted on the failure of the Sicilian expedition;
but, being unfortified, was easily reconquered by *
small fleet under Strombichides. (Thuc. VIII. 62.)
After the death of Alexander, we find the Lamp"
sacenes defending their city against the attacks 0
MYSIA AND TR. O. A.S. 67
Antiochus, (Liv. XXXIII. 38. XXXV. 42. Polyb.
XXI. 10.) voting a crown of gold to the Romans,
and received by them into their alliance. (Liv.
XLIII. 6.) Strabo reports that Lampsacus was yet a
flourishing city in his day. It had produced several
distinguished literary characters and philosophers,
such as Charon the historian, Anaximenes the
9tator, and Metrodorus a disciple of Epicurus.
That celebrated philosopher had himself resided
"any years there, and had reckoned some of its
citizens amongst his most intimate friends. (Strab.
XIII. p. 589. Diog. Laërt. Epicur.)
Lampsacus had been adorned by a remarkable
Statue, executed by the celebrated Lysippus, repre-
Senting a prostrate lion; but it was removed by
grippa to decorate the Campus Martius at Rome,
(Strab. loc. cit.) It is well known that Priapus was
Worshipped with peculiar reverence in this city.
(Athen. I. 30. B. Lucian. I. 275.)
lºt custos furum atdue avium cum falce saligna
Hellespontiaci servet tutela Priapi. GEORG. I.W. 110.
Ette ruricola Lampsace tuta deo. OvID. TIR. I. 11.
Other passages relating to the history of Lamp-
Saeus, will be found in Xenophon. (Anab. VII. 8, 1.
Polyb. v. 77. Steph. Byz. v. Aćpilakog. Polyaen.
VIII.38. Plin. v.32. Arrian. I. 5, 16.) The name
* Lamsaki is still attached to a small town near
Which Lampsacus probably stood, as Lamsaki it-
*f contains no remains or vestiges of antiquity.
modern traveller assures us besides, that “its
wine, once so celebrated, is now among the worst
“that is made in this part of Anatolia".”
b Dr. Sibthorpe, in Wal- There are gold and silver sta-
Pole's Turkey, tom. I. p. 91. ters of Lampsacus in different
F 2
68 MYSIA AND TRO A.S.
Abarnis Abarnis was a promontory belonging to the Lamp-
!.” sacenes, as we learn from Hecataeus and Ephorus,
cited by Steph. Byz. (v. "Agapyos) and Xenophon in
the Hellenics, who reports that Conon, the Athenian
general, having escaped from the defeat of Ægos-
potami, carried off from thence the sails left there
by the Lacedaemonian fleet under Lysander. (II.
1, 19.) It is also noticed by Apollonius Rhodius.
(Argon. I. 932.)
IIsgxárºv 8' ini rā, wai 'A3apwºo; #1206sga'av
'Hfoya-
Stephanus Byz. ascribes it to Parium, whence We
may conclude that it lay between that town and
Lampsacus. Theophrastus, in a passage cited by
Athenaeus, says, that the trufle called “ Iton” Was
found there. (II. 62. C. Plin. XIX. 13.) Theo-
phrastus also says, that there were gold mines near
Lampsacus, in which a gem was found of such
beauty and rarity, that the Lampsacenes presented
it to Alexander. (de Lapid. Plin. XXXVII. 74)
We have yet to notice, in the territory of this city,
Colone. Colonae, a Milesian settlement, at some distance from"
the sea, and which must not be confounded with
another town of the same name in the Troad. (Strab.
Gergi. XIII. p. 589. Arrian. I. 5, 16.) Gergithium, a dis"
" trict planted with numerous vineyards, and distine"
from Gergis, or Gergitha, a Trojan town, of which
we shall have occasion to Speak hereafter. (Strab.
Myrmisus loc. cit.) Myrmissus, or Mermessus, said to be the
...” birthplace of the Erythraean sibyl, who is alsº
sometimes called Gergithia and Hellespontiaca, W*
placed by Polemo near Lampsacus. (ap. Steph. By”
numismatical collections. The traced from Augustus to G.
imperial medals have been lienus. Sestini Mon. Vet. p.73.
MYSIA AND T R O A.S. 69
V. Mvppua ads. Id. v. Meppeogés. Lactant. de Fals.
Rel. I. c).
Mount Terea, the name of which occurs in the Terea
i- tº IIlOIlS.
Homeric topography, was identified by some writers
with a hill, distant forty stadia from Lampsacus.
Hermaeum, according to Polyaenus, was a spot Hermeum.
between that city and Parium, seventy stadia from
the latter. (VI. 24.) Continuing along the shore of
the Hellespont we come to the Practius, a small Practius fl.
river, which has a place in the Homeric topography,
together with Percote, an ancient town, situated Percote.
apparently on its banks.
On 8 &pa IIspxórny xd IIpáxriov &pºsvápovro.
IL. B. 835.
Charon of Lampsacus, cited by Strabo, (XIII. p.
583.) reckoned 300 stadia from Parium to the Prac-
tius, which he looked upon as the northern boun-
dary of the Troad. This distance serves to identify
that stream with the river of Bergas, or Bergan, a
Small Turkish town situated on its left bank, and which
probably represents Percote. The situation is thus
described by a traveller: “A river called Chiergee
“runs near Lampsacus, and two hours from thence
“we met another winding stream, which falls into
“the Hellespont at a point projecting very far to-
“wards the European coast. We then passed a
“ village called Beergan, on the banks of this river.
“Its situation on a sloping hill, with clumps of
“trees left in picturesque spots round it, and a clear
“stream running in the valley, formed a very beau-
“tiful landscape. Indeed the whole of this shore
“furnishes a continual succession of the richest
C ..See the notes of Berkelius to Steph. Byz. v. Tépy", and Sal-
*sius, Exercit. Plin. p. 79.
F 3
70 MYSIA AND T R O A.S.
Arisbe.
“sceneryd.” Percote is mentioned again by Homer,
(II. O. 548.) when speaking of Menalippus, son of
Priam ;
6 º' dºpa pºèy sixſtrožag 300;
Béax' #y IIspxóry, ºftwy &rovća piv čávrov.
and A. 229. from which latter passage it is apparent
that Percote was on the sea, or very near it. (Cf.
Xen. Hell. V. 1, 23.)
Tåg påv #rsit' Év IIspxóry Airs via; fra;’
Aörðp 6 regós idy, sis"Ixov six, Aoû0s.
Percote continued to exist long after the Trojan
war, since it is spoken of by Herodotus, (V. 117.)
Scylax, (Peripl. p. 35.) Apollonius, (Rh. I. 932.)
Arrian, in his account of Alexander's expedition,
(I. 13.) Pliny, (V. 32.) and Steph. Byz. (v. IIepkórn.)
It was named by some writers among the towns
given to Themistocles by the king of Persia. (Athen.
I. 29. Plut. Themistocl. c. 30.) Somewhat fur-
ther south we find Arisbe, mentioned also by Homer,
together with the river Selleis.
à 3’ &po. IIspxárºv x2] TIpáxriov &tºpsvápovro,
Kai > marów Kai"A60309 &ov, x&i Śląv 'Apia &nv’
Töv cºff' "ſpraxſºn; ºpx' "Agios, dexago; &věpáv,
"Aquo; "Ypraxſºns, ºv'Apſa 3.10sy pépov introl
Ağaves, usy&Aoi, torczpot &rº Sex*#swrog.
IIL. B. 835.
(Cf. Z. 13. p. 43.) Arisbe, according to Steph. Byz.,
had been founded by the Mitylenaeans, in whose
island there was a town of the same name. Other
traditions are to be found in the same lexicographer
under 'Apiagn. It was here, according to Arrian,
that Alexander stationed his army immediately
after crossing the Hellespont at Abydos. (I. 12.)
When the Gauls passed over into Asia, some centu-
d Dr. Sibthorpe's Journal in Walpole's Turkey, tom. I. p. 91.
MYSIA AND TIRO A S. 71
lies after, they also occupied Arisba, but were totally
defeated by king Prusias. (Polyb. V. III.) A rare
coin belonging to this town shews that it still ex-
lsted in the reign of Trajan *. Pliny also names it;
(V, 32.) and if it is the same as the Barispe of
Hierocles, (p. 663.) we should be able to trace its
history some years later. Wesseling, in his notes
to that writer, quotes a passage from the Acts of
St. Parthenius of Lampsacus, in which mention is
ºnade of Arisba as a place near Abydos. If Ba-
rispe again is the Bares of the ecclesiastical writers,
it will follow that Arisbe was a bishop's see, under
the metropolitan church of Cyzicus, about that
period f. The Selleis is probably the river called
Moussa-fchai by the Turks, and Arisbe may
have stood at Gangerlee, where Dr. Sibthorp ob-
Served “ the ruined wall of some ancient Greek
“town g.”
Further south, and on the promontory now called Abydos.
N.agara, are to be seen the inconsiderable remains
of the once rich and flourishing city of Abydos.
We learn from Strabo that it had been founded by a
colony of Milesians, with the consent of Gyges, king
of Lydia, to whom the whole of the surrounding
Country was subject; but it is evident that the name
of Abydos had long been attached to the spot, since
it occurs in Homer in conjunction with Sestos,
With which it seems naturally united:
Kai >nary 22, "A3930y &ov, xai &izv'Agia 3ny.
IL. B. 836.
* Imperatorius unicus cum f Car. S. Paol. Geogr. Sacr.
§piteTrajani. Epigraphe APIC- p. 239: *
BEoN. F. Autonomi Epi- g Walpole's Turkey, tom. I.
§aphe. AP, API. AE. Sestini p. 92.
ſon, Vet. p. 76.
F 4
72 M. Y SIA AND T R O A.S.
elsewhere the poet mentions it as celebrated for its
breed of horses.
'AAA' vºw IIoláuolo vößov 3&As Amuoxówvra,
"O; oi 'A39860sy #A0s, Tap irray ºxsióww.
IL. A. 499.
After the siege of Troy, Abydos was occupied by
some Thracians, and then finally by the Milesians.
Strabo asserts that it was burnt by order of Darius,
together with some other cities on the Hellespont,
on his return from Scythia, as he feared lest the
Scythians should in return be disposed to invade
his dominions, and seek to effect a passage in this
direction. (XIII. p. 591.) Herodotus, however, has
omitted all mention of this circumstance ; and it is
evident, from his subsequent history of the opera-
tions of Xerxes, that Abydos was then in a flourish-
ing condition. But even before that, he states, that
in the Ionian revolt it was taken by Daurises, a
general of Darius, with other Hellespontine towns.
(V, 117.) On this occasion the city, perhaps, suf-
fered from fire, and this may have given rise to the
report followed by Strabo.
It was at Abydos that Xerxes, seated on an emi-
nence, where an ivory throne had been prepared for
him, surveyed his mighty fleet which covered the
Hellespont, whilst the neighbouring plains swarmed
with his innumerable troops. (Herod. VII. 44.) The
bridge, destined for the passage of these multitudes
into the opposite continent, was placed in the mar-
rowest part of the straits, where the breadth did not
exceed seven stadia, whence it was usually called Hep-
tastadium. The point immediately opposite to Aby-
dos was called Zeugma, and that to which the bridge
had been fixed, Apobathra. Sestos stood further
MYSIA AND TRO A. S. 73
to the north, the distance between it and Abydos
being not less than thirty stadia. (Strab. XIII. p.
591.)
Tales fama canit tumidum super acquora Xerxem
- Construxisse vias, multum cum pontibus ausus,
Europamque Asiae, Sestonque admovit Abydo.
LUCAN. II. 672.
Abydos became dependent upon Athens after the
Persian war, together with Sestos, which secured to
that power the passage of the Hellespont. It re-
Covered its liberty for a short time, when the failure
of the Sicilian expedition had shaken the empire of
the Athenians, (Thuc. VIII. 61.) but was recovered
afterwards by Alcibiades, who appears to have spent
much of his time there in the midst of pleasures.
(Antiph. ap. Athen. XII. p. 525. B. Cf. XIII. p.
574. E.) The Abydenes, indeed, are noted by an-
cient writers in general for their voluptuous and
Sensual habits. (Hermipp. et Aristoph. ap. Athen.
loc. cit. Steph. Byz. v. "Agvöot.) The Athenians
once more lost Abydos, after the battle of Ægospo-
tami, but it was again conquered by Thrasybulus;
the Lacedaemonians afterwards sent a force under
Anaxibius to occupy it, but he was defeated and
slain by Iphicrates. (Xen. Hell. IV. 8, 35.) Antal-
“idas, the Spartan admiral, having however as-
*mbled a considerable fleet, occupied Abydos, and
"rove the Athenians from the Hellespont, which
finally brought on the peace to which he has given
his name. (Hell. V. I, 23.) Some centuries after,
this city sustained a memorable siege against the
forces of Philip, the son of Demetrius, king of Ma-
*don, who, after reducing many Thracian towns,
*d the whole Chersonnese, summoned the inhabit-
74 MYSIA AND T R O A.S.
ants to open their gates to his troops. The Aby-
denes, however, courageously refused, and, though
unsupported by any allies, defended themselves with
the greatest obstimacy, till their walls were in many
places laid open. Even then they continued fight-
ing to the last; and though the principal inhabitants
agreed to surrender to the king, the people preferred
to perish, with their wives and children, rather than
fall into his hands. (Polyb. XVI. 30. Liv. XXXI.
16.) On the defeat of Philip at Cynoscephalae, that
prince was compelled by the Romans to evacuate
Abydos, (Polyb. XVIII. 27, 4.) It was not long
after occupied by Antiochus, and vainly besieged by
C. Livius, commander of the Roman fleet. (Liv.
XXXVII. 9–12. Appian Syr.) The defeat which
Antiochus sustained at Magnesia compelled him,
however, to give up the whole of Asia Minor on
this side Taurus, and Abydos was ceded by the
Romans, together with the other Hellespontine
cities, to Eumenes, king of Pergamus. (Polyb. XXII.
27, 10.) Beyond this period it makes but little
figure in history, though from its coins it is known
to have flourished in the reign of the emperor Maxi-
minus"; and still later we can trace its existence
through the Byzantine historians, to the close of
the Greek empire. (Cedren. p. 699.)
Abydos has derived some celebrity from the ro-
mantic story of Hero and Leander, which cannot
be said to exist merely in the fictitious poem of
Musaeusi, since Virgil and Ovid confirm the tale;
h Imperatorii ab Augusto us- drachmi argentei inscripti ABT-
que ad Maximinum Autonomi AHNON. Sestini Mon. Vet, p.
Anepigraphi Aurei et Argen- 76. g
tei — Autonomi Inscripti AB. i For an account of this
ABT. ABTA. Insignes Tetra- poet, see Fabricius Biblioth.
MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S. 75
(Georg. III. 260. Heroid. Epist. 18 and 19.) and
Strabo speaks of an edifice near Sestos which was
Commonly known by the name of Hero's tower,
(XIII. p. 591.) and some of the imperial medals have
inscribed on them the names of the loversk.
The situation of Abydos was not so advantageous,
in a commercial point of view, as that of Sestos,
since the latter was nearer the Propontis, and above
the current which set in from that sea; whence a
ship might with great facility work its way in that
direction towards the Bosphorus or Euxine, and
also descend with the stream into the AEgean;
Whereas a vessel setting out from Abydos, had
great difficulty in making way against the current
which set in strongly from the European shore.
(Strab. XIII. p. 591. Polyb. IV. 44.)
>narö; Śrī Kai"A3v30; āyavtſov ćepov ºffsvro.
DIonys. PERIEG. 516.
Pontus et ostriferi fauces tentantur Abydi.
GEORG. I. 207.
Seston, Abydena separat urbe fretum.
OvID. TrisT. I. 9, 28.
Near Abydos, and in a plain among the moun-
tains which rose behind the city, were some gold
mines, as we learn from Xenophon, belonging to
the Abydeni; the precise spot was called Cremaste. Cremaste.
(Hell. IV. 8, 37.) It is probable that these mines
are the same as those of Astyra, mentioned by
Strabo. (XIII. p. 591.) Astyra had been once an Astyra.
independent and flourishing town, but in the geo-
Græc. tom. I. p. 105; also a tom. VII. by Mons. de la
'sertation in the Mém. de Nauze. . . *
cademie des Belles Lettres, k Sestini loc. cit.
76 MYSIA AND TRO A.S.
Rhodius fl.
grapher's time it was in ruins, and its territory be-
longed to Abydos. (Cf. Steph. Byz. v. "Agrupa.)
South of cape Nagara, on which the ancient
Abydos stood, a considerable torrent, called Scul-
tamie by the Turks, and more commonly known as
the river of the Dardanelles, empties its waters into
the sea opposite to Cynossema, in the Chersonnese.
This, according to Strabo, is the Rhodius of Homer.
(XIII. p. 595.)
‘Pig’é; 5’, ‘Erráropé; ts, Kápºrč; rs, ‘Poèto; re.
IL. M. 20.
But Demetrius of Scepsis supposed the Rhodius to
be a rivulet which rose at the back of Ida, and
joined the AEnius; a tributary stream of the AEse-
pus. (ap. Strab. XIII. p. 603.)
DAR DANIA.
We now enter upon that portion of ancient Troas
to which the name of Dardania had been attached
long before the existence of Troy, from Dardanus,
universally acknowledged as the founder of the
Trojan dynasty. This celebrated hero, whom fabu-
lous accounts represent as the son of Jupiter and
Electra, came, according to some accounts, from
Arcadia, according to others, from Italy; but all
agree in fixing upon Samothrace as the spot in
which he had formed his first principality, before
he migrated to the foot of mount Ida. (Apollod.
Bibl. III. I2, I. Strab. Epit. VII. p. 331. Virg. Æn.
VII. 207.) We may reconcile this variety of opin-
ions respecting the native country of Dardanus, by
supposing that he was a chief of that early race,
who, under the name of Pelasgi, were so widely dif-
MYSIA AND TIROAS. 77
fused, and more especially in those very countries,
each of which separately claimed to be the birth-
place of the Trojan prince. The epoch of the
arrival of Dardanus on the coast of Asia is too re-
mote to be ascertained at present with accuracy'.
Plato, as we learn from Strabo, (XIII. p. 592.) placed
his arrival in the second epoch after the universal
deluge, when mankind began to leave the summits
of the mountains to which fear had driven them,
and where they led a barbarous and savage life in
Caves and grots, like the Cyclopes of Homer. The
Athenian philosopher deduced his reasoning from
the passage in that poet in which Dardania, the
town founded by Dardanus, is stated to have been
built, at the foot of Ida.
Aáp?avov 25 Teórow réxero vetsan'ysgåra Zság.
Krica's 8: Aapëaviny its ošra, "Ixio; ip;
'Ew reºſºp Trenčaiaro, Tóxi; p.spárov &v?ptºrwy,
'Axx' & 'Topsia; 3xsov Toxvriè%xov "Iºns.
IL. T. 215.
Dardanus, however, was not the first settler in the
Trojan plains, since he found the country already
occupied by a people whose name of Teucri was de-
rived from that of Teucer, their king. This sove-
reign gave Dardanus his daughter Batieia in mar-
riage, and ceded to him a part of his territories.
(Apollod. Bibl. III. 12, I. Steph. Byz. v. 'Apiagn.
Eust. II. B. 813.)
It is remarkable that Homer has never once men-
tioned the Teucri, who are so often identified with the
Trojans by Virgil, and other Latin poets: but their
existence in this part of Asia at a very early period
| Homer reckons five gene- Priam. Il. T. 230. Cf. Apol-
*ations between Dardanus and lod. Bibl. III. 12, 3.
78 MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S.
is certified by historians of great authority. From
Herodotus it appears that they were once a very mu-
merous and powerful people, as he speaks of a great
expedition undertaken by them, in conjunction with
the Mysi, into Europe, before the Trojan times. (VII.
20.43.) This is a point of history which appears
particularly intricate, and seems to involve the origin
of the Teucri in great obscurity. I think it much
more probable that the great migration alluded to
by Herodotus, and by him only, took place from the
great plains around the Danube, where the Mysians
undoubtedly had their first seat, and with whom
the Teucri may have been originally connected.
From thence they may have spread themselves into
Macedonia and Illyria, while a portion of their wan-
dering hordes may have crossed the Hellespont, and
settled in the valleys of mount Ida. The Paeonians,
as we learn from Herodotus, gave out that they
were descended from the Teucri : now the Paeonian
nation appears to have been one of the most ancient
and widely spread of all the tribes which were to
be found between Greece, properly so called, and
the Danube north and south, and the Euxine and
Hadriatic west and east; and it is hardly credible
that this people, bearing every mark of the highest
antiquity, and closely connected with the surround-
ing Thracian and Illyrian nations, should have
owed its origin to an obscure nation occupying a
small district on the coast of Asia Minor. It cer-
tainly does appear from Homer that the Paeonians
of Macedonian Thrace were allied to the Trojans,
and that they sent an auxiliary force to the aid of
Priam ; but it is nowhere said that they were the
subjects of that prince. This only tends to shew
MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S. 79
that there was a strong affinity between the tribes
of Macedonia and Thrace and those of Asia, which
may easily be accounted for on the supposition of
their common origin. It is a curious circumstance
that the Dardani, a very primitive race, apparently
of Illyria, (Strab. VII. p. 316.) but who are only
known to us in the latter period of the Macedonian
history, claimed the sovereignty of Paeonia as their
ancient right; (Liv. XLV. 29.) and I am strongly
inclined to imagine that the connexion of the Darda-
nians and Teucrians was not formed in the valleys
of Ida and the shores of the Hellespont, but in the
plains of the Danube, and the Illyrian and Paeonian
Alps. The Teucri probably came first into Asia,
as all accounts seem to establish their greater anti-
quity; (Apollod. Bibl. loc. cit. Diod. Sic. IV. 75.)
but they would present us with a most singular
anomaly in the history of nations, if they were to be
looked upon as of a different race from the Mysians,
Phrygians, Bithynians, and other nations, avowedly
of Thracian origin, by which they were surrounded.
It was from Thrace that the tide of population was
then setting very strong towards Greece, Italy, and
across the Bosphorus and Hellespont into Asia, and
it is very improbable that a counter current should
have been formed, such as Herodotus describes, to
throw back these Thracian hordes from the shores
of the Hellespont and Propontis, to those countries
from whence their forefathers had themselves first
nigrated. Upon the whole it appears probable,
that though some such great migration, as Herodo-
tus has recorded, did take place, he was misinformed
*s to one principal fact, namely, that it did not, as
° relates, take place from Asia into Europe, but
80 MYSIA AND T R O AS.
vice versa. As the Teucri in his time were known
only as an Asiatic people, it is easy to understand
how he was led into the mistake, upon hearing that
a very extensive migration had been formed by this
people in the north of Greece, as far as Illyria and
the shores of the Adriatic. When the historian
wrote, Gergis, or Gergithae, was the only city of the
Troad which preserved some vestige of the ancient
Teucrians. (V. 122.) This primitive appellation had
first given way to that of Trojans and Troas, just
as the older name of Graii, or Greeks, had been
superseded by the more recent denominations of
Hellenes and Achivi ; and it is somewhat curious,
that in both cases the older name should have been
more commonly used by the Latins, whilst they
were Scarcely known to the Greeks.
According to the Homeric topography, the Dar-
dani, who were subject to Anchises, and commanded
by his son Æneas during the siege, occupied the
small district which lies between the territory of
Abydos and the promontory of Rhoeteum, beyond
which point the Trojan land, properly so called,
and the hereditary dominions of Priam, commenced.
Aap?aviww cºr’ ºgxsw, it; trai; 'A'yxforao,
Aivsia;' rāv in ‘Ayxian réxs ºf 'Apgo?ſrn.
IL. B. 819.
Towards the mainland, Dardania extended to
the Summit of Ida, and beyond that chain to the
territory of Zeleia, and the plains watered by the
AEsepus on the north, and as far as the territories of
Assus and Antandros, AEolian colonies on the Adra-
myttian gulf, to the south. (Strab. XIII. p. 592.
606.) It was more particularly in this inland dis-
trict that the descendants of AEneas are said to have
MYSIA AND T R O A.S. 81
*maintained themselves as independent sovereigns
after the siege of Troy; and even during the Per-
sian empire we read in the Hellenics of Xenophon
of a Dardanian princess, named Mania, who held
under the satrap Pharnabazus a principality pos-
sessed by her husband Zenis during his lifetime.
On the death of this lady, by the hands of Meidias,
her Son-in-law, the latter seized on her fortresses
*nd treasures, and usurped the sovereignty; but
by the interference and skilful management of Der-
°yllidas, the Lacedaemonian general, who then com-
*handed a Greek force on the Hellespont, he was
Stripped of the possessions he had so unjustly ac-
Tuired, and reduced to the rank of a private indivi-
dual. The Greek towns held by Mania were then
declared independent. (III. I.) After this digres-
*ion on the history of Dardanus and Dardania, we
*may now resume our description of the coast of the
Hellespont from the mouth of the river Rhodius,
Where we last halted.
South of Abydos, Strabo mentions the promon-Dardanis
‘ory Dardanis, or Dardanium, (XIII. p. 587, 595.) ...” *
Which answers to the headland named Repoburun º:
by the Turks, and Punta dei Barbieri by the
*anks. Pliny speaks of another promontory called
*apeza, between Dardanium and Abydos, eighteen
*iles from the former, and ten from the latter; but
"ese numbers are faulty. It is probable that Pliny’s
*pe is the Dardanis of Strabo. Near it was the
town of Dardanus, distant from Abydos about seventy Dardanus.
stadia. Though of great antiquity, it was not to be
ºlentified, as Strabo remarks, with the ancient city
*nded by Dardanus; since this, as we collect from
*ner, was situated more inland, and at the foot of
VOL. I. G.
82 MYSIA AND T R O A. S.
Ida. (XIII. p. 592.) By whom the second Darda-
mus was built is uncertain ; we know, however, that
it existed in the time of Herodotus, who mentions
its capture by the Persians in the reign of Darius.
(V. 117.) In the narrative of Xerxes's march he
describes it as close to the sea, and conterminous
with Abydos. (VII. 43.) Scylax styles it a Greek
town, and places it first in his periplus of the
Troad. (p. 35.) Strabo reports that the inhabitants
were often compelled to change their abode by the
successors of Alexander; he reports also, that peace
was concluded here between Sylla and Mithridates.
(XIII. p. 595. Cf. Plut. Syll. c. 24.) Livy states
that it had been declared a free city by the Romans
after the defeat of Antiochus, in memory of their
Trojan origin. (XXXVIII. 39. Cf. XXXVII. 9,
37. Steph. Byz. V. Aópôavo; m. Plin. V. 32.) The
ruins of Dardanus are to be found between Kepos-
Purum and Dervend Tchemeſ, Burun. The name
of Dardanelles, which has in the first instance been
applied to the Turkish castle erected to defend the
passage of the straits, and next to the straits them-
selves, is confessedly derived from this ancient town.
In the vicinity of Dardanus we may notice Ophry-
nium, where was a grove, consecrated to Hector,
on an eminence, which might be seen from all the
surrounding country; also a little lake, named Pte-
leos. (Strab. XIII. p. 595. Lycophr. V. 1200.)
Ophrynium is mentioned by Herodotus, in his ac-
count of the march of Xerxes, (VII. 43.) and by
Ophry-
ninm.
Pteleos la-
CIIS,
m The imperial coins of Dar- Rhodius appears on a medal of
danus are numerous, from the Domna. Sestin. Mon. Vet. P.
reign of Augustus to that of Se- 76.
verus. The name of the river
MYSIA AND T R O A.S. 83
Xenophon, who passed through it with the 10,000
9m his way from Lampsacus to Pergamus, and
offered there a sacrifice of swine. (Anab. VII. 8.)
Strabo is the only writer who speaks of the lake, but
Steph. Byz. places a town called Pteleos in Troas.
Further south was Rhoeteum, situated on a hill, Rhoteum.
ºr promontory, (Orus ap. Steph. Byz. v. Poírelow.)
Whence commences the Trojan bay, and the in-
“resting scenery, so familiar to every one who is
*Quainted with the poem of Homer. At a little
"istance from the town, on the sea shore, might be
Seen the AEanteum, or tomb of Ajax, with a temple
*nd statue erected to the memory of that hero by
the Rhodians. (Plin. V. 30. Strab. XIII. p. 595.)
Mention of Rhoeteum occurs in Herodotus, (VII.
48.) Thucydides, (IV. 52. and VIII. 107.) and several
other writers.
. . $vváxiom "Poirsicºog #w800sy &xt;
Mérpsov, 'I?&lºw it! &s;13 yalay #xovres.
Aagºzvin, 83 Airávre; ārirporé62xxov 'A3934.
A poli. RII. I. 929
Teucrus Rhoeteas primum est advectus in oras.
AEN. III. 108.
Tunc egomet tumulum Rhoeteo in litore inanem
Constitui– ID. VI. 505.
It is generally supposed that the Turkish village of
*Ghelme, where there are some vestiges of anti-
quity, represents the town of Rhoeteum", and that
* ALanteum was at Intepé". The statue had
*en removed, and sent to Egypt, with many other
* There are some few coins Description of the Plain of
9xtant belonging to this place. Troy, ch. 13. p. 102. Leake's
"stini Mon. Vet. p. 76. Asia Minor, p. 275. Walpole's
()
... ºococke's Travels, vol. II. Turkey, vol. I. p. 96.
Part if, p. 104. Le Chevalier's
G 2
84 MYSIA AND T R O AS.
Gergis sive
Gergitha.
works of art, by Marc Antony; but they were all
restored by Augustus to the several places from
whence they had been taken. (Strab. XIII. p. 595.)
The interior of Dardania offers yet for our notice
some ancient sites to which interesting recollections
are attached. The first is Gergis, or Gergitha,
which we know from Herodotus to have been a
remnant of the ancient Teucri, and consequently a
town of very great antiquity. (V. I22. VII. 43.)
Cephalo, an early historian, who is cited by Diony-
sius of Halicarnassus, Athenaeus, and others, as
having written a history of Troy, was a native of
this place. (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. I. p. 180. Athen.
IX. p. 393. Strab. XIII. p. 589. Steph. Byz. v.v.
'Apia &n, Tpaikás.) Gergis, according to Xenophon,
was a place of strength, having an acropolis and
very lofty walls, and one of the chief towns held by
Mania, the Dardanian princess. (Hel. III. I, 12.)
It had a temple sacred to Apollo Gergithius, and
was said to have given birth to the sibyl, who is
sometimes called Erythraea, from Erythrae, a small
place on mount Ida, (Dion. Hal. 1.55.) and at others
Gergithia. In confirmation of this fact it was ob-
served, that the coins of this city had the effigy of the
prophetess impressed upon them. (Phlegon, ap. Steph.
Byz. v. Tépyrs.") It appears from Strabo that Ger"
githa having been taken by Attalus, king of Perga-
mus, he removed the inhabitants to the sources of the
Caicus, where he founded a new town of the same
name. (XIII. p. 616.) The Romans, according tº
q Some of these coins are liebre adversum laureatum cuſ"
still extant, and accord with stola ad collum R. TEP. Sphin.
the testimony of Phlegon. alata sedens AE. 3. Sestiſ'
They are thus described by nu- Lett. Numism. t. I. p. 88.
mismatic writers: Caput mu-
MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S. 85
Livy, made over the territory of the old town to the
Ilienses. (XXXVIII.89.) Herodotus, in describing
Xerxes' march along the Hellespont, states that he
had the town of Dardanus on his left, and Ger-
githa on his right; it is evident, therefore, that the
latter must have been situated inland, and towards
mount Ida. (VII. 43.) The name of Marcaeum was Marcaum
particularly applied to that portion of the ridge"
which overhung Gergitha and its territory. (Steph.
Byz. v. Möpkalov.)
Palaescepsis, so called to distinguish it from the Palescep-
more recent town simply known by the name of"
Scepsis, was a city apparently of the highest anti-
quity, since the latter even dated its origin from the
time which immediately succeeded the Trojan war.
Demetrius, a native of Scepsis, and who had written
largely on the topography of the Troad, considered
that city as the capital of Æneas's dominions; and
affirmed it was his son Ascanius, who, together with
Scamandrius, the son of Hector, transferred the in-
habitants of the old to the site of the new town,
distant about sixty stadia from each other. The
Dardanian princes long held sway at Scepsis; but scepsis.
afterwards the government assumed the form of an
oligarchy, and finally that of a democracy: the
latter event dates from the union of a Milesian
°olony with the Scepsians; yet the title of sovereign
Was still preserved by the descendants of the royal
family. (Strab. XIII. p. 607. XIV. p. 635.) Scep-
*is, as we learn from Xenophon, was the chief city
elonging to Mania, the Dardanian princess, already
Spoken of. After her death it was seized, together
With the treasures and stores deposited there, by
eidias, who had married her daughter; but Der-
G 3
86 MYSIA AND T R O A.S.
cyllidas, having obtained admission into the town
for the purpose of holding a conference with Meidias,
and sacrificing in the acropolis, expelled him, and
gave up the authority to the citizens. (Hell. III. I.)
Under the Macedonian kings, Scepsis underwent
several vicissitudes. Antigonus transferred the in-
habitants to Alexandria Troas, on account of their
wars and disputes with their neighbours the Ce-
brenians, but Lysimachus restored to them their
former abode: subsequently it became subject to
the kings of Pergamus. (Strab. XIII. pp. 597.607.)
These did not prevent, however, philosophy and
science from flourishing there; and Scepsis espe-
cially deserves a place in the annals of literature for
the discovery of the books of Aristotle and Theo-
phrastus, which occurred there about the time of
Sylla. Strabo, who gives an interesting account of
this curious circumstance, relates that Neleus of
Scepsis, a disciple of Aristotle, and intimate friend
of Theophrastus, having been presented by the latter
with his own books, and those he had inherited
from their great common master, brought them
from Greece to his native town. On his death, this
valuable collection came into the possession of his
relations, who being illiterate persons, and unac-
quainted with their real worth, suffered the MSS.
to remain heaped together, without any care being
taken to preserve them. But what was still more
to be lamented, on hearing that the king of Perga-
mus was busily employed in searching for rare and
curious books, to add to his library, they immer
diately buried the MSS. of Neleus in a deep pit,
where they of course sustained serious injury from
damp and worms. At length, however, they were
MYSIA AND TIRO A.S. 87
"escued from this state, and sold to an amateur,
named Apellicon, of Teos, for a considerable sum of
noney. This person endeavoured to supply the
'acunae, and make corrections; but being incompe-
tent to execute such an undertaking, he published
Copies which abounded in errors. After the death
of Apellicon, Sylla took possession of his books, and
caused them to be removed to Rome. (XIII. p. 608.)
Besides Demetrius, a distinguished writer and com-
mentator on Homer, who is often quoted by Strabo
and Athenaeus, Scepsis gave birth to Metrodorus,
who published also several works, and was high in
favour with Mithridates, being employed by that
prince in various public functions and important
commissions. (Strab. loc. cit. Plut. Lucull. c. 22.)
Scylax has erroneously ranked Scepsis among the
maritime cities of Troas. (Peripl. p. 35.) It is evi-
dent, from Strabo and Demosthenes, (Contr. Ari-
stocr. p. 671, 9.) that it stood at some distance from
the coast. From the former it appears that Pa-
laºscepsis was situated near the source of the Æse-
pus, and the highest part of mount Ida and Scepsis
about sixty stadia lower down. (XIII. p. 607.) In
Pliny’s time there existed no longer any vestige of
the former; (V. 30.) but the latter is mentioned by
Hierocles, (Synecd. p. 664.) and the ecclesiastical
notices of bishoprics ". According to Mannert, it
Still retains the name of Eskiupschis. Around
Palaescepsis were several places, for the knowledge
of which we are indebted to the researches of De-
* Geogr. Sacr. p. 239. The frequently the case in the im-
*utonomous coins have the epi- perial money. Sestin. Mon. Vet.
§raph XKHWION and XKA- p. 77. it iſ ºn
*10N, sometimes with AAPA. * Geogr. tom. VI. part. iii,
ºr AAPAANinn, this is more p. 471.
G 4
88 MYSIA AN ID TROAS.
Polichna.
Halizo-
Illlll]],
Caresus fl.
Caresene
regio.
Caresus
urbs.
Mallus.
AEnea sive
Nea-Come.
metrius the Scepsian, to illustrate the topography
of the Iliad. Strabo, who has communicated them
to us, places, in the upper valley of the AEsepus,
Polichna, then Palaescepsis and Halizonium; the
latter he supposes to be an imaginary city, brought
there solely for the purpose of accounting for the
Halizones, reckoned by Homer among the allies of
Priam. (Il. B. 856.) Polichna is acknowledged by
Steph. Byz. as a town of Troas, (v. IIox{xya,) and
also by Pliny; (V. 32.) but it must not be con-
founded, as some critics have done, with the Po-
lichna mentioned by Thucydides. (VIII. 14. 23.)
Beyond these the AEsepus received the waters of
the Caresus, which gave its name to a small town,
and a rich and populous valley through which it
flowed. This stream derived further celebrity from
being recorded by Homer.
‘Pig’6; 3', 'ETrátropós rs, Käpna å; re, "Poêio; re.
IL. M. 20.
The district of Caresus was conterminous to the
territory of Zeleia; but the town was in ruins and
deserted in the time of Demetrius of Scepsis, whose
words to that effect are cited by Strabo. (XIII. p.
602.) It is probable, however, that the Carseas, of
which Polybius has made mention in the expedition
of Attalus into Mysia, (V. 77.) is no other than the
town in question. The Caresus, according to the
same writer, had its source near Mallus, or Malus, a
spot situated between Palaescepsis and Achaeium;
the latter place was opposite to the island of Tene-
dos. On the right bank of the AEsepus, and be-
tween Polichna and Palaescepsis, Demetrius placed
Aºnea, or Nea-Come, at the distance of fifty stadia
from the latter site. Pliny reports, that the rain
MYSIA AND TIRO A.S. 89
was never observed to fall round the image of Mi-
nerva preserved in this town. (II. 96. Steph. Byz.
V. Néz.) I think it probable that the name of Ænea
was first given to it in honour of Æneas, but that it
Was afterwards corrupted to Nea. It has been sup-
posed by some travellers, that the Turkish village
called Emé occupies this ancient site; but this is too
far from the AFSepus, and answers better to Nean-
dria'. In the vicinity of Nea were some silver
mines, which in the system of Demetrius corre-
Sponded with the Alybe of Homer. (ap. Strab. XII.
p. 551. XIII. p. 603.) These mines were observed
by Pococke at Eskupi . It is uncertain whether
the Ænius, a small river named by Strabo, without Enius fl.
any indication of its course, should be connected
With the AEnea or Nea of the same geographer.
(XIII. p. 603.) D'Anville seems to have been of
this opinion, since in his map of the country around
Troy he supposes it to fall into the Æsepus.
TROJA, ET TROJANUS AGER.
I must now turn to the topography of Troy itself;
a subject which will always be interesting to the
“lassical reader, but which has been so much dis-
°ussed and minutely inquired into by modern tra-
Yellers and antiquaries, that no additional light can
be expected to be derived from subsequent re-
*arches. To bring together all that has been said
°n this point by the ancients as well as the moderns,
Would be to form a very voluminous work in it-
* Le Chevalier, Voyage dans seul Gouffier supposes it to be
Troade, p. iii. c. 3. Chand- Neandria. º
Travels in Asia Minor, ch. u Tom. II. part iii. p. 107.
and Inscr. Ant. p. 4. Choi-
la
ler's
90 MY SIA AND T R O A.S.
self; and as many of the latter have only repeated
what their antecessors have stated before them, and
most of them agree in all the principal and mate-
rial points, I shall better consult the reader's conve-
nience by presenting him with a brief summary of
what I have collected from the different authors
who have expressly written on the subject; refer-
ring at the same time the student, who is desirous
of investigating it more deeply, to the works enu-
merated at the bottom of the pagex.
This, the most classical of all lands, has been so
completely trodden and examined, that it may be
truly said that the ancient writers who wrote on
the subject were much less acquainted with the
actual topography of the Trojan plain, than our
best informed modern travellers. The researches
of these intelligent men have not only confirmed
the great historical facts connected with the fate of
Troy, which few persons indeed either in ancient
or modern times have ventured to question, and
those evidently for the purpose of maintaining a para-
dox; but they have served beautifully to illustrate
the noblest poem of antiquity, and to bear witness,
with due allowance for poetical exaggeration, to the
truth and accuracy of Homer's local descriptions.
Lond. 1814. 4to. Chandler's
History of Ilium, or Troy,
Lond. 1802. 4to. Voyage Pit-
x A Comparative View of the
ancient and present State of the
Troad, by Rob. Wood ; sub-
joined to the essay on the Ge-
nius and Writings of Homer.
Description of the Plain of
Troy, by M. Chevalier, Edin-
burgh, 4to. 1791. Le Cheva-
lier, Voyage dans la Troade,
Paris, 8vo. 1802. Observations
on the Topography of the plain
of Troy, by James Rennell,
toresque de la Grece, par Choi-
Seul Gouffier, tom. Ii. Gell's
Topography of Troy, fol. Lond.
1804. Dr. Clarke's Travels,
tom. III. Col. Leake's Geogr.
of Asia Minor, ch. 6., and some
memoirs in Walpole's Turkey,
vol. I.
MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S. 91
They have proved, that as in every other point he
Was the most close and happy delineator of nature,
So here he has still copied her most faithfully, and
has taken his descriptions from scenes actually exist-
ing, and which must have been familiar to his eyes.
In order that this may be proved to the reader's
Satisfaction as far as it is possible, without an actual
inspection of the country, I purpose first to lay be-
fore him all the general and most striking features
in the Homeric chorography, and then to illustrate
them by a continued reference to modern travellers
and antiquarians. It will be seen then from the
Iliad that the Greeks, having arrived on the coast
of the Hellespont, and effected a landing, drew up
their vessels in several rows on the shore of a small
bay confined between two promontories.
IIoxxâw yáp 8' &ravsvºs wºx”: sipúaro vis;
Giv' it’ &A3; Toxii; Tā; yāp Tpdrag reºſovës
Elevaav, 23rd g reixo; #7. Toºwwºw #3eipzv.
O383 yap oë?', sipſ; rip ov, Höuvågaro Táca;
Alyaxõg via; x28ésiv arsivovro 8: Azoſ.
Tô Đa Teoxpóaga; evoay, x2] Tairav & Téan;
'Hióvo; a réu.c. paxphy, 3row avvsjøyadov &ºp2i.
IL. E. 30.
Elsewhere he states, that Achilles was posted at
one extremity of the line, and Ajax at the other.
(9.224. A. 7.) He nowhere names the two pro-
montories which enclosed the bay and the armament
of the Greeks: but all writers, both ancient and
modern, agree in the supposition that these are the
capes Rhoeteum and Sigeum, between which tradi-
tion attached to different spots the names of Nau-
Stathmus, the port of the Greeks, and the camp of
92 MYSIA AND TRO A.S.
the Greeks. (Strab. XIII. p. 595.) According to
Pliny, the distance from headland to headland was
thirty stadia. (V. 33.) Strabo reckoned sixty stadia
from Rhoeteum to Sigeum, and the tomb of Achilles
close to the latter; (loc. cit. Y) and these distances
agree sufficiently well with actual measurements”.
Considerable changes, however, have taken place
during the lapse of so many ages in the appearance
of the coast. The promontories remain ; but the
bay has been completely filled up by the deposit of
rivers and the accumulation of sand and soil, and
the shore now presents scarcely any indenture be-
tween the headlands: but we are assured by Choi-
seul Gouffier, and others, who have explored the
ground, that there is satisfactory proof of the sea
having advanced formerly some way into the land in
this direction *. The next great feature to be ex-
amined in the Homeric topography, is the poet's ac-
count of the rivers which flowed in the vicinity of
Troy, and discharged their waters into the Hellespont.
These are the Xanthus, or Scamander, and the
Simois, whose junction is expressly alluded to. (Il.
E. 774.)
'Axx' àre º Tpoinvišov, Torapid re #ovrs,
"Hx, poè; >ip.ésis avºirov #3; Száuay?pos,
"Ev6' ſtrov; arma's fle& Åeuxóxswog"Hpn.
y Le Chevalier was not cor-
rect in charging Strabo with
inaccuracy in his statement of
this distance. He supposes
that Strabo spoke of cape Rhoe-
teum, whereas he, no doubt,
meant the town, which is some
way from it.
* Note to the French Strabo,
tom. IV. p. 170.
* Voyage Pittoresque, tom.
II. p. 2i G. Col. Leake's Sketch
to explain the supposed altera-
ion in the coast and rivers of
Troy. Asia Minor, p.273.
MY SIA AND TRO A.S. 93
And again, (Z. 2.) where it is said, that the conflict
between the Greeks and Trojans took place in the
plain between the two rivers.
IIoxx2 & 3p' vºc. zai vº' ſºvo's pºx" reëſolo,
'Axxâxov iºvvopévoy Xaxxâpsc, 80%2,
Msgrºyū; Sipáevros, iºš Fáviolo #0&ww.
One of the first questions then to be considered,
in reconciling the topography of ancient Troy with
the existing state of the country, is this: Are there
two streams answering to Homer's description, which
unite in a plain at a short distance from the sea, and
fall into it between the Rhoetean and Sigean pro-
montories? To this question it certainly appears,
from recent observations, that we must reply in the
negative. There are two streams which water the
plain, supposed to be that of Troy, but they do not
meet, except in some marshes formed principally by
the Mendere, the larger of the two, which seems
to have no exit into the Hellespont; while the
Smaller river partly flows into these stagnant pools,
and partly into the sea near the Sigean cape". It
appears, however, from Strabo, or rather from De-
metrius, whom he quotes, that when he wrote, the
junction did take place; for he says, “The Sca-
“mander and Simois advance, the one towards Si-
“geum, the other towards Rhoeteum, and after unit-
“ing their streams a little above New Ilium, fall
“into the sea near Sigeum, where they form what
“is called the Stomalimne.” (XIII. p. 597. Cf. p.
595.) Pliny also, when he speaks of the Palaesca-
mander, evidently leads to the notion that the cham-
nel of that river had undergone a material alteration.
b Choiseul Gouffier.
94. MY SIA AND T R O AS.
(V.82.) The observations of travellers afford likewise
evidence of great changes having taken place in
regard to the course of these streams; and it is said
that the ancient common channel is yet to be traced
under the name of Mendere, near the point of
ICum-kale. The ancients themselves were aware
of considerable alterations having taken place along
the whole line of coast; for Histiaea, of Alexandria
Troas, a lady who had written much on the Iliad,
affirmed, that the whole distance between New Ilium
and the sea, which Strabo estimates at twelve stadia,
had been formed by alluvial deposit; (XIII. p. 598.)
and recent researches prove that this distance is now
nearly double". The great question, however, after
all, respecting the two rivers alluded to, and on
which the whole inquiry may be said to turn, is,
which is the Scamander and which the Simois of
Homer? If we refer for the solution of this ques-
tion to Demetrius of Scepsis, who, from his know-
ledge of the Trojan district, appears to have been
best qualified to decide upon it, we shall find, that
he looked upon the river now called Mendere as
corresponding with the Scamander of Homer, a
supposition which certainly derives support from
the similarity of the two names; while he consi-
dered the Simois to be the stream now called Gi-
wmbrek-sou, which unites with the Mendere near
the site of Paleo Aktshi, supposed to represent the
Pagus Iliensium, and which Demetrius himself iden-
tified with ancient Troy. But it has been rightly
observed by those modern writers who have be-
stowed their attention on the subject, that the simi-
c Col. Leake's Asia Minor, ch. vi. p. 295.
MYSIA AND TROAS. 95
larity of names is not a convincing reason in itself,
Since they have often béen known to vary; and that
after all we must refer to the original account,
where we find the characteristics of the two rivers
described in a manner which must eventually settle
the whole question, as far as regards their identity.
A reference to the Iliad itself is the more necessary,
as Demetrius does not appear to have satisfactorily
explained, even to himself, certain doubts and diffi-
culties which naturally arose from comparing his
System of topography with that suggested by the
perusal of the poet. Now it appears from more
than one passage that the Simois, according to
Homer, had its source in mount Ida;
"Ev} {2X''Av0spºſovo; viºw Taxcºpºdºvo; Alag
'Hijsov flaxspöv, Xiaosia lov' & Trors u%rºp
"Iºnºsy ×atioãoz Tap' ºxºa w Sipásvro;
Taivar', irst #2 roxstow Św a Tsro pºxa iègºal.
IL. A. 475.
A} rðrs unrióww.ro IIoa sièáwy xxi 'Atréaxww
Teixo; &p.cºval, Torquay ºvo; eigayáyovres,
"Oago &n' 'I?aſov Čpéwy &A285 rpopéoval,
‘Pärd; 6', 'ETT&Topó; rs, Kápºrč; rs, ‘Poèſo; Té,
Teşvixá; rs, xzi Aſamºros, Šiós re ºx&gavºpog,
Kai >ipºdsis, 3%. Toxx& 30&ypic, x2] revºxela.
K&Twsgow Év Koviya’i, Kai #9.1%av yévo; &vºpów.
IL. M. 22.
and though in the latter passage the same thing is
affirmed of the Scamander, it will be seen elsewhere,
that the sources of that river are so plainly described
as situated close to the city of Troy, that they never
Could be said to rise in the main chain, unless Troy
itself was placed there likewise. When speaking of
the pursuit of Hector by Achilles beneath its walls,
he Says,
96 MY SIA AND TRO A. S.
a g º ſº tº rpéa's 8' "Extap
Teixo; Śwo Tpéov, Azilºpæ & Yoſvar' #vópez.
& * * * v * y y
Oi & Tapā azotºv ×al pivsöv #v=pffsvra
Texso; ańy ºt' in xar' &p.2.Éirów #aasüowroº
*
Kpouvo 3’ tºovov ×axx}ów, Évºc, 8: Tºya:
Aolai &vaſa.gova, Sxopºvºpov Čivàevros.
"H phy yºp 5' 58ari alapá, bási, &ppi 83 x&tvös
Tiveral # 23ris, diasi Tup?; 2:00p.évolo'
‘H & #répy (#psi Tpopês, sixvic, XaXáč,
gººd f
*H xiávi Juxp}, , § 62210; xpvar.axºp.
"E § S’ † : * F * * * 3. * *
via & #7 &ºrc.wy Tauvoi sùpés; Éy'yū; flag,
Kaxoi, Azīvso, 66, siu arc, a lyaxásvra
IIAſſysoxov Ted wV &Aoxoi, z2X2 rs Óðyarps;,
Tº Tply #T' sipºvns, Tply #x0=iv via; 'Axxiów.
IL. X. 143.
These marks, which point out the double sources of
the Scamander, are so peculiar and so striking, that
the discovery of them would, it seems, be decisive
of the question, not only as far as regards the Tro-
jan rivers, but also, in all probability, as to the
situation of Troy itself, which, according to the
poet, must have stood in the immediate vicinity of
the sources. It is in tracing this remarkable and
most distinguishing feature of the Homeric descrip-
tion, that modern research and industry have been
particularly conspicuous, and have enabled us to solve
a question, which the ancients, from their want of
similar information, could never understand. It is
to Mons. Choiseul Gouffier that the merit of first
discovering the springs of the Scamander undoubt-
edly belongs; and though the phenomena of heat
and cold, described by Homer, have not been so
convincingly observed by subsequent travellers as
by himself, yet, by taking the positive testimony of
the natives themselves, who repeatedly corroborated
MY SIA AND TROAS. 97
the statement made by the poet, as well as the seve-
ral experiments made by M. Choiseul Gouffier, and
Subsequently by Mons. Dubois", we cannot refuse to
acknowledge at least that there is very sufficient
foundation for the poetical picture formed of the
spot by Homer. M. Choiseul describes the hot
Source “as one abundant stream, which gushes out
“from different chinks and apertures, formed in
“an ancient structure of stone work. About 400
“ yards higher up are to be seen some more springs,
“ which fall together into a square stone bason,
“supported by some long blocks of granite. These
“limpid rills, after traversing a charming little
“wood, unite with the first sources, and together
“form the Scamander *.” The latter, which are
the cold springs of Homer, are called Kirk Gue:-
!er, or the Forty Fountains, by the Turks'. If we
besides look to the general features which ought to
belong to the Scamander and the Simois of Homer,
We shall find that the former agrees remarkably
With the beautiful little river of Bounarbachi, which
is formed by the sources above mentioned, while the
rapid Simois finds a fit representative in the impe-
tuous Mendere-sou, which descends from the sum-
nits of Gargara, and fills its bed with trees torn
from their roots, and huge fragments of rock. The
former is described as a copious, rapid, and clear
stream, whose banks are spread with flowers, and
shaded with various sorts of trees.
'Axx' 3rs 8: Tópovičov stižňsio; Torapolo
54,000 ºvºsvros, by &0&voro; réxsro Zsós. IL. P. l.
O d Voyage Pittoresque, p.267, e Voyage Pittoresque, p. 228.
*"8. Col. Leake's Asia Minor, f Ibid. p. 268.
ch, vi. p.283. -
VOL. I. H
98 MYSIA AND TROAS.
tº . &AA& Xx&pavºgo;
Olae, 8wñsig stow &Aö; sūpāo x6׺rov. II,. (D. 124.
y Tº y iº º > --- *
Earay & #y Asplöv, Sxaplavºpia &vºspºdsvri
Mvpſol. IL. B. 467.
Kozíovro Trexécºi Ts, xa, iréal, #33 ºvoixal,
Kaſsro è Aaró; r", #33 ºpčov, #33 xún's pov,
T3 repi x2x& #sºpo, ξ Toro.ploio repúxes:
IL. I. 350.
According to Mr. Chevalier, the river of Bounar-
bachi “ is never subject to any increase or diminu-
“tion; its waters are as pure and pellucid as cry-
“stal; its borders are covered with flowers; the
“ same sort of trees and plants which grew near it
“when it was attacked by Vulcan, grow there still:
“willows, lote-trees, ash-trees, and reeds, are yet to
“ be seen on its banks, and eels are still caught in
“its.” It was doubtless on account of the beauty
and copiousness of its stream that divine honours
were paid to the Scamander by the Trojans. (Il. E.
77. Cf. Aſ schin. Epist. X. p. 680.)
The Simois, on the contrary, bears all the marks
of a mighty torrent, rushing down from the moun-
tains with furious haste and resistless force. This is
evident from the address of the Scamander to his
brother god, invoking his aid against Achilles;
‘Dias Kaaſyvºrs, offévo; &vépo; &pſpörspo! Tep
* y
>xãpsy, Tei réx2 &aru péya IIolápoto &vaxto;
y f º º: * ſº * f º
Extrépasſ, Teós; 8: Karā uðow of psyšova w
'AAA' Tápºwys Táxiata, x&l pºrtranºi Bésºpo,
"Tôaro; #x Tºyéov, Távroz; 8' dodºvyov čvaſaovs’
g Description of the Plain of Troy, p. 83. See also Voyage
Pittoresque, tom. II. p. 228.
MYSIA AND T R OAS. 99
"Iarn 8: p.8)& Kºpa Toxºv 8' devpayºv dows
*s * sy
‘pirpów wał Aáwy, ºva raûgousy &yptov &v?pa.
IL. D. 308.
and all modern travellers and topographers concur
in allowing that this is precisely the character of
the Mendere, which takes its rise in a deep cave
below the highest summit of mount Ida, and, after
a tortuous course between steep and craggy banks,
Of nearly thirty miles, in a rugged bed, which is
nearly dry in summer, finds its way into the plain
of Bounarbachi. It is true, that when Demetrius
of Scepsis wrote, which is some years after the de-
feat of Antiochus by the Romans, (Strab. XIII. p.
593.) the Mendere certainly bore the name of Sca-
nander, for he describes the source of that river in
mount Ida very accurately, (ap. Strab. XIII. p. 602.)
I should admit also, that the Scamander, which, ac-
Cording to Herodotus, was drained by the army of
Xerxes, (VII. 42.) is the Mendere: Hellanicus like-
Wise was of this opinion, (ap. Schol. Il. P. 242.) But
this objection may be fairly disposed of, by suppos-
ing, that the name of Scamander, which is certainly
*much oftener mentioned in Homer, had in process
ºf time been transferred to the river whose course
Was longer, and body of water more considerable;
Whereas it is impossible, I conceive, to get over the
"iſficulty presented by Homer's description of the
"ouble sources of the Scamander. The question
*ay be fairly summed up in this way: either we
*ust allow that Homer drew his local descriptions
*om real scenes, or that he only applied historical
"ames to fanciful and ideal localities; in the latter
*e, all our interest in the comparative topography
of Troy ceases, and it is a fruitless task to look for
II 2
100 MYSIA AND TROAS.
an application of the imagery traced by the poet to
the actual face of things. But if a striking re-
semblance does present itself, we are bound, in jus-
tice to the poet, to take our stand on that ground,
and, without regarding any hypothesis or system
which may have been advanced or framed in ancient
times, to seek for an application of the remaining
local features traced in the Iliad in the immediate
vicinity of the sources of Bounarbachi. Here then
travellers have observed, a little above these springs
and the village of the same name, a hill rising from
the plain, generally well calculated for the site of a
large town, and in particular satisfying many of the
local requisites which the Homeric Troy must have
possessed ; such as a sufficient distance from the
sea, and an elevated and commanding situation.
This is evident from the epithets of vegåeaga, ai.
Tewº, and 34pwésqaa, which are so constantly applied
to it. If we besides have a rock behind the town,
answering the purpose of such a citadel as the Per-
gamus of Troy is described to have been, “IISpya-
“pºos &kph,” rising precipitously above the city, and
presenting a situation of great strength, we shall
have all that the nature of the poem, even in its
historical character, ought to lead us to expect".
With respect to minor objects alluded to by Homer
in the course of his poem, such as the tombs of
mounds of Ilus, AEsyetes, and Myrina, the Scopie
and Erineus, or grove of wild fig-trees, it is per
haps too much to seek to identify them, as the
French topographers have somewhat fancifully
h For a detailed decription Voyage Pittoresque, tom II. I.
of the heights of Bounarbachi, 238, where an accurate plan *
I would refer the reader to the given.
MYS IA AND TROAS. 101
done, with present appearances'. It is certain that
Such indications cannot be relied upon, since the in-
habitants of New Ilium, who also pretended that
their town stood on the site of ancient Troy, boast-
ed that they could shew, close to their walls, these
dubious vestiges of antiquity. (Strab. XIII. p. 599.)
With respect to the objection which may be brought
against the situation here assigned to ancient Troy,
that it would not have been possible for the flight
of Hector to have taken place round the walls, as
the poet has represented it, since the heights of
Bounarbachi are skirted to the N. E. by the deep
and narrow gorge of the Mendere, which leaves no
room even for a narrow footpath along its banks; I
agree with those commentators and critics who are
of opinion that we ought not to take the words of the
poet in the sense which has commonly been assigned
to them, but that it is better to suppose, that Hec-
tor and Achilles ran only round that portion of the
city which fronts the plain from the Scaean gates
to the sources of the Scamander, and back againk.
The difficulty in that case will be satisfactorily re-
noved, and there will then remain, I conceive, no
Valid objection to the system which recognises the
hill of Bounarbachi as the representative of the
ancient city of Priam, and which has been almost
universally embraced by modern travellers and scho-
lars.
There remain only two or three sites to be no-
ticed, in order to complete this short view of the
" I allude to Messrs. Choi- 240; Le Chevalier's Description
*ll Gouſſier and Le Chevalier. of the Plain of Troy, p. 135;
.* Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Leake's Asia Minor, ch. vi. p.
"ittoresque, tom. II. p. 238— 304.
II 3
102 MYSIA AND TR. OAS.
Throsmos
collis.
Callicolone
collis.
Pagus Ili-
ensium.
Homeric topography of the plain of Troy. The
hill called Throsmos by the poet, and which was a
favourite station of the Trojan army in advance of
their city towards the Grecian camp, is supposed to
correspond with some rising ground on the left bank
of the Scamander. That of Callicolone, on the other
hand, where Mars took his stand, for the purpose
of encouraging the Trojan troops, was near the Si-
mois, and towards the left of the Greek encamp-
lment. -
Aös 8 "Apºs répwisv, *pśawſ Aaſaar, isog,
'Ošt Kat' &xporárºs Tóxio; Teósgai Kexeſwy,
"AAAore Tºp 3 p.6svri ºwy Śrī Kaxxixoxóvy. IL. T. 51.
According to Strabo, who probably copies Deme-
trius, Callicolone was ten stadia from the Pagus
Iliensium, and five from the Simois. From whence
it appears to answer to a hill near the site called
Eski Aktchi-kevi ; (XIII. p. 597.) but, as this ar-
rangement is entirely deduced from the hypothesis
which Demetrius had adopted with respect to the
Simois and Scamander, it has not been adhered to
by modern critics, who place Callicolone on the left
bank of the Mendere or Simois; some opposite to
the heights of Bounarbachi, others nearer the sea.
Demetrius, in placing ancient Troy on the site of
the Pagus Iliensium, said to have been built by
Ilus, (Strab. XIII. p. 593.) was obliged to seek for
a representative of the Simois in one of those small
streams which, flowing from east to west, fall into
the Mendere on the right bank of that river. And
if we fix the Pagus of Demetrius at Eski Aktchi-
Kevi, as most modern critics have done, his Simois
will be the Kamar-sou, the most considerable of the
streams alluded to, and which joins the Mendere
MY SIA AND T R OAS. I03
about three miles below Bounarbachi: the plain
situated between the two rivers would also seem to
be the Simoisius campus of the same ancient writer.
But according to the modern system, the Kamar-
Sow is the river Thymbrius, and the plain that of
Thymbra, alluded to by Homer, in the account of Thymbra.
the Trojan forces, and their different positions, sup-
posed to be disclosed by Dolon:
IIpê; Gáušan; 3 #x2xov A6xiol, Mva of t' &yśpwzow,
Kai Pečys; in Táčapoi, koi Māows; in Toxopvarai.
IL. K. 430.
There is another river, however, which now falls
into the Hellespont, near the tomb of Ajax, but
which appears formerly to have joined the Men-
dere, and, from the name of Tumbrek, which it
bears, may be thought to have a better claim to
be considered as the Thymbrius of Strabo, though
not that of Homer; for it must not be forgotten,
that in the geographer's time the inhabitants of
New Ilium had confounded all the Homeric topo-
graphy by adapting the names of places mentioned
in the Iliad to the localities of their own district
and city. Apollo had a temple at Thymbra, as we
further learn from Strabo, which accounts for the
epithet of Thymbraeus applied to that god by
Virgil:
Da propriam, Thymbrace, domum : da moenia fessis.
AEN. III. 85.
and before him by the author of Rhesus, v. 224.
G]up.32ſs zai Aáxis, x&l Auxia;
Naåv #13&reſſww
"Aroxxov.
It was in this temple that Achilles is said to have
been mortally wounded by Paris. (Eustath. ad
H 4
104 MYSIA AND TROAS.
Ilium No-
W Ul IIl,
II. K. 433. Serv. ad AEm. loc. cit. Steph. Byz. v.
0ápºpo.)
Whatever traces might remain of the ruins of the
city of Priam, after it had been sacked and burnt
by the Greeks, these soon disappeared, as Strabo
assures us, by their being employed in the construc-
tion of Sigeum, and other towns founded by the
Afolians, who came from Lesbos, and occupied near-
ly the whole of Troas. On their arrival in that
country, they had found it possessed by the Treres,
a barbarian tribe of Thracian origin, who are sup-
posed to have come into Asia with the Cimmerians.
(XIII. p. 599. XII. p. 573.) The first attempt to
restore the town of Troy was made by some Asty-
palaeans, who, having first settled at Rhoeteum, built,
near the Simois, a town they called Polium, but
which subsisted only a short time; the spot, how-
ever, still retained the name of Polisma when Strabo
wrote. Some time after, a more advantageous site
was selected in the neighbourhood, and a town, con-
sisting at first of a few habitations and a temple,
was built under the protection of the kings of Lydia,
the then sovereigns of the country. This became a
rising place; and in order to ensure the prosperity
of the colony, and to enhance its celebrity, the in-
habitants boldly affirmed that their town actually
stood on the site of ancient Troy, that city having
never been actually destroyed by the Greeks. There
were not wanting writers who propagated this false-
hood, in order to flatter the vanity of the citizens,
(Strab. XIII. p. 601.) and when Xerxes passed
through Troas, on his way to the Hellespont, the
pretensions of New Ilium were so firmly established,
that the Persian monarch, when he visited their acro-
MYSIA AND TROAS. 105
Polis, and offered there an immense sacrifice to Mi-
"erva, actually thought that he had seen and ho-
houred the far-famed city of Priam. (Herod. VII.
42.) In the treaty made with the successor of
Xerxes, Ilium was recognised as a Greek city, and
its independence was secured; but the peace of An-
taleidas restored it again to Persia. Some years
"fter, it was momentarily in the hands of Charide-
*us, a Greek partisan, at the head of some merce-
*ary troops hired by Artabazus, satrap of the Hel-
"spont, to defend himself against the attack of Au-
°phradates, governor of Lydia. Charidemus ob-
tained possession of the town and citadel by a stra-
*gem, but being besieged by the forces of the vic-
ºrious Autophradates was unable to hold out, and
obtained permission to withdraw. (Demosth. in Ari-
Stoer, p. 671. AEn. Tact. c. 24. Polyaen. Stratag.
III. 14.)
On the arrival of Alexander in Asia Minor, (Ar-
rian. Exp. Alex. I. II, 12,) or, as some say, after
the battle of the Granicus, (Strab. XIII. p. 593.)
that prince visited Ilium, and after offering a sacri-
tice to Minerva in the citadel, deposited his arms
there, and received others, said to have been pre-
Served in the temple from the time of the siege of
Troy. He further granted several rights and privi-
*ges to the Ilienses, and promised to erect a more
*Plendid edifice, and to institute games in honour of
inerva; but death prevented the execution of
these designs. (Arrian. loc. cit. Strab. loc. cit. Diod.
Sic, XVIII. p. 589.) Lysimachus, however, to whose
share Troas fell on the division of Alexander's em-
Pire, undertook to execute what had been planned
106 MYSIA AND TROAS.
by the deceased monarch. He enclosed the city
within a wall, which was forty stadia in circum-
ference; he also increased the population by re-
moving thither the inhabitants of several neighbour-
ing towns. (Strab. XII. p. 593.) At a subsequent
period Ilium further experienced the favour and
protection of the kings of Pergamus; and the RO-
mans, on achieving the conquest of Asia Minor,
sought to extend their popularity by securing the
independence of a city from which they pretended
to derive their origin, and added to its territory the
towns of Rhoeteum and Gergitha. (Liv. XXXVII.
37. XXXVIII. 39.) And yet it would appear, that
at that time Ilium was far from being a flourishing
city, since Demetrius of Scepsis, who visited it about
the same period, affirmed that it was in a ruinous
state, many of the houses having fallen into decay
for want of tiling. (ap. Strab. loc. cit.) During the
civil wars between Sylla and Cinna, Ilium was
besieged and taken by assault by Fimbria, a parti-
san of the latter. This general gave it up to plum-
der, butchered the inhabitants, and finally destroyed
it by fire. Not long after, however, Sylla arrived
in Asia, and having defeated Fimbria, who fell by
his own hand, restored Ilium to the surviving in-
habitants, reinstated them in their possessions, and
restored the walls and public edifices. (Appian. Bell.
Mithr. c. 53. Plut. Vit. Syll. Strab. XIII. p. 594.)
The Ilienses received Lucullus in their city when
that general had compelled Mithridates to raise the
siege of Cyzicus, and paid him distinguished ho-
nours. (Plut. Vit. Lucull.) After the battle of
Pharsalus, Ilium was visited by Julius Caesar, who
MYSIA AND T R OAS. 107
*plored, if we may believe Lucan, all the monu-
*ents and localities which claimed any interest
"om their connexion with the poem of Homer.
Sigeasque petit, famae mirator, arenas,
Et Simočntis aquas, et Graio nobile busto
Rhoetion, et multum debentes vatibus umbras.
Circuit exustae nomen memorabile Trojae,
Magnaque Phoebei quaerit vestigia muri.
Jam silvae steriles, et putres robore trunci
Assaraci pressère domos, et templa deorum
Jam lassá radice tenent: ac tota teguntur
Pergama dumetis: et jam perière ruinae:
Adspicit Hesiones scopulos, silvasque, latentes
Anchisae thalamos; quo judex sederit antro ;
Unde puer raptus coelo ; quo vertice Nais
Luxerit OEnone: nullum est sine nomine saxum.
Inscius in sicco serpentem pulvere rivum
Transierat, qui Xanthus erat: securus in alto
Gramine ponebat gressus; Phryx incola manes
Hectoreos calcare vetat. Discussa jacebant
Saxa, mec ullius faciem servantia sacri ;
Herceas, monstrator ait, non respicis aras 2.
PHARs. IX. 961.
Caesar, in consequence of this visit, and his pre-
tended descent from Iulus, conceded fresh grants to
the Ilienses, and added Sigeum, Dardanus, and other
‘owns, to their territory; he likewise instituted
those games which Virgil has alluded to in the
£neid, and which the Romans called “Ludi Tro-
"jani.” (En. V. 602. Suet. Caes. 39. Dio. Cass.
XLIII. 23.) We hear of the Ilienses having been
fined by Agrippa for not paying proper respect to
J ulia, when that princess visited their city; but the
fine was remitted, owing to the intercession of Herod,
king of Judaea. (Nicol. Damasc. Exc. p. 418.) We
108 MYSIA AND TROAS.
further trace the history of Ilium through the reign
of Tiberius, when it was visited by Germanicus,
but refused permission to erect a temple to the em-
peror. (Tacit. Ann. II. 54. IV. 55.) It preserved
its privileges and freedom under Trajan, as we learn
from Pliny, who styles it, “ Ilium immune, unde
“omnis claritas.” (V. 30.) It subsisted under Dio-
cletian, and it is even said that Constantine had en-
tertained serious thoughts of transferring thither the
seat of empire. (Sozom. Hist. Eccl. II. 3. Zosim. II.
34.) The last records we have of its existence are
derived from Hierocles, (Synecd. p. 663.) the Itine-
raries, and the Notices of Greek bishops under the
Byzantine empire. It became afterwards exposed
to the ravages of the Saracens, and other barba-
rians, who depopulated the Hellespont and Troad:
it sunk beneath their repeated attacks, and became
a heap of ruins. The surrounding villages are yet
filled with inscriptions, and fragments of buildings
and monuments, which attest its former splendour
and magnificence. According to the account of a
modern traveller, who has minutely explored the
whole of Troas, New Ilium occupied a gently rising
hill about seventy feet high, above the adjacent
plain, in which the waters of the Tumbrel-fchai
and Kamar-sou form some marshes. On the south
side are to be seen the foundations of the acropolis,
and the lines of the walls may be traced along the
whole of their circuit, though the Turks have re-
moved the stones to construct their habitations.
They call the site Hissardjick, or Eski Ralafatli'.
| Choiseul Gouffier, tom. II. Trojano Bibl. Ital. No. 67.
part iii. p. 381. Barker Webb, Luglio, 1821.
Osservazioni intorno l'Agro
MYSIA AND TROAS. 109
New Ilium was twenty-one miles from Abydos, or
170 stadia, (Strab. XIII. p. 591.) and about eleven
"miles from Dardanus. (Itiner. Anton. p. 334.) Ac.
“ording to Strabo, New Ilium was not more than
twelve stadia from the Portus Achaeorum, and twenty
from the mouth of the Scamander. (XIII. p. 598.)
Pliny reckons a mile and a half. (V. 30.) It is un-
Certain where we should place the small town of
Seamandria, mentioned by the latter author, and Scaman-
also by Hierocles, who calls it Skáuay?pos. (Synecd."
P. 663.) An inscription has been discovered, record-
ing a treaty for the sale of corn between the Ili-
Cnses and Scamandrians ".
Sigeum was founded posterior to the siege of sigoum.
Troy by an AEolian colony, headed by Archaeanax
of Mytilene. He is said to have employed the
Stones of ancient Ilium in the construction of his
town. The Athenians, some years afterwards, sent
a body of troops there headed by Phrynon, a victor
at the Olympic games, and expelled the Lesbians.
This act of aggression led to a war between the
two states, which was long waged with alternate
Success. Pittacus, one of the seven sages, who com-
manded the Mityleneans, is said to have slain Phry-
non, the Athenian leader, in single fight. The poet
Alcaeus was engaged in one of the actions that took
Place, and, by his own confession, fled from the
field, leaving his arms to the enemy. At length
both parties agreed to refer their dispute to Perian-
der of Corinth, who decided in favour of the Athe-
nians. (Strabo XIII. p. 599. Herod. V. 95. Diog.
Laert. I. 74.) The latter people, or rather the Pi-
Sistratidae, remained then in possession of Sigeum,
m Voyage Pittoresque, tom. II. p. 288.
110 MYSIA AN ID T R OAS.
and Hippias, after being expelled from Athens, is
known to have retired there, together with his
family. (Herod. V. 65.)
The town of Sigeum no longer existed when
Strabo wrote, having been destroyed by the citizens
of New Ilium. (XIII. p. 600. Plin. V. 30.) The
promontory was especially celebrated in antiquity,
as the spot on which the ashes of Achilles had been
interred ; and such was the reverence with which
it was regarded, that a small town, named Achil-
leum, appears to have grown up around the tomb,
as early as the time of Herodotus. (V. 94.) Strabo,
on the authority of Demetrius of Scepsis, reports
that it was fortified by the Mitylenians in their war
with Athens. (XIII. p. 600.) The tomb of Achilles
was successively visited by Alexander, (Arrian. Exp.
Alex. I. 12. Cic. pro Arch. c. 10.) Julius Caesar, and
Germanicus; and the mound which overtops it is
still visible at the present day, together with those
of Patroclus and Antilochus".
'Ev rá to Keira, Asºk' & réx, taſºlº 'Axxxeſſ,
Miyºz º., IIarpáxxolo Mevoirºao Bayóvro;'
Xwpī; 8', 'Avrixáxoto: row £oxa ris; &ravrov
Töv &AAwy Śrópav, usrå II&rpoxxây ye Gavévra.
'App' 23roia, 8' reira w8)av x2, &wºuova Túw8ov
Xeſap.sv 'Apysſwy isp?; argarā; alyuntdow,
'Axt; it Tpºx00am, #Ti TXarel "Exana Tévrº
"Q; xsy tº spaw; #x Towrótiv &věpáriveſ,
Tois, di Vöv Yiyāagi, kal di usráticºs, growra.
OD. Q. 76.
The cape of Sigeum is now called Yemi-cher. A
little to the south of it is another headland, with
some ruins, which may possibly belong to the little
Sigeum
promonto-
T1UIII],
Achilleum.
n Chevalier, Descr. of the Plain of Troy, chap. xxi. p. 142.
Voyage Pittoresque, tom. II. p. 330.
MYSIA AND TROAS. 111
town of Agamia", said to have been so called from Agamia,
the adventure of Hesione, who was there exposed to
the sea-monster, and delivered by Hercules. (Steph.
By Z. v. 'Ayāpeia. Cf. Hesych. ead. v.) In Hierocles
t is not unlikely that for 'Aprépéto, we ought to read
*Yáuela. (Synecd. p. 663.) Opposite to the head-
*nd are some little islands, or rocks, which may be
"he Lagussae of Pliny; (V. 38. Cf. Eustath. II. B.º.
P. 306.) but this is uncertain, as the same geogra-" àº,
Pher enumerates with those on the coast of Troas
*Veral others; Ascaniae, Platea III., Lamiae, Pli-
taniae II., Plate, Scopelos, Getone, Arthedon, Coelae,
idymae. The largest of these islets is now called
*aushan. Somewhat to the south is the more con-
*picuous and celebrated island of Tenedos, whither Tenedos
the Greeks retired, as Virgil relates, in order to sur- insula.
Prise the Trojans.
- Est in conspectu Tenedos, notissima fama
Insula, dives opum, Priami dum regna manebant:
Nunc tantum sinus, et statio male fida carinis;
Huc se provecti deserto in littore condunt.
AEN. II. 21.
Et jam Argiva phalanx instructis navibusibat
A Tenedo, tacitae per amica silentia lunae,
Littora nota petens. IBID. 254.
This island was formerly called Leucophrys, from
. White cliffs ; (Eustath. Il. A. p. 33. Lycophr.
46.)
Toi; si; a revåv Asúxoppuv #xtremºsuzóa'i.
*d it took the name of Tenedos from Tennes, the
Son of Cycnus, whose adventures are related at
length by Heraclides Ponticus, (Polit. p. 209.)
Strabo, (VIII. p.380. XIII.p.604.) Pausanias, (Phoc.
o Voyage Pittoresque, tom. II. p. 331.
112 MYSIA AN ID T R OAS.
14.) Comon. (Narrat. pp. 24. 130.) Tenedos re-
ceived a colony of Æolians, (Herod. I. 149. Thuc.
VII. 57.) which flourished for many years, and be:
came celebrated for the wisdom of its laws and civil
institutions. This we collect from an ode of Pinda"
inscribed to Aristagoras, prytanis or chief magis"
trate of the island. (Nem. XI.) Aristotle is know!'
to have written on the polity of Tenedos. (Steph.
Byz. v. Tévêog.) Apollo was the principal deity
worshipped in the island, as we know from Home!'
(Il. A. 37.) -
KA50; usu, 'Apyupéro# 8; Xpúany >&#64xas,
KÍAXav re 320inv, Tsváčová reipi dwºo a sig,
>pivºsti—
According to the same poet, Tenedos was taken by
Achilles during the siege of Troy. (II. A. 624)
When the prosperity of Tenedos was on the decline,
the inhabitants placed themselves under the protec"
tion of the flourishing city of Alexandria Troas.
(Pausan. Phoc. 14.) At a still later period it der
rived again some importance from the granaries
which Justinian caused to be erected there, for the
purpose of housing the cargoes of corn brought
from Egypt and intended for Constantinople, but
which were frequently delayed by contrary winds
blowing from the Hellespont. (Procop. Ald. Justin.
V. 1.) Strabo estimates the circuit of Tenedos at
eighty stadia, and its distance from the mainland at
forty, which is pretty correct; but the little islands
called Calydnae, which the same geographer places be:
tween cape Lectum and Tenedos, are not to be found
in that direction. (XIII. p. 603.) In Choiseul
Gouffier's map, they are laid down between Tener
dos and Sigeum. There were several proverbs con-
MYSIA AND T R OAS. 113
*cted with the history of Tenedos which may be
found in Steph. Byz. (v. Tévêog.) It may be worth
While to remark, that Nymphodorus, a geographical
Writer quoted by Athenaeus, affirmed that the women
of Tenedos were of surpassing beauty. (XIII. p. 60.)
When Chandler visited this island, which retains its
*ncient name, “he found there but few remains of
S& antiquity worthy of notice; in the streets, the walls
“ and burying-grounds, were pieces of marble and
66 fragments of pillars, with a few inscriptions P.”
Omer places between Imbros and Tenedos the sub-
"larine cave, in which Neptune rested his horses
While he proceeded to aid the Greeks.
"Earl 8é ri atráo; sūp) 320sin; 3:vñsai Aiuvº,
Msaanyo; Tevé800 xzi 'Ipºpov Taiwaxoša'a'ng:
"Evº' ſtrov; Harma's IIoasſºwy vogtºwy. II. N. 32.
Opposite to Tenedos, on the Trojan coast, was a
Spot named Achaeium, (Strab. XIII. p. 603, 4.) and Achsium.
*mmediately after followed Larissa and Colonae, two
towns of great antiquity, but which made way, to-
gether with several others, for the rising city of
Alexandria Troas. Colonae was the city of Cycnus, Colonae.
already mentioned as the father of Tennes, and
stood at a distance of 140 stadia from Ilium. (Strab.
XIII. p. 589. Pausan. Phoc. 14. Xen. Hell. III. 1,
10) Larissa, a name always indicative of a Pelas-
Šic origin, had probably been founded by one of
those wandering tribes, which settled in different
Parts of the Asiatic coast before the siege of Troy;
ut Strabo is of opinion, and apparently on good
§rounds, that this was not the Larissa spoken of by Larissa.
Homer, (II. P. 301.) as that is expressly said to have
been far from Troy. (Strab. XIII. p. 620.) This
P Travels in Asia Minor, p. 22. Inscr. Ant. pp. 3, 4.
VOL. I. I
114 MYSIA AND TROAS.
town is alluded to by Thucydides (VIII. 101.) and
Xenophon (III. 1, 10.) Cf. Scyl. p. 36. But Ste-
phanus Byz. looks upon it as the Homeric town.
(v. Aćplaga.) Athenaeus mentions some hot springs
near Larissa in Troas, (II. p. 43.) which are still
Alexandria known to exist a little above the site of Alexandria
Troas.
Troas ‘l. The latter city, which was so called by
Lysimachus, had been first named Antigonia, from
Antigonus, another of Alexander's generals, who
was its first founder. Antigonus had already in-
creased its population by sending thither the inha-
bitants of Cebrene, Neandria, and other towns; and
it received a further increase under the auspices of
Lysimachus: under the Romans it acquired still
greater prosperity, and became one of the most
flourishing of their Asiatic colonies. (Strab. XIII.
pp. 593, 604. Cf. Plin. V. 30.) It was thus distin-
guished by the Romans on account of the fidelity
it had displayed in the war which they waged
against Antiochus. (Liv. XXXV. 42. Polyb. XXI.
10, 3. Cf. V. 78, 6. III, 3.) In the Acts of the
Apostles it is simply called Troas, and it was from
its port that St. Paul and St. Luke set sail for Ma-
cedonia, (xvi. II.) and it was there, on his return
from Macedonia, that the apostle restored to life
Eutychus, who had been killed by a fall from an
upper story whilst asleep. (xx. 9.) Of this town
were Hegesianax and Hestiaea, who wrote com-
mentaries on Homer, and Hegemon, an epic poet.
(Strab. XIII. p. 599. Steph. Byz. v.v. Towia; et’Axeº-
&ºpeia. Athen. IX. p. 393.) The site of Alexandria
is called Eski Stamboul, and numerous ruins attest
its former magnificence. According to Chandler, “it
q Voyage Pittoresque, tom. II. p. 438.
MYSIA AND TROAS. 115
Was seated on a hill sloping toward the sea, and
divided from mount Ida by a deep valley. On
each side is an extensive plain, with water courses.
“The city wall is standing, but with gaps, and the
"battlements ruined. It was thick and Solid, had
$g º
Square towers at regular distances, and was seve-
*al miles in circumference. Besides houses, it has
& °nclosed many magnificent structures; but now
appears as the boundary of a forest or neglected
Park.” The principal buildings, according to the
*me diligent and learned traveller, were a public
Symnasium, or stadium, a theatre and odeum, se-
*ral temples, and a magnificent aqueduct built by
erodes Atticus. There are also some vestiges of
"he port and mole.
Strabo affirms, that the site on which this city
"as built had borne the name of Sigia. (XIII. p. 604.)
!ore to the south was the town of Chrysa, Sur-Chrysa
łlamed Dia, and celebrated for the worship of Apollo
ninthius, so called from apºſv60s, which in the Æolic
dialect signifies a rat. Tradition ascribed the origin
* the name to the circumstance of this animal's
*ving appeared in great numbers, when the Teu-
*ians landed in Troas from Crete, and having
Shawed the leather of their arms and utensils. Va-
"ous other fabulous tales respecting these rats are
° be found in Strabo, who observes, that there were
"umerous spots on this coast to which the name of
"inthia was attached. The temple itself was called
i. Chandler's Travels in Asia Gouffier, so often referred to.
inor, p. 32. The reader will tom. II, p. 434. The coins of
also a detailed account of Alexander Troas are to be found
€ ruins of Alexandria, toge- in almost every collection. The
j with a plan of them, in earliest bear the name of Anti-
Splendid work of Choiseul gonia. Sestin. Mon. Vet. p. 76.
I 2
116 MYSIA AND T R OAS.
Sminthi-
ll Iſle
Sminthium. He does not however allow, as Scylax
does, (p. 36.) that this edifice, or the Chrysa here
mentioned, were those to which Homer has alluded
in the first book of the Iliad, as the abode of Chry”
ses, the priest of Apollo. He places these more tº
the south, and on the Adramyttian gulf. (XIII.
pp. 604, 612.)
Continuing along the coast, we find a plain of
some extent, anciently called Halesium, from the
salt springs with which it abounded. These fur-
mished a great supply of salt from works estar
blished in the spot called Tragasae. And it was
affirmed, that when Lysimachus had laid a duty
on this article, the springs suddenly failed, but re-
appeared on the tax being withdrawn. (Athen. III.
p. 73. Strab. XIII. p. 605. Steph. Byz. vv. 'Axº~1%
Tpáygoal.) The salt of Tragasae is mentioned by
Galen, (de Temp. Medic. Simpl. t. II. p. 151.) Her
sychius, (v. Toayagaiot,) and others. The works are
still in existence, and are known to the Turks by
the name of Tusla, which precisely corresponds with
the Latin Salinae". Near these works we must look
for the ruins of Hamaxitus, an ancient town, pro-
bably of Æolic origin, noticed by Scylax, (p. 36.)
Thucydides, (VIII. 101.) and Strabo, (XIII. p. 605.)
as situated on the Trojan coast. (Cf. Plin. V. 38.
Apollod. ap. Steph. Byz. v. ‘Agaśirá;.) The pro.
montory of Lectum was the southernmost point 0
Troas, the towns situated beyond it, on the Adra-
myttian gulf, being considered as belonging to Æ0.
lis. (Strab. XIII. p. 605. Plin. V. 32.) Homer, in
IIalesium.
Tragasae.
IIamaxi-
tuS.
Lectum
promonto-
I’lll Iſle
* Le Chevalier, Voyage dans bouring hills are composed of
la Troade, tom. I. ch. 2. Col. rock salt. Asia Minor, ch. "
Leake states, that the neigh- p. 274.
MYSIA AND TROAS. 117
his account of the deceit practised upon Jupiter by
*no, makes it part of the chain of Ida, and the
*Pot where the goddess landed, together with her
auxiliary the god of sleep:
y * p
To 8%rmy, Aſpyou re zai "[p.3pou & Tu Altövre,
* f f p * F Af f *
Hépc, ča'a apºvo, #utz rg%agovts xéasv}ov
"Tºny & iréadºv troxvriè2xx, wºrépc. Gupév,
Asxtov, 3}, ºrpárov Airárºv &c. to 8 m ×éparov
z 2. z * º tº p 2 F re
Bºrºv' &xporárn & roºãy int' asſero Šam.
IL. E. 281.
Herodotus relates, that after the battle of Mycale
"he Greek fleet took up their station near Lectum,
°n their way to the Hellespont, the wind being ad-
Verse. (IX. II.4.) It is also alluded to by Thucy-
dides, (VIII. 101.) Livy, (XXXVII. 37.) and Plu-
"arch, in the life of Lucullus. Athenaeus reports,
that the purple shellfish was found here, as well as
Ilear Sigeum, and of a large size. (III. p. 88.) The
*odern name is Cape Baba.
In the interior of Troas there remain yet a few
Places to be pointed out. Among these, Neandria is Neandria.
frequently mentioned in history as an AEolian colony
"f some note. (Scyl. p. 36.) Its territory appears
*om Strabo to have included a fertile and extensive
Plain, named Samonium; (II. p. 106. XI. p. 472.) Samonius
"d the same geographer affirms that it was situated Campus.
°tween Hamaxitus and New Ilium, at a distance
* 180 stadia from the latter. These circumstances
"oncur in fixing the site of this ancient town near
* modern village of Enai, or Ene, where there
*e many vestiges of antiquity, and above which
the valley of the Mendere, or Simois, opens into a
"oad and well cultivated plain, now called Baira-
I 3
118 MYSIA AND TROAS.
misch'. Neandria, as we learn from Xenophon,
had belonged to the Dardanian princess Mania; but
on her death it was declared independent by Der-
cyllidas. (Hell. III. 1, 13.) After the dissolution of
Alexander's great empire, Antigonus obtained for *
short time possession of Troas, and Neandria and
other small towns were destroyed, to make way for
the city which that general founded on this coast
under the name of Antigonia, but which afterwards
was called Alexandria Troas. (Strab. XIII. p. 604.
Cf. Steph. Byz. v. Neāºpeia. Antigon. Caryst. c. 187.
Cedren. Compend. p. 126. Plin. V. 30.) A little to
the south of Ene, and between it and Eski Stanl"
boul, or Alexandria, a small place named Kutchi"
lan "is thought to represent Cocylia, or Cocylium, *
Greek town mentioned by Xenophon, in connexioſ'
with Ilium and Neandria, in the passage above re-
ferred to. In Pliny's time it no longer existed.
(V. 33.)
On the left bank of the Mendere, and to the
south of Eme, or Neandria, is a ruined fortres?
called Tchigri by the natives; this may have been
Cenchreae, a town of Troas, where Homer was said
to have resided some time, to make himself atº
quainted with the Trojan topography. (Steph. By 4.
v. Keyxpéal.) Some even pretended that the poe'
was born there. (Suid. v."Ogºpog.) Under the Greek
emperors, Cenchreae is mentioned as a fortress in
which state prisoners were confined. (Pachymeſ'
Cocylium.
Cench reas.
t Voyage Pittoresque, tom. some few coins of Neandrº
II. p. 285. Leake, Asia Minor, with the legend NEAN. Scstin"
ch. vi. p. 274. Some topogra- p. 77.
phers have identified Enai with u Voyage Pittoresque, Cartº
Nea or Neacome, but this was de la Troade, tom. II. p. 20 l.
near the Æsepus. There are
MYSIA AND TROAS. 119
tom. I. p. 331.) It was besieged and taken by the
Turks in the fourteenth century. (Pach. tom. II.
p. 834.) According to Choiseul Gouffier, the walls
*d gates of this town are yet standing *. Higher
"p the river Mendere, and not far from its source
" mount Ida, are some extensive ruins denoting
ºn ancient town of importance. The site is called
R*tchulam-tepe, and its topographical situation agrees
With that which ancient writers assign to Cebrene, Cebrene.
*pital of a small district named from it Cebrenia.ºniº
ut it was affirmed by some, that the name was"
derived from Cebriones, the natural son of Priam,
*nd charioteer of Hector. Strabo reports, that the
district of Cebrenia was separated by the Scamander
(the Simois of Homer) from the territory of Scepsis,
With which town the Cebrenians were almost con-
*antly at war. This state of discord was at length
Put an end to by Antigonus, who removed the inha-
bitants of both towns to Antigonia, afterwards Alex-
*ndria Troas. (XIII. p. 597.) According to Epho-
*us, Cebrene had received a colony from the Æolian
Cyme, (ap. Harpocr. v. Ké6pºva. Cf. Scyl. Peripl.
P. 36.) Xenophon affirms that it was a place of
8Teat strength. It resisted for some time the attack
ºf Dercyllidas, the Lacedaemonian commander, but
*t length submitted to his authority. (Hell. III.
l, 14.) Cebrene is also noticed by Demosthenes.
(contr. Aristocr. p. 671.) We learn from Apollodo-
*us that there was a river named Cebren, which
probably flowed near the town. (Biblioth. III. 5, 6.
Steph. Byz. v. Ke60%via.) It is now called Ra:-
*gh-tehai, and falls into the Mendere a little above
the ruins of IGuichunlu-tepe }.
.* Voyage Pittoresque, tom. II. p. 201. y Ibid. p. 284.
I 4
120 MYSIA AND TROAS.
Andrius fl.
The Mendere receives on its right bank, some
miles below, a larger torrent, called Lidjick-Deressi-
tehai, which is probably the river Andrius, which,
according to Strabo, flowed from Caresene. (XII.
p. 602.) It was from the number of the streams
which descend from its sides into the Hellespont
and Propontis that Homer gives to mount Ida the
epithet of toxviríðač; and, according to modern tra-
vellers, it still preserves that feature, as well as the
accompanying one, of being the haunt of numerous
beasts, expressed by the poet in the same line:
"Iöny & ſwaysv Toxvtſºaxa, pºrápa ºneów. IL. G). 47.
Strabo compares the whole chain to a scolopendra,
on account of the great number of subordinate hills
which branched off from it in various directions.
Of these, the highlands about Zeleia were the most
northern; while the headland of Lectum formed
the extreme point to the south-west. Two other
subordinate ranges, parting from the principal sum-
mit, and terminating, the one at cape Rhoeteum, the
other at the Sigean promontory, might be said to
enclose the territory of Troy in a crescent; while
another central ridge betwixt the two, separating
the valley of the Scamander from that of the Si-
mois, gave to the whole the form of the Greek let-
ter e. (Demetr. ap. Strab. XIII. p. 597.) The highest
summit, which Homer calls Gargara, is now called
Rax-dagh. Its elevation has been ascertained to
be 775 toises, or about 5000 English feet, above the
level of the sea. Those travellers who have ascended
this lofty mountain give an animated description of
the extensive prospect over the Hellespont, Propon-
tis, and the whole surrounding country, which they
MYSIA AND TRO A.S. 191
*joyed from it”, and which fully justifies the ex-
Pressions of the poet:
"Tºy & ſkayev Toxvrièaxa, wºrápa ºpäv,
Tágyapov, v'a &# of régsvos, 329.6; re ºvásis:
"Evº' ºrow; atya's Tarºp &ºw re (sôy re,
Aðaag # 5xéay, xará 3' #épa Touxty Éxsusy.
Aörö; 3 #v xopwºja i zaffé's roxſºsi Yaſov,
Eiaopówy Teówy Ts téxiv xod via; 'Azzlów. IL. O. 47.
*veral ancient writers have spoken of a remarkable
*uscation of light which was to be observed before
*nrise around this elevated summit:
Quod genus Idaeis fama est e montibus altis
Dispersos igneis orienti lumine cerni:
Inde coire globum quasi in unum, et conficere orbem.
LUCRET. W. 662.
(Cf. Diod. Sic. XVII. 7. Pomp. Mel. I. 18.) Va-
tious explanations of this phenomenon have been
*ggested by modern naturalists, which will be
found in Choiseul. The sources of the Mendere
*e to be seen in a remarkable cavern above the
Village of Audgelar, at the foot of the mountain.
esides Gargara, we hear of three other summits;
Cotylus, which has already been mentioned, Pytna,
*nd Dicte, in the territory of Scepsis. (Strab. XIII.
P. 472.) Other passages relating to this celebrated
"ountain will be found in Homer's Hymn to Venus;
Ovid's Epistles, XVI. 53; Dionys. Perieg. 814.
On rounding cape Lectum, the coast is seen to
*retch far to the east, when it again bends to the
*uth-west, so as to form a deep bay, which took its
"ame from the once flourishing city of Adramyt-Adrainyl-
tenus Si-
IlllS.
* Voyage Pittoresque, tom. Journal, in Walpole's Turkey,
II. p. 38'ſ. Clarke's Travels, tom. I. p. 120.
tom. II. p. 134. Dr. Hunt's
192 MYSIA AND TROAS.
tium, situated at the head of it, at a little distance
from the coast. The shores of this beautiful gulf
had at an early period been peopled by those wan-
dering tribes who, under the name of Leleges, are
so often mentioned in the barbarous age of Grecian
history. Homer enumerates them among the Trojan
forces, (Il. K. 432.) and assigns to them the town of
Pedasus, on the river Satnioeis:
"Axrew, 8; Asāīyegal pixotoxépoigny &városi,
II?zgow airásga'aw &oy into Sarvāsvri. IL. p. 86.
Nais ?:, Sarvidsvro; #üßsſroo Tap' ºxºag,
II?&gow &irsiv%v. II. Z. 34.
The situation of this Homeric town remains un-
defined ; it appears indeed from Pliny, that some
authors identified it with Adramyttium. (V. 32.)
There was another Pedasus in Caria, which must
not be confounded with it. The Satnioeis is gene-
rally supposed to be a small stream which falls into
the AEgean sea, Some miles to the north of cape
Lectum, and near the salt works of Tuzla, from
whence it derives its present name *. Strabo in-
forms us, that some critics wrote the word Saph-
mioeis. (XIII. p. 605.) The first city of note to the
east of cape Lectum is Assus, founded, according to
Myrsilus and Hellanicus, the Lesbian historians, by
a colony from that island. (Ap. Strab. XIII. p. 610.)
It is celebrated in the ammals of Grecian philosophy
as the birthplace of Cleanthes the Stoic, the suc-
cessor of Zeno. Aristotle resided also some time at
Assus, having married, it is said, the niece of Her-
mias, a eunuch, who had made himself tyrant of
the city. Hermias, however, having fallen into the
Pedasus.
Satnioeisſl.
Assus.
a Choiseul Gouſſier, tom. II. p. 438. Leake's Asia Minor,
p. 273.
MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S. 193
hands of Memnon, the Persian general, was put to
leath, and Assus was taken possession of by the
Persian forces. (Strab. XIII. p. 610. Cf. Diog. La-
*t. V. 3.) Assus occupied a commanding situation,
at some distance from the coast, and was fortified
With strong walls; but the road which led to it
from the port was so steep, that Stratonicus the
*usician humorously applied to it this verse of
Homer;
"Argoy ſº, ö, xsy %azov Čačpov reſpaſ' ſºnal.
IL. Z. 144.
The port was chiefly formed by a great mole. We
learn from the Acts of the Apostles that St. Luke,
and the other companions of St. Paul, here rejoined
With their ship the apostle, who had left them at
Alexandria Troas, and had crossed on foot from
that city to Assos: (xx. 13.) “And we went before
“to ship, and sailed unto Assos, there intending to
“take in Paul: for so had he appointed, minding
“himself to go afoot. And when he met with us at
“Assos, we took him in, and came to Mitylene.”
Pliny seems to say Assus was once called Apollonia.
(V. 32.) The same writer informs us, that a stone
Was found in the territory of this city which had
the peculiar property of wasting the flesh of bodies
°ntombed in it; hence it was called “sarcophagus.”
(XXXVI. 17. Vid. Salmas. Cf. Steph. Byz. v. "Aq-
70s.) Col. Leake, who visited the remains of this
ancient city, on the site now called Beriam Kalesi,
observes, “that they are extremely curious. There
“is a theatre in very perfect preservation; and the
“remains of several temples lying in confused heaps
“upon the ground. On the western side of the
§ { city, the remains of the walls and towers, with a
194 MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S.
Polyme-
dium.
Gargara.
“gate, are in complete preservation; and without
“ the walls is seen the cemetery, with numerous
“sarcophagi still standing in their places, and an
“ancient causeway leading through them to the
“gate. Some of these sarcopahgi are of gigantic
“dimensions. The whole gives perhaps the most
“ perfect idea of a Greek city that any where ex-
“ists".” Strabo places between Assus and cape
Lectum, at forty stadia from either, a fortress named
Polymedium ; (XIII. p. 606.) but Pliny perplexes
us by naming in this vicinity Palamedium and Po-
lymedia: his text is probably not without error.
(V. 32.) Sixty stadia beyond Assus, and 140 from
cape Lectum, we must place Gargara, a colony of
the former, and situated on a cape which probably
took its name from the celebrated summit of mount
Ida. It was from this cape that the Adramyttian
gulf, called also by some the bay of Ida, properly
commenced. (Strab. XIII. p. 606.) Gargara had
been an Eolian colony, but it afterwards received
an increase of inhabitants from the town of Mileto-
polis, so that the town lost much of its Greek cha-
racter, as Demetrius of Scepsis affirmed. (Strab.
XIII. p. 610. Mel. I. 18.) The territory of Gar-
gara, situated at the foot of mount Ida, is much
celebrated by the writers of antiquity for its great
richness and fertility, especially in corn.
nullo tantum se Mysia cultu
Jactat, et psa suas mirantur Gargara messes.
VIRG. Grob G. I. 102.
b Asia Minor, p. 128. The hibits a series from Augustus
autonomous coins of Assus, to Alexander Severus. Sestin.
with the epigraph AXXION, are p. 72.
rare. The imperial money ex-
MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S. 125
Hinc grata Cereri Gargara, et dives solum,
Quod Xanthus ambit nivibus Idaeis tumens.
SENEc. PHOEN. Act. IV. v. 608.
(Cf. Steph. Byz. v. Tàpyapov. Plin. V. 32. Macrob.
Saturn. V. 20. Etym. Magn. v. Tápyapa.) Gargara
*must be sought for near the headland on which is
*OW situated the village of Iné". In the same
vicinity stood Lamponia, or Lamponium, an AEo-Lamponia.
lian city, named by Hecataeus and Hellanicus. (Ap.
Steph. Byz. v. Aapºréveto.) Herodotus reports, that
it was annexed to the Persian empire by the satrap
Otanes, in the reign of Darius, son of Hystaspes.
(V, 26.) Somewhat further from the coast were the
towns of Andeira and Pionia. The territory of the Andeira.
former was productive of a mineral substance, which,
by different processes, became zinc, or the metal
called orichalcum. (Strab. XIII. p. 610. Steph. Byz.
V. "Avºsipa.) Pionia is mentioned by Pliny; (V. 32.)Pionia.
and the Ecclesiastical Notices name it as a bishopric
of the Hellespontine province". (Hierocl. Synecd.
p. 663.) Near Andeira was to be seen a remark-
able subterraneous passage, which was said to ex-
tend underground as far as Palaea, a village distant
180 stadia from Andeira. It was accidentally dis-
“overed by a goatherd, who found there one of his
80ats, which had strayed into the cavern. A temple
Was dedicated here to the goddess Cybele. (Strab.
XIII. p. 614.)
Antandrus, the foundation of which seems to be ºn-
ascribed by Herodotus to the Pelasgi, (VII. 42.) is
* Note to the French Strabo, d There are some few coins
tom. IV. p. 108. The coins belonging to Pionia, with the
Of Gargara have the inscription legend IIIONITON. Sestini, p.
º and TAPTAPE.ON. Sestini, 75.
p. 72.
I26 MYSIA. A NID TR. O. A. S.
mentioned as an AEolian colony by Thucydides.
(VIII. 108.) It seems also to have been occupied
at an early period by the Cimmerians and Edonian
Thracians, as appears from the epithets of Cimmeris
and Edonis applied to it by Pliny. (V. 32.) Ari-
stotle, indeed, who is quoted by Steph. Byz., (v. "Ay-
TaySpec, affirmed, that the Cimmerians retained pos-
session of it for 100 years. Antandrus was advan-
tageously situated on the coast, at the foot of mount
Alexandra, one of the Summits of Ida; so called, as
it was said, from the judgment of Paris. The for
rests of this mountain supplied the Antandrians
with timber for building ships; they also exported
it in large quantities. The spot to which it was
carried down from Ida bore the name of Aspaneus.
(Strab. XIII. p. 607.)
- ſº classemque sub ipsa
Antandro et Phrygiae molimur montibus Idae.
VIIRG. AEN. III. 5.
In the eighth year of the Peloponnesian war, some
Lesbian exiles, aided by the Spartans, seized upon
Antandrus, and made war from thence upon the
Athenians and Mitylenians; (Thuc. IV. 52.) but
the former people, having defeated them in an en-
gagement, retook the town. (IV. 75.) After the
Sicilian expedition, Antandrus fell into the hands of
the Persians, but the inhabitants, exasperated by
the conduct of Arsaces, the lieutenant of Tissapher-
nes, attacked his troops, and drove them from their
city. (VIII. 108. Cf. Herod. V. 26. Xen. Anab.
VIII.4. Mel. I. 18. Scyl. Peripl. p. 36.)” The site
once occupied by this ancient city still retains the
• There are both autono- Antandrus, but the former are
mous and imperial coins of scarce. Sestini, p. 71.
MYSIA AND TROA. S. 197
*me of Antandro. The Antonine Itinerary reckons
thirty-one miles from Antandrus to Adramyttium;
the Table, more correctly, only sixteen. Strabo
Places between Gargara and Antandrus a mountain
"amed Cillaeum. (XIII. p. 612.) Adramyttium, flººms.
Which gave its name to the extensive bay on which "
"stood, is said by Strabo to have been colonized
by the Athenians; (XIII. p. 606.) but the founda-
tion of the city is ascribed by Aristotle to Adramys,
* brother of Croesus. (Steph. Byz. v. 'A'ºpapºrtelow.)
Strabo also mentions, that several writers ascribed
* origin to the Lydians. (XIII. p. 613.) But, if
"º are to believe Eustathius, and other commenta-
tors, Adramyttium already existed before the Trojan
War. Pliny indeed affirms, that it was no other
"an the Pedasus of Homer. (V. 32.) The writer
ºf the Not. Eccles. (p. 27.) identifies it with Lyr-
*śsus. However this may be, it is certain that
*dramyttium, from its advantageous situation, had
*rly become a flourishing city. (Herod. VII. 42.
Strab. loc. cit. Scyl. Peripl. p. 36.) The Athenians
had Settled there the inhabitants of Delos, whom
°y had removed from their island when it was
Purified; but these unfortunate exiles were after-
Wards cruelly massacred by Arsaces, the Persian ge-
*al, who commanded under Tissaphernes. (Thuc.
*II. 108. Pausan. Messen, c. 27.) After the de-
* of Antiochus, Adramyttium was ceded by the
9mans to the kings of Pergamus, under whom it
°ntinued to prosper; but it suffered greatly during
9 war with Mithridates, the whole Senate, and
*veral of the principal inhabitants, having been
Put to death by order of Diodorus, a partisan of
that monarch. (Strab. XIII. p. 614.) Appian, on
198 MYSIA AND T R O AS.
the other hand, accuses the Adramytteni of having
butchered many Roman citizens, to gratify Mithri.
dates. (Bell. Mithrid. 23.) Xenocles, a celebrated
orator of Adramyttium, was sent to Rome to plead
the cause of his native city, and the whole provinc°
of Asia, suspected of having favoured the king of
Pontus. (Strab. XIII. p. 614.) It was in a ship of
Adramyttium that the apostle Paul commenced his
voyage from Caesarea to Italy, as a prisoner, to ap"
pear before the Roman emperor. (Acts xxvii. 2)
It is evident from Pliny’s account, that Adramy"
tium was the most considerable of all the towns in
this vicinity, since it was the seat of a conventus, in
which all the causes of the neighbouring places wer”
tried. (V. 32.) We find Adramyttium often men"
tioned by the Byzantine historians, and the ancient
name is even now but little changed in that of
Adramiti f.
Between this city and Antandrus, Strabo place”
Astyra, a small town, with a celebrated temple and
grove sacred to Diana. These belonged to the All"
tandrians. (XIII. p. 614. Scyl. Per. p. 36.) This
Astyra must not be confounded with the place 0
the same name near Abydos. Not far from thene”
was a small lake, called Sapra, full of deep holes,
and which communicated with the sea. (Strab. 100.
cit.) Pausanias speaks of some warm baths at
Astyra, the water of which was black. (IV. 35.)
Pliny mentions several obscure streams which ap"
parently discharged themselves in the gulf of Adra’
Astyra.
Sapra la-
CUlS,
f The coins of Adramyttium portant cities, such as Mitylenº
have the legend AAPAMTTH- Ephesus, Laodicea. Sestini, P.
NON ; they attest the alliance 7 i.
of that town with several im-
MYSIA AND T R O A.S. 129
*yttium from Ida, such as the Astron, Cormalus,
Bryannus, Alabastius, Hierus. (V. 32.)
. The whole of the surrounding district, according
* Homer, was once occupied by a colony of Cili-
°ians, who were governed by Eetion, father of Am-
dromache, at the time of the Greek invasion. His
**pital was Thebe, surnamed Hypoplacia, from being Thebe.
situated under a hill called Placos. Placos
IIl OIIS.
y gº
Hroi yüp Tarég’ &phy &réxrays io; "Axxxsus,
'Ex & Téaiv tápasy Kixxwy sivaler&acay,
* y
G);3my úbſtruxov x&rd 8' xrowsy 'Herlova,
Mºréco, 8', ; 320-ſaevey Jr IIA&xq, Ānégan,
IL. Z. 414.
'Herlov, 3; vaisy Örö IIAáxºp 5Awāgam,
Głón "Two-Aaxim Kixxsaa’ &vègsgow &várgov.
. Thebe, destroyed by Achilles, did not rise from Thele,
* ruins; but the name remained throughout anti-"
Tuity attached to the surrounding plains, famed for
their fertility, and often ravaged and plundered by
the different armies whom the events of war brought
*to this part of Asia. (Xen. Anab. VII. 8, 4. Po-
'yb. XVI. 1,7. XXI. 8, 13. Liv. XXXVII. 19.
*omp. Mel. I.18)
yrnessus, another Homeric city, disappeared Lyrnessus.
also with Thebe, and left no trace of its existence
°yond the celebrity which the Iliad has conferred
"Pon it. Pliny asserts that it stood on the banks of
the little river Evenus, whence, as we learn from
trabo, the Adramytteni derived their supply of
Water. (XIII. p. 614. Plin. V. 32.) In Strabo's
time, the vestiges of both Thebe and Lyrnessus were
Still pointed out to travellers; the one at a distance
Of Sixty stadia to the north, the other, eighty stadia
VOL. I. K
130 MYSIA AN ID T R O A.S.
to the south of Adramyttium. (XIII. p. 612.) The
same geographer informs us, that Chrysa and Cilla,
both celebrated in the Iliad, were also situated in
the immediate vicinity of Adramyttium. Other
Chrysa, writers, however, identified Chrysa with the town
of that name, already noticed in the territory of
Alexandria Troas ; but the geographer observes
that the latter had no port, and was besides too far
from Thebe, to which the city of Chryseis belonged,
as appears from Il. A. (366.): he however supposes
that the Alexandrian Chrysa was a colony of the
Cilla. Cilician town. Cilla stood on the side of Antan-
drus, and was still famed for the worship of Apollo
Cillaeus.
KA50; p.sv 'Ayupéro# 3, Xpárºv &utić3n22;,
Kiaway te $20énv, Tsváčová teip, &várºsis.
IL. A. 37.
Cillaus flu- There was also a small stream named Cillaeus,
W1118, which descended from mount Ida, and flowed near
the sacred edifice. (XIII. p. 612.) The modern
name of this river is Zikeli. Chrysa was twenty
stadia from Astyra and fifty from Thebe, which was
consequently seventy from the latter. Andeira was
sixty stadia from Thebe. Before we leave the Tro-
jan Cilicians, I would just observe that the name of
their chief city naturally induces a suspicion that
they were really Syro-Phoenicians, who had been
transplanted thither from the coast of Cilicia. The
form of the word Lyrnessus corresponds too with
the names of cities, which are so commonly me'
with on the shores of the Lycian and Pamphyliaſ'
seas; such as Telmissus, Termessus, Pindemis’
sus, &c.
North of Adramyttium, Strabo points out a few
MYSIA AND T ROAS. 131
localities, of which we must not omit to speak. He
*ems to derive his information, with respect to
these points of detail, from the researches of Deme-
trius the Scepsian. Speaking of the little river Hep-Heptapº.
- “aporus of Homer, but called also Polyporus, he rus fluvius.
ºbserves, that a traveller would cross it seven times
* journeying from the Beautiful pine to the little Pulchra
town of Celaenae and the temple of Æsculapius, ºne.
founded by Lysimachus. He proceeds to report,
that this remarkable tree, from the account given of
* by king Attalus, was twenty-four feet in circum-
°rence, and that its stem, after rising to the height
of sixty-seven feet, was formed into three ramifica-
tions, which reunited near the summit. The en-
tire height was two plethra and fifteen cubits, or
about 220 feet. It was 180 stadia from Adramyt-
tium. Sixty stadia further were two places named
Cleandria and Gordus, situated near the source of ºria.
the Rhodius, also mentioned by Homer; but other º, fl.
°ommentators of the poet, as we have seen 3, sup-
Posed this river to flow into the Hellespont, whereas
Pemetrius asserted that it joined the AEmius, one of Enius il.
the tributary streams of the Æsepus. (Strab. XIII.
P 608.) In another passage, Strabo, still copying
from Demetrius, speaks of Corybissa, a small dis-Corylissa,
*ict near Scepsis, and close to a rivulet called Eu- Eurgiſ.
*is and a village of the same name, and the torrent Ot. VI Cli S.
*thaloeis. (X. p. 473.) The latter is perhaps the ºthalº
same which Pliny calls Etheleus. (V. 32.) Strabo
"ames also Hippocorona as a spot near Adramyt-
tium, and Corybantium in the vicinity of Ha-
"laxitus. (loc. cit.) -
The promontory of Pyrrha closes the gulf of Pyrrha
promonto-
g P. 76. rium.
K 2
132 MYSIA AND TR. O.A.S.
Adramyttium, properly so called, to the south ; it
answers to the cape called Raratepe-bouroum by
the Turks, S. Nicolo by the Franks. Strabo reckons
120 stadia from this headland to the opposite cape
of Gargara. A temple of Venus was seated on the
summit. (XIII. p. 606.) Beyond this point the
same geographer places Cisthene, once a flourishing
town and port, but deserted in his time; (XIII.
p. 607. Pomp. Mel. I. 18. Plin. V. 32.) and some-
what inland some copper mines, and the towns of
Perperene and Trarium. The former of these was
the see of a bishop in the time of the Byzantine
empire, (Eccles. Not. p. 43.) and appears also to
have been called Theodosiopolis". The line of
coast which next follows was at one time known by
the name of Acte, or coast of the Mitylenians, be-
cause that people had founded there several small
towns. (Strab. XIII. p. 605 and 607.) Thucydides
alludes to them under the name of 'Aºraia ºxas.
(IV. 52.) Strabo names two of them, Heraclea and
Coryphantis; (XIII. p. 607.) Pliny, “ Heracleotes
“tractus, Coryphas oppidum.” (V. 32.) The name
of the latter place is corruptly written Corifanio in
the Table Itinerary. Pliny points out in the same
vicinity the two little rivers Grylius and Ollius
and the district of Aphrodisias. Next follows A.
taea, only known to Strabo, unless it is the same as
the Attalia of the Table. (Strab. loc. cit.) Atar-
neus is oftener mentioned by the disini WriterS.
Herodotus says it was a town of Mysia, opposite to
Lesbos, and that it was ceded to the Chians by the
Cisthene.
Perperene.
Trarium.
Acte,
Mityle-
11320I'll Iſle
Heraclea.
Coryphas.
Grylius fl.
Olſius fl.
Aphrodi-
sias regio.
Attaca.
Atarneus.
h Several coins of the Ro- of this town. The epigraph is
man empire from Nero down- IIEPIIEP * -
† HNIQN. 5.
wards attest also the existence QN. Sestini, p.7
MYSIA AN ID T R O A.S. 133
Persians in the reign of Cyrus, for having delivered
ºnto their hands the Lydian Pactyas. (I. 160.) Scy-
lax also says, Atarneus belonged to the Chians.
(p. 36. Cf. Pausan. IV. 35.) The land around
Atarneus was rich, and productive in corn. His-
titeus was defeated and taken in an engagement
With the Persian forces at Malene, a spot not far Malene.
from this town. (Herod. VI. 28, 29.) Xenophon
Places it between Adramyttium and the Caicus.
(Anab. VII. 8, 4.) Strabo reports that Atarneus
Was for some time the residence of Hermias, tyrant
of Assus. (XIII. p. 614. Cf. Pausan. VII.2. Isocr.
Paneg. p. 70. Steph. Xen. Hell. III. 2,9. Aristot.
Polit. II. 7. Plin. V. 32. Steph. Byz. v. Aráowa.)
The ruins of Atarneus are to be seen near the
modern village of Dikhelii.
Herodotus names Carine as a town of Mysia in Carine.
the neighbourhood of Atarneus, through which the
*my of Xerxes passed on its march to the Helles-
Pont: it appears to have been situated between
Atarneus and Adramyttium. (VII. 42. Cf. Steph.
Byz. v. Kapávn. Ephor. ap. eund. v. Bévvo. Plin. V.
92.) It is not improbable that in Xenophon (Anab.
II. 8, 4.) we should read Kapiºns, instead of Kepto- .
*', as the situation of this latter place, mentioned."
y no other author, agrees very well with that
*ssigned to Carine. The MSS., however, it must be
“onfessed, do not favour such an alteration; and it
*ay be further observed that Theopompus, quoted
by Steph. Byz., speaks of a Mysian town named
°ytonium. (v. Kvrévoy.) Carene may perhaps cor-
"espond with Chirin-Kevi, a small place near the
'There are some very scarce Atarneus, with the legend ATA.
"onomous coins belonging to and ATAP.
K 3
134 MYSIA AND TRO A.S.
Pitane.
Evenus fl.
Canaius fl.
Atarncus
sub Pitane.
Cane pro-
In Onto-
rium et
IIl011S,
coast; and Cytonium, or Certonium, perhaps an-
swers to Kidonia, a town somewhat to the south
of it.
Pitane, an AEolian city of some note, possessed
two harbours, and was situated near the mouth of
the Evenus, now called Tchandeli : an aqueduct
carried water from this river, probably near its
source, as far as Adramyttium. (Strab. XIII. p.
614. Cf. Scyl. Peripl. p. 37.)
AEoliam Pitanen a laeva parte relinquit.
OvID. METAM. VII. 357.
Pliny places Pitane near the river Canaius, which
no other writer notices. (V. 32.) This town was
the birthplace of Arcesilas the philosopher, founder
of the middle academy. (Strab. loc. cit. Diog. Laert.
Wit. Arces. Cf. Steph. Byz. v. IIvrávn. Hierocl.
Synecd. p. 661.) Near Pitane was a spot called
Atarneus under Pitane, to distinguish it from the
town of the same name already mentioned. It was
opposite the island of Elaeussa. (Strab. XIII. p.
614.) The bricks made at Pitane were said to be
so light as to float in the water. (Strab. ibid.) Pitane
is supposed to occupy the site now called Tcham-
deli. The gulf of Adramyttium, taken in its widest
extent, is closed here to the south-west by the pro-
montory of Cane, now C. Coloni. Strabo says it
was also called AEgan, and affirms that it was on
the south of the river Caicus, and 100 stadia from
Eleae, the port of Pergamus; (XIII. p. 615.) whereas
Herodotus, speaking of the march of the Persian
army under Xerxes, distinctly states, that having
crossed the Caicus they proceeded northwards, having
the mountain of Cane on their left. (VII. 42.) Mela
also places Cane north of the Caicus, (I. 18.) as well
MYSIA AND TRO A.S. 135
as Pliny. (V. 32.) Strabo, in another place, de-
scribes mount Cane as surrounded on the south and
West by the sea, on the east by the plain of the
Caicus, on the north by the district of Elaea, which
Sufficiently characterises Cape Colomi. There was
also a small town named Canae, opposite to the
Southernmost point of the isle of Lesbos. It was
founded by a colony of Locrians, who came from
Cynus. (Strab. XIII. p. 615. Steph. Byz. v. Kával.
Plin. V. 32.) The ruins of this town are to be
Sought for near Colonik.
The Caicus, the most considerable of the Mysian Caicus fl.
Streams, discharges its waters into a bay which took
its name from the port of Elaea, about thirty stadia
to the south-east of the town of Pitane. It rises
at the foot of the eastern extremity of that chain
which was known to the ancients by the name of
lmount Temnus, and extends from mount Ida to the
borders of Phrygia and Bithynia. Another stream
named Mysius, rising in the same chain, but more to Mysius fl.
the west, mingled its waters with the Caicus. (AEsch.
ap. Strab. XIII. p. 616.)
- 'Id Káixs Mórial r' #Tiš02í.
Saxosumque sonans Hypanis, Mysusque Caicus.
GEORG. IV. 370.
Et Mysum capitisque sui ripacque prioris
Poenituisse ferunt, alia nunc ire, Caicum.
2’ OvID. METAM. XV. 277.
The plains watered by the Caicus bore at a very Teuthra-
* : ; nia regio
early period the name of Teuthrania, from Teu-ºº.
k D'Anville has erroneously however accounting for the
placed Canae south of the Caj- change which it implies in the
cus. Numismatic writers assign name of the town. Sestini, p.
to Canae coins which bear the 72.
“pigraph KAMHNON, without
K 4
136 MYSIA AND TRO A.S.
thras, a king of Mysia, who is said to have adopted
Telephus, the son of Hercules and Auge. (Eurip.
ap. Strab. XIII. p. 615.) According to Strabo there
Was a town as well as district named Teuthrania,
distant about seventy stadia from Elaea, Pitane, Atar-
neus, and Pergamus. (Cf. Xen. Anab. VII. 8, 10.
Hel. III. 1,4.) The subjects of Eurypylus, son of Te-
Ceteii. lephus, are called Ceteii by Homer; (Odyss. A. 520.)
a name which has much perplexed commentators,
though it is generally allowed that it must apply to
the Mysians. Strabo observes, that there was a
Small river named Ceteius which fell into the Cai-
cus, and therefore tended to establish still further
the supposed connexion between the people men-
tioned by Homer and the Mysians. (XIII. p. 616.)
The Caicus derives its modern name from Ber-
Perga. gamo, the ancient Pergamum. This celebrated city
"" is mentioned for the first time, I believe, in the
Anabasis. (VII. 8, 4.) Xenophon remained here for
some time as the guest of Gorgion and Gongylus,
two brothers, who appear to have been the posses-
sors of the place. (Cf. Hell. III. 1, 4.) Xenophon
made from thence a predatory excursion against a
Persian nobleman named Asidates, whom he cap-
tured, with all his family. (Anab. loc. cit.) It was
apparently a fortress of considerable natural strength,
being situated on the summit of a conical hill, and
was in consequence Selected by Lysimachus, Alex-
ander's general, as a place of Security for the recep-
tion and preservation of his great wealth, said to
amount to the enormous sum of 9000 talents. The
care of this treasure was confided to Philetaerus of
Tium in Bithynia, an eunuch from his earliest in-
fancy, and a person in whom he placed the greatest
M. Y SIA AND TRO A.S. 137
ºnfidence. Philetaerus remained for a long time
faithful to his charge; but having been injuriously
treated by Arsinoe, the wife of Lysimachus, who
*ght to prejudice the mind of her husband against
*m, he was induced to withdraw his allegiance
ºn that prince, and declare himself independent.
The misfortunes of Lysimachus prevented him from
taking vengeance on the offender, and thus Phile-
*rus remained in undisturbed possession of the
"wn and treasure for twenty years, having con-
"ed, by dexterous management and wise mea-
*res, to remain at peace with all the neighbouring
Pºwers. He transmitted the possession of his prin-
“ipality to Eumenes, his nephew, who added much
0 the territory he inherited from his uncle, and
*n gained a victory near Sardes over Antiochus,
*n of Seleucus. After a reign of twenty-two years,
* was succeeded by his cousin Attalus, whose
father Attalus was the younger brother of Philetae-
*us. This prince was first proclaimed king of Per-
*mum, after a signal victory obtained by him over
the Gallo-Graeci, or Galatae, and by his talents, and
the Soundness of his policy, deserves a distinguished
place among the sovereigns of antiquity. (Polyb.
VIII. 24. Liv. XXXIII. 21. Strab. XIII. p. 624.)
° early espoused the interests of Rome against
hilip, king of Macedon, and, in conjunction with
* Rhodian fleet, rendered important services to
the former power. His wealth was so great as to
°Come proverbial. (Hor. Od. I. 1, 12.) He had
*arried Apollonias, a lady of Cyzicus, of obscure
irth, but great merit and virtue: by her he had
* Sons, Eumenes, Attalus, Philetaerus, and Athe-
"*us, Eumenes ascended the throne on his father's
138 MYSIA AND T R O AS.
death, which took place at an advanced age, after *
prosperous reign of forty-three or forty-four years.
(Polyb. Liv. et Strab. loc. cit.) The new sovereign,
continuing to tread in his father's steps, and adº
hering to his policy, remained the firm friend of the
Romans during all their wars against Antiochu."
and the kings of Macedonia, and received from theſ”
in recompense of his fidelity and valuable assistancº
all the territory conquered from Antiochus on this
side of mount Taurus. Prior to this period, the
territory of Pergamum did not extend beyond the
gulfs of Elaea and Adramyttium. (Strabo loc. cit.
Liv. XXXVIII. 39.) Waylaid by the hired assas'
sins of Perseus, king of Macedon, he had nearly
perished at Delphi; (XLII. 14. et seq.) and yet lº
is represented by the Roman historian as subs”
quently favouring the cause of the man who sough'
to destroy him, and of having thereby incurred tº
ill-will and anger of the Roman people. (XLIV.1%
20. XLVI. 1–9.) With that arrogant nation, past
services were reckoned as nothing, if they were not
accompanied by the most abject and slavish depend’
ence; and the uniform ingratitude with which they
treated their allies who maintained some show 9
freedom, as in the case of the AEtolians, Rhodianº
and Achaeans, favours strongly the supposition that
their conduct towards Eumenes was dictated by the
same overbearing spirit. The king of Pergamu”
employed himself, during the leisure which a prº
found peace now afforded him, in embellishing hº
capital, and patronising the arts and sciences. He
decorated the Nicephorium, a public building which
Pergamum already owed to the munificence of Attº.
lus, (Polyb. XVIII. 24. Liv. xxxHI. 21.) wit"
MYSIA AND T R O A.S. 139
Walks and plantations, and built himself several
"ther edifices. But the most lasting monument of
his liberality, as well as his fame, was the great
library which he founded, and which yielded only
" that of Alexandria in extent and value. (Strab.
XIII. p. 624. Athen. I. 3.) It was from their being
first used for writing in this library that parchment
*kins were called “ Pergamenae chartae.” (Varr. ap.
Plin. xIII. II.) Plutarch informs us that this vast
*llection, which consisted of no less than 200,000
Volumes, was given by Antony to Cleopatra. (Vit.
"ton. p. 943.) Eumenes reigned forty-nine years,
*aving an infant son under the care of his brother
Attalus, who administered affairs as regent for
twenty-one years with great success and renown.
* conjunction with Alexander, son of Antiochus,
he defeated Demetrius, son of Seleucus. Allied
With the Romans, he assisted them in their war
"gainst the Pseudo-Philip. He likewise defeated
iegylis, king of the Thracian Caeni, and caused
e overthrow and death of Prusias, king of Bi-
thynia, by inducing his son Nicomedes to revolt
*śainst him. He was succeeded by his nephew
Attalus, surnamed Philometor. This prince died
after a reign of only five years, and left his do-
*ninions by will to the Romans. Aristonicus, a na-
tural son of Eumenes, opposed this arrangement,
*d endeavoured to establish himself on the throne;
"t was vanquished and taken prisoner; and the
Omans finally took possession of the kingdom,
Which from henceforth became a province of the
*mpire under the name of Asia. (Strab. XIII. p.
624. XIV. p. 646.) Pergamum continued to flou-
"ish and prosper as a Roman city, so that Pliny
140 MYSIA AND T R O A.S.
does not scruple to style it “ longe clarissimum
“Asiae Pergamum.” (V. 32.) To the Christian the
history of Pergamum affords an additional interest,
since it is one of the seven churches of Asia men-
tioned in the book of Revelations'. Though condem-
nation is passed upon it as one of the churches
infected by the Nicolaitan heresy, its faithful ser-
vants, more especially the martyr Antipas, are no-
ticed as holding fast the name of Christ. (Rev. ii.
12. et seq.) The town was situated in a plain,
watered by two small rivers or torrents flowing
from mount Pindasus, and named Selinus and Ce"
tius; these joined afterwards the Caicus. The cita-
del was placed on the conical hill mentioned by
Strabo. (XIII. p. 623.) The modern town retains
the name of Bergamah, and yet presents to the eye
several extensive ruins, and other vestiges of its
former magnificence". Dallaway, who has accu-
rately described the ruins of Pergamum", mentions
“a wall, facing the south-east of the acropolis, of
“ hewn granite, at least a hundred feet deep, en-
“grafted into the rock, and above that, a course of
“large substructions, forming a spacious area, upon
“which once rose a temple unrivalled in sublimity
“of situation, being visible from the vast plain, and
Pindasus
IIlOIIS,
Selinus fl.
Cetius fl.
I Our translators of the New
Testament do not appear quite
accurate in rendering the name
of this city Pergamos; it should
be Pergamum: the Greek being
almost always rº IIépyaway. It
is true, that Steph. Byz, writes
IIépyapos, but he gives no au-
thority for that form.
m The reader will find these
described in Smith's Account
of the Seven Churches of Asia,
and still, more recently in Mr.
Arundell's Visit to the Seven
Churches of Asia. The coins
of Pergamum are very nume’
rous, as may be seen from
Eckhel, Sestini, and other nil"
mismatical writers.
n Constantinople, Ancient
and Modern, &c. p. 303.
MYSIA AND TROAS. 141
“the Algean sea.” He supposes it to have been
*cted in honour of Trajan. The same antiquary
describes a great aqueduct, of one row of lofty
*ches over the Selinus, and a massive pile of build-
"g which formed the front and grand entrance into
the Naumachia, which he considers as the most com-
Pete edifice of the kind in Asia Minor. At the
Western extremity of the hill are the remains of a
theatre. Near the cemetery stood probably the cele-
brated temple and sanctuary of Æsculapius. (Ap-
Pian. Bell. Mithr. c. 60. Tacit. Ann. III. 63.) Be-
Sides these, there are some massive remains of the
8"eat church, dedicated to St. John the Evangelist.
The Selinus is called by the Turks Tabaklar-tehay,
the Cetius Barmakpatras-tchay, the Caicus Aksou,
* Bakir-tchay". In the plains watered by the
°hicus, and in the vicinity of Pergamum, there yet
*main to be noticed some few towns, such as Ali-
*rna, mentioned by Xenophon; (Hell. III. I, 4.
*nd Anab. VII. 8, 10.) in the latter passage it is
*alled Elisarne. Pliny writes it Haliserne. (V. 32. Alisarma.
Cf. Steph. Byz. v. 'Axiaapva.) Comania, an obscure Comania.
‘own, noticed only by Xenophon. (Anab. VII. 8, 8.)
ºrthenium, for the knowledge of which we are also parthe.
"debted to the Anabasis, (loc. cit, and VII. 8, 19)".
*d Pliny. (V. 32.) Apollonia, which, according to Apollonia.
"abo, was to the east of Pergamum on the way to
*des. (XIII. p. 625. Xen. Anab. loc. cit. Plin. V.
32, Steph. Byz. v. 'Aroxxovía.) Pliny names also
ale, perhaps the same as the Calse of the Not. Cale.
*Cel. (Prov. As. p. 43.) Conisium, written Kovoo ſºn Conisium.
* the same document. Balcea, which Steph. Byz. Balcea.
Places near the Propontis, (v. Baxkeia) is perhaps
o Arundell's Visit, &c. p. 282. and 278.
142 MYSIA AND TROAS.
Tegium.
Tiare.
Sarnaca.
Lvcide.
Thymbre.
Oxyopum.
Lygda-
IIllllll.
Hadriano-
therae.
Pali-kesri. Tegium, Tiare, Sarnaca, Lycide, Thym”
bre, Oxyopum, Lygdamum, are unknown. Hadrid"
notherae, a place so called from its having been afavour"
ite hunting-seat of the emperor Hadrian, (Dio. Cass.
LXIX. 10. Spart. Vit. Hadr. c. 20.) is placed in the
Table Itinerary, where the name is corruptly writted
Hadreanuteba, at the distance of eight miles from
Pergamum, and thirty-three from Miletopolis. We
Know from Aristides that it stood on the road from
the latter town to Hadriani, his native city, situated
in Bithynia. (I. 500.) It appears from its coins,
which are numerous, to have been a place of some
note, as it possessed a senate P. In the Ecclesias’
tical Notices it is enumerated among the sees of the
Hellespontine province. (Hierocl. Synecd. p. 6)
Sestini is inclined to place Hadrianotherae at Tri-
hala, a village distant an hour and a half from
Soma, which is eight hours from Pergamum : he
obtained there a medal of Antinous, struck in that
town q. In that case the distance from Pergamum
marked in the Table must be wrong; it is indeed
certain that the distance between that town and
Miletopolis is too small".
AEO LIS.
In the course of the description which has just
terminated of Mysia and Troas, we have had occa-
sion to speak of several towns which undoubtedly
lay just claim to an AEolian origin. It has been
already indeed stated, in the introductory section,
P The epigraph is IEPA to Bithynia.
XTNKAHTOX, AAPIANOOHPI- q Viaggi diversi, p. 135.
TON. Sestini, p. 68. This an- r Col. Leake's Asia Minoſ,
tiquary, it should be observed, p. 271.
falsely ascribes Hadrianotherae
AE O L I S. 143
that the AEolians, who were the first great body of
*cian colonists that settled in Asia Minor, had
not long after the Trojan war founded several towns
°n different points of the Asiatic coast, from Cyzi-
"s to the river Hermus; but it was more espe-
“ally in Lesbos, which has a right to be considered
* the seat of their power, and along the neighbour-
"g shores of the gulf of Elaea, that they finally con-
*ntrated their principal cities, and formed a federal
"lion, called the Æolian league, consisting of twelve
*ates, with several inferior towns to the number of
thirty. The description of Æolis will naturally con-
*ct itself with that of Mysia, though the latter ter-
*inates with the Caicus, and will bring us from
that river along the shores of the Eleatic gulf to
the vicinity of the Hermus, where the Ionian con-
federacy, which will be more conveniently brought
"nder the head of Lydia, commences. Herodotus,
Who ascribes to the Æolians a Pelasgic origin, in-
forms us that they occupied at first the plains of
hessaly, then called Æolis; but being driven from
thence by the Thessali, who came from Thesprotia,
they migrated to Boeotia and Attica, and other parts
ºf Greece: (VII. 176. Cf. Pausan. X. 8.) The
Æolian name does not appear however to have been
in use before the Trojan war, at least it never occurs
* Homer, though he speaks of Æolus and his im-
"ediate descendants. The ADolian colonies, accord-
ing to Strabo, were anterior to the Ionian migra-
tions by four generations. He states that Orestes
had himself designed to head the first; but his death
Preventing the execution of the measure, it was pro-
Secuted by his son Penthilus, who advanced with
"is followers as far as Thrace. This movement was
144 AE OL I S.
contemporary with the return of the Heraclidae intº
Peloponnesus, and most probably was occasioned by
it *. After the decease of Penthilus, Archelaus, 0°
Echelatus, his son, crossed over with the colonie”
into the territory of Cyzicus, and settled in the
vicinity of Dascylium. Gras, his youngest son, sub-
sequently advanced with a detachment as far as the
Granicus, and not long after crossed over to the
island of Lesbos, of which he took possession. Some
years after these events, another body of adven"
turers crossed over from Locris, under the conduct
of Clevas and Malaus, two chiefs descended from
Agamemnon, and founded Cyme, and other town”
on the gulf of Elaea: they also took possession of
Smyrna, which became one of the twelve states of
the league; but this city having been wrested from
them by the Ionians, the number was reduced to
eleven in the time of Herodotus. These, according
to that historian, were Cyme, Larissa, Neontichos,
Temnus, Cilla, Notium, AEgiroessa, Pitane, AEgaea',
Myrina, Grynea. (I. 149.) We learn from the
same writer that the Æolians, in common with the
other Greek colonists of Asia, had become sub-
ject to Croesus; but on the defeat of the Lydian
monarch by Cyrus they submitted to the conqueror,
and from thenceforth were annexed to the Persian
empire. (I. 6, 28. II. 90.) They contributed sixty
ships to the fleet of Xerxes. (VII.95.) Herodotus
observes of Æolis that its soil was more fertile than
that of Ionia, but the climate inferior. (I. 149.) In
the time of Xenophon, Æolis formed part of the
Hellespontine satrapy held by Pharnabazus, and it
appears to have comprised a considerable portion of
* See Larcher, Chronologie d'Hérodote, tom. VII. p. 417.
AEO LIS. 145
the country already described under the head of
Troas. (Hell. III. 1,8.) Wrested by the Romans
from Antiochus, it was annexed to the dominions
9f Eumenes. (Liv. XXXIII. 38. XXXVII. 8.
XXXVIII.39.)
The first town which occurs on the coast after
*ossing the Caicus is Elaea, the port and naval Elea.
*Senal of Pergamum. According to some traditions
* had been founded after the siege of Troy by the
*thenians under the command of Menestheus.
(Strab. XIII. p. 622.) Elaea was distant twelve sta-
dia from the mouth of the Caicus, and 120 from
Pergamum. (XIII. p. 615.) It gave the name of
*lieaticus to the bay in which it stood, and which Elmaticus
* also known by that of Cumaeus sinus, now gulf"
ºf Tchandeli. Strabo estimates the width of the
bay at eighty stadia between cape Harmatus, which Harmatus
“rminates it to the north, and that of Hydra to the ºnto.
South. (XIII. p. 622.) Harmatus would seem from
thence to be a point of land between the mouth of
the Evenus and that of the Caicus; but, according
to Thucydides, it was situated to the north of the
*ginusae and opposite to Methymna, i. e. I con-
“eive, the territory of that city. (VIII. 101.) The
*rliest author who mentions Elaea is Scylax; (Per.
P. 87) subsequently it is frequently alluded to in
*e account of the wars between the kings of Per-
§ºmum and those of Macedonia and Syria. (Polyb.
VI. 41, 5, XXI. 8. Liv. XXXVI. 43. XXXVII.
8.) It was besieged in vain by Prusias, king of
ithynia. (Polyb. XXXII. 25,9. Cf. Artemid. ap.
Strab.xIII. p. 622. Plin. V. 32. Ptol. p. 118.) Steph.
yz. asserts that Elaea was formerly called Cidae-
his. (v. 'Exaſ.) The ruins of this town exist pro-
VOL. I. I,
146 AEO LIS.
Grynium
sive Gry-
Iłętt,
bably not far from the village of Clisiakevi, on the
road from Smyrna to Bergamah ". Next follow?
Grynium, or Grynea, one of the twelve AFolian ci-
ties, (Herod. I. 149.) and celebrated for the worship.
of Apollo, who derived from thence the surname *
Gryneus:
His tibi Grynei memoris dicatur origo:
Ne quis sit lucus, quo se plus jactet Apollo.
VIRG. EcL. VI. 72.
Sed nunc Italiam magnam Gryneus Apollo,
Italiam Lycia, jussere capessere sortes.
AEN. IV. 345.
Strabo remarks, that the town belonged in his tim”
to the Myrinaeans; from whence we must infer that
it had much declined from its former prosperity and
fame. The temple and oracle, however, still sub-
sisted, at a distance of forty stadia from Myrint”
The edifice was remarkable for its size, and the
beauty of the white marble of which it was built.
(XIII. p. 622.) Grynium is noticed by Scylax, (Pe"
p. 37.) Xenophon, (Hell. III. 1, 4.) Diodorus, who
reports that it was taken by Parmenio, (XVII. 7.)
Pliny, (V. 32.) and Steph. Byz. (v. Toºwol.) Beyond
was a haven, called the Port of the Greeks, where
was an altar erected in honour of the twelve gods.
(Strab. XIII. p. 622. Cf. Scyl. Per. p. 37.) Myrina,
according to Strabo, was a maritime city, distant
forty stadia from Grynium, and eighty from Elaea.
(XIII. p. 622.) The Table Itinerary reckons twelve
miles from the latter city. Myrina, reckoned by He-
rodotus among the twelve states of Æolis, (I. 149.)
is stated by Mela to have been founded by Myrintº
before the others. (I. 18.) We are informed by
Portus
Achivo-
I*tl! Il.
Myrina.
a Smith's Account of the Seven Churches of Asia, p. 7.
AEO LIS. 147
Xenophon, that it was ceded, together with Grynea,
y Artaxerxes to Gongylus, an Eretrian, who had
"en banished from his native city for favouring the
"terests of Persia. (Hell. III. 1, 4.) Myrina, as we
find from Polybius and Livy, was occupied for some
time by Philip, son of Demetrius; but being van-
Quished by the Romans, he was compelled by that
People to evacuate the place. (Polyb. XVIII. 27, 4.
Liv. XXXIII. 30.) Mention is made of this town
* Cicero's Letters; (ad Fam. V. 20.) and we learn
* Tacitus, that it received a remission of im-
Posts, in the reign of Tiberius, on account of the
*age it had sustained from an earthquake. (Ann.
I. 47.) It appears from Pliny to have subsequently
*umed the name of Sebastopolis. (V. 32.) Martial
*nounces the penultimate long; (IX. Ep. 42.)"
Campis dives Apollo sic Myrinis.
But the most considerable of the AEolian cities was
Wºme, surnamed Phriconis, because its first founders cyme.
had Settled for some time around mount Phricium
ln Locris, previous to crossing over into Asia. On
*ir arrival in AEolis, they found that country in
* possession of the Pelasgi; but the latter, who had
*ustained great losses during the Trojan war, were
unable to offer any resistance to the invaders, who
ºccessively founded Neontichos, and afterwards
**, though, according to some traditions, there
*xisted already a place of that name, so called from
Sºme, one of the Amazons. (Strab. XIII. p. 623.)
Mel, I. 18. Steph. Byz. v. Käpy.) Cyme was one
"nong the many cities which laid claim to the ho-
"our of having given birth to Homer; and if the
º The coins of this town ways, MYPINA and MTPEINA.
* the name written two Sestini, p. 78.
I, 2
148 AEO LIS.
writer of the life of that poet, which some ha"
ascribed to Herodotus, is to be credited, the ance”
tors of the great bard were certainly natives of tle
town to which our attention is now drawn. It "
also added, that he received the name of "Oºf"
during his residence there; that word in the Cy-
maean dialect signifying “one blind.” (c. 14.) What-
ever may be thought of the pretensions of the Cy’
maeans to be considered as the countrymen of Home!”
their right to another great Greek poet is indisputº
able; I mean Hesiod, whose father, by his OWIl
account, was born in Cyme, though he quitted it to
reside at Ascra in Boeotia:
"O; rors x2) r?' Affs, Toxy 313 ºrávrov &vögaz;
Kūpany Aioxida Tpoxiway, #y vºi usXavy.
Op. ET DI. 634.
Ephorus, one of the most distinguished historians of
Greece, but whose works are unfortunately lost to
us, was another illustrious native of Cyme. That
city, however, notwithstanding the celebrity it de-
rived from the birth of such talented individual”
was by no means generally famed for the genius
and wit of its citizens. On the contrary, they were
proverbially taxed with stupidity and slowness *
apprehension. (Strab. XIII. p. 622. Suid. "Oyo; “
Kvpatovº. Plut. Wit. Caes. §. 61.) Herodotus relate*,
to the honour of the Cymaeans, that when Paety”
the Lydian had taken refuge in their city, to escap"
from the vengeance of the Persians, they would "
surrender him up to the officer sent by Cyrus
demand him, but allowed him to escape to Mityleſ”
(I. 157 seq.) We learn from the same authority, that
under the reign of Darius, the Cymaeans, like mos
of the Greek cities tributary to Persia, were gº
AEO LIS. 149
Verned by a chief or tyrant possessed of absolute
Power. When the revolution excited by Aristagoras
"f Miletus broke out, the Cymaeans, satisfied with
ºbtaining their independence, deposed their prince
Without committing any act of violence against him.
V. 138. V. 38.) They were, however, quickly re-
"ced to subjection by the Persian forces commanded
by Artaphernes, satrap of Lydia. (V. 123.) The
*mnant of Xerxes' fleet wintered in the harbour of
Cyme, after the disastrous engagement off Salamis.
(VIII. 130.) Successively held by the Persians, the
ings of Syria, and of Pergamum, it was finally an-
"exed to the latter empire by the Romans, at the
*ame time that it was declared free from all taxes.
Corn. Nep. Alcib. c. 7. Polyb. V. 77, 4, XXII. 27,
* XXXIII. 11, 8. Liv. XXXVII. 11. xxxviii.
99.) In the reign of Tiberius, Cyme suffered, in
"9mmon with other cities of Asia, from the terrible
*rthquake which desolated that province. (Tacit.
*nn. II. 47. It still subsisted in the time of Pliny.
V. 32.) And ecclesiastical writings, much poste-
*ior to that author, attest its existence as the see of
* bishop under the Byzantine emperors". Cyme,
*cording to the Itineraries, was nine miles from
yrina, but Strabo reckons only forty stadia. (XIII.
P. 622.) Modern writers on comparative geogra-
phy have generally placed its ruins near the Turk-
ish village of Sanderli. “At the edge of the gulf
“of Sanderly, on the right, are seen towers of a
"wall or castle,” says Dallaway, “nearly upon the
"site of the ancient Cyme. In a large vineyard
"we were shewn many marble columns of the Ionic
c Geogr. Sacr. Car. S. Paul. p. 238.
L 3
150 AEO LIS.
Xanthus fl.
Sardene
IIlt).I] S.
Adas.
Larissa
Phriconis.
“ order ".” Near the town was a small stream Ol'
fountain called Xanthus *. The Hermus flowed tº
little to the south-east of Cyme, and a mountain
which rose between that river and the city bore the
name of Sardene, as we learn from the writer of
Homer's Life, who quotes these lines as from tha'
poet :
Aièeirós #sway texpºwévov #8; 8%uolo
di Tóxiv airsväv Kówny 'Epiórða zoápºv
vaſsrs, Fapºv's 7683 vsizroy jºixápoto'
&pépégiow Tivovre; tºwg (slow rotopoio
"Eepov Čivñeyros, by 35&varo; réxero Zsó;.
Adae, a place pointed out by Strabo, (XIII. p. 622)
on the authority of Artemidorus, between Cyme and
cape Hydra, at the distance of forty stadia from the
latter, is unknown to other writers. Larissa, Sul’
named Phriconis, as well as Cyme, and for the same
cause, had been, as its name sufficiently attests, *
Pelasgic settlement, before the arrival of the AEolian
colony in this part of Asia; and Strabo conceives,
with reason, that it is the city to which Homer
alludes when he says,
'ITT6000; 3’ &ys pºx2 IIexagºyāv #yxsaipºpov,
Töv di A&pira’ay pić4x2x2 vaisrāzarov. Il. B. 840.
When the Æolians had occupied the country, they
transferred the Pelasgi to their new city of Cyme:
Larissa, however, was not abandoned, since Hero-
dotus reckons it among the twelve cities of Æolis.
(I. 149. Strab. XIII. p. 621.) The author of Homer's
Life states, that the poet, in going from the Hermus
d Constantinople, p. 290. 102. fol.
Mannert, tom.VI. p.390. D'An- e As appears from the coin”
ville assigns to it the site of of Cyme, which are numerous.
Nemourt, but this is more pro- Sestini, p. 78.
bably Myrina. Geogr. Anc. p.
AEOIL IS. 151
to Cyme, passed by Neontichos and Larissa. (§. 11,
13.) In the Hellenics, Xenophon, to distinguish
this city from others of the same name, styles it the
§yptian Larissa, because the elder Cyrus had esta-
blished there a colony of Egyptian soldiers. (Hell.
III. I, 5. Cyrop. VII. I, 21.) Larissa appears from
"he same historian to have been a place of great
strength, as it was besieged in vain by Thimbron.
(Hell. loc. cit.) Strabo remarks, that it was deserted
'll his time. (XIII. loc. cit. Cf. Plin. V. 32. Steph.
yz. v. Aóptago. ".)
Neontichos, founded by the AEolians as a tempo-Neonti.
*ary fortress, on their first arrival in the country chos.
from Locris, was, according to Strabo, thirty stadia
from Larissa. Pliny leads us to suppose it was not
°n the coast, but somewhat removed from it; and
We collect from a passage in the Life of Homer,
already quoted with reference to Larissa, that it
Was situated between that town and the Hermus.
erodotus names Neontichos among the leading
cities of AEolis. (I. 149.) In Homer's Life it is
stated, contrary to Strabo's authority, that Neon-
tichos was founded eight years later than Cyme.
(§. 9. Cf. Steph. Byz. v. Néoy Teixos.) The ruins of
this town should be sought for on the right bank of
the Hermus, and above Giusel-hissar, on the road
from Smyrna to Bergamah.
Temnus, another Æolian town frequently men-Temnus.
tioned by Greek writers, was situated apparently on
the opposite bank of the river, in a commanding
situation overlooking the plains of Cyme, Phocaea,
* Sestini assigns doubtingly brass medals, with the legend
to the AEolian Larissa some AA and AAPI. p. 78.
I, 4
152 AB, O LIS.
and Smyrna. (Strab. XIII. p. 622.) I say appa-
rently, because there is a passage in Pausanias
which would lead us to suppose it stood on the
northern side of the Hermus, opposed to mount
Sipylus. (Eliac. I. 13.) If, however, the Table Iti-
nerary is correct in estimating the distance between
Cyme and Temnus at thirty-three miles, there could
be no doubt as to the southern situation of the latter
town with reference to the Hermus; but this num-
ber of miles exceeds even the real distance from
Cyme to Smyrna, which, by the best maps, does
not appear to equal thirty. Most antiquaries are
inclined to place Temnus at Menimen, a large vil-
lage to the north of Smyrna. Chandler states, that
“it is situated on a rising ground by the Hermus,
“ and appears as a considerable place, with old cas-
“tles 8.” It seems, from the account of the same
traveller, that “the river has, during the lapse of
“ages, undergone great changes in its course. The
“mouth especially has been continually shifting and
“changing place, in consequence of the encroach-
“ments made on the sea.” Pliny states that Tem-
nus, which was once situated at the mouth of the
Hermus, no longer existed in his day. (V. 31.)
Xenophon speaks of it as a small town. (Hell. IV.
8, 5. Cf. Herod. I. 149.) Polybius states that the
town of Temnus, after being subject to Achaeus,
surrendered to Attalus, when that prince invaded
ADolis. (V. 77, 4.) The same historian informs us,
that near the city there was a temple sacred to
Apollo Cynius, which was plundered and burnt by
Prusias, king of Bithynia. (XXII. 25, 12. Cf. Cic.
g Asia Minor, p. 93.
AEO LIS. 153
Pro Flac. §. 18, 20, 21. Tacit. Ann. II. 47. Steph.
Byz. v. Tºpºvos".)
Ægae was situated on the same range of hills as Ege.
Temmus, (Strab. loc. cit.) but more inland. (Scyl.
Peripl. p. 38. Plin. V. 32.) Herodotus calls it Al-
7%ial, and the inhabitants Alyateis. (I. 149. V. 67.)
Xenophon, Aiyeſ; i. (Hell. IV. 8, 5. Polyb. V. 77, 4.
*acit. Ann. II. 47.) In Ptolemy, the name of this
town is corruptly written Ægara. The Ecclesias-
"cal Notices enumerate it among the bishoprics of
* Hellespontine province. (Hierocl. Syn. p. 660 K.)
4'giroessa, one of the twelve ADolian cities, as Egroessa.
erodotus reports, does not occur in any other his-
torian or geographer; but it is not unlikely that
the name was subsequently changed; and, in the
"bsence of better information, we may conjecture
that the Attalia Agroira, which Stephanus assigns Attalia
to Lydia, (v. 'Arráxeia,) but Pliny to Æolis, (V. ge)^*
* no other than the town alluded to by the father
of history.
Posidea, mentioned by Pliny together with Atta-Posidea.
"a, has escaped the observation of other geogra-
phers.
Another Æolian town of uncertain position is
Parparon, called by some also Perine, where it is Parbaron
*ported that Thucydides ended his days. (Steph.”
yz. v. IIaprápov.) The same geographer ascribes
* Eolis a river and island named Potamosacon. Potamoa.
(v. IIotapiocăkov.) Pliny assigns to the “jurisdictio COIl.
{ % Pergamena,” the Bregmenteni, Hieracometae, Per-
* The legend on the coins of ledge both forms, and also that
°mnos is thMNOs and THM- of Aiyateis, which indeed is more
EITON. Sestini, p. 78. frequent. Sestini, p. 77.
'The coins of Æge acknow- k Geogr. Sacr. Car. S. Paul.
T
154 AEO LIS.
I lesbos
insula.
pereni, Tiareni, Hierolophienses, Attalenses, Panta-
enses, and others.
Having terminated the periplus of the AEolian
coast, we will conclude this section with some ac-
count of Lesbos, which, both from its position and
historical associations, naturally finds a place here
as one of the most celebrated and flourishing esta-
blishments formed by the AEolians.
According to Strabo, the circuit of the island was
1100 stadia, (XIII. p. 616.) in which number he
agrees with Agathemerus. (p. 17.) But Pliny
reckons 195, and Isidorus 168 miles ; both of
which computations considerably exceed the num-
ber given by Strabo. It is probable that the latter
geographer measured his distances only from cape
to cape, and neglected the windings of the coast.
The same writer reckons 560 stadia from the pro-
montory of Sigrium to that of Malea, the two ex-
treme points of the island from north to south; this
is therefore to be considered as its greatest length
its breadth was most considerable between cape Si-
grium and the headland opposite to the little island
of Leuce, and not far from the town of Methymna,
distant, according to Strabo, 210 stadia from cape
Sigrium. The narrowest part of the island lay be-
tween Pyrrha and Ægireus, the former being situ-
ated in a bay deeply indenting the western coast.
(Strab. loc. cit.)
The earliest inhabitants of this large and fertile
isle appear to have been of Pelasgic origin, as may
be collected from the account of Strabo, and the ap-
pellation of Pelasgia given to it by Diodorus (V. 80.)
and Pliny. (V. 39. Cf. Steph. Byz. v. Méracy.) It is
said to have derived from Lesbus, a grandson of
AE O L I S. 155
*olus, (Diod. Sic, loc. cit.) the name by which it
is best known in history, and which, according to
Homer, was attached to it in the time of which his
Poem treats:
Aóra & irrà yuvaixas &pºuovaš, Boy' sièvías,
Asa'8:82; &;, &re Aša Čov #üxtuávny Asy cºróg,
'Eğs?duny, di x&xxel vixwy pixa yuvaixòy.
IL. I. 128.
Kai ore, yépov, to Tply pºv &xoſſopsy 833iov sival,
"Oooow Aéago; &va, Máxago; #30;, Évrò; #pys, .
Kai Pouyſ, zo.66wsp?s, xzi 'Exxº~rovros & reſpaw.
IL. (2.543.
Though the poet does not name any of the Lesbian
“ities, it is clear from the epithet of Škrip.éºn that
they were numerous and flourishing; the last quota-
tion is also calculated to give a very favourable idea
ºf the fertility and commerce of the island in this
Sarly age. The first Greek colony, according to
Strabo, was led into the island by Gras, son of Ar-
chelaus, and great grandson of Orestes, who had
already formed settlements in Mysia and Troas.
(XIII. p. 582. Cf. Pausan. III. 2. Hom. Vit. §. 38.)
So prosperous was the condition of the Lesbians,
that Strabo does not scruple to consider them as the
head of the Eolian states. (XIII. p. 616.) This
Was especially the case after the cities of the con-
ºnent had been subjugated by Croesus and the
Persians. For though they sustained a severe de-
feat by sea from the Samians under Polycrates,
(Herod. III. 39.) they continued to hold a distin-
guished place among the maritime powers of Greece.
aving taken an active part in the revolt of Arista-
§oras, (Herod. VI. 5, 8.) they became exposed to
the vengeance of Darius, who sent a fleet against
156 AE O LIS.
their island, after the defeat of Lade, and reduced
all the male population to slavery. (VI. 31.) Deli-
vered from the Persian yoke by the victories of
Salamis and Mycale, the Lesbians readily joined the
combined fleets, and contributed with zeal to the
exigencies of the war. Athens having at this time
acquired a marked ascendency over the confederate
states, the Lesbians found themselves no longer in
the same situation ; for though the Athenians af-
fected to treat them with deference as allies, it was
apparent that they were in reality only dependents
and subjects. (Thuc. III. 10.) Galled by the yoke,
which began to press heavily upon them, and urged
by the Boeotians, who were of kindred AEolian ori-
gin, the whole island, with the exception of Me-
thymna, seized the opportunity offered by the Pelo-
ponnesian war for joining the Spartan alliance, and
revolting from Athens. Unhappily for the Les-
bians, the energy and promptitude of that power
were met only by dilatoriness and indecision on the
part of the Lacedaemonians, and the revolt was soon
crushed by the capture of Mitylene, the capital of
the island, and the chief seat of the rebellion. (Thuc.
III. 50.) The Lesbians made another attempt to
emancipate themselves from Athenian subjection
after the disasters experienced by that people in Si-
cily; (VIII. 5.) but it was not till the siege and
downfall of Athens ensued, that they succeeded in
obtaining that freedom which they had so long
wished for. So much of the history of this cele-
brated island is comprised in that of Mitylene, that
it will be better to proceed at once to give some ac-
count of that city, and to commence from thence
our circuit of the Lesbian coast.
AEO LIS. 157
Mitylene, or Mytilene, for the name is written Miylene.
both ways, is said to have been so called from Mi-
tylene, daughter of Macareus. (Steph. Byz. v. My-
rºwn. Diod. Sic. V. 80.) Whoever was its founder,
We can have no doubt, from the superior advantage
of its maritime situation, that it was occupied in
Preference to any other locality by the AEolian co-
lonists, since it possessed two harbours; one, turned
towards the south, capable of being closed, and fit
for the reception of triremes, with docks for fifty
ships; the other, still more extensive and deep, and
defended by a mole. A small island, on which part
of the town was built, added still further to the se-
curity of the harbour off which it lay. (Strab. XIII.
p. 617. Pausan. VIII. 30.) Besides these natural
advantages, Mitylene was greatly adorned and beau-
tified by art; so that it not only became the seat of
commerce, but presented attractions which few other
Spots could equal. It could boast of having given
birth to Sappho and Alcaeus, and to the historians
Myrsilus and Hellanicus. Pittacus, one of the seven
sages of Greece, long presided over her counsels, and
directed her affairs; and though he was invested
With unlimited power, he only used it to put down
faction, and to favour the ends of benevolence and
justice. (Strab. XIII. p. 617. Plut. tom. IX. p. 265,
405. Diog. Laert. I. 75.) During his administra-
tion, Mitylene became engaged in a contest with
the Athenians, then governed by Pisistratus, for the
possession of Sigeum, on the coast of Troas. The
War was put an end to by the mediation of Perian-
der of Corinth. (Herod. V. 94.) Mitylene was at
that time the most flourishing of the AEolian states;
it enjoyed a profitable trade with Egypt, (Herod.
158 AE O L L S.
II. 178.) and possessed several dependencies on the
Asiatic coast. (Strab. XIII. p. 317.) In the reign
of Darius, the Mitylenians were for a time subject
to the authority of Coes, one of their citizens, who
had obtained the sovereignty from the Persian
monarch, in reward for an important service he had
rendered that prince during the Scythian expedition,
(V. 11.) but on the breaking out of the Ionian re-
volt they deposed Coes, and put him to death.
(V. 38.)
In the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, we
find the Mitylenians taking the lead in the forma-
tion of a plan for revolting from Athens, and send-
ing deputies to the Peloponnesian assembly to de-
mand immediate assistance. Had the Spartans dis-
played the same zeal and activity in supporting
their new allies, which the latter did in resisting
the Athenians, Lesbos must have been delivered,
and all the dependencies of Athens probably wrested
from her grasp. But on the first news of the revolt,
a considerable squadron, under the command of Pa-
ches, was despatched to Lesbos, and the Mitylenians,
after an unsuccessful action, were blockaded in their
harbour; and the town was soon besieged by sea
and land. The citizens, however, resolutely defend-
ed themselves, and had they been adequately sup-
ported, would ultimately have triumphed over the
enemy. But the injudicious advice of Salaethus, the
Spartan emissary, who recommended that arms
should be given to the populace, proved fatal to
their cause, since the people once armed, prevailed
over the civic body, and opened the town to the
Athenians. The folly of the Mitylenians in this
respect is only surpassed by the cruelty of their
AEO LIS. 159
°nemies; and we shudder on reading Thucydides,
to think how nearly a whole population had been
SWept away, to satisfy the vengeance of a mob, in-
flamed by the arts of a worthless demagogue. (Thuc.
III. 2–50.) After this unsuccessful attempt to cast
off their chains, the Mitylenians remained in passive
subjection, till the losses experienced by Athens in
Sicily once more induced them to revolt. The at-
tempt was however feeble and premature, and was
Soon put down. (VIII. 22, 23.) Towards the close
"f the Peloponnesian war, we see Conon, the Athe-
nian general, defeated off Mitylene by the Spartan
Callicratidas, and blockaded in the harbour. He
Was soon however delivered, by the total defeat of
the Peloponnesian fleet off the islands of Arginusae.
(Xen. Hell. I. 6, 10. et seq.) After these events, a
long interval elapses before our attention is drawn
to the affairs of Mitylene by any remarkable occur-
"ence. The citizens of that town having favoured
the cause of Mithridates against the Romans, were
severely punished, first, by Lucullus, who slew fl.
§reat number of them in an engagement, (Plut.
Lucull.) and again, by M. Thermus, who besieged
their city, and having taken it by assault, gave it
"p to be plundered and destroyed. (Liv. Epist.
LXXXIX. 36.)
The friendship which Pompey felt for the histo-
rian Theophanes, a native of Mitylene, proved after-
Wards highly beneficial to his country; since by his
ºnfluence it was not only raised from ruin, and re-
Stored to liberty, but rendered more prosperous and
"ourishing than before. The son of Theophanes,
*amed Marcus Pompeius after his father's patron,
*ucceeded also in conciliating the favour of Augus-
ºus and Tiberius for his countrymen. During their
160 AEO L I S.
reigns, Mitylene held a distinguished rank among
the first cities of the empire. (Strab. XIII. p. 617.
Plut. Pomp. Vell. Paterc. II. 18.)
Laudabunt alii claram Rhodon, aut Mitylenen.
Hoſt. OD. I. 7.
Pliny styles it “libera Mitylene, annis MD potens."
(V. 39'.) The history of this city may be further
illustrated by a reference to Polyb. XI. 5, I. Cic.
Ep. ad Fam. IV. 7. Senec. ad Helv. c. 9. Athe-
naeus praises its shell-fish and wine, (III. 86. E.
92. D. I. 30. B.) Metelin, as it is now called, is
still a considerable place, and gives its name to the
whole island".
Methym- Next in importance to Mitylene was Methymna,
Ilºl, an AEolian colony, (Herod. I. 151. Scyl. p. 36.)
situated near the northernmost point of the island,
and distant sixty stadia from the coast of Troas,
lying between Polymedium and Assus. (Strab. XIII.
p. 616.) It was the birthplace of Arion, the cele-
brated musician, whose adventure with the dolphin
is related by Herodotus, (I. 23.) Strab. (loc. cit.) and
of the historian Myrsilus, (Steph. Byz. v. M%upºva.)
The territory of this town was contiguous to that of
Mitylene, a circumstance which appears to have
created a considerable degree of rivalry between
them, and probably induced the Methymnaeans to
adhere to the Athenians, while their neighbours
were bent on detaching themselves from that power.
(Thuc. III. 2, 18.) As a reward for their fidelity,
| The imperial coins of Mi- tini, p. 79.
tylene exhibit an uninterrupted " For an account of its pre-
series, from Augustus to Vale- sent state, see Tournefort, p.
rian. The epigraph is invaria- 149. and Le Bruyn, Voyage au
bly, I believe, MTTIAHNAION, Levant. *
and not MITTAHNAIQN. Ses-
AEO LIS. I61
the Methymnaeans were exempted from contribu-
tions in money, (VI. 85. VII. 57.) Towards the
close of the Peloponnesian war, Methymna fell into
"he power of the Spartan commander, Callicratidas,
who, though urged to treat the citizens with seve-
rity, and to sell them as slaves, refused to comply
With the advice, declaring, that as long as he was
admiral, no Greek, as far as lay in his power, should
be enslaved. (Xen. Hell. I. 6, 8.) Theopompus, who
* quoted by Athenaeus, (X.442. F.) speaks of a
‘yrant of Methymna, named Cleomenes, who was
*t some pains to reform the licentious manners of
lis subjects. The wine of Methymna was held in
8"eat estimation;
Gargara quot segetes, quot habet Methymna racemos.
OvID. ART. AM. I. 57.
hence Bacchus was frequently called the god of
Methyma, (Athen. VIII. 363. B. Cf. Pausan. X.
°) Further mention of this city is made in Polybius,
XXXIII. 11.) Livy, (XLV. 31.) Diod. Sic. (XIII.
6.) Pliny, (V. 39.") The remains of Methymna are
e seen near the village of Molivo, at the northern
ºtremity of the island, where Ptolemy has placed
" To the south of this place is a range of hills,
Called Leptimo, which probably answers to the
*s Lepetymnus of Pliny and others. (Antig. Iepetºn-
*yst. c. 17.) The same geographer names along.""
With it Ordymnus, Macistus, Creon, and Olympus,
ſ 89.) Mount Ordymnus is called Ordynus by
*ophrastus. (H. PI. III. 18.) AEgireus Was a Fgireus.
Small place belonging to Methymna, and situated,
"In the autonomous and fm- ON and MEOTMNAION ; in the
º Coins of Methymna, the more recent ones, only MH-
*ription is both MAOTMNAI- OTMNA10N. Sestini, p. 79.
VOL. I. M
162 AEO LIS.
as Strabo reports, on the eastern coast of Lesbos,
where that island is only twenty stadia broad.
(XIII. p. 616.)
Cape Sigrium forms the extreme point of the
island to the north west. (Strab. loc. cit.) It retains
the name of Sigri. Near this headland was situated
the ancient town of Antissa, (Herod. I. 151. Scyl.
p. 36.) the birthplace of Terpander, the celebrated
musician and poet, who is said to have first used
the lyre with seven strings". (Clem. Alex. Strom. I.
p. 308. Strab. loc. cit. Steph. Byz. v. "Avraga.)
This place joined the Mitylenians in their revolt
against Athens, and was in consequence attacked
by the Methymnaeans; but they were repulsed with
loss by the inhabitants. (Thuc. III. 18.) On the
reduction, however, of Mitylene, Antissa submitted
to the Athenian forces. (III. 28.) Some centuries
later, this town having sided with Antiochus agains'
the Romans, was destroyed by the latter, and the
lands were given up to Methymna. (Liv. XLV. 31.
Plin. V. 39.) The ruins of this town were observed
by Pococke, a little to the north of Cape Sigri, 0”
the site called Calas Limmeomas P.
Eressus was situated on a hill, at a distance of
twenty-eight stadia from C. Sigrium. It derive”
celebrity from having given birth to Theophrastus.
The real name of this distinguished naturalist an
philosopher was Tyrtamus; that of Theophrast”
having been bestowed upon him by his master, Ar”
stotle, on account of his superior eloquence. Phania”
another disciple of the great Stagirite, was likewis”
Sigrium
prom.
Antissa.
Eressus.
o The head of a musician en- p. 79. ſ
graved on the coins of Antissa P Travels in the East, tom’ “
is that of Terpander, and not b. 3. c. 4.
of Orpheus, as Sestini supposes,
AEO LIS. I63
* native of Eressus. (Strab. loc. cit. Steph. Byz. v.
'Bºo...) Eressus revolted from Athens, together
With Mitylene, but was reduced by Paches. (Thuc.
III. 18. 35. It again revolted towards the end of
the war, when it was besieged by an Athenian force,
*nder Thrasybulus, but he was called away from
thence, by the sailing of the Peloponnesian fleet into
the Hellespont. (Thuc. VIII. 100. Diod. Sic. XIV.
94.) According to Archestratus, quoted by Athe-
*us, Eressus was famous for the excellence of its
Wheaten flour.
six&prov xpiffs zoºapā; #axºpévo. Távra.
êv Aéréºn, ºxeiv; 'Epérov replkówov, p.20 rº
Xevićrig' aiłspla; xiāvos. 3sol sitsg #80waiv
&xpir' #xsiósy iów'Egui, 23roi; &yopáše.
"histown is mentioned by Herodotus, (I. 151.) Scy-
* (p.86) Pliny, (V.89.) P. Mela, (I.18) and Ptole-
*y. The site yet preserves the name of Eresso".
* Pyrrha was situated in a deep bay, with a narrow Pyrrha.
"let, called from thence the Euripus of Pyrrha,
(Aristot, ap. Athen. III. 88. C. Strab. XIII. p. 617.)
*d which answers to the Port Calomi. It sided
With Mitylene in the Lesbian revolt, but was recon-
‘Mered by Paches. (Thuc. III. 18, 25, 35. Cf. Scyl.
P:36. Steph. Byz. v. IIáña.) Strabo reports, that in
* time the town no longer existed, but the suburbs
"d port were still inhabited; the latter was eighty
*adia from Mitylene. (XIII. p. 618.) Pliny states
at the town was destroyed by the sea. (V. 39.)
§amede, a place situated near Pyrrha, had like-Agamede.
Wise disappeared in that writer's day. (Cf. Steph.
4 q Pococke, Travels in the coins the name of this town is
*tom.I. b. 3. c. 4. Mannert, always written with one S. EPE-
°gr. tom. vi. p. 444. On its SION. Sestini, p. 79.
MI 2
164: Ai. OIL IS.
Hiera. Byz. v. 'Ayopº".) Hiera, though no longer existing
when Pliny wrote, seems to have left its name to
the gulf of Jero, called also Olivieri by the Franks'.
(Plin. V. 39.) Our periplus of Lesbos closes with
A. Prº- Cape Malea, the extreme point of the island to the
rium. south east, and nearly opposite to the promontory of
Cane, in AEolis. Strabo states that it was seventy
stadia from Mitylene, and 100 from Pyrrha. (XIII.
Mealo p. 617.) Mention is made of Malea in Thucydides,
(III. 4.) where he seems to place it to the north of
Mitylene; if there is no error in the text, this mus'
apply to a place or station near the last mentioned
town, where perhaps the temple of Apollo Maloeiº
held in great veneration by the inhabitants, wº
situated. (Thuc. III. 3.) The cape also, it shoul"
be observed, would have been a bad station for the
Athenian fleet and camp, nor could they have bee"
joined there easily by the Methymnaean forces
(Thuc. III. 4.) Xenophon distinctly mentions Capº
Malea as the station occupied by the fleet of Calli-
cratidas, before the sea-fight off Arginusae : but
when he adds, that it is &vtſov rºj; Mvrixávnº, he
means probably over against, and in a line wit"
Mitylene. (Hell. I. 6, 19.) Its modern name is
Cape Maria.
To complete our momenclature of the Lesbia”
Arisba, cities, we may add the names of Arisba, destroyed
as Pliny reports, by an earthquake. (V. 39.) Her”.
dotus states, that it was conquered by the people."
Methymna. (I. 151. Cf. Steph. Byz. v. 'Apiaſ”
Geren. Strab. XIII. p. 590.) Geren, a town or village *
called from Geren, the son of Neptune. (Steph. By”.
Issa. v. Tépy.) Issa, named also Himera. (Id. v. "Ia"
" Pococke, tom. I. b. 3. c. 4.
AEO LIS. 165
Metaum, founded by Metas, a Tyrrhenian chief. Metaum.
(Id. v. Méroov.) Nape, a spot situated in the plain
$9untry near Methymna. (Strab. IX. p. 426. Steph.
byz. v. Nátn.) Xanthus, a town of Lesbos. (Id. v.
Sávºc.) Penthile. (Id. v. IIeyºſan.) Polium, a spot
With a chapel (ºpćow) sacred to Tantalus. (Id. v. IIſ.
*) There was also a mountain of the same name
With that hero. (Id. v. Távraxos.) Brisa, a promon-Brisa.
*y where was a temple of Bacchus. (Id. v. Bpſa.a.
Androt. ap. Etym. M.) Hyperdexion, a spot where
“ood the shrines of J upiter Hyperdexius and Mi-ºº:
*tva Hyperdexia. (Id. v. Tripºğlow.)
Between Lesbos and the continent of Asia are
*Veral islets noticed by ancient geographers. Strabo
*eckons twenty, and observes that the name of Heca- lºton-
"onnesi was applied to the group, from Hecatus, or
*pollo, the deity most revered throughout the ad-
Joining country. (XIII. p. 618.) Herodotus, how-
"er, writes the name ‘Exary N#aal, (I. 151.) as if it
"as formed from the numerical adjective; and this
"rivation is more simple and probable than that of
Strabo. (Cf. Steph. Byz. v. ‘Ekarównaoi.) The mo-
*n appellation of these islets is Musco-nisis. The
*gest of these contained a city of Æolian origin,
*cording to Herodotus, who does not however men-
tion it by name. (I. 151.) But from other writers
* learn that it was called Pordoselene, or Porose- º:
*; the latter form being adopted, as Strabo con- º
ends, by those who wished to avoid the indelicate
"lusion presented by the former'. Scylax writes
°rdoselene, (Peripl. p. 36.) as well as Steph. Byz.
and Hesychius. Pliny, who erroneously places it
y
Nºte to the French Strabo. top?”, “crepitus ventris,” tom.
This being formed from III. p. 277.
M 3
166 AEO LIS.
Sandaleon
insula.
Ileucae in-
sulae.
Cydonea
insula.
Arginusae.
near Ephesus, (V. 38.) and Ptolemy, (p. 136.) Poro-
selene ". This town is known to us as a bishop's
see in the seventh century. (Hierocl. p. 686.) Pliny
names besides the following islets, Sandaleon, Leucº,
a group of five; Cydonea, one of them, was remark’
able for a hot source. (V. 39.)
The Arginusae, so celebrated in Grecian history
for the naval victory gained by the ten Athenian
generals over the Spartan fleet, but so barbarously
and ungratefully turned against them by their own
countrymen, are three small islands, situated close to
the promontory of Cane, and about 120 stadia from
Mitylene. Thucydides leads us to infer there was "
spot of the same name on the neighbouring coast of
AEolis. (VIII. IOI. Diod. Sic. XIII. 98. Cf. Xen.
Hell. I. 6, 19. seq. Plin. V. 39. Harpocr. v. 'Apywº
a'at.)
u The coins of this town in- latter form, IIoPoxEAHNE!"
variably, I believe, exhibit the TON. Sestini, p. 75.
SECTION III.
B IT H Y NIA.
9igin and history of the Bithynians—Boundaries of the pro-
Vince under the Roman empire—Description of the coast on
the Propontis—Interior of the country around mount Olympus
and the lake Ascanius—Nicaea and Nicomedia, with the ad-
joining bays—Chalcedon and the Thracian Bosphorus—The
Euxine—Coast of that sea as far as the Sangarius—The Ma-
riandyni and Caucones—Interior of eastern Bithynia.
THE early revolutions which Asia Minor seems to
have experienced in regard to its population, both
before the Trojan war and immediately after that
Period, render it, as Strabo justly observes, a matter
of no small intricacy to assign to contiguous nations
their distinctive limits and proper territories. The
Greek geographer has felt this to be peculiarly the
“ase with the province of Bithynia, which appears
to have been successively occupied, with varying
boundaries, by the Phrygians, Mysians, and Bithy-
nians. The latter people, as their name sufficiently
*ttests, became the permanent possessors of the coun-
try; but this event cannot be considered as prior to
the siege of Troy, since Homer nowhere mentions
the Bithynians, but invariably designates the people
of that country by the name of Mysians and Phry-
gians. (II. B. 862. N. 792. Strab. XII. p. 565.)
Strabo has also proved that the Mysians not only
M 4
168 BIT H Y NIA.
occupied the shores of the lake Ascanius and the
plains of Nicaea, but that they extended as far as
Chalcedon and the Thracian Bosphorus. (XII. p.
566.) Though we cannot precisely fix the period
at which the Bithyni settled in the fertile district
to which they communicated their name, we can
have no doubt as to the country from whence they
came, since the testimony of antiquity is unanimous
in ascribing to them a Thracian origin. Herodotus
in particular asserts, that according to their own
traditions they came from the banks of the Strymon,
and having been driven from their country by the
Teucri and Mysi, crossed over into Asia. (VII. 75.)
Thucydides also and Xenophon expressly term them
Bithynian Thracians. (Thuc. IV. 75. Xen. Hell. I.
3, 2. III. 2, 2.) The latter writer traversed their
country on his return into Greece with the ten
thousand, and had ample opportunities of knowing,
both from their customs and language, that they
were of the same great family with the Thracians
of Europe. (Anab. VI. 4, 1.) Some geographers
have noticed a distinction to be observed in regard
to this people, namely, that the appellation of Bi-
thyni was properly applicable to the inland popula-
tion, while that of the coast took the name of
Thyni. (Apoll. Rhod. II. 462. Eustath. ad Dio-
nys. Perieg. 793. Plin. V. 32.) But historically
speaking, it is of little value, and may therefore safely
be neglected. The Bithynians, as Herodotus in-
forms us, were first subjected by Croesus. (I. 28.)
On the dissolution of the Lydian empire they passed
under that of Persia, and their country became the
seat of a satrapy, sometimes known in history by
the title of Dascylium, sometimes of the Hellespont,
BITHY NIA. 169
but more commonly of Bithynia. The people lived
Principally in villages; the only considerable towns
eing situated on the coast, and inhabited by Greek
°olonists. This state of things lasted till the death
of Alexander, who had taken military possession of
the country after the defeat and expulsion of the
ersian troops from the peninsula.
On the decease of the king of Macedon we find
Botirus, the son of Dydalsus, a Thracian chief, seiz-
ing upon Astacus, a Greek town on the sea-coast, and
"fter defeating Calantus, the officer who commanded
the Macedonian forces in the country, establishing
ºn independent principality which he transmitted,
through his lineal descendants Bas and Xipoetes, to
Nicomedes, son of the latter, who after the death of
*ysimachus first assumed the title of king of Bithy-
ºia. (Memn. Exc. ap. Phot. p. 720, seq.) He gave
his name to the city of Astacus, which from hence-
forth was called N icomedia, and became the capital
ºf the new kingdom. (Pausan. V. 12.) Nicomedes
Was succeeded by his son Prusias, surnamed Zeilas",
(Polyb. XXXVII. 2, 1.) and he again by Prusias,
the Hunter, who was long engaged in war with At-
talus, Ring of Pergamum, and is well known in his-
tory for having abandoned Hannibal to his pursuers,
When that great man sought refuge at his court
from the animosity and vindictiveness of the Ro-
"ans. (Liv. XXXIX.46–51.) This sovereign had
**tended considerably the limits of the Bithynian
*mpire by the accession of some important towns
"onceded to him by his ally, Philip of Macedon,
(Strab. XII. p. 563. Liv. XXXII. 34) and several
“lvantages gained over the Byzantians and king
a See Schweighaeuser's note to this fragment.
170 IBIT H Y NIA.
Attalus; but the latter was finally able to overcome
his antagonist, by stirring up against him his own
son Nicomedes, who, after drawing the troops from
their allegiance to his father, caused him to be assas"
sinated. (Liv. Epit. L. Justin. XXXIV. 4.) Nico"
medes, after this unnatural crime, ascended the vacan'
throne, and reigned for several years. He was suc-
ceeded by his son Nicomedes Philopator, who found
himself engaged not long after his accession in 8
war with Mithridates; and though he was sup-
ported by the Roman forces, he was compelled,
after sustaining repeated defeats, to fly from his
dominions, and abandon them to his victorious
enemy. (Appian. Bell. Mithr. c. 7—20.) On his
death, which occurred soon after these events, he
bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman people, and
in pursuance of this arrangement, Bithynia, after
the overthrow of Mithridates, was annexed to the
empire. (Liv. Epit. XCIII. Plut. Caes. .. 3.) Like
other Asiatic sovereigns, the kings of Bithynia arº
said to have been sensual and effeminate. (Polyb
XXXVII. 2. Cic. Verr. V. 11.) The interior of
the country was mountainous and woody; (Xen.
Anab. VI. 5. Nicet. Chon. p. 128.) but near the sea
it was covered with rich and fertile plains, thickly
spread with towns and villages. The produce con-
sisted in grain of every sort ; wine, cheese, figs,
and various kinds of wood. (Xen. Anab. VI. 4, 4.
Strab. XII. p. 565. Plin. XI. 42.)
Bithynia, properly so called, is confined to the
west by the Rhyndacus, which separates it from
Mysia, and to the east by the river Sangarius; but
if we include within its limits, as most geographers
have done for the sake of convenience, the districts
BITHY NIA. 171
of the Caucones and Mariandymi, we shall remove
the boundary on that side to the river Parthenius,
Where Paphlagonia commences. On the north it is
bounded by the Propontis and the Euxine, and on
the south it is contiguous to the provinces of Phry-
gia and Galatia: the boundary on that side being
formed apparently by the chain of the Bithynian
Olympus, which runs nearly parallel with the
Euxine, and extends its ramifications beyond Paph-
lagonia as far as Pontus and the river Halys. The
Western portion of Bithynia has received from the
Turks the name of Khodavendkhiar; and that
situated on the Euxine and around the Bosphorus
they call Kodjaili.
Commencing our survey of the Bithynian coast
from the Rhyndacus, where that of Mysia termi-
nates, and travelling eastward, the first place which
We arrive at is Dascylium, which was once of suffi-Dascylium.
cient note to give its name to the Persian satrapy,
under which Mysia and Bithynia were compre-
hended. (Herod. III. 120, 126. VI. 33.) Alexan-
der sent Parmenio to occupy this town after the
battle of the Granicus. (Arrian. I. 17.) Strabo in-
forms us it gave its name to the Palus Dascylitis, Pºlitis
near which it stood; (XII. p. 575.) and Stephanus palus.
Byz. also acknowledges this lake; (v. Agakºlov,)
but Eustathius confounds it with the Aphnitis of
Strabo; (ad Il. B. 824.) and in this respect he seems
only to follow that geographer himself. (XII. p.
587.) Dionysius of Halicarnassus, on the other
hand, seems to suppose that the lake of Dascylium
is the same as the Palus Ascania; (Ant. Rom. I.)
but this is likewise an error; for modern researches
establish the existence of a large piece of water on
172 BIT H Y NIA,
the right bank of the Rhyndacus, and not far from
the mouth of that river, in a tract of country to
which the name of Diaskilo is still attached ".
P. Mela (I. 19.) and Pliny (V. 32.) write Dascylos.
A bishop of Dascylia in Bithynia is mentioned in
Ecclesiastical History. (Conc. Quin. p. 1194.) From
Xenophon we learn that Pharnabazus, the satrap
of Bithynia and the Hellespont, had his principal
seat and estate at Dascylium. He represents it as
situated in a rich and plentiful country, thickly
studded with large villages. The parks were beau-
tifully laid out, and abounded in animals for the
chase. A river well stocked with fish ran through
the grounds, and the woods supplied every sort of
feathered game. This fine estate was completely
ruined and devastated by the troops of Agesilaus,
during the war he carried on against Pharnabazus
in Asia. (Xen. Hell. IV. 1, 8, et seq.) The river
here mentioned by Xenophon is probably that stream
which flows from mount Olympus, near Broussa,
and, after forming the lake which took its name
from Dascylium, joins the Rhyndacus near its exit
into the Propontis. The Turks call this river Ou-
Jersoll, or Nilotſfer, and I imagine it answers to the
odyssesſ. Odrysses of Hecataeus cited by Strabo. (XII. p. 551.)
Speaking of the Halizones, or Alazones, a people
mentioned by Homer, this ancient writer, in his
Periegesis, stated, “that Alazia, their principal town,
“ was near the Odrysses, which flowed from the
“ west, from the lake Dascylitis, and after travers-
“ing the Mygdonian plain joined the Rhyndacus.
“Alazia is now deserted, but there are several small
“towns inhabited by the Alazones, whose country
b Note to the French Strabo, tom. IV. b. xii. p. 115.
BIT H Y NIA. 173
" is traversed by the Odrysses. Apollo is especially
“revered there, particularly in those parts which
“border on the territory of Cyzicus.” This de-
Scription, as may be seen from the map, agrees very
Well with the Niloufer, except in one circumstance,
which, it must be confessed, is a very material one.
That river, instead of flowing, as the Odrysses of
Hecataeus, from west to east, runs in the oppo-
*ite direction. The Macestus is the only river
Which would fulfil the condition of falling into the
Rhyndacus from the west, but it comes from the
lake of Miletopolis, not the Dascylitis. Again, it
"hay be observed, that Menecrates of Elaea placed
the Halizones in the mountains above the coast of
Myrlaea, which agrees very well with the topogra-
phy of Hecataeus and the course of the Nilouſer.
(Strab. loc. cit.) Pliny also favours our supposition
by the mention of a river Horisius, which he con-
nects with the Rhyndacus, and which can scarcely
be identified with any other stream than the Odrys-
Ses of Hecataeus, and the modern Niloufer. To
the east of Dascylium follows the Gebes, or Gelbes, geles, sive
ºn obscure river unknown to every geographer but Gelhes fl.
Pliny. (V. 32.) The same author places inland,
*nd on the banks of this river, the town of Helgas, Helgassive
. Booscoete
9. Booscoete, Boº; Koſrn, afterwards called Germani-poºr.
“opolis. Mannert is inclined to identify this placeſ."
With the Caesarea of Ptolemy (p. 118.) and Hiero-Casarea.
°les. (p. 693.) Dio Chrysostom also mentions a
Small town of that name very near Prusa. (Orat.
XLVII. p. 526.)
Myrlea, at some little distance from the coast, ac-Myrlea,
Cording to Pliny, was a colony of Colophon. (Cf.º.º.
Mel. I. 19.) It flourished as an independent city
174 BITHY NIA.
for several years, (Scyl. p. 35.) till it was taken and
destroyed by Philip, son of Demetrius, king of Ma-
cedon, who ceded the territory to Prusias, sovereign
of Bithynia, his ally. This prince rebuilt the town,
and called it Apamea, after his queen. (Strab. XII.
p. 563.) Stephanus Byz. is less correct in referring
this to Nicomedes. (v. Mſpxetc.) From the latter
geographer we collect, that the name of Myrleanus
Sinus was sometimes applied to the gulf on which
Myrlea stood, but which is more generally known by
that of Cianus. Apamea received a Roman colony
under the auspices of Julius Caesar, as appears from
the title of Colonia Julia Concordia Apamea on its
coins". It is mentioned as a flourishing town by
Pliny the younger. (Epist. X. 56.) Asclepiades of
Myrlea is a grammarian frequently cited by Athe-
naeus and the Scholiasts. The ruins of Apamea
have been observed by various travellers near the
site now called Modania, about six hours north of
Broussa d.
The deep bay whose southern shore we are now
following took the name of Cianus from the ancient
city of Cius, situated at the vertex of the angle made
by its two sides. (Scyl. Per. p. 35.) It had been
founded originally by a colony of Milesians, and
was advantageously placed at the mouth of the
river Ascanius, which discharged into the Propon-
tis the waters of the Ascanian lake; and being na-
vigable, rendered Cius the emporium of a large tract
of surrounding country, and many inland towns of
Myrleanus
Sinus.
Cianus Si-
Ill!.S.
Cius.
c Sestini, p. 66. Some ear- Pococke, tom. III. b. ii. c. 25.
lier coins exhibit the epigraph P. Lucas, Third Voyage, tom.
AIIAMEQN MTPAEAN Q.N. I. p. 128.
d Wheeler, tom. I. p. 209.
IBITIHY NIA. 175
Bithynia and Phrygia. (Plin. V. 32. Aristot, ap.
Schol. Apoll. Argon. I. 1177.) It was more parti-
*ularly the port of Nicaea, the chief town of the
9"mer province; and as late as towards the close
of the Byzantine empire, travellers coming from
urope by sea landed at Cius, and having crossed
*Ver land to the Ascanian lake, sailed to Nicaea.
(G. Pachym. p. 287.) Herodotus calls it a town of
Mysia. (V. 122.) Strabo informs us, that Philip,
$9n of Demetrius, having ruined Cius together with
yrlea, in conjunction with Prusias, gave them up
to that sovereign, who founded a new town on the
site of the former, which he called Prusias. (XII.i.a. ad
P. 563.) This town appears to have been termed
the maritime Prusias, to distinguish it from another
Bithynian town, named Prusias ad Hypium. (Mem-
*on ap. Phot. Cod. CCXXIV.") It is evident, how-
*Ver, that Cius either still subsisted as a separate
town from Prusias, or recovered its original appel-
lation, since it is mentioned under that name by
Several authors much posterior to the event alluded
to by Strabo. (P. M. I. 19. Plin. V. 32. Zosim. I.
*5. Hierocl. Synecd. Anna Comm. p. 172, C. Nicet.
Chon. p.283, C. and many others'.) The site on
Which it was built still retains the name of Kio.
The river Cius mentioned by Apollonius Rhodius Gius flu-
(I. 1178) is probably that which has been already"
ºnentioned as flowing from the Ascanian lake into
the bay of Cius, though it must be admitted that
* This distinction is further reigns of Claudius, Hadrian,
ºbservable in the coins of Pru- and Severus. Sestin. P. 67.
Slas; the inscription is IIPOT- There are, I believe, no impe-
9IEoN Ton ripocoa AAccAN. rial medals of Prusias on the
* There are also coins, with sea.
the epigraph KIANON, of the
176 BIT II Y NIA.
IIylas flu-
vius.
Argantho-
Ilius mons.
Posidium
promonto-
I'l Ulſſl,
Prusa ad
Olympum.
Pliny makes the Ascanius and Cius two different
streams. (V. 32.) The Hylas of the same geogra-
pher was supposed by mythological writers to be
the fountain where the youth of that name was
carried away by the Naiads. (Apoll. Arg. I. 1353.)
Strabo reports, that in his time the inhabitants of
Prusias celebrated a festival called Oribasia in com-
memoration of that event. (XII, p. 564.) The little
stream in question flowed probably from mount Ar-
ganthonius, which tradition has connected with the
story of Hylas:
Tºwo; &p' oſy &ºixovro Klawß0; }}=2 yain;
'Agº''Apyav%velov deo; Tpoxoá; Ta Kłowo.
Apoll. RH. I. 1177.
Strabo says it rose above Prusias. (loc. cit.) In the
Argonautics ascribed to Orpheus (v. 641.) it is called
Arganthus; in Steph. Byz. 'Apyav%vig. This moun-
tain terminates in a cape which forms the extreme
point of the northern shore of the Cianus Sinus.
Ptolemy names it Posidium promontorium ; the
modern appellation is Boxburun. Near Cius was a
place called Bryllium, and a small tract of country
to which it gave the name of Bryllis. (Steph. Byz.
v. BpúAAuov. Plin. V. 32.)
Before we quit the shores of the Propontis for
those of the Bosphorus, it will be proper to speak
of some few towns which are to be found in that
part of Bithynia which is situated between the coast
and the Mysian and Phrygian mountains. The most
important of these is Prusa ad Olympum, so called
from being placed at the foot of mount Olympus,
commonly termed the Mysian, to distinguish it from
the Thessalian chain. Pliny asserts, without nam-
ing his authority, that this town was founded by
BIT HY NIA, 177
Hannibal. (V. 32.) By which expression we are
probably to understand that it was built at the in-
stigation of this great general, when he resided at
the Court of Prusias, from whom the name of the
*ty seems evidently derived. But Strabo, following
* Still more remote tradition, affirms that it was
founded by Prusias who made war against Croesus.
(XII. p. 564.) In Stephanus, who copies Strabo,
the latter name is altered to Cyrus. (v. IIpoïao.)
But it is probable that both readings are faulty,
though it is not easy to see what substitution should
be made 8. Dio Chrysostom, who was a native of
rusa", did not favour the tradition which ascribed
to it so early an origin as that authorized by the
*ading in Strabo, since he says of it, (Orat. XLIII.
D. 585.) Eğ y&p fare 3rt o' geyſatº Tây Tàewy ar, otº
*row xpévoy oikovačwn. Stephanus Byz, remarks that
"usa was but a small town. Strabo, however, in-
forms us that it enjoyed a good government. (loc.
“t.) It continued to flourish under the Roman em-
Pire, as may be seen from Pliny the Younger; (Ep.
• 85.) but under the Greek emperors it suffered
ºuch from the wars carried on against the Turks.
Nicet. Chon. p. 186, D. p. 389, A.) It finally re-
"ained in the hands of the descendants of Osman,
Who made it the capital of their empire, under the
°rrupted name of Brusa or Broussa. It is still
*e of the most flourishing towns possessed by the
"fidels in Anatolia i.
t See the various emenda-
... proposed in a note to the
*nch Strabo, tom. IV. lib.
*i. p. 82.
im There are allton OII) OllS and
...in coins of Prusa. The
le of the people on these
VOI. I.
monuments is IIPOTCAEIX. Ses-
tini, p. 70.
i For a good account of
Broussa and its vicinity, see
Browne's Travels in Walpole's
Turkey, tom. II. p. 108.
N
178 IBITH Y NIA.
The warm baths of Prusa, which are still held in
great repute", were known to the ancients. Athe-
maeus says they were commonly called the royal wa-
ters. (II. p. 43, A. Steph. Byz. v. Gepp.4.) Mount
Olympus, which rose above Prusa, was one of the
highest summits of Asia Minor, being covered with
snow during great part of the year'. The lower
parts, and the plains at the foot, especially on the
western side, had from the earliest period been oc-
cupied by the Mysians, whence it was generally de-
nominated the Mysian Olympus. (Plin. V. 32.) Its
sides were covered with vast forests, which afforded
shelter to wild beasts, and not unfrequently to rob-
bers, who erected castles there, and other strong
holds. (Strab. XII. p. 574.) We read in Herodo-
tus, that in the time of Croesus an immense wild
boar, issuing from the woods of Olympus, laid waste
the Mysian lands, and became so formidable, that
the inhabitants were obliged to send a deputation
to the Lydian monarch, to request his aid for deli-
vering their country from the monster. (I. 36.) The
lower regions of this great mountain are still co-
vered with extensive forests, but the summit is
rocky, and destitute of vegetation". The Turks call
it Amadoli dagh. In the Byzantine historians men-
tion is made of several fortresses which defended
the passes of Olympus; such as Pytheca, (Nicet.
Chon. p. 35, B. Cinnam. p. 21.) Acrunum, and Car
logroea, (Cinnam, ibid. Melangia Cedren. p. 553.
Ann. Comm. p. 441.) More to the west, and near
the sources of the Rhyndacus, a village now called
Olympus
III OllS,
k Browne describes them m Sestini Viaggio da Cizic”
minutely, p. 109. a 13roussa.
! Ibid. p. 112.
BITHY NIA, 179
Edrenos naturally suggests the idea of its being on
the site of Hadriani, a Bithynian town of some IIadriani.
*9te, and the native place of Aristides the rheto-
*ician, who often alludes to it in his Orations. We
°ollect from his account that it was near a river,
Which is doubtless the Rhyndacus", and on the bor-
°rs of Mysia, two days’ journey from Cyzicus, 160
*adia from Paemanenum, and more than one day's
99trney from Hadrianotherae, on the road to Perga-
*um. (tom. I. p. 596.) Hadriani is known to the
*clesiastical writers as a bishopric in the Helles-
Pontine province. (Socrat. Eccl. Hist. VII. 25. Hie-
rocl. Synecd. p. 693.) Sestini observes that Edre-
* is a large and flourishing village, about eight
hours from Broussa, on the south side of mount
9|ympus °. Returning to Prusa, and advancing
*om thence to the north-east, we shall reach the
*nks of the Ascanian lake, already noticed under Ascanius
"he head of Cius. The country situated around this"
*panse of water is thought by Strabo to be the
Ascania of Homer, though that poet places it in Ascania
Phrygia : regio.
‘Pépzu; at Pećya; #ys, xxi 'Aakávio; 0sosºs,
Tºx' # "Aa Kaving. IL. B. 862.
II&Apov t', 'Aax&vićv re, Möpuy 6' wi' 'Irrorſwyog'.
Of #' # 'Aaxzvín; Épið4x2x0; }x}ow &pºol&oi,
IL. N. 792.
Subsequent writers, however, have assigned it to
.* as Euphorion, quoted by Strabo, (XII. p.
6.) -
"The emblem of a river is NEON TIPOC OATMTION. Ses-
* found on tº coins of Hå tini, Lettere Numism. tom.
ºni, and sometimes allusion VIII. p. l6.
.*ade to the vicinity of Olym- o Ibid. p. 14.
**, as in the epigraph AAPIA-
N 2
T80 13 IT HIY NIA.
Ascania
pagus.
Nicaea.
Mugolo Tap' ºarly 'Agzaviolo:
and Alexander the AEtolian :
Oi xzi iw' 'Azzaviav Čaplar' Xova, foãw
Aluvºs 'Aaxoving #7 xsixaaw: #v62 Aoxſwy
Tiā; >ixºvoi, våga aro xxi, Mexing.
According to Apollodorus, there was a place called
Ascania on the shore of the lake. (Ap. Strab. XIV.
p. 681.) Aristotle observes, that the waters of the
Palus Ascania are so impregnated with nitre as to
cleanse the clothes dipped in them. (Mirab. Aust.
c. 54. Cf. Plin. XXXI. 10.) Col. Leake describes
the Ascanian lake as “about ten miles long, and
“four wide, surrounded on three sides by steep
“woody slopes, behind which rise the snowy sum.
“mits of the Olympus ranger.” Nicaea, the capital
of Bithynia, according to Strabo, was situated 0"
the eastern shore, in a wide and fertile plain, though
somewhat unhealthy in summer. Stephanus states
that it was first colonized by the Bottiaei, and waº
called Anchore. (v. Nikaua.) Strabo mentions nei-
ther of these circumstances, but states that it wº
founded by Antigonus, son of Philip, who called "
Antigonia; it subsequently received that of Nicæ"
from Lysimachus, in honour of his wife, daughte"
of Antipater. The circumference of the town, which
was built in the form of a square, measured sixtee”
stadia, and the streets were drawn at right angle
to each other, so that from a monument which stood
near the gymnasium it was possible to see the fou'
gates. (XII.p.565.) Pliny the Younger, in his Letter."
makes frequent mention of Nicaea and its publi”
buildings, which he had undertaken to restore, bº
ing at that time governor of Bithynia. (X.40, 48.
P Asia Minor, p. 7.
BITHY NIA. 181
* seq.) It was the birthplace of Hipparchus the
"stronomer, (Suid. v. "[Trapyog.) and Dio Cassius.
Nicaea is also spoken of by Cicero, (pro Dejot. §. 9.
ºpist. Fam. XIII. 61.) Dio Chrys. (Or. XXXVIII.)
Memnon, (ap. Phot. Cod. CCXXIV. p. 383.) and
ºthers. Under the Byzantine emperors it was often
taken and retaken during their wars with the Turks.
icetas states, that at this time the walls were
built of brick. (p. 181.) The present town of Isnik,
* it is called by the Turks, has taken the place of
the Bithynian city, but “the ancient walls, towers,
“ and gates are in tolerably good preservation. In
“most places they are formed of alternate courses
" of Roman tiles and of large square stones, joined
" by a cement of great thickness. The Turkish
"town never was so large as the Grecian Nicaea,
" and it seems to have been almost entirely con-
" structed of the remains of that city'.” Nicaea is
“lebrated in the ecclesiastical annals for the council
held there against the Arian heresy, A. D. 325;
Whence the creed drawn up by the prelates assem
bled on that occasion is called Nicene. -
Pliny reckons twenty-five miles from Prusa to
Nicaea. (V. 32.) On the Ascanian lake, and 120
*adia from Cius, was a place rendered remarkable
by some springs which were observed to fail in
"inter, but to overflow in summer. In Antigonus
Of Carystus (c. 188.) this spot is named Mythopolis,
ºnd in the treatise de Mir. Ausc. (c. 55.) Mythepo-Mythopºlis
sive potius
"s; but I should apprehend that the real name of Pythopolis.
* Leake's Asia Minor, p. 10, and the Roman emperors, from
ll. Walpole's Turkey, tom. II. Augustus to Gallienus, abound
!: '46. from Browne's Memoir, in collections; the epigraph is
he coins of Nicaea, both un- NEIKAIEQN. Sestini, p. 69.
* the Bithynian sovereigns
N 3
182 BIT HYN IA.
Suloon ſl.
the place is Pythopolis, as we find it written in
Pliny (V. 32.) and Steph. Byz., who assigns it to
Mysia, (v. IIvöðroxig.) Plutarch quotes a story re-
lated by Menecrates, in his account of Nicaea, to
prove that this town had been founded by Theseus.
The neighbouring brook received the name of S0-
loon from one of the hero's companions. (TheS.
p. 12.) Stephanus places near the bay of Astacus
a spot called Pythium ; (vv. IIólow, Ospp.4.) and Pro-
copius speaks of some baths, and a church of St.
Michael, repaired by the emperor Justinian. These
possibly may all be referred to Pythopolis. (Procop.
de AEdif. V. I.) The Byzantine historians notice
several small towns or fortresses in the district of
Nicaea, which serve at least to shew how populous
it was then. Basilea, a place forty stadia distant
from Nicaea, (Niceph. Bryen. II. p. 52.) is probably
to be identified with the Basilionopolis of Hierocles,
and the councils, and the Basinopolis of Synesius.
(Epist. 66.) G. Pachymeres speaks of Belocome, a
place of great strength, (p. 288.) also Angelocome,
Anagurdes, Platanea, Melangea, (p. 286.) Crulla,
Catoecia, (Karoukia,) Heracleum, and Nemicome: (p.
287.) he observes, that the road from these two last
places to Cius passed through a woody country.
Heracleum answers doubtless to the village of Era-
hli observed by Lucas on his way from Nicomedia
to Nicaea". Frequent mention is also made of
Georgii Castellum : (Ann. Comm. p. 313, B.) near
it were Rhodomerus, Monastra, and Azala. (p. 315,
B.) South of Nicaea, Lefke is easily identified with
Leucae, noticed by Anna Comnena on the road from
that city to Dorylaeum : (p. 469.) near it was a
IBasilea
sive Basi-
lionopolis.
II eracle-
lllll,
Leucae.
* Second Voyage, tom. I. c. 21.
BIT H Y NIA. 183
Place called Armeno Castrum. Lefke is situated
in a valley watered by a river named the Sakaria;
but Col. Leake justly observes, that this river is not
the Sangarius, but that branch of it known anciently
by the name of Gallus. Strabo states that this gallen.
Stream had its source at a place called Modra, in
Phrygia Epictetus, and joined the Sangarius about
300 stadia from Nicomedia. (XII. p. 543.) It was
from this river that the priests of Cybele were
named Galli. (Steph. Byz. v. Táxxos. Plin. V. 32.)
Ammianus Marcellinus describes its course as very
Winding. (XXVI. 8) Beyond Leucae was Agrilium, Agrilium.
noticed by Ptolemy, (p. 118.) and the Table Itinerary,
which fixes its situation between Nicaea and Dory-
laum, of Phrygia, twenty-four miles from the
former, and thirty-five from the latter. Col. Leake
is inclined to identify it with Pixirkham, about four
hours from Lefke. Strabo seems to place in this
direction also a small town named Otrea, as it was orca.
Said, from Otreus, a Phrygian prince, mentioned in
the Iliad, (T. 186. Cf. Hymn. Ven. III. and 147.) it
may perhaps answer to Ortakevi, a Turkish village
which Browne traversed on his road from Broussa
to Kutaiehs.
Returning to the shores of the Propontis, and ad-
Vancing eastward of Cape Posidium, we have to
Speak of a nameless promontory, near which, ac- ...”
“ording to Pliny, stood a small town, founded by pplcium.
Some Megarians. (V. 32. Cf. Steph. v. Meyapuków.)
Praenetus, a town often mentioned by the Byzantine Praenetus.
historians and ecclesiastical writers, is known to
have been situated on the coast. The Table Itine-
*ary places it under the corrupt name of Pronetios,
* In Walpole's Turkey, tom. II. p. 113.
N 4
184 BITH Y NIA,
Drepane
postea.
Helenopo-
lis.
Draco fl.
Pryazon
sive Ola-
chas fl,
on the sea, and twenty-eight miles from Nicaea,
(Steph. Byz.) who calls it Pronectus, reports, that
it was founded by the Phoenicians. (v. IIpêekros)
According to Cedrenus, it was destroyed by an earth-
quake. (p. 457. Cf. Socr. Eccl. Hist. VI. 16. Hi-
erocl. Synecd. p. 690.) The site seems to answer to
that of Debrende. Drepane, a place also on the
coast, is mentioned by more than one writer. (Steph.
Byz. v. Apeirãwn. Etym. M. v. Apéravov.) The name
of this town was afterwards changed to that of
Helenopolis, by Constantine, in honour of his m0-
ther. (Niceph. Callist. VII. 49.) Frequent reference
to the city under its new denomination is made in
the Byzantine history. (Philost. II. p. 483. Socr.
H. Eccl. I. 4, 18. Procop. de AEd. V. I. Ann. Comm.
p. 462.) Col. Leake is of opinion that Helenopolis
was near the modern Ersekt. A small river, now
called the Dil, which empties itself into the Propon-
tis, is doubtless the Draco of Procopius. That histo-
rian remarks, that it was necessary to cross the
Draco more than twenty times in going from Hele-
nopolis to Nicaea; the course of this stream was
altered by Justinian, to facilitate communication.
(AEdif. V. 1.) Col. Leake states, that he crossed the
Dil as many times on the same road". The Draco
is also mentioned by Anna Comn. (p. 286.) Pliny
names several other small rivers which discharge
themselves into this part of the Propontis. They
are the AEsius, Bryazon, Plataneus, Areus, AEsyros,
and Gendos; this last was also called Chrysorrhoas,
Elsewhere the same geographer speaks of a river of
Bithynia, mained Olachas, which flowed near Brya-
zon, and whose water could not be endured by those
t Asia Minor, p. 10. u P: 10.
BITHYN IA. 185
who had sworn falsely. (XXXI. 18.) The Pla-
taneus recalls to mind Platanea, a place in the vici-
nity mentioned by G. Pachymeres, (p. 286.) And it
is not improbable that Brunga and Pontamus, two
Stations placed in the Jerusalem Itinerary, between
Chalcedon and Nicomedia, are corruptions of Bryazon
and Plataneus.
The gulf, along whose southern shore we are §§.
*OW advancing, was anciently termed Astacenus, ornus Sinus.
Olbianus Sinus, from Astacus and Olbia, two Greek
“ities of note, situated on the coast; if indeed they
*re not the same city under two different names. It
is certain that Scylax, in describing the Mysian
coast, speaks of the Sinus Olbianus, and places there
Olbia and its port, without naming Astacus. (p. 35.)olia.
On the other hand, Strabo speaks only of Astacus, Astaeus.
which, he says, was founded by the Megarians and
Athenians. This is confirmed by Memnon, cited by
Photius. (p. 722.) He says, the Megarians settled
lere in the 17th Olympiad, and it was not till some
years after that the Athenian colony joined them.
Astacus was afterwards seized by Daedalsus, a ma-
tive chief, who became the founder of the Bithynian
*onarchy. In the war waged by his successor Xi-
Pºetes, with Lysimachus, Astacus was ruined; but
icomedes, the son of the former, transferred the
inhabitants to the city which he founded, and
"aimed Nicomedia, after himself. (Strab. XII. p.
563.) Hence it appears that Pliny is greatly mis-
taken in stating that Nicaea had previously been
“alled Olbia. (V. 43.) Astacus seems to have been
still extant in the time of Arrian, who is cited by
Steph. Byz. (v. "Arrakos. Meyapuków. Cf. P. Mela.
I. 19. Steph. Byz. v. 'OX812.)
Nicomedia being the chief residence of the Bithy-Nicomedia.
186 BITHY NIA.
nian kings, soon became a large and flourishing city,
and it continued to prosper under the Roman empe-
rors, as may be collected from the letters of Pliny
to Trajan, in which he speaks of several public
buildings belonging to this city, such as a senatº
house, an aqueduct, a forum, a temple of Cybele, &c.
He mentions also its having suffered much from a
great fire. (Ep. X. 42, 46.)
In still later times, Nicomedia was often the resi-
dence of the Roman emperors, when engaged in
carrying on war with the Parthians or Persians.
(Niceph. Callist. VII. ad fin.) It was however
nearly destroyed by an invasion of the Scythianº
(Amm. Marcell. XXII. 9, 12.) and an earthquake.
(Philost. IV. p. 506.) The orator Libanius, in
his lament over the fortunes of Nicomedia, pow8%
ëri Nikopºig, mourns the loss of its Thermae, Basi-
licae, temples, Gymnasia, schools, public gardens, &c.
Some of these were restored by Justinian. (Procop.
AEd. V. I.) It was however finally conquered by
the Turks, who call it Ismid. Nicomedia gave birth
to Arrian, the historian of Alexander, (Steph. By/.
v. Nikopºeia.) and Constantine the Great breathed
his last at his villa Ancyron, near the city. (Cassiod.
Chron. Const. Philost. II. p. 484.) Scylax (p. 35.)
names with Olbia, and in the same bay, the Greek
callipolis. city Callipolis, with a harbour. This is unknown
to other geographers, but it may have been the
Megaric colony, mentioned by Pliny, on the edge of
Craspedites the bay, hence sometimes called Craspedites Sinus.
*" (V. 43.) On the other side of the gulf, the same
Leucatas Latin geographer notices the promontory of Leuca"
tº: tas, thirty-seven miles from Nicomedia. This is
In Oiltor 1-
ll III. probably the same as the Acritas of Artemidorus
(ap. Steph. Byz. v. XaAkirms.) and Ptolemy. (p.118.)
BITH Y NIA. 187
Cibotus appears to have been a name given to the clotus.
"arrow passage across the bay of Nicomedia, by the
Byzantine historians. (Ann. Comn. p. 309. A.) Col.
Leake, however, seems to place it in the gulf of
CiusX, AEgyllus was a spot near Cibotus. (Ann.
Comn. p. 438. D.) Eribolum, according to the Table EHiglum
Itinerary, stood on the bay, a little to the south of ... Eri-
Nicomedia. Xiphilinus also speaks of it as a land-
ing place on the gulf, near that city. Ptolemy
likewise mentions it, under the name of Eriboea,
(p. 118.) and the Jerusalem Itinerary calls it Hyribo-
lum. (p. 573X.) The site answers to that of Kara-
*ttsal. Libum, a station of the Jerusalem Itine-Liba.
*ary, on the same road between Eribolum and
Nicaea, and twenty-one miles from Nicomedia, is
“alled Liba by Cedrenus. (p. 451.) On the north
side of the gulf we have to notice Ghelse, or
Dehebse, which doubtless answers to the Dacibyza Dacibyza.
of the Byzantines. (Sozom. Hist. Eccl. VI. 14. G.
Pachym. Andr. Palaeol. I. p. 64. Zonar. XIII. 16%.)
Not far from thence stood Libyssa, a spot celebrated Libyssa.
in antiquity as the deposit of Hannibal's remains.
Plutarch, in the life of Flamininus, describes it as a
Small village on the coast of Bithynia, and we know
from Ammianus (XXII. 9.) and the Itineraries,
that it stood on the road from Chalcedon to Nico-
"media. These documents reckon twenty-three miles
from the latter city to Libyssa, and thirty-seven
from the former. (Cf. Plin. V. 43. Steph. Byz. v.
Aíðvaga.) Appian speaks of a river Libyssus, and Lilyssus fl.
* Asia Minor, notes p. 316. true name of the town is that
* If Sestini is correct in his used by Ptolemy.
ºlding of EPIBoIEoN in a me- * Leake's Asia Minor, p. 9.
* he assigns to this town, the
188 BIT H Y NIA.
the plain Libyssa. (Syr. c. 11.) Some writers have
identified Libyssa with Ghebse", but col. Leake,
from a more accurate computation of distances, is
inclined to fix this interesting site at Maldysem, or
Malsum, a few miles to the south of Ghebse".
Pantichium, situated according to the Itineraries,
twenty-two miles from Libyssa, and fifteen from
Chalcedon, retains the name of Pantichie. (Itiner.
Hieros. p. 571. Itiner. Anton. p. 140.) This place
is likewise noticed by the ecclesiastical writers, Phi-
lostorgius (XI. p. 54.1.) and Sozomenus. (VII. 21.)
Artemidorus, in his account of this coast, (ap.
Steph. Byz. v. XaAkºrn.) places, after Cape Acritas,
120 stadia further, another headland, named Hyris,
and near it the island Pityodes. Trarium, which
Ptolemy places in this direction, is probably the
same town which Steph. Byz. calls Trallium, near
the bay of Astacus. To the south-east of Nicomedia
is an extensive lake, and a chain of mountains, which
encloses it to the west and south. These are fre-
quently mentioned by the historians of the lower
empire by the name of Sophon. (Cedren. p. 451.)
G. Pachymeres calls the former Siphones. (Andr. Pal.
p. 228.) This I imagine to be the lake alluded to by
Pliny the Younger, in his letter to Trajan, (X. 50.)
and from which he was desirous of cutting a canal
to the sea, to convey thither more easily the produce
of the interior, consisting in marble, timber, pro-
visions. He states that there were vestiges of a
cut made under the Bithynian kings. Trajan, in
his reply, desires him to have the levels of the lake
and sea examined. In Ammianus, the same lake
Pantichi-
Ull Ile
Trarium
sive Tral-
lium.
Sophon la-
Culs Ct
III (JRHS,
a Mannert, tom. VI. p. 586. "Asia Minor, p. 9. “Leake, p. 8.
BIT HYN I.A. 189
seems alluded to by the name of Sunonensis, or Su-
"nonensis. (XXVI. 8.) Evagrius also mentions a
lake called Boane, near Nicomedia. (Hist. Eccl. II.
14.) This piece of water now takes its name from
the village of Shabanja, which is probably a cor-
"uption of Sophon, Telemaea and Petraea were
Places in the vicinity, according to Cedrenus. (p.801.)
Petraea stood towards N icaea, and about fifteen sta-
"in from it. Metabole was a fortress on mount
Sophon, and near it was another mountain called
Maroscus, and a place named Trisca. (Niceph.
Bryenn. II. p. 56.)
We must now speak of Chalcedon, a celebrated Chalcedon.
Grecian city, situated at the southern extremity of the
Posphorus. It was founded by a colony of Megarians,
9n the site previously called Procerastes and Col-
Pusa. (Plin. V. 43. P. Mela I. 19.) The inhabitants
Were often taunted with the appellation of blind
then, because, having the choice of so magnificent a
Site as that of Byzantium to build their city on,
they had preferred one so avowedly inferior. Hero-
dotus says, this observation was first made by Me-
gabyzus, the Persian general; and he informs us, by
the way, that Chalcedon was prior to Byzantium
by seventeen years. (IV. 144. Cf. Tacit. Ann. XII.
68.) It was not merely with respect to the beauty
of situation that Chalcedon was inferior to its oppo-
Site neighbour, but, what was of much greater con-
Sequence, it laboured under great disadvantage in a
commercial point of view; since the current which
Set in strongly from the Euxine carried vessels di-
rectly into the harbour of Byzantium, but prevented
their approach to Chalcedon in a straight course.
(Polyb. IV. 43.) Notwithstanding these disadvan-
190 BITH Y NIA.
tages, the Chalcedonians were sufficiently favoured,
both in regard to climate, the fertility of the sur-
rounding country, and opportunities for carrying on
trade, to become a prosperous and wealthy people.
They appear to have preserved their independence
till the reign of Darius, to whose arms they were
forced to submit. (Herod. V. 26.) They recovered
their liberty, however, after the repeated defeats of
the Persians, under Xerxes, and became the allies,
or rather the tributaries, of the Athenians, to whom
the ports of the Bosphorus were an object of the
highest commercial and financial importance. (Thuc.
IV. 75. Xen. Hell. I. 1, 14.) The disasters of Sicily
gave them an opportunity of throwing off their
chains, and they consequently joined the Pelopon-
nesian alliance, and received a Spartan harmost.
But Alcibiades, after his success off Cyzicus, block-
aded Chalcedon by sea and land, and the Spartan
general being slain in a sortie, the citizens were
forced to comply with the terms offered by the
victor; they once more, therefore, were obliged to
pay the accustomed tribute, besides all the arrears
which were due. (Hell. I. 3, 7.) This state of things
lasted however only till the battle of Ægospotami:
Chalcedon then opened its gates to Lysander, whose
first object seems to have been to secure the entrance
of the Bosphorus, by the possession of this city and
Byzantium. (Hell. II. 2, 1.) Theopompus, who is
quoted by Athenaeus, observes, that the Chalcedo-
nians at first possessed good institutions, but have
ing been tainted by the democratical principles of
their neighbours, the Byzantines, they became luxu-
rious and debauched. (XII. 526. F.) Chalcedon
afforded a refuge to the Roman troops under Cotta,
BITHY NIA. 191
from the pursuit of Mithridates. (Appian. Bell.
Mithr. c. 7i. Eutrop. VI. 5.)
Chalcedon is further celebrated in ecclesiastical
history for the council held there against the Euty-
Chian heresy. (A. D. 451.) Hierocles assigns to it
the first rank among the cities of the province, then
“alled Pontica prima. (p. 690.) It is to be observed,
that in writing the name of this town, ancient writ-
*s have not been uniform, some writing it Kaakº-
*, others XaAkºv. The former mode is however
*uch more frequent, and it is confirmed by the
*xisting coins, the epigraph of which is invariably
KAAXAAONION, according to the Doric form". The
town was situated on a rising ground, near the
*mouth of a rivulet of the same name. It had two
Ports separated by an isthmus, one looking west,
the other east. There were many beautiful public
buildings and monuments, but the most remarkable
Was a temple of Apollo. (Dionys. Byzant. p. 23.)
he site of this ancient city is now occupied by the
Turkish village Kadikevi, but the Greeks still pre-
serve the classical name. Scutari, a well-known
town and harbour, opposite Constantinople, is thought
'o represent Chrysopolis, a port of Chalcedon, often ºwne-
ºnentioned in history. The Athenians established 1Ss
"here a toll, towards the close of the Peloponnesian
War, to be paid by all ships coming from the Euxine.
Wen. Hell. I. 1, 14. Polyb. IV. 44, 3.) The 10,000
reeks were encamped there for some days prior
to crossing over into Thrace. (Xen. Anab. VI. 6, 22.)
t is mentioned by Strabo as a small town, (XII.
D. 563.) and Pliny says, “Fuit Chrysopolis.” (V. 32.)
d Eckhel Doctr. Num. Vet. P. i. vol. I. p. 410. Sestini, p. 67.
192 BITH Y NIA.
Several writers of a later date, however, continue to
speak of it. (Zosim. II. 30. Socrat. Hist. Eccl. 1.
4. Amm. Marcell. XXII. 12.) Steph. Byz. (V.
Xpvačroxi;) gives various etymological derivations
of the name. Opposite to the coast of Chalcedo”
are ranged some islets, the nearest of which to the
entrance of the Bosphorus still retains its ancient
ºtein- name of Prote. The next is Chalcitis, (Artemid. ap:
º Steph. Byz. v. XaAkſrns.) now Karkia. The last,
"" which is also the most considerable, called Prinkipo,
or Princes’ island, is often mentioned under that
name in the Byzantine annals. (Ann. Comm. p. 469,
463.) And a monastery was built there by Justi-
nian, the ruins of which may still be seen". But
º the more ancient name of this island was Pityodes,
or Pityusa, as we learn from Artemidorus. (ap.
Steph. Byz. v. XaAkſrns. Cf. Plin. V. 32.) The two
latter isles were also called Demonesi, and they
appear to have been celebrated for the brass which
they contained. (Hesych. v. Angováalog X2XKág. Poll.
V. 39. Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. p. 877.) Pliny names
with these, other obscure islets, such as Elaea, Rho-
dussae, Erebinthodes, and Megale. (V. 44.)
º The ancients gave the name of Thracian Bospho-
rus to the narrow channel which establishes a com-
munication between the waters of the Euxine and
those of the Propontis. Tradition asserted that it
was derived from the passage of Io, who during her
metamorphosis had crossed this arm of the sea, and
the names of Bois and Ağuaxus were applied to the
spot where the fabled heifer had landed in Asia.
(Polyb. IV. 44. Eust. ad Dion. Perieg. I40.) Other
writers, however, asserted, that Damalis was the name
* P. Gyllius Bosph. Thrac. III. 12.
BIT H Y NIA. 193
of a lady, wife of the Athenian general, Chares.
(Dionys. Anapl. Bosph. ap. P. Gyll. III. 9.) The
breadth of this celebrated channel is variously esti-
mated by different writers. Strabo seems to say,
the narrowest part, which he calls tº Bugavriakºv
grápa, (II. p. 86.) is four stadia broad; but Polybius
Says, the narrowest part is about the Hermaean pro-
montory, somewhere midway between the two ex-
tremities, and he does not compute the breadth at
less than five stadia ; he adds, that it was at this
Point that Darius built his bridge when he made
his Scythian expedition. (IV. 44.) Herodotus agrees
With Strabo, and appears to place the bridge of Da-
rius where Polybius does. (IV. 87.) The same his-
torian estimates the length of the channel at 120
Stadia. Polybius has described at some length the
action and direction of the currents setting in from
the Euxine. (IV. 43.) But of all ancient writers,
no one has been so minute in his account of the
Bosphorus as Dionysius of Byzantium, who com-
posed a work expressly on this subject. Of this,
Some considerable fragments have been preserved to
us, of which P. Gythius has availed himself in his
description of the strait, but the originals have dis-
appearedf. On the side of Chalcedon, the Byzan-
tine topographer notices north of that city the
fountain Hermagora, and the heroon of Eurostus.
Strabo places above Chalcedon the fountain Azari-
tia, which contained small crocodiles. (XII. p. 563.
Cf. Steph. Byz. v. Zápyra.) Then follows the pro-
montory Bos, so called from the monument raised
to the wife of Chares, as appears from the epigram
inscribed on it, and quoted by Dionysius. Beyond,
* See the preface to the Geogr. Minores, tom. III,
VOL. I. O
194 IB IT HYN IA.
Portus
Amyci.
Nicopolis.
Hieron
sive tem-
jºis with a temple built by Phrixus in honour of Jupi-
{
Irji.
is the wide and beautiful harbour of Chrysopolis;
then succeed two points of land called Discus and
‘Potºčaa &ºpal, or bluffs, against which the waters
beat; the spot named Ciconium ; Nausinachium, so
called from a sea fight; the bay of Lycadium, or
Cycladium; the promontory Perirrhous; the spots
called Echaea Nausicleia, where the Chalcedonians
gained a naval victory; Potamonion, the point
Lembus, and the island Blabe, so termed from the
shipwrecks it occasioned. After Lembus, comes
Phiela, a natural circular mound, having the ap-
pearance of a theatre; then the port of Phrixus;
the promontory Oxyrrhoum; the basin called Ka-
Táyyetov, which abounded with fish ; the plain
named Gronychia, and the bay of Amycus. Pliny
calls it the port of Amycus, and places near it the
town of Nicopolis. (V. 43.) Steph. Byz. acknow-
ledges also a Nicopolis in Bithynia; beyond, we
have the promontory called Aetorynchus, or the
Eagle's beaks; the bay of Mucaporis, with a very
good haven, so called from a certain king of Bi-
thynia. Then the spot named A&qwn paivopévy, from
a laurel which grew there after the death of Amy-
cus, killed by Pollux, and whose branches were said
to cause insanity in those that wore them. Arrian
says this place was eighty stadia from Byzantium,
and forty from the temple of Jupiter Urius. (Peripl.
Eux. p. 25.) Beyond were the Nymphaeum, the
couch (Katyn) of Hercules, the Argyronium, (Cf.
Procop. Aſºd. I. 9.) and the low land called Anaplus.
Immediately above this was a high point of land,
iº
* In the Geogr. Min. p. 20. ly a corruption or false print
the word is Aerópx"Xoy, evident- for 'Aerºvyx,y.
BIT H Y NIA. 195
ter Urius, others say of Neptune. This, being a
*ituation commanding the strait and surrounding
*Ountry, had been fortified, and was often contested
by the Byzantines and Chalcedonians. The former
finally prevailed, as they were more powerful, and
"so because they consented to pay a sum of money
for it to Callimedes, a general of Seleucus. This
Hieron, as it is often simply called, was for some
time in the hands of the Gauls, who had crossed
°ver into Asia. (Dionys. Byz. p. 19.) Polybius
*ys that Jason, on his return from Colchis, sacri-
ticed here to the twelve gods; (IV. 39, 6.) and else-
Where he states, that it was wrested from the By-
*antines by Prusias, who carried away all the most
"aluable materials. On making peace, however, he
Was obliged to replace them. (IV. 50–52.)
The promontory seems to be called Estia by
Pliny. (V.43%.) Beyond is the spot called Chelae;
*nd Pantichium, so named from its being surrounded
by trenches; the promontory Coracium; a low island,
With some reefs and rocks about it, named Cyaneae;
* elevated mound surmounted by a round rock
*lled Medea's tower; Ancyreum, a promontory so
*lled because the Argonauts took from thence a
"ck to serve in the place of an anchor. This pro-
"ontory is described by Dionysius as nearly oppo-
site to the Cyanean or Symplegades rocks off the
*uropean coast; and here the Bosphorus may be
Said to terminate, and the Euxine to begin. This É.
Sea is said, from its stormy nature, or the wildness rºº
ºf its coasts, to have been formerly called "Aşevos, or
“the inhospitable.” (Plin. IV. 24. VI. I. Mel. I. 19.)
{ % "We should read, “deinde Naulochum : promontorium Estia: ;
°mplum Neptuni.”
o 2
196 BIT H Y NIA.
The Grecian navigators, however, had explored its
coasts at a very early period, if we are to credit the
celebrated expedition of the Argonauts; and long
before the time of Herodotus, the colonies which they
had established on various points of the Asiatic and
European coasts must have familiarized the marinerº
of the mother country with this once dreaded sea.
Herodotus, who probably took his accounts from Her
cataeus and Scylax, and other geographers of that per
riod, appears to have had no very accurate notion
of the shape of the Euxine, at least of the northerſ'
side; but he had taken pains to ascertain the med"
surement of its greatest length and breadth. Thº
former he reckoned at nine days and eight nights
sail, which, allowing 70,000 orgyae for a day, and
60,000 for a night, make the sum of 1,110,000 or
gyae, or 11,100 stadia. The breadth he found to be
three days and one night's sail, or 3300 stadia. Thº
former direction was measured from the mouth ºf
the Phasis to the straits of the Bosphorus; the lak
ter from Themiscyra in Pontus to Sindice, a country
near the Palus Maeotis. (IV. 86.) Strabo allow?
only 8000 stadia from the Bosphorus to the Phasis,
(XII. p. 548.) which agrees with Agrippa's med"
surement, given by Pliny. (VI. I.) The latter geo-
grapher gives also several estimates of the whole
circuit of this sea, which furnish a mean of about
2500 miles. The whole shape of this great baso"
was considered to be curved in the manner of *
bow, made after the Scythian fashion; the middle
bend being formed by the Palus Maeotis, the chord
by the coast of Asia Minor. (Plin. loc. cit. Strab.
II. p. 125. Agathem. II. c. 14.) Of this last, with
which we are at present more immediately cont
BIT HY NIA. 197
Cerned, we have a very detailed periplus or survey
Set down from actual observation by Arrian, the
historian of Alexander's expedition, and author also
of a history of Bithynia, a country which he was
qualified for describing, since it was his native land.
We have also another periplus, apparently of a more
recent date, and compiled in great measure from
Arrian, Marcian of Heraclea, and others'. Menip-
pus of Pergamum, an earlier geographer, had writ-
ten a work on the same subject, but we have now
only a few fragments of it occasionally cited by Ste-
phanus Byz, k
There exists also a fragment of a third periplus,
by an anonymous writer, who is evidently posterior
to Arrian, and has compiled from his work and
other sources. It is by the help of these documents,
and the Itineraries, that we shall endeavour to trace
the remainder of the Bithynian coast, as well as
that of Paphlagonia and Pontus. After passing the
temple of Jupiter Urius, and proceeding ninety sta-
dia, or twelve miles, we reach the mouth of the little
river Rhebas, mentioned by several poets, and nearly Rheins
all the geographers. fluvius.
tº º alſo. 83 roſys
‘Pºgay, dixupéry Torapºv, axórsków rs Koxávns.
Apoll. ARG. I.I. 652.
'Ayxi & Biºvvoi Atrapºv ×66wa vaisréouai,
‘P432; #v6', pareivöy itinpoinai hēsºpov,
"P#32;, 3; IIávrovo tapå aropºrea'aw öösöel,
"P#32;, 0.5 x&Axia row #wi xjov, a ſpergi tºwp.
Dionys. PERIEG. v. 793.
The two surveys have been given in the Geogr: Min. The
Published in the Geogr. Min. Scholiast to Apollonius men-
‘om. I. and tom. II. tions likewise several other pe-
* These fragments are also ripli.
O 3
198 IB IT H Y NIA.
Melaena
promonto-
I’ll Ill.
Artanes
fluvius.
Psillis flu-
vius.
Calpe por-
tus et flu-
vius.
(Orph. Argon. 711. Fest. Avien. 974.) Pliny ob-
serves that some writers have called it Rhesus. (VI.
1. Cf. Scyl. Peripl. p. 34. Arrian. Peripl. Eux. p. 13.)
In the Table Itinerary, the name of this stream is
disguised under that of Ad Herbas. Tournefort in-
forms us it is now called Riwa'. Cape Melaena was
150 stadia further to the east. It had a small haved
formed by an inland. (Marcian. Peripl. p. 69. in
Geogr. Min. tom. I.)
"Axenv 8 o' pºstd. ºn?& Traps; Évéovro Méxalway.
A poli. ARG. II. 653.
(Cf. Arrian Peripl. p. 13.) The little river Artanes,
with a haven, and a temple of Venus at its mouth,
is placed by Arrian (p. 13.) 150 stadia from Mer
laena. (Cf. Marcian. Peripl. p. 69.) From the Ar-
tanes to the Psilis, or Psillis, another little river,
with a port for small craft, protected by a rock, we
have again 150 stadia. (Arrian. p. 13. Marcian.
p. 69. Strab. XII. p. 543.) This river is also called
Psillus (Steph. Byz. VíAXov.) and Phyllis:
T;?’ &p' fri Tpox02; buxxºag, vºc. Tápoiſ's
Albaxº; vi' 'A33pwayro; Éoi; Gréºszro. 36pºoia iv.
Apoll. ARGoN. II. 654.
From this river to the river and port of Calpe the
ancients reckoned 210 stadia. (Arrian. Peripl. p. 13.)
Xenophon, who halted here for some time with his
fellow-soldiers, describes Calpe as an excellent port,
about half way between Byzantium and Heraclea.
It was formed by a rocky hill advancing into the
sea, and enclosing on the land side a considerable
tract of excellent land. The port lay beneath the
rock, and was supplied with an abundant source of
fresh water. The surrounding hills afforded also
beautiful timber for building ships, and other pur-
! Lettre 16.
BITH Y NIA. 199
poses; and the soil yielded every kind of grain, and
Wine and fruit, in the greatest plenty. (Anab. VI. 4.
Cf. Arrian. Peripl. p. 13.)
Toà ºðv 3’ ispy aibo, Kai sãpeia; Torquoio
'Hióvag, Tsºtov re, 325uêsſowt.% re Káanºv
Aspxáp.svo, tapápºstgov. Apoll. ARG. II. 660.
Strabo calls the river Calpas. (XII. p. 543. Cf.
Steph. Byz. v. Káxirm. Plin. VI. 1.) The modern
name of the promontory and harbour of Calpe is
Kirpe. Advancing eastward twenty stadia, we have
to notice the little haven of Rhoe; and twenty sta-Rhoe por.
dia further, the small island of Apollonia, having atus.
port, and situated close to the land. (Arrian. p. 13.)
Its more ancient name was Thynias, which was Thynias
afterwards changed for that of the deity worshipped A.ini,
there. i insula.
Tºwo; #pºpaſn; vigov Apáv' eigex402Vrs;
Af * y * W
Guvić80;, xapºrº toxvirºu ov, 32ivov #page.
Apoll. ARG. II. 674.
E; 3’ &ys 3; vigov psy #dfow 'Atréaxovo;
Tºvº isºv xxsſwp.sv. In EM, 688.
(Cf. Plin. VI. 12. Scyl. p. 34. Strab. XII. p. 543.
Mela. II. 7. Steph. Byz. v. Guvío.g.) It is situated
near the promontory of Kirpe. Chelae was a spotchele.
twenty stadia beyond. (Arrian. Peripl. p. 13.) The
Table Itinerary reckons twenty-seven miles from
the river Psilis to this place, which nearly agrees
with the maritime surveys. The Sangarius flows iºus
into the sea about 180 stadia further to the east.
This is one of the largest and most celebrated of the
rivers of Asia Minor, being mentioned by Homer,
and several other poets and historians:
"Hön ral Powyſºy slºw}ow &pirs?degaay,
"Evºa fºow Taeſarov; Peſya;, &vépa; &ioxotówou;,
O 4
200 BIT H Y NIA.
Marian-
dyni.
Azoë; 'Orºño; x&i Möyöovo; &vriðfloo,
Of £a Tór' #arpatóww.ro Tap' 3x0a; >zyyaplolo.
IL. T. 184.
'Aa (º, ög pºrpo; #v "Extopog introëápolo,
Adroxaaſyvºro; 'Ex480s, viº; 8% Aſſuavros,
“O; Powyſwy vaſsaxs £oj; Éri >zyyapſolo. IL. II. 717.
i. Dindyma fundunt
Sangarium, vitrei qui puro gurgite Galli
Auctus, Amazonii defertur ad aequora ponti.
CLAUDIAN. IN EUTItop. II. v. 263.
Strabo says, “it takes its source in Upper Phrygia,
“near a place called Sangia, about 150 stadia from
“Pessinus. It then traverses a great part of Galatia
“ and Phrygia and Bithynia, receiving in its course
“the waters of the Thymbres and Gallus, and other
“streams; and becoming navigable near its mouth,
“falls into the Euxine.” (XII. p. 543. Plin. VI. 1.
Scyl. p. 34. Liv. XXXVIII. I8.) The modern name
is Sakaria. The Sangarius in ancient times sepa-
rated the Bithynians from the Mariandyni, a people
of uncertain origin, but who, differing neither in
language nor in customs materially from the Bithy-
nians, might justly be considered as part of the
same great Thracian stock. (Strab. XII. p. 542.)
That they were barbarians is allowed by all; and
Theopompus, whose authority is referred to by
Strabo, reported, that when the Megarians founded
Heraclea in their territory, they easily subjected the
Mariandyni, and reduced them to a state of abject
slavery, similar to that of the Mnotae in Crete, and
the Penestae in Thessaly. (Ap. Strab. XII. p. 542.
Cf. Pausan. Eliac. I. 26. Posidon. ap. Athen. VI.
263.) They formed part of the third division or
satrapy of the Persian empire, with the Bithynians
BITHY NIA. 201
and Paphlagonians. (Herod. III. 90. Cf. VII. 72.)
Some further particulars respecting this people will
be found in Athenaeus, (XIV. p. 620.) Steph. Byz.,
(v. Maplavºvia.) and Eustathius on Dionys. Perieg.
(v. 788.)
"Evºsy 8 &writéphy worapoº arduz Rayyapſolo,
Kai Maplavºuvây &věpáv Špiſºga Yaizy.
Apoll. AIRG. II. 724.
Leaving the Sangarius, we shall reach, after a
“ourse of 180 stadia, a river named Hypius, men-Hypſus
tioned by Apollonius, Scylax, Arrian, and several Ulv1tlS.
other writers.
'Axx& us vöv Bé6puxs; Örep620 in tº "Apºroio
Tºx60, water&owro; #várpia cºw Hpaxx;08,
Añy &Torspºváuevo ya!"; ξ, &pp' #33×ovro
Oöp2 62%u?}sſovros ūp' sixgsv2i; "Trioio.
Apoll. ARG. II. 794.
(Scyl. Peripl. p. 34. Arrian. Peripl. p. 13. Marcian.
eripl. p. 70.) In an extract made from the histo-
rian Memnon by Photius, (c. 44.) we are told, that
"is river once afforded shelter to a large portion of
ithridates' fleet during a violent storm. It is now
*lled Mitan. The town of Prusias, situated inland, Prusias ad
*d on its banks, acquired from that circumstance Hypium.
the characteristic denomination of ad Hypium, to
"istinguish it from another Bithynian city of the
*ne name, situated near the sea, in the bay Cius.
Both probably were equally founded by king Pru-
*s; but the maritime Prusias is much oftener men-
tioned in history, and its situation is much more
Precisely ascertained, than the one of which we are
Ilow speaking. Pliny is singular in mentioning the
*tter, not with reference to a river, but a mountain
*led Hypius. That there was a chain of this
"he cannot indeed be doubted, since the scholiast
202 BIT H Y NIA.
to Apollonius affirms, that the river had its sourcº
in the Hypian mountains. (Arg. II. 797.) And if
Pliny is correct in his topography, we must look for
the ruins of the Hypian Prusias not far from the
source of the river. The site is generally supposed
to exist near the modern Uskub. This town is
noticed by Ptolemy, and in the Latin Acts of the
Nicene Council. (p. 54.) One of the subscribing
prelates is Hesychius of Prusias, near the river Hy-
pius". A lake of some extent, formed by the W*
ters of the Hypius, above Uskub, answers probably
ºw. to the Daphnusis palus, which Steph. Byz. place”
" near the Bithynian Olympus. (v. Aabyois.) Th"
modern name is Efnanly. The Episcopal Notic”
record also a see named Daphnusia in Bithyni"
Dia. Dia was a town and small harbour sixty stadiº
from the mouth of the Hypius. (Marcian. Peripl.
p. 70.) It was known to Ptolemy (p. 117.) and
Steph. Byz., who calls it Dia of Bithynia on th”
Pontus. (v. Afz.)"
Lilium em. Lilium was an emporium forty stadia further"
" the east, according to Arrian. (Peripl. p. 13.) Pliny
º: mentions the Lilaeus among the rivers of Bithyniº
(V. 43.) and the Table Itinerary calls it Bylaeus.
Eleum Elaeum was another haven, sixty stadia from Lº
empºrt" lium. (Arrian, loc. cit.) According to Marcial”
Eleus flu- there was also a river Elaeus, (Peripl. p. 70.) and it.
V1UIS, is thought to be the same which Ptolemy calls Elº
cales flu. tas. From thence to Cales, another emporium, A*
vius et em-
j."rian and Marcian agree in reckoning 120 stadiº
m It is clear from the coins Ptolemy and Pliny, thereforº
of this town that its real name are less accurate when they call
was Prusias, since the epigraph it Prusa. * , ,
is IIPOTCIEON IIPOCTIIIſ) ; n Sestini ascribes to tº”
whereas in those of Prusa it is town some very scarce coi"
IIPOTCAEON. Sestini, p. 70. with the inscription AIAX.
BITHY NIA. 203
But the latter notices, besides the haven, a river of
the same name, which is doubtless the Calex of
Thucydides. That historian speaks of an Athenian
Squadron, commanded by Lamachus, having been
Wrecked, whilst at anchor in this river, from the
effect of a violent land-storm and flood. The Athe-
nians, having lost their ships, were forced to march
through Bithynia, as far as Chalcedon. (IV. 75.)
In Memnon the name is written Calles; (ap. Phot.
9, 23.) in Pliny it is distorted to that of Alces.
(V. 43.) Forty stadia from the Cales we find the
ycus, a river mentioned by Xenophon and several Lycus flu-
other writers with reference to the city of Heraclea, W111S,
Whose territory it watered. The maritime surveys
*eckon twenty stadia from the river to the city, and
Xenophon says distinctly that it flowed through the
Plain of Heraclea. (Anab. VI. 2.) Pliny, less accu-
*ately, states that the town was on the river. (VI. 1.)
Kai Maplavºuvöv &věpáv #piºnXáz yaºzy,
'Hô3 A6x010 &#s6p2. Apoll. ARG. II. 725.
Huc Lycus, huc Sagaris, Peniusque, Hypanisque, Calesque,
Influit et crebo vortice tortus Halys.
OvID. ELEG. Pont. X. 47.
Xenophon says its breadth was two plethra. (Anab.
loc. cit.) The plain through which it flowed was
*amed Campus Lycaeus. (Memnon. ap. Phot. c. 51.)
Heraclea, surnamed Pontica, from its situation on Heracles
the Euxine, was founded, according to the general Pontica.
testimony of antiquity by the Megarians", who had
already formed extensive establishments on the Bos-
° In Strabo it is called a co- altered the reading to Mega-
lony of the Milesians; but this rians, in which he has been
*ubtless is an error of the followed by subsequent editors,
*anscribers ; and Casaubon has XII. p. 542.
204 BITHY NIA.
phorus, and who, on this occasion, were joined by
some Boeotians from Tanagra. (Pausan. Eliac. I.
26.) This Grecian colony appears to have early
attained to a considerable degree of wealth and pros"
perity, since its citizens are said to have subjected
the neighbouring people of Mariandyni, and their
success and enterprise in commerce is attested by
the foundation of Chersonnesus and Callatis in
Thrace. (Theopomp, ap. Strab. loc. cit.) The He-
racleotae adopted wise laws and institutions, and
maintained their independence for several years,
subject probably, however, to a tribute paid to the
Persian monarch. On the arrival of the 10,000
Greeks before their city, the Heracleots, alarmed at
the appearance of so great a body of troops, and
doubtful of their intentions, collected all their pro-
perty and provisions within the walls, and closed
their gates. But they afterwards supplied the army
with vessels, in order to get rid of them sooner.
(Anab. VI. 2.) It was about this period that Cle-
archus, one of the principal citizens of the place,
and who had been educated at Athens, in the schools
of Plato and Isocrates, usurped the sovereign au-
thority, and overthrew the republican constitution
of his native city. He was succeeded by his son
Dionysius, who, though addicted to pleasure, was
of a mild and gentle disposition, and, unlike his
Sicilian namesake, seemed to reign solely for the
good of his subjects, and by their desire assumed
the title of king. He had married Amastris, a niece
of Darius, the last king of Persia; and at his death
left her the sole guardian of his sons, and regent of
the principality of Heraclea. Amastris afterwards
married Lysimachus, one of Alexander's successors;
BIT HY NIA. 205
but being divorced by him, she returned to Hera-
clea, where she was put to death by her unnatural
Sons. Lysimachus, however, not long after, seized
these monsters, and by a signal punishment made
them atone for their crime. These details and inci-
dents relative to the history of Heraclea are pre-
Served to us in the Fragments of Memnon, collected
by Photius. (Cod. CCXIV. p. 703—758.) Memnon
had composed a history of the tyrants who reigned
at Heraclea during a space of eighty-four years; but
We have only now the abridgment of Photius P,
Which is confirmed by incidental notices contained
in Aristotle, (Polit. V. 5.) Strabo, (XII. p. 542–
544.) and Athenaeus. (III. 85, B. XIII. 549, A.)
The Heracleots, after remaining eighty-four years
under kingly authority, recovered for a short season
their independence; they then successively passed
under the dominion of Mithridates, and afterwards
under that of Rome. The town was defended for
nearly two years by the troops of the former against
the Roman general Cotta, who having finally taken
the city by assault, tarnished the glory of his suc-
cess by the cruel and avaricious use he made of vic-
tory; since he put to death many of the inhabitants,
plundered the city of its most valuable images and
Statues, among others, one of Hercules, the supposed
founder of the town, which was of the most costly
description; and finally set fire to the principal
buildings. (Memnon. ap. Phot. Justin. XVI. 3.)
Before the battle of Actium, Heraclea was occupied
for a short time by Adiatorix, tetrarch of Galatia,
P Memnon probably collect- raclea is cited by Athenæus and
9d much of his information from others.
ymphis, whose history of He-
206 BIT HY NIA.
who had espoused the cause of Marc Antony. But
he was finally conquered by Augustus, after the de-
feat of Antony, and put to death at Rome. (Strab.
XII. p. 543.) Other particulars relative to Hera-
clea may be collected from Athenaeus. (VIII. 531, C.
351, C. D.) It was celebrated for its wine, almonds,
and nuts. (I. 32, B. II. 53, D. 54, B.) Heracled
continued to flourish under the Roman emperors,
being dignified with the titles of Metropolis and
Augusta in the coins of Trajan and Severus q. We
find it also mentioned as a city of note by Arriam,
(Peripl. p. 14.) Pliny, (VI. 1.) Marcian, (Peripl.
p. 70.) and the Itineraries. And from the incidental
references made to it in the Byzantine annals we
find it retained some degree of prosperity as late as
the reign of Manuel Comnenus. (Nicet. Ann. p. 158,
B.) And even now some traces of the ancient name
are still apparent in that of Erekli. Near Heraclea
was a spot called Acomae, either from its abounding
with whetstones, or the aconite plant. (Steph. Byz.
v. 'Akóval. Athen. III. 85, B. Strab. XII. p. 543.
Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 792.) Pliny calls it
a port. (VI. 1.) Beyond it the same writer places
the Acherusian cave, where Hercules is said to have
dragged forth the hell-hound Cerberus to light.
Rod Magiavºuvöv isgºw Té?ov Švº' ºvšTovary
O932tov Kpovíðao wiyav ×áva, x2xxsópavov
Xsgºw &v=Axéu.svov usyaxóppovo; Hoaxx;0;
Asiyêy &Tº atop 3rww 3.xxâsly glax&sa Yuxáv.
DIONYs. PERIEG. v. 788.
Xenophon, who terms it the Acherusian peninsula,
says, that Hercules descended there to the shades in
Aconac.
Acherusia
chersone-
SUIS,
q Sestini, p. 68. There are of Heraclea, and his queen A."
also medals of Dionysius, king mastris.
BITHY NIA. 207
‘luest of Cerberus; and he affirms, that traces of his
descent, for upwards of two stadia in depth, were
shewn in his day. (Anab. VI. 2. Cf. Diod. Sic.
XIV. 261. Mel. i. 19.)
Arrian names beyond Heraclea, at a distance of
eighty stadia, Metroum ; and forty stadia further, Metroum.
*pe Posidium. Marcian reduces the whole space Posidium
to 100 stadia. (p. 70.) Mannert says this promon-É."
‘ory is now called Tchantsche-Aggisiº. Next is a
*Pot named Tyndaridae, forty-five stadia from cape ºn-
Posidium; (Arrian. p. 14.) and fifteen stadia fur-"
ther, Nymphaeum. From thence to the river Oxi- Nºn-
*as, noticed by both geographers, are fifteen stadia. º:
annert supposes this stream to be the Soonautes ºte:
9f Apollonius. (Arg. II. 748. et Schol. Cf. Plin."
I. 1.*) But, besides this, we have two others named
by Pliny, the Paedopides and Callichorus; the latter jºides
ºf which is also mentioned by Scylax. (Peripl. p. 34.) ions
After the Oxinas appears the haven of Sandaraca, Sºea
*t a distance of ninety stadia. Then Crenidae, sixty É.ie.
*adia; Marcian says only twenty. Psyllum was a Psylum.
Port thirty stadia from Crenidae. (Arrian. p. 14.
Marcian. Peripl. p. 70. Cf. Steph. Byz. v.v. Kpavíček,
*Axa, Ptol. p. 117.)
Tium, which next follows, was a Greek town of Tium.
Some note, founded by the Milesians, in a district
ºlonging to the Paphlagonians, but annexed by
"usias to Bithynia. (Memnon. c. 17–19. Arrian.
°ripl. p. 14.) In Strabo's time it was but a small
Place, remarkable only as the birthplace of Phile-
terus, founder of the Attalic dynasty. (XII. p. 543.
lin. VI. I. Steph. Byz. v. Tſos.") The town ap-
...Geogr. tom. VI. part i. s Ibid. p. 615.
p. 614. t There are medals of Tium
208 BIT HIY NIA.
Billaeus
fluvius.
pears to have been advantageously situated on a per
ninsula, at the mouth of the river Billaeus. The
site is called Filios, or Filbas, which is also the
modern name of the river. The Billaeus is a consi"
derable stream which rises on the confines of all"
cient Phrygia and Galatia, and was accounted by
some geographers the limit of Bithynia and Paphla"
gonia. (Marcian. Peripl. p. 71.) But it is more
usual to extend the confines of the former province
to the Parthenius, a few miles further to the east.
(Arrian. Peripl. p. 14.)
TIxpxayávs; T' #Ti Toi; TIsà07%io sixaflow airw;,
"Oga ov; Bixxxioio uéXav Tspiáyvural tºwp.
Apoll. ARG. II. 792.
The Mariandyni did not occupy the whole space
between the Sangarius and Parthenius; for Tium
and the adjacent coast were attributed by several
writers to the Caucones, a people apparently of grea
antiquity, and once widely diffused, since they had
wandered as far as the western coast of the Pelo"
ponnese". Some authors assigned to this people *
Scythian origin; others looked upon them as a Peº
lasgic tribe; while some again maintained that they
came originally from Macedonia; which three opin'
ions, it may be observed by the way, might all be
perfectly consistent. Callisthenes, a commentator of
Homer, even affirmed, that the Caucones of Pontuº
were mentioned by the poet in conjunction with
the Paphlagonians, and produced two lines to tha'
effect in the catalogue of ships, which however wer”
not found usually in the MSS. (Ap. Strab. XII.
p. 542.)
Caucones.
as late as the reign of Gallie- Sestini, p. 71.
nus. The ethnic is TIANON. * Anc. Greece, t. III, p. 77.
BIT H Y NIA. 209
Kaúxwva; ºr ºys IIoxvkxéo; viºs épépov
Oi Tepi IIapóšvoy Torapºy Kavrò 8&uar’ valov.
Strabo reports, that in his time there was a remnant
of this people near the Parthenius, named Cauconi-
tes; and Ptolemy also ranges them next to the Ma-
riandyni.
The interior of Bithynia is much less known to
us than the coast; and though the Itineraries give
us the details of the principal roads which traversed
the province, the names of places which occur there
*re for the most part obscure and unknown. The
°ountry indeed, being very woody and mountainous,
Could never have been thickly peopled; and it is for
this reason that so few towns of note present them-
Selves in the interior. The principal of these was Bithynium
Bithynium, which probably was a considerable placetºio.
in ancient times, and perhaps gave its name to the"
Whole province. Mannert is inclined to suppose
that it was first founded by Zipoetes, king of Bi-
thynia, who called it by his name; but this is only
a conjecture, resting on no solid foundation *. Re-
Specting the position of Bithynium, we learn from
Strabo, that it was situated above Tium, in a dis-
trict named Salone, celebrated for its excellent pas-Salone.
tures, and a cheese much esteemed at Rome. (XII.
P. 565. Plin. XI. 42. Steph. Byz. v. XaXáveig.) And
We collect from the Itinerary of Antoninus, that
there was a road leading from it to Ancyra. Pau-
Sanias further leads us to suppose it was on the
banks of the Sangarius, or near it. (Arcad. 9.) It
appears from Ptolemy, and other authorities, that
Bithynium afterwards changed its name to Claudio-
Polis, which it retained till the downfall of the east-
x Geogr. tom. VI. part i. p. 618.
VOL. I. - P
210 BITH Y NIA.
ern empire. This change probably occurred in the
reign of Tiberius, for the name first presents itself
in a medal struck under his auspices. Claudio-
polis, as the birthplace of Antimous, the favourite of
Hadrian, received several privileges from that em."
peror Y. (Dio Cass. LXIX. 11. Pausan. loc. cit. Xi-
phil. p. 262.) Under the emperor Theodosius it
was made the capital of the province Honorias.
Many years after, we learn from Anna Commend
(p. 967.) and Leo Diaconus, (IV. 9.) who describe
it as the most wealthy and flourishing city of Ga-
latia, that it was almost totally destroyed by an
earthquake, attended with vast loss of lives.
Hºriano- Hadrianopolis of Bithynia is not to be confound-
polis.
ed with Hadriani in the same province, near mount
Olympus and the Rhyndacus. The former of these
towns is known to us from Hierocles, (Synecd. p.
695.) who places it in the province Honorias, the
Notitiae Imperii, and its coins”. Most antiquarians
agree in fixing the site of this ancient town at Boli,
a Turkish city of some size, near the Filbas, or
Billaeus *. Ptolemy places in the interior of Bithy-
Cratia, nia, Flaviopolis, called also Cratia. Besides the
quae et Fla-
*iopolis, fact of its having borne these two names, little is
known respecting this town, except that the Itine-
raries place it between Claudiopolis and Ancyra,
twenty-four miles from the former. It was an epi-
scopal see, (Hierocl. Synecd. p. 695.) and coined its
own money". The Table Itinerary lays down a
y Some coins of that em-
peror, struck at Claudiopolis,
are inscribed with the name of
Antinous. Sestini, p. 67.
2 These begin with Hadrian,
and end with Philip. Sest, p. 68.
a Leake's Asia Minor, p. 309.
b Sestini adduces one auto-
nomous coin, with the epitap!
KPH, for Cratia ; and severa
of imperial die, from Antoninus
Pius to Gallienus. p. 67.
BITH Y NIA. 911
l'Oad leading from Nicomedia, through the interior
of Bithynia, into Galatia, Paphlagonia, and Pontus.
The three first stations are Lateas, Demetrium,
Pusepro Solympum. Of these, Lateas, which is
twenty-four miles from Nicomedia, is most proba-
bly the Latania of Ptolemy. In Col. Leake's map Latania.
this site is made to correspond with Kondek, but
*om the distance it should be on the left bank of
the Sangarius. Demetrium, thirteen miles further, Demetri.
is unknown. Dusepro Solympum is evidently a cor-"
"Ption of the Greek Aſsis ºpe; "Oxvgºrov, implying a §.
*tation at the foot of mount Olympus, i.e. a con-"
*inuation of the mountain properly so called. Mo-
"ern travellers have pointed out in this direction a
urkish village, whose name, Dustchè", bears con-
siderable analogy to the station of the Itinerary,
which is placed at a distance of thirty miles from a
°nsiderable town, without a name, on the left bank
of the Sangarius. The latter circumstance should
“gree with Claudiopolis, but Col. Leake is inclined
* think Hadrianopolis is meant".
Another road led from Nicaea to Ancyra, passing
* the south of the former, and along the valley of
the Sangarius. The Bithynian stations on this road
*e, Tateabio, a corruption of Tattacum, or Tottaeum, º
('tin. Anton. p. 141. Itiner. Hieros. p. 573.) forty teum.
*iles from Nicaea; Dablac, twenty-eight or twenty-Dalla.
"ine miles from Tottaeum, which Ptolemy calls Da-
les; Dadastana, which next follows, at a distance Dadastana.
of forty or forty-five miles from the preceding sta-
"on, is noticed in history as the place where the
*mperor Jovian died on his return from Syria to
Otter, voyage en Turquie, c. 48. Tavernier, tom. I. c. 2.
Asia Minor, p. 309. -
P 2
219 IBIT II Y NIA.
Juliopolis,
prius Gor-
dium.
Constantinople. (Socrat. Hist. Eccl. III. in fin. So-
zom. VI. 6. Ammian. Marcell. XXV. in fin. Philo-
storg. VIII. 8.) These writers state it to have been
on the borders of Galatia and Bithynia. Ptolemy
assigns it to the latter province, as well as Juliopo"
lis, which next follows, at a distance of twenty-six
miles from Dadastana. This town could boast of
considerable antiquity, having been formerly under
the name of Gordium, the residence of the ancient
Phrygian kings Gordius and Midas. (Strab. XII.
p. 568.) It is also celebrated in history as the scene
of Alexander's exploit in cutting the famous Gorº
dian knot. Arrian, who relates the circumstances of
this adventure at length, says it took place in the
citadel of Gordium, which had been the palace 0
Gordius. The historian remarks also, that the town
was near the Sangarius, and in Hellespontine Phry-
gia. Alexander appears to have remained some time
at Gordium, being joined there by some fresh troops
and the deputations sent by different towns. (Al-
rian. I. 29, 7. II. 3. Quint. Curt. III. I, 12. Justill:
XI. 7.) In the time of Strabo the original town
had sunk into the condition of a mere village, but
Cleon again raised it to the rank of a city. This
person had rendered himself famous by his robberies
and marauding warfare in the fastnesses of Olym-
pus; and having conciliated first the favour of Marº
Antony, by thwarting the measures of Labienus his
enemy, who commanded in Asia Minor, and after"
wards that of Augustus, by deserting his forme”
patron, obtained several concessions and grants fron"
the emperor. He was at the same time priest of
Jupiter Abrettenus in Mysia, of Comana in Pontus,
and possessed besides the Mysian districts of Morenº
BIT HYN IA. 213
and Abrettene: but he did not long enjoy this ac-
cumulation of dignities, being seized, soon after his
arrival at Comana, with an acute disorder, which in
a short time carried him off. (Strab. XII. p. 574.)
Gordium is mentioned by Polybius as a small place
of Galatia, in his account of the operations of Cn.
Manlius against the Gauls of Asia Minor. (XXII.
20, 8.) Livy, who alludes to the same event, and
exhibits at length the account of Polybius, of which
the above citation is only a fragment, adds, that
Gordium was a small town in itself, but a place of
much traffick, from its central situation, being nearly
equidistant from the Hellespont, the Euxine, and
the sea of Cilicia. (XXXVIII. 18.) It continued
to flourish, under the name of Juliopolis, from the
reign of Augustus for several centuries, being men-
tioned by Pliny, (V. 43.) Ptolemy, and the Itinera-
lies. Procopius leads us to suppose, however, that
in the time of Justinian it had suffered from the in-
undations of a neighbouring river, and was there-
fore repaired by that emperor. (AEdip. V. 4.) This
stream, as we learn from the coins of the town, was
called Scopase. It is the Scopius of Pliny. (V. 43.) scopas
The Jerusalem Itinerary mentions another river,
fluvius.
called Hieros, which it was necessary to cross in Hieros
going from Juliopolis to Ancyra, thirteen miles to
the east of the former. Pliny also names it, and
remarks besides, that it separated Bithynia from
Galatia. (loc. cit.) When Procopius says Justinian
made a bridge over a river, Siberis in Galatia, about
ten miles to the east of Juliopolis, and close to a
spot called Sycei, there is very little doubt that he
is speaking of the same stream. (AEdip. V. 4.) In
e Sestini, p. 68, f Leake's Asia Minor, p. 79.
fluvius.
P 3
214 BITH Y NIA.
Callica.
Patavium.
Protoma-
ČTºle
Timaea.
Dadau-
('il Ilfº,
Clitar.
Orminius
IIl OIlS.
Agrippen-
$628.
Partheno-
polis,
the Itinerary of Antoninus we have a road leading
from Claudiopolis to Ancyra in Galatia, by Cratia,
or Flaviopolis, Carum vicum, and Legna. Of Carus
nothing is known, unless it should be the Caue of
Xenophon, which is mentioned as a large village of
Phrygia, on the road to Paphlagonia. (Hell. IV. 1,
10.) Legna is no doubt the Laginia of Stephanus
Byz., which belonged to Bithynia. (v. Aayſvia.) The
same Itinerary furnishes another road from Nicaea
to Ancyra in Galatia, by Juliopolis. The first sta-
tion is called Oriens Medio, sixteen miles from Ni-
caea. The meaning of the name, as well as the por
sition, are quite unknown. Beyond, the road passes,
as in the Table, through Tottiaeum and Dables.
The next station to that is Coenon Gallicanon,
known also from Ammianus Marcellinus, who re-
ports that the sister of the emperor Constantius was
there seized with a sudden fever, and carried off.
(XIV. 11.)
Besides the towns hitherto mentioned, and of
which something is known, we have now to add a
few with which we are acquainted in name only.
These are, in Ptolemy, Callica, near Nicomedia ;
Patavium, to the south of the Ascanian lake g; Pro-
tomacra, between Nicaea and Dadastama, written Pro-
tunica in the Jerusalem Itinerary; (p. 573.) Timaea,
more to the east; Dadaucana, between Prusa, on
the Hypius and Bithynium ; Clitae, near the Par-
thenius; and a mountain named Orminius.
In Pliny we find mention made of the Agrippell-
ses, among the towns of Bithynia, and Parthenopo-
tºryphan-lis and Coryphanta; the two last no longer existed
tit.
g Wesseling thinks this name should be altered to Tattacum.
(Itin. Anton. p. 14 l.
BIT H Y NIA. 215
in his day. (IV. 43.) He names also the rivers
Syrius, Lapsias, Pharmacias, Crynis. Of these, the Syrius fl.
Pharmacias, or Pharmicas, is perhaps the river cor- #º
f Tuptly named Pharnutis in Suidas, and which, he §§ ſl.
Says, flowed near Nicaea.
Stephanus Byz. names, in Bithynia, Alyatta, per-Alyatta.
haps the same which Livy calls Alyattus, (XXXVIII.
18.) though that should seem rather to belong to
Galatia. Mazaeum, a place mentioned by Arrian, Mazºum.
in his Bithyniaca. (v. 'Apačelow.) Amaxa, cited Anaxa.
from Eratosthenes. (v. "Apaša.) Bysnaei, a tribe of Bysnai
the Bebryces, the aboriginal inhabitants of Bithy-"
nia. (v. Bwavaſol.) Epiphanea, (v. 'Etiºpéveto.) Zipoe-zipetius.
tium, founded by king Zipoetes, near mount Lype-Lyperus
rus. (v. Zirotriov.) The latter fact is stated by the IIl OIlS.
historian Memnon. (Ap. Phot.) Corone. (v. Kopów.) corone.
Cossus, a mountain mentioned by the poet Demos-Cossus.
thenes, in his Bithyniaca. (v. Koacá.) Ladepsi and Ladepsi,
Tranipsi, Bithynian tribes, cited from the Hellenics Tranipsi,
of Theopompus. (v. Aa3elloſ.) Hodiopolis and Mo-º.
cata, mentioned by Domitius Callistratus, in his
Work on Heraclea. (vv. Obioſtroxts, Mákara.) Nico- Nicome-
medium, an emporium, according to Arrian, whose"
Bithyniaca are referred to. Sete, or Seti. (v. Syria.) sete.
Simana, a town situated between two rivers. (v. Si-Simama.
Pava.) Tarantus, where Jupiter was worshipped Tarantus.
under the name of Tarantaeus. It was also called
Darandus by some writers; from the Bithyniaca of
Demosthemes. (v. Tápac.) Tarsus and Tarseia, from Tarsus.
the same poet. (v. Tapaé.) Charax, a considerable Charax.
emporium in the bay of Nicomedia: this must be
Said of a very late period in the Byzantine empire.
(v. Xápaſſ.)
I? 4.
SECTION IV.
P A P H L A G O N IA.
Origin and history of the Paphlagonians—Boundaries of their
country—Description of the coast between the rivers Parthe-
nius and Halys—Interior of the province.
THE antiquity of the Paphlagonian nation is suffi-
ciently established by the fact of its being enume-
rated by Homer among the Asiatic defenders of
Troy. (Il. B. 851.) The Heneti also, whom the poet
mentions as one of their tribes, have given rise to
much discussion on the part of his commentators
and scholiasts in connexion with the well-known
people of the same name, who occupied the head of
the Adriatic, and were said to have been transplanted
thither by the Trojan Antenor. Whatever may be
thought of this tradition, which was certainly an-
cient, and accredited by many writers, as appears
from Strabo's account, (XII. p. 544. XIII. p. 608.) it
is plain that no change had taken place in the great
body of the nation, from the period alluded to by
Homer to that of the above mentioned geographer;
since the places mentioned by the poet as belonging
to the Paphlagonians still subsisted in the latter's
time, and are assigned by him to that people. Strabo
himself hazards no remark respecting the origin of
the Paphlagones; but he incidentally introduces an
PAPH L A G ON I. A. 217
observation, which proves that in his opinion there
Was a considerable similarity between their language
and that of the Cappadocians. Now these last are
allowed on all hands to have been Syrians, and
therefore if the Paphlagonians spoke the same lan-
§uage, they must have had a common origin. It
thust be confessed, however, that this argument is
"ot conclusive, for the Cappadocians may have once
9°cupied the country of the Paphlagonians, and this
*ay have produced that uniformity of tongue, which
Strabo notices. (XII. p. 553.) And this, in fact,
seems to be made out by a circumstance recorded
by Herodotus; namely, that the Cappadocians, whom
he calls Syrians, once extended on the left bank
ºf the Halys, as far as the Parthenius; (II. 104.)
that is, they occupied the whole length of coast
"sually assigned by ancient geographers to Paphla-
8onia. The probability therefore is, that the Pa-
phlagonians coming from the west, drove the Leuco-
Syri from the country, and finally compelled them to
"etire beyond the Halys. If I am right in reasoning
thus, it will follow, that the Paphlagonians are to
be looked upon as being of the same race with the
Bithyni, Mysi, and Phryges, that is, they were a
hracian people. Theopompus, indeed, as we learn
*om Strabo, classed them with the Mariandyni and
Bithyni. (XII. p. 54.1.) Another circumstance which
*ems further to confirm this opinion is the name of
Cotys, which is given by Xenophon to one of their
chiefs, (Hell. IV. 1.) and which is so frequently
"ound to occur in the momenclature of Thracian
Sovereigns. We may add also from Herodotus, that
their arms and accoutrements were very similar to
those of the Phrygians. Paphlagonia appears to
218 PAPHILA G O N IA.
have been governed by native princes, from the
earliest period till its conquest by the Romans; and
even at that epoch we find there were chiefs whº
boasted of their descent from Pylaemenes, the lead"
of the Paphlagonian Heneti in the Trojan war, and
whose claims were admitted by Pompey. (Strab.
XII. p. 54.1.) When the Lydian monarchy had be
come so powerful as to bring into subjection the
whole Asiatic peninsula within the Halys, Paphlº.
gonia formed the extreme portion of the empire of
Croesus to the east, being separated from the Leuco"
Syri or Cappadocians, by the channel of that rive”
(Herod. I. 72.) On the dissolution of the Lydia"
empire by the defeat and capture of Croesus, Paphla-
gonia submitted, with the rest of Asia Minor, tº
the Persian arms, and in the reign of Darius formed,
with the cities on the Hellespont, the Bithynians,
Phrygians, and Cappadocians, the third division 0"
satrapy of the empire. (III. 90.) The Paphlag”
nians furnished a numerous and well appointed body
of troops for the great armament of Xerxes. And
about a century later we find the whole force which
the country could supply estimated by Xenopho"
at no less than 120,000 men, horse and foot. The
cavalry, indeed, was esteemed by the Persians to be
superior to any they possessed; and the whole terri-
tory presented great advantages for a defensive war
fare. (Anab. V. 6.) Under these circumstances, the
Paphlagonian chiefs, knowing their strength, coll"
sidered themselves almost independent of the Pe”
sian satraps, and were ready to join any power at
war with those governors which held out sufficient
inducement for them to take the field on its sid"
Thus when Agesilaus had invaded the Persian dor
|
PA PHI, A G ONIA. 219
minions, and was carrying on a destructive war in
the plains of Caria and Phrygia, one of his first
objects seems to have been to engage the Paphlago-
nian chief, Cotys, to join the Lacedaemonian army.
For this purpose, he himself proceeded into Paphla-
gonia, and easily secured the alliance of its sove-
reign, through the intervention of Spithridates, a
Persian nobleman, who had attached himself to
Agesilaus out of enmity to Pharnabazus. A mar-
riage was afterwards brought about between Cotys
and the daughter of Spithridates, at the desire of
the Spartan king. Not long after, however, the
unjust treatment they met with at the hands of
Herippidas, a Lacedaemonian officer, induced the
Paphlagonian prince and Spithridates to quit the
“amp with all their troops; an event which, as Xe-
"ophon observes, was more felt by Agesilaus than
*ny other which occurred in the course of the war.
(Hell. IV. 1, 1—13.) Paphlagonia submitted to Alex-
ander after the battle of the Granicus, (Arrian. II.
4, 1.) and on the death of that prince it fell to the
share of Eumenes, one of his most distinguished
generals. (Plut. Eum. Quint. Curt. X. 10.) But the
Constant wars in which Eumenes was engaged against
Antigonus and others, prevented him from securing
the possessions allotted to him. During the agita-
tion which pervaded the whole of Asia and Greece,
from these contests between Alexander's successors,
the lºings of Pontus, who possessed a small sove-
reignty on the shore of the Euxine, and between
Paphlagonia and Colchis, gradually emerged from
the obscurity in which they had hitherto remained
°oncealed, and began to prove formidable neigh-
hours to the Greek colonies on the Euxine, and the
220 PAP HLA G ON I.A.
native chiefs of Paphlagonia. Mithridates, of Per-
sian extraction, one of these sovereigns, extended
his dominions to the river Halys, and even pro-
ceeded to attack Sinope, a flourishing Greek colony
on the coast beyond that river. (Appian. Mithr. c. 9.
Polyb. IV. 56.) Sinope resisted his attack with suc-
cess, through the assistance of the Rhodians; but it
was afterwards compelled to yield to his son Phar'-
naces, (Polyb. XXIV. 10, I.) who even engaged in
war with the kings of Pergamum and Cappadocia,
and was only stopped in his career of conquest by
the intervention of the Romans. (Polyb. III.3, 6.
XXV. 2, seq.) His grandson, the celebrated Mithri-
dates, surnamed Eupator, not only made war agains'
Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, with such success that
he stripped him of his dominions, but even defeated
the Romans in several engagements, and for a time
was left in possession of nearly the whole peninsula
of Asia, except the towns of Chalcedon and Cyzi-
cus. Checked, however, by the exertions of Sylla in
Greece, and of Lucullus in Asia Minor, Mithridates
saw the fruits of his victories rapidly snatched from
him, till he was left solely in the possession of his
hereditary dominions. Of these, too, he was finally
stripped by Pompey, who annexing the greatest
part of Paphlagonia to the province of Bithynia,
allotted the remainder to certain native chiefs, who
boasted of being descended from Pylaemenes, king
of the nation, in the Trojan war. (Strab. XII. P.
541.) The last of these Paphlagonian sovereigns
was Dejotarus, son of Castor, and tetrarch of Gala"
tia. (Strab. XII. 562. Cic. pro Dejot.) We find that
in the time of the younger Pliny, the whole of Paph-
lagonia, as far as the Halys, acknowledged his all-
PA PHI, A G O N IA. 221
thority as praetor of Bithynia. But the province
Was commonly known by the name of Pontica".
We shall consider Paphlagonia under its more
ancient limits; which were, the Parthenius on the
side of Bithynia, and the Halys on that of Pontus
and Cappadocia. On the north it was bounded by
the Euxine, and on the south it was separated from
Galatia by a lofty chain of mountains connected on
One side with the Bithynian Olympus, on the other
With the Cappadocian and Pontic ridges. This
"ange of mountains was covered with forests, which
Supplied abundance of excellent timber for ship-
building, and various kinds of wood for making
tables, and other ornamental works. They contained
also salt mines, and a rich supply of the mineral
called sandarach. Eudoxus reported that fossil fish
Were likewise to be found in some parts of the coun-
try. (Strab. XII. p. 561–563.) The plains afforded
rich pastures for horses and cattle, and the mules of
the Paphlagonian Heneti were celebrated as early
as the days of Homer.
'E: 'Everów, §ey jºiávay yévos &Yporépáww.
IL. B. 852.
The sheep of the county adjoining the Halys fur-
nished wool much esteemed for the fineness of its
Quality. (Strab. XII. p. 546.) And the Euxine
along the whole extent of coast supplied great quan-
tities of excellent fish; especially the kind of tunny
called pelamys. (Strab. XII. p. 545. Athen. VII.
p. 307.) -
The Parthenius, with which we shall commence ºrthenius
our description of maritime Paphlagonia, is a con-"
siderable river according to Xenophon, and not
* Inscr. ap. Cellar. Geogr. Ant. t. II. p. 206.
222 PAP H L A G O N IA.
Sesamus
postea
A mastris.
fordable. (Anab. V. 6, 3.) It was supposed to de-
rive its name from the gentleness of its stream, or
because Diana loved to bathe in its waters.
K2, 3} TIapºsvioto #03; &Augup#svro;
IIpyūrárov Torapot Tapsu.ºrgsov (; āv, x0%pm
Aqraig &ypnºsy &r' odpavöy sia avagaivs,
"Ov  ipsproia'iv &vºlves, 58%rsaciv.
A POL L. ARG. II. 938.
(Cf. Schol. ad loc. Steph. Byz. v. IIapóévios.) It is
mentioned for the first time by Homer, in his Cata-
logue of ships. (Il. B. 854.)
'Appi Te TIapflávlov Torapºv xxuri, 8%ux' valov.
Herodotus also mentions the Parthenius. (II. 104.)
And Strabo affirms that it was so called from the
beauty of the country which it traversed. (XII.
p. 543.) Its source was in Mount Poemen, a Paphla-
gonian mountain, situated in the interior of the pro-
vince, (Steph. Byz. v. IIoupºv.) and after a winding
course it fell into the Euxine, not far from the town
of Amastris. (Id. v. IIapóéving.) The modern name
is Bartan.
The first town to be noticed on the right bank of
this river is Sesamus, a Greek colony from Miletus
probably, and of great antiquity, since it is alluded
to in the Iliad. (B. 853.)
Of £2 Körwpov čov, x2 >}cagow &utsy;pºro.
Scylax has also mentioned it in his Periplus. (p. 34.)
From Strabo we learn that it was afterwards colon-
ized by Amastris, niece of Darius Codomanus, and
wife of Dionysius, tyrant of Heraclea, who trans-
mitted her name to the new settlement. Cromna
and Cytorum, two neighbouring towns, contributed
also to the foundation of Amastris, but Sesamus was
the acropolis and seat of royalty. (XII. p. 544. Cf.
P A PHILA G ON I.A. 993
Plin. VI. 2. Steph. Byz. v. Sázaº. Schol. Apoll.
Arg. II. 945.) According to Arrian, Amastris was
ninety stadia from the Parthenius, (Peripl. p. 15.)
Which measurement is confirmed by Marcian. (Pe-
ripl. p. 70.) We learn from Pliny the Younger that
in his time Amastris was a handsome town, adorned
With squares and public buildings; in one of his
letters to Trajan, he recommends that a common
*Wer which was open, and was a great public nui-
*ance and disfigurement to the town, should be
$9vered. This was allowed by the emperor. (X.99.)
*cclesiastical writers speak of Amastris as a flou-
lishing town and episcopal see, in the seventh cen-
'ury. (Hierocl. p. 696. Nicet. Paphlag. Orat. in
S. Hyacinth. XVII.) The Table Itinerary calls it
Mastrum. Abulfeda, the Arabian geographer, Sam-
*i. The modern name is Amasera”.
Sixty stadia further east we find Erythini, (Ar–Erythini.
rian. Peripl. p. 15.) which, according to the Scholiast
ºf Apollonius, were cliffs or hills.
Nuxtſ tº reit' &AAºtov #Tirporépoq’s fléovrs;,
Sºgapov, airsvoſ, rs Tapsłevéovr''Eovºſvov;.
ARG. II. 942.
Keāuyáv t', Alyſaxów re, xa, tºols 'Eovºivov;.
IL. B. 855.
Strabo reports that there were two rocks called
*ythini, in his time, from their colour. (XII.
* 545.) Stephanus says there was a town so named.
(v. 'Epwºol.) Cromna, another place mentioned by Cromna.
Omer, was sixty stadia from thence. (Arrian. loc.
“it. Apoll, loc. cit. Plin. VI. 2. Strab. XII. p. 544.)
" There are coins extant, the epigraph AMAXTPIANON.
Oth of queen Amastris and the Sestini, p. 64.
°lty she founded, the latter have
224, P A PH LA G ONIA.
Cytorum.
Cytorus
IIlOI) S.
It belonged to Amastris. (Steph. Byz. v. Kp:pya)
The site retains the name of Cromena". Cytorum
was ninety stadia further. It was a Greek town of
great antiquity, since Homer alludes to it:
Of £a Kórwpov #xov, x2 >}axpov &pºpévepovro.
It is also mentioned in the Periplus of Scylax. (p.34)
According to Ephorus, cited by Strabo, it took its
name from Cytorus, son of Phrixus, and belonged
to the Sinopians. This place derived further celer
brity from mount Cytorus, which rose above it, and
was covered with boxwood.
Et juvat undantem buxo spectare Cytorum.
VIRG. GEong. II. 437.
Kpagiaxov, Kg6pºvozvre, xzi ºffevra Kórapov.
Apoll. ARG. II. 944.
Mox etiam Cromnam atque jugo pallente Cytoron.
VAL. FLAcc. W. 106.
(Cf. Plin. VI. 2.) The modern name is Sagra. In
the Table Itinerary, as Col. Leake has well ob-
served, the road which followed the coast to Sinope
has by an error of the transcriber been moved out
of its proper direction along the sea, into the inter
rior. This is evident from the names of Cromed,
Cytherum, and Carambus, for Cromna, Cytorum, and
Carambis". The vestiges of Cytorum have been
observed by travellers near the present Kidros,
which is evidently a corruption of the ancient name".
The ancient geographers applied the name of AEgid-
AEgialus.
* Sestini notices some au-
tonomous coins belonging to
Cromna.
* Col. Leake has in my opin-
ion most satisfactorily account-
ed for this mistake, by shewing
that the similarity of name be-
tween Amastris and Amasia
induced the transcriber to sub'
stitute the coast road from
Amastris to Sinope, for that
leading from Amasia to Sinopº
Asia Minor, p. 307.
ºniº, Voyage, tom. III.
C. U.
PAPH LA G () NIA. 225
lus to a portion of the Paphlagonian coast in the
immediate vicinity of Cytorus, and which extended
for a hundred stadia towards cape Carambis. There
Seems also to have been a small town of this name
Sixty stadia from Cytorus. (Arrian. Peripl. p. 15.)
Strabo observes, that some commentators of Homer
read Cobialus in that poet for Ægialus. (XII. p. 545.)
And it is worth while to remark, that in Apollonius
We find the place called Crobialus, (Arg. II. 944.) Crohialus.
which is imitated by Valerius Flaccus. (Arg.V. 102.)
Altius in ventos recipit ratis; ac fugit omne
Crobiali latus, et fatis tibi, Tiphy negatum
Parthenium.
The Homeric appellation prevailed however in the
time of Arrian; and still later we find in the Table
Itinerary the corrupt word Egilan for Ægialus.
rom thence to a spot called Climax, Marcian in Climax.
his Periplus reckons fifty stadia. (p. 71.) It is ac-
knowledged also by Ptolemy. Timolaeum, according Timoleum.
to Marcian, (Peripl. p. 71.) was sixty stadia from
Climax. Thymena, called also Teuthrania by the Thymena.
last geographer, was forty stadia further, or ninety
from AEgialus, as Arrian reports. (p. 15.) Cape Ca-Carambis.
"ambis, which next follows, forms an important pºnto.
feature on this coast, since it advanced so far as to
*ivide as it were the Euxine into two distinct seas,
With the opposite cape of Criumetopon. (Strab. XII.
P. 545. Plin. VI. 2.)
'E,64?s airs Kápagºw &p' #xiolo 30x;a,
Tyáu lavrag, Tapix trouxby itsir' Xavyov estuois
Aiyaxów.
Apoll, ARG. II. 945.
Kapauðſºo; #yyväsy &xºns.
Dioxys. PERIEG. 785.
VOL. I. Q
226 PA PHILA G O N I A.
Carambis
urbs.
Callistra-
tia.
Zephy-
rium.
Garium.
Aboni-
tichos.
AEginetes.
This headland is not however the most northerſ'
point of Asia Minor, since its latitude falls some.
what short of that attained by the promontory of
Inje to the north-west of Sinope. The ancient namº
is easily recognised in that of Kerempe, which it
bears at present. Scylax speaks of a Greek tow”
which bore the same appellation as the Cape; (Perip).
p. 34.) a fact which is confirmed by Pliny. (VI. 2.)
Marcian places next to Carambis the little town of
Callistratia, twenty stadia distant. (Peripl. p. 73.)
This place, according to the anonymous author 0
the Periplus, was also called Marsilla; (p. 6.) then
follows the Zephyrium of Arrian, (Peripl. p. 15)
sixty stadia from Carambis, consequently forty from
Callistratia. Garium was eighty stadia further, acº
cording to Marcian's computation. Abomi-tichos, *
small town and harbour noticed by Strabo (XII.
p. 545.) and Arrian, (Peripl. p. 15.) was the birth-
place of an impostor named Alexander, who assumed
the character of AEsculapius. Lucian, who exposes
the fraud in his Pseudopropheta, affirms that this
man had the boldness to petition the emperor—it is
not stated who he was—to allow his native town to
take the name of Ionopolis for that of Aboni-tichos'
a request which seems to have been granted, since
Marcian affirms that the later name prevailed in his
time. And it is evident that the modern Inebol
is only a corruption of Ionopolis. (Lucian. Pseudo-
proph. II. p. 262. Marcian. Peripl. p. 72. Hierock
D. 695. Steph. Byz. v. 'Agóvov Teixos.)
Arrian places AEginetes, a small town and har-
There are coins of Anto- legend ABONOTEIXITON and
minus and L. Verus, with the IONOTIOAITON. Sestini, p. 64.
P A PH L A G ONIA. 227
bour, 160 stadia to the east of Abomitichos. (Peripl.
P. 15.) Marcian (p. 72.) reckons 160. Stephanus
ºnentions also a river of the same name. (v. Alyy}-
”s.) Cimolis, or Cimolis, next follows, at a distance Eginetes
of sixty stadia; this is a naval station, and is men- ".
tioned by Scylax, (p. 34.) Strabo, (XII. p. 544.) Ar-
rian, (p. 15.) Marcian, (p. 72.) Mela, (I. 19.) and
Pliny. (VI. 2.) Abulfeda, the Arabian geographer,
calls it Kinuli, and the site yet retains the name of
Kimla. Anticinolis was another small haven, proba- flºticino.
bly on the opposite side of the bay, and sixty stadia 1S.
distant. (Strab. loc. cit. Marc. loc. cit.) Stephane lay Stephane.
150 stadia more to the east. (Arrian. p. 15. Marc.
P. 72. Scyl. p. 34. Steph. Byz. v. Xreqavíº. Plin. VI. 2.)
he site, according to Tournefort, preserves the name
of Stephanio, or Estiſan. Scylax seems to place be-
tween Stephane and Cinolis a Greek town named
Colussa, which no other writer has noticed. (p. 34.) Colussa.
Potami, a station probably situated at the mouth of Potami.
Some small river, follows, after an interval of 150
Stadia from Stephane. (Arrian. p. 15. Marc. p. 72.)
Cape Inje, the most northern point on this coast,
*PDears under two different names in the ancient
lmaritime surveys, which constitute our principal
*uthorities. Arrian calls it Lepte, (p. 15.) but Mar-Syriassive
“ian and the anonymous Periplus, Syrias. (Marcian. .."
P. 72. Anonym. Peripl. p. 7.) In both cases the ""
"istance of 120 stadia from Potami is specified.
From this cape the shore bends gradually to the
South-east in the form of a crescent, at the extremity
of which stands Sinub, the representative of the
tlncient Sinope. But before we speak of that cele-
*ated city, we have to point out the situation of
*nene, a small town and port belonging to the Armene.
Q 2
228 P A PIH L A G O N IA.
Sinope.
Sinopians. It was a place of so little traffick or note,
that it gave rise to the proverb,
"O; Éeyov oſſº, sixs 'Appévºy reixirsv.
(Strab. XII. p. 545.) Scylax says it was a Grecian
colony, (p. 33,) and places after it, towards the west,
another town named Tetracis, which is unknown to
all other geographers. Xenophon states that the ten
thousand, after obtaining vessels to convey them
home, were stationary for some days in the port of
Armene. (Anab. VI. 1, 9. Cf. Arrian. p. 15. Mar-
cian. p. 72. Steph. Byz. v. Appéyn. P. Mel. I. 19.
Plin. VI. 2.) A small river which flowed into the
sea close to this place is called Ochosbanes by Mar-
cian; (p. 72.) Ochthomanes, by the anonymous
writer of the Periplus; (p. 7.) and Ocheraenus, by
Scylax. (p. 33.) The modern name is not known
to me, but Armene corresponds with the site of
Aklimen.
Sinope was a town of great antiquity, since its
origin was referred by some writers to the Argo-
nauts, by others to the Amazons. Mythologists
derive the name from the nymph Sinope, daughter
of the Asopus.
Aörix& 8' Agavping #Té82v ×6096; ivºx >ivátºv
Guyatép' 'Azaroto x20ia’a aro, x2, oi &rara's
ITapjevinº Zst: adrö; ºrogºzsolyai 80x25sſ;.
Apoll. ARG. II. 947.
tº º º alta Carambis
Raditur, et magnæ pelago tremit umbra Sinopes.
Assyrios complexa sinus stat opima Sinope;
Nympha prius, blandosque Jovis quae luseratignes,
Coelicolis immota procis.
VAL. FLAcc. V. 108.
The Sinopians themselves assigned the foundation
PAP H L A G O N IA. 229
of their city to Autolycus, a companion of Hercules,
and one of the Argonauts. They erected statues to
him, and even paid him divine honours. (Strab. XII.
P. 546.) But the original town was of small extent
and power, till the accession it received from a
colony of Milesians. This people, as we learn from
Seymnus of Chios, were in their turn dispossessed
by the Cimmerians, to whom Herodotus seems to
assign the foundation of the city. But when they
had been driven away by the Scythians, and overran
Asia, the Milesians returned, and regained possession
of their colony. (Scymn. Ch. Frag. v. 204–215.
Anonym. Peripl. Eux. p. 8.) Towards the com-
*nencement of the Peloponnesian war, the Sinopians,
who had fallen under the government of a tyrant
*amed Timesileon, received assistance from the
Athenian people; and after the tyrant had been
*Xpelled, Pericles, who was then at the head of
affairs, proposed that 600 colonists should be sent
to Sinope, which was agreed to, and carried into
°xecution. (Plut. Pericl. c. 20.) At the time of the
"etreat of the ten thousand, we collect from Xeno-
phon that Sinope was a rich and flourishing city,
holding many of the neighbouring towns in its de-
Pendence, and possessing considerable influence over
"he barbarian tribes of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia.
Among its colonies were Cerasus, Cotyora, and Tra-
Pezus, all situated on the Euxine, and flourishing
Settlements. It was principally through the assist-
ºnce of the Sinopians, that the Greeks were enabled
* procure ships to convey them to Heraclea. (Anab.
V. 5. Diod. Sic. XIV. c. 32.) Strabo also reports,
that the navy of Sinope held a distinguished rank
*hongst the maritime powers of Greece. It was
Q 3
230 PAP H L A G O N IA.
mistress of the Euxine as far as the Cyanean rocks,
and divided with Byzantium the lucrative fishery
of the pelamys, a kind of tunny. It appears, from *
curious passage in Tacitus, that in the time of Pto-
lemy Soter, who sent an embassy to Sinope, that
city was governed by a prince named Scydrother
mis, who was doubtless a Paphlagonian. (Hist. IV.
82–84. Cf. Plut. II. 361.) Its great wealth, and
the peculiar advantages of its situation, rendered it
however in later times a most desirable acquisition
to the neighbouring sovereigns of Pontus, a state
almost unknown in history before the time of Alex-
ander. It was assailed for the first time by Mithri-
dates IV. great grandfather of the celebrated king
of that name, in the year 220, B.C." Polybius, who
is our chief authority for this event, thus describes
the situation of Sinope: (IV. 56.) “Sinope is situ-
“ated in that part of the Pontus which lies to the
“right in sailing along towards the Phasis. It is
“built on a certain peninsula, which advances out
“ into the sea. The isthmus, which connects this
“ peninsula with the continent of Asia, is not more
“ than two stadia in breadth, and is entirely barred
“ by the city which comes up close to it; but the
“ remainder of the Chersonnese stretches out to-
“wards the sea. It is quite flat, and of easy access
“ from the town, but on the side of the sea it is
“precipitous all round, and dangerous for vessels,
“ and offers very few spots for effecting a landing.
“The Sinopians, therefore, fearing lest Mithridates
“should erect works on the side of Asia, and at the
“same time by making a descent from the sea, and
“advancing to the level part of the peninsula, and
" Clinton, Fast. Hell. Append. P. II. p. 425.
PAPH L A G O N IA. 231
“those points which overhang the town, should
“blockade them, set about fortifying the peninsula
“with trenches and pallisades on every point which
“was accessible from the sea: they also placed
“engines of war and soldiers in the most favourable
“stations, which they were easily enabled to defend,
“as the ground was naturally strong, and of no
“great extent.” Strabo, describing the Sinopian
Peninsula, says, “It is girt all round with rocks
“hollowed out in the form of basons, thence called
“Choenicides. At high water these troughs are
“filled, and render the shore inaccessible, especially
“ as the rocks are every where so pointed, that it is
“impossible to walk on them with bare feet.” The
Sinopians, though severely pressed by the king of
Pontus, defended themselves with great vigour and
“ourage, and finally, through the timely support
and assistance they derived from the Rhodians, com-
Pelled Mithridates to raise the siege. They were
not so successful in resisting the attack of Phar-
naces, his son and successor. This prince having
assaulted the town unexpectedly, found the citizens
unprepared to resist, and easily overpowered them.
(183. B. C.) Sinope from that time became the chief
town and residence of the kings of Pontus. (Strab.
XII. p. 545–546. Polyb. XXIV. 10, 2.) Pharmaces
Was succeeded by Mithridates, surnamed Euergetes,
who was an ally of the Romans, and obtained Phry-
gia in return for his services. (Justin. XXXVIII.5.)
This prince having been assassinated at Sinope,
(120 B.C. Strab. X. p. 477.) left the crown to his
Son, the famous Mithridates Eupator, who was born
and brought up in the city which we are now no-
| Clinton, Fast, Hell. Append. P. II. p. 425.
Q 4
239 PAP H L A G ON I.A.
ticing. When at the height of his power, Mithri-
dates, owing to this circumstance, employed himself
in embellishing the place of his birth, and adding
the contrivances of art to its local advantages. He
formed a harbour on each side of the isthmus,
erected naval arsenals, and constructed admirable
reservoirs for the tunny fishery.
When the king of Pontus, after the disasters of Cy-
zicus, found himself forced to retreat before the victo-
rious Lucullus, he left a strong force in Sinope, under
the command of Bacchides, with orders to defend the
town to the last extremity. This officer, suspecting
the fidelity of the citizens, treated them with great
cruelty and oppression, which precluded him from
deriving any aid from their exertions; so that the
Roman general easily overpowered the garrison,
which consisted chiefly of Cilician troops, and put
them to the sword *. (Plut. Lucull. c. 18. Appian.
Bell. Mithr. c. 83.) Lucullus treated the Sinopians
with kindness, and left them in possession of all the
works of art which embellished their city, with the
exception of the sphere of Billarus and the statue of
Autolycus. (Strab. XII. p. 546. Cic. pro Leg. Manil.
8. Plut. loc. cit. Appian. loc. cit.) Pharmaces, the
son of Mithridates, for a short time regained pos-
session of Sinope; but after the rout of that prince
at Zela, it opened its gates to Caesar, who took the
city under his protection, and sent a Roman colony
there!. Strabo informs us, that in his time Sinope
k Sestini is inclined to ascribe
to these Cilicians a coin of Si-
nope, with Phoenician charac-
ters, which he reads SINUP-
KERT. Izettere Numismat. t.
VII. p. 37. Class. Gen. p. 63.
I should be inclined to refer it
rather to a much earlier period,
when the Leuco-Syri occupied
Paphlagonia as far as the Par-
thenius.
| This appears from a coin of
PA PHILA G O N I.A. 233
"as in a flourishing state. He describes it as sur-
rounded by strong walls, and adorned within with
fine porticoes, squares, gymnasia, and other edifices.
* possessed also extensive suburbs, and numerous
Villas in the immediate vicinity. (XII. p. 546. Cf.
Plin. VI. 2. Steph. Byz. v. Sivéry.) It appears from
Pliny’s Letters, that the Sinopians suffered some
inconvenience from the want of a good supply of
Water. This Pliny appears to have endeavoured to
obviate by obtaining a grant from Trajan to erect
* aqueduct, for the purpose of conveying water
from a distance of sixteen miles. (X. 91.) Sinope
WaS yet a flourishing town in the time of Arrian
and that of Marcian. In the middle ages it formed
Part of the small empire of Trebizond, and fell into
the hands of the Turks in the reign of Mahomet II,
about 1470. Sinope is further remarkable for hav-
ing given birth to the Cynic Diogenes; Baton, an
historian, whose works are cited by Athenaeus and
Plutarch; and Diphilus, a much esteemed writer of
the middle comedy. (Strab. XII. p. 546.) Near Si-
hope was a small island, named Scopelus, which jºins
larger vessels were obliged to circumnavigate before IIISUllà.
they could enter the harbour; but Small craft could
Pass between it and the land, by which means a
circuit of forty stadia was avoided. (Marcian. Pe-
tipl. p. 72, 73.) Sinope, according to Strabo, was
3500 stadia from the Hieron of Jupiter Urius; 2000
from Heraclea; and 700 from cape Carambis. (XII.
p. 546.) As these distances agree with those of
Marcian, it is probable that they are both derived
Sinope, with the letters C. I. C. series extends from Augustus
F. S. for Colonia Julia Caesa- to Gallienus. Sestini, p. 63.
*a Felix Sinope. The imperial
234 PAPH L A G O N IA.
Evarchus
fl.
Carusa.
Gazorum.
Zagora.
Zalecus
fluvius.
from Artemidorus, whom Marcian professes to fol-
low. Eighty stadia beyond Sinope, the geographers
notice the river Evarchus, (Marcian. Peripl. p. 73.
Anonym. Peripl. p. 9.) which was once the boundary
of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia. The anonymous
geographer says it was commonly called Evechus in
his time. (Cf. Menipp. ap. Steph. Byz. v. Karaağo-
kia. Plin. VI. 2.) Near this river was the station
called Cyptasia by Ptolemy, Cloptasa by the Table,
which reckons seven miles from Sinope. Carusa
was seventy stadia further, or 150 from Sinope, ac-
cording to Arrian, who observes its port was very
insecure. (p. 15. Marcian. p. 73.) Scylax also no-
tices Carusa, and dignifies it with the title of Greek
town. It answers to the station now called Kerzé,
unless this should be thought to represent the Gur-
zubanthon of the anonymous geographer, sixty sta-
dia from Carusa. Gazorum of the same geogra-
pher is probably the Zagora of Arrian and Marcian,
though they do not agree precisely in the distance;
Arrian assigning 150 stadia from Carusa, Marcian
120, and the Anonymous Periplus 150 from Gur-
Zubanthon. The latter writer states, that Gazorum
was afterwards called Calippi. (p. 9.) In Ptolemy
it is evident we should read Gazorum, instead of
Galorum. I conceive the Orgibate of the Table to
be the Gurzubanthon of the anonymous geographer.
From Zagora to the little river Zalecus, Marcian
reckons 120 stadia ; the anonymous geographer
only ninety from Gazorum ; which makes it still
more doubtful whether we ought to identify those
two places. Ptolemy writes the name of the river
here spoken of, Zaliscus. It is, I imagine, the He-
lega of the Table. From thence to the great river
PAPH LAG ONIA. 235
Halys, which forms the boundary of Paphlagonia,
Marcian reckons 150 stadia, the Anonymous Peri-
plus only 110. The course of the Halys will be
described when we have to speak of Pontus and
Cappadocia; we shall therefore now leave the coast,
and proceed to describe the remaining part of Pa-
phlagonia.
The interior of Paphlagonia was divided, as ap-
Pears from Strabo, into a number of small districts,
Some of which he names, but without defining ac-
Curately their positions or their extent. On the side
of Bithynia he places the region called Timonitis, ºmiti.
and in succession the territory of Gezatorix and the ""
districts called Marmolitis, Sanisene, and Potamia.
But the principal feature in the internal geography
of the province is an elevated chain, now called
O'gas, and anciently Olgasys, which extends from Olgasys
the Parthenius to the Halys. Strabo describes it as"
a lofty chain, and of difficult access, and adds, that
the surrounding country was filled with temples
erected by the Paphlagonians. Modern travellers
Speak of this mountain as being in some parts co-
Vered with snow nearly all the year. At the foot
Of Olgasys, and on the side of Sinope, was an an-
cient fortress, named Cimiata, which had been the Cimiata.
Strong hold of Mithridates Ctistes, the first sove-
reign of his line who effected the conquest of Pon-
tus, as his surname indicates. Cimiata, according
to Strabo, was the capital of a small district called
from thence Cimiatene. (XII. p. 562.) More to Cimiatene
the north, and nearer the Sea, the country was less regio.
*nountainous, and consequently more productive,
and better peopled. It was principally watered by
the river Amnias, celebrated for a great battle flºº
tly lllS.
236 PAPH L A G ON I.A.
fought on its banks between Nicomedes, king of
Bithynia, and Mithridates Eupator, in which the
former was defeated with great loss. This decisive
victory was followed by the conquest of Bithynia,
and nearly the whole of Asia Minor. (Strab. XII.
p. 562. Appian. Mithr. c. 18.) The Ammias is the
river of Castamouni, which rises in the northern
chain of hills, running parallel with the coast, and
at no great distance from it. After a course of
nearly 120 miles, from N. W. to S. E., it falls into
the Halys, about thirty miles south of Sinope.
The country which this river traverses was an-
ciently known by the names of Blaene and Doma-
mitis. Strabo (XII. p. 562.) places in this part of
Paphlagonia, but apparently nearer the Halys, a
town which, from its name of Pompeiopolis, would
appear to have been founded by Pompey the Great.
The Table Itinerary reckons twenty-seven miles from
Sinope to Pompeiopolis, which would fix the site of
the latter in the valley of the Ammias, not far from
the modern Tash-Kupril. Pompeiopolis is often
referred to, as an episcopal see of Paphlagonia, by
the ecclesiastical writers. (Socrat. II. 39–41. So-
zom. 23. Hierocl. Synecd. p. 695. Justinian. Novell.
XXIX. I. Steph. Byz. v. IIopanioſºtoxic ".) In the
vicinity of this town Strabo places the great mine
of sandarach, already noticed when speaking of the
productions of this province. The mineral was ex-
tracted from a mountain, which was pierced in se-
veral directions to a considerable depth. The works
were carried on at the public expense; and such
Dºlaene
regio.
Domanitis
regio.
Pompeio-
polis.
Sandara-
curglum.
| Capt. Kinneir observed some medals belonging to this town,
ruins at Tash-Kupri. p. 286. but not earlier than the reign
m There are some imperial of M. Aurelius. Sestini, p. 64.
PAP H L A G O N IA. 237
Was the unwholesome nature of the service, that it
Was found necessary to employ slaves, and even
malefactors. Owing to the little profit derived from
the mine, the works were frequently suspended.
When Strabo wrote, about 200 slaves were in em-
ployment. (XII. p. 562.) The particular district in
which this mine was situated is called Pimolisene Pimoli.
by Strabo; a name derived from Pimolisa, a royal Fºlia.
fortress near the Halys, but in ruins at the time of
which the geographer was speaking.
To the south of mount Olgasys, and at a distance
of thirty-five miles from Pompeiopolis, according to
the Table, stood Gangra, a city of some note, and Gangra.
the royal residence of Morezus, or Morzus, a Pa-
phlagonian prince mentioned by Livy. (XXXVIII.
36.) It was afterwards held by Dejotarus, the last
Sovereign of the country. (Strab. XII. p. 563. Cf.
Plin. VI. 2. Ptol. p. 117.) Alexander Polyhistor,
in his account of Paphlagonia, ascribed the founda-
tion of this town to a goatherd, who had found one
of his goats straying there: the word Gangra in the
Paphlagonian language being significative of that
animal. (Ap. Steph. Byz. v. Táyypo.) Frequent
thention of this town occurs in the ecclesiastical
Writers, as the metropolitan see of Paphlagonia. A
Provincial synod assembled there in the fifth cen-
tury. (Socrat. II, 43. Sozom. III. 14. Hierocl. Sy-
necd.) This town was much exposed to the attacks
of the Persians under the Byzantine emperors, and
the historians of that period mention its having
been often taken and retaken. (Nicet. Chon. Ann.
P. 14, 15. Cinnam. p. 8. Cedren. p. 347, 361.) Some
traces of the ancient name are yet perceptible in
that of Kiengareh, or Kangreh, a Turkish town of
238 PAP H L A G O N IA.
Germani-
copolis.
Audrapa,
sive Neo-
claudiopo-
lis.
some size, which occupies the same site ". Before
we quit Gangra, it may be worth while to mention,
from Athenaeus, that its orchards produced apples,
which were much esteemed by the Romans. (III.
82.)
Near Gangra was the town of Germanicopolis, as
we collect from the Novellae of Justinian. (XXIX.
1.9) The period of its foundation is uncertain, but
it was probably built in honour of Germanicus. Its
coins, however, are not of a higher date than the
reign of M. Aurelius P. The mention of the Halys
on these monuments proves that it was situated
near that river. Germanicopolis is named by Ptor
lemy in his list of Paphlagonian towns. The same
geographer mentions also Neoclaudiopolis, which,
before it received that name, was called Andrapa.
The latter appellation appears, however, to have
been still used as the title of the see attached to the
town. (Hierocl. p. 705. Justinian. Novell. XXIII.)
The coins of Neoclaudiopolis bear the dates and effi-
gies of M. Aurelius, Sept. Severus, and Caracalla".
Ptolemy seems to place this town to the south-east
of mount Olgasys. In the same direction we have
Conica, which is perhaps the Ciniata of Strabo.
More to the west, Sacorsa and Moson. Further
north Ptolemy has Zagira, Plegra, and Secora: in
the central region, Elvia, Tobata, and Xoana: all
obscure places, which occur nowhere else. Sora, or
Zora, is mentioned by Hierocles (Synecd. p. 695.)
and Constantine Porphyrogenetes (Them. I. 7.) as
an episcopal town of Paphlagonia ; also Dadybra,
Conica.
Sacorsa.
Moson.
Zagira.
Plegra.
Secora.
I’lvia.
Tobata.
Xoana.
Sora.
Dadybra.
n Tavernier, Voyages, I. 2.
I’ococke, Travels, tom. III. p.
136.
• See Wesseling's note on
Hierocles, p. 695.
P Sestini, p. 64. q Ibid.
P A P H L A G O N IA. 239
or Dadibra, which is besides known to the Byzan-
time historians. It was taken by the Turks in 1196.
(Nicet. Ann. p. 305, C.) Mastya, which Pliny styles Mastya.
a Milesian colony, is thought to correspond with
the Mastrum of the Table Itinerary, if that name is
not there intended to designate Amastris". *
Mantinium, mentioned by Socrates, the ecclesias-Mantini.
tical historian, as a town of Paphlagonia, is un-"
known. (II. 38.)
We have also some obscure stations in the Table
Itinerary, which stand much in need of illustration
by a comparison with the accounts of modern tra-
Vellers. In the road which stands in the Table
along the coast from Tium to Sinope, but which, as
Col. Leake observes, is certainly misplaced, we have
the following stations. From Tium to Mastrum,
XII. M. P.; to Tycae, XX; to Cereae, XV; to Mi-
letum, XV; to Sinope, XVIII. The only stations
On this road which are well known are those of
Tium and Sinope; the rest are all open to conjec-
ture. It is certain that the distances are much too
short; for the real distance from Tium to Sinope,
in a straight line, cannot be less than 180 miles,
Whereas the Itinerary only furnishes for the sum
total of its stages eighty miles. I may observe
here, that Tosia, a town situated on the Derek, a
river which falls into the Halys, represents the Do-Docea.
9ea of the Byzantine historians. (Nic. Ann. p. 336.
Curopal. p. 843.)
Castamouni, another Turkish town of some po-
Pulation and extent, is evidently the Castamon so Castamon.
"ften mentioned by the same writers. (Nicet. Ann.
* Sestini adduces a coin with he ascribes doubtingly to this
tho epigraph MASTIEON, which town. p. 64.
240 PA PHI, A G O N IA.
p. 14, 15. Niceph. Bryenn. p. 63, 64.) Near it was
an extensive plain, called Gunaria. Capt. Kinneir
says, “Castamouni stands in a hollow, in the cent
“tre of which rises a lofty and perpendicular rock,
“crowned with a ruined fortress, formerly possessed
“ by the noble house of Comneni.” The same tra-
veller estimates its population at more than 12,000
souls*.
Another road is indicated in the Table, as leading
from a large town without a name, but which there is
good reason to suppose is Hadrianopolis, to Gangra
the intermediate stations are, Manoris, XX; Potor
mia Cepora, XXXII; Antoniopolis, XV; Anady-
nata, XXVIII; Gangaris, XXXVI. Manoris is
quite unknown. Potomia Cepora is a corruption
probably for Potamos Seporas, a river which is not
mentioned by any other writer, but which seems to
be the Beinder sou, a branch of the Parthenius'.
Antoniopolis, which Col. Leake imagines to be An-
tinoopolis", may be placed at Tchirkis. Perhaps
we should read Antoninopolis; in which case it
would indicate a town founded by the emperor An-
toninus. On the Bithynian frontier we must place,
with Appian, a mountain named Scorobas, which is
perhaps the Beinder dagh of modern travellers’.
Near it was a fortress called Protopachium, where
the generals of Mithridates defeated the Romans
commanded by Manius (Appian. Mithr. c. 19.)
Stephanus of Byzantium enables us to add to ouſ
list of Paphlagonian towns, Daridna, from Alexan."
Seporas
fluvius.
Antonio-
polis.
Scorohas
II].OIIS,
Protopa-
chium.
Daridna.
s Travels in the East, p. 281. Giengareh directly, but through
t Kinnier's Travels, p. 278. Angorah.
At present there seems to be * Map of Asia Minor.
no road leading from Boli to x Kinneir's Travels, p. 278.
PAPH L A G ONIA. 241
der Polyhistor. (v. Aápºva.) Candara, which was candara.
about three schoeni, or twelve miles, from Gangra,
and possessed a temple sacred to Juno Candarena.
(v. Kávãapa.) Thariba was another small place in Thariba.
the same vicinity, (Steph. Byz. ead. v.) perhaps the
Same as Dadibra. Coryleum, a place so called from Coryleum.
Corylas, a king of Paphlagonia, mentioned by Xe-
nophon. (Anab. VI. 1, I. Steph. Byz. v. KopčAelow.)
Cressa, founded by Meriones, after the siege of cressa.
Troy; but afterwards occupied by Zeilas, son of
Nicomedes. (Steph. Byz. v. Kpñaga.) It was pro-
bably on the sea coast, and perhaps should be iden-
tified with Carussa. Papitium. (v. IIairfrtov.) Timo-Papitium.
nium, a fortress which gave its name apparently to
the district called Timonitis by Strabo. (v. Tipávoy.)
Tiriza, the inhabitants of which are named Tirizi-Tiriza.
bani by Ctesias. (v. Tipiſa.)
VOI,. I. IR.
SECTION V.
P O N T U S.
Dynasty of Pontus from its foundation as a kingdom till its
conquest by the Roman arms—Boundaries and geographical
features—Course of the river Halys—Description of the coast
—Interior.
THE name of Pontus implies a political rather
than a geographical division of territory: having
been applied in the first instance to the coast of the
Euxine situated between the Colchian country and
the Halys, it was in process of time extended to the
mountainous districts which lie towards Cappadocid
and Armenia; and it even, at one time, included
Paphlagonia and part of Bithynia. The denomina-
tion itself was unknown to Herodotus, who always
designates this part of Asia by referring to the par-
ticular tribes who inhabited it, and who then en-
joyed a separate political existence, though tributary
to the Persian empire. Xenophon also appears to
have been ignorant of it, since he adheres always to
the same local distinctions of nations and tribes used
by Herodotus; such as the Chalybes, Tibareni, Mo-
synoeci, &c. It was not indeed till after the death
of Alexander, that the Pontic dynasty makes any
figure in history; and I think it probable, that the
first sovereign of his line who assumed the title of
king of Pontus was Mithridates, surnamed Ctistes,
PONTU. S. 243
or the founder. This prince, by the common con-
Sent of ancient authorities, was descended from one
of the seven Persian nobles who conspired against
the false Smerdis and his brother; and his ances-
tors, during three generations, had held a small
Principality in Cappadocia and Paphlagonia". Hav-
ing assisted Eumenes, the general of Alexander, in
his wars against Antigonus, Mithridates became na-
turally exposed to the vengeance of the latter, and
after the death of Eumenes was forced to abandon
his principality, and seek refuge in the fastnesses of
Paphlagonia. It was here, as we learn from Strabo,
that he maintained himself in the fortress of Cimi-
ata, amongst the passes of mount Olgassys; and not
only resisted the attacks of his enemy, but when his
attention had been withdrawn to more formidable
adversaries, was enabled gradually to extend the
frontiers of his little territory, till it had acquired a
form and power worthy of the title of kingdom.
(Appian. Mithr. c. 9. Plut. Demetr. c. 4. Strab.
XII. p. 562.) According to Diodorus, he reigned
thirty-six years, and was slain by order of Anti-
gonus at Cius, who suspected him of forming de-
Signs against his power, in conjunction with Cas-
Sander. (Diod. Sic. XX. 111.) Lucian reports, that
he lived to the advanced age of eighty-four years,
9n the authority of Hieronymus of Cardia, and
other historians. (Macrob. III. c. xiii. p. 217.) His
death happened in 302. B. C." He was succeeded
* These, according to Mr.
sult with advantage his very
Clinton, were, Ariobarzanes I,
learned and valuable work,
Fast. Hellen, part II. Append.
ithridates I, Ariobarzanes II,
ithridates II, or Ctistes: for
the proofs of this lineal ar-
*ngement, the reader will con-
Kings of Pontus, p. 421.
b Clinton, Fasti Hellen. part
II. Append. p. 422.
R 2
244 PONTU.S.
by Mithridates his son, of whom it is only known
that he reigned thirty-six years, leaving the crown
to his successor Ariobarzanes. (Diod. Sic. XX. III.)
This prince, as we learn from Memnon, conquered
Amastris, (ap. Phot. p. 720.) and drove from the
country, in conjunction with the Gallo-Graeci, or
Galatae, lately arrived in Asia Minor, an Egyptian
force sent by Ptolemy. (Apollod. ap. Steph. ByZ.
v. "Aykupa.) He was succeeded by his son Mithrida-
tes IV. who was a minor when his father died. This
sovereign makes a more conspicuous figure in his-
tory. He made war upon the Sinopians; (Polyb.
IV. 56.) married two of his daughters to Antiochus
Theus, king of Syria, and Achaeus, who was then
master of a considerable part of Asia Minor; (Po-
lyb. V. 43. VIII. 22.) and made several munificent
donations to the Rhodians, whose city had been
overwhelmed by the shock of an earthquake. (Po-
lyb. V. 89,90.) Mithridates IV. reigned nearly fifty
years, and left the kingdom to his son Pharmaces,
who conquered Sinope and Tium, (Strab. XII. p.
545. Diod. Sic. Frag.) and was engaged in a war
with Eumenes, king of Pergamum, which lasted for
some years, and was put an end to chiefly through
the interference of Rome. (Polyb. Exc. XXIV. 4.
et seq.) Polybius records of Pharnaces, that he
was the most wicked of all the kings who had pre-
ceded him. (XXVII. 15, I. XXV. 2, 7.) Mithri-
dates his son, the fifth of that name, ascended the
throne about the year 150 B.C., and took the sur-
name of Evergetes, probably from the services he
rendered to the Romans. He assisted that people
in the conquest of Pergamum, and furnished them
with a few ships against Carthage in the third Punic
PONTU. S. 245
War; (Appian. Mithr. c. 10.) and received from them
in return the province of Phrygia Major. (Justin.
XXXVII. I.) On his death, which took place at
Sinope, by the hand of an assassin, he was succeed-
ed, after a reign of nearly thirty years, by his son,
the celebrated Mithridates Eupator. This great
Sovereign, who, by the splendour of his reign, and
the brilliancy of his talents, throws all the other
Princes of his dynasty in the shade, ascended the
throne in the year 120 B.C. The first war in which
he distinguished himself was against Nicomedes,
king of Bithynia, whom he engaged in Paphlago-
nia, on the banks of the Ammias, and totally routed.
He was equally successful against the Roman gene-
rals Cassius, Manius, and Oppius, who had moved
forward to support their Bithynian allies. These
rapid and brilliant victories rendered him master of
Bithynia, Mysia, and Phrygia; and he soon after
added Ionia, Lydia, and Pamphylia to his conquests;
So that the whole of Asia Minor might be said to
have fallen under his arms. (Appian. Mithr. c. 17
–22.) Not content, however, with this success,
and feeling that his conquests could never be secure
as long as so many Roman citizens remained in the
country, he formed the bold, but atrocious design of
cutting off in one day many thousand families, liv-
ing in peace and security throughout the different
provinces. This horrid design was but too well
executed. Secret letters having been despatched to
all the governors and commanders in the several
towns and districts under his authority, on an ap-
pointed day a general massacre of the Romans and
Italians took place, in which neither age nor sex
was spared, but all were slain indiscriminately, and
R 3
246 PONT U.S.
even their bodies were denied the rites of burial,
and their goods were declared forfeited to the king.
The readiness with which the people of Asia exe-
cuted this sanguinary decree proves, as Appian ob-
serves, that the Romans had already made them-
selves odious throughout the different countries in
which they resided rather as masters than allies.
No less than 80,000 souls are said to have perished
in this barbarous manner. (Appian. Mithr. c. 22–
24. Cic. pro Leg. Manil. 3—5. Vell. Paterc. 11,
18. Liv. Epit. LXXVIII. Val. Max. IX. 2.) Mi-
thridates, feeling now secure in Asia Minor, de-
spatched his general Archelaus with a large army
into Greece, in the hope of wresting that country
also from the Roman dominion; while he himself
was engaged in reducing such places as yet with-
stood his power. The determined resistance of the
Rhodians baffled however all his efforts to obtain
possession of their city in a long and vigorous siege,
so that, despairing of success, he gave up the attempt,
and employed himself in the prosecution of his en-
terprise in Greece and other countries. (Appian.
Mithr. c. 24–28.) His empire was indeed now the
most formidable which the Romans had had to con-
tend with ; since, in addition to the great resources
which the possession of Asia Minor placed in his
hands, he was master also of Colchis and the dif-
ferent warlike tribes inhabiting round the Euxine
and Palus Maeotis, as far as Thrace and the country
of the Bastarnae. He was besides allied to Tigranes,
king of Armenia, and Arsaces, king of the Parthi-
ans. His infantry, at the commencement of the
war, amounted to 250,000, his cavalry to 40,000
soldiers His fleet consisted of 300 galleys, the
PONTU.S. 247
whole admirably appointed, and commanded by able
and experienced officers. (Appian. Mithr. c. 15–17.)
Had Mithridates himself led his forces into Greece,
and carried on the war there with vigour, before
the Romans had assembled their forces, his success
in that quarter would probably have been no less
decisive. But his love for Monimia, a young lady
of Stratonicea in Caria, is said to have detained him
in Asia, and prevented him from prosecuting his
designs against the Romans with his usual energy.
Archelaus, though an able general, was no match
for the great commander whom the Romans op-
posed to him in Greece. Sylla commenced his ope-
rations by the siege of Athens; and though it was
vigorously and obstimately defended by Archelaus
in person, he succeeded at length in overpowering
all resistance, and taking the place by assault. (Ap-
pian. Mithr. c. 30–40. Plut. Syll.) Archelaus
Withdrew into Boeotia, where he was joined by
large reinforcements sent by Mithridates; and he
Soon found himself at the head of I.20,000 troops.
Sylla, though unable to bring into the field a force
amounting to one third of so great an army, marched
also without hesitation into Boeotia, and, after a se-
ries of able manoeuvres, compelled the enemy to
fight near Chaeronea, under great disadvantages,
and succeeded in gaining a complete victory. (Ap-
pian. Mithr. c. 41–45. Plut. Syll.) Such was
the activity, however, with which Mithridates col-
lected and sent reinforcements to his general, that
Archelaus was soon enabled to encounter his adver-
sary once more in the plains of Orchomenus. He
was nevertheless again defeated, and his camp
forced; himself escaping with difficulty to Chalcis
R 4
248 PONTU. S.
in Euboea. (Appian. Mithr. c. 49, 50. Plut. Syll.)
Whilst Sylla was thus successfully carrying on
the war in Greece, Cinna, and his other enemies
at Rome, had caused him to be superseded in his
command, and had sent out Flaccus with troops to
carry on operations in Asia Minor against the king
of Pontus. Flaccus, a man of no experience in mi-
litary affairs, and hated by the soldiers for his ava-
rice and cruelty, was soon deprived of the command
through the intrigues of Fimbria, a Roman, who
had been sent by the Senate to assist him with his
counsels, and not long after was put to death at Ni-
comedia. Fimbria then assumed the command, and
proceeded to carry on the war with vigour against
Mithridates. He defeated his son, and compelled the
King of Pontus himself to seek refuge within the walls
of Pergamum. From thence, however, he escaped
to Pitane, and finally sailed to Mitylene. Mean-
while, negotiations were carried on between Sylla
and Archelaus in Greece; and these being happily
concluded, Sylla was enabled to march his army
through Macedonia and Thrace, and to cross into
Asia Minor, with the view of taking vengeance on
Fimbria and his party, and compelling Mithridates
to ratify the conditions agreed upon with his general
Archelaus. Sylla had an interview with that mon-
arch near Abydos, and it was finally settled that
Mithridates should give up all his ships of war;
restore all the prisoners he had taken; withdraw
his garrisons from the places he had occupied
since the beginning of hostilities; pay all the ex-
penses of the war; restore Bithynia to Nicomedes,
Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes; and retire within his
hereditary dominions. (Appian. Mithr. c. 54–58.
PONTU.S. 249
Plut. Syll.) Thus ended the first Mithridatic
War. The peace which ensued was not, however,
of long duration, being broken, in the first instance,
by Murena, whom Sylla had left as commander in
Asia, while he himself returned to oppose Cinna and
his faction in Italy. Murena, without any apparent
motive but that of a vain desire to distinguish him-
Self, crossed the Halys, and ravaged the territory of
Mithridates, who, finding expostulation vain, and
perhaps secretly desirous of renewing the war un-
der advantageous circumstances, since Sylla was no
longer opposed to him, collected a large force, and
suddenly attacked the Roman general near the Ha-
lys, drove him from his position with great slaughter,
and compelled him to retreat hastily, and with con-
siderable difficulty, into Phrygia. Sylla and the
Roman senate, conscious that hostilities had been
unjustly commenced on the part of their officer,
Sent Aulus Gabinius to forbid Murena from prose-
cuting the war, and to renew the treaty made with
Mithridates. This, according to Appian, was the
conclusion of the second Mithridatic war. (c. 64–
66.)
Mithridates now employed himself in conquering
the Cimmerian Bosphorus, which he assigned to one
of his sons: he made also war upon some Sarmatian
nations, and formed a still closer alliance with Ti-
granes, king of Armenia. At this period he re-
ceived overtures from the Roman general Sertorius,
who was at the head of a formidable party in Spain,
which were too inviting to be easily rejected, and
which induced him to take up arms once more
against the Romans; since Sertorius promised to
cede to him the whole province of Asia, with Bi-
250 PONTU. S.
thynia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and Galatia. Mi-
thridates, once resolved on undertaking a war which
he saw would be implacable and final, applied his
whole energies to this one object, and collected all the
resources of his empire, and those of the numerous
barbarous and warlike nations contiguous to his dor
minions, both in Asia and in Europe. Having thus
assembled a well-appointed force of 140,000 infan-
try, and 16,000 horse, besides a vast number of
irregular troops, in the year 680 of Rome, or 74
B.C., he invaded Bithynia, which had just been be-
queathed to the Romans by the last will of Nico"
medes. Cotta, the Roman governor, fled on his
approach to Chalcedon; and thus the whole pro-
vince, with the exception of that city, fell without a
blow into the hands of the king of Pontus. Mi-
thridates, after reducing Chalcedon, proceeded to in-
vest the important city of Cyzicus, which had re-
fused to surrender: but though he employed every
resource which art could suggest, and the powerful
means he possessed rendered available, he was un-
able to overcome the gallant resistance of the Cyzi-
cenes. Meantime Lucullus, who had been appointed
to the command in Asia, arrived in that province;
and though unable, with an army greatly inferior
in numbers, to give battle to the enemy, he took up
an advantageous position in the vicinity of Cyzicus,
and by continually harassing the besiegers, cutting
off their supplies, and intercepting communications,
and routing some detached corps, he finally com"
pelled Mithridates to raise the siege, and to with-
draw his forces hastily to Parium, which he did not
effect without considerable loss. And finally, after
encountering fresh disasters both by sea and land,
PONTU.S. 251
he retreated to Sinope, abandoning the whole of Bi-
‘hynia, and his other conquests, to the victor. From
Sinope he proceeded to Amisus, and finally into Ar-
*enia, where he was received by Tigranes, his son-
in-law, and with his assistance prepared to renew
the war with fresh vigour. He sent likewise to his
*On Machares, who commanded in Bosphorus, to
°ollect all the reinforcements that he was able. Lu-
°ullus, after settling the affairs of Bithynia, crossed
* Halys, and commenced the sieges of Amisus,
Bupatoria, and Themiscyra, important cities of Pon-
tus. To relieve these, Mithridates moved forward
from Armenia, and fixed his quarters at Cabira, a
*trong fortress on the borders of Armenia and Pon-
'us, and at no great distance from the besieged
Places. He was now at the head of 40,000 foot,
*nd 4000 horse; and as he received daily reinforce-
"ents, it became necessary to dislodge him from his
Position, or bring him to an action. In the cam-
Paign which now ensued among the mountains of
Pontus and Cappadocia, it appears that Mithridates
*ade such skilful movements, that in several actions
he had a decided advantage over the Romans, and
finally reduced Lucullus to such distress, by cutting
off his supplies, that he was on the point of com-
"encing his retreat. An unsuccessful attack on the
Part of Mithridates' cavalry had the effect, however,
Of deranging all the plans of that monarch, and
finally deciding the fate of the war; since the defeat
of this corps threw such a sudden panic into the
Whole camp, that the soldiers abandoned their en-
"enchments and baggage, and fled in the greatest
"onfusion, pursued by the Roman legions. Mithri-
dates and a few followers escaped with difficulty to
252 PO N T U.S.
Comama, and thence once more joined Tigranes.
Despairing now of success, he despatched the eu"
much Bacchus to his palace at Sinope, with orders
to put to death his sisters, wives, and concubines.
The execution of this barbarous decree was the sig"
nal for a general defection on the part of the go.
vernors and other officers who held situations 0
trust throughout Pontus. They now joined, with
few exceptions, the Roman general, who soon re-
duced Heraclea and Amastris, and proceeded to be"
siege Sinope by sea and land, which, after a vigorous
defence on the part of the governor Bacchus, 0°
Bacchides, and his garrison, was taken by assaulº
Amisus likewise surrendered; and Lucullus, having
received the submission of Machares, son of Mithri-
dates, who commanded in Bosphorus, and sent al"
embassy to Tigranes, to demand that Mithridates
should be delivered up to him, returned into the
province of Asia, which required his presence.
In the spring of the ensuing year, finding that
the king of Armenia not only refused to give up his
ally, but seemed disposed to support him with his
forces, Lucullus moved forward with a small but
chosen army, and having crossed the Euphrates, in-
vaded Armenia. Such was the celerity and secresy
of his movements, that Tigranes had only time to
throw some troops into Tigranocerta, his capital,
and to withdraw hastily into the interior of his
dominions. Lucullus now commenced the siege of
Tigranocerta, which was a place of great strength ;
he had already made some progress, when the ap"
proach of Tigranes, at the head of a large army,
amounting, according to Appian's statement, tº
250,000 foot, and 5,000 cavalry, compelled him to
PONTU.S. 253
"esist, in order to meet the enemy. Mithridates in
Vain urged his ally to avoid an engagement, but to
*rass the Romans by protracted operations and
Petty assaults; Tigranes, relying on the vast nume-
rical Superiority of his forces, marched to the attack.
is positions, however, were so ill chosen, and the
"ovements of his troops so confused and disorderly,
that Lucullus, seizing a favourable opportunity,
*ade a combined attack of infantry and cavalry on
is columns, and routed them with immense slaugh-
ter. Tigranocerta now fell into the power of the
Olhans, and the war seemed at an end; but such
Was the vigour and perseverance of M ithridates, who
Was now intrusted by Tigranes with the whole of
the military operations, that he was again ready to
take the field in the ensuing year with an army of
70,000 foot and 35,000 horse, chiefly disciplined
"fter the Italian manner. The campaign was chiefly
employed in marches and countermarches, and skir-
'nishes, without any decisive action being fought;
and on the approach of winter, both parties retired
ºnto their quarters. Mithridates now proceeded into
Pontus, whither he was followed by Lucullus: here
different partial engagements took place, in several
ºf which Mithridates was victorious; especially in
°ne, which was fought when Triarius the lieutenant
ºf Lucullus commanded in that general’s absence.
The king of Pontus defeated him with considerable
loss, and would have gained a complete victory, if
* Severe wound he received had not spread alarm
*mong his soldiers, and caused them to desist from
the pursuit. When the king was sufficiently reco-
Wered from his wound, he moved his quarters into
the lesser Armenia; thither he was followed by
254 PONTU. S.
Lucullus, but the campaign ended without any der
cisive advantage being gained on either side; and
the Romans being now pressed at home by the
Italic war, and the injuries done to their commerce
and revenue by the pirates of Cilicia, were forced tº
desist from carrying on operations in Pontus, till
they could remedy the evils which were more sensi-
bly felt by them. (Appian. Mithr. c. 66–91. Plut.
Lucull.) When Italy had been reduced, and the
pirates had been destroyed by Pompey, the Mithri-
datic war was intrusted to that general. (A.U. 687 .)
After an unsuccessful attempt to form negotiations
for peace on the part of Mithridates, the Romaſ'
commander opened the campaign with 30,000 foo"
and 3,000 horse, of the choicest troops. He com"
menced his operations by endeavouring to blockade
Mithridates within his lines, and cutting off his
supplies, in which project, through the unaccount-
able supineness of his enemy, he succeeded so well.
that after enduring every privation for several days,
Mithridates was forced to abandon his camp, and
escape at night by bad and difficult roads. Though
closely pursued by the Romans, he succeeded in
making good his retreat to a very strong position
among the mountains, which was only accessible on
one point. The next day both sides prepared for
battle; but before the army of Mithridates was
ready, the action commenced on the part of the
Roman horse with such vigour, that the enemy
were thrown into confusion, and the disorder in-
creasing throughout the camp, a complete rout
ensued; Mithridates lost ten thousand men, and his
camp, with all his stores and baggage. Escorted by
a few troops, he proceeded first to Sinorega, a strong
PONTU. S. 255
fortress, where he kept his treasures. Having drawn
from thence 6000 talents, he advanced to the sources
of the Euphrates, and traversing Chotene, a district
of Armenia, he entered Colchis, and the territory of
the Iberians; and wintered at Dioscurias, a port on
the Euxine, near the mouth of the Phasis. (Appian.
Mithr. c. 97–101. Plut. Pomp.) Though van-
quished, the mind of this extraordinary man re-
mained unbroken and unsubdued, and shewed itself
yet greater in adversity than before. He now
formed the daring project of collecting another army
on the Cimmerian Bosphorus, and opposing a new
front to his antagonists. Thither therefore he pro-
ceeded; and as he received every where on his pas-
Sage through the Sarmatian and Scythian hordes,
demonstrations of respect and admiration, and pro-
mises of support, he felt his hopes raised to the
highest pitch; and he now conceived the gigantic
design of penetrating through Thrace and Paeonia
into Macedonia and Illyria; and from thence cross-
ing the Alps, and carrying the war into Italy itself.
(Appian. Mithr. 101–103.) Whilst he was forming
these plans, and raising troops throughout the Bos-
phorus, treachery began to shew itself in his own
family, and among his own subjects: the Phana-
goreans revolted, and their example was followed by
Several other towns: still Mithridates persisted in
his design of advancing towards Italy, and crossing
the Alps, as Hannibal had done before him; and he
had already concerted measures with the Gauls for
that enterprise, when the treachery of Pharnaces,
his favourite son, who incited the army to open
tebellion, disconcerted all his plans, and brought
him to the grave. Abandoned by his followers, and
256 PONTU.S.
dreading lest he should be betrayed into the hands
of the Romans, to grace the triumph of Pompey, he
swallowed poison, which he always carried about
his person; but the effect of the deadly potion being
counteracted by the frequent use of antidotes, to
which he had had recourse to guard against the
designs of others, he hastened death by the sword
of a Gaul, who remained faithful to the last. Thus
died Mithridates, in the 68th year of his age, after
a reign of fifty-seven years, the last and perhaps the
most formidable antagonist which the colossal power
of Rome had to contend with ; and whose life, if it
had not been tarnished by vices and deeds of cruelty,
which are to be charged in great measure perhaps
to eastern habits of despotism, would call forth
the highest degree of admiration and praise. It
should be remembered, too, that these dark crimes
have been handed down to us by historians who are
not altogether free from the suspicion of partiality;
and it is much to be regretted, that we have no
good ancient life of this extraordinary man. The
body of Mithridates was sent by the traitor Phar-
naces to Pompey, who caused it to be deposited with
kingly honours in the royal tombs at Sinope. Phar-
naces, as a reward for his perfidy, was proclaimed
king of Bosphorus, and styled the ally and friend of
the Roman nation. (Appian. Mithr. c. 103–114.)
Pompey annexed the greatest part of Pontus to
Bithynia, and the rest he assigned to Dejotarus,
tetrarch of Galatia, and a zealous ally of Rome; a
small portion of Paphlagonia, as we have before
said, being reserved for some native chiefs of that
country. (Strab. XII. p. 541–547. Appian. Mithr.
c. 114.) During the civil wars waged by Caesar
PONTU. S. 257
and Pompey, Pharnaces made an attempt to recover
his hereditary dominions, and succeeded in taking
Sinope, Amisus, and some other towns of Pontus.
But Julius Caesar, after the defeat and death of
Pompey, marched into Pontus, and encountering
his army near the city of Zela, gained a complete
Victory; the facility with which it was gained being
expressed by the victor in those celebrated words,
“Veni, Vidi, Vici.” (Hirt. Bell. Alex. c. 72. Plut.
Caes. p. 731. E. Suet. Caes, c. 37. Dio Cass. XLII.
47.) After his defeat, Pharnaces retired to the Bos-
phorus, where he was slain by some of his own
followers. (Appian. Mithr. c. 120. Dio Cass. XLII.
47.) He left a son named Darius, who was made
king of Pontus for a short time, by Antony; (Ap-
Pian. Bell. Civ. V. 75.) but he was soon deposed,
and Polemo, son of Zeno of Apamea, was appointed
in his stead. This person, who had the art to in-
gratiate himself alike with Antony, Augustus, and
Agrippa, was made king of that eastern portion of
Pontus, named Polemoniacus from him, and which
Will be more particularly described in the course of
this section. Polemo was killed in an expedition
against some barbarians of Sindice, near the Palus
Maeotis; but his widow, Pythodoris, was reigning in
his stead at the time that Strabo wrote his Geogra-
phy. (XII. p. 556. 578. Dio Cass. LIII. 25. LIV.
84.) Ptolemy divides Pontus into three districts,
which he terms Galaticus, Cappadocius, and Pole-
moniacus; and under the Byzantine emperors the
two former were included under the name of Hele-
nopontus, derived from the mother of Constantine,
as they had been usually comprehended before by
the Romans themselves under that of Pontica Prima.
WOL. I. S
258 PONTU. S.
(Dio Cass. LI. 2. Sueton. Ner. 18. Ptol. p. 125.
Justin. Novell. XXVIII. 1. Not. Imp. c. I. Hierocl.
Synecd. p. 701, 702.)
We shall consider Pontus as extending along the
coast of the Euxine from the Halys to the river
Acampsis, which separated it from Colchis, though
some geographers have been disposed to remove
this eastern boundary as far as the Phasis”; (Ptol.
p. 125.) but Strabo does not carry it beyond Tra-
pezus, (XII. p. 548.) and Pliny only as far as the
Apsarus. (VI.4.) On the south, Pontus is separated
from Cappadocia by a lofty range of mountains,
which connects itself towards the west with the
Paphlagonian chain, and in a southerly direction
with the central ridge of Taurus. On the side of
Armenia and Colchis, the same chain, under the
various names of Paryadres, Scydisces, and gene-
rally the Moschic mountains, extends as far as the
Phasis, and unites with the different ramifications
of Caucasus and Ararat. It will be seen from this
outline that Pontus is chiefly mountainous; espe-
cially towards the north-east frontier. Here we
have some of the highest table land in Asia, from
whence flow the great streams of the Euphrates and
Tigris, the Araxes, and the Phasis. The climate
was consequently extremely bleak and severe, the
soil rugged and barren, and the different tribes scat-
tered over its surface wild and savage to the last
degree. (Xen. Anab. V. 4. Strab. XII. p. 548,549.)
But the western portion of the country around the
Halys, and the valleys of the Thermodon and Iris,
• This arrangement has been side beyond Trapezus. Geogr.
adopted by Mannert, tom. VI. Ant. tom. II. p. 197. I have
p. 358. Cellarius does not ex- adhered to that of D'Anville.
tend the limit of Pontus on this Geogr. Anc. p. 98. ed. fol.
PONTU.S. 259
Were rich and fertile, and abounded in produce of
*Very kind, and furnished the finest flocks and herds.
There were also mines of salt, iron, and rock crys-
tal; and the coast exhibited some large and flourish-
ing Greek cities, possessed of good harbours, and
having an extensive traffick with the other parts of
the Euxine, the Hellespont, and the AEgean.
The Halys, which divides Pontus from Paphlago-Haly, flu.
*ia, is by much the largest river of Asia Minor,"
*ince, as Herodotus observed, it nearly divides the
Peninsula in two. According to that historian, it
had its rise in the mountains of Armenia, and after
flowing through part of Cilicia, separated first the
atieni from the Phrygians, and next the Syrians
9f Cappadocia from the Paphlagonians. (I. 72.)
Strabo reports that it took its source in Great Cap-
Padocia, but towards Pontica, and the particular
district called Camisene. He adds, that it flowed
"or a considerable space from east to west, but after-
Wards taking a turn towards the north, traversed
the country of the Galatae, and divided the Paphla-
Sonians from the Leucosyri. (XII. p. 546.)
This description agrees very little with that of
erodotus, who says nothing about the long course
from east to west, but rather makes it flow from
*outh to north. Arrian, however, in his Periplus,
P. lé.) criticises the geography of Herodotus on
this point, and observes, that it does not flow as he
*ates from the south, but from the east, and falls
"to the Euxine between Sinope and Amisus. Pliny,
°n the other hand, seems to adhere rather to the
"escription of the father of history, since he makes it
*se in mount Taurus, and flow through Cataonia
*d Cappadocia, (VI. 2.) Cataonia being that south-
S 2
260 PONTU.S.
eastern portion of Cappadocia which was contiguous
to Cilicia, and the valley of the Euphrates.
These apparent discrepancies are however cleared
up, when we find that the Halys, now called Kizil-
Ermak, has two main branches, which rise at a con-
siderable distance from each other. The one, accord-
ing to the best modern maps, has its source towards
the south, in that part of Taurus which supplies the
Sarus and Pyramus, Cilician rivers which flow into
the Mediterranean. This seems to answer to the
account of Herodotus and Pliny. The other is laid
down in the same maps as flowing from the mount
tains of lesser Armenia, considerably to the north-
east of the former branch. This runs in a westerly
direction for a considerable space, as Strabo and
Arrian report, and joining the other near Manjour,
they flow in one stream towards the north, and dis"
charge their waters into the Euxine near Bafra,
and between Samsoun and Sinoub".
Strabo reports that the Halys took its name from
some salt mines near which it flowed. (XII. p. 546,
561.) This great river formed the boundary of the
Median and Lydian empires, when they were swayed
by Cyrus and Croesus; (Herod. I. 72.) and it is fur-
* In the best maps hitherto
published of Turkey in Asia,
the eastern branch of the Kizil-
Ermak is made to come from
the mountains a little to the
east of Siwas, the ancient Se-
baste; but a recent traveller is
disposed, from personal observa-
tion, confirmed by the reports
of the natives, to remove its
source as far back as Sunnur,
in the vicinity of Baibout, a
town of Armenia. I do not
think, however, that the evi-
dence adduced by Mon. Fon"
tanier, the writer in question,
is conclusive on the subject
and though I am disposed tº
think with him that this branc
of the Kizil-Ermak ought tº
be removed more to the east 9
Siwas, I do not imagine it wi
be found to rise so far back *
Sunnur. Fontanier, Voyages *
Orient. Paris, 1829, 8vo. p. 4!
and p. 140–146.
PONTU. S. 261
ther connected with the history of the latter monarch,
by the ambiguous oracle which might have been
Construed into a warning, but which ambition led
him to interpret in a manner most congenial to his
wishes. (Herod. I. 53. Aristot. Rhet. III. 5. Cic. de
Divin. II. 56.) Xenophon reports that the Halys
Was not less than two stadia, or nearly a quarter of
a mile in breadth, towards its mouth ; (Anab. V. 6,
3.) and Mr. Kinneir, who crossed it in a ferry near
Baſra, describes it as a wide and powerful river.
On the right bank of the Halys were once esta-
blished the Syrians of Cappadocia, whom the Greeks
termed Leuco-Syri, or white Syrians, to distinguish
them from their more swarthy countrymen who
occupied Syria Proper on the shores of the Mediter-
ranean. (Strab. XII. p. 544.) The poets not unfre-
quently call the district which they occupied, Assyria.
Toir à époi usréreira (oft repopºvo atºp
Asirov "Axov trorapºv, Asimov 8 &Yxſºoow'ſpiv;
'Höß zoº. 'Arauping Tpéxualiv xàovés.
Apoll. ARG. II. 964.
And a little before he had said, v. 948,
57
Ağrſza 8' 'Aroupſ"; árá62v xàovás' v0. Fivátºv
Guyarép''Agoroio xahirazro.
Assyrios complexa sinus stat opima Sinope.
WAL. Flacc. W. 110.
Toi; & pist' 'Arauping Tpéxuai; x50wo; #xtstévvarai.
Dionys. PERIEG. 784.
Scylax also calls the district of which we are speak-
ing, Assyria. (p. 33.) Herodotus never uses the
appellation of Leuco-Syri, but calls them Syrians,
and says that the Medes, whose subjects they had
been before the time of Cyrus, gave them the name
S 3
262 PO N T U.S.
of Cappadocians. (I. 72. V. 49. VII. 72.) Pindar
also, in a passage quoted by Strabo, applied the
denomination of Syrians to this people. (XII. p. 544.)
Herodotus mentions likewise another curious parti-
cular respecting these Syrians, which strongly con-
nects them with the Phoenicians and Syrians of
Palestine. It is, that they practised the rite of cir-
cumcision; and though he pretends that they de-
rived it from the Colchians, who themselves bor-
rowed it from the Egyptians, it appears in fact
much more rational to suppose it had been trans-
mitted to them by the mother country. It is true,
that the facts stated by Herodotus have been much
controverted, and in particular it has been denied
that the Syrians of Palestine used the rite of cir-
cumcision, unless he meant indeed to call the Jews
by that name, which was the opinion of Josephus.
(Ant. Jud. VIII. 10.) But though it certainly ap-
pears from the incontrovertible testimony of scrip-
ture, that the Philistines did not use circumcision
in the time of Saul and David, it does not follow
that in the time of Herodotus the practice had not
prevailed among them also, especially when the
Jews had become settled in these towns, and so
many of the neighbouring nations had learned to
use it. (Herod. II. 104. where see the observations
of Wesseling, and the list of authors whom he
quotes.) We have already seen from the same his-
torian that the Leuco-Syri once extended on the left
bank of the Halys as far as the Parthenius, a fact
which is confirmed by other writers of authority;
(Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 772.) and though we
have no positive account of their migration from
the east or south, it is not improbable that they
PONT U.S. 263
owed their position on this coast to some remote
event under the great Assyrian empire, of which no
Certain record has reached us. Ctesias, indeed, who
is quoted by Diodorus, reported that the Assyrians
had penetrated into these parts as early as the reign
of Ninus, (II. 2.) and if the Syrians of Cappadocia
had formed a part of the Assyrian empire, it would
be easy to account, from that circumstance, for their
having afterwards become subject to the Medes.
After the mouth of the Halys, Arrian (p. 16.)
notices a marsh and station called Naustathmus, Naustath-
distant ninety stadia; Marcian says 120: (p. 74)".
then another marsh named Conopeium, fifty stadia Conopei.
further; Marcian writes 120, but his numbers are Ullſ ſ1,
certainly not correct. It seems to answer to the site
of Coumjougas. From thence to Eusene, Arrian Eusene.
reckons 120 stadia. Ptolemy places this station
inland, but the Table on the coast twenty miles
from Naustathmus, and eight from Amisus.
It appears from Herodotus that the country on
this side the Halys was in his time known by the
name of Pteria; since he states, that Croesus having Pteria i.
Crossed the Halys, marched into that part of Cappa- glo et urbs.
docia which is opposite to the Sinopian territory,
and is called Pteria. After wasting the country,
and taking the principal town and others in the
neighbourhood, he was encountered by Cyrus, and
a great battle was fought in Pteria, but without
any decisive result. (I. 76.) Stephanus Byz. is the
Only other author who speaks of Pteria, and it is
probable he merely copied Herodotus. (v.TIrepta.) This
district, which Herodotus describes as the best and
most important part of the Leuco-Syrian territory, º
is noticed by Strabo under the names of Gadilomitis **
S 4
264 PONTU. S.
and Saramene. The former he places immediately
after the mouth of the Halys, and he reports that it
was a rich champaign country, producing every sort
of fruit and grain, and a breed of sheep whose wool
was so fine, that it was found necessary to protect
their fleeces with skins. (XII. p. 546.) There was
also to be found in this country a particular sort of
goats (ºpkes) which are rare elsewhere. Some com-
mentators have supposed that these were the famous
goats of Angora, which are now so much esteemed
for the fine quality of their hairf. Gadilonitis, or
Gazelonitis, appears to have taken its name from
Gadilon, or Gazelon, a town situated in this vicinity.
(Plin. VI. 2.) After Gazelonitis follows the canton
Saramene, and the city of Amisus, situated on the
coast at a distance of 900 stadia from Sinope. It
was founded, as we learn from Theopompus, quoted
by Strabo, (XII. p. 547.) by the Milesians, but was
subject for a time to the authority of a Cappadocian
chief; afterwards it received an Athenian colony,
led by Athenocles, and took the name of Piraeus".
Amisus subsequently fell under the dominion of the
kings of Pontus. Mithridates enlarged the town, and
adorned it with several temples and palaces. (Cic. pro
Leg. Manil. §. 8. Strab. loc. cit.) In the wars waged
by that sovereign against the Romans, it was be-
sieged and taken by Lucullus. Some years after, it
was again occupied by Pharnaces, on which occasion
Gadilon
sive Gaze-
lon.
Amisus.
f Note to the French edition
of Strabo, t. III. and XIII. p.35.
g The date of this event is
not ascertained. Amisus does
not appear to have existed in the
time of Scylax; nor is it men-
tioned by Herodotus or Xeno-
phon. The Athenian colony was
therefore certainly posterior to
the time of the Anabasis. There
are some coins with the legend
IIEIPA, which are assigned to
Amisus, and which appear to
be more ancient than those with
the epigraph AMISOT. Sestin.
p. 58.
PONTU.S. 265
the inhabitants were treated with the greatest cruelty.
(Appian. Bell. Civ. II. c. 91. Strab. loc. cit.) Caesar,
after defeating Pharnaces, restored them to liberty.
Antony annexed their town to the kingdom erected
by him in favour of Polemo; but they were oppressed
for a time by a tyrant named Strato: finally, how-
ever, Augustus took Amisus under his protection,
and made it a free city. It possessed, as we learn
from Strabo, an ample and fertile territory, (XII.
P. 547.) and enjoyed laws and privileges of its own.
(Plin. Epist. X. 93.) The chief magistrate was
named Ecdicus, and there were, besides, a senate
and a popular assembly. (Epist. X. III. Cf. Plin.
Hist. Nat. VI. 2. Plut. Lucull. p. 514. Polyaen.
Strat. VII. 21. Arriam. Peripl. p. 16. Marcian.
Heracl. p. 74. Steph. Byz. v. 'Aglaé. Ptol, p. 116.)
Amisus still continued to flourish under the Greek
emperors of Byzantium and Trebizond, but the
name was corrupted to that of Samsoun, which it
retains at the present day. (Georg. Acrop. p. 6. D.
Abulfed. Tab. XIX. p. 318.) In Constantine Por-
phyrog. the name is written Aminsus; (Them. I. 2.)
in the Table Itinerary, Missos. After Amisus, we
find the town and river of Lycastus mentioned by Lycastus
Scylax (Peripl. p. 33.) and Marcian from Artemido- §:
l'us and Menippus. (P. 74. Cf. Menip. ap. Steph.
Byz. v. Xaºtaia. Anonym. Peripl. p. 10.) Arrian omits
them. The former geographers reckon twenty stadia
from Amisus to Lycastus, and forty stadia to an-
other river called Chadisius, which Arrian again ghadisius
passes over in silence. From thence to the port"
Ancon, so called from a bend made here by the Ancon
land, Marcian reckons 100 stadia; Arrian gives portus.
160 from Amisus to the same place. Ancon is men-
266 PONTU. S.
Iris fi.
tioned also by Apollonius Rhodius, (II. 369.) but
rather as a headland.
Księsy % 7porépoq’s pºéy2; x2, &m'sſpoxo; &yxºv
'Eğavéxs, yain;.
It was close to the mouth of the Iris, a considerable
river of Pontus, which flowed from the mountains
on the frontier of Cappadocia, and after receiving
the Lycus, and other smaller streams, fell into the
bay of Amisus. We shall have occasion to speak
more particularly of its course in the interior when
we come to Amasia, the native city of Strabo, near
which it flows. The Iris, according to Xenophon,
was three plethra, or half a stadium, in breadth:
(Anab. V. 6, 3.)
'Axt; #Ti ºrpoğAjri #02, "AAvog rotapioio
Asivöv geºyovrai. p.srå révê' &yxiè00; ‘Ipi;
Msiórepo; Asukja w śxiao'eral si; &A2 3ivaig.
Apoll. ARG. II. 366.
'Igg & #sin; x2%aphy bàovel, &c. 34xxs
Tā; º' #Tipoguápova, Boczi. "AAvo; Torapolo.
DIONYS. PERIEG. 783.
(Cf. Eustath. ad loc.) This river is now called To-
katlu. w’
After the mouth of the Iris, we come to the cape
Heracleum and port Heracleum, distant, according to Arriam,
promont.
et portus.
360 stadia; (p. 16.) but the anonymous Periplus
reckons only 106, which is much nearer the truth.
Apollonius alludes to this cape when he says,
• * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * #war, 8 air;
Tvápºlav 'Apašovićww caſsy Aiusynáxoy &xpºv.
"Evºx woré Tpop,0x00aav 'Apyriča Mexxvi-Tºw
"How; ‘Heaxxán; #x0x}a &ro’ x&i oi &rowa
‘ITwoxárn ºwarºpa Tavaioxov #yyuáxišey.
Apoll. ARG. II. 966.
PONT U.S. 267
The Scholiast informs us from Artemidorus that
there was a temple sacred to Hercules on this head-
*nd, which in modern charts is named Thermeh.
From Heracleum to the mouth of the Thermodon the Thermo-
ºncients reckon 100 stadia. This river is celebrated"
by the poets of antiquity as the fabled seat of the
Amazons. It would exceed the limits I have pro-
Posed to myself in the execution of the present work,
* enter into a discussion of the origin and ground-
Work of a tale which seems to have obtained so
*uch credit in former ages. I shall confine myself
* present to those authorities which prove their
*xistence in Asia Minor. Homer certainly recognises
them in this part of the peninsula, when he speaks
"f their wars with the kings of Phrygia.
"Hºn Kal ºppvylºv sigºuffov &pºrexésqaav,
"Ev62 fºow TAsia roug Poáya;, &vápag &ioxotóxovs,
Acco'); 'Orp;0; xzi Möyöowog &vridioio,
Of £a rðr' airparówyro rap' ºx0a; Sayyapioio.
Rai yöp #yöy irizoupo; #3v past& roia w śāśxºny
"Huari rā, śrs #Adov 'Apačve; &vriáveipzi'
IL. T. 184.
In another passage the poet alludes to their defeat
by Bellerophon. (Il. Z. 186.)
To ſpirov cº, xarársºvsy 'Apašávez; &vriavsipc.g.
Several grammarians and commentators pretended
*lso that the Halizones, whom he elsewhere men-
tions as the allies of the Trojans, were the same as
the Amazons; and some critics contended that the
Word Amazones ought to be substituted for Hali-
*ones; but Strabo, who seems to have examined
“very thing connected with the Homeric geography
With great care and attention, rejects this opinion
268 PONTU.S.
as destitute of foundation. He seems to allow, how”
ever, that the traditions which established the Amar
zons on the Ionian coast in the vicinity of Smyrna,
Ephesus, and Cyma, were better supported, esper
cially since they were advocated by Ephorus, wh9
was a native of the latter city. (Strab. XII. p. 550-
552.) Herodotus places also the Amazons on the
Thermodon, and affirms that it was from thence
they advanced into Greece, and invaded Attica. (IX.
27.) He likewise speaks of an expedition undertaken
by the Greeks against these warlike females, in which
the latter were defeated near the Thermodon, and
led away captive. A part of them however escaped
to Scythia, and became the mothers of the Sauror
matae. (IV. 110.) The same historian adds, that
the Scythian term which answered to the Greek
word 'Apºgov was Oirpata, i. e. the manslayer; cor-
responding, it should seem, with the Homeric expres-
sion 3yriáveipal. Other traditions relative to the wars
of the Amazons with Hercules and Theseus, and
still more anciently with Bacchus, are noticed by
Pausanias. (Attic. 15. Ach. 2. Plut. Thes, et Quaest.
Gr. p. 541. Diod. Sic. IV. 16. II. 44. Justin. II. 4.)
Apollodorus states that the Amazons cut off their
right breast, in order that they might use the bow
with greater effect, but preserved the left, to be able
to suckle their offspring. (II.5, 9h.) The poets with
one consent recognise the shores of the Euxine and
the banks of the Thermodon as the principal seat
of this singular people.
h See the observations of cumstance is not generally adº
Heyne on this passage, who hered to by the sculptors o
justly remarks, that this cir- antiquity. Obss. p. 153, 154.
PONTU.S. 269
#v?' 'Auzºávov arparov
"Iśs gruyávop', d'i Gap.ſaxvgáv tors
Karoixiojaw &ppi G)sguółow?'—
AEscHYL. PROM. VINCT. 748.
Quales Threſciae cum flumina Thermodontis
Pulsant et pictis bellantur Amazones armis.
Wiltg. AEN. XI. 659.
Qualis Amazonidum nudatis bellica mammis
Thermodontaeis turba lavatur aquis.
PROPERT. III. 14.
The district which they occupied is sometimes called
by Apollonius Rhodius the Doeantian plain, from a Deantius
chief named Doeas, as we are told by the Scholiast. campus.
The same poet adds, that the community of the
Amazons was divided into three separate cantons,
though acknowledging the authority of the same
QIlleen.
º
* éti & arápac, G)spp.68ovros
Köxtá, sºldwyr, Gºspeia xúpstow (n &xpºv
Mágeral, edgeing biasiušvo; #Tsipolo,
"Ev%. 33 Aoſavros Tsºſovº axe?60sy & Téans;
Teigaal'Auzgovíºwy— ARG. II. 370.
O3 y&p ’Apašovſös; uáx' \rºtées, où Đăwiga as
Tſougal reºſov Aoiávrov &pºsvápovro"
'Axx 53pt; arovásga'a za "Agios épy, pºp.ºs.
"Evºo, Gspiazúpia, 'Apašáve; draftovro.
O3 yap pºlyspés; play &pºróxiv, &xx' &v3 yaizy
Ksxgpºwai karð 25xx 8tárpixo, waist&saxov.
Nárp piv aſ adra), ràgiv Tórs xopavésaxev
'Irroxárm, vártiv 8: Auxáaria, &pſp=vivovro,
Nérp, 8 &xovräfloxoi Xaºrizi—
IB. v. 989—1002.
The Thermodon, according to Strabo, is a large
river, formed by the junction of several minor
270 PONTU.S.
streams which watered the fertile plain of Themis-
cyra. (XII. p. 548.) Apollonius affirmed that these
rivulets were not less than ninety-six in number.
Th; oſy #y xáxtra Tpoxozi; #Ti Gippºovro;
Káàgav' &rs) x2] Távro; doivaro via arouévolaiv.
3 op M.
Tö 8 o'rg Torauðv Švaxi yxios' otº #s6p2
º * * y
Tóra’ #wi yaizy ſnai trapé £aw &vºixa 3&axww.
p 3 ºf * 2 f y */
TÉrpaxt; ei; #x2'röv 8:00, rö <sy, siri; Éxczaro,
y
IIepºráčor wic, 3 oin irárvgo; #rasro Tºyº,
t f 3 * * * jº y
H wiv tº # ºpšov x&rayſogeral firsgåyös
"Tºv, &rs parly 'Apačáviz ××eſsatai.
y rº
Evºsv 3' airurépy #Tixſºvarai #98001 yaizy
Avrixpé Tó, xxi oi światpopo, sial xéâsv001.
Aisi 3’ &AAvēi; &AAn, Örn xàoasis w88iaro,
9. 79 077. £1.
'Horsipov ×62g22.js sixiao's rai' pºv, &radev,
"H §: P f * * f Af xf
s, ºréxas' Toxse; os Trópol wavvuyot &aw,
ty f Af • ? Sº º w 2
Qian ºna. 68 &p.p28ow &ppºiyo, Tadgous
IIávrov is "Ağsivoy ºvgrºw (repsºyeral &ºpmy.
AIRG. II. 972.
Xenophon also describes the Thermodon as a con-
siderable river, not less than three plethra, or half
a furlong, in width, and not easy for an army to
cross. (Anab. V. 6, 3.) Dionysius Periegetes af-
firms, that crystal and jasper were found on its
banks. (v. 773–182.)
'Ev''Apašovſösaaw & otpso; 'Appevſolo
Asuköv tºwp ſpołºw 'Evváxios Gipp.43ay.
º º tº º tº ſº tº º * º
Kelvov 8 & Torapolo repl pupéºsa; ºx0a;
Tipºvol; xpvaráxxov Kałapow Aſſov, olá rs téxvnv
Xelpspiny 8% is 8: Kai ܺarása gay tarry.
(Cf. Eustath. ad loc. et Plut. de Fluv. Val. Flacc.
Arg. IV. 600. IV. 122. Plin. VI. 2.) This river,
which retains the name of Thermeh, rises in the
PONTU.S. 271
"ountains to the north-east of Niksar, which sepa-
*ate its course from that of the Carahissar river,
the ancient Lycus. The plain of Themiscyra,
Watered by the Iris and Thermodon, is described by
Strabo as a most rich and beautiful district, ever
Verdant, and able to supply food for innumerable
herds of oxen and horses. The principal kinds of
8tain cultivated there were panic and millet; and
these, from the constant supply of water, were al-
Ways produced in great abundance ; so that scarcity
"as never known in the country. Towards the
*ountains, the soil furnished a great variety of
fruits, such as grapes, apples, pears, and nuts in
Such quantities, that they were suffered to waste on
the trees, or drop off without being gathered. This
8"eat supply of vegetable food naturally caused a
§reat quantity of game of every sort to resort thi-
ther. (XII. p. 548.) Scylax mentions a town of
the name of Themiscyra which he terms a Greek Themis-
* º Cyra urbs.
°ity; (p. 33.) Herodotus also speaks of it; (IV. 86.)
*nd Appian reports that it was besieged by Lucul-
"is after the retreat of Mithridates from Cyzicus.
The Themiscyrians defended themselves with vi-
Sour, and when their walls were undermined, they
°nt bears, and other wild beasts, and even swarms
of bees, against the workmen of the enemy. (Mithr.
°, 78. Steph. Byz. v. Gepfakupa. Hecat. ap. eund. v.
Xabieſ.) The plain of Themiscyra belonged to
Amisus in Strabo's time, as well as that of Sidene, sidene re-
situated next to it towards the east. It derived”
its name from Side, a town seated on the coast;
*nd was likewise fertile and well watered. This dis-
*ict consists also of a valley, through which flows
the river Sidin, which recalls the ancient name.
272 PONTU.S.
Beris sive
Dires flu-
V111S,
Thoaris
fluvius.
OEnoe.
Phi gamus
fluvius.
Ameletum.
Phadisana.
Polemo-
nium.
Pliny, indeed, calls it Sidenus. (VI.4.) Arrian does
not speak of Side, or Sidene, but he names afte"
the Thermodon the river Beris, distant ninety stº"
dia. (p. 16.) The anonymous geographer, who calls
it Bires, says sixty stadia. (p. 10.) From thence tº
the river Thoaris, Arrian measures sixty stadiº
the anonymous Periplus ninety. Thirty stadia furt
ther we find OEnoe. (Arrian. p. 16.) This was "
town, and not a river, as the anonymous writer calls
it, and it still retains the name of Unieh. It was
a place of some consequence in the middle ages,
being often mentioned by the Byzantine writers,
who call it QEnaeum. (Nicet. Ann. p. 410. D. Cid"
nam. p. 102.) In the Table Itinerary it is probablº
that we ought to read CEnoe for Coena, which is
placed at a distance of thirty miles from Heracleum.
From GEnoe to the river Phigamus, Arrian reckons
forty stadia, in which he agrees with the anonymous
geographer. After the Phigamus the anonymous
Periplus names Ameletum, twenty stadia, and. Pha"
disana, or Phadissa, which Arrian also recognises,
150 stadia k. This place probably answers to the
Phauda of Strabo, (loc. cit.) and is now called
Fatsah. Ten stadia further bring us to Polemo-
nium, which evidently derives its name from Po-
lemo, the favourite of Antony and Augustus, and
king of that portion of Pontus named Polemoniacus
from him. Polemonium is not named by Strabo,
and therefore was probably founded after his time;
but it is noticed by Ptolemy; and in the Table Iti-
nerary it is marked as a place of consequence. The
same document names between it and Coena, which
k Geogr, tom. VI. p. 439.
PONTU. S. 273
I take to be OEnoe, Camisa, which is probably
Phigamus, eight miles from Coena, and beyond it
Pytane, twenty from Polemonium ; this last place is
doubtless the Phadisana of Arrian, but the distances
are incorrect. Pliny reckons 120 miles from Ami-
Sus to Polemonium". (VI.4.) Mannert is inclined
to think that the latter place usurped the name and
Situation of Side, which is mentioned by no writer
Posterior to Strabo m. From Polemonium to the
Promontorium Jasonium, Arrian and the other Peri-Jasonium
Plus reckon 130 stadia. This cape was so called promont.
from the ship Argo having anchored in its vicinity.
(Xen. Anab. VI. 2, 1.) It is also mentioned by
Strabo, (XII. p. 548.) and it preserves evident ves-
tiges of the ancient appellation in that of Iasoun.
From thence to the isle of the Cilicians the mari-Cilicum in.
time surveys reckon fifteen stadia. This islet is"
not laid down in modern charts. The whole of this
Coast from the Jasonian cape to the vicinity of the
Thermodon was once inhabited by the Chalybes, chalyle,
a barbarous people, celebrated in antiquity for theij º:
great iron mines and forges which existed in their
country.
"Hwari 3’ &AAq,
Noxrſ r' initàopºv; XaXá8wy Tag& Yaizy ſcovro'
Toir wiv offre 30&y &poro; uéael, oùrs rig &AAn
qbvrozai) xxptoio usXippovo;' oº gåv oſys
IIoſuva; pºevri vogº èvi tropioivova.iv.
'AAA3 alºngo?ápow a rvºsay x8692 yaroušovres,
'Ovoy &psi;3ovrai 6iorºgiov' otº woré a piv
'Hô; &vréAAs zagãrwV &rep, 3XX3 x=xalvå
Aiyvái x2, x&ty; xáparov 32ply dragóouai.
Apoll. ARG. II. 1002—10.
! This distance is much too great. m. Geogr. tom. VI. p. 439.
VOL. I. T
274 PONTU.S.
p.srå Ös apuyspárator &vöpây
Tºxslºv XáX06s; x2, &reſpéc, yaizy śxovoiv
'Epyarívar roi & 3pt; a 3%psa pyx páxovrai.
Apoll. ARG. v. 374.
. . . . . . saevissima quamguam
Gens Chalybum ; duris patiens cui cultus in arvis,
Et tonat adflicta semper domus ignea massa.
VAL. FLAcc. Alto. IV. 610.
At Chalybes nudi ferrum, virosaque Pontus
Castorea— WIRG. G.F.org. I. 58.
Toi; 8 Ari xai XáXw3s; a rvºsa;v x2, &rmyśa: 'yalav
Naiova'iy, Royspot 3=3&nzórs; Epyx atºpov
Oi pa Bapuyêoſtoia w św' &xploquy Éarmāre;
Oörors raûovrai Kapººrov x&i čičáo; c.iwig.
Dionys. PERIEG. v. 768.
(Cf. Eustath. ad loc.) We are ignorant of the
grounds on which the ancients attributed this active
employment in the manufacture of iron to the Cha-
lybes, for it does not appear at present that this
part of Asia is at all productive of that most useful
metal; perhaps, however, if the mountainous dis-
trict was examined accurately, there would be found
traces of the ancient works. It is clear, however,
that they had not ceased to furnish a good supply of
metallic ore in Strabo's time, for he observes, that
the two great articles of produce in the land of the
Chalybes, who were then commonly called Chaldaei,
or Chaldi, where the fisheries of the pelamys, and
the iron works; the latter kept in constant employ-
ment a great number of men. (XII. p. 549.) Strabo
observes also, that these mines formerly produced a
quantity of silver; and this circumstance, together
with some affinity in the names, led some commen-
PONTU.S. 275
tators of Homer to identify the Alybe of that poet
With the Chalybes of Pontus.
Aörðp ‘Axićvay 'O?io; x2] 'Eziorgoto; ºpxov,
Tºx30sy #'Axć3ng, 60sy &pyūpo, a ri ysvéºn.
II. B. 856.
Strabo himself strongly contends for this interpreta-
tion, though he has against him Hecataeus of Mile-
tus, Menecrates of Elaea, and Palaephatus, who placed
the Halizones, or Alazones, in Mysia; (XII. p. 550.)
but the geographer justly observes that the word
ºffey cannot be applicable to a people situated so
near Troy, and besides, it does not appear that the
northern part of Mysia, in which those writers
placed the Halizomes, was ever rich in silver. Upon
the whole, then, I am inclined to adhere to the geo-
graphy of Strabo; and the Halizones, as Mannert
ingeniously observes, may have derived their name
from the river Halys, on whose banks their country
was situated m. It is remarkable that Herodotus
names the Chalybes among the nations of Asia
Minor which were conquered by Croesus, (I. 28.)
and yet they certainly are found afterwards consi-
derably beyond the Halys, which separated his do-
minions from those of Cyrus: either therefore they
must have shifted their position, or Croesus subse-
quently lost what he had gained on the right bank
of the Halys. In the enumeration of the arma-
ment of Xerxes the Chalybes are not mentioned,
though Wesseling has supposed that there is an
omission of a people immediately after the Asiatic
Thracians, (VII.76.) and proposes to insert there
the name of the Chalybes, chiefly on account of
the oracle of Mars, which is said to have existed
m Geogr. tom. VI. p. i. p. 455.
T 2
276 PONTU.S.
among this nameless people. But if Herodotus
had named the Chalybes, he would surely have
classed them with the Macrones, Tibareni, Mosy-
noeci, and other Pontic nations contiguous to
them. (VII. 78.) The nameless people, consider-
ing that they are classed with the Cabelees, Lasq-
nii, and Milyae, who were certainly in the north-
west and north-east of Lycia, should be rather
sought for in Pisidia and Isauria. It is not impro-
bable that the Chalybes, whose business it was to
furnish a great supply of iron for the use of the
army, would be exempted from military service.
Xenophon, who traversed the country of the Cha-
lybes with his fellow-soldiers, speaks of them as
being few in number, and subject to the Mosynoeci;
he adds, that their chief employment was forging
iron. But it is worthy of remark, that he places
these Chalybes more to the east than other writers.
(Anab. V. 5, 2.) Zeunius therefore is of opinion
that this people must have lived a wandering sort
of life, and have often changed their territory".
Xenophon, however, speaks elsewhere of some other
Chalybes who were situated apparently on the
borders of Armenia, and were much more numerous
and warlike. (Anab. IV. 7, 10.) Strabo reports, that
the Chalybes in his time had changed their name to
that of Chaldaei: (XII. p. 549.) and it is remarked,
that Xenophon speaks of an Armenian tribe of
Chaldees, who encountered the Greeks near the river
Centrites. (Anab. IV, 3, 4. Cf. Eustath. ad Dion.
Perieg. v. 768.) but Menippus in his Periplus calls
n Dissert. Geogr. ad Anabas. rus, quoted by Strabo. (XIV.
p. xxvii. ed. Oxon. 1809. This p. 678,679.
would also appear from Epho-
PONTU.S. Q77
the Pontic tribe Chaldi, and their canton Chaldia.
(ap. Steph. Byz. v. XaAbia.) Contiguous to the Cha-
!ybes, towards the east, were the Tibareni, or Ti-Tibareni.
bari, who are named by Scylax, Herodotus, Heca-
teus, Strabo, and other geographers. The form
Tibareni is the more usual, but the other occurs also
in Menippus (ap. Steph. Byz. XaXºta Hecataeus ap.
°und. v. Xolpêes) and Euseb. Praep. Ev. (I. p. 11. C.)
They occupied a small extent of coast from cape Ge-
hetes to the extremity of the bay of Cerasus. Xeno-
Phon describes their country as consisting of fertile
Plains, and possessing some fortified places along the
coast. (Anab. V. 5, 3.) Other accounts speak of the
Tibareni as possessed of numerous flocks, and they
are said also to have been a most laughter-loving
People. (Ephor. ap. Steph. Byz. v. Tigapºvía P. Mel.
I. 19.) Eusebius, on the other hand, affirmed, that
they destroyed their old men by casting them down
Precipices. (Praep. Ev. I. p. 11.") A more harmless
and ridiculous custom was that of causing the mar-
ried women to attend upon their husbands after par-
turition, as if they had undergone the labour of
childbirth.
Toy: 83 pºr' adrix' reira Tsynraíou Ai’; &xpºv
Tvøpºbawreș, a dovro Tégs: Tiěapºvića yaizy.
"Evº irsi &p xs réxwvrai Ör &věpári réxyz yuvaixes,
Aörol Pºv a revºxova w świ Asxásgol regóvres,
Kedara ºngºwevor ral & sixopéova w św8;
'Avipas, #3: Aostpø Asxºia Toir, révovral.
Apoll. ARG. II. 1011.
(Cf. N ymphodor, ap. Schol. ad loc.) The same poet
elsewhere SayS,
O Possibly some other name of the Tibari, or Tibareni; per-
should be substituted for that haps that of the Tapyri.
T 3
978 PONTU.S.
Genetes
prom. et
fluvius.
Boona.
Cotyora.
"Ayz & Vaisréouai Toxſºnve; Tiflapºvoi,
Zºyā; #üğsivolo Tsyntainy trip &xpmy.
Apoll. ARG. II. 377.
(Cf. Dionys. Perieg. v. 767. and Eustath. ad loc.)
The Genetaean promontory, which formed the com"
mencement of the Tibarenian district, took its name
from a small river and port named Genetes, which is
noticed by Scylax, (Peripl. p. 33.) and the Scholiast
to Apollonius, who observes that there was a temple
of Jupiter on the promontory. (Cf. Steph. Byz. v.
Tevfirms.) Strabo also calls the cape Genetes, but in
Arrian's time this appellation appears to have been
lost, since he mentions directly after the cape Jaso-
mium and the island of the Cilicians a place called
Boona, which is easily recognised in that of Pond,
which it now bears; and cape Poma can be no other
than the Genetes of Strabo, and others. (XII. p.
548.) The ancient surveys reckon fifty-five stadia
from the isle of the Cilicians to the river Genetes,
and twenty from thence to Boona. Cotyora, which
next follows at a distance of ninety stadia, was a
place of note, as appears from Xenophon, who re-
ports that it was a colony of Sinope, and able to
furnish supplies for the ten thousand Greeks who
were quartered in its vicinity forty-eight days.
(Anab. V. 5, 4. Diod. Sic. XIV. p. 261.) In Ar-
rian's time it was scarcely more than a village; a
circumstance accounted for by Strabo, who states
that the population had been removed to the more
modern town of Pharmacia. (XII. p. 548. Arrian.
Peripl. p. 17. Steph. Byz. v. Korčopa Mel. I. 19.
Plin. VI. 4. Ptol. p. 125.) The situation of Co-
tyora would seem to answer to the modern Buzuk-
P O N T US, 279
*alé, about ten miles to the south-east of cape Ponap.
It must have possessed a port, since the 10,000 em-
barked there for Heraclea. After crossing the river
Melanthius, we enter upon the territory of the Mo- Mºhius
Synoeci, who were divided apparently by that stream ºci
from the Tibareni. Cotyora, according to Xeno."
phon, belonging to the latter. (Anab.V.5, 4.) The
Maritime Itineraries give sixty stadia from that town
to the Melanthius. (Arrian. Peripl. p. 17. Anonym.
P. lg.) That little river, according to modern maps,
still serves to separate the district of Djanik on its
left bank from that of Heldir on the right. The
Mosynoeci were so called by the Greeks from their
dwelling in small wooden turrets, termed pºovyot.
They are described as a savage race, subsisting
chiefly on the flesh of wild animals and roots; and
addicted to robbery, and other lawless habits. (Strab.
(XII. p. 549.) They were said to keep their chief
a close prisoner in one of their wooden huts; and if
he ordered anything contrary to law, they deprived
him of food. (Anonym. Peripl. p. 12, 13. Scymn.
Ch. v. 162. Nic. Damasc. Excerpt. Mel. I. 19.)
T; 8' in Moračvoixos poépio ºffsga'av
‘Ełaſn; #reigov ÚTopsfc.; re végovrai,
Aoup2Téois Tápyota w św oixio, Texrïvavrs;
Káaxiwa, xxi Tūp) ov; sºnnyéag, où; xxxéoval
Márovvas' xa, 8' 23rol #Tówup.o. 3,0sy #aaay.
Apoll. ARG. II. 379.
‘Ispöv 8 ºr it roia w śpo; x2, Vaiav ćus;30y,
"Hi gvi Mogaºvoixoſ &w oºps, vaſsrºovoº
Márquwa; Kai 3 cºrol #rdwupcom v0sy #20 iv.
'Axxoſ, 33 3/xy 22, diapia toiri réruxta.
"Orca way &ppºinv ćew détºis, #y, ºpº,
P. Mr. Kinneir places it at the east, and may perhaps agree
Ordou, which is a little more to better in point of distance.
T 4
280 PONTU.S.
Pharmate-
nus fluvius.
Pharmacia.
*A * * p y f f
H &yogi, rcºs wavra 86t.01; #vi wºxxváowrat'
"Ooaa & #y, usy&poi; Tsirovºus?..., xsivo, Gápage
'A', f … p 2 * * * • 3. º
syéw; tºdaya w świ féovriv &yvizis.
Aörðp év jºirrº 32a1ast; p &ravvi flaša'awy
'It'sſa; Toxésarai Öixa; Azoia, 8ixáčel,
>xéraio; #v yip trou ri (spuareſſww &Airºrai,
Alºft piv xsiv' ºw.ap vikasiaavres ºxova v.
Apoll. AltG. II. 1017.
Xenophon, who passed through their country, enters
into great detail respecting their habits and manner
of life. He found them, on his arrival with the
Greek army, in a state of dissension, and by siding
with one party obtained the victory over the other
faction, who were determined to oppose his progress,
and thus secured a safe passage for the army. It
appears from his narrative, that the Mosynoeci had
several villages, all built of wood, and a chief town,
or metropolis, which was taken, and set on fire.
On which occasion the king of the Mosynoeci, re-
fusing to quit his tower, was burnt, together with
his attendants. In this town were found great
stores of bread and corn; also pickled fish, chestnuts,
and wine. Their villages were generally not more
than eighty stadia apart, and being situated on the
heights, it was easy to shout from one to the other,
by which means they assembled their forces. They
had also a great number of canoes, made of one
single tree, and able to contain three men. (Anab.
V. 4.) The tract of country which this people in-
habited is now called Heldir. Following the coast,
we have to notice with the Itineraries the river
Pharmatenus, (Arrian. p. 17.) or Pharmantus,
(Anonym. p. 12.) 150 stadia from the Melanthius.
After which we find, 120 stadia further, Pharmacia,
PONTU.S. 281
as Arriam reports, more anciently called Cerasus, cerasus.
a town of some celebrity, colonized by the Sino-
pians. Xenophon and the Greeks rested there for
ten days, having been three days on their march
from Trapezus. (Anab. V. 3, 5, Diod. Sic. XIV. c.
31.) Cerasus is named by Scylax, but not in its
Proper place, for it occurs in the text as it stands at
Present after Sinope. This is probably an interpola-
tion, and it remains uncertain whether the town
°xisted at the time he wrote his Periplus. (p. 33.)
Ammianus Marcell. affirms, that the cherry derives
its name from Cerasus, having been brought from
thence by Lucullus. (XXII. 13.) Arrian is the only
Writer who affirms that Pharmacia had usurped the
Place of Cerasus, for though he is copied in this in-
stance by the anonymous geographer, yet that writer
afterwards places Cerasus 530 stadia further to the
*ast. (p. 13.) It should be observed also that Strabo
says that Cotyorum, and not Cerasus, had contri-
buted to the foundation of Pharnacia; (XII. p.
548.) and he afterwards names Cerasus as a small
Place distinct from that town and nearer Trapezus.
Pliny moreover distinguishes Pharmacia and Cera-
Sus, and he besides informs us that the former was
100 miles from Trapezus, (VI.4) a distance much
too great to be accomplished by an army in three
days, especially over a difficult country. It is appa-
*ent, therefore, that the Cerasus of Xenophon is not
to be identified with Pharnaciap, though it might be
thought so in Arrian's time; and it is remarkable
that this opinion should have prevailed so strongly,
as to leave the name of Keresoun to the site oc-
“upied by the ancient Pharmacia. With respect to
"This is also the opinion of Mannert, Geogr. t. VI. p. ii. p.386.
282 PONTU.S.
Aretias in-
sula.
Zephy-
rium.
Tripolis.
this town, it appears to have been founded by Phar-
naces, grandfather of Mithridates Eupator, though
we have no positive authority for thefact". We know
only that it existed in the time of Mithridates Eur
pator, being mentioned by Plutarch in the life of Lu."
cullus. (p. 502.) Mannert is inclined to think that
Pharmacia was founded on the site of a Greek settle-
ment named Chaerades, which Scylax places in this
vicinity: (p. 33.) it is also noticed by Steph. By2.
as a town of the Mosynoeci on the authority of
Hecataeus. (v. Xopades.) From Pharmacia, Arrian
reckons thirty stadia to the islet called Aretias, or
Mars' island, and this distance agrees nearly with
that of the little islet to the east of Keresoon. This
rock is celebrated in the Argonautic mythology as
the spot occupied by the two Amazon queens, Otrerº
and Antiope, who erected there a temple sacred to
Mars.
Tob; Tapapasiću svol, Aigai Tixáàgsrs wºrd,
Mºri Tavroſ, ºy' civo.13:2; #exºrczyrs;
Olwyoë;, 0, 870sy &reigégio Épéroval
Nºrov spºuziny’ tº uév r" #vi vºw "Apno;
Azīvsov Toiya'av 'Apºc.govíðwy 320 fasizi
"Orpºpſ rs xa, 'Avriówn, Örörs arparówyro.
APOLL. ARG. II. 384.
(Cf. Arg. II. 1032–1234.) Pliny calls it Chalceri-
tis. (VI. 12.) From the island of Mars to Zephy-
rium the surveys measure 120 stadia. Here was a
small port (Cf. Scyl. p. 38.) which doubtless answers
to the Zºfré of modern charts. From thence to
Tripolis ninety stadia. Pliny also mentions this
place as a fortress seated on a river; (VI.4) and
* There are some autono- the epigraph DAPNAKEIAx, and
mous coins of Pharnacia with PAPNAKEON. Sestini, p. 60.
PONTU.S. 283
there is no doubt of its answering to the present
Tireboli at the mouth of the river of Gumeh-kaneh.
Strabo places in this neighbourhood a town named
Ischopolis, which seems to have been in ruins when Ischoolis.
he wrote; this possibly may have been replaced by
Tripolis. Beyond Tripolis we find Argyria, or Ar-Argyria.
gyra, twenty stadia distant. (Arrian. Peripl. p. 17.
Anonym. p. 13.) Thence to Philocalea, ninety sta-Philocalea.
dia. This place is noticed by Pliny, who leads us to
Suppose it was situated on a river. (VI. 4.) From
this circumstance, I should be disposed to fix the
site of Philocalea at Helehou, about half way be-
tween Keresoun and Trebizond. In Ptolemy, the
name of Philocalia is corruptly written Cocalia. (p.
125.) Apollonius Rhodius places on this coast, after
the Mosynoeci, the Philyres, who were supposed to Philyres
be the offspring of Philyra and Saturn. geIlS.
N%aou & Tporépoq’s Xzi #Teipolo repain;
‘pip60yra, Pfaups; Pixépwy 3 ipſºrspºsy #27.
Máxpwysg. ARG. II. 394.
Elsewhere the same poet mentions the island of the
Philyres, which the Argonauts passed soon after
leaving that of Mars.
Nuxrſ 3’ firitxopévy pixupnº, vigov &usióov, Philyreis
"Evºx piv O.jpayſºn; Dixºph Kpévos, sür' #y 'Oxſwºrd, 1IlSlll:l.
Tirávoy ºvara'sv, 8 & Kpºraiov ºn 3yreov
Zst: ār, Koupārsaal warerpépst’’Italolaiv.
ARG. II. 1235.
In captain Gauttier's chart, I find two small islands
laid down close to Tireboli, one of which answers
doubtless to the isle of Philyra. From Philocalia
the Itineraries reckon 100 stadia to Coralla, the coralia.
name of which is preserved in that of cape Kourélih.
The anonymous geographer then proceeds to Cera-census.
284 PONT U.S.
sus, which he places on a river of the same name
sixty stadia from Coralla, (p. 13.) while Arrian,
passing over this intermediate station, goes on to
Hieron Oros, or the sacred mountain, which, accord-
ing to his reckoning, is 150 stadia from Coralla.
The anonymous writer also places Hieron Oros im"
mediately after Cerasus, at the distance of ninety
stadia from that town, or 150 from Coralla, so that
they both agree exactly in the whole distance. The
difference between the two geographers, with regard
to the mention of Cerasus, is however important,
and, from what has been said above, there can be
little doubt that the authority of the anonymous
geographer is here superior to that of Arrian; for
though he was certainly much posterior to that his-
torian, he appears to have followed older authors,
especially Scymnus of Chios, in whose time Cerasus
still existed as a place of note". It seems therefore
probable, that the original Cerasus, where Xenophon
and the Greeks remained for ten days, was situated
near the site called Skefid in modern charts, be-
tween capes Kourelih and Iorox, the latter being
the Hieron Oros of the ancients. From the coins of
Cerasus, we know that it existed in the reigns of
Antoninus Pius and M. Aurelius, and as late as
Alex. Severus. The Byzantine writers also, (Nic.
Ann. p. 340. D.) and the ecclesiastical councils, attest
its existence under the Greek emperorss; but I ima-
r In the fragments of Scym-
nus, I observe that Cerasus is
certainly placed in the vicinity
of the isle of Mars, but the
passage is very mutilated, and
affords no decisive evidence on
the point in question. Geogr.
Min. tom. II. p. 53. v. 173.
I understand the expression Ke-
paa.ots ºria'6eſa’ ºr aire, to re-
fer to the proximity of the town
to the Hieron Oros, which must
have been mentioned previous-
ly.
s Geogr. Sacr. a Car. S.
Paul, p. 257.
PONTU. S. 285
gine all these notices refer to the Pharnacian Cera-
sus of Arrian, or Keresoun. The Hieron Oros is Hieron
alluded to by Apollonius Rhodius, and he places it Oros.
on the coast of the Mosynoeci;
'Ispºv 8 air' ºr roiriv Čpos x2] Yaizy &usičov,
'Hı, İyi Moračvoixos &w of psc, waterãouri.
ARG. I.I. 1017.
but Suidas the historian, as the Scholiast reports,
placed it in the country of the Macrones; and Aga-
thon, in his Periplus of the Pontus, fixed its position
still more precisely at the distance of 100 stadia
from Trapezus. From this point commences the
bay of Trebizond, and as all writers agree in assign-
ing this part of the coast to the Macrones, it is pro-Macrones
bable they were separated from the Mosynoeci by *
the headland above mentioned. The Macrones are
called Macrocephali by Scylax, (p. 33.) but Pliny
seems to distinguish them as two different people.
(VI. 4.) The more usual appellation is however
Macrones.
tº º is tº ‘pixópwy 3' pºtsp?sy far,
Máxpwys;. APOLI. ARG. II. 395.
Máxpovsk, Pixupé; texxi di Pºdgavvas Exoval
Aouparéovs. Dionys. PERIEG. 766.
(Cf. Schol. Apoll. et Eust. ad loc.) Herodotus men-
tions the Macrones on more than one occasion; they
formed, with the Tibareni and Mosynoeci, the nine-
teenth section of the Persian empire under Darius,
and contributed 300 talents to the royal treasury. All
these people likewise served in the army of Xerxes,
and Were equipped alike. (Herod. III. 94. VII. 78.)
Elsewhere the same historian affirms that the Ma-
Crones used circumcision, having, as they themselves
286 PONTU.S.
reported, lately derived the practice from the Col-
chians. (II. 104.) The natural inference to be drawn
from this passage is, that the Macrones were of
Colchian origin. According to Xenophon, who with
the ten thousand journeyed through their country,
the Macrones occupied the mountains contiguous to
the Colchians, and above Trapezus. They were
separated by a river from another people called
Scythini, and whose name bears some affinity to
the mount Scydisces of Strabo, (XII. p. 548.) and
the Scotius of Appian. (Mithr. c. 100.) It is to be
observed, however, that Xenophon extends the Col-
chians as far as Trapezus, (Anab. IV. 8, 17.) where-
as other writers assign that town to the Macrones.
Strabo affirms that this people were in his time no
longer called by their ancient appellation, but were
Sannigens, named Sanni, (XII. p. 548.) and Eustathius, who
confirms this statement, writes the word Tzani, ac-
cording to the more modern Greek orthography.
(ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 766.) I am of opinion that
the modern name of Djanik is a corruption of San-
nice. (Cf. Menipp. ap. Steph. Byz. v. XaA812.) Arrian,
Drila gens, however, identifies the Sanni with the Drilae, whom
Xenophon places in the mountains above Trapezus,
and describes as the most warlike people of that
district. (Anab. loc. cit.) Arrian says that they
were once tributary to the Romans, but that con-
fiding in their fastnesses they disclaimed all sub-
jection. He promises, however, the emperor Ha-
drian, that he would compel them to pay tribute
for the future. (Peripl. p. II. Steph. Byz. v. Apyxa,
leg. Apixaſ.) After the Sacred Mountain, where, ac-
cording to the anonymous Periplus, was a town
Cordyle and port, we have Cordyle, another maritime sta-
portus.
PONTU.S. 287
tion, forty stadia; then Hermonassa, forty-five sta-Hermo.
dia further. (Arrian. p. 17.) In the anonymous"
geographer the name is corruptly written Ermyse.
Hermonassa is mentioned as a small town on this
coast between Cerasus and Trapezus; (XII. p. 548.)
and Menippus, who is cited by Steph. Byz. (v. ‘Ep-
Hévaaga) affirmed that it belonged to the latter city.
It was also known to Hecataeus and Theopompus.
Pliny does not mention Hermonassa; but he places
"ext to Trapezus an unknown town named Livio-Liviopolis.
Polis. (VI.4.) The situation of Hermonassa answers
hearly to that marked in captain Gauttier's chart
under the name of Platana. Trapezus was sixty Trapezus.
Stadia further. This city, which under the modern
hame of Trebizond is still a considerable and flou–
*ishing sea-port, is acknowledged by all ancient
*uthorities to have been colonized by the Sinopians,
Who, as we have seen, formed extensive establish-
ºnents on this coast. (Xen. Anab. V. 8. Arrian, p. 1.
Scyl. p. 33.) It was pretended indeed by the Arca-
dian Trapezuntii, that they were the ancestors of
the Pontic colony; but this was probably an opinion
8tounded only on the similarity of name; and it
Was perhaps only a piece of policy in the Sinopians,
who wished to strengthen the infant colony, to re-
ceive these Arcadian refugees as friends and kinsmen.
(Pausan. Arcad. c. 27 .) Trapezus was already a
flourishing town, when Xenophon and his fellow-
soldiers reached it in the course of their memorable
retreat. They remained in its vicinity for thirty
days, during which they were treated in the most
friendly and hospitable manner by the citizens, and
*ceived every assistance for the prosecution of their
Jºurney home. The abundant supplies which were
288 PONT U.S.
furnished, to them for subsistence, and votive offer-
ings, prove that the town was opulent, and the
country fertile and populous. (Anab. V. 8, 17.) Tra-
pezus at that time was situated in the Colchic terri-
tory, but later writers remove the Colchians consi-
derably further to the east, and include it within
the district occupied by the Macrones. Ancient
geographers reckoned about 6600 stadia from the
temple of Jupiter Urius, at the entrance of the BOS-
phorus, to Trapezus, and 1400 stadia from that city
to the mouth of the Phasis. (Strab. XII. p. 548.)
We learn from Arrian, that Trapezus was the most
considerable place on their coast when he visited it,
as governor of Pontus, under Hadrian. He com"
mences his letter, which contains the Periplus, and
is addressed to the emperor, from thence. He re-
minds Hadrian of the spot he had once visited,
from whence it was supposed that Xenophon and
the ten thousand first beheld the sea, and where
altars had been erected, with inscriptions comme-
morative of that event. Arrian signifies his in-
tention of erecting altars of white marble, instead
of the rude monuments then existing, and he re-
quests the emperor to send his statue, to add further
to the decoration of the spot; the effigy which stood
there being a coarse and inelegant representation of
him. (Peripl. p. 1–3.) The spot alluded to by
Arrian seems to have been above Trapezus, and at
no great distance from the town; but it appears
from Xenophon, that the mountain from which he
and the army beheld the sea, and which he calls
Thekes, or the Sacred Mount, was in the country of
the Scythini, above the Macrones, and at least five
days’ journey from Trapezus. (Anab. IV. 7.) But
PONTU. S. 989
We will reserve the discussion of this interesting
Tuestion on ancient topography for a future oppor-
tunity, in order to conclude what we have to say re-
Specting Trapezus, and the remaining coast of Pon-
tus. That town is noticed by Tacitus as an ancient
and important seaport on the Euxine. (Annal. XIII.
39. Hist. III. 47.) Pliny styles it a free town.
(VI.4. Cf. Mel. I. 19. Steph. Byz. v. Teatregºs.)
In the reign of Gallienus it was sacked and burnt
by the Goths, who were spreading devastation along
the shores of the Euxine. (Zosim. I. p. 30.) Some
Centuries later we find it becoming the seat of a
Small empire, under the government of a branch of
the princely house of the Comneni. Its sovereigns
assumed the pompous title of emperors of Trebi-
Zond, and declared themselves independent of the
Greek empire.
This principality even stood for some time after
the taking of Constantinople; but, too feeble to resist
the overwhelming power of the Turks, it finally
yielded by capitulation in 1460 to Mahomet II;
and Trebizond from that time became a Turkish
city. (Chalcond. IX. p. 263—266. Duc. c. 45%)
Modern travellers describe it as situated on an
elevated terrace above the sea, whence the name of
Trapezus was doubtless derived, and surrounded by
hills which are succeeded at a greater distance by
loftier mountains. (Cf. Plin. VI. 4.) The citadel is
built on a rock, which advances out into the sea, and
forms the port anciently called Daphni. (Anon. Daphni
portus.
* For a further account of quoted by Gibbon in the De-
the empire of Trebizond, see cline, and Fall of the Roman
the Fam. Byzant. of Du Cange, Empire, tom. XI. p. 249.
VOL. I. U
290 PONTU S.
IHyssus
portus.
Psoron
portus.
Ophius fl.
Peripl. p. 13.) This port is by no means protected
against the north winds, which blow with violence
during the winter season. There are no ruins of
any size or interest, as they chiefly belong to the
lower Greek empire. The modern town has a popu-
lation of about 60,000 or 70,000 souls, and keeps
up an active trade with different ports on the Black
Sea. It is the chief town of a Turkish pashalik, to
which it gives its name".
From Trapezus the Itineraries lead us to Hyssus,
a port afterwards called Susarmia, and distant 180
stadia; (Arrian. p. 3. Anonym. p. 14.);perhaps this
is the same haven which Scylax calls Psoron; (p.33.)
at all events the name of Susarmia agrees with that
of the little river called Sourmenah. The port Hyssus
was probably therefore situated at the mouth of it.
From thence to the river Ophius, where was a naval
station, the anonymous geographer reckons ninety
stadia: he states also that this river separated the
Colchi from the district of Thianitice; (Peripl. p. 14.)
perhaps we should read Samnice. Various barbarous
tribes are noticed on this coast by ancient writers.
, Máxpwys; usrā 8' x5 Tspiória cºxa Bºxeſpaw.
"Ečeſn; & Sársips; iri apſai vaisréouai.
Báčmps; 8 ºri Toia w śpidºxaxes, Č, Šwsp ºn
Aörol Kóxxoi &ovrai &pſio.
Apoll. ARG. II. 396.
Księsy 3 at Máxpova;, &reigsgºw re Bºxslew
Talav, Tippiáxovs re Táps; ivéovro Sársipas,
Buğpás T' it, roſaw. IBID. 1246.
"Tournefort, Voyage au Le- only imperial coins of Trapezus
vant. Kinneir's Travels, p.340. from Trajan to Philip: the epi-
Fontanier, Voyages dans l’O- graph is TPAIIEzornition. Ses-
rient, p. 17—23. There are tini, p. 60.
PONTU.S. 29]
‘ppáčeo & #x Káxxov Kai Páalºog #5 ºrw ºn
Eğslyov tropæ 2:six0;, #Tixºv čºvsø IIávrov
"Axel Genixiou arówaroº, röði Xaxxis &povec,
Báčng; rot ºrgârz ×c., &yxoſ, tºº. Bixeſpaw.
Máxgwve; Piaupés re. Dionys. PERIEG. 762.
Scylax, after the Phasis and the Colchi, proceed-
ing from east to west, names the Byzeres, Ece-
chiries, Bechires, and Macrocephali, who are the
Same as the Macrones. (p. 32, 33.) The Bechires Bechires
then appear to follow the Macrones, and after them
the Ecechiries, whom the anonymous Periplus
Places between the Ophius and Archabis. (p. 16.)
The Byzeres, according to Strabo, were afterwards
called Hepta-Cometae. They were a wild and savage
race who inhabited mount Scydisces, and cut to
pieces three cohorts of Pompey's army by placing
on their way a quantity of honey, which had the
effect of intoxicating them, and depriving them of
the power of resistance. (XII. p. 549.) This sin-
gular circumstance recalls to mind the description
given in Xenophon of a similar effect produced by
honey on the Greeks in the country of the Col-
Chians, near Trapezus. (IV. 8.) Pliny affirmed that
this honey was chiefly extracted from the flower of
the rhododendron, and he states that it was found
in the country of the Sanni. (XXI. 13.) Aristotle
also noticed it as peculiar to the neighbourhood of
Trapezus. (ap. Steph. Byz. v. Tearegois.) The
Ophius, or Orphis, as Arrian (p. 6.) writes the
name, is probably the river Caouchi. After an in-
terval of thirty stadia we find another small stream
called Psychrus, or the Cold river; and at an equal
distance the Calos, or Beautiful stream, where was a
station named Cale Parembole. (Anon. p. 14. Ar-
gens,
Ecechiries
genS.
Byzeres
qul et
Hepta-Co-
metae gens.
Psychrus
uvius.
Calos flu-
vius.
Cale Pa-
rembole.
U 2
292 PONT U.S.
rian, p. 7.) It must have been situated a little to
the west of Cape Foudgi. Rhizius, a port and
river 120 stadia from thence, is easily recognised in
Rhiziusſu.the present Irisieh, a commercial town of some size
vius et
portus.
near the eastern extremity of the Black Sea". It is
probably the Bechireus portus of Scylax. (p. 33.)
Rhizaeum is also mentioned by Ptolemy, (p. 125.)
and Procopius. (Bell. Got. IV. 2.) The port was
improved by Justinian. (Procop. Ald. III.7.) From
thence to the mouth of the Ascurus, Arrian reckons
thirty stadia. (Per. p. 7.) The anonymous Periplus
calls this river Ascurnas. (p. 14.) From thence to
the Adienus we have sixty stadia. (Arrian. p. 7.
Anonym. p. 14.) It is probably the river Mapott-
yah. Then follows, after an interval of 100 stadia,
a place called Cordyle, (Anonym. p. 14. Ptol. p.
125.) and eighty stadia further a small port, which
derived the name of Athenae from a temple of Mi-
nerva erected there. (Arrian, p. 6,7. Anonym. p.
14. Steph. Byz. v. 'Affvat.) It is probably the same
place which Scylax calls Ordinius, and styles a Greek
town. (Per. p. 32.) Procopius also mentions Athenæ
in the history of the Gothic wars. (IV. 2.) The
site is now called Ordouma. Beyond Athenae was
the river Zagatis, seven stadia; and thirty-three
stadia further the Prytanis, with a spot called the
palace of Anchialus. (Arrian. p. 7. Anon. Per. P.
15.) Scylax names the river Pordanis, and places
it near a town called Limne. (Per. p. 32.) After
the Prytanis we have the Pyxites, ninety stadia dis-
tant; (Cf. Plin. VI. 4.) then the Archabis at an
equal distance. (Arrian. p. 7. Anonym. p. 15.) Scy-
lax calls the latter Arabis. (p. 32.) The modern
Ascurus
fiuvius.
Adienus
fluvius.
Cordyle.
Athenae
portus.
Zagatis
fluvius.
Prytanis
fluvius.
Anchiali"
regia.
Armene
Limne.
Pyxites
fluvius.
Archabis
fluvius.
x Peyssonel, Commerce de la Mère Noire.
PO N T U.S. 293
name is Arkava. The anonymous Periplus places
between the Prytanis and the Pyxites a spot called
Armene, twenty-four stadia from the former and
Sixty-six from the latter. From the Archabis to
Apsarus sixty stadia were reckoned. The name of Apsarus
this last place, it was said, had been originally called portus.
Apsyrtus, from the brother of Medea, but the barba-
rians had corrupted it to its present form. Arrian
reports that it was a town, and military station for
five cohorts. (Peripl. p. 7. Anon. p. 15.) Pliny
Writes, “flumen Absarum cum castello cognomine
“ in faucibus a Trapezunte CXL. mill. passuum.”
(VI. 4.) Procopius speaks of it as a more conse-
quential place, since it possessed a theatre, an hip-
podromus, and other public buildings. The tomb of
Absyrtus was shewn in the vicinity. (Bell. Got.
IV. 2. Cf. Arrian. p. 6.) Absarum was probably Absarus,
not far from the modern town of Gonieh. Arrian Aºi,
after this place names the river Acampsis, which he fluvius.
describes as a navigable river, from the mouth of
Which a fresh breeze set in toward the sea about
Sun-rise. It was fifteen stadia from Absarum Y.
Now there is no river of any size in this part of the
Coast but the Tchorok, or river of Batoun, which
flows from the south, having its source in the moun-
tains of Baibont and Sunnur, not far to the west of
Erxeroum. This is evidently therefore the Acamp-
sis of Arrian; but other geographers have named
the same river Apsarus, probably from the town
Situated near its mouth. Thus Scylax seems to
identify the Apsarus and Acampsis, as he only
* Arrian nowhere speaks of sufficiently attended to by Man-
àpsarus as a river, but as a mi- nert, and other geographers.
*ary station; this has not been
U 3
294, IPO N T U. S.
names the former. He mentions besides the Daraa-
mon and Arion, which no other geographer recog-
mises. (Perp. p. 32.) Pliny says the Absarus flowed
from mount Paryadres, and separated the greater
from the lesser Armenia. (VI. 9.) Ptolemy, who
writes the name Apsorrus, says also that it rose in
the Armenian mountains, and was formed by the
junction of two principal streams which he names
º Glaucus and Lycus. (p. 125.) Of these the Glau-
cus appears to come from the south-west, and is the
real Tchoroksou. Fontanier says it has two dis-
tinct sources, one rising in mount Agh-Dagh, the
other more to the west: they meet about two leagues
below Baibout, and fall into the Euxine near Ba-
toumi. But there is another main branch of the
Tchoro/sou, which rises in the mountains to the
north of Erxeroum, and joins the former near Ar-
tavani; it is called Gorgoro in modern maps, and
Lycus flu. answers to the Lycus of Ptolemy. Procopius, speak-
"" ing of the same river, says it was called Acampsis
Bºas ſlu- near its mouth, but Boas in the upper part of its
" course. (Bell. Got. IV. 2. Cf. Pers. II. 17.) It ap-
pears therefore from all that has been said, that
the Acampsis of Arrian, and the Absarus of other
writers, are the same river, namely, the Tchoroksou
of modern geography”. It should be observed also
that the latter name of the two is more generally
used, and better attested. Before we quit this ex-
tremity of Pontus, it may be proper to say a few
words respecting Ptolemy's account of it. This
z D'Anville, in his map of Batouni, and has made the Ap-
Asia Minor, has confounded the sarus a distinct river from the
Acampsis and Bathys, a stream Acampsis.
which flowed to the north of
IPO N TU S. 295
geographer places in succession on this coast after
Trapezus, the river Ophius, the port Rhizus, the
Promontory Athenae, Chordyle, a place called Mar-Marthyla.
thyla, the river Arcadis, (the Arcabis of Arrian,) a
town named Xyline, and the rivers Cissus and Ap-
Sorrus. Now with respect to the former of these
rivers it may be observed, that its name corresponds
With that of the Cissii, a people to whom Ptolemy Cissii.
assigns this part of the coast. The Table Itinerary
names also Cissa as a station on this line of coast, Cissa.
and I am inclined to think that this people are the
Same as the Zygi of Strabo, (XI. p. 492.) and Dio-
nysius Perieg. (v. 687.) and Pliny. (VI. 7.) Ar-
rian, it should be remarked, calls them Zichi, and
certainly places them north of the Phasis; (Per. p.
19.) but continual changes seem to have taken place
in the situation of these small tribes, for we find the
Heniochi, who were also near the Moeotis at one Hemioli
time, and the Machelones, taking the places of theije.
Bechires and Ecechiries; (Anonym. Peripl. p. 15.)” gells.
and most probably a portion of the Zygi, or Zichi, Zygi gens.
Were shifted at the same time. It is certain that
Strabo places a town called Zygopolis on this coast, Zygopolis.
(XII. p. 548.) and the Zagatis, or Zygatis, of the
Anonymous Periplus may be referred to the same
people. (Cf. Steph. Byz. v. Zvyot.) Another people
Who are noticed in this part of Pontus, but rather
more inland and among the mountains, are the Cer-Cerceta,
º ... gens postetl
cetae, (Kepkerai,) who are placed by Strabo in this Apata.
direction, and also with the Zygi and Heniochi near
Sindice and the Palus Moeotis; the Armenian Cer-
cetae had in his time exchanged their name for that
of Apartae, but there seems to be some trace of the
ancient appellation in Xenophon, who calls them
U 4
296 PO N T U.S.
Coeti, (Koirot.) He does not mention them in the
course of his narrative, but at the end of the work,
where he sums up the different nations they had
met with in the whole of the retreat ; he there
names the Coeti as an independent people, together
with the Macrones, Mosynoeci, and Tibareni; but
as the Scythini, who are named in the narrative
more than once, do not appear in this summary,
perhaps the Coeti are no others than this people,
who are also, I think, the Cercetae of Strabo. The
Scythini of Xenophon I certainly think are con-
nected with the mountain called Scydisces by Strabo,
and Scotius by Appian, (Mithr. c. 100.) as we
know besides that they were contiguous to the Ma-
crones. The position of this people is of consider-
able importance with respect to the geography of
the Anabasis, as it will enable us to fix the point
where the ten thousand entered Pontus from Arme-
nia, and, generally speaking, the line of march
which brought them from the river called Harpasus
by Xenophon to Trapezus and the sea. According
to the historian, it seems that the Harpasus was a
river of Armenia, apparently separating the coun-
try of the Armenian Chalybes from that of the Scy-
thini, and four plethra in width, which shews that
it was a considerable stream. Now there is no river
in Armenia of this size but the Araxes, and one of
its branches called Harpasou, which in all proba-
bility is the Harpasus of Xenophona. At the same
time, in order to bring the Greeks to the Harpasou,
which flows through the district of Kars, we must
suppose with Rennell that they wandered for several
a See Rennell's Illustration of the Retreat of the Ten Thousand,
p. 225.
PONTU.S. 297
days without a guide, and were obliged to retrace
their steps when they came to that river, of which
circumstance, it must be confessed, there is no appa-
rent indication in the Anabasis". From the Har-
pasus they proceeded through the country of the
Scythini, which appears to have consisted of plains,
for four days, and having rested three days in some
Villages, they marched on again for four days, till
they came to a large, opulent, and populous town
called Gymnias. The governor of this place on
their approach sent a person to the Greeks offering
them a guide who should conduct them, on pain of
forfeiting his life, in five days to a place whence they
should see the sea. The position of this town is
Very uncertain: Rennell places it at Coumbase, or
ICumakie, on the northern bank of the Araxes “,
about ninety-one geographical miles from the Har-
pasou, and 110 from Trebisond d. A more recent
Writer is inclined to suppose Gymnias may be Ip-
Sera on the Tchorok “, but it is not easy to see how
the Greeks could get there; and besides, that town
is so much nearer the sea, that it would not require
five days to bring them in sight of it.
However, the situation of this place is not of so
much importance, perhaps, as that of the Scythini,
Who certainly were contiguous to the Macrones,whose
position is well ascertained. They were divided
from the Macrones by a river, which from the map
could hardly be any other than the western branch
of the Apsarus, or Tchorok, which flows near the
* Illustrations of the Retreat Araxes.
of the Ten Thousand, p. 224. d P. 236.
* In Lapie's map of the * An Essay on the Geogra-
Turkish empire Coumbasestands phy of the Anabasis, p. 309.
on the southern shore of the
298 PONTU. S.
town of Baibont. Appian, in the history of the
Mithridatic war, (c. 101.) speaks of a part of Arme-
nia situated on the borders of Pontus, and near the
sources of the Euphrates: he calls it Chotene, a
name which bears some analogy to that of the Scy-
thini, or Coeti, of Xenophon. Chotene, besides, was
contiguous to Iberia and the river Apsarus ; all
which circumstances concur in fixing the march of
the ten thousand in the line of Erzeroum and Bai-
bout. It was before, however, they arrived on the
borders of the Macrones that they beheld the sea.
(Anab. IV. 7.) The Sacred Mountain, or Thekes,
could not therefore be Tekeh near Gumiskend, as
major Rennell supposes f; but it must have been si-
tuated between Erxeroum and Baibout,where the road
crosses some of the highest table land in Asia. On
crossing the river of Baibout the Greeks would enter
the territory of the Macrones, which they traversed
in three days, till they came to another high range
occupied by the Colchi. These were no doubt the
Sanni of Strabo and Pliny, who came afterwards to
be identified with the Macrones, and to absorb that
name within their own. Having driven the Col-
chians from the heights, and passed through the
mountainous defiles, the Greeks descended, and after
resting some time in the villages of the enemy, where
they found the honey which had so singular an
effect upon them, they marched for two days more,
and reached Trapezus. The only obstacle to the
f “ Tekes, or the Sacred
“miskend, the noted silver
“mine.”
“Mountain, is the great chain
“ lying between Erzeroum and
“ Trebisond. Here is a sum-
“mit, with a castle called Teke,
“one day's journey from Gu-
Major Rennell esti-
mates the distance from Teke
to the sea to be about thirty
English miles.
PONTU. S. 299
line of march here marked out for the Greek army,
is the distance at which they must have been from
the sea at the point where I have supposed them to
come in sight of it, being not less than fifty miles in
a straight line. But there is no impossibility in
their seeing the sea from that, or a still greater dis-
tance, if they had attained to a sufficient elevation,
and their view was not intercepted by other moun-
tains. This question, in fact, can only be decided
by actual observation 5; but it should be borne in
mind that, according to Xenophon's account, the
Greeks were certainly not less than six days' march
from the sea when they beheld it. I am not aware
of any other route by which they could have come
down upon Trapezus, except the one I have traced.
It is that which nature seems to have pointed out
from the earliest time for establishing a communica-
tion between Pontus and Armenia; and it is clearly
laid down in the Table Itinerary as leading from
Trapezus into the latter country. The first station
on leaving Trapezus was Magnana, distant twenty
miles from that city. It is probably the site called
Machka by modern travellersh. The next stage,
according to the Itinerary, was Gihemenica, ten miles
from Magnana. The analogy of names points out
the site of Ghemiskhana as likely to answer to this
Second station. It would appear, however, from Kin-
g The view from the summit
of mount Cop Dagh, the an-
cient Sydisces, according to
Kinneir, is most magnificent;
and though he does not state
that he beheld the sea from
thence, I see no reason why
it might not be visible on a
clear day. The guides said they
could discern mount Ararat
from thence. Mr. Kinneir ob-
serves, that he had been ascend-
ing all the way from Trebisond
to this mountain, p. 357.
* Fontanier, Voyages en
Orient, p. 37.
300 PONTU. S.
neir's account, to be more than thirty miles from
Trebisond . Fontanier, however, reckons only ten
leagues k. Bylae, which next follows in the Table
at a distance of eighteen miles, has been thought by
some travellers to be Bayboot, but the distance of
that town from Trebisond seems to allow this. I
should imagine Bylae, which ought perhaps to be
written Pylae, is the Boos Kela of Kinneirº. Fri-
gidarium, six miles further, would be the station on
the summit of the mountains beyond, and Patara,
which is eight miles beyond it, is probably Bala-
kare". Medocia, twelve miles further, must be
looked for near Bayboot. It is not necessary to fol-
low this Itinerary further; enough has been traced
to shew its agreement with the present route from
Trebisond to Erxeroum, which I conceive also to
have been that of the Ten Thousand.
Having now sufficiently surveyed the coast of
Pontus, and likewise discussed the ancient geo-
graphy of the eastern extremity of that province in
connexion with the Anabasis, we must once more
return to the river Halys, for the purpose of ex-
ploring those districts in the interior of Pontus
situated along that river and the upper valleys of
the Iris, Lycus, and Thermodon. We have already
said that Strabo gave the name of Gazelomitis, or
Gadilomitis, to the district on the right bank of the
Halys, at no great distance from the sea. It de-
rived its name apparently from Gazelon, or Gadi-
lon, the principal town, but noticed only by Strabo
Gazelon
sive Gadi-
lon.
i Fontanier, Voyages en stands at the foot of a stupen-
Orient, p. 348. dous rock, crowned by an an-
k Ibid. p.39. cient castle, p. 350, 351.
1 The village of Booskela m P. 351.
PONTU. S.
301
(XII. p. 547.) and Pliny. (VI. 2.) It was probably
situated in the vicinity of Pixir-Kupri, not far from
the Halys, and between Bafra and Osmanjik. Con-
tiguous to Gazelomitis, on the south-east, was Pha-Phazemo.
zemonitis, a district so called from Phazemon, alºmon.
Small town, in the vicinity of which Pompey founded
a colony named Neapolis. Hence the same district Neapolis.
appears to have been sometimes termed Neapolitis".
(Strab. XII. p. 560.) Steph. Byz., who copies
Strabo, writes the name Phamizon. (v. Papuśćv.)
Phazemon is generally supposed to correspond in
situation with the modern town of Maxifun. On
the north-eastern side of Phazemonitis apparently,
and towards the Iris, was an extensive lake named
Stiphane: it abounded in fish, and its shores were Stiphane
surrounded by excellent pastures". Above this lake palus.
Was a hill, with a deserted and ruinous fortress,
named Cizari. This had once been a royal resi-Cizari
dence. (Strab. XII. p. 560.) Towards the south- castellum.
west, and in the direction of Amasia, were some Therme
warm medicinal springs, accounted very efficacious .
in the cure of various disorders. Mr. Kinneir ob-
n The text of Strabo is here
supposed to be corrupt. The
have been dried up at his prayer,
p. 277 : *tepov ćironae, rö pöpp
reader may consult an elabo-
rate note on the passage in the
French translation of that au-
thor, vol. IV. p. ii. p. 71. See
also Mannert, tom. VI. p. ii.
p. 465.
o No mention is made of
this great lake by modern tra-
vellers, nor is there any appear:
ance of it in the maps. Could
this be the same which is spoken
of in the Life of Gregory Thau-
maturgus, and which is said to
tºv Aluvºv ºpów re kai &vikkov. č;
pºè v roi; kotºol; exeiv tí 'roß Wºo-
to; Asālavov, rºy ºrpº rºi; etxà, re-
Xaytºvaray. It is remarkable,that
the last word in the quotation
agrees so nearly with the ex-
pression in Strabo, Xſpawn trexa-
yła rē ºyebo. The biographer
of Gregory says again, p. 279,
kai tā; # &vri 6añáran; &aa rig
rðrø ro tpérepov, vöv Tp?; kapráv
&veig's popáv.
302 PONTU. S.
serves, that on the road from Pixir Kupri to Mar-
&iwan there is a place called Gouzu, famous for its
mineral baths. The springs are very abundant, and
there are also to be seen some ancient ruins of con-
siderable magnificence P. Here was also a fort
named Sagylium, placed on a lofty conical hill.
This castle, being a place of great strength and well
provided with water, had been of great service to
the kings of Pontus; but Pompey rendered it use-
less by filling up the wells with great stones. Strabo
reports, that in consequence of this, Arsaces, a rebel
chief, who was guardian of the sons of Pharnaces,
and had retired to this fortress, was forced to sur-
render to Polemon, king of Pontus, and Lycomedes,
priest of Comana, who besieged him P. (Strab. XII.
p. 560.) Contiguous to Phazemonitis to the east,
was the city and territory of Amasia, the birthplace
of Strabo ; a circumstance which accounts for his
dwelling on its topography with so much feeling
and evident graphic accuracy of detail.
“My native town,” says the geographer, (XII.
p. 560.) “is situated in a deep and large valley,
“ through which flows the river Iris. It has been
“ provided in a surprising manner, by art and
Sagylium
castellum.
Amasia.
p Travels, p. 298.
p The passage in Strabo, as
it stands at present, is evidently
corrupt. 'Ev'raúða 8è ééao, kai
8ted,04pm tº rów Papwérov tº 32-
aixão, iraſdov 'Apačkº (var. lect.
'Aparāv;) Barãeſov (MSS. §vva-
aretſov) kai veorepſøy, Tºrpélav-
ro; cºevº; rāv #yeºvov. éâNo 8° 03
8tº roi; piparo; xmp9évro; it?
IIoxéuovos, kai Avkowºov, flagº.
&pºpoly &XX& Xiuff. Here it is said
that this Arsaces, or Arsanes,
was taken and destroyed by the
sons of king Pharnaces; and
from the sequel it follows that
Polemo and Lycomedes were
those princes, which is absurdly
false. It is evident that we
ought to read, ‘Evratóz & #4×w
Kai Stépôcºn, êtri rāv ‘Papycékou roi;
8aaixéo; Taſooy 'Aparcºrn; 8vva-
aretſov. “Arsaces, who was at
“the head of affairs in behalf,
“ or as guardian of the sons of
“Pharnaces.”
PONTU S. 303
“nature, for answering the purpose both of a city
“ and fortress. For there is a lofty and perpendicu-
“lar rock which overhangs the river, having on
“one side a wall built close to the bank of the
“river where the town has been built; while on
“the other, it runs up on either hand to the summits
“of the hill. These are two, connected with each
“other, and excellently provided with towers. With-
“in this peribolus are the royal residence, and the
“tombs of the kings. But the heights have on each
“Side a very narrow neck of land, about five or six
“stadia in height, as you ascend from the river and
“ the suburbs. From this ridge to the summits,
“there remains another sharp ascent, about a sta-
“dium in length, which it would be impossible to
“force. In this direction, too, water is carried up,
“by means of two channels cut in the rock, one
“ towards the river, the other towards the ridge.
“Two bridges are thrown over the river; the one
“from the town to the suburb, the other from the
“Suburb to the outer country: for the mountain
“which overhangs the rock, terminates at the point
“where this bridge is placed.” (XII. p. 561.) Mo-
dern travellers have borne witness to the accuracy
of this description, though time has produced some
change in the position of the town. Busbequius,
Who visited Amasia in the sixteenth century, found
it situated on both banks of the river, and rising in
the form of an amphitheatre on either side. Taver-
nier says, it is placed on the hollow slope of a moun-
tain, and that on the south the view extends over a
fine plain. Towards the west he observed the ruins
of the citadel, which stood on an elevated summit.
The same traveller noticed also some remains of the
304 PONTU. S.
conduits mentioned by Strabo". That geographer
tells us nothing of the origin and history of his
native city: we collect only from his account, that
it was a place of considerable importance and anti-
quity, from the mention of the king's palace and
the royal tombs. The sovereigns here alluded to,
were most probably some of the early kings of Pon-
tus. When Strabo wrote, Amasia formed part of
the Roman province; (XII. p. 561.) and we learn
from its coins that it bore the title of Metropolis of
Pontus". (Cf. Plin. VI. 3. Ptol. p. 125. Steph. Byz.
v.’Ap.3aeta. Herocl. p. 701. Procop. Hist. Arc. c. 18.)
Some of its public buildings were restored by Jus-
tinian. (Procop. Mºd. III. 7. Cf. Nicet. Ann. p. 331.
Leo Diacon. VI. 3. p. 59.) Amazieh, as it is now
called by the Turks, preserves still its ancient site,
and many vestiges of its former state. A recent
traveller reports, that there are considerable por-
tions of the walls leading up to the citadel remain-
ing. In the upper town are to be seen the ruins of
a temple, a fountain, and the aqueducts mentioned
by Strabo ; these remains are in a good state of
preservation, and it is supposed that excavations
Would be attended with success. Outside the town
are Some curious caverns, which the traveller in
question supposes may have been the royal tombs;
but Strabo positively states that they were within
the walls. The country about Amasieh is beautiful,
and the valley of the Tokatlow highly picturesque,
and richly cultivated".
* Voyages, I. c. i. p. 9. . CIAC MHTPOIIOAEQC or IIPſ)-
* These coins are of the reigns THC IIONtor. Sestini, p. 58.
of Trajan, Hadrian, and Anto- * Fontanier, Voyages en
ninus; the epigraph is AMA- Orient, ch. 17. p. 233.
PONTU.S. 305
The territory of Amasia, as Strabo informs us,
was extensive and very productive; though it had
suffered greatly from the wars waged by Mithri-
dates against the Romans, many towns being de-
stroyed, and several tracts of land depopulated.
Towards the north, the valley of the Iris widened
to an extensive plain named Chiliocomon, and con-Chilioco-
IIl OIl Can]-
tiguous to this were the two fertile districts, Dia-ºº:
lacopene
copene and Pimolisene, which reached to the Halys. #.
(XII. p. 561.) The valley of the Iris is called Gaza-jāo.
cena by Pliny, (VI. 3.) and Strabo himself inci-ś BI13,
dentally recognises the appellation. (XII. p. 553.)
Towards the south-east, and still keeping on the
right bank of the Halys, Amasia included within
its jurisdiction the cantons of Babanomus" and Xi- *::::.
mene. The latter contained some salt mines, from *
which the Halys was supposed to derive its name.
(Strab. XII. p. 561.)
The Iris, according to the same geographer, rose
in the mountains of Pontus, passed the town of
Comana, and watered the fertile plains of Daximoni-
tis from east to west. On reaching Gazioura, it
turned towards the north, and then again to the east;
after which, having received the Scylax, and several jº flu-
other rivers, it flowed under the walls of Amasia;
and being then joined by the Lycus in the plains of
Phanaroea, it traversed the rich lands of Themi-
Scyra, and finally reached the Euxine. The Scylax
seems to be the river of Gulkiras, which joins the
Tokailou, or Iris, about ten miles above Amasia,
coming from the south-west. Gazioura was once a Gazioura.
place of note, and a royal residence, but it was de-
* This is probably the same district which Strabo elsewhere
calls Bamonitis. XII. p. 553.
VOL. I. X
306 PONTU. S.
Daximoni-
tis regio.
Zela.
serted when Strabo wrote his description of the coun-
try. (loc. cit.) It is also noticed by Dio Cassius, as a
place where Mithridates took up a position to oppose
the Roman general Triarius. (XXXV. p. 5. Cf. Plin.
VI.3.) Gaziura is said to retain the name of Axurnis".
Daximonitis must be sought for in the upper valley
of the Iris, near the modern town of Tokat. The
town of Zela and its territory, was situated on the
left bank of the Iris, towards the frontier of Galatia:
(Strab. XII. p. 561.) it appears to have been a place
of great antiquity, since Strabo reports that it was
erected on the mound of Semiramis. It was at first
apparently a spot consecrated to the worship of the
goddess Anaïtis, a deity highly revered by the Per-
sians, Armenians, and Cappadocians. (XII. p. 559.)
The same writer elsewhere relates, that the temple
of Zela had been raised by the Persians in com-
memoration of a signal victory obtained by their
arms over the Sacae, who had penetrated into Pon-
tus and Cappadocia. They raised a mound on
a rocky foundation, and having surrounded it with
walls, erected two temples, one to the goddess Anaï-
tis, the other to the Persian deities Omanus and
Anandates: a festival, named Sacaea, was likewise
instituted to commemorate the same event. The
priest of the temple was considered as sovereign of
the district of Zela ; he was possessed of great
wealth, and was surrounded with much pomp and
state. (XI. p. 511, 512. XII. p. 559.) Zela remained
however a small town, till Pompey, after the defeat
of Mithridates, increased its population and extent,
and raised it to the rank of a city. (XII. p. 560.)
"Sestini, p. 69, who ascribes to it some scarce coins with the
epigraph TAZIOTPON.
PONTU. S. 307
Zela is further rendered remarkable in history, by a
Victory obtained over the Roman forces under Tria-
rius, by Mithridates, and still more by the defeat and
discomfiture of Pharnaces, son of the latter, which
Caesar expressed in the laconic sentence—“Veni,
“Vidi, Vici.” (Plin. VI. 3. Appian. Mithr. c. 89.
Plut. Caes. p. 731. Hist. Bell. Alex. c. 72. Dio Cass.
XLII. p. 207.) This town is noticed also by Pto-
lemy, (p. 125.) Hierocles, (p. 701) and Steph. Byz.
(v. Zäxa.) We learn from the Itineraries, that Zela
stood on the road leading from Tavium, in Galatia,
to Neocaesarea. The name of Zeleh sufficiently
marks the site about thirty miles to the south-west
of Tokat.
The town of Comana, (surnamed Pontica, to dis- çomana
tinguish it from a Cappadocian city of the same"
name,) was apparently situated to the north-east of
Zela, and not far from the source of the Iris. (Strab.
XII. p. 547.) It was celebrated for the worship of
the goddess Ma, supposed to answer to the Bellona
of the Greeks, and likewise revered with equal ho-
nours in the Cappadocian town. The priesthood
attached to the temple was an office of the highest
emolument and dignity, and was sought after by
kings and princes. Strabo mentions that it had been
Conferred on Dorylaus, one of his maternal ances-
tors, by Mithridates Eupator; afterwards Pompey
bestowed it on Archelaus, and added to the sacred
territory a district of sixty stadia. Archelaus was
succeeded by Lycomedes, but he having been de-
posed, the priesthood was bestowed on Cleon, the
Olympian robber, who founded Juliopolis, (XII.
p. 575.) but he died soon after his appointment, and
Augustus then conferred it on Dyteutus, son of
X 2
308 PONTU. S.
Adiatorix, a Galatian chief, whom he had put to
death for having zealously espoused the cause of
Antony. Dyteutus, his eldest son, was to have been
executed with him, but he was saved by the gene-
rous devotion of his younger brother, who perished
in his stead. Augustus, on learning too late this
heroic trait, restored Dyteutus to his favour, and
gave him the priesthood of Comana. This city was
large and populous, and kept up a considerable
traffick with Armenia. The festivals of Bellona,
which were held twice a year, drew thither an im-
mense concourse from the surrounding countries and
towns, as well as more distant parts. There were
no less than 6000 slaves attached to the service of
the temple, and most of these were courtesans.
Hence it was remarked that the citizens were gene-
rally addicted to pleasure, and the town itself was
styled by some, the little Corinth. The chief pro-
duce of the country was wine. (Strab. XII. p. 559.
Cf. Appian. Mithr. c. 82. Hist. Bell. Alex. c. 34, 35.)
When the Romans, under Lucullus, invaded Pontus,
a report was spread, probably by Mithridates, that
they were come for the express purpose of plunder-
ing the shrine of Comana. (Cic. Leg. Manil. §. 9.)
In Pliny’s time the town appears to have fallen into
decay, the oracle alone subsisted; since he says,
“Comama nunc Manteium.” (VI. 3. Ptol. p. 125.)
The Table Itinerary places Comana of Pontus on a
road leading from Tavium in Galatia, and which
appears to be partly the same as that from Tavium
to Zela, but the names of some stations are omitted,
and others are very corrupt, so that it is difficult to
decide any thing on this point. We know, however,
from Strabo, that Comana was seated in the upper
PONTU. S. 309
Valley of the Iris, and some remains which exist
not far from Tokat, under the name of Romanak,
sufficiently point out the ancient sites.
The Lycus, which has been already mentioned as Lycus flu.
joining the Iris below Amasia, is a considerable”
river, now called Carahissar. It rises on the eastern
border of Pontus, in the high mountains to the south
of Ghemiskhan, which belong to the chain of Pa-
ryadres and Scydisces. Pliny informs us that the
Lycus separated Pontus from Armenia Minor, near
the town of Neocaesarea, now Niksar. Below that
town it traversed the rich and fertile district of Pha-
naroea, accounted the most productive of Pontus, and
joined the Iris in the plains between Amasia and
Themiscyra. Precisely at the confluence of these
two rivers, Mithridates had founded a town named
Eupatoria, which was not yet completed, when he Eupatoria
was forced to fly from Pontus by the Roman armies. sºvo.
Pompey, after the conquest of the country, com-"
pleted the town, added to its territory, and called it
after himself, Magnopolis. (Strab. XII. p. 556.) Ap-
pian says, Eupatoria was near Amisus, and that it
was besieged by Lucullus; (Mithr. c. 78.) he also
Speaks of its second foundation by Pompey, under
the name of Magnopolis. (c. 115.) Strabo has else-
Where bestowed on this town the appellation of Me-
galopolis, (XII. p. 560.) and Mannert has been led
by that circumstance, to suppose these were two dis-
tinct placesy; but this is very improbable, when we
consider that the geographer places them together
* There are some few auto- NEON. Sestini, p. 59.
homous and imperial coins be- y Geogr. tom. VI. p. ii. p.
longing to Comana. The le- 480.
gend is KOMANON and KOMA-
X 3
310 PONTU. S.
in the vicinity of Zela and Comana, and assigns
both to Pythodoris, widow of Polemon, and queen of
Pontus. (XII. p. 559, 560. Cf. Plin. VI. 3.) The
vestiges of Magnopolis are to be seen near Tche-
mikeh, a little below the junction of the Iris and
Lycus”.
Pythodoris, besides the above-mentioned towns
and territories, possessed the whole of Phamaroea,
which Strabo describes as a broad and extensive
valley, watered by the Iris and Lycus, and confined
between the chain of Paryadres to the east, and
mounts Lithrus and Ophlimus to the west. The
soil was the best in Pontus, and yielded excellent
wine and oil, and other produce in abundance. (XII.
p. 556.) This tract of country now takes its name
from the modern town of Niksar. The mountains
Lithrus and Ophlimus are unknown to other geo-
graphers. I should imagine, from Strabo's account,
that they must be sought for on the right bank of
the Iris, in the neighbourhood of Tokat. The same
writer places, apparently in the Phanaroea, 150 sta-
dia to the south of Magnopolis, and at the foot of
Paryadres, the town of Cabira, which had once been
the favourite residence of Mithridates. His palace,
and park, and preserves were still in existence when
Strabo wrote, as well as a water-mill, (tºpaxérms,)
erected by him, probably for the use of the mines
which were in this vicinity. (XII. p. 556.) It was
here that Mithridates posted himself with his army
in the campaign which followed the disastrous re-
treat from Cyzicus, in order that he might afford
succours to the neighbouring towns of Amisus and
Phanaroea
regio.
Lithrus et
Ophlimus
III.OInteS.
Cabira.
* Note of Monsieur Gosselin. French Strabo, tom. IV. p. ii.
p. 69.
PONTU. S. 31 I
Eupatoria, besieged by Lucullus. (Appian. Mithr.
c. 78.) On his second defeat, however, it fell into
the hands of that general, with several other places.
(Plut. Lucull. p. 502. Eutrop. VI. 7.) Pompey after-
Wards enlarged the place, and changed its name to
Diopolis. Pythodoris subsequently made further
improvements in this town, and having finally fixed
her residence there, bestowed on it the appellation
of Sebaste. (Strab. loc. cit.) Sebaste, or Sebastia, is
mentioned also by Pliny and the Itineraries, but
there is also a Sebastopolis in this part of Asia Mi-
nor, which causes some difficulty in regard to the
site of Cabira. The Antonine Itinerary places both
on a route leading from Tavium, through Pontus,
into Armenia; the stations are from Tavium to
M. P.
Mogaron XXX.
Doranon XXIIII.
Sebastopolis XL.
Virisa XXIIII.
Phiarasi XII.
Sebastia XXXVI.
from which it appears that Sebastia was seventy-
two Roman miles from Sebastopolis. Pliny, however,
in his usual hurried manner, collocates them in the
district of Colopene: “In Colopena vero Sebastiam
“et Sebastopolim; haec parva, sed paria supra dictis.”
(VII. 3.) The Table Itinerary places Sebastia on a
route leading from Caesarea in Cappadocia, into Ar-
menia; and there can be little doubt that the direction
of this road, leading up the Halys to Siwas, points
out, together with the strong analogy of the name,
that site as the representative of Sebastia. But was
this Sebastia the Cabira of Mithridates, and the Se-
X 4
312 PONTU. S.
baste of Pythodoris 2 I conceive not. For in the
first place, Siwas is at least 120 miles from the site
of Magnopolis, whereas, according to Strabo, Cabira
was only 150 stadia from that town. Nor, in the
second place, would so distant a place have answered
Mithridates’ purpose of relieving the towns near the
coast, besieged by Lucullus. Again, Sebastia is
spoken of in the Martyrologium as a town of Ar-
menia, which agrees rather with the position of
Siwas, than that which, from the Itineraries, ought
to belong to Sebastopolis; that town, according to
these documents, being seventy miles nearer Ta-
vium. Ptolemy also places Sebastopolis to the south-
west of Neocaesarea, which is known to be Niksar,
and near the Iris. Sebastopolis, and not Sebastia, or
Siwas, was therefore the successor of Cabira, and
the capital of Pythodoris, who would of course fix
her residence in the Phanaroea, the best part of her
principality, and also the most central. Gregory of
Nyssa, in his Life of Saint Macrina, quoted by Wes-
seling, (Itin. Anton. p. 205.) speaks of Sebastopolis
as a small town of Pontus; and this was already the
case in Pliny’s time, Neocaesarea having doubtless
attracted many of the neighbouring inhabitants to
resort thither under the auspices of the Roman
emperor, who had taken the new city under his
protection. But it is impossible to admit, with Man-
mert”, that Cabira, or Sebaste, and Neocaesarea, are
one and the same town, since Pliny and the Itine-
raries, together with other authorities, forbid our
entertaining such a supposition. It appears then,
that we should look for the ruins of Cabira, or Se-
bastopolis, on the right bank of the Lycus, and between
* Geogr. tom. VI. p. ii. p. 473.
PONT U.S. 313
^iksar and Tchenikeh, or Magnopolis. Some anti-
Quaries place it at Turkal, to the north of Tokat,
but" this site is on the Iris, a circumstance which
Would not have been omitted by Strabo, if it had be-
longed to the topography of Cabira, or the riverb.
At a distance of somewhat less than 200 stadia
from Cabira, stood once the fortress of Caenoncho- Caenoncho-
tion, one of the strongest holds of Mithridates. It TlöIle
had been erected, as Strabo reports, on a precipitous
*ock, which rose to a very great elevation; a situa-
tion which rendered it impregnable. A plentiful
Source gushed out from the rock near the summit,
and a river flowed in a deep valley at the foot of
the fortress. The surrounding country was thickly
“Overed with wood, and so hilly and barren, that,
from want of subsistence, no army could encamp
"earer than 120 stadia. When Pompey took pos-
Session of this castle, after the defeat and flight of
Mithridates, he found there all the most precious
jewels and other articles belonging to that monarch,
together with his secret correspondence and papers.
P ompey caused all these valuable curiosities to be
"emoved to Rome, and deposited them after his
triumph in the Capitol. (Strab. XII. p. 556. Plut.
Pomp. §. 36, 37.) Appian does not speak of Caenon-
"horion, but says Mithridates kept his most precious
“ffects in the town of Talauri, where Pompey found
them". The historian enumerates in particular
* Marginal note of the edit.
of the French Strabo, tom. IV.
P. ii. p. 61.
* There are some few auto-
ºmous coins of Cabira, with
the epigraph KABHPON. Sesti-
* P. 59; and some also of Se-
*topolis struck under Antoni-
nus Pius, XEBACTOTIOAITQN.
Sestini, p. 60.
c As no historian or geogra-
pher speaks of this place, I
should imagine the name is
corrupt, and for év Taxatſpots, I
would propose reading év Tagoſ-
paid or év Ka8eſpots.
314 PONTU. S.
“ 2000 goblets of onyx stone, set in gold; many
“cups also, and wine-coolers, chalices, couches, and
“richly ornamented seats; likewise bridles and
“trappings; all equally adorned with jewels and
“goldwork. Some of these costly articles had ber
“longed to Darius Hystaspes, others had come from
“ the court of the Ptolemies, having been presented
“ to the people of Cos by Cleopatra, and by them to
“ Mithridates. But the greater number had been
“collected by that monarch, who was fond of what
“was ornamental and splendid.” (Mithr. c. 115.)
Caenonchorion must be sought for in the moun-
tainous district, to the north of Niksar, and on the
right bank of the Lycus. The whole of this coun-
try, as we have already learned from Strabo, ber
longed in his time to Pythodoris. She held besides
Templum the temple of Men Pharnaces, who was supposed to
Men Phar- t º
...is. " be the deity of the moon, and was worshipped by
the Phrygians, Pisidians, and Albanians". This
edifice was held in the greatest veneration by the
kings of Pontus, and the most solemn oath which
they pronounced was, “By the Fortune of the King
“ and Men Pharnaces !” It was situated in or near
Ameria, a place named Ameria; Strabo styles it kopóroxy,
or a village which might almost be called a town ;
and from the number of dependents attached to the
temple, and the ample revenues annexed to the pon-
tifical office, it must have had a considerable popur
lation; so that it is somewhat surprising that no
mention is made of this place in any other writer.
d The worship of the god Isaiah seems to allude to it under
Men appears to have its prin- the name of Meni. LXV. I 1.
cipal seat in Asia Minor; but Cf. Biel. Nov. Thes. Phil. tom.
it was doubtless introduced by III. p. 479.
the Phoenicians, or Assyrians.
IPO N T U.S. 315
(XII, p. 557.) If however, as I am inclined to
think, Ameria is to be identified with Neocaesarea, Neocasa.
which must have been in the immediate vicinity,”
this silence of all subsequent writers to Strabo re-
Specting the former, is readily accounted for. Now
We have nowhere any positive information of the
foundation of Neocaesarea; but we are pretty cer-
tain on the one hand, that it did not exist in Strabo's
time, or he would have noticed it; and on the other,
We know that it existed less than a century after,
since it is named by Pliny. But the coins of Neo-
Ctesarea enable us to fix the aera of its foundation
With still greater precision. The earliest we have,
bear the effigy of Tiberius, and were doubtless
struck in his reign. It is therefore highly probable,
that Neocaesarea was founded, or received a new
"lame and existence in the time of that emperor, and
after Strabo had composed his work". Its rise and
Progress must have been very rapid, since in the
time of Gregory Thaumaturgus, who was a native
of the place, it is stated to have been the most con-
siderable town of Pontus', and he flourished in the
middle of the third century. (Greg. Neoc. Vit. p.
577. Cf. Ammian. Marc. XXVII.) It appears also
from the Life of the same Saint, that Neocaesarea
Was the principal seat of pagan idolatry and super-
stitions, which affords another presumption that it
had risen on the foundation of Ameria and the wor-
ship of Men Pharnaces. We know from Pliny that
* Sestini mentions one ear- town be autonomous in the time
lier coin, which he calls “au- of the Caesars? º º
...tonomus unicus." Epigraphe On the coins of Valerian
NEOKAISAPEIAx. But there is we find it styled the metropolis
* great reason for doubting its of the province. Sest. p. 60.
authenticity; for how could a
316 PO N T U.S.
Neocaesarea was situated near the Lycus,and frequent
mention of that river is made in the Life of Gre"
gory. The Itineraries and ecclesiastical writers alsº
often name the town. From Steph. Byz., who
quotes Phlegon Trallianus, it would seem that it
was once called by the name of Hadrianopolis.
(v. Neokalaºpeia.) Niksar, the modern representa"
tive of Neocaesarea, is a town of some size, and the
capital of a district of the same name in the pasha-
lick of Siwas, or Itoum.
Beyond Neocaesarea, the upper valley of the Ly-
cus constituted a separate district from Phanaroea,
Colopene, known to the ancients by the name of Colopene, or
Couloupeme. Strabo places this small canton in
Pontus, but on the borders of Armenia Minor.
(XII. p. 560.) Pliny likewise speaks of it as a
portion of Pontus Cappadocius; and since he states
that the Lycus, to the east of Neocaesarea, separated
that province from Armenia Minor, it is plain that
Colopene must have been situated on the right Or
northern bank of the river. On the other hand, by
including in this district the towns of Sebastopolis
and Sebastia, the latter of which is certainly Siwas,
it would seem that he gives to it a much greater
extent than Strabo contemplated. (Plin. VI. 3.) The
name was probably derived from a place called Co-
lope, or Couloupe, but not recorded by any geogra-
pher. Some vestige of this appellation, however,
exists in that of Koulei hissar, which is at once the
name of a small town on the right bank of the Ly-
cus, and of the adjacent country.
Sebastia. The origin of Sebastia, which Pliny places in
Camisene Colopene, is uncertain. Camisene, another district
regio.
disa. near it, we know took its name from Camisa, an
PONTU. S. 317
ancient fortress, according to Strabo, near which
Were some salt mines; and the Itinerary of Anto-
minus informs us, that it was twenty-four miles be-
yond Sebastia, on the road to Nicopolis. Strabo
besides has elsewhere reported, that the Halys had
its source in the district of Camisene, on the borders
of Pontus and Cappadocia; (XII. p. 546.) and as
We know, from the report of modern travellers, that
the Kizil-Ermak rises some miles to the east of
Siwas, we can have no doubt as to the situation of
Camisa and its territory. With respect to Caranitis, Caranitis.
another small district of Pontus, Strabo says it had
belonged to Ateporix, a Galatian prince ; but on his
death it devolved to the Roman empire, and was
kept under the jurisdiction of a separate governor
from the other petty principalities of Pontus. (XII.
P. 560.) Carana, the capital of this small govern-
*ent, is mentioned by no writer subsequent to
Strabo ; I think it therefore extremely probable,
that it afterwards changed its name to Sebastia, the
latter being unknown to that geographer, but known
to Pliny. The latter however, it must be allowed,
Speaks of Caranitis as a praefectura of Armenia Ma-
jor, in which the Euphrates had its source; (V. 24.)
*nd this would carry us as far to the east as Erxe-
”*m; but Strabo's statement allows us at the most
° include it within the boundaries of the Lesser
Armenia; and it is observable, that Sebastia is often
*ttributed to the latter province by the ecclesiastical
Writers. The identity of Sebastia with the modern
Siwas is fully established by the resemblance of
*ames, and still more by the agreement of the latter
site with the description of Gregory of Nyssa. That
*ther states Sebastia to have been situated in the
318 PONTU.S.
valley of the Halys. A small river flowed through
the town, and fell into a neighbouring lake, which
communicated with the Halys. (Orat. I. in 40 Mar”
tyr. p. 501. Orat. II. p. 510. Cf. Basil. M. Epist.
VIII. Hierocl. Synecd. p. 703.) Under the Byzan:
time emperors, Sebastia is spoken of as a large and
flourishing town of Cappadocia. (Nicet. Ann. p. 76,
C. Cf. Duc. p. 31.) Steph. Byz. assigned it to Ar-
menia. (v. Segaar’. Cf. Sozom. Hist. Eccl. IV. 24.
Theodor. Hist. Eccl. II. 24.) Other documents style
it the metropolitan see of Armenia Primag. In the
Table Itinerary the name appears already corrupted
to that of Sevastia, and in Abulfeda it is actually
Siwas. (Tab. XVII. p. 303.) This town is still
large and populous, and the capital of an extensive
pashalick, to which it gives its name. A modern
traveller noticed there the remains of a citadel, but
which appeared to him to belong to the Byzantine
empire; some fragments of columns, and several
coins, but no inscriptions. . He adds, that it is en"
tirely built in the plain ; from which circumstance
he justly doubts whether it can be the representa-
tive of Cabira. Some extensive ruins were reported
to exist about six leagues to the south of Siwas,
which he conceives might be referred to Sebaste;
but the Itineraries will not allow us to admit this
hypothesis".
Between Sebastopolis and Sebastia the Antonine
Itinerary places two stations, Virisa and Phiarasi.
The former is supposed, with great probability, by
Hºus Wesseling to be Berissa, an episcopal see of Arme-
g Geogr. Sacr. Car. S. Paul. ent, p. 179. This gentleman
p. 255. constantly misquotes Xenopho"
h Fontanier, Voyages en Ori- for Strabo. p. i49.
PONTU.S. 319
nia Prima, according to the Ecclesiastical Notices i. et Boryza
(Itin. Ant. p. 205. not.) We ought perhaps also to et Borissus.
identify it with the Boryza of Steph. Byz, (v. Bé-
Pºša,) and Borissus, a small town of Cappadocia 2da,
thentioned by Philostorgius. (Hist. Eccl. IX. p. 529.)
This place, according to the above-mentioned Itine.
*ary, was twenty-four miles from Sebastopolis. Phia-
*asi was thirty-six miles nearer Sebastia, or Siwas.
Wesseling, with equal judgment, traces this station
* the Phiara of Ptolemy. (p. 126.) The latter geo-phiara.
&rapher names several other obscure sites, of which
* few only can be made to agree with other authori-
ties. In Pontus Galaticus he places Baenasa, Te-
benda, Choloe, Piala, Pida, Sermuta. Tebenda, or Telenda,
Tebenna, as Anna Comnena writes the name, is i.e.
Stated to have been a town of Pontus, in the vici-
"ity of Trapezus. (p. 364, B.) I imagine also, that
the name of this place is disguised in the Table Iti-
"erary under that of Tomba, a station on the road
from Tavium to Comana, and sixteen miles from
the former. The same Itinerary exhibits the three
*ext towns named by Ptolemy, on the road from
Amasia to Neocaesarea, in the following order: Pa-
lalce, (Piala",) fifteen miles from Amasia; Coloe, pilla.
twelve from Palalce; Pida, (Pidis in the Table,) $º.
*n from Coloe. Sermuta, or, as it should probably
° Written, Seramusa, appears in the same Itinerary Seramusa.
* a road leading from Tavium to Neocaesarea by
Zela, fifty-four miles from the last-mentioned town,
*nd sixteen from Neocaesarea. There is, however,
i
p. 2
k
P iala
Geogr. Sacr. Car. S. Paul. sus. The Cappadocian and Ar-
56. menian names of places very
Palalce is a corruption of generally end in sus,
Sus, as Phiarasi of Phiara-
320 PONT U.S.
another Sermusa in the Table, between Tavium and
Caesarea in Cappadocia. Itonia, which Ptolemy
places between Choloe and Piala, is probably the
same town with the Ægonne, or Eugome, of the
Table; in which case we should correct the forme!'
by the Itinerary. But, vice versa, the station which
the latter places on the same road from Tavium to
Neocaesarea, by Zela, immediately after Ægonea, un-
der the corrupt name of Pterami, must be restored
by the help of the Alexandrine geographer, who
writes it Pleumaris. In the interior of Pontus Pole-
moniacus, Ptolemy has a great many obscure names,
of which the following seem confirmed by other all-
thorities. (p. 126.) Gazalina is probably the Gaza-
cena, or Gazelomitis, of Strabo. (XII. p. 553.) Car-
vanis should be referred to the Carana of the same
geographer. (XII. p. 560.) Sarbanissa is known
from its coins to have been once dependent on Si-
mope". Danaë, or Danati, seems to have some affi-
nity with the Daranon of Antonine. (Itin. p. 205.)
Metorome, or Mesorome, answers probably to the
Rogmon of the Table, on the road from Tavium to
Neocaesarea, by Zela. Metadula, or Megaluda, I am
inclined to refer to the Mesyla of the same Itine-
rary, on the road from Tavium to Comana Pontica.
Sabalia seems to correspond with the station ad
Stabulum, on the same route. Metalassus, or Me-
galossus, should perhaps be connected with Moga-
ron, a station in the Antonine Itinerary, on the road
from Tavium to Sebastopolis, (p. 205.) and which
Wesseling, with great probability, identifies with
AEgonea,
vel Eugo-
Il 6&l,
Pleumaris.
1 On one side is the head of legend XAPBANIXXEoN TON
king Polemo; on the reverse XINQ. Sestini, p. 60.
a figure of Fortune, with the
PONTU.S. 321
Mogarissus, a village of Cappadocia, mentioned in
the Life of St. Theodosius Abbas. (c. I.) Eudiphus,
Ablata, and Saurania, are not recognised by other
authorities, unless the former name should be read
Euliphus; in which case it may be identified with
Eulepa, a station placed by the Antonine Itinerary
On the road from Caesarea to Satala. (p. 206.) In
the interior of Pontus Cappadocius, Ptolemy places,
in addition to certain sites which have been already
noticed in the description of the sea-coast, Aza,
Asiba, Mardara, and Camuresarbum. Asiba is also
known from its coins". Mardara is evidently the
Marandara of the Antonine Itinerary, between Cae-
Sarea and Sebastia. (p. 206.) Camuresarbum I
should imagine to be corrupt, and we ought per-
haps to read Camisa, Zara, as in the Itinerary just
referred to. (p. 207.) I should here present the
reader with a list of the several roads which tra-
Versed Pontus in various directions, but I have
thought it better to defer this part of our inquiry
till we could connect it with the topography of Ga-
latia, on which it materially depends. I shall con-
clude this section with a list of names of places and
tribes classed under the head of Pontus by Stepha-
*us Byz. Abrinatae, a people. (v. 'A3plvára.) Ara-
*S, a town. (v. "Apagos.) Arbanium, a town appa-
*ntly on the coast. (v. 'Appävlov.) Diobulium, a
Small place near Pontus. (v. Alogośxlow.) Thiba, a
Spot so called from an Amazon slain by Hercu-
les. The inhabitants, called Thibii, were said to
be enchanters, whose breath was poisonous, and eye
*malignantly fascinating. (v. 9136.) Other authors,
* Sestini, p. 59. Imperatorius unicus Gordiani. Epigraphe
ACIBAION.
VOL. I. Y
322 PONTU.S.
who have mentioned the Thibii, asserted that the
could not perish by water, but would float on the
surface. (Plut. Symp. V.7. Phylarch. ap. Plin. VII.
2.) Creme, a town mentioned by Phlegon. (v. Kpiº)
Crossa, noticed by Hecataeus. (v. Kpéaga.) Mares, *
people near the Mossynoeci. (v. Mápeg.) They are
also named by Herodotus in conjunction with that
people; (III. 94.) and elsewhere he states that they
furnished a body of troops for the expedition of
Xerxes. (VII. 79.) Patrasys, a town noticed by
Hecataeus. (v. IIarpaaſs.) Sionia. (v. Stovía.) Cha-
rimatae, a people placed next to the Moschi and
Cercetaei by Palaephatus and Hellanicus. (v. Xapº
pºtat.)
SECTION VI.
I O N IA AND L Y DIA.
General history of the Ionian colonies and their confederacy—
Description of the twelve states of Ionia and the adjacent
islands—Origin of the Meonians and Lydians—Dynasties of
Lydia—Boundaries and topography of that country.
THE beautiful country which received the name
of Ionia from the Greek colonists who settled on its
shores, had, previous to that event, been peopled by
a race of barbarians, so often alluded to by the an-
cients under the indefinite appellations of Leleges
and Carians. These, unable to resist their more
powerful invaders, withdrew from the coast, and
retired across the Maeander, to that portion of Asia
Minor which, from the latter people, obtained the
name of Caria. (Pherecyd, ap. Strab. XIV. p. 632.
Herod. I. I.46. Paus. Ach. 2.) The causes which
led to the Ionian migration are well known. The
chief of these, according to Thucydides, was the
crowded state of Attica; a poor and barren country,
unable to support the great influx of population
which the disturbed state of Greece had drawn thi-
ther. The greatest number of these refugees were
Ionians, who had been expelled from the Ægialus
of Peloponnese by the Achaeans, and had retired to
Attica, the mother country of the Ionian race. At
this time a dissension arose between Medon and
Y 2
324, ION IA AND LY DIA.
Neleus, the descendants of Codrus, respecting the
succession to the throne of Athens; and when the
oracle of Delphi had decided in favour of the former,
Neleus determined, in conjunction with the other
sons of Codrus, to abandon Attica, and form settle-
ments in Asia Minor, already colonized for many
years by the AEolians. The Ionians gladly listened
to the proposals made to them, of joining the expe-
dition, and their numbers were soon swelled by a
mixed multitude collected from almost every part of
Greece. Herodotus names in particular the Aban-
tes of Euboea, who migrated in great numbers; the
Minyaº of Orchomenus; the Cadmei, headed, as
Pausanias reports, by Philotas, grandson of Pene-
leus; (Ach. 2.) the Dryopes; a body of Phocians;
Some Molossians, Arcadians, and Dorians of Epi-
daurus; besides several other tribes. (Herod. I. I.46.
Cf. Pausan, loc. cit.) On the arrival of the emi-
grants on the coast of Asia, they proceeded to found
several towns, under the conduct of different leaders.
The followers of Androclus, the legitimate son of
Codrus, colonized Ephesus, which, from that cir-
cumstance, was always denominated the royal city
of Ionia. (Pherecyd, ap. Strab. XIV. p. 633.) An-
other party, under the command of Neleus, settled
at Miletus, the foundation of which, however, was
much more ancient. Cydrelus, a third son of Co-
drus", occupied Myus: Andropompus, Lebedos. An-
draemon, likewise a descendant of Codrus, built
Colophon. Priene was founded by AEpytus, son of
Neleus", in conjunction with Philotas, a Boeotian
leader. Teos owed its first origin to Athamas; but,
a Pausanias calls him Cyare- " He is named AEgyptus by
tus. Ach. 2. Pausanias.
ION IA AND I,Y DIA. 325
on the arrival of the Ionians, it was recolonized by
Nauclus, a natural son of Codrus, together with
Apoecus and Damasus of Athens, and Geres the
Boeotian. Cnopus, another son of Codrus, was the
founder of Erythrae. Philogenes, at the head of a
body of Athenians, colonized Phocaea: Paralus",
Clazomenae. The island of Chios received different
Settlers, collected from various nations, under the
command of Egertius, or Egertilus. Samos, finally,
Was occupied by two successive colonies, under Tim-
brion and Procles of Epidaurus. (Strab. loc. cit.
Pausan, loc. cit.) These were the twelve states,
which, not long after their foundation, united them-
Selves into one political body, called the Ionian con-
federacy. Herodotus accounts for this particular
number, from the circumstance of its having been
Previously adopted by the Ionians, when they occu-
pied the northern coast of Peloponnese, under the
name of Pelasgi AEgialees. He reports, that even
at that early period they had formed a confederacy
of twelve cities, and probably carried with them the
same political system into Asia". (I. 146.) The
Ionians then formed a federal body, whose solemn
meetings and festivals were held in a temple called
Panionium, dedicated to the Heliconian Neptune,
and erected on the promontory of Mycale, opposite
to Samos. But the government in each state or
city appears to have been decidedly monarchical,
and in many instances this subsequently degene-
* Pausanias writes the name d The Tyrrhenian Pelasgi
Parphorus, which sounds cor- appear to have introduced the
rupt, and ought probably to be same confederate form in Etrus
Corrected from Strabo. r]:l.
Y 3
326 ION IA AND LY DIA.
rated into absolute power. Some of these Ionian
princes, as Herodotus informs us, were descended
from the Lycian Glaucus ; others claimed a Pylian
origin through Codrus, the son of Melanthus, and
some again could trace their pedigree to both sources.
(I. 147.) The country occupied by these Grecian
colonists surpassed, in the opinion of the same his-
torian, all other lands in beauty and mildness of
temperature. To this were added several other im-
portant local and physical advantages: great rich-
ness and fertility of soil; large and abundant rivers
intersecting wide and beautiful valleys; spacious
and commodious harbours, admirably calculated for
commercial enterprise and connexion with every
part of the Mediterranean sea. All these combined
tended to render the Ionians a most opulent and
flourishing people, and had their spirit and energy
been equal to the means which mature had placed
within their reach, they might have become the
founders of a powerful empire; but the softness of
the climate, and the great facility afforded by so
rich a country for procuring the necessaries of life,
rendered them an indolent and voluptuous nation,
so that they not only ceased to aspire to extend
their power and influence by conquest, but were
content to live in subjection, first to the effeminate
Lydians, and afterwards under the more powerful,
but equally mild sway of the Persians. Some resist-
ance, indeed, was offered by individual cities to the
arms of both Croesus and Cyrus, and rare instances
of patriotic devotion and love of liberty, more espe-
cially in the case of the latter, were manifested by
the citizens of Phocaea and Teos. But the general
ION IA AND LY DIA. 327
conduct of the Ionians on that occasion, and their
appeal to Sparta, proves them as a nation to have
been weak and contemptible. (Herod. I. 152.)
A more determined and noble effort to recover
their liberty and independence was made by the
Ionians in the revolt against the Persians, to which
they were instigated by Histiaeus and Aristagoras.
But though quickly roused, their zeal and ardour
in the cause of freedom was not equal to endure an
arduous and protracted conflict against so formid-
able a power as that of Persia. The capture and
burning of Sardis was but a short-lived triumph,
followed by some signal defeats which broke the
courage of the revolters, and speedily exhausted their
means of resistance by land. (Herod. V. 99–124.)
The contest was still, however, carried on by sea,
and with some hopes of success, since the Persians
Were not equally formidable on that element. But
here again the national indolence, together with dis-
union, and the treachery of some of their princes,
paralysed the efforts of the brave and well-inten-
tioned, and speedily terminated the struggle in fa-
Vour of the Persian monarch. (Herod. VI. 7—22.)
After the glorious victory achieved by the Greeks,
Ionia for a time regained her freedom; but the
respite was of short duration, and the battle of My-
cale seemed only to have caused a change from one
State of subjection to another, and to have merely
transferred the wealth of the country from the
royal treasury at Susa, to that of the Acropolis at
Athens. (Thuc. I. 95.) During the greater part of
the Peloponnesian war, the latter power drew con-
siderable resources from the tribute imposed on the
Ionians, and the fear of losing so rich a portion of
Y 4
328 ION IA AND LY DIA.
their dominions induced the Athenians to make the
greatest efforts, after their overthrow in Sicily, to
preserve it from the united attacks of Sparta and
the Persian Tissaphernes. Destined to be the prize
of one or the other of the belligerent parties, the
Ionians remained, except in the affair of Miletus,
(Thuc. VIII. 25.) passive spectators of the contest.
They were sure to pay contributions, and they cared
but little whether it was enforced by the Athenian
galleys, the Spartan harmosts, or the Persian satrap.
Agesilaus, indeed, during the war he carried on in
Asia against Pharnabazus, succeeded in exciting
among the Ionians a warlike spirit, and a degree of
enthusiasm, of which the nation hitherto had exhi-
bited so little indication. (Xen. Hell. III. 4.) But
on the departure of that great prince, the excite-
ment died away, and the disgraceful treaty of Antal-
cidas resigned the Ionians once more to their wonted
condition of slaves to the Persian monarch. (V. 1,
28.) Unworthy of liberty, they beheld with indiffer-
ence the exploits of Alexander, and the subsequent
contentions of his captains. The victory of Mag-
nesia wrested them from the feeble sway of Antio-
chus, and gave them to the Romans; but if we may
judge from the readiness with which they obeyed
the mandate of Mithridates to massacre his ene-
mies, they had less reason to be satisfied with the
praetorial or proconsular administration than that of
the lieutenant of Persia or Syria. But if the poli-
tical and moral history of the Ionian colonies offers
but little on which the admirer of national virtue
and the lover of liberty may wish to dwell, this de-
fect is in part redeemed and supplied by interest of
another kind. If Ionia is inferior to its mother coun-
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 329
try in the patriotism, moral feeling, and energy
of its inhabitants, yet in the arts and sciences, in
the polish and refinement of life, it equals all that
We are accustomed to admire in Grecian genius,
elegance and purity of taste. Æolis and Ionia
Were the nurses of Grecian poetry and literature of
almost every kind, if we except the drama. Ionia
exclusively led the way to those contemplations and
Studies which were subsequently improved by the
philosophers of Greece. She had schools also of
painting and sculpture, and in grandeur of design
and. beauty of proportions her temples were ac-
counted, by no incompetent judge in this branch of
architecture, to have surpassed those of the mother,
or any other country. (Pausan. Ach. 5.) In navi-
gation also and commercial enterprise we find the
names of Samos, Phocaea, and Miletus, already fa-
mous, when scarcely any city of the parent state,
With the exception perhaps of Corinth, possessed
vessels of burden calculated for a distant voyage.
Whatever Ionia therefore had originally received
from Greece, just emerging from barbarism, she im-
proved in a tenfold degree; through her channel the
arts and language of the mother state attained to a
State of cultivation and polish hitherto unknown,
and were disseminated and established in distant
countries, cut off apparently from civilized society
and the means of intercourse".
The length of coast occupied by the Ionian settle-
ments is estimated by Strabo at 3430 stadia, in-
cluding all the sinuosities of the different bays by
* This is remarkably the the Milesian colonies on the
case with respect to Marseilles, Borysthenes.
founded by the Phocaeans, and
330 I O N IA AND LYIDIA.
Phocaea.
which it is indented. The distance by land in a
straight line is much smaller. The two extreme
points between which it lies, are, to the north, the
cape, near which stood the city of Phocaea, close to
the mouth of the river Hermus, and between it and
the bay of Cyme; to the south, the promontory of
Posidium in the Milesian territory, and on the left
bank of the Maeander. (Strab. XIV. p. 632.) The
extent of territory possessed by the Ionian states on
the land side was narrowly circumscribed by a chain
of mountains extending from the Hermus to the
Caystrus. This ridge, known to the ancients under
the celebrated names of Sipylus and Tmolus, formed
the natural separation between them and the plains
of Lydia. Beyond the Caystrus another mountain,
named Messogis, ranged along the remainder of the
Ionian coast till it terminated in the promontory of
Mycale: then follows the mouth of the Maeander
and the territory of Miletus, circumscribed by that
river, and the bay and mountain of Latmos. Pho-
capa, the most northern of the Ionian cities, was
founded, as Pausanias reports, by some emigrants of
Phocis under the guidance of two Athenian chiefs
named Philogenes and Damon. The town was
built, with the consent of the Cumaeans, on part of
their territory ; nor was it included in the Ionian
confederacy till its citizens had consented to place
at the head of the government princes of the line
of Codrus. Phocaea, from the excellence of its har-
bours, and the enterprising spirit of its inhabitants,
soon obtained a distinguished name among the early
maritime states of the world. Herodotus has given
us some very interesting particulars on this head.
He states that the Phocaeans were the first Greeks
ION IA AND LYDIA. 331
who undertook distant voyages, and made their
Countrymen acquainted with the Adriatic, and the
coasts of Tyrrhenia and Spain. Tartessus, in the
latter country, was the spot which they most fre-
quented; and they so conciliated the favour of Ar-
ganthonius, sovereign of the country, that he sought
to induce them to leave Ionia, and settle in his do-
minions. On their declining this offer he munifi-
cently presented them with a large sum of money,
for the purpose of raising a strong line of fortifica-
tions round their city, a precaution which the grow-
ing power of the Median empire seemed to render
necessary. The historian observes, that the libe-
rality of this Iberian sovereign was attested by the
circuit of the walls, which were several stadia in
length, and by the size and solid construction of
the stones employed. Phocaea was one of the first
Ionian towns besieged by the army of Cyrus under
the command of Harpagus. Having invested the
place, he summoned the inhabitants to surrender, de-
claring that it would be a sufficient token of submis-
sion, if they would pull down one battlement of
their wall, and consecrate one dwelling in the city.
The Phocaeans, aware that to comply with this de-
mand was to forfeit their independence, but con-
scious also of their inability to resist the overwhelm-
ing power of Cyrus, determined to abandon their
native soil, and seek their fortune in another clime.
Having formed this resolution, and obtained from
the Persian general a truce of one day, under the
pretence of a wish to deliberate on his proposal,
they launched their ships, and embarking with their
Wives and children, and their most valuable effects,
Sailed to Chios. On their arrival in that island
332 ION IA AND LY DIA.
they sought to purchase the OEnussae, a neighbour-
ing group of islands belonging to the Chians; but
as they refused to comply with their wishes, they
resolved to sail for Corsica, where, twenty years
prior to these events, they had founded a town named
Alalia. On their way thither they touched at Pho-
caea, and having surprised the Persian garrison left
, there by Harpagus, put it to the sword. They then
bound themselves by a solemn oath to continue
the voyage on which they had determined : never-
theless one half of their number, overcome by the
feelings which the sight of their native city recalled
to their minds, could not be prevailed upon to for-
sake it a second time. The rest continued their
voyage to Corsica, and were well received by their
countrymen already settled in the island. During
the five years in which they remained there, they
rendered themselves formidable to the surrounding
nations by their piracies and depredations, so that
at length the Tuscans and Carthaginians united
their forces to check these aggressions and destroy
their power. The hostile fleets met in the Sardi-
nian sea, and, after a most obstinate engagement, the
Phocaeans succeeded in beating off the enemy. They
Sustained however so great a loss in the conflict,
and their ships were so crippled, that, despairing of
being able to continue the contest against their
powerful foes, they resolved to abandon Corsica and
proceed to Rhegium in Italy. Soon after their arri-
val at that port, they were persuaded to settle at
Velia, or Elaea, in Lucania, by a citizen of Posido-
nia. This new colony became in process of time a
considerable and flourishing town. (Herod. I. 163—
168.) It is remarkable that Herodotus, in this de-
ION IA AND LY DIA. 333
tailed account of the settlements made at different
times by the Phocaeans, should have made no men-
tion of the most important and celebrated of their
foundations; I mean Marseilles, which he only no-
tices once, and that incidentally, and not as a Pho-
cºean colony. (V. 9.) Thucydides, however, dis-
tinctly ascribes the origin of that city to the Pho-
caeans, (I. 13.) as also Strabo, who enters very
fully into the history of that event. (IV. p. 179–
180. XIV. p. 647. Cf. Liv. V. 34. Athen. XIII. p.
576. A. Harpocr. et Steph. Byz. v. Margaxia.) I
think it probable that Marseilles had been already
founded by the Phocaeans before they were forced
to abandon Ionia by the Persians; and that the
Corsican settlement was but an off-set of the prin-
cipal colony. Phocaea still continued to exist under
the Persian dominion, but greatly reduced in its po-
pulation and commerce. This is apparent from the
fact of its having been able to contribute only three
ships to the combined fleet of the revolted Ionians
assembled at Lade. Dionysius, the commander of
this small force, was evidently however a man of
genius and courage, and if the confederates had fol-
lowed implicitly his directions, affairs might have
taken a very different turn. (VI. 11.) Herodotus
relates that in the sea-fight, fought soon after, Dio-
nysius took three ships of the enemy; but finding
that success was hopeless, he first of all sailed to
Phoenicia, where he destroyed many merchant-
vessels, and collected much valuable booty; after
which he retired to Sicily, and committed various
acts of piracy on the ships of the Carthaginians and
Tuscans. (VI. 17.) Little mention is made of Pho-
cºa subsequent to these events; (Thuc. VIII. 31.)
334 ION IA AND L Y DIA.
but some centuries later it is described by Livy as a
town of Some size and consequence, on occasion 0
its being besieged by a Roman naval force in the
war against Antiochus. (XXXVII.31.) “The town."
says the historian, “is placed in the inmost recess
“of a bay. Its shape is oblong, and the walls en-
“close a space of 2500 paces: they unite afterwards
“so as to form a narrower wedge. This they call
“Lampter f, and it is about 1200 paces in breadth.
“A tongue of land, advancing out towards the sea
“for the space of 1000 paces, nearly divides the
“ bay into two equal portions, and forms on either
“side of the narrow isthmus a very secure port.
“The one towards the south was called Naustath-
“mus, from the circumstance of its being able to
“contain a great number of vessels. The other was
“situated close to the Lampter.” The town was
taken by the Romans after an obstinate resistance,
and given up to plunder, though the inhabitants had
submitted, and voluntarily opened their gates: but
the praetor was unable to restrain the fury and ra-
pacity of his soldiers. The town, with its terri-
tory, was however restored to the inhabitants by
that officer. (XXXVII. 32. Polyb. XXII. 27,7. Cf.
V. 77, 4. XXI. 4. Liv. XXXVIII. 89.) Subse-
quently the Phocaeans incurred the anger of the
Roman Senate, from having espoused the cause of
Aristonicus, who pretended to the throne of Perga-
mum : and they would have been severely punished,
if the inhabitants of Marseilles had not strongly in-
terceded in their behalf. (Justin. XXXVII. I. XLIII.
3. Strab. XIV. p. 646.) We can trace the existence
of Phocaea through the Caesars by means of its
f In Greek Azutrºp, i. e. the light-house.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 335
coins8, and Pliny, (V. 31.) and even down to the
latest period of the Byzantine empire, with the help
of its annalists and the ecclesiastical writers. (Hie-
rocl. Synecd. p. 661. Act. Concil. Eph. et Concil.
Chalced.) We learn from Mich. Ducas, that a new
town was built not far from the ancient site, which
still retains the name of Palao-Phoggia, by some
Genoese, in the reign of Amurath, A. D. 1421. (Ann.
p. 89.) This, as Chandler informs us, is situated on
the isthmus, mentioned above in Livy's description".
A little to the south of Phocaea was a small town Louca.
named Leucae, (Scyl. Peripl. p. 37.) which Aristoni-
cus, a descendant of the kings of Pergamum, occu-
pied, in his attempt to recover the throne of his
ancestors. He was however defeated, and put to
death by the Romans; but Marcus Peperna, his
conqueror, and Publius Crassus before him, both
died at Leucae. (Strab. XIV. p. 646. Tit. Liv. Epist.
LIX. Justin. XXXVI. 4. Vell. Paterc. II. 4.)
Leucae, as we are informed by Diodorus, had in
former times been a subject of contention between
the Clazomenians and Cymaeans, but it had been
awarded to the former by the oracle of Delphi. It
Was at that time an island, and deserted, but Ta-
chos, a Persian, who had revolted from Artaxerxes,
built a town on it. (IV. 18. Cf. Plin. V. 31.) Ac-
cording to Chandler, it would seem to be now joined
to the main land, “having a small mountain or hill
“ with a smooth top; and a long spit now runs from
§ Sestini mentions some gold PQ. PORAI. POKAEON and Jºſh-
Staters, coined at Phocaea, with- KAIEQN, p. 83.
out any epigraph. The imperial h Travels in Asia Minor, p.
Series reaches from Claudius to 96. Le Brun, p. 166.
the Philips. The legends are
396 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Hermus
fluvius.
“it out into the seal.” Near this are several rocks,
which were anciently called Myrmeces. In Pliny’s
time they stood at the mouth of the Hermus, but
that river appears to have undergone great changes
since then, and at present it discharges its waters
into the sea much nearer Smyrnak. The Hermus,
according to Strabo, had its source in mount Dindy-
mene, on the borders of Mysia; or, as Pliny reports,
near Dorylaeum in Phrygia. (V. 31.) It received
the waters of the Pactolus, Hyllus, called also Phry-
gius, and other less celebrated streams, and dis-
charged itself into the sea between Phocaea and
Smyrna. (Strab. XIII. p. 626. Herod. I. 80. V.
101. Arrian. Exp. Alex. V. 5, 6.) The Hermus was
reported to contain gold among its sand; a circum-
stance for which it was probably indebted to the
Pactolus.
Sed neque Medorum silvae, ditissima terra,
Nec pulcher Ganges, atque auro turbidus Hermus,
Laudibus Italiae certent. Georg. II. 136.
Servius thinks it was a figurative allusion to the
fertility of its plains.
Vel quum sole novo densae torrentur aristae,
Aut Hermi campo, aut Lycia, flaventibus arvis.
AEN. VII. 720.
Homer applies to this river the epithet Sºviet; ; (Il.
T. 392.)
"TAAq in ixºudsvri Kai"Eepº ºw#swri.
and again, in the poet's Life, ascribed to Herodotus.
(c. 9.)
i Travels in Asia Minor, p. by the Hermus; but his imagi-
nation seems to outstrip the
* Chandler expatiates on the course of time and the powers
probable alterations which will of the river, p. 96.
in time be effected on this coast
ſº
95
ION IA AND I, Y DIA. 337
'Auðpáalow Tivovre; 38wp ºsſov Torapolo,
‘Eppot, ºw{svros, ºv &0&varos réxero Zsá;.
This fine river is known to the Turks by the name
of Sarabat.
Smyrna, situated in a gulf which lies nearly east Smyrna.
of the mouth of the Hermus, was said to derive its
name from an Amazon so called, who, having con-
quered Ephesus, had in the first instance trans-
mitted her appellation to that city. The Ephesians
afterwards founded the town, to which it has ever
since been appropriated; and Strabo, who dwells at
length on this point, cites several poets, to prove
that the name of Smyrna was once applied speci-
fically to a spot near Ephesus, and afterwards gene-
rally to the whole of its precincts. The same writer
affirms, that the Ephesian colonists were afterwards
expelled from Smyrna by the Æolians; but being
aided by the Colophonians, who had received them
into their city, they once more returned to Smyrna,
and retook it. He cites the following fragment of
Mimmermus, in confirmation of this fact:
‘Husſ; 8 airº IIáxov Nºſſow &arv Airóvre;
‘Ipsprºv'Aríny vºya'iv &pixáusſia.
'E; 3' parºv Koxopāva 3.39 ºrépotaow #xovre;
’Eçãus? &pyaxén; 63210; #ysgåves.
Ksiąsy 8 'Agrºsvro; &topváuisvo, Toropoio
Gsäy 3ovX; Suvovny sixopsy Aloxºa).
Herodotus differs from Strabo in some particulars:
(ap. Strab. XIV. p. 634.) he states that Smyrna ori-
ginally belonged to the Æolians, who received into
! I have given this passage have taken unwarrantable liber-
According to Brunck, who has ties. with some of the lines in
een followed by Prof. Gais- their version, tom. IV. p. ii.
ford. Poet. Min. vol. I. p. 424. p. 271.
The French translators of Strabo
VOL. I. Z
338 ION IA AND LY DIA.
the city some Colophonian exiles. These afterwards,
taking advantage of a festival held without the town,
to which the Smyrnaeans resorted in great numbers,
shut the gates, and became masters of the place.
From that time Smyrna ceased to be an A.olian
city, but was received into the Ionian confederacy.
(I. I50. Pausan. Ach. 5.) Of all the different cities
which laid claim to the birth of Homer, Smyrna
seems to assert her pretensions to that honour with
the greatest zeal and plausibility; and if we are to
credit the author of his Life, commonly supposed to
be Herodotus, we can have no hesitation in adher-
ing to the accounts which he has collected on this
very interesting point of history, supported as they
are by other traditions and testimonies of antiquity.
The Smyrnaeans, as we learn from Strabo, were S0
convinced that the great poet was their country-
man, that they had erected and dedicated to him a
temple containing his statue. This edifice was called
Homerium, a name also given to a brass coin struck
at Smyrna, in commemoration of the same event.
(Strab. XIV. p. 646. Cic. pro Arch. c. 8.)
They also shewed a cave, where it was said that
Homer composed his verses". (Pausan. Ach. 5.)
It was objected, by those who sought to weaken the
claims of Smyrna, that the poet had never once
mentioned the name of that town, nor the river
Meles which ran through it; but Strabo does not
consider the objection to have any weight, (XII.
m Chandler informs us that
he had searched for this cavern,
and succeeded in discovering it
above the aqueduct of the Me-
les. It is about four feet wide,
the roof of a huge rock, cracked
and slanting, the sides and bot-
tom sandy. Beyond it is a pas-
sage cut, leading into a kind of
well, &c. Travels in Asia Mi-
nor, I). 91.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 339
P. 554.) and besides, as Smyrna was not in exist-
ence during the Trojan war, it could only have
been alluded to by anticipation. The author of the
Poet's Life introduces the following verses, said to
be written by him, and which speak of Smyrna as
his native city. (c. 14.)
Oth w' air; ºx; Tatēg Zst: xúgua ysvéadai
Nárov alºofn; Éwº yoóvar, pºſted; &ráxxwy,
"Hv tor' #Túpywaay 300x; Aſh; &lyióxolo
Azdi Pgixa wo;, p.32) wV #713%rops; irray,
'O.TXàrepoi tº 2^spoio Tup?; xeſ, ovts; "Apn2,
Aloxiè2 >pºpwºv &Aiyêirovo, Torvićvaxrow
"Hy Ts 3' &yxºzºv slav Š82p isgoio Méxºro;.
Smyrna was attacked by Gyges, king of Lydia, but
resisted with success. (Herod. I. 14. Mimner, ap.
Pausan. Boeot. 29.) It was compelled to yield how-
ever to his descendant Alyattes, and in consequence
of this event it sunk into decay, and became deserted
for the space of 400 years. (Herod. I. 16. Strab.
XIV. p. 646.) Alexander is said to have formed the
project of rebuilding the town, in consequence of a
vision he had on mount Pagus, a hill above the
river Meles. Whilst he slept near the temple of
Nemesis, the goddess appeared to him, and ordered
him to found a city for the Smyrnaeans on the site
where he then lay. (Pausan. Ach. 5.) The Mace-
donian king did not live to execute the design, but
it was commenced by Antigonus, and finally com-
pleted by Lysimachus, in compliance with the oracle
delivered by the Clarian Apollo.
Teiguáxapri; xivol xx, Terpáxis &vºps; govrai,
O. II&yoy oixào'oval Téeny ispoio Méxºrog.
(Paus. loc. cit. Strab. XIV. p. 646.) The new town
Was built at a distance of twenty stadia from the
Z 2
340 ION IA AND LY DIA.
ancient site, partly on the side of the hill, but chiefly
in the plain, and extending to the sea-coast, on which
stood the harbour, the temple of Cybele, and the
gymnasium. The streets were remarkably hand-
some, well paved, and drawn at right angles. There
were several fine square porticos, a public library,
the temple of Homer, and other buildings, which
rendered it one of the most beautiful cities of Ionia.
(Strab. loc. cit.) In an inscription preserved amongst
the Marmor. Oxon. it is styled ºpérn rā; ‘Aata; káà-
Aet kai peyédet, kai Aapºpotárn, kai pºſtpétrox; tº: 'Aafag".
Cicero also speaks of it as one of the most flourish-
ing towns of Asia. (pro L. Flacc. c. 30.) It had
received various grants and privileges from the Ro-
man senate, for the part it took in the wars with An-
tiochus and Mithridates. (Liv. XXXV.42. XXXVII.
16, 54. XXXVIII. 39.) But it afterwards suffered
much from the siege sustained by Trebonius, one
of Caesar's murderers, against Dolabella, who finally
overcame him, and put him to death. (Strab. XIV.
p. 646. Cic. Phil. XI. 2. Liv. Epit. CXIX. Dio
Cass. XLVII. 29.) In the reign of Tiberius, eleven
cities of Asia pleaded before the senate for the ho-
mour of being allowed to erect a temple to the
emperor: the chief contest lay between Sardes and
Smyrna; but the merits of the latter city prevailed
with the judges, and she obtained the disputed fa-
vour. (Tacit. Ann. III. 63. IV. 56.) It continued
to flourish throughout the following reigns, (Plin.
V. 31.) and its schools of eloquence and philosophy
were in considerable repute. (Aristid. in Smyrn.)
" The epigraph on the coins ACIAC KAAAEI KAI METEOEI.
of Caracalla and other empe- Sestini, p. 84.
rors, is CMTPNAION TIPſ).TQN
I () NIA AND L Y DIA. 341
The Christian church flourished also, through the
zeal and care of Polycarp, its first bishop, who is
Said to have suffered martyrdom in the stadium of
the city, about 166 years after the birth of our
Saviour. (Iren. III. 3, 4, p. 176.) There is also an
epistle from Ignatius to the Smyrnaeans, and another
addressed to Polycarp. Under the Greek emperors
Smyrna experienced great vicissitudes. Having been
occupied by Tzachas, a Turkish chief, towards the
close of the eleventh century, it was nearly destroyed
by a Greek fleet, commanded by John Ducas. It
Was, however, restored by the emperor Comnenus,
but suffered again severely from a siege which it
sustained against the forces of Tamerlane. Not
long after, it fell into the hands of the Turks, and
has remained ever since in their possession. It is
now the great mart of the Levant trade. Chandler
gives a detailed description of the ruins of this city.
They consist “ of the old wall, of which many rem-
“nants may be discovered, of a solid, massive con-
“struction; the stadium, stripped of its marble
“ seats and decorations, between the western gate
“ and the sea; a theatre on the side of a hill front-
“ing the bay. The port which shut up reached
“to the foot of the castle-hill, is now dry. Beyond
“the deep valley in which the river Meles winds,
“ behind the castle, are several portions of the wall
“of the pomaerium, which encompassed the city at
“a distance, but broken. The ancient sepulchres
“were chiefly in the pomaerium without the city.
“These ruins have supplied materials for the public
“ edifices erected by the Turks. Many pedestals,
“statues, inscriptions, and medals have been, and
“are still discovered in digging. Perhaps no place
Z 3
342 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Smyrnaeus,
qui et Her-
mius sinus.
Clazome-
Ilić.
“ has contributed more than Smyrna to enrich the
“collections and cabinets of the curious in Europe”.
“The Meles,” according to the same traveller, “is
“a clear stream, shallow in summer, not covering
“the rocky bed, but winding in the deep valley be-
“hind the castle, and murmuring among the ever-
“greens, approaches the gardens without the town,
“ where it is branched out by small canals. In
“winter, after heavy rains on the mountains, or
“ the melting of snow, it swells into a torrent rapid
“ and deep, often not fordable, or with danger. Old
“Smyrna was about twenty stadia, or two miles
“ and a half from the present city, and on the other
“side of the river. It is described as near the sea,
“with the clear stream of the Meles running by,
“ and existed in the second century. Perhaps some
“vestiges might be discovered even now in tracing
“ the river toward the bay. This is less wide than
“it was anciently, and has been removed from the
“site by a large accession of low land, formed of
“Soil washed from the mountains near, or of mud
“ and slime brought down by the torrents.P.”
We may remark that the bay in which Smyrna
was situated, generally took its name from that city,
but sometimes it was denominated Hermius, from
the principal river which there united itself with
the sea. (Hom. Vit. c. 2.)
Clazomenae, which follows next on the coast, did
not exist prior to the Ionian migration; it was
founded, as we learn from Pausanias, by a colony
of Cleomaeans and Phliasians, who abandoned the
Peloponnese at the time of the Dorian invasion, and
joined the Ionians. They at first settled on a site
" Travels in Asia Minor, p. 76–70. I P. 87.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 343
called Scyppium or Scyphia, (Steph. Byz. v. Xydia,)
in the Colophonian territory, but afterwards re-
moved further north to a spot named Chytrium, or
Chytrum', (Arist. Polit. V. 2. Strab. XIV. p. 645.)
under the conduct of Parphorus, or Paralus, a native
of Colophon. (Paus. Ach. 3. Strab. loc. cit.) Hero-
dotus reports, that Alyattes, king of Lydia, having
attacked Clazomenae, met with a determined resist-
ance, and sustained finally a signal defeat. (I. 16.)
On the conquest of Lydia by the Persians, the Cla-
Zomenians abandoned the original site of their town,
and retired to a small island close to the land, where
they built a new city. This measure was adopted
from fear of the Persians. (Paus. loc. cit.) It was
not till many years after, that the latter obtained
Possession of the island, and the town erected on it,
under the conduct of the two satraps, Artaphernes
and Otanes. This occurred at the commencement of
the Ionian revolt. (Herod. V. 123.)
Xenophon, in the Hellenics, speaks of Clazomenae
as an island; (V. 1, 28.) but in Strabo's time it ap-
pears to have been connected with the mainland;
(XIV. loc. cit.) and Pausanias leads us to infer that
this was undertaken by Alexander the Great. (Ach.
3.) Thucydides relates that the Clazomenians, hav-
ing revolted from Athens after the Sicilian disasters,
Were employed in founding a place called Polichma,
On the continent, but the Athenians opposed the
work, and finally reduced them under their power.
(VIII. 14. 23.) After the defeat of Antiochus, Cla-
zomenae was declared independent by the Romans,
and received the little island of Drymusa, situated
" In Steph. Byz., who quotes to read Xtrºy instead of Xv-
'phorus, it is probable we ought ty.
Z 4 ,
344 ION IA AND LY DIA.
in its vicinity. (Liv. XXXVIII. 39. Polyb. XXII.
27. 5.) It was taken by the Cilician pirates in the
time of Scylla. (App. Mithr. c. 63.) Clazomenae de-
rives further celebrity from having given birth to
Anaxagoras the philosopher, whose disciple Arche-
laus taught Socrates and Euripides. (Strab. loc. cit.
Diog. Laert. II. 16.) It had a treasury at Delphi, in
which the magnificent offerings of Croesus were de-
posited. (Herod. I. 51.) The Clazomenians joined
the Phocaeans, and some other states, in forming
the emporium of Naucratis, in Egypt, (II. 178.)
and first attempted to colonize Abdera, in Thrace.
(I. 168.) Their town retained its name and exist-
ence throughout the Roman and Greek empires,
(Plin. V. 31... Ptol. p. 119. Hierocl. Synecd. p. 660.)
but towards the middle of the eleventh century it
was much infested by pirates, and finally sunk under
the power of the Turks, and has never risen from
its ruins. These are to be seen somewhat to the north-
east of Pourla, on a site corresponding with the
descriptions of ancient authors. Chandler, who vi-
sited these remains, saw considerable vestiges of the
work ascribed to Alexander. “The mole,” says that
traveller, “was two stadia, or a quarter of a mile in
“length, but we were ten minutes in crossing it.
“The width, as we conjectured, was about thirty
“feet. On the west side, it is fronted with a thick,
“strong wall, Some pieces appearing above the
“water. On the opposite is a mound of loose peb-
“bles, shelving as a buttress, to withstand the fu-
“rious assaults of storm and tempest. The upper
“works have been demolished. We computed the
“island to be about a mile long, and a quarter
“broad. The city was small, its port on the
ION IA AND LY DIA. 345
“N. N. W. side. Traces of the walls are found by
“the sea; and in a hill are vestiges of a theatre+.”
Close to Clazomenae is a cluster of small islands,
which Pliny names Pele, Drymusa, Anhydros, Sco-
pelos, Sycussa, Marathussa, Psile, Perirrheusa. (V.
38.) Thucydides also notices Pele, Drymussa, and
Marathusa, (VIII. 31.) and we have already quoted
a passage from Livy, in which mention is made of
Drymusa. (Cf. Steph. Byz. v.v. II?”, Apvpovaaa,
Mapálovaga.) Chandler observes; “By Clazomene is
“a cluster of islets, all once cultivated, now neg-
“lected and barren. Their number was eight, but
“I could only count six".” Lampsus, according to
Ephorus, cited by Steph. Byz. was a portion of the
Clazomenian territory. (v. Aápalog.) Thucydides
Speaks of a spot called Daphnus, which seems to Daphnus.
have been in the vicinity of Clazomenae, and de-
pendent on that city. (VIII. 23 and 31.) I should
imagine that the temple of Apollo, mentioned by
Strabo, must have stood here. (XIV. p. 646.) Pliny
states that Daphnus no longer existed in his time.
(V. 31.) The same site was celebrated on account
of some warm springs, called the Agamemnonian
baths, from the circumstance of their having proved
beneficial to the Greeks who had been wounded in
an engagement with the troops of Telephus. (Phi-
lostr. p. 664. Strab. loc. cit.) Chandler discovered
Several remains of the buildings near Pourla; he
says, “ you descend by steps to the bath, which is
“under a modern vaulted roof, with vents in it for
“ the steam ; and adjoining to this is a like room,
“ now disused. The current, which is soft and
* Travels in Asia Minor, p. 107, 108 s P. 100.
346 ION IA AND I, Y DIA.
“limpid, is conveyed into a small round basin of
“marble, and runs over into a large cistern or re-
“servoir beneath. Our thermometer rose in , the
“vein to one hundred and fifty ".”
Resuming our periplus of the Ionian coast from
Clazomenae, we have to point out a rugged pro-
montory, which forms the north-west extremity
of the little bay of Tcharpan, which represents
Chytrium. This headland, now called Esomeno, is
Apocrem. probably the Apocremnus, or Hypocremnus, of
łºm-Strabo. (XIV. p. 645.) Beyond this, the coast ad-
... vances still to the north, as far as cape Melaena, now
liſſle Rara-bouroum, near which, according to Strabo, was
a quarry, from which millstones were dug up.
(XIV. p. 645.) After doubling this point, we pro-
ceed along the coast to the south, as far as the bay
in which stood the ancient city of Erythrae. It will
be seen, from the map, that the sea forms a consider-
able peninsula in this part of Ionia, the neck of
which stands between Clazomenae and the last men-
tioned town. A lofty ridge, known to the ancients
Mimas by the name of Mimas, occupies the centre of the
" peninsula, and terminates in cape Melaena, its north-
ern extremity. It is now called Kara-vouno. Mount
Mimas is described by Strabo as elevated and woody,
and well stocked with game. (XIV. p. 645.) Pliny
asserts, that its chain occupied an extent of 250
miles through the interior of Asia Minor; he adds,
that Alexander had conceived the project of cutting
a passage through the isthmus of Erythrae, and also
the mountain we are at present concerned with.
(V. 31.) The poets make frequent allusions to mount
Mimas.
s P, 10 ſ.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 347
*H trivipºs Xioio, Tap' #v=pºdsvr& Miu avra.
ODYss. T. 172.
'Ipig irs, 7&agaiv &t' (Alºxoio Miwavros
Sºrsºxopºv, p.382 toxºv &rérpatsy.
CALLIM. H. IN DEL. 157.
Cynthus et Othrys,
Et tandem Rhodope nivibus caritura, Mimasque.
Ossaque cum Pindo. OvID. METAM. II. 221.
Mixtus Athos Tauro, Rhodopeque adjuncta Mimanti.
Sii. ITAL. II. 494.
(Cf. Thuc. V. 34. Ptol. p. 119.) Chandler, who
crossed this mountain, represents “ its shores as
“covered with pines and shrubs, and garnished with
“flowers. He passed many small pleasant spots,
“Well watered, and green with corn or with myrtles
“ and shrubs'.” The view from the summit ex-
tends over the bays of Smyrna, Clazomenae, and
Erythrae, the islands of Samos and Chios, and seve-
ral others.
Near cape Melaena was a small town, named Cy-Cybellia.
bellia, or Cybelia. (Strab. XIV. p. 645. Steph. Byz.
V. Kv3éxela.) Thucydides points out a port called
Phoenicus, on this coast, and under mount Mimas. Phºenicus
(VIII. 34.) Livy also notices it in his account of”
the naval operations of the Romans and their allies
against Antiochus. He states that it belonged to
the Erythraeans (XXXVI. 45. Steph. Byz. v. Bowl-
Kois.) It is now called Egri-limen. Erythrae, one Erythrie.
of the twelve states of Ionia, (Herod. I. 142.) is said,
by Pausanias, to have derived its name and origin
from Erythrus, son of Rhadamanthus, at the head of
a Cretan and Lycian colony; but it was subse-
t Chandler's Travels, p. 1 13.
348 ION IA AND LY DIA.
quently strengthened by a body of Ionian emigrants,
led by Cnopus ", son of Codrus. From the latter
chief it was sometimes called Cnopupolis ; (Steph.
Byz. v. Epwº. Polyaen. Strat. VIII.) but the
original appellation always remained in use, and
the other presently died away. (Strab. XIV. p. 633.
Pausan. Ach. 3.) Athenaeus quotes an interesting
extract from Hippias of Erythrae, relating to the
history of Cnopus. (VI. p. 259, 260.) Herodotus
reports, that the Erythraeans and Chians spoke the
same dialect ; (I. 142.) but, notwithstanding this
apparent tie, they are stated to have been early en-
gaged in hostilities against each other. (I. 18. An-
ticl.ap. Athen. IX. p. 384. D. E.) The latter were
however greatly superior in maval power, since they
had 100 ships engaged at Lade, whilst the Eryth-
raeans furnished only eight to the combined fleet.
(VI. 8.) Erythrae revolted from Athens at the close
of the Peloponnesian war. (Thuc. VIII. 14.) The
Romans, on the conclusion of the war with king
Antiochus, rewarded the citizens with grants of
lands, and other marks of their approbation, for
the zeal they had displayed in their service. (Liv.
XXXVIII. 39. XXXVII. II. 27. Polyb. XXII.
27, 6, XVI. 6, 5–8.) This city obtained further
celebrity from the sibyl, who was said to have de-
livered prophecies there. Strabo distinguishes be-
tween the more ancient prophetess and another
named Athenais, who flourished in the time of Alex-
ander. (XIV. p. 645. Tacit. Ann. VI. 12. Lactant.
Inst. I. 16.) We may trace the existence of this
town, by means of coins and inscriptions, to a late
* Pausanias calls him Cleopus; but this is doubtless a false
reading.
ION IA AND I, Y DIA. 349
period of the Roman empire *. Acts of councils,
and other ecclesiastical documents, prove it to have
been the see of a bishop in the province of Asia y :
In the Synecdemus of Hierocles, (p. 660.) Wes-
Seling wishes to substitute Erythrae for Xarpárn.
The territory of this city was rugged and moun-
tainous; (Hom. Vit. c. 18.) but it produced good
wine, (Athen. I. 32. B.) and fine wheaten flour.
'Evê Đspsaratóxot; 'Egu%pai; #x xxićvov #x320
Asuzºg & 3pai; %xxwy diggi; Tép lºsi Tagº. 8sityov.
ARCHESTR. A.P. At HEN. III. 112. B.z
A rivulet, called Aleos by Pliny, flowed into the
bay of Erythrae. (V. 31.") The same writer states,
that its waters had the property of making the hair
grow. (XXXI. 10.) Pausanias reports, that there
was a very ancient temple of Hercules in this place.
(Ach. 5.) The site of the town retains the name
of Ritré. A modern traveller states, that “the
“walls were erected on two semicircular rocky
“brows, and had square towers at regular distances.
“They were very thick, the stones massive and
“rugged, the masonry that called pseudisodo-
“ mum. In the middle is a shallow lively stream,
“clear as crystal, which turns a solitary mill, in its
“ way through thickets of myrtle and bushes to the
“sea. This rivulet was anciently named Aleos.
“By a conical hill on the north are vestiges of an
x Nummi Imperatorii EPT-
OPAION ab Augusto et Claudio,
indeque a Trajano usque ad
Otacilium, deinceps Valeriani
tantum. Sestini, p. 82. The
coins of Erythrae, anterior to the
Roman dominion, are very
Scarce.
y Geogr. Sacr. Car. S. Paul.
p. 238.
z In the description of Greece
I have inadvertently applied
this quotation to Erythrae of
Boeotia.
* On the coins of Erythrae
the name of this stream appears
to be AEOS. Sestini, p. 82.
350 ION IA ANI) LYI) IA.
Coryne et
Mesate
promonto-
I’lā,
“ample theatre in the mountain side; and further
“on, by the Sea, three pedestals of white marble.
“Beyond these is an old square fortress, standing on
“a low spot, a little island; and by it was a short
“sepulchral inscription. Erythrae has been long
“ deserted, and, like Clazomene, stripped even of its
“ ruins, except some masses of hard cement, a few
“ vaults of sepulchres, a fragment of inscribed archi-
“trave, a broken column or two, and a large stome,
“ on which is carved a round shield. The bare rock
“afforded a natural foundation for the houses and
“ public edifices; and the materials, when they were
“ruined, lay ready to be transported to Scio, and
“other places which continued to flourish".” Ery-
thrae possessed two ports; one situated close to the
town, the other somewhat to the south, and named
Cyssus, according to Livy. (XXXVI. 43.) Casystes
in Strabo, if the text of the latter is sound. (XIV.
p. 644.) The latter corresponds with the well-known
modern harbour of Tchesmeh, or Chismeh. Part of
the coast bore the name of Leopodon. (Hipp. ap.
Athen. VI. 259. A.) In front of Erythrae were four
small islands, named Hippi, now Ogmi and St.
George. (Strab. loc. cit. Plin. V. 31.) The bay in
which the city was placed was closed by two pro-
montories, the northernmost of which bore the name
of Coryne ; the other, to the south-west, advancing
towards Chios, that of Mesate. (Pausan. Ach. 5.
Pomp. Mel. I. 19.) Thucydides assigns to Erythrae
two small towns, or fortresses, named Pteleum and
Sidussa. (VIII. 24. Cf. Steph. Byz. v. IIrexéow.) The
latter speaks of Embatum as a spot in this vicinity,
(v. "Ep.3arcy,) also known from Thucydides. (III.
b Travels in Asia Minor, p. 113, 14.
I () N IA AN ID I, Y DIA. 351
29.) To the south of Erythrae, a lofty mountain,
anciently named Corycus, and connected with the
range of mount Mimas, advances out to the west in
the direction of Chios, and terminates in cape Ar-Argennum
gennum, which lies nearly opposite to cape Posi-º."
dium, the easternmost point of that island: the strait
which divides the two headlands is estimated by
Strabo to be about sixty stadia in breadth. (XIV.
p. 645.) Thucydides writes the name Arginus.
(VIII.34.) In Greek,’Apyévy); and 'Apyváel; denote the
Same idea, which is equally expressed by the modern
Frank name Capo Bianco, or the White Cape.
The high and rugged coast formed by mount Cory-Corycus
cus harboured formerly a wild and daring popula-"
tion, greatly addicted to piracy; and who, by disguis-
ing themselves, and frequenting the harbours in
their vicinity, obtained private information of the
course and freight of any merchant vessel, and con-
Certed measures for the purpose of intercepting it.
The secrecy with which their intelligence was pro-
cured gave rise to the proverb,
Toč 3’ &c & Kopuzzio; #xpoãºsto.
The modern name of this elevated ridge is the
Table Mountain, but the ancient appellation is still
preserved in that of Kourko, which belongs to a
bold headland forming the extreme point of the
Erythraean peninsula towards Samos. When Thu-
cydides speaks of Corycus in the eighth book, I con-
ceive he alludes to this cape. (VIII. 14.33, 34. Cf.
Liv. XXXVII. 12.) Pliny calls it Coryceon pro-
montorium. (V. 31.) Between this headland and
that of Argennum is a small island, close to the
mainland, which Strabo names Halonnesus. (XIV. Halonne.
p. 645.) Beyond the Corycian promontory the sus insula.
359 ION IA AN ID I., Y DIA.
Chalcis
regio.
Gerrhoei-
dae sive
Geraesticus
portus.
Erae sive
Gerae.
Teos.
shore recedes, and forms a considerable bay, advanc-
ing inland towards the north-east, and with that of
Clazomenae forming the neck of the Erythraean pen-
insula. Strabo places here some Chalcidians, who
were contiguous to the isthmus, and who, as Pausa-
nias reports, constituted a third part of the Ery-
thraean state. He does not however quite agree with
Strabo as to the name of this tribe, since he calls it
Chalcitis. (Ach. 5.) He adds, that there was also a
promontory so called, near which were some warm
springs and baths, highly esteemed throughout Ionia
for their medicinal efficacy. Above this district was a
grove, consecrated to Alexander the Great, in which
solemn games, named after that prince, were cele-
brated by the general states of Ionia. From this
wood to the coast of Clazomenae the distance by
land was only fifty stadia, whereas by sea it ex-
ceeded a thousand. (Strab. XIV. p. 644.) Beyond
the Chalcidian coast, and without the peninsula, was
a port belonging to the city of Teos. Strabo writes
the name Cherroeidae, or Gerrhoeidae, (loc. cit.) but
Livy Geraesticus. (XXXVII. 27.) There was also
in the same vicinity a town called Erae, or Gerae,
and apparently a place of some strength. (Thuc.
VIII. 19, 20. Strab. loc. cit.) Its site, if we may
judge from the analogy of name, agrees with that
now called Erekevi. In Scylax, I imagine we ought
to substitute Tepal for "Aypa. (p. 37.)
Teos had been originally colonized by a party of
Minyaº from Orchomenus, led by Athamas; but it
subsequently received great accession of strength
from Athens at the time of the Ionian migration.
The Athenian chiefs were Nauclus, son of Codrus,
Apoecus, and Damasus; another reinforcement was
ION IA AND LY DIA. 353
afterwards brought by Geres from Boeotia. (Strab.
XIV. p. 633. Pausan. Ach. 3. Herod. I. 142. Scyl.
p. 37. Steph. Byz. v. Téog.) When Ionia was in-
vaded by the armies of Cyrus after the overthrow
of Croesus, the Teians, despairing of being able to
resist the Persian power, abandoned their native
city, and retired to Abdera in Thrace. This colony
became so flourishing in consequence, that it quite
eclipsed the parent state. (Herod. I. 168. Strab. loc.
cit.) Teos is celebrated in the literary history of
Greece for having given birth to Anacreon, (Herod.
III. 121.) and Hecataeus the historian, though the
latter is more frequently known by the surname of
Abderite. (Strab. loc. cit.) This town produced
also Protagoras the sophist, Scythinus an Iambic
poet, Andron a geographical writer, and Apellicon
the great book collector, to whom literature is in-
debted for the preservation of the works of Aristotle.
(Strab. loc. cit. Steph. Byz. v. Téog.)
Vitabis aestus, et ſide Teia
Dices laborantes in uno
Penelopen, vitreamque Circen.
HoR. OD. I. 17, 18.
Though deserted by the greater part of its inhabit-
ants, Teos still continued to subsist as an Ionian
city, as may be seen from Thucydides. (III. 32.)
It revolted from Athens after the Sicilian overthrow,
(VIII. 16, 19.) but was again reduced. (VIII. 20.)
From Livy it appears, that, besides the harbour
called Geraesticus, there was another port belonging
to the city nearer to it, and more commodious.
(XXXVII. 27. Cf. Polyb. V. 77.5.) The chief pro-
duce of the Teian territory was wine; (Liv. loc.
cit.) and Bacchus was the deity principally revered
VOI. I. A ºl
354 ION IA AND LY DIA.
by the inhabitants. It is singular that Pliny should
rank Teos among the islands of Ionia; (V. 38.) at
most it could only be reckoned as a peninsula. The
site once occupied by this ancient city is now called
Boudrown. Chandler says, “We found it almost
“as desolate as Erythrae and Clazomenae. The
“walls, of which traces are extant, were, as we
“guessed, about five miles in circuit; the masonry
“handsome. It was with difficulty we discovered
“ the temple of Bacchus; but a theatre in the side
“of the hill is more conspicuous. The vault only,
“on which the seats ranged, remains, with two
“broken pedestals, in the area. The city port is
“ partly dry, and sand-banks rise above the surface
“ of the water. On the edge are vestiges of a wall,
“ and before it are two small islets. On the left
“ hand, or toward the continent, is a channel, which
“seemed artificial, the water not deep. The heap
“ of the temple of Bacchus, which was visible from
“ the theatre beneath on the right hand, lay in the
“middle of a corn-field, and is overrun with bushes
“ and olive-trees. It was one of the most celebrated
“structures in Ionia. The remains of it have been
“engraved at the expense of the society of Dilet-
“tanti, and published, with its history, in the Ionian
“Antiquities c.”
To the South of Teos is another peninsula, in
Myonne. which was situated the town of Myonnesus, de-
SllS. pendent on the former city. Livy describes it as
“a promontory placed between Samos and Teos.
“It is a hill rising from a base sufficiently broad to
° Travels in Asia Minor, p. imperial series is traced from
I 19, 120. We have gold and Augustus to Saloninus. Sestini,
silver money of Teos; the le- p. 85.
gend is TION and THION. The
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 355
“a very pointed summit. The approach to it from
“the land is by a narrow path. On the sea-side it
“is girt by rocks, so worn by the waves, that in
“Some parts the overhanging cliffs extend further
“out to sea than the ships which are stationed
“there.” (XXXVII. 27.) Strabo also states that
the town was situated on an elevated peninsula.
(XIV. p. 643. Cf. Thuc. III. 32.) Strabo mentions
that certain mimes and players of Teos, having been
expelled from that city during a sedition, had been
afterwards settled at Myonnesus by king Attalus;
but the Teians disliking their proximity, obtained
from the Romans that they should be removed to
Lebedos. (XIV. loc. cit. Steph. Byz. v. Mvóvºaog.)
The hill of Myonnesus is now called Hypsili-bounos:
it is described by modern travellers as commanding
a most extensive view of a picturesque country, of
the sea-coast and islands". Close to the shore was
a Small island named Macris, near which the com-Macrisin-
bined fleet of the Romans and Rhodians gained an sula.
important victory over that of Antiochus. (Liv.
XXXVII. 28, 29.) Pausanias seems to give the
name of Macria to the promontory of Myonnesus.
He states that there were some hot springs which
90Zed out among the rocks on the sea-shore. Others
Were used as baths, and decorated with elegant build-
ings. (Ach. 5.) Strabo notices another island be-
tween Teos and Lebedos : it was named by some
Aspis, by others Arconnesus. (XIV. p. 643.) “ Itº.”
“is now called Carabash, and stands about the sus insula.
“middle of the bay, stretching to the south-west".”
Lebedos, which follows next, appears, accord-Lebedos.
ing to Pausanias, to have been originally held by
* Chandler's Travels, p. 124. e Ibid. p. 126.
A a 2
356 ION IA AND LY DIA.
the Carians, who were expelled by an Ionian colony
under Andraemon, son of Codrus. The tomb of
this chief was to be seen on the road leading from
Lebedus to Colophon, across the river Hales. (Ach.
c. 3.) Herodotus mentions Lebedus as one of the
twelve Ionian cities. (I, 142.) It was afterwards
nearly destroyed by Lysimachus, for the sole pur-
pose of aggrandizing Ephesus. (Pausan. loc. cit. et
Attic. c. 9.) but it became a place of some note as
the general rendezvous of all the Ionian stage-
players. They held a meeting once a year, and
celebrated games and sports in honour of Bacchus.
Strabo reports that they had originally occupied
Teos, but being expelled from thence on account of
a sedition, they withdrew to Ephesus. Attalus
afterwards placed them at Myonnesus, but on a re-
presentation from the Teians, who objected to them
as neighbours, the Romans finally fixed them at
Lebedos, the population of which was by this time
greatly reduced. (XIV. p. 643.) The latter fact is
confirmed by Horace.
An Lebedum laudas, odio maris atque viarum ?
Scis, Lebedus quam sit Gabis desertior atque
Tidenis vicus. ICPIST. I. 11. 7.
Pausanias observes, that the soil of Lebedos was
remarkably fertile; and he speaks of its mineral
baths as very salutary, and deserving admiration.
(Ach. c. 5.) The site of this town is marked by
some ruins, now called Ecclesia, or X.ingi. They
consist of naked masses of stone and of brick, with
cement; and a basement, with the entire floor of a
small temple. Nearer the sea are some traces of
ancient walls, and a few fragments of Doric columns'.
f Chandler's Asia Minor, p. 125, 126.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 357
Steph. Byz. reports, that between Lebedos and Co-
lophon, which follows soon after, there was a place
named Dioshieron, (v. Alºs ispá,) and this position Dioshie.
seems to agree with the reference made to it by"
Thucydides. (VIII. 19.) But it must not be con-
founded with a Lydian town of the same name,
situated near the Cayster.
Colophon, another Ionian city, and of greater cele-Colophon.
brity, was founded, as we learn from Strabo, by An-
draemon, son of Codrus, who has been already men-
tioned more than once. (Cf. Pausan. loc. cit.) It
was situated about two miles from the coast, and
its port, called Notium, was connected with the city
by means of long walls. (Liv. XXXVII. 26. Thuc.
III. 34. Scyl. p. 37.) We learn from Herodotus
that it was through the Colophonians that Smyrna
was brought over to the Ionian confederacy. (I.
150.) The same historian relates that the Colo-
phonians were however excluded, together with the
Ephesians, from the Ionian festival called Apaturia,
on account of some bloodshed in which they were
implicated. (I. 147.) Colophon is also stated by
him to have fallen into the hands of Gyges, king of
Lydia. (I. 14.) During the Peloponnesian war Co-
lophon was occupied by a Persian force, but some of
the inhabitants retired to Notium, and being sup-Notium.
ported by Paches, an Athenian commander, were
enabled to maintain themselves successfully. (Thuc.
III.34.) Strabo observes that Colophon at One
period possessed a flourishing navy, and its cavalry
was in such repute, that victory followed wherever
it was employed; hence the proverb rºw Kokodºvo.
ěiré0nkev, that is, “he has brought his work to a good
“conclusion;” but the Scholiast of Plato gives
A a 3
358 ION IA AND L Y DIA.
another version of the saying, which appears some-
what more probable, though his authority is not so
good. He states, that the Colophonians had the
right of a double vote in the Panionian assembly, on
account of the service they rendered the confederacy
in the matter of Smyrna. Hence they were fre-
quently enabled to decide points left undetermined
from a parity of suffrages. (Schol. Plat. in Theaet.
p. 319.) Colophon is further celebrated from the
number of distinguished poets it has produced. It
was one of the rival claimants to the birth of Homer,
and was unquestionably the native city of Mimner-
mus, an elegiac poet, who flourished in the time of
Solon 5; of Polymnestus, a musician, noticed by Pin-
dar; Phoenix, an iambic poet, quoted by Athenaeus
and Pausanias; Hermesianax, a distinguished writer
of elegiacs, of which a celebrated fragment has been
preserved to us by Athenaeus; (XIII. p. 597. A.")
Antimachus, a well known epic poet; Xenophames, a
writer of (ataxol) silli on physical subjects; and Ni-
cander, who wrote Georgics, and poems on venomous
creatures, and their antidotes. He is also said to
have written a treatise on the poets of Colophon.
(Schol. Nicandr. Ther. 3.)
Colophon was destroyed by Lysimachus, together
with Lebedos, in order to swell the population of
the new town he founded at Ephesus; a circum-
stance which we learn from Pausanias. (Attic. c. 9.
Ach. c. 3. Cf. Diod. Sic. XX. p. 483.) The Colo-
phonians are stigmatised by several writers as very
effeminate and luxurious. (Athen. XII. p. 526.) In
the war with Antiochus, Colophon, or rather No-
g See Fabr. Bibl. Gr. tom. I. h See Ruhnk, Epist. Crit. II.
p. 733. ed. Harles. p. 374.
ION IA AND LY DIA. 359
tium, was besieged by that king; but the siege was
raised by the Romans. (Liv. XXXVII. 26, 27.) The
conduct of the inhabitants of Notium on this occa-
Sion obtained for them the approbation of the Ro-
man senate, and several privileges. (XXXVIII. 39.
Cic. Orat. Man. c. 12. Hor. Epist. I. 11, 3. Plin. V.
29.)
The little river Hales, which flowed near Colo- Hales fl.
phon, was noted for the coldness of its waters. (Pau-
San. Arcad. c. 28.) It is thought by some learned
critics that in the following fragment of Mimner-
mus, preserved by Strabo, (XIV. p. 634.) we should
read ‘AX}evros for 'Aarhevros.
'E; 8 parºv Koxotówo. 3ſºv (Tiporãow yovre;
‘Eğus?' &pyaxiſ; 53pio; #ysp.6ves.
Księsy 8’’Aarºsvro; cºropyäuso, Torapolo
Gsäy 300X; Suápyny eſāopsy Aioxſºa.
This stream appears to flow from mount Aleman,
anciently called Gallesus, or Gallesium. (Strab. XIV. Gallesus
p. 642.) It was connected with the chain of mount"
Corax, or Coracium, (Strab. loc. cit.) which stretched
to the north in the direction of Smyrna and Clazo-
menae. Chandler describes Gallesus as a vast moun-
tain clad with pines, and abounding in rapid streams
and waterfalls'. Colophon derived further celebrity
from its vicinity to the oracle of the Clarian Apollo. Claros.
This famous seat of divination is supposed to have
been discovered soon after the siege of Troy, and
the poets relate many tales with regard to a conten-
tion of prophetic skill which took place here between
Calchas and Mopsus, which ended in the defeat and
death of the former. (Strab. XIV. p. 642.)
i Travels in Asia Minor, p. 130.
A a 4
360 ION IA AND LY DIA.
IIainaxásis re Miua;, xa, Kwºkov &xp2 x&pnvo,
Kai KAágo; alyaſegaz, xzi Airayén; doo; airi,
Kai Sáuo; ºpnº, Mox3x7; t'airsivº zápºva.
HoM. HYMN. APOLL. 40.
"H 3’ troug &pgo.o.o. 32%uaxoivolo Méxºros,
"Plupa 813 Suápwn; Tayzpſo sow &ppa 81%xs
'E; KX&pov &pºreaffsraav, & 3pyupárošo; 'Atréaxww
'Haral, upºváčov šxarnóðxov ioxéaipav,
HYMN. IN DIAN. 5.
Oios & #x wºoio Guðso; slav 'AtróAxww
AºAov &W #yoffémy, #3 KA::pov, , §ys IIv%),
* f y re * * * * * *
H Auxiny sºpsiaw, iwi =&yſolo hoja.
Apoll. It H. I. 307.
tº º milli Delphica tellus
Et Claros, et Tenedos, Pataracaque regia servit.
OvID. METAM. I. 515.
Trojugena, interpres Divum, qui numina Phoebi,
Qui tripodas, Clarii lauros, qui sidera sentis.
AEN. III. 359.
(Cf. Pausan. Ach. c. 3, 5.) Tacitus gives us an ac-
count of the visit paid by Germanicus to this oracle.
The priesthood was confined to certain families,
principally of Miletus. The number and names of
those who came to consult the oracle were announced
to the seer, who, having descended into the cave,
and drank of the spring, revealed in verse to each
the subject of his secret thoughts. On this occasion,
it is said that a speedy death was announced to
Germanicus. (Ann. II. 54.) The oracle continued
to flourish in the time of Pliny, (V. 29.) and as late
as the reign of Constantine. Considerable vestiges
are still to be seen at Zille, which occupies the site
of the ancient Claros : these consist of several sepul-
ION IA AND LY DIA. 361
chres; the prophetic fountain and cave, with marble
steps leading down to it; also remains of a large
temple, a theatre, and several churchesk. A few
wretched huts mark the position of the once flou-
rishing city of Colophon. N otium has also entirely
disappeared J. Beyond Colophon and Claros we
come to the river Caystrus, and the marshes it forms Caystrus fl.
at its mouth. The latter are doubtless the "Azio; Asiana.
Xerºy of Homer, the favourite haunt of swans and"
other water-fowl.
Xqvāv, yspávay, 3 xúxywy ŚovXixobsipov,
'Aqſa iy Aspāv, Katjargſow &pººl #s692.
IL. B. 470.
Jam varias pelagi volucres, et quae Asia circum
Dulcibus in stagnis rimantur prata Caystri.
GeoRG. I. 383.
Ceu quondam nivei liquida inter nubila cycni,
Quum sese e pastu referunt, et longa canoros
Dant per colla modos; sonat amnis, et Asia longe
Pulsa palus. -- AEN. VII. 699.
tº non illo plura Caystros
Carmina cygnorum labentibus audit in undis.
OvID. METAM. V. 386.
Sic niger in ripis errat quum forte Caystri,
Inter Ledacos videtur corvus olores.
MART. EP. I. 546.
Strabo speaks of two marshes, or lakes, near the
mouth of the Caystrus, one of which was called
Selinusia. They both belonged to the temple of Selinusia
Ephesus, and were a source of considerable revenue. palus.
* Chandler's Travels in Asia Minor, p. 130, 131.
* Ibid. p. 132, 133.
362 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Pegaseum
Stagnum.
Phyrites
fluvius.
The sovereigns of Asia had at one time sequestered
these funds, but they had been restored by the Ro-
mans. The revenue officers of the province, how-
ever, again endeavoured to appropriate these lands
to the purposes of the state. This led to a deputa-
tion on the part of the Ephesians to Rome, when
Artemidorus, the celebrated geographer, as we learn
from Strabo, pleaded the cause of his countrymen
before the semate, and obtained a fresh grant in their
favour. The Ephesians, in recompense for this
service, erected a golden statue to the orator in their
temple. At the end of the lake, which lies most in
a hollow, was a temple of Jupiter, or Plutom, said
to have been built by Agamemnon. (Strab. XIV.
p. 642.) gº
Pliny, describing the course of the Caystrus, says,
it rises in the Cilbian mountains, and after receiving
many streams, and among others the Pegasean
marsh which the river Phyrites brings down, waters
the plain of Ephesus. (V. 29.) The Phyrites seems
to be that stream which rises in the south-western
chain of Tmolus, and after passing by the village
of Tourbali, close to the ruins of Metropolis and
the foot of mount Gallesus, forms with the Caystrus
the marshes above alluded to. The Caystrus is
now called Kutchuck Mendere, or Lesser Meander,
by the Turks. We shall have to speak of the upper
valley of this river when we enter upon the descrip-
tion of Lydia. Near its mouth, and on the southern
m Tā; 8: Aſºwn; ºv, rå koº- “num regis.” I conceive Ba-
tárº Bariaéo; a riv ispáv paal 8 gºet, to mean here either Ju-
'A'yakéuvovo; ºpvua. The French piter, (vid. Hesych. v. Baataeto;
translators render it “un temple arox, et not.) or Pluto, who is
“royal;” the Latin version “fa- styled by Homer &va: čvépov,
ION IA AND LYIDIA. 363
bank, was situated the renowned city of Ephesus. Ephesus.
Its foundation was so ancient as to be ascribed by
Some to the Amazons, at which time it was called
Smyrna. (Callin. ap. Strab. XIV. p. 663. Steph.
Byz. v. "Eqecog.) It also bore successively the
names of Samorna, Trachea, Ortygia, and Ptelea.
Bennamia and Sisyrba were parts of the town.
(Steph. Byz. v.v. Bevapaia, Xiavpſ3.a.) The first inha-
bitants of the country, according to Strabo, were the
Leleges and Carians, who made way for the Ionian
colonists brought by Androclus, son of Codrus.
(XIV. p. 640.) The latter occupied also the island
of Samos. (Pausan. Ach. c. 2.) The colonists appear
not to have dwelt together in one place at first, but
to have been scattered throughout the Ephesian dis-
trict till the time of Croesus, when the city began to
assume an appearance of wealth and prosperity.
(Strab. loc. cit.) Herodotus relates, that the Ephe-
sians, being invaded by that prince, dedicated their
city to Diana, by fastening a rope from their walls
to the temple of the goddess, a distance of seven
stadia. The historian remarks, that this applies to
the old town. (I. 26.) Not long after the Ephesians
quitted their former abodes, and drawing nearer to
the temple, built around it the new city, which sub-
sisted till the time of Alexander the Great. (Strab.
loc. cit.) The shrine of Diana, as Pausanias affirms,
was already in great repute before the arrival of
the Ionians in Asia:
>0} x2] 'Apºc.gov.ſºss, toxégou iwiłup.firepai,
‘Ey Kors Taftaxºn 'Epégov 8péra; iègúgavro
‘Dwyā into Tpitºyº, réAsa'ev Čá roi ispèv ‘ITTó.
CALLIM. HyMN. iN DIAN. 238.
364 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Táow dºorépavys 3opeioréphy is ſºoto
TIaş82Xiny "Eesarov, psy&any réaly 'Ioxsalem;’
"Evºa diff tors vºw 'Apašovſös; reróxovro.
IIpêuy? #y, Trexéns, rapićgiov &v?pág, flagu2.
Dionys. PERIEG, 826.
and it was even affirmed that the Amazons, at a
remote period, had sacrificed to the goddess there.
The image of Diana, said to have descended from
Jupiter, (Act. Apost. XIX. 35.) was especially the
object of superstitious veneration. It had been pre-
served throughout all the vicissitudes and revolu-
tions experienced by the city and temple, though
the material was only of wood ; it was affirmed by
Pliny, on the authority of Mutianus, who had in-
spected the idol himself, that nard, or some other
unctuous substance, was used to guard against de-
cay, to which it would otherwise have been exposed.
(XVI. 79.) It was richly adorned with embroidered
robes, and concealed from view, except during sacri-
fices, and other solemn occasions. The service of
the temple was performed by priests, who were
eunuchs, named Megabyzae, and accounted pecu-
liarly sacred ; with these were associated a number
of virgins as priestesses, (Strab. XIV. p. 64I. Xen.
Anab. V. 8, 7.) besides several other inferior officers
and retainers". The annual festival of the goddess
was attended by all the Ionian states, and the month
Artemisius was moreover set apart as altogether to
be dedicated to her service". The first temple was
planned and constructed by Chersiphron, a Cretan
architect, assisted by his son Metagenes, who con-
n Inscript. Ant. ap. Chand. p. 1 i.
o Chand. Inscr. Ant. p. 13.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 365
trived a machine for conveying the huge marble
blocks of which it was constructed from the quarries
of mount Prion. (Vitruv. X. 6.) This edifice, which
for its size and decorations was accounted superior to
all other buildings of the kind, alone escaped the
conflagration to which the other temples of Asia
were doomed by Xerxes on his return from Greece.
(Strab. VII. p. 273.) But several years after it was
Set on fire by a madman named Herostratus, and
entirely destroyed, with the exception of the outer
columns. This event is said to have happened the
same night that Alexander the Great was born.
(Plut. Alex. c. 3. Cic. de Nat. Deor. II. 27. Valer.
Max. VIII. 14. Strab. XIV. p. 640.) The building
remained in ruins till Alexander himself, on his
arrival in Asia, offered the Ephesians to restore it,
On condition that he should be declared the founder.
The Ephesians however declined the proposal, alleg-
ing, in a style of flattery suited to the vanity of the
monarch, that it was unbecoming in one god to
erect temples to other deities. (Artemid, ap. Strab.
loc. cit.) They therefore determined to rely on
their own resources, and those of voluntary contri-
butors, to complete this great work, the execution of
which was entrusted to Dinocrates P, the architect
who is reported to have entertained the gigantic and
extravagant project of forming a statue of Alexan-
der out of mount Athos. The ladies of Ephesus
are said to have contributed on this occasion all
their jewels and ornaments, and the wealthier ci-
p The name of this artist is cles: (II. O. p. 980.) but Wi-
variously given. Some MSS. of truvius, (II. Pref.) Val. Maxi-
Strabo read Chirocrates; Plu- mus, (I. 4.) Pliny, (VII. 37.)
tarch calls him Stasicrates ; and Strabo, according to some
(Alex. c. 52.) Eustathius, Dio- MSS., write Dinocrates.
366 ION IA AND LY DIA.
tizens were not slow in devoting their property to
the service of the goddess; a certain sum was also
raised from the sale of the materials of the former
building. These details were set forth in a decree
delivered by the Ephesians on this subject. (Arte-
mid. ap. Strab. loc. cit.) The new temple greatly
surpassed the original building in dimensions and
magnificence; being not only reckoned the most
beautiful sacred edifice of Ionia, but even of the
world, and accounted for that reason one of its seven
wonders. (Pausan. Ach. 5. Plin. XXXVI. 14.) It
was 425 feet in length, and 220 in breadth. The
pillars were 127 in number, and sixty feet in height,
and each of them had been the offering of a sove-
reign. Of these, thirty-six were carved; one by the
celebrated sculptor Scopas. (Plin. loc. cit.) The
order is said to have been Ionic. The gates were
of cypress, highly polished, and the roof of cedar;
the steps leading up to it of vine. The internal de-
corations corresponded with the size and external
appearance of the structure. The altar was almost
entirely adorned by the master hand of Praxiteles.
There were also some celebrated works of Thraso,
and Scopas, and a picture of Apelles, in which Alex-
ander appeared armed with thunder. For this the ,
artist received the enormous sum of twenty talents
of gold. (Strab. loc. cit. Plin.) The asylum attached
to the temple was regarded with peculiar sanctity.
Alexander had extended it to a stadium, and Mithri-
dates somewhat further ; Mark Antony nearly
doubled that distance: but the abuses to which this
privilege subsequently gave rise, caused it to be
abolished by Augustus. (Strab. loc. cit.) The city
itself had been gradually increasing with the cele-
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 367
brity and splendour of its fame; to this Lysimachus
also contributed, by causing the inhabitants to re-
move from the old site, which was subject to disas-
trous inundations, to a better position, which he
had marked out and surrounded with walls. (Strab.
loc. cit. Dur. Epigr. ap. Steph. Byz. v. "Eqezog.)
This prince was desirous that the new town should
be called after his wife Arsinoe, but the attempt did
not succeed. (Strab. loc. cit.) Ephesus was con-
sidered in some sort the metropolis of Ionia, from
its having been originally founded by Androclus,
Son of Codrus ; and the descendants of that prince
were, even in the time of Strabo, honoured with the
title of kings, and were decorated, on certain festive
occasions, with the purple robe and sceptre, and pre-
sided at the sacrifices of the Eleusinian Ceres. (Strab.
XIV. p. 633.) After the defeat of Antiochus this
city was made over to the kings of Pergamum by the
Roman senate, (Liv. XXXVII. 4, 5. XXXVIII.
39.) and it seems to have enjoyed a considerable
degree of prosperity under the mild sway of these
Sovereigns. Attalus Philadelphus caused some ex-
tensive works to be made at the mouth of the Cays-
trus in order to prevent the alluvial deposit of that
stream from blocking up the harbour; but the enter-
prise was injudiciously formed, and rather aggra-
Vated the evil it was intended to correct. Such was
however the advantageous situation of the city,
that, in Strabo's time, it was the great emporium of
all Asia. (XIV. p. 641. XII. p. 540.) We know,
too, that at this period the temple of Ephesus had lost
nothing of its splendour and celebrity, though they
were destined, by the arrival of St. Paul, and the
power of the Gospel, to sustain a blow from which
368 ION IA AND LY DIA.
they never recovered. The circumstances which
St. Luke has described in the nineteenth chapter of
the Acts illustrate so forcibly the history of this
period, and are so closely connected with the annals
of Ephesus, that it seems desirable to insert his
account here in his own words. The sacred histo-
rian, having in the eighteenth chapter mentioned
the first short visit paid by the apostle of the Gen-
tiles, and his departure for Caesarea and Antioch,
after promising to return again, goes on to state the
arrival of Apollos at Ephesus, and the effect of his
preaching there. He then, at the beginning of the
nineteenth chapter, returns to St. Paul : “And it
“ came to pass, that, while Apollos was at Corinth,
“Paul having passed through the upper coasts came
“to Ephesus: and finding certain disciples, he said
“unto them, Have ye received the Holy Ghost since
“ye believed 2 And they said unto him, We have
“not so much as heard whether there be any Holy
“Ghost. And he said unto them, Unto what then
“were ye baptized? And they said, Unto John's
“baptism. Then said Paul, John verily baptized
“with the baptism of repentance, saying unto the
“ people, that they should believe on him which
“should come after him, that is, on Christ Jesus.
“When they heard this, they were baptized in the
“name of the Lord Jesus. And when Paul had
“ laid his hands upon them, the Holy Ghost came
“ on them ; and they spake with tongues, and pro-
“ phesied. And all the men were about twelve.
“And he went into the Synagogue, and spake boldly
“for the space of three months, disputing and per-
“suading the things concerning the kingdom of
“God. But when divers were hardened, and be-
ION IA AND LY DIA. 369
“lieved not, but spake evil of that way before the
“multitude, he departed from them, and separated
“ the disciples, disputing daily in the school of one
“Tyrannus. And this continued by the space of
“two years; so that all they which dwelt in Asia
“heard the word of the Lord Jesus, both Jews and
“Greeks. And God wrought special miracles by
“ the hands of Paul: so that from his body were
“brought unto the sick handkerchiefs or aprons,
“ and the diseases departed from them, and the evil
“Spirits went out of them. Then certain of the
“vagabond Jews, exorcists, took upon them to call
“over them which had evil spirits the name of the
“Lord Jesus, saying, We adjure you by Jesus whom
“Paul preacheth. And there were seven sons of
“one Sceva, a Jew, and chief of the priests, which
“ did so. And the evil spirit answered and said,
“Jesus I know, and Paul I know ; but who are ye?
“And the man in whom the evil spirit was leaped
“on them, and overcame them, and prevailed against
“ them, so that they fled out of that house naked
“ and wounded. And this was known to all the
“Jews and Greeks also dwelling at Ephesus; and
“fear fell on them all, and the name of the Lord
“Jesus was magnified. And many that believed
“ came, and confessed, and shewed their deeds.
“Many of them also which used curious arts, brought
“ their books together, and burned them before all
“men ; and they counted the price of them, and
“found it fifty thousand pieces of silver. So mightily
“grew the word of God and prevailed. After these
“things were ended, Paul purposed in the spirit,
“when he had passed through Macedonia and
“Achaia, to go to Jerusalem, saying, After I have
V()I,. I. B b
370 ION IA AND L Y DIA.
“ been there, I must also see Rome. So he sent
“ into Macedonia two of them that ministered unto -
“ him, Timotheus and Erastus; but he himself
“stayed in Asia for a season. And the same time
“there arose no small stir about that way. For
“a certain man named Demetrius, a silversmith,
“ which made silver shrines for Diana, brought no
“small gain unto the craftsmen; whom he called
“ together with the workmen of like occupation, and
“ said, Sirs, ye know that by this craft we have our
“wealth. Moreover ye see and hear, that not alone
“at Ephesus, but almost throughout all Asia, this
“ Paul hath persuaded and turned away much
“ people, saying that they be no gods, which are
“made with hands: so that not only this our craft
“is in danger to be set at nought; but also that the
“temple of the great goddess Diana should be de-
“spised, and her magnificence should be destroyed,
* whom all Asia and the world worshippeth. And
‘when they heard these sayings, they were full of
wrath, and cried out, saying, Great is Diana of
the Ephesians. And the whole city was filled
“with confusion ; and having caught Gaius and
“Aristarchus, men of Macedonia, Paul's companions
“in travel, they rushed with one accord into the
“theatre. And when Paul would have entered in
“ unto the people, the disciples suffered him not.
“And certain of the chief of Asia, which were
“his friends, sent unto him, desiring him that he
“Would not adventure himself into the theatre.
“Some therefore cried one thing, and some another:
“for the assembly was confused ; and the more part
“knew not wherefore they were come together.
“And they drew Alexander out of the multitude,
6
G
6 &
66
ION IA AND I, Y DIA. 371
“ the Jews putting him forward. And Alexander
“ beckoned with the hand, and would have made
“his defence unto the people. But when they knew
“ that he was a Jew, all with one voice about the
“space of two hours cried out, Great is Diana of the
“Ephesians. And when the townclerk had appeased
“ the people, he said, Ye men of Ephesus, what man
“is there that knoweth not how that the city of the
“Ephesians is a worshipper of the great goddess
“Diana, and of the image which fell down from
“Jupiter? Seeing then that these things cannot be
“ spoken against, ye ought to be quiet, and to do
“nothing rashly. For ye have brought hither
“ these men, which are neither robbers of churches,
“ nor yet blasphemers of your goddess. Wherefore
“if Demetrius, and the craftsmen which are with
“ him, have a matter against any man, the law is
“open, and there are deputies: let them implead
“one another. But if ye enquire any thing con-
“cerning other matters, it shall be determined in a
“lawful assembly. For we are in danger to be
“called in question for this day's uproar, there being
“no cause whereby we may give an account of this
“concourse. And when he had thus spoken, he
“ dismissed the assembly. And after the uproar
“ was ceased, Paul called unto him the disciples,
“ and embraced them, and departed for to go into
“Macedonia.” It was probably to this tumult, and
to the danger which he then encountered, that the
apostle alludes in his Epistle to the Corinthians, (I.
xv. 32.) where he says, “If after the manner of men
“I have fought with beasts at Ephesus, what ad-
“vantageth it me, if the dead rise not.” Many
respectable commentators are, I know, disposed to
B b 2
379 ION IA AND L Y DIA.
take the words, ei karð &vºporov tºpiapóźnao. v 'Eqéaº,
in a literal sense, as if the apostle had indeed been
compelled to engage with wild beasts in the arena;
but I cannot help thinking, with Grotius and others,
that the metaphorical meaning is to be preferred ;
that is, “if I have fought against man at Ephesus,
“ like unto a ferocious animal;” for so remark-
able a fact would not have been omitted by St.
Luke in his circumstantial narrative of the occur-
rences at Ephesus; and it cannot be said that the
figurative sense is forced and unnatural. This nar-
rative fully agrees with the notions conveyed by
profane authorities of the idolatry and gross super-
stitions then prevalent at Ephesus. But the great
apostle, during a three years' residence there, (Acts
xx. 31.) was enabled, with the divine assistance, to
establish there the faith of Christ, and to found a
church, which became, as it were, the metropolis of
Asia. Of his great care of the Ephesian commu-
nity we have a strong proof in the affecting charge
he delivered to their elders at Miletus, where he
had convened them on his return from Macedonia;
(Acts xx. 16–38.) and still more in the Epistle he
afterwards addressed to them from Rome, and which
forms part of the sacred volume. Tradition repre-
sents Timothy to have been the first bishop of Ephe-
sus; but there is greater evidence that St. John re-
sided towards the close of his life in that city. He
is also supposed, on good authority, to have com-
posed his Gospel, and finally to have ended his life
there. In the Revelations the apostle places the
church of Ephesus first among the seven; and from
the gentle rebuke which it received from the Lord,
we may conclude that it was yet flourishing under
ION IA AND LY DIA. 373
his care. (Rev. ii. 4, 5.) As the Christian religion
prospered, the worship of Diana diminished and
sunk into insignificance. Nero is said to have plun-
dered the temple of many votive images, and great
sums of gold and silver. This edifice appears, how-
ever, to have remained entire in the second century;
since we are told, by Philostratus, that a sophist,
named Damianus, at that time expended great sums
of money in erecting a portico, and other structures
connected with its service. (Vit. Soph. p. 601.) At
a later period it was again spoiled by the Goths,
and other barbarians, and time has so completed the
havoc made by the hand of man, that, according to
the reports of competent eye-witnesses, the mighty
fabric has entirely disappeared". Ephesus was
governed, as we learn from Strabo, by a senate,
with a select body of magistrates called Epicleti.
(XIV. p. 640.) The Asiarchs, mentioned in the
Acts of the Apostles, were deputies chosen by the
several towns of Asia to preside over the sacred
games, and other affairs connected with religion.
Among other distinguished persons who were na-
tives of this city may be mentioned Heraclitus the
philosopher, surnamed the Obscure; Hermodorus,
from whom the Romans borrowed a part of their
code; Hipponax the poet, Artemidorus the geogra-
pher, Alexander Lychnus, an orator, historian, and
poet, and the two great painters Apelles and Parrha-
q Chandler's Travels in Asia
Minor, p. 173. For further in-
formation respecting this cele-
brated temple and the worship
of Diana, the reader may con-
sult the great Thesaurus Gr. of
Gronovius, tom. VIII. p. 2646.
also Deyling. Obss. Sacr. p. iv.
p. 283. and Polckius Diss. de
Magn. Ephes. Diana, Lips.
1718, 4to. Democritus, an
Ephesian, had written a work
in several books on the temple,
Athen. XII. p. 525.
B b 3
374, ION IA AND LY DIA.
I lepre
Acte.
Opistho-
lepre.
Prion
II}{)11S,
Trachea.
Coressus
Ill OllS,
sius. (Strab. loc. cit.) Several spots are mentioned
by ancient writers in connexion with the history of
Ephesus. Of these may be noticed Lepre Acte, a
part of the old town, situate near the base of
mount Prion; some lands lying at the back of that
acclivity were named Opistho-lepre. (Strab. XIV.
p. 633.) Mount Prion was perhaps so called from
its resemblance to a saw. Trachea was another
portion of the old city on the slope of mount Cores-
sus, in which stood the temple of Minerva, and the
fountain Hypelaeus. (Strab. loc. cit. Athen. VIII.
p. 361.) We hear also of a temple sacred to Venus
Hetaera, (Athen. XIII. p. 573.) an Olympeium and
gate leading towards Magnesia. (Pausan. Ach. 2.)
Pausanias speaks of mount Prion as a natural cu-
riosity, and commends likewise the whole Ephesian
district for its clime and fertility. (Ach. 5.) These
advantages rendered the Ephesians as prone to
luxury and voluptuousness as the rest of the Ionians.
(Athen. XII. p. 525. XV. p. 688.) The ruins of
Ephesus are to be seen near the Turkish town of
Ayasluck, which seems to have risen about the
middle of the fourteenth century. Chandler has
entered into much detail in regard to these interest-
ing remains, and the following extracts from his
account may not be unacceptable to the reader.
“Ephesus,” says that traveller, was situated by the
“mountains, which are the southern boundary of
“ the plain, and comprehended within its walls a
“ portion of mount Prion and of Corissus. Mount
“Prion is a circular hill; Corissus a single lofty
“ridge, extending northward from near mount Pac-
“tyas, and approaching Prion; then making an
“elbow, and running Westerly towards the sea.
ION IA AND LY DIA. 375
“We entered Ephesus from Aiasluck, with mount
“Prion and the exterior lateral wall of a stadium
“which fronted the sea, on our left hand. We
“ measured the area, and found it 687 feet long.
“The vestiges of the theatre, (alluded to in the Acts
“of the Apostles,) which was very capacious, are
“further on in the side of the same mountain.
“Going on from the theatre you come to a narrow
“ valley, which divides mount Prion from Corissus;
“within the valley you find broken columns and
“ pieces of marble, with vestiges of an odeum in the
“slope of Prion. Beyond the odeum the valley
“opens gradually into the plain of Aiasluck. Keep-
“ing round by Prion, you meet with vestiges of
“buildings, and come to the remains of a large edi-
“fice. This was the gymnasium. The street at
“the entrance of the city from Aiasluck was nearly
“of the length of the stadium. The opposite side
“was composed of edifices equally ample and noble.
“The way was between a double colonnade, as we
“conjectured, from the many pedestals and bases of
“columns scattered there. This street was crossed
“by one, leading from the plain to the valley. It
“ had on the left the front of the stadium, and the
“theatre, with the portico adjoining. On the right
“are ample substructions, with pieces of massive
“wall. These remains reach as far as the portico,
“ and have behind them a morass, once the city port.
“Opposite to the portico is a vacant quadrangular
“ space, with many bases of columns, and marble
“fragments. Here, it is probable, was the agora,
“ or market-place, which in maritime towns was
“generally near the port. At the end of the street,
“ and near the entrance of the valley between Prion
B b 4
376 ION IA AND LY DIA.
“ and Corissus, turning towards the sea, you have
“the market-place on the right hand, on the left
“ the sloping side of Corissus, and presently the
“ prostrate heap of a temple. The extent of the
“city toward the plain, on which side it was washed
“by the Cayster, cannot now be ascertained; but
“ the mountainous region has preserved its boun-
“dary, the wall erected by Lysimachus, which is of
“excellent masonry. It may be traced from behind
“ the stadium over mount Prion, standing often
“above twenty feet high. It crossed the valley,
“ and from thence it ascended mount Corissus, and
“ is seen ranging along the lofty brow, almost entire,
“except near the precipice, where it ceases. On
“ mount Prion are likewise remnants of an exterior
“wall. Near the entrance of Ephesus from Aias-
“luck are the vaults of several sepulchres, and others
“ along the slope of Corissus shew that the Ephe-
“sians buried likewise within the city F.”
Panormus. The port of Ephesus bore the name of Panor-
mus; near it, at a little distance from the sea, was
Ortygia, a spot named Ortygia, thickly planted with cypresses
º and other trees, and watered by the little river Cen-
chrius, where Latona was said to have been deli-
vered of her twins. The grove was filled with
shrines, adorned with statues by the hand of Scopas
and other eminent sculptors. Above the wood rose
solmissus mount Solmissus, where the Curetes, by the loud
" din of their arms, prevented Juno from hearing the
cries of Latona. Splendid festivals and entertain-
ments took place annually in these sacred haunts.
(Strab. XIV. p. 639.) According to Chandler, this
part of the coast has undergone considerable altera-
r Travels in Asia Minor, ch. 35.
ION IA AND LYIDIA. 377
tions: Ortygia has disappeared, the land having
encroached on the sea". This process had already
been carried on for some time when Pliny lived,
since he affirms that the little island of Syria, at
the mouth of the Cayster, was then in the plain.
(V, 31.)
Continuing along the coast, the following places
present themselves to our notice: Pygela, or Phy-
gela, said to have been founded by some deserters of #y.
Agamemnon's fleet. Here was a temple sacred togela.
Diana-Munychia. (Strab. XIV. p. 639. Plin. V. 29.
Pomp. Mel. I. 17. Steph. Byz. v. II&yexa.) Xeno-
phon writes the name IIšyexa. (Hell. I. 2, 2.) It is
also alluded to by Livy. (XXXVII. II.) Diosco-
rides (V. 12.) commends the wine of this town, a
local circumstance which it has yet preserved, ac-
cording to Chandler, who observed its remains on a
hill between Ephesus and Scala Nova . Further
inland was Marathesium, ceded by the Samians to Marathe.
the Ephesians in exchange for Neapolis, a maritime S] UILI1
town, situate nearer their island. (Strab. XIV. p.
639. Scyl. p. 35. Plin. V. 29. Steph. Byz. v. Mapa-
%atov.) Neapolis is represented by Scala Nova, dis-Neapolis.
tant about three hours from Ephesus. It is situate
in a bay, and has some vestiges of antiquity". Pro-
ceeding south we come to the celebrated chain of
Mycale, which extends for some distance along the Mycale
right bank of the Maeander towards the east, and III OI18,
to the west runs out into the sea, opposite the island
of Samos. It was already known to Homer :
* Travels in Asia Minor, p. to this town. Sestini, p. 83.
The coins with the epi- t Chandler's Travels, p. 176.
graph ºr, and ITT. are ascribed u Ibid. p. 178.
378 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Mziávěpov re 302s, Mux&am; r' airsivá x&pnvo. :
IL. B. 869.
and became still more celebrated from the Panio-
nium, or solemn assembly, of the Ionian states, held
in a temple situated at its foot; (Herod. I. 148.)
and also from the great victory obtained by the
Greek naval army, under the command of Leoty-
chides, king of Sparta, against the Persian forces
encamped near the shore; (Herod. IX. 97.) and
which wrested the whole of Ionia for a time from
the Persian dominion. Herodotus describes the ac-
tion as taking place near the temples of the Eume-
nides and that of the Eleusinian Ceres, founded by
Philistus, a follower of Neleus, son of Codrus. He
also particularizes two spots, called Gaeson and Sco-
lopoeis. (loc. cit.) The Persians had drawn up their
ships on shore, and fortified themselves with en-
trenchments and pallisades; but they were forced
by the Greeks, after an obstinate resistance, and de-
feated with great slaughter. Mount Mycale, ac-
cording to Strabo, was well wooded, and abounded
with game; a character which, as Chandler reports,
it still retains. This traveller describes it as a high
ridge, with a beautiful cultivated plain at its foot,
and several villages on its side". Towards the
north-east it was connected with mount Pactyas,
belonging to the Ephesian territory; and its termi-
nation in the sea formed the bold promontory of
Trogilium Trogilium, nearly opposite to cape Posidium, in the
!.” isle of Samos, and separated from it by a strait,
not more than seven stadia wide. (Strab. XIV.
p. 636.) C. Trogilium is mentioned by St. Luke
u Travels, p. 179, 180.
ION IA AND LY DIA. 379
in the Acts, in his account of St. Paul's voyage from
Troas to Miletus, by Mitylene, Chios, and Samos.
From the latter island they crossed over to Trogy-
lium, and after remaining there, it appears, one
night, they reached Miletus the following day. (Acts
xx. 15.) Strabo says there was a small island of
the same name off the point, and he reckons the
distance from thence to cape Sunium at 1600 stadia.
(loc. cit.) Pliny names three Trogilian islets, Psilon,
Argennon, Sandalion. (V. 31.) The modern appel-
lation of Trogilium is C. S.“. Maria; that of mount
Mycale, Samsoun. The Panionium, according to Panioni.
Strabo, was about three stadia from the shore, and ""
appears to have been resorted to by the Ionian cities
from the earliest period after their colonization.
Both the assembly and the temple itself, which was
dedicated to the Heliconian Neptune, were called
Panionium. The worship of Neptune had been im-
ported by the Ionians from Achaia in Peloponnesus,
and the surname of Heliconian was derived from
Helice, one of their cities in that country. (Strab.
XIV. p. 639. VIII. p. 384. Pausan. Ach. 24.) But
the assembly was not merely convened for religious
purposes: it was also a political body, and met for
deliberative and legislative ends; and it appears
that some remnant of this ancient institution was
preserved till very late in the Roman empire, if it
be true, as Chandler imagines, that there is a medal
of the emperor Gallus, which gives a representation
of a Panionian assembly and sacrifice “. (Cf. Herod.
I. 148. VI. 7.) The site of this celebrated conven-
tion is supposed, with great probability, to answer
to that of Tchangeli, a Turkish village close to the
x Travels, p. 192.
380 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Glauce.
Priene.
sea, and on the northern slope of Mycale. Chandler,
who explored this ancient spot but imperfectly, could
discover only a few uninteresting remains y. Sir W.
Gell subsequently observed an inscription, in which
mention is made of the Panionium : this appears
conclusive as to the identity of that site with Tcham-
geliº.
According to Thucydides, there was a place or
port named Glauce, near Mycale. It was in the
narrow part of the strait which divides Samos
from the continent. (VIII. 79.) Steph. Byz. calls
it Glaucia. (v. TXavkia.)
Priene, another considerable city of the Ionians,
was founded at first by AEpytus, son of Neleus, but
received afterwards a second colony, brought by
Philotas of Thebes; hence it was sometimes called
Cadme. (Strab. XIV. p. 633, 636. Pausan. Ach. 2.)
It had originally belonged to the Carians. (Herod.
I. 142.) The chief circumstances relative to its his-
tory are these. It was conquered by Ardys, king of
Lydia; (Herod. I. 15.) but, after the defeat of Croe-
sus, it was forced to submit to the arms of Cyrus.
(I. 142.) It could boast of having given birth to
Bias, one of the seven sages, and an able statesman,
as well as philosopher. (Herod. I. 27, 170. Diog.
Laert. Cicer. Paradox. 1. Hippon. ap. Strab. XIV.
p. 636.) After this, we find Priene a subject of
contention between the Milesians and Samians;
when the former, being worsted, applied for assist-
ance to the Athenians. (Thuc. I. 115.) Strabo in-
forms us, that the Prienians had the right of elect-
ing the president of the Panionian sacrifices. (XIV.
p. 639.) Pausanias reports, that this town was at
y Travels, p. 196. * Leake's Asia Minor, p. 260, 1.
ION IA AND LY DIA. 381
one time greatly oppressed by Tabates, a Persian;
and subsequently by Hiero, one of its own citi-
zens. (Ach. 2.) The same writer speaks of a
temple of Minerva in this city, which contained a
very ancient statue of the goddess. (Ach. 5. Cf.
Polyb. XXXIII. 12. Plin. V. 29.) Scylax states,
that Priene had two ports, one of which might be
closed ; (Peripl. p. 37.) but Strabo reports, that
When he wrote, the town was forty stadia from the
Sea. (XII. p. 579.) This was caused by the great
alluvial deposits made by the river Meander at its
mouth. The remains of this ancient city are to be
Seen on the southern slope of Mycale, near the
Turkish village of Samsoun. Chandler says, “it
“ was seated on the side of the mountain, flat be-
“neath flat, in gradation to the edge of the plain.
“The areas are levelled, and the communication is
“ preserved by steps cut in the slopes. The whole
“circuit of the wall of the city is standing, besides
“Several portions within it worthy of admiration
“for their solidity and beauty".” There are also
the ruins of several public edifices, including those
of the temple of Minerva Polias, which have been
engraved in the Ionian Antiquities. Near Priene
Was a river named Gessus by Pliny, (V. 20.) but gºeson fl.
Gaesus by Mela. (I. 17.) We have seen that Hero- º IS
dotus mentioned a site called Gaeson, near Mycale;
(IX. 97.) and Athenaeus, in explaining these lines
of Archestratus,
A43ays 8' x Taiowvos, 3rav Miaºrov ſºnal
xsorpéa row xépakov, x. T. A.
observes, that Gaeson, or Gaesonis, was, according
to Neanthes of Cyzicus, a lake between Priene and
a Travels, p. 200-2.
382 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Meander
fluvius.
Miletus, which had a communication with the Sea ;
he adds, that Ephorus spoke of the Gaeson as a river
which flowed into this lake. (VII. p. 311.)
We are now arrived at the Meander, one of the
largest and most celebrated rivers of Asia Minor, as
well from the fertility and richness of its valleys,
the number of flourishing cities situated along its
banks, as from the unusual sinuosity of its course;
whence even its name has been employed to denote
the tortuous channel of a stream.
Non secus ac liquidus Phrygiis Meandros in arvis
Ludit; et ambiguo lapsu refluitdue fluitdue:
Occurrensque sibi venturas aspicit undas:
Et nunc ad fontes, nunc in mare versus apertum,
Incertas exercet aquas. Ovid. METAM. VIII. 162.
tº . . . qualis incerta vagus
Maeander unda ludit, et cedit sibi
Instataue; dubius litus an fontem petat.
SENEc. HERC. FuR. 683.
According to Pliny, Livy, and other writers, this
considerable river had its rise in a lake situated on
mount Aulocrene in Phrygia, close to the citadel of
Celaenae: being then joined by the Marsyas and
several other streams, it flowed through Phrygia,
Caria, and Ionia, and discharged itself finally into
the sea between the cities of Priene and Miletus.
(Plin, V. 29. Liv. XXXVIII. I3. Pausan. Corinth.
4. Arcad. 41.) Another remarkable feature in the
Meander was the great tendency it had to throw up
soil at its mouth. This had already proceeded to
such an extent, that, in Strabo's time, Priene, which
once was considered as a maritime town, was then
forty stadia from the sea; and when Pausanias
wrote, he states that the whole of the space between
ION IA AND LY DIA. 383
the last-named city and Miletus had been by this
process reclaimed from the Sea, and united to the
land. (Arcad. 24.) The same operation has been
still going on, and has produced perhaps the great-
est metamorphosis of which we have any evidence
in comparative geography. These alterations will
be best explained when we come to examine the
topography of the country which surrounds Mile-Miletus.
tus. That once great and flourishing city, being
situated at the mouth of the Meander, and on the
left bank, must certainly be considered as belonging
to Caria; but it seemed more convenient to com-
prise it in the section which included the Ionian
cities, and not to detach from them one which held
So conspicuous a place in the confederacy. The
account which Ephorus, who is cited by Strabo,
(XIV. p. 635.) and corroborated by Pausanias,
(Ach. 2.) gives of the origin of the city is princi-
pally as follows. The whole of this part of Asia
Was called Anactoria, from Anax, a native prince,
and was occupied by the Carians. On the arrival
of Sarpedon, brother of Minos, from Crete, with
Some natives of that island, he was kindly received
by the Carians, and allowed to found a city, which
Was called Miletus, either from a Cretan town, or
an individual of that name. (Cf. Steph. Byz. Mºn-
ros. Plin. V. 29.) Herodotus does not appear to
have been acquainted with this tradition, since he
Speaks merely of Sarpedon's establishment in Lycia.
(I. 173.) Homer also, though he mentions Miletus,
has recorded only the fact of its belonging to the
Carians:
Náarns aſ Kapów #yña aro 3ap;3apotówww.
O. MſAWroy &ov, ‘Pºstpāv t' doo; &xgiróðvaxov,
384 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Malévôoov re #03;, Muxáx); r' airsvę zápºva'
Töv prºv &p' 'Appiuzzo; xxi N&orn; #yna &cºnv’
IL. B. 867.
When the Ionians subsequently arrived there, under
the conduct of Neleus, they put to death or expelled
the Carian inhabitants, and occupied the town. (Pau-
san. Ach. 2. Strab. loc. cit. Herod. IX. 97.) The
admirable situation of Miletus, and the convenience
of having four harbours, one of which was capable
of containing a large fleet, gave it at an early period
a great preponderance in maritime affairs. Its com-
merce was most flourishing, and the number of its
colonies probably exceeded that of any other city of
antiquity. Pliny reckoned no less than eighty, and
Some modern critics have taken the trouble to iden-
tify them"; but it will be sufficient to name in this
place Abydos, Lampsacus, and Parium, on the Hel-
lespont; Proconnesus and Cyzicus on the Propon-
tis; Sinope and Amisus on the Euxine: others also
in the Chersonnese, the coast of Thrace, Tauris,
and on the Borysthenes. (Strab. XIV. p. 635, et
pass.) Among the ancients, Anaximenes of Lamp-
Sacus had given a list of the Milesian colonies, but
Strabo observes that it was incomplete. (XIV. p.
635. Athen. XII. p. 523.) The kings of Lydia
made several attempts to possess themselves of so
considerable a city: first Ardys, then Sadyattes,
who defeated the Milesians in two engagements.
In this war the Chians alone of the Ionians be-
friended them. After the death of Sadyattes, the
war was still prosecuted by his son Alyattes, who
falling sick, as it was affirmed, through the anger
b Rambach de Mileto ejus- Larcher, Hist. d'Hérod. tom.
que Coloniis, Hal. Sax. 1790. VIII. p. 344, 359.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 385
of Minerva, whose temple had been burnt by his
troops at Assessus, in the Milesian territory, was
glad to make an atonement for the injury, and be
reconciled with the Milesians. (Herod. I. 17—20.)
The affairs of the latter were at this time adminis-
tered by Thrasybulus with sovereign authority, as
Herodotus states; and if we may judge from the
advice which he gave to Periander of Corinth, with
whom he was very intimate, he was a deep, but
unprincipled politician. (V. 92.) The historian as-
serts, that it was chiefly through an artifice of his
that Alyattes consented to desist from his attempts
on Miletus. (I. 20.) The Milesians appear subse-
quently to have made a treaty with Croesus, in
which they probably acknowledged that sovereign
as their liege lord, and consented to pay him tribute.
The same treaty was also agreed upon between them
and Cyrus, when the latter had conquered Lydia;
and this saved Miletus from the disasters which
befell at that time the other Ionian states. (I. 141,
143.) But it was not always equally fortunate. In
the reign of Darius the whole of Ionia was excited
to revolt by the intrigues and ambitious schemes of
Histiaeus, who had been raised to the Sovereignty
of Miletus, his native city, by the Persian monarch,
in recompense for the services he had rendered dur-
ing the Scythian expedition. Aristagoras, his de-
puty and kinsman, also greatly contributed to in-
flame the minds of his countrymen. At his instiga-
tion the Athenians sent a force to Asia Minor, which
surprised and burnt Sardis ; but this insult was .
speedily avenged by the Persian satraps, and, after
repeated defeats, Miletus was besieged by land and
by sea, and finally taken by storm. This beau-
VOL. I. C C
386 ION IA AND LY DIA.
tiful and opulent city, the pride and ornament of
Asia, was thus plunged into the greatest calamity;
the surviving inhabitants were carried to Susa, and
settled, by order of Darius, at Ampe, near the mouth
of the Tigris, on the Erythrean sea. The town
itself was given up by the Persian commanders to
the Carians. The Athenians are said to have been
so much affected by this event, that when Phryni-
chus, the tragic writer, introduced on the stage his
play of “the Capture of Miletus,” the whole house
burst into tears, and the people fined the poet 1000
drachms, and forbad the performance. (Herod. VI.
6–21. Callisth. ap. Strab. XIV. p. 635.) The bat-
tle of Mycale restored the Milesians to liberty: this
however they only enjoyed in name, as they be-
came, together with the rest of Ionia and Caria, de-
pendent on Athens. (Thuc. I. 15. 115, 16.) To-
wards the close of the Peloponnesian war, they
revolted from that power; and, in a battle fought
under the walls of their town, they defeated the
Argive force which was opposed to them, whilst
the Athenians overcame the Spartan troops, and
prepared to besiege the town; but on the approach
of the Peloponnesian fleet, Phrynichus, the Athenian
admiral, thought it advisable to abandon the enter-
prise. (Thuc. VIII. 25–27.) We learn from the
same historian, that the Milesians, not long after,
demolished a fort which Tissaphernes, the Persian
satrap, was erecting in their territory, with the
view of bringing them into subjection. (VIII. 85.)
When Alexander, after the battle of the Granicus,
appeared before Miletus, the inhabitants, encouraged
by the presence of a Persian army and fleet stationed
at Mycale, refused to submit to that prince, and
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 387
open their gates to his forces; upon which he im-
mediately commenced a most vigorous attack on
their walls, and finally took the city by assault: he
however forgave the surviving inhabitants, and
granted them their liberty. (Arrian. Exp. Alex. I.
18—20. Strab. loc. cit.) The Milesians sided with
the Romans during the war with Antiochus. (Liv.
XXXVII. I6. XLIII. 6.) This city was yet flou-
rishing when Strabo wrote; (loc. cit. Tacit. Ann.
IV. 63. IV. 55.) and still later, in the time of Pliny
(V. 29.) and Pausanias. (Ach. 2.) It appears, from
the Acts of the Apostles, that St. Paul sojourned
here a few days, on his return from Macedonia and
Troas, and summoned thither the elders of the
Ephesian church, to whom he delivered an affec-
tionate farewell address. (xx. 17, et seq.) The Mi-
lesian church was under the direction of bishops,
who sat in several councils, and ranked as metropo-
litans of Caria. (Hierocl. Syn. p. 687.) This con-
tinued as late as the decline of the Byzantine em-
pire; (Mich. Duc. p. 41.) at which time, however,
the town itself was nearly in ruins, from the ravages
of the Turks and other barbarians, and the alluvial
deposits caused by the Meander. Miletus deselves
further mention as the birthplace of Thales, the
celebrated mathematician and philosopher; and his
Successors, Anaximander and Anaximenes; also of
Cadmus and Hecataeus, two of the earliest historians
of Greece. (Strab. XIV. p. 635. Plin. V. 39. Suid.
v. Kåger.) The Milesians were equally voluptuous
and effeminate with the rest of the Ionians, though
they had once been brave and warlike; whence the
proverb cited by Athenaeus from Aristotle:
IIáxa, Tor' gay &Axiwoi Mixºloi.
C C 2
388 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Heraclides Ponticus, in a fragment quoted also by
Athenaeus, affirmed that the serfs of the Milesians
were called Gergithae e. (XII. p. 523, 4.) The Mi-
lesians were in repute for their manufactures of
couches and other furniture; and their woollen
cloths and carpets were especially esteemed. (Athen.
I. p. 28. XI. p. 428. XII. p. 540, 553. XV. p. 691.)
Nec minor usus erit: quamvis Milesia magno
Wellera mutentur Tyrios incocta rubores.
sº GEORG. III. 306.
Eam circum Milesia vellera Nymphae
Carpebant, hyali Saturo fucata colore.
GEORG. I.W. 335.
Chandler reports, “that Miletus is a very mean
“ place, but still called Palat, or Palatia, the Pa-
“ laces. The principal relic of its former magnifi-
“cence is a ruined theatre, which is visible afar off,
“ and was a most capacious edifice, measuring in
“ front 457 feet. The external face of this vast
“fabric is marble. The seats ranged, as usual, on
“the slope of a hill, and a few of them remain.
“The vaults, which supported the extremities of
“the semicircle, are constructed with such solidity
“ as not easily to be demolished. On the side of
“ the theatre next to the river is an inscription in
“mean characters, rudely cut, in which the city
“Miletus is mentioned several times. The whole
“site of the town, to a great extent, is spread with
“rubbish, and overrun with thickets. The vestiges
“of the heathen city are pieces of wall, broken
“arches, and a few scattered pedestals and inscrip-
* These were probably Ca- orians and Mysians, and should
rians; and the term seems to therefore be referred to the old
have been common to the Teu- Thracian tongue.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 389
“tions. One of the pedestals has belonged to a
“statue of the emperor Hadrian, who was a friend
“ to the Milesians, as appears from the titles of
“saviour and benefactor bestowed on him. An-
“other has supported the emperor Severus, and has
“a long inscription, with this curious preamble:
“‘The senate and people of the city of the Mile-
“sians, the first settled in Ionia, and the mother of
“many and great cities both in Pontus and Egypt,
“ and in various other parts of the world".’”
There were several small islands off Miletus, of
which the most considerable was Lade, famous for Lade in-
the battle fought there between the Ionian fleet and sula.
that of Darius, in the revolt of Histiaeus and Ari-
stagoras. The former had 360 galleys, the latter
600. The victory which the Persians obtained de-
cided the fate of the war. (Herod. VI. 14—16.)
Mention of this island is also made during the siege
of Miletus by Alexander, whose fleet was stationed
to blockade the port. (Arrian. Exp. Alex. I. I9.)
This island, like many others, has been joined to
the continent by the mud of the Meander; and its
place is only marked now by a hill, and village
named Bautenau. Strabo speaks of Lade as a sta-
tion for pirates. (XIV. p. 635.) The mouth of the
river, according to Chandler, is distant about eight
miles; the plain smooth and level as a bowling-
green, except certain knolls extant in it, near mid-
way before Miletus.“. But the most remarkable
change in this vicinity, caused by the waters of the
Meander, is that which has taken place with regard
to the bay once called Latmicus Sinus, from mount
Latmus, the fabled seat of the adventures of Endy-
d Travels in Asia Minor, p. 181. • Ibid. p. 219.
C c 3 -
390 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Didymi.
Apollinis
templum.
mion, and a small town of the same name situate
at its south-eastern extremity. This bay, which
Strabo describes minutely, with the different towns
and hills which lined its shores, was not less than
100 stadia in length from Miletus to Heraclea, a
port under mount Latmus; but it now exists only as
an inland lake, its mouth having been closed by the
slime which the Meander has thrown up. (Strab.
XIV. p. 636.)
One of the most interesting sites in the district of
Miletus is that called Didymi, where stood the cele-
brated temple and oracle of Apollo Didymaeus. It
was served by priests named Branchidae, from Bran-
chus, a favourite of Apollo, and it was already in
great repute in the time of Croesus, who presented
many rich offerings to its shrine. (Herod. I.46.92.)
The historian adds, that it was very ancient, and
much resorted to by the AEolians and Ionians. (I.
157.) Necho, king of Egypt, had sent presents to
the temple, when he took Cadytis in Palestine. (II.
159.) This edifice was burnt by order of Darius,
together with the other temples of Asia Minor,
after the revolt of Miletus. (Herod. VI. 20.) But
this appears to have been only partially executed,
for it was burnt more completely again by Xerxes
after the battle of Mycale, and the Branchidae,
having accompanied him in his flight into Persia
with the sacred, treasury, were settled by him in
Sogdiana. Here they were found by Alexander
in the course of his conquests, and barbarously put
to the sword, as a punishment for their reputed
treachery. (Strab. XIV. p. 684. XI. p. 517. Quint.
Curt. VII. 5.) The Milesians subsequently built
c Travels in Asia Minor, p. 219.
ION IA AND LY DIA. 391
another temple on the same site, which surpassed
all other edifices of the kind in magnitude. So
great was its size, that they were unable to roof it
in. The whole circuit, including the groves and
chapels annexed to it, was equal to that of a town.
It was in the latter that the Oracles were delivered.
The interior of the temple was decorated with
splendid sculptures and paintings by the first artists.
(Strab. XIV. p. 634. Cf. Pausan. Ach. 2. 5. Plin.
V. 29.) The temple stood at the distance of twenty
stadia from the sea. (Strab. loc. cit. Plin. loc. cit.)
The tomb of Neleus, the founder of Miletus, was on
the road leading from Miletus to Didymi. (Pausan.
loc. cit.) There are yet some extensive ruins of this
celebrated edifice remaining, views of which have
been engraved in the volume of Ionian Antiquities
published by the Dilettanti Society. Chandler gives
a very animated and picturesque description of this
ruin. He states, that “it is approached by a gentle
“ ascent, and seen afar off; the land toward the sea
“ lying flat and level. The memory of the pleasure
“which this spot afforded me will not be soon or
“easily erased. The columns yet entire are so ex-
“quisitely fine, the marble mass so vast and noble,
“ that it is impossible perhaps to conceive greater
“beauty and majesty of ruin. The whole mass
“was illuminated by the declining sun with a variety
“ of rich tints, and cast a very strong shade. The
“sea, at a distance, was smooth and shining, bor-
“dered by a mountainous coast, with rocky islands fº,
The promontory Posideum was in the vicinity of Posideum
Didymi, and terminated the Milesian territory and ºnto.
Ionia to the south. (Strab, loc. cit. Plin. loc. cit.
f Travels in Asia Minor, p. 188.
C c 4
392 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Panormus
portus.
Myus.
P. Mel. I. 19.) The modern name is cape Arbora.
Somewhat more to the north is a little port called
Robella, which probably answers to the Panormus
of antiquity E. (Herod. I. 157.) The ruins of the
temple of Apollo are situated between the villages
of Oura and Jeronta. It appears that the name
of Didymi was given to this spot from two hills,
situated near it. A fortress, named Melanudium,
was erected there in the middle ages. (Pachym.
Andr. Pal. p. 144.) Limeneium was a place in the
territory of Miletus, where, according to Herodotus,
(I. 18.) the inhabitants of that city were defeated by
the Lydians.
Myus, another Ionian city, was situate appa-
rently on the left bank of the Maeander, and about
thirty stadia from the mouth of that river. It was
founded by Cydrelus, a natural son of Codrus, (Strab.
XIV. p. 633.) and became one of the twelve states
which sent deputies to the Panionian assembly.
(Herod. I. 142. Cf. V. 37. VI. 8.) Thucydides in-
forms us, that this was one of the three towns
granted to Themistocles by the Persian king, for his
subsistence during his residence in Asia. (I. 138.
Cf. Strab. loc. cit. Diod. Sic. XI. c. 57. Plut. The-
mist. c. 29. Athen. I. p. 29.) The same historian
mentions a check received by the Athenians near
this place during the Peloponnesian war, from the
Carians. (III. 19.) Athenaeus states, on the author-
ity of Polybius, that Philip, son of Demetrius, king
of Macedon, having obtained possession of Myus,
ceded it to the Magnesians. (III. p. 78.) Strabo re-
ports, that in his time Myus was so much reduced
g Chandler noticed some vestiges of antiquity there. Ibid.
p. 187.
ION IA AND LY DIA. 393
that it had been annexed to Miletus. Pausanias ac-
counts for this by the action of the Meander, which
had choked up the bay in which it stood, and brought
such a host of gnats around the place that the in-
habitants were forced to abandon it, and retire to
Miletus. The only edifice which this writer ob-
served in Myus was a temple of Bacchus, of white
marble. (Ach. 2. Cf. Plin. V. 29. Steph. Byz. v.
Mvoir.) The little town of Pyrrha was between Pyrrha.
Myus and Miletus, on the same side of the river,
and near the entrance of what was the gulf of Lat-
mus, but is now called the lake of Ouſa Baft.
The distance from thence to Miletus, in a straight
course, was thirty stadia. This site, which Strabo
only notices, is supposed to agree with that of Sa-
*ikomer. Heraclea, which derived the surname of Heraclea
Latimus from its vicinity to the mountain so called,"
was 100 stadia from Pyrrha, and rather more from
Miletus. It had a port on the Latmicus Sinus. Latmicus
ſº Sinus.
(Strab. loc. cit.) The site of Heraclea corresponds
nearly with the village of Oufa Baft, at the south-
east extremity of the lake so called. Chandler mis-
took its ruins for those of Myus, and the lake also
he erroneously connected with that town. He
Says, that “it is visible both from Priene and Mile-
“tus, and is called by the neighbouring Greeks the
“Sea. The water is not drinkable h.” The site of
Heraclea, which he miscalls Myus, he represents as
highly romantic. “The wall encloses a jumble of
“naked rocks, rudely piled, of a dark dismal hue,
“with precipices and vast hollows, from which per-
“haps stone has been cut.” He observed “ the
“remains of a theatre hewn in the mountain, a quad-
h Travels in Asia Minor, p. 209.
394 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Latmus
II].OIlS.
Grius
II].0IlS,
Phthira
II.1011S.
Assessus.
“rangular area, edged with marble fragments, and
“a small temple. The city wall was constructed
“like that at Ephesus, with square towers, and is
“still standing, except toward the water".” He-
raclea Latmi is mentioned as a town of Caria by
Polyaenus, (Strat. VII. 2. Steph. Byz. v. ‘HP4kXela)
the scholiast of Apollonius, (IV. 57.) Hierocles
Synecd. (p. 687.) and the Acts of several councils.
Mount Latmus, celebrated for the fable of Endy-
mion, rises above the site of this town and its lake,
and is described by Chandler as remarkably wild
and craggy'. It is now called Betchek parmak by
the Turks. The cave and tomb of Endymion was
shewn to the curious in Strabo's time. (XIV. p.
635. Cf. Cic. Tusc. Disp. I. 38. Apoll. Rh. IV. 57.)
Oöx &p' #yd woºvy xará. Aérºlov &vrgow &Ajaxw
O98 of xaxó Tepičaſopal'Evêvuſavi.
(Plin. V. 29. Pomp. Mel. I. 19.)
The name of Grius was applied to the chain
which ram parallel to mount Latmus, on the western
side of the Latmic bay. Strabo says it extended
from near Miletus to Euromus in Caria. It was
disputed which of the two chains should be identi-
fied with the Pºetpāv Špos, mentioned by Homer. (Il.
B.868.)
O; Mºnroy Exov, Pºsipów tº deo; &xpiréºuxxov.
(Cf. Steph. Byz. v. p91pa.)
Assessus Was a Small place in the Milesian terri-
tory, with an ancient and much venerated temple
sacred to Minerva. (Herod. I. I9. Steph. Byz. v.
'Azazadº.) The fountain of Biblis, mentioned by
IBiblis
fons.
h Travels in Asia Minor, p. for mount Titanus throughout.
205. (p. 202.)
i He mistakes it, however,
ION IA AND LY DIA. 395
Pausanias, (Ach. 5) was also in this district. We
must add to the list of Ionian towns the following,
which are of uncertain position. Buthia, noticed Buthia.
by Steph. Byz. on the authority of Theopompus.
(v. Bov6ía.) Gambrium and Palaegambrium, ceded gººm
by the Persians to Gongylus the Eretrian, on ac-gaminium.
count of some services he had rendered them to-
wards the end of the Peloponnesian war. (Xen. Hell.
III. 1, 4. Steph. Byz. v. Taggpelov.) It was pro-
bably situated in the north of Ionia, if it did not be-
long to Lydia. Thebe, a place near Miletus. (Steph. Thale.
Byz. v. 943m.) Carnia, a town mentioned by Nico-Carnia.
laus of Damascus. (Steph. Byz. v. Kapvía.) Myes Myes.
and Sidele, which are given to Ionia by the same sidele.
lexicographer, on the authority of Hecataeus. (vv.
Mēns. Xiºn.) Sillyus (Id. v. Xixxvos) was near
Smyrna.) Trampe. (Id. v. Toàpºrn.) We must now
Speak of the islands of Chios and Samos, which be-
longed to the Ionian league, and occupy a distin-
guished place generally in Grecian history.
Chios, as Pliny reports, bore anciently the names Chios in-
of Æthalia, Macris, and Pityusa, and was first inha-"
bited by the Leleges and Carians, and a Pelasgian
colony from Thessaly. (Strab. XIII. p. 621. XIV.
p. 633.) Pausanias, who enters at some length into
its antiquities, expresses his surprise that Ion, the
tragic poet, a native of this island, and from whom
he derives his information, should not have ex-
plained how the Chians came to be connected with
the Ionians. (Ach. 4.) This connexion must be
sought for, I imagine, in the colonies, which the
island derived at an early period from the Abantes
of Euboea, who finally prevailed over the Carians
under their king Hector. This prince is probably
396 ION IA AND LY DIA.
the same as Egertius, mentioned by Strabo. (XIV.
p. 633.) The Abantes are named by Herodotus
among the mixed tribes which formed the Ionian
states. (I. I.46.) The Chians applied themselves
early to maritime affairs, and were thus enabled to
preserve their independence against the Lydian mo-
marchs. (Herod. I. 18.27.) They particularly dis-
tinguished themselves in the Ionian revolt under
Aristagoras, and sent 100 ships to the combined
fleet assembled at Lade. In the naval action which
ensued they fought with great gallantry, but being
ill seconded, and even deserted by the other confe-
derates, they were forced to retreat, with the loss of
a great part of their squadron. Having then taken
shelter on the Ephesian coast, and advanced towards
that city, they were mistaken by the Ephesians for
pirates, and almost entirely destroyed. (Herod. I.
15, 16.) They were further barbarously treated by
Histaeus. (I. 26.) After these disasters the island
was compelled to submit to the Persian yoke. (I.
31.) These appear to have set over it a tyrant
named Strattis. (VIII. 132.) After the battle of
Mycale, the Chians recovered their liberty, and
readily joined the confederacy of Greek states for
the prosecution of the Persian war. They remained
faithfully attached to the Athenian interests during
nearly the Whole of the Peloponnesian contest, as it
appears to have been the policy of Athens to pay
them greater deference than their less powerful tri-
butaries: (Thuc. III, 10.) but after the Sicilian
failure, they were among the first to throw off the
heavy burdens which oppressed them, and to declare
for the Spartans. The feeble succours which the
latter sent them, and the double policy of the Per-
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 397
sian satraps, gave the Athenians time to collect an
imposing force. Pedaritus, the Spartan commander,
was defeated and slain, and the Chians, after sus-
taining repeated losses, were forced to remain sub-
ject to Athens. (Thuc. VIII. 14. et seq. 24. 55.)
After the Lacedaemonians had been enabled, by the
liberal aid of Cyrus, to dispute once more the em-
pire of the sea, Chios was occupied by their fleet,
and a squadron, which escaped from the defeat at
Arginusae, being stationed there, would have seized
upon the town, if the plot had not been frustrated
by the vigilance of Eteonicus, the commander. (Xen.
Hel. II. I.) When the successes of Conon had re-
stored the naval ascendancy of Athens, Chios, and
the other Ionian islands, reverted to that power;
but the yoke proved so galling, that a vigorous
effort was made by the Chians, in conjunction with
the Byzantines and Rhodians, to set themselves free
for ever from Athenian thraldom. In the war which
ensued, and which is called the Social war, success
seems rather to have favoured the confederates; the
Athenians being defeated in an attack on Chios,
with the loss of some ships and their general Cha-
brias, were at length induced to sign a treaty, in
which they renounced all authority and supremacy
over the states allied in this war, and declared them
free from contributions in ships and money. (Isocr.
de Pace. Demosth. de Rhod. Lib. Diod. Sic. XVI.
c. 7. 21. Corn. Nep. Vit. Chabr.)
Near the time that Roman affairs begin to be in-
termixed with those of Greece and Asia, we find
the Chians acting in conjunction with the Rhodians
as mediators between the Ætolians and Philip, king of
Macedon. (Polyb. V.24, 28, 100. Liv. XXVII. 30.)
398 ION IA AND LY DIA.
They assisted the Romans in their naval operations
against that prince and Antiochus, and received
some lands in recompense for their services. (Polyb.
XXII. 27. Liv. XXXVIII. 39.) When Mithri-
dates had expelled the Romans for a time from
Asia, he sent Zenobius, one of his generals, to Chios,
who treated the inhabitants with the greatest sever-
ity; compelled them to deliver up their arms, to
pay a heavy fine of 2000 talents, and, not content
with this, he seized on the principal inhabitants,
and sent them as slaves to Colchis. A portion of
these unhappy men were however detained by the
Heracleotae of Pontus, and set at liberty. (Appian.
Mithr. c. 24. Nicol. Damasc. et Posidon. ap. Athen.
VI. c. 18.) The Chians were again plundered by
Verres, (Cic. Act. II. I9.) and suffered from an
earthquake in the reign of Tiberius. (Suet. Tib. c. 8.)
We collect from Pliny that this island, and the prin-
cipal city of the same name, was flourishing in his
time, and we have coins which bring down its his-
tory to the decline of the Roman empire. The
Chians were reckoned among the most opulent and
wealthy of the Greek states, and their city was
adorned in a manner suitable to their affluence.
They had an abundance of slaves, and they are re-
proached with being the first who purchased their
fellow-creatures. (Thuc. VIII. 24.40. Athen. VI.
p. 265.) Their mode of living was like that of the
other Ionians, delicate and voluptuous. (Athen. I.
p. 25, 26, 28.)
Chios laid great claim to the honour of having
given birth to Homer; and if the hymn quoted by
Thucydides (III. 104.) be genuine, the question
would seem to be decided in favour of its preten-
ION IA AND LY DIA. 399
Sion *. The author of the poet's life states, that he
resided in the island for several years. (c. 25. et seq.)
Strabo also reports that the Chians gave the name
of Homeridae to his descendants. (XIV. p. 645.)
The other distinguished individuals who added to
the renown of Chios, were Ion, the tragic poet,
Theopompus, the historian, Theocritus, a sophist,
Metrodorus, a physician, and Scymnus, the geogra-
pher. (Strab. loc. cit. Suid. v.v. Geóropºros. 6eókpitos.
Athen. VI. p. 230. XIII. p. 603.) The isle of
Chios, according to Strabo, is 900 stadia in circuit.
(XIV. p. 645.) Pliny reckons 125 miles, or about
1000 stadia. (V. 31.) The general character of the
soil was mountainous and rugged ; whence the epi-
thet of Tairaxcécan given to it by Homer; (ap. Thuc.
loc. cit.) but it produced the best wine of all Greece.
(Strab. loc. cit. Athen. I. p. 26, et seq.) Its figs, mas-
tic, and starch, were also much esteemed. (Var. de
Re Rust. I.41. Plin. XVIII.7. Dioscor. I. 90.) An
ancient poet says, that the women of Chios and Mi-
letus were preeminent in beauty. (Crit. ap. Athen.
I. p. 28.)
The principal city, which bore the same name Chios
With the island, stood on the eastern side towards urbs.
the Ionian coast, nearly in the same latitude with
Erythrae. The modern Chio retains its rank and
position. We have seen, from Thucydides, that it
was a large and handsome city, adorned with nu-
merous edifices, and noble works of art; several of the
latter were plundered by Verres, (Cic. Act. II. I9.)
The harbour was excellent, and could contain eighty
galleys at once. South of Chio we have to point
k See, however, Ruhnken. Dpist, Crit. I. p. 90.
400 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Posidium
prom.
Phanae
portus et
prom.
Notium
º:
all U18
portus.
Ariusia.
Bolissus.
out Posidium, a promontory nearly opposite to cape
Argennum in the Erythraean territory. (Strab.
XIV. p. 645.) A fort called after St. Helen, is si-
tuated on the brow of this headland, which is named
Catomeria, and sometimes Masticio. Next follows
the harbour and cape of Phanae, close to which stood
a temple of Apollo, with a grove of palms. (Strab.
loc. cit. Cf. Liv. XXXVI. 43. XLIV. 28. Steph.
Byz. v. Pával.) The wine of this district was much
esteemed, as appears from Virgil:
Sunt etiam Amineae vites, firmissima vina:
Tmolius assurgit quibus, et rex ipse Phanaeus.
GEORG. II. 97.
Cape Phanae is now called Mastico.
Beyond is a roadstead named Notium, the Port
Mastico of modern charts. Laius, according to
Strabo, was another port further north, in the same
latitude with the capital of the island, and distant
from it not more than sixty stadia across the land.
This observation leads to the idea that Laius agrees
nearly with the modern site of Port Mesta. The
northern part of the island comprised chiefly the
district of Ariusia, celebrated for its excellent wine.
Vina novum fundam calathis Ariusia nectar.
VIItg. ECL. W. 71.
ambrosiis Arvisia pocula succis.
Sil. ITAL. VII. 210.
Cf. Plin. XIV. 7.) Athenaeus distinguishes three
sorts. (I. p. 32.F.) The coast was rugged, and without
a port for nearly 300 stadia. (Strab. loc. cit.) The
district of Arvisia still goes by that name, and the
village of Polisso, situated on the coast, represents
doubtless the ancient Bolissus noticed in Thucydides,
ION IA AND LY DIA. 401
(VIII. 24.) and the Life of Homer. (c. 23. Cf.
Auct. cit, ap. Steph. Byz. v. Boxicaä.) The Cape,
which forms the north-western extremity of the
island, bore anciently the name of Melaena, and is Melena
now known by that of St. Nicolas. Strabo ob-º; in.
serves, that it faces the island of Psyra, distant from sula.
it about fifty stadia, and forty in circuit. (XIV. p.
645.) The modern name is Psara. Beyond cape
Melaema is mount Pelinaeus, the most elevated sum-Pelinaeus
mit of all the island, and famous for its marble quar-
ries. (Strab. loc. cit. Plin. V. 31.)
Kzi Xio; #313&rov [Isaaqvalov Úro Téay.
DIon. PERIEG. 535.
Jupiter was worshipped on the summit. (Hesych. v.
IIºwaios. Steph. Byz. v. IIexAwaiov.) It is now called
after St. Elias. In a deep bay, more to the east,
Cardamyle, a place mentioned by Thucydides, with Cardamyle.
Bolissus and Phanae, retains its name. (VIII. 24.)
The historian speaks in the same chapter of Leuco-Leuconi-
mium, the situation of which is unknown. But Del- UIII1,
phinium, which he mentions (c. 25.) as a place forti-
fied by the Athenians, (Cf. Steph. Byz. v. Aexpínov.)
is doubtless the present Porto Delfino, opposite the ºpini.
islands (Enussae, now Spalmadores, or Egonisi. º
This group belonged to the Chians, and Herodotus
affirms that the Phocaeans, when driven from their
city by the arms of Cyrus, were anxious to purchase
them, in order to settle there, but the Chians refused
to cede them. (I. 165. Cf. Thuc. VIII. 24. Plin.
V. 31.)
Babras, or Babrantium, is cited as a small town Hººsive
of Chios by Steph. Byz. on the authority of Poly-lium.
bius. (vv. Bagpévrtov, Bá6p2c.) Pliny enumerates seve-
ral islets round Chios, such as Thallusa, or Daphnusa,
VOL. I. D d
402 ION IA AND LYDIA.
Elaphitis, Eurynassa; and towards Ephesus, the
isles of Pisistratus; namely, Anthine, Myonnesus,
Diarrheusa: to these he adds Halone, Lepria, Bol-
bulae, Phanae, Priapus, Melane, Sidusa, Anydros,
Sycussa, and others which have been already named:
some of these belong probably to the group of Heca-
tonnesi. -
º in- Samos, which yields little in extent, and nought in
Sll like fame, to Chios, lies towards the southern part of the
bay of Ephesus, and nearly opposite to the promon-
tory of Mycale; or Trogilium. The channel which
separates it from that part of the continent being
not more than seven stadia in the narrowest part.
(Strab. XIV. p. 637.) It is said to have borne in
ancient times the names of Parthenia, Dryusa, An-
themisa, Melamphyllos, and others; that of Samos
was derived either from a hero so called, or from
the isle of Cephallenia, which formerly was known
by that appellation, and may, as Strabo supposes,
have sent a colony to its Ionian namesake. (XIV.
p. 637. Cf. X. p. 437. Plin. V. 31. Heraclid. Fragm.
p. 211. Steph. Byz. v. Xàog.) The first inhabitants
were Carians and Leleges, whose king Ancaeus, ac-
cording to the poet Asius, cited by Pausanias, mar-
ried Samia, daughter of the Meander. The first
Ionian colony came into the island from Epidaurus,
having been expelled from thence by the Argives.
The leader of this colony was Procles, a descendant
of Ion. Under his son Leogoras the settlement was
invaded by the Ephesians, under the pretext that
Leogoras had sided with the Carians against Ephe-
sus. The colony being expelled from Samos, retired
for a time to Anaea in Caria, whence they again in-
vaded the island, and finally expelled the Ephesians.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 403
(Pausan. Ach. 4.) Samos is early distinguished in
the maritime annals of Greece, from the naval
ascendancy it acquired in the time of Polycrates,
whose history is narrated at length by Herodotus.
This chief raised himself by his talents from the
condition of a private person to the government of
his country, which he shared at first with his two
brothers, Pantaleon and Syloson; but subsequently
he caused the former to be put to death, and ex-
pelled the other; after which he reigned with undi-
vided authority. His successes were great and rapid,
and he acquired a power which made him dreaded
equally by his subjects and neighbours; and his
alliance was courted by some of the most powerful
Sovereigns of that period. He conquered the Les-
bians and other islanders, and had a fleet of 100
ships, a navy superior to that of any one state re-
corded at so early a date. (Herod. III. 39. Thuc. I.
13. Strab. loc. cit.) The Samians attempted to re-
volt from him, but though they were assisted in the
undertaking by the Lacedaemonians, they failed of
success, and many were driven into exile. (Herod.
III. 44, et seq.) The Spartans landed in the island
with a large force, and besieged the principal city
with vigour, but they were finally forced to aban-
don the enterprise, after the lapse of forty days.
(III. 54, et seq.) The Samian exiles then retired to
Crete, where they founded Cydonia. Here they re-
mained for five years in a flourishing condition, but
on the sixth year they were attacked by the Ægi-
metae, with whom they had formerly been at variance,
and reduced to slavery. (III. 59.) Polycrates after
this did not long enjoy the good fortune which had
so constantly attended him, and the course of which,
D d 2
404 ION IA AND LY DIA.
by the advice of his ally Amasis, king of Egypt, he
had even attempted to break: he fell a victim to
cruel and artful designs of the Persian satrap Oroe-
tes, who lured him to his fate by the temptation of
immense wealth; and having got him into his power,
nailed him to a cross. (Herod. III. 125, et seq.)
Polycrates, though tainted by many vices, knew
how to estimate and reward merit. He cultivated a
friendship with Anacreon, and retained the physician
Democedes at his court. Pythagoras was also his
cotemporary; but unable to witness, as it is said, the
dependence of his country, he quitted Samos, in order
to cultivate science in foreign countries. (Herod. III.
121, 131. Strab. XIV. p. 638.) After the death of
Polycrates, the government of Samos was held for
Some time by Maeandrius, his secretary; but he was
expelled by the troops of Darius, who placed on the
throne Syloson, the brother of Polycrates, on ac-
count of some service he had rendered him in Egypt,
when as yet he was but a private person. (Herod.
III. 140. Strab. loc. cit.) Strabo reports that the
yoke of this new tyrant pressed more heavily on the
Samians than that of Polycrates, and that in conse.
quence the island became nearly deserted; whence
arose the proverb,
"Exºr. Suxorávrog supwxwgin.
(Cf. Heraclid. Pont. P. 21.1.) From Herodotus, how-
ever, we learn that the Samians took an active part
in the Ionian revolt, and furnished sixty ships to
the fleet assembled at Lade; but by the intrigues of
AEaces, son of Syloson, who had been deposed by
Aristagoras, and consequently favoured the Persian
arms, the greater part of their squadron deserted
the confederates in the battle which ensued, and
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 405
thus contributed greatly to the defeat of the allies.
(Herod. VI. 8–14.) On learning the result of the
battle many of the Samians determined to quit the
island rather than submit to the Persian yoke, or
that of a tyrant imposed by them. They accord-
ingly embarked on board their ships and sailed for
Sicily, where they first occupied Calacte, and soon
after, with the assistance of Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhe-
gium, the important town and harbour of Zancle.
APaces was replaced on the throne of Samos, and,
Out of consideration for his services, the town and its
temples were spared. (VI. 22—25.) After the battle
of Salamis, the Samians secretly sent a deputation
to the Greek fleet stationed at Delos, to urge them
to liberate Ionia, they being at that time governed
by a tyrant named Theomestor, appointed by the
Persian king. (IX. 90.) In consequence of this in-
vitation, Leotychides, the Spartan commander, ad-
Vanced with his fleet to the coast of Ionia, and
gained the important victory of Mycale. (IX. 96, et
seq.) The Samians, having regained their independ-
ence, joined, together with the other Ionian states,
the Grecian confederacy, and with them also passed
under the protection, or rather domination, of
Athens. The latter power, however, having at-
tempted to change the constitution of the island to
a democracy, had nearly been expelled by the oli-
garchal party, aided by Pissuthnes, satrap of Sardes.
For the Samians ventured even to engage by sea
with the Athenian fleet, and obtained some im-
portant advantages when blockaded both by sea
and land, during the absence of Pericles; but when
that able general returned to his command, they
were unable to resist the overwhelming force brought
D d 3
406 IO-N IA AND LY DIA.
against them, and submitted to the Athenians. They
were compelled to destroy their fortifications, give
up their ships, deliver hostages, and pay the expenses
of the war by instalments. This occurred a few
years before the breaking out of the Peloponnesian
war. (Thuc. I. 115, 117.) After this, we hear little
of Samos till the end of the Sicilian expedition,
when the maritime war was transferred to the
Ionian coast and islands. At this time Samos be-
came the great point d'appui of the Athenian fleet,
which was stationed there for the defence of the
colonies and subject states; and there is little doubt
that the power of Athens was alone preserved at
this time by means of that island. We learn from
Thucydides that the oligarchal party at Athens
had at first overthrown the democracy in Samos, as
they had done at home; but by the exertions of Thra-
sybulus and Thrasyllus, and other commanders, the
Supremacy of the people was again restored over that
of the landholders. (yeſºpopot.) (VIII. 21, 72–74".)
The Athenian army then making common cause
with the Samian people, determined to prosecute
the war with vigour, and to use every exertion to
restore the democratic influence at Athens. They
were induced by these steps to enter into negocia-
tions with Alcibiades, and by Securing the assistance
of that able leader, they contributed essentially to
the successes which were afterwards obtained on
the Hellespont. (VIII. 86, et seq.) We learn from
Polybius, that, after the death of Alexander, Samos
became for a time subject to the kings of Egypt.
These appear to have been duction of the island by Peri-
colonists sent by Athens, to the cles. Strab. XIV. p. 638. He-
number of 2000, after the re- raclid. Pont. Frag. p. 21 l.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 407
(V. 35. 11.) Subsequently it fell into the hands of
Antiochus, and on his defeat, into those of the Ro-
mans. The temple and worship of Juno contributed
not a little to the fame and affluence of Samos.
Pausanias asserts that this edifice was of very great
antiquity; this, he says, was apparent from the sta-
tue of the goddess, which was of wood, and the
work of Smilis, an artist contemporary with Daeda-
lus. (Ach. 4. Callim. Epigr. ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev.
III. c. 8. Clem. Alex. Protr. p. 30.) The temple,
according to Menodotus, a Samian writer quoted by
Athenaeus, had been founded by the Carians and
Leleges, the first inhabitants of the island. (XV.
p. 672.) Herodotus affirms that it was the largest
of any he was acquainted with. The first architect
had been a Samian, named Rhoecus, son of Philes.
In Strabo's time it was adorned with a profusion of
the finest works of art, especially paintings, both in
the mave of the building and the several chapels
adjoining. The outside was equally decorated with
beautiful statues by the most celebrated sculptors.
Among these were three colossal figures forming
one group, by Myron. Marc Antony had carried
these away, but Augustus replaced two of them,
which represented Minerva and Hercules; he re-
Served that of Jupiter to adorn the Capitol. (XIV.
p. 637.) Besides this great temple, Herodotus de-
Scribes two other works of the Samians, which were
most worthy of admiration: one was a tunnel car-
ried through a mountain for the length of seven
stadia, for the purpose of conveying water to the
city from a distant fountain. Another was a mole,
made to add security to the harbour; its depth was
D d 4
408 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Imbrasus
fluvius.
twenty fathoms, and its length more than two stadia.
(III, 60.)
The circuit of this celebrated island, which retains
its ancient name, is 600 stadia, according to Strabo.
Agathemerus reckons 630. Pliny eighty-seven miles,
which make upwards of 700 stadia. (Plin. V. 31.)
It yielded almost every kind of produce, with the
exception of wine, in such abundance, that a pro-
verbial expression used by Menander was applied
to it; qépe Kai épyſtoy yoAa. (Strab. XIV. p. 637.)
The city of Samos, with which we shall commence
the periplus of the island, was situate to the south-
east, exactly opposite to the promontory of Trogi-
lium and mount Mycale, the channel which parted
them being in width about forty stadia. The port
was secure, and convenient for ships, and the town
for the most part stood in a plain rising gradually
from the sea towards a hill situate at some dis-
tance from it. The citadel, built by Polycrates, was
called Astypalaea. (Polyaen. Strat. I. Steph. Byz.
Etym. M. v. 'AarviráAata.) The Heraeum, or temple
of Juno, was near the suburbs and the little river
Imbrasus; hence the surname of Imbrasia given to
the goddess:
'ſp;3gao ſº; gºo; "Hpng.
APOLL. IRII. I. 187.
Callimachus affirmed that this stream was first called
Parthenius.
'Avri Yèg irºns"Tuđpage IIapºsvíov.
(ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 868. Cf. Strab. loc. cit.
Plin. V. 31. Athen. VII. D. 283.) Besides the Im-
çhesius ſ. brasus, Pliny mentions the Chesius and Ibettes.
[bettes ſl.
Chesium
prom.
According to the scholiast of Callimachus, Chesium
ION IA AND LY DIA. 409
was a promontory of the island, where Diana was
worshipped. (Callim. Dian. 228.)
Xºrid; "Ipſ?pagin, Tpwrôpove.
(Cf. Apoll. Rh. ap. Athen. VII. p. 283. Steph. Byz.
v. X%atov.) There was an ancient and much revered
asylum attached to the temple of Juno. (Tacit. Ann.
IV. I.4.) Virgil reminds us that the name of Juno
Was nowhere so much venerated as at Samos, with
the exception of Carthage.
Quam Juno fertur terris magis omnibus unam
Posthabita coluisse Samo. AEN. I. 15.
The ruins of the city and temple are to be seen
near Megalochora, the present capital of the island.
A little to the north is a promontory anciently
called Posidium, and dedicated to Neptune. Close posidium
to this headland was the little island Narthecis, and "
the distance from thence to the mainland of Ionia
was only seven stadia. (Strab. loc. cit.) In the same
vicinity we must seek for Calami, a spot where the Calami.
Greek fleet was stationed before the battle of My-
cale. (Herod. IX. 96.) Panormus and Palinurus, two #.
havens noticed by Livy in his account of the naval"
operations of Polyxenidas, admiral of Antiochus,
against Pausistratus, a Rhodian officer. (XXXVII.
II.)
Ptolemy places south of Samos the city, the pro-
montory of Ampelus, but Strabo says it was oppo-Ampelus
site to the island of Icaria: the latter description"
would agree with Cape Samos, or S. Dominico;
the former would answer to C. Colomni, or Bianco.
There was also in the centre of the island a moun-
tain, named Ampelus. It is easily recognised under
its modern appellation of Ambelona. (Strab. XIV.
410 ION IA AND LY DIA.
Icaria in-
sula.
Isti prom.
et statio.
Dracantlm
prom. et
iſ] OilS.
p. 637.) Strabo, however, elsewhere speaks of the
headland opposite to Icaria, under the name of Can-
tharium, (XIV. p. 639,) so that it will be safer to
consider that as the ancient name of cape S. Do-
ºnimico. Pliny names another mountain, Cercetius,
which the poet Nicander also notices in the Alexi-
pharmaca: -
Kepksråw vipósvro; two axolvdºsaly ºxºals.
It answers to mount Kerki, near C. Dominico.
Pliny adds the fountains Gigartho and Leuco-
thea. Assorum was another mountain of this
island, according to Steph. Byz., whence flowed a
stream, named Amphilysus. (v. 'Aagopºv.) Gorguia,
a spot where Bacchus was worshipped. (Dur. ap.
Steph. Byz. v. Tápyvio.) Ipnus, where a temple was
erected to Juno. (v. ‘Invois.)
The island of Icaria, which was said to derive its
name from Icarus, the son of Daedalus, and to have
transmitted it to the Icarian sea, is 300 stadia in
circuit, according to Strabo. (XIV. p. 639.) The
geographer adds, that it possesses no harbours, but
a roadstead or two; the best of these was near a
promontory called Isti, (Igºroi,) situate towards the
West. The eastern point of the island, facing cape
Cantharium of Samos, and distant from it only
eighty stadia, was named Dracanum, now Cape
Phanari, or St. John. (Strab. loc. cit.) Dracanum
was also the name of a mountain in this island,
where Bacchus, according to some traditions, was
said to have been born.
* * p
Xaſpol psy A16vUgo; by Év Agaxávº vitésvri
*
Zet; Śwaro; psyáxay it) ouviº, 9%xaro Aſga;.
THEocn. ID. XXVI, 33.
ION IA AND L Y DIA. 4ll
'AAA& Tº pºv 80xx; Te zczi cºinsiv; Apaxévolo
'Ix&piov 8%ro's Kūpa tripi xpox&Aa15.
EUPHOR. ISPIGR. ANth. PAL. VII. 651.
Icarus was much celebrated for its wine, especially
that called Pramnian, though an ancient writer de-
scribes it as rough and harsh, and very strong. It
was so called either from a hill named Pramnus,
where it grew, or the particular vine which yielded
it. (Eparch. ap. Athen. I. p. 30.)
Ancient writers agree in assigning to this island
two towns: (Scyl. p. 22. Plin. IV. 12.) one called
Dracanurh, and situate near the cape of the same ºranum
name; the other OEnoe, and placed in the opposite OEnoe.
direction. (Strab. XIV. p. 639. Athen. loc. cit. Steph.
Byz. v.v. Apákovov, Oiván.) There was also in the in-
terior a temple of Diana Tauropolos. Eparchides,
the writer quoted above from Athenaeus, and who
Seems to have compiled a history of Icaria, related
that Euripides had at one time resided on the island.
(II. p. 61.) Strabo informs us that in his time the
island was nearly deserted: it was only frequented
by the flocks which the Samians sent thither to
pasture. Other islets round Samos were the Coras-Corassia,
º ſº sive Corseas
siae, or Corseas, (Strab. loc. cit. Plin. V. 31. Steph. insula.
Byz. v. Kópaeiai.) now Formiche or Ant isles. A
ship sailing from cape Trogilium or Mycale, to Su-
mium, passed these and Samos and Icarus on the
right, but the rocks or shoals called Melantii to the Melantii
left; these therefore must either have been near Scopuli.
Patmos, or the islets named Stapodia, to the east of
Myconus. Apollonius Rhodius seems to place the
Melantian rocks in the Cretan Sea. (IV. 1706.)
Near Samos was also the little isle of Tragia, no-Tragic in-
ticed by Thucydides on account of a sea-fight which sula.
412 ION IA AND L Y DIA.
took place in its vicinity, between the Athenians and
Samians, when the latter were defeated. (I. 116.)
Pliny reckons more than one islet of the name off
the Ionian coast; perhaps they are the rocks called
Samopoulo, close to the Ampelus promontorium.
Strabo seems to place them near Lade. (XIV. p.635.)
$ºles In this direction Pliny names the two Camelides,
§. 3. close to Miletus; and near to Samos, Rhypara,
Alſº, Nymphaea, Achillea. (V. 37.) At some distance from
the coast, and nearly opposite to Panormus, the
island called Garthomisi in modern charts is sup-
ºn posed to represent Hyettusa, mentioned by Pliny.
(V, 31.) Farmaco, opposite to cape Posidium of
º, Miletus, is evidently the isle Pharmacusa, near
which Julius Caesar was once captured by pirates.
(Plut. Vit. Caes. Suet. J. Caes. c. 4.) Steph. Byz.
says Attalus was killed there. (v. Pappakcijaga.) Fur-
º in- ther out at sea we have to notice Lepsia, (Plin. loc.
cit.) now Lipso.
*in Patmos is a little to the west of Lipsia. This
small island, so interesting to the Christian on ac-
count of the banishment of the apostle St. John, is
mentioned by Strabo among the Sporades, (X. p.
488.) and by Pliny, who says it is thirty miles in
circuit. (IV. 12.) It is the general opinion of com-
mentators that St. John was banished to Patmos
towards the close of the reign of Domitian. He
himself declares, (Rev. L. 9.) “I John, who also am
“ your brother, and companion in tribulation, and
“ in the kingdom and patience of Jesus Christ, was
“ in the isle that is called Patmos, for the word of
“ God, and for the testimony of Jesus Christ.” It
is not known how long his captivity lasted, but it is
thought that he was released on the death of Domi-
LY DIA. 413
tian, which happened A. D. 96, when he retired to
Ephesus. (Iren. II. 22. 5. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. III.
18. Dio. Cass. LXVIII. I.) The island, which is
now called Patino, contains several churches and
convents; the principal one is dedicated to the apo-
stle. There are also the ruins of an ancient for-
tress, and some other remains".
LY DIA.
Having now finished the survey of the Ionian
coast and the adjacent islands, I shall next proceed
to inquire into the ancient state of the country
situate at some distance from that coast, and con-
fined generally between the waters of the Hermus
and Meander on the north and south, whilst to the
east it was conterminous with the greater Phrygia.
Within these limits was included the kingdom of
the Lydian monarchs, before the conquests of Croe-
Sus and of his ancestors had spread that name and
dominion from the coast of Caria to the Euxine,
and from the Meander to the Halys. The celebrity
of Croesus, and his wealth and power, have certain-
ly conferred on this part of Asia Minor a greater
interest than any other portion of that extensive
country possesses, Troas perhaps excepted; and
We become naturally anxious to ascend from this
State of opulence and dominion to the primitive and
ruder period from which it drew its existence. In
this inquiry, however, we are unfortunately little
likely to succeed; the clue which real history affords
us for tracing the fortunes of Lydia through her
m See Mr. Whittington's ac- pole's Memoirs of Turkey, tom.
count of these remains, ex- II. p. 43.
tracted from his journal, in Wal-
414 I, Y DIA.
several dynasties, soon fails, and we are left to the
false and perplexing directions which fable and
legendary stories supply. Some great and leading
facts are certainly however to be elicited from all the
authorities which have touched upon the history of
Lydia; and though these facts are of a general na-
ture only, they are such as may be considered useful
in the chain of historical analogies, and at all events
such as we must be satisfied with, for want of more
specific information. The sum of what we learn is
this, that Lydia, or that portion of Asia Minor spe-
cified above, appears to have been governed for a
much greater space of time than any other part of
that country, by a line of sovereigns, broken, it is
true, into several dynasties, but continuing without
interruption, it seems, for several centuries, and thus
affording evidence of the higher civilization and
prosperity of their empire. It is not to be supposed,
however, that the country remained all this time
undisturbed by revolutions and political changes;
we have evidence to the contrary: and indeed it
would have been opposed to analogy to imagine that
the possession of a country so eminently favoured
by nature should not have been a subject of dispute
and contest, when almost every other province wit-
messed repeated changes of inhabitants during its
progress to a permanent and settled state of things.
Our sources of information respecting the history
of Lydia are almost entirely derived from Herodo-
tus, and the high name which he bears doubtless
attaches great respectability to his testimony; but
as we have no opportunity of weighing his authority
on this particular subject, from being unacquainted
with the sources whence he drew his information,
LY DIA. 415
and also from having no parallel historian with
whom to compare his account, it is evident we can-
not place such dependence on his Lydian history as
on those of Egypt, Babylon, and Persia. Our Suspi-
cions will of course be increased, if we find that the
circumstances he relates are incredible in themselves,
and at variance also with other authorities. The
difficulties respecting these circumstances, both as to
facts and dates, have given rise to many disquisi-
tions on the part of learned men, without however
leading to any satisfactory solution of them, at least
in my opinion; and this I imagine, because they
have strained at little points, without seeking to
clear away the real obstacles which beset our path.
Time has unfortunately deprived us of the Lydian
annals of Xanthus, a native of the country, some-
What anterior to Herodotus, and whose accounts
Were held in great estimation for accuracy and
fidelity by sound judges"; but from incidental
fragments preserved by later writers, we are led to
infer that he had frequently adopted traditions ma-
terially differing from those which Herodotus fol-
* Dionysius of Halicarnas- Dionysius, surnamed XKvroſºpa-
Sus, in his Roman Antiquities,
(I-30.) speaks of his history in
high terms of commendation.
Strabo also makes frequent cita-
tions from his writings. (XII.
p. 579. XIII. p. 628. XIV. p.
680, &c.) Nicolaus of Damas-
cus appears to have derived
much information from him,
and Steph. Byz. quotes him re-
peatedly. Nevertheless, it was
Pretended by some critics, that
the works ascribed to this an-
Øient historian were spurious,
eing really the productions of
xtov; but though there might
be forgeries among his writ-
ings, there can scarcely be any
doubt that many were genuine,
since Ephorus spoke of them as
well known to him, and repre-
sented Xanthus as more an-
cient than Herodotus, and even
as paving the way for him.
(Athen. XII. p. 515.) The
fragments of Xanthus have
been collected and published,
with those of other early Greek
historians, by Fr. Creuzer, Hei-
delb. 1806. 8vo.
416 LY DIA.
lowed, and that his history also, as might be ex-
pected, contained several important facts unknown
to the latter, or which it did not enter into the plan
of his work to insert. Xanthus would probably
have given us some valuable information on a sub-
ject which belongs especially to the nature of our
enquiries, and on which Herodotus seems scarcely
to touch, I mean the origin of the Lydian nation.
Without his assistance, our means of information are
of course very scanty and deficient; but, such as they
are, we must endeavour to compile and arrange
them to the best advantage, for the benefit of our
readers. The general account which we collect
from Herodotus is this: he states, that the country,
known in his time by the name of Lydia, was for-
merly called Maeonia, and the people Maeones. (I. 7.
VII. 74.) This seems confirmed by Homer, who
nowhere mentions the Lydians, but numbers the
Maeonian forces among the allies of Priam, and
assigns to them a country which is plainly the Lydia
of subsequent writers:
Mñogy at Még ºn; Texai "Avripo; #ynagoºny,
Tis Iluxo, pºveog, to Tuyaín Téxs Xiuwn,
Oi Kai Māova; Wyov (Tö Tuđx4 yeyaārag.
II. B. 864.
Strabo also remarks, that many writers adopted
this opinion, but that others looked upon these two
nations as distinct; he himself adhered to the former.
(XIII. p. 625.) Herodotus further states, that the
name of Lydians Was derived from Lydus, a son of
Atys, one of the earliest sovereigns of the country;
(loc. cit.) and in this particular he closely agrees
with Xanthus, quoted by Dionysius of Halicarnas-
sus, (Ant. Rom. I. 30.) however he may differ from
L Y DIA. 4.17
him in other considerable points. But the period to
be assigned to this Lydus is a subject likely to
baffle for ever the researches of the ablest chronolo-
gists. For Manes, according to Herodotus, being
the first king of the country, (I. 94.) and father of
Atys, consequently grandfather of Lydus, it would
follow that the Maeonian name would have lasted
only for two generations, and yet we find it the
only one in existence when Homer wrote, or, at
least, which he supposed to have existed at the
period of which his poem treated. Some writers
have reported that there was a prince named Meon,
who was more ancient than Manes; (Diod. Sic.
III.) but this is contrary to the testimony of Hero-
dotus and Xanthus, whom Dion. Halic. probably
copied". (Ant. Rom. I. 30.) It is possible, how-
ever, that there may have been more than one sove-
reign who bore the name of Manes; for Herodotus
speaks of one who was father of Cotys and grand-
father of Asius, from whom the district, and subse-
quently the whole continent of Asia, is said to have
derived its appellation. (IV. 45.) Now unless Cotys
and Atys were brothers, which is not stated, it must
follow that there were two Manes P. To this part
of the subject seems to belong the question of the
great Tyrrhenian migration recorded by Herodo-
tus, which I have already discussed at some length
o This Manes appears to have
been sovereign of Phrygia as
well as Lydia; (Alex. Polyhist.
ap. Steph. Byz. v.v. Mavártov.
'Akºvicy. Plut. Is, et Osir.) and
it is not improbable that he
WłłS worshipped in that coun-
try under the name of Men.
VOI. I.
(Strab. XII. p. 556, 580.)
p This is also the opinion of
the Abbé Sevin, in his learned
dissertation on the kings of Ly-
dia. (Mém. de l'Acad. des
Inscr. et Belles Lettres, tom.
V. p. 231.
E 6
4.18 I, Y DIA.
in my work on ancient Italy, under the head of Etru-
ria ; but I prefer making what further remarks I
have to offer on this point at a later period in the
present enquiry. Herodotus goes on to state, that
after a number of generations, which he does not
pretend to reckon, the crown passed from the line
of Lydus, son of Atys, to that of Hercules. This
hero had a son by a slave of Jardanus, who was then
apparently sovereign of Lydia; and this son, suc-
ceeding to the throne by the command of an oracle,
became the author of a new dynasty, which reigned
through two and twenty generations, and during
the space of 505 years. (I. 7.) The introduction of
the name of Hercules indicates at once that we have
shifted our ground from history to mythology and
fiction. We know how the Greeks seized upon that
name as being exclusively their own, and how they
adapted the legends of other countries to the ex-
ploits and wonders achieved by the son of Amphi-
tryon. The doubts and suspicions, which this cir-
cumstance naturally creates in the mind, are rather
increased than lessened on inspecting the list of the
lineal descendants of Hercules, who reigned at Sar-
dis. Well might Scaliger exclaim with astonish-
ment, when he saw the names of Ninus and Belus
following almost immediately after that of Hercules
their ancestor ºl.
There seems to be here some extraordinary con-
fusion of names, dates, and countries, out of which
it is hardly possible to extract any thing intelligible
or probable. For my part I cannot help imagining
that these names imply some distant connexion be-
T Scal. Can. Isagog. lib. III. p. 327.
LY DIA. 419
tween the supposed Lydian dynasty of the Hera-
clidae and the Assyrian empire. I confess that this
is only a surmise; but there are some curious tra-
ditions preserved apparently by Xanthus, in his
history of Lydia, which go some way towards sup-
porting this hypothesis. Stephanus of Byzantium,
speaking of Ascalon in Palestine, states, that the
above historian affirmed that it had been founded by
Ascalus, an officer under the command of Aciamus,
king of the Lydians". Nicolaus of Damascus re-
peated this story from Xanthus. (Steph. Byz. v.
"AakáAww.) There is a further allusion to this part
of the Lydian traditions in Athenaeus, who quotes
a fragment of Mnaseas in his work on Asia, where,
Speaking of Atergatis, a Syrian queen, he adds, that
Xanthus reported that Atergatis was taken by Mop-
Sus the Lydian, and thrown, with her son Ichthys,
in a lake near Ascalon. (VIII. p. 346.) If there
is any foundation for these traditions, it must be
allowed, I think, that they belong to a period when
the Lydians occupied a very different situation in
the map of Asia from that which they subsequently
took up". But, so far from the Lydians having
founded Ascalon, and other towns in Syria and
Palestine, I think it much more probable that they
derived, themselves, the original population of their
country from those parts, as did the Cilicians, Cap-
padocians, and Phrygians; and in that case we shall
no longer be surprised to find Ninus and Belus
s The name of this prince of Semiramis.
appears to be Phoenician, or u The scriptural name of
Syrian; Achim, or Achiam. Lud, or Ludim, may perhaps
t The Abbé Sevin observes, have some connexion with these
that some writers identified traditions.
Atergatis with Derceto, mother
E e 2
420 I, Y DIA.
among the sovereigns of the country. It is also
very possible, that the fable of Hercules and Om-
phale may have had its origin in some old tale
imported by the Phoenicians, who laid an earlier
claim, as Herodotus imagined, to the actions of that
hero than the Greeks. (II.44.) It would require a
much longer space than we can devote to such an
enquiry to attempt to establish a connexion between
the Assyrian and Lydian empires, nor am I aware
that it can be satisfactorily made out; but the sur-
mises and hints which we have here thrown out, may
perhaps be pursued by some more learned and labo-
rious antiquarian, who will not lose sight of the
great similarity which appears to have existed be-
tween the corruptions of Babylon and the conduct
which history ascribes to the Lydian women : nor
will it be forgotten, that the Lydians and Carians
are said to have derived divinations and sacrifices
from the Chaldees *.
Whatever connexion may have existed between
the Lydians and the nations to the east of the Eu-
phrates, it must be confessed however that the an-
cients themselves were hardly aware of the fact.
The testimony of Herodotus, who doubtless con-
sulted the best authorities he could procure, would
seem to shew that the Lydians regarded themselves
as descended from the same stock as the Carians
and Mysians. Now these being confessedly of Thra-
cian origin, it necessarily follows that the former
also must have been a branch of the same primitive
race. (Herod. I. 171.) Menecrates of Elaea, and
Xanthus, who are cited by Strabo, also confirmed the
fact, as far as the affinity of the Mysians and Ly-
* See also Bochart, Geogr. Sacr. lib. II. c. 12.
I, Y DIA. 421.
dians is concerned, by the undeniable proof of a
strong similarity of language. (XII. p. 572.) But
by what name were these brethren of the Carians
and Mysians known before they settled in Lydia;
for I do not imagine that they imported that name
from Europe into Asia 2 Were they called Leleges
or Pelasgi? This is what cannot be now seriously
enquired into. All that we know is, that the inter-
mixture of these various heterogeneous tribes already
named, constituted the nation which afterwards be-
came known to the Greeks by the name of Lydians.
The confusion resulting from this intermixture being
such as to baffle, according to Strabo's observation,
all hope of discriminating between them. (XII. p.
572. XIII. p. 629.) In the time of Herodotus a
small remnant of the Maeonians, surnamed Cabelees
and Lasonii, yet preserved apparently some dis-
tinctive marks, in language and manners, from the
Lydians and the Carians, to whom they were conti-
guous. (III. 90. VII. 77.) Strabo, speaking of the
small district Cabalis, which must certainly be re-
ferred to this people, remarks, that many authors
looked upon it as the seat of the ancient Solymi of
Homer, who were doubtless of Phoenician origin;
(XIII. p. 630.) and that the Cabelees were so like-
wise, might be inferred from the fact, that their
arms and accoutrements were precisely those of the
Cilicians. (Herod. VII. 77.) The Torroebi, who
once formed a considerable portion of the Lydian
nation, had long ago disappeared, since they are
neither mentioned by Strabo nor Herodotus; their
existence is only certified to us in a fragment of
Xanthus, preserved by Dionysius of Halicarnassus.
(Ant. Rom. I. 30.) According to that ancient his-
E e 3
422 L Y DIA.
torian, the Torroebi were so called from Torroebus,
brother of Lydus; their language did not differ
much from that of the Lydians; but they had many
terms in common, as the Dorians and Ionians have.
Dionysius adduces this passage to prove that Xan-
thus knew nothing of Tyrrhenus, the brother of
Lydus, and his pretended expedition into Italy;
and certainly if the Lydian historian is correct, his
authority would be decisive against the existence of
that prince. But the great question with respect
to this curious tradition preserved by Herodotus,
and which must have had some foundation, is to
ascertain whether it was really an Asiatic legend or
an European one. What I mean is this ; the Ly-
dians, in the time of Herodotus, were no longer the
indigenous or aboriginal inhabitants of the ancient
Maeonia. They had come from Thrace and Mace-
don with the Phrygians and Carians and Mysians,
and they were much intermixed with Pelasgi and
Leleges and Caucones, and other primitive tribes.
They may therefore have imported from those coun-
tries a tradition, which referred to events much
anterior to their settlement in Lydia, but which
Was afterwards, by a natural confusion, adapted to
their subsequent existence in that country, and was
not countenanced by the more authentic records
consulted by Xanthus. This mode of dealing with
the tradition of Herodotus has this advantage, that
it is perfectly consistent with those authorities which
seem to place the original seat of the Tyrrheni in
Thrace and Macedon, and in particular with that
report mentioned by Plutarch, which stated that
the Tyrrheni came first from Thessaly into Lydia.
(Romul. c. 1.) It also removes the inconsistencies
LY DIA. 423
and difficulties attending its consideration as a legend
purely belonging to the latter country, and in par-
ticular the strong objections brought against it by
Dionysius.
Leaving now this obscure and uncertain field of
enquiry, let us proceed to take a rapid sketch of the
history of Lydia at a period when its records are
more sure and faithful W.
Candaules, whom the Greeks named Myrsilus,
was the last sovereign of the Heraclid dynasty. He
Was assassinated, as Herodotus relates, by his queen
and Gyges, one of his principal officers. The latter
Succeeded to the vacant throne, and became the
founder of a new line of kings. (Herod. I. 8–14.)
Under his reign it is probable that the mines of
mount Tmolus, and other parts of Lydia, were first
brought into activity; this would account for the
fabulous stories which are related respecting him,
(Plato de Rep. II. Cic. de Off. III. 9.) and his extra-
ordinary wealth. He is said by Herodotus to have
made very rich offerings to the temple of Delphi,
both in gold and silver, (I. 14.) and his riches formed
the theme of Anacreon, (Od. XV.) and Archilochus.
(Frag. X. Cf. Theopomp. ap. Athen. VI. p. 231.)
Under this sovereign the Lydian empire had already
made considerable progress in several districts of
Asia Minor. Its sway extended over a great part
of Mysia, Troas, and the shores of the Hellespont;
(Strab. XIII. p. 590.) and before his death Gyges
had succeeded in annexing to his dominions the cities
y The reader who wishes to above referred to, and also the
search further into the early researches of Freret on the
ydian history may consult the Chronology of Lydia, which
dissertation of the Abbé Sevin, form a sequel to it.
E e 4
424 Y 1) I A
of Colophon and Magnesia. (Herod. I. 14. Nicol.
Damasc. Exc.) According to Herodotus he reigned
thirty-eight years: but chronologists are not agreed
as to the exact period of his accession to the throne;
some removing it back as far as 718 B.C., others
bringing it down to 688.” He was succeeded by his
son Ardys, who conquered Priene; but for a time
was stripped of his dominions and capital by an in-
cursion of the Cimmerians. He reigned forty-nine
years, and was succeeded by his son Sadyattes, of
whom nothing is recorded except the bare fact that
he occupied the throne for twelve years. Alyattes,
who next follows, made war against the Medes, ex-
pelled the Cimmerians from Asia, conquered Caria
and some of the Ionian cities, and after a prosperous
reign of fifty-seven years, left the crown to his son
Croesus, whom he appears to have already associated
with him in power some years previously. (Herod.
I. 16–25. I. 92. Nic. Damasc. p. 243.a) Croesus
proved more ambitious and enterprising than any
of his predecessors. He brought under subjection,
or rendered tributary, all the Greek settlements in
Asia, and all the barbarian nations west of the
Halys, except the Lycians and Cilicians; (Herod. I.
29.) and surpassed all the sovereigns of his time in
the extent of his wealth and the splendour of his
court. Ambition and vanity led him, however, to
think that he could reduce the Persian power, which
had lately risen on the ruins of the Median empire,
under the youthful Cyrus. In an evil hour he
z See Freret, Rechercles Sur – 283. Clinton's Fasti Hellen.
la Chronologie de l’Histoire des tom. I. Append. p. 296.
Rois de Lydie, Mém. de l'Acad. * See Clinton's Fasti Hell.
des Inscr. &c., tom. V. p. 280 Append. p. 298. tom. I.
LY DIA. 425
crossed the Halys, and entered Cappadocia, then a
Persian province. The first conflict was indecisive,
but Croesus having withdrawn to his own dominions
to collect reinforcements for a second campaign, he
was speedily followed by his more quick-sighted
and active foe, and obliged to fight a second battle
nearly under the walls of Sardis. Croesus, after
sustaining a complete defeat, was soon shut up
within that city, which from its great strength
might have resisted for a long space of time, if acci-
dent had not put the enemy in possession of a secret
path, by which they stormed the citadel, and became
masters of the place. Croesus was thus dethroned, and
Lydia became annexed to the Persian empire. (He-
rod. I. 75–84.) The Lydians had previously been
a brave and warlike people, but from this time they
degenerated totally, and became the most volup-
tuous and effeminate of men. (I. 79. 155—157.
Athen. XII. p. 515 et seq.) They were celebrated
for their skill in music, (XIV. p. 617, 634.) and
other arts. (X. p. 432. III. p. 112.) They are said
to have invented games, and to have been the first
to coin money. (Herod. I. 94.) The conquest of
Lydia, so far from really increasing the power of the
Persians, tended rather to weaken it, by softening
their manners, and rendering them as effeminate as
the subjects of Croesus; a contagion from which
the Ionians had already suffered. The great wealth
and fertility of the country have always caused it to
be considered as the most valuable portion of Asia
Minor, and its government was probably the highest
mark of distinction and trust which the king of
Persia could bestow upon a subject. In the divi-
Sion of the empire made by Darius, the Lydians,
426 LY DIA.
W
and some small tribes, apparently of Maeonian ori-
gin, together with the Mysians, formed the second
satrapy, and paid into the royal treasury the yearly
sum of 500 talents. (III. 90.) Sardis was the resi-
dence of the satrap, who appears rather to have
been the king's lieutenant in Asia, and superior to
the other governors. This was especially the case
during the Ionian revolt, and indeed the whole of
the reigns of Darius and Xerxes. (Herod. prop.)
Lydia, somewhat later, became the principal seat of
the power usurped by the younger Cyrus, and after
his overthrow was committed to the government of
his enemy Tissaphernes. (Xen. Amab. I. I. Hell. I.
5. III. I.) After the death of Alexander, we find it
subject for a time to Antigonus; then to Achaeus,
who caused himself to be declared king at Sardes,
but was subsequently conquered and put to death by
Antiochus. (Polyb. V. 57, 4.) Lydia, after the de-
feat of the latter sovereign by the Romans at Mag-
nesia, was annexed by them to the dominions of
Eumenes. (Liv. XXXVIII. 39.) At a later period
it formed a principal part of the proconsular pro-
vince of Asia, (Plin. V. 29.) and still retained its
name through all the vicissitudes of the Byzantine
empire, when it finally passed under the dominion
of the Turks, who now call its northern portion
Saroukhan ; the southern, Aidin. On the north,
Lydia was contiguous to the territory of Pergamum,
and that part of Mysia which was watered by the
Caicus; on the east it bordered on Phrygia; and
on the south it was separated from Caria by the
tortuous Meander. Its western, or maritime por-
tion was occupied by the Ionian colonies, which
have been already treated of.
LY DIA. 427
In describing Lydia it will be convenient to divide
it into two portions; the first consisting of the coun-
try between the Caicus and the Hermus, the second
of that situated between the Hermus and the Mean-
der.
Commencing then with the former, and setting
out from Pergamum, Strabo notices to the east of
that city a town named Apollonia, and situate on a Apollonia.
height. (XIII. p. 625.) It is difficult to say whether
this place was in Mysia" or Lydia, as Steph. Byz.
names two in both provinces. If this is the Apol-
lonia which Ptolemy places near the Cilbianus Cam-
pus, it would certainly belong to the latter. Be-
yond, continues Strabo, the road crosses a chain of
hills, and then proceeds towards Sardes. The tra-
Veller has then on his left Thyatira, and on his right
Apollonis, named after the wife of Attalus, a lady of Apollonis.
Cyzicus. It was 300 stadia from Pergamum, and
the same distance from Sardes. (Strab, loc. cit.)
This town is frequently alluded to by Cicero. (Orat.
pro Flacc. c. 21 et 32. Epist. ad Quint. I. 2. Cf.
Tacit. Ann. II.47.) In Pliny’s time it was a place
of little consequence. (V. 30.) The Ecclesiastical
Notices mention it as the see of a bishop". Some
Vestige of this ancient town is yet perceptible in
that of Bullene, a hamlet whose situation agrees in
other respects with Strabo's description. Strabo
does not take notice of a river which it is necessary
to cross after the Caicus. This is the ancient Hyl- Hyllus fl.
lus, the principal tributary of the Hermus, accord- Rºu.
ing to Herodotus. (I. 80.) It rises in Phrygia Epic-
b. It has therefore been no- imperial coins of Apollonis with
ticed under that province, the legend AIIOAAQNIAEON.
* There are autonomous and
428 I, Yi) I A.
Hyrcanius
Campus.
tetus, not far from the source of the Rhyndacus d,
and joins the Hermus a little above the site of the
ancient Magnesia ad Sipylum. Strabo adds, that
in his time this river commonly bore the name of
Phrygius. Pliny, however, distinguishes between
the Hyllus and the Phryx, or Phrygius; (V. 29.)
and if he is correct, it is probable that, in his
opinion, the Hyllus was the river of Thyatira; the
Phrygius, the larger branch which comes from the
north-east, and rises in the hills of the ancient Phry-
gia Epictetus. Livy also, in his account of the ope-
rations of Scipio prior to the battle of Magnesia,
speaks of the Phrygians as being in the vicinity of
Thyatira and Magnesia. (XXXVII. 37 and 38.*)
Homer had carefully distinguished between the Her-
mus and the Hyllus.
tº dº ſº. to régivo; Tarpářáv ša riv,
"Taxºp in' ixºvdivri, xzi "Eppº ºw#swri.
IL. T. 391.
The plain watered by the Hyllus, or Phrygius, bore
anciently the name of Campus Hyrcanius. Strabo
accounts for the origin of the term by informing us,
that a colony of Hyrcanians had been settled there
by the Persians. (XIII. p. 629.) Xenophon pro-
bably alludes to these Hyrcanians. (Anab. VII.)
Subsequently some Macedonians were settled here;
whence Pliny and Tacitus term them, “Macedones
“Hyrcani cognominati.” (Plin. V. 29. Tacit. Annal.
II. 47. Cf. Liv. XXXVII. 37. Steph. Byz. v. "Yoka-
* See Major Keppel's Tra- gius to the Hermus. Asia Mi-
vels in Asia Minor, ton. II. p. nor, p. 267. At all cvents the
26 |. ". historian is not accurate, in
• Col. Leake conceives that onlitting to distinguish the two
Livy gives the name of Phry- rivers.
I, Y D F A. 429
via.) There appears to have been also a town in this
district bearing the name of Hyrcania. (Hieron.
Chron. et Niceph.)
Mostene, according to Tacitus, was another town Mostene
belonging to these Macedones Hyrcani. (loc. cit.)
It is also mentioned by Ptolemy, Hierocles, (p. 671.)
and the Ecclesiastical Notices'. Its situation, as
Well as that of Hyrcania, is not ascertained.
Thyatira stood further north, and on the borders Thyatira.
of Mysia; Pliny reports that it was watered by the
Lycus, a small stream apparently which joins the
Hyllus, and adds, that it was anciently called Pelo-
pia and Euhippa. (V. 29.) Strabo informs us that
it was a Macedonian colony, (XIII. p. 625,) and
Steph. Byz. confirms this account, while he adds to
it by saying, that it was named by Seleucus Nicanor.
V. Ovárepa.) Antiochus was encamped in its vici-
nity when about to engage with the Roman army
under Scipio, but retired to Magnesia on his ap-
proach. (Liv. XXXVII. 8. 21, 37.) It surrendered
to the consul after the battle. (XXXVII. 44. Polyb.
Frag. XVI. I. 7. XXXII. 25, 10. Appian. Syr.
Plut. Syll.) Thyatira is interesting to the Christian
antiquarian, as one of the seven churches of the
Apocalypse. The divine message which the apostle
Was commissioned to deliver unto the angel of the
church in Thyatira was: “ These things saith the
“Son of God, who hath his eyes like unto a flame
“ of fire, and his feet are like fine brass; I know
“thy works, and charity, and service, and faith,
“ and thy patience, and thy works; and the last to
* There are imperial coins SAPEON MOXTHNON or MO-
belonging to the Mosteni and XTHNON ATAQN. and MAKEA.
the Hyrcani, the legends KAI- TPKANON. Sestini, p. 109, I 10.
430 I, Y DIA.
“ be more than the first. Notwithstanding I have a
“few things against thee, because thou sufferest
“ that woman Jezebel, which calleth herself a pro-
“ phetess,” &c. (Rev. ii. 18.) In the Acts, xvi. 14,
mention is made of Lydia, a purple-seller of Thya-
tira. The Ecclesiastical Notices give the names of
several bishops belonging to this see. We can trace
the history of Thyatira down to a late period of the
Byzantine empire, but it then appears under the
Turkish name of Akhissar, or “ the white town,”
(M. Duc. p. 114.) which is its present appellation.
Mr. T. Smith was the first to give an account of
the antiquities of Thyatira, in his Notice of the
Seven Churches of Asia 8. They consist chiefly
of inscriptions, and fragments of walls and pil-
lars.
The Itineraries place between Pergamum and
Thyatira a station named Germa, twenty-five miles
from the former, and thirty-three from the latter.
(Anton. Itin. p. 335. Tab. Pent. IX. D.) This site
agrees nearly with that of Somma, on the road from
Bergamah to Akhissar. Somewhat to the north-
east, a site called Bakhir or Bakri was discovered
by Chishull to represent the ancient Nacrasa of
Ptolemy". Critics are of opinion that this town is
not different from the Acrasus of Hierocles and the
Germa.
Nacrasa.
g P. 16–25. Lat. edit. See
also Wheeler and Spon, tom.
I. b. iii. p. 253. Chishull, Ant.
Asiat. There are numerous
coins, both autonomous and
imperial, belonging to Thya-
tira; the latter extend in a se-
ries from Augustus to Saloni-
nus. The epigraph is 07ATEI-
PHNON. Sestini, p. 113,
h Chish. Ant. Asiat. p. 146.
The inscription he quotes has
for its preamble, H. MAKEAO-
NQN NAKPAXEITON BOTAH,
and the coins of Nacrasa con-
firm this orthography. Sestini,
p. 110. But the legend on the
coins of Acrasus is AKPAXIQ-
TON. Sestini, p. 105.
I, Y DIA. 431
Ecclesiastical Acts; (Synecd. p. 670.) but, for the rea-
son assigned in the note, this may be doubted.
To the west of Thyatira Ptolemy places Hiero- Hieroca.
caesarea, a town rendered somewhat remarkable for “
the worship of Diana Persica, said to have been
established there as early as the reign of Cyrus.
(Tacit. Ann. III. 62. II. 47. Pausan. Eliac. I. 27.)
This also appears on the coins of the city, which
bear the word IIEPXIKHi. In and about the valley
of the Hyllus, to the east and north-east of Thya-
tira, were several towns assigned to Lydia, though
closely bordering on Mysia. Of these, Gordus, a Juliagor.
place apparently at first not above the rank of a "
village, came afterwards to be a place of some con-
Sequence, and obtained the surname of Julia in com-
pliment to Julius Caesar or Augustus. Ptolemy
names it Juliagordus. (p. 116.) In Hierocles (Sy-
necd. p. 671.) it is simply called Gordus, as well as
in the Ecclesiastical Notices, and Socrates. (Eccl.
Hist. VII. 36%.) According to the recent researches
of an intelligent traveller, aided by the learned
suggestions of Col. Leake, it would appear that
Julia.gordus, which retains some vestiges of its
name in that of Ghiurdis", was situate near the
Hyllus, about twelve hours to the east of Akhissar.
Somewhat more to the north apparently was
Blaundus, which Strabo assigns to Lydia, but ob-Blaundus.
serves at the same time that it was near Ancyra, a
Phrygian town, seated in the upper valley of the
i Sestini, p. 108. The usual | Major Keppel, the traveller
legend is IEPOKAICAPEQN. referred to, does not mention
k There are several coins of any antiquities as observed by
Julia-Gordus. The legend is him at this place. Travels, tom.
IOTAIA TOPAOC, and IOTAIE- II. p. 272–281.
QN TOPAHNON. Sestini, p. 108.
432 LY DIA.
Gygaea,
postea
Coloe
palus.
Macistus, a river which flowed through Mysia and
joined the Rhyndacus. (Strab. XII. pp. 567, 576.)
Blaundus appears, from its coins, to have been colon-
ized by the Macedonians, who are usually termed
in ancient authors Myso-Macedones; and it is fur-
ther collected from the same monuments, that it was
situated on a small river, named Hippurius". It is
probable that Balandus, an episcopal town of Lydia,
according to the Ecclesiastical Notices, is no other
than Blaundus°.
South of the Hyllus, on the road from Thyatira
to Sardes, we find the lake of Mermere, or Gheul,
anciently known by the name of Gygaea Palus.
Mşoaiv 25 Mérôx); re xzi "Avripo; #yna &rºny,
Tis TIvX,xpºveog, to Tvyain rēxs Aiuwn.
IL. B. 864.
Ksical, 'Orpovtsión, Távrov #xtrayaſrar &věpáv,
'Ev%’s roi flávaro; yews; 8% roſ tar' ºri Aluwn
Twyaſ, ºff to rép.svo; Torpāīāv ša riv,
"Taxip in' ixºvćevri, xzi"Eppº ºw;evri.
IL. T. 389.
Strabo observes that this lake, which was after-
wards called Coloe, was forty stadia from Sardes.
It was said to have been excavated by the hand of
man, as a bason for receiving the waters which
overflowed the neighbouring plains. (XIII. p. 627.)
Near the lake, towards Sardes, was the tomb or
tumulus of Alyattes, mentioned by Herodotus as
one of the wonders of Lydia; he says, the founda-
tion of this monument was of huge stones, but the
n They are thus described by Fonte Hippurio. IIITIOTPIOS.
Sestini, p. 106. BLAVNDOS. Imperatorii a Nerone ad Volu-
Autonoini. Epigraphe BAATN- sianum.
AEQN. addito MAKE. MAKEAO- • Geogr. Sacr. Car. S. Paul,
NON. Mentio situs a Fl. vel a p. 244.
LY DIA. 433
superstructure Was a mound of earth. It was raised
by the artisans and courtesans of Sardis. The his-
torian adds, that in his time there were extant on
the top of the mound five pillars, on which were in-
scribed the different portions of the work completed
by the several trades; whence it appeared that the
courtesans had the greater share in it. The circum-
ference of this huge mound was six stadia and two
plethra, and the width thirteen plethra. (I. 93.)
Some writers affirmed it was called “the tomb of the
“courtesan,” and that it had been constructed by a
mistress of king Gyges. (Clearch. ap. Athen. XIII.
p. 573.) Strabo reports that there were other tombs
of the Lydian kings, besides that of Alyattes; which
has been confirmed by the observation of modern
travellers. The same writer adds, that there was a
temple sacred to Diana Coloene, on the banks of the
lake, and an object of great veneration to the inha-
bitants. (XIII. p. 626.) Chandler describes the lake
“as very large, it abounds in fish, its colour and
“taste like common pond water, with beds of sedge
“growing in it. The barrows (or tombs of the kings)
“are of various sizes, the smaller made perhaps
“for children of the younger branches of the royal
“family; four or five are distinguished by their su-
“ perior magnitude, and are visible as hills at a great
“distance: the lake, it is likely, furnished the soil.
“All of them are covered with green turf; and as
“many as I observed, in passing among them, re-
“tain their conical form, without any sinking in of
“ the top. One of the barrows on the eminence,
“ near the middle, and towards Sardes, is remark-
“ably conspicuous: it was the monument of Alyat-
V() I.,. I. F f
434 LY DIA.
Hermo-
capelia.
Saettae sive
Saittae.
Hyde.
“tes. It is much taller and handsomer than any I
“have seen in England, or elsewhereP.”
In the valley of the Hermus were situated appa-
rently the towns of Hermocapelia" (Plin. V. 30.
Hierocl. p. 670. Notit. Episc.) and Hermopolis, if
the two should not be considered rather as one".
Saettae, or Saittae, to judge from the reference
made on its coins to the Hermus and Hyllus, was
situated near the junction of these two rivers". Pto-
lemy writes the name Setae, or Septae, and fixes it in
the north-eastern part of the province. Hierocles
calls it Sitae, (p. 669.) as do also the ecclesiastical
records, from which we learn that it was an episco-
pal see. (Act. Conc. Nic. II. p. 591.) Near the Pa-
lus Gygaea stood anciently a place to which refer-
ence was made by Homer in the Iliad, when he
said,
Twóxp (to witésvri, "Tºn; iv triovi čuq.
IL. T. 385.
Some writers pretended also that the poet had made
mention of it in another line, which is not found in
our copies. IL. B. 783.
X&pºp #vi puſsyri, "Yên; #y Tſov, Šuq.
But Strabo is inclined to think there was no place
of this name in Lydia. (XIII. p. 626.) Plin. V. 28.
p Chandler, Travels in Asia
Minor, p. 325–27.
q The coins of Hermocape-
lia are numerous. Some are au-
tonomous. The imperial coins
do not ascend higher than Ha-
drian. The inscription is usually
EPMORATIHAEITON. Sestini,
p. 108.
* The only evidence for the
existence of this city are its
coins, which are allowed to be
dubious. Sestini, p. 108.
* Sestini, p. 3. Saetteni au-
tonom. Epigraphe CAITTH-
NON etiam CAITTAI. Mentio
situs a binis fluviis EPMOC, TA-
AOC.
I, Y DIA. 435
“A Maeoniis civitas ipsa Hyde vocitata est, clara
“stagno Gygaeo.”
To the east of the Gygaean lake, and on the Her-Attalia.
mus, is a village named Adala, which probably cor-
responds with the site of Attalia, a Lydian town,
known to us from Steph. Byz., who says it was
anciently called Agroira or Alloira. (v. 'ArráAetc..)
The Ecclesiastical Notices have recorded some of its
bishops. A recent traveller passed through Adala,
on his way from Smyrna and Cassaba. “It is on
“ the right bank of the Hermus, which flows at the
“base of a rocky mountain, through a chasm of
“ which it disappears. The passage here is rather
“ dangerous. The direct road from Cassaba to
“Adala is twelve hours’.” The same traveller, to
whom we are indebted for the most accurate account
we have of the course of the Hermus, and the coun-
try through which it flows, discovered, somewhat
higher up that river, an inscription which fixes the
site of Bagae, another Lydian town, on the right Bagº.
bank of the river, and nearly opposite to Sirghie,
a Turkish village between Kula and Jemi-sher".
Bagae is ascribed to Lydia by Hierocles (p. 670.)
and the Ecclesiastical Notices, and its coins are not
uncommonx. Selendi, a small village some miles
higher up the valley of the Hermus, has doubtless
taken the place of Silandus, an episcopal see of Ly-Silandus.
dia, as we collect from the Acts of the Council of
t Major Keppel, tom. II. p. Diana sic vocata,
335. No vestiges of antiquity u Travels, p. 367, 368.
were observed here. There are * Sestini, p. 106. Bagae. Au-
coins however of Attalea. Ses- tonomi Epigraphe BATHNON
tini, p. 106. Attalia. Autonomi vel KAICAPEoN BATHN Q.N.
Epigraphe ATTAAEATON. Nu- Mentio situs ab Hermo Fl. EP-
mina. KOPH – BOPEITHNH. MOC.
F f 2
436 LY D I A.
Chalcedony, and its coins”. Beyond Silandus we ap-
proach the territory of Cadi, which formed part of
Phrygia; we must therefore retrace our steps to-
wards the west, in order to describe that portion of
Lydia which lies south of the Hermus ; and first we
may enter upon that section which is intercepted by
the parallel streams of the Hermus and Caystrus.
Mº The first town we shall notice will be Magnesia,
lum. distinguished by its proximity to mount Sipylus from
its Carian namesake, seated in the valley of the
Meander, (Strab. XIII. p. 622.) Plin. V. 29. Mag-
netes a Sipylo. (Cf. Tacit. Ann. II. 47.) We are
not informed by whom or when it was founded;
but its proximity to the AEolian cities leads to the
conjecture that it was colonized by the Magnesians
of Thessaly, not long after Cyme and Smyrna had
been founded. Magnesia is most celebrated in his-
tory for the signal victory obtained under its walls
by the Roman army, commanded by Lucius Scipio,
assisted by the counsels of his brother Africanus,
over the forces of Antiochus; a victory which drove
the king of Syria for ever behind the chain of Tau-
rus, and placed Asia Minor at the disposal of the
conquerors. (Liv. XXXVII. 37–43.) Magnesia
surrendered after the battle. (Ibid. c. 44. Appian.
Syr. c. 35.) The Magnesians displayed great bravery
in defending their town against Mithridates. (Paus.
Attic. c. 20.) In the reign of Tiberius it was nearly
destroyed by an earthquake, which shook and over-
threw also several other cities in Asia. The emperor
on this occasion granted considerable sums from the
y Geogr. Sacr. p. 244. AEON. Imperatorii Domitiani,
z Sestini, p. 112. Silandus. Commodi, &c.
Autonomi Epigraphe XIAAN-
LY DIA. 437
treasury, to repair the losses occasioned by this disas-
ter. (Strab. XII. p. 579. XIII. p. 622. Tacit. Ann.
II. 47.) We know from its coins that Magnesia con-
tinued to flourish at a late period of the Roman
empire". It is often alluded to by the Byzantine
historians, and still preserves, under the corrupt ap-
pellation of Manissa, evident traces of its classical
name. It was once the residence of the Turkish
sultans, but is now much reduced".
Mount Sipylus rises to the south of Manissa, Sipylus
and is separated by a small valley from the chain of IIl()]].S.
Trnolus to the south-east, and by another from
mount Mastusia to the south. Sipylus is celebrated
in Grecian mythology as the residence of Tantalus
and Niobe, and the cradle of Pelops. These princes,
though more commonly referred to by classical writ-
ers as belonging to Phrygia, must in reality have
reigned in Lydia, if they occupied Sipylus, not in the jºu.
mountain merely, but a city of the same name situ-"
ated on its slope, and which, according to traditions
preserved in the country, had been swallowed up by
an earthquake and plunged into a crater afterwards
filled by a lake. The existence of this lake, named
Sale or Saloe, is attested by Pausanias, who reports sale palus.
that for some time the ruins of the town, which he
calls Idea, if the word be not corrupt, could be seen
at the bottom. (Ach. c. 24.) Strabo also confirms
the destruction of this town by an earthquake. (I.
p. 58.) Pliny reports that it had often changed its
a Sestini, p. 109. Magnesia. STHN. Mentio situs a Monte
Auton. copiosi. Epig. MAFNH- Sipylo et a Fl. Hermo.
Ton SITIn Aom. Imperatorii ab b Chandler, Travels in Asia,
Augusto cum Livia usque ad tom. I. p. 332. Major Kep-
Saloninam. Conditor Tiberius, pel's Travels, tom. II. p. 295.
TIBEPION XEBASTON KTI-
J. f 3
4.38 LY DIA.
name, and he mentions besides the destruction of
two other places. (V. 99.) “Interiere intus Daphnus
“et Hermesia, et Sipylum quod ante Tantalis voca-
“batur, caput Maeoniae, ubi nunc est stagnum Sale:
“obiit et Archaeopolis substituta Sipylo, et inde illi
“Colpe et huic Lebade.” Pausanias elsewhere calls
this lake the marsh of Tantalus; and he adds, that
the tomb of that prince was conspicuous near it.
(Eliac. I. c. 13.) The same writer adds, that the
throne of Pelops was shewn on the summit of the
mountain above the temple of Cybele, surnamed
Plastene. It certainly was the prevailing opinion
among the ancients that Pelops came from Sipylus.
(Athen. XIV. p. 625. Strab. XII. p. 571.) Homer
has made an allusion to this mountain as the scene
of Niobe's metamorphosis:
Nüy &# now év tárpºriv, #y of periw oiotréaolaiv,
'Ev SinúAq, 6% pavi sãwy up.svgi sãv&;
Nupº'ow, air &gº''Axexójoy #égavro,
"Evža, xiào; tep ioßga, Úsáv #x, x?sz régasi.
IL. Q. 614.
This passage has been beautifully imitated by
Sophocles in the Antigone. (v. 822.)
"Hzova & 8) Avypéraray 6Aegºal
Töv Ppuylaw #way.
Tavrážov, SitóA4 web; &xpº
Tºv, xiao's dº; &rev;,
IIergaia 3×áota 8áuagsy waſ vy
"Op.3pºp taxopévay,
'Q; £áti; &věpáy,
Xićy r'où8&uº Asſºrs,
T#yys 3' UT' dºg, Tayzxaſrol;
Asigá825–
and Ovid. (Metam. VI. 310.)
LY DIA. 439
Flet tamen, et validi circumdata turbine venti
In patriam rapta est. Ibi fixa cacumine montis
Liquitur, et lacrymas etiamnum marmora manant.
(Cf. Pausan. Arcad. c. 2. Apollod. III.5, 6.) This
part of the story of Niobe is to be accounted for by
some optical phenomenon exhibited by the moun-
tain. Pausanias states, “ that he visited mount Si-
“ pylus, and witnessed this appearance himself:
“when viewed close, he saw only the rock and pre-
“cipices; nothing whatever which resembled a
“woman, either weeping, or in any other posture;
“but if you stood at a distance, you would fancy
“ that you beheld a woman in an attitude of grief,
“ and in tears.” (Attic. c. 21.) “The phantom of
“Niobe,” says Chandler, “may be defined an effect
“ of a certain portion of light and shade on a part
“ of Sipylus, perceivable at a particular point of
“view. The traveller, who shall visit Magnesia
“after this information, is requested to observe care-
“fully a steep and remarkable cliff, about a mile
“from the town : varying his distance, while the
“sun and shade, which come gradually on, pass
“over it, I have reason to believe he will see
“ Niobe c.” The same traveller elsewhere observes,
that “the mountain, terminating on the north-east
“ in a vast naked precipice, has now beneath it a
“very limpid water, with a small marsh, not far
“ from a sepulchre cut in the rock, and there per-
“haps was Sale, and the site of Sipylus".” Pausa-
nias speaks of the rock of Coddinus near Magnesia,
c Chandler's Travels in Asia the phenomenon very fully.
Minor, p. 331. This remark Emerson's Letters from the
has been confirmed by a subse- Ægº. tom. II. in fin.
quent traveller, who describes Travels, p. 331.
F f 4
440 LY DIA.
Nym-
phaeum.
Chliara.
AEgara.
Cryon fl.
Draco
IIl OIlS,
where was a most ancient statue of Cybele, said to
be the work of Broteas, son of Tantalus. (Lacon. c.
22.) The modern appellation of Sipylus is Sa-
boundji Dagh, and sometimes Sipuli Dagh. On
the southern side of the mountain, and near the
road leading from Smyrna to the ruins of Sardes, a
spot named Nif, or Nymphi, recalls to mind the
Nymphaeum of the Byzantine emperors, a spot
where they are represented by the historians of that
period, to have enjoyed the fine season, apart from
the cares of public life and the tumult of war. (G.
Acropol. p. 56. G. Pachym. Andr. Pal. p. 153. M.
Duc. p. 45.) The same writers often speak of
Chliara, in conjunction with Nymphaeum and the
coast of Ionia. (Ann. Comm. p. 421. D. p. 429. C.)
Judging from the name, it would seem to have been
a place noted for warm springs and baths. It suf-
fered from a disastrous earthquake in the time of
Andronicus Palaeologus. (G. Pach. p. 158.) In this
direction Ptolemy places Aigara, which is unknown
to all other geographers. It answers perhaps to
Dourgoutli, or Cassaba, between Smyrna and Sardes.
The river which passes near it and falls into the
Hermus is perhaps the Cryon of Pliny. (V. 29.)
From Smyrna and the Ionian coast there extends a
continued chain of mountains throughout the whole
length of Lydia. It commences, as Pliny remarks,
with Mastusia, which answers to the modern Tar-
tali. This, he says, is connected on one side with
mount Termes", which joins the roots of Olympus;
on the other with mount Draco, which joins Tmo-
lus, this Cadmus, and that finally the central ridge
e For Termes, we should perhaps read Temnus.
LY DIA. 441
of Taurus. Mount Draco seems to answer to the
summit called by the Turks Kizil-djeh Mousseh
Dagh. Trmolus is a broad and elevated mass of Tmolus
mountains, which sends several tributary torrents"
into the Hermus on the one side, and into the
Cayster on the other, and divides, in fact, the val-
leys through which those two rivers flow. It was
said to derive its name from Timolus, or Tmolus, a
Lydian king, having been previously called Carma-
norius. (Auct. de Fluv. in Pactol.) This mountain
was much celebrated for its wine. (Plin. V. 29.)
Sunt etiam Amineae vites, firmissima vina:
Timolius assurgit quibus, et rex ipse Phanaeus.
VIRG. GEORG. II. 97.
Hinc nota Baccho Tmolus attollit juga.
SENEC. PHOEN. v. 602.
Deseruere sui Nymphae vineta Timoli.
Ovi D. METAM. VI. 15.
Hence the frequent reference to it in the Bacchae of
Euripides.
XO. 'Agºſz; &wo yā;
‘Isp?y Twóñoy &psi baaz, floéºw
Bgowie. v. 64.
&Ax' & Airoño'ai Tučkov, ovuz Avēlag.
v. 55.
(Cf. Strab. XIV. p. 687.) It appears also to have
abounded with shrubs and evergreens. (Callim.
Frag. XCIII.) nor was it less noted for its mineral
productions. It yielded tin; and Pactolus washed Pactolus fl.
from its cavities a rich supply of golden ore. (Strab.
(XIII. p. 610. p. 625.) This little stream, which is
so closely connected by the ancient poets with the
name and wealth of Croesus, rose on mount Tmolus,
442 LY DIA.
and after flowing beneath the walls of Sardes was
received by the Hermus. Pliny reports, that it was
sometimes called Chrysorrhoas, and its source Tarne.
(V. 29. Conf. Athen. V. p. 203. C. Herod. V. 101.
Auct. de Fluv. in Pactol.)
Maconia generose domo : ubi pinguia culta
Exercentque viri, Pactolusque irrigat auro.
Wing. ÆN. X. 141.
Et qua trahens opulenta Pactolus vada
Inundat auro rura. SENEC. PHOEN. 604.
Sed cujus votis modo non suffecerat aurum,
Quod Tagus et rutila volvit Pactolus arena.
JUVEN. SAT. XIV. 298.
A celebrated temple of Cybele rose on its banks,
which is alluded to by Sophocles:
'Ogsa répc, rap.3óri Tä,
Märsp cºroú Aids,
“A row uéyav II.xxtaxov etxeva'ov vipeg.
PHILocT. 391.
This temple appears to have suffered in the burning
of Sardes by the Ionians and Athenians. (Herod. V.
102.)
Callimachus and Dionysius Periegetes speak of
the Swans of Pactolus :
'H. Pºv štº zúxvo, 33 0800 p.éxtrov.reg &oièol
Myśviov IIaxroxy #x0xxâgavro Airávrs;
‘E360p.4x1; Tspi AñAoy. HYMN. IN DEL. 249.
Mgovin 8 &ti rja w św &vroximy Terávorra,
Tučxºp ºn #v=ºffevre rôsv IIaxrax}; 38sſay
Xpwcôv Špot 3iv ºgiv texxâu.svo; xexagúčei.
Toà è’ &v ini tāsupāq, x2%p.svo; sixgo; diem
Káxvoy sirafois Aiyupºv 6ta, Toi Ts waſ §§ap
"Evža Kai Évia vépovrai &séopâwn; in roſnº.
Dion. PERIEG. 830.
The Turkish name of this poetical rivulet is Ba-
I, Y DIA. 443
gouly. Some extensive ruins, belonging apparently
to the temple of Cybele, were observed by Chishull
in 1699; but Chandler, who visited them subse-
quently, found that they had materially suffered in
the interval. There were, however, five Ionic co-
lumns still standing; the shafts fluted, and the capi-
tals designed and carved with exquisite taste and
skillf. Strabo reports, that on the top of Tmolus
there was a watch-tower erected by the Persians :
it was of white marble, and commanded an exten-
sive view of the surrounding country. (XIII. p.
625.) The mountain is called Boux Dagh by the
Turks. It is described by Chishull as “pleasant,
“and garnished with an infinite variety of plants,
“shrubs, and trees. Besides a fine prospect of the
“country, the traveller is amused with impending
“rocks, perpendicular precipices, and the murmurs
“ of a brook, probably the Pactolus. On the top
“ is a fruitful vale between two lofty ridges, with a
“vein of marble as clear and pellucid as alabasterg.”
In the central part of the ridge, as the name indi-
cates, was a town, or community, entitled Mesoti-Mesotmo.
molitae, or Mesotmolitae. They are mentioned by #.
Pliny, (V. 29.) and the Ecclesiastical Notitiae, toge- urbs.
ther with Hierocles. (p. 671.) Tacitus speaks of a
town named Tmolus, which was destroyed by an
earthquake under Tiberius. (Ann. II. 47. Niceph.
Call. I. 17.h)
Sardes, the capital of Lydia, was situated in a fer-Sardes.
tile plain at the foot of the northern slope of Tmo-
lus. Pactolus flowed through the forum, and soon
f Travels in Asia Minor, p. h Some coins are extant with
3.19. * the inscription TMQAEITON.
g Travels, p. 16. Sestini, p. 114.
444 LY DIA.
after joined the Hermus. (Herod. V. 101.) Its foun-
dation, as Strabo reports, does not reach to the Tro-
jan era, but it was nevertheless a city of great anti-
quity. (XIII. p. 625.) Herodotus informs us that
it was first fortified by Meles, who, according to the
Chronicle of Eusebius, preceded Candaules. That
prince was ordered by the oracle of Telmissus to
carry his infant son Leon round the fortifications of
the city; but he neglected to do this, with respect
to that part of the citadel which looks toward Tmo-
lus, conceiving that this point was unassailable. It
was nevertheless in this quarter that Cyrus suc-
ceeded in storming the place. (I. 84.) Herodotus
however affirms, that Agron had reigned at Sardes,
and this prince must have preceded Meles by seve-
ral generations. (I. 7.) In the reign of Ardys, son
of Gyges, this city was taken by the Cimmerians
during the incursion they made into Asia; but they
could not conquer the citadel, and they were finally
expelled by Alyattes, father of Croesus. (I. 15, 16.
Cf. Callisth. ap. Strab. XIII. p. 627.) Under the
reign of the latter, Sardes became a great and flou-
rishing city, the resort of men of talent and learn-
ing, attracted thither by the fame and hospitality of
Croesus. (I.29.) After the overthrow of this mo-
march by Cyrus, it still continued to be the chief
town of the Persian dominions in this part of Asia,
and the residence of the lieutenant of the great king.
(V. 25. Pausan. Lacon. c. 9.) On the revolt excited
by Aristagoras and Histiaeus, the Ionians, assisted
by an Athenian force, marched suddenly from Ephe-
sus up the river Caystrus, and having crossed mount
Timolus surprised Sardes, except the citadel, which
was defended by Artaphernes with a numerous gar-
I, Y DIA. 445
rison. Sardes on this occasion was accidentally set
on fire and burned to the ground, as most of the
houses were constructed of reeds; even those which
were of brick had roofs made of the former sub-
stance. After this event the Ionians and their allies
were forced to evacuate the place and retire to the
coast: but the burning of Sardes was long remem-
bered by Darius, and it was to avenge this insult
that he invaded Attica, and fought the battle of Ma-
rathon. (V. 100–105.) It was at Sardes that Xerxes
passed the winter previous to his expedition into
Greece. (VII. 32–37.) It was here also that the
younger Cyrus collected his army when about to
march against the king, his brother. (Xen. Amab. I.
2. 5.) This prince had indeed made it his chief
residence; and the beauty of his gardens is reported
to have excited the admiration of Lysander, espe-
cially when he learnt that he often laboured there
with his own hands. (Xen. CEcon. p. 830. C. Cic. de
Senect. c. 17.)
quid Croesi regia Sardis?
Smyrna quid, et Colophon f
HoR. EPIST. I. 11.2.
Sardes surrendered to Alexander without resistance
Soon after the battle of the Granicus. Arrian re-
ports, that he visited the citadel, and admired the
height and strength of its position, defended besides
by a triple line of fortifications. He gave orders on
this occasion that a temple and altar should be erected
to Olympian Jove. Alexander also commanded that
the Lydians should regain their freedom, and resume
their ancient laws and usages. (I. 17.) On the death
of the king of Macedon, Sardes and Lydia came into
the possession of Antigonus, and after the defeat of
440 LY DIA.
that general at Ipsus, into that of the Seleucidae:
but Seleucus Ceraunus having been assassinated,
this part of his dominions was usurped by Achaeus,
his relation by marriage. That officer at first con-
ducted himself with great prudence and moderation,
professing to hold the reins of government for An-
tiochus, brother of Seleucus; but, finally, urged by
his ambition, and emboldened by success, he threw
off the mask, and assumed the crown, and title of
king. (Polyb. IV. 48. V. 57.) Antiochus, however,
having ascended the throne of Syria, did not suffer
Achaeus to enjoy long the principality of which he
sought to defraud him. He invaded Lydia, and
Achaeus, being too weak to cope with the Syrian
forces in the field, was shut up in Sardes, where he
defied, for a whole year, all the efforts of the enemy
to become master of the town and citadel. At
length, however, Lagoras, a Cretan officer in the
service of Antiochus, having observed a part of the
fortifications called Prion, where the citadel joined
the town, unguarded, scaled the ramparts, and won
the city. (Polyb. VII. 4–7.) From the possession
of Antiochus, Sardes passed into that of the Romans,
having surrendered to the two Scipios after their
victory at Magnesia. (Id. XXI. I3. I.) In the reign
of Tiberius, the Sardians preferred their claim to
the honour of erecting a temple to the emperor, and
alleged their connexion with Italy through the mi-
gration of Tyrrhenus; but their arguments were
not thought so valid as those urged by the people
of Smyrna, and the latter city was preferred. (Ta-
cit. Ann. IV. 55.) Sardes was indebted to Tiberius
for its restoration after a disastrous earthquake,which
had made it a heap of ruins. (Tacit. Ann. II.47. Strab.
I, Y DIA. 447
XIII. p. 627.) We are not informed in the sacred
writings when Christianity was first established at
Sardes, but it was probably not long after St. Paul
had founded the church at Ephesus; and there can
be little doubt that the metropolis of Lydia is in-
cluded in the declaration made by St. Luke, that
“all they which dwelt in Asia heard the word of
“ the Lord Jesus, both Jews and Greeks;” (Acts xix.
10.) and in the salutation to the Corinthians from
all the churches of Asia. (I Cor. xvi. 19.) This is
rendered manifest by the Book of Revelations, where
Sardes is expressly named among the seven churches
of that province. When the warning voice was
addressed to it by the mouth of the apostle, it was
then evidently already declining. “And unto the
“angel of the church in Sardis write; These things
“saith he that hath the seven Spirits of God, and
“ the seven stars; I know thy works, that thou hast
“a name that thou livest, and art dead. Be watch-
“ful, and strengthen the things which remain, that
“are ready to die: for I have not found thy works
“ perfect before God. Remember therefore how
“ thou hast received and heard, and hold fast, and
“repent. If therefore thou shalt not watch, I will
“come on thee as a thief, and thou shalt not know
“what hour I will come upon thee. Thou hast a
“ few names even in Sardis which have not defiled
“their garments; and they shall walk with me in
“white: for they are worthy.” (Rev. iii. 1–5.)
Ecclesiastical history mentions more than one coun-
cil held in this see. From Pliny we learn that it
was the capital of a conventus juridicus. (V. 29.)
We trace the history of this once flourishing and
448 I, Y DIA.
opulent city through the Roman emperors to the
close of the Byzantine dynasty. (Eunap. p. 154.
Hierocl. p. 669.) The Turks took possession of it
in the eleventh century, and two centuries later it
was nearly destroyed by Tamerlane. (Ann. Comn. p.
323. Pachym. tom. II. p. 279. M. Duc. p. 39.) It
is now little more than a village, built in the midst
of extensive ruins, to which the name of Sart is
yet attached. Mr. Smith, in his Notice of the Seven
Churches, describes the remains of Sardis as very
considerable, and giving a great idea of the size and
magnificence of the city ".
“The site of this once noble city,” says Chandler,
“was now green and flowery. Coming from the
“east we had the ground-plot of the theatre at some
“ distance on our left hand, with a small brook near
“us running before it. The structure was in a
“brow, which unites with the hill of the citadel,
“ and was called Prion. Going on, we passed by rem-
“nants of massive buildings; marble piers sustain-
“ing heavy fragments of arches of brick, and more
“indistinct ruins. These are in the plain before
“ the hill of the citadel. On our right hand, near
“ the road, was a portion of a large edifice, with a
“heap of ponderous materials before and behind it.
“The walls are standing of two large, lofty, and
“very long rooms, with a space between them, as of
“a passage. This remain, it has been conjectured,
“was the house of Croesus, once appropriated by
“ the Sardians as a place of retirement to superan-
i The imperial coins of Sar- are inscribed SAPAIS. Axias.
dis may be traced from Augus- AYAIA3, MHTPoſio.Aix. Ses-
tus to Salonina : the common tini, p. l l 1.
legend is XAPAIANON. Some k P. 27–31. Lat. ed.
LY DIA. 449
“nuated citizens. It was called the Gerusia, and in
“it, as some Roman authors have remarked, was
“exemplified the extreme durability of the ancient
“brick. (Vitruv. II. 8. Plin. XXXV. 14.) The
“hill on which the citadel stood, appears from the
“ plain to be triangular. It is sandy, and the sides
“rough. The fortress is abandoned, but has a
“ double wall, besides outworks, in ruins. The
“eminence affords a fine prospect of the country,
“ and in the walls are two or three fragments with
“ inscriptions. Not far from the west end is the
“ celebrated river Pactolus, which rises in the moun-
“tain behind, and once flowed through the middle
“ of the market-place of Sardes. We passed the
“miserable village of Sart, which stands, with a
“ruinous mosque, above the river, on a root or spur
“ of the hill of the citadel'.” Before quitting Sardes
we may remark, that this city has given birth to
the poet Alcman, who is thought to have been con-
temporary with Gyges, and to have afterwards re-
sided in Laconia. This is proved by an epigram of
Alexander the AEtolian. (Anth. Pal. VII. 709.)
>épèle; &pxxix., Tarépwy woºds, si Pºv v Updiv
'Erespáuay, xépya; #v rig 39%. 3axšaa;
Xgua opéoog, 8%rowy wax& Túurava’ vöv 8époi 'AAxudy
Oſvoga, kai >Tápra; sigi woxvrpino?0s.
Kozi Moſaſa; #8&ny ‘Exixovſöz;, &l pas rupévywy
G);x&V Azaxºxsa, weſovo, koi Tøyew.
Strabo also mentions two orators, named Diodorus,
who were of Sardes; and we may add to them Eu-
napius, the historian. On the southern slope of
1 Travels in Asia Minor, p. and plan of Sardis in the Tra-
316–318. There is a view vels of Mons. Peysonnel.
VOL. I. G g
450 LY DIA.
Hypaepa.
mount Tmolus, and near the sources of the Caystrus,
stood Hypaepa, a city of no extent, but frequently
mentioned by classical authors. (Strab. XIII. p.
627.)
* * * * * * riget arduus alto
Tmolus in ascensu; clivoque extentus utroque,
Sardibus hinc, illinc parvis finitur Hypaepis.
OvID. METAM. XI. 150.
Orta domo parva, parvis habitabat Hypaepis.
ID. VI. 13.
Pausanias reports, that sacrifices were offered here
by some Lydians, who were of Persian extrac-
tion. The ceremony was performed by a magus
(Eliac. I. 27.) The Hypaepeni claimed the honour
of erecting a temple to Tiberius, probably on account
of these local rites, but they were rejected. (Tacit.
Annal. IV. 55.) The sex here was said to be re-
markably beautiful. (Steph. Byz. v. "Traiza.) The
Lydian women generally were entitled to the same
praise; and their grace in the dance has been cele-
brated by Dionysius Periegetes, in these elegant
lines. (v. 839.)
O0 pºv odds yuvaixa; Šváa'asal, cº, rap, zivo
Giov #80s, xpugolo car' iſſ60; &pp.2 32Xojac.
'Opxsºvrai, ºnroy #xicadu.sval regi x0xxov.
Eörs Alwyūgaolo zopograq (as rexéoisy
>iv xzi Tapºsvikai, vsoºnxts; Clá rs vsgpº,
>xaſpovgiv táviv 8: Tép, agagaysivre; &#ral
'Igsproë; ?ovéovgºw it, a rºsa'ai Xiróva;.
Hypaepa is also noticed by Ptolemy, Pliny, (V. 99.)
and the Ecclesiastical records and Acts of Councilsm.
m Geogr. Sacr. p. 236. The The name of the Cayster is
coins of this city are not rare : visible on some. Sestini, p.
the epigraph is TIIAIIIHNON. 108.
LY DIA. 451
Its ruins are to be seen close to the little town of
Pirghe, or Birkhé, probably a corruption of II ºp-
yıov. Chandler conjectures that a fortress was erected
there to command the pass of mount Tmolus n.
In the immediate vicinity of Hypaepa stood a
village, named Caloe, where Leo Diaconus, the By-Caloevious
zantine historian, was born, as he himself informs
us. He describes it as a beautiful spot on the slope
of Tmolus, and near the source of the Caystrus.
(Leo Diac. Hist. I. c. 1.) In Hierocles, it is probable
we ought to substitute Caloe for Colose, (p. 660.)
as mention is made of its bishops in the Acts of
Councils. There is little doubt that the site answers
to the spot marked in Lapie's map under the name
of Caliveh Kham, on a mountain tract leading from
Birghô to Dourgoutli.
The Caystrus, on leaving the mountain, flows gillianus
through a rich and beautiful plain, anciently called"
Cilbianus. This was divided into Upper and Lower;
a fact which we learn from Pliny, (V. 29.) and also
from the coins struck by the inhabitants of both
valleys o. Strabo reports, that the Cilbianus Cam-
pus was extensive, fertile, and well peopled. (XIII.
p. 629.) The lower plain, which belonged to the
Ephesians, contained some mines of cinnabar. (Vi-
truv. VII. 8. Plin. XXXIII. 7.) The only Lydian
town we have to notice in the western part of the
province is Metropolis, whose ruins are to be seen Metropolis.
near a place called Cabadja, at the back of mount
Gallesus, which, as we have seen, rose above Colo-
BIANON TON ANQ. From the
n Travels in Asia Minor, p.
Sanne nuIll ISlmatl C Wrlter We
321.
o Sestini, p. 107. Cilbiani
Inferiores, KIABIANON TON
RATO. Cilbiani Superiores, KIA-
learn that there were other Cil-
biani, styled NEIKALEIX, TIEP-
TAMHNOI, and KEAITOI.
G g 2
452 LY DIA.
Catacecau-
In 1811& I*0s.
gio.
phon and Notium. It is mentioned by Ptolemy and
Steph. Byz. (v. Mºrpároxis.) One of its bishops sub-
scribed to the Council of Chalcedon P.
Returning to Sardes and its territory, the Sardia-
nus Campus of Herodotus, (I. 80.) and proceeding
along the left bank of the Hermus towards its
source, we shall reach that district of Lydia, or
Maeonia, which was named by the Greeks Catace-
Callmene, (Karakekaupévn,) or “ the Burnt,” from its
volcanic appearance and character. Strabo observes,
that this country was traversed by the Hermus, and
by some was assigned to Mysia. He also states,
that Xanthus, the Lydian historian, and other
writers, placed here the Arimi of Homer, and the
scene of Typhoeus' punishment. (XII. p. 579. XIII.
p. 628.) According to Strabo, this district was 500
stadia in length, and 400 in breadth: the valleys
were covered with ashes, and the rocks and hills
were blackened as with fire. This judicious writer
does not hesitate to ascribe this to the effect of ex-
tinct volcanoes, the three principal craters of which
were visible in his time, at a distance of about forty
stadia from each other. There were also hillocks,
formed of lava and other substances, which attested
the existence of igneous action at some previous pe-
riod. The only produce of the country was wine,
which, however, was of an excellent quality; hence
it was wittily observed, that it was with reason that
Bacchus was termed IIupiyev}s, or born of fire. The
account which a recent traveller gives of this coun-
try, accords strikingly with the description given of
it by Strabo. Having crossed the Hermus at Adala,
Attalea, he says, “We continued to march in an
p Geogr. Sacr. p. 237.
LY DIA. 453
“easterly direction, and traversed a range of moun-
“tains of white and coloured marble. As we ap-
“proached Kula, the road was entirely black, and
“strewed with cinder-looking substances. Wherever
“ the rock was broken, it exhibited the same black
“appearance. The people here call this mountain
“ Kara dewit, or Black Ink-stand. On the oppo-
“site side of the hill, the face of the country under-
“goes a complete change. Instead of a continued
“chain of mountains, like those we had quitted,
“ was a succession of detached hills of a comical
“shape, and covered for the most part with vines.
“In the midst of these eminences, at the further ex-
“ tremity of a circular plain, is the highly pictu-
“resque town of Kula, situate amidst huge black
“ vitrified masses in the bed of an extinct volcano q.”
Rula itself appears to represent some ancient city, Mºonia
being full of inscriptions and architectural frag- ll I’l)S.
ments; and from one of the inscriptions, which con-
tains the name Miſióves, one might be inclined to
think that it has been built on or near the site of
Maeonia. Major Keppel, however, informs us, “that
“ the inscription in question was brought from a
“village two leagues distant, actually bearing the
“name of Megna, which closely resembles Maeonia.”
He was informed also, that several of the surround-
ing villages abounded with inscriptions and monu-
ments r. The wine which he drank here was ob-
served to be the best he had tasted in the course of
his journey". Maeonia is mentioned as a Lydian
town by Pliny; (V. 29.) also by Hierocles, and the
Episcopal Notitia; and it is further known from its
q Major Reppel's Travels in Asia Minor, tom. II. p. 340.
r P. 344. s P. 355.
G g 3
454 L Y DIA.
Daldes vel
Daldia.
Tabala.
Julianopo-
lis.
Aureliopo-
lis.
coins of the reigns of Nero, Hadrian, and others'.
Vitruvius also speaks of its wine, called Catacecau-
menites. (VIII. 3.)
Near Kula is a village called Ghiuldix, which,
from the vestiges of antiquity, consisting of founda-
tions of houses and temples, fragments of marble,
and numerous bas-reliefs, observed there by Major
Keppel, must have been the site of some Lydian
town". From some analogy of the name it may be
Daldes, or Daldia, assigned to Maeonia by Ptolemy,
(p.120.) and the Episcopal Notitiae ×. Artemido-
rus, the writer on dreams, who was a native of the
place, (Oneirocr. II. c. ult.) mentions that Apollo
Mystes was worshipped there. There are several
existing coins of this town Y. Tabula, another ob-
scure town of the same province, appears from its
coins to have been seated on or near the Hermus,
and some vestige of the name may be traced in that
of Tonbaili, a village on the left bank of the river,
between Adala and Kula. In Hierocles the name
is corruptly written Talaza, (p. 670.) and in the
Ecclesiastical Notices, Gabala”: but the coins shew
incontrovertibly how it should be written a. Hie-
rocles names, after Maeonia, Julianopolis, which is
unknown to other writers; and Aureliopolis, a see
whose bishops are known to have subscribed to the
councils of Constantinople and Nicaea b.
t Sestini, p. 109. Epigraphe
MAION ON et AHMOX MAIO-
NoN. Imperatorii a Nerone,
indeque ab Hadriano usque ad
Etruscum.
u P. 356.
x Geogr. Sacr. p. 244. *
y Sestini, p. 107. Daldis. Epi-
graphe AAAAIANON. Impera-
torii ab Augusto usque ad Phi-
lippum Jun.
* See a note of Wesseling
on Hierocles, loc. cit. -
* Sestini, p. 113. Tabala.
Epigraphe. St.NKAHTox, TA-
BAAEQN.
* See Wesseling on Hiero-
cles, p. 670. Sestini produces
LY DIA. 455
Apollonoshieron, so called from a temple of Apollo, Apollonos.
is noticed by Pliny as a place of little note. (V. 29)”.
It appears to have been afterwards a bishopric;
(Hierocl. p. 670.) and if it is the place mentioned
by Aristides, (I. p. 625, 629.) it was seated on a
hill, and about 300 stadia from Pergamum, a dis-
tance which rather agrees with the Apollonias of
Strabo.
Ptolemy places in Maeonia, which he makes a se-
parate district between Lydia and Phrygia, besides
Daldia, Septae, or Settae, of which we have already
spoken, and Sattala. (p. 120.) The latter is known Sattala.
also from Hierocles, (p. 670.) and the Acts of the
Council of Chalcedon, to which its bishop subscribed.
Reference is likewise made to it in the Dionysiacs
of Nonnus, (XIII. 474.) under the form Xrd raxa.
The poet's description leads us to place it in the
heart of the volcanic district.
Kai > raráxwv xexöpuaro Toxº; arparos, ºx. Tvºwsá;
Gºsppºv &va6Aſſºwy Top102A750; 2009.2 xipovyot.
"Epxsys ysłrovo, Xàpov.
It is either Kula itself, or one of the neighbouring
sites, where antiquities are found.
Sirghič, a place near which Major Keppel ob-
served some antiquities", may perhaps correspond
with Cerasae, a Lydian bishopric, named by Hie-Cerase.
rocles (p. 671.) after Bagae, which we have seen,
from the traveller above quoted, to have been oppo-
site to Singhiê. The bishops of Cerasae are also
referred to in the Acts of the council of Chalcedon
and Nicaea. Nonnus speaks of Cerassae, and gives a
some coins with the legend AT- ° Travels, tom. II. p. 363–
PHAIOTIOAITON; they are not 365.
earlier than Commodus,
G g 4
456 LY DIA.
Philadel-
phia.
fanciful derivation of the name; at the same time
he informs us that it was in the wine country.
(XIII.468.)
Kal x86vo, Bxxxsſºv atc.?vanzówov, #xirs x05go;
'Apºtexósiº Atóvva of, ºxov ČáTag #17x50w oivov,
'Psin ºrgâra xépaga's, Tóxiv 8 &vátºvs Kápagoas.
But the most considerable and important town in
this part of Lydia was Philadelphia, which owed
its foundation to Attalus Philadelphus, brother of
Eumenes, king of Pergamum. (Steph. Byz. v. Pixa-
3éAqetc.) Pliny reports, that it was seated on the
river Cogamus, at the foot of Tmolus. (V. 29.)
Strabo places it on the borders of Catacecaumene,
and observes, that it suffered repeatedly from violent
shocks of earthquakes. The walls and houses were
constantly liable to be demolished, and as the in-
habitants were continually apprehensive of some
disaster to themselves and their property, it had
nearly become deserted. (XIII. p. 628. XII. p. 579.)
Tacitus mentions it among the towns restored by
Tiberius, after a more than ordinary calamity of
this kind. (Annal. II. 47.) In the midst of these
alarms Christianity however flourished in Philadel-
phia, a fact which is well attested by the Book of
Revelations, where it is mentioned as one of the
seven churches. (iii. 7.) “And to the angel of the
“church in Philadelphia write; These things saith
“he that is holy, he that is true, he that hath the key
“ of David, he that openeth, and no man shutteth ;
“ and shutteth, and no man openeth; I know thy
“works: behold, I have set before thee an open door,
“ and no man can shut it : for thou hast a little
“strength, and hast kept my word, and hast not de-
d Note to Hierocles by Wesseling, p. 671.
LY DIA. 457
“nied my name.” And a little further, “Because thou
“hast kept the word of my patience, I also will keep
“ thee from the hour of temptation, which shall come
“upon all the world, to try them that dwell upon
“ the earth. Behold, I come quickly: hold that
“fast which thou hast, that no man take thy crown.”
The zeal of the Philadelphians shone forth conspi-
cuously in the gallant defence they made against
the Turks on more than one occasion. (G. Pachym.
p. 290.) At length they were conquered by Bajazet
in 1390. (M. Duc. p. 70. Chalcond. p. 33.) It is
now called Allah-sher, and preserves some remains
of Christianity, and also a few monuments of hea-
then antiquity. Chandler states, “ that it is now
“a mean but considerable town, of large extent,
“spreading up the slopes of three or four hills. Of
“ the walls which encompassed it, many remnants
“are standing, but with large gaps. The materials
“ of this fortification are small stones, with strong
“ cement. It is thick and lofty, and has round
“ towers. The bed of the Cogamus, which is on
“ the north-east side, was almost dry. The number
“ of churches is reckoned at twenty-four, mostly in
“ruins. Only six are in better condition, and have
“their priests “.” The Table Itinerary lays down
a road leading from Philadelphia to Cotyaeum in
Phrygia, and divided into four stages: the first is
Clanudda, distant thirty-five miles from Philadel-gº
ſº º . . et Calyd-
phia. I conceive this spot to be the fortress which .."
e Travels, p. 310,311. The
coins of Philadelphia are very
numerous. The imperial se-
ries extends from Augustus to
Valerian. The epigraph is PI-
AAAEA'ſ EQN. On one of them
is the word IIHTH, denoting
some spring, or fountain, near
the town. It is probably the
hot source observed by Chand-
ler near the Cogamus, p. 311.
558 LY DIA.
Strabo calls Callydium, and Eustathius, who quotes
him, Calydnium. The geographer speaks of it as
a place of great strength, long occupied by Cleon of
Gordus during his marauding expeditions in these
parts. (XII. p. 574.) We should expect to find
some remains of this post in the vicinity of Iemi-
sher, where there are some antiquities, as we have
learnt from Major Keppelf. Aludda, or Attalyda,
as it should probably be read, is thirty miles beyond,
and seems to belong to Phrygia.
There remains now only to speak of that portion
of Lydia which lies between the Caystrus and the
Meander. Near the former river, and perhaps in
the Cilbianus Campus, was Dioshieron, or the tem-
ple of Jove, a town mentioned by Ptolemy, (p. 119.)
and Pliny. (V. 29.) Hierocles assigns it to Asia.
(p. 659.) Steph. Byz. says it was a small town be-
tween Lebedos and Colophon. (v. Ai's ſepºy.) From
the mention of the Caystrus on its coins, it however
appears plainly to have been near that river 8 ; and
Ptolemy's numbers accord with this idea. When it
became a bishopric, the heathen name was dropped
for that of Christopolis. (Concil. Constant. III. p.
500. ed. Labb.) Tirieh, on the left bank of the
Caystrus, about twenty miles above Ephesus, pos-
sibly corresponds with the ancient site of Larissa,
which Strabo says is 180 stadia from that city.
(XIII. p. 620.) The chain of mountains which
Dioshie-
I’Oil,
Larissa.
Strabo seems to place Ca-
lydnium in Mysia, the limits of
which, it must be remembered,
were very indefinite, involving
districts which at other times
were assigned to Maeonia and
Phrygia. Col. Leake, in a note
appended to Major Keppel's
work, states, “ having learnt
“ that a coin exists in the pos-
“session of a gentleman at
“Smyrna, bearing the inscrip-
“tion Kazvyovºčov.” p. 371.
F Sestini, p. 107. Epigraphe
AIOCIEPEITQN, mentio situs ad
Fl. Caystrum KATCTPOC.
L Y DIA. 459
divides the valley of the Caystrus from that of the
Meander begins above Ephesus, where its roots
form the hills of Pactyas and Coressus; it then runs
parallel to Tmolus from west to east, under the an-
cient name of Messogis, till, having passed beyond Messogis
the head of the Caystrus, it bends to the north, to III.OIlS.
meet the great Lydian range. To the east it how-
ever continues to extend its ramifications with Phry-
gia beyond the sources of the Meander h. (Strab.
XII. p. 629.) In Ptolemy the name is faultily
written Misatis. (p. 119.) To the Turks it is known
by that of Kestenous Dagh.
If a traveller proceeds from Ephesus to the south-
east, across mount Pactyas, and follows a small stream
which winds in a valley towards the Meander, he will Magnesia
reach, not far from their junction, the ruined site of ºn-
Magnesia, which took its surname from the latter
river. Founded by a colony of Magnesians from near
Dotium in Thessaly, who were joined by some Cre-
tans, (Strab. XIV. p. 636, 647.) it had attained to a
high rank among the surrounding cities of Greek
origin, and was able to cope with success against the
powerful city of Ephesus. (Callin. ap. Strab. XIV.
p. 647.) Subsequently, however, the Magnesians
were overcome by the Treres, a Thracian horde
which overran Ionia and Lydia, and were nearly
destroyed. The year following, the city being de-
serted was occupied by the Milesians, or, as Athe-
naeus reports, by the Ephesians. (XII. p. 525.)
These disasters were alluded to by Archilochus. (ap.
Strab. loc. cit. Athen. loc. cit.) It is probable, how-
ever, that the Magnesians recovered from this ruinous
h The name of this moun- tension toward the interior, ev
tain evidently refers to its ex- pea oyeſ.
460 LY DIA.
condition, since we find their city assigned by Arta-
xerxes to Themistocles when residing in his do-
minions, for the purpose of supplying his table with
bread. (Plut. Vit. Themist. Thuc. I. 138.)
Its territory, indeed, was extremely fertile, and
produced excellent wine, figs, and cucumbers. (Athen.
I. p. 29. II. p. 59. Polyb. ap. eund. III. p. 78.) Be-
fore that period, it appears from Herodotus to have
been occasionally the residence of the Lydian satrap.
(III. 122. Cf. I. 161.) Strabo reports that there was
anciently a celebrated temple of Dindymene, or Cy-
bele, at Magnesia, of which, as it is said, the wife
or daughter of Themistocles was once priestess.
But he adds that the temple no longer existed in
his day, the site of the town having been removed
to that occupied by the temple of Diana Leucophrys.
Strabo does not inform us of the cause which led to
this change in the situation of Magnesia, nor of the
period at which it took place; but it will appear to
have occurred posterior to the age of Xenophon,
who mentions in the Hellenics Leucophrys as a
spot distinct from Magnesia, which he does not
name at all; at the same time there can be no doubt
that it is the site which Strabo alludes to, for he
says, there is there a temple of Diana much vene-
rated, and a lake more than one stadium in circuit,
with a sandy bottom, and producing a never failing
supply of water, fit for drinking, and warm. (Hell.
III. 2. 14.) And elsewhere he speaks of Leucophrys
as a town in the vicinity of Priene and the Mean-
der. (Hell. IV. 8. 17.) The poet Nicander, speak-
ing of the roses which bloomed on the spot, evi-
dently connects it with Magnesia.
LY DIA. 461
O38 atrº Asºkoppuv &yaaaap vng #Tipspºº,
Anºxiou Máyvnto; #9 ºzov sºaxéouga.
GEORG. II. AP, ATHEN. XV. p. 683.
For the Lethaeus is known, from Strabo and other Lethaeus fl.
writers, to have flowed close to Magnesia, on its way
from mount Pactyas to join the Meander. (XIV.
p. 646.) The temple of Diana, though inferior in
size and riches to that of Ephesus, was allowed to
excel it in the beauty and skill of its architectural
contrivance; and in magnitude it only yielded to
the edifice above named, and that of Apollo at
Didymi. (Strab. loc. cit.) The style was Ionic, and
the architect Hermogenes of Alabanda, who is said
to have invented the order. (Vitruv. VII. praef. Cf.
Pausan. Lacon. c. 18.) Magnesia, with the rest of
Lydia, was annexed to the kingdom of Pergamum
by the Roman senate, after Antiochus had been
driven beyond mount Taurus. (Liv. XXXVII. 45.)
And Strabo relates, that a poet named Daphidas,
having written some satirical lines on the new
sovereign, was crucified on mount Thorax, above Thorax
the town. (XIV. p. 647. Cf. Suid. v. Aapſºas. Cic. mons.
de Fat. c. 3. Val. Max. I. 8. 8.) Little is known re-
specting this town after this period, but it is noticed
by Pliny (V. 29.) and Tacitus. (Ann. IV. 55.) Hie-
rocles ranks it among the bishoprics of Asia, and
later documents seem to imply that it once had the
name of Meandropolis. (Concil. Constant. III. p.
666i.) Magnesia is now well known to correspond
with the site and ruins of Imek-basar; former tra-
i The coins of Magnesia prove TON. Allusion is also frequent-
its existence in the time of Au- ly made to the worship of Dia-
relius and Gallienus. The le- na Leucophryne, and the river
gend is MATN, and MATNH- Meander. Sestini, p. 83.
462 L Y DIA.
Anaea.
vellers, as Pococke and Chandler, had identified it
with Guxel-hissar; but Mr. Hamilton was the first
to examine the remains of antiquity at Imek-basar,
and to prove that the position of that place agrees
with the accounts of Strabo and other ancient
writers. This is demonstrated by the discovery he
made of the ruined temple of Diana Leucophryne,
views of which have been published by the Dilet-
tanti society. We know besides, that Magnesia
was fifteen miles from Ephesus, (Plin. V. 29.) or
120 stadia, according to Artemidorus. (ap. Strab.
XIV. p. 663.) Pausanias mentions that there was
at Hylae, a spot near Magnesia, a cave sacred to
Apollo, containing a very ancient image of the god.
(Phoc. c. 32.)
It is uncertain whether we should assign Anaea, a
town not unfrequently spoken of by ancient writers,
to Lydia, or Caria. Scylax is in favour of the former
location, but Ptolemy and Stephanus pronounce
for the latter. The Byzantine geographer adds,
that it was opposite to Samos; if so, it must have
been within the limits of Lydia, since no part of
the Samian coast extends south of the Meander.
Hierocles also, and the Ecclesiastical Notices, by
assigning it to the province of Asia, with Ephesus
and Magnesia, evidently lead us to suppose it was
on the right or Lydian bank of the river. Anaea is
often referred to by Thucydides, who mentions its
being occupied by some Samian exiles in the early
part of the Peloponnesian war. (IV. 75. Cf. III.
32.) That it was a maritime place, or at least ac-
cessible by water, is also clear, from (VIII. 19.) where
it is said that the Chians sailed there from their
island, in order to obtain intelligence about Miletus,
LY DIA. 463
and draw other towns to revolt. If we examine
another passage again in the same historian, it ap-
pears that an Athenian officer, named Lysicles, hav-
ing sailed to Myus with twelve ships, landed with
a detachment, and marched up the land through
the Meandrian plain, but being attacked by the
Carians and Anaiitae, near a hill called Sandius, was sandius
defeated and slain with most of his corps. (III. 19.) collis.
It will be seen therefore that the Anaiitae, or people
of Anaea, must have lived in the vicinity of the Me-
ander, and between Magnesia and Priene, but on the
high ground above the river, as the name seems to
imply, and it is not improbable that their territory
extended also on the other side of the hills towards
Ephesus, and the coast opposite Samos. And they
might have a port in that direction, where the
Chians, in the passage from Thucydides above re-
ferred to, would naturally have landed, without
going so far round as the mouth of the Meander,
and then up the river beyond Priene and Myus.
Stephanus says, on the authority of Ephorus, that
Anaea was so called from an Amazon who was in-
terred there. He adds, that it was the birthplace of
Menelaus, a peripatetic philosopher, and consider-
able historian. In Hierocles, there is little doubt
that for 'Evéa we should substitute 'Avaía. In this
Vicinity we must also place Achilleum, a town or
fort mentioned by Xenophon, in conjunction with
Priene and Leucophrys, and other cities in the
Meandrian plain. (Hell. IV. 8. 17. Cf. III. 2. 13.)
Stephanus Byz. states more vaguely that it was a
fortress near Smyrna. (v. 'Ax{A^eto; Apágos.)
The plain of the Meander, “Meandrius Cam-Maandrius
“pus,” is constantly referred to by ancient authori-"
464. I, Y DIA.
ties, as the richest and most fertile soil in all Asia
Minor. (Xen. Hell. III. 2. 13. Herod. I. 161.) It
was subject to be overflowed by the waters of the
river, which however fertilized it by means of the
mud and slime which it brought down. Strabo in-
forms us that the inhabitants had a strange custom
of bringing actions against the Meander for chang-
ing its course, and thus altering the limits of their
lands. (XII. p. 580.) Herodotus appears to have
imagined that the whole of this plain was once a
gulf washed by the sea; (II. 10.) and Pliny does
not scruple to affirm that the sea even came up as
far as Magnesia, and that the islands named Dera-
sidae, were joined to the land on its subsequent
retiring. (V. 29.) Strabo seems to restrict the Me-
andrian plain to the right bank of the river, and
remarks, that it was common to the Lydians, Ca-
rians, Milesians, and Magnesians. (XIV. p. 648.)
In the middle ages, this district appears to have re-
ceived the name of Maenomenus Campus, (waivépévos,)
probably from the fertility of its pastures*. (Georg.
Pachym. Andr. Pal. p. 216. M. Duc. p. 46.) It was
them almost constantly the seat of war, and exposed
to destructive ravages. Beyond Magnesia to the
South-west, and somewhat nearer the Meander, was
Tralles, one of the most flourishing cities of Asia
Minor in the time of Strabo, and noted for the
opulence of its inhabitants. It was said to have
been founded by some Argives, together with a
body of Thracians, from whom it took the name of
Tralles. (XIV. p. 649. Hesych. v. Tháxxels. Diod.
Sic. XVII. 65. Plut. Ages. c. 16.) It had previously
Tralles.
* As in Sophocles, irrogavi by some ép & ci firrol paívov-
Weipºva. (Aj. 143.) is explained TCZ.
L Y DIA. 465
borne those of Anthea, or Euanthea, Erymna, Cha-
rax, Seleucia, and Antiochia. (Steph. Byz. vv. Tháx-
xts, Xápot. Etym. M. p. 389. Plin. V. 29.) The
shape of the town was that of a trapezium, and it
was defended by a citadel, and other forts. The
river Eudon, or Eudonus, flowed near the walls, Eudon fl.
and another little stream or fountain, named The- jºi.
bais, traversed the city. (Plin. V. 29.) It was situ- "
ate on the high road leading from Ephesus, through
Lydia and Phrygia, as far as Cappadocia and the
Euphrates, and consequently must have been a place
of great traffick. (Cic. Ep. ad Att. V. 14. ad Fam.
III. 5. Q. Frat. Ep. I. 1. 6. Artemid. ap. Strab.
XIV. p. 663.) The citizens of Tralles, on account
of their great wealth, were generally elected to the
office of asiarchs, or presidents of the games, cele-
brated in the province. Pythodorus, who had held
this situation, was very intimate with Pompey, a
circumstance which exposed him to the vengeance
of Caesar. His estates, worth, it is said, more than
2000 talents, were confiscated in consequence; but
he was nevertheless enabled to redeem them, and
leave the whole to his children, of whom Pythodo-
ris, princess of Pontus, was one. Menodorus, a
man of learning and priest of Jupiter Larissaeus,
was another distinguished individual who flourished
at Tralles in the time of Strabo ; but he fell under
the persecution and false accusations of Domitius
Almobarbus' party. (XIV. p. 648.) The country
around Tralles was much subject to earthquakes,
and in the reign of Augustus several public edifices
were destroyed by a violent shock, which damaged
other cities also ; these received a grant from the
emperor to repair the losses they had sustained.
VOL. I. H h
466 L Y DIA.
(Strab. XII. p. 579.) The Trallians petitioned for
the honour of erecting a temple to Tiberius, but
without effect. (Tacit. IV. 55.) Mention of this city
is likewise made in Polybius, (Exc. XXII. 27. 10.)
Liv. (XXXVII. 45. XXXVIII. 39.) Caes. (B. Civ.
III. 15.) Juv. (Sat. III. 70.) and Hierocles. (p. 659.)
In the middle ages it was repaired by Andronicus
Palaeologus. (G. Pachym. p. 320.) Chandler mistook
the ruins of Tralles for those of Magnesia, as Mon-
sieur Barbier du Bocage has well proved in his
notes to the French translation of his work. They
are situated above the modern Ghiuxel-hissar, in
a position corresponding with Strabo's description.
Pococke had also discovered there an inscription,
in which mention was made of Tralles; and others
were found afterwards by Mr. Sherard'. Chandler
says he saw at Ghiuxel-hissar many fragments of
architecture of the Corinthian and Ionic orders:
on the castle, and a hill somewhat beyond it, were
some massive remains of a wall and arches". Wi-
truvius mentions a temple of AEsculapius at Tralles.
(Praef. lib. VII.) Besides the Eudon, there was a
stream named Characometes, which flowed in the
vicinity of this city: the name has evidently some
reference to a small place called Charax, which
existed prior to the foundation of Tralles. (Steph.
Byz. v. Xápaſſ.) The river might be discovered by
means of the hot spring which Athenaeus refers to.
(II. p. 43.) Nysa, another considerable city of Ly-
Characo-
metes fl.
Nysa.
1 Col. Leake's Asia Minor, is TPAAA. or TPAAAIANON ;
p. 246. * Sometimes KAIXAPEQN TPAAA.
m Travels in Asia Minor, in allusion, probably, to the re-
p. 258, 259. The medals of storation by Augustus. Sestini,
Tralles are to be found in p. 115.
every collection: the epigraph
LY DIA. 467
dia, was situated to the east of Tralles, and between
mount Messogis and the Meander, backed by the
mountain, and divided by a torrent which descended
from it. Tradition assigned the foundation of Nysa
to three brothers, named Athymbrus, Athymbradus,
and Hydrelus, who came from Sparta, and founded
three towns in the Meandrian plain; but in process
of time Nysa absorbed them all. The Nysaeans
themselves acknowledged more especially Athym-
brus as their founder. (Strab. XIV. p. 650. Steph.
Byz. v. "Aſupépa.) Their city was also once named
Pythopolis. (Id. v.v. Núa'at, IIv%roxis.) Literature
seems to have greatly flourished here, and Strabo
mentions several distinguished philosophers and rhe-
toricians who taught in the place. Strabo himself,
when a youth, had attended the lectures of Aristo-
demus, a stoic and disciple of Panaetius: another
Aristodemus, his cousin, also of Nysa, had been
preceptor to Pompey. (XIV. p. 650. Cf. Cic, ad
Fam. XIII. 64. Plin. V. 29.) Hierocles classes Nysa
among the sees of Asia, and its bishops are recorded
in the councils of Ephesus and Constantinople".
The vestiges of Nysa have been recognised by
Chandler and others, at Sultan, or Eski-hissar,
above the plain of the Meander, on a site much
resembling Strabo's account. He describes it as di-
vided into two towns by a torrent, over which was
thrown a bridge: its waters also flowed under the
amphitheatre. Besides this public building, he no-
tices a theatre, a forum, a gymnasium for youth, and
another for elders. (XIV. p. 649.) Chandler found
vestiges of a large theatre in the mountain side,
h Wesseling's note to Hie- hibit a series of Roman empe-
rocles. The medals of Nysa are rors, from Augustus to Gallie-
inscribed NTXAEON. They ex- nus. Sestini, p. 89.
H h 2
468 LY DIA.
with many rows of seats, almost entire; also of the
amphitheatre, gymnasium, Senate-house, market-
place, &c." The country around Nysa, and gene-
rally in the vicinity of the Meander, bore evidence
of the existence of subterraneous fires, either by ex-
halations and vapours, or the bursting forth of hot
mineral springs. Between Nysa and Tralles, but
nearer the former, was a place called Acharaca,
Acharacá. celebrated for a Plutonium, or a beautiful grove
and temple of Pluto, and a cave, named Charonium,
where some wonderful cures were performed under
the influence of Pluto and Proserpine, and by means
of remedies suggested in dreams to the priests. The
patients were sometimes shut up in the cave for
several days, fasting. Every year there was a great
concourse at this place, during which a bull was
driven by the youth of the gymnasium to the cave,
where he presently expired. There was another cave
Limon, at Limon, about thirty stadia from Nysa, also dedi-
cated to the same deities, and supposed to communi-
cate with that of Acharaca. Some pretended that
this meadow was the Asius Campus of Homer.
(Strab. XIV. p. 650.) The slope of mount Messogis,
above Acharaca, produced the best wine of the whole
Aromata chain. It took its name of Aromeus from Aromata,
('Apápara,) a small town near which it grew. (Strab.
loc. cit. Steph. Byz, vv. Mégawys, "Apoga.)
*n. Near Nysa Strabo also places Briula and Mas-
taura. These towns are likewise mentioned by
Pliny, (V. 29.) Hierocles, (p. 659.) and the other
Notices and Acts of Councils. Mastaura, as appears
from Stephanus Byz. (v. Márraupa,) was watered by
‘.... a stream named Chrysorrhoas. Some vestiges, to-
rhoas fl.
n P. 26 |.
I, Y DIA. 469
gether with the name of Mastauro attached to them,
a little to the east of Eski-hissar, mark the site of
this ancient town 9.
It is a matter of uncertainty where to look for
the positions of Aninetum, Emara, and Arcadiopo-Aninetum.
lis, episcopal towns of Asia, according to Hierocles, *iº.
whose authority is also confirmed by the records of lis.
various councils P. Animetum, or Aninesum, in par-
ticular, has the additional evidence of coins in its
favour q.
The last town of Lydia we have to mention on
the Meander was Tripolis, placed by the Itineraries Tripolis.
on the road leading from Sardes by Philadelphia to
Laodicea, and other towns of Phrygia. (Itin. Anton.
p. 336. Cf. Tab. Pent.) It is not noticed by any
writer prior to Pliny, who says, in his concise way,
“Tripolitani iidem et Antoniopolitae Maeandro allu-
“untur;” (V. 29.) whence it would appear to have
been also called Antoniopolis. The name of Tripolis,
however, is much more frequently used, being found
in Ptolemy, (p. 119.) the Ecclesiastical Notices, and
Hierocles. (p. 669.) This place must have been near
the junction of the two roads leading from Lydia
and Caria into Phrygia, and consequently in the
vicinity of Callatebus, a Lydian town mentioned by
Herodotus in his account of Xerxes' march from
Cappadocia and Phrygia to Sardes. (VII. 31.) The
Persian monarch, having left Colossae in the latter
o Pococke's Travels. There considerable town of the two.
are coins of Briula and Mas- Sestini, p. 106, I 10.
taura. The former are in- P Wesseling on Hierocles,
scribed BPIOTAEITON, the lat- p. 659.
ter MAXTATPEITON; these are 4 Sestini, p. 105, Aninesum.
more numerous, and prove Mas- Epigraphe ANINHXION.
taura to have been the more
470 I, Y DIA.
province, reached Cydrara on the confines of Lydia,
where the limits of the two provinces were marked
by a pillar erected by Croesus. Cydrara must there-
fore have been very near Hierapolis, now Pambouk
Calessi, where the two routes indicated by Herodo-
tus branch off. Xerxes, following the road to Sar-
des, took to the right, and, having crossed the Me-
ander, came to Callatebus, where confectioners, says
Herodotus, made honey from tamarisk and wheat.
Mannert is inclined to identify Callatebus with Phi-
ladelphia *; but the account of Herodotus leads one
rather to seek for it nearer the Meander and the
Carian frontier. In Mons. Lapie's map there are
some ruins laid down to the north of Tripolis, at a
place called Eski Kaleh, which is not unlikely to
be the Callatebus of Herodotus. Steph. Byz. is the
only geographer who names this place besides him,
and he copies merely from his account. (v. KoxX4-
Tºgo.g.) Tripolis, according to some church tradi-
tions, is connected with the apostles St. Philip and
St. Bartholomew. It is also frequently referred to
by the Byzantime historians in the course of the
Turkish wars. (G. Acrop. p. 38.) Its ruins consist
of confused heaps of stones, with some vestiges of a
theatre and castles.
Having now terminated the tour of Lydia, it only
remains for me to close the section with the names
of such places as have no fixed site assigned to them
in it, and are consequently of a more dubious cha-
racter than those hitherto mentioned.
Callatebus.
r Geogr. t.VI. P. 3. p. 365-6, the reigns of Augustus and
He inadvertently writes it Cal- downwards to that of Gallie-
labetus. nus. Allusion is made on them
s Chandler's Travels, p. 305, to the proximity of the Mean-
There are coins of Tripolis of der. Sestini, p. 90.
LY DIA. 471
Acrasus has already been alluded to as differing Acrasus.
from Nacrasa, though identified with it by some an-
tiquaries".
Anolus is assigned to Lydia by Steph. Byz. (v. Anolus.
"Avoxos,) and there are some coins which may possi-
bly be referred to it". We learn from Hierocles,
(p. 670.) and other ecclesiastical documents, that it
was an episcopal town.
Asia, according to Steph. Byz. was a city of Ly-Asia.
dia, near Tmolus, (v. Aata,) where the harp with
three strings was invented. (Cf. Etym. M. v. ‘Aat-
«tic.) According to Herodotus, it was a portion of
Sardes. (IV. 45. Cf. Callin. et Demetr. Sceps. ap.
Strab. XIII. p. 627.)
Assus, a meadow in the Cilbianus Campus, and Assus.
near the Cayster. (Steph. Byz. v. "Aaaag.) This is
perhaps a mistake for Asius.
Astelebe and Asteria are ascribed to Lydia by Astelebe.
Steph. Byz. on the authority of Xanthus. (v.v. 'Aare- Asteria.
Aé8m, 'Aarºpia.)
Attalyda, according to the same lexicographer, Attalyda.
was founded by Atys. (v. 'AtráAvèa.)
Aphneium, a town of Lydia. (Steph. Byz. v. "Aſp-Aphneium.
vetov.) It is however probably the same place spoken
of near Cyzicus.
Diospolis. Among other cities of this name Steph. Diospolis.
Byz. assigns the sixth in his list to Lydia; it is pro-
bably the same as Dioshieron.
Eupatria is given to the same province, on the Eupatria.
authority of Xanthus. (v. Edwarpía.) There are two
Heracleas in the list of Stephanus, which seem to Heraclea.
t The legend on its coins is * Sestini, p. 105. Anolus?
QTON. Sestini, p. 105. º §
AKPAXI " P. '" Autonomi Epigraphe, yAE
472 LY DIA.
Thyessus.
Thymbra-
ra, vel
Thymbra.
belong to Lydia. One was near Magnesia, and is
noted for producing the magnet, called Magnes, or
Heraclius, by the ancients *. (Eustath. ad Hom.
Il. B.) Another is said to have been v Avöſ, Taipº.
If this reading is right, we should understand by
this mountain Messogis, which joined Mount Tau-
rus; but perhaps we ought to correct it to èv rá
'Avriraſp?.
Thyessus, said to have been named after a trader
so called, (Steph. Byz. v. 6Vea'aºs,) is known also
from its coins Y.
Thybarra, or Thymbrara, where the great battle
was fought, according to Xenophon, which decided
the fate of the empire of Croesus, is assigned by
Steph. Byz. to Lydia, and placed on the banks of
Pactolus. But it is plain, from Xenophon's account,
that Thymbrara, or Thymbria, (the MSS. differ
very much about the Orthography of the name,)
(Cyrop. VI. p. 158, Leuncl.) was beyond Pactolus:
he adds, that in his time it was the rendezvous of
all the barbarian forces under the Persian monarch
in Lower Asia. This seems to point also to the
plain called in the Anabasis Castoli Campus, Kaara-
Aoû rešíov, (I. I.) where it is said that Cyrus was ap-
pointed by his brother Artaxerxes governor of all
the nations which assembled in the plain of Casto-
lus. This was probably a river, but Steph. Byz.
calls it a town. I do not understand the lexicogra-
pher, Kaarwāot re?iov. Aapiéow kxºn & 3ri Kaaroxo);
roës Awpleſs of Avēof bagw. There must be some con-
fusion here.
Castoli
('ampus.
x There are some imperial y Sestini, p. 114. Thyessus,
coins of the Lydian Heraclea, autonomus unicus. Epigraphe
Sestini, p. 108. GTEXXEQN.
LYDIA. 473
Ibeni, a people of Lydia, called also Iaonitae. Ibeni.
(Steph. Byz. v. 'I6aiot.) According to the same lexi-
cographer we have likewise an Itone in this province. Itone.
It is also mentioned by Nonnus in conjunction with
a torrent or river named Cimpsus:
Avööv 8 & 3p3; Świao; #Téppsey, oſt' #xov &gºw
Kip low #59%piè2, x2, &ppvásga'aw 'Irºvny.
DroNYs. XIII. 465.
Cyalus, a town of Lydia, founded by Cyalus, son cyalus.
of Jove. (Id. v. Káaxog.) Cyne is assigned to the Cyne.
same country on the testimony of Hecataeus. (Id. v.
Kv4.)
Lycapsus, a spot near Lydia, according to Eu- Lycapsus.
phorion. (Id. v. Aſkai!og.)
Lycosthene, or Lycosthenea, a town of Lydia, Lycos-
mentioned by Xanthus and Nicolaus of Damascus. thene.
(Id. v. Avkoa.0évn.)
Melampea, cited from Xanthus. (v. Mex&pºreto...) Melampea.
Oanus, a place noticed by Dionysius in the Bas-Oanus.
sarica. (Id. v. "Oavos) and Nonnus.
Kal axo~13; 'Oavoio, x&l of £ooy #Ax2xoy 'Eppot,
"Yêarásy re Méraxxov, 3rd IIaxtºxiov ixty
Favº; &montówy &pagúagsta 3x30; #pans.
T]IONYs. XIII. 470.
Pelope, a village on the borders of Phrygia. Pelope.
(v. IIexárn.)
Progasia, so called from Progasus, son of Melam-Progasia.
pus. (Id. v. IIpoyáaeta.) Procle, a town of Lydia. (Id.
ITpákän.)
Strogola, cited from the history of Xanthus. (Id. Strogola.
V. Xrpáyoxo.)
Tarrha, a town of Lydia. (Id. v. Táša.) the Etym. Hººve
Magnum calls it Tyrrha. yrrha.
VOL. I. I 1
474. LY DIA.
Tomarene.
Torrhebus.
IIysbe.
Algira.
Nicopolis.
Palaeapolis.
Baretta.
Auliu-
COIIl Cº.
Neaule.
Mossina.
Tomarene, a town known only from its coins, is
assigned to Lydia by Sestini”.
Torrhebus derived its appellation from Torrhe-
bus, a son of Atys. It gave its name to the district
Torrhebis, in which was Mount Carius, and a tem-
ple of the hero Carius, son of Jove and the nymph
Torrhebia. There was also a lake, Torrhebia. All
this seems derived from Nicolaus of Damascus, who
copied Xanthus. (Steph. Byz. v. Tößngos. Cf. Dion.
Halic. Pont. and Nonnus Dionys. XIII. 467.)
Of Te Top;3row sip), x2, oi IIAoûroio r10%va;
>áp?iz; sūčiva; Šušaka; 'Heysvilns.
Hysbe, a town of Lydia. (Id. v. "Togy.) Hierocles
has, under the head of Asia, the following obscure
sees, belonging either to Lydia or Ionia: Algiza,
Nicopolis, Palaeapolis, Baretta, Auliucome, Neaule.
(p. 660.) Mostine, which Wesseling supposed to be
a correction for Mystene, crept in from the margin,
(p. 671.) appears to be genuine, if its coins are so.
They teach us that the true name of the town is
Mossine, and that it was near a small stream, or
fountain, called Aligomon ". The Table Itinerary
places on a road leading from Sardes to Ephesus by
Hypaepa, a station named Anagome, nine miles from
the last mentioned town, and thirty-four from the
former. The site seems to answer nearly to that
of Bainder, near the Caystrus.
z Lett. Numism. II. 13. p.81. * Sestini, p. 110. Mossina,
Caput Herculis barbatum nu- vel Mossinus. Autonomi epi-
dum, cum pelle leonis ad collum graphe, MoxxINON ATAoN; in
TOMA di * alio OEON >TNKAHTON. Fons
{ CI)S. Al. 3. iſ
pº, Leo grad ” sacer AAiroMon.
END OF VOL. I.
E. R. R. A. T A.
VOL. I.
P. 28, 1. 21, for Pomponius, Mela read Pomponius Mela.
P. 71, l. 1 and 10, for Arisba read Arisbe.
P. 87, l. 22, insert a comma after Ida.
. 103, l. 28, for Gvºzgan read Gvºzgean.
. I 12, l. 12, for zeňany read X6%any.
• 18o, l. 8, the quotations from Aristotle and Pliny probably refer to the
Palus Ascania of Pisidia or Phrygia.
P. 193, l. 23, for P. Gythius read P. Gyllius.
P. 282, l. 8, for Chaerades read Choerades.
P. 412, i. 11, for Garthonisi read Gaitonisi.
P. 454, l. 15, for Tabula read Tabala.
:
VOL. II.
P. 24, 1. 26, it is more correct to write Berecyntian, Berecyntii and Berc-
cyntia.
P. 53, l. 4, for, it is not frequently, read, it is not unfrequently.
P. 85, 1. 28, for Ambitrii read Ambitui.
Ibid. 1.30, for Thynbres read Thymbres.
P, 114, l. 26, for ºpépool read ºpépot.
P. 150, l. 13, for Turnberan read Turuberan.
P. 196, l. 13, for Calynda read Calydna.
P. 209, last line, for Gengere read Gongere.
P. 275, l. 9, for Cydrema read Cadrema.
;}
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