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//
* .
ARRIAN's
H I S T O R. Y
*
*
* *A
OF A. ‘S.
-
TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK.
WITH
NOTES
HISTORICAL, GEOGRAPHICAL, AND CRITICAL.
BY AIR'ſ Roo K E.
TO which IS I R F F I X ED
MR. LE CLERC's CRITICISM UPON QUINTUS CURTIUS;
AND SOME REMARKS U l’ON
MR. PERIZONIUS'S VINDICATION OF THAT AUTHOR.
A NEW EDITION,
I N T W O V O L U M E S.
VOL. I.
LON DO N :
printed Fort R. LEA ; J. NUNN; LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND
Co.; white, Coch RANE, AND Co.; J. FAULDER ; AND
.J., WALKER AND CO.
*
1814,
S,
ALEXANDER2S EXPEDITION.
wºº - **
Pinted by S. Hamilton, Weybridge, Surrey.
TO
T H E K I N G.
SIR,
TRUE history, like a faithful mirror, gives princes, as
well as private men, an exact representation of the
transactions of past ages; but if partiality infatuates
the historian, or prejudice overbalances his judgment,
his images appear monstrous and unnatural, and we
lose the only benefit we hoped to reap from his la-
bours.
The story I now presume to lay at your Majesty's
feet, is no less than the fall of the vast Persian empire,
and the establishment of the Grecian upon its ruins.
No period of time was ever more famous: no general
ever pushed his conquests so far in so short a time,
nor over-run so many countries with so small a force.
None had a more numerous race of writers, to re-
commend his acts to posterity; but the greatest part
of their compositions was either panegyric or satire;
for none durst write the truth concerning him while
he lived, and few seem to have had an inclination
to it after his death. These, and the like considera-
tions, moved our author to undertake this History,
wherein he has drawn a more natural and lively por-
a 2
iv. IDEDICATION.
traiture of him than any of the rest, and painted his
vices, as well as his virtues, in their proper colours.
This, added to his judiciousness and impartiality, has
gained him so high an esteem in the world, that the
greatest princes, in different ages, have deigned him
their protection. Hadrian and Antonine, the emperor
Sigismond, Alphonsus king of Aragon, and Cosmus
the late duke of Tuscany, are instances of this. They
all approved and patronized his works; and I flatter
myself, that if the present I now offer fail of your
Majesty's acceptance, it must be on account of the
unworthiness of him who offers it. It would be highly
injurious to your unspotted character, to pretend to
draw any parallel between Alexander and your Ma-
jesty. But as his mistaken greatness may serve as a
contrast to your real goodness, I think it my duty to
take a small sketch of each, and shall submit the jus-
tice of what I advance to the judgment of every un-
prejudiced Briton within your dominions.
He first completed the slavery of his own country,
and then set forth to lay his yoke upon the necks of ſo-
reigners. He trampled upon the rights of all nations
wherever he came, and nothing sacred or profane
escaped the fury of his arms. Fire and sword were
the constant attendants of his expedition, and desola-
tion and ruin followed his footsteps. His restless am-
bition aimed at no less than universal sovereignty,
and he waded through a sea of blood to obtain it.
No rocks nor mountains could stem the torrent of his
rage; no rivers, seas, nor deserts, check his dreadful
course: millions of lives were sacrificed to his glory,
and vast cities turned to a wilderness to raise him a
name. What he bestowcd lavishly upon Some, he
DEDICATION. v
had before wrested unjustly from others; and his
height of rapine only made way for his excess of pro-
digality. His best friends often found the same treat-
ment with his worst enemies; and when inflamed with
wrath or wine, he sometimes slew those whom, in
point of gratitude as well as policy, he ought to have
saved. “,
How widely different from this, nay, how directly
opposite to this, is your Majesty's character! As the
knowledge of mankind has been your peculiar study,
the good of mankind is your principal care. You
have no notion of conquering kingdoms, but to pre-
serve their inhabitants from tyranny and oppression;
and are more ambitious to be styled arbiter of Eu-
rope's differences, than to be declared lord of its liber-
ties. Your name will shine brighter in British annals
by preserving the rights of your own people, than if
you were to carry the terror of your arms as far as
the Hellespont, and make as extensive conquests in
the western world as Alexander did in the eastern.
However, your skill is not confined to the softer arts
of peace: you have appeared in arms for the cause of
liberty already, and the same cause will invite you
forth again. You have engaged yourself to defend
us from foreign foes, as well as from domestic fac-
tions; and have assured us, that your sword shall
procure us peace, whenever treaties are found inef-
fectual. How happy then might we be, could we
but be sensible of our own happiness! How should
we prize that monarch, who places his only interest
in our safety 1 Your exactness in the administration
of justice, your consummate wisdom, and the mild-
ness of your sway, endear you to all who bear any
vi IDEDICATION.
regard to their country's welfare; and you will reap
more true glory from reigning over the hearts of one
kingdom of free-born subjects, than by trampling upon
the necks of a world of slaves.
I am, with the most profound submission,
May it please your Majesty,
Your Majesty's most dutiful, most devoted,
And most obedient Subject and Servant,
Jo HN RookE.
P. R. E. F. A. C. E.
HAD there been ever a tolerable History of Alexan-
der's acts in the English tongue, I had hardly under-
taken this; and had this been ever translated into
English before, I had scarce attempted it again.
But as most of the Histories of him in our language
are full of errors, inconsistencies, incredibilities, and
romance, I thought it might be no unacceptable
piece of service, to present the public with the truest,
justest, and most accurate account thereof now ex-
tant: and to put this matter beyond dispute, I have
taken the pains to compare several of the most ma-
terial passages in this history, with the accounts
given us of them by other authors; and as I have
no particular bias of prejudice, prepossession, nor
interest, that I am sensible of, to incline me one way
or another, I presume I have stated the case, all
along, fairly and impartially on each side. The
greatest part of the knowledge we arrive at, is ac-
quired by comparing things and ideas with each
other; and if so, the nearest way to it is, by laying
them fairly together, and making apt and useful
comparisons. Before we can justly determine the
difference between two bodies in quantity, we must
know the exact dimensions of both ; and before we
can be satisfied of the difference of two ideas in
quality, we must form a true judgment of each.
When a considerable number of authors treat upon
one subject, (unless they have all copied each other,
which seldom happens,) wherever one seems to run
viii Tº REFA CE.
mad, we find another in his senses; where one sleeps,
another keeps awake; where one curtails a story too
much, another gives it fully; and where one delivers
it in dark and unintelligible terms, another serves to
clear up his meaning, and render him plain and
easy: In short, wherever one errs in any particular,
he is either corrected by some other, or may be by
a judicious commentator. This is the method I have
taken with the writers of the ensuing history; and by
this means my readers will reap the advantage of
consulting many authors by looking into one, and
have the substance of several volumes contracted
into the compass of a few pages. Of almost a hun-
dred and fifty authors who have handled this sub-
ject, scarce half a score have come down to our
times, and even the better part of these have only .
touched it casually. The chief of the remaining ones
are Diodorus, Strabo, Plutarch, Arrian, Curtius,
Justin, and Orosius. Of these, Diodorus, Justin,
and Orosius wrote his acts only transiently in their
larger works; and having so many things upon their
hands at once, it is no great wonder if they be found
accurate in nothing. Diodorus took much upon
trust, without ever examining into the truth or cre-
dibility of the facts which he related; he swallowed
every thing, without digesting any thing: and Cur-
tius either copied from the same authors, or, which
is much more likely, translated a great part of his
work from him. Trogus was either a sad historian,
or Justin a vile abridger; but as we have the testi-
mony of many famous men of antiquity in favour of
Trogus, Justin will stand condemned as an injudicious
author; and the world would have been highly satis-
fied, if a hundred such as he had perished, so Trogus
had come safe to our hands. Orosius consulted
Justin as his grand oracle, and copied much from
him; and when the ſountain is muddy, it is no won-
der if the stream partake of the same qualities.
Strabo has intermixed sundry excellent passages of
PREFA C E. ix.
Alexander's life with his Geography, which makes
us regret the loss of the treatise which he wrote upon
that subject: he has also given us a just character of
many of Alexander's followers, who, to satisfy their
monarch's vanity during his life, or to gratify their
own inclinations after his death, published strange
and unaccountable stories of his exploits. Even
Ptolemy and Aristobulus (whom our author chiefly
copied) are not always free from this ; but as Arrian
was a man of a sound judgment, he took care to
choose only what was most probable, and left the
rest, as husks and chaff, to be gleaned up by such
as were ambitious of swelling their works to a huge
size, by heaps of all gatherings:
Quicquid Graecia mendax
Audet in historia— Juv. Sat. 10.
But, thanks to kind time, the greatest part of these
romancing gentry are now gone to rest, and their
works have followed them. What Callisthenes wrote
concerning Alexander, is long since lost; besides, he
was put to death before that monarch had half
finished his expedition.
Eratosthenes was the first, so far as I can find,
who undertook to detect the Macedonian forgeries;
and did it to so good purpose, that Strabo, Plutarch,
and Arrian have steered after his light, and thereby
reduced their accounts to reason and probability;
whilst Diodorus, Curtius, Justin, and some others of
inferior rank, have followed blind credulous guides,
and are perpetually groping and stumbling about in
mists of error and uncertainty. Few would, per-
haps, have drawn up a better narrative of Alexan-
der's acts than Plutarch, had he designed his work
as pure history; but he himself acquaints us, at his
first setting out, that he rather endeavours to declare
the springs or causes of actions, than the actions
themselves: besides, with regard to prodigies, omens,
&c. he was extremely credulous; and even his ac-
X PREFAC Es
counts of facts are not always carefully given. Many
other authors have presented us with single stories
relating to this affair, particularly Pliny, Athenaeus,
Philostratus, Seneca, Lucian, Polyaenus, Frontinus,
AFlian, and others, to whom I have occasionally re-
ferred in the comment upon the ensuing work; but
as they are well known, I shall forbear characterizing
them here. Thus far, I think, I have truth and jus-
tice on my side; and I believe I may safely affirm,
that no ancient author who ever wrote a particular
history of Alexander now remains, except Curtius
and Arrian; and if I have made it evident, that Ar-
rian is the best, the truest, and the most accurate
historian of the two, by setting the truth and credi-
bility of the several facts, as related by each, in a
clear light, I shall go a great way in convincing the
unprejudiced part, at least, that my chief design was
their instruction: besides, this may perhaps be a
means of gaining Arrian an esteem among English
readers, to whom he has hitherto lain wholly un-
known. The chief benefit we can receive from his-
tory is, by comparing effects with the causes which
produced them; and, as like effects will always flow
from like causes, we may form a pretty good judge-
ment of future contingencies by looking carefully
into past events, and learn to regulate our affairs ac-
cordingly. This renders history really useful to the
world; and this sets the grave, judicious, and exact
historian above the airy, vain, and empty romancer :
for if either our accounts of causes or their effects be
erroneously given, we shall form a wrong judgment
concerning them; and, instead of making ourselves
wiser by them, we shall be immersed in greater folly
and stupidity than before.
As to this translation of Arrian, I have done it
justly, to the best of my knowledge, without endea-
vouring so much at eloquence in diction, as thereby
to destroy the plainness and simplicity of his man-
ner of relating facts. And whenever I have had oc-
PREFA CE, xi
casion to introduce other authors in my comment,
I hope I have seldom misunderstood, misquoted,
misinterpreted, or misrepresented them, to serve any
sinister purpose of my own. I have generally di-
rected my readers to the book, chapter, or page
whence I borrowed my materials; and I neither de-
sire nor expect further credit than the vouchers I
produce, and the arguments I use, naturally demand.
Historical facts are not reducible to mathematical
certainty; the most we can hope for is, that the his-
torian be a man of judgment, who will not be im-
posed upon by fiction himself, and a man of veracity,
who will not impose it upon us; and then we may
safely rely upon him, unless some other gives us a
more probable account of some particulars; for as
demonstration cannot be had, every story will gain
credit with us according to the degree of probability
it bears. I have been no more partial to Arrian, in
my remarks, than to any other author: he has been
sometimes overseen, through haste or inadvertency;
and if I add, that he is not exempt from human
frailty, it will be no great diminution to his credit.
He has been much abused by ignorant transcribers;
and though three or four have published observa-
tions and critical notes with their editions, I still
suspect several passages to be corrupt: however, I
have pointed them out, and earnestly recommend
them to his next editor to correct, by the assistance
of manuscript copies.
Curtius has had a multitude of editions, and a
numerous herd of commentators have exercised their
faculties upon him, and been lavish in his praise,
among whom the celebrated Erasmus of Rotterdam
appears as one; but Mr. Le Clerc has justly ob-
served, that these have either commended the whole
work, without any regard to the parts which com-
pose it, or some of the parts, without considering
what relation they bore to the whole. They were,
indeed, so blinded with the glare of his oratory, that
xii PRE FA CE.
they seem never to have presumed to look further.
The first who attempted to call his veracity in ques-
tion, was Henry Glareanus: he wrote very sharp
and severe notes upon him, and taxed him with abun-
dance of errors (some say, more than were true);
however, Snakenburgh commends his industry, and
excuses him, by telling us, it often happens that the
first remarkers upon other men's failings, fall into
errors themselves. Modius attempted to vindicate
Curtius from the reflections of Glareanus, and made
himself excessively merry with him; but he was
served the same sauce by Acidalius, and used in
the same sarcastic manner. His next commentators
were Popma, Loccenius, Raderus, and Freinshemius,
which last took immense pains in comparing him
with Arrian and other authors; and to his labours
I am not ashamed to own myself vastly indebted.
Tellier, with some others, succeeded him; and every
one found new faults in their author (Curtius) which
had escaped the search of the rest. As for my part,
I have used each of them, as far as I deemed them
agreeable to truth, and have sometimes taken the
same liberty of departing from all of them, which
they have occasionally taken with each other; name-
ly, when I had stronger reasons to induce me to a
contrary opinion : however, if any other commentator
upon Curtius arises in my days, who will be so kind
as to show me one of my errors, (for I am no more
than a man, and pretend not to infallibility,) and
bring sufficient proofs along with him, I shall freely
and readily subscribe to his opinion. I desire no
better nor more candid usage from posterity, than
what I have given my predecessors in this province ;
and have set aside all authority of great names,
whenever they endeavoured to make me swerve from
truth. Truth is, and always will be, what it ever
was; and what was false two thousand years ago, is
the same at this present writing; for antiquity can
give no sanction to error. There was a time when
PREF AcE. X111
all the ancients were moderns; and there may come
a time when some, who are now moderns, may be
styled ancients. We moderns are men, the ancients
were no more : they were subject to the same
frailties, passions, and prejudices with ourselves:
some of them wrote as smartly against their prede-
cessors, as we can write against ours; and laid as
many accusations of partiality and error to their
charge, as we ever pretended to lay to ours. Had I
transcribed or translated all I could have raked up
relating to this subject, neither two nor half a dozen
such volumes as these, would have contained them;
but my intended brevity debarred me from making
long quotations: however, where I have only abridged
others, I hope I have seldom failed to carry the
strength of their reasons along with me, and to take
whatever suited my purpose. The works of a Dutch
commentator would, I fancy, begrateful to few English
readers; for which reason, I have given my obser-
vations such a turn, as to take off that dullness and
dryness, so common to most of my fraternity, and
endeavoured to render them agreeable, at the same
time that they are instructive. No remarks of this
kind, that I know of, have ever yet been published
to an English translation of any ancient historian;
and of what vast use they are, may be perceived at
first sight. We have, indeed, had a faint attempt
towards some, in Brown's Justin ; but the commen-
tator has not thought fit to take notice of a tenth
part of his author's errors, as they had been publish-
ed, before his time, in the Variorum, and other edi-
tions. We have also now some remarks of Mr.
Dacier, upon an English version of Plutarch's Lives;
but those relating to Alexander especially, are so
mean and trifling, that I could find no more than
about five lines, which I thought worth transcribing
from him. I have purposely avoided taking notice
of the controversy relating to Curtius's antiquity;
for whether he be an ancient or a modern, concerns
xiv * REFACE,
neither me nor the world half so much to know, as
whether the work bearing his name be good or bad :
that has indeed been the subject of some part of my
inquiry; and, if I may be allowed to declare my sen-
timents freely, I think it a pity that a particular
brand of infamy cannot be stamped upon every
author, without distinction, who dares presume to
impose romance upon us, under the specious title of
true history. But some of his admirers may be apt
to say, in his defence, that as his first two books are
lost, we know not what title he gave his work; per-
haps that which now goes for history was only de-
signed for romance, and what we call the Acts of
Alexander, he might only style the Adventures of
Alexander.—Perhaps it might be so. However, as
it now is, so grave a title before so loose a work,
looks like a bar-gown upon a buffoon's back, or a
cardinal's hat upon the head of a monkey. I shall
neither take up my own time, nor tire out my reader's
patience, with much more concerning an author whom
I have censured so freely elsewhere, but refer him
to the observations upon the ensuing work. Had
Mr. Le Clerc illustrated his Criticism with more
examples, there had been less necessity for my com-
ment; and the more I have said there, the less I
have occasion to say here. Allow me only to add
the character of Curtius, from Tellier, who was ap-
pointed to write notes upon him in usum Delphini.
“His periods,” says he, “are generally round and
well turned, and his cadences sweet and harmonious;
his wit is terse, and his sense strong; his language
pure and elegant, and his thoughts refined. But
among so many shining qualities, (which, by the by,
are fitter for a declaimer than an historian,) he has
many blemishes; for he often runs counter to true
history, and his geography is frequently false : he has
shown himself unskilled in describing battles, (which
was the better half of his task,) and frequently con-
founds truth with fiction: he seems to have had but
PREFACE. XV
an ordinary judgment, and strives more to tickle the
ear than inform the understanding: he describes
things rather as they might have been, than as they
really were acted; and affects the artful turn and
harmonious cadence of his periods too much : in his
descriptions, he is too poetical; and in his speeches,
too pedantic and affected.” Thus far Tellier: to
which I hope I may add, that nigh one half of his
work is made up of speeches which were never spoke,
letters which were never sent, and descriptions of
mountains, rivers, towns, and countries, whereof
many are false, and the few that are true, nothing to
his purpose as an historian ; for they only serve to
distract his readers, and divert them from the main
story.
I shall conclude this discourse with some particu-
4ars of Arrian's life, from Photius, Vossius, Boileau,
Fabricius, and others. Under that learned prince,
(says Vossius, speaking of the emperor Hadrian,)
flourished Arrian of Nicomedia, the celebrated scholar
of Epictetus, (Dio calls him, Flavius Arrianus Ni-
comediensis,) a philosopher, an historian ; and, if
some may be credited, an eminent civilian. Suidas
acquaints us, from Heliconius, that he attained even
to the consular dignity; and that, for the sweetness
of his style, he was termed another Xenophon. Pho-
tius agrees with him, and adds, that he was priest to
Ceres and Proserpine. Lucian, in his Pseudomantes,
assures us, that Arrian the scholar of Epictetus, a
man of the first rank in Rome, employed his whole
life in the study of polite literature, for which he was
so particularly famous, (says Dio,) that he was com-
plimented with his freedom both of Rome and Athens.
Arnobius mentions him towards the close of his se-
cond book, and so does Aulus Gellius, lib. xvii. 19.
and lib. xix. 1. Dio informs us, that he was advanced
to be prefect of Cappadocia, and that he reduced the
Alauni and Massagetae. Pliny the younger, who was
xvi PRE FACE,
then proconsul of Pontus and Bithynia, addressed
seven of his Epistles to him; and this is the more pro-
bable, because Arrian was not only a native of Ni-
comedia, a city of Bithynia, but wrote the Bithynian
and Alaunian history; an abridgment of the first of
which may be seen in Photius, and a fragment of the
last, in the second volume of Blancard's edition of his
works. He wrote the Parthian History, in seventeen
books; an extract whereof Photius has preserved. We
have four books of his Dissertations on Epictetus; as
also a Paraplus, or lustration of the coasts of the
Euxine and Red Seas, inscribed to the emperor Ha-
drian, if that inscription be genuine; (for Salmasius
imagines these to have been the works of another of
the same name, who flourished from the time of Nero
to Vespasian). He wrote the Life of Dio the Syra-
cusian; an account of Timoleon's acts in Sicily; a
book of tactics; and a treatise on hunting, as a sup-
plement to Xenophon's work upon the same subject.
His Indian History we have entire, notwithstanding
the assertion of the learned Stuchius to the contrary;
and Tzetzes, in Chil. iii. Hist. xcv., takes notice of
his History of Alexander. But time has deprived us
of all the ten books which he wrote of the transac-
tions after Alexander's death, except a short abstract
preserved by Photius. Allow me here to add the
character which Mr Boileau has given us of our au-
thor, in his Life of Epictetus, translated by Dean
Stanhope, p. xxii. xxiii. “Of all the scholars of Epic-
tetus,” says he, “Arrian is the only one whose name
has been transmitted with reputation to posterity; but
he is such a one, as sufficiently demonstrates the ex-
cellency of his master, though we should suppose that
he alone had been of his forming; for this is the very
person who was afterwards advanced to be preceptor
to Antonine, surnamed the Pious, and distinguished
by the title of Xenophon, because, like that philoso-
pher, he committed to writing the dictates delivered
P REFACE. xvii
by his master in his life-time, and published them in
one volume, under the name of Epictetus's Discourses
or Dissertations, which at present we have in four
books. After this he composed a little treatise called
his Enchiridion, which is a short compendium of all
Epictetus's philosophical principles, and hath ever
been acknowledged for one of the most valuable and
beautiful pieces of ancient morality. He likewise
wrote a large book of the life and death of Epictetus,
which is now unfortunately lost.” And to show how
much he was of opinion our author had obliged man-
kind, he assures us, p. vi., that “Epictetus left no-
thing of his own compositions behind him; and if
Arrian had not transmitted to posterity the maxims
taken from his master's mouth, we have some reason
to doubt, whether the very name of Epictetus had not
been lost to the world.”
This History of Alexander's Expedition was trans-
lated into Italian by Leo of Modena, and printed at
Venice, anno 1554. Claudius Vitart bestowed a
French version upon it, which was published at Paris,
anno 1581 ; and Ablancourt another, which has been
reprinted three times, and is accounted the best of
his performances. It has had four Latin transla-
tions; the first by Nicolaus Saguntinus; the second
by Petrus Paulus Vergerius; the third by Bar-
tholomaeus Facius; and the fourth by Bonaventure
Vulcanius. Mr. Fabricius imagines the two first
never appeared in public, because he could not find
them in any library, nor even so much as mentioned
in a catalogue of books. Facius's translation is ge-
nerally condemned for his numerous omissions, inter-
polations, mistakes, and wilful deviations from his ori-
ginal; besides which, he is often guilty of slightly skim-
ming over whatever he did not fully understand. That
of Vulcanius is the most esteemed, and for that rea-
son annexed to all the best editions of our author.
How many editions Arrian has had, I never had cu-
riosity enough to inquire; all I could procure I made
VOL. I. b
xvili Pl{ E, F A C E.
use of, particularly those of Henry Stephens, Blan-
card, and Gronovius; and have not only taken what
was fit for my purpose, from the annotations annexed
to cach, but also from those of the best editions of
Curtius. I am as far from pretending that all these
observations are my own, as that they would be ever
a whit the better if they were so; I acknowledge my
obligations to all my assistants; and whoever has a
mind to distinguish mine from theirs, may easily sa-
tisfy himself, by consulting the several editions of Cur-
tius and Arrian already mentioned. As to the re-
marks upon prodigies, predictions, omens, auguries,
answers of oracles, &c. they are my own. Whether
Mr. Van Dale has taken notice of those particular
storics in his IIistory of Oracles, I know not; how-
cver, I had not that treatise by me; and indeed I
found no manner of difficulty in giving a plain and
natural solution of each of them, as fast as thcy came
in my way.
What additions, alterations, and amendments I
have made to Alexander's Genealogy; the Catalogue
of Authors upon this IIistory; the Account of the Di-
vision of the Empire after Alexander's Death; and
Raderus's Tables, will be casily perceived by such of
my readers as are skilled in the Latin language, if they
compare mine with those in Snakenburgh's edition of
Curtius. The ChronologicalTable, which I have added
at the end of the second volume, contains an abstract
of all the most memorable facts mentioned in the His-
tory, in their due order of time, drawn chiefly from
Arrian. Such of the names of the Athenian archons
as he had passed by, I have supplied from Meursius's
treatise De Archontibus Atheniensium ; the Roman
consuls from Diodorus, and the last edition of Peta-
vius's Rationarium Temporum ; and for the agree-
ment between the Greek calendar and ours, I con-
sulted Scaliger, Petavius, Potter, and especially the
learned Usher, who has handled that matter more
fully and clearly than all others.
Plº E. FA C E. xix
Whoever mention this History, bestow high enco-
miums on its author's veracity, beyond any other
upon the subject; but as a long detail of them would
be tedious, I shall refer my readers, for full satisfac-
tion, to Fabricius's Bibliothec. Graec. tom. iii. The
consideration of his veracity alone, induced me to un-
dertake this version, and to make the following re-
marks; whereby I have been enabled to contradict
many strange stories, which have hitherto passed for
truths, and to bring some truths to light, which had
lain long buried in oblivion. I have taken upon me
(as all commentators do) to judge of the probability
of facts, as related by the several authors I have
quoted; and shall now leave my work to the judgment
of the wide world, without further apology.
A.
C R IT IC ISM
UPON
QUIN T U S C U R T I U.S.
CHAPTER I.
Of the remarks necessary to be made upon an author, in order
to form a true judgment of him; and of Quintus Curtius's
style, and manner of writing.
The works of all authors may be examined, and ought to be
scrutinized, by the rules of art, and those laws of right reason
which all men acknowledge as such, without any respect to
the countries they belong to, or the age they live in. Who-
ever have observed these throughout their works, will receive
an universal approbation: but they are but few. However,
all others, as far as they have observed them, we may praise
without envy; and where they have transgressed them, we
may reprove without vanity. Wherefore we shall now pro-
cecd to bring Curtius's work to the test; and, as he professes
himself an historian, examine it by the laws of history, and
by the rules of sound reason, to which he, as well as we, ought
always to be conformable. *
2. Three things ought diligently to be considered, in order
to obtain a thorough knowledge of authors. First, What
matter they choose for the composition. Secondly, The dis-
position of the matter so chosen. And thirdly, Their style or
elocution. In the first and second of these heads, the learn-
ing and judgment of an author appears; in the third, his wit,
and practice in writing. Nothing else can be sought for in a
writer; and if we be once perfect masters of these, we may
justly affirm, that the learning, the judgment, and wit of any
author lie open to us; if otherwise, we determine rashly and
V() I. I. al
2.
* †,
| | A C R IT I C : S.M.
inconsiderately, and are wholly at a loss both as to their style
and reasoning. But to come to a present knowledge of these
particulars, it is not suſlicient to give an author’s works one
or two transient readings, while perhaps we are taken up with
other concerns; or even with a design to be informed on what
subject he treats, or to imitate whatever is graceful in his style
or the disposition of his matter; but we ought, after having
once or twice carefully perused a work, to examine it thorough-
ly, and treasure up whatever is fitly and properly expressed,
and what otherwise, in our memory, or commit them to wri-
ting. And if we desire to be accurate in our observations, we
must trace our own footsteps over again, and alter or erase
whatever may have been hastily or inadvertently put down;
or add any thing material which may then occur to our me-
mory. If we proceed by any other method, how attentively
soever we may read an author’s works over, we shall never be
able to form a right judgment concerning him. As to the
History of Quintus Curtius, I had read him more than once,
before I made these remarks concerning his work, which I
shall give an account of in their order. I was at first so
amazed with the greatness of the acts he every where describes,
and cajoled with the elegancy of his style, that I saw nothing
but the magnanimity, glory, and success of Alexander, nor
hardly listened to any thing but the lofty expressions of an
author well skilled in rhetoric. *
3. But when I came afterwards to read Curtius, not with a
design of knowing these things, wherewith I was acquainted
before, but of examining every part of his work by the severe
laws of history, and the unerring rule of truth and justice,
I soon made these remarks which are the subject of this essay;
and wherein, I presume, I have so fully shown his beauties as
well as blemishes, that every one who takes and examines his
work, will easily and readily acknowledge the justice I have
done him.
4. But that I may proceed to delincate those things as in
miniature, I take Curtius, whoever he was, (for I profess my-
self ignorant of that,) to have applied himself closely, and with
great diligence, to the study of rhetoric; and it is not impro-
bable that he might be a professor of it as an art, and teach it
to others. He seems also to have been of opinion, that none
of all the Latin historians had handled the glorious acts of
Alexander the Macedonian, as the dignity of the matter re-
uired; for which reason he attempted the task, and made
choice of this subject, not so much with a design of transmit-
ting a just and accurate history of Alexander's exploits down
to posterity, (though he had that also in view,) as of giving
U PON QUINTUS CU RTI U.S. iii
the world a specimen of his oratory; for which reason he has
not gone about to describe the acts of the great conqueror of
Asia, in the manner which a curious observer of all particu-
lars should have done; but rather, as he imagined they ought
to be described by a rhetorician. On this account he has
every where taken occasion to interlard his history with
speeches; and those, not in such a style as suited the Mace-
donian soldiers, who were most of them unlettered, and better
skilled in arms than arts; but in the style and mºrner of a
lazy rhetorician, who had spent ail his days in a school, and
lived the life of a recluse. The narrative parts of his work
please us not so much by their own native simplicity, or the
accuracy of the description, as by the beauty and brightness of
his words, and a certain heat of style which runs throughout
the whole, and which never cools, nor is ever less polished,
or any where suffered to languish. But whenever the least
opportunity of description offers itself, you there behold the
man greedily laying open all his art, even where other histo-
rians are silent, or at least satisfy themselves, where the sub-
ject is so copious, with a bare and natural relation of the
things, without any far-fetched garniture to set it off. As for
example: how many florid descriptions of rivers has he given
us; as though he had designed to send his work among the
thirsty inhabitants of the inner parts of Libya, who never saw
one; and by the virtue of his descriptions to give them some
remedy against the broiling heats of their climate. But in-
asmuch as the things to be described are not always of them-
selves so great as to strike the reader with surprise and asto-
nishment, he there swells his style with hyperboles, which
boys indeed may admire, but men of ripe and established
judgment must needs laugh at. In a word, he every where
shows himself a most elegant declaimer, and one perfectly
well qualified to supply words, and sentences, and flowers of
rhetoric, to adorn school-boys' orations, and embellish their
style in writing; and that perhaps was his only design in this
treatlSe.
5. But throughout his whole work, the historian scarce any
where appears, whose particular province is to examine every
thing relating to his subject, and select only such as are fit for
his purpose; never to descend to trifles, nor throw away his
wit in the descriptions of things which every body else knows
as well as he: to form a true judgment between things cre-
dible and incredible, and either wholly to omit the latter, or
in few words expose them, but to be clear and just in descri-
bing the former; who not only brands those flagrant and con-
spicuous vices of drunkenness, cruelty, and arrogance, but also
a 2
| V A C R ITIC ISM
unmasks those more secret ones, which screen themselves un-
der the names of virtues, and exposes them to public censure.
Such was the unsatiable ambition which so harassed Alexan-
der, and his ungovernable thirst of waging war. One who
carefully treasures up all circumstances of things, men, and
places, of whatsoever kind, and makes use thereof in his lively
descriptions of actions, that thereby the reader may come to
a more perfect knowledge of what he designs to communicate.
One who relates all things according to the due order of time
when they happened, that his reader may clearly distinguish
the year and season of each particular action. One who ac-
commodates his style to his subject, and not his subject to his
style : and lastly, one who looks upon truth as a goddess,
whose priest he is, and offers his oblations to her in a simple
and unaffected manner, according as the deity requires, and
his sacred office directs.
6. That these, and such like, are the defects of Quintus
Curtius's history, is manifest; but it is better to descend to
the several particulars themselves, than by dwelling too long
on general heads, to stir up those who may be still his ad-
mirers, against us. We shall therefore show, first, where he
is deficient in the choice of his matter. Secondly, where he
errs in the disposition of his matter so chosen. And lastly,
describe the blemishes in his style and manner of elocution.
In all which particulars we shall have that regard to our reader
as well as ourselves, that we will neither pass over any thing
of importance, nor heap up a mighty mass of whatever might
be said on the subject.
7. And here we think it necessary in few words to declare,
(if any declaration in that case will be thought sufficient,)
that no premeditated malice nor envy engaged us in this un-
dertaking. I solemnly aver, that whatever I here write, is
not written and published with any design to detract from the
real excellencies and undoubted worth of Curtius, or to deter
our youth from reading him and such like authors. His clo-
quence I have every where commended, and the wise sayings
which are interspersed in his works I have all along approved;
and for the sake of these he deserves, if possible, to be more
read by youth, and to be had in greater esteem by men of ripe
understandings. And this is my opinion as to all ancient au-
thors of that stamp, whatever they be. If any despise or dis-
dain them, as not eloquent or ingenious enough to deserve his
imitation as to clocution or invention, I shall never agree with
him. I have always read such authors with pleasure, and am
still, even at these years, delighted with them ;—and this I
declare to be the real and unfeigned sentiments of my heart.
UPON QUINTUS CU RTI U.S. V
8. However, I would not advise our youth, or those whom
riper years have not raised much above them in understand-
ing, to imbibe the faults of the ancients along with their beau-
ties, and set up for admirers of what are so far from meriting
applause, that they will hardly admit of any excuse. Such are
many passages in Curtius, contrary to all the laws of true and
undoubted history and reason. He may indeed be pardoned,
in regard to his other excellencies; but will never be com-
ment'ed for such defects.
9. Neither are those people of a different opinion from me,
howe er they may seem to be so, who condemn those things
in modern performances, which they will not allow as faults
in ancient authors. This practice of theirs is in itself unjust,
and which no mask will so cover as to screen them from the
observation of wise judges. Nay, what is still more, they
vilify and detract from the moderns, because they know they
may hurt them, while they will not suffer the ancients to be
justly censured, when such censure is so far from hurting
them, that it is of the highest importance to their readers, to
hinder them from imitating what they ought studiously to
avoid. It were better in my mind not to read the ancients at
all, than to read them as those people would persuade us, I
mean without forming a judgment of them; for by so doing,
we shall only be greater fools than before. But they are to
be read, and that with care, if I judge right, that so we may
imitate their excellencies and avoid their defects, at the same
time that we excuse them. After this manner, Curtius, and
others of that sort, as I have already hinted, may be read with
profit and pleasure, and no mischief can accrue from our read-
ing them. These things I thought fit to premise, to prevent
calumny ; which if I cannot appease, I shall at least endure
with patience; for to avoid envy, is now, (as it always was
and will be,) too difficult a task for one who employs his time
in the study of literature.
CHAPTER II.
Quintus Curtius committed many mistakes in his history, by
reason of his ignorance in astronomy and geography.
I shall. here begin with those passages which deserve justly
to be censured and condemned in Curtius's history; and though
I am far from being of the opinion of those who are for having
an historian thoroughly versed in all the sciences which he
may have occasion at any time to discourse about, yet it were
to be wished, that he had learned at least the rudiments of
V1 A CRITICISM
some of the liberal sciences; which would have hindered him
from betraying such gross ignorance, and taught him how to
shun falling into manifest absurditics, when he was obliged
to touch upon them. Or, if he must write about what he un-
derstood not, he might have made use of the assistance of
those who had. There are two arts which are near of kin,
and one of them is absolutely necessary to an historian, and
the other very often useful, neither of which Curtius was in
the least measure acquainted with ; those are astronomy and
geography; of both which he every where shews himself en-
tirely ignorant. -
2. I shall demonstrate what I have here asserted, by exam-
ples, and first show, that he who could believe that the moon
was eclipsed,” not only when the earth overshadowed her, but
also when the sun pressed her; so Curtius speaks concerning
an eclipse of the moon,t which happened at the time when
Alexander was upon his march to fight the second battle with
Darius. “They,” says he, (namely the AEgyptians,) “who
well know that the planets perform their appointed courses,
and that the moon is eclipsed either when she is overshadow-
ed by the earth or pressed by the sun, do not, however, de-
clare the reasons of these phaenomena to the vulgar.” These
things Curtius himself was ignorant of, however he might have
taken it amiss to have been ranked among the unlettered
multitude. Matthaeus Raderus would have the change of the
moon to be understood by this pression of the sun; that is, when
the moon is nearest the sun, and turns her whole bright face
that way. But none besides himself ever called that an eclipse
of the moon; neither, as I suppose, her nearest approach to
the sun, a pression of the sun. This is so far from being the
language of one versed in astronomy, that it plainly proves
him ignorant even of the terms of art. The change of the
moon none wonders at, as happening monthly; but eclipses,
as being less frequent, strike the vulgar with astonishment.
3. From this his ignorance in astronomy, he has given us
descriptions of countries false and erroneous, because he knew
not under what climate they lay, or how far distant from the
equator. Thus he describes the territories of the Parapa-
misans: “They are seated chiefly beneath the most rigid
northern clime, being joined to the Bactrians westerly, and
the Indian Ocean washing their south borders.” And a little
after, “The vines and trees, if any can stand such severity
of weather, are buried, and lie all winter wholly covered with
snow; but when that dissolves, and the earth begins to ap-
* Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 10, 5. + Ibid. lib. vii. cap. 3.
UPON QUINTUS CU RTIUS. V11
pear, they again enjoy the benefit of the sun ard open air.
But so deep are the snows which lie there, and so rigid are
the frosts and of such long continuance, that scarce so much
as any marks of a footstep of man or beast is to be found. A
dusky shadow of the sky, or a kind of twilight, rather than
light itself, dwells among them, insomuch that they can scarce
discern things very near them.” I shall forbear transcribing
any more of this stuff, which is beyond all sufferance. Who
would not imagine that Curtius had been all this while de-
scrining Thule, or some tract of land within the arctic circle,
or adjacent to the pole But Alexander never reached the
northern borders of Scythia, and but just touched upon the
most southern parts: besides, the Parapamisans joining upon
Bactria are under a very mild and happy climate, as being
placed between the thirty-fourth and fortieth degree of north
latitude, equal to the most southerly parts of Greece, where
the heat is much more to be ſearcd than the winter cold,
which is neither severe nor of long continuance. Those coun-
tries now go under the name of Mawaralnahram; their capital
city is Smarcanda ; they produce great plenty of all necessa-
ries for life, as they who have travelled them abundantly tes-
tify. But if you had rather place the Parapamisans further
to the east, they will be the inhabitants to the north of Cabul
nnd Cassemira, which are mountainous countries, covered
with continual snows, and consequently cold. But then those
mountains themselves are uninhabited ; and in the valleys
where the inhabitants are, the snows fall not in such quanti-
ties, nor lie so long, as we may easily perceive in our own
country near Geneva, where mountains lie to the eastward,
called the Cursed Hills, covered with perpetual snow; but
then no inhabitants dwell upon them, nor no vines grow there,
but only in the valleys. Besides, it is evident that Curtius did
not describe the rigid cold in those parts as occasioned so
much by the winters or snows, as by their vicinity to the pole,
insomuch that they had only twilight instead of day. This, to
say no worse of it, is a direct blunder; for the winter nights
are not longer there than in Italy; which ought to be well
observed ; for we do not so much find fault with his describing
the cold in these places, as with his representing it so bitter
and severe, and arising from the length of their nights, as if
they had been placed within the arctic circle. But of this
we have discoursed more at large in French, in our Biblio-
theca Selecta, tom. iii. p. 22.1, &c. If you have still a desire
to understand the situation of those countries more accurately,
Abulfeda's Arabic description of them, published by John
Graevius, will give you full satisfaction. W
viii A C RITIC ISM
4. But what goes beyond his erroneous descriptions of
places is, that the same author, who under the most benign
clime could find a frigid zone and Cimmerian darkness, has
found a torrid zone in countries much further north; for thus
he describes Alexander's march through the deserts of Sogdia
a little after:* “The rays of the summer's sun heat the
sands, which, as soon as they begin to be scorched, burn every
thing as with a continual fire. Then the vapours sent forth
by the immoderate heat of the earth obscure it, insomuch
that the surface thereof appears like a vast and unbounded
ocean. Their march by night was indeed tolerable but
the heats commence with the light, and suck up all the
moisture of the earth, &c.” He could have given no other
description of a journey through the southern bounds of Per-
sia, or to the temple of Jupiter Hammon. Arrian's account
of Alexander's return through the Gadrosian deserts, in his
sixth book, is not unlike this; but then these people inhabit
the most southern parts of the Persian empire, towards the
Indian Oceam. Perhaps Curtius might mistake the Sogdians
for the Gadrosians, or copy from some author who did, with-
out being able to distinguish the space of time which passed
between these two expeditions.
5. From his ignorance in astronomy proceeded those strange
stories of wonders, which he introduces Alexander’s soldiers
giving an account of, at the river Hyphasis: f “Thou now
preparest to pass into another world, and seekest an India un-
known to the Indians themselves, where wild beasts have
their habitations, and serpents their holes and lurking-places.
Thou even desirest to extend thy conquests further than the
sun does its course.” This hyperbole had scarce been tolera-
ble if they had only said, “Thou endeavourest to conquer
whatever the sun encompasses.” But here the Macedonians
are afraid to be led into lands which the sun never saw ; as
if they had observed less sun, or a different one to arise in
India from that in Macedonia. One but indifferently skilled
in the principles of astronomy would never have introduced
any persons speaking so absurdly. But lest you should sup-
pose this only happened to slip from his pen as by chance,
and he was not pleased with it, he repeats the same again af-
terwards. For the Macedonians again complain, f “that
they are drawn beyond the stars and sun, and forced to visit
those parts which nature designed to screen from mortal eyes:"
that nothing remains for them after the conquest of so many
* Curtius, lib. vii, cap. 5. t Ibid. lib. ix. cap. 3.
i Ibid. Jib. ix. cap. 4, 18,
UPON QUINTUS CURTIUS. 1X
countries, “except fogs, and darkness, and a perpetual night
brooding upon the deep, a sea stocked with vast numbers of
cruel and unheard-of monsters, the waters whereof were im-
moveable, and where Nature herself languished and died.”
These complaints might have had some ºr of reason, had
they been made by the Macedonians when they marched di-
rectly north from the Caspian Sea for some months in the win-
ter season; for then they had seen the nights increased beyond
their usual length, and the cold intensely sharp. But when
they travelled towards the south, and saw the sun every day
higher above their heads than another, and the heats increase
proportionably, there could be no suspicion of eternal night,
an immoveable ocean, or dying Nature among them :-but a
man who is perpetually in the declaiming vein, could not omit
so fine an opportunity of displaying his talent.
Compare these with the first suasory which M. Ann. Seneca
has collected from the declaimers, and they will be found near
of kin; and perhaps these were copied from them. There, while
Alexander stands deliberating whether he shall attempt to sail
upon the ocean or no, Avitus dissuades him in these words:
“The sea there stands immoveable; and Nature, as if at her last
gasp, a lifeless mass. Strange and terrible are the beasts there
bred, and vast are the monsters which the ocean produces, and
that mass of waters nourishes. The light is there obscured by
mists, and the day shut up with darkness; the sea itself is
sluggish and inactive; and.there are either no stars, or what
stars are there, are unknown.” Oscus adds, “It is now time
for Alexander to end his cxpedition, where the bounds of the
earth appear, and the sun ends his race, &c.” We know not
what it is which nature has withdrawn from human eyes,
because an eternal darkness conceals it. Then the muse
or chorus proceeds, “The monstrous size of the beasts, and
the immoveable watcrs of the deep declare, O Alexander,
that there is nothing left for thee to conquer further; there-
fore return.” All these are manifest errors to any one but
meanly versed in astronomy; however, undoubtedly they ap-
peared beautiful passages to Curtius, or he would never have
imitated them.
6. If any should object, that astronomy was not sufficiently
known in the age when Curtius lived; and if we go back as
high as Alexander's time, the knowledge thereof was much
less; and that therefore Curtius and Alexander's soldiers might
without disgrace make use of such speeches; I answer, that
astronomy was little known or studied by rhetoricians; but
Ptolemy's writings, which are not much later than Curtius,
evidently demonstrate that such childish expressions might
X A CRITICISM
have been avoided; neither was Ptolemy the inventor of that
science, but only the polisher and improver. And as for Alex-
ander's soldiers, they could not have been guilty of such foole-
rics, among whom were Chaldaeans and Ægyptians, expert in
astronomy, besides many of the inhabitants bordering upon
those very parts where these monsters should have been pro-
duced. Arrian, indeed, introduces Caenus dissuading Alexan-
der from attempting any further progress, towards the end of
his fifth book ; but he uses none of those discourses of won-
ders, which could only be hatched in the brain of idle and un-
skilled rhetoricians.
7. Joseph Scaliger, in his book De Fmeºdetione Tempo-
rum, lib. xi. p. 1 18, the last edition, produces these wºrds of
Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 9, towards the close of the chapter
concerning the Indian months: “ Their months,” says he,
“are divided into fifteen days each, and by that means the
full space of their years is measured. They note their time
by the course of the moon, not as most nations, when that
planet shows a full face, but when she begins to appear horn-
ed; for which reason they have shorter months, who divide
them according to this appearance of the moon, than the
other.” Upon this Scaliger observes, “They must certainly
have shorter months than other nations, if theirs consist of no
more than fifteen days. But how come they to commence
their account from the moon in her increase and decrease, and
not as well from the full and change 2 and if from the full,
how can that part of his discourse be consistent, where he
says, when the planet shows a full face? When can this be,
but at full moon Again, if only fifteen days be allowed to
each nonth, how will he always keep exactly to the number,
so as not to depart from his lunar months at the alternate full
and cliange?—And if he always reckons from the moon's ap-
pearing horned, how will the exact number of fifteen days be
preserved, as that author, otherwise very eloquent, has endea-
voured to show, but they will consist of thirty, and one-and-
thirty days.” Matthaeus Raderus endeavours to explain Cur-
tius, as if he designed to demonstrate, that one month began,
and was understood to commence a little after the change to
the full moon, and the next from the time when she began to
decrease, to the next change. This indeed ought to be his
meaning; but it is strangely expressed, when he tells us, that
the moon begins to show herself horned on the sixteenth day,
when it is evident she does not appear so till about seven days
after full moon. But before Raderus, Thomas Lydiat had
tried to solve the matter otherwise. However, Scaliger, in
His Prolegomena to his Canones Isagogica, p. 11, has plainly
UPON QUINTUS CU RTI U. S. xi
showed, that Lydiat neither understood Curtius, nor Curtius the
author which he copied from. The ancient Persians counted
fifteen days to each of their months, and twenty-four of these
months to the solar year, before the introduction of Moham-
medism, as John Chardin evidently demonstrates, in his Iti-
merarium Persicum, toºn. xi. p. 14. Quarto.
S. But now to proceed to geography, which, as it relates
to the description and situation of countries, was much later
than astronomy; Curtius has committed vast and unpardonable
errors herein. None can deny, but that this is almost as ne-
cessary to an historian, as the other; because, without a true
knowledge thereof, the marches of armies must necessarily be
wrong described, and a reader who is unacquainted with the
situation of countries, will be deceived. Curtius has failed
exceedingly in this point; and unless his readers consult some
more able geographer than he, they will infallibly be led
astray. Polybius, before he presumed to put a hand to the
writing his history, was willing to view the chief places,
whereof he intended to treat, lest he should fall into mistakes,
as the ancient historians had done, when the situation of
places was less known. “Why,” says he, “have we en-
dured so many hazards, and so much toil, as a journey through
Africa, Spain, and France, and a voyage through the seas
which wash their shores requires, but upon this motive, that
we might thereby correct the errors of the ancients, who un-
dertook to describe those parts, and display the knowledge of
them to the Greeks of our country " And having hefore dis-
coursed concerning Hannibal's passage over the Alps, “We
write of these things,”t says he, “with the greater confidence,
as having learned them from men who lived in those times;
and we travelled to the Alps, on purpose to view those places,
and to know the truth of what we should relate.” And Diodo-
rus Siculus, towards the beginning of his history, “Through
many dangers, and with much toil, we have travelled over a
great part of Asia and Europe, that we might see the chiefest
and most necessary places: for sundry gross errors proceed
from the want of knowledge of countries, not only among the
meaner writers, but cven among some who have acquired a
great share of glory and esteem.” These things, it is plain,
cannot well be wanting in any historian; but Curtius appears
never so much as to have read one geographical treatise of
those countries which Alexander subdued; though undoubt-
edly many were then extant, written at that time, besides
those we still have which are older than Curtius. However,
* Polyb, lib. iii. p. 293. edit. Ans/. t Lib. iii. p. 280.
xii A C R IT IC ISM
he seems to have studied nothing less than to describe the
countries he had occasion to treat of with accuracy, as will
evideutly appear by examining him.
9. Claudius Salmasius, in his Exercises upon Pliny, chap. 40,
p. 582, Utrecht edition, has long ago observed, that Curtius
trifled in the first chapter of his third book, and confounded
the two rivers Lycus and Marsyas; whereas Marsyas runs by
Apamea, and Lycus washes Laodicea. However, a few mis-
takes in the descriptions of smaller rivers might be forgiven;
but his other errors, which strike at the very roots of all geo-
graphy, can never ºe pardoned. Hear Lucian discoursing
concerning the writing of true history: “ in the survey of
places,” says he, “to falsify not only miles, but whole days
marches, is a property of some of our noted historians.” Cur-
tius's description of the situation of the celebrated oracle of
Jupiter Hammon, which was so well known, shows that both
the climate and the countries adjacent, were utterly unknown
to him : “There,” # says he, “is a wonderful mildness of
the skies, and all seasons of the year smile with the like face,
as if there were a perpetual spring.” Who, unless he is ab-
solutely unacquainted with the very elements of geography,
but must know, that this is not the temperature of the inner
parts of Libya, about the twenty-eighth degree of north lati-
tude 2 But this is deemed a miracle, and attributed to the
presence of the god, by some writers, whom Curtius has
childishly followed, who choose not to fill their histories with
the truest accounts of things, but the strangest. Diodorus
Siculus+ has also given us the like description, perhaps from
the same hands; but Arrian, a man of much better judgment
than either of them, has wholly omitted such trifles.
10. Curtius describes the situation of the bordering nations
thus : “To the eastward, lie the AEthiopians; to the south-
ward, the Arabians, or Troglodytae, whose country extends to
the Red Sea; to the westward, dwell those AEthiopians who
are called Scenitae; to the northward, are the Nasamones,
whose coast is full of quicksands, and whose inhabitants live
by the spoils of the ocean; for they watch the shores, and
seize upon such ships as happen to be left dry at low water,
upon the shallows, which they are well acquainted with.”
Let any one look into the tables of Ptolemy of Alexandria,
who was much better skilled in those parts than he, and he
will soon perceive, that the Nitriota, and Oasitae dwelt to-
wards the east, then those of Higher Ægypt; and lastly, the
* Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 7, 17. f Lib. xvii. p. 527.
: Initio, lib. iii.
Ü PON QUIN 'I' U S C U R T 1 U.S. X | | 1
Arabians, who were named Troglodytae, whom Curtius erro-
neously places towards the south, and makes them possess a
tract much more extensive than they really did. Towards the
south, were first the Libyans, then the more remote Ethio-
pians. Towards the west, the Nasamones; and whether their
country reached to the quicksands or no, I know not. To-
wards the north, were the Libyans, who bordered upon AEgypt,
and held the whole maritime country between Alexandria and
Cyrene. Diodorus describes the situations of these parts
somewhat different; however, he approaches much nearer to
this than to Curtius's geography: “The Ethiopians,” says
he, “ have their habitation towards the south and west; the
Libyans, a wandering race, towards the north; but the Na-
samones take up the whole tract along the sea-coast.” This
last part is less accurate than the former; for the north bor-
ders and the sea-coast are the same ; and the Nasamones
ought rather to have been placed towards the west ; besides,
Diodorus has wholly omitted telling us who inhabited to the
eastward of the temple of Jupiter Hammon.
11. Curtius describes Alexander's march from Assyria to-
wards Babylon, and the course of the Tigris and Euphrates,
never a whit better. After he has told us that Arbela was
taken, he says, Alexander marched with his army straight to
Babylon; and begins the description of that march thus : *
“On their left hand, as they travelled along, was Arabia,
famous for its fertility in spices, and all their road was through
a champaign country.” It is past dispute, that Curtius here
means, that part of Arabia which was next to Euphrates,
which he unfortunately mistakes for the spice-bearing region,
or that part which is usually called Arabia the Happy, when,
in reality, it is Arabia Deserta. Then he places Arabia falsely
upon their left-hand, as they marched from Assyria towards
Babylon. Arabia Deserta is indeed on the right-hand; but
Arabia Felix is a vast way distant to the south. Besides,
when Alexander had routed Darius at Arbela, he must pass
the Tigris, and march westward, if, as Curtius says, he went
from thence straight to Babylon. He rather passed through
Assyria to the Tigris, and thence through Mesopotamia to
Babylon. So that all this while, as they marched southward,
Arabia was far distant on their right-hand. However, I am
not insensible, that in the time of Xenophon, the border of
Mesopotamia, as far as the Euphrates, was also called Arabia,
and described as a spicy region, as is manifest from book i.
chap. 5, 1, of Cyrus's Expedition. But the same author says,
* Curtius, lib, v. cap. 1, 11.
xiv A C 13 IT IC IS AI
that the river Euphrates was on their right-hand, as they
marched through the country southward. I know some have
a mind to read Aturia here, instead of Arabia; but Aturia,
or Assyria, was rather on their right-hand than their left, as
they travelled from Arbela to Babylon; and besides, the men-
tion of the spices growing there, evidently shows he designed
it for Arabia.
12. Of the Tigris and Euphrates, a little after, he thus
speaks : “These rivers arise out of the mountains of Armenia,
and after a vast separation of their waters, perform their
course.—The sºme rivers, when they enter the countries of
Media, and the Gordiani, begin to contract their streams, &c.”
This may be said of the Gordiani, but not of Media, which
Buphrates does not to:ich, nor even Tigris, which runs much
more eastward. Tigris, indeed, washes the westein parts of
Assyria: but it is some days journey distant from the confines
of Media. I know Diodorus Siculus, in his second book,
speaking of these rivers, says,” that “after they have run
through Media, and i’araetacenae, they fall into Mesopotamia.”
But he is no less in an error than Curtius, and may easily be
confuted by the authority of all geographers, both ancient and
modern. Ptolemy calls the northern tract of Persia, Paraeta-
cente, and that the Tigris reaches those parts none ever yet
imagined.
13. As Curtius has made the course of these two noble
rivers much longer than in reality it is, so he sometimes
makes the tracts of land whereof he treats much larger than
they ought to be ; for when he comes to speak of Bactria, +
“The country,” says he, “over which they presided, made
them haughty; it gives place to none, either for arms, men,
or the extent of its territories; for it takes up the third part
of Asia.” This is such a thundering stretch, as never entered
into the head of any geographer, and which none but our
romancing historian could have dreamed of.
14. Iłut Curtius is abundantly the furthest mistaken, in
confounding the Euxine Sea with the Caspian, and Mount
Caucasus with Parapamisus; which error has made strange
work among all the adjacent regions. I know he was led
into this mistake by some of the Greck writers; but unless
he had been utterly ignorant in geography, he could never
have suffered himself to have been so imposed upon. Era-
tosthenes the Cyrenean, one of those who wrote the history of
Alexander’s actions, has long ago corrected this error, with
whom (which is wonderful) Arrian, an author otherwise of
* Pag, gº). edit. Ithod. t Curtius, lib, v. cap, 10, 3.
U P O N QUIN TUS C U RTI U.S. XV
extraordinary judºment, seems almost afraid to comply, not-
withstanding the thing is so evident. Eratosthenes inas in-
formed us, that the Macedonians, in order to set Aiexander
upon a level with Bacchus and IIercules, spread false reports,
that he had carried on his victories to the same places where
they formerly carried theirs : * “They (the Miacedonians)
transferred Mount Caucasus,” says he, “from Pontus to the
most easterly parts of the earth, and the country of Parapa-
misus to India, in their speeches, and called Parapamisus by
the name of Caucasus, for no other reason but to enhance the
glory of Alexander, who had now passed beyond it.” Strabo
has made the same observation in his Geography, lib. xi. p. 348,
Casaub. edit. Genev.
15. This error has occasioned many others, which owe
their rise as to this fountain, and are to be found every where
scattered about in Curtius. We shall produce some exam-
ples, from whence our readers may form a judgment of the
rest. Darius, in some of his epistles to Alexander, stuffed
with the air of a rhetorician, very unbecomiug the gravity of
a monarch, is introduced saying, that “Alexander must pass
over the Euphrates, Tigris, and Araxes:” as if the Araxes
were further eastward than the Tigris; when it is a river of
Armenia, flowing from the west, into the Caspian Sea, to the
south of Mount Caucasus. Or if by the Araxes there, any
Persian river he meant, it must be too mean and inconsider-
able to be joined with Tigris and Euphrates. A little after,
the same Darius, degrading himself from the dignity of a Per-
sian monarch, to a declaimer ignorant of Asia, asks Alexan-
der, f “How he proposes to reach the Sogdians and Aracho-
sians, nations only known by name, and others, as far as Cau-
casus and Tanais ?” when he himself was not at a much less
distance from Caucasus and Tanais, than Alexander; but be-
cause Tanais was known to be beyond Caucasus towards the
north, therefore that mountain was removed into Bactria, in
spite of nature, in order to derive Tanais from thence. Again,
the Cercetae, Mosyni, and Chalybes, nations to the eastward
of the Euxine Sea, and the southward of Mount Caucasus,
are said to be on the left hand of Hyrcania, and on the other"
hand, the Leucosyrians, or Cappadocians; and hence their
opinions may pass for probable, who imagine, that “the Palus
Maeotis Š empties itself into the Caspian Sea.” Nay, he
has been so daring, as to take whole countries and rivers
situate in Lesser Asia, to the southward of the Euxine Sea,
* Apud Arrianum, lib. v. cap. 3. * Curt. Hil). vi. Cap. 4, 4.
f Ibid. Hib. vi. cap. 4, 17. § Ibid. 18.
kvi A ('RIT I C J S M,
and transplant them into Higher Asia, to the southward of
the Caspian Sea. “The Amazonians,” says he, “border
upon Hyrcania, and inhabit the plains of Themiscyra, nigh
the river Thermodoon.” Which city, and which river, every
one knows, are in Cappadocia : and then, as though this coun-
try and Colchos had been the same, he adds, “ They had to
their queen Thalestris, who held the sovereignty of all the
regions between Mount Caucasus and the river Phasis.” Here
he observes the true situation of Caucasus. Another error of
his is, when he asserts, that the country of the Arachosians f
borders upon the Pontic or Euxine Sea.
16. Not lºng after, when he has finished his account of
the Parapamisans, whom he describes much in the manner as
we at this day do the Laplanders; he says, “the army pro-
ceeded to Caucasus, whose high back divides Asia, with one
continued ridge, so that from one part thereof, the Cilician
Sea, from another the Caspian, the river Araxes, and the de-
serts of Scythia may be discerned.” Here he manifestly con-
founds Caucasus with Taurus, as the least inspection into a
geographical chart will easily convince any one; but to make
some amends, he places Araxes right here, whereas a little
before, he spoke of it as though it had been beyond Tigris.
However, afterwards he distinguishes Caucasus from Taurus:
“Taurus,” says he, “the second mountain for bigness, and
next to Caucasus, rises in Cappadocia, and passing through
Cilicia, joins with the mountains of Armenia.” Not long
after this, he falls into an unconscionable mistake, by making
the Caspian and Hyrcanian two different seas. § “The great-
est part of the rivers of Asia discharge their waters, some
into the Red Sea, some into the Caspian, and others into the
Hyrcanian and Pontic seas.” And by and by, he tells us,
that the winds || blow off from the Pontic Sea into the pro-
vince of Bactria, (as if that province were near it,) and sweep
away the sands out of the plains there.
17. When Alexander had passed the river Oxus, which
is well known to fall into the Caspian Sea to the eastward,
MCurtius tells us, he passed on to the Tanais; as if there had
been no river of note between them. And here we can make
no doubt but he meant the,Tanais already spoken of ; for he
adds, “that Penidas, one of Alexander's friends, was dispatch-
ed by him, to those Scythians who inhabit Europe, to warn
them not to pass over the river Tanais, without the king's
leave.” From this whole story "I it is manifest, Curtius
• Curt. cap. 5, 24. + 1 bid. lib. vii. º 3, 4. ! Ibid. 19.
§ Ibid. 21. || Ibid. cap. 4, 27. "I lbid. Jib. vii. cap. 5, 6, 7, & 8.
U PON QUIN T US C U RTI U. S. xvii
thought that the river Tanais, which divided the Bactrians
from the Scythians, also divided Asia from Europe; by which
means, that vast space between the Palus Maeotis and the
river Jaxyrtus, which falls into the Caspian Sea eastward, is
quite thrown aside. A greater mistake than this can hardly
be made; and we shall not throw away our own, nor our
reader's time, to seek for more of this sort. Perhaps some may
endeavour to excuse Curtius, by saying, that he was misled
into this and the like errors, from the Greek authors, which
he copied after. This, indeed, may sounewhat palliate his
crime, but can never cxcuse it; for it is not the part of an
historian, to swallow whatever others have writ, without exa-
mination. Arrian, towards the conclusion of his third book,
after he has given us an account of this Tanais, assures us,
that there is another river of the same name, different from
that which falls into the Palus Maeotis. From whatever has
been observed upon this article, it is evident that Curtius had
no notion of the situation of those countries, which occasioned
him to fall into perpetual errors concerning them, and to be
always guilty of mixing things false with what were true.
Some have indeed been tampering with this author, and try-
ing by their emendations, or rather wilful depravations, to re-
concile him to geographical truth, (as if any could doubt of
his unskilfulness in that particular,) and to amend many pas-
sages, in spite of all the ancient manuscripts. Sure, if this
be allowable, we shall henceforth (by the critics' assistance)
read for ancient authors, not what the ancients wrote, but
what they ought to have written, that is, what the modern
critics are pleased to make them write.
CHAPTjXR II.
Quintus Curtius made a had choice of the authors he copied
from, and gives us failes for true history.
ARRIAN somewhere in his history complains, that Alex-
ander's companions neither delivered the nest faithful ac-
counts of what they knew for certain, nor the most probable
relations of things whereof they were doubtful; and this he
confirms by an example from i'tolemy and Aristobulus: and
there is scarce any, who has given himself the least trouble
to look into history, who has not met with many instances of
this sort.
2. There are two kinds of men who collect histories from
ancient monuments and records; or, as Herodian says in the
VOL. I. b
xviii A C R ITIC ISM
beginning of his work, attempt to renew the memory of old-
done deeds: one part endeavour, as far as lies in their power,
to search out truth, and spare no pains to collect the best
materials, and give the most probable narrations, when cer-
tainty cannot be attained : others are not very solicitous for
truth, and therefore do not give themselves much trouble in
seeking after it, but choose rather to write things wonderful
and surprising, because they are capable of receiving more
embellishment, and supply matter for more lofty and exalted
language. Those, as the same historian excellently expresses
it, “whilst they too greedily affect the fame of being thought
learned, and strive to save their names from oblivion, are less
studious in the search after solid truth, than a smooth and
well-penned discourse; imagining, undoubtedly, that if what
they wrote was not truth, they could hardly be contradicted,
or brought in question, in ages remote from theirs; and that,
however, they should not fail to be read and admired, for the
sweetness and elegancy of their style.”
3. Among the number of these latter, Curtius may be
justly ranked; his work betrays itself, though I should be
silent : however, I shall produce a few examples, and leave
the rest to be sought out by all such of my readers as
shall think fit to give themselves the trouble. In many bat-
tles where the Macedonians were conquerors, he brings in
the numbers of the slain, on the enemy's side, plainly incre-
dible; especially if they be compared with the fewness of
the Macedonians who are said to have fallen in the same
battle. In the battle at Issus,” there fell of the Persians,
according to his account, a hundred thousand foot, and ten
thousand horse:—a number truly incredible in itself; for
though the Persians were no ways comparable to the Mace-
donians, either in valour or military skill, yet they were not
mere sheep. But it will be still the more incredible, if, as
Curtius says, “only five hundred and four were wounded on
Alexander's part; and that there were no more than thirty and
two foot slain, and about a hundred and fifty horse.” To make
this probable, we must either suppose the Persians to have
fought with wooden swords, and to have had neither iron nor
steel fixed to the points of their darts, or that the Macedonians
were covered with shields of Vulcan’s hammering, upon which
all the weapons framed by mortal hands were immediately
broken. Then the Macedonian swords and arrows, according
to this way of reckoning, ought not only to be of the choicest
steel, but never to be moved or thrown in vain. Nay, Cur-
* Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 11, 27.
UPON QUINT US CU RT I U.S. xix
tius himself tells us, that not only Oxathres the brother of
Darius, but others of the Persian nobility, made a brave re-
sistance round the king's person, and fought desperately; and
that on the right wing the Persian horse had the better.
There were, moreover, no more than thirty thousand Greeks
in that battle, which were not nigh equal to the numbers of
the enemy which fled.—Who, after all this, can forbear think-
ing, that the Persians fought only in jest with the Greeks, at
least for some time, when the Macedonians could come so
well off, as not to lose above two hundred men I own, other
historians do not differ much from him ; they do not make
the number slain on the Persian side much fewer, nor the
Macedonians many more ; but an accurate historian would
declare, that he did not easily give credit to such relations;
and, if he could find no numbers which were a little more
within the compass of credibility, would freely own, that, ac-
cording to the best of his judgment, the authors he was forced
to borrow his accounts from had exceeded the measures of
truth. Arrian tells us * that one hundred thousand Persians
were slain in that battle, among whom were ten thousand
horse; but he omits telling us the number of Macedonians
which fell, undoubtedly because he was ashamed of the folly
of those who went before him, and reckoned them no more
than two or three hundred mcm.
4. In another battle, wherein Alexander utterly defeated
Darius and his forces, and in which the Persians are said to
have fought desperately, “There fell,” says Curtius, “ of
the Persians, according as the conquerors were able to com-
pute their numbers, forty thousand; and of the Macedonians,
almost three hundred.” The disparity of those numbers is
really incredible, though they are far more likely than the
other. But Arrian f here forgets himself strangely; and,
without any regard to his judgment, tells us, that three hun-
dred thousand Persians are said to have fallen that day ; and
of the Macedonians, about a hundred. But he may be par-
doned this fault, for he rarely offends thus; neither from one
single slip, can any judgment be formed of the remaining
part of his history.
5. But Curtius has not only such stories in his accounts of
battles between the Persians and Macedonians, but also in those
between the Macedonians and Lacedæmonians, as appears from
the beginning of his sixth book; and though part of the de-
scription of that battle be lost, yet it is manifest, from what
remains, that the Lacedæmonians fought stoutly, and caused
* Arrian, lib, ii. cap, 11. t Lib. iii. cap. 15.
b 2
XX A C R ITIC ISM
the victory to hang long in suspense, and few of them died
unrevenged. Yea, what is more, Curtius, in order to paint
the Laccdaemonian valour in its true colours, displays his
whole stock of rhetoric in praise of them. Yet after a bat-
tle so resolutely fought, “There fell,” says he, “of the Lace-
damonars, five thousand three hundred and sixty ; but of the
Macedonians, a little above three intº dred.” None can en-
dure this, who knows with what courage and obstinacy the
lacedæmonians are used to fight ; that is, who has the least
acquaintance with the Greek history. Surely Piodorus Sicu-
lus, when he gives an account of the number of the Lacedæ-
monians and their confederates slain there, agrees pretty near
with those from whom Curtius has copied, and only abates
sixty of the number: but says, there fell of the Macedonians,”
or Antipater's men, three thousand and five hundred. I should
have supposed, I had done a piece of service, in correcting
this passage in Curtius; but he shows himself so perpetual a
hunter of paradoxes, that all mankind can never be able to
amend him as he requires. -
G. Have you a desire to know by what authority Curtius
assumed this privilege : Hear Cicero, beautifully describing
the wit and custom of those rhetoricians who had the ambi-
tion to commence historians: “It is always taken for grant-
cd,” says he, “that rhetoricians will introduce lies into his-
tory, on purpose to make a story sound the better: and as
thou contrivest falsehoods about the death of Coriolanus, i.
Clitarchus and Stratocles have done the very same concerning
Themistocles. Thucydides, an Athenian of high rank and
great credit, who lived soon after him, only wrote, that he
died, and was privately interred in Athens, and that there was
some suspicion that he was poisoned: to which they add,
that when he had offered a bull in sacrifice, he took a goblet
of the blood, and having drunk it, fell down dead. Thus they
make him die in a rhetorical and tragic manner; for your
common and ordinary deaths afford no matter of embellish-
ment for their writings.”
7. For the same reason Curtins has greedily snatched at
all the fables which he found in ancient writers, (which a
judicious historian and a regarder of truth would either have
omitted, or detected of falsehood,) and employed all his rheto-
ric to make them pass for truth. Such is the fable of Thale-
stris queen of the Amazons, who is said to have come to
* Diod. Sic. lib. xvii. p. 357. + In Brufo, No. 42943.
† Atticus here speaks of, and alluded to, what Cicero said concerning
Coriolanus's death.
UPON OU IN T C S CU RT | U.S. xxi
Alexander on purpose to have a child by him. This Curtius
tells seriously: “The Amazonians,” says he, “border upon
Hyrcania, and inhabit the plains of Themiseyra, near the
river Thermodoon; they had to their queen Thalestris, who
held the sovereignty of all the country between Mount Cau-
:asus and the river Phasis.” We have already shown the
vast error in the geography here, which is much more absurd,
because Alexander's march, as described by Curtius, led him
directly through the country, and of consequence shows us,
that all their boasts about a nation of Amazons is no more
than an empty fable; for if Phasis and Caucasus had been to
the east of Hyrcania, and the country between subject to
Thalestris, Alexander, in his way to the Bactrians and Sog-
dians, must necessarily have passed through her territories,
and of consequence would have required aid from her, to
assist him in making war upon the neighbouring countries,
which we no where find he did : howbeit, after Curtius has
told this single story, he drops her and her Amazons, and never
once mentions them more.
8. However, he proceeds thus: “She, desirous of seeing
the king, took a journey out of her own territories (to Hyr.
cania, for Alexander was there then), and when she was now
not far distant from him, she sent to acquaint him that a
queen was coming, who was desirous to see and know him :
whereupon leave being given, she left all her train there, and
only approached his presence with three hundred female at-
tendants, &c.” The rest I shall not take the trouble of tran.
scribing ; those who have a mind, may read it in Cºrtius : I
shall also forbear declaring it a fable ; for whoever cannot
smell that out, wants a nose, and is not worthy to have good
sense thrown away upon him. The origin of this fable has
been already shown by my father, as you may see at large in
Quastionum Academicarum, lib. l I.
9. Those stories which he has told in such blustering terms,
concerning the dread and surprise of the Macedonians,t when
they first beheld the elbbing and flowing of the tide in the
ocean, are also fallulous; for the Greeks knew as much be-
fore, as is manifest from Herodotus, and many other writers,
who flourished it ng before Alexander's time. Besides, the
Macedonians might have suspended their fears a little, and
asked advice of the Persians, who were in Alexander's army,
and had dwelt near the sea-shore. Add to this, that the tide
upon the Indian coast is but small, and, of consequence, in-
capable of raising such horror. I could easily be induced to
* Curtius, lib. vi. cap. 5. f Ibid. lib. ix, cap, 9.
xxii A CRITICISM
believe that the regular ebbing and flowing of the tide might
cause the Macedonians to wonder; but that it was such a
terror to them as Curtius would persuade us, I can by no
means allow. However, had he told the plain truth of the
story, all that rhetorical daubing had been quite useless, and
a fine opportunity of showing his wit, by describing a vain
and ill-timed fear, utterly lost. None also can with patience
endure to read the story of his fish, left by the sea, and walk-
ing upon the dry land: “The monsters,” says he, “being
thrown ashore by the waves, walked about dreadfully.”
10. Nor is there a grain of truth in that story, at the con-
clusion of his work, concerning the corpse of Alexander :
“The king's body had now lain in the royal pavilion seven
days.-And there is no hotter clime than that of Mesopota-
mia, insomuch that several creatures, which lic upon the
ground exposed to it, are killed thereby : so excessive is the
heat of the sun and air, that all things are in a manner scorch-
ed with fire.—His friends were then studious how to preserve
the dead body; but when they entered the place where it lay,
they found it firm and sound, and no marks of corruption, nor
so much as a blueness to be discerned about it : the liveliness
also which is caused by the animal spirits was still to be seen
in his countenance.” These were lies, hatched by Alexan-
der's sycophants even after his death, or the fictions of de-
claimers; that as every part of his life was wonderful, so his
death might be embellished in a tragical and rhetorical man-
ner. This is evident from comparing Curtius with the other
historians which Freinshemius furnishes us with ; and the
silence of Arrian, who is so accurate in such matters, is no
small testimony against him.
ll. But this, some may say, Curtius had from others, whom
Plutarch commends. I neither commend nor condemn him
for copying from others; but he ought to have given that ne-
cessary caution which Arrian has taken care to furnish us
with on another occasion: “These things,” says he, “are
rather added, that my readers might perceive I was not igno-
rant of such reports, than that I give any credit to them, or
think them worth the rehearsal.” I must confess, Curtius has
once given us a hint of this kind, to signify he did not believe
all he wrote; but this ought to have been often repeated, as
Arrian has prudently done, and particularly in those places
which we have brought against him, he might easily have
added, as he has done once elsewhere : + “I copy more than
I give credit to ; and am neither willing to induce others to
* Arrian, lib. vii. towards the conclusion. t Lib. iv. cap. 1, 34.
UPON QUINTUS CU RTIUS. xxiii
believe what I am doubtful in myself, nor to make them doubt
what I have received for truth.” If this had been every where
done, we should have praised his diligence, without so much
as inquiring into his veracity or judgment.
CHAPTER IV.
Some things are very ill described by Quintus Curtius, and
others told which are manifestly false.
IN his description of the hooked chariots which the Persians
used, he has these words: “At the end of the pole, long
spears were fixed, pointing forwards; and on each side from
the body of the chariot three swords were placed.” This is
not difficult to be understood; but what follows would be ex-
tremely difficult, if not altogether unintelligible, unless we
depart from the propriety of the words, and understand not so
much what Curtius said, as what he would have said: “And
among the spokes of the wheels more spears stand forth, di-
rected right forwards; some sithes were fixed aloft to the
highest part of the circumference of the wheels, and others
below, towards the earth, to cut in pieces whoever lay pro-
strate, or fell in their way.” #
2. Among the spokes of the wheels, properly speaking, no-
thing could stand forth, which would not stop the motion of
the chariot. Besides, what means he by right forward Can
spears stand forth, and not point right forward 2 Then what
are the highest parts of the circumference of the wheels? Are
they not the ring, or rounding? If so, in the ring, or rounding,
there is neither higher nor lower part while the wheel is in
motion, because every part thereof is highest and lowest by
turns. Curtius understood it thus, as appears by what fol-
lows: “And others fixed below, towards the earth.” How
could sithes be fixed at the lowest extremity of the ring of
the chariot, which should not hinder its motion ? John Schef-
fer * judged rightly, that this description was very much en-
tangled, and imperfect; and so it was deemed by Godesc Ste-
vecilius and Matthaeus Raderus, insomuch that neither of
them durst venture to take a draught from it.
3. But wherever Curtius had this description of a hooked
chariot, he seemed not to have understood his author, from
whence he took it. He ought not to have said that the sithes
stood forth from among the spokes, but from the nave of the
* Scheffer. de re Vehiculari, lib, xi cap. 15.
xxiv A C R ITIC ISM
wheel; then, that two sithes stood forth from the end of the
axle-tree, one right forward, about the length of the axle-tree
itself, the other transverse, and pointed towards the ground.
The sithes and spears thus standing forth from the wheels or
axle-tree, and that bent downwards from the axle-tree, were
not only designed to cut and tear in pieces all who stood in
their way, but also to destroy all those who happened either to
be thrown down by the horses, or the tumult and hurry of the
people, and lay not far distant.
1. That this, or something like it, was the form of the
hooked chariots, I am ſully assured, having the evidence of
two ancient authors on my side, the one a Latin, the other a
Greek. Livy describes them thus : * “The hooked chariots
—were most commonly armed after this manner; The two
sithes, which they had from the beam, were shaped like
horns, and full ten cubits in length, where with they tore and
rent in pieces whatever they met; and at the end of the axle-
tree two others stood forth, one right forward, the other point-
ed downward, to cut asunder and make havoc of whatever lay
near them.” For these four sithes, Curtius has three swords,
which are not capable of doing half the execution. The rest
he describes thus: “Also at the naves of the wheels, two others
were fixed, in the same manner as the former.” Curtius
aimed at something like this, in these words: “And other
sithes in the highest part of the circumference, &c.” But
his description is absurd, and would be unintelligible, if Livy
did not help us to his meaning. Diodorus Siculus, discour-
sing of hooked chariots, gives us this description of them :f
“From each of them,” says he, “at the end of the pole were
fixed spears of three spans in length, looking directly against
the enemy's ranks.” This answers to the former part of Cur-
tius's description, and what follows to the latter: “And in the
nave of the axle-tree, (that is, beneath the chariot, where the
axle-tree holds it up,) two other darts stood out, pointed in like
manner against the enemy's ranks, but broader and longer
than the former. Sithes were also fixed upon these extre-
mities (that is, the ends of the axle-trees).” I fancy from
these, or some such like descriptions, ill understood, Curtius
has taken his absurd and imperfect one; for which see John
Scheffer, who has taken some pains to reconcile Curtius to
common sense, by substituting naves, for the outermost ring, or
circumference. But to me it is no wonder, that a man used
all his life-time to declaiming, should err in such a descrip-
tion; and I would not have Scheffer, or any ene else, pretend
* Livy, lib. xxxvii, cap. 41. * Diod, Sic, lib. xvii. p. 530.
U PON QUINTUS CU RTI U.S. XXV
to make him skilled in military terms, in spite of all the ma-
nuscript copies of his work. Lucian mocks a certain Corin-
thian historian, by telling him, “ He had never so much as
seen a battle painted on a wall, nor knew what arms nor mi-
litary engines were.” For which reason he would have a man
at least to have seen all these things, before he attempts to
commence historian.
5. However, considering him as a rhetorician, we may well
forgive his erroneous descriptions of hooked chariots, which he
had never seen; but he is hardly excusable, when he stumbles
and hesitates in things which were obvious and plain, and con-
tradicts himself. Thus he describes the field of battle where
Alexander overcame Darius the second time : “The coun-
try,” says he, “was a smooth and wide plain, fit for the draw-
ing up an army upon : not so much as a branch or stump of
a tree was to be seen; but the eye had a full and unbounded
prospect on all hands, even as far as it could reach.” After
he had said thus much, who could ever have dreamed that he
would have added: “Therefore, where there were any hil-
locks, he ordered them to be leveled, and the whole surface
to be made plain.”f This is a plain contradiction to what he
had said just before; and that they might have hung toge-
ther, instead of saying, “the country was a smooth and wide
plain,” he ought to have said, the country was almost every
where a smooth and wide plain; and then he might have sub-
joined, “Where there were any hillocks, &c.” Nay, so fond
is he of these hillocks, and so unwilling to part with them,
notwithstanding what he has said before, that he swells one
of them into a high hill, and some others into mountains:
“Upon the high hill Mazaeus, with a choice troop of horse,
posted themselves, but soon retired from thence, and returned
to Darius. However, the Macedonians seized that very hill
which Mazaeus had just left, because it was a safer post for them
than the level field; besides, from thence they could easily
have had a full view of all the enemy's troops which lay ex-
tended on the plain : but the mist, which was among the
mountains, hindered the prospect of the ranks and orders of
their army.” These are contradictions; for hills and moun-
tains no doubt hound the sight; yet Arrian, in his description
of this field of battle, has something not much different from
this.
6. When Alexander had advanced with his army as far as
the river Hyphasis, I he begins to doubt, “whether the Ma-
cedonians, having traversed such a vast part of the carth, are
* Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 9, 10. t Ibid. lib, iv. cap. 12, 19, &c.
! Ibid. lib. ix. cap. i.1, 10.
xxvi A CRITIC ISM
not become old in the service.” If this be understood of
Alexander's wars, it is absurd ; he reigned but few years, and
made war with Darius yet fewer. Curtius himself was not
wholly ignorant of this; for a little after, he brings in Alex-
ander speaking thus: “ Have I conquered both regions,” in
the tenth year of my reign, and the twenty-ninth of my age,
and must I now cease the pursuit of glory, to which alone I
had devoted myself?” But some may say, They had been in
Philip's wars before, which are therefore to be joined with
those of Alexander. However, this is a needless surmise, be-
cause the stipends they had fought for under Philip, ought not
to be imputed to his son Alexander.
7. But not to stifle any thing which may be said in Cur-
tius's behalf, the word semer, which he there uses, sometimes
signifies a man who is not very much advanced in years, as
may be gathered from Livy, where he introduces Hannibal,
that veteran commander, speaking thus: “As to myself, f my
age persuades me to return, an old man, into my country,
from whence I went out a youth; for the mixture of prospe-
rity and adversity which I have already tried, has taught me
rather, henceforth, to follow the dictates of reason, than sub-
ject myself to the caprice of fortune.” However, some time
after, the same Hannibal tells the Carthaginians, “that at
thirty-six years of age he had been sent forth to fight for them
the space of nine years.”f He was then therefore but forty-
five, which can scarce be termed old, if we take semilis a tas
in the same sense as the Greeks understand yºga; ; but it may
be understood thus, only in opposition to childhood or youth,
and so properly enough termed senilis attas; and so the sol-
diers in Alexander's army, who had only followed his fortunes
eight years, might be said to be semes facti, if they were ar-
rived to the age when Hannibal termed himself so, and much
more truly, if some of them had then borne arms the space of
fifty years.
8. Caenus, in a speech which he makes in behalf of the
whole army, has these expressions; “Our darts are now blunt-
ed; we have no offensive arms;–How few among us have
coats of mail? § Who has a horse remaining f” These are such
far-fetched hyperboles, that they are direct lies, contradictory
to all history, which assures us that Alexander's army fought
several battles after this; which they would hardly have done
without weapons: besides, had those they carried from Mace-
donia been worn out, they might be furnished with sufficient
supplies in Asia; and such a general would never suffer his
* Curtius, lib. ix. cap, 6, 21. t Livy, lib. xxx. cap. 30.
† Ibid. cap. 37. § Curtius, lib, ix. cap. 3, 10, 11.
UPON QUINTUS CURT IUS. xxvii
troops to go unarmed. Curtius therefore could not have put
these words into the mouth of Caenus, unless he had forgot
himself, and suffered his sense to be hurried away by the im-
petuosity of his style.
CHAPTER V.
Quintus Curtius often dwells upon unnecessary subjects, and
omits things really material.
As the incidents in Alexander's life are in a manner infinite,
and the events innumerable, all cannot be recorded; not only
because many of them never come to the knowledge of an
historian, but also because he ought to show his judgment by
this choice: all unnecessary things are therefore to be reject-
ed, and only those conducing to the series of the history re-
tained. In a jejune and barren subject, indeed, and which,
without some additional embellishment, would be bald and
unpleasant, the descriptions of common accidents may be en-
dured: but where the theme is copious, they are absolutely
intolerable. However, thus historians have acted, as is evi-
dent from the before-mentioned book of Lucian : “There
are some,” says he, “who either omit, or carelessly pass over,
affairs of the highest moment; and, by reason of their un-
skilfulness, or folly, or ignorance of what ought to be told, and
what left out, they dwell upon trifles, and prosecute them
with the greatest eagerness imaginable. Such are the de-
scriptions wherewith Quintus Curtius, above all others, every
where abounds, as shall be fully made out by the following
particulars.
2. What is more common or better known than rivers :
and yet how frequent are their descriptions every where in-
terspersed through his work; not that the reader is supposed
to want any information of the nature of each of them, or
that any memorable action happened upon their banks, which
might cause a short historical account of them ; but that we
should admire the writer's eloquence, by his manner of de-
scribing them. Thus he paints forth Marsyas, a river of
Phrygia: “The river Marsyas,” says he, “ celebrated by the
fabulous Greek stories, at that time overflowed the country of
Media: it rises from the top of a mountain, and falls into
a rock below with a great noise. Thence it spreads itself
abroad, and waters the circumjacent fields, running in a clear
and limpid stream, and receiving no other into its bosom. Its
colour, therefore, resembling that of a calm sea, has given
occasion to the fictions of the poets, who report, that the
xxviii A C RITIC IS \ſ
Nymphs enamoured with this river, chose to place themselves
upon that rock. As long as it keeps within the walls, it re-
tains its first name; but as soon as it glides through those bar-
riers, it proceeds with greater strength and force, and assumes
the name of Lycus.” Had Alexander met with any difficulty
in passing this river, or had any notable action happened near
it, this account might have been endured: but that the reader
may be satisfied how impertiment it is, let him but omit it,
and pass it over in the reading, and he will find the history
full as good without it. I can bear with Curtius's description
of the river Cydnus, which ſlows through Tarsus, because
Alexander resolving to wash himself therein, when he was
hot with travelling, had no sooner entered it, than he was
seized with a grievous distemper: I say, I can without any
pain read, “that Cydnus * is not so remarkable for the quan-
tity, as the quality of her waters; she rises in a flat country,
and glides gently through a fine soil, receiving no brooks to
trouble the natural pureness of her own stream. She there-
fore passes unmixed, and excessive cold, as being shaded all
along by tall and pleasant trees growing on her banks, and
falls into the sca in the same manner as she flowed from her
ſountains.” These things might induce Alexander to bathe
himself in her bosom, and are not therefore foreign to the
purpose of an historian. *
8. But his account of Pasitigris is wholly useless, as may
appear through the work. Thus, however, he describes it
(I have quoted his own words, on purpose that the reader may
understand, by his tedious descriptions of rivers, how vastly
he values himself upon the art of describing them): “The
king,” says he, “on the fourth day after, pitched his tents on
the banks of a river, which the inhabitants call Pasitigris : it
arises among the mountains of the Uxii, and rushes through
a woody country, in a rocky channel, the space of fifty stadia.
Then, continuing its course along a flat country, it there
glides freely on, and becomes navigable; and thus, after a
calm and quiet race of six hundred stadia, through a fruitful
soil, it discharges its waters into the Persian Sea.” What did
Alexander here to merit this description ? Why, nothing, but
only that he passed over it.
4. A little after, he falls to describing the rivers Araxes
and Medus, which he calis Persian rivers, $ to full as much
purpose, as he did those before; “The river Araxes,” says
* Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 4, 8. + Ibid. lib. v. cap. 3, 1.
1 Ibid. lib. v. cap. 4, 7. ; :
§ Curtius ought to be careful that these be not Armenian rivers,
when he positively calls them Persian ones. See Stralo, lib. xv. p. 729.
U P O N QUIN T US C l RTI U. S. xxix
he, “empties itself with a great torrent, into the Medus.
Medus is a less river than that which it receives, and conti-
nues its course (a mari) southwards: wherever the water of
it comes, it renders the place exceedingly fruitful, and causes
it to produce great plenty of flowers; palm-trees and poplar-
trees clothe its banks, and grow so thick that they appear
afar off no other then one continued plcasant grove. Its chan-
nel is deep, yet, notwithstanding, the moisture ascends to the
roots of the trees, and contributes to their bringing forth
leaves and boughs in great plenty.” I shall not be so imper-
tinent here, as to inquire what his mari versus signifies, when
he is discoursing about a river. Here may be some error in
the copy, as the learned suspect. However, the luxuriant
style of the rhetorician, and his insignificant descriptions of
these rivers, is abundantly shown. *
5. Perhaps his digression concerning Zioberus, a river of
Hyrcania, may be a little more excusable, because Alexander
had a desire of knowing something which was singular in its
course, by his own experience. However, that alone ought
to have been told plainly and significantly, and not a long
detail of other things, foreign to the purpose. Thus he de-
scribes it: “The wood,” with thick and lofty trees, yields a
very delightful shade, and the fertile earth is watered with
rivulets flowing from all parts of the neighbouring rocks.
The river Zioberus issues from the foot of a mountain, and
runs almost three furlongs in length, in one stream; but
then being hindered by a rock, which cuts the water, it
divides itself into two parts, and then, a little further, sinks
under the earth, with a great noise, caused by the ruggedness
of the stones through which it passes. It runs thus under-
ground three hundred furlongs, and then again breaks forth
afresh, as if there it had its ſountain, sending forth a new
stream, far broader than the former; for it is there above
thirteen furlongs in breadth, and so grows narrower by de-
grees, till at length it falls into another river called Ridago.
The inhabitants affirm, that whatever is let fall into the
cavern at the first fountain, wiłł come up again at the second ;
upon this occasion, Alexander commanded two oxen to be
thrown in at the first, whose bodies were accordingly seen
(by those he had sent) to ascend at the second, driven out by
the violence of the stream.” The knowledge of this last arti-
cle was all Alexander wanted; and it had been enough for
him to have told his reader, that after the river had laid itself
under-ground, it burst forth again : the rest is all stuff, and
the business of a declaimer, not of an historian.
* Curt. lib. vi. cap. 4, 4.
XXX A C R IT I C J S MI
5. Thus he proceeds to describe Polytimetus, a river of
Sogdiana: “The river called by the natives Polytimetus,
runs almost the whole length of the country: this river is
but narrow, but very rapid, and at last it runs under-ground,
where the course of it may be heard; but upon all the places
it runs over, not one spring is to be found.” # I could add to
these, his accounts of the Indian rivers, but I am weary of
transcribing such useless episodes; and I do not question, but
by this time my reader is as weary with reading them.
7. However, Curtius was not the only ancient author who
transgressed in this particular, as is evident from Lucian, who
thus speaks of a certain Greek historian: “One,” says he,
“who was famous for a volubility of speech, who being equal,
in his own conceit, or somewhat superior to Thucydides, took
an opportunity of describing every city, mountain, field, and
river, which came in his way, in the most glaring and lively
colours imaginable.” For that reason, he afterwards esta-
blished it as a maxim, to be observed by historians, that
none should trifle away his own and reader's time, in unne-
cessary descriptions: his words we shall quote in the eighth
chapter. *
8. If you compare Curtius diligently with other writers of
Alexander's Life, and especially with Arrian, it will appear
that he has omitted many circumstances, which conduce not
a little to the series of the history, and to make all the rest
intelligible. I remember, I once took notice of several, but
shall only here produce one, but that a very remarkable one,
whereby the reader may judge of the rest. When I read the
description of the battle at Issus, in Curtius, before I had con-
sulted Arrian, he seemed to me to err in point of geography,
as he frequently does elsewhere, because he had omitted one
very material circumstance: he says, that “on the same
night, Alexander arrived at the streights by which Syria is
entered, and Darius at those of Amanus.” f Darius marched
from Euphrates, and Alexander from Tarsus; $ therefore
Alexander's right wing ought to have extended towards the
Cilician Sea, and the left towards the mountains: and, on the
other hand, Darius's right wing should have stretched towards
the mountains, and the left to the sea. Notwithstanding all
which, Curtius tells us, that Darius's right wing stretched
out to the sea, and Alexander's iſ left wing was extended to-
wards the mountains. This I could not comprehend; nor is
* Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 10, 2. t Lib. viii. cap. 9.
1. Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 8, 13.
§ To understand this perfectly, the reader ought to have a map of
Lesser Asia before him.
| Curt. lib. iii. cap. 8, 27. *I Ibid. cap. 9, 8.
UPON 0 U 1 N T US C [J RT I U.S. xxxi
it possible to be comprehended, by Curtius's narration: but
casting my eyes upon Arrian, the whole mystery was reveal-
ed; for he tells us, that Alexander receiving intelligence that
Darius was at Sochos, marched from Mallos to the streights
of Amanus, which he passed, and encamped near the city
Myriandrus : and that Darius, not knowing that Alexander
had passed these streights, passed them himself, in his way to
Cilicia, and seized upon lssus. Therefore, that they might
come to an engagement, it was then necessary that Alexan-
der should turn from Syria, towards Cilicia, and that Darius
should also turn his troops to meet him, “Darius,” says
Arrian, “ having passed the mountain which is nigh the
streights of Amanus, directed his march towards 1ssus, not
knowing that Alexander’s whole force was now behind him :
however, Alexander understanding how the case stood, dis-
patched some of his horse and archers, † to clear the road to
the streights, which he was obliged to pass; which done, the
night following he moved with his whole army to take pos-
session of them again.” This being performed accordingly,
Alexander drew up his army, the right wing thereof being
extended to the mountains, and the left wing to the sea.
9. The matter is now plain. However, two things seem
still somewhat strange in this story: first, how Darius came
not to know that the Macedonians lay encamped at Myrian-
drus (for if his spies could not find that out, sure the inhabi-
tants thereabouts, who were then in Darius’s interest, could
not be ignorant of it); and secondly, what could be the
reason, that when Alexander knew that l)arius's mighty army
was just passing those streights, he did not attack them, when
the part which had passed them would have been incapable
of succouring their friends; by which stratagem, that great
army might have been easily overcome, without hazard
And that the matter stood thus, is evident, by the disposition
of the wings of both armies. But things which are most to
the purpose, ought least to have been omitted by Curtius,
especially seeing such an omission renders him perfectly un-
intelligible.
10. “On the same night,” says he, “Alexander arrived at
the streights of Syria, and Darius at those of Amanus.” The
streights of Syria, according to Strabo, are beyond Myrian-
drus; and those of Amanus, not far from Issus. But it must
be said, once for all, that this was occasioned by the mistake
of both armies, seeking one another in a wrong place : how-
* Arrian, lib. ii. cap. 6. t Ibid. lib. ii. cap, 7.
1 Strabo, lib. xiv.
xxxii A C R IT I C H SYT
ever, this mistake was a point necessary to have been taken
notice oſ. But if I may be allowed to speak my sentiments,
I am of opinion, that Cultius copied aitcr some author who
had omitted this circumstance, without knowing that any
thing material was wanting. What follows, confirms me in
this, when he tells us, that “those Macedonians, whom Darius
had taken in the city of Issus, (which was to the westward of
the streights of Amanus,) and cut off their hands, entered the
Macedonian camp, and told them that Darius was following
them as hard as he could march.” Now it is plain, they
could not properly say, Darius followed them, forasmuch as
they knew not that he entered Cilicia, soon after Alexander
entered Syria.
11. In the mean time, the disposition of the wings of both
armies was true, as Curtius had given it ; but then it was not
to be understood, by his bare narration. Hence we may
easily gather, that, in short histories especially, some difficul-
ties may occur, which it will be no easy matter to account
for, and which sometimes will be impossible for us to find
out; not that the historians themselves are guilty of manifest
errors, but because they have omitted some circumstances,
without which, the series of the story is not to be understood.
That which in itself may be never so true, may, by the
omission of one circumstance in the relation, appear a fiction;
unless some other historian happens to be at hand, who has
given us a more ample account of the matter. An historian
ought not, therefore, to be rashly accused of falsity, though
the several parts of his history do not seem to hang well to-
gether; we ought rather to muster up arguments to convince
ourselves, how the matter ought to be understood, in any
other sense: if we fail in this, the safest way is to suspend
our judgment, and let the matter rest, till some other histo-
rian clears it up to our hands.
12. I could easily show another sort of omission in Curtius;
but because the best of our historians are guilty of the same,
notwithstanding it is inconsistent with the laws of an accurate
narration, I shall but barely mention it. We often take notice,
that a circumstance is omitted in the foregoing part of a dis-
course, upon which a great part of the rest has a dependence,
which circumstance perhaps is in itself of no importance;
however, it ought either to be mentioned by an historian, or
all those parts of the narration which have a dependence
thereon wholly omitted. All things are not to be recorded
by an historian, it is true; but at the same time, nothing ought
to be left out by those who aim at accuracy this way, which
will afford new light to the narration, if the knowledgethereof
UPON QUINTUS CURTIUS. xxxiii
be possible to be gained. As for example, Curtius, when he
describes Darius's manner of embattling his army, adds, “that
they placed the king's wife and mother, and whole train of
women, in the middle of the host;”* after this, he proceeds
to the description of the Macedonians, and then to the battle.
No mortal, who read only thus far, would doubt but that
Darius's wife and mother, and all the rest of the female train,
were present in the battle: but from the sequel it is plain they
were not there, but in the camp; and were so ignorant of the
disposition of the army, as not to know in which wing flarius
stood. Therefore, had this former circumstance been true,
Curtius ought to have added, that Darius's wife and mother
indeed saw the army drawn up, but before the trumpets sound-
ed the alarm, they returned into the camp. Or if he chose
not to have inserted this circumstance, he ought to have
omitted the other.
13. In his account of the expedition against the Bactrianst,
he has this passage; “He thence returned to Craterus, who
besieged Artacacna, &c.” Of which siege there was not so
much as a syllable mentioned before; for what he had said
elsewhere, of Craterus being left to carry on the siege, &c.
relates to another town. And elsewhere, after he had described
Ptolemy, with all the horse under his command, riding along
the banks of the river Hydaspes to seek a fordable place, in
order to attack a party of Porus's army over-against him, while
Alexander was passing the same river a little above; he then
proceeds directly to an account of the battle itself, where he
assures us Ptolemy was present,S though he never acquainted
us that he had passed the river. But the matter, you may per-
haps say, was sufficiently plain of itself; for Ptolemy could
not possibly have been present with his party at the battle un-
less he had passed it. But he might have stopped a little
here; the circumstance was of importance enough to have
been remembered by the addition of one small word or two.
I shall not take notice in this place, that the story is different-
ly told by Arrian, from Ptolemy himself, a party concerned
and an eye-witness; for that is not my present inquiry.
14. A just and exact narration will not admit of any such
omissions; but because Curtius has this error in common with
some of the best of our historians, we shall overlook his faults
for their sakes, lest we be thought to pass too harsh a censure
upon the great ornaments of their age. Others have already
collected examples of this sort; we shall therefore add only
* Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 9, 6. + Ibid. lib. vi. cap. 6, 33.
i Ibid. lib. viii. cap. 13, 18. § Ibid. cap. 14, 13.
WOL. I. C
xxxiv. A C R ITT CISM
one, which occurs to our memory while we are writing. It
is a passage in Herodian, where that most elegant author,
writing concerning Pertinax, says: “But afterwards, when
fame had noised abroad what he had said in the senate-house,
or what he had wrote to the people, every one was glad.”
Whereas there was no mention made before of any speech
which Pertinax had made in the senate, or any thing he had
wrote to the people.
15. Several learned men have found, by comparing Cur-
tius with Arrian and other writers who take notice of Alex-
ander's acts, even in a cursory way,” that “Curtius hurries his
history on abundantly too fast, towards the conclusion, inso-
much that he is forced to omit several things of great import-
ance, and to touch others but lightly over: The expedition
against the second Porus, for example, who was nephew to the
first great monarch of that name, of whom, besides Arrian,
Strabo takes notice, he has given us in one single word.”
Other examples of this kind might be brought; but we too
are in haste to come to the conclusion of this chapter.
CHAPTER VI.
Quintus Curtius rashly attributes the knowledge of the Greek
fables to the Indians, and gives Greek names to the remotest
rivers in India.
It is a common fault among the Greek and Roman writers,
to seek for their own deities, and those fables which owed their
birth to Greece and Italy, (and gained credit only among boys,)
in the midst of Barbarians, who never so much as heard of
their names before the Greeks and Romans entered their ter-
ritories. Of this we have already treated in our Ars Critica,
part II. sect. i. chap. 13, and here will proceed to show,
that Curtius was not free from this accusation, but blindly fol-
lowed the Greek writers, who gave not the true names of the
rivers and towns in India, but their names miserably wrested
into the Greek tongue; whereas it is evident, the inhabitants
of that country understood not a word of that language. Be-
sides, he also imitates that wretched Greek custom of giving
most of the Barbarian proper names a Greek interpretation,
and then palming their spurious interpretations upon us, in-
stead of the names themselves; which is the same as if the
French should sometimes write the German appellations in
their own idiom, and at other times wholly change them into
* Wide Freinsheim. ad Curtium, lib. ix. cap. 1, 8.
UPON QUINTUS CURTIUS. XXXV
French words, and use such alterations instead of the original
names. Who would endure a French historian, should he
proceed to give us the acts of Gustavus Adolphus in Germany
after this manner? However, we may forgive the ancients this
one offence, because they make us amends for it with innu-
merable excellencies; but though we may overlook it, we may
at the same time note it down as a great fault, which every
one, unless he be a superficial reader, must needs take notice
of.
2. When Alexander had entered the territories of India,
their chief rulers came to meet him and ask his commands,
not forgetting “ to tell him, that he was the third son of
Jove,” who had penetrated thus far; that Father Bacchus
and Hercules had indeed visited them, according to common
fame; but that they saw him then among them.” If any such
speech was ever made by the Indians, the first writers of this
history ought to have given us the true Barbarian names the
Indians made use of, which undoubtedly were not Greek, when
even the Romans, who had the same religion with the Greeks,
whose religious rites were derived from thence, and whose ter-
ritories were so near, did not use the same names: for who
knows not, that Neptunus, Mercurius, Minerva, Venus, Ceres,
Diana, and many other appellations of their deities, are not
of Greek extraction? And much more then would the Indians
call their gods, whoever they were, by other names, proper to
their country. Even at this day, the Persians tell stories of one
Rustemus, an Indian, who lived in the most ancient times,
and was of a gigantic stature: of him, the Indians have many
fabulous relations, and his effigies is to be seen among the
ruins of Persepolis, as John Chardin,t an eye-witness, in-
forms us. He imagines this Rustemus to have been their
Hercules; but assures us, at the same time, that they gave all
heroes of those times the denomination of Hercules. Whether
there are any figures among those pieces of sculpture, referring
to the stories of Hercules or Bacchus, I know not.
3. However, if I may be allowed to speak the truth freely,
I believe these were only the fictions of the Macedonians, who,
as we have before observed, from Eratosthenes and Strabo,
were resolved at all adventures to raise Alexander at least to
a pitch of glory equal with Hercules and Bacchus. Arrian is
very merry upon this story: he smelt a rat, but durst not de-
clare his sentiments barefaced, because of his religion. How-
ever, he begins his fifth book thus: “Alexander then entered
* Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 10, 1.
t Itiner. Persic. tom. iii. p. 121, edit. 4to.
c 2
xxxvi A C RITICISM
that part of the country which lies between the two rivers
Cophenes and indus, where Nysa is said to be situate. This
city was built by Dionysus (or Bacchus,) when he conquered
the Indians. But who this Bacchus was, or at what time or
from whence he set forth against these Indians, is hard to de-
termine. Whether he was that Theban, who from Thebes,
or he who from Tmolus, a mountain of Lydia, undertook that
famous expedition into India, and when he had passed through
so many warlike nations then unknown to the Greeks, reduced
none of them all, by force, but India.” These plainly show,
that the Greeks foolishly ascribed that expedition either to the
Theban or the Lydian Bacchus, and that the Macedonians
took the liberty of forging these stories, in honour of their
general. I am not ignorant, that some great men have ob-
served, and proved * by learned arguments, that Bacchus was
one of the blastern deities; but our discourse is concerning the
Theban Bacchus, the son of Semele, which name the Greeks
borrowed of the Chaldeans, or perhaps the AEgyptians. Be-
sides, that the Oriental Bacchus, or Dionysus, whoever he was,
made war upon India, is hardly credible: however, it is not
my design at this time to demonstrate the contrary; the
reader, if he pleases, may consult Strabo for his further satis-
faction, towards the beginning of his fifteenth book.
4. However, it is worth our while to listen to Arrian, who
thus proceeds: “This I may venture to say, that those things
which the ancients have published in their fables concerning
their gods, ought not to be too narrowly searched into; for
whenever the truth of a story seemed liable to be called in
question, some god was immediately summoned to their aid,
and then all was plain and beyond dispute.” If it be lawful
or just to haul in the public faith to countenance a lie, what
more can be done in behalf of truth for he has assured us,
that the name of some god was called upon to screen a lie
from a too inquisitive search; whereby it found the credit
which was due to nothing but truth. But this privilege, you
will perhaps say, was only allowed to the fables of the ancients,
and not to any lies. But what title can the ancients plead for
lying, which the moderns are debarred from laying a claim
to? Or by what right do the ancients escape the censure of
the moderns, when at the same time the moderns fall so
severely upon one another? This was the opinion of some
heathens, and those no fools neither, as is evident from Ar-
rian, whom Diodorus Siculus preceded, who thus enters upon
the history of Hercules: “Truth ought neither to be too di-
* Sam. Bochart. in Phaleg. lib. i. cap. 2.
U PON QUINTUS CURTIUS, xxxvii
ligently sought for, nor too eagerly expected in these fabulous
relations; for on our theatres, though we know there never
were Centaurs, of a species between brutal and human, nor
any such person as Geryon, with three bodies, yet we receive
such fables as these, and by our applauses add to the honour
of the god.” Thus the Macedonians undoubtedly imagined
they added to Alexander's honour, by the lies they published
concerning him; and the writers which copied after them,
from these fables of theirs, have introduced the Indians flat-
tering Alexander. Such is the speech of Aculphis in Arrian,
towards the beginning of his fifth book.
5. Curtius discoursing of the Nisaeans, says, that “they
derive the origin of their city from Bacchus, * and that claim
of theirs is just:” As if this were any token of the least truth
in it. However, he proceeds: “The city is seated at the foot
of a mountain, which the natives call Meros, whence the
Greeks have assumed the liberty of coining the fable of Bac-
chus's lying concealed in Jupiter's thigh.” I would gladly
ask, whether Meros is an Indian word, which the Macedo-
nians imagined the same with the Greek M%ds. If it was,
why did they not also give us the Indian name of Bacchus?
Besides, why is he called Bacchus, not simply #y tº pºſtg
Tertºgºzi, because he was nourished in a thigh, but y Tú roj
A13; p.motº, because it was Jupiter’s thigh. But all these
are neither better nor worse than lies of the Macedonians;
for it is most likely, that the Theban Bacchus was said by
the ancient Thebans, who were a colony of Phoenicians, to
have sprung from Jupiter’s thigh, after the Phoenician man-
ner of speaking, which was also common among the Hebrews,
and signified no more than that he was one of Jupiter's de-
scendants.
6. The Macedonians not only found that Bacchus, a citi-
zen of Thebes, was known among the Indians, if we will give
credit to them, but they found another god there, born in the
same city, namely, Hercules, as we have already related.
“The image of Hercules was borne before the troops: + It
was a great excitement to their courage, and it was deemed a
heinous offence to shrink from it, and leave their standard in
the field : Thus had the fear of Hercules, once their enemy,
created in them a kind of religious awe.” These, and the like
stories, are to be found in Curtius and others; none of whom
so much as mention any name which Hercules had in India,
the whole being no inore than a mere fiction of the Macedo-
* Curtius, lib. viii, cap. 10, 11. t Ibid. cap. 14, 11,
xxxviii A CRITIC ISM
nians; who, that they might exalt Alexander above Hercules,
boasted that the rock Aornus,” which Alexander took, was
besieged in vain by Hercules, who was forced, by an earth-
quake, to raise his siege and depart. #
7. Arrian easily smelt this to be a fable; for speaking of
the rock Aornus, he has these words: “The report concern-
ing this rock was,t that Hercules, though he was the son of
Jove, was not able to reduce it. But whether any Hercules,
either the Theban, the Tyrian, or the AEgyptian, ever pene-
trated so far as India, I cannot affirm for truth, but am rather
inclined to believe the contrary; for whatever is difficult, or
hard to be accomplished, men, to raise the difficulty still the
higher, have reported, that even Hercules attempted it in
vain.” If for men, Arrian had said the Greeks, he had hit
the mark; for this fable owed its rise to that nation, and per-
haps they attributed all those famous labours to that Hercules
who was their countryman.
8. Eratosthenes the Cyrenean, who was the strictest re-
marker of the Macedonian forgeries, tells us, “that when they
saw oxen in lndia marked with a brand, in form of a club,
they immediately concluded from that circumstance, that Her-
cules had penetrated thus far.” As for my part, I should
much rather have concluded the whole matter a fiction, or
that the Macedonians called some of the chief deities among
the Indians by the name of Hercules, of whom some such
stories had been told by the natives, as the Greeks told of
their Theban Hercules. If the reader desire to be further sa-
tisfied in this point, let him consult Arrian in his Indian His-
tory; for I have not leisure to prosecute this argument further,
neither is it worth while, if I had.
9. We cannot easily forgive those who were the first pub-
lishers of Alexander's history, (for Curtius is not any way cul-
pable in this case, it being impossible for him to tell us what
he knew not himself,) their substituting Greek appellations
every where, instead of the true and genuine names which the
Barbarians themselves used: Such are Polytimetus, S IIoxvt-
pyros, the name of a river in Sogdiana; Erymanthus, 'Ecº-
payºos, a river in India; Daedala," Aztóżań, a country; Aor-
nus,” "Aogvog, a rock; (there was a lake of this name in
Epirus); Ecbolima, it 'Exºtua, the name of a country: and
many others of this sort.
* Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 11, 2. t Arrian, lib. iv. cap. 28.
1 Arrian, lib. v. cap. 3. § Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 10, 2.
| Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 9, 10. * Ibid.: cap. 10, 16.
** Ibid. cap. 11, 2. | ++ Ibid. 12, 1.
UPON QUINTUS CU RTI U.S. xxxix
10. The Greek historians, whom Curtius copied after, chose
their own words for those of the Persian, and those he every
where uses throughout his Latin history, as if they were the
true Persian names of the things represented: “The next
troop to those,” says he, “were called Doryphori, and re-
ceived their clothing from the king.” He proceeds in the
same manner in the following passages, only here he has given
us an appellation truly Persian: “They call the royal orna-
ment of the head cidaris.” A little after he says: “Then
followed fifteen, called by the name of Armamaxae.” And
thus, discoursing of a nation bordering upon lndia: “He
commanded that a march should be proclaimed against the
Agriaspº, the name of which people was since changed to
Euergetae, being so called by Cyrus, because of the succours
of all kinds which his army received among them, when they
laboured under the greatest necessities.” Every one knows
Cyrus did not speak Greek; and besides, Herodotus assures
us, that those who merited well of the king were styled Oro-
saigas in the Persian language. It is to me a very great won-
der, that the true and ancient name of the capital city of the
Persian empire should be every where suppressed, and the
Greek appellation of Persepolis substituted in its place, not
only by Curtius, but all other ancient authors; by which means
it is absolutely lost. Christopher Cellarius was of opinion,
that the name thereof was Elam, which is Eºv in his notes
to that chapter of Curtius; for the country adjacent to it was
named Elamais, and so was the city too, by the author of
the Maccabees. But I dare not subscribe to his judgment:
and if I might be allowed to declare my mind freely, I should
own my satisfaction in the conjecture of sir John Chardin,
who, in his Itinerarium Persicum, thinks it was called Fars-
abad, or Pars-abad, which is the habitation of the Per-
sians; for it is unquestionable that the Persians called them-
selves EnE Pharas, and has Abad signifies a habitation, which
noun is often substituted in the composition of such names of
towns in the Persian language.
* Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 3, 15.
xl A. CRITICISM
CHAPTER VII.
Quintus Curtius never mentioned the year, and but seldom the
season of the year, when any great action was performed.
Two things may justly be styled the Eyes of History, both of
which being taken away, an historian gropes in mists and
darkness; and neither of the mean be wanting, but to his ex-
ceeding great discredit. The one of these is Geography,
whereby the situation of places mentioned in an history is
laid down; the other, Chronology, whereby the years are
reckoned from some noted epocha, and the season when every
remarkable action was performed carefully recorded. Of how
great use geography is, has been already shown, when we de-
monstrated the gross errors whereinto Curtius has fallen, for
want of a competent skill in that science; and that chrono-
logy has been as little regarded by him, as the other was un-
derstood, shall be fully proved in this chapter. From all which,
this consequence must follow, that Curtius's history will be a
quite different thing from those which ought to be proposed
as patterns or standards. I am not ignorant, that several of
the ancients may be produced, who have neither noted the
years, nor made any distinction of the seasons of the year, and
are held in high esteem notwithstanding. But let who will
esteem them, such omissions are inexcuseable, and history
admits of none greater: for who can give a tolerable judg-
ment when any action was performed, especially in warm
climates, unless the season of the year be put down 2 Who
can sufficiently understand the constancy and courage of the
soldiers, or their excessive conflicts with scorching heats and
chilling colds? Who can know the foresight of the general,
in laying in good quantities of forage, or his discretion in the
distribution thereof: Who can have any notion of a general's
expedition in a march, which is one of his chief properties,
and for which Alexander was so eminently known, if there be
no distinction of the seasons when every thing was accom-
plished?
2. However, Curtius, especially in those parts of his work
which have come down to our age, hath evidently neglceted
both; nor from his history can the years, and the various sea-
sons of each year, be gathered, any otherwise than by guess-
work, or a strict observation of what he relates, and catching up
whatever accidentally slips from his pen in his florid descrip-
ions, or, lastly, from the series of his history. I cannot be a
U PON () U IN TU S C U R T [ U.S. xli
judge, whether he might not have given us some chronology
of Alexander's acts in the former books which are lost; but
when I consider those which remain, I can searce believe he
was a whit more accurate in the others. I know Alexander’s
actions have been digested into chronological order, and much
light may be given to Curtius from thence; but he can receive
no praise from that, it being extracted chiefly from other his-
torians. However, we will here, for once, try to digest the
seasons from him alone, whereby it may appear both how ne-
gligent he has shown himself in this particular, and of how
great advantage it had been to his work, had the precise time
of every several action been set down.
3. The battle of Issus (for here we must begin, because there
is not the least tittle of a season so much as hinted at before)
happened at the approach of winter; for a little before the
fight, when the Greek mercenary forces under Darius were per-
suading him to divide his troops, he answers them, among other
things, that “to defer the battle would be inconvenient,” be-
cause winter was coming on, and the country not being very
fruitful, and his army dispersed far and wide, it would be re-
duced to great straits for want of provision.” And this is
also evident from what follows; for a little after the battle, the
Gangabae (for so the Persians called those who carried burthens
upon their shoulders) in their journey from Damascus, as they
carried the royal treasure from thence, are said “not to have
been able to endure the extreme cold,i (for a sudden snow
had covered the ground, and it was hard frost,) for which
reason they wrapped theniselves up close in the rich garments,
which were all of gold and purple.” We could easily show
the time here exactly pointed out by Atrian; but it was ne-
cessary we should draw it ourselves from Curtius, and not give
our readers the trouble. This happened in the year of the
world, according to the Julian period, 4381.
4. After this, Curtius tells us in his fourth book, that Syria
was subdued; then all Phoenicia, except Tyre, which was
besieged by Alexander. The beginning of this siege could
hardly be before the spring; we will therefore suppose it
was in the month of March ; then “Tyre,”f as Curtius tells
us, “was taken in the seventh month after the siege was laid
to it:” therefore it must be in September. Then Alexander's
soldiers must have some few days allowed to rest and refresh
themselves, after the fatigues of a siege so long and difficult,
* Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 8, 8. f Ibid. cap. 13, 7.
# Ibid. lib. iv. cap. 4, 19.
xlii A C R ITI C J S MI
especially considering they were then in a much hotter
climate than Macedonia.
5. Alexander then marched forwards to besiege Gaza,”
which Baetis, the governor thereof, defended bravely; how-
ever, at last, when the engines came to do execution upon
the walls, the town was carried by storm. We will suppose
the army refreshed themselves, as is before said, the space of
one month, and therefore this siege must have commenced in
the beginning of November, and lasted a month ; so that
Alexander could not reach iEgypt before the end of Decem-
ber, or January in the following year of the Julian period
4382. “On the seventh day iſ after he had marched with
his forces from Gaza, he arrived in the country of Ægypt,
which they now called Alexander's camp.” We have no
occasion to allow a long time for his invading Ægypt, and
settling matters there; the AEgyptians readily revolted from
the Persians, nor durst the Persians there wait Alexander's
approach; and he tarried not to make any considerable altera-
tions in their form of government. He then resolved upon
an expedition to the oracle of Hammon, which he might the
easier perform, because the time of that journey was about
the end of winter, or the entrance of the spring; for at that
season the heats of the Libyan wastes are tolerable; but to-
wards the end of the spring, and in summer, no Greeks ever
undertook that journey, without having occasion to repent them-
selves. This had been a circumstance worthy an historian's
notice; but then, had Curtius observed it, his florid description
of the unusual heats there, had been utterly lost : “All was
scorched by the heat of the sun, when on a sudden, (whether
by chance or the bounty of the gods is uncertain,) the sky was
overcast, which, though no rain fell immediately, yet cooled
and refreshed them very much, who were ready to faint with
extremity of heat. At last there fell a great shower, so that
every one catched what he could in vessels, and some, who
were not able to hold any, lay down on their backs, and re-
ceived the falling drops into their mouths.” He then tells
us, that at his return he built Alexandria,S which is not un-
likely; and that, according to this account, must be in this
year, which was the sixth of his reign ; though James Usher
is of a different opinion, as appears by consulting his Annals,
at the year of the Julian period 4382, and before Christ 332.
To bestow more time upon this matter would be needless.
* Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 6. t Ibid. cap. 6, 3.
i Ibid. cap. 7, 13. - § Ibid. cap. 8.
U P O N QUINTUS CU RTI U.S. xliii
6. Curtius forgets to tell us how long Alexander tarried
in Ægypt, or what time he spent in his march to the Eu-
phrates, as also where he passed that river. He only says,
that he encamped near the Fuphrates on the eleventh day,
but never acquaints us whence he began that reckoning.
A little before the battle of Arbela, he assures us, there hap-
pened an eclipse of the moon,” in those parts; and Joseph
Scaliger,t as well from astronomical calculations, as the ac-
counts of other writers, fixes that to the twentieth day of Sep-
tember, in the year 4383; and of this opinion are IDionysius
Petavius and James Usher. Alexander, therefore, must have
spent the summer in AEgypt, and in his march to the city
Thapsacus, (where he passed the Euphrates,) and between
that river and the Tigris, beyond which, towards the east,
this battle was fought. However, after all, some authors tell
us that the battle was fought full ten days after the eclipse
happened. w
7. Soon after this victory, Arbela was surrendered to Alex-
ander, f (this might be in the beginning of October,) and he
tarried there some days to refresh his army: “However, the
stench of the putrified bodies,S which lay all abroad through-
out the fields, occasioned diseases among his soldiers; for
which reason he was forced to march from thence sooner than
he designed.” And when the winter approached he entered
Babylon, because it was much more commodious for his
army to pass into a warm climate at that season, than in the
summer. “There,” says Curtius, “the conqueror of Asia
tarried thirty-four days, on purpose to fatten his army.”
Alexander, in all probability, tarried there the remaining part
of the year; neither did he proceed further, unless towards the
end of November or December, or perhaps the beginning of
the succeeding year.
8. Towards the close of that year, or the beginning of the
next, which was the year 4384, according to the Julian
period, Alexander marched to Satrapene, according to Cur-
tius, or rather Sittacene, a country between the Cossaeans and
Babylonians, at the head of the river Tigris, “abounding in
all manner of provisions, where he resolved to continue some
time; but lest the soldiers should let drop their courage for
want of exercise, he proposed rewards, and appointed judges
of military performances.” This country served him for
winter-quarters, where he refreshed his army, and besides
* Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 10, 2.
t De Emend. Temp. lib. v. p. 420, ed. Rouen.
* Curtius, lib. v. cap. 1, 10. § Ibid. cap. 11, Ibid. cap. 11, 2.
xliv A C R IT I C J S MI
other things, without doubt laid up plenty of forage, though
Curtius takes not one word of notice of any such matter; as
if Alexander's soldiers had forgot that it was winter, or could
march wherever they were ordered, without provisions. Soon
after this he passed on to Susa, which was immediately sur-
rendered to him. The spring was then undoubtedly in some
forwardness; and in so warm a climate, though it may be
somewhat mountainous, the snows must be pretty well gone,
though they lie longest in a hilly country. Alexander then
entered the territories of the Uxians,” and forced Medates,
the prince of those parts, to deliver it up, after some sharp
skirmishes. Then, on the fifth day, he came to the streights
of Susa,t which he gained from Ariobarzºnes, after a vigorous
resistance, and from thence marched straight to Persepolis, I
which was soon surrendered into his hands.
9. Persepolis being taken and sacked, “Alexander, with
a thoſ. and horse and a choice party of light-armed foot,
penetrated into the inner parts of Persia, about the time of
the rising of the Pleiades; and notwithstanding they were
vexed with grievous rains and prodigious tempests, he was
resolved to prosecute his intended expedition. He then came
to a place blocked up with perpetual snows, which the extre-
mity of the cold had congealed to ice.” By this cold the
soldiers were not a little distressed, as Curtius tells us at large,
who never slips any opportunity of exerting his talent on such
descriptions. From the whole story, we may gather, that he
ought to have said, a little before the setting of the Pleiades.
Thus Pliny: “About four and forty days after the autumnal
equinox, the setting of the Pleiades, begins the winter season,
the time usually commencing about the third of the ides of
November.” Curtius's phrase, Sub insum sidits, signifies
rather, A little before the rise of the Pleiades, than a little
after, as appears from several places in the same author; Suh
lucis orium, A little before day-light; in which sense he also
has, Sul, ortum diei, Sub noctem, and many others, as may be
seen by consulting Freinshenius's Index. Perhaps he mis-
took the time of the rise of these stars, for their setting; for
had the time of their rise been known to him, he could never
have been guilty of such an error; for Pliny says elsewhere :
“The rise of the Pleiades are under this, in so many degrees
of Taurus, six days before the ides of May.”
10. In that expedition, Alexander reduced the remaining
* Curtius, lib. v. cap. 3. + Ibid. cap. 3, 17. ... f Ibid. cap. 5.
§ Ibid. cap. 6, 12. | Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 47.
UPON QUINT US CU RTI U.S. xlv.
part of Persia; “Wherefore, on the thirtieth day” after he
set forth from Persepolis, he returned thither again;” that is,
in the month of December; there he wintered with his army,
and burned the palace.
| I. In the 4385th year of the Julian period, towards the
beginning of the spring, Alexander again began to pursue
Darius, (which is worthy observation,) after he had given him
above a whole year to repair the losses he had sustained by
the war. In the mean while, he received sundry recruits,
whereby he made up the number of his troops, which had
been diminished by several accidents, as battles, long marches,
diseases, and garrisoning of forts. He then seized the royal
treasure, by the help of which he was enabled to bestow such
vast rewards on his followers, as even to allure almost all
Greece into the Eastern parts, in hopes of the like: he also
reduced the most fertile provinces of the Persian empire,
from whence he might easily have a sufficient quantity of
provisions conveyed to him, when he was in the more remote
ones. Wherefore, he determined first to march into Media, f
whither Darius f had fled; but hearing that 1)arius had pass-
ed into Hyrcania, he also hasted hither, and pursued him till
the time of his death. This must have happened towards
the beginning of summer; for Alexander pursued Darius with
the utmost expedition, attended by a small party, and left the
bulk of his army to follow him. * v- - -
12. “No sooner was he disengaged from business,S (for he
was always more invincible in war than peace,) but he aban-
doned himself to all manner of pleasures; and though the
Persian arms could not subdue him, their vices did. He used
immoderate banquetings, and took strange delight in sitting
up and carousing all night long. He kept whole troops of
concubines, thinking outlandish fashions more delicate than
his own.” Thus he began to new-model his life immediately
after Darius's death; though in Persia, even while Darius
was alive, he had more than once got as merry as a Greek
(pergra'catus fuerat), and in one of his drunken fits set the
royal palace of Persepolis on fire. In the place where he
ceased his pursuit of Darius, and where he began his intem-
* Curtius, lib. v. cap. 6, 19.—Curtius, very absurdly, mentions the
reducing the Mardi here; whereas they could not be subdued before
Hyrcania, beyond which country theirs lay, on the southern shore of
the Caspian Sea: wherefore he is driven to the necessity of repeating
it, lib. vi. cap. 5, I l ; as if there had been two nations of the Mardi,
when all other authors reckon but one,
f Curtius, cap. 7, 12. I Ibid, cap. 13, 2, § Ibid. lib. vi. cap. 11, 1.
xlvi A CRITICISM
perate course of life, he mustered his captives, and separated
the nobility from the common sort.
13. Some days being thus spent, “he came to Parthiene;”
and in the city Hecatompylus, then in a flourishing state,
founded by the Grecians, he encamped, and had a supply of
provisions brought from the country round about them.” A
sedition then arose among the lazy soldiers of his army, which
having quelled, he decamped from ther ... in all likeiihood
about the middle of summer; “and the ird day after,t
passed through Parthiene, and entered the borders of Hyrca-
nia.” He then ran a trench round his camp, and had allow-
ed his soldiers four days to refresh themselves, when he re-
ceived the letters of Nabarzanes. He afterwards penetrated
further into Hyrcania, where he tarried till autumn, as ap-
pears from Curtius's words: “Besides other kinds of fruit,5
wherewith that country abounded, apples of a vast bigness
grew there, and the soil produced them in huge quantities.”
14. Throughout the whole country, he met no enemy to
give him any trouble; however, he must have some time to
pass through it: and the Mardi, their neighbours, were so
terrified at his approach, that they submitted, and were re-
ceived into friendship. On the fifth day, therefore, Alexan-
der returned to his camp. Here Thalestris (if we give credit
to Curtius, and the romantic writers of these stories) visited
him," “and having, by her winning complaisance, engaged
him to tarry with her a few days, he spent thirteen with her;
which done, she departed to her dominions, and he marched
towards Parthiene.” Though this is every tittle false, and no
more than a flourish of the lying Greeklings, yet we may
perhaps gather from hence, that Alexander tarried some time
in Hyrcania, after the Mardi had yielded him subjection.
15. From thence, Alexander marched into Bactria, part of
which he subdued,” with much trouble, about the end of
autumn. “In that country,”ft says Curtius, “the army then
lay, when the king, who was not only undaunted at all foreign
attacks, but full proof against them, had well-nigh fallen by a
domestic conspiracy.” This was a conspiracy of his own sol-
diers, headed by Philotas the son of Parmenio. To examine
them then, and bring them to condign punishment, must
take up some time: the winter must be therefore nigh hand,
when he resolved upon his expedition into the country of the
# Curtius, lib. vi. cap. 11, 11, & 15. + Ibid. cap. 4, 2.
t Ibid. cap. 8. § Ibid. cap. 4, 21. | Ibid. cap. 5, 21.
in Ibid. cap. 32. ** Ibid. cap. 6. th Ibid, lib. vii. cap. 3, 1, &c.
U PON QUINT US CURT I U.S. xlvii
Agriaspas, where he arrived the fifth day after, “ and where
he continued sixty days, new-modelling the affairs of the
Euergete.” He must therefore, of consequence, spend the
greatest part of the winter among them.
16. The year following, being 4386, after a short expedi-
tion, towards the end of winter, which, however, is not severe
in these parts, the Aracosii + were brought to terms. This
might probably be in February or March, when the Mace-
donians felt an unusual cold in that mountainous tract ; for
the colds are often felt there, towards the beginning of the
spring. However, when the spring came on, it was no won-
der that Alexander made a new expedition into the country
of Parapamisus,t where, nevertheless, if we give credit to Cur-
tius, though the spring was somewhat advanced, (for that,
both the series of the history and the historian's own words
declare,) the army were cruelly afflicted with cold. However,
be it as sharp as it would, it could not be lasting, as l have
already said; and Alexander was not yet so intoxicated with
the thirst of glory, as to expose himself and his troops in the
middle of winter, without any necessity, to the extremities of
hunger and cold, when Darius was now dead, and the best
and by far the largest part of the Persian empire in his hands.
I know Bessus was still alive; but would Alex$nder, who was
not afraid to give Darius a whole year to repair his losses, be
so terrified at the preparations of a prince of Bactria, as not
to allow his army so much as one month or two, to refresh
themselves, in the winter season 2 For that he made so much
haste, and exposed his forces to such a degree, is full as cre-
dible to me, as that the “country of the Parapamisans lies
under the utmost northern frozen zone;” that is, not far from
the north pole. The truth of the matter is, Curtius, and the
Greeks which he copied after, did not so much regard the
season of the year in their description, as the climate: they
were busy dreaming that Alexander was upon Mount Cau-
casus, and in the depth of winter; and as they had heard
stories of rigorous colds, and sharp winters there, they mag-
nified every thing in their rhetorical way, and therefore trans-
planted the rigorous colds along with Mount Caucasus, almost
as far as India, and unluckily placed them in those parts
where the Macedonians ought rather to have been afraid of
the other extreme.
17. Thence-Alexander marched with his forces to Mount
Parapamisus, which, as we have already said, the Macedo-
* Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 4. t Ibid. cap. 3, 6.
! Ibid. cap. 10, 22.
xlviii A Clt ITICISM
nians called Caucasus, and in the space of seventeen days
passed over it. Bessus then fled beyond the river Oxus, and
the rest of Bactria submitted to Alexander, who also passed
the Oxus, and overran divers nations, as far as Tanais “ (or
Jaxyrtus), and received homage from them; but not without
much toil and bloodshed. Then he received an embassy
from Scythia, whose territories he invaded by crossing the
Tanais, and worsted them in battle. Thence he returned
into Bactria, which, having revolted, he again reduced, as also
Sogdia, whose inaccessible rock he gained by stratagem.
18. Thus far Curtius carries the history of Alexander in
his seventh book, without any certain account of the different
seasons: after this, as may be gathered from the description
of the cold, in the sixteenth section of the same chapter, they
spent the summer and autumn of the said year there, and
perhaps part of the winter too. Arrian f tells us for certain,
that Alexander wintered at Nautaca in Sögdia; and when the
spring approached, he marched to the Sogdian rock. Where-
fore the entrance of the year 4387, according to the Julian
period, may be reasonably placed before the surrender of this
rock.
19. The Sogdians and all the other neighbouring nations
being entirely reduced, Alexander returned to Maracanda, f
the metropolis of Bactria, his head-quarters: there Clitus was
slain, and there he tarried ten days,' according to Curtius,
who then adds, “that he dispatched Hephæstion from thence,
with part of his forces, into Bactria, to provide forage against
winter;” as if the city Maracanda had not been in Bactria.
But we will pass by that, to come to an observation about his
laying-in stores against winter, which circumstance ought
either to have been omitted, or expressed in such a manner
as to have given a clear and true idea of what season he spoke:
for unless we were assured, both by the acts themselves and
also by Arrian, that a whole year was spent between his ex-
pedition against the Parapamisans and the surrender of the
Sogdian rock, any mortal would easily imagine he were dis-
coursing of the winter's work the year before; for what
Alexander accomplished in the space of these two years, could
not, with any manner of reason or probability, be imagined to
be brought about in one.
20. The Sogdian rock being given up, the Massagetae, |
Dahae, and the rest of the Sogdians were soon overrun; the
* Curtius, lib. vii, cap. 6. t Arrian, lib. iv. cap. 18.
: Curtius, lib. viii. cap. , 7, 10. § Curtius, cap. 2, 12.
| Ibid. cap. I, 3.
U P O N QUINTUS CU RTI U.S. xlix
figitive Bºctrians, with Sysimitres at their head, were re-
duced to great straits, and other actions performed, as ap-
Pears by Curtius: “ These being accomplished,” says he,”
“in the third month, he drew his army out of their winter-
quarters, and marched towards the country which is called
Gabaza.” This must be in the beginning of the year 4387.
A grievous storm attacked thern in their march, wiiich Cur-
titis, according to his custºm, describes in language as loud
and blustering as the storm itself. Thence Alexander led his
troops towards the Sacae, and reduced their country; and
aſter this, entering the province over which Cohortanus pre-
sided, he accepted of his obedience, and took his daughter
Roxane to wife. From that time he began to bend his mind
towards leading his army into India; and lest he should leave
any enemy behind him, which might create him uneasiness,
he ordered thirty thousand young men to be gathered out of
all the provinces he had subdued, and brought to him, each
completely artned, whom he kept as hostages, at the same
time that he used them as soldiers. After this, he quelled
some insurrections and reduced some neighbouring countries.
Curtius seems to intimate, as if Alexander received that vast
supply before he entercd India : for he tells us, that he
marched thither with an army of one hundred and twenty
thousand men.' If this be true, he ought to have proclaimed
this general levy a long time before; for if a certain number
of soldiers was to be raised out of every province of his then
wide-extended crimpire, a whole twelvemonth's time would
hardly be sufficient to bring them together. In the mean
time Ilermolaus conspired against Alexander, and suffered
death among the other conspirators, his confederates.
21. By this time, the summer was undoubtedly come, or
perhaps in some forwardness, when Alexander marched into
India. Curtius || gives us that expedition at large, to the
defeat of Porus, but makes no manner of distinction of sum-
mer or winter seasons, nor takes, any account of the time
which passed. However, as the country between the river
Cophenes and the Accsines was not large, nor the inhabitants
warlike, we may suppose they would not detain Alexander
long, especially considering the vastness of his army, which
he might divide there without hazard. They may therefore
be supposed to have been reduced in the summer and autumn
of that year. Had Curtius delivered himself in terms thus
* Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 4, 1. tº Ibid. scot. 20.
f Ibid. Cap. 5, 1. § Ibid. cap. 4.
| Ibid. cap. 9, to the end of the eighth book.
VOL. I.
l A CIRIT I C J S MI
plain, he would have imagined he had lessened Alexander's
glory; but however that be, what he has asserted concerning
the strength and puissance of some of those lindian nations,
had appeared false and ridiculous.
22. He has made no mention of any winter-quarters this
year, which perhaps he might omit on purpose, because of the
warmness of the climate. However, had he well understood
the situation of India, if in no other part, especially in the
more southern regions near the sea-coast, he would hardly
have told us, that Alexander waited for the approach of the
spring, as we shall see afterwards. From these transactions
we may reasonably conclude, that he passed this year, and
the succeeding one, in reducing the Indians, and leading his
army through their country.
23. The several occurrences after the defeat of Porus, as I
have already hinted, are very slenderly told by Curtius; so
that we shall not lay such an epitome of them before our
reader : let him peruse them in the ninth book of that author;
part of them at least, if not the whole, may be brought into
the year 4388. “When Alexander determined to sail to the
ocean,” his fleet (which was stationed in a river, four hun-
dred stadia from the mouths of the river Indus) arrived on
the second day, not far from a lake of salt water; wherefore
Leonnatus was dispatched before, to dig wells in several
places where the army was to march, to supply them with
fresh water, because it was very scarce in those parts; and
he and his forces remained thcre, waiting for the approach of
the spring.” It had been much better to have performed
that journey in the winter season, especially considering their
winters are nothing if compared to those in European coun-
tries, and their spring must needs be as hot as the height of
summer in Greece. But Curtius was all the while under a
wonderful mistake, in imagining those coasts of India, where
the Macedonians then were, to be the northern parts of the
continent: “The cold north winds,” says he,t “mightily
infest those shores; but they are restrained by high ridges of
mountains, so that they do not penetrate far into the inland
parts, insomuch that they are very fruitful.” He should have
said the contrary; for the Indian coasts are prodigiously tor-
mented with hot south winds, but those are checked by a ridge
of mountains, so that they do not penetrate so far northward
as the fountains of the Indus, nigh which parts, namely, in
Cassemira and the neighbouring kingdoms, are very fruitful
* Curtius, lib. ix. cap. 9, 27: cap. 10, 1, &c.
t Ibid, lib. viii, cap. 9, 12.
U PON QUINTUS CURTIUS. li
tracts, well refreshed by northern breezes: here snows are
often seen ; but on the southern mountains no snows fall, by
reason of the heat of the climate. The following passage in
Curtius is also false : “That quarter of the world,” says he,”
varies so much from the rest in the seasons of the year, that
when other parts are scorched with excessive heats, it lies
overwhelmed with deep snows; and when other countries are
pinched with piercing cold, she labours under the torment of
unsufferable heat.” Had that India which was known in
Curtius's time been to the southward, beyond the tropic of
Capricorn, where our modern navigators have not yet reach-
ed, such stuff might have passed without examination. Every
body knows, that all the parts where Alexander ever came
were on this side the tropic of Cancer; and that in other
parts, between that tropic and the equator, no snows ever
fall.
24. His narration from hence to the death of Alexander
is still more abridged, as is evident from both Arrian's His-
tory and Preinshemius's Supplement. However, the whole
appears to be comprehended between the year of the Julian
period 4389, and the month of April in the year following;
for on the eighteenth day of that month, being Wednesday,
according to Joseph Scaliger'st calculation, he died at Baby-
lon; though James Usher will have his death to have hap-
pened on the twenty-second of May; and Dionysius Petavius
fixes it to the nineteenth of June.
25. If any endeavour to excuse Curtius, by alleging, that
the Greek writers which he copied from were not, perhaps,
more accurate in their accounts of the particular times than
he, not could always know at what season of the year seve-
ral occurrences happened; I answer such, that I do not doubt
but some Greek historians may have been as careless in that
respect as Curtius; but there were then books, out of which,
whatever deficiencies were in them might have been sup-
plied; the aſ Barixstal 'Epºwsglósg, or Royal Diary, wherein
was recorded what Alexander did every day, and where he
was. From those records, Plutarch and Arrian, who came
after Curtius, (for we imagine him to have flourished about
the time of Vespasian,) have illustrated his Life with many
useful remarks. The writings of Baeton and Diognetus $
were also then extant, who described the several stations of
* Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 9, 12. r
+ De Emendatione Temporum, lib. v. p. 416.
* See Plutarch, and Arrian, towards the close of Alexander's life.
§ See Ger. Joan. Possius de Histor. Gracis, lib. iv. cap. 9 : and the
Index of the Authors praised by Pliny. d
Q
Jii A C R IT I CISM
the army throughout the whole expedition, and whom Pliny,
who was cotemporary with Curtius, calls the surveyors of his
march, and often quotes in his writings. Those Curtius ought
to have consulted, in order to have fixed an exact chronology
of Alexander's exploits; and if any thing had seemed difficult
in the geographical part, he might also have had recourse to
them for satisfaction. -
26. I am not ignorant, after all, that writers do not agree
in every particular of the chronology of those actions; and to
apply Curtius's own words, concerning the disagreement of
authors in other affairs, to this purpose; “Great was either
the negligence, or (which is much the same fault) the credu-
lity of those, who collected together the scattered memoirs of
ancient times.” But then, those differences in authors ought
to have been brought to light, and the most probable to have
been chosen ; or if there had appeared little or no difference
between the probability of two accounts, the author should
have exhibited both, and left the decision to the reader's
judgment. But Curtius was more solicitous about the ele-
gancy of his style than the accuracy of his narration; and so
were many more of the ancients, who, for that reason, are not
undeservedly censured by the moderns.
CHAPTER WHI.
Quintus Curtius uses a declaiming style, almost throughout
his whole work.
The masters of science have long ago taught us,” that the
style of an historian ought to be a kind of a medium between
that of an orator and common discourse; so that there is no
need to press that matter further. We shall now show, that
Curtius has been so far from observing this medium, that he
is perpetually upon the high extreme, and ever eager of exert-
ing his declaiming vein; and that he did not choose this sub-
ject, so much to show what was true or false in Alexander's
history, or what was blameable or praise-worthy in the hero,
as that he might have a fair opportunity of displaying the ele-
gancy of his style, and his extraordinary talent in rhetoric.
A multitude of instances, which we have already brought,
would be of use to illustrate this matter; such as the numerous
descriptions which every where occur, and those always set
forth in a style entirely rhetorical. Thus he has described
* Wide John Gerrard Vossius, Artis Historia, cap, 29.
UPON QUINTUS CU RTI U.S. liii
many rivers, and the various hardships the army met with by
heat and cold, more than once over, in a rough manner. This,
Lucian says, is a rhetorician's peculiar province, and that he
ought not to attempt history, whose only end is to teach, and
not to persuade by ornament of words. “As an historian,”
says Lucian, “you ought to be exceedingly careful, (in the
description of mountains, or walls, or rivers,) not to make a
vain and useless ostentation of eloquence, and omitting the
series of your history, seem to be otherwise employed. When
therefore you have but just lightly touched upon these mat-
ters, and that merely for perspicuity sake, return again to your
subject, wisely avoiding the allurement of such things as would
divert you from the business in hand.” Such a caution as
this had Curtius carefully minded, he had avoided one rock,
whereon he often strikes. There are several other things in
that excellent treatise, De Conscribenda Historia, from whence
Curtius might easily be criticised.
2. His history may be divided into two parts; one whereof
comprehends the historical part, the other the speeches which
he has wrote in the names of those whom he has thought fit
to introduce for that purpose; and he has every where declared
himself a much better orator than an historian, whose busi-
ness is not to write what he says or thinks himself, even iſ he
were present in the action, but what was really spoke, or the
true intent and meaning thereof. And if we can make it ap-
pear, on both these heads, that Curtius declaimed rather than
related facts, we shall fully perform what we have promised
in the contents of this chapter.
3. To begin with the narrative part, I shall only produce a
few examples, and leave them as a specimen for the reader
whereby to find out the rest. First, he does not satisfy him-
self with a bare relation of the events; but he must run out into
exclamations, and those not short and natural ones, but long
and tedious. Thus, having given an account of Darius's second
defeat by Alexander, he adds; “What mortal is able to bear,”
or what rhetoric to enumerate all these strange turns of for-
tune; the cruel slaughter of officers and soldiers, and the flight
of those who were conquered; besides the various overthrows,
sometimes of single parties, and then again of whole armies?
Fortune may be said to have brought the business of almost a
whole age within the compass of that single day.”
4. Secondly, Hyperboles are too frequent throughout his
work, and those not modest ones, but often stretched to the
size of poetical fictions. Thus, after he has counted the forces
* Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 16, 10.
liv A CIR ITIC ISM
of Darius; * “Bactrians, and Sogdians, and Indians, and the
rest of the borderers on the Red Sea, besides nations whose
names were unknown to him, whom his haste hindered him
from mustering.” This is certainly too hyperbolical; nations
whose names were unknown to their sovereign, especially in a
narrative way. It is most certain Darius knew no part of his
empire better than those very borderers of the Red Sea, whom
he mentions among the unknown ones; for they were not
far distant from Babylon, Susa, nor Persepolis, the usual places
of the royal residence. The truth is, they were very far distant
from Curtius's declaiming rostrum, and little known to him,
for which reason he was willing to have his ignorance father-
ed upon the Persian monarch.
5. Alexander not only deigns to weep over the corpse of
Darius's mother, but laments for her, as though she had been
his own. So true it is, that declaimers can observe no medium.
“The king,”f says he, “was no less grieved, than if the news
of his own mother's death had been brought him ; for he was
seen to sigh, and shed many tears, and with the show of a sor-
row which Darius himself might have appeared in, he came
into the room where the corps lay, and her mother sat by,
lamenting: here his grief was doubled, by seeing Darius's
mother upon the ground. Whoever had seen him, would
have thought him fitter to have received, than given comfort,
which he refused, and sustenance too, &c.” One may per-
ceive, with half an eye, that this is too much. Had Alexan-
der been so tender-hearted, he would certainly have sent
Darius's wife back to her husband, his daughters to their father,
and his mother to her son, which we are assured he never
did : the women would not have assisted Darius to have re-
newed the war. Alexander was, therefore, cither too cruel in
this case, or much too tender in shedding tears.
6. As to other examples of his hyperboles, I shall content
myself with the bare mention of them, lest I should seem too
tedious, by transcribing so much out of an author which is in
every body's hands. See the description of thirst, book iv.
chap. xvi. sect. 12, &c. The description of the siege of
Tyre, book iv. chap. ii. &c.; and compare it with what Ar-
rian has wrote upon that siege, towards the conclusion of his
second book. Compare his account of the journey over the
mountainous tract of Persia, lib. v. chap. iv., with Arrian,
book iii. chap. xviii. His description of Alexander's behaviour
at the city of the Oxydracae, book is, chap. v. with Arrian,
book. vi. chap. ix. x.; besides a vast number of other places
* Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 11, 9. f Ibid. lib. iv. cap. 10, 20.
UPON QUINT US CU RTIUS. lw
may be found throughout his history, where the reader may
reap a plentiful harvest of hyperboles.
7. Thirdly, He not only furnishes us with a vast stock of
poetical hyperboles, but sometimes swells his style to such an
immoderate pitch, that be loses himself, and seems to forget
what he aims at. Such is what he says on Alexander's return
from the temple of Hammon: “The royal palace of Memnon
and Tithonus drew those who were curious in antiquity, almost
beyond the sun's limits.” That palace of Memnon was no
further off than Thebes, in Higher Egypt, and might easily
have been seen by Alexander, had he thought it worth his
while to step a little out of his way to satisfy his curiosity. But
then, what can Curtius mean by his ectra terminos solis 2
Sure, he ought rather to have said, intra terminos solis, that
is, between the two tropics, for he must have gone southward
to it, though, as I hinted before, not very far. He certainly
had in his eye that passage of Virgil: f
“ ———jacet extra sydera tellus
Extra arºli solisque vias * *
whereby Virgil meant no more than the western parts of
Africa; and such things are beautiful in a poet, at the same
time that they are aborainable in an historian.
S. His description of a shower and cold, in book viii.
chap. iv. is full of bombast, which, for that reason, I shall
forbear transcribing. After he has told us a story of thun-
der-bolts, and rain, and hail, all coming down together, he
thus proceeds: “The whole army went by files up and
down through the wood; some, rather for fear than weari-
ness, fell down to the ground; and the shower, as soon as it
fell, was turned to ice.” I shall not here stand to inquire,
whether hail usually falls, or rains descend, or thunder-bolts
are darted down, at the time of such excessive colds as he
there describes, when the drops freeze as they fall; but shall
make bold to ask, first, how the Macedonians came to be so
violently scared with a storm, that by their fears alone they
became weary, and despaired of safety? And then, what de-
fence would they find against the cold, by lying upon the
ground, which was all covered with ice? This whole sentence
has nothing in it but an empty sound, and jingle of words;
but what follows is still worse: “Some stood against the
stumps and bodies of trees, finding there at once a prop and
defence; and they were at night to choose a fit place to ex-
* Curtius, lib. iv. cap, 8, 3. + Eneid. vi. 795.
lvi A C R IT I C I S \ſ
pire in, when the cold would let them live no longer: it was
a grateful sloth to those who had been so much fatigued with
the journey, to find an eternal rest.” As if men chose rather
to die standing like statues, than walk to get themselves heat
and keep them alive, or take the pains to strike fire with flints!
“For the storm not only continued its vehemence, but also
knew no abatement.” But how stubborn soever the cold was,
a good fire would have conquered it, or some hours hearty
walking rendered it tolerable. “But besides the tempest,
which rendered the day as if it had been night, the shadiness
of the woods contributed not a little to the making all dark
round them.” These must be the shades of naked trunks of
trees, and bare boughs without leaves; for there could be no
other at that season of the year, when the soldiers, who were
born in a cold clime if compared with India, and inured to
innumerable hardships, were ready to die with cold. But how
could the shade of bare trees, without leaves, be so much, as
to rob those beneath them of the light Sure Curtius was in
a dream here, and forgot that when trees are fully covered
with leaves, no such cold as he describes ever happens. “The
king alone (for he was the only man among the whole army
who was not rendered insensibie by the cold,) was able to bear
so great a misfortune.” But what was at last done in so great
distress? Listen to the rhetorician : “But necessity, which is
of more efficacy sometimes than reason, found out à remedy
against the cold; for they fell to cutting down the wood with
hatchets, and having made heaps thereof every where about,
they set them on fire.” These Macedonians were as stupid as
if they had sprung out of the earth but a day before, who could
not devise a remedy against cold, but what necessity, rather
than reason, forced them to find out, namely, the art and
mystery of kindling a fire, to keep themselves warm. Curtius
might have added mightily to this miracle, if he had told us,
that the fire was not kindled by human hands, (for though
they were numbed with cold, their brains were full as numb.)
but by lightning from heaven, as among the first men, accord-
ing to the poet:
** Fulmon detulit in terras mortalibus ignem
Primitus; inde omnis flammarum declitur ardor.””
A style thus blown up into bombast becomes insipid. But
why should we wonder at it; for Curtius elsewhere makes use
of vast circumlocution, to tell us, that the Macedonians kindled
* Lucretius, lib. v.
UPON QUINTUS CUIRTIUS. lvii
a fire to preserve them from cold: “Their tents being pitch-
ed in a woody place,” before the walls, a cold more vehement
than any they had yet felt seized them ; for which, the fires
they made were a very seasonable remedy; foº having cut
down many trees, they kindled huge fires; these caught hold
on the sepulchres, which were of cedar, and burned them to
the ground.” Any other author would only have told us, that it
was so excessively cold that night, that the Macedonians made
greater fires than ordinary, to keep themselves warm: but
Curtius, by endeavouring to raise an humble subject by mere
dint of a rhetorical style, renders his description as cold as the
weather. Besides, what can he mean by his flamma igni alia?
Tanaquil Faber,t indeed, reads it lighis alita; but even this is
cold and dull; for what occasion had he to tell his readers,
that the flame was nourished by wood Who knew not this
before? But to return to his former description of cold, the
following paragraph is enough to choke any miracle-monger
in Europe: “Some, they say, were found standing against
the trees, not only as if they were alive, but as if they were
talking to one another, still retaining the same posture
they were in, when death seized them.” Such a cold, in an
Indian wood, was as severe as it could have been under the
north pole, and had the same effect as the sight of Medusa's
head, namely, to turn living men in a moment into statues:
but what adds prodigiously to the miracle is, that they who
could stand, secnned to have no inclination to walk, but had
rather starve where they stood, than move from the place to
light themselves a fire. In the following paragraph, I fancy,
there is a fault in the original, and it certainly must be so, un-
less Curtius's brains were frozen when he wrote it: “It hap-
pened that a Macedonian soldier, carrying himself and his
arms, came into the camp.” Nothing can be more stupid,
than his se et arma sºstomłams : How could a soldier march
any where without sustaining himself and armour? IIowever,
Bartholomew Merula's edition has set that right; vi.v se et
arma sustenians; either from the authority of some manuscript
copy, or by conjecture. Several other remarks reight still be
made on this description; but what we have already said,
places the matter, so far as we at present intend, in a true
light. We will therefore close this observation with the
judgment of a celebrated critic :$ “An unnatural swelling
seems to be the most difficult thing for a writer to avoid; for
whoever affect a loſtiness of style, and strive by that means to
* Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 10, 7. t Epist. Critica, pars i. epist. 55.
1 Curtitis, lib. viii, cap. 4, 7. § Longinus de Sublimit. cap. 3. sect. 9.
lviii A. CRITIC ISM
aggrandize their subject, lest it should seem low and grove-
ling, swell insensibly into the other extreme, and persuade
themselves, *
*That to fail in great attempts is glorious.
However, a tumour is destructive in oratory, as well as in the
body; it is hollow and spongy, and destitute of good blood,
and often throws us into the contrary distemper; for no
drought is comparable to his who has a dropsy.”
9. They who aspire too earnestly at an unusual majesty of
style, frequently neglect somewhat much more material, and
fall into Solecisms. Such are frequent in Curtius, a few where-
of we shall produce as a specimen. He enters upon his fifth
book thus: “Many memorable acts were in the mean time
performed in Greece, Thrace, and Illyria, under the conduct
and command of Alexander, which, to relate in their order,
would interrupt the thread of my history of the affairs in Asia.”
Whoever understands Latin, knows, those things are said to
be performed ductu imperioque ducis, which were performed
by himself in person, and auspiciis ducis, which were acted by
his lieutenants; which word ought to be taken notice of in
this place, because the speech is concerning acts done by
Antipater, while Alexander was in the furthest parts of Asia.
If Curtius be allowed to be judge in his own cause, he con-
demns himself in this, as appears by a passage, lib. vi.
cap. iii. 2, where he introduces Alexander speaking thus:
“Not to mention the Illyrians, the Tribali, Boeotians, Thra-
cians, Spartans, Greeks, and Peloponnesians, some of whom I
subdued (ductu meo) by my own conduct, in person; others
(imperio auspicioque) by officers commissioned for that pur-
pose.” But even here, the word imperio had much better
have been omitted, as differing little from ductu. See the
difference between duchu and auspiciis, in Justus Lipsius, De
Militia Romana, lib. ii. dial. 12.
10. In another place he thus expresses himself:* “In an
instant the shower ceased; but, nevertheless, the (nubes) clouds
continued so thick as to obscure the light, so that they could
scarce see one another as they talked together.” He ought
to have said (nebulas) mists, instead of (mubes) clouds; the
nebula, or mists, frequently descend to the earth, the nubes
are higher. I know the poets often confound these two words,
but not without committing an impropriety in speech, which
fault is much less pardonable in an historian. Isidore puts
this matter beyond dispute: t “Nebula is so called, as is also
• Curtius, lib. ix. cap. 14, 24. t Isidore, lib, xiii. cap. 9.
U PON QUINTUS CURT I U.S. lix
mulila, ab obnubendo terram, from obscuring or darkening the
carth; or because, when it mounts aloft, it composes mubes
(clouds): The moist valleys exhale webulas, mists, which be-
come clouds—for mellula fall low in a calm, and rising high,
the air proves mibilam, cloudy.” And thus Livy has it: “A
morning- (nebula) mist, which obscures the earth, as the day
goes forward, rises aloft into (mubes) clouds.
| 1. There is one impropriety very frequent in Curtius, and
that is, his calling the royal tent, or pavilion, by the name of
regia : which word, undoubtedly, signifies a palace, and was
never used for a tent by any other author. Paulus Diaconus
tells us, that regia is the house where the king resides. Cur-
tius had therefore much better have called it regium tento-
rium, or praetorium.
12. But there is no impropricty of speech less tolerable
throughout his book (if the passage be uncorrupt), than what
he relates of Dioxippus, when he calls him.” “A noble cham-
pion, who, by reason of the evimiam virtutem virium, was
both well known to the king, and well received by him.”
No author upon carth ever said virtutem virium before: but
as one manuscript in the Palatine library has virium mag-
miludinem, I imagine it ought to be wrote evimiam virtutem,
viriumque magnitudinem; for thus Diodorus Siculus speaks
of this Dioxippus and his antagonist : + “As both of them
were extremely remarkable, as well for their strength of body
as courage, it was thought that the combat between them
would prove like those of the gods.” I am not ignorant that
virtus is sometimes used to denote the propertics or efficacy of
a thing, as when playsicians discourse (de virtutibus) of the
properties or qualities of their herbs or medicaments; but
virtus virium is a phrase which no author ever used besides
himself. This manner of speaking can be defended no way
but by calling it a Grecism; for among the Greeks any pro-
perty is termed c. 467%, and perhaps it may not be improper to
Say, 312 Tºy 3,22&va'av cast?” łoż%g, propter crimiam virtu-
lem virium, as Plato says, 3. c.42.7%, Troxiralog, propter praº-
stantiam formae reipublica. But Curtius never seems to
gape after Grecisms so much, as to introduce a manner of
speaking altogether out of use, and almost unknown among
the Latins.
13. Fifthly, Curtius falls into the common fault of the de-
claimers of his age, which was to be abundantly too full of his
apophthegms, or wise sayings, which he not only introduces in
his speeches, but throughout all the narrative parts of his his-
* Curtius, lib. ix. cap. 7, 16. f Diod. Sic. lib. xvii. p. 567.
I See Quintilian, lib. ix, cap. 5.
lx A CRITIC ISM
tory, as well directly as obliquely. I shall not trouble my
reader with examples of this; they are every where to be met
with, and distinguished by having their first word printed in
capitals, in some of the finest editions of his work, that they
may be known even to school-boys. I shall only add, that lest
the too frequent number of direct ones should disgust the
reader, he has sometimes brought them in in a negative
manner, though hereby, for the sake of variety, he has almost
ruined the sense. Thus, for example, speaking concerning
those who had slain Parmenio, and who were also accused of
other crimes before Alexander, he says: * “Many of Alex-
ander's friends rejoiced, that vengeance was fallen upon those
ministers of vengeance; neither can any power acquired by
unjust means remain long in possession.” The direct mean-
ing is, “No power acquired by unjust means can remain
long in possession:” and thus the sense is fully and clearly
expressed. But in order to introduce it in a negative manner,
and ſit the whole sentence to one event, the general words
therein contained (to speak logically), ought either to be
changed to particular ones, or omitted. He ought therefore
to have said, “They rejoiced, that vengeance was returned
upon those ministers of vengeance; and that a power thus
acquired by unjust means was not lasting:” for otherwise,
when it is expressed in general terms, notwithstanding it is
wrested into a negative form, it still stands aloof off from the
body of the sentence, and seems quite of another piece.
14. These, and such like things, are worthy of diligent ob-
servation, for fear we should lay a stress upon such passages
as are unfitly or unaccurately expressed. Thus, for example,
Curtius expresses himself concerning Darius’s flight after the
battle of Issus; “Fear fell upon the rest, I and they betook
them to their heels, and fled, some one way, some another;
they then threw down those arms, as an hinderance to their
flight, which they had just before put on to secure their bodies
from danger: the same fear seized the auxiliary troops.” The
sentence in the original is, Adeo pavor etian attailia formi-
dabat. Some Dutch editions have changed the last word into
formidat: And thus that excellent critic Tanaquil Faber
imagines it ought to be read; t “It is,” says he, “a sentence
which belongs to all men in all ages; for whoever quits his
post for fear, will naturally throw away his arms for the sake
of expedition.” But the same reason holds good for an alte-
ration in the former passage, which none has yet attempted
to make.
* Curtius, lib. x. cap. 1, 6. * Ibid. lib. iii, cap. 6, 12.
* Epist. li. pars 1.
UPON QUINTUS CU RT I U.S. lxi
15. I now come to his speeches, and dare aver, no author
of the same bulk has such a number of direct ones as Curtius;
but before I enter upon this task, I must assure my readers,
that I am entirely of the opinion of those gentlemen who
would have ałł speeches, as well direct ones as others, omitted
in a grave history, unless they were really spoke word for
word, or at least be the unfeigned sentiments of him who
spoke them. I an not to be told what learned men have
wrote upon this subject,” to persuade us, that an historian
may lawfully put speeches into the mouths of those concern-
ing whom he writes, not such as they really spoke, but such
as they might have spoke, or such as the historian judges they
ought to have spoke, as fittest for the matter in hand; though
at the same time they own, that most of those supposed to
make speeches, are far inferior to the writer in eloquence. I
am also sensible, that many of the ancients have interspersed
such speeches throughout their histories; but if we have a
value for truth, the elegancy of the speeches we read there,
(even by their own way of arguing, who approve of them in
history,) is enough to prove their illegitimacy: for I can see
no reason, why a man who requires such strict truth in all
other parts of history, should be willing to allow of lies in set
speeches; and I can never be brought to think it any less lie,
to make a man speak what he never spoke, because he ought
to have spoke it, as to describe him doing what he never did,
merely because he ought to have done it. Were it probable,
that the persons whose lives or actions they write, made use of
the same reasons, or the same motives, which the historians
ascribe to them in the speeches they make for them; yet, at
least, those historians ought to speak themselves, and give their
readers a caution, that these, or the like, were the reasons,
wherewith those (whose lives or actions they write) were in-
duced to do what then they did. If they acted in this manner,
mone could complain of being misled by them, notwithstand-
ing their judgment or penetration might sometimes fall short
of what it ought. The reasons above-mentioned will obscure
no light which can be afforded to history, neither will any less
advantage accrue to the readers; for nothing can be said in
direct speeches, which may not be expressed as fully and com-
modiously in some plain narrative way, by a dhe chain of
reasoning.
16. Such fictitious speeches are so far from advancing
truth, which ought to be regarded by an historian as the
chief end of his work, that they come not up even to proba-
* See Johan. Gerr. Vossius, in Arte Historia, cap, 20, 21.
lxii A C RITICISM
bility: for what can be imagined more absurd, than to intro-
duce idiots and barbarians, expressing their minds in terms
full as elegant, as if they had studied rhetoric all their lives 2
What can be more stupid or ridiculous, than to hear ail whom
an historian introduces as speech-makers, haranguing with
the same force of eloquence 2 and this not only the readers
of Curtius, but of all historians of that stamp, may take notice
of. If custom would argue for these things, sure reason, and
even the observation of decorum, plead strongly against
them, and complain that truth is so far from being illustrated
by such ornaments of falsehood, that she is thereby evidently
corrupted.
17. From the same cause it happens, that injudicious his-
torians offend against the rules of probability another way:
wherefore Callisthenes, who is cited by Athenaeus in his
Discourse of Machines, advised him “who proposes to treat
upon a subject, by no means to wander from it; but frame
his discourses suitable, as well to the person, as to the circum-
stances of time and action.” But when historians bestow
their own eloquence cn all, they not only make the learned
and ignorant talk alike, but as their wit and disposition is
turned chiefly one way, and they do not easily assume those
of others of various sorts, all into whose mouths those speeches
are put, speak not their own sentiments, but the writer's. In
Curtius, all are declaimers, and speak the writer's sense of
things, and not their own : Darius declaims; Alexander de-
claims; the soldiers declaim; even the Scythians,” the rudest
and most illiterate of all mankind, fall upon us with rhetori-
cal flourishes. This brings to my mind the story of a family
who were all singers: those who washed the feet of the
guests, struck up an air, and were answered by those who
pared their nails, and cut their corns: if a boy had a request
to make to his father, it was done in a musical strain, and
some other immediately joined in the chorus, insomuch, that
you would have taken it for a nursery of pantomimes, rather
than an ordinary family. Thus, in Curtius, all are eloquent
men and rhetoricians, all pour forth whole volleys cf wise
sayings upon every occasion, and oft-times without any visible
occasion at all.i.
18. This is not all; for as soon as historians have once ac-
customed themselves to this liberty, they insensibly fall into
greater. They who are wont to accommodate their own
wit and their own manner of speaking to the speakers, by
degrees begin to bestow their cwn prudence and caution upon
* Athen. p. 2, edit. Paris. + Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 8.
UPON QUINTUS CU RTI U.S. lxiii
the actors, and contrive the circumstances of history to suit
their own inclinations, whenever they find them otherwise in
ancient authors; and by this means, history is in a great
measure changed to romance. And if a writer of this sort
happens at any time to be deficient in his knowledge of the
things, times, or places, he not only intrudes lies upon the
public, but sometimes stories inconsistent with the nature of
things. Has my reader a mind for an example of this sort
from Curtius I will furnish him with a couple. The first
is that remarkable saying of Orsines, governor of Persagadae,
“who met the king * with store of all kinds of choice gifts,
not only for himself, but his friends; and when he had be-
stowed presents upon every one, beyond what they could have
expected, except Bagoas the eunuch, who was Alexander's
paramour, and consequently his favourite, and being told by
some how dear he was to Alexander, answered, that he be-
stowed presents upon the king's friends and not his cata-
mites, and that it was not the custom of Persia, to show re-
gard to a man who had submitted to the lewdness of another:
whereupon, the eunuch made use of the power he had ac-
quired by wickedness and debauchery, to procure the death
of a Persian truly noble and deserving.” This answer of
Orsines was really generous, and might have suited a Mace-
donian; but the mischief is, no Persian could speak thus,
who knew that Darius owed his kingdom to another Bagoas,
and had been too familiar even with this. How could Curtius
persuade himself, that a Persian nobleman, who had ascend-
ed to the highest honours in the kingdom, could be ignorant
of this, when many Greek authors have recorded it?f and he
has not passed it over; for thus he introduces Alexander
speaking, in his third book; “Even Darius I himself did not
obtain the kingdom of Persia by inheritance, but was placed
upon the throne of Cyrus, by the assistance of Bagoas an
eunuch.” And in the tenth section of the very next chapter,
in one of Nabarzanes's letters, we are told, that “Darius ha-
ving slain Bagoas, excused himself of the fact, by telling the
populace that he had been guilty of treasonable practices.”
And again, in the twenty-third section of the fifth chapter,
among other presents wherewith Nabarzanes is said to have
endeavoured to appease Alexander, one in particular was
“Bagoas, an eunuch of singular beauty, and in the very
bloom of youth, with whom Darius had already becn familiar,
as Alexander was afterwards.” Teridates,' an eunuch, was
* Curtius, lib. v. cap. 1, 24. t See Freinsh. Suppl. lib. ii. cap. 1, 1.
1 Curtius, lib. v. cap. 3, 12. § AFlian. War. Hist. lib. xii. cap. 1.
lxiv A CRITIC ISM
also a ſavourite of Artaxerxes, as Elian assures us in his
History of Aspasia. I'rom these instances, every one may
perceive, that Curtius feigned an answer contrary to the
nature of the thing, by endeavouring to hammer out a speech
worthy of a descendant of Cyrus, and one raised to the highest
pitch of honour in the empire : or if the case was otherwise,
and that he did not make the speech, he transcribed it
from somebody else, who was as ignorant of the matter as
himself.
19. Curtius is over-lavish of his gifts to Alexander, and by
bestowing too much foresight upon him, makes him give very
foolish directions, when we are sure none such were given;
considering how well the matter was known among the Ma-
cedonians at that time. “Alexander,” says he, “a little be-
fore his death, grasping vast things in his mind, had deter-
mined, as soon as all the sea-coast towards the east was re-
duced, to invade Africa from Syria, being offended at the
Carthaginians,” and to do other things in the west, which
Curtius gives us an account of, book x. chap. 1, 17; which
expedition, thus conceived in his mind, that he might be able
to bring about, “ He gave orders to the governors of Meso-
potamia, to cut down wood from Mount Libanus, and convey
it to Thapsacus, a city of Syria, there to lay the keels, and
build large ships, all of them of seven banks of oars,” and
thence carry them down the stream to Babylon.” I shall not
say, that he ought rather to have sent this order to the gover-
nor of Syria, under whose jurisdiction ſount Libanus was ;
but who cannot perceive the glaring folly of our rhetorician,
in pretending to build septireme galleys upon the Euphrates,
that from Syria they might go against Africa, which is in the
Mediterranean 2 Flowever, the matter, you may say, is not
altogether so bad as it appears to be ; for Arrian in his seventh
book assures us, that that fleet was designed against the Ara-
bians, and to plant colonies along the Persian Gulf; and per-
haps Curtius intended the same by those words, “All the
sea-coast towards the east being overcome.” However that
bé, the matter was worthy to have been explained by more
words, to have avoided all ambiguity; for otherwise, Curtius
will be brought in guilty of an unpardonable error in geogra-
phy, who could be induced to believe, that a fleet might sail
out of the river Euphrates, by a short cut, to Carthage : but
* Whoever knows what a septireme ship is, will easily grant, that
none such can sail out of the Euphrates. The very largest vessels which
Arrian mentions were no bigger than quinqueremes, and of these there
were only two. Arrian, lib. vii, cap. 19.
U PON QUINTUS CURTIUS. lxv
that he believes this, seems very probable, by the bigness of
the ships there mentioned; for few bigger were ever seen in
the Mediterranean, and none so big were fit for the channel
of the Euphrates and Tigris.
20. These remarks we have thought necessary to make
upon the style of Curtius; and we could have illustrated them
with more examples, or have prosecuted the matter much
further, had not his History been in every body's hands, and
what we have said so apparent, that whoever understands
Latin, has no occasion to be told Nthat our observations are
just. However, we have not here gone about to detract,
either from the elegancy of his style or the roundness of his
sentences, or endeavoured to deter boys from reading him;
only let them read him as a rhetorician, where the style is
chiefly to be considered; and let them also, if they please,
collect from him as many wise sayings as they can ; they are
much too frequent throughout the work, and generally inju-
diciously placed. However, I would not have them to look
upon him as an historian studious of truth, whom they may
confide in, nor by any means propose him as a pattern for
their imitation throughout, if they design to make a figure in
that sort of knowledge.
CHAPTER IX.
Quintus Curtius rather praised Alexander's earcessive ambi-
tion, than dispraised it : Some famous passages of Seneca
and Lucan concerning it.
As history is intended not so much for delight as instruction,
historians ought cautiously to observe its laws, and either
condemn the vices of him whose acts they undertake to re-
hearse, or at least describe them in such a manner, that the
reader may know them to be vices, and detest them as such :
nor is he only to be told, that those are vices which are fla-
grant and conspicuous, but such also as are more secret, and
lurk under the mask of virtues. Among the first sort, were
the drunkenness, pride, and cruelty, which appeared in Alex-
ander after Darius's death, which Curtius often condemned:
but of the latter, was that insatiable thirst of sovereignty,
which spurred Alexander on to make war, not only against
the Persians, but a vast number of other nations, who had
never injured him, nay, who had hardly ever heard of him
before. In that case, his pride, injustice, cruelty, and igno-
VQI., I, C
lxvi A Clt ITICISM
rance of himself, were joined with such a contempt of all
divine and human right, that nothing could be a worse or more
destructive crime. This was the cause why innumerable in-
nocent families, cities, and nations, were cruelly and inhuman-
ly ravaged, spoiled, and sometimes put to the sword. Great
and populous kingdoins, by this single vice of his, have been
delivered up to insolent, lustful, cruel, and rapacious soldiers
and governors. Notwithstanding all which, most of the Greek
writers of his Life, are so far from condemning those devasta-
tions and robberies, that they have described a haughty
monarch and a blood-thirsty army (because they committed
their actions boldly), as a race of heroes; and Curtius comes
not a whit behind them in that case; for how much he ap-
proved those crimes, is manifest by the excessive encomiums
he has passed upon them : but if he had been as well versed
in ethics as he would have us believe him to have been, he
would have made use of those mighty numbers of moral sen-
tences, wherewith he has interlarded his work, to a better pur-
pose, and have wiped off that adulterate daubing, wherewith
a parcel of chattering Greeklings had besmeared him, and
not suffered himself to be so hurried away with the vulgar cry,
as to dress up the most execrable vices in the habit of virtues,
and commend them accordingly. Even in this case, he has
shown himself a declaimer, by following outside appearances,
and applauding things which please the vulgar, rather than
those which give satisfaction to the wise and judicious.
2. But some may perhaps object, that we require those
things from a heathen, which never came within the reach
of a heathen's knowledge. This we can no way better con-
fute, than by producing the testimonies of heathen authors
ancienter than Curtius: their sentiments of these matters are
fit to be read here and every where; for even at this day, some
Christians are not much better sighted than he ; wherefore,
we shall not think our time ill spent, if we transcribe the pas-
Sages at large.
8. Plutarch tells us, that Aristotle wrote some letters to
Alexander, to allay the pride of his heart; and I wish he had
transcribed them throughout; for from them it would have
plainly appeared, what that philosopher, who best knew
him, thought concerning him. The little which Plutarch
has given us is very obscure; but it was perhaps contrived so
on purpose to exercise the faculties of the furious youth to
whom it was directed. “It is not so much allowed,” says
he, “to those who govern a large empire, to think them-
selves great, as to those who have true notions concerning the
U P O N QUINTUS CU RTIUS. lxvii
gods.” Such noble sentiments are of excellent use towards
public and private enemies.
Avarºvan 85 re raids; #19 uévet &vruwaii.
Fate throws the wretched race upon our swords.
No less excellent is Agesilaus's saying of the Persian king,
who was styled Great: “None,” says he, “is greater than 1,
unless he be better.” Aristotle, if I judge right, aimed chiefly
at these two things; first, that they ought not to grow proud,
who had conquered vast countries, as Alexander had done,
unless their piety towards the gods was also eminent, which
it is notorious Alexander's was not, he being always ambitious
of aspiring to an equality with them : And secondly, that no
glory was justly due to those who swayed vast empires, unless
they were also just and beneficent, neither of which Alexan-
der was ; for if we compare his beneficence with the miseries
he brought upon the innocent, he will never avoid being
deemed the rod of divine vengeance, so far was he from being
esteemed the darling of mankind. For those few soldiers or
blood-hounds, for a few whores, sycophants, or tyrants, whom
he enriched with gifts or held in favour, how many thousand
men and whole families has he ruined, plundered, cruelly
tormented, and butchered? All who durst attempt to defend
their own possessions against his rapaciousness, were rendered
miserable; and therefore Aristotle could no way better de-
scribe that mischievous disposition of his, than by one of
Homer's verses, which he puts in the mouth of Achilles, just
such another hair-brained youth as himself:
Fate throws the wretched race upon our swords:
seeing he had made innumerable parents childless, by slaying
their sons in the flower of their age, while they were en-
deavouring to defend their country in a just and lawful war.
None sure will say, that that man is just, who grasps at all,
and claims everything for his own; who imagines he alone
was born to universal monarchy, and that all mankind be-
sides ought to bow their necks to receive his yoke. Such a
one might he excellently drawn, in those two lines which
Horace intended for the portraiture of Achilles:
Impiger, iracundus, inexorabilis, acer,
Jura negat sibi nata, nihil non arrogat armis.
De Arte Poetica.
Such a one, were his empire never so wide, you may well
pronounce less than the Spartan king, observing the bounds
e 2
lxviii A CRITIC ISM
of justice, according to the wise judgment of Agesilaus.
That this was Aristotle's opinion, I am induced to believe,
though it be but darkly hinted at, because perhaps he was
afraid of his haughty pupil’s resentment.
4. I cannot forbear wishing that Cicero's books De Re-
publica were extant : we might there undoubtedly read the
true sentiments of that great man concerning Alexander, as
may be gathered from a fragment, preserved from the third
book of that work, by Nonius Marcellus: It is the answer of
a pirate, whereby Alexander might learn what difference
there was betwixt himself and such men. “ For when he
asked the pirate, By whose authority he durst infest the
seas, with one galley —By the same, answered the pirate,
wherewith you infest the world.” I doubt not but Cicero
allowed the answer to be just, because that grammarian gives
us this sentence out of the same book: “It is a kind of un-
happy slavery, when we see those things which we have a
right to, in another's possession.” Which words may be
well applied to those frec people, who were forced to stoop to
Alexander's yoke.
5. But now give ear to Seneca, who attacks his insatiable
avarice much more warmly, (for I pass by his other vices,) and
condemns it: “When that great conqueror of the East lifted
his heart above mankind, the Corinthians or Megarians sent
an embassy to congratulate him, and withal complimented
him with the freedom of their city; and when he smiled at
this, as a ridiculous offer, one of the ambassadors told him,
they had never offered the freedom of their city to any but to
him and Hercules; whereupon he freely accepted the pro-
posed honour, not so much considering those who had made
him free of their city, as himself, thus made free.”. A man
thus devoted to the pursuit of glory, without knowing its nature
and tendency, and tracing the footsteps of Hercules and Bac-
chus, without knowing where to stop, when he went beyond
these, looked upon the authors of his honour as only sharers
with him therein, as if he had gained possession of all that he
vainly grasped in his mind, because he had reached further
than Hercules: “To whom,” says Seneca,” “could that
mad youth be likened, who had only a fortunate rashness in-
stead of true courage Hercules conquered nothing for him-
self; he passed over the earth indeed, not to enslave it, but to
set it free. Whom did he overcome He was a scourge to
tyrants, a defender of good men, the grand appeaser of the
earth and seas But this man (Alexander) was a THIEF AND
* De Beneficiis, lib. i. cap. 13.
UPON QUINTUS CU RTI U.S. lxix
RoppER of NAtions from his infancy, the destroyer of his
friends as well as enemies, who placed his chief happiness in
being deemed a terror to mankind, without considering that
not only the fiercest, but sometimes the most sluggish ani-
mals, are dreaded for their evil dispositions.”
6. As this was Alexander's ambition, and all his designs
tended this way, it is something strange, that Curtius should
introduce him, just before the battle of Issus, calling his sol-
diers the Assertors of the World's Liberty,” as if the Mace-
donians had ever had the liberty of any nations at heart
However, Alexander continued not long in that mind; for
he soon after speaks his true sentiments, in a quite contrary
manner, and tells his followers, that “they were to pass
beyond the bounds of Hercules and Bacchus, and not only
lay their yoke upon the Persians, but all other nations.” So
that these Assertors of the World's Liberty were now making
war with a design to impose a yoke of slavery upon all nations.
But as Hercules was mentioned, and Curtius compared the
Macedonians to him, he was obliged to call them the Asser-
tors of the World's Liberty; but truth afterwards forced him
to change his note, and represent them as designing to impose
their yoke upon the world. Thus declaimers, who are daily
accustomed to mix truth with fiction, are not always con-
sistent with themselves.—But now let us return to Seneca.
7. Lest our readers should imagine that such a severe
passage slipped unadvisedly or accidentally from Seneca's
pen, he falls as severely upon him in other places: “Though
Alexander,” says he,t “extended his conquests beyond the
Red Sea, he wanted more than he had won : for even those
provinces were not his own, which he had overcome and held
in possession, while Onesicritus the admiral of his fleet was
in search after new lands, and endeavouring to find fresh wars
on unknown shores. Was it not a certain sign that he was
poor, who must push his conquests beyond the bounds of
nature ? who wilfully plunged himself into an immense, un-
fathomable, and undiscovered ocean, to satisfy the unreason-
able demands of his avarice What advantage gained he by
all the nations he overrun, and all the kingdoms he made
tributary to him What things he coveted, those he wanted.”
8. And in his one hundred and nineteenth epistle, he
exclaims full as bitterly against him : “That man,” says he,
“has never too little, who is satisfied with what he enjoys;
and none can have enough, who is not satisfied. After the
conquest of Darius and the Indies, Alexander is still poor: he
* Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 10, 5. t De Beneſ, lib vii cap, 2.
lxx A CRITIC rSM
seeks other kingdoms to conquer; he searches unknown seas;
sends forth new fleets into the ocean; and, if I may be allowed
to say so, bursts through the barriers of the world. The bounds
of nature are not strong enough to confine his haughty mind:
he will still find something to covet, after all his conquests.
Such is the blindness of our understandings, and such is the
forgetfulness of all, of their narrow beginning, while their
ambition spurs them forward He who was but lately lord
of a small and inconsiderable corner of the world, and held
not that without trouble, returns now from the remotest parts
of the earth through his own territories, and is not yet con-
tented.”
9. From these instances, it is evident that Alexander's
insatiable avarice of others’ properties, and the boldness and
arts he made use of in invading them, joined with the power
he had, which he converted to mischievous purposes, were
his far greatest crimes; and the more destructive, the further
they extended : yet notwithstanding all this, if we will listen
to rhetoricians and poets, they were heroic virtues, whereby
Alexander was almost entitled to a place among the immortal
gods. They allege, that all his other vices were so qualified
by these, (which were really vices themselves, screened under
the borrowed names of courage and military knowledge,) that
they scarce allow him to be taxed with them. Thus, to see
the folly of the world! small vices shall be excused, for the
sake of those of a deeper dye; as if they should set a man at
liberty who was accused of theft, because he had committed
murder.
10. It is true, Seneca could never forgive Alexander that
heinous crime of putting Callisthenes the philosopher to
death; and it is plain, he looked upon this as his greatest
crime, and which all the actions of his whole life, however
praise-worthy, were not able to palliate: “This,” says he,
“is an eternal blot upon Alexander's name, which no valour,
nor any success in war, will ever wipe off.” For should any
one say, “He slew many thousand Persians;” he would add
Callisthenes to the number: should any say, “He slew
Darius, a great monarch, in possession of a large empire;” he
would immediately say, “And Callisthenes :” should any say,
“ He conquered all the sea-coasts, and even searched it with
new fleets, and extended his empire from an angle of Thrace,
to the utmost eastern limits of the earth;” he would add,
“That notwithstanding he had surpassed the examples of
former kings and generals, all the great acts he performed
will not atone for that single crime of putting Callisthenes to
death.”
UPON QUINTUS CURTIUS. lxxi
ll. To the examples already given, we shall add one more;
for as often as any shall say, “He was endued with incredible
courage and resolution, constancy in enduring labours and
travel, and patience almost above what became him; besides,
with valour not only above what is common in kings, but
even beyond that of those who made the military art their
chief employ;”* we shall object, That his avarice of other
men's possessions and properties was also incredible and in-
satiable: nothing was so sacred among men, which he trod
not under foot; no danger was so great, which he would not
attempt, nor any labour so excessive, which he would not
undergo; so that thieves, robbers, and pirates, who by the
desperateness of their circumstances are necessitated to take
up these vile practices for their sustenance, are not to be
compared with him. As often as we hear him harangued
for “his liberality, in bestowing more than we even ask of
the gods; his clemency towards the conquered; so many
kingdoms which he had won by the sword, either returned to
the former princes, or given away as gifts; and above all, for
that constant contempt of death, which strikes such a terror
into others;” we shall, without hesitation, reply, That he was
profuse of what he had acquired by rapine, and often bestow-
ed his favours upon the unworthy; that towns were spoiled,
and kingdoms ransacked, that he might lavish away the wealth
of others, among a parcel of sycophants and blood-suckers
who were about him; that he was merciful only to such as
showed themselves ready to receive his yoke, notwithstanding
they were entitled, by their birth, to the same freedom as the
Macedonians; that his contempt of death was an effect of
phrensy, which, to say nothing worse, ran through all the acts
of his life; and lastly, if he had any appearance of virtue, it
was by no means to be compared with that eternal lust of
spoil, which hurried him on to invade the rights of all men,
unless they were instantly delivered up to him: When death
seized upon this common enemy of mankind, he was pre-
paring, after he had subdued the East, to drown the West too,
in one inundation of the blood of its inhabitants, unless they
yielded a speedy subjection to him, though most of them had
never heard of his name, nor knew in what quarter of the
world Macedonia stood.
12. But we have no occasion of using arguments of our
own, to show that Alexander's exploits rather blasted his
memory among wise men, than raised it; and on that ac-
count we shall hear how Lucan f treads in the steps of his
* Curtius, lib. x. cap. 5, 25. ºf Lucan, lib. x, ver. 20, &c.
lxxii A. CRITICISMI
renowned uncle, and with his words conclude this section.
Thus he sings of the sepulchre of Alexander, which was to
be seen in Alexandria:
There the vain youth, who made the world his prize,
That prosperous robber Alexander, lies.
When pitying death at length had freed mankind,
To sacred rest his bones were here consign'd :
His bones, that better had been toss'd and hurl’d,
With just contempt, around the injur'd world.
But fortune spar'd the dead, and partial fate,
For ages, fix'd his Pharian empire's date.
If e'er our long-lost liberty return,
That carcass is reserv'd for public scorn:
Now it remains a monument confest,
How one proud man could lord it o'er the rest.
To Macedon, a corner of the earth,
The vast ambitious spoiler ow'd his birth :
There, soon he scorn'd his father's humbler reign,
And view'd his vanquish’d Athens with disdain;
Driv'n headlong on, by Fate's resistless force,
Through Asia's realms he took his dreadful course :
His ruthless sword laid human nature waste,
And desolation follow’d where he pass'd.
Red Ganges * blush'd, and fam'd Euphrates' flood,
With Persian this, and that with Indian blood.
Such is the bolt which angry Jove employs,
When, undistinguishing, his wrath destroys:
Such, to mankind, portentous meteors rise,
Trouble the gazing earth, and blast the skies;
Nor flame, nor flood, his restless rage withstand,
Nor Syrts unfaithful, nor the Libyan sand :
O'er waves unknown, he meditates his way,
And seeks the boundless empire of the sea;
Even to the utmost West he would have gone,
Where Tethys lap receives the setting sun;
Around each pole his circuit would have made,
And drunk from secret Nile's remotest head, }
When nature's hand his wild ambition stay’d.
Rowe.
13. After all this, none, I hope, will be able to say that we
derogate too much from Curtius, a heathen, when we affirm,
that he ought to have fixed a brand of infamy upon Alexan-
der's robberies, if he had not rather sought after the character
of a declaimer than that of a grave historian. This we only
aimed at here; for we never designed to comprise a history
of his life in this compass. However, Curtius himself once
slightly touches this matter, in a speech of the Scythians,
* It is pity but Lucan had named the Hydaspes here, instead of the
Ganges; because there happened a great battle upon the banks of the
former, but Alexander never reached the latter.
UPON QUINTUS CURTI U.S. lxxiii
wherein they are introduced speaking thus to Alexander:
“Thou, who boastest of thy coming to repress thieves, takest
all the kingdoms by stealth, wherever thou coinest.” But he
ought not to have touched the matter so transiently, and
passed it over thus, with one oblique glance, but have dwelt
upon it largely, and explained himself fully and freely upon
that subject; he ought also not to have put it thus into the
mouths of Alexander's enemies, but to have spoke it in his
own person; the reflections of enemies upon that score being
insufficient.
14. These are our unfeigned sentiments concerning Cur-
tius; and whoever will take the pains to form a true and
exact judgment of them, will easily discern that they were
not wrote with any design of bringing an elegant author into
contempt, but out of a sincere love of virtue and truth, and
a desire of advancing learning, and assisting the youth who
lay out their endeavours that way. This we can safely affirm,
that we have given none any just occasion of bringing our
veracity in question throughout this work: however, we were
called upon, some years after it was first wrote, to defend
ourselves, which we did in French, in the third volume of
Bibliotheque Choisie, to which we refer our reader. We also
wrote something upon this subject, in a preface to Pedo Al-
binovanus; and shall therefore make an end here, lest by too
many arguments we should seem to intimate that the case
was still disputable.
CHAPTER X.
A defence of Mr. Le Clerc from the censures of Mr. Perizo-
nius, in his treatise entitled, Quintus Curtius vindicatus.
As I have already translated nine long chapters from Mr. Le
Clerc, I hope my readers will allow me to add one of my
own, which I design as observations on some reflections of
Mr. Perizonius upon him. I shall not presume to crowd all
the objections and replies, which have been made on both
sides, into this small compass; let it suffice, that I here pre-
sent them with a brief answer to some of the most material
ones, and shall refer my readers to the originals themselves,
for further satisfaction. Mr. Perizonius entitles the treatise
which he has written on this account, A Windication of
Quintus Curtius; but his design was levelled at Mr. Le
* Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 8.
lxxiv. A C RITICISM
Clerc ; and he has spared neither time nor pains to gather
together whatever was possible against him.
First, then, he accuses him with writing too sharply, too
bitterly, with too little candour, and with treating Quintus
Curtius, whom he had owned to be an ancient author, with
too much severity in his censure. To which I answer, If he
has advanced little or nothing against him but what all his
latest and best commentators, and even Mr. Perizonius him-
self, own to be just, I am of opinion that, instead of vindi-
cating the reputation of Curtius by that treatise, he has show-
ed, that the case is either desperate, or he is a weak reasoner
and unfit to manage it. If any should ask me, To what pur-
pose are those sharp censures upon an ancient author I
would reply, That they are set up as buoys or beacons, to
warn future historians from running upon the shelves and
shallows where their predecessors have suffered shipwreck.
The greatest glory any author can receive, is from the appro-
bation of an impartial critic, after a strict and thorough exa-
mination; and none can be either afraid or ashamed of being
brought to the test, but such as are conscious of their own
defects and inabilities.
2. He has bestowed above thirty pages in telling us that
Mr. Le Clerc has accused divers grammarians, rhetoricians,
and I know not whom, of want of humanity and several other
crimes, when he is guilty of much more flagrant ones him-
self.—All this may be true; but as neither I nor Quintus
Curtius are any ways concerned in the case, we have no busi-
ness to crowd ourselves foolishly into their quarrel.
3. He freely owns, that Curtius understood little of geo-
graphy, and on that account made frequent blunders; and
yet he endeavours to defend him, p. 117, l 18, l 19, by al-
leging, in the first place, that Curtius indeed transcribed this
and that from the ancient Greek historians: but the question
is, whether he believed them himself?—If he delivered that
for truth, which he did not believe himself, his readers, in-
stead of becoming wiser by his book, must of consequence
grow the greater blockheads. Secondly, he tells us, that
Curtius was neither to write a new history, nor to bespatter
the ancient historians who afforded him materials: that most
of the ancients had given accounts of things, much the same
with what we find in his work.—Admitting the truth of all
this, he cannot be justified; for Curtius's accounts of things
are far more romantic and remote from truth, than those of
most of the ancient historians; and if some of the Greek
writers published romance for truth, all did not ; and who-
ever sets up for an author, ought to be careful, not only whom
UPON QUINTUS CURTIUS, lxxv.
he quotes from, but what he transcribes from them; other-
wise, he is answerable for their errors, as well as his own.
4. He says, Curtius is not to be blamed for asserting, first,
that Alexander marched with his army over Mount Parapa-
misus, and suffered great extremities of cold.—No, certain-
ly.—Secondly, that as it was in November, it was no great
wonder if the tops and north sides of the mountains were
covered with snow.—Who ever said it was 2—This, with a
few reflections upon Mr. Le Clerc, takes up above a dozen
pages; but then the grand pinch still remains, and I desire
him to answer, first, How could Alexander and his followers
find inhabitants whose huts or hovels lay wholly covered
with snow all winter And secondly, What could be the
reason of so vast a darkness, by day, in so southerly a latitude :
See Curt. vind. p. 122, to 140. * *
5. He then falls foul upon Mr. Le Clerc, p. 147, for as-
signing the 20th degree of north latitude for the seat of the
oracle of Hammon, instead of the 28th.-What can be the
cause of this, f cannot find. I have Mr. Le Clerc's Judicium
de Quinto Curiio now by me, and it is as plain 28, as ever
was either printed or read. He then says, Arrian agrees with
Curtius, in the description of the fruitfulness of the soil and
temperature of the clime there. But the contrary is apparent
from his own words, lib. iii. p. 161. Blancard. “The tem-
ple of Hammon,” says he, “is every way surrounded with
huge wastes and thirsty sands; nevertheless, in the midst of
these is a small spot, (of about forty furlongs where broadest,)
which is stockcd with fair trees, viz. olives and palm-trees,
and the soil is watered by a fountain not far off.”—Now,
whoever can find the wonderful mildness of the skies, the
smiling of the seasons, and the perpetual spring here, must
either have sharper eyes, or a more pregnant fancy, than I
can pretend to.
6. Mr. Perizonius owns, p. 148, that Glareanus, Raderus,
Freinshemius, Tellier, and Cellarius, have all been upon
Curtius's back, on account of his false description of the
countries round the temple of Hammon ; and therefore he
wonders why Mr. Le Clerc should give himself the trouble,
either to find new faults, or animadvert afresh upon the old
ones. He then pleads, that the ancients knew very little of
the inner or midland countries of Africa, and endeavours to
excuse Curtius, where he is unable to defend him.
7. He says, Curtius is no more to be condemned for giving
a strange disparity between the numbers slain and wounded
on one side and the other, than most other authors. Where
their numbers are as extravagant as his, they are undoubted-
lxxvi A C RITICISM
ly as much to blame as he.—He then gives us several reasons,
why the vanquished should fall in far greater numbers than
the victors:—But such a monstrous disparity as one hundred
thousand, to fall on one side, to one hundred and eighty-two
on the other, is incredible.—He brings us an instance to
prove, what multitudes have fallen in one battle, out of the
Chronicles, chap. xiii. ver. 17, where Abia is said to have
slain five hundred thousand Israelites, though he had not so
many soldiers in his whole army.—I shall not pretend to cri-
ticise upon that passage, because I understand not the origi-
mal : however, as the whole extent of the territories both of
Israel and Judah was not much bigger than Wales, and as
it is there said, that the king of Judah brought five hundred
thousand men into the field, and the king of Israel eight hun-
dred thousand, I must beg leave to suspend my belief con-
cerning those numbers, till I can be assured from some able
critic in the language, that they are the same in all copies.
See the remark on Curtius, Snakem. lib. iii. cap. 11, 27.
8. Mr. Le Clerc, in his Criticism, chap. iii. 11, says, that
Curtius ought frequently to have told us, he did not believe
all he wrote. But, says Mr. Perizonius, p. 118, 119, it
would have been the most stupid and senseless thing imagi-
nable, for him to have told us this over and over again.—
This remark would be very just, had he ranged all his truths
at one end of his book, and his lies at the other, and told us,
once for all, that we might believe the first parcel, but not
the last. As they lie now promiscuously huddled together,
I defy any reader upon earth, without making use of his own
judgment, to distinguish which is romance and which true
history.
9. As to the description of hooked chariots taken notice
of by Mr. Le Clerc, in his Criticism, chap. iv. Mr. Perizonius
has very judiciously set his master Curtius right, after there
had been a vast dispute about it, and showed us plainly that
he may be defended in this article. He has also drawn us
the figure of a chariot-wheel, according to Curtius's descrip-
tion, which shows at least, that if the ancients had no such
chariots in reality, they might have had them, there being
now no obscurity in the description.
10. He has laboured hard to bring Curtius off from Mr.
Le Clerc's censure in his Criticism, chap. iv. 5; but I am of
opinion he has missed his mark. “What l” says he, “cannot
a plain be vast, unless it be unbounded ?”—Yes, certainly.—
But then, if that plain be as wide as an eye can reach, it is
sufficient to contain any two armies that ever marched into a
field, with room enough for them to fight on. However, it
UPON QUINTUS CU RT I U.S. lxxvii
is evident by Curtius's description, that the moist hills hin-
dered the Macedonians from viewing the army of the Per-
sians; therefore the whole was not level, and his account
thereof is still imperfect and unsatisfactory.
1 I. He tells us, p. 128, 129, 130, in answer to Mr. Le
Clerc's Criticism, chap. vii. 25, that though the writings of
Baeton and Diognetus were then extant, yet we have no
reason to suppose that they gave accounts of countries or the
stations of the army any ways different from Curtius.-lf they
did not, Eratosthenes did, and after him Strabo, both which
authors wrote before Curtius, and so, for any thing we know
to the contrary, might Plutarch and Arrian too.
12. This is said or thought to be an error of transcribers,
by most commentators, and that Antipater ought to be sub-
stituted, instead of Alexander. See Criticism, chap. viii. 9.
Of this opinion is Tan. Faber, Tellier, Cellarius, and Pitiscus.
However, Mr. Perizonius, p. 78, 79, 80, undertakes, from
sundry instances from the Classics, to prove, that the ancients
used the words imperium and ductus indifferently.—Be that
as it will, Curtius's error still remains; for Alexander was
then in the utmost parts of the East.
13. We now come to the subject of his set speeches, which
Mr. Le Clerc has animadverted upon, chap. viii. 14, 15, 16,
17, 18. Mr. Perizonius endeavours to excuse Curtius, or at
least to palliate the matter as much as possible, by telling us,
p. 92, 93, 94, 95, that Mr. Le Clerc has not sufficiently dis-
tinguished between history and commentaries, or the bare
journals or materials from which a regular history is after-
wards formed. He owns, that in commentaries every thing
ought to be just, and every speech to be genuine, or at least
as near as possible; but then for a history to appear so, would
be mere patch-work. He adds, that sometimes speeches are
too long to be inserted; and that an historian may take the
liberty to alter what he pleases, he thinks justifiable by the
example of divines, who, when they are requested to print a
sermon, seldom print it exactly as it was delivered out of
the pulpit. To which I answer: First, If an historian must
and will interlard his work with speeches, let them be given
us exactly as they were spoken ; though I am of opinion, he
had much better omit them, and introduce what historical
facts they may contain in a narrative way. Secondly, If any
Speech be too long to be inserted into a history, the historian
has the liberty of abridging, but not of new-modelling and
altering it. And, Thirdly, Though a divine may really take
the liberty to alter any part of a sermon of his own composing,
to make it appear the more advantageously to the public, he
lxxviii A CRITICISM
*
would take it very much amiss, if another person was to pre-
sume to do it for him; and much worse still, if a stranger
should dare to publish a sermon in his name, which he never
either preached or thought of.
14. We have a long story in Mr. Perizonius, to bring
Curtius off clear from Mr. Le Clerc's accusation, in his Cri-
ticism, chap, viii. 18. He tells us, p. 99, That a Persian
nobleman, who had been raised to the highest honours, and
who had had the most exact knowledge of affairs, might make
a speech like that ; for who should hinder him —Who in-
deed!—He then proceeds: “Have not thousands made foolish
speeches, or ill-timed ones; and might not an unreasonable
sourness or ostentation, or an imprudent vanity, cause him to
utter such things?”—Aye, that they might, or any thing else.
Alexander could not immediately tie his tongue; and so long
as he had it at liberty, he might say as proud or as foolish
things as he would. But then Mr. Le Clerc might have
added one thing more, to have strengthened his argument;
which is, that Arrian assures us, towards the conclusion of his
sixth book, that he was accused of robbing temples, defacing
monuments, and causing many innocent Persians to be put
to death; for which crimes, Alexander caused him to be
crucified. -
15. Mr. Perizonius plainly tells us, p. 106, in answer to
what Mr. Le Clerc had advanced in his Criticism, chap. viii. 19,
that Curtius was not so great a fool as not to know that
Mount Libanus and the city Thapsacus were both in Syria;
and on that account, he owns, it might have been proper to
have sent those orders to the governor of Syria. “But who
knows,” says he, “what reasons Alexander had to do what he
did?”—Or who knows, say I, what reasons Curtius had to
write what he wrote?—“Perhaps,” says he, “the governor of
Syria was then absent, executing his commands elsewhere,
or perhaps he was one of those who had been guilty of mal-
administration, and when he heard of Alexander's return,
fled away for fear of being called to account: for surely,” says
he, “if Curtius had not found the circumstance thus, in the
ancient Greek authors from whom he copied, he would never
have added it out of his own head.”—Perhaps both of his per-
haps's may be to no purpose. The first governor of Syria
whom Alexander appointed, was Arimmas, and him he dis-
possessed for aiming at sovereignty, as Arrian assures us,
lib. iii. p. 168, Blancard, and deputed Asclepiodorus the son
of Eunicus to govern in his stead. This Asclepiodorus is
again mentioned as bringing recruits to Alexander at Zariaspa
in Bactria, lib. iv. p. 254, and again, lib. iv. p. 269, where
º
UPON QUINTUS CURT I U.S. lxxix
he is called the governor of Syria. Now, what became of
him afterwards, is hard to know; but as we hear nothing
more of him, I am of opinion he continued in his govern-
ment till Alexander's death, and then was set aside in the
general division of the empire; for all authors agree that
Syria was then given to Laomedon the Mitylenean.—He then
falls heavy upon Mr. Le Clerc, for insinuating, in a marginal
note, that the mouths of the Tigris and Euphrates were not
fit to receive vessels so large as septiremes, and brings an
example from Livy, lib. xlv. 35, of a ship with sixteen banks
of oars drawn up the Tiber as high as Rome. This may
perhaps, as he says, be one of the effects of hasty writing.
However, there are so many excellent remarks contained in
that Criticism, that we may very well excuse this, and a hun-
dred other small errors, if there were so many, for their sakes.
Mr. Perizonius made some objections against this Criticism,
in his Animadversions upon AElian, p. 728. These
were answered by Mr. Le Clerc, under the feigned name
of Theodorus Gorallus, in his Preface to Pedo Albino-
vanus. Mr. Perizonius wrote a reply, entitled, A Vin-
dication of Quintus Curtius, &c. This was fully an-
swered by Mr. Le Clerc, in Bibliotheque Choisie, tom. iii.
p. 17.1, &c. since which time we have heard nothing
of it.
The
G E N E A L O G Y
OF
A L E X A N D E R.
ARRIAN assures us, lib. i. cap. 11, (and indeed all authors
agree with him,) that Alexander deduced his pedigree from
Hercules by the father's side, and from Achilles by the mo-
ther; and as the clearing up that point, (so far as it is possi-
ble at this distance of time,) may be of some use to our read-
ers, we shall present them with a brief account of the royal
stem, from Reineccius, who seems to have given it with the
utmost accuracy and diligence. He has indeed begun with
Alexander himself, and traced it backward; but I choose rather
to begin with Hercules and Achilles, and present them in the
same order as they appeared in the world. In the first place,
therefore,
HERCULEs had a son named ACHILLEs, the son of Peleus
Temenus, (as is evident and Thetis, by Deidamia,
from the fragment of a satire daughter to Lycomedes
in Scaliger's additions to king of Scyrus, begat a son,
Eusebius, p. 372,) from whom he named Pyrrhus.
whom came the race of the
Temenidae, who held the PyRRHUs, the son of Achilles
kingdom of Argos for a long by Lanassa, daughter to
time; of which family was Cleodaeus, of the race of
the Heraclidae, begat Pyr-
CARANUs, an Argive by birth, rhus, who is supposed to
the founder of the Mace- have died young, and Ale-
donian kingdom. Who nas, from whom proceed-
THE GEN EA Logy of A LEx ANDER. lxxxi
were his parents, is not
known, any further than
that he deduced his pedi-
gree from Temenus the son
of Hercules.
CENUs, the son of Caranus,
and father of Tyrimas,
reigned in Macedonia
twelve years.
TypIMAs reigned thirty-eight
years, and left the kingdom
to his son Perdiccas.
PERDIccas, the first king of
Macedon, at his death
showed his son the place
where he and his succes-
sors should be interred ;
and foretold, that the king-
dom should remain in that
family as long as that was
done: On which account,
some vainly imagine that
the family became extinct
in Alexander, because he
was interred elsewhere. See
more of this in Herodotus,
l. 8. c. 137, where he gives
us that story somewhat dif-
ferent.
ARGEUs, king of Macedonia,
routed the Illyrians, who
then made war upon the
Macedonians, having de-
ceived them with a Bac-
chanal entertainment.
PHILIP, the first king of that
name, king of Macedonia.
AEROPUs, king of Macedonia,
an infant, was carried into
the army in his cradle, by
VOL. I.
ed the family of the Aleni-
dae ; as also Ethnestus,
whence came the family of
the Ethnestae; beside five
daughters. By Andro-
mache, Hector’s widow, he
begat Molossus, from whom
the people of Epirus were
named Molossi; as also
Pielus, and Amphialus, sur-
named Pergamus.
PIELUs, was also called Py-
lades. How many sons he
begat, is not known; but
that he left some is certain;
because Pausanias assures
us, that the Pyrrhus who
waged war with the Ro-
mans derived his pedigree
from him.
ALcox married , Agarista,
daughter to Clisthenes the
Sicyonian. His progenitors
are unknown, cxcepting on-
ly that it is evident he was
one of the race of Pielus.
ADMETUS, king of Epirus, (to
whom Themistocles fled,)
of Phthia his wife begat a
son named Arymbas.
AnyMBAs was educated at
Athens. After he came
to the kingdom, he framed
laws, established a senate,
appointed annual magi-
strates, and regulated the af-
fairs of the commonwealth.
He is also called Tharym-
bas, Tharytas, and Tha-
rypus, according to the
usual variations of proper
Ina II, CS,
f
lxxxii
the Macedonians, who were
then hard put to it by the
Illyrians; and the event an-
swered their hopes.
AlclºtAs, king of Macedonia,
reigned twenty-nine years,
and left for his successor
AMyNTAs the First, king of
Macedonia, who being over-
thrown by Megabazus the
Persian, general to Darius
the son of Hystaspes, left
Alexander his son, surna-
med the Bich, and Bocrus,
whose son Meleager begat
Arsinoe, mother to king
Ptolemy, and Gygaea, who,
by one Bubares, a Persian,
brought forth Amyntas, on
whom Xerxes bestowed
Alabanda, a city of Phry-
gia.
ALEXANDER, king of Mace-
donia, surnamed the Rich,
and Philellen, who waged
war against Xerxes and the
Persians, begat a son called
Perdiccas, and Alcetas, who
was afterwards slain by Ar-
chelaus, the base son of Per-
diccas,besides a third, whom
he named Philip.
PHILIP, surnamed Tharraleus,
being expelled out of his
kingdom ol Macedonia by
his brother Perdiccas, died
in exile, leaving one only
son behind him.
AMYNTAs the Second, king
of Macedonia, who was
T H E G E N E A LOGY
OF A LIE X AN IDF. it.
ALCFTAs, king of Epirus,
being expelled by his sub-
jects, fled to Dionysius king
of Sicily, and returning to
his own kingdom, begat
Neoptolemus the father of
Olympias, and Arybbas,who
waged war against his bro-
ther, and forced him to al-
low him a share in the king-
dom; and then marrying
Troas, his brother's daugh-
ter, he begat Alcetas, who
reigned after him, as also
AEacides the father of Pyr-
rhus.
NEoPtol.EMUs, king of Epi-
rus, who shared his territo-
ries with his brother Aryb-
bas, begat that Alexander
who married Cleopatra,
the sister of Alexander the
Great, and who carrying
his arms into Italy, there
died; as also Neoptole-
mus, who accompanying
Alexander into Asia, was
the first who mounted the
breach at the storming the
city Gaza: Arrian, lib. iii.
cap. 27. He, after this,
held the kingdom of Epi-
rus some time, but was at
last slain by Pyrrhus. Aryb-
bas, who basely violated the
league he had entered into
with Leosthenes against the
Macedonians: Troas, who
was married to her uncle
Arybbas : Olympias, the
mother of Alexander the
Great: and Cadmia, who
discovered the treacherous
designs of her brother
The GEN EA Logy of ALEXANDER. lxxxiii
twice expelled out of his
dominions and as often re-
stored, of Eurydice, an Il-
lyrian woman, begat Alex-
ander, the third of that
name, king of Macedonia;
Perdiccas the Third, whose
son Amyntas, by Cyna the
daughter of Philip, begat
Eurydice, wife to Aridaeus;
Philip the Second, father to
Neoptolemus against Pyr-
Thus.
OLYMPIAs, after the death of
her son Alexander, being
hated for her excessive am-
bition, and having commit-
ted many acts of cruelty,
was at last taken at Pydna
by Cassander, and put to
death.
Alexander the Great; be-
sides a daughter named
Euryone, who disclosed
her mother's wicked devices
to her father. Of Gygaea,
or, as others have it, Cyg-
naea, he begat Archelaus,
Argaeus, and Menelaus ;
and by a harlot, whose
name is unknown, he had
Ptolemy, surnamed Alori-
tes, who begat Philoxenus,
whose progeny is not re-
corded.
Philip, king of Macedonia, being slain by Pausanias, in the
forty-sixth year of his age, by his wife Olympias begat
Alexander the Great, and Cleopatra, who was given in
marriage to her uncle Alexander, king of Epirus. By
Audaca, an Illyrian woman, he had Cyna, who was by
her father bestowed upon Amyntas, his cousin-german,
and afterwards put to death by Alcetas, brother to Per-
diccas. By Nicasipolis the Pheraean, he had Nicaea, whom
Cassander married. By Cleopatra, the sister of Attalus,
he had Europa, whom Olympias is said to have slain
in her mother's arms; as also Caranus, who was put to
death by the same hand. By Arsinoe, whom he mar-
ried to Lagus when she was with child, he begat Ptolemy
king of AEgypt. By Philina, a dancer of Larissa, he had
Aridaeus, who held a shadow of empire for six years after
his brother Alexander's death; but being at last betrayed
into the hands of Olympias, and cruelly put to death, the
Macedonian line of the race of the Heraclide, in him, be-
came extinct.
lxxxiv. The GEN EA Logy of ALEXAN DER.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT, married first Roxane, the daugh-
ter of Oxyartes the Bactrian. She bore him a posthumous
son, called Alexander, who was slain by Cassander. Rhei-
neccius tells us, that he afterwards married Barsine, the
daughter of Artabazus; but that is a mistake, which Frein-
shemius and several other great men have fallen into, by
the similitude of names, and the corrupt copies of Arrian.
It is true she is most commonly named Barsine (but then
she is always called the eldest daughter to Darius). How-
ever, some copies of Arrian call her Arsine; and Photius
gives us her right name, which was Arsinoe. Wide Arrian.
apud Photium, lib. ix. She is called Statira by Diodorus,
Curtius, and Justin ; but the name is thought to be cor-
rupt. Wide Notas ad Curt. lib. iv. cap. 5, 1. By her he
had also a posthumous son, named Hercules, whom Poly-
perchon slew, in the sixteenth year of his age. He also
married Parysatis, the youngest daughter of Ochus; but
whether he had any children by her, is not known. By
Cleophis, a queen of India, he is said to have had a son .
called Alexander, who succeeded to his mother's domi-
#110ſ].S. º
AR RIAN'S
P. R. E. F. A. C. E.
--mºr-"º-----w-v--
I HAVE chose to make use of the writings of Ptolemy"
the son of Lagus, and of Aristobulus the son of
Aristobulus, concerning Alexander the son of Philip,
as the most authentic accounts of those actions, so
far as they are consistent with themselves, or with
each other; and in those points where they differ,
whichsoever appeared to me the most consonant to
truth, and fittest to be recorded, I have followed.
Others, indeed, have set Alexander's acts in a dif-
ferent light; and there is no hero, on whose life so
many pens have becn employed, or where they
disagree so much among themselves. But Aristobulus
and Ptolemy are preferable to all the rest, and most
worthy of credit: for, as the first was one of Alexan-
* Freinshemius, who has wrote the best as well as the largest
Supplement to Curtius, serves us here as the pirates do merchant-
ships, by putting out false colours till they have decoyed them
within the reach of their guns, and then hoisting the black flag
with the death’s head. He purloins almost all Arrian's preface;
and very gravely tells his readers, that the greatest part of what
they may expect is from Ptolemy and Aristobulus, &c. Vid.
Supplem. ad Curt. lib. i. cap. 1, ed. Snakenburg. It is true, he has
been very free with Arrian, as far as his Supplement goes; but the
moment Curtius's own work begins, there is not a word from
Ptolemy nor Aristobulus more.
VO L., I, I?
Q ARRIAN's PREFACE.
der's companions in that expedition, and the latter
not only bore a command there, but was also a king”
himself afterwards, a deviation from truth would be
more unpardonable in them than others. And sure
their veracity is the less to be doubted, because they
compiled their IHistories after Alexander's death, when
neither fear nor favour could induce them to relate
facts otherwise than they really happened. Some
things touched upon by others, I have thought not
altogether unworthy the rehearsal, as falling within
the compass of probability; but those are only de-
livered as reports. And if any now wonder why,
after so many writers of Alexander's acts, I also
attempt the task, and endeavour to elucidate the
same ; after he has perused the rest, let him proceed
to the reading of mine, and he will find less cause of
wonder than before.
* Ptolemy's mother was named Arsinoe: she being with child
by Philip king of Macedon, he married her to Lagus; whence he
is usually styled Ptolemy the son of Lagus. He bore a command
in Alexander's army, was one of his body-guards, and after his
death obtained the kingdom of Ægypt. See Pausanias in Atticis.
Suidas. and Freinsheim. in Curt, lib. ix. cap. 8, 22.
|

A R. R. I A N 'S
H I S T O R. Y
O F
ALEXANDER2S EXPEDITION.
BOOK. I.
-º-
CHAPTER I.
PHILIP * died when Pythodemus was archon at
Athens; and his son Alexander, then about twenty years
of age, ascended his throne, and marched into Pelo-
ponnesus, where, in a grand council of all the Greeks
of those parts, he requested to be made general of
the intended expedition against the Persians (an .
honour which had been before conferred on his father
Philip). This was granted by all, except the Lace-
daemonians, who alleged that by an ancient custom
of theirs, deduced from their ancestors, the Lacedae-
monians ought not to obey the orders of a foreign
general, but themselves to have the command of any
* Pausanias, a young nobleman of Macedonia, having been
forcibly abused by Attalus, made his complaints to king Philip;
but Attalus's interest prevailing, and he finding no redress, turned
his rage upon the king : whereupon, as he was to see some shows
between the two Alexanders, his son and nephew, without his
ordinary guards, he was suddenly assaulted and slain. See Diodor.
lib. xvi. pag. 482, editionis Hannovia ; and Justin, lib. ix. cap. 6.
C 7
}} Q
4. ARRIAN’s HISTORY OF
army raised for a foreign expedition. The Athe-
nians were also busy in contriving to bring some in-
novation about ; but were so terrified at Alexander's
approach, that they decreed him more honours than
they had before promised his father. He then re-
turned into \lacedonia, to raise forces for his expedi-
tion into Asia. Iowever, the spring following he
determined to march through Thrace, and so to pene-
trate into the countries of the Triballi” and Illy-
rians, t who, he heard, were also plotting mischief;
and as they almost bordered upon his kingdom, he
deemed it inconsistent with true policy to neglect
humbling them, before he attempted to march with
his army against places so remote : wherefore setting
out from Amphipolis, ; he marched first against
those Thracians, who were governed by their own
laws and tenacious of their own customs; and leaving
the city Philippi and the mountain Orbelus on the
left, and having passed the river Nesus, after ten
days journey, he arrived at mount IIaemus. Here
a mighty number of the neighbouring inhabitants
appeared in armour, as also multitudes of the free
Thracians above mentioned, being fully determined,
by seizing the tops of the mountains, and securing
the streights, or pass, to hinder him and his army
from any further progress. Their carriages, or wag-
gons, they therefore placed before them, not only to
serve instead of a breastwork for their security, if they
should be attacked; but they resolved, if the Mace-
* The Triballi were a stout nation inhabiting the lower part
of Moesia, between mount Haemus and the river Ister : their
country is now called Bulgaria.
+ The country of Illyria bordered on the Adriatic sea on one
side, and on Pannonia on the other: it is now called Sclavonia.
# Amphipolis was a city seated on both sides of the river Stry-
mon, partly in the borders of Thrace, and partly in those of Ma-
cedonia. -
§ The Thracians were a valiant people. Their country, which
was bounded by the Euxine and AEgaean seas, and mount Haemus,
is now called Romania.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 5
donians attempted to ascend, to tumble them down
among them, from the most steep and rugged parts
of the mountain: for they had well considered, that
the more firm the phalanx was, into which these
carriages should be thus hurried, the more execution
would be performed by the violence and rapidity of
their fall. But Alexander consulted how he might,
with the least danger, gain that pass; and being
assured that the mountain must be ascended, and
that there was no other way for an army to march,
warned his soldiers, the moment they perceived the
enemy's machinery put in motion, that those whom
the convenience of their station would allow, should
open their ranks, and suffer them to roll freely
through; but those who were confined by the narrow-
ness of the pass, should close their shields artfully
together, and fall flat on the ground, so that when
the carriages passed over them with their utmost
velocity, they might receive as little damage as pos-
sible: and the event answered Alexander's expecta-
tions: for some of them opening their ranks, and
others closing their shields, and thereby covering
their bodies, they sustained the shock without the
loss of one man. The Macedonians, thus freed from
the enemy's contrivance, reassumed their courage,
and raising a loud shout, advanced against the
Thracians. Alexander ordered his archers to move
from the right wing, and place themselves before the
other phalanx, i. e. the left wing, (because there
the ascent was easier,) and gall the enemy from
thence with their arrows. He himself, besides his
own cohort, led on the targeteers * and Agrians f
on the left. The archers beat the Thracians back
with their arrows, wherever they approached within
their reach ; and the phalanx advancing, without any
* "Tirza triazol, scutati, which I have all along translated “ tar-
geteers,” were certain companies of light-armed foot, very useful
in expeditious marches.
t A7213 wo, Agrians, were darters on foot.
6 ARRIAN’s History of
great difficulty forced the Barbarians,” who were ill-
armed and defenceless, to quit their posts, and thereby
rendered them unable to stand the shock of Alexander
rushing upon them from the left. Wherefore casting
away what armour they had, on the mountain, they
fled. About fifteen hundred of them fell on the
spot; few were taken prisoners, the swiftness of
their flight, and their exact knowledge of the country,
securing them ; but the women and children who
followed the camp were all taken, as also much
spoil.
CHAPTER II.
THE spoil which the king had seized he sent into the
maritime places behind him, giving the charge thereof
to Lysanias and Philotas. IIe himself having gained
the ascent, passed by way of Haemus in his march
against the Triballi, and came to the river Lyginus
(which is distant from the Ister, if you take Haemus
in the way, about three days journey). Syrmus king
of the Triballi, being informed of Alexander's ap-
proach, had dispatched the women and children and
all his defenceless multitude to the Ister, with a strict
charge that they should pass over a branch of that
river, and secure themselves in a small island named
Peuce, (whither also the Thracians, their neighbours,
on the same intelligence, had before retired,) and Syr-
mus himself, with his guards, soon after followed.
However, a great multitude of the Triballi retreated
to the river (Lyginus), from whence f Alexander de-
* The Greeks were so proud, and valued themselves so much
upon their own knowledge, that they termed all other nations
Barbarians.
+ Freinshemius tells us of another defeat of an army of Tri-
balli, some time before ; but as none besides himself gives any
hint of such an overthrow, we may well suppose him to have been
led into that error by following some corrupt copy of Arrian,
from whence he borrowed the whole story. See his Supplement,
book i, chap. 2. He has given us a brace of prodigies a little
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 7
camped the day before. When he heard this, he re-
turned, and marching against these, surprised some
of them in their tents, and then proceeded against the
rest, who lay encamped in a wood adjacent to the
river. Alexander first prepared his own cohort for
the onset, and then dispatched the archers and slingers,
with orders to provoke the Barbarians with stones and
arrows, and by that means, if possible, draw them
out of the wood into the open country. The enemy,
who were within reach of their darts and stones, and
were galled with their arrows, rushed forward upon
the slingers and archers, who were unarmed, and en-
deavoured to fight them hand to hand. But Alexan-
der having by that stratagem drawn them out of the
wood, ordered Philotas, with a choice party of Mace-
donian light-horse, to charge them on the right wing,
and Heraclides and Sopolis, with the Bottaian and
Amphipolitan troops, on the left; he himself, with
a phalanx of foot, and another of horse, rushing in
among the midst of them. And indeed, so long as
they only skirmished with the bowmen and slingers,
the fight seemed doubtful; but as soon as the firm
phalanx attacked them, and the horsemen began not
only to strike them with their spears, but trample
them under foot, they betook themselves to their
heels, and passing through the wood, escaped to the
river. Three thousand of them were slain in this
fight; few were taken alive, the thick wood contigu-
ous to the river, and the approach of night hindering
the chase. About eleven of the Macedonian horse,
and forty of their foot, according to Ptolemy's ac-
count, fell in that action.
before, with their significations, whereof Arrian has made no men-
tion; undoubtedly because he was not so credulous, and therefore
thought them not worth his notice.
8 ARRIAN's III story of
CHAPTER III.
ON the third day after that battle, Alexander came
to the river Ister, the most considerable of all the
European streams, both in regard to the length of its
course, and the many warlike nations through whose
territories it passes, among which the most renowned
are the Celtes, where it has its rise. The remotest
of these nations are the Quadi and Marcomanni; next
the Jazyges, a branch of the Sauromatae; and lastly,
the Scythians, whose country terminates the river,
where, through five vast mouths, it falls into the
Euxine sea. Here Alexander found some long ships,
which had been brought from Byzantium through the
Euxine sea, and thence drawn up the river against
the stream : on board which, having embarked as
many soldiers as they were capable of containing, he
steered directly for the island, to which the Triballi
and Thracians had fled for shelter. But endeavour-
ing to land his forces, the Barbarians rushed forwards
to oppose him ; and forasmuch as his ships were few,
and his force on board small, the shores of the island
in most places steep and rugged, and the river, by
being confined in narrow banks, ficroe and rapid ; he
drew off his fleet, and altered his resolutions, design-
ing to attack the Getae,” who inhabited the other side
of the river; for he observed great numbers of them
to come flocking down to the shore, and stand ready
to obstruct his landing, if he attempted it (for they
were in all about four thousand horse and ten thou-
* The Getae were a considerable people of Sarmatia Europaea,
inhabiting both sides of the river Ister, near the Euxine sea,
whence some confound them with the Dacians. Their coun-
try comprehends what is at this day called Moldavia, Wal-
lachia, and Transilvania. Freinshenius, with a very little altera-
tion, has translated this whole chapter and the next, and inserted
them in his Supplement to Curtius. See Suppl. chap. 12.
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. ()
sand foot); besides, he had a strong desire to pass the
Ister there. He therefore embarked on board his
ships as great a force as he could, and at the same
time ordered the hides which had becn made use of
as covers for their tents, to be filled with light buoyant
matter, and all the boats employed on that part of
the river to be seized, and brought together. The
neighbouring inhabitants made use of a vast number
of these, partly for their fishery, and partly for com-
merce, besides many for piracy. This done, the rest
of the army was ferried over with all the speed and
secrecy imaginable. The number of those who then
passed the river was about one thousand five hundred
horse, and nigh four thousand foot.
CHAPTER IV.
THEY passed over, by night, to a place where the
corn stood thick on the opposite shore, that they
might be the less perceived by the enemy. The next
morning Alexander marchcq his army through the
corn, having ordered his soldiers to transverse their
pikes and bow their bodies, and thus to proceed till
they came to an open and uncultivated place. So
long as the phalanx was sheltered from sight by the
corn, the horse followed; but when they came into a
champaign country, Alexander himself led them on
to the right wing, and commanded Nicanor to range
the phalanx of foot on the left. The Getae were so
inuch astonished at their unusual boldness, who in
one night durst attempt to pass over the nighty river
Ister without a bridge, that they stood not the first
shock, the firmness of the foot and the violent
assaults of the horse putting them into confusion ;
whereupon they first fled to the city, which was about
four miles distant; but when thcy perceived Alexander
draw his foot along the banks of the river with great
1 O A RRIAN's HISTORY OF
caution, to prevent falling into ambuscades, and
range his horse on the front, they abandoned the city
as untenable; and carrying away as many of their
women and children as they could, betook them-
selves to the deserts, at a great distance from the
river.
Alexander, in the mean while, enters the city; and
gathering up whatever was left by the inhabitants,
delivered the spoil to Meleager and Philip, and
afterwards levelled it with the ground. This done,
he offered sacrifice to Jupiter the Preserver, and to
Hercules, as also to Ister, for affording him a pas-
sage so safe and easy; and the same day he brought
all his troops into the camp. Thither came ambas-
sadors, as well from sundry free nations bordering
upon the river, as from Syrmus king of the Triballi,
and from the Celtes, who inhabit the country near
the Ionian bay; they are a people strong in body,
and of a haughty spirit. All these came with offers
of friendship; and a league was accordingly made
and accepted on either side. Alexander then took
an opportunity of asking the Celtes, what they
dreaded most of all things in the world ; imagining,
that as the terror of his name must needs have
reached their country, and much further, they would
have given that for their answer; but he was widely
deceived in his expectations; for as they lived in a
remote part of the world, difficult of access, and far
from the course of Alexander's expedition, they told
him they were afraid of nothing more than that the
sky should fall upon their heads. He hearing this,
treated them as friends, ranked them among the
number of his allies, and dismissed the ambassadors,
saying, that the Celtes were an arrogant nation.
ALEXANDER’s ExPEDITION. Il
CHAPTER V.
THEN ce, passing through the countries of the A-
grians” and Paeonians,f he received intelligence that
Clytus the son of Bardyles had revolted from him,
and joined in confederacy with Glaucias king of the
Taulantii; ; as also that the Autariatae were resolved
to obstruct his march : for which reasons he thought
fit to hasten his departure. But Langarus king of
the Agrians (a steady friend to him, and who had
formerly sent an embassy to him during the life of
his father Philip, being then present at the head of
his choicest and best armed pikemen), hearing that
Alexander was making inquiry who, or of what force
these Autariatae were, assured him, that they were
able to give him no disturbance, as being less inured
to martial discipline than any of their neighbours;
that himself would make an irruption into their con-
fines, and find them employment enough. To this
Alexander assenting, he marched suddenly among
them, laid their country waste, and so deterred them
from attempting any thing. At his return, he was
received with the highest honours; and not only re-
warded with choice presents, but with the promise of
his sister Cyna for a wife, at his return to Pella; but
the death of Langarus, on a journey to his own king-
dom, put an end to that design. Alexander after
this, marching near the river Erigone, advanced to-
wards Pellion, which city Clytus had seized, it being
* The Agrians inhabited part of Thrace, nigh mount Haemus:
they passed by several names among authors, (viz.) Agriai, Agri-
ani, Agrianes, and Agrienses.
+ The Paeonians were a nation seated northward from Mace-
donia, near the fountains of the river Axius.
: The Taulantii inhabited part of Illyria, and the Autariatae
another part thereof.
§ Freinshenius in his Supplement calls this city Pellium, and
says that it is seated on the river Eordaicus; which is the more
19 ARRIAN's III's roRY OF
the strongest in all those parts. When Alexander ap-
proached, and had pitched his tents near the river
Eordaicus, he determined to batter the walls the next
day. Clytus had encamped his forces upon the ad-
jacent mountains, which were very high, and covered
with thick woods, determining that if the Macedo-
nians assaulted the city, they would rush upon them
on all hands (for as yet Glaucias king of the Tau-
lantii had not joined them). When Alexander drew
nigh the city, the enemy having offered three boys,
three maids, and as many black rams for sacrifice,
made a feint as though they would have encountered
them ; but those mountaineers, however advantage-
ously posted, soon quitting their stations, retreated
into the city, leaving their very sacrifices behind.
When they were thus inclosed within their walls,
Alexander encamped against them, and determined
to have surrounded them with a wall, to prevent all
succours; but hearing the next day that Glaucias
was upon his march to their relief with a huge army,
and despairing, with the forces he had, to reduce the
place, because many warlike troops were there in
garrison, and many more would come against him,
should he attempt to storm it; he therefore changed
his resolution, and sent Philotas with a strong body
of horse, which served him as a guard, to forage in
the enemy's country. Glaucias having received in-
formation of his coming, advanced to meet him, and
seizing on the passes through the mountains, endea-
voured to obstruct his march; which, when Alexan-
der came to understand, and knowing that the horse
to be wondered at, because he cites Arrian for one of his authori-
ties; whereas, in reality, neither Arrian nor any other ancient
author say any such thing; for by Arrian's relation it is mani-
fest, that when Alexander had passed the river Frigone, he
marched the nearest way to the river l'ordaicus, or Apsus, beyond
which, he says, Pellion was seated. Wide Gronoviana in Arrian.
ad locum. He has from this place translated Arrian, almost word
for woul, to the end of the next chapter.
A LEX ANDER's ExprDITION. , 13
would be driven to great straits if the night seized
them, he forthwith drew off his targeteers, archers,
and Agrians, and about four hundred horse, and
hasted to their assistance, leaving the rest to awe the
city, lest if the whole army had decamped, the be-
sieged should have issued forth, and joined with
Glaucias.
Glaucias no sooner heard of Alexander's approach,
than he abandoned his post between the mountains,
by which means Philotas and his forces returned safe
into their camp. Hitherto, both Clytus and Glaucias
had entertained a notion, that Alexander would be
enbarrassed among the hills, where they had posted
great numbers of their horse, as also several parties
of darters and slingers, and other armed soldiers, to
annoy him ; they had also resolved that those who
were left in the city should sally forth upon them as
they drew off: besides, the road along which Alexan-
der was obliged to march was narrow and woody,
and so much straitened with a river on one side, and
a steep and craggy mountain on the other, that four
armed men could hardly walk a-breast.
CHAPTER VI.
ALEXAN DER hereupon, having ranged his army in
such a manner that the phalanx of foot consisted of
one hundred and twenty in depth, and the horse of
two hundred on each wing, enjoincil silence, that his
commands might be the sooner received; and accord-
ingly ordered the armed soldiers to advance first, with
their spears erect; and upon a sign given, to reverse
them, and sometimes to direct them towards the
right, and then to the left, as occasion required. He,
in the mean time, altered the phalanx, and ranged
the wings into various positions: and thus the whole
being new-modelled, and reduced into a cuneus, he
rushed upon the enemy; who, having long stood ama-
14 ARRIAN's HIStory of
zed to see with what order and expedition every thing
was performed, withstood not the first onset, but sud-
denly quitted their first posts, upon the mountains;
whereupon, Alexander having commanded his soldiers
to shout, and strike their spears upon their shields,
the Taulantii were so exceedingly terrified with the
noise, that they retired into the city in disorder.
However, he still perceiving a small number of them
posted upon a hill, nigh which he was obliged to pass,
ordered his body-guards, and such of his frients as
were about him, to arm themselves, and mount their
horses, and thus attack the hill; which, when they
approached, if the enemy who possessed the pass had
opposed them, half their number were to have dis-
mounted and fought among the rest, as foot forces.
But the enemy quitted the hill upon their approach,
and fled confusedly through the country. Alexander
no sooner made himself master of this post, than call-
ing to him about two thousand of the Agrians and
archers, he commanded the targeteers to pass the
river, and the Macedonian cohorts to follow them,
with orders that, as soon as they had gained the other
shore, they should stretch out their shields, that the
phalanx might make the greater show; he himself,
from that eminence, all the while observing the ene-
my's motions. They seeing that part of the army had
passed over, wheeled round the mountains, with a
design to attack them on the rear; but he with his
forces fronting them, frustrated their design; and the
phalanx having now passed the river, shouted for joy.
The enemy hereupon perceiving the whole Macedo-
nian force ready to fall upon them, turned their backs
and fled. Alexander then straight led his Agrians
and archers to the river, and attempted to pass it:
but perceiving his rear in danger, he ordered his en-
gines to be placed upon the banks, to play upon the
enemy with all sorts of missive weapons; and his
archers, who had just then entered the river, to gall
them with their arrows as much as they could, out of
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITIox. } 5
the water : but Glaucias durst not come within their
reach : so that the Macedonians passed over safe, and
lost none of their number in the river.
Three days after this, Alexander having notice
that Clytus and Glaucias lay carelessly encamped,
and had neither appointed a sufficient watch, nor sur-
rounded themselves with a ditch nor rampart, (as
believing that Alexander was retired out of fear,) and
their army lay stretched out at length, to their disad-
vantage, he privately, under covert of the night, with
his targeteers, archers, and Agrians, and Caenus' and
Perdiccas's troops, passed a river in their way, and
ordered the rest of his forces to follow. But as soon
as ever an opportunity offered, without waiting for
the arrival of the rest, he dispatched his archers and
Agrians against them, who rushing upon them un-
awares, and assaulting the weakest parts of their camp
with the greatest fury, they killed some in their sleep,
others unarmed, and others endeavouring to fly; so
that many were slain, and many prisoners were taken:
nor did he cease the pursuit of them till he reached
the Taulantian mountains. As many of them as
escaped, fled away without their arms. Clytus first
fled to the nearest city,” which having set on fire, he
hasted to Glaucias, who was then in the country of
the Taulantii.
* It is strange that Freinshomius should not rather choose to
translate Arrian literally, in this place, (which would have been a
safe way,) than run the risk of blundering, by paraphrasing
upon his words, and pretending to clear up his sense. Arrian had
just said, that Alexander had driven Ciytus and his men as far as
the Taulantian mountains, which, no doubt, were a good way from
the city; and yet he will have it that the city here set on fire,
must be the same Pellium from whence they fled So that they
had run a vast way, and never stirred a foot And not only
so ; but he adds, that Alexander set forth from Pellium, and in
seven days arrived at Pellene, a city of Thessaly; whereas Arrian
says no such thing. Wide Gronov, ad locum.
16 ARRIAN’s HISTORY of
CHAPTER VII.
DURING these transactions, some fugitive Thebans
entering the city by night, and stirred up by some of
the citizens to endeavour a change of the government,
seized Amyntas and Timolaus, prefects of the Cad-
mean tower, who apprehended no mischief, and hav-
ing dragged them thence, put them to death. Then
in a set speech they instigated the people to a revolt
from Alexander ; and, under the old andspecious pre-
tence of liberty, persuaded them to attempt to throw
off the Macedonian yoke, confidently affirming that
Alexander was dead in Illyria. Such a report had
indeed been spread abroad, and gained some credit;
because he had been long absent, and no news had
come from him. Wherefore it happened in this, as
in most other cases, where no certain intelligence
could be had, every one contrived and believed what
pleased him best. Alexander being acquainted with
this commotion, thought it was not to be slighted ; as
well because he had a long time suspected the fidelity
of the Athenians, as that he deemed the Theban
audacity a unatter of no small consequence, if the
Lacedaemonians, who were already averse to him,
and others of the Peloponnesians and Ætolians,
equally desirous of novelty, should join themselves to
the revolted Thebans. Having therefore passed by
Eordaa, and Elymiotis, and the rocky country of
Stymphaea and Paryaea with his army, on the seventh
day he arrived at Pellene, a city of Thessaly, and
marching thence, on the sixth day after entered
Boeotia; and so little did the Thebans dream of his
approach, that he was at Onchestus, with his whole
army, before they received the news of his passing
the streights: and even then, the authors of the sedi-
tion affirmed, that that must be an army newly raised
in Macclonia by Antipater, and that Alexander was
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 17
dead. Nay, when some asserted that Alexander
was at hand, in person, they still persisted in their
obstinacy, and said it must be another Alexander,
the son of Aeropus. However, he moved from
Onchestus, and approached the temple of Iolaus the
next day, where he made a halt, that the Thebans,
repenting their rashness, might have time to send
ambassadors to him. But so far were they from
showing any signs of remorse, that a party of horse
and light-armed foot suddenly issued out of the city,
and assaulting their out-guards, slew some of the
Macedonians with their darts. Alexander hereupon
ordered a party of his light-armed men and archers
against them, who in a short time drove them back,
though they were ready to have entered the camp.
The next day he advanced with his army towards
the gate which leads to Eleutherae and Attica; yet
still he forbore to assault the walls, and therefore
pitched his tents near the Cadmasan tower, that he
might be at hand to assist the Macedonians in garri-
son there: for the Thebans had surrounded that
tower with a double wall, as well to hinder their re-
ceiving succours from abroad, as to prevent their
excursions, and keep them from joining with their
enemies. IIowever, Alexander, who had much rather
have made up the matter peaceably, than have had
the citizens drawn into their ruin, lay still in his
camp near the Cadmasan tower. In the mean time
some of the citizens, who had the welfare of the
state at heart, proposed to go out to Alexander, and
entreat his pardon for this revolt of the multitude.
But, on the other hand, the exiles and authors of
the sedition, despairing of mercy for themselves, as
also some of the Boeotian nobility, used all imagina-
ble arguments to incite the populace to war. How-
ever, all this did not provoke Alexander to lay close
siege to the city.
VOL. I. C
| 8 • A R RIAN's 111stony of
CHAPTER VIII.
However,” Ptolemy tells us, that Perdiccas, cap-
tain of an advanced guard, who with his forces was
posted not far from the town wall, gave the first at-
tack upon the wall, without waiting for Alexander's
orders; and making a breach, rushed suddenly for-
wards upon the Theban garrison. He was seconded
by Amyntas the son of Andromenes, another captain,
who no sooner saw him enter the city, but he followed
with his forces. Alexander now perceiving a necessity
of fighting, to prevent his friends being surrounded
and cut off, changed his former resolution, and led on
the rest of the troops the same way, commanding the
Agrians and archers to enter by the breach, but the
targeteers and others to remain without. Perdiccas
pushing forward to win the inner wall, was struck
with a dart, and borne away into the camp grievously
wounded; neither did he recover his strength in a long
time. However, the troops which entered with him,
assisted by the archers, pursued the enemy as far as
the street leading to the temple of Hercules; where
the citizens recovering themselves from their fright,
and reassuming their courage, raised a shout, which
striking a fear among the pursuers, they beat them
back, and put them to flight. There Eurybotas
captain of the Cretan archers fell, with about seventy
of his men; the rest escaping to the Macedonian
brigades of horse and targeteers which were posted
without the walls. Alexander beholding the flight of
* This chapter Freinshemius has translated throughout, and
only interspersed some stories out of Diodorus, Pausanias, Plu-
tarch, &c., most of which are not much to his purpose. The truth
is, he was more diligent in collecting materials, than judicious in
choosing; for which reason he has heaped together a vast quantity
of all gatherings, and seldom gives his readers satisfaction as to
the truth or probability of any of them.
AL ExANDER's ExPEDITION. 19
his soldiers, and the confused and disorderly pursuit
of the Thebans, fell upon them afresh with a choice
body, and drove them back into the city; and so
great was their fear and terror in their flight, that
they neglected to shut their gates, and so the con-
querors entered with the conquered ; for that part of
the walls, by reason of the numerous guards else-
where, was without defence. When they came to
the Cadmasan tower, the garrison of that fort rushed
suddenly forth, and joining with the Macedonians,
made a great slaughter of the Thebans as far as
Amphion's temple: other parties pursued them into
the forum. A few of the citizens made a stand near
the temple of Amphion ; but perceiving their case
desperate, and that Alexander with his troops pressed
hard upon them, as also that their horse were di-
spersed about the country, resolved to consult their
own safety. And now the Macedonians themselves
were not more implacable than the Phocaeans, Pla-
taeans, and the rest of the Boeotians: for though the
citizens made no further resistance, they were slain
without mercy; and now neither private houses nor
temples were regarded, nor sex nor age spared in
that general destruction.
CHAPTER IX.
THE * ruin of so great a city, so suddenly brought
about, and so contrary to the expectation of the vic-
* Freinshemius, in his Supplement to Curtius, book i. chap. 13,
assures us, that Thebes was besieged and taken by storm, the same
º: and quotes this passage of Arrian for his authority. He has
indeed abridged Arrian both before and after that passage ; but
neither Arrian nor any other author say so; and considering
the circumstances of the story, it is very unlikely it should be
true. That it was taken at the first time of making a general
storm, may pass for probable; but that Alexander lay no longer
than one day encamped before it, will hardly be credited, without
better authority.
C 9
Q() And IAN's History of
tors as well as the vanquished, struck no small terror
into all the other states of Greece : for the Athenian
overthrow in Sicily,–though in regard of the number
of the slain it brought no less calamity to the city;
yet because the army was routed far from home, and
that it was composed rather of auxiliaries than natives,
and because their city itself stood untouched, and
afterwards defended itself gallantly against the Lace-
daemonians and their confederates, who vigorously as-
saulted it, — was less dreadful to the Athenians them-
selves, and less surprising to the rest of the Grecian
states. Again, that other Athenian overthrow, by
sea, near the mouth of the river Ægis, was noways
comparable to this in its consequences: for there, the
city received no other damage besides the demolition
of her walls, the loss of the greatest part of her fleet,
and a small diminution of her power,<-for her ancient
form of government, as well as her ancient liberties,
she still retained; and after some time regained her
strength to such a degree as to rebuild her walls, re-
pair her losses, recover her dominion of the seas; and
not only so, but to rescue the Lacedaemonians (who
had long disputed the sovereignty with them, and had
well-nigh conquered their city) from the most immi-
nent danger. That blow given the Lacedaemonians
at Leuctra and Mantinea was rather shocking by
reason of its suddenness, than because of the mul-
titudes of the slain; and that other which they re-
ceived by the Boeotians and Arcadians, under the
conduct of Epaminondas, wrought greater astonish-
ment by the strangeness of the sight, than the great-
ness of the loss, both to the Lacedaemonians and
their confederates. The sacking of the city Plataea,
by reason of the small numbers there slain, (for far
the best part of the citizens had before removed to
Athens,) was less calamitous ; and the destruction of
Melos and Scio, sea-port towns, was rather a disgrace
to the victors, than a terror to the Grecians. But
this sudden and ill-concerted revolt, and their quick
ALEx ANDER's EXPEDITION. 21
and easy overthrow ; the cruel slaughter made among
them by those of the same stock and nation, whom
old grudges had rendered remorseless; and the signal
overthrow of one of the most powerful and warlike
cities of Greece,—may with the greatest justice be re-
ferred to the effects of the Divine vengeance upon
them, for their deserting the Greeks in the Median
war; for falling upon the Plataeans, contrary to the
Inost solemn treaties, and utterly spoiling their city;
for putting the Lacedaemonian captives to death,
against the Grecian custom, and laying the country
waste where the Greeks encamped against the Medes,
and thereby endangering the liberties of all Greece;
and lastly, for giving their suffrage against the Athe-
nians, when the Lacedaemonians and their confede-
rates consulted about the sacking of their city. They
are reported to have been forewarned of this great
and terrible overthrow of their city by sundry pro-
digies from heaven, which they all along disregarded,
till afterwards the events recalling them to their re-
membrance, they were forced to own them fulfilled.
The auxiliary forces, to whom Alexander had given
the spoils of the city, were placed as a garrison in
the Cadmasan tower; but the city itself was leveled
with the ground. The lands, saving such as were
set apart to sacred uses, were shared among the sol-
diers. The men and women who remained after the
general slaughter, (excepting such only of either sex
who were priests, or had privately recommended
themselves to him, or his father Philip, or some
of the Macedonians, by some signal service,) were
ordered to be sold. Nevertheless, the house of
Pindar * the poet and those of his relations were
saved, for the reverence which Alexander bore him.
* Dion Chrysostom gives another reason why Alexander saved
Pindar's house, when he destroyed the rest of the city:—He tells
us indeed, that he expressed a high respect for Pindar's writings
in general, and made it one of his chief pleasures to read them.
Put this piece of generosity had a foundation nearer home ; for it
22 A RRIAN's History of
Orchomenes and Plataea were then restored by
Alexander's followers, and their walls rebuilt.
CHAPTER X.
THE news of the Theban overthrow was no sooner
carried to the rest of Greece, than the Arcadians pro-
nounced sentence of death against all such of their
citizens as had aided the Thebans cither with men or
counsel. The Eleans restored their exiles, because
they were Alexander's friends. The cities of Ætolia,
severally, scnt ambassadors to him, craving pardon,
because of a report which had been spread abroad, as
if they had designed a revolt as well as the Thebans.
But the Athenians, who were busy with their celebra-
tion of the grand mysteries at the very time when
some of the Thebans arrived, left off their rites in a
great consternation, and conveyed their instruments
of sacrifice out of the field into the city, where, call-
ing a council, by the advice of Demades they elected
ten ambassadors from among the citizens, to send to
Alexander, such as they judged would be most ac-
ceptable to him. They signified to him, though some-
what unseasonably, the public joy of the Athenians
for his safe return from among the Triballi and Illy-
rians, and for his chastisement of the seditious The-
bans. Alexander dismissed their ambassadors with
a favourable answer, as he had done the rest; but
wrote an epistle to the Athenians, wherein he required
that Demosthenes, Lycurgus, Hyperides, Polyeuctus,
Charetes, Charidemus, Ephialtes, Diotemus, and
Merocles, should be surrendered up to him; alleging
that they were the authors of the action at Chaeronea,
seems Pindar had celebrated one of Alexander’s family and
Y] alſT162.
The ruins of Pindar’s house were to be seen at Thebes in Pau-
sanias's time, who lived under Antoninus the Philosopher. See
Kennet's Lives of the Greek Poets.
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 93
f
and of all the mischiefs which happened after that
time, either to his father Philip, or himself after
Philip's decease; and the Thebans themselves were
not more studious after a change of government than
they, nor more eager for a revolt. The Athenians,
without complying with his request, sent other am-
bassadors, who besought him to turn away his wrath
from those citizens of theirs whom he had threatened.
This embassy he hearkened to, and pardoned them :
and this he did, either out of reverence to the city, or
an earnest desire of passing over into Asia, being
willing to leave every thing quiet behind him in
Greece. Charidemus alone, of all those whom he
had required, and were not delivered up, he ordered
into banishment, who thereupon fled into Asia to king
Darius.
CHAPTER XI.
THESE affairs thus concluded, he returned into Ma-
cedonia, where he offered * sacrifices to Jupiter Olym-
pius, according to an institution of Archelaus, and
appointed the celebration of the Olympic games
among the MEgae. Some say, he also performed sports
in honour of the Muses. About this time came news,
that the statue of Orpheust the son of CEagrus the
* Justin, lib. xi. cap. 5, tells us, that Alexander, before he un-
dertook this expedition into Persia, put all the relations of his
step-mother Eurydice to death, whom his father Philip had be-
fore exalted to honours and places of command; and that he even
spared not such of his own kindred as he deemed able to stir up
any sedition in his absence. But as neither Diodorus, Arrian,
nor Plutarch, mention any such slaughter, we may, with some
reason, suspect Justin's veracity, especially seeing he has hardly
one single page throughout this whole story, free from some con-
siderable error.
+ These accounts of prodigies are common among all heathen
historians, insomuch that there is hardly any extraordinary
event recorded by antiquity, without having one or two of them
to foretell it. The Greeks were undoubtedly very superstitious;
and such stories were either artfully contrived by the priests, to
24 ARRIAN’s History or
Thracian, on mount Pieria, sweated exceedingly.
Various were the opinions of the augurs concerning
this prodigy; but at last Aristander the Telmissean,
a celebrated soothsayer, bid Alexander take courage,
for it foretold that the poets of all sorts should exert
themselves to the utmost in singing and describing
his great actions. After this, in the beginning of the
spring, he moved towards the Hellespont, (leaving
the administration of the affairs of Greece in Anti-
pater's hands,) and carried an army of foot, consist-
ing of archers and light-armed soldiers, about thirty
thousand,” and a little above five thousand horse.
He first directed his march to Amphipolis, by way of
the lake Cercynites, and thence to the mouths of the
river Strymon, which having crossed, he passed by
mount Pangaea, along the road leading to Abdera and
Maronea, maritime cities of Greece. Thence he
marched to the river Ebrus, which being easily ford-
ed, he proceeded through the country of Paetis to the
river Melas; and thence, on the twentieth day after
animate the soldiery; or by rhetoricians, sycophants, and his-
torians, in after-times, to embellish their works, which they ima-
gined would be dry and jejune without them. Curtius is full of
them, and dwells upon them with pleasure, to shew his eloquence;
and Freinshemius does the same, in imitation of his master Cur-
tius. Arrian mentions them but seldom ; and generally gives us
a caveat concerning them, to put us in mind that we ought not to
sacrifice our reason by believing incredibilities, let who will be the
COn tri VerS. -
* Justin, lib. xi. cap. 6, tells us, his army consisted of thirty-two
thousand foot, and four thousand five hundred horse, and that he
had one hundred eighty-two ships. Freinshemius, relying upon
Arrian, acquaints us, that of those thirty thousand foot, thirteen
thousand were Macedonians, five thousand were mercenaries, and
the rest were raised out of the confederated states of Greece:
that the Triballi, Thracians, and Illyrians, raised five thousand,
and the Agrians one thousand. Of the five thousand horse,
he says, the Macedonians raised one thousand eight hundred,
the Thessalians the like number, and the rest of the states of
Greece six hundred. Besides which, Cassander brought him
ninety Thracian and Paeonian horse, for the forlorn hope. Wid.
Diod. Sicul. lib. xvii. p. 400,
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 25
his departure from Macedon, he arrived at Sestos;
whence marching to the Eleus, he sacrificed upon the
tomb of Protesilaus, because he, of all the Greeks
who accompanied Agamemnon to the siege of Troy,
set his foot first on the Asiatic shore. The design
of this sacrifice was, that his descent into Asia might
be more successful to him than the former was to
Protesilaus. Then having committed to Parmenio
the care of conveying the greatest part both of the
horse and foot from Sestos to Abydos, they were
accordingly transported in one hundred and sixty
trireme galleys, besides many other vessels of burthen.
Several authors report that Alexander sailed from
Eleus, another port in Greece, himself commanding
the flag-ship; and also, that when he was in the
middle of the Hellespont, he offered a bull to Nep-
tune and the Nereids, and poured forth a libation into
the sea from the golden cup. He is moreover said
first of all to have stept on shore in Asia completely
armed, and to have erected altars to Jupiter Descen-
sor, and to Pallas, and Hercules. When he came to
Illium,” he sacrificed to Pallas Illiaca ; and having
fixed the arms he then wore in her temple, he took
down from thence some consecrated armour, which
had remained there from the time of the Trojan war.
* Strabo assures us, that in Alexander's days Illium was no
better than a village, wherein was a temple of Pallas, small and
inconsiderable; but that when he returned thither, after the bat-
tle of Granicus, he enriched the temple with gifts, and ordered
the village to be called a city, appointing overseers to adorn it
with spacious buildings, and declared it free. Afterwards, when
he had subdued the Persians, he promised, in the letters which
he wrote concerning it, that he would enlarge its bounds, and
erect a magnificent temple instead of the small one ; and besides,
that himself would see solemn sports exhibited there. After his
death, Lysimachus undertook the rebuilding of the temple, and
walled the city round ; he also induced many of the neighbour-
ing people to come and inhabit it, and cailed it Alexandria, in
honour of Alexander. It afterwards underwent sundry changes,
and lies now entirely waste. See Siraho, lib. xiii. p. 886, 887,
ed. Casaubon, and Sandy's Travels, p. 23.
26 ARRIAN's History of
This armour, some targeteers were always wont to
bear before him in his expedition. He is also said to
have sacrificed to Priamus upon the altar of Jupiter
Hercius, that he might thereby avert the wrath of his
mancs from the progeny of Pyrrhus,” whence he
deduced his pedigree.
CHAPTER XII.
Wii EN he arrived at Illium, Menetius f the governor
crowned him with a crown of gold : the same did
Chares the Athenian, who came for that purpose
from Sigaeum; and several others, as well Greeks as
Asiatics, followed their example. He then encircled
the sepulchre of Achilles with a garland, (as He-
phaestion did that of Patroclus,) and pronounced him
happy, who had such a herald as Homer to perpe-
tuate his name :—and indeed he was deservedly so
styled, because that single accident had raised him to
the highest pitch of human glory. As to his actions,
none had hitherto described them in a suitable man-
ner, either in prose or verse; neither had any attempt-
ed them in a lyric strain, as the poets had heretofore
done those of Hieron, Gelon, Theron, and many
more, whose exploits were noways comparable to
his; for which reason his greatest acts are less known
than the least and most inconsiderable of many an-
cient generals. The expedition of Cyrus against
Artaxerxes with ten thousand men, with the captivity
of Clearchus and his followers, and the return of
* Alexander deduced his pedigree from Hercules by the fa-
ther's side, and from Achilles by the mother's.
# Who this Menetius was is uncertain: Arrian only calls him
3 xvtsºvºrºs, but Facius rashly entitles him Regia classis dur.
If he was commander of the fleet, it is a wonder we never hear
a word of him afterwards, and how Onesicritus came to succeed
him. But many things undoubtedly happened, whereof we, at
this distance of time, have no manner of account remaining. Vide
Gronovian, ad locum.
A LEx ANDER's Exped ITIon. 27
those ten thousand by way of the sea-coast, under
the conduct of Xenophon, are rendered much more
illustrious by Xenophon's pen, than either Alexander
or his greatest achievements. Alexander never made
war under another's banner; nor had he ever an occa-
sion to encounter those who guarded the coast, in
his flight from the king of Persia. And indeed there
was never any general, whether Greek or Barbarian,
whose exploits, either in number or greatness, are fit
to stand in competition with his This was the reason
which first induced me to attempt this History, not
deeming myself altogether unworthy to transmit those
mighty acts of his to posterity. But who I am, that
thus characterize myself, and what is my name,
though that be far from obscure, concerns the reader
but little to know ; neither would lie be anyways pro-
fited by an account of my family, my city, or what
offices I have borne there: let it suffice him to know,
that an extreme passion for letters, wherein I have
always indulged myself from my youth, has to me
been, instead of family, city, and magistracy all toge-
ther: wherefore I may perhaps be little less worthy
a place among the most celebrated authors of Greece,
than Alexander among her most famous heroes.
CHAPTER XIII.
ALEx ANDER then moved from Illium to Arisbe,
where his whole army had encamped after their pass-
ing the Hellespont; and leaving percotas and Lamp-
sacus, the next day he arrived at the river Practius,
which issuing out from the sides of mount Ida, falls
into the sea between the Euxine and the Hellespont.
Thence, leaving the city Colonae, he came to Hermo-
tus. He there dispatched a number of Scouts before
his army, under the command of Amyntas the son of
Arrabaeus, as also a troop of those termed his friends
from Apollonia, under the conduct of Socrates the
23 ARIt IAN's IIIs Tony of
son of Sathon; and to these he added four companies
of scouts. In this march he dispatched Panegorus
the son of Lycagoras, one of his friends, to take pos-
session of the city Priapus, which was surrendered
by the inhabitants. The Persian commanders were
Arsames,” Rheomithres, Petenes, Niphates, as also
Spithridates governor of Lydia and Ionia, and Arsites
president of that part of Phrygia which borders on the
Hellespont. McInnon the Rhodian dissuaded the
Persians from offering the Macedonians battle; who
were not only superior to them in foot, but also en-
couraged by the presence of their king, whereas
Darius was absent. He advised them rather to
trample the herbage under their horses feet, to burn
all the fruits of the country, and even to lay the towns
and villages waste; by which means, Alexander, find-
© * º i.
ing himself destitute of provisions and forage, would
be unable to penetrate further. To this Arsites, in
the same council, is said to have replied, That he
would never suffer so much as one of the houses of
those he had subdued to be burnt. And this resolu-
tion was the more satisfactory to the Persians, be-
cause they then began to suspect that Memnon endea-
voured to protract the war, for the sake of the royal
honours he enjoyed.
CHAPTER XIV.
IN the mean while Alexander drew near the river
Granicus f with a choice army, which having ranged
* Freinshemius, in his Supplement to Curtius, has changed this
gentleman's name to Arsanes; and charges Aldus and all the
copies of Arrian with errors, for having it Arsames. However,
his reason for this alteration being no more than that the termina-
tion is a little more usual in Persian names, I shall leave it as I
found it, unless I had better authority for an alteration. See
Gronov. in Arrian.
t Freinshenius, Suppl. Curt. lib. ii. cap. 5, gives us an account
of a remarkable prodigy which happened here before this battle;
A LE XAN DER's Ex PEDITION. 29
into a double phalanx, he placed the horse on the
two wings, and the baggage and other carriages in
the rear. The scouts, whose office was to survey the
enemy's strength, as also the horsemen, who were
arined with pikes, and the light-armed soldiers, in
number about five hundrcd, were under the command
of Hegelocus. He was now not far from the river
Granicus, when some of his scouts hasted to him
with the utmost expedition, and brought him news
that the Persians, with a well appointed army, lay
encamped on the other side: whereupon he drew up
his forces in battle array. Then Parmenio, approach-
ing him, is said to have spoke to this effect: “It
seems good, O king, that we should at this time
encamp as near the bank of the river as possible;
for I cannot suppose that the enemy, who are so far
inferior to us in foot, will remain all night in their
present encampument, which will give an easy passage
to our army to-morrow as soon as the dawn appears;
for we may then pass over before they can draw up
in order of battle ; whereas we cannot now attempt it
without manifest hazard; besides, we can never pro-
pose to convey an army over a river, when an enemy
stands on the opposite bank ready to dispute the pas-
sage; especially seeing the stream is deep and full of
eddies, and the opposite shore steep and rugged; and
which maw serve to convince us whence most stories of omen's
had their rise: “That the soldiers' minds might be the better
confirmed in their hopes of victory, (says he,) while the priest
was sacrificing for a safe passage over the river Granicus, the
king gave him secret orders to write some reversed characters,
with a certain liquor, in the palm of his hand, which being clap-
ped upon the reeking liver, would appear right. The writing
was to signify, that the gods had decreed the victory to Alexan-
der.” This inspired the sºldiers with such courage, that they no
longer doubted the favour of the gods, and therefore resolutely
seized on the victory, because, by the irreversible decrees of fate,
they believed it their own already. See Frontinus's Stratagen,
lib. i. cap. ; l. And indeed, when the priest and the general
club for a miracle, it is the least the soldiers can do to give an
implicit faith to it.
30 A RR1 AN's HISTORY OF
therefore our enemy's well-ordered cavalry will cer-
tainly attack us as we climb the other bank, and fall
upon our wings where they are the most exposed.
Such a blow as this, at our first setting out, would not
only be terrible at this juncture, but a grievous spe-
cimen of ill success throughout the whole war.” To
whom Alexander replied; “These reflections of yours
are certainly just, O Parmenio : but it would be a
mighty disgrace to us, who have so easily passed the
Hellespont, to be stopt here by this brook, (for so
by way of scarn he termed the river Granicus,) and
hindered from reaching the other shore. This, I am
persuaded, would reflect upon the glory of the Mace:
donians, and my readiness in encountering dangers:
and besides, the Persians will surely style themselves
our cquals in war, unless we in this first conflict do
something worthy the terror which we bear.”
CHAPTER XV.
HA v i NG thus spoke, he appointed Parmenio over the
left wing; and in the right, where himself presided,
was Philotas the son of Parmenio, with the royal .
cohort, and the archers and Agrians, as also Amyntas
the son of Arabaeus, with the pikemen, the Paeonians,
and Socrates's cohort. Next these were the royal
targeteers, cominanded by Nicanor, another of Par-
menio's sons. Then the battalion of Perdiccas the
son of Orontes ; and after these, that of Caenus the
son of Polemocrates. Next, those of Craterus the
son of Alexander, and Amyntas the son of Andro-
menes. And last of all, the forces headed by Philip
the son of Amyntas. The first on the left wing were
the Thessalian horse, commanded by Calas the son
of Harpalus : then a troop of auxiliaries, led on by
Philip the son of Menelaus. Next to these, the
Thracians, headed by Agathon. After these were
the foot, and the squadrons of Craterus, Meleager,
A LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 3 |
and Philip, reaching quite to the centre of the
army. The Persian forces consisted of about twenty
thousand horse, and near the same number of mer-
cenary troops of foot. Their horse stood stretched
out in a long range, on the bank of the river, and the
foot behind them. But when they beheld Alexander
himself facing their left wing, (for he was easily known,
as well by the brightness of his armour as by the
fierceness of the countenances of his body-guards,)
they there placed their horse thicker upon the bank.
1}oth armies then stood some time fronting each other,
and observed a profound silence, as though they dread-
ed the event. The Persians waited till the Mace-
donians should enter the river, that they might attack
them as they came forth ; whereupon Alexander
mounting his steed, and exhorting those about him to
follow his example, and behave themselves like men,
he sent the light-horse into the river, with the Paeo-
nians, and one troop of foot, led by Amyntas the son
of Arrabaeus : but a little before this, he had sent
Socrates's troop the same way, as also Ptolemy the
son of Philip, on whom the whole charge of the horse
was devolved that day. He himself led on the right
wing; and the trumpets sounding, and the soldiers
raising a loud martial shout, he entered the ford, lead-
ing his troops a little obliquely down the current, lest
the enemy should attack them before they could draw
up ; for which reason he crideavoured to gain the
shore, that he might encounter them with a well-or-
dered body.
CIIAPTER XVI.
Th F. Persians, posted at the place where Amyntas
and Socrates first approached the other side, plied
them warmly with darts from their high stations; and
others, where the shore was flat and level, threw
their javelins into the water. Never was a more obs-
32 A RRIAN's HISTORY OF
tinate conflict of horse known; these pushing for-
ward to gain the shore, and those endeavouring to
obstruct them. The Persians fought chiefly with
barbed javelins, the Macedonians with spears. The
Macedonians being far inferior in numbers, received
no small loss at the first onset, because they were
forced to fight in a low slippery place in the river;
whereas the Persians were posted on an eminence,
which they had taken care to line with their best
troops of horse. There Memnon's sons, and there
Memnon himself fought valiantly; and all the Macc-
donians who first attempted to gain the bank were
slain, except some few who retired to Alexander, them
in full march towards them. He soon approached
at the head of the right wing; and observing the
place where the Persian officers and their horse stood
thickest, there he made his first effort. There was
then a dreadful scene of blood round the king; and
the Macedonian troops, one after another, easily
gained the shore. Though they fought on horseback,
yet being in the water, they seemed to fight on foot;
for there the horse encountered with horse, and man
with man. The Macedonians strove to drive the Per-
sians from the bank, and they endeavoured to obstruct
the others landing, and to push them back into the
river. However, the Macedonians at last gained
the advantage, and repulsed their enemies, partly by
their strength and superior skill in martial discipline,
and partly because they used corneil lances against
the others javelins. Alexander having broke the
staff of his, demanded another from Aretes the
master of his horse ; and when Aretes had broke
his, he continued to fight with the shaft which he held
in his hand; till shewing it to Alexander, he ordered
him another. Demaratus the Corinthian, one of his
friends, reached the king his own spear, which he no
sooner received, but viewing Mithridates,” son-in-law
* Freinshemius has fallen into an error here, by the similitude
of the two names, Mithridates and Spithridates. Arrian expressly
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 33
to Darius, mounted on a stately horse at the head of
his troops, he, with a Sinall party of his own, met him
on horseback, and striking him through the mouth,
cast him to the ground. Then Rhaesaces, in the heat
of his fury, coming against Alexander, struck at his
head with a sword, which carrying away part of his
helmet, gave him a slight wound; but he perceiving
it, thrust his lance through his breastplate into his
body, and killed him. And now Spithridates coming
behind Alexander, had already lifted up his sword to
kill him ; but Clitus the son of Dropidas prevented
him, for with one stroke he disabled his arm, where-
upon his sword fell to the earth.
CHAPTER XVII.
In the mean while, the horse continued passing the
river as fast as they could, and joined the army; so
that the Persians were every where galled by their
lances, and borne down by them : They also sus-
tained no small damage by the light-armed foot, who
fought among the horse. They began first to give
way where Alexander fought in person ; soon after
which, the main body retired, and both wings were
overpowered and put to flight; so that above a thou-
sand Persian horse were slain by the pursuers. Yet
did not Alexander follow them far from the field, but
faced about to attack the foreign mercenary troops,
whose whole body still stood firm and entire, as at
calls Mithridates Son-in-law to Darius, and Spithridates Governor
of Lydia, as if it was done on purpose to distinguish them from
each other. Both of them were slain in this battle : the first was
run through the mouth with a lance ; the second had his sword-
arm almost cut off, as he was going to strike Alexander, and was
afterwards run through the body. However, notwithstanding
all this, Freinshemius thinks them but one person. He was un-
doubtedly a good Christian, and thought it unreasonable that a
man should be killed twice, merely because he had the misfortune
to go by two names. Wide Freinsheim, in Curt, lib. ii. cap 5
VOL. I. J)
34. ARRIAN's li is rolty of
first; but who seemed rather stunned with the unex-
pected event, than fixed by any steady resolution: for
the phalanx of foot, and the whole body of horse, rush-
ing violently upon them, they were all slain, not so
much as one of their whole number escaping, unless
such as might conceal themselves among the heaps
of dead bodies, and about two thousand who sur-
rendered themselves prisoners. Among the Per-
sian commanders who fell that day, were Niphatcs,
Petenes,” Spithridates governor of Lydia, Mythro-
buzanest president of Cappadocia, Mithridates son-
in-law to Darius, Arbupales son to Darius Artaxerxes,
Pharnaces brother to the wife of Darius, and Omares
captain of the band of mercenaries. Arsites fled from
the battle, and escaped into Phrygia, where he is said
to have slain himself, because he was deemed the
author of that great overthrow. Of the royal cohort
of the Macedonians, about twenty-five fell at the first
onset, whose statues, cast in brass by Lycippus, at
the command of Alexander, were placed in the city
Dio. The same artist also cast the statue of Alexan-
der himself, in brass; for he was superior to all
others of his profession. Of the other troops of
horse, nigh scventy were slain; and of the foot-forces
about thirty ; all whom Alexander ordered to be in-
terred the next day, and with them their arms and
warlike accoutrements. To their parents and chil-
* He is called Petanes by Freinshemius in his Supplement, for
what reason I know not, since all the editions of Arrian which
I have seen, have it Ilarºv,;. Wide Freinsh. ad Curt. lib. ii. cap. 5.
+ Gronovius is of opinion, that neither Mythrobuzanes nor
Arbupales are real Persian names, and imagines all the copies of
Arrian to be corrupt. He has indeed been so civil as to substi-
tute Artoibares instead of Arbupales, but has left us to guess for
ourselves as to the latter. However, as his Artoibares is but
conjectural, and all the copies of Arrian, according to his own
confession, run against him ; I would advise the two gentlemen,
by all means, to rest contented with their present names, till some
learned critic can assign them others, from some authority bet-
ter than conjecture. Wide Gronov. ad Arrian, cap. xvii.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 35
dren also, in whatever city they were settled, he
granted the freedom of the place, and wholly released
them and their goods from all exactions, public or
private. His care of the wounded was no less; for
he went about and visited each of them, saw their
wounds, and examined how they received them, al-
lowing each the free liberty of being the herald of his
own praise. He also took care to bury the Persian
captains, and the mercenary Greeks, who served the
Persians as auxiliaries, and fell in that day's action.
But as many of those mercenaries as he took alive,
he sent, in chains, to prison in Macedonia ; because
they, being Greeks, had borne arms for Barbarians
against their country, in opposition to the laws of
Greece. To Athens he sent three hundred suits of
Persian armour, to be hung up in the temple of
Pallas there, by way of acknowledgment, and ordered
an inscription to be fixed over them, to this effect:
“Alexander the son of Philip, and all the Greeks,
except the Lacedaemonians, have devoted these spoils,
taken from the Barbarians inhabiting Asia.”
CHAPTER XVIII.
CALAs was then constituted lieutenant of that pro-
vince instead of Arsites, and the same tribute ordered
to be paid, as had been before paid to Darius. And
as many of the Barbarians as would descend from the
mountains where they lay hid, and surrender them-
selves, were suffered to return to their habitations.
The Zelitas he pardoned, because he knew they were
forced into the Barbarian service. He then dispatch-
ed Parmenio to take Dascylium, which he easily per-
formed, the garrison having quitted it and fled. He
himself marched toward Sardis ; and when he was
about seventy stadia distant from that city, he was
met by Mythrenes, governor of the garrison in the
castle, accompanied by the chief citizens; these sur-
D 2
36 ARRIAN’s HISTORY or
rendering the city into his hands, and Mythrenes the
castle, with the royal treasures therein contained. He
then proceeded to the river Hermus, about twenty
stadia distant from Sardis, where he encamped; and
from whence he dispatched Amyntas the son of An-
dromenes to Sardis, to take the government of the
castle, and carrying Mythrenes with him, treated him
honourably. To the Sardians, and other Lydians, he
granted the privilege of being governed by their an-
cient laws. He then entered the castle, which was
garrisoned by Persians, and seemed to him well for-
tified. It was seated on a high rock, which was
every where very steep, and surrounded with a triple
wall. He therefore purposed to erect a temple on
the top of that eminence, and therein to dedicate an
altar to Jupiter Olympius: but while he was yet in
suspense which part of the castle was most commo-
dious for that purpose, a dreadful tempest arose on
a sudden, huge claps of thunder were heard, and a
violent storm fell on that part where the royal palace
of the Lydian kings had stood. Thus the god seemed
to point out the place where the temple should be
erected ; and it was ordered to be built accordingly.
The government of this castle he committed into the
hands of Pausanias, one of his friends; but the col-
lection of tributes and imposts to Nicias. Asander
the son of Philotas was constituted prefect of Lydia
and the rest of the provinces of Spithridates; and
had such a number of horse and light-armed foot al-
lowed him, as were judged necessary. Calas and
Alexander the son of Aeropus were dispatched into
the province governed by Memnon, and with them
were the Peloponnesians and most of the royal
cohort, except the Argives, who had been left to gar-
rison the castle of Sardis. In the mean while, the
fame of this battle being every where spread abroad,
the mercenary troops which layingarrison at Ephesus,
having seized two trireme galleys, fled, and with them
Amyntas the son of Antiochus, who had before with-
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 37
drawn himself from Alexander in Macedonia, not be-
cause of any injury received, but out of a certain hatred
he had conceived against him, as deeming himself too
reat to pay him any homage. On the fourth day
after the battle, Alexander coming to Ephesus, order-
ed all their exiles to be recalled, and having abo-
lished the oligarchy thereof, established a popular
government there. The tributes which he took from
the Barbarians, he ordered to he paid to Diana,”
as aforetime. The citizens hercupon casting off all
fear of their former rulers, conspired to slay those
who had brought Memnon into the city, as also those
who had robbed the temple of Diana, and overthrown
the statue of Philip therein, and those who had de-
faced the sepulchre of Heropythus (by whom the
city was formerly freed from tyranny) in the forum :
And accordingly, having seized Syrphaces and his
son Phlegon, with his brother's children, who had
fled into the temple, they drew them forth and stoned
them. Alexander hereupon strictly forbad all inquiry
after the rest; for he was afraid, that if that liberty
was once given to the people, the guilty and innocent,
either through envy or avarice, would be alike suf-
ferers : And he gained himself a vast credit among
the Ephesians by this very action.
CHIAPTIER XIX.
About this time arrived ambassadors from Mag-
nesia and the Tralli, proffering to surrender their
* That the temple of Diana was set Ön fire by IIerostratus,
more than twenty years before this time, namely, on the night
that Alexander was born, is a known story. It was then rebuild-
ing with great cost and magnificence; and the king, to encourage
the Ephesians to proceed vigorously in the work, commanded
that the tribute which they had hitherto paid the Persians, and
which had been formerly dedicated to Diana, should be restored
towards the finishing this fabric. See this at large in Strabo,
lib. xiv. p. 949, edit. Casaub.
38 ARRIAN’s HISTORy of
cities to Alexander, whither he dispatched Parmenio,
with two thousand five hundred mercenary foot, and
as many Macedonians, besides two hundred of the
royal cohort of horse. He also sent Alcimalus the
son of Agathocles, with the like force, to reduce those
cities of Æolia and Ionia which the Barbarians yet
held. He moreover issued out his royal mandate, That
the aristocracy, or government of the nobility, should
be every where abolished, and the democracy, or po-
pular state, set up : That all their own country laws
should be every where restored; and that the tributes
which had been exacted by the Barbarians, should
be remitted. While he continued at Ephesus, he
sacrificed to Diana, and led his whole army in pro-
cession, with all their military accoutrements, in ho-
nour of that goddess. Then, with the remainder of
his foot, the archers, and Agrians, the Thracian horse,
the royal cohort, and three other troops, he marched
the next day towards Miletus. At his first approach,
the outward city (as it is called) surrendered to
him, being without a garrison : wherefore encamping
there, he resolved to surround the inner city with a
wall; for Hegistratus, on whom Darius had con-
ferred the government of the Milesians, had, before
this time, wrote letters to him concerning the Sur-
render; but receiving intelligence that the Persian
army was not far off, he took courage, and resolved
to keep the city for them. But Nicanor, admiral of
the Grecian fleet, anticipating the Persians, arrived
there three days before them, and with a hundred
and sixty ships took the haven on the island Lade,
near Miletus. The Persian fleet coming too late,
and their commanders finding Lade already pos-
sessed by Nicanor, withdrew from thence, and came
to an anchor under mount Mycale. Neither did
Alexander defend that island only by the ships in
the haven; but he transported four thousand Thra-
cians, and other foreign soldiers thither. The Bar-
barian fleet consisted of about four hundred ships.
ALEXAN DER’s ExPEDITION. 3\}
Parmenio advised Alexander to a naval engage-
ment, assuring him that the Greeks would be vic-
tors at sea, because a lucky omen" had just hap-
pened: An eagle being seen upon the shore, from
one of the ships of his navy. He also added, that if
they overcame their enemies, they would reap an
immense advantage from such an engagement during
the whole war; and if they chanced to be overcome,
he could not perceive that any vast danger could
ensue, because the Persians, by virtue of their ship-
ping, already held the sovereignty of the sea, without
fighting: As for his part, he would willingly enter
himself on board, and share the danger of the fleet in
his own person. Ilowever, Alexander returned him
answer; That he was mistaken in his conjectures, and
did not interpret the omen justly ; for it would be a
point of small prudence in him, with so few ships,
to hazard an engagement against a fleet so numerous;
and with soldiers so little trained up in naval dis-
cipline to pretend to attack the expert Cyprians and
Phoenicians: Neither was he willing that the Barba-
rians should try the skill and valour of the Macedo-
nians on so unstable an element: And besides, should
* I have already taken notice, that some omen or other always
preceded a great action. Here an eagle is seen on shore, from
one of their ships at sea. This might be true, and nothing at all
extraordinary in it. However, it must be a prodigy, and they
were to have the interpretation of it. Parmenio interpreted it his
way; but that not pleasing Alexander, he was resolved to have it
his own. The whole was undoubtedly a contrivance to animate
the soldiery, which they omitted no opportunities of doing. Be
it as it will, this may serve to shew us that they placed no real
confidence in their omens, if they supposed their enemies’ strength
much superior to their own. Parmenio would hazard a sea-fight,
because an eagle was seen from the sea. No, says Alexander, we
will rather fight by land, because the eagle was seen on shore.
Alexander knew the enemy’s strength by sea, and durst not en-
gage them there; but he had beaten them before by land, and
therefore doubted not but he might do it again : so that he
would have come to just the same resolution if they had seen no
eagle at all.
40 ARRIAN’s HISTORY of
they be beaten in a sea-fight, an inexpressible damage
would accrue to them, from the fame their enemies
would thereby gain. Add to this, that if the Greeks
were animated by the news of an overthrow at sea,
they would begin to study innovations. All which
things maturely weighed, he deemed a sea-fight alto-
gether unsafe at that juncture: And for his part, he
expounded the ounen in a different manner. The
eagle, indeed, he allowed, promised success; but as
she was seen on the shore, it seemed rather to por-
tend, that he should become master of the enemy's
fleet, by beating their armies on the continent.
CHAPTER XX.
ABOUT * this time Glaucippus, one of the chief men
of Miletus, was dispatched to Alexander from the
* This whole chapter Freinshemius has translated, and inserted
in his Supplement, lib. ii. cap. 7; and indeed it is evident he has
taken the whole substance of his Supplement from Arrian. How-
ever, to shew us that miracles are of force to convince us of the
truth of history, as well as of religion, he has obliged his readers
with no fewer than three, from so many different authors. The
first (if I mistake not) is from Lactantius, where he says, that
Alexander's soldiers having stormed the city, broke into the tem-
ple of Ceres with a design to plunder it; but a fire suddenly
rushed from the inner parts thereof, like lightning, and put forth
the sacrilegious wretches’ eyes. The second is from Athenaeus,
who acquaints us that Alexander found a spring there, which at
its head was brackish, but after it had run some space upon the
surface of the earth, (without any mixture of other water, I sup-
pose, for otherwise the miracle is not worth a farthing,) it became
exceeding sweet and pleasant to the taste. But the third, from
Pliny, far outdoes the other two : for he says, that a dolphin
at Jasso, (a town upon an island not far from Miletus,) being
enamoured with a boy, knew his voice—What nodern philoso-
pher, after this, dares vouch that fish cannot hear?—and when-
ever he was called, took him upon his back, and conveyed
him safe through the waters. Whereupon Alexander, imagining
the boy a favourite of Neptune, appointed him his priest. Ar-
rian undoubtedly knew these stories, but deemed them incon-
sistent with the gravity of an historian.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 41
people and foreign auxiliaries, (to whom the chief
care of the city was committed,) to acquaint him that
the Milesians were willing their walls and gates should
be free to him as well as the Persians, if on these
terms he would raise his siege. Alexander, upon
this, ordered the messenger immediately to return,
and tell the citizens to prepare every thing for a
speedy storm. Whereupon he moved his engines to
the walls, which in a short time being partly shaken
and partly beat down, he drew his army forwards,
that they might make a sudden entrance wherever a
breach became practicable ; the Persians all this
while no further off than Mycale, being witnesses of
the straits of their besieged friends. Nicanor, in the
mean time, observing Alexander's motions, made
sail from the island Lade, and coasting along shore,
entered the haven of Miletus; in the very jaws or
narrowest parts of which, ranging his triremes with
their beaks towards the sea, he at once shut up the
entrance of the port from the Persian navy, and
put an end to all the citizens' hopes of succour.
The Macedonians then entering the city, and rush-
ing forwards, and the Milesians and mercenary sol-
diers now despairing of safety, some of them cast
themselves into the sea, and lying upon their shields
escaped safe into a certain island, whose name is
now unknown. Others leaping into their boats, as
they endeavoured to escape the Macedonian triremes,
were taken at the mouth of the haven; and many
were slain in the city. Alexander having gained the
place, moved next with his fleet to assault those
who had fled into the island; and having ordered
ladders to be fixed to the beaks of their ships, they
began to climb up a part thereof as steep as a wall :
but when he perceived that the islanders were re-
solved to hold out to the last extremity, he was
moved with compassion towards them, as deeming
them both brave and loyal ; wherefore he sent them
proposals, that the mercenary Greeks should serve
42 ARRIAN's II is Tony of
under him, and receive his pay, and that the Mile-
sians, who had saved themselves from slaughter in
the city, should have life and liberty granted them.
The Barbarian fleet then moving from Mycale, sailed
all day in view of the Grecians, hoping by that means
to dare them to an engagement at sea, and at night
they returned to their former station, which was no
way commodious, because they were forced to send
as far as the mouths of the river Maeander for fresh
water. Alexander receiving intelligence of this, and
having blocked up the mouth of the haven of Miletus
with his ships, so as to hinder the enemy's fleet from
entering it, dispatched Philotas with all his horse, and
three troops of foot, to Mycale, to hinder the Persians
from landing; who being hereupon reduced to great
straits for want of water and other necessaries; and
besieged every where but on board; they sailed
thence to Samos, where, furnishing themselves with
whatever they wanted, they came to Miletus; and
drawing up the chief part of their fleet before the
haven, to provoke the Macedonians to put out to
sea, five of their ships run themselves into a certain
creek, between the other island and the army, in
hopes to surprise Alexander's empty fleet; for they
knew that the sailors were dispersed up and down,
far from their ships, some to gather wood, others
provisions, others plunder, and some were absent on
Other occasions. Alexander no sooner saw the five
Persian ships approach, but he dispatched ten out of
his fleet, well manned, to meet them, with orders to
engage them. But they perceiving the Macedonians
bear up towards them, contrary to their expectations,
stood immediately away, and returned to the rest of
their navy ; only one of them, belonging to the Jassi,
a heavy sailer, was taken ; but the other four being
swifter, escaped safe to their own triremes. Upon
which disappointment, the Persians growing weary
of their undertaking, drew off their fleet from before
Miletus.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 43
CHAPTER XXI.
ALEXANDER then, partly for want of money and
partly because his naval force was inferior to the
Persians, resolved to discharge his fleet; for he was
unwilling to hazard his army in any engagement by
sea. He considered also, that now he had got foot-
ing on the firm land of Asia, he would not stand in
need of a fleet; and when their sea-ports were taken,
the Persians would also be under a necessity of dis-
charging theirs; for they would neither be able to
procure a constant supply of oars, nor would they
have so much as one port in Asia to betake them-
selves to ; and thus he interpreted the omen of the
eagle to signify, that he should destroy the enemy's
naval force by his land army. After this, he directed
his march straight to Caria, because a great body of
troops, as well Barbarians as auxiliaries, were said to
be in Halicarnassus. Wherefore, all the towns be-
tween Miletus and Halicarnassus surrendering at his
first approach, he encamped five stadia distant from
the city, because he imagined the siege thereof might
take him up some time, the place being well fortified;
and wherever there seemed to be any deficiency of
strength, Memnon, who was there present, and had
been before declared admiral of Darius's fleet, and
governor of all Lower Asia, had supplied it long be-
fore ; for many troops of mercenaries lay there in
garrison, besides several of Persian soldiers: he had
also brought the triremes into the haven, imagining
they would be of great advantage to him in the
preservation of the city ; and accordingly, on the
very first day of the siege, while Alexander was lead-
ing his army forwards to the walls, near the gate
looking towards Mylassa, a strong party issued out
on a sudden, and a sharp skirmish happened ; but the
Macedonians bearing hard upon them, beat them
44 ARRIAN’s HISTORY of
back, and forced them to retire within their walls.
A few days after this, Alexander drew out his tar-
geteers and royal cohort of horse, as also Perdiccas'
and Meleager's troops of foot, with the archers and
Agrians, to that part of the city which looks towards
Myndus, that he might view the wall, and try if it
was more easily to be assaulted there than elsewhere,
or if by some sudden and unexpected excursion he
might not surprise Myndus itself; for the reducing
that city, he thought, would greatly contribute to his
making himself master of Halicarnassus; and not
only so, but some of the Myndians had promised to
surrender their city to him, if he would make his ap-
proach thither secretly, and under covert of the
night. At midnight, therefore, he approached the
walls, according to his promise; but perceiving no
signs of a surrender from the citizens, and consider-
ing that he had neither engines nor scaling-ladders at
hand, as coming there not to besiege a city, but to
have it delivered to him ; he nevertheless ordered
the Macedonian phalanx to advance, commanding
them to undermine the wall, which they did, and pre-
sently ovcrturned one of the towers thereupon, with-
out making a breach in the wall itself. But the citi-
zens making an obstinate defence, and being assisted
by the Halicarnassaeans, who sent them succours by
sea, Alexander was disappointed in his expectations
of taking it at the first assault; wherefore, without
more ado, he drew off, and returned to his siege of
Halicarnassus ; and first of all ordered the ditch
which the citizens had dug round their walls, of
thirty cubits in breadth and fiftecn in depth, to be
filled up, that so the wooden towers out of which
they were to direct their missive weapons against the
besieged, and their engines to shake the walls, might
advance forwards. The ditch being accordingly filled
up, the towers began to advance: but the besieged
issued forth by night, with a design of burning both
the towers and engines, which were now nigh the
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 45
walls; and had certainly effected their designs, had
they not been encountered by the Macedonians who
were placed to guard the engines, and others who
came hastily forth, at the noise of the skirmish; so
that they were, with small loss, beat back into the
city. There fell of the Halicarnassaeans in this con-
flict, one hundred and seventy, among whom was
Neoptolemus * the brother of Arrabaeus and son of
Amyntas, one of those who had formerly fled to
Darius. Of the Macedonians, sixteen were slain and
near three hundred wounded; for that sally being
made in the night, they were the less able to guard
their bodies, and avoid the darts and arrows of their
enemies.
CHAPTER XXII.
Soon after this, two Macedonian soldiers, intimate
friends and companions, belonging to the troop which
was afterwards given to Perdiccas, beginning to extol
each his own valour and heroic exploits in an extra-
ordinary manner; and a quarrel arising between
them in their cups, about their honour, they agreed
to arm themselves secretly, and march towards the
walls near the tower pointing to Miletus, designing
rather to make trial of each other's valour in single
combat, than of adventuring a dangerous conflict
* 'O Neotrºdxaplog á 'A&#25ais rā 'Aulèvra cºexpºs, &c. This,
Freinshemius, Suppl. Curt. lib. ii. cap. 9, has translated, “Neoptole-
mus, who, with his brother Amyntas, had fled to Darius—”
without taking any notice of the 'A&#25aſs. But he is certainly in
an error; and seems to have been sensible of some difficulty in the
passage, by his leaving that word untranslated: for he will never
be able to prove, that Amyntas the son of Arrabaeus fled to Darius.
But it may be interpreted otherwise, without straining the matter
at all, thus ; 'O Neotráxego; 6 désàº; 'Affaëzie Tä 'Apºvre :
“Neoptolemus, the brother of Arrabaeus, and son of Amyntas.”
That these two were brothers, and sons of Amyntas, is well known.
They had also two other brothers, Heromenes and Alexander,
whose names are recorded in the twenty-sixth chapter of this
book. See Gronovius's notes on this passage.
46 A RRIAN’s HISTORY OF
with the enemy. The townsmen, however, espying
them, and perceiving that only two attempted rashly
to approach the walls, issued forth. But they slew
the first as soon as they came near, and cast their
darts at the next, who were drawn thither by the
noise, and were at last overborne by numbers and the
disadvantage of their station; for their enemies, in
attacking them, threw their weapons from an emi-
nence. In the mean while many hasted thither from
Perdiccas’ troop, and great numbers also from the
city; and hence ensued a sharp battle without the
walls, wherein the citizens were worsted and beaten
back, and the city itself was on the point of being
taken; for they were too careless in their watch; and
two towers with the whole intermediate space being
already thrown down, would have afforded an easy
entrance to the besiegers, had their whole army at-
tempted it. Besides this, another tower which stood
next, being shaken with their engines, had certainly
fallen, if it had been undermined ; and this the towns-
men were not ignorant of ; wherefore, preparing for
the worst, they built another wall of brick, of a semi-
circular form, within, in the room of that which was
fallen down; and this they finished with no great dif-
ficulty, because of the vast number of hands em-
ployed in the work. When Alexander endeavoured
to batter this wall the next day, the besieged sud-
denly sallied forth, with a design to set fire to his
engines; and some of the sheds which stood nearest,
and part of one of the wooden towers were consumed,
but the rest were saved by Philotas and Helanicus,
to whom the charge of them was committed. But
as soon as they who had made this excursion saw
Alexander, they cast away their torches, and many
of them also threw down their arms, and fled into
the city. And as the place where they then stood
was commodious, being mounted upon an eminence,
they had the advantage; for they not only directed
their weapons right forwards against the engineers,
ALEXANDER's Ex PEDITION. 47
but, from the towers at each end of the ruined wall,
they galled those who assaulted the new-built one
on each side, so that no part of then, except their
backs, remained unexposed.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Not long after this, when Alexander again applied
his engines to batter the inner brick wall, and him-
self was present to forward the work, the besieged,
partly from the breach now made, and partly from
the gate Tripylus, where the besiegers least expected
them, issued out suddenly upon the Macedonians;
some bringing burning brands, which they applied to
the engines, and others combustible matter, to in-
crease the flames. But the Macedonians attacking
them vigorously, and casting huge stones and darts
among them from their wooden towers, they were
soon put to flight, and beat back into the city ; and
by how much the greater were the numbers, and the
more obstinate the fight, by so much the greater was
the slaughter of the besieged. For some of them
were slain valiantly fighting hand to hand : others
were killed in flight, near the ruins of the wall, be-
cause the breach was too narrow to afford entrance
for such a multitude, and the ascent through it was
too steep and rugged. Those too who sallied forth
by way of the gate Tripylus, were attacked by Pto-
lemy,” one of the king's body-guards, at the head of
* Freinshemius, in his Supplement to Curtius, lib. ii. cap. 10, tells
us, that this was Ptolemy the son of Philip, and quotes two pas-
sages in Arrian to prove his assertion: the first is chap. 25 ; the
second points to this place, as if they both related to the same
person. The first, chap. 25, runs plainly thus; Tºv Xaxodºrs;
IAſ, IIroxeuzīow roy Pixxivira &yovra. That this was Ptolemy
the son of Philip, is indisputable; and that this was another per-
son different from him, is as certain. Three Ptolemies are men-
tioned by Arrian, who had all the honour of being the king's
body-guards. The first was Ptolemy the son of Seleucus, men-
48 ARRIAN's HISTORY of
Addaeus' and Timander's troops, and some other
light-armed soldiers, who easily put them to flight.
But a dreadful accident then befel them ; for as they
endeavoured to make their escape over a narrow
bridge which they had laid over the ditch, the bridge
broke by the vast weight of the multitudes upon it;
so that some fell headlong into the ditch, some were
trampled to death by their own party, and others
slain by the Macedonian darts from above. A great
slaughter of the besieged was also made at the gates,
which had been too hastily and unseasonably shut up :
for the inhabitants, fearing lest the Macedonians
should enter the city with their own men, shut many
of them out, who were every one cut off by the enemy
under the walls. And at this time the city had been
taken, had not Alexander caused a retreat to be
sounded, (for he was desirous of saving it,) to try if
by any means the Halicarnassaeans would yet deliver
it into his hands. Of the citizens, near a thousand
were slain in that conflict; of the Macedonians, near
forty; among whom was Ptolemy, one of the king's
body-guards, Clearchus captain of a troop of ar-
chers, and Addaeus, who had the command of a
thousand foot; besides many others of no mean ac-
COUnt.
tioned lib. i. cap. 25, and again cap. 30, and once more lib, ii.
cap. 12, where there is an account of his being slain at the battle
of Issus. The second is the Polemy we now treat of, who died
in this siege. The third is Ptolemy the son of Lagus. That
Ptolemy the son of Philip was the same whom Alexander ap-
pointed president of Caria, and who overthrew Orontobates, is
evident from Arrian, lib. ii. cap, 5; from whence we may ratio-
nally infer, that he could not be killed here, and come to life again
so ſong afterwards. It had therefore been Freinshemius's best
as well as safest way, not to have presumed to comment upon
Arrian’s words; for though I am not certain whose son this
Ptolemy was, yet I am assured he was not the son of Philip. See
Gronovius's notes on this chapter.
ALEXANDER's EXPEDITION. 49
CHAPTER XXIV.
AFTER this, Orontobates and Memnon, and the rest
of the Persian commanders, considering that they
could not now hold the town long, because part of
their walls was already beat down, and part shaken
and ready to fall, and many of the defendants either
cut off in the several encounters which had happened,
or wounded and rendered unserviceable; and having
weighed the matter deliberately, about the second
watch of the night set fire to the wooden tower which
they had built to guard them from the shocks of the
enemy's engines, and to the arsenal where their artil-
lery was lodged, as also to some houses near the
wall; which last blazed out with much fury, because
the wind setting that way, many flakes of fire were
driven from the tower and arsenal thither. Here-
upon some of the townsmen betook themselves to a
castle in an island, and others to another castle called
Salmacis.” Which, when Alexander was informed
* Arrian makes mention here of two castles, or places of
strength and security, whither the townsmen retired : one was
in an island, which he names not; the other was called Salmacis.
But Freinshenius has made them three, and quotes Diodorus and
Arrian. See his Suppl. book ii. chap. 11. He places one of his
castles in the obscure island abovementioned ; a second he names
Salmacis; and tells us of a third in the island Cos, which last he
had from Diodorus. However, Diodorus mentions but two, any
more than Arrian, only he gives their names different; for he
calls the one 'Axgåroxis, or a castle seated on an eminence in the
city: the other, he says, was sig rºy Köv. That there were not
two castles in the city, Strabo assures us, book xiv.; and Vitruvius,
book ii. chap. 8; and that there were not two on the obscure
island, is evident from Arrian. I am therefore of opinion, he had
much better have forborne bringing in Diodorus, to supply
Arrian’s deficiencies. And besides, the island Cos, though not
far from Halicarnassus, was not however so near, as that Alex-
ander could view the situation thereof from thence the next
morning, at day-break, as Arrian assures us he did, and judge
it too strong for him to reduce without a formal siege. Vide
Gronov. ad Arrian.
VOL. I. E
50 ARRIAN's History of
of by some deserters, and when he beheld the raging
flames, though it was near midnight, he nevertheless
detached a body of Macedonians thither, with orders
to slay those who set fire to the city, but to spare
whomsoever they found in their habitations. As soon
as it was day-light, Alexander, viewing the castles
which the Persians and their mercenary troops had
seized, resolved not to lay siege to them; as well be-
cause the reducing them, considering their situation,
would take up too much time, as because they would
not be of any great importance after he had reduced
the city. Wherefore, taking care to inter those who
fell in the last conflict by night, he commanded his
engineers to convey the artillery to Tralles, which
city he laid level with the ground; and marching
thence into Phrygia, left a body of three thousand
foot and two hundred horse, under the command of
Ptolemy, to keep the country of Caria in obedience;
for he had, before this time, appointed Ada to be
governess of Caria. She was the daughter of Heca-
tomnus, and sister to Hildricus; and nevertheless was
his wife, according to the Carian laws. Hildricus
dying, left the administration of affairs in her hands:
for it had been an ancient custom among the Asiatics,
ever since the time of Semiramis, that the widow
should reign after her husband's decease. She was .
dethroned by Pexodorus, who usurped the sove-
reignty; but he dying, Orontobates, his son-in-law,
was sent thither by Darius to take possession of the
kingdom. Ada held only one city in obedience; but
that was the strongest in her territories, and named
Alinda. She went forth to meet Alexander, who was
marching with his army thither; and delivering her
city into his hands, adopted him her son. Alexander,
neither despising her liberality, nor disdaining the
title of son which she had conferred upon him, left
the city in her custody; and after he had demolished
Halicarnassus, and reduced all Caria, honoured her
with the government of the whole province.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 5 !
CHAPTER XXV.
SoM E of the Macedonian soldiers who served under
Alexander, having married wives a little while before
he undertook this expedition, he deemed their case
not unworthy his consideration; wherefore dismiss-
ing them at Caria, he gave them leave to return into
Macedonia, and spend the winter with their wives;
Ptolemy the son of Seleucus, one of his body-guards,
being appointed their lieutenant. Caenus also, the
son of Polemocrates, and Meleager the son of Neo-
ptolemus, (who had newly married wives,) were joined
in commission with him. Their orders were, that, at
their return, they should bring back those he had
then dismissed, and with them, as many recruits of
horse and foot as could be raised in the country.
And this single act of Alexander's endeared him as
much to the Macedonians, as any other throughout
his whole reign. He also about this time dispatched
Cleander the son Polemocrates to levy soldiers in
Peloponnesus; and Parmenio, on whom he had con-
ferred the command of the royal cohort, upon the
same account to Sardis ; he also ordered him to con-
vey the Thessalian horse and other auxiliaries, and
the waggons, with him from Sardis into Phrygia.
He, in the mean time, directed his march * through
* Plutarch tells us, p. 10, ed. Steph., that Alexander was some-
what unsettled in his resolutions at first, whether he should march
directly forwards, and fight Darius wherever he could find him,
or endeavour to reduce all the sea-coasts, and render the enemy's
fleet useless : but while he was deliberating what course to take,
a fountain, or rivulet, near the city Xanthus in Lycia, overflow-
ing its banks, threw up a copper-plate, whereon was engraved,
in ancient characters, “That the time was come when the Per-
sian empire should be subverted by the Grecians.”—This was,
without doubt, a device to animate the soldiery. Its being wrote
in antique characters was no sign of its being really ancient; for
E 2
52 A R RIAN's HISTORY of
Lycia and Pamphylia, with a design to reduce the
sea-coasts, and by that means render the enemy's
fleet useless. And accordingly, at his first setting
out, iſyparna, a town well fortified, and furnished
with a good garrison of mercenary troops, surren-
dered at his approach ; and the foreigners who held
the castle, having received terms, were suffered to
depart. Thence, hasting into Lycia with his army,
he easily gained the Telmisseans; and passing the
river Xanthus, had the cities of Xanthus, Pinara,
Patara, and about thirty more, surrendered to him.
These things so happily accomplished, he marched,
in the very depth of winter, to Mylias, a province so
named, which properly belonged to Phrygia the
Greater, but by Darius's command was contributary
to Lycia. Hither came the ambassadors of the Pha-
selitas, who requested his friendship, and presented
him with a crown of gold; and hither also, not a few
of the cities of Lower Lycia sent ambassadors to
him, and entered into amity with him. He thereupon
ordered them to deliver up their cities to those whom
he dispatched thither for that purpose; which was
accordingly performed. He then passed into the
province of Phaselis, which he reduced, as also a cer-
tain fort which the Pisidians had built there, from
whence the Barbarians, by frequent incursions, had
harassed the country round about.
we have a hundred engravers, now living, who will imitate any
characters that ever were seen, so as hardly to be distinguished.
However, it seems the characters were not so very antique, but
those who were appointed for that purpose could pick out their
meaning : and to me, it is no great wonder they should ; for it is
very probable, they who contrived them were set to work to in-
terpret them.
A LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 53
CHAPTER XXVI.
WHILE the king was in that country, he received in-
formation that Alexander * the son of Aeropus, one
of his friends, to whom he had given the command
of the Thessalian horse, had conspired his death.
This Alexander was brother to Heromenes and Ar-
rabaeus, who had been privy to the death of Philip ;
and he himself had some share therein : however, as
he applied to him among the first, after Philip's de-
cease, and accompanied him armed to his palace, he
pardoned him, and afterwards heaped many honours
upon him; for he gave him the command of the forces
which he sent into Thrace ; and Calas captain of the
Thracian horse being dispatched to his government,
he had that post conferred on him. This conspiracy
is said to have been thus discovered : After Amyntas
had fled to Darius, and had carried him letters and
orders from this Alexander, he dispatched Asisines
a Persian, much in favour and credit, to the sea-
coast, under pretence of an embassy to Aitzyes go-
vernor of Phrygia, but, in reality, to meet this Alex-
ander; and withal to assure him, that if he would
murder the king, he should have the kingdom of
Macedonia conferred upon him, besides a gratuity
of a thousand talents of silver. . But Asisines being
seized and examined by Parmenio, related the true
cause of his cmbassy ; upon which account he was
sent under a strong guard to the king, that he might
make the same confession there. The king having
then called his council together, advised with them
what was best to be done. They all unanimously
* This Alexander is sometimes called the son of Aeropus, and
sometimes Alexander Lyncestes, by Freinshemius : the first name
he gives him from Arrian ; and the latter, which was the name of
his country, in complaisance to Curtius and Diodorus. However,
it was the same person.
54 ARRIAN's History of
gave it as their opinion, that he had trusted the best
part of his horse in unfaithful hands, and therefore it
was necessary to dispatch him speedily out of the
way, before he became so gracious among them,
as, by their means, to be able to raise any insurrec-
tion. A prodigy, which was said to have happened
at that time, struck them with no small fear ; for
whilst the king, who then lay encamped before Ha-
licarnassus, was fast asleep at mid-day, a swallow *
making a great noise is said to have hovered over
his head, and to have rested sometimes on one
side of the bed and sometimes on the other, and to
have been more noisy and troublesome than usual.
He had been exceedingly fatigued, and was not easily
awaked; but when her incessant chattering roused
him from sleep, he put her away gently with his
hand; notwithstanding which, she was so far from
endeavouring to escape, that she perched upon his
head, and ceased not her noise till the king was
thoroughly awake. This prodigy being deemed of
too great moment to be disregarded, he immediately
consulted with Aristander the Telmissean sooth-
sayer; who assured him that a conspiracy was formed
* Every man to his own trade. Where there are priests, there
will be protligies. The seeds of superstition, sown by such in-
dustrious hands, sprout up into a plentiful harvest. The most
common and ordinary occurrences in nature, by such dexterous
managers, become uncommon and extraordinary. A poor harm-
less hare crossing a man’s way, a raven croaking, an owl staring
him in the face, or a swallow chattering over his head, shall be
deemed fatal omens. Here a poor swallow fell a-chattering so
loud, that she waked Alexander out of his sleep. I can see no
mighty matter in all this. Had she with an audible voice chanted
out a hymn to Jupiter Conservator, till she had waked him, and
then spoke articulately, and told him plainly, that a certain name-
sake of his was going to knock out his brains, it had been worthy
his notice. However, as it was, the king heard the noise, and
the priest was to expound its meaning: and truly, because the
swallow was a domestic bird, a domestic conspiracy was portend-
ed; and because she was a loquacious bird, the conspiracy would
be discovered. Who, that had not been skilled in the language
of birds, could have given so profound an answer
ALEx ANDER's Expell ITI on. 55
against his life by one of his domestics; but that
it would be brought to light, because the swallow
was a domestic bird, and most exceedingly logua-
cious. Ile therefore, comparing the soothsayer's
answer with the confession of Asisines, dispatched
Amphoterus the son of Alexander, and Craterus his
brother, immediately to Parmenio, attended by some
Pergeans as guides. Amphoterus having put on the
country habit, to prevent suspicion on the road, came
secretly to Parmenio ; and as he had brought no let-
ters from the king, (the matter being thought not pro-
per to be committed to writing,) he delivered his mes-
sage by word of mouth. Whereupon Alexander was
there seized, and committed to safe custody.
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE king then moving from Phaselis, dispatched
part of his army through the mountainous country
to Perga by a nigher, though a much more difficult
way, shewed them by the Thracians," while he led
the rest along the sea-coast. But this last road f is
* It may be thought strange, that the Thracians should be
chosen as guides in a country so far distant from their own; but
the reader must understand that there were two countries of that
name; the one Thrace in Europe, the other Thracia Bithynia in
Asia, which last was not far distant. Besides, perhaps there may
be a fault in the original; for Gronovius tells us, that in no fewer
than three manuscript copies of Arrian, it was not wrote Ogóxes,
but Käxs;, which may perhaps be a corruption from Kåge; ; and
it is certain Caria was just in the neighbourhood. Wide Gronov.
ad locum.
f Arrian here tells us, that some divine power must have di-
rected Alexander in his passage: but Raderus, one of the com-
mentators on Curtius, goes further, and acquaints us that the
Pamphylian Sea fled back to make way for Alexander, in the
same manner as the Red Sea for the children of Israel. Arrian
assigns a probable reason for his assertion, namely, that the violent
north-winds which then blew, had forced the sea back, and left
the shores dry. However, Plutarch assures us, that Alexander,
in his epistles, mentions nothing unusual in it at all ; but only
56 ARRIAN’s History of
always impassable, except when the north-winds
blow ; but then, after the most, raging south-wind
had held a long time, the north-winds began ; and
by the interposition of some divine power, as he and
his followers declared, they obtained a safe and easy
passage. When he had passed through Perga, he
was met on his way by the ambassadors of the
Aspendians, who promised to surrender their city
into his hands, but entreated him not to impose a
garrison upon them. Their request was granted,
on condition they would raise fifty talents to pay
his soldiers, and give him the tribute of horses they
had hitherto given to Darius. These terms being
agreed to by the ambassadors, they departed. Alex-
ander then marched to Sidae, the inhabitants of which
city were originally Cumaeans, from Cuma in Afolia,
and give this strange account of their original. Their
ancestors, they say, who left Cuma, and betook them-
selves to this country, no sooner set foot on shore,
but they forgot their native language, and began to
utter their minds to each other in a strange tongue,
which, nevertheless, had no affinity with the Barba-
rians their neighbours, but was proper and peculiar
to themselves, and altogether unknown before : from
that time, therefore, the Siditae had a language dif-
ferent from all the nations round them. Alexander
having left a garrison in that city, directed his march
to Syllius, a place well fortified, and strengthened
not only with a garrison of foreign mercenaries, but
a great number of stout inhabitants, so that it could
not be taken by a sudden assault. And now he re-
ceived intelligence that the Aspendians refused to
perform their late covenants, and would neither
deliver the horses to those who were sent thither to
receive them, nor pay the money; but, on the con-
t
says, he departed from Phaselis, and marched through the streights
called the Ladders. Wide Plutarch, in vita Alexand. p. 1235
& 1236. --
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 57
trary, having conveyed all their cattle out of the
fields, into the city, shut their gates against his mes-
sengers, and fell to repairing their walls wherever
they were gone to decay. Whereupon he returned
suddenly, and encamped with his army near As-
pendus.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE city of Aspendus is seated chiefly upon a high
and steep rock, the foot of which is washed by the
river Eurymedon; but round the rock, upon the
plain, are abundance of houses, surrounded with a
slight wall. As soon as Alexander approached, the
inhabitants of the lower town, distrusting their safety
there, fled, and betook themselves to the higher town,
or castle ; which when he perceived, he entered the
lower town with his army, and encamped within the
walls. The besieged seeing Alexander's force, and
themselves hemmed in on every side contrary to
their expectations, sent messengers to entreat him to
accept of the former conditions. Alexander consider-
ing the strength of the place, and how unprovided he
was to undertake a long siege, was willing to agree
with them, though not upon the former terms, but
insisted now, that their principal citizens should be
delivered up as hostages; that the number of horses
which they had before promised, should be punctually
delivered, and the number of talents doubled ; and
moreover, that they should be under the command of
such a garrison as he should place over them, and
pay an annual tribute to the Macedonians; and lastly,
that the cause concerning the fields, which they were
said to have wrested unjustly out of their neighbours'
hands, should be referred to arbitration. All these
conditions being agreed to, he marched from thence
to Perge, and thence led his army into Phrygia; and
his way obliging him, he passed by Telmissus, the
inhabitants of which place are Baibarians, a colony
58 A R RIAN's His roRY of
of Pisidia. The city is seated on a high mountain,
steep and rugged on every side, so that the passage *
up to it is difficult and dangerous; for the mountain
extends itself from the city to the very road, and
another mountain rises over-against it, equally inac-
cessible, so that the pass is extremely narrow, and
by a small party might be entirely blocked up. The
Telmisseans had posted their forces upon both these
hills; which Alexander perceiving, ordered his Ma-
cedonians to pitch their tents as near their enemies
as possible; imagining, that the Telmisseans would
not long continue their stations there, when they
came to see his army encamped; but that the greatest
part of them would retire into the city, and leave
only a slight guard there. And the event shewed
that he was not deceived in his judgment; for a small
party was left to guard the hills, and their whole force
besides hasted into the city. Alexander then imne-
diately leading on his archers and darters, and light-
armed soldiers, attacked the guard ; whereupon the
Telmisseans, unable to endure the shock, betook
themselves to flight, and abandoned the mountain.
CHAPTER XXIX.
ALExAN DER having inade himself master of the pass,
encamped before the city; and thither came to him the
ambassadors of the Selgeae. They are also a colony
of the Pisidians, inhabit a populous city, and are a
warlike people; and being ancient enemies to the
Telmisseans, they had dispatched this embassy to
* The description of these hills is not unlike those of the Pyla.
Caspiae, mentioned by Pliny, lib. vi. cap. 14. The reason, says
he, why they obtained the name of Pylae, or Gates, is, because
two mountains are separated from each other by a pass so very
narrow that there is scarce room for single carriages; and the
rocks hanging over head on each side, appear as if they had been
scorched with fire.
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 59
Alexander, requesting his friendship. Their request
being granted, he afterwards made use of them as
faithful and valiant soldiers. The siege of the city
of Telmissus was looked upon as an undertaking
which would require too much time; wherefore he
decamped from before it, and marched to Salagassus.”
This was also a large city of the Pisidians; and not-
withstanding all the Pisidians were deemed warlike
people, yet these were always counted the chief.
There was a hill which overlooked their city, and
which they imagining of no less importance than
their walls, from whence to annoy their enemies,
they seized it; whereupon Alexander immediately
divided his army into two bodies. On the right wing,
where himself commanded in chief, were the targe-
teers in front; next these, the royal cohort of foot,
extending even to the other wing, according as the
particular orders for drawing up the army were given
out that day. The left wing was commanded by
Amyntas the son of Arrabaeus. On the right wing
were placed the archers f and Agrians; on the left
the Thracian darters, headed by Sitalces. As to the
horse, they were altogether unserviceable in a place
so rugged and mountainous. The Telmisseans, more-
* There is a prodigious difference in authors, concerning
the true name of this city. A certain old coin of M. Aure-
lius, has these letters inscribed upon it, yaxca as : the former
part of the inscription being obliterated. Whereupon Robert
Stephens assures us, that Salagassus is erroneous. Many have
followed this correction, though they have been somewhat
dubious of its validity. Even Freinshemius himself has chosen
it, though all the copies of Arrian, from whence he borrowed the
whole story, are against him. Strabo and Stephanus write it
Xaxysororóg, which approaches much nearer Salagassus, than the
other; for which reason Gronovius has thought fit to retain the
old name ; and so shall I too, unless I could see better authority
for an alteration. Wide Gronov. ad Arrian.
f Tożórag. This word Freinshenius has interpreted Velites, or
light-armed men : a word too general. And this is, says Gronovius,
like his master Curtius, to Latinize a Greek author, as if he were
mad. Arrian calls theim plainly, Tožºra, dzºgs wrxtapéves,
Archers light-armed. See Gronovius's Notes to Arrian, chap. 29.
{}() A RRIAN's HISTORy of
over, came to the aid of these citizens, and strengthen-
ed their force. And now Alexander's army approach-
ing the hill, which the Pisidians had fortificq, and
attempting to ascend it in places extremely steep,
the Barbarians suddenly rushed upon both wings
from an ambuscade; for all the passages round the
hill were well known and familiar to them, but
rugged and dangerous to the assailants. The archers,
who led the van, being light-armed, were hereupon
put to flight; but the Agrians stood their ground,
for the Macedonian phalanx was at hand, with
Alexander at their head. However, when they
came to a close fight, and the naked Barbarians
were to encounter with the armed Macedonians,
they were slain and wounded in great numbers, and
the remainder turned their backs and fled. There
fell of the citizens that day about five hundred. But
many being light-armed and thoroughly acquainted
with the place, easily escaped by flight: whereas the
Macedonians, by reason of the weight of their armour,
and their ignorance of the country, durst not pretend
to pursue them. However, Alexander being victo-
rious here, immediately attacked the city, and took
it by storm. In this siege Cleander, one of his cap-
tains, was slain, and about twenty soldiers. He then
marched against other places in Pisidia, and took
some of their strongholds by force, whilst others were
surrendered upon articles.
CHAPTER XXX.
After this he hasted into Phrygia, and passed by
the lake Ascania, where salt is naturally concreted,
which the inhabitants of that country use instead of
the common salt made from sea-water. On the fifth
day after, he pitched his tents before Celaene,” in
* Thus far Freinshemius, the best as well as most learned
commentator that Curtius ever had. We now enter upon Curtius's
A LEx ANDER’s ExPED ITI on. 6 [
which city was a castle seated on an eminence, and
every way well fortified. This was garrisoned with
a thousand Carians and a hundred Grecian merce-
naries, under the command of a Phrygian nobleman.
These dispatched ambassadors” to acquaint Alexan-
der, that if they received no succours within a cer-
tain limited time, by them mentiomed, they would sur-
render the fort into his hands. Which conditions
he (judging much more convenient for him, than to
undertake a difficult and hazardous siege against a
castle almost impregnable) thought fit to accept :
and the succours not arriving at the time, the city
and castle were delivered up. Alexander put therein
a garrison of one thousand five hundred soldiers, and
rested there ten days. He then, having appointed
Antigonus the son of Philip governor of Phrygia, and
Balacrus the son of Amyntas praefect of the auxiliary
forces in his stead, directed his march to Gordium;
and wrote letters to Parmenio, to meet him there,
with the troops under his command; which he ac-
cordingly did. The Macedonians who had been sent
own work ; and this begins his third book. He introduces it
with a long description of the river Marsyas, which is nothing
at all to his purpose, and in which he has committed a brace of
blunders. Descriptions of rivers, mountains, towns, and coun-
tries, unless of absolute necessity, are so far from being of advan-
tage to an history, that they serve only to confound the reader,
and divert him from the main story; and besides, they are the
province of geographers, not historians. But to proceed : he tells
us, lib. iii. cap. 1, 3, edit. varior, that the river Marsyas spreads
itself, and waters all the fields about, without receiving any ad-
dition of other waters.--This is true as to the river Orgas, where-
with he confounds it, but false as to the other. Secondly, he
acquaints us, that after Marsyas has run through Cellenae, it is
called Lycus. This is false; for Lycus is a quite different river,
and passes by Laodicea. See more of this in the Criticism pre-
fixed to this work.
* Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 1, 6, 7, 8, (and in Snakenburgh's Curtius,
p. 52, 53,) tells us, that Alexander sent a summons to the citizens,
who took the messenger into the castle, and acquainted him how
well able they were to sustain a siege. However, he says, they
afterwards desired a truce for sixty days.
62 ARRIAN's HISTORY of
home to visit their, new wives, came also to Gordium,
and with them some recruits which Ptolomey the
son of Seleucus, Caenus the son of Polemocrates,
and Meleager the son of Neoptolemus, had raised.
These recruits consisted of a thousand Macedonian
foot, and three hundred horse ; two hundred Thes-
salian horse, and a hundred and fifty Eleans, com-
manded by Alcias the Elean. The city Gordium is
seated in Phrygia, nigh the Hellespont, upon the
river Sangarius. This river has its rise in Phrygia,
whence flowing through the Bithynian Thrace, it
falls at last into the Euxine sea. Hither” the Athe-
nians sent their ambassadors to Alexander, beseech-
ing him to release such of their citizens as had
been taken fighting for the Persians at the river
Granicus, and were then, with two thousand others,
kept prisoners in Macedonia. But they returned
without obtaining their request; for he did not think
it adviseable, whilst the Persian war yet continued,
to remove that dread from the Greeks, who durst at-
tempt to take up arms for Barbarians against their
own countrymen: wherefore he dispatched them with
this answer, That whenever the Persian war T was
finished to his wishes, they might then send their
ambassadors to solicit for the freedom of their citi-
Zeï] S.
* Curtius acquaints us, that these ambassadors met Alexander
at Cellenae, lib. iii. cap. 1, 9.
+ This Alexander did to keep the Grecian states in awe, till
he had finished the Persian war, by detaining so many of their
citizens as hostages.
A LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 63
BOOK II.
—sº-
CHAPTEIR. I.
1N the mean time Memnon," whom king Darius had
constituted admiral of his whole fleet, designing to
move the seat of war into Greece, had the island
Chiosi delivered to him by treachery: whence, hoist-
ing sail for Lesbos, and having reduced all the towns
upon that island except Mitylene, which declared for
Alexander, he appeared before it; and (as that city
is seated on a promontory) cut off its communication
with the island, by a double wall, fortified with five
castles, and drawn across the neck of land from sea
to sea; whereby he prevented its receiving any suc-
cours by land ; and with one part of his fleet he kept
possession of the harbour, and ordered the rest to
cruize near Sigrius, a promontory of Lesbos, where
is a road for ships of burthen sailing from Chios,
Geraestus, and Malea ; by which means he obstruct-
ed all hopes of supplies by Sea. About this time he
died ; and his death was a great blow to Darius's
* Memnon the Rhodian was the best general, both by sea and
land, that Darius ever had, and whom, by reason of his unwearied
industry and exact knowledge in military affairs, Alexander
chiefly feared. An account of his acts may be seen in Diodorus,
lib. xvii. He it was who took the islands Lesbos, Chios, and Cos,
and garrisoned them with Persians: but while he was endeavour-
ing to transfer the war into Macedonia, he was seized with a pes-
tilential disease, and died, and with him the good fortune of the
Persians. Wide Diod. Sic. Bib. lib. xvii. p. 509.
t Chios is now called Scio; Lesbos, Metelino; and Cos, Lango.
These three are noble islands in the AEgaean sea, near the Asiatic
shore. They surrendered to Alexander after the battle of Grani-
cus, but were again reduced by Memnon.
64 ARRIAN's History of
affairs : nevertheless, Autophradates and Pharna-
bazus * the son of Artabazus, to whom Memnon at
his decease had left the navy in charge, till Darius
should have leisure to consider the matter, (for he
was his sister's son,) carried on the siege with vigour.
The Mitylenians therefore, finding themselves dis-
tressed by sea and land, dispatched ambassadors to
Pharnabazus, and agreed to surrender their city to
the Persians, upon these conditions; (viz.) That the
foreign auxiliaries sent them by Alexander should be
suffered #. depart peaceably : that the tables where-
on their league with Alexander was engraved, should
be destroyed : that they should enter into a league
with Darius, according to the articles of peace for-
merly made by Antalcis.: that their exiles should
return, and have half their effects restored them.
These terms being accepted, Pharnabazus and Auto-
phradates entered the city, and introduced a garrison
commanded by Lycomedes the Rhodian. The civil
government of the city was, at the same time, com-
mitted into the hands of Diogenes, one of their exiles,
and a huge sum of money extorted from them, one
part thereof by a tax on the wealthy citizens, and the
rest from the multitude.
CHAPTER II.
PHARN ABAzus then set sail for Lycia, carrying the
foreign auxiliaries abovementioned with him; and
Autophradates had a design upon some other islands.
In the mean while, Darius dispatched Thymondas i
* Curtius has not so much as mentioned the name of Auto-
phradates, nor that of Pharnabazus, till afterwards; and indeed
he has curtailed this story so strangely, that it is a difficult mat-
ter to understand him.
+ Curtius calls him Thymodes. The story of him and his fa-
ther Mentor, a brave and valiant general, may be seen in Rhinec-
cius, tom. iii. of the Rhodian commanders.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 65
the son of Mentor to Pharnabazus, to take care of
the mercenaries, and acquaint him, in his name, that
he was come to succeed his father. Pharnabazus
having delivered up the soldiers to Thymondas, im-
mediately made sail to join Autophradates. These
jointly dispatched Datames * the Persian against
the Cyclades, with ten ships; whilst they, with a
hundred, made ready to attack Tenedos.f They ac-
cordingly hasted thither; and entering the north
haven, dispatched a message to the inhabitants, com-
manding them immediately to destroy the tables
whereon their former leagues, with Alexander and
the Greeks, were engraved; and accept of peace
from Darius, on the same terms which were granted
them before by Antalcis. The islanders had indeed
a much greater affection for Alexander and the
Greeks; but (as their affairs then stood) they ran
the risk of being destroyed, unless they immediately
condescended to accept the terms imposed on them ;
because Hegelochus, whom Alexander had ordered
to refit the fleet, had not yet got so many ships ready
as could give them any hopes of speedy succour;
for which reason they were induced to a compliance,
rather out of fear than good-will. In the mean time,
Proteas the son of Andronicus, (having gathered to-
gether as many long ships from Euboea and Pelopon-
nesus, by Antipater's order, as at least to secure the
Grecian coasts and islands from insults of the Bar-
barians,) upon advice that Datames with his ten
ships had chosen the river Syphnus for his station,
sailed with fifteen ships to Chalcis, seated on the
Euripus; and early the next morning to the island
Cythnus, where he spent the rest of the day in re-
ceiving more certain information of the place where
the enemy's ships lay; and at the same time resolved
* The whole story of Datames the Persian, is not any where
taken notice of by Curtius. º
t Tenedos is a famous island adjacent to the Trojan shore, at
the very entrance of the IHellespont.
VOL. I. F
66 Art RIAN’s HISTORY OF
to attack them by night, that he might strike the
Phoenicians with more terror: and when he was fully
assured that the enemy was at the mouth of the
river Syphnus, he sailed thither by night; and as the
dawn appeared, attacked them furiously, when they
least expected it, and soon made himself master of
eight of those ships of force. But Datames, with the
other two, escaping at the beginning of the fight,
made the best of his way to the rest of the fleet.
CHAPTER III.
As soon as Alexander arrived at Gordium, and had
entered the castle, wherein the palace of Gordius and
his son Midas had stood, he discovered his ambition
of seeing Gordius's chariot, and the knot which was
reported to have been made in the harness thereof;
for strange stories had been told concerning it among
the neighbouring inhabitants. This Gordius,” as the
story goes, was a man of slender fortune among the
ancient Phrygians, who had a small piece of land and
two yoke of oxen, one of which he employed in the
plough and the other in the waggon; and that on a
certain day, while he was ploughing, an eagle alighted
upon the yoke, and there rested till the evening. He,
terrified at the sight, hasted to consult the Telmissean
augurs in that case (for the art of divination was
common to all that people, even to the women and
children, so that it was in a manner hereditary); and
when he arrived at a certain village in that country,
he met a virgin going to a fountain, who foretold what
should happen to him, and ordercq him (as she was
of the Telmissean progeny) to return to his field, and
* The whole story of Gordius, from Arrian, Freinshemius has
inserted in his notes, as an explanation to Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 1,
14. ed. var. for he trifles away so much time in an unnecessary
description of the city Gordium, that he omits what would have
been of much greater use.
A LEX ANDER's ExPEDITio N. 67
there offer sacrifice to Jupiter. Gordius, on the
other hand, entreated her to accompany him thither,
to teach him after what manner the sacrifice should
be performed. He, thus instructed by the virgin,
took her to wife, and she bore him a son named
Midas, who, when he arrived at manhood, was both
beautiful and valiant. The Phrygians were at that
time harassed with a cruel sedition; and going to
consult the oracle, were told, that a chariot should
bring them a king, who should quell their sedition.
Whilst they were yet busy in offering their conjec-
tures about this answer, Midas arrived, with his fa-
ther and mother, and appeared suddenly in his cha-
riot before the council. They, hereupon, interpreting
the answer to relate to him, as the man whom the
god had told them should come thither in a chariot,
made him their king. Their seditions he appeased,
and consecrated his father's chariot to Jupiter the
King, by hanging it up in his palace, as an offering
of thanks for the eagle (the bird of Jupiter) sent to
his father, by which he received the kingdom. This
was also reported concerning the chariot, That who-
soever could untie the knot, whereby it hung, should
obtain the sovereignty over all Asia. The cord in
which this knot was tied, was composed of the inner
rind of the corneil-tree, and no eye could perceive
where it had been begun or ended. Alexander, when
he could find no possible way of untying it, and yet
was unwilling to leave it tied, lest it should cause
some fears to arise in the hearts of his soldiers, is
said by some," to have cut the cords with his sword,
and affirmed that the knot was untied. But Aristo-
* Curtius is one of those who aſſirm that Alexander cut the
cords with his sword, lib. iii. cap. 1, 18. Arrian gives us both
stories, and leaves us at liberty to choose for ourselves. The
latter, as being delivered by one of Alexander’s followers, who
was present, seems the more probable. Plutarch also, in his ac-
count of the life of Alexander, subscribes to this opinion. Vide
Wit. Aler. Greece, p. 1236. -
h' 2
68 ARRIAN's HISTORY or
bulus assures us, that he wrested a wooden pin out
of the beam of the waggon, which being driven in
across the beam, held it up, and so took the yoke
from it. How this knot was loosed by Alexander,
I dare not affirm; however, he and his followers de-
parted fully satisfied, as if the prophecy concerning
the solution thereof had been fulfilled : and the
thunder and lightning, which happened the following
night, confirmed their opinion; for which reason, the
next day he offered sacrifice to the gods, who had
assured him by prodigies, not only that the oracle's
response was fully accomplished, but also that the
Gordian knot was truly untied.
CHAPTER IV.
ALEXANDER the next day arrived at Ancyra," a city
of Galatia, whither ambassadors came to him from
Paphlagonia,f requesting his friendship, and pro-
mising to surrender their province to him, on condi-
tion that his army should not enter their borders.
To which he agreed; and thereupon deputed Calas,
president of Phrygia, their governor. Thence march-
ing into Cappadocia, the subdued all the country on
this side the river Halys, and a great part beyond
it; and having appointed Sabictas Š to preside over
* Raderus has committed a mistake here, by calling Ancyra a
city of Calabria, instead of Galatia, unless it be an error of the
press. See his Notes to Curt, lib. iii. cap. 1. edit. var.
† Paphlagonia is bounded towards the south by Galatia, west-
ward by Bithynia, towards the north by the Euxine sea, and
eastward by Cappadocia.
# Cappadocia is bounded westward by Galatia and Lycaonia,
on the south by Cilicia, on the east by Euphrates, and northward
by the Euxine sea.
$ Curtius, lib. iii, cap. 4. edit. var. calls him Abistamanes,
though Freinshemius assures us, some copies have it Histamenes,
and Aldus's edition Aristamenes; from whence we may easily
gather, that there must be an error. However he says, Arrian
calls him Sabictas, which name he allows to be just.
A LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 69
Cappadocia, he proceeded to the streights which open
into Cilicia: and when he approached the place which
sº
is called the Camp of Cyrus,” under whom Xenophon
the famous captain served, and saw those streights al-
ready possessed by a party of stout soldiers, leaving
Parmenio there with the heavy-armed cohorts of foot,
he, in the first watch of the night, marched with his
targeteers and archers and Agrians, to the streights,f
with a design to surprise the enemy. But though he
could uot attack them unprepared, as he intended,
yet the very attempt gained him his end; for the
cnemy appointed to guard the pass, being informed
of his approach, quitted their posts and fled. The
next morning, therefore, having passed these streights
with his whole army, he descended into Cilicia.
Here he received information that Arsames, whom
* Curtius and Arrian differ here : Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 4, says,
this camp was so called from Cyrus the Greater, who took Croesus.
Arrian affirms, it received its name from Cyrus the Less. Cyrus
the Greater never marched this way against Croesus; but the
Lesser Cyrus marched from Cappadocia to Cilicia, and before he
passed those streights which Alexander here entered, pitched
his tents upon the plain, as is mentioned by Xenophon in his
*Aya &al, lib. i. This camp Strabo, lib. xii. assures us, was
distant from the streights of Cilicia about fifty furlongs. -
+ The country of Cilicia has three memorable streights, or
passes; the first whereof is so very narrow, that it is called The
Gate : the second is called The Streights of Amanus, and give
an entrance into Armenia: the third is near the bay of Issus.
Cilicia is bounded westward by Pamphylia, eastward by Syria,
southward by the bay of Issus, and northward by Cappadocia.
: This Arsames was but a scurvy politician, according to all
accounts; though I am apt to believe Curtius belies him, and
makes him appear worse than he really was. Iłe says, lib. iii,
cap. 4, “That he was governor of Cilicia, and being present at
the battle of Granicus, and hearing Memnon’s advice to lay the
country waste, and thereby stop Alexander's further progress,
was resolved to put it in execution in his province, and did so,
laying all Cilicia waste with fire and sword, in such a manner,
as to leave nothing but the bare ground for the enemy, &c.”
He afterwards tells us, “He set fire to Tarsus, lest such a rich
city should fall into the enemy’s hands, &c.” A great part
of this is hardly credible; for in the first place, had he iſ.
the country waste, it must have given Alexander a great deal of
70 An RIAN's History of
Darius had made governor of Tarsus, hearing he
had passed the streights, had resolved to abandon the
city, and that the citizens were afraid he would first
plunder it; upon which, taking with him his horse
and light-armed foot, he used his utmost endeavours
to arrive there in time to save it. But when Arsames
was assured of his coming, he immediately fled to king
Darius, leaving the city unhurt. Here Alexander,
according to Aristobulus's account, fell into a fit of
sickness, by the too excessive toils he underwent ;
though other authors tell us, that while he was sweat-
ing vehemently with the heat of his journey, he cast
himself into the river Cydnus, which runs through
the city, with a design to refresh himself by swim-
ming. This river arising from the mountain Taurus,
flows along a fine country, by which means its waters
are extremely pure, and excessively cold. And hence
Alexander was seized with pains in the nerves, ac-
companied with a sharp fever and a continual waking,
insomuch that when all the rest of his physicians
despaired of his life, Philip the Acarnanian, in whose
extraordinary skill in physic he had great confidence,
because of his success in the camp, was ordered to
administer a draught to him. After these orders were
given, while he was preparing the cup, came a letter
from Parmenio” to Alexander, warning him to beware
of Philip, for that he had heard, how Philip had been
trouble to provide forage and necessaries for his army in his
passage through it, which we no where find it did. And secondly,
Arrian assures us, that Tarsus, the capital city, was not so much
as touched when Alexander entered it; only the citizens were
afraid of being plundered by the Persians when they abandoned
it; and therefore, in all probability, they dispatched some mes-
sengers to him, to entreat him to hasten his march thither, and
save them. This Arsames is called Arsanes by Curtius; but he
was a sorry commander, and any name was good enough for
him.
* Seneca says, this letter was not sent from Parmenio, but
from his mother Olympias. See his book De Ira, lib. ii. 23.
: in this he contradicts every body, and will hardly gain
Credit.
a LEx ANDER's Expedition. 71
bribed by Darius to poison him. Alexander having
read the letter, took the cup, wherein was the potion,
in his hand, and gave Philip the letter to read, and
while he was reading, he drank up the draught; the
physician shewing, by the composure of his coun-
tenance, that the medicine was inoffensive, and by his
intrepidity on perusing the letter, that he was not
conscious of any crime that he had been guilty of,
only entreated Alexander to acquiesce in his advice,
in what he should prescribe for the future; which
if he did, he would recover his health. After his
disease had left him, he declared his esteem for
Philip, by assuring him, that he should always have
a share in his friendship; and certified to all who
were present, how steady an opinion he retained of
their loyalty, in refusing to entertain any suspicions
to the contrary, as also that he could meet death
with a true heroic magnanimity.
CHAPTER V.
PARM EN Io was then dispatched to seize the streights
which divide Cilicia from Assyria, and to keep pos-
session thereof; and with him the auxiliary troops
of foot, the mercenary Greeks and Thracians, com-
manded by Sitalces, as also the Thessalian horse.
He afterwards followed him from Tarsus, and in his
first day's march arrived at Anchialos. This city is
said to have been built by Sardanapalus king of
Assyria; and indeed the vast circuit thereof, and the
foundations of the ancient walls, shew that it has
becn a stately, flourishing, and populous city. The
tomb of Sardanapalus was nigh the walls, on the top
whereof was his statue, seeming to clap his hands for
joy. The inscription thereof was formerly wrote in
the Assyrian language, and (as the inhabitants there-
abouts report) in verse, the substance of which was
this; “Sardanapalus the son of Anacyndaraxas
72 ARRIAN's History of
built Anchialus and Tarsus in one day. As for thee,
O traveller, eat, drink, play, for all other human
things do not deserve this:” alluding to the joy signi-
fied by the clapping of his hands. But the word
IIAIZE, is said in the original to contain a much more
effeminate and lascivious meaning. From Anchialus,
Alexander hasted to Soli, in which city having placed
a garrison, he exacted two hundred talents of silver
from the inhabitants, because they seemed to incline
most to the Persian interest. Afterwards, with three
troops of Macedonian foot, and all his archers and
Agrians, encountering the Cilicians, who had seized
the passes through the mountains, in the space of
seven days, partly by force and partly by composi-
tion, he reduced them all to his obedicnce, and then
returned to Soli. Here he received intelligence that
Orontobates” the Persian (who had held the govern-
ment of the castle of Halicarnassus, and Myndus,f
and Caunus, and Theras, and Callipolis, against him)
had received an overthrow by Ptolemey and Asander;
and that the island Cos, and Triopium, had declared
for the conquerors. The battle was bloody; about
seven hundred Persian foot and fifty of their horse
being slain, and not fewer than a thousand taken
prisoners. While Alexander lay at Soli, he sacrificed
to /Esculapius; for the recovery of his health; him-
* Curtius gives us but a lame account of this : he only tells
us, that Alexander here received a message, that his men had
defeated the Persians, and that the Myndians and Caunians were
brought under. See lib. iii. cap. 7. But who were the com-
manders of each party he mentions not : he also gives us no ac-
count of his passing through Anchialos ; and he makes him spend
his time at Soli, in exhibiting shows, and sacrificing; whereas
Arrian assures us, he made an excursion into the country, and
reduced the mountainous part of Cilicia, and then returned to
Soli.
+ Alexander attempted Myndus when he laid siege to Halicar-
nassus, but without success. Myndus, Caunus, Theras, and Cal-
lipolis, are all cities in Caria; and Cos an island adjacent to the
coast of that province.
† Curtius, lib. iii, cap. 7, tells us, he exhibited certain shows to
ALEXANDER's Expedition. 73
self and all his army walking in procession with
lighted torches in their hands. He also exhibited
gymnic and musical exercises,” and allowed the citi-
zens to change their government into a popular state.
Thence taking his route towards Tarsus, (and giving
Philotas orders to march through the country of
Aleius, as far as the river Pyramus,) with his foot and
royal cohort, he arrived at Megarsus, where he offer-
ed sacrifice to Minerva of Megarsus. Thence moving
to Mallos, he sacrificed to Amphilochus f as a hero;
and having quelled a sedition among the citizens, he
released them from the tribute which they had for-
merly paid to Darius, because the inhabitants of that
city were a colony of Argives, and he himself deduced
his pedigree from Hercules Argivus.
CHAPTER VI.
W H I LE Alexander continued at Mallos, news was
brought him that Darius with his whole army lay
encamped at Sochos, a place in Assyria, about two
days journey from the streights before mentioned.
Whereupon, having called together a council of his
friends, he declared what had been related to him
concerning Darius and his forces; and they imme-
the honour of Æsculapius and Minerva; but leaves us to guess
the rest. -
* Gymnic and musical exercises, or sports, are so often men-
tioned in this work, that it may not be improper to explain them.
Gymnic sports were so called, because they were performed
naked : they were chiefly running, leaping, quoiting, wrestling,
and boxing. The musical sports were performed in honour of
the Muses; such were comedies, tragedies, satires, and all that
were theatrical. h • *. n * * * *
+ The reason why Alexander sacrificed to Amphilochus at
Mallos, was, because he was the founder of their city. See
Strabo, lib. xiv. p. 993, cdit, Casaub. • * , ' ' '. . . . . . . ...;
# This Sochos is thought to be the same place which Curtius
calls Unchos, or Orchas, lib. iv. cap. 1. It is about the mid-way
between Issus and Thapsacus, being two days journey from each.
74 ARRIAN's HISTORY of
diately requested to be led thither against them.
Hereupon he dismissed the council, with due praises
of their valour; and the next day set forwards with
his army : and having passed the streights the day
after, he pitched his tents before the city Myriandrus.
But a huge tempest arising that night, and a prodi-
gious quantity of rain falling, so annoyed his forces,
that he continued still in the same place. Darius,
in the mean time, had chose a fit place for his army
to encamp in, being a large plain, every way open,
and exceedingly cominodious for so great a force,
especially where the horse made up so considerable
a part of the army : and Amyntas the son of An-
tiochus, a deserter from Alexander, persuaded him
by all means to remain there; and assured him, that
that place, considering the multitudes of their friends,
and the vast quantity of their baggage, was the fittest
imaginable: and Darius accordingly remained there
for some time. But Alexander's long stay at Tarsus,
by reason of his sickness; and at Soli, where he exhi-
bited shows and offered sacrifices; besides the time
he spent in subduing the Cilicians, who had possessed
the passes, drove Darius entirely from his resolu-
tions: and indeed, such was his nature, that he was
easily induced to believe that truth which he wished
to be so; and was, then especially, influenced by
those who consulted not so much what would be
profitable, as what was pleasant to him. Those
sycophants (the most certain bane of all kingdoms)
persuaded him, that Alexander, upon advice of his
approach at the head of such a numerous army,
durst not proceed any further. And their common
discourse throughout the camp was, that Darius’s
horse alone, would be sufficient to trample the whole
Macedonian army under foot. Notwithstanding this,
Amyntas always affirmed, that Alexander would cer-
tainly come to any place wherever he heard Darius
lay encamped; and persuaded him by all means to
continue there, and wait his approach. But worse
ALEX ANDER's ExPEDITION. 75
advice, proving more grateful to the king's ears, pre-
vailed. And whether it was some god or fortune
which drew him out, most certain it is, he afterwards
chose an unfit place, where his horse could neither
be of much service to him, nor the numerous multi-
tude of his darters and archers contribute to his
safety; nor indeed had he so much as an opportunity
to shew the magnificence of his army, but afforded
Alexander a cheap and easy victory. And it was
undoubtedly decreed by fate, that the Persians should
be deprived of the empire of Asia by the Macedo-
nians, as the Medes had been by the Persians, and
the Assyrians heretofore by the Medes.
CHAPTER VII.
DARI Us, having already passed by the mountain
which is near the streights of Amanus, directed his
march towards Issus, not knowing that Alexander
was now behind him. Having taken Issus, as many
Macedonians as had been left there by Alexander
for the recovery of their health, were first cruelly
handled, and afterwards slain. The day after, he
proceeded to the river Pinarus.* So soon as Alex-
ander heard that Darius was left behind him, f be-
cause he could not believe the news, he dispatched
some of his friends in a ship with thirty oars, towards
Issus, to inquire into the truth of the story ; who
going accordingly on board, (as the sea on that coast
terminates in a large bay,) they soon perceived where
the Persians had pitched their tents; and accordingly
acquainted Alexander that Darius was now in his
* Plutarch, by a mistake of himself or his transcribers, calls
this river Pindarus, against the testimony of all other writers.
See Vita Alex. p. 1239.
+ Curtius omits this circumstance of the two armies passing by
cach other, which makes his description of the disposition of
them afterwards, unintelligible. See more of this in the Criticism
prefixed to this work.
76 ARRIAN's HISTORY of
hands. He, calling a council of all his captains of
cohorts and troops, and the prefects of his auxiliaries,
advised “ them to be of good courage, to remember
what great and glorious actions they had already
performed, and to consider that this battle would be
no more, than for them, who were ever conquerors,
to fight against those who were always beaten; that
the gods must certainly declare for them against
Darius, who had been so far infatuated as to move
his army from that spacious plain into these streights,
where the Macedonians had room enough commo-
diously to form their phalanx, but where the vast
multitude of their enemies would be altogether un-
* See the difference between Alexander's speech here, and
that, on the same occasion, in Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 10. Both of
them were undoubtedly made by the several authors, without
Alexander’s privity or consent. They knew not what he said,
and therefore only guessed what he might have said, or wrote
what themselves would have said on the like occasion. His
speech in Curtius is so romantic, that the very reciting it will be
sufficient to expose it. He tells his soldiers, “That their valour,
which, with his conduct, had gained so many victories in Europe,
he hoped they had brought with them in order to conquer
Asia.”—And then he promises them, “That they shall extend
their conquests beyond the bounds of Hercules and Bacchus, and
never rest till they had brought the whole world under sub-
jection : theirs should be the countries of the Bactrians and
Indians; to which all they bad gained already was in compari-
son as nothing, &c.”—Alexander had indeed passed the Helles-
pont, and got some footing upon the continent of Asia: he had
also gained some reputation by the battle at Granicus. But what
was all this to induce him to talk of Bacchus’ and Hercules's
bounds I dare verily affirm, no such thought once entered his
head at that time : and how a dreaming rhetorician could make
him talk so wildly, is hard to determine. Besides, the fable of
Bacchus’ and Hercules's bounds eastward, was of a much later
date, and owes its rise to some sycophants in Alexander's army,
as Eratosthenes has made appear beyond contradiction. See
Strabo, lib. xi. p. 771, Casaub, and Arrian, lib. v. cap. 1, &c.
But the merriest part of his speech is, Illos terrarum orbis libera-
tores, non Persis modo, sed etiam omnibus gentibus imposituros
jugum : “They, the assertors of the world’s liberty, should not
only lay their yoke of bondage on the Persians, but all other
nations upon earth.”
A LEx AND ER’s ExPEDITION. 77
serviceable. He added, that those with whom they
were now to fight, were neither equal to them in
strength nor valour; that the Macedonians were to
encounter with the Medes and Persians, nations
which had been enervated by long ease and effemi-
nacy; whereas they had been inured to warlike toils,
and well exercised to undergo all difficulties with a
becoming bravery: Besides, they being a free peo-
ple, were to attack a nation of slaves; and even the
Greeks who were in the two armies, were to fight on
terms vastly different; those of Darius's party for
hire, and that small and inconsiderable; but those of
his, freely and voluntarily engaged themselves, for
the sake of glory and their country: That the Thra-
cians, Poeonians, Illyrians, and Agrians, the stoutest
and most warlike nations in Europe, were about to
meet the wanton, the luxurious, and effeminate Asia-
tics: And lastly, that Alexander was to lead an army
against Darius. Thus far he proceeded, that the
Macedonians and other nations which composed his
host might know how much they surpassed their
enemies in heroic exploits. He then began to ex-
patiate upon the greatness of the rewards they were
to receive from that day's action, by telling them,
they were not only to overcome the nobles of Darius
in that conflict, nor that party of horse which stood
posted on the banks of the river Granicus, nor twenty
thousand mercenary soldiers; but the whole body of
the Persian and Median empires, and what other na-
tions soever have bowed to their power throughout
all Asia: and that when they had subdued so great
a king in one battle, nothing would hinder them from
taking possession of all Asia, and putting at once ā
happy end to all their labours. He then recited the
glorious acts which they had already done in a con-
federate body; and withal assured them, that if any
single person among them performed a gallant action;
he would call him out by name, and make a suitable
mention thereof; and at the same time declared his
78 ARRIAN's History of
own contempt of danger in war, to stir up others by
his example. He forgot not, on this occasion, to
mention the story of Xenophon and the ten thousand
soldiers, his followers; who were (as he said) neither
equal to his troops in number, nor on any other ac-
count to be compared to them, there being neither
Thessalians, nor Boeotians, nor Peloponnesians, nor
Macedonians, nor Thracians, nor any other body of
horse in their whole army; neither had they any
archers nor slingers, except a few Cretans and Rho-
dians, whom Xenophon had hastily levied in the very
face of danger. And yet even those chased a mighty
monarch, with his whole army, from before the walls
of Babylon, and subdued all the nations which lay in
their way from thence to the Euxine sea. He also
added several other arguments, such as were fit for a
great commander, in order to inspire a stout and
gallant army with courage immediately before a battle.
When he had made an end, they gave their hands to
each other, and extolling their king's words, such a
heat inflamed their minds, that they instantly required
to be led forth against the enemy.
CHAPTER VIII.
ALEXANDER then gave his soldiers a strict charge to
take care of their bodies; and having dispatched
some of his horse and archers before to clear the road
to the streights, through which he was obliged to pass,
the night following he moved, with his whole army,
to take possession of them again : and this being
also accomplished, about midnight he ordered his
men to compose themselves to sleep till morning, hav-
ing appointed a strict guard wherever it seemed ne-
cessary. As soon as the dawn appeared, he began
to descend from the hills, having straitened his front
by reason of the narrowness of the pass. And when
the mountains began to open a little, he disposed
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 79
his army, one part after another, into a close and
regular phalanx, the right wing thereof extending to
the mountain, and the left to the sea-shore : the
horse at the same time standing ranged behind the
foot. But when they arrived in an open country, he
immediately drew them up in order of battle. In the
right wing, towards the mountain, he placed a squa-
dron of foot, and the targeteers, commanded by
Nicanor the son of Parmenio. Next to these the
troops of Caenus and Perdiccas; and these he placed
so as to extend to the middle ranks of the heavy-
armed foot. In the left wing were Amyntas’,” Pto-
lemey's, and Meleager's forces. The foot in this
range was commanded by Craterus; but the charge
of the whole wing was given to Parmenio, who had
strict orders not to remove from his station on the
sea-shore, lest he should suffer the army to be sur-
rounded by the Barbarians, who were much superior
to the Macedonians in numbers. Darius, as soon as
he was certified of Alexander's approach with a choice
army, ordered thirty thousand of his horse and twenty
thousand foot to pass the river Pinarus, that the rest
might draw up the more commodiously. And first
of all he ranged the Greek mercenary troops, f
which were heavy-armed, in front, (in number about
thirty thousand,) to oppose the Macedonian phalanx;
and on each hand of them stood sixty thousand of the
Cardaci, who were also heavy-armed, in the form of
wings; for the mountain being so near, would not
suffer more troops to stand ranged in front. On the
left hand, towards the mountain, facing Alexander's
right wing, he placed twenty thousand, and some of
* Curtius erroneously places Amyntas’, Ptolemew's, and Me-
leager’s troops on the right wing, and leaves none for the left
but Craterus's foot, and the Pełchaniſesian horse. See tib. iii.
cap. 9.
t Those troops of mercenary Grecialis were under the com-
mand of Thymondas the son of Mentor; and in them the chief
strength of Darius's army lay.
80 A RRIAN’s HISTORY of .
those extended even to the backs of the Macedo-
nians; for the mountain under which the army was
drawn up, sloping a great way inward, formed a
kind of a bay, or hollow part, like those made by
the sea on the shore; and after that, winding for-
wards, was the cause that those who were posted at
the foot thereof, beheld the backs of Alexander's
right wing. The remaining multitude of Darius's
soldiers, as well light as heavy-armed, (according to
the difference of nations whereof they were com-
posed,) were reduced into close and unserviceable
orders, and placed behind the Greek mercenaries;
and the phalanx of Barbarians, and the whole num-
ber of Darius's forces there, is said to have amounted
to six hundred thousand. As soon as ever Alexander
saw the narrow passage open, he drew up his horse
in order, as well his own royal cohort as the Thes-
salians and Macedonians; and those he placed on
the right wing, near his person. The Peloponne-
sians, and the rest, he dispatched to the left wing
to Parmenio. When Darius had ordered his army,
the horse, which he had before commanded to pass
the river, he suddenly recalled, and posted the
greatest part of them on the right wing, towards the
sea, against Parmenio, because they were of most
use there : the rest he ordered to the left, at the foot
of the mountain. But when he perceived they could
not be serviceable there, by reason of the narrowness
of the place, he commanded many of them to go
and strengthen their companions on the right wing.
Darius, observing the ancient and established rule
of the Persian monarchs, kept the main body; the
reason of which custom is given us by Xenophon the
son of Gryllus. +
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 81
CHAPTER IX.
IN the mean while,” Alexander perceiving almost all
the Persian horse drawn up against his left wing, on
the sea-shore, and considering that only the Pelopon-
nesian and part of the royal cohort of horse were
posted there, he immediately dispatched the Thessa-
lian horse thither, with orders that they should con-
vey themselves to that post as secretly as they
could, to prevent their enemies from discovering their
march. In their places, on the right wing, he ap-
pointed those horse which had usually made up the
forlorn hope, commanded by Protomachus, and the
Poeonians by Ariston; and among the foot, the arch-
ers headed by Antiochus, and the Agrians by At-
talus, besides some troops of horse and archers,
which he placed in the very turning, with their faces
towards the mountain: so that those who made up
the right part of the phalanx were divided into two
wings; the one fronting Darius and the Persians, on
the other side of the river; the other opposite, who
* Freinshemius, who has done Curtius the greatest justice of
any of his commentators, tells us plainly, that his descriptions of
the dispositions of battles are so confused, that he lºnows not what
to make of them; for which reason he prefers Arrian, especially
in that respect, infinitely before him. And if any, says he,
imagine I injure Curtius in this particular, let him satisfy me
what he can mean by this passage: “ The right wing of Alex-
ander's army was by this time almost encompassed by the enemy,
but that he commanded two regiments of horse to the top of the
hill, and the rest into the heat of the fight.” Alexander's right
wing had possessed themselves of the hill before ; for which
reason they could not be surrounded ; neither could his left
wing, for they were extended to the sea-shore. He has shewed
us three or four inconsistencies more, which my brevity will not
suffer me to point out. And after Freinshemius has transcribed
Arrian's whole description of the disposition of both armies, he
concludes thus: “ Flow much juster, better, and more accurately,
has Arrian described all these things º' See Freinsh. Comm. on
Curtius, lib. iii, cap. 11. num. 2. ..",
VO L. I. G
82 ARRIAN's Histofty of
stood with their backs towards the mountain. On
the left side he placed the Cretan and Thracian arch-
ers, commanded by Sitalces, and before those, the
horse which belonged to the right wing; the foreign
mercenary troops being placed on the rear. But now,
perceiving the phalanx on the right wing too much
weakened, and imagining that the Persians might
easily surround it, he ordered two troops from the
main body, the Anthebusian cohort, over which was
Peridas the son of Menestheus, and the Lagaan
cohort, commanded by Pantordanus the son of Clean-
der, to wheel off silently to the right. But the archers,
and part of the Agrians, with some of the Greek mer-
cenaries, he had before drawn off from the right wing
and placed in the front, by which means that phalanx
was stretched out beyond the enemy's opposite wing.
But as those who were posted at the foot of the moun-
tain did not attempt to descend, but on the contrary,
when an attack was made upon them by a small party
of archers and Agrians, were easily beat from their
station, and fled up the side thereof; he thought
those whom he had placed there might be more use-
ful to strengthen the phalanx elsewhere, and that a
party of three hundred horse would be sufficient to
cope with the enemy on that side.
CHAPTER X.
ALEXANDER having thus marshalled his army, led
them on slowly against the enemy : neither did
Darius suffer his soldiers to move from their posts to
meet them, but kept them on the banks of the river,
which were there steep and difficult to ascend; or
wherever the ascent was easier, he fortified the place
with a rampart; which was an argument to the Ma-
cedonians, that he even then imagined himself a pri-
Soner. But after the armies joined battle, Alexander
appearcd every where, that he might encourage his
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 83
men to behave themselves valiantly; and not only call-
ed to all his chief commanders by their several names
and titles, but also to the tribunes and other officers,
and even those prefects of the mercenaries, who were
either illustrious by descent, or had made themselves
so by martial exploits. And now the word was given,
and the cry went round, to rush forwards upon their
cnemies: but although Alexander had l)arius's whole
army full in view, yet he advanced leisurely at first,
lest his phalanx, by too eager a contention, should
fall into disorder. Nevertheless, when they came
within the reach of their darts, those of the right
wing, who surrounded him, and afterwards he him-
self, pushed forwards into the river, in such a manner
as struck a terror into their enemies, and coming
swiftly upon them, they received little damage from
their arrows. And this succeeded according to
Alexander's design; for the moment they came to
hand-blows, the enemies, who were posted on the left
wing of their army, turned their backs and fled; and
Alexander and his companions obtained a cheap and
entire victory on that side. But the Greek merce-
nary troops of Darius's party, seeing the right wing
of the Macedonians divided, (for Alexander suddenly
entering the river and encountering the Persians,
casily repulsed them on the part where he landed;
but those who followed had not the same success :
for being stopped by the steep and rugged banks,
they could scarce preserve their order of battle,) made
an attack on that part of the phalanx which they saw
disjoined, and thence ensued a sharp conflict, the
Persians endeavouring to push the Macedonians back
into the river, and (though many of their own troops
were now flying) to wrest the victory out of their hands;
and the Macedonians, on the other hand, striving to
render the conquest they had already well-nigh ob-
tained, complete; and that the glory of the phalanx,
which had to that time been unsullied, and which
was known to every body, should not suffer by that
G 2
84 A R RIAN's History of
day's action. And then happened a strife between
the Grecians and Macedonians, concerning the ho-
nour of their respective nations. In this conflict
with the enemy fell Ptolemey" the son of Seleucus,
after having behaved himself gloriously; and other
Macedonians of no mean account, to the number of
one hundred and twenty.
CHAPTER XI.
THF cohorts which were posted on the right wing,
perceiving the Persians opposite to them to turn their
backs, hasted straightway to attack Darius's foreign
mercenaries,f and after an obstinate defence drove
* Curtius gives us no manner of account of the death of Pto-
lemey the son of Seleucus. These hundred and twenty Mace-
donians were the number which fell before Alexander attacked
the mercenary Grecians; but the whole number which were
slain in the battle he has no where given us.
+ These foreign mercenary troops, Curtius has told us over
and over, were those wherein Darius placed his greatest confi-
dence; and he accordingly musters them up under the command
of Thymondas, and posts them in the left wing of his army.
But in his whole description of the action, we have not one word
of what they either did or suffered, as if they had stood idle
spectators all the while; only at the very last, he condescends to
tell us, (as a proof of their bravery, I suppose,) “that they did not
run away quite so fast as the Persians.” Besides, there is still
another inconsistency in his story: He brings them into the field
like a parcel of heroes, under the conduct of Thymondas; but
when they came to run away, or to retreat, as he terms it,
Amyntas, a renegado from Alexander, was their general.—So
that Thymondas must be made use of, for so honourable a post
as to lead them on, but a renegado Greek was good enough to
show them how to run away. The truth is, Thymondas might
command in chief; but Arrian has given us the names of many
others, who commanded particular troops of them, (viz.) Amyntas
the son of Antiochus, Aristomedes the Pherean, Bianor the
Acharmanian, &c. They were all Greeks, and all renegadoes
alike; and by his forbearing to mention Thymondas any more,
I should have imagined he had been slain there, if Arrian, lib. ii.
cap. 13, did not assure me, that he, with the other commanders
already named, fled into AEgypt.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 85
them from the banks of the river; and surrounding
that part of the army which had been broke, and at-
tacking them on the opposite side, they made a great
slaughter among them. But the Persian horse which
faced the Thessalians, continued the conflict a long
time after the Macedonians had passed the river,
and opposing them with much valour and magnani-
mity, a fierce equestrian fight ensued, which conti-
nued till they received intelligence that Darius him-
self was fled, and the Grecian mercenaries routed and
dispersed by the Macedonians. The overthrow of
the Persian army was then perceived on all sides;
their horses, because their riders were heavy-armed,
were many of them overtaken, and cut off in the re-
treat; and the riders themselves were so much in-
commoded by the narrowness of the roads and their
own fears, that while each endeavoured to fly swifter
than another, they hindered each other, and received
little less loss from their own party, than from the
enemy in pursuit after them : the Thessalians, how-
ever, followed them close; and it is hard to deter-
mine whether their loss of horse or foot forces was
greatest in their flight. As soon as Darius perceived
his left wing broke by Alexander, and that part of his
army was dispersed and put to flight, he immediately
drove out of the battle, and escaped in a chariot,”
* For the description of the Persian chariots of state, see
Brisson. lib. i. p. 83. Here Curtius, by introducing Darius in a
chariot, has taken an opportunity of describing it at large; and
he is every where fond of such descriptions, how little soever
they suit his purpose. But the misfortune is, Curtius has mis-
taken every way ; for he affirms, lib. iii. cap. 11, “That Darius
was present in the battle, seated upon a high throne, visible to
both armies, &c.—and that Alexander himself saw him.—That
in the heat of the fight, his horses, being wounded, began to be
unruly ; so that the chariot in which he sat, was ready to be
overturned ; which he perceiving, mounted a horse prepared for
that purpose, and chose to throw away his kingly robes, and fly.”
Arrian here seems to intimate, that Darius did not fight in his
chariot, but on horseback, and when he perceived the battle lost,
he mounted a chariot for flight. Diodorus, lib. xiii. p. 513, tells
86 ARRIAN’s H1story of
with some of his nobles: and so far as the country
was plain and open, his chariot conveyed him away
with ease and safety; but when the roads began to
be rough, and the country mountainous, he quitted
it, and having left therein his shield, his cloak, and
his bow, continued his flight on horseback; and had
not the night favoured him, he had then fallen into
the enemy's hands; for whilst it was yet day, Alex-
ander pursued hard after him ; but when it was dark
he returned to his army, carrying with him the chariot,
the shield, the cloak, and bow of Darius, which had
fallen into his hands. Besides, Alexander did not
attempt to pursue him, before he had seen the foreign
mercenaries and the Persian horse dispersed, and
driven far from their station on the banks of the river.
Of the Persians there fell Arsames, Rheomithres, and
Atizyes, who had been captains of horse in the fight at
the river Granicus; as also Sabaces governor of Ægypt,
and Bubaces, men of great account in Persia; be-
sides a vast multitude of private men, to the number
us, he moved out of one chariot into another. That he fled
away in a chariot is beyond all dispute; because, being forced to
quit it afterwards, it was seized by Alexander ; and that he did
not throw off his cloak during the fight, is as certain; for it was
found in the chariot. One word more as to the unwieldy chariot
of state wherein Curtius places him, and which, he says, lib. iii.
cap. 3, “ was adorned with images of their gods in silver and
gold; the axle-tree thereof glittered with precious stones: upon
it were two images of gold, the one representing Ninus, the other
Belus, of a cubit stature each ; between them was an eagle of
gold, displaying her wings over both, &c.” This chariot, ac-
cording to the description here given, must be five times as heavy
as my lord mayor's great coach ; and consequently, an useless
piece of lumber in the fight. However, I would gladly be in-
formed what became of it after the battle. Curtius makes Darius
fly away on horseback : Diodorus moves him out of one chariot
into another : and Arrian positively tells us, that the chariot
wherein he fled out of the battle was taken by Alexander. But
in all these accounts we hear never a word of the gold and silver
gods, diamonds, &c. nor Belus and Ninus, of a cubit stature
each : so that we must either suppose them Curtius's own con-
trivance, or that the sly Macedonian soldiers pilfered them, and
put them into their pockets.
A L ExAN DER's ExPEDITION. 87
of a hundred thousand, including ten thousand horse.”
The slaughter was so great, that Ptolemey the son of
Lagus reports, that those who accompanied Alex-
ander in his pursuit after Darius, when they came to
a ditch, filled it up with the dead bodies of their
enemies, and so passed over upon them. Darius's
tent was taken at the beginning of the fight, and
therein his mother, his wife, his sister, and his son,
an infant, besides his two daughters, with a great
number of the wives of the principal nobility in the
army; for the other Persians had dispatched their
wives along with the carriages to Damascus; whither
also Darius had sent the greatest part of his treasure,
and many other things which warlike kings carr
y Sº * y
with thom, to show their splendour and magnificence;
so that there was not above three thousand talents
found in the whole camp. However, all the treasure
* Arrian differs but little from Curtius in the number of Per-
sians slain in this battle, only he includes the ten thousand horse
into the hundred thousand which fell that day. Diodorus
reckons them one hundred and twenty thousand foot, and ten
thousand horse. Justin, sixty-one thousand foot, and ten thousand
horse, besides forty thousand prisoners. Orosius, eighty thousaud
foot, and ten thousand horse, and forty thousand taken. Plutarch
tells us, in one general number, that one hundred and ten thou-
sand fell that day, without making any distinction how many of
them were foot or how many horse. So great a difference there
is in authors in this one article. Freinshemius imagines that the
number in Justin is corrupt, and that instead of unum et seraginta
millia, it ought to be centum et seraginta millia ; namely, one
hundred and sixty thousand. Curtius tells us, there fell of the
Macedonians no more than thirty-two foot, and one hundred and
fifty horse; which is against all reason and probability. Sundry
critics have been nbbling at him, and endeavouring to amend him,
but I think to little purpose, because they do it contrary to all ma-
nuscripts; and, as the number of foot forces were generally five or
six times as many as the horse, it is very reasonable to imagine, that
the number slain should bear some better proportion to the num-
ber brought into the field, than thirty-two foot, to one hundred and
fifty horse. However, the Historia Miscell. assures us, it has been
the custom of all ancient writers, to lessen the number of the
slain on that side which was victorious, lest the too exact know-
ledge of their loss should eclipse the glory of the victory; unless
it happens that so few in reality fall, as to excite our wonder at
their extraordinary valour. lib, ii. cap. 15.
S8 ARRIAN’s History of
abovementioned was soon after seized on the road,
by Parmenio. This battle was fought in the month
Maimacterion, when Nicostratus was archon at
Athens. - -
CHAPTER xII.
THE day after, Alexander, though still indisposed
by reason of a hurt which he had received in his
thigh, visited the wounded; and having diligently
searched after the bodies of the slain, ordered thcm
to be splendidly interred, the whole army standing
ranked in battle array; and at the same time bestow-
ing praises on every one, whom either he had seen
behaving themselves gallantly in the battle, or relating
their noble actions, from the information of others;
he also honoured each of them with a largess of
money, according to his honour or merit. After
this, he constituted Balacrus the son of Nicanor,
one of his body-guards, governor of Cilicia, and ap-
pointed Menetes the son of Dionysius to succeed
him. The troop of Ptolemey the son of Seleucus,
who fell in the last battle, he bestowed on Polysper-
chon the son of Simmias. The fifty talents which
still remained unpaid by the citizens of Soli, he re-
mitted, and delivered up their hostages. Neither,
among all this hurry of affairs, was he unmindful of
the mother of Darius, nor of his wife, nor chil-
dren : for some of the writers of Alexander's Life
relate, that the very night on which he returned
from the pursuit, when he cntered into Darius's
tent, which had been seized and kept for him, he
heard a woman's lamentation, and some other noise,
not far distant, and inquiring what women these
were, and why in a tent so near was immediately
answered, “O king, the mother, and wife, and
children of Darius, being told that thou hast taken
his cloak, his arms, and his shield, pour forth their
lamentations for Darius, supposing him slain.”
Alexander hearing this, immediately dispatched Leon-
A LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 89
natus,” one of his friends, to them, with orders to
acquaint them, that Darius was still alive, but that
his arms and cloak were seized in his chariot after
he had quitted it, and only these were in Alexan-
der's custody. Leonnatus having entered the tent,
delivered his message, and withal told them, that
Alexander had allowed them to wear their royal
apparel, to appear in state, and have the title of
queens ; and to assure them, that it was for no
old enmity the war against Darius was undertaken,
but gloriously to contend for the empire of Asia.
Thus Ptolemey and Aristobulus relate the story.
But others say, that Alexander himself the next
day entered the tent, without any attendant of note,
except his friend Hephæstion; and that Darius's
mother, doubting which of them was the king, (for
their habit was much alike,) went to Hephæstion, and,
because he appeared somewhat taller, fell at his feet,
and saluted him. Iłut when he retired, and some
who were nigh showed her Alexander, she was
ashamed of her mistake, and endeavoured to retire :
but he told her she was not mistaken, for Hephæstion
was an Alexander. This last passage I neither
relate as truth, nor condemn as fiction : if it be
true, Alexander's pity and indulgence used to the
women, and the honour bestowed on his friend, de-
serves the highest commendation ; but supposing
* Curtius, lib. iii. cap. 12, tells us, he determined at first to
have sent Mithrenes, who had betrayed Sardis into his hands:
but considering he would be looked upon as a traitor, and that
a message by him might add to their grief, he set aside all thoughts
of him, and dispatched Leonnatus. Arrian says nothing of Mith-
renes: and truly the story is not at all probable.
+ This story we have told us for actual truth by Curtius, who
mentions some other circumstances; as that when Darius’s mother
mistook Hephæstion for Alexander, she was informed of her error
by one of her eunuchs, lib. iii, cap. 12., Now, I would gladly
know, how any of her eunuchs came to be so much wiser than
herself? It is much more likely it was one of Alexander's or He-
phaestion's attendants, of inferior rank. Arrian tells the whole
as a story, and leaves us to our liberty whether we will believe it
or no. If it be not true, it is a pity but it should.
90 ARRIAN's HIs Tony of
them feigned, and only related as probabilities, by
the writers of those times; yet still they are actions
worthy Alexander, and truly great and glorious.
CHAPTER XIII.
DARIUS fled away by night with a few of his friends;
but in the day-time, gathering up the Persians and
foreign mercenaries who had escaped out of the bat-
tle, amounting in all to about four thousand,” he
marched by long journeys to the city Thapsacus, on
the river Euphrates, that he might as soon as pos-
sible have that river as a barrier between him and
Alexander. In the mean while, Amyntas I the son
of Antiochus, and Thymodes the son of Mentor,
with Aristomedes the Pherean, and Bianor the Acar-
manian, all deserters, fled away from the battle with
about eight thousand men, and passed through the
mountainous country to Tripolis, a city of Phoeni-
cia; where seizing some ships (newly drawn out of
the docks) wherein they had been before transported
from Lesbos, as many of them as were fit for their
purpose they put to sea with ; the rest they burned in
the dock, lest they should afterwards be made use of
* Curtius erroneously calls all those four thousand, Greeks;
without taking notice of any others.
+ Such an air of romance is given to this story by Curtius,
lib. iv. cap. 1, that it may not be improper to let our readers have
a taste of it. “Amyntas,” says he, “who a little before had de-
serted Alexander, fled with the four thousand Grecians under his
command, to Tripolis; where, getting his men on shipboard, he
passed to Cyprus; whence he sailed again for AEgypt, and landing
at Pelusium, seized that place, and marched on to Memphis, many
of the AEgyptians coming in to him by the way.”—He then adds,
that Amyntas overcame somebody in a fight; but tells us neither
whom, nor where the action was. However, after this fight he
laid siege to Memphis (and thought, no doubt, to have carried
all before him); but “Mezaces the Persian general sallied forth
upon them, and slew Amyntas and every one of his soldiers.”—
That was clean work; and this was either the sharpest battle that
ever was fought, or Curtius has given us the most improbable
story that ever was told.
A LEXANDER's ExPEDIT Iox. 91
by their enemies to pursue them : with these they
sailed first to Cyprus, and afterwards to AEgypt, where
Amyntas, attempting innovations, was slain by the
inhabitants. Pharnabazus and Autophradates stayed
some time at Chius; but that island being strength-
ened with a garrison, and having dispatched away
some ships to Coos and IIalicarnassus, they, with a
hundred sail well stored, came to Siphnus: thither
Agis king of the Lacedaemonians arriving in a trireme,
required money for the use of the war, and as many
sea and land-forces as they could spare, to be sent
into Peloponnesus. But at that very time arrived a
messenger with the news of the fatal battle of Issus;
which, striking a terror into their minds, Pharnabazus
with twclve ships, and one thousand five hundred
foreign mercenaries,” sailed to Chius, lest the inha-
bitants of that island, hearing of this defeat, should
<>
attempt to revolt. Agis having received from Auto-
phradates thirty talents of silver and ten ships, dis-
patched these, by Iſippias, to his brother Agesilaus
at Taenarus, with orders, that the inoment he had
paid the sailors their arrears, he should hasten into
Crete to settle the affairs of that island. He tarrying
among these islands some time, departed at last to
Autophradates at Halicarnassus. In the mean time,
Alexander appointed Menon f the son of Cerdimas,
to be governor of Coelo-Syria, and left him some of
the auxiliary troops of horse, for the safety of the
* Curtius has cut this short; for he only tells us that Pharma-
bazus raised money from the Milesians; and having garrisoned
Chius, went to Andros, and thence to Syphnus, with a hundred
sail of ships. lib. iv. cap. 1.
+ Curtius has committed a strange error here, by inserting
Parmenio instead of Menon. Arrian tells us plainly, it was
Menon the son of Cerdimas. Curtius, perhaps from the affinity
of the two names, or perhaps from some corrupt copy, has made
it Parmenio ; and to render his error the more apparent, he has
added,—“ by whom the spoil was seized at Damascus.——Frein-
shemius has passed a vast compliment here upon Arrian's dili-
gence and sagacity, which I have not room to insert. Vide
Curt. Snakenb. lib. iv, cap. 1.
92 ARRIAN's IIISTory of
province, while he marched forwards into Phoenicia,
where, by the way, he was met by Strato” the son of
Gerostratus, (this Gerostratus was king of Arados
and all the neighbouring islands, and he, with other
Phoenician and Cyprian princes, had joined his fleet
with Autophradates,) who, placing a crown of gold
upon Alexander's head, surrendered into his hands
the island Arados, and Marathus, a wealthy and
populous city on the continent, over-against it; as
also Mariamme, and whatever territories besides he
had in possession.
CHAPTER XIV.
WHILE Alexander remained at Marathus, ambas-
sadors came to him with a letter from Darius, who
also entreated him by word of mouth to set Darius's
mother, and wife, and children at liberty. The letter
itself mentioned the league which Philip his father
had entered into with Artaxerxes; and that when
Arses the son of Artaxerxes ascended the throne,
the same Philip, without any damage received from
the Persians, or other provocation whatsoever, had
first of all unjustly invaded his dominions; and how
Alexander, from the time he began his reign, had
never sent ambassadors to confirm the ancient
leagues and treaties between the two nations; but,
on the contrary, had passed over into Asia with his
army, and committed numerous depredations upon
* This Strato, Curtius tells us, was king of Aradus, and all the
sea-coast; but he makes no mention of his father Gerostratus, who
was really king, and at that time with Autophradates the Persian
admiral. Strato could therefore be no more than viceroy in his
father's absence: and that the case stood thus, is evident by
what Arrian adds afterwards, viz. That Gerostratus hearing how
his son had surrendered his territories into Alexander's hands,
withdrew his fleet from Autophradates, deserted the Persian inter-
est, and came and joined his naval force with Alexander's. See
Arrian, lib. ii. cap. 20. -
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 03
his subjects: that he only took up arms to defend his
own rights, and protect his dominions; however, the
event of the war must be according as the gods had
determined: in the mean time, he, a king, sought his
wife, his mother, and children from him, who was
also a king,” offering to enter into friendship and
alliance with him; and to that end desired that, when
Meniscus and Arsimas his ambassadors returned, he
would send others with them, who might both receive
the terms proposed, and agree to them on his part.
Alexander, without returning any answer by the
ambassadors, ordered Thersippus to accompany them
back again to Darius, and to give him a letter;
declaring at the same time, that he would not admit
of any verbal conference. The letter was to this
purpose: “Your predecessors have entered Mace-
donia and the rest of Greece in a hostile manner,
and injured us, before they received any injuries
from us. I, at my 'advancement to the empire
of Greece, willing to revenge my country's wrongs
upon the Persians, have passed over into Asia,
having received sufficient provocation from your for-
mer numerous ravages. You aided the Perinthians
in their unjust wars against my father; and Ochus
transported an army of Persians into Thrace, to dis-
turb the peace of our government. My fatherf was
slain by traitors, whom you had hired for that pur-
pose, (as you have every where boasted in your let-
ters;) and at the same time, when you had taken care
* Curtius tells us, Alexander was grievously offended with Da-
rius, because he had not given him the title of King : but he is
herein contradicted by Arrian. He mentions no particulars of
Darius's letter, but only the terms proposed for the restitution of
his mother, wife, and children; and they are so gross, that any
but a rhetorician would have been ashamed to have inserted them.
Wide Curt. lib. iv. cap. 1.
+ Alexander here endeavours to lay his father's murder to the
charge of the Persians; whereas he, or at least his motherOlym-
pias, were vehemently suspected as guilty of it. Wide Justin.
lib. ix. cap, 7.
94 ARRIAN's History of
that Arses should be dispatched by Bagoas, you
usurped the empire unjustly, and in open defiance of
all the Persian laws. You have, moreover, wrote
letters into Greece, encouraging my subjects to re-
bellion, and to that end have sent money to the La-
cedaemonians and others, which nevertheless all the
Grecians, except the Lacedaemonians, loyally re-
jected ; by which means, you strove to withdraw my
friends and followers from me, and to dissolve that
firm league which I have entered into with all the
states of Greece. Wherefore I have invaded thy
realms in a hostile manner, because thou wast the
first author of hostilities. And now, when I have
beaten thy governors and captains, and afterwards
thyself and thy whole army in a pitched battle; and
have already, by the permission of the gods, gained
possession of Asia ; as many of thy soldiers as sur-
rendered themselves into my hands after the battle,
I protect; neither do they tary with me against their
inclinations, but freely and voluntarily take up arms
for my cause. To me, therefore, as lord of all Asia,
come and apply thyself: but if thou art afraid of
any harsh usage upon thy coming, send some of thy
friends, who may take an oath from me for thy safety.
When thou comest into my presence, ask for thy
mother, thy wife, and thy children, and whatsoever
thou wilt besides, and thou shalt receive them ; and
nothing shall be denied thee. However, when you
write to me next, remember to entitle me King of
Asia; neither write to me any more as your equal,
but as lord of all your territories. If you act other-
wise, I shall look upon it as an indignity of the
highest consequence; and if you dispute my right
to the possession of your realms, stay and try the
event of another battle; but hope not any more to
secure yourself by flight, for wherever you fly, thither
I will surely pursue you.”
ALEXANDER's EXPEDITION. 95
CHAPTER XV.
AFTER Alexander had been informed, that all the
treasure which Darius had scnt to Damascus, by
Cophenes the son of Artabazus, was seized, and that
the Persians appointed to guard it and the rest of the
royal furniture were taken prisoners; he ordered them
to be carried back, and kept safe at Damascus, by
Parmenio. But the Grecian ambassadors,” who
had been dispatched to Darius before the battle,
and were taken, he commanded to be sent to him.
These were Euthycles the Lacedaemonian, Thessa-
liscus the son of Ismenias, Dionysodorus the son
of Olympionices the Theban, and Iphicrates the son
of Iphicrates the general, the Athenian. When they
were brought into his presence, Thessaliscus and
Dionysodorus, being Thebans, were immediately set
at liberty, partly out of compassion to the Thebans,
and partly because they deserved pardon, if, after
their city had been sacked and overthrown by the
Macedonians, they endeavoured, in some measure, to
retrieve the miserable state of themselves and coun-
try, by the assistance of Darius and the Persians; for
thus he stated the case mildly, and with great huma-
nity, towards both. He had, moreover, a private
value for Thessaliscus on account of his pedigree,
(for he was descended from an ancient Theban family,)
* Curtius here jumbles together and confounds what happened
at two different times, as is manifest from comparing him with
Arrian. He says, lib. iii. cap. 13, “That the Lacedaemonians
and Athenians, desirous of change, had dispatched their ambas-
sadors to the Persians, whose names were, Aristogiton, Dropides,
and Iphicrates, who were Allenians. The Lacedaemonians were,
Pausippus, Onomastorides, Miomimus, and Callicratides.” Arrian
assures us, that the ambassadors taken here were two Thebans,
one Lacedaemonian, and one Athenian, whom he mentions by
their names; but the others whom Curtius talks of, viz. Pausippus,
Monimus, Anomantus, and Callicratides, were taken in the coun-
try of the Mardi, after Darius's death. See Arrian, lib. iii.
cap. 24.
06 ARRIAN's HISTORY OF
for which reason he dismissed him. He released
Dionysodorus, because he had been conqueror at
the Olympic games; and Iphicrates, for the love he
bore to the Athenians, and the memory of his father's
glory, whom, whilst he lived, he had always highly
honoured, and, after his death, took care that his
bones should be conveyed to be interred among his
ancestors at Athens. But Euthycles (as he was a La-
cedaemonian, and that city was then at open variance
with Alexander, and as he could find nothing in his
character worthy of notice,) he ordered into custody,
(though without fetters,) and afterwards, when his af-
fairs were crowned with prosperity on all hands, he
also set him at liberty. Alexander, after this, de-
parting from Marathus, had the city Byblus * surren-
dered to him; as also the city of Sidon; f the citizens
inviting him thither, out of their hatred to Darius and
the Persians. Then marching to Tyrus, the Tyrian
ambassadors came forth to meet him, assuring him
* Byblus was a city of Phoenicia, seated on the coast, between
Berytus and Tripolis: Enylus was then king thereof; but he being
absent with Autophradates, the citizens surrendered to Alexander,
and shook off the Persian yoke. f
t Sidon was the most ancient and illustrious city of all Phoe-
nicia, and deservedly renowned for the wit and invention of her
citizens. They first found out and taught astronomy, arithmetic,
the art of dyeing purple, and making glass; as also the manner of
sailing in the night, by the observation of the stars. It is distant
from Tyre two hundred furlongs, or twenty-five English miles.
Who was king of Sidon, Arrian has no where told us. Curtius
calls him Strato, as he had done the king of Aradus before. The
story of Abdolminus is well known. Arrian either doubted the
truth thereof, or thought it not worth his notice : but what is
strange, Diodorus and Plutarch, two celebrated authors, are both
mistaken about it. Diodorus changes the scene, and relates the
very same story, as happening at Tyre; which is ridiculous: for
the Tyrians were all either slain in the siege or sold for slaves;
and consequently a king would have had but a solitary reign
there. Plutarch removes the scene still further, and transfers the
story to Paphos, in his treatise De fortund Alerandri; to confute
which, it is sufficient to assert, that by the common consent of
all authors, Alexander was never there. Wide Snakenburg, ad
Curt. lib. iv, cap. 1.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 97
that the citizens were ready to obey his commands.
He, with due praises given both to the city and the
ambassadors, (for they were some of the principal
citizens, and one of them the king's son; for the king
Azelmicus * himself had embarked on board the fleet
with Autophradates,) commanded them to return, for
he was determined shortly to enter the city, and there
offer sacrifice to Iſcreules.
CHAPTER XVI.
THERE was in that city a temple dedicated to Her-
cules, the most ancient of all those recorded in his-
tory; not the Grecian Hercules, who was the son of
Alcinema: for this Hercules was worshipped at Tyre,
many ages before Cadmus sailed from Phoenicia and
seized Thebes; and long before Semele was born to
Cadmus, whence came Bacchus the son of Jupiter.
For Bacchus was the third from Cadmus, Polydorus
being his son, and Labdacus, who was cotemporary
with Cadmus, son to Polydorus. But the Grecian
Hercules flourished at the time of CEdipus the son of
Laius. The Egyptians worshipped another IIerculos,
different from both these ; and Herodotus assures us
he was one of their twelve gods. The Athenians in
like manner worshipped another Bacchus, different
from this, the son of Jupiter and Proserpina, and the
mystical title of Iacchus belonged to this Bacchus, and
not to the Theban. Nevertheless, the Hercules wor-
shipped among the Iberians at Tartessus, who gave
name to Hercules's Pillars, is, in my opinion, the
same with the Tyrian: for Tartessus was built by the
Phoenicians, and a temple was reared there, and Sa-
crifices performed to Hercules, after the Phoenician
* Curtius seems not so much as to dream of a king of Tyre;
but talks of the citizens, all along, as if they had been a common-
wealth. However, Diodorus, to make them amends, has made
them a king over a heap of rubbish. See lib. xvii.
V. O. L. I. H
98 ARRIAN's History of
manner. Moreover, Hecataeus the historian assures
us, that that Geryon, against whom the Grecian Her-
cules was dispatched by Eurystheus, to seize his oxen
and bring them to Mycene, was no inhabitant of Spain,
neither was Hercules sent to any island called Ery-
thia, seated in the ocean; but that Geryon reigned on
the continent, between Ambracia and Amphilochos;
that from thence it was that Hercules drew his oxen;
and cwen then he deems it a prodigious labour. I am
assured, that to this day there are rich pastures on
that continent, that fat oxen are bred there, and that
these being drawn thence by Hercules, the glory of
that action was ascribed to Eurystheus; neither can
I think it improbable to imagine, that a king of that
country might be named Geryon, especially because
Eurystheus could never be supposed so much as to
have heard of the name of a king of Iberia, the re-
motest nation in Europe, much less whether any fat
oxen were to be had there; unless some have a mind
here to introduce the story of Juno commanding
Hercules to perform this task for Eurystheus; which
is no other than disgracing true history, by an unne-
cessary mixture of fable. Alexander sent word that
he would offer sacrifice to this Tyrian Hercules, which
when the citizens understood by their ambassadors,
they thought fit to declare, that they were ready to
perform whatever Alexander should command them;
but that none, either Grecian or Macedonian, should
be admitted to enter their gates;* that this (consider-
* Azelinicus king of Tyre was absent, as has been already
hinted in the preceding chapter; whereupon, the chief citizens,
or those on whom the regency was conferred during his absence,
dispatched an embassy to Alexander, to assure him of their good
wishes towards him ; but when he sent them word of his design
to enter their city and offer sacrifice there, they thought it would
be dangerous to their liberties to suffer a king with his army to
come within their gates. Perhaps also they might be willing to
see the event of the Persian war, before they engaged themselves
too far on either side. However, this scruple of theirs was the
cause of the destruction of their city.
ALEx ANDER’s ExPEDITION. 99
ing their present state) was the mildest answer they
should send him ; and, considering the chance of war
(which was variable), the safest for themselves. As
soon as this answer of the Tyrians came to Alexander,
he commanded their ambassadors to return, in a great
fury; and calling a council of his friends, and the
generals and captains of his army, he harangued them
thus :
CHAPTER XVII.
“I c AN by no means deem it safe for us (my friends
and companions) to undertake an expedition into
Egypt, while the Persians have the sovereignty of the
sea; nor to continue our pursuit of Darius, while Tyre
remains unsubdued, and our enemies have IEgypt and
Cyprus in their possession. This I hold dangerous
in many respects, but in none more than by reason
of the present state of Greece; lest if they should re-
gain their sea-ports, while we are pushing on our con-
quests against Babylon and Darius, they, by the help
of their fleet, should transfer the war into Greece;
especially considering the Lacedaemonians are already
our open and declared enemies, and the Athenians
retain their fidelity towards us at this juncture, rather
out of fear than love. But when Tyre is taken, and
all Phoenicia brought into subjection, the great and
Inighty force of their navy, which the Persians now
enjoy, will in all probability fall into our hands.
Neither will the Phoenicians suffer either their row ers'
or sea-soldiers to hazard a naval engagement for
other nations, when we are masters of their towns on
the continent. Cyprus will then cither join in con-
federacy with us, or may casily be reduced by a fleet;
and so scouring the sea with the united force of the
Macedonians and Phoenicians, and Cyprus being in
our hands, we shall reign absolutc sovereigns at sea,
and an easy way will be laid open for making a
descent upon AEgypt; and when Ægypt is added to
II 2
100 ARRIAN's HIS To R Y of
our empire, we shall then cease to be solicitous about
the state of Greece, or our own domestic affairs.
And as we may undertake the Babylonian expedition
with more security at home, so we may attempt it
with much more glory and honour, when the Persians
are removed from the sea-coasts, and chased out of
all the countries on this side the Euphrates.”
CHAPTER XVIII.
By this speech his soldiers were easily induced to
attempt the siege of Tyre. But he was also encou-
raged by a divine vision;* for that very night, as he
* Here the Divinity is hauled in, by head and shoulders, to
countenance an idle dream ; and the priest, as it was his place,
interprets it according to his master's fancy : however, I can
give a better solution thereof myself. Alexander had been af-
fronted by the Tyrians the day before, and upon that resolved to
besiege their city: he had also determined to have offered sacri-
fice to Hercules within the city, but was denied entrance. Full
fraught with these thoughts, he goes to sleep; and as the occur-
rences of the day, or whatever lie heavy upon our spirits, either
keep us awake or present themselves to our fancy when asleep,
he dreamed that he was scaling the walls of Tyre, and that Her-
cules, to whom he designed to have offered sacrifice, lent him his
assistance. There is nothing in this, but what it is easy to ac-
count for without inspiration. Curtius has been so liberal as to
give us two real prodigies (not dreaming ones). He tells us,
lib. iv. cap. 2, that while the smiths in the city were heating
their iron in their forges, and blowing their bellows, streams of
blood issued out of the hearth.-This miracle, if I mistake not,
smells strong, and seems to have come out of the priest's forge,
rather than the blacksmith's.-However, as he has given the city
one prodigy, he is not so niggardly but he can spare the camp
another; for as one of the soldiers was breaking a piece of bread,
drops of blood burst forth-As to the poor citizens, they had no
interpreter for theirs; Curtius has not been so kind as to afford
them bne; and I cannot spare them one : but for the camp,
Aristander was always at hand. He, out of his great wisdom and
profound sagacity, inquired first, “whether the blood came from
the outside or inside of the bread ; for if it came from the out-
side, it portended mischief to the camp; if from the inside, to
the city.” Had I been to have solved this mighty doubt, I should
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. I () I.
seemed to be scaling the Tyrian walls in a dream,
the figure of Hercules reached forth his right hand to
him, to draw him into the city. This was interpreted,
by Aristander, to signify, that Tyre would be taken
with abundance of toil, and that the siege thereof
would be a Herculean labour. And surely the at-
tempt itself seemed to threaten no less; for the city
was seated in an island, surrounded with strong walls.
And the naval affairs seemed at that time to favour
them, the Persians being not only masters at sea, but
the citizens themselves having a strong and powerful
fleet. Notwithstanding these difficulties, they were
resolved to try their fortune: and accordingly their
first attenupt was to extend a huge bank, or rampart,
from the continent to the city. The sea there is a
clay at the bottom, and shallow towards the shore;
but when you draw nigh the city, it is almost three
fathom deep. * 13ut as there was abundance of
have aſſirmed, that the whole was a designed trick, and the inter-
pretation was fixed beforehand : that if the blood was on the out-
side, it had been daubed there on purpose; and if it came from
the inside, it was some red liquor conveyed there, to flow out
when the bread should be cut or broken ; and that it was only a
contrivance, like all the rest, to animate the soldiery. Plutarch
gives us a dream of Alexander's, the interpretation of which de-
pends upon a pun in the Greek. “Alexander,” he says, “dream-
ed that he saw a satyr mocking him at a distance, and notwith-
standing he endeavoured to catch him, he still avoided him, till
at last, after much trouble in running after him, he got him into
his power. Hereupon, the soothsayers, splitting the word X&rupo;
into two, assured him, it imported that Tyre was his own.”—If
this was a divine dream, the Deity was merrily disposed.
M. Dacier, in his Notes upon this passage, tells us, that Plutarch
as firmly believed it as if he had been there, without imagining,
in the least, that such dreams are forged when the things to
which they are made to relate are over. Dacier's Plut. vol. vi.
. 41. -
P. Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 2, tells us, “ the sea which divided
Tyre from the continent was exceeding deep (prealtum mare).”
—This exceeding great depth, Arrian assures us, was no less than
three whole fathoms, or eighteen foot, close to the walls, but nigh
the shore it was not near so much.
102 A R RIAN's HIST on Y of
stone not far off, and a sufficient quantity of timber
d rubbish” to fill h t S thew found
all Ol TU) () ()1SI) " [O up the vacant spaces, they foun
no great difficulty in laying the foundations of their
rampart; the stiff clay at the bottom, by its own na-
ture, serving instead of mortar, to bind the stones to-
gether. The Macedonians showed a wonderful for-
wardness and alacrity to the work; and Alexander's
presence contributed not a little thereto; for he de-
signed every thing himself, and saw every thing done,
and encouraged some who seemed to slacken in their
work, and commended others, who proceeded in theirs
with vigour, and were ambitious of excelling their
fellows. And indeed, so long as the work was not
far off the continent, it went on with a more than or-
dinary speed; for they built the mole in a small depth
of water, and proceeded without opposition : but
when they came to a greater depth, and approached
nearer the city, they were galled with darts and other
missive weapons from the high walls, and sustained
much loss, being prepared rather for work than battle.
The Tyrians, besides this, vexing them on all hands
from their ships, (for the sea was yet open,) made the
mighty work go on slowly, aad with great danger to
the Macedonians. To prevent this, Alexander crect-
ed two wooden towers on the rampart, f where it was
* The rubbish of old Tyre, thirty furlongs off, upon the con-
tinent, Curtius tells us, afforded stone enough for Alexander to
build the rampart, lib. iv. cºp. 2. This is not improbable; but
what he adds of fetching timber from Libanus must be a mistake,
unless he means Anti-Libanus, which begins nigh Sidon ; for
Mount Libanus begins near Tripolis, and is further distant from
Tyre than Anti-Libanus, by the whole breadth of Coelosyria.
However, it seems Alexander’s soldiers deemed the raising this
rampart an impossible work; for Curtius assures us, “it was their
opinion, that the deep sea could not be filled up but by a miracle,
and over which, a whole province could scarce find wood enough
for a bridge, or stones enough to fill it up.”—It had been done
before by Nebuchadnezar, Ezek. xxix. 18, without a miracle;
and the same trouble, admitting no greater opposition, would do
it again. --
t The height of this rampart, Curtius says, was like that of a
AL ExANDER's ExPEDITION. 103
furthest extended into the sea, and planted his engines
in them. Their covering was of leather and raw
hides, so that they could not be burnt by fiery mis-
sive weapons from the walls, and might at the same
time preserve the workmen from their darts; and not
only this, but as often as the Tyrians gave them any
disturbance from their ships, they might beat them
back from those towers.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE Tyrians, not to be behindhand with their enemies,
made use of this contrivance: They procured a huge
hulk or ferry-boat," which they filled up with dry
twigs, and other combustible stuff; and having placed
two masts towards the prow, and made their piles
as broad and capacious as possible, they added huge
quantities of pitch and sulphur, and whatever was
proper to raise a great fire. Moreover, to each mast
they fixed two yards, at the arms or extremities of
which were hung caldrons, filled with whatever might
add to the violence of the flame; they afterwards
filled the stern with stones and rubbish, that the head
might be raised the higher. Then, taking the oppor-
tunity of a favourable wind blowing towards the
mole, they fixed two triremes to her, and towed her
into the sea. When they approached the towers at
mountain. This is much like his other hyperbole, of an exceed-
ing deep sea, where three fathom of line would hardly reach the
bottom. A mole or rampart two or three foot above the surface
of the water, was high enough. Now what a marvellous tall
mountain must this be, to exceed twenty foot in height !
* See the description of this vessel in Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 3.
He calls her a monstrous huge ship, and yet allows her neither
masts nor yards. Arrian calls his, Nady ‘Intraywyöy, A ship de-
signed for the conveyance of horses. They fixed masts in her,
such as were fit for their purpose, and furnished her with yards,
whereat they hung two caldrons, full of combustible stuff, which
falling, when the masts grew too weak to hold them up, increased
the flames exceedingly.
104. ARRIAN's HISTORY of
the cnd of the mole, they set fire to the materials on
board the hulk, which they forced forwards to the
mole-head with their utmost strength ; and the
rowers on board easily escaped by swimming. In
the mean time the towers having caught fire, began
to blaze exceedingly ; and the yards of the hulk
breaking, whatever was contained in the caldrons
which hung there, increased the flames. The Tyrians
also in their triremes, cast their darts upon the
Macedonians in the towers; so that they could not
move to extinguish the flames, but with the utmost
hazard. When the towers had now caught fire,
many of the citizens, getting on board small skiffs,
attacked the mole in several parts at once ; and the
wall which faced the rampart being soon demolished,
all the rest of the materials which the fire from the
ships had not yet reached, were now consumed.
Alexander, upon this, laid the foundation of a rampart
from the continent, much broader and stronger than
the former, and capable of containing more towers ;
and at the same time gave orders to his engineers
to prepare new engines. Which being performed,
he with his targeteers and Agrians marched to Sidon,"
with an intent to seize upon all their ships ; because
the siege of Tyre was a matter of extreme difficulty,
while the citizens were so potent at sea.
CHAPTER XX.
ABOUT this time, Gerostratus i king of Arados, and
Enylus king of Byblus, being assured that their do-
* Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 3, says, Alexander marched into Arabia,
(that is, against those Arabians who inhabited Mount Anti-
Libanus, not far from Sidon,) before the ruining of the first ram-
part. Arrian contradicts him, and gives his reasons. I shall
leave the decision of the affair to my reader's judgment.
+ The name of Gerostratus is no other than the elder Stratos;
so that Curtius, in his making Stratos king of Aradus, might he
right; but then he certainly ought to have informed us that he
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 10.5
minions were possessed by Alexander, left Auto-
phradates and his navy; and each, with his own
fleet, came and submitted themselves to him ; and
with them came also the Sidonian triremes: so that
he had now near eighty Phoenician ships in his power.
At this juncture several triremes came to his assist-
ance from Rhodes, one of which was, by way of
excellency, called Peripolos; and with her were nine
more. From Soli and Mallos arrived three; from
Lycia, ten ; from Macedon, one with filty oars, com-
manded by Proteas the son of Andronicus; and soon
after, the kings of Cyprus, (having received intelli-
gence of the Persian defeat at Issus, and terrified
with the news that all Phoenicia had submitted to
the conqueror,) arrived at Sidon, with a navy of one
hundred and twenty ships. Alexander granted them
a general pardon for all past offences, because they
had not joined their fleet with the Persians out of
choice, but necessity. In the mean time, while the
engines were preparing, and the ships fitting out, as
well to attack the city as for a sea-fight, Alexander,
with some troops of horse and targeteers, besides
archers and Agrians, made an excursion into Arabia,
to the mountain called Anti-Libanus; and having re-
duced the country thereabouts, partly by force and
partly by composition, at the end of ten days he re-
turned to Sidon, where Cleander * the son of Pole-
mocrates, who was newly arrived from Peloponnesus,
met him with four thousand Greek mercenaries: his
fleet being now ready, and a sufficient number of
targeteers taken on board, (unless a sea-fight should
happen rather with ships than men,) he set sail from
himself was absent, and his son (whom he mentioned there as
king) deputed regent, or something to that purpose. However,
it is a little strange, that he should mention but two kings instead
of three, and give both their names wrong.
* Curtius says, Cleander came with his recruits to Alexander
at Tyre. Arrian is more exact, and assures us, he met the king
at Sidon, and accompanied him from thence to the siege of Tyre.
106 ARRIAN's History of
Sidon, and with a choice army hasted towards Tyre,
himself being on the right wing, which was stretched
forth to sea-ward, and with him were the Cyprian
kings, (and all the Phoenicians) except Pnytagoras;”
for he and Craterus brought up the left wing. The
Tyrians had at first resolved upon a sea-fight, if
Alexander should attempt to bring a fleet against
them : but when they saw such a prodigious naval
force,f far beyond what they expected, (for they had
not yet heard that all the Cyprian and Phoenician
fleets were in his hands,) and those ready to make a
descent with a choice army, (for a little before they
came near the city, the ships on the right wing stood
out to sea, but the Tyrians not coming forth to meet
them, they received contrary orders, and with all
their force steered directly thither,) then the Tyrians
began to lay aside all thoughts of a sea-engagement,
and only studied how to block up the mouths of their
harbours, with as many triremes as they could con-
tain, that the enemies' fleet might not be able to force
an entrance into either of them. Alexander, per-
ceiving that the Tyrians came not forth to meet him,
sailed still nearer the city, but durst not attempt to
make his way into the haven towards Sidon, because
of the narrowness of its entrance, which was also
obstructed by many ships, whose opposite prows he
could easily discern: three of those ships, posted at
the extremity of the passage, the Phoenicians attacked
with their armed prows, and immediately sunk; but
* Curtius mentions Pnytagoras as if he had been sole monarch
of Cyprus. Arrian only talks of him here as king of part of that
island; and he is certainly right: for Pliny reckons eight kings
who reigned there besides.
† His whole naval force, according to Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 3,
consisted of one hundred and eighty sail of ships; but he never
mentions what they were. Arrian has been abundantly more
accurate in his account; and by giving us the number each nation
furnished him with, makes the whole sum amount to two hundred
and twenty-four. Plutarch tells us only, that the haven of Tyre
was blocked up by Alexander with two hundred triremes.
ALExANDER's ExPEDITION. 107
the sailors who were on board easily escaped by
swimming to their friends. Then Alexander drew
his fleet ashore, near the new mole which he had
built, to preserve them from the danger of storms;
and the day after commanded Andromachus, captain
of the Cyprian navy, to block up the haven towards
Sidon, and besiege the city on that side. The Phoeni-
cians were ordered to lie over-against the haven, on
the other side of the mole, which looks towards
AEgypt, where also he fixed his royal pavilion.
CHAPTER XXI.
MANY engineers were now assembled from Cyprus
and Phoenicia, and many warlike engines prepared,
some whereof were planted upon the rampart, others
on board the hulks which were brought from Sidon,
and others on the decks of such of their ships as were
the slowest sailors. All things thus in readiness, he
instantly proceeded to batter the walls, as well from
the ships as the rampart. The Tyrians who were
posted on the walls opposite to the enemy's bat-
teries, built towers of wood, wherein they placed
themselves to annoy the besiegers, and from whence,
if the engines assaulted them on any side, they might
defend themselves with darts, and cast their missive
weapons, bearing fire at their points, into their very
ships, endeavouring by that means to deter the Mace-
donians from approaching. The wall opposite to
their mole was nigh one hundred and fifty foot high,"
with a breadth proportionable, and built with vast
* The number here must needs be erroneous, though all the
copies of Arrian which l have seen have it the same. Curtius
tells us nothing of their height, only he says, the citizens built
them an inner wall, for fear the first should give way to Alexan-
der's battering-engines. But as we never hear that this inner
wall gave him any trouble to gain it, we may with good reason
affirm, no such wall was ever built.
W.
108 A RRIA N’s History of
stones, strongly cemented together. The hulks and
triremes which should have advanced with the be-
sicgers' engines against the walls, could not approach
there, because the huge stones which the Tyrians con-
tinually cast down into the sea, hindered their access.”
Alexander, however, took care to clear the passage,
by drawing the stones out of the sea, which was a
work of great difficulty, especially since it was to be
performed out of their ships, where no such firm
footing was to be had as on shore. Some Tyrians
then in close vessels made towards their ships, and
cutting the cables which held them, entirely deprived
them of all powcr of assaulting them that way.
Alexander seeing this, dispatched some close ships,
of thirty oars each, to cast anchor there, and repel
the Tyrians in theirs. But neither could this take
effect; for the Tyrians being expert divers, slid se-
cretly out of their vessels, and again cutting their
cables, set their ships adrift. The Macedonians then
used chains for cables, to secure them from the dan-
ger of divers. The stones which the citizens had cast
into the sea, were drawn up with ropes, and thrown
into a deeper place at a distance, that they might no
more hinder their access; and this huge bank of
stones thus cleared away, the ships easily approached
the wall.
* Had the sea been of such a vast depth as Curtius has already
told us, the citizens must have cast in monstrous stones indeed,
and vast quantities of them too, to have hindered Alexander's
vessels from approaching. But Arrian has assured us, that the
sea was no where above eighteen foot deep thereabouts; and such
a depth might easily be so choked up with stones and rubbish, as
to hinder their approach close to the walls. However, after Cur-
tius had told us of the prodigious depth of water, it would have
been nonsense in him to have touched upon this story, for which
reason he has wisely omitted it.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 109
CHAPTER XXII.
THE * Tyrians, seeing themselves reduced to such
great straits, resolved to attack the Cyprian squadron,
posted at the mouth of the haven which looks towards
Sidon ; and having before that time spread sails
across the mouth of the haven, that their ships filled
with soldiers might not be discovered by the enemy,
about noon, (at which time the Macedonian sailors
were usually busied about their private affairs, and
Alexander had retired from his fleet to his pavilion,
on the other side of the city,) with five choice quin-
queremes, as many quadriremes, and seven triremes,
filled with expert rowers and resolute soldiers, well
armed for fight and inured to the sea, rowed out
slowly and silently, one by one, against the enemy :
but when they advanced within sight of the Cyprians,
encouraging each other with a great shout and clash-
ing of their oars, they attacked their fleet. But it
happened that day, that Alexander having retired as
usual to his pavilion, tarried there but a short time,
* This whole chapter, Curtius has either left out, or given
some of the particulars in terms so dark and general, that it is as
hard as useless to understand him : but to make amends for
this omission, he obliges us with the story of a whale, book iv.
chap. 4, which, he assures us, with his usual confidence, appear-
ed between the Macedonian fleet and the town.—Whether any
whales are ever seen in those seas, I know not ; neither do I
much care. If whales are common thereabouts, and one was
seen by both parties, there was no wonder in it at all. Bodies
of so huge a size are not easily hid. I have heard of a tub thrown
out for a whale to play withal; but never before of a whale sent
for a couple of armies to play withal. Had this whale dropt from
the clouds, and come flying over the city among the Macedonian
fleet, I should have deemed it worthy a place in history, and it
might have passed for a good tolerable sort of a prodigy. As it
is, there is nothing strange in the story, and I cannot tell which
were the greatest fools, the Tyrians and Macedonians, for taking
notice of it as a prodigy; or Curtius, for allowing it a place in
his history.
| || 0 ARRIAN's HISTORY or
and returned to his fleet. The Tyrians assaulted the
enemy's ships all on a sudden, when some were en-
tirely empty, and others, by reason of the noise and
violence of the attack, were surprised unprepared for
resistance. Pnytagoras's quinquereme was sunk at
the first onset, with another commanded by Andro-
cles the Amathusian, and Pasicrates the Thurian ;
others were forced on shore and beat to pieces.
Alexander hearing of this excursion of the Tyrian
triremes, immediately ordered as many ships as he
could spare, and were well armed, to block up the
mouth of the haven, and thereby hinder the rest of
the Tyrian fleet from coming forth. He then, with
the quinqueremes which he had ready, and five
triremes well prepared, sailing round the city, hasted
to attack the Tyrians. The besieged seeing this from
the wall, and perceiving Alexander himself there,
endeavoured by loud cries to recall their men who
were on board ; and when their cries, by reason of
the tumult, could not be heard, they made several
signals for them to return, because the enemy was at
hand: but finding too late that Alexander was upon
them, they turned their sails, and hasted to the
haven; yet few of them could save themselves by
flight: for Alexander's ships falling in suddenly
o
among them, rendered some unfit for sailing; and
2
one quinquereme and a quadrireme were taken at
the very entrance of the port. The slaughter of the
Tyrians was not great; because as soon as they per-
ceived it impossible to save their ships, they escaped
into the harbour by swimming. The Macedonians,
now knowing that the Tyrian fleet would be unser-
viceable, moved their engines up to the walls. Those
which advanced on the side towards the rampart did
no execution, by reason of the firmness of the wall
there. Others moved some hulks with engines, to
that quarter of the city which looks towards Sidon.
But when they found their endeavours there fruit-
less, sailing along the whole south part of the wall
A LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 1 | 1
towards AEgypt, they tried to batter it every where:
and there, indeed, by the violence of their attacks, it
was at first shaken, and afterwards beat down and
demolished. Whereupon, they immediately mounted
the breach * by the help of their ladders, and began
to storm the place : but the Tyrians, without any
great difficulty, repulsed them.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE third day after this, the sea being perfectly
calm, Alexander f having called his captains together,
and encouraged them to fight, caused his batteries to
be advanced to the walls, a great part whereof fell
down at the first shock of their engines; and when
* Curtius does not so much as hint at any assault of the city,
before the last and general one.
f By Curtius's description of this general assault, as he calls
it, one would really imagine Alexander had stormed and taken the
town himself, and that all his soldiers had been little more than idle
spectators of his martial prowess. It is true, he says in general:
“ that a breach was made in the walls, and many of Alexander’s
soldiers entered the haven:” though after this he tells us not a
word where the breach was made, who made it, who entered by
it, nor what execution they did. And as for those who entered the
haven, he gives us no account, whether they entered on foot or on
horseback; nor do we learn from him of any thing they did, only,
“Some of them mounted the walls, which the Tyrians had de-
serted,” lib. iv. cap. 4. However, to show us he is an impartial
historian, he has made the citizens full as great cowards, and as
inactive, as the others can be for their lives; for he adds, “that
this success, (namely, their scaling the walls, and breaking into
the haven,) struck the Tyrians with great amazement, and all
began to provide for their safety.” (He ought to have said, They
began to neglect the general safety, and each to consult, his
own in particular.) “Some,” he adds, “took sanctuary in their
temples; others barricaded their doors; and many resolved to
sell their lives as dear as they could. Some got up to the tops of
their houses, and threw stones and rubbish down on their enemies.
Hereupon, Alexander caused proclamation to be made, that he
would put all to the sword who were not found in their temples;
and immediately ordered the houses to be set on fire. Thus many
perished; for the temples were filled with women and children,
I 12 A R RIAN's II 1story of
he perceived that the breach was wide enough, he
ordered the hulks which bore the engines to retire,
and other two with the scaling-ladders to advance,
that they might enter the town over the ruins of the
wall : one of these had the targeteers on board, com-
manded by Admetus; the other, the auxiliary troop
of foot, commanded by Caenus ; himself, with the
targeteers, standing ready to mount the walls on the
first opportunity. He ordered some triremes to block
up both havens, and if possible, while the Tyrians
were busy in defending themselves elsewhere, to
enter by force; and as many of his ships as carried
the shooting artillery, or were built close for the
convenience of archers, he commanded to sail round
the wall, and assault it wherever they could, and
where they could not, to keep at least within reach
of their darts: and this he did, that the Tyrians, find-
ing themselves pressed on all hands, might be con-
founded and unable to defend their city. The ships
being now drawn up close to the walls, and the
ladders fixed, the targeteers, headed by Admetus,
valiantly mounted the breach ; and it was not long
before he was seconded by Alexander, who was al-
ways present where danger called, and a constant
encourager and rewarder of valour in others. The
wall was taken, and entered on that part where
Alexander made the assault; and the Tyrians being
beat back, the Macedonians found firm footing.
While Admetus, who first mounted the breach, was
exhorting his soldiers to follow his example, he was
thrust through with a spear, and died : but Alexander
with his men mounting at the same time, kept their
ground. Some towers being then seized, with the
and every man stood in his own defence at his door.”—This is the
most romantic account of the sacking of a city I ever read, and
such a one as, I dare say, none besides Curtius ever wrote: but
as he designed not his work so much for instruction as amuse-
ment, he thought any stuff, in florid language, would go down
with his readers.
A LEx AND ER's ExPEDITION. | 13
whole space between then, he marched directly from
the wall towards the royal palace, because the descent
into the city that way seemed the most easy and
agreeable.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THosp, then who were ordered to block up the haven
looking towards AFgypt, with the Phoenicians, making
a sudden attempt upon it, broke the chain, and at-
tacked the ships in the haven: some floating on the
water were sunk; others running on shore were beat
in pieces. The Cyprians also broke into the haven
towards Sidon, and entered the city on that side.
The Tyrians seeing their walls in the enemy's pos-
session, retired thence in a body to the Agenorium,
(a place so called,) where they rallied, and drew up
against the Macedonians: but Alexander with his
targeteers hasting to the place, killed many, and put
the rest to flight. A great slaughter also happened
at the haven, where Caenus and his forces entered the
city; for the Macedonians were vehemently enraged
at the citizens, partly for holding out the place so
long, and partly because they having seized some of
their men sailing from Sidon, first hoisted them up
aloft upon their walls in sight of their friends, and
afterwards stabbed them, and threw their bodies into
the sea. About eight thousand * Tyrians were slain.
* Curtius mentions only six thousand; but he adds, that two
thousand more were nailed to gibbets, in rows, on the shore.
Some editions of Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 4, 15, ed. Snakenburg, tell
us, “That the Sidonians who entered the town, calling to mind
that Tyre and Sidon were both built by Agenor, and, of conse-
quence, that the 'I'vrians sprung from the same stock with them-
selves, found means to convey fifteen thousand of them on board
their ships, and save them from the ruin of their fellow-citizens.”
—This is a very improbable story; and as neither Arrian nor Dio-
dorus have one worſt like it, nor an v other author I can meet with,
I am apt to suspect, that Curtius's humanity, for once, got the
better of his honesty. However, some of our later editors of
Curtius, finding the number fifteen thousand too many to be
VO I,. I. I
| 1.4 A R RIAN's H1st on Y of
Of the Macedonians,” besides Admetus, who first
entered the breach and took possession of the wall,
about twenty targeteers fell in that assault; and
during the whole siege, about four hundred. They
who had fled to the temple of Hercules (being some
of the chief Tyrian nobility, besides king Azelmicus,
and some Carthaginian priests, f who, according to
ancient custom, were sent to their mother-city to
offer sacrifices to Hercules) had the benefit of a free
pardon. The rest, to the number of thirty thousand,
including strangers, were sold for slaves. Alexander
after this offered sacrifice to Hercules, at which his
whole army assisted ; the navy also performed a part
in the solemnity. I le moreover appointed gymnic
sports, in Hercules's temple, which was then fincly
illuminated. The engine where with the wall was de-
thus secretly conveyed away, have retrenched it to five thousand.
Of this opinion was Glareanus, though Raderus thinks the former
number, in such a hurry, and where so many ships were at hand,
is not improbable.—I can say nothing to it, only had there been
any truth in it, I can never imagine that Arrian, who is every
where so accurate, would have omitted so memorable a story.
* We have no account given us, by Curtius, what number of
Macedonians perished in this siege : and truly, the numbers we
have, are so vastly disproportionable, that they plainly show to
which party we owe the records, or memoirs, from whence all
these histories were compiled. Justin, lib. xi. cap. 10, contrary
to all other authors, affirms, that Tyre was taken by treachery.
PElian reports, that it was won by stratagem. Polynaeus, that it
was carried by storm.
+ Curtins has contrived a strange story here, lib. iv. cap. 3, 19,
of thirty Carthaginian ambassadors, who came rather to condole
the condition of the Tyrians, than to give them relief; for they,
he says, “brought word, that the Syracusans were at that time
destroying Africa with fire and sword, and were encamped not far
from the walls of Carthage.”—These were lying ambassadors,
and it is pity but Alexander had rewarded them. The Syracu-
sans are never known to have besieged Carthage but once, and
that was under the command of Agathocles, long after Alexan-
der's time. See Justin. lib. xxii. cap. 6. There were indeed
some commotions in Africa about that time, but the Syracusans
had no share in them. This error in Curtius is confuted by
Raderus, and his censure is confirmed by Freinshemius. Rheinec-
cius has also noted it, in his 2d tome, De Carthag. Republicá.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 1 15
molished, he placed there, as an eternal monument
of his victory: and the Tyrian ship, consecrated to
IHercules, which he had taken in a sea-fight, he
caused to be hung up there, with an inscription,
which, whether composed by himself or any other,
as it contains nothing worth notice, I have deemed it
unworthy to be communicated to posterity. And
thus was the city of Tyre taken, in the month Heca-
tombaion, when Anicetus was archon at Athens.”
CHAPTER XXV.
WHILE Alexander was yet besieging Tyre, ambas-
sadors arrived from Darius, telling him, that Darius
would bestow upon him ten thousand talents of sil-
ver, T if he would set his mother, his wife, and chil-
dren at liberty; as also all the country between the
Euphrates and the Hellespont; and if he would take
his daughter in marriage, he should be styled his friend
and confederate. Which embassy being debated in
* This happened in the first year of the 112th olympiad, the
23d year of Alexander's age, and the third of his reign.
t Curtius takes no notice of the ten thousand talents which
Darius here promises to Alexander; but he has contrived a let-
ter, in Darius's name, to Alexander, which had that young
monarch seen, and could have laid hands on the author, I dare
engage he would have cropt his ears close to his head. He makes
Darius quite forget his mother, wife, and children, which were
the principal subject of his former. His tone is now changed,
and he talks of nothing but “giving Alexander a wife, with all
the country between the Halys and the Hellespont, for a dowry.”
Vide lib. iv. cap. 5. But what conditions he expected for all
this, the author tells us not. However, one may reasonably sup-
pose it was, to be left in quiet possession of the rest. But yet the
letter is wrote so wildly, and he treats Alexander so like a child,
that the world may easily perceive it was penned by one who
had little knowledge of niankind. I wish I had room to animad-
vert a little upon it, and its ranting answer ; but as Mr. Le Clerc
has taken some pains with it, in the Criticism prefixed to this
work, I shall pass both that and tile answer by without further
notice.
I Q
i 16 A RRIA N’s H is to Ry of
council, Parmenio is said to have told him, that if
he was Alexander, he would accept the terms; and
when the end of war was gained, no longer tempt the
hazard thereof. To which the other is said to have
replied, So would he, if he was Parmenio; but as he
was Alexander, he must act worthy Alexander. He
therefore answered the ambassadors, that he neither
wanted Darius's money, nor would accept of part of
his empire, instead of the whole; for that all his
treasure, and his country, was his : that he would
marry his daughter if he pleased, without his con-
sent:* but if he had a mind to try his humanity, let
him come to him. This answer being carried to
Darius, and he despairing of peace, made fresh pre-
parations for war. Alexander then resolved upon an
expedition into AEgypt, all the cities of that part of
Syria called Palestine being surrendered peaceably
into his hands, except Gaza, which was kept by a
certain eunuch named Batis,f who, foreseeing this,
had already hired many troops of Arabians, and laid
up vast stores of provisions, to serve for a long siege.
He also entirely trusted to the strength of the place,
which he looked upon as impregnable; for which
reason he was resolved, that whenever Alexander
approached, he should be denicq entrance.
CHAPTER XXVI.
G AzA is only twenty furlongs distant from the sea-
shore, and exceeding difficult of access, because of
* That he might easily do; for he had her safe in his camp,
and her mother too.
+ He is called Betis by Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 6, 7 ; and Baba-
meses by Josephus, lib. xi. cap. 8. Curtius takes no notice of
his hiring any troops to help him to hold out the place. All he
says is, that the city was of a large compass, and though there
was in it but a small garrison, yet was the governor a man of ap-
proved loyalty to his prince.
A Lex A.N DEIt's ExPEDITION. 117
the depth of the sand, and the neighbouring sea,
which is every where shallow. The city itself is large
and populous, seated on a high hill, and surrounded
with a strong wall. It is also the last inhabited place
which travellers meet with, in their way from Phoenicia
to AEgypt, and borders upon a vast desert. Alexan-
der, in mediately after his arrival there, encamped
over-against that part of the wall which seemed most
subject to an assault, and ordered his engines to be
brought thither ; and, notwithstanding it was the
opinion of some of his engineers that the wall was
not possible to be taken by force, by reason of the
height of the bulwarks, he thought fit to declare his
sentiments to the contrary; and that the more diffi-
cult the attempt was, it was the more necessary to be
undertaken ; for that the very suddenness and brisk-
ness of their assault, would strike their enemies with
no small terror. IIe added, that if he was unable to
reduce the city, it would abundantly redound to his
dishonour, when the news should be carried to Greece,
as well as to Darius. He therefore ordered a ram-
part to be run round it, of such a height, that the
engines placed thereupon might be upon a level with
the top of the wall; which rampart he then built
over-against the south part of the wall, because it
seemed there the least difficult to be assaulted. And
when the work was now brought to its full height,
the Macedonian engines were immediately placed
thereon. About this time, as Alexander was sacri-
ficing, with a crown of gold upon his head, according
to the custom of Greece, and just entering upon the
office, a certain bird of ptcy hovered over the altar,”
* Curtius has made a mighty miracle of this; and it would
be a miracle indeed, if it were true.—“While Alexander was sa-
crificing,” says he, lib. iv. cap. 6, 11, “a raven flew over his head,
and upon it let fall a clod, which she held in her claws; the clod
broke, and the bird alighted on the next tower, which being
daubed with bitumen and sulphur, her wings were so entangled
therewith, that she could not escape, but was taken by those who
stood near.”—Plutarch has told this story somewhat different :
118 ARRIAN’s History of
and let fall a stone from his claws, upon his head.
Alexander immediately sent to consult Aristánder the
soothsayer, what this prodigy could portend: who
returned answer, “Thou shalt indeed take the city, O
king; but beware of danger from thence on the day
it is taken.” He hearing this, retired out of the reach
of their darts, to the engines on the rampart.
CHAPTER XXVII.
BUT * when Alexander saw the Arabians make a
furious sally out of the city, and set fire to the
engines, and, having the advantage of the higher
he says, Vitó Aler. apud Steph. p. 16: “The clod fell upon the
king's shoulder ; after which, the bird settling upon one of the
battering-engines, was suddenly entangled, and caught in the
nets which protected the ropes wherewith the engine was mana-
ged.” This is much more probable than the other account;
for I would ask, in the first place, What tower that was whereon
the bird was said to perch It could be none of those upon the
town-walls, because Alexander's soldiers took the bird, and they
were too high for them to scale; and besides, the daubing their
battlements with pitch and brimstone had been ridiculous : so
that it must necessarily be one of Alexander's moving towers of
wood. But then the question will be, What could induce Alex-
ander to daub thern with pitch and sulphur I hope none will
say, that it was done to prevent their being set on fire by the
enemy : and I am sure it could be done with no design of setting
fire to the town, they never being used for any such purpose.
Some profound critics therefore, to save Curtius's reputation, have
changed the words bitumine et sulphure, and very cunningly read
alumine et pulcere, (dust and alum,) not only because of the near
affinity of the words, but also as they are of use to resist fire.
But how could any daubing of dust and alum catch a raven —
Arrian, undoubtedly, thought that this story smelt strong, and
therefore cut it off short ; and indeed this must be said in his
praise, he seldom spins a lie ou' to any great length.
* We have a long story in Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 6, 15, &c. edit.
Snakenb. of “an Arabian soldier, who, seeming to desert from the
town, came to Alexander, and fell at his feet; whereupon the
king raised him up, and ordered he should be kindly received :
but the villain arising, struck boidly at his throat with a sword,
which he had hid under his shield. But he avoided the danger
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 119
station, gall the Macedonians below, and beat them
from the rampart which they had built; then, either
forgetful of the divine warning, or moved with the
danger of his soldiers, he called his targeteers toge-
ther, and hasted to succour the Macedonians where
they were most exposed, and by his presence kept
them from betaking themselves to flight, and aban-
doning the rampart : but while he was thus pushing
forwards, an arrow from an engine pierced his shield
and breast-plate, and wounded him in the shoulder;
which when he perceived, and thereby knew that
Aristander's prediction was true, he rejoiced, because
by the same prediction he was to take the city, not-
withstanding that wound was not cured but with
much difficulty. In the mean time, other engines
which had been used at the siege of Tyre arriving
by sea, he ordered the rampart to be run quite round
the city, two stadia in breadth, and two hundred and
fifty foot in height.” The engines then being pre-
pared and planted thereupon, the wall was vehement-
ly shaken, and the miners in many places working
privately underneath the foundations thereof, and
conveying the rubbish away, it fell down. The be-
siegers then plying the citizens with their darts, beat
by bending his body a little; and lifting up his sword, cut off the
traitor's hand.” Hegesias Magnes tells us, “ that the villain
concealed not his dagger under his shield, but beneath the skirts
of his coat of mail; and that Alexander did not chop off his
hand, but gave him his death’s wound by a cut over the head.”—
Wide Curtium. var. p. 172. Which of these two is in the right, I
shall not determine ; only as no other authors have hinted at the
story, it is not impossible they may be both false, and the whole
an imposition.
* Evgo; #; 349, a roºias, Šipo; 3: 3; tróðz; reviºxºro. 33 3.2×ogia;.
These numbers must certainly be erroneous: what height the
walls of Gaza were of, we no where read. Curtius tells us of a
rampart thrown up, which equalled the walls in height, lib. iv.
cap. 6, 21. But that gives us no assistance in the present case:
so that we must be forced to let the matter rest, till we can by
some other manuscript copies of Arrian find where the mistake
lies.
| 20 A R RIAN’s Histo Ry of
them out of their towers; yet thrice they sustained
the Macedonian shocks, with the loss of abundance
slain and wounded : but at the fourth attack, when
Alexander had called his men thither, he so levelled
the wall" which had been undermined in some places,
and widened the breaches made by the engines in
others, that it seemed then a matter of no difficulty
to the Macedonians, to fix their ladders to the ruins
thereof, and storm the city. As soon as the ladders
were fixed, there arose a great emulation among the
besiegers, who should first mount the breach : this
honour was gained by Neoptolemurs of the race of
the AEacidae, one of his friends; and after him other
captains and others still entered with their forces ;
and when many of the Macedonians were now within
the walls, they forced open the gates, one after an-
other, and gave entrance to the whole army. The
citizens,t notwithstanding they saw the place thus
taken by storm, were resolved to fight to the last;
and gathering together in a body, every one lost his
life where he stood, after a brave resistance. Alex-
* Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 6, 22, tells us, the inhabitants built an
inner wall, to secure themselves, of equal height with the outer
one. Of what service these inner walls were, we need not inform
our readers; only I cannot forbear taking notice, that this is not
the first time he has put himself to the expense of running up an
inner wall, when, in all probability, the citizens never had any
such thought ; for, as well at Tyre as here, when the outermost
wall gave way and was scaled, we never read, either in Curtius
or any other author, that the Macedonian soldiers found an inner
one : from whence we may rationally infer, that if they did run
up an inner wall, it was made of butter or such-like stuff, and
probably the sun in so hot a climate might melt it down, and save
the Macedonians the trouble of planting their battering-rams
against it.
t Arrian has given us no particular account of the number of
citizens slain : only he says they fought desperately, and sold
their lives dearly. Curtius affirms that ten thousand fell. Hege-
sias says only six thousand. Curtius tells us, that Alexander re-
ceived a wound or bruise on his Heg, by a stone : but this I
imagine a mistake ; for Plutarch, in his treatise De Fortund Aler-
A LEx ANDER’s ExPEDITION. | 2 |
ander sold their wives and children for slaves; and
a colony being drawn thither from the neighbour-
hood, the city was afterwards made use of as a gar-
rison.
andri, says, the bird already mentioned let the clad fall upon
his foot ; whereas he had before alleged, that it fell upon his
shoulder. If the reader compares Arrian's whole account of this
siege with Curtius, he will easily perceive which is the most
probable.
129 A R RIAN's History of
\
BOOK III.
CIIAPTI. R. I.
ALEx AND ER continued his journey into Jºgypt, as he
had first proposed ; and on the seventh day after his
departure from Gaza, arrived at Pelusium. His
navy, which had sailed from Phoenicia, he found there
in the haven. In the mean while, Mazaces the Per-
sian, whom Darius had appointed governor of AEgypt,
being assured of the sad defeat at Issus, and of
Darius’s flight; as also that Phoenicia, and Syria, and
a great part of Arabia, had already submitted to the
conqueror; as he had no army to defend himself,
ordered that Alexander should be friendly received
into the cities of that province.* Having therefore
placed a garrison in Pelusium, and ordered his ships
to sail up the river Nilus, he set out for Heliopolis,
having the river on his right hand; and receiving as
many towns as lay in his way into his protection, he
passed through the deserts to IIeliopolis; and then
crossing the river, came to Memphis, where he offer-
ed sacrifices to the gods, but especially to Apis ; and
exhibited gymnic and musical sports, at which all
the most excellent combatants of Greece were pre-
sent. From Memphis, he sailed down the river to
the sea, where he ordered his targeteers, and archers,
and Agrians, besides his royal cohort of horse, on
board his ships; and when he had passed by the
city Canopus, and sailed round the lake Marias, he
* Curtius tells us, Mazaces there delivered to Alexander eight
hundred talents of silver, and all the royal furniture, lib. iv.
cap. T, 4.
A LEx ANDER’s ExPFD IT to N. 193
pitched upon the place where Alexandria * now
stands ; and that situation seeming to him very con-
venient for a city, he even then presaged that it would
become rich and populous. iścing therefore fired
with the thoughts of this tindertaking, he laid the
foundations of a city, pointed ont the place where the
forum should be built, gave orders where the tem-
ples should be reared, and how many, as also which
should be dedicated to the gods of Greece, and which
to the AEgyptian Isis; and lastly, showed what should
be the circuit of the walls: and when he had consulted
the gods upon this subject by sacrifices, the omens
promised success.
CHAPTER II.
THERE is a story told concerning this, which seems
not improbable, (viz.) That when Alexander had a
mind to mark out the ground for the walls, and had
* Plutarch and Arrian acquaint us, that Alexander caused the
foundations of this city to be laid, before his expedition to the
temple of Hammon. Diodorus, Curtius, and Justin mention it as
done after his return from thence. The reader may take which
opinion he pleases. However, I cannot forbear mentioning a re-
markable difference between Curtius and Plutarch. Curtius tells
us, lib. iv. cap. 8, 1, “That Alexander, at his return from Ham-
mon's temple, viewing the island Pharos, admired the pleasant-
ness thereof, and resolved to build a city in it; but, upon second
thoughts, he found it not large enough to contain one answerable
to the greatness of its founder; whereupon he marked out a
place for a city, where Alexandria now stands, &c.” On the
contrary, Plutarch, in Vitā Aler. p. 16, assures us, “That Alex-
ander resolved to build a large city in AEgypt, and to give it his
own name; in order to which, after he had measured and staked
out the ground, he chanced one night to see a strange vision: A
gray-headed old man, of a venerabic aspect (ilomer) seemed to
stand by him, and commanded him to build the city he had in-
tended, in the island Pharos.” So that here is a manifest clash-
ing between these two authors, which I shall leave to the critics
to reconcile at their leisure. Both of them, it is certain, cannot
be in the right; though it is not impossible but both may be in
the wrong.
194. A R RIAN's HISTORY OF
nothing ready, fit for that purpose, one of his work-
men advised him to gather in all the meal” which his
soldiers had in their stores, and strew it upon the
ground, where the foundations of the walls should be
drawn. His soothsayers, and particularly Aristander
the Telmissean, who had already given him many true
predictions, viewing this, is said to have prophesied,
that it would be blessed with plenty of all things
necessary for life, but especially the fruits of the earth.
About this time arrived Ægelochus in Afgypt, with
some ships under his command, who acquainted
Alexander, that the inhabitants of the island Tenedos
had revolted to him from the Persians, with whom
they had unwillingly entered into a confederacy; as
also, that the inhabitants of Chios had withdrawn
themselves into the city for safety, because of the
tyranny of those whom Pharnabazus and Autophra-
dates liad appointed to govern them ; that Pharma-
bazus himself was seized in that city, and committed
into custody, and with him Aristonicus, governor of
Methymna, who, coming into the port with five pira-
tical vessels, and not knowing it was in the citizens'
hands, but imagining that the fleet set to guard the
entrance thereof belonged to Pharnabazus, the ships
were all seized, and the pirates put to death : that he
* Marcellinus, lib. xxii. cap. 40, tells us, they designed to
have marked out the foundations of the walls with chalk, but
having none among them, they were forced to make use of meal
or flour, instead thereof: The same, says Plutarch, and Strabo.
However Curtius, in opposition to every body else, must make
a miracle of it; and a mighty one it is. He adds, “ That it is
a custom of the Macedonians, to strew the foundations of the
walls of a new city with sodden barley,” lib. iv. cap. 8, 6.-
No author, besides himself, ever mentions any such custon, ;-
“ wirich, when Alexander performed, certain birds cane and de-
voured it—This all deeming a bad omen, the priests, Plutarch
says, Aristander,-looked upon it as a good one.”—lf it was true,
I cannot think there was any thing extraordinary in it at all.
The place they had marked out, was between a huge lake and
the sea ; and whether meal or sodden barlev was strewed, it is
no wºnder that vast numbers of birds should flock to a place
where they perceived such plenty of victuals.
ALEx ANDER's Ex PF DITION. 125
had brought to him the said Aristonicus, with Apol-
lonides the Chian, and Phisinus, and Megarcas, chief
authors and encouragers of the revolt to the Persians,
and who, till that time, had usurped an arbitrary
sovereignty over the whole island: that Mitylene,
which Chares had seized into his hands, was recover-
ed; and that all the rest of the towns of the island
Lesbos had voluntarily surrendered to him : that
Amphoterus, with a fleet of sixty ships, had been
sent into the island Coos, at the request of the inha-
bitants, and that he, sailing that way, and under-
standing that the island was possessed by Ampho-
terus, had received the captives on board, and con-
veyed them all thither, except Pharnabazus, who had
deceived his keepers, and made his escape out of the
city.” Alexander ordered those arbitrary governors
of cities to be delivered into the hands of the citizens,
over whom they had tyrannized, to be used at their
discretion ; only Apollonides the Chian, and his
companions, were conveyed under a strict guard to
Elephantines, a city of Egypt.
CIIAPTER III.
A BOUT this time, Alexander had an ambition of
visiting the temple of Jupiter Hammon f in Libya,
and of consulting his oracle, (which was said to fore-
tell events with an exactness beyond all others,) be-
cause Perseus and Hercules had aforetime consult-
ed that god; the first, when he was dispatched by
* Curtius quite forgets this circumstance, of Pharnabazus de-
ceiving his keepers and making his escape.
f Some authors derive the name of Ilammon from &wwo;,
which signifies sand, the temple of that god being seated in a
sandy desert; but others, with much more probability, derive it
from Cham, or Ham, the second son of Noah, who, with his pos-
terity, settling in those parts, was, in process of time, worshipped
as a god. Curtius mentions no reason which induced .Alexander
to visit this temple, besides his own ambition.
126 A RR LAN's HISTORY OF
Polydectes against the Gorgons; the latter, when he
travelled into Libya against Antaeus, and into Egypt.
against Busiris; for as Alexander deduced his pedi-
gree from both of them, he was ambitious of arriving
at a pitch of giory equal to either of them; for he
boasted of his rise from Hammon, the Libyan Jove,
as Perseus and Hercules are said to have boasted of
theirs, from the Grecian Jove. He therefore under-
took this expedition to the oracle,” that he might
be certified of the success of his future undertakings,
or at least that he might boast of being so. He
travelled at first, says Aristobulus, along the sea-
shore, to Paraetonius, through a country altogether
waste, but not ill watered, the space of one thousand
and six hundred stadia, and thence took his course
into the midland country, where stands the temple of
Hammon, famous for oracles. The road is desert
throughout, and, in most parts, not only covered with
a deep sand, but destitute of water. But a plentiful
shower falling from heaven as he was travelling, was
ascribed to a divine power, as was also this. As
often as the south wind blows there, it overwhelms
the whole country with huge quantities of sand, so
that all the marks of former paths are covered, and
the traveller is as much at a loss whither to direct his
* Maximus Tyrius, Orat. 25, acquaints us, that Alexander ask-
ed the oracle no questions, except about the heads of the river
Nile. However that was, he certainly wrote to his mother
Olympias afterwards, that he was persuaded he had found them
out. See Arrian, lib. vi. cap. 1.
+ Strabo assures us, that from Paraetonius to the temple of
Hammon, is one thousand and three hundred stadia ;-so that
from the lake Marias, or the present Alexandria, to the temple
of Hammon, by way of Paraetonius, is two thousand and nine
hundred stadia, or three hundred and sixty-two English miles.
Pliny reckons it twelve days’ journey from Memphis to Hammon's
temple. Diodorus, lib. xvii. p. 526, 527, assures us, that Alex-
ander travelled along the deserts eight days, the first four of
which, he made use of water which they carried upon the backs
of camels ; afterwards, he and his train were refreshed with
showers from the clouds; and lastly, they were conducted to the
temple by ravens.
ALEXAN DER's ExPED ITION. | 21
* .
course amidst these sands, as if he were at sea ; for
no marks or signs of a road then appear, not a moun-
tain nor a tree, nor so much as a hillock, from whence
passengers might discover their right path, as seamen
do theirs, from the stars. Alexander's army wander-
ed out of the way in those deserts, and even their
guides were uncertain how to give directions. Ptole-
my the son of Lagus reports, that two dragons at
that time passed along before the army with a great
noise, and that Alexander ordered his captains to rely
on the prodigy, and follow them : he also adds, that
they conducted them safe to the seat of the oracle,
and conveyed them back again. But Aristobulus
(and even common fame) relates the matter other-
wise, (viz.) That two ravens' flew before the army,
and were their guides in that expedition. I am fully
persuaded that Alexander was conducted by some
divine power, as appears by all relaters; but the
diversity of opinions among authors has obscured the
truth of this story.
CHAPTER IV.
THE whole region round the temple of Hammon is
no other than a huge thirsty waste or wide-extended
desert; near the middle part, or centre whereof, is
* Arrian's doubt of the truth of either of these two pretended
prodigies, appears by his citing beth, and afterwards leaving the
matter in suspense. . Curtius is not so squeamish, but declares
point-blank for the latter; only, to show he is no niggard in what
costs him nothing, instead of two crows or ravens for their guides,
as other authors have it, he has generously bestowed a whole
flight upon them, lib. iv. cap. 7, 1.5 ; and besides, his crows were
so very complaisant, as first to fly to meet them, then to fly be-
fore the first ranks to show them the wav, and sometimes to
alight on the ground.—No doubt the poor birds were giad to
walk a little way on foot now and then, to ease their wings.
And so they seemed to guide them, till they arrived at the tem-
ple. What reader soever does not relish this, ought not to have
, true history thrown away upon him.
128 A RRIAN's HIStony of
a space included in small bounds, (for where it is
broadest, it scarce exceeds forty furlongs,) curiously
planted with olive-trees, and watered with dews,
which fall no where else in all that country. A
fountain also has its rise here, different in its nature
and properties from all the fountains upon earth:
for at mid-day it is cool to the taste, but to the touch
intensely cold; towards evening it begins to be warm,
which warmth increaseth, by degrees, from thence
till midnight; after midnight it waxes cool by little
and little ; in the morning it is chilly, at noon ex-
cessive cold; and it receives all these various altera-
tions regularly every day. This country naturally
produces a kind of fossile salt, which, being put into
little boxes of palm-tree, some of the priests of IIam-
mon carry into AEgypt, and bestow on the king, or
Some great men, as a present. It is dug out of the
earth in large oblong pieces, (some above three fin-
gers in length,) transparent like crystal. This kind
of salt, the AEgyptians, and other nations who are
curious in their worship, use in their sacrifices, it
being much purer than that produced from sea-water.
Alexander, being surprised at the nature of the place,
consulted the oracle,“ and having received an accept-
* As soon as Curtius's crows had performed the office of Jove's
gentlemen-ushers, by conducting Alexander and his attendants
to the temple, that author proceeds to give us a romantic ac-
count of the delightful situation of the place : then he goes on
to the geographical part, and points out to us the situation of the
countries round it: in all which, I may safely affirm, there is scarce
one just sentence, nor one true word. But the errors in that place,
being exposed in the Criticism prefixed to this work, I shall pass
them by here. His description of the fountain of the sun differs
not much from Arrian's. He then passes on to describe the
image of Jupiter, or rather the figure which was worshipped as
a god ; wherein, though he differs from most authors, he has
powerful advocates; and the reason of the difference seems to be,
because he means one thing and they another, and his readers
have not understood him. His next work is to tell us, that the
eldest priest met Alexander, and saluted him with the title of Son,
affirming that Jove, his (Alexander's) father, had given such or-
ders. Now. Plutarch, Vit. Alex. p. 18, H. Steph., says, it was the
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 199
able as:swer, (as himself told the story,) returned to
AEgypt the same way he went, as Aristobulus has it;
but, according to Ptolemy, a much nearer, leading to
Memphis.
opinion of some authors, that this was no more than a blunder of
the priest, who, not understanding Greek, saluted Alexander with
Paidios, instead of Paidion: Now Paidion, (as perhaps the priest
designed it,) signifies my Son; but Pai Dios, in two words, as
Alexander divided it, signifies Son of Jupiter. However, after
all, I am of their opinion, who think that Alexander played the
same prank with Hammon here, as his father Philip did with
Apollo at Delphos, which made Demosthenes cry out, that Apollo
Philippized, that is, spoke what Philip had ordered him : so here,
I fancy, Alexander had corrupted Jupiter’s priests, and such an-
swers were at his service as they knew would please him best:
an instance of which we may soon perceive; for Curtius proceeds
to tell us, lib. iv. cap. 7, 26, that Alexander's first question to his
father Jupiter was, Whether he had destined him to be emperor
of the whole world The priest, in Jupiter’s name, replied, That
all the world should acknowledge him their emperor—This, with
all due submission to Jupiter and his priest, was false; for he
never conquered all Arabia, nor half India, nor a quarter of
Scythia, nor a tenth part of Africa, nor a hundredth part of Europe.
He had but just heard of the Romans’ increasing power, and
began to have an itching for a trial of skill with them ; and Livy
seems to be of opinion, they would have beat him. However,
his death decided the controversy, without blows.—The second
question which Curtius acquaints us he asked, was, Whether all
his father’s murderers had suffered punishment To which (after
a few trifling hesitations of the priest, between his father Hammon
and his father Philip) he received an answer in the affirmative.
—This was as great a falsity as the other; for, besides Alexander
himself and his mother Olympias, who were strongly suspected,
Alexander Lyncestes was then alive, whom all knew to have been
guilty, and all authors agree in it. The king had him in custody
at that time, but was not willing, perhaps, to lay that to his
charge, whenever he should think fit to take him off. But after
all, perhaps both these questions may be of Curtius's own con-
trivance, or of the authors from whom he copied, or, which is
more likely than either, of the flattering Greeks in Alexander's
train. Of this opinion is Strabo, who acquaints us, lib. xvii.
p. 1168, that none but the king was suffered to enter the temple
in his own robes, and that none besides the king was allowed to
approach the oracle, who usually gave responses by nods and
signs. Arrian gives us no account what questions he asked, nor
what answers he received ; probably because he much doubted
the truth of them, and knew them to be liable to numberless ex-
ceptions.
VOL. I. K
130 A RR LAN's HISTORY or
CHAPTER V.
WHEN he was arrived at Memphis, he received sun-
dry embassies from Greece, and dismissed none of
them without granting their requests. A body of four
hundred new-raised mercenary troops was also sent
thither from Greece by Antipater, under the com-
mand of Menetas the son of Hegesander; besides
another of five hundred horse from Thrace, under
the command of Asclepiodorus the son of Eunicus.
At this place he sacrificed to Jupiter, walked in mar-
tial pomp, at the head of his army, and exhibited
gymnic and musical sports. Afterwards, resolving
to settle the affairs of Ægypt, he appointed two of
their own nation their presidents, viz. Doloaspis and
Petisis,” between whom he divided the whole coun-
try; but Petisis declining his charge, the whole de-
volved upon Doloaspis. The governments of parti-
cular garrisons he bestowed on his friends : that of
Memphis, upon Pantalcon the Pydnaean; Pelusium,
upon Polemon the son of Megacles the Pellaean. The
command of the foreign troops he gave to Lycidas
the AEtolian; the secretaryship of the same, to Eu-
gnostus the son of Xenophantus, one of his friends;
and over these he placed /Eschylus, and Ephippus
* The ridiculous account of the situation of Memnon's palace,
is sufficiently exposed by M. Le Clerc, in the Criticism prefixed
to this work. I shall now only add, that Curtius has contracted
the contents of this chapter into the compass of a nut-shell, inso-
much that I can bring the whole into one short note, “The
king,” says he...lib. iv. cap, 8.4, “made two governors of Ægypt,
HEschylus a Rhodian, and Peucestas a Macedonian. He left
Polymenes to defend the mouths of the river Nile, giving to the
first four thousand men, and to the latter thirty ships.”—This is
abridging with a vengeance. Who, by reading his account,
would not immediately conclude, that all the affairs of Ægypt
had been committed to these men Arrian has given us a clear
and distinct account thereof; and he needs only be read, to show
us the defect of the other.
A LEx ANDER's EXPEDITION. 131
the Chalcedonian. The government of the hither
Libya, he conferred on Apollonius the son of Carinus.
That part of Arabia adjacent to Heroopolis, on Cleo-
menes the Naucratian, with orders that the chief men
of his province should live according to their ancient
laws, and enjoy their liberties, and he should only
take care to collect the tribute which Alexander com-
manded them to pay into his hands. The forces which
he left behind him in AEgypt were under the command
of Peucestas the son of Marcatatus, and Balacrus the
son of Amyntas. The fleet, under Polemon the son
of Theramenes : and, in the room of Balacrus, who
was one of his body-guards, he nominated Leonnatus
the son of Onasus; for Arrybas was already dead,
as was also Antiochus, captain of the archers, who
was succeeded by Ombrion the Cretan. Calanus
was appointed captain of the companics of foot
(which were left in Egypt), instead of Balacrus. Alex-
ander is said to have divided the country into so many
governments, because, considering the nature of the
inhabitants, and the strength of the fortified towns,
he thought it unsafe to commit the government thereof
to any single person. And in this particular piece of
policy, the Romans seem to have copied after him;
who would allow no senator, but one of the eques-
trian order, to be sent proconsul into AEgypt.
CHIAPTER VI.
IN the beginning of the spring, Alexander set out on
his march for Phoenicia, and having laid bridges over
the Nilus and all its trenches, near Memphis, he
came to Tyre, where he met his fleet, and again sacri-
ficed to Hercules, exhibiting the usual sports. At
this place arrived a ship from Athens, with Dio-
phantus and Achilles their ambassadors, * and all
* Curtius joins this embassy of the Athenians with those of the
Grecians, as though they had happened at the same time and
º K 9
132 AI: RIAN's IIISTORY or
the inhabitants of that coast joined in their request:
Alexander granted them their desires, and thereupon
ordered all the Athenian citizens, who were taken
prisoners at the battle of Granicus, to be set at liberty.
And hearing that some commotions were risen in
Peloponnesus, he dispatched Amphoterus thither, to
assist those in that country, who, throughout the
whole Persian war, had opposed the Lacedaemonians.
Having therefore ordered the Phoenicians and Cy-
prians to fit out a hundred ships more, besides those
designed for Amphoterus and the Peloponnesians, he
himself marched into the inland parts, to Thapsacus
and the river Euphrates, having deputed Caeranus the
Berroean to gather the tributes in Phoenicia, and
Philoxenus in Asia on this side the mountain Taurus;
but the money he had in his own custody, he com-
mitted to the charge of Harpalus the son of Machatas,
who was newly returned from exile, and now sup-
plied their places. This Harpalus, for his fidelity to
Alexander while Philip yet possessed the throne, was
forced to quit Macedonia, as also did Ptolemy the
son of Lagus, and Nearchus the son of Androtinus,
and Erigyius the son of Larichus, and his brother
Laomedon, all at the same time, and for the same
cause. For Alcxander began to fall under the sus-
picion of his father Philip, after he had divorced his
mother Olympias, and taken Eurydice to wife. But
after Philip's death, when they who fled for Alexan-
der's sake returned, he promoted Ptolemy to be one
of his body-guards; to Harpalus, being unable to
endure the fatigues of war, he committed the charge
of his treasure ; Erigyius was made captain of the
royal cohort of horse; and his brother Laomedon,
because he was skilled in two languages, was appoint-
ed to preside over the Barbarian captives; Nearchus
place, lib. 4. cap. 8; whereas the contrary appears from Arrian;
for the Grecian ambassadors came to him at Memphis, but those
from the Athenians met him at his return to Tyre.
A LEN ANDER's ExPEDITION. 133
was constituted governor of Lycia, and all the adja-
cent countries as far as Mount Taurus. IIowever,
a little while before the battle of 1ssus, Harpalus was
deluded by one Tauriscus, a wicked man, and fled
away with him. This Tauriscus passing over into
Italy to Alexander king of Epirus, there ended his
life. But Harpalus, when he got to Megara, being
persuaded by Alexander to return, on a promise that
his flight should not be to his prejudice, returned; and
was not only received into favour, but again preferred
to be keeper of his treasures. Menander, one of his
friends, was appointed governor of Lydia; and Clear-
chus succeeded him in the command of the foreign
troops. Instead of Arimmas, Asclepiodorus the son
of Eunicus was made governor of Syria; because
Arimmas, in making preparations for the army which
accompanied him to the eastward, seemed to aim at
sovereignty.
CHAPTER VII.
IN the month Ecatombaion, Aristophanes being archon
at Athens, Alexander came to the city Thapsacus,”
* Here are two or three errors in Curtius together; for, first,
he tells us, lib. iv. cap. 9, 7, “ that Satropates was sent before
with a thousand choice horse, and afterwards Mazaeus, with
six thousand more, to hinder Alexander from passing the Eu-
phrates.” Then he adds, “ that Alexander having laid a bridge
over the river, &c.”—As to the first point, who this Satropates was,
is not known, no mention being made of him elsewhere. Frein-
shemius thinks it may be only a corruption of Atropates, and that
this may be the same person whom Strabo and Arrian make go-
vernor of Media: but here he is overseen; for Curtius kills his
Satropates, towards the conclusion of the very same chapter;
and Arrian's Atropates made Alexander a present of a hundred
women, attired like Amazons, at his return to Ecbatana, after
his Indian expedition.—See Arrian, lib. vii. cap. 13. No man
can be reasonably said to be alive, so long after he is really dead.
Secondly, that Mazaeus had six thousand horse, Arrian denies,
and allows but three thousand in all; two thousand of whom were
Greek mercenaries. Thirdly, Alexander did not lay a bridge
over the river: there had been a bridge always there, and there
134 A R RIAN's HISTORY OF
where he found a broken bridge; and Mazaeus, to
whom Darius had committed the care of this pass,
with three thousand horsc, two thousand whereof
were Greek mercenaries, lay ready to dispute his
passage. And as one continued bridge did not extend
to the further bank, the Macedonians, at first, were
afraid lest Mazaeus's soldiers, on the other side,
should repair it, and attack them. But Mazaeus no
sooner received intelligence of Alexander's approach,
than he abandoned the place, and drew off all his
forces. After his flight, Alexander, having repaired
the bridge, passed over with his whole army. Thence
he marched into the country called Mesopotamia,
having the river Euphrates and the mountains of Ar-
menia on his left hand. From Euphrates, he took
his way towards Babylon, but not by the direct road,
because another was not only more convenient for
the drawing up his army, but afforded greater plenty
of forage,” and all other necessaries; and besides,
the heats were not so excessive in the countries
through which he was to pass. . Whilst he was upon
this expedition, some of Darius's spies, wandering far
from his camp, were taken, who gave him intelligence
that Darius had encamped on the banks of Tigris,
and was resolved to obstruct his passage over that
river; as also, that he had a more numerous army
than that wherewith he fought in Cilicia. Alexander
hearing this, immediately directed his face thither;
but when he arrived at the place, he neither found
Darius himself, nor any garrison left behind him ;
wherefore, he passed the river, with difficulty enough,
was one them, but it was broke.—Perhaps, Mazaeus broke it, when
he resolved to abandon the pass;–So that Alexander had it but
to repair. Curtius is not so kind as to acquaint us where Alexan-
der passed the Euphrates. Arrian assures us it was at Thapsacus.
* Curtius tells us, lib. iv. cap. 9, that Mazaeus had set all the
country on fire; and that perhaps may be one reason why Alex-
ander took this round-about way.
+We have a long story in Curtius about his passing this river,
though the whole is nothing to the purpose; for he concludes by
A LEx A.N DER's Exp Eryl Tio N. 135
by reason of the rapidity of the stream, though there
was no enemy to interrupt him. There he rested
a while with his army. At this time happened a great
eclipse of the moon ; whereupon Alexander offered
sacrifices to the moon, the sun, and the earth, by
which eclipses are said to be caused; and was assured
by Aristander, that this eclipse of the moon portend-
ed happiness and success to him and his Macedo-
nians; that a battle would be fought in that very
month, and that the entrails promised him the victory.
Having therefore decamped from thence, he led his
forces through Assyria, having on his left hand the
Sogdian mountains,” and the river Tigris on his right;
and on the fourth day after, he was informed by some
of his spies, that some troops of the enemy's horse
appeared in the fields, but they were not able to dis-
cover their number. With a choice army, therefore,
he proceeded to give them battle; but was soon met
by other spies, who had gone further in their search,
and brought him a more certain account; and they
assured him, that the whole number of the enemy's
horse, then in sight, was not above one thousand.
saying, “He lost not a man in passing it, and only some bag-
gage,” lib. iv. cap. 9, 22. Afterwards he gives us a false and
incoherent description of an eclipse of the moon, which has been
taken notice of and examined in the Criticism prefixed to this
work.
* Curtius calls these the Gordyaean mountains; which must
be false; for none besides himself ever placed them nigh Arbela;
and his authority, especially in geography, will never go down
without chewing. The mountains which Ptolemy and Strabo
call by that name belong to Armenia; and, as Alexander’s sol-
diers were passing along the Tigris, must have been behind their
backs. Arrian, who calls them the Sogdian mountains, must also
be mistaken ; for the country of Sogdia was at too great a di-
stance. See Tellier's Notes on Curtius, lib, iv, cap. 40.
136 A RR LAN's H ISToky of
CHAPTER VIII.
ALEx ANDER hearing this, immediately marched for-
wards, taking with him his royal cohort, and another
called the auxiliaries, with the Poeonians for the for-
lorn hope; the rest of his army having orders to march
a slow pace aſter. The Persian horse, perceiving
their enemies rush in among them, betook themselves
to flight, but Alexander pursued them; and those
whose horses failed them were slain;” the rest escaped,
though some, with their horses, were taken prisoners.
From those he had intelligence, that Darius, at the
head of a huge army, was not far off: for the Indians
adjacent to Dactria, as also the Bactrians and Sogdians,
all under the command of Bessus governor of Bactria,
had come to his aid : the Sacae also, a colony of the
Scythians inhabiting Asia, had joined him ; these
were not subject to Bessus, but in confederacy with
Darius: the captain of those was Mabaces, and they
were all equestrian archers. Barsaetes f governor of
the Arachoti brought thither his Arachoti, and Indian
mountaincers. Satibarzanes, governor of the Arii, ar-
rived with his Arians: Phrataphernes with his Parthians,
Hyrcanians, and Topireans, all horse. Atropates led
thither the Medes, with whom were joined the Cadu-
sians, Albanians, and Sacessinae. Orontobates, Ario-
barzanes, and Orxines, came with succours from the
* As Curtius has given us a general whom none mentions be-
sides himself, so he takes care not to let him lie too long upon
our hands; for he assures us, lib. iv, cap. 9, 25, “ that he was
thrust through the throat by Ariston, captain of the Poeonians,
who cut off his head and laid it at Alexander's feet.”—This may
be true, but it looks much like romance.
+ This Barsaetes is afterwards called Barzaentes, and once or
twice Brazas, which last is a vast corruption: the second is the
true reading.
: He is called Orobates by Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 12, 8, who
adds, Alia gentes ne sociis quidem satis nota sequebantur. These
A LEx AND E R s Ex PEDITION. 137
countries near the Red Sea. The Uxians and Susians
were led thither by Oxathres the son of Abulitus;
the Babylonians by Bupares. The Carians, who had
been driven from their country, and the Sitacini, were
joined with the Babylonians. Orontes and Mith-
raustes headed the Armenians; Ariaces, the Cappa-
docians. The Coelosyrians, and inhabitants between
the two rivers, were conducted thither by Mazaeus.
Darius's whole army was said to consist of forty
thousand horse,” a million of foot, two hundred hook-
ed chariots, and about fifteen elephants, which arrived
from the parts beyond the river Indus. With these
forces Darius encamped at Gaugamela, upon the
banks of the river Bumadus, about six hundred stadia
distant from Arbela, in a country every where open
and champaign; for whatever inequality was in the
surface of the earth thereabouts, and whatever it was
must be strange nations indeed, whom their next neighbours did
not know. If their neighbours did not, who should But per-
haps they were nations of Curtius's own hatching; and if so, it
is a mighty question whether they knew themselves.
* Curtius, in giving us the number of this army, differs not only
from all other authors, but manifestly contradicts himself. IHe
tells us it consisted of forty-five thousand horse, and two hundred
thousand foot, lib. iv. cap. 12, 13. He had told us before, lib. iv.
cap. 9, 3, that this army was more numerous, by almost half,
than the former which Darius had in Cilicia; and we may easily
gather, from lib. iii. cap. 2, that the army in Cilicia consisted of
sixty-one thousand two hundred horse, and two hundred and
twenty thousand foot, besides thirty thousand mercenaries; which
is more, by almost a third part, than the other. To remedy
this remarkable absurdity, the Geneva edition, 1618, has given
us the number, one hundred forty-five thousand horse, and six
hundred thousand foot, but without any authority. However,
other authors differ strangely. Justin, lib. xi. cap. 12, reckons
them a hundred thousand horse, and four hundred thousand foot;
Orosins, lib. iii. 17, a hundred thousand horse, and four hundred
and four thousand foot; Diodorus, lib. xvii. 39 and 53, two hun-
dred thousand horse, and eight hundred thousand foot. And Plu-
tarch, in his Life of Alexander, tells us, the number of horse and
foot together made up a million. These prodigious differences,
it is impossible to reconcile. However, Diodorus, Plutarch,
and Arrian, vary not much; only I am apt to suspect Arrian's
Tergaxiapºuglas, - for forty thousand horse is an inconsiderable
number to a million of foot.
‘l 38 A R RIAN's Histo R Y of
deemed could be any impediment to the armed cha-
riots,” was all levelled by the Persians,f and made
commodious for them to wheel round upon. For
Darius was persuaded, by some of his followers, that
the defeat at Issus was chiefly occasioned by the nar-
rowness of the place of cncampment; and this he
easily believed.
CHAPTER IX.
WHEN all these things were told Alexander by the
Persian spies which he had taken, he tarried four
days in the very place where he heard the news, to
give his army some refreshment, after the fatigues of
a long march. He then surrounded his camp with a
ditch and rampart, resolving to leave there all the
baggage, as also the soldiers who were unfit for a
present engagement; that he, with those who were
stout and hearty, might rush upon the enemy, clogged
with no other encumbrance than that of their armour.
Having therefore drawn out his forces, he began his
march about the second watch of the night, that he
might be ready to attack the Persians by break of
day. As soon as Darius was acquainted with Alexan-
der's approach, he instantly set his army in battle-
array; and Alexander did the same on his part. Their
* Curtius has taken a great deal of pains to describe these
armed chariots which the Persians used in battle; but to so little
purpose, that the author of the Delphini Notes tells us plainly,
he neither understood the authors he copied from, nor what him-
self wrote. Wide Notas ad lib. iv. cap. 34. See more of this in
the Criticism prefixed to this work.
+ Darius, as Curtius has told us, lib. iv. cap. 9, 10, had given
orders for the whole field of battle to be levelled : but afterwards
that author falls into a strange error, by placing Mazaeus with a
party upon a hill to discover the enemy's motions, lib. iv.
cap. 12, 18; and then, he says, the Macedonians seized it; but
they could not perfectly discover the numbers of the Persians
from thence, because of the mists which arose among the moun-
tains.—Sure he had lost his senses in a fog, or he would never
have been guilty of such absurdities.
ALEXAN DER's ExPEDITION. I 30
camps were then about sixty stadia distant from each
other, neither were they yet come within sight of each
other ; for some small hillocks, lying in the middle,
hindered them. But when Alexander had advanced
with his army almost thirty stadia, he arrived at these
hillocks, where, having a full view of the Barbarians,
he ordered them to halt, and calling a council, con-
sisting of his friends and the generals of his forces,
the prefects of troops, and the captains of his Grecian
and foreign auxiliaries, he consulted with them whe-
ther the army should immediately proceed from their
present station, and enter upon an engagement, (which
was the opinion of the greatest part,) or whether (as
Parmenio better advised) they should for a while
pitch their tents there, and thoroughly survey all the
circumjacent parts, to prevent ambuscades, and see
if the enemy's camp was strengthened by a ditch, or
if any galtraps* or other impediments lay in their
way; and lastly, that they should more curiously and
diligently examine the present disposition of the ene-
my's army. This advice of Parmenio prevailed; and
they encamped there, ready prepared for battle. Then
Alexander, taking with him his light-horse and the
royal cohort, viewed the whole field, where the battle
was to be fought, with the utmost accuracy; and again
calling together the captains of his forces, he told them,
that they ought not to be stirred up to warlike actions
by any speech of his ; for their own ancient and ex-
perienced valour, and the many gallant achievements
they had so often performed, was a sufficient incite-
ment for them. He only requested, that every one
among them, on whom the command of a troop, wing,
squadron, or phalanx was conferred, should acquaint
* Curtius tells us, lib. iv. cap. 13, 36, “ that Alexander was
informed by a deserter, one Bion, that Darius had placed iron
spikes in his way, which would gore his horse, and gave him
directions how to avoid them.”—However that be, we read no
more of them afterwards; so that if any such things were there,
they did neither good nor harm.
| 40 A R RIAN's 11 1story of
his followers what glorious rewards would attend that
day's action; for they did not, then, fight for small pro-
vinces, such as Coelosyria, nor Phoenicia, nor AEgypt,
as they had done in former battles, but for the empire
of all Asia; and that very conflict would determine
whose the dominion should be. He directed them,
not to endeavour to excite those to valour, by many
words, in whom truc valour was properly inherent;
only he warned them, to take the utmost care to
keep them in their ranks in time of action; and as
silence was so necessary, they should strictly observe
it ; yet, nevertheless, when occasion offered, they
might exalt their voices, and that their cries should be
as loud and terrible as possible. He ordered them
to transmit the instructions they had received to their
followers with all expedition : and lastly, that they
should well weigh the matter, and consider that the
whole army may be endangered by any one's neglect;
as on the other hand, it may be preserved and become
victorious, by each man's particular courage and mag-
nanimity.
CHAPTER X.
WITH these and such like short speeches he ani-
mated his captains, and received a confirmation of
their courage; so that, relying on their valour, he or-
dered them to be careful of their troops, and let them
take a little rest. Some say, that Parmenio” came
* We have two florid speeches in Curtius upon this account;
the one of Parmenio to Alexander, the other the king's answer.
Parmenio tells him, lib. iv. cap. 13, 5, “ that in the dark night,
the grim and hairy countenances of the Scythians and Bactrians
would not discourage their men, nor the mighty bulk of their
bodies make them afraid to encounter them.”—What monstrous
hairy fellows must these Scythians and Bactrians be, that the
little dapper Greeks and Macedonians should be afraid to face
them : The Asiatics were generally a little larger limbed than
the Europeans; and I have sometimes read of a giant or two in
a battle, but never of a regiment or whole squadron together.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 14 I
afterwards to his pavilion, and endeavoured to per-
suade him to attack the Persians by night: for that
the shock given in the dark, and falling upon the
enemy suddenly and unexpectedly, would be much
more terrible and destructive. To which Alexander
is said to have returned answer, that a victory gained
by stealth argued baseness in the general; but it was
the business of Alexander to conquer fairly, and not
by fraud. And surely that speech savoured not so
much of arrogance in him, as of his constant fortitude
in encountering dangers : and I am of opinion, that
he acted the part of a consummate general-in that af-
fair; for many strange and unaccountable accidents
happen by night, as well to those who are prepared
for battle as to those who are otherwise, which often-
times bring ruin to the strongest party, and unexpect-
cd victory to the weakest. Besides, the night seemed
too dangerous a time for Alexander to hazard his
army in ; and he was resolved, if Darius received
another overthrow, that no night engagement should
hinder him from being necessitated to confess, that he
was a less experienced captain, and had less valiant
soldiers, than himself could boast of. Add to this, if
contrary to his cxpectation the Macedonians should
receive a defeat, their encºmies had the friendship of
all the country round them; whereas they would have
their hatred. Their enemies were thoroughly acquaint-
ed with the country; they, wholly ignorant of it. And
as there was no small number of captives in their camp,
they might chance to be invaded even by them in
Sure Parmenio was too stout to be afraid himself; and I hope he
did not swell a mole-hill to the size of a mountain. But then,
their faces were all grim and hairy.—And what then the Mace-
donians were not to shave their beards, but to knock out their
brains as fast as they could ; and I am sure, no length or bushiness
of beard would save its owner’s head from the stroke of a scy-
mitar. The truth is, Curtius represented them as monsters, be-
cause they were remote nations; and, as he thought he could
not be easily disproved, he imagined he might even make them
as big and ugly as he would.
149 ARRIAN's History of
the night, not only if they were worsted by their ene-
mies, but even if they obtained the victory with loss
and difficulty. For these and such like weighty de-
terminations, I think Alexander no less to be admired,
than for the greatness of his courage, which so often
crowned him with success. *
CHAPTER XI.
DARTUs and his forces stood under arms all night,
in the manner they had been first drawn up; for as
they had not fortified their camp, they were afraid
the enemy should attack them by night. And surely,
their long and tedious watching in heavy armour, and
the fear which usually possesses men's minds before a
great danger, contributed not a little to their over-
throw ; and this fear did not spring up on a sudden,
but had been of long continuance; it was firmly root-
ed in the hearts of many of them, and wholly das-
tardized them. Darius's army" was drawn up in
this manner (for the description thereof, says Ari-
stobulus, was found in little books after the battle):
On the left wing were the Bactrian horse, and with
them the Daae and Arachoti : behind these, the Per-
sian horse and foot, mixed together : next these were
the Susians; and behind them, the Cadusians: And
this was the order of the left wing, quite to the main
body of the army. On the right were the Coclo-
syrians, and they who inhabit the country between
the two rivers; these were joined by the Medes :
next these stood the Parthians and Sacae : aſter these,
* Freinshemius and Raderus have often told us, that as to the
disposition of armies and description of battles, Curtius understood
them not. I have observed the same before, concerning his
geography. The disposition of the army here is different from
that of Curtius, and no wonder: this is the most exact, as being
taken from Aristobulus, who copied it from the Persian manu-
scripts.-See Curtius's description of the marshalling this army,
lib. iv. cap. 13, 6.
ALEXAN DER's ExPEDITION. 143
the Tapurians and Hyrcanians : behind these, the
Albanians and Sacesina : And these also reached to
the main body. In the main body, where Darius
was, were his kindred, and the Persian Melophori,
the Indians, the Carian cNiles, and Mardian archers:
next these stood the Uxians, the Babylonians, the
inhabitants bordering on the Red Sea, and the Sita-
cini. Before the left wing, facing Alexander's right,
stood about a thousand Scythian and Bactrian horse,
and a hundred armed chariots; and round Darius’s
royal guard were elephants, and about fifty chariots.
Before the right wing, stood the Armenian and Cap-
padocian horse, and about fifty armed chariots. But
the Greek mercenary soldiers quite surrounded Darius
and the Persians, who were his guards, and fronted
the Macedonian phalanx, as those whose valour alone
was equal to theirs.
Alexander's army" was thus marshalled:—On the
* The disposition of Alexander’s troops, in Curtius, appears at
first sight to be made without judgment: so that he either wanted
it himself, or copied from those who did. As for example: “For
a body of reserve to the right wing, he places Caenus, with his
band; and next to him, were Orestes and Lyncestes.”—lib. iv.
cap. 13, 28. Now what reader would not imagine this Orestes
and Lyncestes to be captains of troops, as well as Caenus I can
assure mine, they were no such thing ; nay, they were so far
from being commanders in Alexander's army, that they were not
so much as men : for the Orestae and Lyncesta are only the
names of people inhabiting two particular districts or provinces,
in Greece: to prove the truth of which, I shall refer my readers
to Strabo, lib. vii. Stephanus, in Atlyxos : Pliny, lib. iv. cap. 10;
and Ptolemy.—Then Curtius proceeds; “After these stood
Polyperchon, who headed the foreign forces.”—Freinshemius,
upon this, grows quite out of patience with him ; and when he
has told us, that Polyperchon commanded the Stymphaei in Dio-
dorus, he professes that he gives little credit to Curtius in any
thing, but the least of all to his descriptions of battles.—However,
Curtius goes on ; “Amyntas was general or chief commander
over this wing.”—This is false; for Amyntas had been dispatch-
ed into Macedonia to raise recruits, and was not returned, and
his brother Symmias commanded.—Then he tells us, that “Phi-
lagus commanded the Balacrians, who were newly listed into the
service.”—That they were, sure enough ; for they were of Cur-
tius's own listing, nay, and of his creating too; for they were
Y
144 A RRIAN's Iiſsto R Y of
right wing stood his auxiliary troop of horse; before
those the royal cohort, commanded by Clitus the son
of Dropidas: next stood those of Glaucias; and then
that of Ariston : after which was that of Sopolis the
son of Hermodorus: next, that of IIeraclitus the son
of Antiochus : then that of Demetrius the son of
Althaemenes, followed by that of Meleager : and the
last of the royal troops was that commanded by
Hegelochus the son of Hippostratus. But the com-
mand of all the auxiliary horse belonged to Philotas
the son of Parmenio. The first rank of the Mace-
donian phalanx, which was joined with the horse,
consisted of the targeteers, commanded by Nicanor
the son of Parmenio : next to these, was the troop of
Caenus the son of Polemocrates; them, that of Per-
diccas the son of Orontes: after this stood that of
Meleager the son of Neoptolemus: then, that of
Polysperchon the son of Simmias : and next, that of
Amyntas the son of Philip. The command of this
cohort belonged to Simmias; for Amyntas had been
before dispatched into Macedonia to raise recruits.
On the left side of his phalanx, was posted the troop
of Cratcrus the son of Alexander, who also com-
manded the whole body of foot on the left : next was
that body of auxiliary horse whose captain was
Erigyius the son of Larichus : next these, still to-
wards the left wing, were the Thessalian horse, com-
manded by Philip the son of Menelaus. But the
whole body of horse on the left wing, was under the
command of Parmenio the son of Philotas. Round
non-cntities before. There never was any such person as Philagus,
nor any such people as the Balacrians. However, Freinshemius
has set him right here, and tells us, from Arrian and conjecture,
that Curtius either wrote, or should have written, Phrygas Bala-
crus regebat, instead of Philagus Balacros regebat. Balacrus was
the son of Amyntas, and commanded a party of darters, as Arrian
informs us in the next chapter. All these errors Curtius has
made in the compass of three lines. If his whole history were
such stuff, my comment would swell to the size of a primitive
father’s works, and I ought to live to a patriarch's age to finish it.
AL Ex A N DER's ExPEDITION. 145
these, the Pharsalian horse were posted, who were
both the best and most numerous of all the Thessa-
lian cavalry.
CHAPTER XII.
After this manner Alexander ranged his army in
front; but he added also another phalanx, which
should be a kind of flying party or squadron, having
given orders to the commanders thereof, that if they
perceived their own countrymen surrounded by the
Persian army, they should suddenly turn backwards
and charge the Barbarians, and contract or dilate
their phalanx, as occasion offered. On the right
wing, next to the royal cohort, was posted a troop of
Agrians, under the command of Attalus; behind
these, the Macedonian archers, led on by Briso, to
whom were joined those troops named the foreign ve-
terans, commanded by Cleander. Before the Agrians
stood the forlorn hope of horse, and the Paconians,
headed by Aretes and Aristo. Before the rest, stood
the mercenary troops of horse, under the com-
mand of Menidas: but before the royal cohort and
auxiliary troops, the remaining part of the Agrians
and archers; and the darters, led on by Balacrus,
were ranged to front the armed chariots. Moreover,
an order was given to Menidas, and the troops under
his command, that if the enemy should surround his
wing, he should charge them on the flank. And this
was the disposition of the right wing: On the left, in
a half-moon, were the Thracians, commanded by
Sitalces: next, the auxiliary horse, led on by Caera-
nus: after these, the Odrysian horse, under the com-
mand of Agathon the son of Tyrimmas. But, to
front all, on this wing stood the foreign mercenary
troops of horse, under Andromachus the son of
Hieron ; and the Thracian foot were placed as a
VOL. I. L
14() ARRIAN's HISTORY OF
guard upon the baggage. The whole army" of
Alexander thus disposed, consisted of about seven
thousand horse, and forty thousand foot.
CHAPTER XIII.
WHEN both armies were ranged in such order as was
judged necessary, and drew near each other, Darius
and those who were about him, viz. the Persian
Melophori, the Indians, Albanians, Carian exiles,
and Mardian archers, were perceived to place thein-
selves directly opposite to Alexander and his royal
cohort. Alexander, therefore, caused his right wing
to stretch out in length : then the Persians in the
same manner extended their left wing. And now
the Scythian horse alumost touched those who were
the Macedonian forlorn hope : nevertheless, Alexan-
der still continued to draw towards the right hand,
till he approached near the place which the Persians
had levelled. But now Darius, fearing that if the
Macedonians proceeded to move to uneven ground
his armed chariots would be useless, commanded
those who were at the extremity of his left wing to
wheel round, and thereby hinder Alexander from ex-
tending his right wing further. This done, Alexander
gave orders to his mercenary horse, led on by Meni-
das, to attack them. But when the Scythian horse,
and those of the Bactrians who were joined with
them, had almost cut off these few, their numbers
being much superior, Alexander ordered Aretes,
* Curtius no where tells us what numbers Alexander brought
into this field; but when he has done marshalling them, after his
manner, he adds, lib. iv. cap. 13, 35, “That Alexander left all
his carriages and captives, among whom were Darius's mother
and children, on a hill, a little distance off.”—Here is another
hill started up all of a sudden ; for he assures us before that the
whole was levelled. The truth is, he is inconsistent with himself,
and seems to labour so much at the embellishing his style, that he
sometimes forgets to write sense. .*
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 147
3%
with the Paeonians and foreigners, to their relief;
upon which the Barbarians gave way: but another
body of Bactrians coming up, caused their flying
troops to rally, and renewed the fight; and a sharp
equestrian conflict ensuing, many of Alexander's sol-
diers fell, not only because they were overborne by
numbers, but because the Scythian horses and their
riders were much more completely armed. But, as
it was, the Macedonians sustained the shock; and
beginning to push forwards with great fury, broke
the enemy's ranks. The Barbarians, on the other
hand, sent their armed chariots against the Mace-
donians, to put them into confusion; but their de-
signs were frustrated : * for they no sooner approach-
ed, than the Agrians and darters, under Balacrus,
who were posted before the auxiliary horse, destroyed
fith their missive weapons. The reins of some
from thei
* seats, the horses were s
. Yet some ran quite through the
º
d escaped; for they opened their ranks,
of th my, and escal º
as th d been ordered, wherever the chariots ap-
proac by which means it happened, that
ove through safe, and the part of the
which they were hurried, remained
ed. However, most of these were
the captains of horse and tar-
Alexander.
st whole body of foot began t
ith design to environ Alexan
BUT when
be in motion
3.
* The spears and hooks which were fastened to the chariots,
according to Curtius, did some execution at first ; but afterwards,
he owns, the chariots were overthrown, and the horses and cha-
rioteers slain. Seewlib. iv. cap. 15. ---
+ Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 15, 1, places Darius in the left wing of
his army, contrary to Arrian; whereas every body knows, that
* 1, 2
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| 48 ARRIAN's History of
right wing, he speedily dispatched Aretas against
them, though himself still continued his command
there. But when he perceived that the party of
horse sent against those who harassed his right wing,
had begun to break into the Barbarian ranks, he im-
mediately hasted thither; and drawing up his party
of auxiliary horse into a sort of cuneus, flew directly
to the place where the chasm was, with a mighty
noise, as though he had been in pursuit of Darius:
and, indeed, the battle was doubtful for a little time.
But when the auxiliary troops about Alexander, and
even he himself, began to redouble their force, and
smite the Persians in the faces with their spears ; and
when the Macedonian phalanx, still firm and terrible,
began to rush in upon them ; then Darius (whose
mind had been before possessed with dismal appre-
hensions of Alexander) gave up all for lost, and fled.
The Persians also who had endeavoured to environ
the right wing were in great straits, being violently
assaulted by Aretas; but at length they betook them-
selves to flight, and the Macedonians made a huge
slaughter of them in the pursuit: Simmias,” with his
the Persian monarchs always fought in the main body. Frein-
shemius endeavours to excuse him here, by alleging that Curtius
divided not the army into three parts, as usual, but only into two
wings, which met in the centre ; and he adds, that Darius might
probably be posted somewhat nearer the left wing.—He might
so. Another conjecture he gives us, why Darius was in the left
wing, was, that he might be opposite to Alexander, who always
fought in the right wing. But I take the former to be the more
probable.
* Here Curtius has fallen into another error, by telling this
same story of saving the baggage, and substituting Amyntas in-
stead of Simmias, lib. iv. cap. 15, 12: and what is a much greater
wonder, Freinshemius gives him some countenance, by saying,
that though one Amyntas was absent raising recruits, there
were many of the name, and this might be one of them. This
name of Amyntas was always looked upon as a mistake; and
Acidalius, Modius, and Raderus, three commentators, were of
opinion, it ought to be Menidas ; but this was only guess-work.
However, I wonder that Freinshemius, who was so quick-sighted,
should not perceive that the same story which Curtius tells us of
Amyntas, Arrian gives us of Simmias, who was his brother, and
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITI on. 149
troop, could not assist Alexander there, but was
forced to make a halt, and fight; for he not only re-
ceived intelligence that the left wing was in danger,
but that the part from whence Alexander had drawn
his troops to pursue the enemy, and left a vacant
space, was so much weakened, that some of the In-
dian and Persian horse had penetrated as far as the
Macedonian baggage; and a dreadful conflict hap-
pened there; for the Persians rushed boldly forwards
against the Macedonians, who were chiefly unarmed,
and never suspected that a small party would dare
to attack them, and break their double phalanx. The
Barbarian captives also, seeing the Macedonians in
this distress by the Persians, rose up against them in
the heat of the battle. But the captains of those
forces who were placed as a rear-guard to the first
phalanx, perceiving this defeat of their countrymen,
immediately faced about, (according to their orders,)
and came upon the backs of the Persians; and, find-
ing them entangled among the baggage, slew many :
the rest escaped by flight. But the right wing of the
Persian army, who had not yet heard of Darius's
flight, set themselves in opposition to Alexander's
left; and falling obliquely upon Parmenio's troop, did
great execution among them.
CHAPTER XV.
IN the mean time, while the Macedonian affairs
hung thus in suspense, Parmenio dispatched a mes-
senger to acquaint Alexander with his danger, and
beg his assistance. When Alexander understood
this, he immediately left off the pursuit; and return-
successor in the post. Besides, Curtius has not only assured us
that this Amyntas was dispatched into Macedonia to raise re-
cruits, immediately after the siege of Gaza, lib. iv. cap. 6, 10, but
he also gives us notice of his return, with six thousand foot, to
Alexander at Babylon, after the battle of Arbela, lib. v. cap. 1, 40.
150 A RRIAN’s HIStory of
ing to the army with his auxiliary forces, rushed
with great fury upon the right wing of the Bar-
barians: his first attack was made upon the enemy's
light horse, namely, the Parthians, some Indians, and
Persians, which last were both the stoutest and most
numerous; and then happened a far more dreadful
scene than any of the former : for the Barbarians, still
keeping their ranks, began to face about to meet
Alexander; and then there was no casting of darts,
nor dextrous management of horses, as is common
in equestrian battles, but every one strove to dis-
mount his foe; and, as if their whole safety had de-
pended on their success that way, they proceeded to
give wounds and receive them, to smite and be
smitten, as if each particular person had endeavoured
to procure a victory for himself, and not for another.
In this conflict, about sixty of Alexander's auxiliary
forces were slain, and Hephaestion, Caenus, and
Mcnidas wounded. But even here the Macedonians
had the advantage; for the Barbarians, not able to
endure their rage any longer, began to consult their
safety by a precipitate flight. And now Alexander
had almost arrived at the enemy's right wing, which
he also designed to have encountered ; but the Thes-
salian horse having already attacked them with great
valour, little remained to be done ; for he no sooner
appeared with his forces, than they quitted their
stations and fled. Alexander therefore returning to
his pursuit of Darius, left not off till the night com-
pelled him ; and Parmenio with his troops also
pursued as far as they could. Alexander passing
the river Lycus,” there cncamped, to give his men
and their horses a little refreshment. Meanwhile,
Parmenio seized upon the enemy's tents, and secured
all their baggage, elephants, and camels. Alexander
having given his auxiliary troops some rest, arose
* By this we may plainly perceive that the field of battle was
on this side that river.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDIT1o N. 1 5 I
about midnight, and hasted to Arbela,” hoping there
not only to seize upon l)arius, but all his treasures
and royal furniture. The next day he arrived there,
having already pursued the fugitives about six hun-
dred furlongs. But he could not find Darius there;
for he, not daring to trust himself any where, found
rest no where : but the royal treasures and furniture
fell into his hands; and Darius's chariot, and shield,
and bow, came again into the conqueror's power.
Of the Macedonian horsemen, about one hundred
fell in that battle ; but a thousand horses were lost,
partly by wounds received in fight, and partly by
being over-heated in the pursuit; nigh one half of
which number belonged to the auxiliary forces. Of the
Barbarians, no fewer than three hundred thousand |
* It is strange, that Curtius should every where mention Arbela
as the nearest place to the field where this battle was fought, when
the contrary is so apparent. He has fallen into many errors on
this very account; for, in regard to situation, he places it first on
this side the Tigris, lib. iv. cap. 9, 7; and in less compass than
that of one chapter, he places it beyond the Tigris, lib. iv. cap.
9, 14.—The truth is, Arbela was not only beyond the Tigris, but
also beyond the lycus. Secondly, he calls Arbela a village,
memorable for nothing but that battle ; whereas it was then a
large city, and the capital of a province, as is manifest from
Strabo, lib. xvi. Besides, it is not at all probable, that Darius
would now lodge all his treasures and royal furniture in a small
village or ordinary castle, when we find that, before the battle of
Issus, he sent them for security as far as Damascus. But this is
not ali: Arbela was six hundred stadia distant from the field of
battle, which makes seventy-five English miles, as is manifest
from Arrian, lib. vi. cap. 1 1. Moreover, he tells us, that when
Alexander had pursued the enemy a good way from the field,
even beyond the river Lycus, till his men were weary, he suffer-
ed them to take some rest; but rising again at midnight, he
hasted to Arbela, where he arrived not before the next day. In
a word, the battle was fought at a village called Gaugamela, as is
evident from Arrian, Strabo, and Plutarch ; and as Curtius calls
Arbela a village, some critics think he is in an error only in the
name of the place, and that he intended to have wrote Gauga-
mela; but that this is false, will appear afterwards.
f I cannot forbear wondering why Arrian should make such
an unaccountable difference here, between the numbers of the
Macedonians and Persians who fell in this battle. That an army
159. ARRIAN's HISTORY of
are said to have been slain; and that the number of
prisoners was much greater. All the elephants, and
all the chariots which were not broke in the fight,
were now taken. This battle was thus won in the
month Puanepsion, when Aristophanes was archon
at Athens : and hereby the prediction of Aristander
was accomplished, viz. that before the month was
fully past, in which the eclipse of the moon happen-
ed, Alexander should both fight a battle and obtain
a victory.
CHAPTER XVI.
DARI Us, immediately after this battle, fled through
the mountainous tract of Armenia” into Media; and
with him were the Bactrians, and some Persians of his
kindred, besides a few of the Melophori. About two
of less than fiſty thousand men, should kill three hundred thouz
sand upon the spot, is incredible : one, or both of these num-
bers, must be therefore faulty. But of this, see more in the Cri-
ticism prefixed to this work.
* Curtius, lib. v. cap. 1, 3, tells us, that Darius fled from the
field of battle to Arbela, which place he reached about midnight:
—and Raderus assures us, that six hundred furlongs, or seventy-
five English miles, was a vast way to ride in so short a time :—So
think I too. Now that Curtius must mean the middle of the night
immediately succeeding the day of battle, is manifest; for had it
been the night after, Alexander had been there before him, and
then he could have expected but a sorry welcome. That this
battle was fought, or at least finished, in the afternoon, is pro-
bable, because Alexander, in the pursuit, could reach no further
than the river Lycus that night, which is eighty furlongs, or ten
English miles, from the field: then, giving his soldiers a little
rest, he marched forward again at midnight, and reached Arbela
the next day, which was above sixty miles further. Now the
wonder is, how Darius could fly as far in five or six hours, as
Alexander could pursue in perhaps eighteen or twenty, when
every body knows Alexander's speed in marching. However,
Arrian has cleared up the case, by assuring us, that Darius never
came near Arbela, but directed his flight through Armenia into
Media, a very different way : and Diodorus, lib. xvii. p. 538,
plainly tells us, he hasted to Ecbatana. Plutarch, Vit. Aler.
p. 22, ed. Steph., says, that “Darius, seeing the battle lost, and
finding his chariot so entangled among the dead bodies, that he
A
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 153
thousand foreign mercenaries also accompanied him,
commanded by Paron the Phocaean and Glaucus the
AEtolian. He took his flight thus precipitately into
Media, because he imagined Alexander would, im-
mediately after this battle, haste to Susa and Babylon;
for all that country is not only extremely populous, but
commodious for marching an army through; and be-
sides, Babylon and Susa seemed to be destined as the
rewards of that day's action; whereas the ways into
Media were by no means commodious for the march
of a great army. And in that Darius's judgment was
just; for when Alexander left Arbela, he hasted
straight to Babylon,” which city when he came nigh, he
could not free it, was forced to quit it ; and having mounted a
mare which had newly foaled, betook himself to flight.”—A
mare that had newly foaled, or a mare big with foal, are not
usually so expeditious. One thing more I cannot forbear taking
notice of: Curtius tells us, that “the stench of the carcasses of
those slain in this battle, had so infected the air, that Alexander
was obliged to remove from Arbela sooner than he designed :
lib. v. cap. 1, 11. It must be a prodigious stench indeed, or
Alexander’s men must have quick noses, who could stnell it at
seventy-five miles distance. Besides, Alexander could have no
design of tarrying at Arbela any longer than to secure the trea-
sures and royal furniture there ; neither had he, perhaps, gone
there at all, but to seize them. Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis,
were the places he aimed at, and Darius knew that well enough ;
for which reason he directed his flight to Ecbatana in Media. All
these errors arise from Curtius’s first mistake, of imagining Arbela
nigh the field of battle. He has been guilty of another error in
the very next line, by placing Arabia Felix on their left hand, as
they passed from Arbela to Babylon; but that has been already
taken notice of in the Criticism prefixed to this work.
* Curtius has given us a vast description of the city of Babylon,
which, in the first place, is liable to numberless exceptions, as
may be plainly perceived from his commentators; and, secondly,
were it never so just, it is nothing to his purpose as an historian.
But it is his way, to trifle away his own time, and tire out his
reader's patience, with long speeches, which were never spoke,
and impertinent descriptions of rivers, mountains, towns, and
countries, which none but a geographer ought to attempt, and
which plainly show, he either never read, or did not understand,
the geographers who wrote before him. I shall pass by his ac-
count of the country between Euphrates and Tigris, “the soil of
which,” he says, “is so fruitful, that the inhabitants are reported
154 ARRIAN's His roRY of
drew up his whole army in order of battle. But the
Babylonians, having notice of his approach, threw
open their gates, and in vast multitudes, with their
priests and chief men, went out to meet him, offering
him great gifts, besides delivering the city, the tower,
and the royal treasure into his hands. Alexander en-
tering the city, commanded the Babylonians to rebuild
the temples there which Xerxes had destroyed, and
cspecially the temple of Belus, whom the Babylonians
worshipped as their chief god. He constituted \ga-
zaeus governor of the city, Apollodorus of Amphipolis
captain of those troops left with Mazaeus, and Ascle-
piodorus the son of Philo gatherer of the tribute. He
also sent Methrines (who had delivered the castle of
Sardis into his possession) to be governor of Armenia.
He consulted the Chaldaeans in this city, about the
restoration of the temples; and whatever they ad-
vised, he performed; and, in particular, by their ad-
vice he offered sacrifices to Belus. Taking his leave
of Babylon, he marched for Susa, and was met on
his way by the governor's son, and a messenger, with
a letter from Philoxenus, whom he had dispatched
directly thither from the field of battle. The sub-
stance of the letter was, that the Susians had deliver-
ed their city into his possession, and all the royal
treasure was safe. On the twentieth day after his
departure from Babylon, he arrived at Susa, and en-
tering the city, took possession of all the money,
amounting to fifty thousand talents, * besides the
not to suffer their cattle to feed too freely, lest they should sur-
feit:” lib. v. cap. 1, 11. This important piece of natural philo-
sophy, I leave to be decided by a synod of country-graziers,
whenever they can be lawfully convened. The breadth, height,
or circuit of the walls of Babylon, were nothing to Curtius; they
gave Alexander no trouble in taking them. The famous gardens,
the bridge, and even the citadel itself, ought not to have been
taken notice of, unless something remarkable had then happened,
to have given the occasion.
* Arrian, Curtius, lib. v. cap. 2, and Diodorus, lib. xvii. p. 540,
hcre agree in the sum of fifty thousand talents, though Plutarch,
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 155
royal furniture. Many other things were ſound there,
which Xerxes had formerly carried out of Greece;
particularly the brazen statues of IIarmodius and
Aristogiton; these he sent back to Athens: and they
are to be seen at this day, placed in the Coramicus,
near the ascent into the city, from the district called
Metroos, hard by the altar of Eudanemus, which,
whoever has been initiated in the Eleusinian rites,
knows to stand in the portico. IIere Alexander sa-
crificed with lightcd torches, after the custom of his
country, and exhibited gymnic and musical sports.
And then leaving Abulites,” a Persian, governor of
the country round Susa, Mazarus, f one of his friends,
commander of the castle, and Archelaus the son of
Theodorus captain of the forces, he directed his march
p. 24, and Justin, lib. xi. cap. 14, have it but forty thousand. A
talent is reckoned to amount to 1871. 10s, sterling ; so that Alex-
ander, according to Arrian's account, became master of 9,365,000l.
that is, nine millions three hundred and sixty-five thousand pounds
sterling, at this place.
* He dealt with Abulites here, as he did in the preceding chap-
ter with Mazaeus. Mazaeus, being governor of Babylon, delivered
it into his hands; whereupon Alexander continued him in his
government, but constituted Apollodorus of Amphipolis governor
of the castle. So here, Abulites having delivered up Susa, was
continued in his post; but the command over the forces left to
secure the province, was given to Archelaus, and the government
of the castle to Mazarus.
t Curtius tells us, he gave the command of the castle to Xeno-
philus, and made Callicrates treasurer, lib. v. cap. 2, 16. The
first, Arrian contradicts; and neither of their names are to be
found in any other author. He then acquaints us, how Alexander
presented Darius's mother with some rich purple garments, of his
own sister's making, as a pattern for iner grand-daughters to make
him some of the same sort; which they taking as an affront, he
made an apology for himself, by pleading his ignorance of their
customs : “And since I understood,” says he, “that the custom of
your country looks upon it as a fault, for a son to sit down in his
mother's presence without her permission, I have always waited
for your command, before I sat down,” &c.—What a prodigious
courtier is Alexander commenced, all on a sudden | What it is
to keep good company He might have tarried on the other side
of the Hellespont till he had been as gray as a badger, and never
have been master of so much good manners.
156 ARRIAN's HISTORY OF
against the Persians. He also sent Memetes into the
maritime parts, having made him governor of Syria,
Phoenicia, and Cilicia, to whom he delivered three
thousand talents of silver, with orders that as much
thereof as was necessary, should be conveyed by sea
to Antipater, to carry on the war against the Lace-
daemonians. Thither arrived Amyntas the son of
Andromenes, with an army of new-raised men from
Macedonia: the horse belonging to which he incor-
porated with his auxiliary troops; but the foot were
distributed, each into the troop belonging to his own
nation. He also appointed two decurios to every
troop, whereas before this time there were no de-
curios in the horse-service; and those he chose out
of the number of his auxiliaries, who had alread
served him with the greatest courage and fidelity.
CHAPTER XVII.
AFTER this, moving with his army from Susa, he
passed the river Pasitigris,” and entered the territo-
ries of the Uxii. Those Uxii, who inhabited the
open country, and had before been subject to the
Persians, promised him obedience ; but the moun-
taineers, who never stooped to the Persian yoke, sent
him word, that they would not suffer him to march
with his army against the Persians, unless he would
allow them as much for his passage as the Persian
monarchs were wont to allow. Alexander sent back
the messengers, with orders, that they should block
up those streights, whereby they designed to put a
stop to his intended march, and there receive their
usual tribute. He f in the mean time, accompanied
* The impertinent description of this river, in Curtius, lib. iv.
tap. 3, 1, is taken notice of in the Criticism prefixed to this work.
t Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 3, 6, tells us, “ He dispatched Tauron
upon this expedition, who appearing above the walls of the town,
the place was surrendered; but the greatest part of the defen-
a LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 157
with his royal cohort, his targeteers, and about eight
thousand others, by the direction of some Susian
guides, entered their country by night, another way,
much less frequented, but more difficult; and the next
day came into some of the Uxian villages, where he
took much spoil, and slew many of the inhabitants,
whom they surprised asleep; others fled to the moun-
tains. Alexander hereupon marched speedily to
these streights, to which he observed the Uxians
flocking, in great numbers, in hopes of the accus-
tomed tribute for the passage of an army. But he
had dispatched Craterus before, to seize the tops of
the mountains, whither he imagined the enemy would
retire, if reduced to extremities. He, hastening his
march, seized upon the pass; and having drawn up his
forces in order of battle, attacked the Barbarians from
the highest and most advantageous station. They,
being in a consternation at the suddenness of his ar-
rival, and seeing those places seized wherein they
dants retired into the castle, from whence they sent thirty ambas-
sadors, &c.”—How easy it is for a man to make a fine story if
he has no regard to truth! What he fathers upon Tauron, Arrian,
with some variety of circumstances, ascribes to Craterus.-Then
he proceeds: “ The townsmen privately dispatched messengers
to Darius's mother, to intercede for thern ; for the governor had
married her niece.”—This is the most unlikely story in the world;
for as these mountaineers were professed enemies to the Persians,
as well as to Alexander, it is not at all probable, that any governor
of theirs should marry a kinswoman of Darius. However, he
tells us, “She at last consented to undertake the task, and ob-
tained her request.”—And to show us how great the conqueror's
clemency was, he assures us, lib. v. cap. 3, 15, “That Alexan-
tler not only pardoned Medathes the governor, but all the rest,
without distinction, and gave them their liberty. He also per-
mitted them to enjoy their lands and possessions without tribute.
And then all in raptures, he concludes, “What more than this,
could a mother have obtained, even of her own som?”—What more,
indeed I much question, whether he would have been half so
complaisant to his mother Olympias. But the mischief is, this
last paragraph is every tiltle false ; for Arrian assures, us, that
Alexander imposed a tribute upon them of one hundred war-
horses, five hundred baggage-horses, and thirty thousand head of
cattle.
158 A R RIAN’s History of
chiefly trusted, without striking a blow betook them-
selves to flight. However, many of them fell by
Alexander's soldiers in the pursuit, and many tumbled
down from the rocks and precipices; while others, en-
deavouring to escape over the tops of the mountains,
were seized and slain by Craterus's forces. Bcing
thus rewarded for their securing the passage through
the streights, they,” aiter much intercession, at last
obtained a grant from Alexander, to remain quietly
in possession of their ancient territories, upon their
agreeing to pay an annual tribute. Ptolemy the son
of Lagus tells us, that Darius's mother was their
mediator to Alexander, who, upon her account, re-
stored them their possessions. The tribute imposed
upon them was, a hundred horses for war, five hun-
dred baggage-horses, and thirty thousand head of
cattle : for the Uxii had no money among them, nor
were their lands fit for tillage, but most of them em-
ployed themselves in breeding and feeding cattle.
CHAPTER XVIII.
ALEx ANDER then dispatched Parmenio with the car-
riages and baggage, as also the Thessalian horse, the
royal cohort, the foreign mercenaries, and the rest of
the heavy-armed soldiers, against the Persians, and
ordered him to choose a road fit for chariots; while
he, with the Macedonian foot, the auxiliary horse,
and the forlorn hope, as also the Agrians and archers,
marched a nearer way through the mountains. When
he came to the Persian streights,the found that Ario-
* By this it is plain, that it was not the citizens of one parti-
cular city, cooped up in a castle, who obtained these terms, as
Curtius insinuates; neither was Alexander so vastly generous,
nor so wondrously nerciful, as he would make us believe ; but
it was the whole body of the mountaineers in general; for the
Uxians, inhabiting the plain country, had surrendered before.
+ Curtius, by mistake, calls these Pyla. Susia, or the Susian
Streights. He tells us, that “ Alexander, after three days jour-
A LEx AND Elt’s ExPEDITION. 1.59
barzanes, with an army of forty thousand foot,” and
about seven thousand horse, had blocked up the en-
trance with a wall, which he had fortified with towers,
to secure the passage. The first day Alexander cn-
camped his army there; the next, with a choice party,
he determined to storm the wall. But as the storm-
ing thereof seemed a work of great difficulty, by rea-
son of the advantageous situation of the enemy, and
that many of his soldiers were already wounded, some
by stones rolled down the precipices, others by darts
from the engines, he caused a retreat to be sounded,
and withdrew his forces; for some of his captives f had
promised to conduct him to the further side of these
streights another way: but when he heard that that
pass was also dangerous and narrow, he left Craterus
and his camp there, and with him his own troop, Me-
ney, entered Persia, and on the fifth, the Pyla Susia.”—Here, I
would ask, in the first place, How he could enter Persia two days
before he came to the Susian Streights, unless he supposes the
Susian Streights in the middle of Persia; which is nonsense
And, secondly, supposing these streights to be at the very en-
trance into Persia, how can they be called the Susian Streights,
when the whole country of the Uxians, as well the champaign as
mountainous part, lay between 2 Arrian calls them, properly
enough, the Persian Streights. Curtius, who almost follows Dio-
dorus implicitly, and seldom varies from him but for the worse,
copied this error from him. See Diodorus, lib. xvii. p. 541.
* Some of the first editions of Curtius allow Ariobarzanes but
fifteen thousand foot. See Snakenh. p. 332. But his later editors
have given him twenty-five thousand, according to Diodorus,
lib. xvii. p. 54 ; and I wonder they did not also add the three
hºun.ired no se which Diodorus eq:{{ps him with. The circum-
stance of a wall, where with those streights were shut up, neither
Currius nor i iodorus take any notice oi.
+ Curtins, lib. v. cap. 4, 1, tells us, his chief, if not his only
guide, was a Lycian, who had been formerly taken prisoner by
the Persians, and was now a shepherd, and had travelled the coun-
try; as also that Alexander had been foretold by an oracle, that
his guide into l’ºrsia should be a Lycian, which made him rely
upon him. He has made a prodigious long story of it, as he ge-
nerally does of such things, the greates' part of which is nothing
t t) his purpose, and much of it false. Plutarch, p. 24, ed. Steph.,
says, the guide's father was a Lycian, but his mother a Persian,
and that he spoke both languages.—This is much the most likely.
160 A RRIAN's HIStory of
leager's forces, some of the archers, and about five
hundred horse, with orders, that when he perceived
he had passed the streights, and drew near the Per-
sian camp, (which he might easily do by the sound of
the trumpets,) he should assault the wall. Alexander,
with his targeteers and Perdiccas's troop, his light-
armed archers and Agrians, the royal cohort, and one
hundred choice horse besides, having passed a hun-
dred furlongs by night, arrived at these streights by
an intricate road, according to the direction of his
guides; but ordered Amyntas, Philotas, and Caenus,”
to lead the rest of the forces through the plain coun-
try. He laid a bridge over the river, which was to
be passed before he entered into Persia; and in spite
of the difficulty of the road, performed it with incre-
dible haste. Arriving therefore at the first station of
the Barbarians before day-light, he slew their watch:
afterwards reaching the second, and having slain most
of theirs, when he came at the third, the greatest part
of them fled : but even those carried no intelligence
to the camp of Ariobarzanes; but being struck with
a sudden consternation, every one escaped, by the
nighest way he could, to the mountains; so that when
day-light appeared, the enemy's camp received an
unexpected assault. As soon as they came to the
entrenchinent which surrounded the camp, Craterus,
hearing the sound of their trumpets, attacked the wall
on the other side. The enemy then, in great amaze-
ment, endeavoured to secure themselves by flight,
without so much as striking a blow; but finding them-
selves enclosed on all hands, Alexander pushing them
forwards and Craterus meeting them, many of them
were constrained to direct their flight to the wall;
but that was already seized by the Macedonians: for
Alexander, imagining what afterwards happened, had
ordered Ptolemy there, with three thousand foot.
The greatest part of the Barbarians were slain; even
* Curtius adds Polyperchon.
ALEXANDER's Expedition. 161
many of them, endeavouring to escape by the moun-
tains, were struck with sudden terrors, and fell down
the rocks: however, Ariobarzanes,” accompanied with
a few horse, fled to the mountains. Alexa der then
returning in haste to the river, which he had passed
before, and making the bridge of sufficient strength,
brought over his whole army. Thence, by long
marches, he hasted against the Persians, that he might
surprise the royal treasures wherever he came, before
any notice could be carried of his arrival. At Pasar-
* This is the most romantic story, as Curtius tells it, lib. v.
cap. 4, 33, and really the most improbable one, I ever read.
“Ariobarzanes,” he says, “with forty horse (I cannot imagine
how he came by them, for he had none at first, according to his
account, cap. 3. 17,) and five thousand foot, broke through the
main body of the Macedonians, and with the loss of many of his
own men, and the slaughter of many of his foes, got safe to Per-
sepolis; but being excluded by the garrison, he returned and re-
newed the fight; and by the time that Craterus had joined the
king, he was slain and all his followers.” Arrian tells us no-
thing either of his death or his flight to Persepolis; only, with
much more probability, assures us, he fled through the mountain-
ous country, and made his escape: And indeed it is no great won-
der, for chap. xxiii. he acquaints us, that Artabazus, with three
of his sons, Cophen, Ariobarzanes, and Arsames, came and sur-
rendered themselves to Alexander high Zadracarta. Curtius after
this gives us a strange story, which he spins out to the length of
a whole chapter, viz. “When Alexander drew nigh Persepolis,
he saw a miserable spectacle; for almost four thousand Greek
captives met him, whom the Persians had used barbarously, by
cutting off the feet of some, the hands or ears of others, and
branding them all with a hot iron, whereon were Persian letters,
for a perpetual badge of their slavery, and the others’ hatred.”—
Diodorus, lib. xvii. p. 542; and Justin. lib. xi, cap. 14; and
Suidas in 'AAé:2v300;, say, the number of those captives was no
more than eight hundred; but Plutarch and Arrian have entirely
omitted the story, undoubtedly because they suspected the truth
of it. The reason why I do not approve of this story is, because
it is highly improbable, that those citizens who had excluded
Ariobarzanes for fear of Alexander, would afterwards presume
to exasperate him, by mangling his countrymen in so barbarous
a manner; and if they had done so, it is still more improbable
they would have delivered up themselves and their city, so tame-
ly as they did, without striking a stroke.
VOL. I. M
162 A RR ran’s HISTORY or
gada, he seized upon the money” which had belonged
to Cyrus, and made Phrasaortes the son of Rheo-
mithras governor of Persia. The royal palace of the
Persian ironarchs he burned,f much against the will
of Parmenio, who entreated him to leave it untouched,
not only because it was improper to spoil and destroy
what he had gained by his valour, but that he would
thereby disoblige the Asiatics, and render them less
benevolent to him; for they would then suppose, that
he would not keep Asia in his possession, but abandon
it as soon as it was conquered and laid waste. To
which Alexander made answer, that he was resolved
to revenge the ancientinjuries his country had received
* Curtius tells us, lib. v. cap. 6, 10, that Alexander seized six
thousand talents here. He calls it Persagada, and says Gobares
the governor delivered it up.
+ The burning of Persepolis, Curtius has given us at large,
lib. v. cap. 7, and affirms, that Thais, a noted harlot, was the first
proposer of setting it on fire. Plutarch gives us an account of
Thais, but he tells it as a story which in all likelihood he gave
little credit to. That the royal palace there was set on fire, none
doubts; and that it was done by design, all authors agree ; but
the story of Thais is delivered as a truth by none but himself,
and Diodorus, lib. xvii, p. 545. Curtius adds, that no less than
one hundred and twenty thousand talents in money were found
there, lib. v. cap. 6, 9, though Plutarch seems not to allow this
booty in money to be richer than the former at Susa ; but adds,
that of other moveables and treasures, there was seized as much
as a thousand pair of mules and five hundred camels could well
carry away. Wide Plut. Steph. p. 24.—That the name of Persepolis
was given this place by the Greeks, is unquestionable ; but of this
see more in the Criticism prefixed to this work. Curtius is guilty
of a gross error, lib. v. cap. 7, 9, by saying, that “the city of
Persepolis was so far from being rebuilt, that, unless the river
Araxes run near it, there are not left the least signs to guess at the
place where it stood,” &c.—Now what if I should say it was never
ruined 2 I am sure, neither Arrian, nor Strabo, nor even Dio-
dorus, whom Curtius commonly copies, acquaint us with the burn-
ing of any thing but the royal palace. Besides, Arrian mentions
Alexander's return to Persepolis after his expedition into India;
and Diodorus talks of Persepolis still as the metropolis, in the di-
vision of the empire among Alexander's successors, lib. xix. An-
. is also said to have attempted to reduce Persepolis, Mac-
cab. ix. 2.
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 163
by the Persians, who, when they arrived with their
army in Greece, subverted Athens, burned their tem-
ples, and committed many other barbarous devasta-
tions there. But this, in my opinion, seems to have
been no prudent or politic action in Alexander, and
was no revenge upon the Persians at all.”
CHAPTER XHX.
ALEx ANDER then directed his march into Media;
for he had received information that Darius was
there. Now Darius had determined with himself, if
Alexander rested at Babylon or Susa, to remain in
Media till he heard whether the Macedonian soldiers
attempted any innovations; but if he led his army
forwards against him, then he would retire into Par-
thia and Hyrcania, or even into Bactria; and having
laid all the country behind him waste, render it im-
possible for Alexander to follow him. He there-
fore dispatched the women, and all the royal fur-
niture which he then had, and the carriages, be-
fore him to the Caspian Streights; but he, with
the few forces which he had newly levied, lay yet
at Ecbatana. Alexander hearing this, hasted into
Media, and entering the country of the Paritacae,f
* This is certainly a just remark of Arrian; for had Alexander
taken this place by surprise, and been obliged to quit it again, it
had been no impolitic action to have set the palace on fire; but
as the case stood, he did not set fire to one of the Persian palaces,
but to a palace of his own.
t Curtius has omitted this, and, what is amazing, if any thing
in so romantic an author can be so, he calls it but “fifteen
hundred furlongs from Persepolis to Ecbatana:” but adds, “that
no distance seemed great to Alexander's incredible celerity,”
lib. v. cap. 8, 2.-Arrian tells us, that the king marched eleven
days before he entered the confines of Media, and even then he
was three days journey, if not more, from Ecbatana—Now what
an incredible haste must Alexander make, to march fifteen hun-
dred furlongs, or one hundred and eighty-seven miles, in fourteen
days 2 It is above thirteen miles per day. I am mistaken, if one
M 2
164 ARRIAN's HISTORY OF
subdued it, and appointed Oxathres the son of Abu-
litas governor thereof, who had before been president
of Susa. And when he received notice that Darius
was resolved to meet him, and try the fortune of an-
other battle, (for the Scythians and Cadusians had
come in to his assistance,) having ordered his carriages
and royal furniture to follow him, under a guard ;
he, with all his forces, marched forwards in order of
battle, and on the twelfth day pitched his tents in
Media, where he soon understood that Darius was
in no condition to meet him with the forces he then
had ; as also, that neither the Cadusians nor Scythians
had joined him, and that he reposed all his safety in
a speedy flight; for which reason he was resolved to
be the more hasty in his pursuit. And when he came
within three days journey of Ecbatana, he was met
by Bisthanes the son of Ochus, who reigned in Persia
before Darius : he acquainted Alexander, that it was
now the fifth day since Darius had fled from thence,
having carried out of Media seven thousand talents
of silver, and having with him an army of three thou-
sand horse and six thousand foot.” When Alexan-
of our country turkey-drivers would not hurry on his flock much
faster. Plutarch lends us some light to this story, p. 27, by tell-
ing us, that Alexander in eleven days marched three thousand
three hundred furlongs, which is near thirty-eight miles per day;
after which, he had still three days journey to Ecbatana, and
perhaps more : so that the whole distance could not be less than
four thousand furlongs, or five hundred miles. Now if we could
suppose, that Curtius wrote Four thousand five hundred furlongs,
and his transcribers, by mistake, altered it to One thousand five
hundred, his account might be probable; but as I have no autho-
rity for such an alteration better than guess-work, I shall leave
his numbers faulty, as I found them.
* Curtius pretends that “Darius had here an army of thirty
thousand foot, (four thousand of whom were Greeks,) besides
four thousand archers and slingers, and three thousand Bactrian
horse,” lib. v. cap. 8, 3.−If he had, either he was the worst
general that ever headed an army, or they the cowardliest crew
that ever bore arms. However, this is noted as an error by all
COmmentators.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 165
der arrived at Ecbatana,” he dispatched the Thes-
salian f and auxiliary troops of horse towards the
sea-coast; and besides their whole wages, bestowed a
gift of two thousand talents upon the soldiers; and
at the same time published an order, that if any of
them were willing to serve him longer for wages, his
name should be registered. Many of them therefore
gave in their names. He then ordered Epocillus the
son of Polyides, with a guard of horse, to convey
those to the sea-side, who chose rather to return
home than follow his fortunes: for the Thessalians
sold their horses there. He also sent Mcnetes with
them, to take care that as soon as they came to the
coast, ships should be in readiness to transport them
* We have a strange contradiction here in Curtius: He had
told us, lib. v. cap. 7, that “ Alexander, having made the Lycian,
who was his guide into Persia, a present of thirty talents of silver,
departed from Persepolis and marched into Media.”—But now,
forgetting what he had said before, he says, lib. v. cap. 13,
“ that having intelligence that Darius was gone from Ecbatana,
he left the road which led into Media, and resolved to pursue
him.”—He then goes on ; “When he came to Tabas, the last
city of the Paretacene, deserters informed him of Darius's flight
into Bactria.”—In the first place, no author, besides himself,
mentions any such place as Tabas hereabouts; secondiy, Bis-
thanes the son of Ochus met him three days journey from Ecba-
tana, and told him Darius had fled from thence five days before;
but for all that, Alexander proceeded on his march to Ecbatana,
as we are assured both by Arrian and Strabo ; the first of which
authors acquaints us, “that he carried all the treasures which he
had seized in Persia thither, which he lodged in the castle there,
and committed them to the charge of Harpalus.” And Strabo tells
us, lib. xi. “ they amounted to one hundred and eighty thousand
talents.—Eight thousand (Arrian says, Seven thousand) were car-
ried from Ecbatana by Darius, which were afterwards seized by
those who murdered him.” This number of one hundred and
eighty thousand talents, comes pretty nigh Curtius's computa-
tion, who says, Fifty thousand were seized at Susa, one hundred
and twenty thousand at Persepolis, and six thousand at Persagadas.
+ Plutarch takes notice of his sending the Thessalian horse
home, p. 27, edit. Steph., but Curtius has not mentioned a syllable
of it. However, there is a vast chasm not far from hence, and
perhaps that circumstance may have been lost.
166 ARRIAN’s HISTORY of
to Euboea. He afterwards ordered Parmenio * to
lodge all the money brought out of Persia in the
castle of Ecbatana, and deliver the charge thereof to
Harpalus, whom he appointed to preside over his
treasures there, and with whom he left a guard of six
thousand Macedonians, and some of his auxiliary
horse. IHe then dispatched him (Parmenio) with
the foreigners and Thracians, and the rest of the
horse, except the royal cohort, along the confines of
the Cadusians, into Hyrcania. He also wrote to
Clitus, captain of the royal cohort, that when he
came from Susa to Ecbatana, (for he was left there
for the recovery of his health,) he should take those
Macedonians, whom he had appointed to guard the
treasures, and march with them against the Parthians,
whither also he would soon follow him.
CHAPTER XX.
THEN taking with him his auxiliary horse and the
forlorn hope, with the mercenary troops commanded
by Erigyius, and the Macedonian phalanx, (except
those who were appointed to guard the treasures,) as
also the archers and Agrians, he marched in pursuit
of Darius. And notwithstanding many of his soldiers
fainted on the road, and many of his horses died,
through excessive weariness, he still resolved to con-
tinue the same expedition; and accordingly, on the
eleventh day, arrived at Rhages. This city is one
day's journey distant from the Caspian Streights,
according to Alexander's manner of marching an
* All the conclusion of this chapter is entirely omitted by
Curtius; and indeed he takes up so much room in long speeches,
and needless descriptions of places, that he neglects several things
which would be much more material.
f Curtius has made no mention of his coming here with an
2FIIl V.
A LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 167
army. But Darius had already passed through these
streights, whereupon many of his followers returned
to their habitations, and not a few surrendered them-
selves to Alexander. He then, laying aside all hopes
of ever being able to overtake Darius, by the utmost
expedition he could make, rested there five days; and
having refreshed his army after the fatigues of travel,
he appointed Oxydates,” a Persian, (who had been
taken prisoner by Darius and confined at Susa,)
governor of Media; for this confinement of his by
Darius, gained him credit with Alexander. He then
marched with his army against the Parthians, and
encamped the first day near the Caspian Streights,
which he entered the day after, and came into a fruit-
ful country; and as he was resolved there to lay in a
stock of forage for his army, because he had heard
that the inner parts of the country lay uncultivated and
waste, he dispatched Caenus with his horse, and some
part of his foot, to gather in stores for that purpose.
CHAPTER XXI.
About this time, Bagistanes f the Babylonian, a
noted man, and with him Antibelus the son of
Mazaeus, came to Alexander from Darius's army,
and acquainted him that Nabarzanes, a captain of a
thousand horse, and one of those who had accom-
* This promotion of Oxydates is taken notice of by Curtius;
but he places it after the death of Darius.
+ Curtius tells us a romantic story of one Melon, Darius's in-
terpreter, lib. v. cap. 13, 7, who, being taken, gave Alexander
intelligence. Afterwards, Orsyllos and Mythracenes, two de-
serters from Bessus, offered their service to conduct him.—Of all
which, we have not a word elsewhere.—Then he adds, “When
they had travelled three hundred furlongs, they met Brocubelus
the son of Mazaeus, who assured them that Darius was not above
two hundred furlongs off.”—This Brocubelus is undoubtedly
the same with Arrian's Antibelus. However, Curtius has mis-
taken, by making him and Bagistanes come separately, for they
came together.
168 ARRIAN's HIS Totty of
panied him in his flight, with Bessus governor of
Bactria, and Brazas" prefect of the Arachoti and
Drange, had seized Darius, and held him in custody.
Alexander hearing this, imagined there was now more
need of expedition than ever; wherefore, taking with
him only his auxiliary forces, his light horse, and his
stoutest and best marching troops of foot, without
waiting for the return of Caenus and those whom he
had sent a-foraging, and having given the command
of those whom he left behind to Craterus, he ordered
them to march moderately. Those who accompanied
him, carried no more than their arms and two days
provisions. Then all that night they continued their
march, and till noon the next day; when allowing his
soldiers a little rest, he again marched all the next
night, and early in the morning cntered the camp
from whence Bagistanes came, but found not the
enemy. There he was assured that Darius was
carried prisoner in his chariot; that Bessus had
usurpcd the imperial title, and was named general by
the Bactrian horse and all the other Barbarians, ex-
cept Artabazus and his sons and the Greek mer-
cenaries, who continued still faithful to Darius, and
could not hinder what had happened ; but that they
had left the great road, and retired to the mountains,
refusing to hold correspondence with Bessus. He
also received advice, that those who had the king in
custody had determined, if Alexander continued his
pursuit, to deliver him up, and consult their own
safety; but if he left it off, they would raise as great
an army as they could, and share the empire among
them ; that Bessus was declared general of the army
at present, as well because of the great necessity there
was for him about Darius's person, as because he was
taken prisoner in his province. Alexander, hearing
* This Brazas is called Barzaentes in several places in Arrian;
and that is the true reading, this being no more than only the
last part of the name lopt off, and one letter transposed, which is
common enough.
A LEx ANDER's ExPEDITIon. 169
this, resolved to continue his march with all possible
speed; and though his men, as well as their horses,
were harassed with incessant labour, he nevertheless
proceeded; and travelling hard all that night and till
noon the next day, arrived at a certain village, where
they who led Darius about had pitched their tents
the day before ; and being there further assured that
they designed to march by night, he inquired of the
inhabitants if they knew any migher road than that by
which they fled, that he might the sooner overtake
them ; they told him they did, but that it led through
a country descrt and destitute of water. He, not-
withstanding, ordered them to be his guides: and
when he understood that the foot could not possibly
keep pace with the horse in so hasty a march, he
commanded about five hundred horsemen to alight,
and the captains of foot and others of their best
men, such as were heavy-armed, to mount their
horses. He also ordered Nicanor captain of his
targeteers, and Attalus commander of the Agrians,
to march, with those who were light-armed, along the
great road which Bessus and his companions had
taken. The rest of the foot were left to follow in
order. He set forwards at the close of the evening,
and procecdcd with the utmost vigour; and having
marched four hundred furlongs that night, early the
next morning came up with the Barbarians, who were
flying all in disorder and unarmed. A few of them
drew up in ranks, as if they had designed to defend
themselves; but the greatest part, at the first sight of
Alexander, turned their backs, without striking one
blow ; and cwen when a few of those who betook
themselves to thcir arms were cut off,” the rest fled.
Dessus and his companions still carried Darius about
in a chariot; F but perceiving Alexander at hand,
* No less number than three thousand were slain here, says
Curtius, lib. v. cap. 13, 19; but without any show of probability.
+ Plutarch assures us, p. 28, “That Darius was found lying
along in a chariot, all over wounded with darts, and just at the
I7() ARRIAN's HISTORY OF
J
Satibarzanes and Barzaemtes,” after having given him
several grievous wounds there, left him ; and with a
party of six hundred horse hasted away : soon after
which, Darius, before Alexander had yet seen him,
died of his wounds.
CHAPTER XXII.
ALEXANDER sent the body of Darius into Persia,
to be interred in the royal mausolacum there, among
the ancient Persian kings,f his predecessors. After
which, he constituted Ammynapes ºf the Parthian
point of death.” However, for all this, Curtius, lib. v. cap. 12,
17, will have it, “ That he was laid in a dirty cart, covered with
raw hides, like the meanest captive, and chained with golden
chains.”—I am sure iron ones would have suited his dirty cart
much better.—However, he procecds ; “Polystratus, a Mace-
donian, as he was drinking at a spring, first espied the darts
sticking in the bodies of the oxen; and his curiosity drawing him
to see the reason, he found a man in the same condition, whom,
looking upon more narrowly, he knew to be Darius.” Justin
agrees with Curtius.—If the story of the dirty cart and raw
hides pleases any of my readers, he is welcome to it: as for my
part, I look upon it to be little more than a rhetorical fiction;
and am of opinion, the same things may be said of rhetoricians
as of poets, Miranda camunt, sed mon credenda.
* Curtius makes no mention of either of these as Darius's
murderers; he only says, it was committed by Bessus and his
associates. However, both of them were afterwards taken and
put to death for being guilty of this fact ; and even Bessus him-
self did not long escape.
† This barius, according to Diodorus, lib. xvi. p. 400, was not
of the blood-royal of the Persian monarchs, but a plebeian.
However, Bagoas, an eunuch, having poisoned Ochus, placed his
youngest son Arses, or Arsames, upon the throne: Arses detest-
ing this villanous act, designed to have punished him ; which
Bagoas understanding, dispatched him and all his race, and raised
Codomannus to the empire, who thereupon assumed the name of
Darius.
f Curtius calls him Menapis, lib. vi. cap. 4, 25, and adds, that
he, being banished by Ochus, was entertained by Philip. How-
ever that was, he had obtained the favour at court afterward, so
far as to have part of the government of Ægypt conferred on
him. He takes no notice of Parthia being joined to his govern-
ment, nor of Tlepolemus his assistant.
ALEXAND ER's Ex PEDITION. 17|
(who, with Mazaces, had yielded AEgypt into his
hands,) governor of Parthia and Hyrcania; and
Tlepolemus the son of Pythophanes, one of his friends,
was ordered to assist him in the affairs of his govern-
ment. Thus died Darius, in the month lºcatom-
baion, when Aristophon was archon at Athens; a
prince, uncxpert and imprudent in warlike affairs;
but as to other matters, one who never attempted any
invasion upon the rights of his subjects; neither in-
deed could he ; for as soon as he ascended the
throne, his dominions were attacked by the joint
forces of the Greeks and Macedonians; for which
reason it would not have been safe for him to have
injured his own people, when he had so much need
of their assistance. As long as he lived, one calamity
immediately seized him after another; neither enjoyed
he the least moment's ease, from the time that he
ascended the throne. For his reign was ushered in
with that dismal equestrian defeat at the river Grani-
cus ; soon after which, ensued the loss of Ionia and
AEolia; both Phrygia's, Lydia, and all Caria, except
Halicarnassus; and in a little time that of Halicar-
nassus also, with all the sea-coast as far as Cilicia :
then followed the sad overthrow at Issus, where his
mother, wife, and children were taken captives; soon
after which, Phoenicia and /Egypt were wrested out
of his hands. Then succeeded the last and fatal
battle of Arbela, where he was one of the first who
fled, and where he lost a vast army, made up of all
the nations under his power; soon after which he
was forced to abandon his own kingdoms, and wan-
dered in exile, where, being seized by those about
him, he was at the same time a king and a captive
among his own people; when, after much ignominious
usage received by those who hurried him from place
to place, he was at last barbarously betrayed and
murdered, by those in whom he most confided. These
disasters pursued Darius to the last moment of his
life; but after his death, he was honoured with a
179 ARRIAN's Histo RY or
royal interment; his children received a princely al-
lowance and education from Alexander, as if their
father had still reigned; and Alexander himself took
his daughter to wife. Darius was about fifty years
of age when he died.
CIIAPTER XXIII.
ALExANDER having gathered up those whom he was
forced to leave behind, marched into Hyrcania, which
is situate on the left hand of the way which leads to
Bactria; which road is bounded on one side by a
chain of mountains, high and inaccessible; but on the
other is a spacious plain, extending itself even to the
great sea: and this way he led his army, the rather,
because he was informed that the foreign mercenary
troops which served 1)arius had retreated into the
Mardian mountains ; wherefore he was resolved to
bring the Mardi under subjection. Having therefore
divided his forces into three parts, he himself took
the shortest and most difficult roads, because he led
the best and stoutest part of the army. Craterus,
with his own and Amyntas's troops, and with the
archers and some horse, he dispatched against the
Tapuri; but Erigyius was ordered to lead the foreign
troops, and the remainder of the horse, by a smoother
and easier road, though somewhat longer; and to his
care was committed the chariots and baggage-wag-
gons, and the rest of the multitude. Having there-
fore passed over the first mountains, and placed
guards there, he, with his targeteers and some of the
swiftest of the Macedonian phalanx, besides a few
archers, entered a road extremely rugged and diffi-
cult; and having placed guards wherever he appre-
hended danger, lest the Barbarian mountaineers should
fall upon those who were to follow, and cut them off;
he, with his archers, having passed the streights, en-
camped in a champaign country, near a small river,
ALEXAN DER s Ex P E D iſ to N. | 73
IIither Nabarzanes,” a captain of a thousand horse
under Darius, and Phradaphernes f governor of
Hyrcania and Parthia, and others of the Persian
nobility of great esteem with Darius, came and sur-
rendered themselves to Alexander. Wherefore, tar-
rying there four days, part of his forces which he had
left by the way came up with him, and another part
passed by him safe; but a party of Barbarian moun-
taineers attacked the Agrians, who were left to con-
duct a troop of new-raised men; yet being repulsed
by their darts, they soon departed. Alexander moving
from thence, marched into Hyrcania, towards the
city Zadracarta; and at this time came Craterus, with
the troops under his command, who had not found
the foreign mercenary troops of Darius, which they
sought; but they had brought all the country through
which they passed under subjection, part thereof by
force and part by a voluntary surrender of the inha-
* Nabarzanes, according to Curtius, sent a letter first, which
he gives us word for word, lib. vi. cap. 4, 8; but as most of his
letters, as well as his speeches, are contrived by the author him-
self, such forgeries are, in my humble opinion, the corruption of
history. He then proceeds to give us some geographical descrip-
tion of the situation of the countries through which Alexander
passed; and mentions the Cercetae, the Mosyni, and Chalybes, on
his left hand, and the Leucosyri, and the fields of the Amazons,
on his right.—This is a most excellent geographer | Here are
but five countries mentioned, and the situation of every one of
them is falsely pointed out, as may be easily perceived by con-
sulting Ptolemy, Strabo, Pliny, Dionys. Pieriaeg. &c. He then
goes to work to describe the Caspian sea, and gives us the opinions
of several concerning it, which are all now well known to be
false. He had just before taken a vast deal of pains to describe a
couple of rivers, one of which nobody mentions, besides him-
self, and the other is little to his purpose, and might as well have
been omitted.
f Curtius calls him Phrataphernes, lib. vi. cap. 4, 23; and
Autophradates he names Phradates; and adds, that Alexander
then arrived at Arvas. Where this was, is not known, no geogra-
pher mentioning any such place, at least thereabouts. Ortelius
imagines, it may be the same with Ptolemy's Armusa; but this
is no more than a conjecture, from some affinity in their names.
However, Arrian assures us, that Craterus and Erigyius met him
on his way to Zadracarta.
174 A RRIAN's HISTORY OF
bitants. Erigyius also, with the chariots and bag-
gage, arrived there; and not long after, Artabazus.”
and three of his sons, Cophen, Ariobarzanes, and
Arsames, came to Alexander, attended by ambassa-
dors from the foreign mercenaries which served
Darius, as also Autophradatcs governor of the Ta-
puri. Autophradates he restored to his government,
and Artabazus and his sons he held in high esteem,
as well because they were some of the chief Persian
nobility, as for their great fidelity to Darius: but
when the ambassadors f from the Grecian mercenary
troops required that he would receive all foreigners
into friendship, he returned answer, that he would
enter into no articles with them, because their offence
* Artabazus, with Memnon, (whose sister he had married,)
had revolted from Ochus, and fled into Macedonia to Philip, in
whose court they continued, till, by the mediation of Mentor,
Memnon's brother, they were pardoned and recalled. Alexander
could not be then above seven years of age. Curtius tells us,
“This Artabazus presented his nine sons to Alexander.”—That
he might easily do, if what Diodorus adds, lib. xvi. be true, (viz.)
that he had eleven sons and nine daughters, all by one wife.—
However, he is contradicted here by Arrian, who assures us he
had only three of his sons with him, and gives us their names,
(viz.) Cophen, Ariobarzanes, and Arsames; the second of which,
I am strongly of opinion, is the same who blocked up the Per-
sian Streights with a wall, chap. xviii., and afterwards made his
escape through the mountains. The name is the very same in
the best manuscript of Arrian extant, as Gronovius assures us;
and notwithstanding Curtius causes him to be slain with all his
followers near Persepolis, lib. v. cap. 4, 34, he has done it
after a romantic manner: and this is not the first of his slain
heroes who has come to life again.
t Curtius mentions no fewer than ninety ambassadors, lib. vi.
cap. 5, 10.—A good round number 1 which we might rather take
for the remains of an army than an embassy. However, Arrian
sets us right, by assuring us, there were four from the Lacedae-
monians, one from the Athenians, one from the Carthaginians,
and some from the Synopeans, but what number he mentions
not; however, we cannot reasonably suppose them above three or
four. So that this mighty number of ninety ambassadors will,
in all probability, dwindle to nine or tea; unless we have a mind
to reckon their whole retinue ambassadors, and bring in their
valet-de-chambres and shoe-blackers, to swell the account.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 175
was heinous, in taking up arms for the Barbarians,
against their own country, in direct opposition to the
general decree of Greece. However, he commanded
that they should all either come and surrender them-
selves, that he might dispose of them according to
his pleasure, or shift for themselves as well as they
could afterwards. They hereupon agreed not only
to commit themselves but others into his power, if he
would condescend to send them a captain, to conduct
them safe to him. Their whole number was said to
be about one thousand five hundred. Alexander here-
upon dispatched Andronicus the son of Aggerus, and
Artabazus thither for that purpose.
CHAPTER XXIV.
HE then directed his march against the Mardi, taking
with him his targeteers, archers, and Agrians, with
Coenus’ and Amyntas's troops, and half of the auxili-
ary horse and darters; for he had constituted a troop
of darters who should fight on horseback. And he
soon overran a great part of the country of the Mardi,
many of the inhabitants flying ; some, indeed, betook
themselves to arms, and were slain, and many were
taken prisoners. None before Alexander” had ever
attempted to enter that country in a hostile manner;
partly because of the steep and rugged hills which
must be passed over, and partly because of the
poverty of the inhabitants; which poverty makes them
warlike, at the same time when they are not worth
the conquering; for which reason they, never sus-
pecting Alexander would have attacked them, (be-
* We have an exceeding romantic story given us of this, by
Curtius, which my readers may see, lib. vi. cap. 5. I have
neither room nor leisure to transcribe it, nor is it worth my
while to animadvert upon it. He tells us, Alexander lost his
horse Bucephalus there : but Arrian gives us the same story as
happening among the Uxii. However, Plutarch inclines to the
former opinion.
176 ARRIAN's HIST orty of
cause they had heard that he was already marched
beyond them,) were overrun on a sudden. However,
many of them fled to the mountains, which are there
steep and craggy, imagining that he would never at-
tempt to disturb them there. But when they found
their mistake, they sent messengers to him, and sur-
rendered themselves and country into his hands.
Having then dismissed them, he appointed Autophra-
dates, governor of the Tapuri, to preside over them ;
and returning into the camp, from whence he set forth
on his expedition against the Mardi, he found the
Greek mercenaries who were come to him ; as also
the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, who had been dis-
patched to Darius: these were Callistratidas, Pau-
sippus, Monimus, Anomantus; and Dropides the
ambassador of the Athenians; all which having or-
dered to be seized, he committed them to custody.
The Sinopean ambassadors he set free, because the
Sinopeans were never a part of the commonwealth of
Greece, but were subject to the Persians; for which
reason he deemed them guilty of no crime in sending
an embassy to their king. As to the rest of the
Greeks, those who had entered into the l’ersian ser-
vice before the league and confederacy of their coun-
trymen with the Macedonians, he set free; and, with
them, Heraclides the Carthaginian ambassador. The
rest he ordered to take up arms for him, on the same
conditions they had served Darius. Over those he
appointed Andronicus, (who brought them,) to preside
as captain, whom he judged to have deserved well,
because he had taken the best means for the preser-
vation of their lives.
A LExA.N.D.E.R.'s ExPEDITION. 177
CHAPTER XXV.
Aft FR “this he hasted with his army to Zeudracarta,
the chief city of Hyrcania, where was the royal palace;
and having tarried there fifteen days, sacrificed to the
gods, after the manner of his country, and exhibited
gymnic exercises, he began his march against the
Parthians. Then he passed into the Arian confines
to Susia, a city of the Arii, where Satibarzanes gover-
nor of Aria came to meet him. He restored him his
government, and with him sent Anaxippus, one of his
friends, at the head of a party of forty archers on
horseback, whom he appointed to guard the places,
that the Arii might sustain no damage by his army in
their march through their country. About this time
arrived certain Persians,t with news that Bessus had
assumed the recta tiara, or turban, and the Persian
vest, ensigns of royalty; and laying aside the name of
l}essus, would be styled Artaxerxes king of Asia;
that he had with him the Persian troops which had
fled into Bactria, and great numbers of the Bactrians,
and daily expected the arrival of some confederate
Scythians. Alexander having now all his forces to-
* Hereabouts Curtius places his Amazonum Campi; and here he
gives us the story of the Amazonian queen coming to Alexander,
which I shall take notice of in my Observations upon Arrian,
lib. vii. cap. 13.
+ Curtius acquaints us, lib. vi. cap. 6, 13, that Satibarzanes
governor of the Arii gave him this intelligence. He has told us
nothing of the behaviour of Alexander's soldiers among the Arii,
nor of Anaxippus; but instead of that, has obliged us with a
story of Alexander's setting fire to and burning all their bag-
gage 3 by which means, that rich and almost inestimable furni-
ture, which the Persians had been so many years, and perhaps
ages, in amassing together, and they had run so much hazard in
acquiring, was consumed in a moment. However, he assures us
it was deemed absolutely necessary all should go together; for
wealth incited them to luxury, and luxury enervated them, and
made them neglect their martial discipline.
VO L. I. N
178 ARRIAN's History of
gether, directed his march towards Bactria; for here
Philip the son of \{enclaus came to him from Media,
with the mercenary troops of horse under his com-
mand and the Thessalians, who by his order tarried
behind in the camp, besides the recruits led on by
Andromachus; for Nicanor the son of Parmenio, cap-
tain of the targeteers, was now dead. As Alexander
was upon his march into Bactria, he received infor-
mation that Satibarzanes governor of the Arii, hav-
ing slain Anaxippus and the archers his attendants,
had armed the country, and ordered them to meet at
the city Artacoana, where is the royal palace of the
Arian princes. Iſe had also resolved, as soon as he
received news that Alexander was marched a little
further off, to lead his army to Bessus, that so, by
their joint force, they might be able to match the Ma-
cedonians wherever they met them. When Alexander
heard this, he postponed his journey into Bactria; and
taking with him his auxiliary horse, his darters on
horseback, his archers and Agrians, as also Caenus'
and Amyntas's troops, leaving the rest of the army
there under Craterus, he marched suddenly against
Satibarzanes and the Arii; and having travelled six
hundred furlongs in two days, came to Artacoana.”
Satibarzanes no sooner perceived his approach, than
he was struck with astonishment at the expedition he
had made; wherefore, with a few of the Arian horse, f
* I shall here present my readers with a specimen of the dif-
ference which we sometimes meet with in ancient authors about
the name of one town. Arrian here calls this city Artacoana,
and some manuscripts Artacoan ; but the best, according to Gro-
mºvius, Arctoana; Curtius, Artacacna, and some editions, Arcta-
crana; Diodorus, Chortacana; Strabo, Arctacana; and Ptolemy,
Articandma.
+ Curtius, lib. vi. cap. 25, calls these few no fewer than two
thousand, and tells us a story “ ºf this teen thousand Arii, who
had seized a rock, and secured themselves upon it. and were re-
solved to defend themselves ; wheretipon Alexander ieft Craterus
to besiege them, and hasted after Satibarzanes; but Satibarzanes
being gone out of his reach, he returned to the siege of this rock
to Craterus.”—Well, in short, they piled vast heaps of wood, as
A LEx A.N DER’s ExPEDITION. 179
he made his escape; many of his soldiers, when they
were assured that the enemy was at hand, deserting
from him in his flight. Alexander seized as many as
he knew were guilty of the revolt, and those who had
forsaken their habitations, and used them with rigour,
putting some to death, and sending others into sla-
very: and having then appointed Arsaces the Persian”
governor of the Arii, he, with those forces which he
had before left with Craterus, marching against the
Zarangaei, came to the imperial city; but Barsaentes,t
one of those who murdered Darius in his flight, and
was then prince of that country, hearing of his ap-
proach, fled to the Indians, on the other side the river
Indus; but they having seized him, sent him to Alex-
ander, who, for his treachery to Darius, commanded
him to be put to death.
high as the rock, which they set fire to ; whereupon the Barba-
rians finding the place too hot for them, some of them cast them-
seives down the rock, some half burnt were taken captives, and
others were burnt to death.-Curtius then goes on, cap. 6, 33,
“From hence (that is from the siege of this rock) he (Alexander)
returned to Craterus, who besieged Artacacna, and only waited
for the king's coming, that he might have the honour of taking
it.”—This is very strange Either Craterus was with Alexander
all the while till the rock was delivered up, and the story of his
having almost taken Artacacna is false ; or, if Alexander dis-
patched him with any party of men to besiege Artacacna before
the said rock was surrendered, he has been guilty of an unpar-
donable omission. Half-stories are generally unintelligible, and
had better be left out.
* This Arsaces is a corruption, for it ought to be Arsames. He
was one of the sons of Artabazus.
+ I fancy this Barzaentes is the same whom Arrian mentions,
chap. xxi. by the name of Brazas, prefect of the Arachoti and
Drangae. Whether the Drangae and Zarangae be the same peo-
ple, I am not able to give an account. Arrian and Pliny make
them different. However, if they be different, they cannot be
far distant; and the stories in Arrian concerning the Zarangi,
Curtius, Diodorus, and Strabo give us of the Drangi; and that
a Z might be mistaken for a Greek A, is a matter which will be
allowed without much difficulty. --
| S() A R RIAN's HISTORY of
CHAPTER XXVI.
At this time Alexander was assured that Philotas *
the son of Parmenio had conspired against his life.
Ptolemy and Aristobulus acquaint us, that when the
treason was first divulged to him in Iłºgypt, he reject-
ed the information, as deeming it highly improbable,
not only because of the ancient friendship and honour
he had for his fathcr Parmenio, but also because of
the extraordinary confidence he had reposed in him.
But Ptolemy elsewhere tells us, that Philotas being
brought before a council of the Macedonians, and
grievously accused by Alexander, was then acquitted;
but afterwards fresh circumstances appearing, and a
new charge being drawn up against him and his ac-
complices; among other things, one in particular was,
that he had confessed his having knowledge of a cer-
tain conspiracy against his sovercign's life, which he
never divulged, notwithstanding he had all the oppor-
tunity he could wish to make a discovery, having frce
access into the royal tent twice every day. Upon
this, Philotas I and all the rest of the conspirators,
were slain by darts from the Macedonians which sur-
rounded them. Polydanas, one of Alexander's friends,
was immediately dispatched away to Parmchio, with
letters from him to the captains of the army in Media,
* Curtius has spent no less than five long chapters upon this
single circumstance of Philotas’s accusation and defence. He
has given us the several questions and answers, replies and re-
joinders, with so much nicely, and described every minute parti-
cular relating thereto so accurately, that one would almost swear
he had been fee'd for counsel, on one side or the other, himself;
though, after all, I tºuch doubt whether he greatest part of what
he has advanced upon that head be not fictiºn, as well as most of
ii is speeches and letters are. But as his work is in every body’s
hands, I shail not trouble nty readers with remarks upon it, but
refer then to the story itself, lib. vi. cap. 7, 8, 9, (), I.
f They were sloped to death, as Cui ius informs us, according
to the custom of the Macedonians, lib. vi. cap. l I, 38.
ALEx ANDEn’s Expedition. 181
who at that time were Cleander, Sitalces, and Mo-
mides, who commanded there under Parmenio, and
by them Parmenio” was put to death; either because
Alexander deemed it unlikely that Philotas should
form so deep a conspiracy against his life, and his fa-
ther be ignorant thereof, or rather, though perhaps he
might think him innocent, he might at the same time
think it dangerous, having slain the son, to suffer his
father to survive, especially since his power was so
vast, both with Alexander and the army, as well Ma-
cedonians as foreigners; over a great part of whom,
by his sovereign's command, he had often presided,
both in his course and otherwise, and acquitted him-
self with the highest applause.
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE same authors add, that Amyntast the son of
Andromenes was accused before the council, and
* The circumstances of Parmenio's death, Curtius has given
us, whether true or false. However, he says, lib. vii. cap. 2, 27,
“ that Cleander first stabbed him in the side, and then in the
throat; and afterwards the rest, (namely Sitalces and Menidas,
I suppose,) shamefully mangled the dead body : then Cleander
cut off the head, and sent it to Alexander; and the body was
buried by the soldiers.”
f The story of these brothers is spun out to an excessive length
by Curtius, and should be passed over without any remark, did
he not in some particulars dissent from Arrian ; for he first takes
up four whole pages in a set speech, which he puts into the mouth
of Amyntas, and even then breaks it off abruptly, by telling us,
lib. vii. cap. 2, 1, that “while Amyntas was thus defending him-
self, those who pursued Polemon brought him in bound.” He
then makes a sort of a speech, or Curtius for him ; after which
he tells us, lib. vii. cap. 2, 4, that “the reason of his flying away
was, because he with many others were terrified at the unusual
tortures of Philotas: With them he fled a little way, till being at
a stand whether to come back or no, and having lost his company,
he was seized by those who pursued him.”—A school-boy would
have made a better excuse by half for playing the truant. Cur-
tius takes no notice at all of Attalus, another of the brothers, ac-
cused with the rest.
189 A RRIAN’s History of
with him Polemon, Attalus, and Symmias, his brothers,
as privy to the conspiracy against Alexander, by rea-
son of their extraordinary intimacy with Philotas; and
the suspicion of their guilt was much strengthened
among the common people, because, when Philotas
was apprehended, Polemon, one of those brothers,
fled to the enemy. But when Amyntas, who with
his two brothers which stood their ground, had taken
their trial, he pleaded his cause so well that they
were all acquitted ; immediately after which, before
the council rose, he begged leave to go and bring his
brother back to Alexander; which being granted, he
went, and the same day returned with his brother :
and from this circumstance his innocence appeared
much plainer than before. However, as he was as-
saulting a small village, not long after, he was struck
with an arrow,” and died of the wound ; so that he
received little advantage from his absolution by the
council, except that of carrying the character of
a loyal subject to his grave. After this, Alexander
gave the command of the auxiliary horse to two of his
friends, namely, to Hephæstion the son of Amyntor,
and Clitus the son of Dropidas. And he thus divided
these troops, because he would not trust any one of
his friends with the sole command of them, they being
the best in his whole army both for honour and mar-
tial prowess. He then turned his eyes upon thosc
who were anciently called Agriaspas, but afterwards
Euergetae, or Bounti/ul, who had assisted Cyrus the
son of Cambyses in his cxpedition against the Scy-
thians. Those Alexander highly esteemed, because
their predecessors had behaved themselves well; and
when he heard that they lived not after the manner of
the Barbarians their neighbours, but administered
justice like the best-ordered states of Greece, he
declared them free, and gave them as much land out
* We have no account of his death in Curtius; nor of the di-
vision of the command of the auxiliary horse between Clitus and
Hephæstion.
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 18S
of the neighbouring country as they requested, be-
cause their requests were moderate. In that place
he sacrificed to Apollo; and then having seized upon
Demetrius,” one of his body-guards, whom he sus-
pected to be one of the accomplices of Philotas, he
substituted Ptolemy the son of Lagus in his place.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
A LEx ANDER after this directed his march against
Bactria and Bessus; and in his way having received
homage of the Drangae, the Gadrosi, and Arachoti,
he appointed Menon their governor. He then pro-
ceeded to the Indians adjacent to the Arachoti; all
which nations he subdued, but with the utmost toil
and difficulty, his soldiers passing through deep
snows," and enduring all the extremities of want :
but when he had notice that the Arii had again re-
volted, and that Satibarzanes, with two thousand horse
* This story of Demetrius is placed by Curtius among the rest,
lib. vi. cap. 1, 3G : and he makes Philotas, after he had been
stretched upon the rack, to cast his eyes around, and espying one
Calas, desired him to come nigh, and then cried out to him, “How
canst thou endure to hear Demetrius lie thus, and have me racked
again f"—Poor Philotas I cannot forbear pitying him myself;
though, by the bye, this speech of his seems a little unlikely, as
well as unseasonable, Demetrius not being seized till some days
after Philotas was dead.
+ In this country, Curtius tells us, lib. vii. cap. 3, 13, “the
army suffered all the extremities inaginable: Some were quite
killed with cold ; the fect of some were numbed ; the eyes of
others hurt; some desiring to rest their wearied limbs, and lying
upon the snow, as soon as their motion ceased, their natural heat
ceased too.”—He had assured us just before, that they were then
near the north pole, and now adds, “ That the air was so thick
and foggy, and the light so dim, that they could scarce discern
any thing, though it was ever so nigh.”—What reader, by such
a description, would not imagine them to have been under the
north pole indeed I can assure mine, they were very far from
it, being then in a country which lies between the 34th and 40th
degree of latitude, and, of consequence, it could not be much
colder than Greece or Italy.
184 A RRIAN's History of
which he had received from Bessus, had entered the
country, he dispatched Artabazus the Persian, with
Erigyius and Caranus, against them, and ordered
Phrataphernes governor of the Parthians to accom-
pany them. A sharp battle then happened between
the troops of Erigyius and Caranus, and those of Sati-
barzanes; and the Barbarians stood their ground till
Satibarzanes, encountering Erigyius, was struck in the
face with a dart,” and died of the wound : but then,
terrified at the death of their general, they betook
themselves to flight. Alexander then marching to
Mount Caucasus, built a city there, which he named
Alexandria ; and having offered sacrifices to the
gods, after the custom of his country, passed over the
mountains. He left the government of this land in
the hands of Proexes the Persian, f and appointed
his friend Niloxenus the son of Satyrus to remain
there with his army. Mount Caucasus, according
to Aristobulus's account, rises to as great a height as
any mountain in all Asia; and the surface thereof, in
that part where Alexander viewed it, was bare. It
also stretches out to such a mighty length, that some
reckon Mount Taurus, which crosses Cilicia and
Pamphylia, to be a branch thereof; as also many
other high mountains, which vary their names, ac-
cording to the variety of nations inhabiting near them.
Nothing but sylphium and the turpentine-tree grow
there, according to the same author; notwithstanding
* Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 4, 33, &c. makes Frigyius and Satibar-
zanes challenge each other, in as formal, and almost as formidable,
a manner, as any two of our modern Bear-garden gladiators; after
which, “Satibarzanes,” he tells us, “threw the first dart, which
Erigyius avoided by stooping forward; and clapping spurs to his
horse, he run his spear so far into his adversary’s throat that it
came out behind. This bore him off his horse; yet still he strug-
gled; but Erigyius drawing the weapon out of his throat, struck
it into his mouth : the Barbarian himself helped the thrust, and
died immediately.”
+ Proexes and Niloxenus are not mentioned by Curtius.
: This was called Mount Caucasus by Alexander's soldiers,
though the inhabitants called it Parapamisus.
A LEx A.N DElt's Ex PEDITION. | 85
which it is very populous, and multitudes of sheep
and neat cattle are seen there ; for they ſeed upon
sylphium; and the sheep especially are so fond there-
of, that if they chance to smell it at a distance they
immediately haste thither, and having cropt the flower,
even dig up and gnaw the root ; for which reason,
some of the Cyreneans keep their sheep at a distance
from the places where the sylphium grows, and others
enclose it with a fence, lest their sheep should smell
it if too nigh, or break in and devour it; for it is there
very valuable. Bessus, with those who were his ac-
complices in the treachery against Darius, besides
seven thousand Bactrians and Daae,” who inhabited
the country beyond the Tanais, had laid all the coun-
try about Caucasus waste, to the intent that the de-
solation thereof, and the want of all necessaries, might
put a stop to Alexander's progress. But he, never-
theless, marched forwards, though with extreme diffi-
culty, by reason of the depth of the snow and scar-
city of provisions. As soon as Bessus understood
that Alexander was not far off, he passed the river
Oxus with his forces; and having immediately burnt
the vessels which they had used in ferrying over, re-
tired to Nautaca, a city of Sogdia. IIe was attended
thither by Spitamenes and Oxyartes, with the Sogdian
horse and Daae from the river Tanais ; but the 13ac-
trian horse, perceiving that he had no hopes of safety
remaining but what he placed in a precipitate flight,
fell away from him by degrees, and returned to their
own country.
C II APTER XXIX.
ALEXAN DER then hasted to Drapsaca, where having
refreshed his army, he moved thence against Aornus
and Bactra, the chief cities of the Bactrians; which
being immediately surrendered to him, he placed a
* Curtius calls them eight thousand.
186 A R RIAN's IIISTORY OF
garrison in the castle of Aornus; and making Arche-
laus the son of Androcles, one of his friends, governor
thereof, and all the rest of the country being easily
reduced, Artabazus * the Persian was appointed their
president. He then led his army to the river Oxus.
This river has its rise from Mount Caucasus, and is
the greatest in all Asia which Alexander passed over
with his army, except those of India : it discharges
its waters into the great sea, nigh Hyrcania.f When
Alexander came to this river, he found no possibility
of passing over it; for its breadth was full six fur-
longs, its depth proportionable to a greater breadth,
and the bottom sandy; its stream was so rapid, as
suddenly to root out and sweep away whatever piles
were driven down into the bottom, which could not
be firmly fixed by reason of the looseness of the
sand. Add to this, that he had no materials ready
for the building a bridge; and it would have taken
up too much of his time to have conveyed every thing
necessary for that purpose thither from parts so far
distant. IIaving therefore ordered all the skins, which
they used for their tents, to be gathered together, he
commanded them to be filled with any light and dry
matter they could find, and carefully bound up and
Stitched, to prevent the water from entering; upon
* Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 5, I, mentions Artabazus as promoted
to the government of Bactria; but takes no notice of Archelaus
the son of Androcles, who was made governor of the castle of
Aornus. He tells us, lib. vi. cap. 5, 4, that Artabazus was ninety-
five years old when he came to Alexander in Hyrcania, and
brought his mine sons along with him.—If so, I should imagine
some or other of them much fitter to keep the country in subjec-
tion, than he who was just stepping into his grave.
+ The rise and course of other rivers, which were nothing to
his purpose, Curtius has taken so much pains to describe, that he
has entirely omitted the description of this, perhaps because it
was, Arrian’s account of it here is very fine; and what makes it
material is, because Alexander found so much difficulty in passing
over it. Curtius indeed mentions his passing his army over on
skins stuffed with straw, lib. vii, cap. 5, 18; but is entirely silent
as to the breadth, depth, or rapidity of the current.
ALEX ANDER's ExPEDITION. 187
which skins, so stuffed out and sewed up, in the space
of five days he conveyed his whole army safe over.
But before he attempted to pass this river, he sought
out such of the Macedonians “as were rendered unfit
for service either by age or wounds, and such of the
Thessalians as had chosen to remain in their tents,
and sent them back into their own country. He then
dispatched Stasanor, one of his friends, into the ter-
ritories of the Arii, to seize Arsames | the governor
there, (who was endeavouring to stir up his people to
a revolt,) and take the care of that province upon
himself. Having therefore passed over the river Oxus,
he marched with his forces towards the place, where
he heard that Bessus and his army lay cncamped :
but in the mean time arrived messengers from Spita-
menes and Dataphernes, who assured him, that if he
would send any of his captains thither with a small
party, they would deliver Bossus ; prisoner into his
hands; for they had already apprehended him, though
they had not yet bound him with fetters. When Alex-
ander understood this, he slackened his pace, and
moved easily forwards with his army ; but ordered
Ptolemy the son of Lagus,S with three troops of the
* Curtius, lib. vii, cap. 5, 27, tells us, they were in number
about nine hundred ; and says, “ Alexander commanded them
to return home, and get children who might do him as good ser-
vice as they had done.” This, he says, happened after they had
passed the Oxus.
+ That this Arsaunes is the same whom Arrian mentions,
chap. 25, is indisputable ; the fºrmer name being only ºn cºror
of a x instead of a v. Flui, who he was, is not so easy to learn.
It could not be the same whº ) ºr us made governor of Cilicia,
and who fled from Tarsus, for he was slain at the battle of issus.
I am therefore of opinion, it was one of the sous of Arta'azus,
mentioned chap. 23. º
f The manner of their apprehending Bessms, is well worth the
observation, in Cºrtius, it being full as romantic as any of the rest
of his stratagºns. Ste it, Curt. lib. vii. cap. 5. I have not room
to transcri')" it.
§ This circumstance of Alexander's sending Ptolemy, with the
forces under his command, to receive ''cssºs, is omitted by Cur-
{ } { } S,
188 A RRIAN's HISTORY OF
auxiliary horse, and all his archers on horseback, as
also Philotas's regiment of foot, besides a thousand
targeteers, all his Agrians, and half of his archers, to
make the best of his way to Spitamenes and Data-
phernes. Ptolemy having accordingly marched ten
ordinary days journey in four days space, arrived at
the place where Spitanicnes and the Barbarians had
encamped the night before.
CIIAPTER XXX.
Tii ERE Ptolemy was assured that Spitamenes and
Dataphernes were not fully resolved in their own
minds about the delivery of Bessus. Wherefore leav-
ing his foot behind, and commanding them to follow
in order, he hasted forward with his horse till he came
to a certain village, where Bessus * was with a few of
his soldiers; for those with Spitamenes had quitted
the place, because they would not seem to be guilty
of betraying him. Ptolemy having surrounded the
village with his horse, (for it was walled round,) order-
ed proclamation to be made, that the inhabitants
should not receive any harm if they would deliver up
lłessus. The barbarians hearing this, opened their
gates; and Ptolemy, with his forces, entered the vil-
lage, where having seized Bessus, he returned to Alex-
ander; but first of all dispatched a messenger to in-
quire after what manner Bessus should be brought
into his presence ; who returned answer, that he
should be brought chained and naked, and afterwards
placed on the right-hand side of the way along which
he was to pass with his army. When Alcxander saw
him, he caused his chariot to stop, and asked him,
What induced him to seize upon Darius, his sove-
* Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 5, 37, makes Spitamenes deliver Bessus
up himself, on purpose to have the opportunity of putting a fine
speech into his mouth ; but he is contradicted by Arrian.
A LEX ANDER's ExPEDITION. 180
reign and his friend, and who had always deserved
well at his hands, and, after having seized and led him
about prisoner, to murder him To whom Bessus re-
plied, That it was not his act, nor done by his advice
alone; but it was the general opinion of all then pre-
sent, that it would procure them the favour of Alex-
ander. He then ordered Bessus to be whipped, and the
upbraiding speech he had first made to him, to be
proclaimed aloud by a crier. Bessus, thus punished,
was sent into Bactria, there to be put to death.*
Thus far Ptolemy. But Aristobulus's account of this
affair is, that Spitamenes' and Dataphernes's soldiers
delivered Bessus into Ptolemy's hands, and that he
was then brought chained and naked to Alexander.
Alexander having received the horses he there ex-
pected to remount his cavalry, (for he had lost many
horses in his passage over Mount Caucasus, as well
as in his march towards the river Oxus and his depar-
ture from thence,) marched straight to Maracanda, f
in which city stands the royal palace of the Sogdians,
and afterwards to the river Tanais. This river (which
Aristobulus says has the name of Orxantest among
the neighbouring inhabitants) owes its rise to Mount
Caucasus, and discharges its waters into the Hyrca-
nian sca. There is another Tanais, whereof IHero-
dotus the historian makes mention as the eighth river
of Scythia; and adds, that it has its origin from a great
lake, and loses itself at last in one much greater,
* The manner of Bessus's death is related, lib. iv. cap. 7 ;
where the various opinions of authors concerning it shall be
showed.
+ Curtius makes Alexander pass the Tanais first, lib. vii.
cap. 5, 36, and afterwards arrive at Maracanda, cap. 6, 10; but
erroneously, for Maracanda lies on this side that river.
# This river Orsautes, or Jaxyrtus, or Sylis, according to Piny,
is the boundary between the Sogdians and the Asiatic Scythians.
Straho and Arrian assure us, it was called Tanais by the Macedo-
nian soldiers: they mistook the Caspian Sea for the Pontick Sea;
and Curtius confounds it with the other Tanais, which separates
Asia from Europe.
100 A R RIAN's HISTORY of
namely, the Lake of Maeotis; that some place this
Tanais as the boundary of Europe and Asia; for this
river falling into the Palus Maeotis, and that after-
wards into the Euxine Sea, parts Europe and Asia,
in the same manner as the sea between Gades and
the opposite shore of Numidia disjoins Europe from
Africa; or as the river Nilus separates Africa from
another part of Asia. I ſerc (namely, at this river
Tanais) some of the Ålacedonian horse, foraging at a
great distance, were surprised and slain by the Bar-
barians, who were gathered together to the number of
about thirty thousand,” and who, after this exploit,
betook them to a high mountain, steep and rugged,
and cvery way difficult to ascend. Against these,
Alexander, with the swiftest and lightest-armed troops
of his whole army, suddenly directed his march. The
Macedonians, in several of their first attempts to dis-
* Their number, according to Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 6, 1, was
but twenty thousand; though he tells the story different: “They
were,” says he, “a party of robbers, and their way of fighting
was with slings and arrows. Alexander besieged them, and ven-
turing himself in the foremost ranks, was wounded by an arrow in
the leg, and carried back to his tent by the sorrowful and dejected
Macedonians. However, the Barbarians, who discerned the pas-
sages of the fight from an eminence, sending an:bassadors the
next day, they were introduced into his presence; and he show-
ing them his leg, they expressed an exceeding concern at it; and
to convince him of their sincerity for his safety, protested, that if
the wretch who shot the arrow could be found out, he should be
immediately delivered up.”—A very likely story ! I warrant they
had all tried, and would have been glad if they could have killed him
the day before ; but it was not time now to tell him so. How-
ever, he proceeds : “For it belonged only to the sacrilegious to
fight with the gods.”—Who would imagine that a parcel of rob-
hers conid have such qualms of conscience —“Therefore they
came and submitted themselves and their country to his protec-
tion.”—That is, because they looked upon him as a god, they
submitted themselves, &c. Had he been a devil, he had been
much fitter for them, whose whole lives were spent in murder,
rapine, and injustice.—However, he goes on : “Having taken
hostages, he received them into favour.”—If this story be true, it
is a very strange one; and whether it be true or false, it is a very
ridiculous one.
A LEX ANDER's ExPEDITION. 10 l
lodge the mountaineers, were beat back by the Bar-
barians, and many of them wounded ; even Alexan-
der himself was shot through the leg with an arrow,
whereby the fibula, or lesscr bone, thereof was broke.
However, at last the mountain was gained, and many
of the Barbarians slain by the Macedonians; many
others also threw themselves headlong from the rocks,
and perished; so that, of thirty thousand who endea-
voured to maintain that post, scarce cight thousand
made their escape.
192 A R RIAN's Histo Ry of
BOOK IV.
-º-
CIIAPTER I.
A FEw days after came ambassadors to Alexander
from the Scythians, named Abii (whom IHomer in
his work commends, as the justest nation upon
earth : these are inhabitants of Asia, subject to no
laws, by reason of their poverty and their exact
distribution of justice); and with them came also
ambassadors from the European Scythians; for a
great nation of the Scythians inhabits Europe.
Alexander sent some of his friends to attend those
on their return home; under a pretext, indeed, of
Scttling a friendship with them by an embassy, but,
in reality, that he might know the situation of their
country, the number of their inhabitants, the stature
of their bodies, and what kind of arms they used in
battle. In the mean time, he resolved to build a
city near the banks of the river Tanais,” and have
* Curtius perpetually mistakes this Orxant s, or Indian Ta-
nais, which falls into the Caspian sea, for the other Tanais,
which discharges its waters into the Palus Maeotis ; and as an
instance of his amazing skill in geography, he assures us, lib. vii.
cap. 7, 2, that the same river Tanais, which separates Europe
from Asia, divides Bactria from Scythia Europaea, which country
reaches nigh Thrace to the north-eastward, and does not only
border upon, but, as some think, is a part of Sarmatia: right
forward, it joins with the Alauni, beyond the river Ister, &c.”
—Here, the whole country between these two rivers is entirely
set aside and lost, and there is such a crowding, and jostling,
and thrusting, and elbowing places out of the situation which
nature gave thein, as you will scarce meet with in any other
author. It is a pity but those wise geographers, who remove
towns, countries, rivers, and mountains, out of their ancient
stations, should be obliged to bring them back at their own
cost and charges. -
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 193
it called after his own name; for the place seemed
extremely commodious for that purpose, and a fit
situation (whenever occasion should offer) for an ex-
pedition against the Scythians; and not only so, but
it would also serve as a fortress, to secure the coun-
try on this side the river from the incursions of
those on the other. He also conjectured, that this
city would become great, as well by reason of the
numbers of its future inhabitants, as by its being dig-
nified with such a name. In the mean time, the
Barbarians inhabiting the country near the river,
having seized the Macedonian soldiers, who had been
appointed to guard the cities of Scythia, put them to
death; and, for their greater security, fortified their
cities. Many of the Sogdians joined with them in
this revolt, being stirred up to it by those who had
taken Bessus;* some of the Bactrians also sided with
them, either because they were afraid of Alexander,
or, as the report then went, because Alexander had
fixed the meeting of the presidents of that province to
be held at Zariaspa, from which convention they
predicted no good to themselves.
CHAPTER II.
WHEN these things were told to Alexander, he or-
dered all his foot, according to their several cohorts,
to furnish themselves with ladders ; and he marched
with his forces to the city which lay nighest the
army, called Gaza,t (for the Barbarians of that
* Those who caused Bessus to be delivered up to Alexander
WerC Spitamenes and Dataphernes. Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 5,
tells us a long story of Spitamenes, and gives us two or three
fine speeches of his to Alexander, with their answers, as if Spi-
tamenes had brought Bessus and surrendered him, himself.
IIowever, Arrian assures us that Spitamenes and Dataphernes
only left him in a village to be taken, and then marched for-
wards into the more remote parts of Sogdia.
+ The siege of this city is not taken notice of by Curtius, nor
the name thereof so much as mentioned ; only one slight hint is
VO L. I. O
194 ARRIAN’s HISTORY of
country were reported to have seized upon seven
cities,) he dispatched Craterus to Cyropolis, the
greatest of these cities, and into which most of the
Barbarians had retired, commanding him to encamp
nigh the walls, to draw a ditch and rampart round
the city, and plant his engines, wherever he
thought convenient; so that the citizens there, find-
ing employment enough to defend themselves at
home, might not be able to succour other places else-
where. As soon as he approached Gaza, he ordered
the wall, which was but of mud, and low built, to
be assaulted, and his scaling-ladders every where got
ready. Then his slingers, and archers, and darters,
mixed with the foot, beginning the attack, smote the
besieged with missive weapons, and at the same
time galled them with darts from their engines, in-
somuch that the walls were deserted by the Barba-
rians, and the ladders being immediately fixed, the
Macedonians mounted, and entering the city, killed
all the men they met (for so Alexander had com-
manded); but the women, and children, and the
riches of the place, were given as spoil to the sol-
diers. Thence he moved to another of those cities,
which was built and fortified like the former; which
he assaulted and took the same day, and disposed
of the captives in the same manner. Thence pro-
ceeding to the third city,” on the next day, he took
given, lib. vii. cap. 6, 16, that “while Craterus lay before Cyro-
polis, Alexander took another city by storm, wherein he put all
the youth to the sword, and made the rest prisoners of war;
which done, he quite demolished it, to deter others from revolt-
ing.”—This is probably meant of the same place: however,
what is here said may almost as well be said of any other siege.
* Curtius has given us an account but of two or three cities,
at the most, which were besieged and taken by Alexander in
this country; whereas Arrian assures us there were seven, and
takes notice of the taking of each of them. Whether those peo-
ple whom Curtius calls the Memaceni, lib. vii. cap. 6, 17, might
not be the inhabitants of some of these seven cities, I know not;
perhaps they might. If so, he has made mention of three. How-
ever, the Memaceni are spoke of by no author except himself.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 195
it at the first attack. In the mean time, while he,
at the head of his troops of foot, was busied in re-
ducing those places, he dispatched his horse to other
two cities not far off, with orders to take care that
the citizens, when they heard of the storming of their
neighbour-towns, and his nigh approach, should not
betake themselves to flight, and so render it a diffi-
cult task for him to overtake them. And as he
thought, so it happened, that the dispatch of these
troops thither was necessary; for the Barbarians
who held the other two cities not yet taken, seeing
the smoke of that over-against them, which was then
on fire, (and besides, some who had escaped out of
that calamity bringing them the news,) they fled out
of both the cities as fast as they could ; but falling
in among the horse posted for that purpose, were
most of them slain.
CHAPTER III.
THESE five cities thus taken and destroyed in two
days, he hasted to Cyropolis,” the greatest and
most populous of the whole country. It was sur-
rounded with a wall much higher than any of the
rest, and was built by Cyrus: and, as many Barba-
rians both stout and warlike had fled for shelter
thither, it was not to be supposed that the Mace-
donians should gain it at the first assault. Where-
* We are told by Curtius, that Alexander dispatched Craterus
to besiege Cyropolis, lib, vii. cap. 6, 16; though it is evident
from Arrian, that he was rather sent to block it up, and hinder
its inhabitants from succouring their neighbours. However,
presently after he seems to forget himself; for he adds, “ that
Alexander ordered Perdiccas and Meleager, who were besieging
Cyropolis, to raise the siege, and come and join his army, then
lying before the city of the Memaceni.”—I wonder where Cra-
terus was then, or where the other two were before. That the
blockade of Cyropolis was not raised, is manifest from Arrian;
so that the whole story of the Memaceni looks like a fiction.
O 9
196 A RRIAN's HISTORY or ,
fore Alexander, having planted his engines in places
convenient, determined to batter the wall, and where-
ever he made a breach, to storm the place: but find-
ing the channel of the river, which usually ran through
the town like a torrent, at that time dry, and the
wall disjoined, so as to afford an entrance for his sol-
diers, he, with his body-guards, his targeteers, his
archers and Agrians, (while the Barbarians were
employed in guarding themselves from the engines
and the assailants,) privately entered the city, at first,
with a few men, through that channel,” and having
burst open the gates nigh that part, gave an easy
admittance to the rest. The Barbarians then, not-
withstanding they perceived their city taken, falling
upon the Macedonians, a sharp battle ensued, where-
in Alexander himself received a blow on the head
and neck with a stone, and Craterus and many
more of his captains were wounded with missive
weapons. However, the Barbarians were at last
driven out of the forum. In the mean time those
who battered the wall, sceing it void of defendants,
took it, and at their first entrance slew about eight
thousand of the enemy. The rest (for the whole
number there gathered together was eighteen thou-
sand) retired into the castle: but these, when Alex-
ander had continued his siege but one day, being
* Arrian gives us a far more particular relation of this siege
than either Curtius or any other author. Curtius, lib. vii. cap.
6, 21, tells us, that Alexander caused the walls to be undermi-
ned, and entered through the breach: whereas Arrian affirms,
that at that time there was no occasion for undermining the
wall, the channel of the river, which was then dry, affording a
sufficient space for a few to enter unobserved; and these, hav-
ing burst open a gate, gave a speedy entrance to the rest. The
circumstance of Alexander's receiving a blow on the neck with
a stone is confirmed by Curtius and Plutarch; only Plutarch
(relying, perhaps, too much on his memory) says it happened
in Hyrcania, and adds, that his eyes were so much damaged
thereby that he was afraid of losing his sight, for several days.
See Plut. de Fortuna Aler. lib. ii. c. 21. Curtius has confounded
this siege with that of the Memaceni.
ALExANDER's ExPEDITION. 197
destitute of water, surrendered the place. Thence
moving to the seventh city, he took it at the first
assault. Ptolemy, indeed, says it was delivered up
without fighting; but Aristobulus, on the contrary,
affirms that it was taken by storm, and all who
were found therein slain. Ptolemy tells us that
the captives were dispersed throughout the army, and
kept chained till he should depart out of that coun-
try, lest any of those who had occasioned the re-
volt should be left. About this time, an army of
Asiatic Scythians assembled on the banks of the
river Tanais, because they had heard that some
Barbarians on the other side had revolted from
Alexander, that if the revolt was any thing consider-
able, they might also fall off from the Macedonians.
Then came news to Alexander, that Spitamenes had
besieged those whom he had left in garrison in the
castle of Maracanda;" wherefore, having dispatch-
ed Andromachus,t Menedemus, and Caranus, with
* “The city Maracanda,” says Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 6, 10. “ is
surrounded with a wall of seventy furlongs in compass; but the
castle has no wall round it.”—No what has it then –Why,
say some of his commentators, “ it is, perhaps, seated on so
high a rock, that its situation serves instead of a wall.”—Suppose
it be, How can any natural rock, was it as high as the atmo-
sphere, be properly called a castle Others of his commentators
have found out another way to bring him off, by alleging, that
the nullo muro there is an error, and ought to be muro illius.
And so may I say, with as much truth, it ought to be any thing
else. However, let us see what they will get by making it muro
illius. The sense of the paragraph will then run thus: “The
city has a wall of seventy furlongs in compass; but the castle is
surrounded with its wall.”—lf by this is meant, that the castle
has no wall but what is common to the town, it is then only a
part of the town, and no castle at all. If it has a wall of its
own, and there be no communication between it and the
town, the town is never the better for it, and it might as well
have been upon Salisbury Plain: but if it has a wall, as well to
divide it from the town as to secure it from an enemy, with a
safe communication between it and the town, why was not this
wall taken notice of by Curtius, as well as that of the town
t Curtius gives us an account only of Menedemus, lib. vii.
cap. 6, 24: and acquaints us, that Spitamenes had driven the
198 ARRIAN's HISTORY of
sixty of his auxiliary horse and eight hundred mer-
cenaries, under the command of Caranus, and about
one thousand and five hundred mercenary foot; over
those he appointed Pharnuces the interpreter, a
Lycian, skilled in the Barbarian language, and well
qualified to treat with them. He surrounded the
city,” which he was now building, with a wall, in
twenty days space, and gave it for a residence to
some Greek mercenaries, and to all such Barbarians
as had a mind to inhabit there; as also to some Ma-
cedonians, who were become unfit for service.
CHAPTER IV.
THEN offering sacrifices to the gods, according to
the custom of his country, and having exhibited
equestrian and gymnic exercises, when he saw that
the Scythians retired not from the banks of the Ta-
nais, but threw their darts across the river, (which
was not broad there,) and used reviling speeches, ac-
cording to their barbarous manner, giving out that
Alexander durst not encounter them, or if he did,
he should soon feel the difference between them
and the Asiatic Barbarians: he, enraged at this,
Macedonian garrison out of the castle of Maracanda; whereupon
Alexander dispatched Menedemus with three thousand foot and
eight hundred horse, to put a stop to his career.—Arrian,
though he joins Andromachus and Caranus with him, makes the
number of foot no more than one thousand five hundred. As to
Spitamenes's driving out the garrison, Arrian affirms the contrary,
and tells us, in the fifth chapter of this book, that he did in-
deed lay siege to the castle, but the Macedonians making an
unexpected sally, and he hearing that a reinforcement was nigh,
broke up the siege, and retired from before it.
# “ Alexander,” says Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 6, 25, “returned to
the river Tanais, where he enclosed with a wall as much ground
as his camp had taken up, which was sixty furlongs in compass,
and caused the town he built therein to be called Alexandria:
The walls and houses,” he afterwards tells us, “were completed
in seventeen days.”
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 199
resolved to pass over to them; and accordingly or-
dered the skins which covered their tents to be made
ready. Then, sacrifices being offered for their safe
passage, the omens proved inauspicious.* This he
took very ill, but bore it with patience, and kept his
station : but the Scythians still persisting in their
scoffs, he again sacrificed for a safe passage; and
notwithstanding Aristander assured him that the
omens still portended danger, Alexander replied,
That he had rather run the extremest hazard, than,
after having subdued almost all Asia, to be a sport
to the Scythians, as Darius the father of Xerxes had
formerly been. Aristander protested, that he told
him the divine portents truly and faithfully, though
Alexander had much rather have heard a different
relation. However, having prepared the skins for
ferrying over, and his armed troops now ready to
enter the river, upon a sign given, he ordered his
engineers to gall the Scythians upon the opposite
* We have a merry dialogue in Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 7, 8, &c.
which passed between the king and Aristander the soothsayer,
at this river. The king had an ambition to pass over it, and
encounter the Scythians on the other side; and accordingly,
commanded Aristander to sacrifice, and foretell the event. While
the sacrifice was preparing, the king made a fine speech, de-
claring his resolution to pass over. His friends, or chief officers,
endeavoured to dissuade him, especially Erigyius, who told him
he had heard Aristander say that the gods were against this
journey, and the omens were inauspicious. Hereupon the king
calling Aristander, reprimanded him severely, for presuming to
declare the omens to any but himself, and all in a rage com-
manded him to tell his thoughts, that he might hear if they
agreed with the report. The soothsayer, after some humming and
hawing, told the king, to please him, that the attempt would indeed
be difficult, but not fruitless; and that the king's present indisposi-
tion was the only obstacle he could perceive by his art. Alex-
ander then commanded him to retire, while he advised with his
council concerning the passage over. However, he (the sooth-
sayer) soon returned, and declared, he had sacrificed again, and
found a vast alteration in the entrails, for they appeared now as
auspicious as ever he had seen.—Who cannot perceive, by all
this, that the priest was a tool to the general, and forced to speak
what he knew would please him best ?
200 ARRIAN’s History of
bank with darts. This was accordingly done, and
some of the enemy were wounded, and one in par-
ticular, losing his shield and breastplate, fell from
his horse. The Barbarians, terrified at the strength
of their engines, which could cast darts at such a
distance, and at the loss of so stout a man, retired a
little from the river. Alexander seeing the effect of
his missive weapons, ferried over, with trumpets
sounding, and his whole army followed. The
archers * and slingers being the first which arrived
on the other side, they began to gall the enemy with
* The story of this action is told somewhat different by Cer-
tius; but I have not room to insist on the particuiars. He sel-
dom relates the success of a battle, but he obliges us with a ſinc
speech first. Here, lib, vii, cap. 8, 8, he tells us a story of the
Scythians sending twenty ambassadors to Alexander, to dissuale,
or rather deter him from passing over the river: One of them was
spokesman; but perhaps they laid their heads together to pen
the speech : however that be, it is much more florid than just,
and savours too rank of the rostrum, to have us iºn::gine it came
from a Barbarian. “Had the gods,” says he to Alexander, “given
thee a body equal to the largeness of thy soul, the whole universe
would not contain thee. With one hand thou wouldst grasp the
Past, and with the other the West, and be ambitious of knowing
where the sun ends his course. From Asia thou passest into
Europe, from thence into Asia again ; and should men be
wanting to wage war with, you give reason to believe you
would encounter woods, mountains, rivers, and even wild beasts.”
—ſład such stuff as this been really spoke to Alexander, he would
have broke the ambassadors’ heads, and dismissed them without
any answer. However, after this Scythian had continued his
speech to the length of two whole pages, he concludes by assu-
ring Alexander, “ that he might use them as his keepers both of
|Europe and Asia; for between us and Bactria,” says he, “is only
the river Tanais, beyond which we inhabit as far as Thrace;
to which, if fame deceives us not, your kingdom of Mace-
donia joins. Since, therefore, we border on this acquired, and
your other hereditary kingdom, whether you will have us friends
or foes, we leave to your mature consideration.”—Sure Alexan-
der must be strangely besotted, if (after he had passed through
so many vast countries to the eastward) he imagined himself
still within the smoke of his mother's chimney : He, and the am-
bassadors, whoever they were, knew much better than so; only
Curtius did not, and would therefore fain persuade us that the
ambassadors, and even Alexander, were as ignorant as himself.
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 201
stones and arrows, and kept them from falling upon
the phalanx, which was then passing over ; and this
they continued, till all the forces were safe landed.
When this was performed, he first of all sent one
troop of the auxiliary horse, and four cohorts of
speatmen, against the Scythians, whose shock the
enemy casily bore, and surrounding them with their
horse, being a multitude against a few, readily re-
covered their ranks. Alexander then dispatched his
archers and Agrians and other light-armed foot,
under the command of Balacrus, and ordered them
to mix with three troops of auxiliary horse and all
the darters on horseback, and proceed against the
enemy ; he himself, with the rest of the horse, de-
signing to attack them on the other side. And now
they were no longer able to draw up their forces
in the same circular manner they did before; for the
Macedonian horse pressing them on one hand, and
the light-armed foot mixed among the horse, on the
other, hindered them from showing their dexterity
that way. Then their flight was apparent, about a
thousand * of their number being slain upon the spot,
and among the rest, one of their generals, named
Satraces; and one hundred and fifty were taken
prisoners. But when he proceeded to pursue the
Scythians, his whole army were so overcome with
excessive heat, that they were ready to die with
thirst ; even Alexander himself, having drunk some
corrupted water, such as the country afforded, was
thereby thrown into a violent flux, which hindered the
pursuit; otherwise, the whole Scythian army had,
in all probability, been either cut off in their flight,
or taken captives: but he was brought back to the
camp, in great danger of his life; and thereby the
prophecy of Aristander was accomplished.
* Cortius gives us no account what number of Scythians
perished in this fight; but tells us, lib. vii. cap. 9, 17, that the
Macedonians lost sixty horse and about one hundred foot, and
had a thousand wounded.
202 ARRIAN’s History or
CHAPTER V.
Soon after this, arrived ambassadors from the king
of these Scythians, endeavouring to excuse the fact,
as not done by the general consent of the whole Scy-
thian nation, but by a party who exercised robbery
and lived by spoil; but assuring him that they were
willing to receive his commands. Alexander return-
ed them a courteous answer, as neither deeming it
prudent to seem to suspect the truth of the excuse
they made, nor to revenge his cause by giving them
battle, which it was no ways convenient for him at
that juncture to attempt. In the mean time, the
Macedonians who were besicged in the castle of
Maracanda, when Spitamenes with his forces as-
saulted them, made a sudden excursion, and having
Killed some of the besiegers and put the rest to
flight, returned safe into the castle; and news after-
wards coming to Spitamenes, that the forces designed
for the relief of the besieged in the castle of Mara-
canda were at hand, he raised the siege of that
place, and retired towards the capital city of the
Sogdian kingdom : Pharnuces and his forces pur-
sued him as far as the confines of Sogdia; but,
not being able to overtake him, fell accidentally
upon a party of Nomadian Scythians,” and irri-
* We have this story told vastly different by Curtius, lib. vii.
cap. 7, 31, and something more agreeable to that of Aristobulus,
in the following chapter; but all the while he gives us not one
word either of Andromachus, Caranus, or Pharnuces. “ When
Menedemus,” says he, “ who was sent to besiege Spitamenes”—
This is a mistake; for the Macedonians still kept possession of
the castle, and Spitamenes was only endeavouring to wrest it out
of their hands—“ approached the city (Maracanda), Spitamenes
being informed of his coming, laid an ambuscade of Dahae in a
wood through which he was to pass, who presently surrounded
him; which when Menedemus perceived, notwithstanding the
inequality of numbers, he encouraged his soldiers to make a brave
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 2O3
tated them to that degree, that about six hun-
dred horse of them hasted and joined Spitamenes,
who, receiving such a recruit, was resolved to re-
venge the late insult of the Macedonians; to which
end, drawing up his forces in a plain place, on the
edge of the Scythian wilderness, he determined nei-
ther to wait for the enemy, nor yet to meet and
attack them; but (taking a compass with his horse)
to gall their phalanx of foot with their arrows. But
Pharnuces rushing forwards upon them, with his
horse, easily frustrated their design, because their
horses, at that time, were both swifter and stronger
than those of the Scythians: but Aristomachus’s “
horse, wearied with hard travel and wasted for want
of food, were hard pressed by the Scythians, both
while they stood their ground and when they retired.
resistance; assuring them there was no hope left, but to revenge
each other's deaths by the slaughter of their enemies. He him-
self was mounted on a strong horse, with which he had often
broke the enemy's ranks and put them to flight; but being now
attacked on all sides, and beginning to faint through loss of
blood, he ordered Hipsides, one of his friends, to mount his
horse and fly. He had no sooner said this, than his breath
ceased, and he fell from his horse, and died.”—This general
might fight like a dragon, but it is certain he gave cowardly ad-
vice to his friend at his death; and besides, as he lost his spirits,
he seems to have lost his senses; for he had just before told
them, there was no way left, but to sell their lives as dear as
they could. However, now he forgets all that, and lends his
friend his horse to enable him to run away. But his friend was
more of a man than to take his advice;—“For he, rushing among
the thickest of his enemies, after a memorable resistance was
slain by a multitude of darts. The rest, after the death of their
commander, gained the top of a hill, and Spitamenes enclosed
them, with a design to starve them from thence.”—Whether
he did so or no, Curtius tells us not: but, methinks, as Spita-
menes had enclosed them before, and cut most of them off, he
needed only to have given himself the trouble of marching up to
the top of the hill, and he might have served the rest the same
sauce.—He then proceeds to acquaint us, that the Macedonians
lost two thousand foot and three hundred horse in that battle.
* This is certainly an error in the copies of Arrian, and ought
to be Andromachus; for no such name as Aristomachus is to be
found, for a vast way, either before this place or after.
204 ARRIAN’s HISTORY or
Many of them being therefore wounded with ar-
rows, and some slain, those who remained drew up
in a square battalion, and retreated to the river
Polytimetus, because there was a wood adjacent to
it, which would cover them in a great measure
from the Barbarians' arrows, and which might also be
useful to their foot. Caranus, captain of one of the
troops of horse, without consulting with Andro-
machus, had already attempted to pass the river,
because he thought his horse might be safer on the
further side. The foot followed the horse, without
any orders, but as their fears urged them forwards:
this was the most disorderly passage over a river,
with steep banks, that could be imagined. The Bar-
barians seeing the Macedonians thus at a loss, en-
tered the river in several places with their horse,
and some of them attacked those who cmdeavour-
ed to pass over but returned : some then placing
themselves opposite to those who still went forwards,
slew them in the river; others flanking them, galled
them with their arrows; whilst others again, rushed
upon those who had not yet cntered the water.
The Macedonians seeing themselves pressed with so
many difficulties, retreatcq into a small island, which
the Scythians and Spitamenes entirely surrounding
with their horse, slew them all with their arrows
at a distance, except a very few, whom they first
seized, and afterwards put to death.
CHAPTER VI.
ARIs To BULUs gives us an account of this action
somewhat different; namely, that the greatest part
of the army was cut off by an ambuscade of the
Scythians, who, lying concealed in some adjoining
thickets, attacked the Macedonians suddenly and
unexpectedly: he also tells us, that Pharnuces was
willing to have resigned his post, as general of those
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 205
forces who were with him, alleging his want of
skill in military discipline, and that he was rather
sent thither by Alexander to bring the Barbarians
to reason, by his knowledge in their language, than
to reduce them by force of arms, as a general : he
also declared, that the Macedonians then committed
to his care, were the king's friends, as well as the
rest. But Andromachus, and Menedemus, and
Caranus, refused to act as generals, partly because
they would not seem to exceed the commission
which they had received from the king, and partly
because the forces were then reduced to such straits
as rendered it unsafe for them to accept it; for they
well considered, that if any disaster happened, they
were not then each to give an account for their
several parts in that loss, but that the ill success of
the whole army would be laid to their charge. In
this confusion and hurry of affairs, the Scythians
rushed suddenly upon them, and cut them almost all
off; so that not above forty horse and about three
hundred foot escaped. When Alexander heard this
news, he was enraged at the loss of his soldiers, and
therefore determined speedily to march with an
army against Spitamenes and the Barbarians; and
taking with him the half of his auxiliary horse, with
all his targeteers, archers and Agrians, and some
of his light-armed phalanx of foot, he hasted to
Maracanda, (whither, he was informed, Spitamenes
had returned,) resolving once more to raise the
siege of the castle there.” Wherefore, having march-
ed a thousand five hundred furlongs in three days'
space, on the fourth, early in the morning, he ap-
proached the city : but Spitamenes hearing of Alex-
ander's speedy arrival in these parts, and not daring
to give him battle, raised the siege, and fled. Alex-
ander pursued them vigorously; and coming to the
* By this we may perceive, that this castle never came into
the hands of the Barbarians, after the Macedonians first took
possession thereof; and though Spitamenes laid siege to it twice,
he was forced both times to raise his siege, and depart.
206 ARRIAN's History of
place where the former battle was fought, buried his
soldiers as well as the time would allow, and con-
tinued his pursuit as far as the Scythian deserts. Re-
turning thence, he laid their fields waste, and even
slew those who had fled into the towns for refuge,
because they were said to have used the Macedo-
nians in that manner: and thus he over-ran and de-
populated the whole country through which Polyti-
metus passes; for all beyond the place where that
river loses itself, is a desert; for though it carries
a full stream, it sinks from sight, and hides its
streams in the sand.* Nor is it so strange in this, for
many other great and constant rivers hide themselves
in the same manner; as namely, Epardus, which
waters the territories of the Mardi; and Arius, which
gives name to the country of the Arii; as also Ety-
mandrus, which flows through the confines of the
Euergetae. These are all vast rivers, none of them
inferior to Peneus in Thessaly, which, passing through
Tempe, discharges itself into the sea; but the river
Polytimetus far exceeds it.
CHAPTER VII.
AFTER this, Alexander marched to Zariaspa, where
he tarried some time, putting his soldiers into win-
ter-quarters. In the mean while arrived Phrata-
* The account of the river Polytimetus, in Curtius, differs
from this; for he says, lib. vii, cap. 10, 2, that “it runs almost
the whole length of Sogdia; that its channel is but narrow, but
its stream swift, and at last it goes under ground, where the
course of it may be heard.”—Strabo's relation thereof, lib. xv.
agrees with Arrian. What the name of this river was before
Alexander's time is not known ; but that Polytimetus is a
Greek word, and was a name given it by the Greeks, is unques-
tionable. Curtius tells us the inhabitants call it Polytimetus.-If by
this he imagines that the inhabitants of the country called it
so before Alexander’s arrival there, he is mistaken; and if he
means that the inhabitants really called it so in his days, I
am afraid he is also mistaken. However, the latter opinion
may pass for probable, though I fancy the first was his true
meaning.
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 907
phernes governor of Parthia, and Stasanor, whom
he had dispatched to the country of the Arii, to seize
Arsames. Him they brought with them, bound in
chains, as also Barzanes, whom Bessus had made
governor of the Parthians, and some others, who at
that time had taken up arms for Bessus. Then
arrived from the sea-coast, Epocillus and Melam-
nidas,” with Ptolemy captain of the Thracians, who
had conveyed the money and the recruits sent with
Menetes to the sea. Then also came Asander and
Nearchus, with a fresh band of Greek mercenaries,
and Bessus governor of Syria, and Asclepiodorus
a captain of horse; and these also brought new forces.
Here Alexander, calling a council of all the chief
men then present, caused Bessus to be brought in,f
* This Melamnidas may, perhaps, be the same with Curtius's
Menidas; however, he omits the names of many of the rest,
and substitutes others instead of some of them. See his account,
lib. vii. cap. 10, 11, &c.
+ Most authors differ about the manner of Bessus's punish-
ment, and many of them about the place where he suffered
death. Diodorus, lib. xvii. p. 554, acquaints us, that he was de-
livered to Oxathres, the brother of Darius, to inflict what punish-
ment upon him he pleased. Wherefore, after he and his kins-
men had exercised all kind of tortures upon him, they cut his
body into small pieces, and threw it away with slings. Plutarch,
. 28, tells us, “ his body was, by Alexander's order, tied to two
tall straight trees, which were bound down so as to meet, and then
being let loose, with a great force they returned to their places,
each of them carrying that part of the body along which was
tied to it.” Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 5, 40, says, that “ the king
delivered Bessus to Oxathres, that he might cut off his ears and
nose, and then nail him to a cross, where his own country men
were to shoot him to death. His body was then to be watched, as
if it was too vile to be devoured either by beasts or birds.”—Here-
upon Catenes, who was an excellent marksman, was ordered to
scare the crows from him ; and if he was hoisted upon a cross, he
was out of the reach of beasts.-However, after all, he assures.
us, lib. vii. cap. 5, 42, that “ his execution was deferred, that
it might be ſº in the very place where Darius was put
to death.”—This story is contrary to every body, and bears not
so much as a face of probability. And truly, I cannot but fan-
cy Curtius was of the same opinion; for, lib. vii, cap. 10, 10, he
tells us, that “Bessus was sent from Bactria to Ecbatana, to pay
208 ARRIAN's HISTORY OF
and having accused him of treachery towards Darius,
he commanded his nose and ears to be cut off, and
then sent him under a guard to Ecbatana, there to
receive sentence of death, according to the judg-
ment of a full council of the Medes and Persians.
This extreme severity used to the person of Bessus,
I deem no ways praiseworthy; and surely, the mu-
tilation of his nose and ears was an action little less
than barbarous; though I cannot but think Alexan-
der was led to this by his emulating the Median and
Persian pomp and ostentation, as also by the cruel
customs of some barbarous kings over those in their
power. Neither was it any ways commendable in
him, to lay aside his Macedonian and country habit,
(seeing he sprung from the race of the Heraclidae,)
and assume that of Media ; and I cannot but won-
der he did not blush, when he exchanged the decent
covering of the head, which he had worn in all his con-
quests, for the Persian turban, and weakly imitated
those, in habit, whom he had so often overcome in
the field. But surely, if any thing can, Alexander's
high achievements may be a lesson to mankind, that
whether a man excels in strength of body or in the
glory of his ancestors, or though in warlike exploits
and happy success he could even outdo Alexan-
der himself; if he could sail round Africa and Asia,
(as he had designed,) and bring them both under sub-
jection; nay, could he join the dominion of Europe
to his former acquisitions of Asia and Africa, and
thereby become master of the world; all these things
his life as a recompence for the murder of his prince Darius.”—
We read nothing in this last paragraph of Curtius, whether his
nose and ears were grown again, after they had been lopped;
and nobody says that Ecbatana was the place where Darius was
murdered. However, Bessus was not put to death so much for
the murder of Darius, as for his assuming the royal robes, and
setting himself up for a monarch: that stuck in Alexander's
stomach most; otherwise, had he surrendered in time, he might
as easily have been pardoned as Nabarzanes, Satibarzanes, and
several others, who were equally concerned in the murder.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 209
would add nothing to the tranquillity of his mind,
nor would he be one jot the happier, unless he were
endued with a suitable moderation of temper, how
specious an appearance of tranquillity soever he might
put on to deceive the eye of the world.
CHAPTER VIII.
HERE, therefore, I have thought it not amiss to give
an account of the death of Clitus the son of Dro-
pides, and of Alexander's extreme grief for that
action, though it happened a little while after this in
order of time. The Macedonians had observed a
certain yearly festival in honour of Bacchus, and
Alexander had always offered sacrifices to Bacchus
on that day; but then, Bacchus was neglected, and
the Dioscuri introduced; and these sacrifices were
ordered, for the future, to be performed to them,
and a banquet to be made in honour of them. But
when the banquet had now continued long, and the
guests had drunk deep, (for even in his cups Alex-
ander now began to imitate the customs of the Bar-
barians,) and all were heated with wine, the discourse
happened to hinge upon the Dioscuri, after what
manner they derived their origin from Jove, seeing
Tyndarus, a mortal, was their father:-when some of
the guests, willing to soothe the king, (for such syco-
phants have always been destructive to the affairs of
princes, and cver will.) affirmed, that the actions of
Castor and Pollux were no ways comparable to
those of Alexander. Others, at the same time, pro-
ceeded to compare his achievements with those of
Hercules; and withal added, that envy alone hin-
dered the present race of men from paying him those
honours which were so justly his due. But Clitus,
who had long since perceived Alexander's prone-
ness to fall in with the Barbarian customs, took these
speeches of his flattering courtiers very heinously;
VOL. I. P
2 [O A RRIAN’s History or
and being now heated with wine, declared that he
could neither bear to hear those indignities offered to
the gods, nor that the actions of ancient heroes should
be extenuated to tickle his monarch's ears. He af.
firmed, that Alexander's acts had nothing so great
nor surprising in them, as they would insinuate; and
that they were not performed by him alone, but that
his Macedonians ought, at least, to share the glory
with him. These words of Clitus enraged Alexander
exceedingly; and indeed, howsoever just his reflec-
tions might be, I can by no means think they were sea-
sonable, at a time of such general drunkenness, but
that silence had been much better. However, when
some * began to lessen the actions of his father
Philip, and (that they might please Alexander) to
declare that nothing great nor glorious had been
done by him; Clitus, in the highest fury imaginable,
began to magnify the exploits of Philip, and depress
those of Alexander; and even proceeded so far as to
upbraid him with the saving his life at the battle of
Granicus, and, arrogantly stretching out his right
hand, “This hand (said he) preserved thee, O Alex-
* Curtius omits all the first part of this chapter, and tells us,
it was Alexander who made a speech in praise of himself, lib. viii.
cap. 1, 23.−Which, I am sure, he needed not have done; for he
had sycophants enough about him to have saved him that trouble:
—And when he had reckoned up many gallant actions which he
had performed, he adds, “ that he, without his father Philip,
had undertaken an expedition into Illyria, and wrote word to his
father of the victory he had gained.”—What expedition this can
be, is beyond the power of mortal man to know. He cannot
mean his expedition against that nation mentioned by Arrian,
lib. 1. cap. 5, for his . was then dead ; and no author, be-
sides Curtius, gives the least hint of any expedition against them
before. However, it may be urged here, in Alexander's behalf,
that he was drunk, and, perhaps, knew not well what he said.
But this is not the only mistake Curtius has been guilty of in this
story; for he makes Clitus, soon after, lib. viii, cap. 1, 41, twit
Alexander in the teeth, with his defending him when he had
turned his back upon his enemy.—Had this been true, Ciitus
was insolent to mention it; and if it was not true, Curtius is in-
excusable for inserting it. -
a LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 911
ander, in that conflict.” Alexander, no longer able
to cndure Clitus’s rough and unseasonable re-
proaches, in a great rage leaped upon him, but was
held back, and restrained from hurting him ; by the
guests then present at the banquet. However, Clitus
still persisting in his reflections, Alexander called for
his targeteers to attend him; but when none came,
he cried out," that he was reduced to the same con-
dition with 1)arius, when he was carried about
prisoner by Bessus and his associates; and that he
had now no more than an empty title left him.
Then his friends not daring any longer to hold him,
he leaped up, and snatching a lance out of the hand
of one of his body-guards, (say some, or, as others,
a * sarissa or Macedonian pike, from one of his or-
dinary guards,) he therewith struck Clitus, and slew
him. Aristobulus gives us no account whence this
madness proceeded, but lays all the blame upon
Clitus, who, when Alexander was in such a fury as
to leap upon him, with a design to slay him, (not-
withstanding he was conveyed out of the city be-
yond the walls and ditch, and committed to the care
of Ptolemy the son of Lagus, for his preservation,)
could not tarry there, but must needs return; and
then, hearing Alexander call upon him by name, he
answered, “Clitus is here present.” Whereupon Alex-
ander thrust him through the body with a pike, and
slew him. *
* Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 1, 52, says, that Clitus was slain with
a spear: Seneca, with a lance: Orosius, with a hunting-pole.
Curtius adds, that Alexander, immediately after he had given
him the fatal wound, cried out, “Go now to Philip, Parmenio,
and Attalus.” This may be true; but it is generally supposed to
be no more than one of his rhetorical flourishes, and an imitation
of Pyrrhus to Priamus, AEneid. 2, ver, 547, &c.
P 2
2
2
ARRIAN’s HISTORY of
CHAPTER IX.
As Clitus deserves the severest censures, for his bitter
reproaches to his sovereign; so I cannot choose but
be sorry for Alexander, who then apparently showed
himself obnoxious to two of the greatest vices in life,
namely, unbridled wrath and drunkenness; to neither
of which the meanest person ought to give way:
but then, he is exceedingly to be praised, because,
the moment his wine had left him, he was grieved,
and repented himself for what he had done. Some
writers" of his Life affirm, that he was resolved to have
dispatched himself with the same weapon where-
with he had before slain Clitus; imagining he was
unworthy to enjoy life, who had so rashly put his
friend to death; though most authors are silent as to
this particular. But when he came fully to himself,
and retired to bed, he bewailed his loss, and poured
forth the bitterest complaints imaginable, often call-
ing upon the name of Clitus, and of Lanice,f the
daughter of Dropides and sister of Clitus, who had
been his nurse; complaining what a reward, now he
was arrived to man's estate, he had bestowed on her
for nursing him when he was a child; how he had
seen her sons slain fighting for him, and had mur-
dered her brother with his own hands. Thus he
ever and anon cried out, that he was become the
executioner of his friends; nay, to such a height of
* Plutarch is one of them, p. 33, ed. Steph. and Curtius an-
other, lib. viii. cap, 2, 4: the latter tells us this story, as he does
all the rest of his fictions, for undoubted truth.
+ Freinshemius, in his Annotations to Curtius, lib. viii, cap. 1,
21, calls her name Hellanice: Athenaeus, lib. iv. cap. 1, 1.ac-
nicne, but erroneously, as Gronovius imagines. AElian, lib. xxii.
cap. 26, agrees with Arrian. Curtius says, her two sons were slain
at the siege of Miletus, lib. viii. cap. 2, 8, though neither he,
nor any other author now extant, gives us an account of their
deaths in that siege.
A LEx ANDER’s ExPEDITION. 2 | 8
indignation at himself did his deep remorse drive
him, that for the space of three days he wholly abs-
tained from food, and became entirely regardless of
his former sumptuousness of apparel. Some priests
ascribed the cause of all this to the wrath of Bacchus,
because Alexander had discontinued his sacrifices.
However, being at length induced by his friends to
refresh his body with a little meat and drink, he af-
terwards sacrificed to Bacchus; for it was not unac-
ceptable to him. to have that rather imputed to the
wrath of a god than to any crime of his own. How-
ever, he is certainly to be commended, because he
neither made unseemly rejoicings on his commit-
ting that fact, nor, what would have been worse,
gloried in it afterwards; but acknowledged his crime
in the most submissive manner imaginable. Some
affirm, that Anaxarchus * the Sophist, being sent by
his friends to comfort him, when he found him lying
upon the bed, and sighing, said, in raillery, that he
wondered why the ancient sages always placed
Justice so near Jupiter, unless because whatever
was decreed by Jupiter should therefore be deemed
just; and that all the actions of so great a king as he
was, ought first to appear just to himself, and af-
terwards to the rest of mankind. And they add,
that Alexander was hereupon much eased of his
grief. But, in my opinion, Anaxarchus was guilty
of a much greater error than Alexander, if he sup-
posed it to be the sober reflection of a wise man, that
* Curtius takes but little notice of this; for he only says, lib.
viii. cap. 2, 12, that the Macedonians, in order to alleviate the
king’s melancholy for the loss of Clitus, decreed him lawfully
put to death, and would have hindered his burial, had not the
king commanded the contrary ; though afterwards, lib. viii.
cap. 8, he attributes the good advice which brought Alexander
to himself, as given by Callisthenes. However, Plutarch will
set us right in this case; for he says, p. 33, that Callisthenes
attempted to alleviate the king's grief with moral discourses;
but that Anaxarchus was the author of this here mentioned by
Arrian.
214 ARRIAN’s HISTORY of
a king ought not to be so exceedingly anxious in do-
ing good actions, as that whatever he did should be
so accounted by the world. Some authors report,
that Alexander would have divine honours paid him,
because he had conceived a notion that he was the
son of Hammon, and not of Philip. But when he
began to affect the Persian and Median customs, and
to imitate them in his attire as well as his manners,
he then seemed to stand in need of no flatterer to
debauch his mind, nor any Sophist, such as Anaxar-
chus, or Agis" the Greek poet, to seduce him.
CHAPTR.R. X.
CALList HEN Es the Olynthian, a scholar of Ari-
stotle, one of a disposition rough and inflexible,
entirely disapproved these methods of proceeding;
for which he is worthy due praise: but what he has
wrote relating to that affair, (if he really wrote it,) is
no great argument of his humility, viz. that Alcx-
ander and his military exploits were no ways com-
parable to him and his writings: that he did not
accompany him for any glory he hoped thereby to
acquire himself; but that he might render him the
most illustrious and most glorious among mortals:
that he was not to build any hopes of divine ho-
nours upon those fabulous stories relating to his
mother and his birth, but rather upon those things
he should hand down to posterity concerning him.
Some also say, that when he was asked by Philotas,
whom he deemed most honoured by the people of
* We have but a scurvy character of this poet given us by
Curtius: “Agis of Argos,” says he, lib. viii. cap. 5, 8, “who wrote
the worst verses of any, except Chaerilus, and Cleo the Sicilian,
(who was not only a flatterer by disposition, but by birth, as
most Sicilians are,) and many more, the very scum of the cities
they came from, were promoted by the king, before his friends
and the chief officers of the army.”
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 215
Athens; he answered, Harmodius and Aristogiton,
because they had slain one of the tyrants of their
state, and dissolved the tyranny. And when Philo-
tas again asked him, If any one was now to put a
tyrant to death, in which of the Grecian states would
he find protection? he replied, If in no other, surely
he would in Athens; for they had entered into a
war, with the sons of Hercules, against Eurystheus,
who had at that time usurped the government of
Greece. As to the adoration which should have
been paid to Alexander, there goes a story to this
purpose : It was agreed upon between him and his
Sophists,” and those of the Persian and Median na-
tions, who were of the highest rank about him, that
as they were drinking, they should fall into a dis-
course on purpose, which Anaxarchus was to usher
in, by asserting, that Alexander was more worthy to
be esteemed a god than either Bacchus or Hercules;
and that, not so much on account of the greatness of
his actions, as because Bacchus was no more than
a Theban, a race of men for valour and renown no
ways comparable to the Macedonians; and as for
Hercules, he was, indeed, a Grecian, but his chief
glory was, that Alexander deduced his origin from
Jhim; and that, therefore, the Macedonians might,
with much more reason and justice, attribute divine
honours to their king, than either the Thebans to
Bacchus, or the Grecians to Hercules. And as
there was no doubt but he would be worshipped as
a god by his people after death, it would be much
better to pay him the same adoration in the time of
his life; for after his decease, no fruits of the honours
bestowed upon him by mortals would be able to
reach him.
* These were, Anaxarchus, Agis, and Cherilus; to which
Plutarch adds Bageas and Agnon: and no doubt but there were
abundance more.
216 A RRIAN’s HISTORY of
CHAPTER XI.
THESE, and many other things to the same purpose,
were spoke by Anaxarchus; and when he had finish-
ed, those who were of his party began to applaud
his oration, and declare themselves ready to begin
their adoration immediately ; upon which, many of
the Macedonians, who disliked Anaxarchus's speech,
held their peace : but Callisthenes, breaking the
general silence, spoke to Anaxarchus in this manner:
“I cannot, O Anaxarchus, deem Alexander un-
worthy any honour which it becomes a mortal man to
accept: but divine and human honours are widely
different, as well in other things, as in the rearing of
temples, and the erecting of statues. To the gods
we consecrate temples, offer sacrifices, and pour out
libations: again, hymns are peculiarly attributed to
the gods; praises to men, but accompanied with no
adoration. Men we usually kiss, by way of saluta-
tion; but the gods being placed aloſt, it is not law-
ful so much as to touch them, because they are
objects of worship. Dances are also led up, and
pacans sung, in honour of them ; which is no wonder:
But one sort of honours is ascribed to the gods,
another to heroes; and the honours paid to heroes
is vastly different from divine adoration. It is there-
fore a matter of the utmost importance for us to
avoid confounding these things with one another;
and neither by extravagant accumulations of honours,
to pretend to exalt men above mortality, nor to de-
base the gods by robbing them of the worship they
so justly claim, and reducing them to a level with
mankind. Even Alexander himself would be en-
raged, should any private man usurp a royal title in
an unlawful manner : With how much more justice
may the gods be enraged, if any mortal dares claim
divine honours, or accept them when offered by
ALEx AND ER’s ExPEDITIon. 217
others? That Alexander is, and ought to be, esteem-
ed of heroes the most heroic, of men of valour the
most valiant, of kings the most king-like, and of
emperors the most worthy of imperial dignity, none
will deny. It was thy province, O Anaxarchus, if
it was any one's, to have instilled such notions as
these into Alexander's mind, and to have deterred
him from those opposite to them, by thy discourse,
which he daily delights in, because of thy wisdom
and learning. It was highly unbecoming thee to
be author of such a speech, who onghtest to have
called to mind, that thou wast not then giving coun-
sel to Cambyses or Xerxes, but to the son of
Philip, who derives his pedigree from Hercules and
MEacus, whose ancestors came to Macedonia from
Argos, and obtained the kingdom, not by force, but
by law and right. Even IIercules himself had no
divine honours ascribed to him by the Grecians
during his life, nor yet after his death, till they were
commanded by the Delphic oracle to worship him
as a god. But if there be some few who among a
nation of Barbarians have degenerated into the lar-
barian customs and manners, I beseech thee, O
Alexander, still to continue mindful of Greece, for
whose sake this expedition was undertaken, that thou
mightest join Asia to the Grecian empire. Consider
now, when thou returnest to thine own country,
whether thou wilt force the Greeks, a free people, to
pay thee adoration; or, if they are to be excmpted,
whether the Macedonians alone are to be loaded
with that disgrace, or whether different honours are
to be given thee by different people, the Greeks and
Macedonians approaching thee in their ancient man-
ner, with such as belong to mankind, and the Barba-
rians, after theirs, saluting thee with those which
none but the gods can admit of. If you object to
this, that Cyrus the son of Cambyses was the first
of all men who had divine worship offered him, and
that this has been given to the monarchs of Pe
tº 18 ARRIAN's HIs to R Y of
and Media ever since; consider, I beseech thee, that
the Scythians, an indigent but free people, correct-
ed Cyrus for his unexampled insolency. 19arius,
the former, received a check from another nation of
Scythians: Xerxes from the Athenians and Lacedae-
monians: Artaxerxes from Clearchus, and Xenophon,
with no more than ten thousand soldiers: aid this
Darius, from Alexander, before any divine honours
have been decreed him.”
CHAPTER XII.
THESE, and many other things to the same purpose,
Callisthenes uttered at that time, which Alexander
took heinously; but they were grateful to the Macedo-
nians: which when the king understood, he imme-
diately sent to examine whether the Macedonians
were mindful of the adoration they owed him.
While the king spoke, a profound silence was ob-
served; after which, those Persians who transcended
others in age and honours rose up, and began to
worship him after the Persian manner. But Le-
onnatus,” one of his friends, observing one of them
behave indecently, scoffed at his action as too ab-
ject and ridiculous; whereat Alexander was much
offended ; but afterwards received him again into
favour. Some f write, that Alexander took a golden
* Curtius gives us a story not much unlike this, only instead
of Leonnatus he substitutes Polyperchon, who, he says, lib. viii.
“, p. 5, 22, &c. sitting next the king, began to jest upon one
w to touched the ground with his chin, bidding him hit it a little
harder; which enraged the king to such a degree, that he cried
out, Will not you worship me : Am I to be ridiculed by you ?
and plucking him down from his couch, he threw him upon the
ground; and as he lay extended, Now, says Alexander, you do
the same thing yourself, which you ridiculed in another; and
ordering him into custody, he dismissed the rest. However, at
last, after a severe chastisement, he pardoned him.
‘f Plutarch, p. 34, assures us this was Chares of Mitylene;
and the story in that author is very near the same with this, only
Demetrius the son of Pythonactes is by him surnamed Pheidon.
ALEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 210
goblet full of wine in his hand, and having drunk
it off to the person he designed should adore him, he
rose from his seat, and having answered his expecta-
tions, received a kiss, and departed. And this was
performed by all the company, in order: But when
the cup came to Callisthenes, he indeed rose up and
drank the wine, and drawing nearer, would have
received his kiss according to custom, without per-
forming his worship ; and the king, then engaged in
a deep discourse with Hephæstion, did not observe
whether he went through with it or no; but Deme-
trius the son of Pythonactes, one of his friends, sce-
ing Callisthenes approach nigh to kiss the king,
acquainted him, that he had not done his duty; for
which reason he received a repulse; whereupon he
departed, saying, he was only one kiss loser. I am
far from approving any of these speeches of Calli-
sthenes, which immediately tended to disgrace his
sovereign; neither is his rigid stiffness and sourness
of disposition any ways commendable: but this I
may affirm, that whoever is resolved to serve a
prince, must submit to such things as are decmed
requisite to the advancement of that prince's honour;
and therefore I cannot but think that Callisthencs
'became justly odious to Alexander, for the unscason-
able and unwarrantable license which he gave to his
tongue, as well as for his foolish haughtiness. And
this, without doubt, was the reason why such easy
credit was given to the information lodged against
him, of his being privy to the conspiracy of some
young men to take away Alexander's life; and this
also strengthened the accusations of others, who pro-
tested that they were induced by him alone to join
in that design.
2
Q
()
AltRIAN's History of
CHAPTER XIII.
THE story of this conspiracy is thus related : An
ordinance had been instituted by Philip, that the sons
of those Macedonians who had arrived to the highest
posts of honour, should, as soon as they were grown
up, be elected to attend the person of their sovereign.
These were to serve all the offices about the king; to
be his guard when he slept, to receive the horse from
the groom of the stable, and bring him for the king
to mount, to clothe him in a Persian habit, and be
his companions when he rode out a hunting. A-
mong these was Hermolaus the son of Sopolis, who
seemed to be much given to the study of philosophy,
and was an admirer of Callisthenes. This Hermo-
laus, on a certain time when the king went a hunt-
ing, and a boar made towards him, prevented him,
by striking the beast first, which initiediately fell
down dead. The king, caraged that this opportunity
of smiting the boar was snatched out of his hands,
commanded the youth instantly to be whipped in
sight of all his companions, and his horse to be taken
from him. Hermolaus, deeply resenting this dis-
grace, communicated his mind to Sostratus the son
of Amyntas, one of cqual age with himself, and
whom he exceedingly loved; and withal assured him,
that his life would be a burthen to him, unless he
could revenge this heinous affront upon his sove-
reign. Sostratus, by reason of the great love he had
for him, casily came into his measures ; and he af.
terwards persuaded Antipater * the son of Ascle-
* Curtius differs from Arrian here; for he makes Antipater
one of those who were drawn into this conspiracy, ,and Ascle-
piodorus another, lib. viii. cap. 6,9. Whereas Arrian shows us
plainly, it was only Antipater the son of Asclepiodorus, gover-
nor of Syria, who has been mentioned before : notwithstanding
which, Aldus, in his edition of Curtius, has chosen to follow
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 99 |
piodorus, governor of Syria, to join with them; as
also Epimenes the son of Arseas, and Anticles the
son of Theocritus, and Philotas the son of Carsis
the Thracian. When therefore it came to Antipa-
ter's turn to watch, they resolved that night to
kill Alexander in his sleep. But it so fell out, that
the king, of his own accord (as some say) sat up
drinking till day-light: But Aristobulus tells us, that
a certain Syrian woman, a prophetess, followed
Alexander; she was, at first, looked upon as little
less than frantic, both by him and his friends; but
when, by her divine fury, she had foretold him the
truth of what would happen, by several instances,
she was no longer disregarded, but ordered to have
free access to the king, either by day or night, even
though he was asleep. The king departing from the
banquet late that night, she met him, in one of her
divine raptures, and begged that he would return,
and drink till morning. He, supposing she was then
inspired, returned accordingly, and so rendered the
young men's conspiracy abortive. The next day,
Epimenes the son of Arseas, one of the conspira-
tors, disclosed the whole matter to Charichus" the
Arrian. Curtius has, indeed, given us the names of the rest,
but without any account whom they descended from ; which is
the cause of infinite mistakes and confusion in history. Raderus
has been drawn into an error by following Curtius too close.
Wide Comment. ad Curt. lib. viii. cap. 6, 10. For he says, that
nine being joined in the conspiracy, and their turns of watching
coming on once every seven nights, there must have been just
sixty-three of these guards—So say I too. But then, Arrian has
fairly pruned away Asclepiodorus from the number; and as to
Elaptonius and Nicostratus, I much doubt of them, because I
can find their names, as conspirators, no where but in Curtius.
So that the number will be reduced to eight, at most, if not to
seven, or six. I am sure Arrian reckons only six, and gives us
their names so very plainly, as to admit of no doubt; viz. Her-
molaus the son of Sopolis, Sostratus the son of Amyntas, Anti-
pater the son of Asclepiodorus, Epimenes the son of Arseas,
Anticles the son of Theocritus, and Philotas the son of Carsis.
* Epimenes, according to Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 6, 20, dis-
covered this conspiracy to his brother Eurylochus, without taking
292 ARRIAN's History of
son of Menander, his friend, who revealed it to Eu-
rylochus, the brother of Epimenes. Eurylochus,
entering the royal tent, declared the whole affair to
Ptolemy the son of Lagus, one of his body-guards.
He discovered it to Alexander, who instantly ordered
all those whom Eurylochus had named to be appre-
hended; each of whom being examined apart, de-
clared his being privy to the conspiracy; and they
gave the names of several others.
CHAPTER XIV.
ARISTo BULUs adds, that the conspirators, when
seized, not only confessed their own guilt, but al-
leged that they were instigated thercto by Calli-
sthenes; and Ptolemy confirms his relation. Some
writers give a different account of this matter; name-
ly, that Alexander bearing a deadly grudge to Cal-
listhenes, and knowing the intimacy which was
between him and Hermolaus, easily entertained a
notion of his being concerned therein, from their infor-
mation. Others * assure us, that Hermolaus being
brought forth before the Macedonians, openly con-
fessed that the plot was contrived by himself; for
that it was below the soul of a frce man to bear the
any notice of Charicles the son of Menander, his friend; he also
joins Leonnatus with. Ptolemy, though Arrian makes no mention
of him. They were sentenced, and stoned to death. Justin, lib.
xii. cap. 6, tells us, that Eurylochus was put to death by Alex-
ander—But he being no way concerned in the plot, but the dis-
coverer thereof to Ptolemy, it is the most unlikely thing imagina-
ble he should suffer; on the contrary, Curtius's testimony is
much the more probable, viz. that he rewarded arylochus
nobly, and gave him his brother's life, who, though one of the
conspirators, was the first who discovered it.
* Curtius is one of the number: He has given us the speech
of Hermolaus at full length, as exactly as if he had taken
short notes thereof; as also, Alexander's reply, in two whole
pages, which my readers may see by consulting him, lib; viii.
cap. 7 & 8.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 293
f
injuries he had received from the king; and that he
then related all the cruelties committed by Alexander,
in order; namely, the unjust murder of Philotas,
and the more inhuman one of his father Parmenio,
and those who suffered at that time; the rash and
barbarous assassination of Clitus; his assuming the
Median habit; his edict for having divine honours
bestowed upon himself, not yet recalled ; as also, his
drunkenness, sloth, and luxury; all which when he
could no longer bear, he was willing, at once, to set
himself and the rest of the Macedonians free from
such intolerable slavery. They add, that then Her-
molaus and his accomplices were stoned to death
by those who surrounded them. Aristobulus adds,
that Callisthenes " was carried round the army in
chains, but afterwards died a natural death; though
Ptolemy affirms that he was stretched upon a rack,
and then crucified. So little do these two writers,
though otherwise of great credit, agree between them-
* The manner of Callisthenes's death is variously related by
authors. Arrian has given us two different accounts. Curtius
tells us he was racked to death, lib. viii. cap. 8, 21. Justin, who
is most particular in this case, affirms, lib. xv. cap. 3, that all
his limbs were cruelly mangled, his ears, lips, and nose lopped
off, and that he was afterwards enclosed in a cage with a dog,
and carried about in terrorem, till at last Lysimachus kindly gave
him a dose of poison, to put an end to his misery. Seneca,
Suasor. 1, calls him Alexander's preceptor, and says he was run
through with a lance. Philostratus acquaints us, lib. viii. cap. 1,
that he was slain by the Macedonians, because he affronted
them. Diogenes Laertius, in his Life of Aristotle, affirms, that
he was carried about in a cage for a show, and at last, being
seized with the lousy disease, was thrown to a lion. Suidas
gives us an account of his being enclosed in a cage, along with
one Nearchus, and that he died of the lousy disease. Thus have
I presented my readers with all these opinions, that each of them
may pick and choose that which pleases him best. I would will-
ingly give him mine, but it is to no great purpose, among such
a crowd. I would even consult the sieve and sheers, throw the
coffee-grounds, cast the dice upon a drum-head, or try any
other ingenious way for his satisfaction; but after all, it will be
sufficient to assure him, that historical facts are not reducible to
mathematical certain'y.
294 A R RIAN's. HISTORY OF
selves about things so manifest, and the circum-
stances of which could not possibly escape their
knowledge, they being both then present: so that it
is no wonder these things are related by other au-
thors in a manner very different. But enough of
these matters, which I have here enlarged upon, be-
cause they happened not long after the story of
Clitus, and are therefore not unfitly mentioned in
this place. n k
CHAPTER XV.
ABout this time arrived other ambassadors from
the European Scythians,” and with them, those whom
he had dispatched thither returned. For the king
which reigned in Scythia when Alexander sent his
ambassadors was dead, and his brother had mounted
his throne. The purport of this embassy was, that
the Scythians were willing to receive Alexander's
commands. They had also brought presents from
their king, which, among them, were deemed of great
value. To bind this league and friendship between
them the stronger, the Scythian king proposed to
give his daughter to Alexander to wife ; but if he
deigned not to accept of that proffer for himself, the
princes of the Scythian nation, and those who were
in posts of the highest honour about his own person,
should bestow their daughters in marriage to those
who were his most faithful friends and followers:
that he also, if he so thought fit, would attend him in
person to receive his commands. About this time
* Curtius and Arrian agree in distinguishing these from the
Scythians called Abii; but in calling them European Scythians,
they are undoubtedly in an error. Their ruler might probably be
some petty prince on the other side the river Jaxyrtus, whose
territories were adjacent to Bactria, and who was either really
supposed, or falsely pretended, by the Macedonians, to be king
of Scythia. *
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 225
also came Pharaimanes * king of the Chorasmeni, to
Alexander, attended with a body of fifteen hundred
horse, who affirmed, that his territories bordered upon
Colchos and the Amazonian nation ; and that if
Alexander was willing to undertake an expedition
against those countries which border upon the Euxine
Sea, he, for his part, would not only conduct him
thither with safety, but also provide his whole army
with all necessaries. Alexander first dispatched the
Scythian ambassadors with a friendly answer, well
accommodated to the time; but withal told them, that
he was not inclined to accept of a Scythian bride.
Then, having highly extolled Pharaimanes, and en-
tered into a league and friendship with him, declared,
that it was not convenient for him, at that time, to
think of marching towards the Euxine Sea; but re-
commended him to Artabazus the Persian, to whom
he had committed the government of the Bactrians
and other bordering nations, and dismisscd him. He
also professed, that his mind was wholly bent upon
an expedition into India; for when the Indians were
subdued, all Asia would be in his power; and when
Asia was his own, he would return into Greece, and
thence, with all his land as well as naval forces,
pass through the Hellespont and Propontis into the
* Curtius calls him Plurataphernes governor of the Chorasmeni,
and tells us, lib. viii. cap. 1, 8, that his territories bordered upon
the Massaget as and Dahi, two Scythian nations, seated not far
from the river Oxus and the Caspian Sea; and as this is confirm-
ed by Ptoleny, Strabo, Dionysius, and Pliny, it is strange that
Arrian should not only call him by another name, but place his
country near the Euxine Sea, instead of the Caspian : To which
I can only say, that they were two different persons, and two
diſſerent stories, how much relation soever they may appear to
have to each other. That they were two persons, Arrian puts
out of doubt; for he acquaints us, that Phrataphernes, who was
governor of Parthia, came to Alexander before, at Zariaspe; and
if the persons be different, it is no strange matter to believe the
countries different; and Curtius may easily be supposed guilty of
an error, in substituting Phrataphernes instead of Pharaimanes:
Ile has played fifty such tricks as this before.
W () L. l. Q
226 Arri AN's HISTORY or
Euxine Sea: and Pharaimanes protested, whenever
he came, to be ready to fulfil his promise. He then
again directed his march to the river Oxus ; for he
designed to pay the Sogdians another visit, having re-
ceived intelligence that many of them had betaken
themselves to their strong holds, and refused to pay
obedience to the governor which he had placed over
them. And when he had pitched his tents not far
from the banks of that river, two fountains “ suddenly
issued out of the earth, near the royal pavilion, the
one pouring forth water, the other pure oil. This
prodigy being related to Ptolemy the son of Lagus,
he declared it to the king, who immediately offered
sacrifice, according to the direction of his soothsayers;
and received an answer from Aristander, that the
fountain of oil portended the great toils he was to
undergo, but that they would at last be crowned with
victory.
* We have but a small hint of this amazing prodigy, in Cur-
tius, which is as great a prodigy as the other; for he seldom suf-
fers such a story to slip through his fingers. He only says,
lib. vii. cap. 10, 13, &c. “ that the water of the river Oxus being
muddy, and unwholesome to drink, Alexander’s soldiers were
forced to dig wells; but finding no water, a spring was at last
observed in the king's tent, which the soldiers reported to have
burst forth on a sudden ; and the superstitious king seemed not
unwilling to believe it the gift of some pitying god.”—It must be
some tender-hearted god indeed, who would save those men by
a miracle, who were the grand plunderers of the earth, and the
devourers of mankind: however, if he was a pitying god, it was
pity he had not sent the spring a little sooner, and saved them the
trouble of digging.—Strabo, by endeavouring to account for the
fountain of oil by natural means, has quite spoiled the miracle.
Wide lib. xi. p. 788, Casaub. Plutarch tells us, that as Proxemus
was breaking up the ground, near the river Oxus, to set up the
royal pavilion, he discovered a spring of gross oily liquor, which,
after the top was scummed off, ran pu, e oil, p. 35 ; but then he
adds, that it was little different from the water of the river
Oxus.-No doubt but it was the same.—Thus the miracle of the
oil is quite knocked o' th' head; and as for the fountain of water,
I hope none of my readers will take that for one : and when the
prodigy is demolished, the interpretation is trifling, and not worth
the listening to.
ALExANDER's ExPEDITION. 227
CHAPTER XVI.
He then, with part of his army, marched straight
into the country of the Sogdians ; for Polyperchon,
and Attalus, and Gorgias, and Meleager, were left
in Bactria, to keep that province under subjection;
and as well to hinder the Barbarians from attempting
to revolt, as to reduce those who had revolted already.
He divided his forces into five parts; * the command
over the first of which was given to Hephæstion;
the second to Ptolemy the son of Lagus, one of his
body-guards; the third to Perdiccas; the fourth to
Caenus and Artabazus : he himself, at the head of the
fifth, marched towards Maracanda ; the rest, as they
could most conveniently, entering the country, re-
duced some of their strong holds by force, and had
others surrendered into their hands. And after they
had overrun the greatest part of these territories,
they all met together at Maracanda; from whence he
dispatched Hephaestion, to draw new colonies into
the depopulated cities of the Sogdians. He also sent
Caenus and Artabazºs against the Scythians, because
he was informed that Spitamenes had fled thither :
himself and the rest of his forces marching towards
the other cities of that country, which had revolted,
easily brought them under subjection. In the mean
time, Spitainenes, at the head of a band of Sogdian
exiles who had fled into Scythia, and about six
hundred Massageta horse,f attacked a certain castle
* His army, according to Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 1, 1, was only
divided into three parts: the command over the first of which
he bestowed on Hephastion ; that over the second, on Cienus;
and reserved the third to himself.
+ This is told in a manner so very different, by Curtius, that
one would hardly suspect it to be the same story. “The banish-
ed bact rians,” says he, lih. viii. cap. 1, 3, “ with eight hundred
Massagaetan horse, wasted the neighbouring villages; to repress
whose insolence, Attinas, the governor over those parts,”—I
Q 2
QQ8 ARRIAN's History of
in Bactria, the governor whereof, imagining no enemy
near, was surprised and taken prisoner, and all the
soldiers in the garrison slain. Having thus taken this
castle, they were mightily elated, and in a few days
marched to Zariaspe; which city, nevertheless, they
durst not besiege; but ravaging the country round,
gathered together much spoil. There were then in
that city some of the mercenary horse, who had been
left there by reason of their ill state of health ; and
with these, Pithon the son of Sosicles, the overseer
of the royal household of Zariaspe, and Aristonicus
the harper. These, having notice of this sudden
inroad of the Scythians, (for they had now recovered
their health so far as to be able to mount their horses
and bear arms,) having gathered together about eighty
of the mercenary horse which had been left at Zari-
aspe, and some of the royal youths of the house-
hold, marched against the enemy; and attacking the
Scythians on a sudden, when they least expected any
such treatment, they took from them all the spoil they
had gathered together, and slew great numbers of
those who guarded it. But returning in a loose and
careless manner, without regard to order, as having
no head, or captain, they fell into an ambuscade of
the Scythians, placed there by Spitamenes, where
seven of the auxiliaries and sixty of the mercenary
horse were slain ; and there Aristonicus the harper
cannot imagine who made him governor; for we never so much
as heard of his name before—“marched with three hundred
horse, little suspecting an ambuscade which the enemy had laid
in a neighbouring wood, ordering a small party to drive some
cattle, to decoy them the easier. Then straight Attinas, without
observing any order, pursued hard after them, and entering the
wood, they who were hid there, broke forth upon them, and cut
off all his men.”—Ay, and him too, I suppose; for we never
hear a word of him afterwards. I leave the comparison to my
readers. But now, as a celebrated critic, and cotemporary of
mine, says upon another occasion, Methinks I smell a rat : this
Attinas, though Curtius has set him up for a governor, seems to
be neither better nor worse than Aristonicus the harper, mention-
ed by Arrian. -
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 229
*
died, having behaved himself more like a brave soldier
than a musician; but Pithon being wounded, fell alive
into the enemy's hands.
CHAPTER XVII.
As soon as the news of this defeat came to Craterus,
he immediately marched against the Massagetae, who,
when they heard of his approach, fled towards the
desert, but were hotly pursued by him, and they, and
others of the same nation, to the number of about a
thousand horse, were overtaken just at the edge there-
of; and a sharp conflict happening thereupon, the Ma-
cedonians were victors. Of the Barbarians, about one
hundred and fifty were slain;” the rest escaped into
the desert, Craterus and his soldiers not being able to
pursue them further. In the mean while, Artabazus f
begging to be discharged from his government of Bac-
tria, by reason of his advanced age, his petition was
granted, and Alexander substituted Amyntas £ the
son of Nicolaus to succeed him ; and having left
Caenus there with his own and Meleager's troops,
besides four hundred of the auxiliary horse, all the
pikemen on horseback, and the Bactrians, and Sog-
dians, under Amyntas; the chief command over all
these was given to Caenus, who ordered them to
* Curtius gives us this different; Craterus, says he, lib. viii.
c. 1, 6, being informed of the late disaster, came with all the
horse under his command ; but the Massagetae were gone out of
his reach. However, a thousand of the Dahae were slam by him;
and so the rebellion ended.
+ Hereabouts Curtius diverts his readers with a hunting-
match in the woods of Bazaria, lib, viii. cap. 1, 11, &c.; but it
has puzzled all his commentators to find out where this Bazaria
was ; no geographer, no historian, nor any author but himself,
ever dreaming of such a place. The story is romantic enough ;
and so, in my opinion, is the country too.
* Artabazus's province, according to Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 1,
19, was given to Clitus; but his death happening presently after,
it was then bestowed upon Amyntas,
230 ARRIAN's II 1story of .
winter in Sogdia, partly for garrisons to defend the
country, and partly to encounter Spitamenes, if he
should attempt to make any inroad there during
the winter. But Spitamenes, understanding that all
places were filled with Macedonian garrisons, and
that it would be a difficult matter for him to make a
retreat if he had occasion, resolved at once to turn
his whole power against Caenus and his forces, ima-
gining he would penetrate the most easily into the
country that way: and when he approached Gabae, a
fortified place belonging to the Sogdians, seated on
the borders between them and the Massagetae Scy-
thians, he drew in four thousand Scythian horse
to join his forces, that they might make an irruption
into Sogdia. These Scythians being extreme poor, as
having neither cities nor fixed and certain habitations,
nor possessing any thing which they were afraid to
lose, were easily induced to join their forces with any
nation. Caenus having intelligence of Spitamenes's
approach, marched forth with his army to meet him;
and a sharp battle thereupon ensued, in which the
victory fell to the Macedonians. The Barbarians
lost above eight hundred horse, and Caenus about
twenty-five horse and twelve foot, in this conflict.
The Sogdians who survived this day's action, as also
many of the Bactrians, leaving Spitamenes in his
flight, came to Caenus, and having surrendered them-
selves into his power, swore fidelity to him; but the
Massageta, and other Scythians, after the loss of the
battle, having seized upon the baggage of the Bac-
trians and Sogdians, their allies, accompanied Spita-
menes in his flight into the desert. But when they
came to understand that Alexander was preparing
to scour these places, they slew Spitamenes,” and
* Curtius has cooked up a kind of a love-story here, lib. viii.
cap. 3, 1, &c. and makes Spitamenes fall by the hands of his wife.
“She had been the constant companion,” he says, “ both of his
flight and banishment; but at last grew weary of his misfor-
tunes, and began to use all her soft arts to persuade him rather
A LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 23}
having cut off his head, sent it as a present to Alex-
ander, hoping, by this action, to make him cease his
pursuit after them.
CHAPTER XVIII.
About this time, Caenus and Craterus returned to
Alexander at Nautaca; as also did Phrataphernes *
governor of the Parthians, and Stasanor governor of
the Arii, having executed whatsoever had been order-
cd them. Alexander then, giving his army a little
rest, (for it was now winter,) dispatched Phrataphernes
into the country of the Mardi and Topiri, to bring
Phradates f the governor of them before him, in
chains, because he had been often sent for, and re-
fused to come. Stasanor was dispatched against the
to try Alexander's clemency, than endeavour to escape his power;
and begged of him, for the sake of his three children, whom she
then showed him, to grant her request. He, imagining treachery
at the bottom of all this, threatened to dispatch her; and had
certainly been as good as his word, had not her brothers hindered
him. However, he ordered her out of his sight, and spent the
night among his mistresses. Notwithstanding all this, he con-
descended to admit his wife; but begged of her, for the future,
not so much as to mention a surrender. She then made use of
all her rhetoric to excuse herself; and did it so effectually, that
he was resolved to get drunk—by way of thanksgiving.—He
was then carried into his chamber ; and when his wife perceived
how he lay, she drew a sword, which she had brought for that
purpose, and ºutting off his head, delivered it to a servant, who
alone was privy to the design. Thus attended, she came all
bloody to Alexander's camp, where Spitamenes's head was show-
ed, and the whole story told. However, the king, imagining that
the horror of the action exceeded the obligation she had laid
upon him by it, commanded her to depart out of the camp.”—
Raderus says, this story resembles that of Judith in many parti-
culars, only it was much more barbarous.—To which, I think, I
may make bold to add—and much more apocryphal.
* Arrian has told us of the arrival of these two before, as also
what their commission was ; for which reason I wonder why he
repeats it here.
+ He is usually called by this name in Curtius; but never by
Arrian, except in this place. * * -
239 ARRIAN's HIs Tory of
Drangae; and Atropates * against the Medes, be-
cause Oxydates governor of Media was inclinable to
revolt. Stanicnes he ordered to Babylon, because
Mazaeus, the ruler thereof, was said to be dead; and
Sopolis, and Epocillus, and Menaedas, he dispatched
into Macedonia, to fetch recruits from thcnce. Then,
at the approach of the spring, he directed his march
to a fortress : built upon a rock in Sogdia, into which
* Curtius tells us, Arsaces was sent into Media, to supply the
place of Oxydates; which, I think, must be a mistake, and which
I hope to rectify. Alexander having now drawn his army into
winter-quarters, had time to listen to the complaints of all such
as had been oppressed by his deputies, and to hear how affairs
went at a distance; and being informed that Arsemes (whom his
father Artabazus had substituted to govern the Drangue, a part of
his province) was inclinable to revolt, he sent Stasanor to bring him
to him ; which he did, in chains; whereupon he was appointed
his successor. Phrataphernes was dispatched, upon the same er-
rand, against Autophradates, and had his government conferred
upon him. Atropates was also sent against Oxydates, and was
deputed governor of Media, which he held, or at least a part
thereof, till his death ; and his successors continued in possession
thereof many ages after.
+ Curtius calls him Deditamenes, lib. vii. cap. 3, 17; and takes
no notice of those who were sent into Macedonia for recruits.
f The story of the storming this rock, and that in chap. xxi.,
are so strangely confounded by Curtius, that it will be a difficult
task to set things in a clear light. Freinshenius has endeavoured
to bring him off as well as he could ; but he has made lame work
on’t, and the best that can be said is, he has run into a vast num-
ber of absurdities for want of judgment. In the first place, he
makes Arimazes governor of this rock.—That might be, for any
thing I know to the contrary, because Arrian mentions not the
governor's name: however, Arrian assures us, that the wife and
daughter of Oxyartes were taken, at the surrender of this rock;
and Alexander marrying the daughter, the father soon after sub-
mitted. Curtius makes her first the daughter of Cohortanus,
lib. viii. cap. 4, 20, whom he makes governor of a third rock, no-
body kuows where, contrary to all authors; and not only so, but
confrary to himself; for he mentions her twice or thrice after-
wards, as the daughter of Oxathres, or Oxyartes. See Curt.
lib. x. cap. 3, 11, & lib. x. cap. 8, 10.-That they were taken at
this rock is evident, because Oxyartes having submitted, was
niade use of by Alexander, to induce Chorienes, the governor of
the other rock, to surrender; and this even Curtius owns, though
he no where tells us when Oxyartes submitted, and has given
Chorienes another name.
ALExANDER's ExPEDITION. 233
many of the inhabitants of these parts had fled for
refuge : among whom were the wife and daughters of
Oxyartes the Bactrian ; for Oxyartes, when he re-
volted from Alexander, had taken care to have them
conveyed thither, as to an impregnable place. And
it appeared plain to him, that if that ſort was once
taken, the Sogdians would have no place of strength
left to invite them to rebellion. As soon as Alexan-
der approached the rock, he found it every way steep,
rugged, and difficult of access; and that the Barba-
rians had laid up store of corn for a long siege. The
great depth of the snow likewise made the ascent up
the rock much more difficult to the Macedonians;
and at the same time supplied the Barbarians with
plenty of water. However, in spite of all these dan-
gers, Alexander resolved to besiege it: for the proud
and insolent answer sent him by the Barbarians,
served only to inflame him with the greater thirst of
glory and revenge. For when he sent them a sum-
mons to surrender the place, with an offer that every
one of them should be suffered freely to return to
their habitations; they mocked him rudely and bar-
barously, and inquired, whether he had furnished
himself with winged soldiers, for the storming that
rock 2 for otherwise, they had no cause to be afraid,
it being out of the power of all other mortals to
ascend it by force. Then Alexander ordered a procla-
mation to be issued forth, that the first man who
gained the top of the rock should have a reward of
twelve talents * bestowed upon him ; and the second
and third should be gratified in proportion to the
order of their ascent; and even the last of ten, should
have three hundred darics. The extraordinary hopes
they conceived of this gratuity added new vigour to
the Macedonians, who, even of themselves, were
sufficiently adventurous upon the bare thirst of glory.
* This reward, Curtius says, lib. vii. cap. 11, 12, was only
proclaimed to the first ten; the foremost of which was to have
ten talents; the second, nine; and to decrease in the same pro-
portion; so that the last of the ten should have one.
234 A RRIAN's H isTo Ry of
CHAPTER XIX.
HAv ING therefore * chose out of his whole army
about three hundred of those who had been most ac-
customed to scale walls and climb up rocks in sieges,
they took with them the iron pins which they had uscd
in pitching their tents, and which they designed to fix
in the snow, where it was sufficiently hardened by the
frost, or in the ground, where no snow lay. To these
pins they tied strong ropes, and, in the dead of
night, made the best of their way to that part of the
rock which was most steep and rugged, and where,
of consequence, a guard was deemed the least neces-
sary ; and then, having fixed their iron pins, some-
times in the snow itself, wherever the frost had hard-
ened it, and sometimes in the ground, where it was
bare, they hoisted themselves up by little and little,
some in one place and some in another. Thirty f of
those perished in the ascent, and, by falling down
headlong from the rocks, were buried so deep in
the snow that their bodies could not be found. The
rest having gained the top by break of day, made a
signal to their friends below, where they were arrived,
by waving their handkerchiefs over their heads; for so
Alexander had commanded them. Upon this, he
immediately dispatched a herald, to give the Barba-
rians a second summons to surrender without delay,
* The king, according to Curtius, lib. vii. cap. 11, 8, was his
own herald; and in a speech which he makes, to animate his sol-
diers to climb this rock, among other things he tells them, they
have accompanied him over mountains covered with snow, in
passing the streights of Cilicia, and in bearing the cold of frozen
India.—This last paragraph is false; for, in the first place, nei-
ther he nor any of them had ever yet set foot in lndia; and
secondly, he has given it a quite wrong epithet; for in all the
parts of India wherever he came afterwards, he had much more
reason to complain of heat.
t Curtius says Thirty-two, lib. vii. cap. 11, 19.
: It was Cophes the son of Artabazus, according to Curtius,
lib. vii. cap. 11, 23.
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 235
for that he had furnished himself with winged soldiers,
such as they spoke of, who had already possessed
themselves of the utmost summit of the rock; and
then the soldiers who had gained that post showed
themselves. The Barbarians, terrified with this un-
expected sight, supposing them to have been many
more and much better armed than they really were,
immediately surrendered :” so great a dread fell upon
them at the sight of a few Macedonians. The wives
and children of many great men were there taken ;
and among the rest, those of Oxyartes. The daughter
of Oxyartes was named Roxane,f a virgin, but mar-
riageable, and by the general consent of writers, the
most beautiful of all the Asiatic women, Darius's wife
excepted. Alexander was struck with surprise at
the sight of her beauty; nevertheless, being fully re-
solved not to offer violence to a captive, he forbore
to gratify his desires, till he took her afterwards to
wife. This act of his undoubtedly deserves the
highest honour that can be given him. And as to the
wife of Darius, (whose charms surpassed all the
Asiatics,)he either had no desires towards her, or he
took care to curb his desires, notwithstanding he was
in the very heat of youth, and at the height of glory,
which are commonly great debauchers of the mind,
and often cause men to make a bad use of those ad-
vantages which fortune has put into their hands. But
* “ Arimazes,” says Curtius, lib. vii. cap. l I, 28, “ looking
upon his condition as more desperate than it really was, with
most of his commanders cane down to Alexander's camp ; all
whom he ordered to be scourged first, and afterwards to be hang-
ed up at the foot of the hill.”—This they certainly deserved for
their cowardice, whether they had it or no.
+ She is called the daughter of Cohortanus, by Curtius; though,
as I have already observed, he contradicts himself twice after-
wards, namely, lib. ix. cap. 8, 10, & lib. x. cap. 3, 11. Frein-
shemius imagines a chasm in the manuscript copies to be the
occasion of this error.—He would do a good deed, if he could
bring him as cleverly off in all the rest of his errors:—and as
to the name Cohortanus, he thinks it only a corruption from
Chorienes.
o 36 A R RIAN's History of
be, out of a certain awe or reverence, forbore to touch
her; and herein showed himself no less a pattern of
true continency, than he had before done of heroic
fortitude.
CHAPTER XX.
THERE is a report, that a short while after the battle
of Issus, which was fought betwixt Alexander and
Darius, a certain eunuch,” to whom the custody of
Darius's wife was committed, escaped out of the camp
and fled to Darius; whom when the king saw, he
first asked him, whether his children, and wife, and
mother, were alive? and being answered, that they
were not only alive, but were styled queens, and re-
ceived all the honours which they had been accus-
tomed to ; he again inquired, whether his wife conti-
nued chaste? which he affirmed, and added, that the
conqueror had not so much as offered any violence
to her person which might tend to his disgrace. All
this he confirmed by an oath; and assured the king,
that his wife continued in the same state in which
he left her, and that Alexander was the most tem-
perate and chaste prince upon earth. Whereupon,
Darius is said to have lifted up his hands to heaven,
and poured forth his prayers in this manner: “O
Jupiter, who hašt the disposal of all the states and
kingdoms of the earth in thy hands; grant to re-estate
me in the empire of the Medes and Persians, which I
once enjoyed. But if thou hast already decreed other-
wise, and I must now cease to be lord of Asia; I beg
tº is o
and entreat thee, to confer my dominions rather on
* He is called Tyriotes by Curtius, lib. iv. cap. 10, 28, and
Tyros by Plutarch : however, his name is not material. Curtius
has made a long story of it, and showed his talent in rhetoric, as
he always does, to the utmost advantage. It were well if he did
not sometimes stretch his invention a little too much, and sacri-
fice truth and good sense for the sake of empty sound and bare
probability.
ALEXANDER's EXPEDITION. 237
Alexander than any other.” So much are good and
generous acts regarded, even by enemies. Oxyartes”
understanding that the rock was won, and his wife
and children taken, and besides, that his daughter
Roxane was betrothed by the conqueror, he assumed
his courage, and came to Alexander, where he re-
ceived all the honours to which such an affinity could
entitle him.
CHAPTER XXI.
WHEN Alexander had secured his conquests in Sog-
dia, by his obtaining possession of this rock, he led
lis army against the Paraetacae,f because he had re-
ceived intelligence that there was another fort erect-
ed upon a rock in that country, into which abundance
of the inhabitants had retired. This was named the
rock of Choricnes; and Choricnest himself, and other
great men in vast numbers, had chosen that place for
their safety. The slant height of this rock was about
* Curtius tells us, lib. viii, cap. 2, 25, “ that Oxyartes, (or
Oxathres, or Oxartes,) a Bactrian, was employed by Alexander,
to advise Sysimethres to deliver up the rock which he govern-
ed:”—whereas, according to his own account, Oxathres had not
then surrendered himself; and Arrian plainly assures us, he did
not, till the rock, wherein his wife and children were left for secu-
rity, was taken ; nor even then, till he was assured Alexander
had married his daughter Roxane.
f After Alexander had bestowed Clitus's province on Amyntas,
Curtius says, he marched straight to Xenippa, a country hard by,
lib. viii, cap. 2, 14 —-Now where this Xenippa was, is the ques-
tion. The name is Greek; but no other author mentions it. Well,
aſter he had performed wonders there, by reducing a parcel of
rogues to reason, he came with his army to a country called
Naura, lib. viii. cap. 2, 19.;-another province, which no geo-
grapher takes notice of. However, I think it may be the Parae-
tacie, which Arrian here mentions, and which is well known.
f Curtius tells us, lib. viii. cap. 2, 7, that Sysimithres was go-
vernor of this rock, and Cohortanus of another, where Roxane
was taken prisoner: —But he is contradicted in the first assertion
by Arrian, and the last by Plutarch and Strabo: and to confess
the truth, it is a difficult matter to know what to make of his re-
'lation.
Q38 ARRIAN’s HISTORY of
twenty stadia, and the circuit thereof near sixty, every
where steep and craggy. There was only one ascent
leading to the summit, hewn out by art, and purposely
made so extremely narrow, as not to admit of two
men to ascend a-breast. The foot of this rock was also
surrounded with a deep ditch; so that whosocvér
would lead an army to it, must of necessity reduce
some part of the ditch to a level, before he could bring
his forces to a convenient station for an assault. Alex-
ander, however, in spite of all these difficulties, re-
solved to undertake the task, as deeming no place in-
accessible or impregnable against such an assailer:
so great a confidence did he place in the continued
course of his successes. Having therefore ordered a
vast number of fir-trees, which grew every where near
this mountain, to be cut down, he commanded lad-
ders to be made of them, whereby his soldiers might
descend to the bottom of the ditch,” which they could
do by no other contrivance. All day long Alexander
employed the half of his army upon this task; and
in the night-time, Perdiccas, Leonnatus, and Ptolemy
the son of Lagus, having divided the other half into
three parts, took care to see the work carried on;
which was of so great difficulty, by reason of the ex-
traordinary hardness of the rock, that they finished no
more than twenty cubits in a whole day, and in a night
much less, though the whole army laboured therein
by turns. However, descending into the ditch, and
forcing large wooden piles into the bottom, at such a
convenient distance from each other as to be able to
bear a certain proposed weight, upon the tops of these
piles they laid vast hurdles of osiers, or other twigs
bound together, and those they covered with earth,
that the army might pass over the ditch as upon a
bridge. The Barbarians at first mocked the Mace-
donians' attempts, as dangerous and ill-concerted; but
* This, Curtius says, was a river, lib. viii. cap. 2, 24, which,
coming from a higher ground, ran with a very rapid course; and
Alexander filled it up with trees and rubbish.
ALEXAN DER's Expeditiox. 239
when they found themselves galled with their arrows,
and perceived that, notwithstanding the advantage of
their high station, they were unable to drive them
from their work, because of the coverings they had
contrived to defend themselves with against darts and
other missive weapons from above; Chorienes, anmazed
at the greatness of the attempt, immediately dispatch-
ed a herald to Alexander, desiring that Oxyartes
might be sent to him ; which was granted: and when
he came, he failed not to persuade him to surrender
his rock and himself into Alexander's hands; for that
no place was inaccessible to him and his army: and
the more to induce him to submit himself, he extolled
the king's goodness and generosity, whereof he was
an eminent example. Chorienes, won by these argu-
ments, came, with some of his friends and relations,
to Alexander, who received him with the utmost
respect, and ranked him among the number of his
friends; and having ordered some of those who came
down with him to ascend again, and command those
who kept the rock to deliver it up, it was accordingly
delivered. Alexander then, accompanied with about
five hundred targeteers, mounted the rock, on purpose
to view the top thereof; and was so far from doing
any thing which might redound to Chorienes's dis-
grace, that he committed the rock again into his cus-
tody; and not only so, but restored him all his for-
mer government. About this time,” (it being still
winter, and the deep snow covering the earth during
this siege,) the army was reduced to some straits, for
want of forage and other necessaries; but Chorienes,
in some measure to requite Alexander's liberality,
proffered to furnish the whole army with provisions
for two months; and accordingly, out of the stores
* We have not a syllable of the contents of the remaining part
of this chapter in Curtius. IIow ever, to make us an ends, he has
obliged us with the taking of another rock, wherein, he says,
Roxane was taken ; but as we have taken her before, we shaki
take no further notice of him nor her neither.
240 A RRIAN's History of
he had laid up for a siege, he distributed corn, and
wine, and salt-meat to the soldiers in every tent; all
which when he had distributed for the full time pro-
posed, he affirmed, that the tenth part of what they
had before gathered together was not yet exhausted.
Alexander, upon this, esteemed him the more, because
he had plainly shown, that his surrender of the rock
was more to be imputed to his own inclinations that
way, than to any force of an enemy from without.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE SE things thus happily performed, Alexander
marched against the Bactrians; and at the same time
dispatched Craterus, with six hundred auxiliary horse,
and his own, and Polyperchon's, Attalus's, and Al-
cetes's troops of foot, against Catanes and Austanes,
who alone were now remaining, of all the revolters in
Paretaca. A sharp battle hereupon ensued, wherein
Craterus being victor, Catanes was slain, and Austanes
taken alive, and brought in chains to Alexander, A-
bout one hundred and twenty of the Barbarian horse
fell in this battle, and near fifteen hundred foot. This
done, Craterus also marched into Bactria, where at
that time the conspiracy of Callisthenes and the youths
of the royal guard, against Alexander's life, was de-
tected. From Bactria, the spring now coming on, he
pushed forwards, with all his forces, for India,” (Amyn-
* “When Alexander,” says Curtius, lib.viii, cap. 5, 1, &c.
“ was upon the point of marching into India, resolving not to
leave any thing behind him which might frustrate his attempts,
he ordered thirty thousand youths to be raised out of all his pro-
vinces, and brought to him in complete armour; and those he
kept as well for hostages as soldiers.”—Many of his commenta-
tors have made extraordinary fine political remarks upon this;
but none of them all, so far as I can find, have given themselves
a moment’s trouble to examine whether it was true or not.--
What a fine time must Alexander have taken up, to send into all
the provinces of his wide-extended empire? And what a vast num:
ber of his officers must have been employed for that purpose?
ALEx ANDEit’s ExprDfºrbN. Q'ſ 1
tas being left governor of Bactria, with one thousand.
five hundred horse and ten thousand foot,) and in ten.
days' space, passing, over Mount Caucasus, he ar-
rived at Alexandria, a city which he had caused to be
built among the Pirapatnisæ, when he made his first
expedition into Bactria. He displaced the governor
of that city, because he seemed not to have done his
duty; and drawing many inhabitants thither out of
* * * * 3. - ; : * ~ * - - * r * s . . "
But as this has been taken notice of in the Criticism prefixed to
this work, I shall pass it by here. He tells us immediately after,
that “ Polyperchon reduced the country called Bubacene.”—
Here is another country altogether unknown and unheard-oſ.
Some of his commentators have imagined this to be the Paretacaº
of Arrian; but others of them have thought the same of his Ga-
baza, his Xenippa, and his Naura; and after all, perhaps none of
them is the same : however, the last bids the fairest for it. Then
he proceeds;–" The country of India is reckoned rich, not only
in gold, but all manner of jewels, &c.—the soldiers’ shields shone'
with gold and ivory.—Therefore, that Alexander might not come
short of those in finery, whom he surpassed in other respects, he
ordered the shields of his soldiers to be covered with plates of sil-,
ver, and the bits of their horses’ bridles to be made of gold; the
breastplate- of some of them he also adorned with gold, of others
with silver.”—Alexander might make his own troops as gay as
he pleased, so long as his Persian treasure lasted ; but he was no
very good occonomist. Ile had made a bonfire of whatever would
burn before, and now he seems resolved to throw away the rest.
in useless ornaments. “But this,” says Curtius, “was to imitate
the Indians.”—Wäs it He began to imitate them betimiès im-
deed! Curtius might well enough have suffered him to have en-
tered their country, and seen their finery, before he had taken
up their fashions. It is strange that a man’s mind should alter so.
suddenly, without any visible occasion. He had but a little while'
before set fire to all the glorious furniture which the Persians had
been so long treasuring up, and his army had run such hazard in
gaining, because he was afraid it should enervate them; but now,
his conscience is not so squeamish, and be gives them golden,
bridles and silver suits' of armour, merely.because the Indian
finery should not put his sºldiers out of countenance. Well, this,
Curtius is an excellent casuist! If Alexander havé not wit enough
to give a reason for any of his actions, he is still ready to supply
him. But what knocks all these stories o' th' head, is, Arrian's as-
suring us, that those parts of the country of India through which
Alexander passed were destitute of gold...4rrian,"lib. v. cap, 4,
But I shall defer all further remarks of what he says, upon this.
head till I come to write observations on Arrian's Indian History.
VOL. I. * |R
249 A RFIAN's History of
the neighbouring country, and leaving such of the
Macedonians there as were rendered unserviceable,
he appointed Nicanor their ruler; but Tyriaspes was
made governor of the country of Parapamisae, and of
the whole province as far as the river Cophenus.
Thence passing forwards to Nicaea, he sacrificed to
Minerva, and proceeded to the river Cophenes; from
whence dispatching a herald before, to Taxiles and
the other princes on this side the river Indus, to come
forth and meet him as he approached their territo-
ries; Taxiles and the rest hereupon came and met
him, with the most valuable presents which India
could ſurnish;” and besides, they made him a promise
of twenty-five elephants. There, dividing his forces,
he dispatched Hepha-stion and Perdiccas into the
country of Peucelaotis,f towards the river Indus, with
the troops of Gorgias, and Clitus, and Meleager, be-
sides half of his auxiliary horse, and all his merce-
nary horse. Their orders were, to receive the sur-
render of all the towns through which they passed, or
to force them thereto; and when they came to the
river Indus, to make things ready for ferrying the
army over. Taxiles, and the rest of the princes of
* Curtius tells us, that “Taxiles (whom he calls Omphis,
lib. viii. cap. 12, 1) presented Alexander with fifty-six ele-
phants, (I suppose for his own share), and three thousand bulls:
—and afterwards with a golden crown, and eighty talents of coin-
ed silver; and to all his attendants crowns of gold : and this
bounty, from a Barbarian, pleased the king so much, that he re-
turned him his own presents again, and made him one of a thou-
sand talents out of the spoils which he had brought with him.”—
Some of this may be true, though most of it appears otherwise.
Plutarch confirms the story of Alexander’s present of a thousand
talents to Taxiles; but Arrian contradicts that of the fifty-six
elephants, and says that Taxiles, and the rest of the princes with
him, promised to send him no more than twenty-five.
+ The last part of this chapter is wholly omitted by Curtius;
only he tells us, lib. viii. cap. 10, 2, that “the king ordered
Perdiccas and Hephæstion, with a detachment, as far as Indus,
commanding them to build a bridge of boats, to pass the whole
army over, and in their way to subdue those by force, who re-
fused to submit upon fair terms.”
AL Ex ANDER's Exper ſtroN. 243
that country, accompanied them in that expedition;
and when they came to the river, performed what-
ever Alexander had commanded. But Astes prince
of Peucelaotis, endeavouring to revolt, lost both the
city into which he fled, and his own life; for He-
phaestion took it, after thirty days' siege ; and Astes
being slain, the government thereof was delivered to
Sangaeus, who flying from Astes some time before,
had sought protection from Taxiles; which action
gained him so much credit with Alexander, that he
deputed him ruler over the country.
CHAPTER XXIII.
ALEXANDER then, with a band of targeteers, and
those of the auxiliary horse who followed not He-
phiestion, as also the troop called the auxiliary foot,
and the archers, and Agrians, and equestrian darters,
marched against the Aspii,” the Thyraei, and Arsaci;
and passing nigh the river Choe, through a country
rough and mountainous, when he had with some dif-
ficulty crossed that river, he ordered his foot to follow
him at leisure, while he, with all his horse, and cight
hundred heavy-armed Macedonian targeteers, which
he caused to mount on horseback, Inarched forwards
with all speed, because he had received information
that the Barbarians of that country had retired to the
mountains, or withdrawn thcmselves to places of the
best strength, on purpose to oppose him. When he.
approached the first of these towns,the found the in-
* The Aspii, the Thyraei, and Arsaci, are either not taken
notice of at all by Curtius, or so slightly, and by such different
names and circumstances in the stories, that they have little re-
lation one to another. The river Choe, he seems to call Choaspes,
lib. viii. cap. 10, 22. Blancard thinks these Aspii ought to be
Apaspasii. Wide p. 292. -
+ Curtius has cut this story short; and so he has served all the
rest, from this place to the conclusion of his work. He only ac-
quaints us, lib, viii. cap. 10, 4, &c., that “the king drew out a
R 2
Q44 A R RIAN's ti Isro R Y of
habitants drawn up without the walls; but he beat
them back at the first assault, and forced them to re-
tire within their gates : however, a dart pierced his
armour, and wounded him in the shoulder; but the
wound was slight, by reason of the strength and thick-
ness of his armour. Ptolemy the son of Lagus, and
Leonnatus, were both wounded in that conflict. Then
Alexander encamped against the place, on that side
where he thought the walls were weakest; and the
next day, as soon as it was light, easily made himself
master of the outward wall, (for the town was sur-
rounded with a double wall,) whereupon the besieged
retired to the inner one, where they stood for some
time; but when the scaling-ladders were fixed, and
the besieged found themselves every where so galled
with their darts, that they could endure it no longer,
they issued suddenly out of their gates, and fled to the
mountains. But the Macedonians pursuing hard after
them, slew many in the pursuit, and took many alive,
who, because of the exceeding rage they had con-
ceived against them for the wound given their king,
were all put to death : however, great numbers es-
caped to the neighbouring mountains. When they
had laid that city level with the ground, he led his
army to another, named Andaca;” which yielding upon
party of light-horse, and ordered Craterus with the phalanx to
follow him. In his march he was encountered ; and in the skir-
tnish drove his enemies to their city. As soon as Craterus came
up, he commanded that not one should be saved, but that a ge-
neral assault should be given, the walls demolished, and all put
to the sword, to strike terror into the rest of the Parbarians who
had not vet felt the force of the Macedonian arms. Neverthe-
less, as he rode round the walls, he was wounded with an arrow ;
but the town being taken, all were slain, and their cruelty extend-
ed to the very houses.”—If my reader can find any resemblance
between these two stories, I shall leave him to make a compari-
son between them : as for my part, I can find but little.
* This is undoubtedly Curtius's Acadera, lib. viii. cap. 10, 20,
for some impressions of that author have it Adaca, which ap-
proaches very near Arrian's Andaca : however, he tells us the in-
habitants had burned their city, and fled. But Acidalius cannot
think that any way probabie; for which reason he has made bold
A LEXAN DER's ExPEDITIox. 245
articles, he there left Craterus, with other captains of
foot, to take all such cities by force, as refused to
submit voluntarily, and to govern the whole province
as it should seem to him most convenient.
CIIAPTIER XXIV.
THEN,” with his targeteers, archers, and Agrians, as
also Caenus’ and Attalus's troops, the Macedonian
agema, with almost four troops of the auxiliary horse,
and half of his equestrian archers, he directed his
march towards the river Euaspla, where the general
of the Aspii lay; and in two days' time, by long jour-
neys, came to the city. The Barbarians no sooner
perceived his approach, than they set it on fire, and
fled to the mountains : however, the Macedonians
pursued, and made a great slaughter of them before
they could reach these rugged and almost inaccessible
places of retreat. Ptolemy the son of Lagus, view-
ing their general posted on a little hill, took with him
a party of targeteers, and though their number was
far inferior to the enemy, yet he advanced boldly on
horseback; but when he could proceed no further on
horseback, by reason of the steepness of the hill, he
left his horse with one of his soldiers, and went for-
wards on foot. When the Indian general saw him
approach, he rushed forwards at the head of his men,
and threw a spear at Ptolemy, which struck upon his
breast-plate, but could not pierce through his armour;
whereupon Ptolemy thrust him through the thigh, and
having slain him, stripped him of his armour. The
º
to alter the original, and instead of usta to substitute vasta. This
is indeed more likely; for Arrian assures us they yielded to Alex-
ander upon articles; and if so, they had no occasion to set fire
to their city, and run away by the light of it. .
* I can find nothing in Curtius which claims any manner of
aſfinity with the contents of this chapter; for which reason I shall
pass it over without remark.
246 A Ru IAN's IIISTony of
Barbarians who were upon the spot, seeing their ge-
neral fall, betook themselves to flight; but the moun-
taineers, disdaining that his dead body should be car-
ried off by the enemy, ran to the hill, and renewed
the conflict, by their endcavours to rescue it. But
now Alexander himself approached with those foot
forces whom he had ordered to alight from horse-
back, who rushing all at once upon the Barbarians,
with much difficulty drove them back to the moun-
tains, and so carried off the body. Alexander then
passed one of these mountains, and coming nigh the
city called Arigaeus, found it deserted and burnt by
the inhabitants. In the mean time Craterus, having
finished whatever was commanded him, returned ;
and because the situation of this place seemed ex-
tremely commodious, he gave orders to Craterus for
the rebuilding it, and that he should people it with
such of the neighbouring inhabitants as would come
of their own accord, and with others out of the army
who were become unfit for further service. He in the
mean time directed his march towards the place where
the Barbarians had fled; and coming to the foot of a
certain mountain, encamped there; whence Ptolemy
the son of Lagus, being sent out to forage, and ven-
turing somewhat further still with a small party, to
view the enemy, at his return acquainted Alexander,
that many more fires appeared in the camp of the
Barbarians than in his. , Alexander, though he could
make no sure guess at the enemy's numbers from the
multitude of their fires, yet being informed that vast
crowds of them had resorted thither, left one part of
his army there to defend the camp, and taking with
him those whom he deemed fittest for his purpose, he
no sooner advanced within sight of the enemy's fires,
than he divided his forces into three parts; one of
which he ordered should be commanded by Leon-
natus, one of his body-guards, and this was composed
of the troops of Attalus and Balacrus; the second by
Ptolemy the son of Lagus, in which were the royal
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITI on. 247
targeteers and the cohorts of Philip and Philotas, be-
sides two thousand archers and Agrians, and one half
of his horse: the third division he led on himself, to-
wards that part of the Barbarian army where they
seemed to stand the thickest. -
CHAPTER XXV.
WHEN “ they perceived the Maccdonians approach
towards them, (for they were posted upon an emi-
mence,) trusting in their multitudes, and despising the
small number of their enemies, they descended into
the plain country; whereupon a dreadful conflict
ensued, wherein Alexander had the victory: but
Ptolemy was not to encounter those on the plain, but
some who possessed a steep hill; wherefore he moved
his army to that part where the ascent seemed the
easiest, and purposely forbore to surround the hill,
because he would leave a place for the enemy's flight.
There was also a terrible battle on this side, both by
reason of the disadvantage of the ground on the part
of the Macedonians, and because the Indians of that
province far excelled all the other Indians in military
exploits: however, they were at last driven down from
the mountain. And in the same manner Leonnatus
behaved, with his party; for he also beat the enemy,
and put them to flight. Ptolemy tells us, that forty
thousand men were taken, and above two hundred
and thirty thousand head of cattle; out of which
Alexander chose the best and largest, that he might
send them into Macedonia for a breed; for they far
* Curtius has not taken the least notice of this battle, which is
strange, because it was the most remarkable one, except that
against Porus, and the other against the Malli, which was fought
in all India. Justin and Plutarch are also silent: but I wonder
not at that; for the first was only an abridger, and had not room
for every thing; and it was none of Plutarch's design to write
regular histories.
248 A R RIAN's HISTORY OF
excelled the Grecian cattle, both in bulk and beauty.
Thence Alexander moved towards the Assaceni, who
were said to have an army of twenty thousand horse
and thirty thousand foot, besides thirty elephants,
ready to take the field. Craterus having re-edified
the city, according to the directions left him, returned,
and brought with him the heavy-armed foot, as also
such engines as are necessary in sieges: whereupon
Alexander, with his auxiliary horse and his eques-
trian darters, Caenus' and Polyperchon's troops, be-
sides a thousand archers and Agrians, proceeded in
his march towards the Assaceni, and passing through
the territories of the Guraei, crossed the river of that
name with much difficulty, not only because of its
great depth and the rapidity of the stream, but by
reason of the vast numbers of round and slippery
stones at the bottom, which neither horse nor man
could tread upon with safety. As soon as the Bar-
barians perceived that Alexander was at hand, they
durst no longer continue in a body, nor think of meet-
ing him in the open field; but dispersing, betook them
to their strong holds, where they hoped to defend
themsclves, and fight with greater advantage.
CHAPTER XXVI.
ALEK ANDER therefore first led his army against Mas-
saga,” the capital city of that country; and drawing
hear it, the inhabitants, led on by a party of about
* This city is called Mazaga by Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 10, 7.;
Masaca by Diodorus, lib. xvii.; and Masoga by Strabo, and in
some editions, Magosa, lib. xv. p. 1022. Curtius says, “Assa-
canus was lately dead, and the government then in the hands of
his mother Cleophes, lil), viii., cap. 9, 22,” whom Justin names
Cleophides, lib, xii, cap.,7. Arrian takes no notice of his being
dead, yet we hear of nothing that he did towards the saving his
capital city. Authors differ vastly in their accounts of this siege.
Curtius, having given us a romantic description of the walls, river,
rocks, caves, and moat, comes at last to tell us, that Alexander
ALEx ANDER's EXPEDITION. 249
seven thousand mercenaries, from the inner parts of
India, advanced against the Macedonians, with a de-
sign to assault their camp : which Alexander per-
ceiving, and finding that a battle must then be fought
just under the walls of the city, strove to draw them
further off, lest if they were forced to fly, (as he ima-
gined they would,) the small space betwixt them and
raised a mount in the ditch, to plant his engines upon; which
being done, he received a wound in his leg. . However, pulling
out the arrow himself, he continued to give the necessary direc-
tions.—Well, in nine days’ time the soldiers pulled down all the
suburbs, and with the rubbish filled up the ditch, and then raised
ramparts, and placed towers upon them, which equalled the walls
in height. A shower of darts was then poured in upon the inha-
bitants, which did great execution; but they were chiefly asto-
nished to see how these towers moved, and imagined them ac-
tuated by some divine power. However, the darts shot from the
engines galled them so much, that, despairing to hold the city,
they retired into the castle. But imagining themselves also unsafe
there, they dispatched ambassadors to implore pardon; which
they easily obtained. Then came forth the queen, with a splen-
did train of noble women, all bearing golden goblets full of wine
in their hands.-I cannot imagine how they came by them; for
Arrian has already assured us, that Alexander found no gold
throughout all India; and as for the wine, Arrian has also told
us, lib. v. cap. I, that no part of India afforded vines, but Mount
Meron, near the city Nisa,—“She brought her young son to Alex-
ander, and not only obtained pardon, but a continuance of her
former dignity; though it is believed her beauty pleaded more
than her eloquence, or the king's inclinations to forgive. How-
ever, he tells us, she bore another son afterwards, and whoever
got it, it was named Alexander.” Justin differs not much from
Curtius, lib. xii. cap. 7; only he tells us, in plain terms, that the
queen, by prostituting her body to Alexander, redeemed her
realm; and was ever after that time called by the Indians The Royal
Strumpet.—Plutarch says, that “Some of the stoutest of the Indians,
taking pay of several cities, undertook to defend them; and did it
so bravely, that they put Alexander to abundance of trouble and
fatigue, till he, having made an agreement with them, upon the
surrender of a place, fell upon them as they were marching away,
and put them all to the sword.” And he adds, “that this single
breach of faith was a perpetual blemish to him, who on all other
occasions had managed his wars with that justice and honour
which became him.”—Thus have I laid four several relations of
one siege before my reader, and shall leave him to choose which
pleases him best. *
250 A R RIAN's History of
the city would favour their escape thither. Where-
fore, as soon as he saw them pressing forwards, he
caused his Macedonians to retreat to a hill about
seven furlongs distant, where he again made a stand:
The enemy, encouraged by this retreat of the Mace-
donians, hasted after them, with much heat, in a dis-
orderly manner: but when they were advanced within
the reach of their darts, Alexander having given the
appointed signal for his soldiers to face about, the
whole army turned upon them with great rage. The
equestrian darters, and Agrians, and archers, were the
first which engaged; he with a choice phalanx fol-
lowed in order. The Indians, terrified with this sud-
den and unexpected blow, no sooner began to feel
their fury, but they fled towards the city, leaving two
hundred dead behind them ; the rest secured them-
selves within the walls. The king hereupon moved
his army forward to besiege the place, where he re-
ceived a wound in the heel with an arrow; but plant-
ing his engines the next day, and making a breach in
the walls, when the Macedonians endeavoured to storm
the city, the Indians received them so briskly, that
Alexander commanded a retreat to be sounded : how-
ever, they attempted to mount the breach again with
fresh vigour the next day, having drawn a huge wooden
tower to the place, out of which the archers poured
showers of arrows; besides which, they plied the be-
sieged with store of darts from their engines: but such
was the resistance of the Indians, that all their endea-
vours that day were to no purpose. The Macedo-
nians again attempting the same place the third day,
laid a bridge over from the wooden tower to the top
of the breach, and thereby a party of targeteers enter-
ed the city, in the same manner as they had long be-
fore that time entered Tyre; and when with the great-
est joy imaginable they crowded forwards upon the
bridge with too much haste, it broke with their weight,
and all who were upon itſell suddenly down with it;
which the Barbarians perceiving, and being thereby
A LEx ANDER's ExPEDITION. 25 1
encouraged, they advanced with loud shouts, and
galled the Macedonians from the walls with stones
and darts, and all kinds of missive weapons; whilst
others issuing out from some small posterns between
the towers in the wall, attacked those who were al-
ready stunned with their fall, and slew them.
CHAPTER XXVII.
Al ExANDER seeing this, immediately dispatched
thither Alcetas, with his troop, to receive those who
were wounded, and recall those who had assailed the
city and still made resistance, into the camp: and
on the fourth day after, he raised another bridge from
other works against the wall. The mercenary Indians,
so long as their general survived, always repulsed the
Macedonians with the utmost bravery; but he hap-
pening to be slain with a dart from an engine, and
many of his soldiers being lost in the several skir-
mishes during a long continued siege, and others ren-
dered useless and unfit for service by their wounds,
they sent a herald to Alexander. He, willing to pre-
vent the effusion of blood, and to preserve such stout
soldiers, agreed with them (the mercenary Indians),
that they should enter into his army, and serve under
him. Whereupon they coming forth from the city in
armour, encamped by themselves upon a little -hill
opposite to the Macedonians, with a full resolution
to steal away by night, and return home, because they
would not fight against other Indians. Alexander
having intelligence of this, that very night surrounded
the hill, on which they lay encamped, with his forces,
and cut them all off; and afterwards immediately
took the city by force, now void of defendants, and
therein the mother and daughter of Assacenus. Only
twenty-five of the Macedonians were slain during the
whole siege. Iſe then dispatched Caenus to Bazira,
imagining that the citizens, hearing of the fate of the
959 ARRIAN’s HISTORY of
Assaceni, would immediately surrender. He also at
the same time sent Attalus, and Alcetas, and Deme-
trius a captain of horse, to Ora,” with orders to sur-
round that city with a rampart, and lie before it till
he came. The citizens, seeing them approach towards
then, made an excursion, but were beaten back by the
Macedonians, and in a little time confined within
their walls by a rampart. But the affair of Bazira f
did not happen according to the opinion of Caenus;
for the citizens, trusting to the strength of the place,
(for it was not only seated on an eminence, but also
surroundcq with a stout wall,) gave him no manner of
hopes of a surrender; whereupon Alexander deter-
mined to march thither; but receiving news that some
neighbouring Indian soldiers had conveyed themselves
into the city Ora, being dispatched thither by Abis-
Sarus for that purpose, he changed his resolutions, and
marched with his army to Ora, sending orders to
Caenus to raise a fort over-against Bazira, and place
such a garrison therein as should restrain the citizens
from making excursions, and bring the rest of his
forces to him. The citizens then, perceiving that
Caenus had drawn off the greatest part of his troops,
despising the smallness of the number left to guard
the fort, made an excursion into the open country;
when a sharp battle ensued, wherein about five hun-
dred of them were slain, above seventy taken prison-
ers; and the rest, who were beaten into the city, durst
not attempt to make any more excursions. The siege
* The story of this siege is contracted by Curtius into the com-
pass of a nut-shell; for he only tells us, lib. viii., cap. 11, I, that
*: Polyperchon was dispatched by Alexander from Mazaca to
Ora, who, after a skirmish with the inhabitants, pursuing them
to their walls, had the city surrendered to him.”—Had he served
all his History in this manner, the whole had come into less com-
pass than one of his ten books.
ºri, All that Curtius says of this siege is, lib. viii., cap. 10, 22,
“Alexander having passed the river Choaspe, left Caenus to be-
siege a city, which the inhabitants call Bezira.”—But whether
Caenus took it or no, he gives us no account; nor do we hear one, .
word more of Caenus till after the taking the rock Aornus, ... . . .
A LEx ANDER's EXPEDITION. Q.53
of Ora proved a business of no great difficulty, after
the arrival of Alexander; for at the first assault made
against the walls he carried the place, and seized all
the elephants which he ſound therein, for the use of
his army.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Tii E. Bizareans hearing that Ora was taken by storm,
distrusting their strength, fled out of the city in the
dead of night, and betook themselves to a rock call-
ed Aornus for safety; and many of the neighbour-
ing Barbarians followed their example, for they
forsook their villages, and escaped thither. This
rock, the most stupendous piece of natural strength
in all that country, was by the Barbarians deemed
impregnable ; and there was a report, that even
Hercules,” though he was the son of Jove, was not
able to reduce it. But whether any Hercules, either
the Theban, the Tyrian, or the AEgyptian, ever
penetrated so far as India, I cannot affirm for truth,
but am rather inclined to believe the contrary; because
whatever is difficult, or hard to be accomplished,
men, to raise the difficulty still the higher, have re-
* Curtius tells us, “ the inhabitants thereabouts report, that
the rock Aornus was besieged, in vain, by Hercules; º: he was
forced by an earthquake to raise the siege and depart.” Strabo,
towards the beginning of his fifteenth book, p. 1008, edit.
Casaub, says, that “when Alexander's soldiers had taken a cer-
tain rock called Avernus, at the first assault, they boasted that
Hercules had assaulted it thrice, and had been as often repul-
sed.” Arrian, in this place, plainly shows the falsity of Curtius's
story: and besides, I would gladly know how the inhabitants
thereabouts came to hear of the name of Hercules, who was a
Greek but even that is easily solved by Arrian, and Strabo
too; for they tell us, over and over, that all the stories of Her-
cules’ and Bacchus's Indian exploits were only fictions of the
Macedonians, who were ambitious of raising Alexander's glory
above them. See Arrian, lib. v. cap. l ; and Strabo, lib. xi.
p. 77 . What the true Indian name of this rock was, we no where
find. Aornus was undoubtedly given it by the Greeks.
254 ARRIAN's History of
ported, that Hercules himself attempted it in vain :
and indeed, it is my opinion, that the name of Her-
cules is only here used by the Indians to make the
danger secm insurmountable. The circuit of this
rock is said to be two hundred furlongs; its height;
where it is lowest, eleven ; it is only accessible by
one dangerous path, cut out by hand, and has a fine
spring of pure water on the very summit, which
sends a plentiful stream down the sides of the hill;
as also a wood, with as much arable and fertile land
as to supply a thousand men with provisions. Alex-
ander hearing this, had a more than ordinary ambi-
tion to make himself master of the place; and the
common tradition of Hercules's fruitless attempt
upon it, inflamed him the more : wherefore, having
placed garrisons in Ora and Massaga, for the defence
of the country, he sent a new colony into Bazira ; and
Hephæstion and Perdiccas, by his orders, repeopled
another city, named Orobates, and having furnished
it with a garrison, marched forwards to the river
Indus; where, when they arrived, they prepared every
thing for the laying a bridge over it, as Alexander
had commanded them. He then constituted Nica-
nor, one of his friends, governor of the whole coun-
try on this side the river, and moving that way
himself, had the city Peuceliotis,” not far from it,
delivered up to him ; into which having placed a
garrison, under the command of Philip, he proceeded
to take many other small towns seated upon that
river; the two princes of that province, Cophaeus and
Assagetes, attending him. He arrived at last at
Embolina," a city seated not far from the rock Aornus,
* No mention is made in Curtius, either of the reducing the
city of Peuceliotis, or of the repeopling Orobates.
# Curtius gives us the story of Alexander’s arrival at Einbo-
lina, after the reducing Aornus; but tells us, lib. viii. cap. ; 2,
l, that “ as he was on his way thither, he received intelligence.
that some narrow passes, through which he was obliged to .
march, were blocked up by one Eryx,-Diodorus, lib. xvii.
A LEx ANDER's EXPEDITION. 955
where he left Craterus, with a part of his army,
to gather what stores of corn he could into that city,
and to provide himself with all other necessaries for
a long continuance there ; that if he was not able to
reduce the rock at first, either by assault or strata-
gem he might at least weary them out with a long
siege, and reduce them by famine. Then, with his
archers, Agrians, Caenus's troop, and the choicest,
best armed, and most expeditious foot out of the
whole army, besides two hundred auxiliary horse
and a hundred equestrian archers, he marched towards
the rock, and on the first day chose a place convenient
for an encampment, but the day after, pitched his
tents much nigher.
CHAPTER XXIX.
IN the mean while, some of the neighbouring inhabi-
tants came to him,” and promised to show him a way
p. 557, calls him Aphrice—with twenty thousand men; where-
upon he committed the heavy-armed troops to Caenus, to bring
them up at leisure : himself, with his slingers and archers,
marching before, easily dislodged the ambuscades, and cleared
the way for the rest.” Then the Indians, whether through some
old grudge to their captain, or in hopes of gaining the conqueror's
favour, seized Eryx, and having cut off his head, sent it and his
armour as a present to Alexander.
* While Alexander was viewing this rock, and uncertain
which way he should attack it, Curtius tells us, lib. viii. cap.
11; 3, that “a certain old man, with two of his sons, offered their
service to him, promising to show him how he might take it,
provided he was well rewarded for his pains. Whereupon
Alexander promised him eighty talents of silver, and dispatched
him, with one of his sons, (keeping the other for a pledge) till
he should perform his promise. He also commanded Mul-
linus, his secretary, to attend him, with a detachment lightly
armed.”—Thus far the story runs glib enough, though Mullinus
is a name altogether unknown, and should, perhaps, be Eu-
menes, for we know he was Alexander's secretary. See Arrian,
lib. v. cap. 24. But, sure, if the old man received so prodigious
Q56 A R RIAN's II is Tony of
whereby the rock might be stormed, and taken with-
out much trouble. With these he dispatched Ptole-
my the son of Lagus, with the Agrians and other
light-armed soldiers, and choice targeteers, giving
them strict orders, that as soon as ever they found
they had gained the top of the rock, they should in-
trench themselves strongly, and show a signal thereof
to those below. Ptolemy long struggled in a path
rugged and dangerous; but at last (unperceived by
the Barbarians) gained the summit; and having sur-
rounded the place with a rampart and ditch, took
care to hoist up a burning torch on that part of the
hill where it might be the most casily discerned :
which being perceived by Alexander, he the next
day attempted to storm the rock; but by reason of
the vigorous defence of the Barbarians, and the dis-
advantage of his station, he was able to cffect no-
a reward, he ought to have done something for it: but, what is
strange, we have not one word either of him or his two sons, or
even of the secretary, afterwards. Perhaps they lay down to
take a map till the siege was over.—However, he tells us, “ the
attack was made by auother detachment above seven days after.”
—This is not the only inconsistency in the story of this old man and
his sons; for “their design,” he tells us, lib. viii, cap. I 1, 5, “was
to amuse the Indians, by fetching a compass quite round the
rock.”—The old fellow’s chief design seems to have been to trick
Alexander out of his money ; for that they could not go round
it, is evident from what Curtius himself adds afterwards, lib. viii.
cap. 11, 12, viz. that the soldiers who lost their hold in climb-
ing up the rock, dropped directly into the river Indus. Curtius
is guilty of a vast error, which unbinges the whole story; for he
declares, lib. viii. cap. 1, 7, “ that on one side of this rock ran
the river Indus; on the other, were deep holes filled with water
and mud.”—It is plain then, that Alexander and his army lay
encamped on the side where the holes were, because he ordered
trees to be cut down to fill them up, which took him up seven
days. Then he made his first attack;—And where should he
make it from, but the place which he had levelled for that pur-
pose 2 otherwise he was doing nothing all that while.—But then he
assures us, that “ the soldiers which lost their hold fell from the
steep rocks head'ong into the river.”—That is, they climbed, up
on one side, and fell down on the other, without ever gaining the
top.–If Arrian's story be not much more true, it is, at least, much
more probable.
.*
\
\
ALEXANDER's EXPEDITION. 257
thing. When the Indians saw that his efforts on
that side were vain, they turned their whole force
against Ptolemy, and a dreadful conflict happened,
the Indians being resolved to demolish the rampart
they had thrown up for their security, and Ptolemy
with all his might endeavouring to preserve it; but
the Barbarians, at last, finding themselves galled by
the Macedonian archers, retreated by night to their
former station. In the mean while Alexander dis-
patched an Indian, whom he knew to be trusty and
fit for his purpose, with letters to Ptolemy, wherein
he advised him, that whenever he perceived him to
storm the rock below, he should not be satisfied only
to maintain his present post, but attack the enemy
at the same time above, that so they, being all in
confusion, might not know how to defend themselves.
But he moving his camp as soon as it was day-
light, led on his army to the place where Ptolemy
had before ascended, unobserved; being satisfied
within himself, that if he could conquer the difficul-
ties of that ascent, and join his forces with Ptolemy,
the rock itself would soon be gained; which accord-
ingly happened: for even till noon there was a terri-
ble conflict between the Macedonians and Indians,
the one party striving to ascend by force, the other
to drive them down ; but the former still persisted in
thcir resolutions to push forward, and one party al-
ways succoured or succeeded another, whilst they
drew back and refreshed themselves. They labour-
ed thus till almost night, and at last gained the top,
and joined with their friends. Then they made a fresh
attack upon the rock with all their forces; but neither
could they yet succeed this way, and so that whole
day was spent. The next morning, as soon as day-
light appeared, he ordered each of his men to go
into the neighbouring wood, and cut down a hun-
dred poles or stakes, which being all brought together,
a huge rampart was thereby raised, from the level of
VO J. I. S
258 ARRIAN’s History of
that part of the hill where their entrenchment was,
against the higher part of the rock, possessed by the
enemy, that so they might from thence gall them
with their darts and arrows; and while the whole
army was busied about this work, he was not only
a nice observer, but a great encourager of them,
praising those who forwarded it with vigour and
alacrity, and causing those to be punished who were
slothful and inactive in their respective stations.
CHAPTER XXX.
THE army carried on the rampart the length of a
full furlong the first day ; and on the morrow, by
posting his slingers and engineers on that part al-
ready finished, he repelled the excursions of the
Indians upon the labourers, so that the whole agger
was perfected in three days. But on the fourth,
when some Macedonians had begun to build a mount
opposite to the rock, which was designed to be of
equal height therewith, Alexander immediately
marched thither; and upon viewing it, determined
to prolong the rampart that far. But then,* the
* The story of the surrender of this rock is much better told
here than in Curtius; for he affirms, lib. viii. cap. 11, 19, that
“ Alexander, seeing no hopes nor appearance of gaining that im-
pregnable place, laid aside all resolutions of attacking it again;
yet nevertheless he continued something of a formal siege, to
amuse the defendants. He blocked up all the passages to it,
was continually moving his engines, and relieving those who were
upon guard; which obstinacy caused the Barbarians to begin to
banquet and carouse, and play upon their music.”—They had had
much more reason for their mirth if his back had been turned.—
“This they performed for two days and as many nights; but on
the third night that noise ceased, and torches were observed to
be fixed all along the declivities, which the Barbarians had lighted
to assist them in their flight over the craggy rocks. The king
thereupon, not without wonder, sent out Balacrus to discover what
he could of the posture of the enemy, who returned with the cer-
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 259
Barbarians were so terrified and astonished at the
unaccountable boldness of the Macedonians, who had
now just finished their mount, and extended the ram-
part to it, that they no longer trusted to the natural
strength of their rock, but sending a herald to Alex-
ander, promised, if he would grant them certain
conditions, they would surrender it into his hands.
Their real drift was, to spin out that whole day in
agreeing upon articles, and as soon as night came, to
steal down unperceived, and return every one to his
own dwelling. This resolution of theirs coming to
Alexander's knowledge, he allowed them a suffi-
cient space to descend, by calling off the guards
which surrounded them, and himself tarried there
till the Barbarians began to descend. Then, taking
with him about seven hundred of his guards and tar-
geteers, he first entered the rock which the enemy
had deserted, and those Macedonians, by helping
one another, climbed up after him. Having thus
taken possession, the other Macedonians, on a cer-
tain signal, fell upon the Barbarians, and cut many
of them off; and many others being seized with a
panic fear in their flight, fell down headlong from
the precipices, and perished. Alexander having thus
gained the rock, which had been too great a task for
Hercules, offered sacrifice thereon, and furnished it
with a garrison, under the command of Sisicottus,”
who, long before that time, had fled from India to
Bessus in Bactria; and when Alexander entered
that country, had done him great service in the con-
quest thereof. He then, descending from the rock,
tain and joyful news of the flight of the besieged, &c.”—This
story is liable to many exceptions; for, first, what could induce
the Indians to fly when no enemy was likely to hurt them and,
secondly, how could they propose to escape by flight, when Alex-
ander had blocked up all the avenues to it 2
* Curtius calls him Sisaostus, lib. viii. cap. 11, 25; but tells us
not who or what he was, nor what he had done to merit that
command.
S 2
260 ARRIAN's His roRy of
marched into the territories of the Assaceni;* for he
had heard that the brother of Assacenus, with some
elephants and a vast body of the neighbouring Bar-
barians, had fled into the mountains there ; and
when he arrived at the city Dyrta, found both that
and all the country round entirely destitute of inha-
bitants; but the next day he dispatched Nearchus,
with a thousand targeteers, and those Agrians who
were light-armed, and Antiochus with three thou-
sand targeteers more, to search all the country round,
and try if they could catch any of the inhabitants,
from whom they might learn the customs of the na-
tives, their manner of making war, and the number
of their elephants. He himself proceeded on his
march towards the river Indus, having sent his army
before him to level the road, which would otherwise
have been impassable. Having then taken some of
the Barbarians, he understood that the inhabitants
of that country were fled to Barisades f for their se-
curity, but that they had left their elephants in the
pastures near the river Indus; upon which intelli-
gence, he ordered them to be his guides to the places
where the elephants were. Some of the Indians of
this country are expert at hunting them, and were
therefore esteemed by Alexander, who then went in
* No notice is taken of Alexander’s second march into the
country of the Assaceni, by Curtius, nor have we one word of all
the contents of the remaining part of this chapter; only he tells
us, lib. viii. cap. 12, 4, that “in sixteen days Alexander marched
from that place (the rock Aornus) to the river Indus."—This
may seem strange to some; because he had assured us before, that
the river Indus ran so near the rock that many of his men drop-
ped down and were drowned in it.—However, this may be said in
his defence, That the rock Aornus was near the head of that river;
and the king was to march with his army sixteen days’ journey
down the stream, to the place where Perdiccas and Hephaestion
had prepared a bridge for their passage over,
+ Freinshemius, in his remarks upon Curtius, lib. viii. cap. 13,
thinks this to be the same whom Arrian elsewhere calls Abissares
and Ambisares.
*** * * * * * * * -----
ALEXANDER's ExPEDITION. 261
quest of those beasts; two of the number of which,
whilst they were endeavouring to seize them, tum-
bled down from the rocks, and perished; the rest
were taken, and being mounted by the Indians,
were conveyed safe to the army. He also found a
full-grown wood nigh the river, which he ordered
to be cut down by his soldiers, and vessels to be
built therewith, which being launched into the river,
he and his forces were thereby conveyed to the
bridge which Hephæstion and Perdiccas had already
built.
THE END OF THE FIRST volumſ E.
Printed by S. Hamilton, Weybridge, Surrey.
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