)
1837
SCIENTIA
ARTES
LIBRARY
VERITAS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN {
E PLURIBUS UNIM
TUEBOR
SQUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAMU
CIRCUMSPICE
THIS BOOK
FORMS PART OF THE
ORIGINAL LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
BOUGHT IN EUROPE
1838 TO 1839
BY
ASA GRAY
Mellyer sculp
EDWARD PRINCE of WALES.
*Juan
SANGEE
THE
то
HIST OR Y
O F
EDWARD PRINCE OF WALES,
COMMONLY TERMED
THE BLACK
BLACK PRINCE,
ELDEST SON OF
KING EDWARD THE THIRD,
With a fhort View of the Reigns of
EDWARD I. EDWARD II. and EDWARD III,
AND
A fummary Account of the Inftitution of the
Order of the Garter.
1
1
}
ARMA VIRUMQUE CANO.
VIRG.
LONDON:
Printed for J. BEW, N° 28, Paternoster-row.
M DCC LXXV
TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
GEORGE PRINCE OF WALES.
SIR,
PERN
ERMIT a faithful ſubject of your
Royal Father to dedicate to your
Royal Highneſs a work which ſeems pe-
culiarly to claim your patronage. To
whom can a detail of the virtues and
heroic qualities of the great Prince of
Wales with more propriety be addreſſed,
than to a defcendent who bears his titles,
and promiſes to inherit his virtues and
accompliſhments?
Nor can I give a greater proof of my
loyalty to your Parents, and refpect to
your Royal Highneſs, than by preſent-
ing to you a model (though imperfect
the fculpture) from which, if your Royal
Highneſs copies your future life, you
3 2
cannot
iv DEDICATION.
cannot fail of ſecuring the love and duty
of the people over whom you are born
to reign.
May the genius of the place where
yeſterday you celebrated your natal day,
inſpire your Royal Highneſs with the
elevated ſentiments and true dignity of
the great Founder and his god-like Son :
and when, after a length of years, you
ſhall be called to fill the throne of your
Anceſtors, may your Royal Highneſs
meet with the unfeigned eſteem and
extenfive renown they did.
I am,
With due Reſpect,
Auguft
13th, 1776.
Your Royal Highneſs's
Moft Humble, and
Obedient Servant,
The AUTHOR.
* Windfor Caſtle.
&
THE
HISTORY
O F
EDWARD PRINCE OF WALES,
COMMONLY TERMED
THE BLACK PRINCE.
INTRODUCTION.
T
HE Prince, whoſe hiſtory is
the principal fubject of the an-
nexed fheets, appears to have been
graced with every quality natural or
acquired which conftitute the real
Hero to theſe were fuperadded the
more important ones that form the
virtuous man. Take him for all in all,
eftimate his worth from this union of
characters, and we may fafely pro-
nounce, that England, or indeed any
other
a 3
vi
INTRODUCTION.
other country, never gave birth to a
perſon whofe actions more juftly
claimed the notice, or
encomiums of Hiftorians.
deferved the
The
The pen of
a Livy or a Tacitus could alone do
juſtice to the relation: mine is very
unequal to the task; but as there is
no detached hiſtory of this juftly cele-
brated Prince extant, that written by
Mr. Collins fome years ago excepted,
which is fo diffufed, fo filled with te-
dious extracts, and fo larded with
ge-
nealogies of perfons little connected
with the ftory, that though it con-
tains many interefting particulars of
the Prince's life, it affords not that
entertainment which the Readers of
this age expect to find, whilft they
gratify their curiofity, and ſtore their
minds with knowledge, I have at-
tempted to compile it in a more re-
gular and pleaſing manner, making,
as I proceed, fuch reflections as natu-
rally
6
INTRODUCTION.
vii
rally ariſe from the ſubject. It is
true, that the tranfactions of this
Prince are ſo connected with thoſe of
his royal Father, that whoever reads
the reign of that King in the hiftory
of England, cannot be unacquainted
with the general events of his life;
yet as they are there only given by
way of epiſode (if I may fo term it)
many of the incidents to be found in
the annexed hiſtory are neceffarily
omitted or contracted.
The memoirs of great
great and
and re-
nowned perfons fhould be delivered
to pofterity in the moſt explicit man-
ner; that whilft they amuſe and
inftruct fucceeding ages, they may
raiſe in them a fpirit of emulation,
and prompt them to act with equal
propriety in fimilar circumſtances.
In the annals of what nation fhall we
find a character fo fraught with every
requifite
a 4
viii
INTRODUCTION.
requifite to anſwer theſe purpoſes ?
where meet with fo perfect an ex-
ample as the Black Prince, whoſe
life, from the brilliancy of it, was one
continued ſcene of inftruction?
From the various characters here
exhibited, but more particularly from
that of the Hero of the work, may
bę drawn various precepts: the Prince
and the fubject may at the fame time
receive leffons for the regulation of
their conduct; to the former they
teach a true elevation of mind, fof-
tened by affability-firmneſs in the
profecution of war---punctuality in
fulfilling engagements---patience un-
der adverfe fortune, or moderation
when crowned with fuccefs---and that
general propriety of deportment which
will enfure them the affections of
their people, with the applauſe of the
world. To the latter, due fubordi-
nation
INTRODUCTION.
ix.
nation---filial reſpect---conjugal ten-
derneſs---that humility which exalts---
and that piety which can alone pro-
duce genuine fortitude. The War-
rior alfo might learn from the battles
herein deſcribed, that fuccefs does
not always depend on numbers; but
that a few undaunted troops may
withſtand a formidable army, if una-
nimity and an attachment to their
leader be not wanting.
How futile the modern obfervation,
that it is not poffible for a Sovereign
or his Delegates fo to act as to gain
univerfal approbation! The principal
characters before us (I fpeak of King
Edward whilſt in the vigour of his
life, before he was incapacitated by
age and infirmities from attending to
the intereſt of his people) prove, that
a propriety of conduct will enfure un-
bounded refpect and applauſe: but to
effectuate
X
INTRODUCTION.
effectuate this, it is neceffary that a
Prince ſhould not give himſelf blindly
up to the direction of a few, by which
means the actions of the moſt faithful
of his fubjects are too often viewed
through a falſe medium; his fmiles,
like the invigorating rays of the fun,
fhould be unconfined, and merit alone
the paffport to his favour. The pru-
dence of the Prince of Wales and his
great Father prompted them to avoid
this deftructive partiality; whilft his
weaker Son, who loft too foon the be-
nefit of his noble Sire's inftructions
and example, fell into the error he
had fo wifely fhunned, and found in
a premature death the fatal effects of
it. The ftriking contraft between the
Prince of Wales and his Son King
Richard, and the different eftimation
they were held in by the people, are
convincing proofs that it is the con-
duct of the Prince, not the elevated
ftation,
INTRODUCTION.
xi
Atation, that attracts refpect. The ac-
tivity, prudence, integrity, tempe-
rance, and manly dignity of the one,
procured him unfeigned homage
whilft living, and the pureft blafts of
Fame when the fates had fevered his
thread of life whereas indolence,
diffipation, and extravagance, with a
fondneſs for trivial amuſements, and
an attachment to degrading affociates,
brought on the other contempt through
the greateſt part of his life, and a
cold tranfient pity, when the tragic
fcene was cloſed.
How firm the throne which is fup-
ported, like that of King Edward, by
the ſubjects love. Almoſt every other
reign of the Engliſh Monarchs was
diſturbed by inteftine divifions; but,
charmed with his penetration, forti-
tude, munificence, and courtefy, his
people were ever ready to facrifice
their
xii
INTRODUCTION.
their own happineſs, when needful, to
their Sovereign's glory: every breaſt
glowed with emulation, and every
heart panted to give him proofs of
their affection: when he took the
field, the meaneft of his foldiers ferved
from fentiment, and fought for repu-
tation; whilft thoſe who remained at
home cheerfully contributed to the
expences of the war. Such are the
happy effects which will affuredly pro-
ceed from a Prince's endeavours to
gain the affections of his people; a re-
ciprocation muſt follow. The Eng-
liſh are naturally well-difpofed, and
may be led by gentle methods to give
unbounded proofs of their duty. Their
fteady attachment to King Edward,
during fo long a reign, proves that the
fickleneſs of difpofition imputed to
them is, in a great degree, imaginary,
and depends much on the qualifica-
tions and conduct of their ruler. The
contemplation
2
INTRODUCTION.
Xi11
contemplation of this reign, allowing
for the propenfity of the age to war
and fanguinary purſuits, which learn-
ing and a cultivation of the gentler ac-
compliſhments have now greatly abated,
will always be of ufe to fucceeding
Princes; it cannot fail of exciting in
them a wiſh to imitate, as far as poffi-
ble, the fhining and virtuous qualities
of this great King and his heroic Son,
and to attain the fame honour and re-
fpect they acquired by them.
Latter ages feem to have loft even
the idea of the romantic fpirit, many
inſtances of which are here recorded,
that conſtituted fo capital a part of
chivalry; and though fometimes ridi-
culouſly exerted in defence of a Lady's
beauty, or in equally unimportant
croifades, yet, as it caufed an exertion
of gallantry, valour, generofity, and
many other virtues, was certainly lau-
dable,
Xiv
INTRODUCTION.
dable, and deferves not the general cen-
fure it has received. The admonitions
given to the Knights of the Garter at
their inftallation were framed when
this dignity of fentiment was in its
full force; and though occafions fel-
dom offer now for the exercife of every
article of them, yet the general ten-
dency, if recollected and made a rule
in all the concerns of life, would fup-
port the companions above every de-
gradation of their honour, and enable
them to preſerve unblemiſhed the dig-
nity of Knighthood. From a neglect
of this obfervance, how often do we
fee the facred badges of true nobility
diſgraced by a compliance with the
manners of a fervile age, and the fub-
lime purpoſes of the great Inftitutor
counteracted? Virtus Nobilitas fola:
It is Virtue that can alone ennoble.
If this axiom wanted confirmation,
the character of the firft Knight of the
Garter,
INTRODUCTION.
XV
Garter, the Hero of the following
pages, would eſtabliſh it; for in him
were all the graces and virtues concen-
tered, and in him may the affociates
of that noble order behold a model,
from which if they faſhion their fenti-
ments and actions, they will acquire,
as he did, immortal renown.
As my chief view has been to
make this work entertaining as well
as inftructive, I have not interrupted
the narrative with references to the
original authors, the uſual methods
in compilations, but by which means
the attention is every minute drawn
off from the relation; nor have I
been particular in noting the year in
which every event happened: fuffice
it to fay, that in the firſt cafe, the
extracts are ſelected from the moſt
authentic accounts; and in the latter,
that the dates of the moft material
tranfactions
xvi
INTRODUCTION.
tranfactions are inferted. A know-
ledge of the particular year in which
town furrendered, or a fkirmiſh
appened, can be of little importance
to the readers of this age; thoſe who
wifh to gain more minute informa-
tion, I would refer to the hiftories
of England, where they are particu-
larized; the general Hiſtorian being
obliged, in recording a ſeries of events
through different reigns, to attend to
this diftinction.
,
THE
THE
HISTORY
O F
EDWARD PRINCE OF WALES.
N
O name appears to hold a more re-
fpectable place in the lift of Engliſh
Monarchs than that of Edward the
Firſt, who poffeffed every quality to render
him a politic and warlike King. Whilft
Prince of Wales, he gave great proofs of
that courage and penetration, which made
him dreaded by his enemies and refpected
by his fubjects, when called to the throne.
He fupported his father Henry the Third
againſt his powerful Barons; who, being
too juftly incenfed by the King's profufion
to his favourites, attachment to ftrangers,
and variable conduct, were continually in
A
arms
}
[ 2 ]
arms againſt him: by his prudent interpo-
ſition the young Prince averted their animo-
fity, and rendered the conclufion of that
Monarch's reign tolerably tranquil. He fig-
nalized himſelf by uncommon acts of valour
during his refidence in the Holy Land; to
which he was led by that enthuſiaſtic pro-
penfity for Croifades, fo prevalent in thoſe
early ages.
In his abfence his father, un-
able any longer to weild the fceptre, or to
curb the licentioufnefs of his Nobles, which
began again to fhew itſelf, called aloud for
his gallant fon's return; but, before his
arrival, he funk under the cares of govern-
ment and the infirmities of age, after a reign
of fifty-fix years, the longeſt to be met with
in the Engliſh annals.
Young Edward finding that his preſence
was not immediately required in England,
continued a confiderable time in France.
As he paffed near Chalons in Burgundy, he
was challenged by the Prince of that country
to a tournament, for which preparations
were
[ 3
]
were then making. Edward, who de-
lighted in theſe martial exerciſes, accepted
the invitation; and rejoiced at an opportu-
nity of acquiring honour and renown among
fo many gallant perfonages. But he and
his retinue fo far excelled the French
Knights, that it excited their jealouſy, and
created fo much animofity as to produce a
quarrel. The mock engagement was in-
ſtantly turned into a real one; and though
the Engliſh bravely withſtood the fuperior
numbers of their enemies and remained un-
broken, yet it could not be terminated till
much blood was fpilt in the filly conteft.
On his return to England, Edward ap-
plied himſelf to the re-eſtabliſhment of his
kingdom; correcting thofe diforders and civil
commotions which the unftable adminiftra-
tion of his father had fuffered to take root
in every part of government. At the
fame time he laid down a plan of policy
equally generous and prudent. Whilft he
made it the rule of his own conduct to ob-
ferve
A 2
[ 4 ]
]
ſerve (except on fome extraordinary oc-
cafions) the privileges fecured to his people
by Magna Charta, he endeavoured to di-
miniſh the arbitrary and enormous power of
the great Barons, thofe oppreffors of the in-
ferior ranks, by an exact diftribution of
juſtice, and a rigid execution of the laws.
From this laudable exertion of his authority
the face of the kingdom foon became
changed; order took place of confuſion;
and thoſe various kinds of malefactors who
over-run the whole nation, and lived by
rapine and plunder, committing the moſt
horrid murders and depredations, were fup-
preffed as far as the ferocity and licentiouf-
nefs of the times would allow. It is true
indeed, that urged by his neceffities he made
ſome violent attempts on the liberties of the
people; but being oppofed, he was not in-
attentive to the dictates of prudence, and by
making timely fubmiffions fecured his ho-
nour. By his great abilities he annexed the
principality of Wales to his crown; and,
having overcome the Scots in many battles,
was
[ 5 ]
was on the point of reducing that kingdom
to the fame fituation, when death put a
ftop to his conquefts. But what redounded
more to his honour than his many victories,
was the inceffant application he beſtowed on
the amendment of the laws; which had
languifhed in former reigns, but which
Edward maintained in great vigour, and left
much improved to pofterity. Theſe ex-
cellent regulations, of more importance to
a kingdom than the acquifition of terri-
tory, gained him the appellation of the
English Juftinian; and will enfure to his
name reſpect and honour when the laurels of
the
conqueror are faded.
His fon, Edward the Second, found the
people prepoffeffed in his favour, by their
veneration of his great father: but his mild
and gentle difpofition was not fuited to the
turbulence of that age. Steadinefs and refo-
lution, tempered by moderation, are necef-
fary endowments (and at that time they
were peculiarly fo) for the perfon deſtined to
A 3
guide
༨
[
6 ]
61
guide the car of empire; left, like an un-
fkilful Phaeton, by keeping too near the
fiery tract of defpotifm on the one hand, or
the equally deftructive path of timid relaxa-
tion on the other, he wanders like the fon
of Phoebus far from the beaten way, and
fhares his fate. This eafinefs of temper in
Edward threw him into the hands of favou-
rites, to whom he implicitly gave up his
will, and on whom he beſtowed honours and
riches with an unbounded profufion.
The firft of thefe was Piers Gavafton,
the ſon of a Gaſcon knight of ſome diſtinc-
tion, who had honourably ferved the late
King; and who, as a reward for his merits,
had obtained an eſtabliſhment for his fon in
the family of the Prince of Wales. This
young Cavalier foon infinuated himſelf into
the affections of his mafter by his agreeable
behaviour, and by fupplying him with all
thoſe innocent though frivolous amuſements
which fuited his capacity and inclinations.
Endowed with the utmoſt elegance of ſhape
and
[ 7 ]
and perfon, confpicuous for a fine mien and
eaſy carriage, expert in all warlike and gen-
teel exerciſes, and celebrated for his wit,
it is not much to be wondered at, if Edward
gave up a heart, naturally difpofed to friend-
ſhip and confidence, to this accompliſhed
young gentleman.
His difcerning father,
Edward the Firſt, apprehenſive of the con-
ſequences, baniſhed Gavaſton the kingdom;
and on his death-bed made the Prince pro-
miſe never to recall him. Unmindful of
this folemn proteftation, no fooner did Ed-
ward find himſelf his own maſter, than he
fent for his favourite; and fo great was his
impatience to teſtify to the world his regard
for him, that before his arrival at court he
created him Earl of Cornwall: he foon
after bcftowed on him immenfe poffeffions,
and married him to his own niece.
However unapprehenfive perfons, even of
the higheſt rank, determined on the gratifi-
cation of their favourite paffions may be,
yet the fpeculative reader of hiſtory cannot
avoid
A 4
[ 8 ]
avoid remarking, that fuch breaches of fo-
lemn compacts, though only verbal ones,
are ever attended with fatal conf:quences.
Thus Edward, by indulging the friendly
effufions of his heart to an unwarrantable
extreme, on a rapacious favourite, in deſpite
of his father's dying injunctions and his
own repeated afíeverations, roufed the dor-
mant fpirit of the haughty and reſtleſs
•Barons, and involved himself in conteſts
which rendered his whole reign unquiet,
and at length brought him to a tragical end.
This partiality to Gavaſton ſerved only to
excite the jealouſy of the Barons, and after
many conteſts ended in his deftruction. But
no fooner was he made prifoner, and, ac-
cording to the favage manners of the age,
immediately executed, than the King, accuf-
tomed to controul, looked around him for
a proper perſon to fupply his place. Hugh
Le Defpencer, a young Englishman of a
noble family, who likewife poffeffed all
thofe external accompliſhments of perfon and
addrefs
[ 9 ]
addreſs fitted to engage the weak mind of
Edward, attracted his notice, and was re-
ceived into the fame degree of confidence and
favour. A fimilar train of incidents to
thoſe which had attended the attachment of
Edward to Gavafton now took place; and
by the fame unavoidable progreffion led, af-
ter fome
years, to as fatal a conclufion. The
King was addicted to no vice, but having a
diftafte to all ferious bufinefs, and, confcious
of his inability to hold the reins of govern-
ment, he gave this minion alfo unlimited
power, and fet no bounds to his favours.
Le Deſpencer, equaily haughty and rapacious
with his predeceffor, drew on himſelf the ani-
mofity of the Barons: they confequently had
recourſe to arms, and procured by force from
Edward a ſentence of perpetual exile againſt
him. But a reverſe of fortune enabled the
King to recall his favourite, and fix him in the
fame plenitude of power, till the following
incident brought about the ruin of both.
A difpute arifing between Edward and
Charles the Fair, king of France, concern-
ing
[ 10 ]
ing fome affairs relating to the province of
Guienne, his queen Iſabella was fent over to
endeavour to fettle it with her brother.
While fhe was making fome progreſs in the
negociation, Charles, increafing his demands,
ftarted a new propofition; he infifted, that
king Edward fhould appear at his court, to
do homage for the territories he held under
him. No method appeared to evade this
demand, yet many difficulties occurred to
prevent a compliance with it. Le Deſpencer,
by whom the King was implicitly governed,
had been engaged in many quarrels with the
Queen, who afpired to the fame authority,
and on that account continually oppofed all
his meaſures.
on her leaving England had taken care to
diffemble her animofity, yet Le Defpencer,
perfectly acquainted with her ſentiments,
was unwilling to attend the King to Paris,
as he was apprehenſive of being expoſed to
infults in a kingdom, where it was natural
to conclude Ifabella would meet with credit
and fupport. Nor was he lefs alarmed by
Though this artful Princeſs
his
[ 11
11 ]
his apprehenfions from allowing the King to
make the journey alone; as that eafy Prince
might poffibly during his abfence fall under
fome other influence. The fame objection
appeared to his remaining in England where
he was fo generally hated, without the pro-
tection of the royal authority: theſe per-
plexities bred difficulties and delays, which
would have obftructed the negociation, had
not Iſabella propoſed that her huſband ſhould
refign his dominions in France to his fon,
now thirteen years of age; and that the
Prince fhould come to Paris, to do the ho-
mage which every vaffal owed to his fuperior
lord. This expedient, fo confonant to Le
Defpencer's wishes, but propofed by the
Queen from views equally deftructive to the
favourite, was immediately complied with ;
and young Edward fent to Paris.
Queen Ifabella, on her arrival in France,
had found there a great number of Engliſh
fugitives, adherents to the late Earl of Lan-
cafter,
[ 12 ]
cafter, who had been defeated and flain in
one of thoſe battles between Edward and his
Barons, occafioned by the King's partiality
to his favourites. Their mutual antipathy to
Le Defpencer on this account foon gave rife
to a fecret friendſhip and correfpondence be-
tween them and that Princefs. The noble-
man moſt particularly diſtinguiſhed by Ifa-
bella was young Roger Mortimer, a potent
Baron in the Welſh Marches, who had ef-
caped from the Tower, after being impri-
foned by Edward; and who had brought to
* This Earl of Lancaſter was one of the moſt powerful
noblemen that England ever gave birth to: he conſtantly
employed this power in reducing the prerogatives of the
crown, which were at that time greatly overgrown, and in
fecuring the liberties and privileges of the people. But,
after many conteſts, being taken prifoner by king Edward,
he was condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered.
As the firſt prince of the blood this fentence was miti-
gated and changed into decapitation. An indulgence
which was not however granted through compaſſion to
the unhappy Earl, as his execution was attended with
every diſgraceful aggravation: he was cloathed in mean
apparel, placed on a lean horfe without a bridle, and con-
veyed through Pontefract, with a hood upon his head, to
an eminence about a mile from the town, where he was
beheaded ſtanding.
France
[ 13 ]
France as great a fhare of inveteracy against
the minifter as herſelf. This political
young
union foon bred a connection of a more
tender kind: the Queen could not behold
the
of this
graces
Lord's perfon, and
his engaging addreſs, without feeling an un-
allowable warmth play about her heart.
From being her confident and counſellor, he
became her lover; and engaged her to facri-
fice to the infatuating impulfe every ſenti-
ment of honour and fidelity to her huſband.
Hating now the man whom ſhe had injured,
and whom ſhe had never valued, the entered
cordially into all Mortimer's confpiracies;
and, having got into her hands the heir of
the Engliſh monarchy, fhe refolved on the
ruin of both the King and his favourites.
She now prevailed on her brother to enter into
her purpoſes: her court was daily full of
the exiled Barons, and a correfpondence was
fecretly carried on with the Malecontents in
England.
When king Edward, informed of theſe
alarming circumſtances, required her ſpeedy
return
[ 14
14 ]
return with the Prince, the openly replied,
That ſhe never would fet foot into the king-
dom, till his minion was for ever removed
from his prefence and councils. This de-
claration procured her great popularity in
England, palliated her treaſonable enter-
prizes, and rendered the people for the pre-
fent inattentive to her unwarrantable con-
nection with Mortimer. All king Edward's
efforts were unequal to the confpiracies which
were forming against him, both at home and
abroad. Even his own brother the Earl of
Kent, a virtuous but weak prince, was drawn
in to give a fanction to the combination, for
which the expulfion of Le Defpencer was the
only avowed pretext.
Ifabella, having raiſed about three thou-
fand troops, by the open affiftance of the
Count of Hainault, and the fecret protection
of her Brother, landed on the coaft of Suf-
folk without oppofition. Soon after her
landing the was joined by many potent Ba-
rons, and marched to attack her i'uſband;
but
[ 15 ]
but that Prince, being unable to rouſe the
citizens of London to a ſenſe of their duty,
or to raiſe an army, fled with precipitation
into the Weft. He had no fooner difcovered
his weakneſs, by leaving the city, than the
rage of the populace broke out without con-
troul againſt him and his minifter. They
firſt plundered and then murdered all his
adherents, at the fame time entering into a
formal affociation to put to death, without
mercy, every one who fhould dare to op-
poſe the enterprize of queen Ifabella and the
Prince.
The abandoned King was cloſely purſued
to Briſtol, from whence he paffed over into
Wales. As this was the place of his birth,
and the people were prejudiced in his favour,
from his being the firſt Engliſh Prince that
bore their title, he hoped to be enabled there
to make a ſtand. The eldeſt Le Deſpencer,
the father of the favourite, lately created
Earl of Winchefter, who had fhared with
his fon in Edward's favour and confidence,
4
was
[ 16 ]
was then governor of Briſtol. He endea
voured to preſerve that place for the King;
but his garriſon mutinied againſt him, and
he was delivered into the hands of his ene-
mies. This nobleman, who had nearly
reached his ninetieth year, and who had
been refpected through all his paft life for
wiſdom, valour, and integrity, was inftantly
condemned to death by the rebellious Barons.
His fentence was executed with the greateſt
degree of ignominy; for after hanging on a
gibbet his body was cut in pieces, and
thrown to the dogs; and his head, being
ſent to Wincheſter, was expofed on a pole to
the infults of the populace.
King Edward, difappointed in his expec
tations of fuccours from the Welſh, took
ſhipping for Ireland; but, being driven back
by contrary winds, he ftrove to conceal him-
felf in the mountains of Wales; where, be-
ing diſcovered, he was taken priſoner, and
fent to the caſtle of Kenilworth. The
young
Le Deſpencer, the cauſe of theſe commo-
tions,
[ 17 ]
tions, who had accompanied the King in his
flight, and was taken at the ſame time, expe-
rienced the fame rigour as his father, being
put to death with every token of ignominy :
a charge was drawn up againſt King Edward,
and his depofition voted by Parliament:
fome lords were then fent to him at Kenil-
worth, to require his refignation, which
menaces and terror foon extorted from him;
and at the time he furrendered up the en-
figns of royalty, he acknowledged with grief,
that his degradation was the natural confe-
quence of his imprudent conduct. The
Prince of Wales was now placed on the
throne in his ftead, and crowned in the
prefence of the principal nobility on the
24th day of January 1327.
But it was impoffible that the people,
however corrupted by the barbarity of the
times, or influenced by faction, ſhould for
ever remain infenfible to the voice of nature.
The irregularities of the Queen could not
eſcape the cenfure they deferved; and fhe be-
came in her turn the object of public hatred.
B
The
[ 18 ]
The fituation of the dethroned Monarch ex-
cited the compaffion of the People, and ſeveral
of the Barons began to intereſt themſelves in
his favour. The new Earl of Lancafter, to
whofe care he was committed, was ſoon
touched with thefe generous fentiments, and
they bid fair to be productive of favourable
confequences to Edward; but, as the huma-
nity and gentleneſs with which he treated
his priſoner did not coincide with the de-
figns of his directors, he was removed from
his employ the King was then delivered
into the hands of Lord Berkeley, Sir John
Mautravers, and Sir Thomas Gournay, who
were intruſted alternately with the charge of
guarding him.
Whilſt he was in Lord Berkeley's cuſtody
he was uſed with the gentleneſs due to his
rank and misfortunes; but when the others
had the command, every fpecies of indignity
was practifed against him; probably with a
deſign to break his fpirits, and by that means
put an end to his life, without having re-
courfe
لسما
19 ]
courſe to more defperate meaſures.
An in-
ſtance of their diſgraceful ufage is left on re-
cord, and ferves as a ſpecimen of his ſuffer-
ings. One day when the King was to be
ſhaved, they ordered cold and dirty water to
brought from the ditch for that purpoſe;
and when, on defiring it might be changed,
he found his requeſt denied, tears plente-
ouſly bedewed his royal cheeks. Theſe me-
thods however being too flow for the impa-
tient Mortimer, he fecretly fent orders to
the keepers, who were at his devotion, to
make uſe of others more conclufive and ex-
peditious. Accordingly, taking advantage
of Lord Berkeley's illneſs, in whoſe cuſtody
he happened to be, they came to Berkeley
caſtle and got poffeffion of the King's perfon.
The inhuman wretches then threw him on
a bed, and, keeping him down with a table,
put an end to his life by a moſt cruel and in-
human method. Though the device made uſe
of prevented any external marks of violence,
yet the horrid deed was diſcovered to all the
guards and attendants, by the ſcreams with
B
2
which
[ 20 ]
which the agonizing King filled the caſtle
whilſt his bowels were confuming.
Humanity, thou peerlefs virtue! divine
effulgence! in thoſe rude ages whither wert
thou fled? in what clime couldst thou then
hide thy dejected head, whilſt Cruelty, thy
infatiate foe, reigned uncontrouled? Happy,
thrice happy thofe, who, born in a more
civilized æra, fail gently down the ſtream of
life, protected by invaluable laws from the
affaffin's fecret dagger, or the more open at-
tacks of oppreffive power.
The perpetrators of this horrid deed were
held in deteftation by all mankind; and,
when by another revolution their employers
could no longer afford them protection,
they found it neceffary to fly the kingdom.
Gournay after fome time was feized at Mar-
feilles; but was prevented from receiving a
puniſhment adequate to his crime in the
fight of an offended People, by being be-
headed during his voyage. This hafty exe-
cution,
[ 12 ]
cution, it is fuppofed, was occafioned by
fecret orders from fome perfons of great con-
fequence in England, to prevent a diſcovery
of their ſhare in the guilt. Mautravers con-
cealed himſelf ſeveral years in Germany,
but having rendered fome ſervice to Edward
the Third, he ventured to approach him,
threw himſelf on his knees, and, humbly
fubmitting to his mercy, received a pardon
from that too-generous Prince.
The character of Edward the Second ap-
pears to have been intirely free from any
crime that could render him deſerving of ſo
tragical an end. Unqualified by nature to
govern a fierce and turbulent people, he was
obliged to devolve on others the weight of
government. Indolence and the want of
penetration led him to make choice of mi-
nifters and favourites who were not proof
againſt the intoxication of delegated power.
The feditious and ever-reſtleſs Barons, taking
advantage of this imprudence, under pre-
tence of attacking his minifters, infulted his
perfon
B 3
}
[ 22 ]
!
1
perſon and invaded his authority; whilft the
impatient and ill-judging populace threw all
the blame on their Prince, and increaſed the
public diſorders by their faction and violence,
The unlimited confidence King Edward placed
in his favourites, and the unbounded pro-
fufion with which he rewarded their attach-
ment, to the diſguſt of the whole nation,
warranted in fome meaſure this oppofition.
The partial ſmiles of a King, if beſtowed
on an unworthy perfon, generally carry with
them a poiſon, which for a time apparently
invigorates, but at laſt proves fatal. The
Engliſh hiſtory affords more inftances than
this before us, of the danger that reſults
from fuch an imprudent partiality. The
Prince, who deaf to the complaints of his
People, liftens only to the repreſentations of
his favourite, and thofe fubfervient adherents
which during his temporary exaltation attach
themſelves to him, will find too late, that
the opprobrium and puniſhment due to his
oppreffive acts are not confined to the abuſers
of his confidence alone; but that they will
reach
[
23 ]
reach even Majeſty itſelf, and involve him
in the certain and not unmerited ruin. Even
the well-meaning Edward, in whoſe breaſt
tyranny and oppreffion appear not to have
found a kindly foil, by blindly purſuing the
councils of his rapacious minions, found
himſelf entangled in their guilt, and its
confequent deſtruction.
But though this unhappy Prince could not
eſcape the fatal confequences of his infatua-
tion, yet the Queen and Mortimer, by whoſe
direction they were put in execution with
fuch horrid aggravations, drew on themſelves
the diſpleaſure of every rank. As they kept
the young King furrounded by their crea-
tures, and had by every difgraceful ſubmiſ-
ſion ſecured peace with the neighbouring
kingdoms, they for a time enjoyed without in-
terruption their unjustly acquired fupremacy.
The Princes of the Blood, and all thofe Noble-
men who felt for the honour of the nation,
and oppoſed the tyranny of Mortimer, were,
through his contrivances, impriſoned or de-
ftroyed,
B 4
[ 24 ]
ftroyed, and their eftates appropriated to his
own ufe. By this means his power grew
formidable to every one; and he affected a
ftate and dignity fuperior to his Royal Mafter.
The whole nation now bowed before him:
;
not one of the Barons daring to diſpute his
will, except the Earl of Kent, who on that
account he refolved to remove out of the
way. To effect this he fpread a report
throughout the kingdom by means of his
emiffaries, that king Edward the Second was
ſtill alive in Corfe caftle, but viſible only to
a few particular perfons. As he knew that
the Earl of Kent had always entertained a
moft cordial affection for his unhappy bro-
ther, and fincerely lamented his death, he
doubted not that he would exert himſelf in
his favour, could he be perfuaded that he
was really alive, Mortimer was not difap-
pointed in theſe expectations. The Earl of
Kent no fooner heard the ſtory, which was
now become the general topic of converſa-
tion, than he began to inquire into the
foundation of the rumour. He examined
Sir
[ 25 ]
Sir John Deverel, the governor of the caftle,
who, having received private inſtructions
from the minifter, confirmed the truth of it,
infinuating at the fame time that he let him
into the ſecret through friendſhip. Many
other perſons of diſtinction firmly believing
the report, and expreffing their defire of fee-
ing the unfortunate Monarch, and replacing
him on the throne, the Earl of Kent wrote
him a letter; affuring him, that he would
uſe his utmoſt endeavours to procure his li-
berty, and that the principal Noblemen were
determined to exert their power in reftoring
him to that dignity of which he had been fo
unjustly deprived. Sir John Deverel pro-
miſed to deliver this letter to King Edward,
but put it into the hands of Mortimer, who
refolved to employ it as the means of ac-
compliſhing the Earl's deftruction. He ac-
cordingly directed the young King to con-
voke a Parliament at Winchefter: when, as
few attended befides his own creatures and
dependents, the freedom of thefe affemblies
being deſtroyed by his arbiratry proceedings,
he
[ 26 ]
he had an opportunity of executing his cruel
and revengeful purpoſes. He communicated
the Earl's letter to theKing, with fuch invidious
reflections of his own, that Edward wrote to
his Uncle requiring his immediate attendance.
He was no fooner arrived at Wincheſter than
he was taken into cuftody and confined.
Some of Mortimer's creatures being ſent to
examine him, they returned with falfe re-
ports and forged confeffions; which fo exaſ-
perated the King, that he ordered the letter
to be laid before the Parliament. The con-
fequence which naturally arofe from this me-
thod of procedure was, that he was found
guilty of high treafon, and condemned to
lofe his head. Mortimer, apprehenfive that
the King from his humane difpofition and
affection for his Uncle might be induced to
grant the Earl a pardon, refolved to give him
no time for deliberation. By the affiftance
of the Queen Mother he procured a warrant
from his Majeſty, before his anger had ſub-
ſided, and gave directions that it ſhould be car-
ried into immediate execution. But fo uni-
verfally
[ 27 ]
verfally was the Earl beloved, that the com-
mon executioner refufed to perform his of
fice; and though he was brought on the
ſcaffold about noon, yet it was evening be-
fore any one could be found to ſupply his
place; even then the fentence was executed
by a felon, who, as a reward for the fervice,
received a free pardon for the crimes he had
committed. The King was deeply affected
at his Uncle's death, and too late diſcovered
the methods by which he had been impoſed
on. But thefe illegal practices became at
length the fubject of daily complaints, and
all parties, forgetting former animofities,
confpired in hatred againſt the deteſted per-
petrator,
It was impoffible that theſe abuſes could
long eſcape the obſervation of a Prince en-
dowed with ſo much fpirit and penetration
as young Edward, who, being now in his
eighteenth year, and thinking himſelf capa-
ble of governing, repined at being kept fub-
fervient to this infolent minifter. But fo
much
[ 28 ]
much was he guarded by the emiffaries of
Mortimer, that it required great fecrefy and
caution to conduct any attempt to obtain his
freedom. However, affifted by ſeveral po-
tent Lords whom he had gained over to his
intereft, he fuddenly threw off the yoke and
feized the ufurper in an apartment adjoining
to the Queen's, at the caſtle at Nottingham,
in the following manner. The young King
being now a father *, the dominion of Mor-
timer became irkfome to him: he beheld
with indignation his pride, arrogance, and
avarice, and enjoyed a fecret pleaſure at the
public hatred and odium under which that
nobleman laboured: he obſerved with equal
* On the 24th day of January 1328, the King had
married Philippa, daughter of William the Third, Count
of Hainault and Holland. The nuptials were celebrated
at York with great pomp and fplendour; but the cere-
mony of her coronation was not performed till about two
years after. And on the 15th day of June 1330 their
eldeſt fon the Prince of Wales was born at Wodeſtoke.
He was fuckled by his royal Mother, whofe healthy con-
ftitution and ſweet difpofition contributed in a great mea-
fure to entail on her fon that ſtrength of body and placid
temper, which rendered him a terror to his enemies, and
gained him univerfal eſteem,
fhame
[ 29 ]
fhame and ſorrow the fcandalous familiarity
which fubfifted between his mother and her
favourite incenfed at thefe difagreeable ob-
fervations, which now furniſhed converfation
for the public, he refolved to free himſelf
from his difgraceful fubjection to this info-
lent upftart. The King's fentiments foon
became perceptible to thoſe few Noblemen
that had acceſs to his Majefty, who failed
not to inflame his refentment; but as Mor-
timer had ufurped the royal authority, and
intirely engroffed the adminiſtration of pub-
lic affairs into his own hands, the whole
power of the kingdom was at his devotion.
Befides which, he was conftantly furrounded
by a body of two hundred armed knights,
and continually employed a number of fpies
to watch the motions of his Majefty. This
rendered the undertaking difficult; but King
Edward was not of a temper to be intimidated
by dangers: he imparted his defign to Wil-
liam lord Montacute and ſeveral other Noble-
men, who all concurred in adviſing him to
apprehend the Earl during the next Șeffion
of
[ 30 ]
1
$
of Parliament, which was fummoned to meet
foon after at Nottingham. This was approved
of by the King, and he fet out with intention to
take poffeffion of the caſtle of that city; but
the Queen Mother and Mortimer, fufpecting
his deſign, repaired thither before him, and
took up their quarters in it with all their at-
tendants, fo that there was ſcarcely room for
the King himſelf. Mortimer, having received
from his ſpies intelligence of the intentions of
his enemies, made fure of defeating their pro-
ject by a timely ſeizure of their perſons. This
however he was prevented from doing by the
expedition of Lord Montacute, who prevailed
on Sir William Ealand, governor of the
caſtle, to favour their ſcheme. Sir William
readily agreed to affift his Majeſty; but at the
fame time informed him, that it was imprac-
ticable to admit them by the common entry,
as the Queen had ordered new locks to be
put upon the gates, and the keys to be
brought every night into her chamber and
laid under her pillow. Nevertheleſs he recol-
lected, that on the weſtern fide of the caſtle
there
[ 31 ]
there was an old cavern, the mouth of a
fubterraneous paffage which led into the
caftle, and through this he engaged to con-
duct them to Mortimer's apartment. The
following day the Governor, with Lord Mon-
tacute and ſeveral other valiant knights,
took horſe and precipitately left Nottingham.
Mortimer concluded they had fled to avoid
being feized by his adherents; but they re-
turned about midnight, and, entering the
fubterranean paffage (which is ftill known
by the name of Mortimer's Hole) they were
conducted by Sir William into the chief
tower of the caſtle; from thence they ad-
vanced into the chamber adjoining to the
Queen's apartment, where Mortimer was fit-
ting with a few of his chief dependents;
and, notwithſtanding refiftance was made on
the firſt alarm by fome of his knights, he
was foon taken prifoner. The Queen, ſtart-
led at the noiſe and ſuſpecting the cauſe,
called aloud in the French language to her
ſon, whom ſhe imagined to be at the head of
"Bel Fitz! Bel Fitz! ayez pitie
the party,
" du
[ 32 ]
"du gentile Mortimer." Fair Son! Fair
Son! have pity on the noble Mortimer. No
anſwer being returned to her intreaties fhe
rufhed into the room among the confpirators,
and earneſtly befought them to do no injury
to his perfon, for he was a worthy knight,
her dear friend, and well-beloved coufin.
She had however the mortification to find
that her fupplications were ineffectual. This
tranfaction was conducted with fo much fe-
crefy and difpatch, that the people in the
town knew nothing of it till the next morn-
ing; when two of Mortimer's fons and ſeveral
of his partizans being likewife apprehended,
they were all ſent to the Tower of London.
The Parliament proceeded immediately to the
trial of this proud peer, before whom he
was accufed of many crimes and miſde-
meanors; and, as from the fuppofed notoriety
of the facts evidence was thought unnecef-
fary, he was condemned, and executed with-
out delay on a gibbet near London. The
Queen was confined to her own palace, and
her revenue greatly decreafed; and, though
4
the
[ 33 ]
the King paid her a ceremonious vifit once or
twice a year, fhe was never able to regain
his good opinion, or to reinftate herſelf in
any credit or authority. Such are the fure
effects which flow from a vicious and irregu-
lar conduct; nor can the moſt elevated fitu-
ation, the blaze of pomp, or any human
precaution fecure the offender from the flow
but no leſs certain inflictions of juſtice.
The reign of Edward the Third might be
faid to commence from this time; for though
he had been ſeated on the throne more than
three years, yet his youth ferved as a pretext
for the Queen and Mortimer to ufurp the
regal power, and leave him only the title.
He now, like the rifing fun, which had for
a while been obfcured by the lagging clouds
of night, broke out with unuſual ſplendour;
and, till he became again clouded near the
verge of the horizon in his defcent, con-
tinued to ſhed with unremitted ardour his
enlivening beams on the kingdom over which
he prefided, raifing it to a pitch of glory un-
C
known
[ 34 ]
known before.
He begun by applying
himſelf with induftry and judgment to re-
dreſs all thoſe grievances which had either
proceeded from want of authority in the
crown, or from the abuſe of it.
No period of their hiſtory is read by the
Engliſh with more fondneſs or greater exulta-
tion than the reign of this great Monarch. The
aſcendency which this Nation then began to
acquire over the French, makes them caft
their eyes on this æra with great fatisfaction,
and purifies every meaſure Edward embraced
for that end. Nor was the domeſtic govern-
ment of this King leſs worthy of their ad-
miration, than his foreign victories; as Eng-
land enjoyed by the prudence and vigour of
his adminiſtration a longer interval of domeſtic
peace and tranquillity, than fhe had been bleft
with in any former period, or than fhe ex-
perienced for many ages after. He curbed
the licentiouſneſs of the Barons by his refo-
lution, whilft, by his affable and obliging
behaviour, his munificence and generofity,
he
[ 35 ]
he gained their affections, and made them
fubmit with pleaſure to his dominion. To
this, his foreign wars contributed not a
little; as they ferved to employ thofe un-
quiet ſpirits againſt the public enemy, which
otherwiſe would have been engaged in diſ-
turbances at home.
The firſt exertion of King Edward's mili-
tary abilities was against the Scots, who
were perpetually making inroads into Eng-
land. His grandfather Edward the Firſt had
by his valour reduced them to a very low
ebb; and, had he lived, would probably have
annexed their dominions to his own; but
during the reign of Edward the Second,
through his want of warlike talents and the
conftant employment he found from his en-
raged ſubjects, Scotland had greatly recovered
herſelf, and was again become formidable.
In the early part of the preſent King's reign,
whilft he was yet under the dominion of
Mortimer, he had repulfed Murray and
Douglas, two celebrated warriors, in an at-
C 2
tempt
[ 36 ]
tempt they made on his frontiers; but they
eluded his purſuit, and retired to their own
country, without his being able to bring
them to a decifive battle. Even then that
bravery and conduct which afterwards im-
mortalized his name, became confpicuous;
for whilft the armies lay near each other,
divided only by a river, which Edward found
it impracticable to pafs, Douglas the Scottiſh
general having obtained the watch-word, and
furveyed exactly the fituation of the Engliſh
camp, entered it fecretly in the night-time
with a fmall but chofen body of troops.
He advanced to the King's tent, with a
view of killing or carrying off the young
Monarch in the midft of his army: hap-
pily fome of Edward's attendants waking in
that critical moment, they made refiftance,
and facrificed their lives for the fafety of
their royal Maſter. The King himſelf had juſt
time to ſnatch his ſword, and after making a
valiant defence eſcaped in the dark. Douglas
having loft the greateſt part of his followers
was glad to make a hafty retreat. Difap-
pointed
[ 37 ]
pro-
pointed in his ſcheme he did not think
per to await the refentment of the Engliſh,
but taking advantage of the night, expediti-
ouſly decamped without notice; by this means
he got the ſtart of his enemies, and arrived
without lofs in his own country.
He
During the King's minority, Mortimer,
to enſure a continuance of his power, had
confented to difavow the fuperiority of Eng-
land over that kingdom, which Edward the
Firſt had taken ſo much pains to aſſert.
had alſo prevailed on the young King to give
a bond for a confiderable fum to the Pope,
who acted as mediator, to be paid if he vio-
lated the treaty within four years. For
this and ſeveral other reaſons, he thought it
prudent to avoid at preſent an open rupture.
However he fecretly encouraged Baliol, who
laid claim to the crown of Scotland, now
poffeffed by David Bruce a minor; and no
fooner was the term of the truce expired,
than he raised a confiderable force, and
marched towards that kingdom.
C 3
When
*
[ 38 ]
When he arrived on the borders of Scot-
land, he found himfelf attacked by Douglas
the regent with an army much fuperior to
his own; but he received them with fo
much ſteadineſs, that they were foon thrown
into diſorder; and on the fall of their ge-
neral entirely routed. It is afferted by both
the Scotch and English hiftorians, that in
this battle fought at Halidown-Hill near
Berwick, all the Nobles of diftinction
among the Scots, with thirty thouſand of
their troops, were either flain or taken pri-
foners; whilft the lofs of the Engliſh amount-
ed only to one Knight, one Efquire, and
thirteen private foldiers: but theſe accounts
are certainly much exaggerated, though the
inequality was without difpute very great.
After this decifive blow the Scottish Nobles
had no other refource but inftant fubmif-
fion; and Edward leaving a confiderable
body with Baliol, whoſe cauſe he now openly
efpoufed, to complete the conqueft of the
kingdom, he returned with the remainder of
his army to England.
The
[ 39 ]
The warlike inclinations of King Ed-
ward not permiting him to remain inactive,
he now employed his thoughts on a more
confiderable conqueſt. On the death of
Charles the Fair King of France, which
happened when Edward was about fifteen
years of age, he had formed pretenfions to
the crown of that kingdom; and he now
found leifure to affert them. It is true
thefe pretenfions appear not to be very juftly
founded, but many monarchs have mounted
a throne, and tranſmitted it to their poſterity
on weaker claims, even fuppofing the cuf
toms of the French, like the laws of the
Medes and Perfians, to be unalterable.
As at this period the foundation was laid
of that war which was carried on between
France and England with great vigour for
more than a century, and gave rife to that
national animofity which remains yet unex-
tinguiſhed, it is neceffary to give my Read-
ers an explicit account of the cauſes from
whence it flowed, and the ground on which
King
C 4
[ 40 ]
}
King Edward founded his claim. In all the
preceding reigns fince the Conqueſt, the hof-
tilities between the two crowns had been
only cafual and temporary; and never be-
ing attended with any bloody or dangerous
events, the traces of them were eaſily obli-
terated by the first treaty of pacification.
The Engliſh nobility valued themſelves on
their French or Norman extraction, and af-
fected to uſe the language of that country
in all public tranfactions, as well as in fami-
liar converfation; but from this æra all amity
between the two nations was deſtroyed, and an
unfriendly rivalſhip eſtabliſhed in its room.
It had long been a prevailing opinion,
that the crown of France could never de-
ſcend to females: though it is uncertain
at what age, or by which of their monarchs,
this law, commonly termed the Salique law,
was framed, yet, as it was fupported by an-
cient precedents, it had acquired equal au-
thority with the moſt expreſs and poſitive
laws of that kingdom. It is probable that
in
[ 41 ]
in the earlieſt ages of that monarchy, the
Franks were fo rude and barbarous a peo-
ple, that they were incapable of fubmitting
to a female reign. Since that time the
crown has always been worn by the neareſt
male heir; and from Hugh Capet to Lewis
Hutin, it had regularly defcended without
interruption from father to fon for eleven
generations fo that the kingdom of France
had, during the courfe of nine hundred
years, been governed by males, and the fuc-
ceffion undiſputed.
Philip the Fair, father of Lewis Hutin, left
three fons, Lewis, Philip the Long, and Charles
the Fair; with one daughter, Ifabella Queen of
England, mother of King Edward. Lewis
Hutin the eldeſt having married Margaret
fiſter to the Duke of Burgundy, at his death
left one daughter; but according to the ef
tabliſhed cuſtom, Philip the fecond brother
was proclaimed King. This however was
not done without the Duke of Burgundy's
making great oppofition in behalf of his
niece, which fhews that King Edward's
pretenfions
[ 42 ]
crown.
pretenfions were not unparalleled and ro-
mantic. However Philip kept poffeffion
of the throne; and the States, by a folemn
decree, excluded the young Princefs, and
declared all females for ever incapable of fuc-
ceeding to the crown of France. Philip
died after a fhort reign, leaving three
daughters; and his brother Charles without
difpute or controverfy then fucceeded to the
The reign of Charles was alſo ſhort;
he left one daughter, and was fucceeded by
Philip de Valois, coufin-german to the three
laft Kings, being fon of Philip de Valois, bro-
ther of Philip the Fair. This fucceffion, as it
was not fo immediate as thoſe had been for
cleven generations back, gave King Edward
room to found his pretenfions in right of his
mother. He afferted, that though Queen Ifa-
bella as a female could not mount the throne
of her ancestors, yet he himfelf, who inhe-
rited through her, was liable to no fuch ob-
jection, and might claim by nearneſs of
blood. The King of Navarre had un-
doubtedly a prior right to the crown, as
defcended from the daughter of Lewis
Hutin ;
[ 43 ]
Hutin; but if he chofe to fuffer his claim
to lie dormant, fuch a precedent was not
fufficient to deter Edward from afferting
pretenfions which at that time appeared to
him well founded, and which the fupine-
nefs of any competitor could not invalidate.
Some allowance ought certainly to be made
for the fanguine expectations of a youth-
ful Monarch, naturally fond from the tem-
per of the times of extending his domini-
ons; and much praiſe is due to the fpirit
with which he afterwards fupported them.
Well founded as King Edward ſuppoſed
his claims to be, he did not however think
proper as yet to infift on them; as it muſt
have immediately involved him, on very
unequal terms, in a dangerous war with a
powerful Potentate; King Philip being a
Prince mature in years and experience, and
firmly established on his throne. He was
even obliged to fubmit to far as to go over
to France, to do homage to that King for
the province of Guienne, which he held
under
[ 44 ]
under him. The forfeiture of fo rich an
inheritance would otherwiſe, agreeable to
the feudal law, have been the immediate
conſequence of his declining to perform the
duty of a vaffal. Edward therefore yield-
ing to neceffity went to Amiens, and per-
formed the diſagreeable taſk; but found his
refentment againft his competitor, as he
then efteemed him, fo augmented, that a
few incidents, which foon after happened,
rendered it ungovernable.
Robert d'Artois, defcended from the blood
royal of France, was a man of great cha-
racter and authority; he had eſpouſed King
Philip's fifter, and by his birth, talents,
and credit was entitled to fill the higheſt
ſtations under his Sovereign. This Prince
had loſt the county of Artois, which he
claimed as his birth-right, by a ſentence of
Philip the Fair. The determination being
generally deemed unjuft, he was feduced to
attempt the recovery of his poffeffions, by
an act fo unworthy of his rank and character
4
as
[ 45 ]
as a forgery. The detection of this crime
covered him with fhame and confufion; his
brother-in-law not only abandoned, but
perfecuted him with violence; and this un-
happy Prince was obliged to feek refuge in
England. He was here favourably received
by King Edward, and foon admitted into
his councils and confidence. Excited by
revenge againſt the French Monarch, and
impelled by rage and deſpair, he endeavoured
to increaſe the prepoffeffions entertained by
Edward in favour of his title to the crown
of France.
it
The Engliſh King needed but few exci-
tations on this point; his reſentment againſt
Philip had already taken deep root:
was alfo greatly augmented by fome recent
complaints from Guienne, and the protec-
tion and affiftance he afforded to David
Bruce the exiled King of Scotland. He
therefore formed the refolution of feeking
redrefs ; and to this purpoſe endeavoured to
make alliances with ſome of the neighbour-
ing
[ 46 ]
ing ſtates. The Count of Hainault, whofe
daughter Edward had married, foon became
his ſteady friend; and by his interceffion,
aided by large remittances from England,
the Duke of Brabant, the Archbishop of
Cologne, the Duke of Gueldres, the Flem-
ings, and ſeveral other powers were engaged
to embrace the Engliſh alliance.
Edward's plan being now ripe for execu-
tion, in the beginning of the year 1338,
and the twelfth of his reign, he failed over
into Flanders, attended by many of his No-
bles, and a confiderable body of Engliſh
forces. He now affumed the title of King
of France * as a plea for this invafion;
* King Edward now for the first time quartered the
arms of France with thofe of England. The infcription
of the great feal was altered from Duke of Aquitain to
King of France, the former being abſorbed in the latter,
and it was on this occafion that he adopted the motto of
"Dieu & mon Droit," God and my right; alluding to
the defign of maintaining his title to the crown of that
kingdom.
whilft
[ 47 ]
whilft the German and the other Princes en-
deavoured to find ſome plauſible pretext for
joining in the league. Philip made necef-
fary preparations to repel this attack, and
formed connections more cordial and power-
ful than thoſe entered into by his antagoniſt.
The allies of Edward having no other ob-
ject for their interference than his money,
they were flow in their motions, and irre-
folute in their meafures; it was
it was confe-
quently late in the fummer before the King
could lead his forces into the field: he was
even then obliged, in order to allure his
German auxiliaries into his meaſures, to
confent that the first attack fhould be made
on Cambray, a city of the empire, which
had been garrifoned by Philip: but on a
nearer inſpection, judging the attempt to be
impracticable, he conducted them towards
the frontiers of France.
Here he found by a fenfible proof the va-
nity of his expectations and the little depen-
dence there is to be placed in foreign mer-
cenaries.
[ 48 ]
cenaries.
The Count of Namure, and even
the Count of Hainault his brother-in-law
(for the old Count was lately dead) refuſed
to commence hoftilities againſt their liege
Lord, and retired with all their troops.
King Edward however entered the enemy's
country, and encamped near Caffel, with an
army of fifty thousand men, compofed
chiefly of auxiliaries. Philip came within
fight of him with an army nearly double to
that of his opponent, and moſt of thoſe his
native fubjects. It was daily expected that
a battle would have enfued; but as the Eng-
liſh Monarch was averfe to begin an en-
gagement againſt fo great an inequality,
Philip thought it fufficient to elude the at-
tacks of his invader without running any
unneceffary hazard. The two armies faced
each other for feveral days; mutual defiances
were fent; and King Edward at laſt retired
in good order into Flanders, where he dif
perfed his army. Though the Engliſh Mo-
narch was unſucceſsful in this attempt, yet
he gave proofs of great courage and conduct.
With
[ 49 ]
With half the force of his adverfary, and
thofe confifting of mercenaries on whom he
was affured he could place little dependence,
he repeatedly defied his powerful competi-
tor, and led back his troops without fuf
taining any lofs.
King Edward was a Prince of too much
ſpirit to be difcouraged by the firft difficul-
ties of an undertaking; they only animated
him to endeavour to retrieve his honour by
more fuccefsful enterprizes. Expenſive as
this expedition had been, he was not de-
terred by this confideration from proſecut÷
ing his plan. He had contracted a debt of
near three hundred thoufand pounds; had
anticipated all his revenue; had pawned
every thing of value which belonged either
to himſelf or the Queen; and was obliged
to pledge himſelf to his mercenary allies,
by defiring permiffion to go over to Eng-
land to procure a fupply, promiſing on his
word of honour to return in perfon if he
D
did
{ 50 Ì
Rely-
did not remit them the money: yet in
theſe embarraffed circumftances he fuffered
not his noble heart to be dejected.
ing on his fubjects love, he returned home,
and procured from his Parliament great aids
for the maintenance of the war. He ob-
tained from the Barons and Knights an un-
ufual grant for two years, of the tenth
fheaf, fleece, and lamb (the fubfidies of
that age) and from the Burgefles a tenth
of their moveables at their true value.
As Philip was apprized from the prepa-
rations which were making both in Eng-
land and the Low Countries the year fol-
lowing, that he muſt expect another inva-
fion, he fitted out a fleet confifting of four
hundred veffels, manned with forty thou-
fand men, and ftationed them off Sluife,
with a view of intercepting the King of
England in his paffage. King Edward,
notwithſtanding he had received intelligence
of this intended oppoſition, and was ſtrongly
diffuaded
6
[ 51 ]
.
diffuaded by fome of his counſellors * was
not to be deterred from his purpoſe of re-
turning to the Continent. Though his ar-
mament was greatly inferiour to that of the
French, confifting only of two hundred and
forty fhips, yet depending on his own cou-
rage, the valour of his forces, and the ſkill
of his feamen, he fet fail. By a manoeuvre
he gained the wind of the enemy; and in
this poſition the English had the fun, which
then happened to fhine with great power,
on their backs; advantages which operated
greatly in their favour. Thefe, added to
the King's great example, and that of his
*The Bishop of Chichefter, then Chancellor, endea-
voured to divert the King from this defign, and ftrenuously
oppofed his embarkation; but when he found that his
admonitions would not avail, he refigned the feals, and
haftily retired from court. King Edward imputing his
warmth to its right cauſe, a real zeal for his intereſt, in-
ftead of being offended at it, did not think it beneath
him to fend for the Biſhop and re-inftate him in his office.
A convincing proof that Hiftorians have juftly celebrated
that Monarch for his moderation and prudence.
D 2
gallant
[ 52 ]
gallant Nobles, animated the foldiers and
feamen to fuch a degree, that though the
French, encouraged by their fuperior num-
bers, maintained the combat with great
fteadineſs for a confiderable time, yet they
were at length obliged to yield. Great
numbers, intimidated at the irreſiſtible fury
with which they were attacked by the men
at arms, threw themſelves headlong into
the ſea. Two hundred and thirty French
ſhips were taken; and thirty thouſand of
their men, with two of their Admirals,
killed or drowned. When the news of this
defeat arrived at Paris, not one of King
Philip's courtiers dared to deliver him the
fatal intelligence, till his Jefter gave him a
hint, by which he diſcovered the lofs he
had fuftained. The Buffoon came into the
royal preſence, and exclaimed feveral times
with great warmth and vehemence, "Cow-
ardly Engliſhmen; daftardly Engliſhmen ;
faint-hearted Englishmen." The King
afking him the reafon why he gave them
theſe opprobrious epithets, he replied, Be-
caufe
[ 53 ]
cauſe they had not the courage to leap into
the fea like our brave Frenchmen.
The King of England's authority among
his allies was greatly ftrengthened by this
fuccefs; they confequently affembled their
forces with greater alacrity than they had
done the laſt campaign, and joined the Eng-
liſh army in good ſeaſon. Edward marched
to the frontiers of France at the head of
one hundred thousand men, whilft the
Flemings to the amount of fifty thoufand,
under the command of Robert d'Artois,
laid fiege to St. Omer's. The latter being
chiefly compofed of artizans unexperienced
in war, were routed by a fally of the gar-
rifon; and, notwithſtanding the abilities of
their leader, were thrown into fuch a pa-
nick, that they were inftantly difperfed, and
never after appeared in the field.
King Edward at the fame time laid fiege
to Tournay, then one of the confiderable
Philip having been in-
formed
çities in Flanders.
D 3'
[ 54 ]
formed of this defign, had fupplied it with
fourteen thousand of his beſt troops, com-
manded by the braveft of his Generals:
Edward confequently met with a vigorous
refiftance. His own valour, which his fol-
diers ftrove to emulate, could not avail;
every affault, though planned with the
greatest judgment, and executed with un-
common perfeverance, proved unfuccefsful;
he therefore turned the fiege into a blockade,
in hopes that the great numbers of the gar-
rifon and inhabitants would oblige them to
furrender through famine. After the block-
ade had continued ten weeks, the city was
reduced to great diftrefs; and Philip ad-
vanced at the head of a mighty army to its
relief. But even now the fame caution
with which that King had hitherto acted,
continued to be the rule of his operations;
he ftill avoided coming to a decifive action,
and only fought for an opportunity to af-
ford the garrifon fome fuccour.
King
[ 55 ]
King Edward, irritated with the fmall
progrefs he had made, and impelled by his
natural valour, which could not brook fuch
tardy proceedings, fent Philip a defiance by
a herald; challenging him to decide their
claims to the crown of France either by a
fingle combat, by an action between one
hundred Knights on each fide, or by a ge-
neral engagement. To this the French
King replied, that as Edward had done ho-
mage to him for the Duchy of Guienne,
and had thereby acknowledged his ſuperi-
ority, it by no means became him to fend a
defiance to his Sovereign. By this and
other evafive excufes he declined the com-
bat; and both armies lay adjacent to each
other, expecting every day that a general
action could not long be avoided.
Whilft things continued in this fituation,
Jane Countefs Dowager of Hainault, mo-
ther-in-law to Edward, and fifter to Philip,
interpofed, and endeavoured to reconcile the
contending Monarchs.
Though this Prin-
D 4
cefs
[ 56 ]
cefs had taken the vows in a convent, and
had abandoned the world, fhe left her re-
treat on fo intereſting an occafion, and em-
ployed all her pious efforts to allay thoſe
animofities which had taken place between
perfons fo nearly related to her, and to each
other. Her humane endeavours fo far fuc-
ceeded, as to bring the hoftile Kings to
conſent to a truce till the Midfummer fol-
lowing; and each difmiffing his forces, re-
tired to their reſpective dominions.
During this interval of peace, King Ed-
ward employed his time in the regulation
of the internal police of his kingdom; till
another incident aroufed his warlike inclina-
tions, and excited anew that refentment
againſt the King of France which had not
been totally eradicated, but only lay flum-
bering in his breaſt.
John, the third Duke of Brittany, find-
ing himſelf fome years before his death gra-
dually finking under the weight of age and
+
infirmities,
[ 57 ]
infirmities, and having no iffue, was foli-
citous to prevent the diſorders attendant on
a diſputed fucceffion.
His younger brother
the Count de Penthievre had left only one
child, which was a daughter, and whom
the Duke deemed his heir. As his family
had inherited the duchy by a female fuc-
ceffion, he thought her title preferable to
that of the Count de Mountfort, who be-
ing his brother only by a fecond marriage,
though the next male heir, was not the
prefumptive fucceffor to that principality.
Propofing therefore to beſtow her on fome
perfon who might be able to defend her
rights, he caft his eyes on Charles de Blois,
nephew to the King of France, being the
fon of Margaret de Valois, ſiſter of that
Monarch. But as he loved his fubjects,
and was beloved by them, he determined
not to take this important ſtep without their
approbation: he accordingly affembled the
States of Brittany, and repreſenting to them
the advantages which would attend this
alliance, found that they willingly con-
curred
}
[ 58 ]
curred in his choice.
The marriage was
foon after concluded, and all his vaffals,
-among whom was the Count de Mountfort
himſelf, fwore fealty to Charles and his
confort as their future fovereign. Thus
every danger of civil commotions feemed
to be obviated, as far as human prudence
could find a remedy againſt them.
But on the death of this good Prince,
the ambition of the Count de Mountfort
broke through all theſe prudent regula-
tions. Whilft Charles de Blois was folicit-
ing at the court of France the inveftiture
of the duchy, Mountfort was active in
gaining poffeffion of it. By force or in-
trigue he made himſelf mafter of feveral
ftrong fortreffes, and engaged many confi-
derable Barons to acknowledge his authority.
Senfible that he could expect no favour from
the King of France, he made a voyage to
England on pretence of foliciting his claim
to the Earldom of Richmond, which had
devolved to him by his brother's death; but
his
[ 59 ]
his real intention was to procure affiftance
from King Edward. He accordingly pro-
pofed an alliance between that Prince and
himſelf; offering at the fame time to do
homage to him as King of France for the
duchy of Brittany. The English Mo-
narch immediately faw the advantages that
would attend this treaty, and accepted the
conditions, as they correfponded fo well
with his favourite wiſhes. It was however
neceflary to keep this union as yet a ſecret;
and Mountfort on his return ventured to ap-
pear at Paris to defend his caufe: but
obferving the French King to be prejudiced
againſt him, he fuddenly made his eſcape,
and hoftilities immediately commenced be-
tween him and Charles de Blois.
In the courſe of the war, during which
King Edward had privately given him aſſiſt-
ance, the Count de Mountfort being be-
fieged in the city of Nantz and made pri-
foner, he was ſhut up in the Tower of the
Louvre. After his captivity, Jane of Flan-
ders
[ 60 ]
]
ders his Counteſs, the moſt extraordinary
woman of that age, fupported for a while
the fading honours of her family at length
finding her heroic efforts ineffectual, fhe
failed to England in hopes of obtaining fur-
ther fuccours from King Edward. That
Prince liftened to her fupplications, and
granted her a confiderable reinforcement
under Robert d'Artois. On their paffage
they were met by the enemy's fleet, and an
engagement enfued, in which the Countefs
behaved with more than female intrepidity,
charging her foes fword in hand, and ani-
mating her own forces by her example.
Whilſt the victory remained doubtful a ftorm
aroſe, and the fleets being feparated, that of
the Engliſh arrived fafe in Brittany.
For a fhort time fuccefs feemed to attend
the arms of the Countefs; but Robert d'Ar-
tois being flain, and Fortune, ever fickle,
deferting her, King Edward found it ne-
ceflary to undertake in perfon the ſupport of
that lady. The truce which had been con-
cluded
[61]
cluded with France being now expired, the
Engliſh and French no longer appeared in
the field as allies to the competitors for
Brittany, but as principals in the war.
King Edward having landed in France,
with about twelve thouſand men, endea
voured to give a luftre to his arms by lay-
ing fiege to three important cities at once;
but finding the number of his troops une-
qual to his great deſigns, and that his ene-
mies were well provided with all kinds of
neceffaries, whilſt he was obliged to draw
all his fupplies from England, he willingly
liftened to the mediation of two Cardinals,
the Pope's Legates, who happened at that
time to be in France, and agreed to another
truce for three years. Notwithſtanding his
dangerous fituation, diftreffed for proviſions,
and furrounded by a fuperior enemy, he
had the addrefs to procure for himſelf, and
the perfon on whoſe account he had under-
taken the expedition, very honourable
terms.
This
[ 62 ]
ร
મ
This truce however was of no long con-
tinuance; real or pretended injuries ferved
both parties as a pretext to put an end to it.
King Edward apprehenfive, from the hoſtile
preparations openly made by his adverfary,
of an attack on Guienne, fent the Earl of
Derby, fon to the Duke of Lancaſter, and
under him the Earls of Pembroke, Arundel,
and Oxford, into France with a confidera-
ble army for the protection of that pro-
vince. This Prince could not confine his
ardour to the fecurity of theſe domains alone,
but made many fucceſsful inroads into the
territories of his enemies. The Count de
l'Ifle, an experienced French General, was
his opponent; yet the Earl with only a
thouſand cavalry attacked his army unex-
pectedly, and after taking the Count him-
felf priſoner, obtained a complete victory.
The Count with twelve thouſand men had
laid fiege to Auberoche, and battered it
with engines fo furiouſly, that in fix days
the fortifications were almoft demolished.
The Earl of Derby, apprized of the diſtreſs
of
[ 63 ]
of the garriſon, ſet out from Bourdeaux by
night with a party of three hundred lances,
and about twice that number of archers:
2
On
he had previoufly fent orders to the Earl
of Pembroke, who lay at Bergerac with three
hundred men at arms and four thouſand
archers, to join him with theſe forces at Li-
bourne. He reached this place himſelf be-
fore morning, and waited all day for Lord
Pembroke's arrival, keeping his ſmall army
concealed from the enemy; but finding that
Nobleman did not overtake him, he marched
on in the night, and by day-break arrived
within two leagues of Auberoche.
this ſpot he alſo remained till the following
evening in hopes of the reinforcement;
when, defpairing of any affiftance, he was
perfuaded by the gallant Sir Walter Manny
to beat up the French quarters while they
fhould be at fupper. With this view they
proceeded under covert of a wood, till they
were cloſe to one divifion of the enemy's
camp; they then ruſhed in upon them with
ſo much impetuofity, that the Count de
fo
l'Ifle
1x
[64]
l'Ifle the General, with the Counts Peri
gort and Valentinois, were taken in their
tents before they had time to recover from
their furprize. Great numbers of the
French, unable to make any refiftance,
were cut to pieces, and the reft betook
themſelves to flight. But whilft havock
and confufion prevailed in this quarter, the
other part of the French army commanded.
by the Count de Cominges flew to their
arms; and being drawn up in order of bat-
tle, advanced againſt the Engliſh with great
intrepidity.
The Earl of Derby, thougli
he had not one-fourth of the number, de-
termined to make a vigorous effort to com-
plete the work he had ſo happily begun ;
and collecting his forces into a compact ba-
tallion charged the enemy with irreſiſtible
fury. The French, defirous of revenging
the death of their countrymen, gave
him a
warm reception; and a defperate engage-
ment enſuing, the victory remained for a
long time doubtful, till the garrifon of Au-
beroche hearing the trumpets found a charge
on
[ 65 ]
on both fides, and defcrying fome English
banners, though it was now twilight, fal-
lied forth in great numbers, and falling on
the rear of the French army decided the for-
tune of the day. The enemy, unable to
make any further refiftance, were inftantly
routed with great flaughter; their loſs in
both actions amounting to feven thou-
fand flain, and twelve hundred prifoners,
among whom were ten Noblemen, and
two
hundred Knights and Gentlemen.
The Earl of Pembroke arrived next morn-
ing with the troops under his command,
and was greatly vexed that he had not the
happineſs to ſhare in fo glorious an action.
Improving this advantage, he reduced in a
rapid fucceffion the moft capital fortreffles of
the adjacent provinces. But the French
King having at length raiſed a powerful
army, and given the command of it to his fon
the Duke of Normandy, the Engliſh were
unable to keep the field againſt ſo great a
fuperiority: the Earl of Derby therefore
could only act on the defenfive; and by
E
bravely
[ 66 ]
bravely defending the towns he had taken,
retard the progreſs of the French towards
Guienne, for the reduction of which great
preparations had been made.
King Edward was no fooner informed
by the Earl of this unexpected revolution,
than he prepared to haften in perſon to his
relief; but being detained at Southampton
a confiderable time by contrary winds, and
defpairing of arriving in time to fave
Guienne, he was perfuaded by Geoffrey
d'Harcourt, a Norman, to change the place
of his deſtination. This Nobleman having
difpleafed his mafter the King of France,
to avoid his anger fled to England; where
he was received by King Edward as a va-
luable acquifition. Urged by the fame mo-
tives as Robert d'Artois, he entered into
the King's refentments, and adviſed him to
the beſt methods of profecuting them. He
pointed out to him, that an invafion by way
of Normandy promifed more certain fuc-
cefs, than the intended expedition to
Guienne;
འ་
ť 67 ]
Guienne; the northern provinces of the
kingdom being left almoſt defenceless by the
departure of thoſe troops which had been
drawn towards the fouth: that this part
of the country being exceedingly plentiful,
would fupply his army with neceffaries;
whilſt the many rich cities with which it
alfo abounded, would afford plunder fuffi-
cient to repay the expences of the war.
Theſe and many other reaſons which this
Nobleman gave the King, induced him to
alter his plan; and he ordered his fleet,
which confifted of near a thouſand fail, to
fteer for La Hogue in Normandy, where af-
ter a fhort paffage he fafely difembarked his
army on the 12th of July 1346.
1
In this expedition my hero the Prince of
Wales, then only fixteen years old, firſt
entered on that ftage, which he ever after
trod with fo much reputation to himfelf,
and glory to the kingdom which gave him
birth. From this period therefore ſhall I
begin my account of him; as nothing wor-
E 2
thy
1
[68]
thy of notice can be fuppofed to have hap-
pened in the earlier part of his life; only
remarking, that from his very childhood
he gave proofs of ftrength, courage, and
folidity of judgment far above his years.
It is uncertain whether he acquired the
name of Black Prince from the colour of the
armour he ufually wore, as fome Hiftorians
affert, or from that gloom which his dread-
ful deeds in war ſpread over the whole king-
dom of France, and induced that people to
give him the appellation of Le Noir. The
Prince, with feveral of the young Nobility,
received the honour of Knighthood from
his Royal Father on their landing; and
every prudent difpofition being made by King
Edward, the English army immediately
marched towards Caen, a populous and com-
mercial city.
The King of France was thrown into
the greateſt perplexity when he was in-
formed of this unexpected invafion; he
however iffued orders for raifing troops from
all
[ 69 ]
all quarters, and in the mean time dif
patched the Count d'Eu, Conftable of
France, and the Count de Tankerville, to
ſtop the progreſs of his adverſary. The in-
habitants of Caen receiving this reinforce-
ment, animated by their numbers, ven-
tured againſt the advice of the Conſtable to
meet the Engliſh in the field; but their
courage failing them on the firſt ſhock, they
fled with precipitation, leaving the two
Counts their Commanders to the mercy of
the enemy. The victors entered the city
with the flying citizens, and a dreadful ma-
facre enfued; King Edward however put a
ftop to it as foon as it was poflible, but per-
mitted his men to begin a plunder which
lafted three days. The
The effects collected
on this occafion were put on board the fhips
and fent over to England, with three hun-
dred of the richest citizens, from whofe
ranfom the captors expected a future profit.
The King marched next to Rouen, in
hopes of treating that city in the fame man-
E 3
ner ;
[ 70 ]
}
ner; but he found that Philip was arrived
there with a confiderable force, and that he
had already ordered the bridge to be broken
down. Difappointed in this deſign he con-
tinued his march along the banks of the
Seine in his rout to Paris, wifhing to get
poffeffion of his enemy's capital. In this
fcheme he was alfo fruftrated by the fame
precautions; for he found all the bridges
demolished both on that river and on the
Somme,
Edward's fituation now became extremely
hazardous; as on the oppofite banks of the
river an army commanded by Lord Gondemar
de Faye attended his motions, whilſt Philip
purfued him at the head of one hundred thou-
fand men. In this dilemma the King of
fered a confiderable reward to any one that
would give him intelligence of a fafe paffage
over the Somme, A Peafant, tempted by
the fum, betrayed the intereſt of his country,
and informed him of a ford below Abbeville
which might be paffed at low water.
The
indefatigable
[ 71 ]
น
-
indefatigable King haftened thither, but
found Gondemar pofted on the oppoſite ſhore.i
He deliberated not a moment, but attended
by his brave fon threw himſelf into the
ftream, and being properly fupported, drove
his oppofers from their ſtation. His rear
guard had ſcarcely gained the ſhore, when
King Philip's army arrived; they were
however prevented from overtaking them
by the return of the tide. Thus did the
English Monarch by his prudence and cele-
rity eſcape a danger, which, from his fitua-
tion and the fuperior number of his ene-
mies, appeared inevitable. As Philip, by
this incident, was obliged to take a confide-
rable circuit, it gave Edward time to en-
camp on the field of Creffy; and to make
the moſt proper difpofition of his army for
the reception of ſo formidable an enemy.
When King Edward had iffued out his
orders, he invited his principal Officers to
an entertainment in his tent; and during
the whole evening appeared fo cheerful and
ferene,
E 4
[ 72 ]
:
ferene, that a calm intrepidity diffuſed it-
felf through every breaft, and made them
rather expect the morning with impatience,
though fo greatly out-numbered, than be-
hold its approach with dread.
The Prince of Wales, not yet arrived at
the age of manhood, being at this time but
fixteen years and two months old, fat amidít
the furrounding Nobles with the compofure
of a veteran. In the paflage over the Somme
he had, for the firſt time, ftained his fword
in blood; but as the conteft was of a fhort
duration, he had an opportunity only of
fhewing a ſmall part of that ftrength and
valour which the next day enabled him to
perform incredible acts of heroiſm.
As foon as the morning dawned the
King and his fon arofe, and immediately
proceeded to the performance of their reli-
gious duties. Courage was not a furer
effervefcence of knighthood than piety; nor
could it be more genuine and fincere than
in
[ 73 ]
in the hearts of thefe truly heroic Princes,
The confequent tranquillity which fat in
their countenances infpired the whole army
with confidence, and made them obey the
orders that were iffued out with the greateſt
cheerfulneſs and alacrity. His Majeſty * not
doubting but that a battle would foon enfue,
then furveyed the ground, and derived every
poffible advantage from it. He drew his
forces upon a gentle aſcent near the village
of Creffy, and divided them into three bo-
dies. The firſt he gave the command of to
the Prince of Wales; but left his Son's
youth and inexperience might render him
unequal to fo important a ſtation, he ap-
pointed the Earl of Warwick and Lord
* Though I have made uſe of the word Majefty and
other modern appellations throughout this work, yet that
title was not given to the Kings of England till many years
after this period. The ftyle of Grace was firft given to
them about the time of Henry the Fourth; to Henry the
Sixth Excellent Grace; to Edward the Fourth High and
Mighty Prince; to Henry the Seventh fometimes Grace,
fometimes Highnefs; to Henry the Eighth firft Highneſs,
then Majefty, and to all the Kings fince Sacred or Moft
Excellent Majeſty.
John
[74]
T
John Chandos to affift and direct him,
ſhould their advice be neceffary: the fecond
divifion was led by the Earls of Arundel
and Northampton: and the King himſelf
took the command of the third; which he
drew up at fome diftance from the main
body, intending with this corps to fuc-
cour the other battalions, or to fecure a
retreat, as he fhould fee needful. He like-
wife prudently threw up intrenchments on
the flank of his little army, to defend it
from the fuperior numbers of the enemy;
and placed all his carriages and baggage in
the rear, incloſing them with a rampart.
exert
This admirable difpofition being made,
and the troops having taken their proper
ſtations, he rode through the ranks, point-
ing out to them the inevitable deflection
that awaited them, if they did no
their utmoſt courage on this try
fion : he reminded them of the fuccefs
which had hitherto attended their arms,
notwithſtanding they had been always
greatly
occa-
[ 75 ]
greatly out-numbered by their foes; and
affured them, that regularity and order
would compenfate for the preſent diſadván-
tage in that refpect: he then concluded
his ſhort oration by telling them, that all
he required from them was,
that they
would imitate his own example and that of
his Son, who would partake with them of
every danger. The intrepidity which ſtill
appeared in his Majeſty's face, and the com-
poſure with which he addreffed them,
warmed every heart, and made his troops
think the hours tedious till the approach of
their foes gave them an opportunity of
proving by their actions, what impreffion
his harangue had made on their minds,
After a ſhort repaſt they laid themſelves on
the grafs with their arms by their fides,
and in this pofture awaited the approach of
their enemies,
The French army, which had paffed the
night at Abbeville about four leagues diſtant,
began their march at fun-rife in haſte and
confufion,
[ 76 ]
confufion. Confident of fuccefs, and pre-
fuming on their numbers, they apprehended
they were marching to certain victory; they
confequently would fubmit to no regulation,
but ruſhed on in the greateſt diſorder.
Philip had difpatched four Noblemen to
diſcover the pofture of the English; by
them he was informed of their excellent
difpofition, and adviſed to defer giving
battle till the next day. The French King
faw the propriety of this advice; he was
fenfible that the diſorderly and fatigued con-
dition of his troops, tired with a long and
impetuous march, rendered them not a
match for their cool and intrepid enemies ;
he therefore gave his commands for a ge-
neral halt. But the rafhnefs and impe-
tuofity of the French nobility rendered it
impracticable to put theſe orders in exe-
cution. One divifion preffing upon another,
this immenfe body became ungovernable,
and was hurried on without order, till they
came within fight of their adverfaries. Ą
deadly palenefs diffuſed itſelf over the coun-
tenance
2
[ 77 ]
tenance of Philip, when he firft difcerned
the regularity and compoſure of the Engliſh ;
and he gave command to prepare for battle
with unuſual trepidation.
He divided his army as well as the ge-
neral confufion would admit into three di-
vifions. The charge of the van he com-
mitted to his brother the Count d'Alençon,
to John of Luxemburgh King of Bohemia,
and to Charles Marquis of Moravia, ſon of
the Bohemian King; accompanied by many
Nobles of diftinguiſhed rank. The firſt
line of this body confifted of fifteen thou-
fand Genoefe, armed with crofs-bows, and
led on by Antonio Doria and Carolo Gri-
maldi. The center the King commanded
in perfon; James King of Majorca, Prince
Albert the Elector Palatine, and Otho Duke
of Auſtria ferving under him. The rear
was brought up by the Earl of Savoy.
It was about three o'clock in the after-
noon before this unwieldy body, amounting
to
[ 8 ]
to upwards of one hundred and twenty
thouſand men, more than four times the
number of the English, could be ranged in
order of battle. The Genoefe were the firſt
to begin the attack; but whilft they were
preparing for the charge, a ſmart ſhower of
rain, with loud claps of thunder, for a
while withheld the contention: the air
however foon cleared, and the fun fhone
with redoubled power on the faces of the
French. The Genoefe had imprudently
neglected to cover the ftrings of their bows
during the fhower, fo that they were in a
manner uſeleſs; and they diſcharged their
firſt flight of arrows without doing any exe-
cution. The English archers, who had
not neglected this precaution, in their turn
poured upon them a fhower of well-aimed
darts, which inftantly put the Genoefe into
diforder; fo that no longer able to keep
their ranks, they retreated in confufion on
the French troops behind them. The
Count d'Alençon, finding himfelf thus in-
commoded, and enraged at their cowardice,
ordered
[ 19 ]
ordered his men to clear their way through
them with their fwords; and at the fame
time fpurred his horfe into the midſt of
them. This fiery Prince had offended
theſe troops before the engagement, when
they alledged how unfit they were for
battle, after a long wearifome march loaded
with armour: now, contrary to all policy,
inſtead of ſtriving to rally them, he endea-
voured to drive them from the field; where
they might at leaft have been of fervice in
receiving the firſt flights of Engliſh arrows.
From this imprudent conduct of the French
General, the Genoefe were not only mi-
ferably trodden under foot and put to the
fword, but great numbers of his own troops
being entangled with them, were expofed
to the arrows of the Engliſh archers, who
took their aim at the fpot where they per-
ceived the tumult and confufion was the
greateſt.
At length however the Count, with the
braveft of his men, having made their
way
[ 80 ]
It
way through the broken Genoeſe, attacked
with great fury the battalion, at the head
of which ſtood the Prince of Wales.
was now that this young Prince for the
first time had an opportunity of proving
that his valour was genuine, and that his
nerves were well ftrung. The Count was
received with fo much ſteadineſs and refo-
lution, that the greatest part of the forces
which attended him were cut to pieces.
The Prince of Wales had no fooner re-
pulfed this body, than three freſh ſqua-
drons, compofed of the moſt refolute French
and German troops, forced their way
through the archers, and came pouring in
upon him.
Theſe alfo he boldly with-
ftood; but the Earls of Warwick and Ox-
ford, apprehenfive for a life which, from
its budding glory, promifed to be fo
great
an ornament to his country, diſpatched a
meffenger to the King to inform him of his
Son's danger, and to beg he would move to
their affiftance.
King
[ 81 ]
King Edward had taken his ſtation at
the head of his corps de reſerve, which was
drawn up on the fummit of the hill, from
whence he had a view of the field of battle.
He had obferved the French ſtandards drop
apace, and was forming to himſelf pleafing
hopes of his Son's fuccefs, when the
Knight came to defire aid; he therefore
haftily enquired whether the Prince was
dead, wounded, or felled to the ground:
on his receiving an anſwer in the negative,
the King replied, "Go back and tell the
"Lords who fent you, that whilft
my Son
"is alive they will require my aid in vain;
'
" for I am refolved that the renown of
"this glorious day fhall belong to him,
"and thoſe brave Knights who ſhare the
danger with him. Let him therefore
"take pains to win his fpurs, and to de-
"ferve the honour of Knighthood which I
"have fo lately conferred
upon him."
Before the return of the meffenger the
Prince had behaved fo gallantly, and was
F
fo
[ 82 ]
prehenfions
fo well feconded by his troops, that the
Lords were forry they had betrayed any ap-
but no fooner was the anſwer
of his Majefty reported, than they all found
their ſpirits exhilarated, and with one mind
they determined to fupport the expectations
of their King, or die in the attempt. The
forces which had attacked them with fo
much impetuofity were confequently re-
pelled, and in a little time broken and
defeated.
This fuccefs encouraged the Prince, who
hitherto had acted on the defenfive, to ad-
vance; and being joined by the divifion
under the Earls of Arundel and Northamp-
ton, the archers were ordered to fall into
wings on each fide. In this firm battalion
they marched towards the French, who
met them with a gallant reſolution; pleaſed
with the thought that their deaths fhould
not be fent them at a diſtance, but that now
they might hand to hand contend for the
victory:
[ 83 ]
victory yet here alſo they found themſelves
unequal to the taſk.
The Marquis of Moravia, fon to the
King of Bohemia, was the firſt who renewed
the battle; but being wounded in three
places, his ftandard beaten to the ground,
and his men flain in heaps around him, he
with difficulty turned his horfe and rode
out of the field, having caft away his armour
that he might not be known.
The French King in perfon, with fome
Select troops, now made the laft effay to
turn the fortune of the day; but with fuch
ill fuccefs, that he was obliged to quit the
field with only fixty perfons in his com-
pany; yet not before he had given con-
vincing proofs of his valour:
wounded both in the neck and thigh, and
had one horſe killed under him; he was
difmounted alfo from a fecond, and had un-
doubtedly been flain or taken prifoner, if
Lord John of Hainault, his brother-in-law,
F 2
he was
had
!
[ 84
had not a third time remounted him, and
then taking hold of his horfe's bridle,
almoſt by force compelled him to leave the
battle. The royal fſtandard of France was
beaten to the ground, the ftandard-bearer
being killed in fight of the King; and
whilſt both nations warmly contended for
it, a French Knight difmounted from his
horſe, ripped it from its fhaft with his
fword, and wrapping it in folds about his
body, rode out of the field. From this
time the French made little or no oppofi-
tion; and night coming on, it gave an op-
portunity to more than half their army to
eſcape this they did in fuch ſmall parties,
as plainly fhewed that their defeat was de-
cifive and complete.
The Prince of Wales, unwilling to
hazard fo glorious a victory by breaking his
ranks, thought it not prudent to purſue
them he wifely confidered that the num-
bes which had eſcaped were ſtill fuperior to
his own forces; and that being augmented
by
[ 85 ]
by thoſe troops which were marching from
different quarters with all expedition to join
the French army before the battle, they
might rally and return to the charge. The
King his father approved of his conduct in
this reſpect, and ordered his army to pafs
the night on the field of battle.
It is almoſt incredible with how little
lofs this memorable victory was obtained:
neither the French or Engliſh hiftorians
take notice of more than three Knights and
one 'Squire killed in the battle on the fide
of the Engliſh; and it is evident, from the
hiſtory of the baronage of England, that
not one of the Nobility fell that day,
though most of them, as appears from the
fame authority, accompanied the King in
this expedition. On the part of the French
their lofs was irreparable; not fo much
from the number of troops flain, though at
leaft thirty thoufand lay dead on the field
of battle, as from the great flaughter of
their prime Nobility and Knights. There
F 3
fell
[ 86 ]
}
fell that day, befides the Kings of Bohemia
and Majorca, the Duke of Lorrain nephew
to the French King, Humbert Duke of
Vienne, and Lewis Earl of Flanders, all
fovereign Princes. Charles Count d'Alençon,
King Philip's brother, the Counts de Blois,
Vaudemont, Harcourt, Aumale, St. Paul,
and Sancerre, with many others of the
French Nobility; Grimaldi and Doria the
Genoefe Commanders, and nine German
Noblemen of diſtinction belonging to the
King of Bohemia's retinue, were numbered
among the flain. Theſe were accompanied
in their deaths by twenty-four Bannerets,
twelve hundred Knights, fifteen hundred
men at arms, and four thouſand 'Squires
on horſeback.
The King of Bohemia, who fhared in
this cataſtrophe, was the fon of Henry of
Luxemburgh, late Emperor of Germany;
he was a foldier of great reputation and
experience, but almoft blind through age,
and the lofs of one of his eyes in the Italian
wars,
[ 87 ]
1
wars. Before the engagement, being told
the poſition of the Engliſh army, he ſaid,
contrary to the confident opinion of the
French, "Then I fee they will either con-
66 quer or die.”
And when he found that
<6
❝
the former part of his prediction was nearly
verified, with an unparalleled fortitude he
called about him the chief Commanders
of his forces, and thus addreffed them:
"You have been my companions in many
a bloody field; and have ever obeyed my
commands with readinefs; receive there-
"fore with the fame refpect my laſt injunc
"tion; bring me forward that I
may deal
among theſe Engliſhmen one good ſtroke
"of my fword, and I fhall die with fatif-
"faction." Without heſitating they agreed
to obey him, though death fhould be the
refult of their obedience: and that they
might not by any extremity be feparated
from each other, they faſtened their horſes
bridles together; then putting themſelves
in the first rank of their own troops, they
courageoufly charged the Prince of Wales;
F 4
but,
{
[ 88 ]
but, unable to withstand the power of that
young hero and his valiant affiftants, they
were all flain, and the next day found dead
about the body of their King, with their
horfes bridles tied together. Thus fell the
noble and warlike King of Bohemia,
leaving the honour of his death to adorn
the blooming laurels of the young Prince
of Wales. His arms were three oftrich
feathers, with this motto, ICH DIEN,
fignifying in the German language I
SERVE; and his ftandard being taken
by the Prince, he afterwards uſed the ſame
device, which has ever fince been borne by
the Princes of Wales his fucceffors.
When night had put an end to the war-
like atchievements of that ever memorable
day, the Prince of Wales haftened to the
royal tent, and prefented himſelf before his
Father with all the humility of a truly
heroic mind: King Edward, whoſe heart
was fufceptible of every delicate paffion, at
the fight of the victorious Prince fprung
forward,
[ 89 ]
forward, and claſped him in his arms: a
flood of tumultuous joy deprived him for
a moment of the power of utterance; and
he ſtood enrapt, with his eyes turned
towards Heaven in gratitude for the pre-
fervation of fo valuable a life, At length
theſe unconnected fentences broke from
him, and ſpoke in fome degree the emotions
of his heart; "You are indeed my Son-
"I glory in my boy-this day have you
"nobly acquitted yourſelf, and deferve the
"Crown for which we have fought-the
"honour of the day be yours-perfevere
66
as you have begun, and be at once my
"comfort and my pride," Flattering as
this encomium was from fo good a judge of
merit, it did not infpire young Edward
with the leaſt degree of vanity or arrogance;
he bowed with a modeft air, and contented
himſelf with having contributed to his
Father's glory, and the honour of his
country.
In
[ 90 ]
In this ſcene our hero nearly equalled
any of the celebrated heroes of Greece or
Rome. Alexander wept when he entered
the tent of Darius; and gained greater ho-
nour by this ebullition of humanity than
from all his victories: Scipio reftrained
the tender emotions of his heart, and de-
livered back a Fair Captive to the arms of
her diſtracted Huſband, though at the ex-
pence of his happineſs; and the Prince of
Wales, with equal magnanimity, in all the
pride of youth, yet warm with the blood
of vanquished foes, and elated with fuccefs,
humbly laid his laurels at his Father's feet,
and with an unaffected modefty diſclaimed the
praiſes of furrounding heroes,
The moderation of King Edward alſo,
after this important victory, was equal to
the conduct he had fhewn in obtaining it :
`he commanded that none fhould infult the
inhabitants, or boaft of their fuccefs; and
by proclamation he granted a truce for three
days, that the French belonging to the
neighbouring
[ 91 ]
neighbouring towns may be at liberty to
bury their dead countrymen.
The bodies
of the principal perfonages he cauſed to be
conveyed in folemn pomp to Montreuil,
where they were depofited in the great
Abbey; the King himſelf and all his No-
bility attending their funerals.
Ever ready
to pay the reſpect due to merit, though in
an enemy, he ordered all military honours
to be paid to the memory of the old King
of Bohemia, and fent his body to the Mar-
quis his fon, who interred it at Luxem-
burgh.
The morning after the battle, which was
fought the 26th day of Auguſt 1346, the
King fent out parties in purfuit of the ſcat-
tered enemy.
A body of theſe under the
command of the Earls of Arundel, North-
ampton, and Suffolk, fell in with a con-
fiderable force commanded by the Archbishop
of Roan, and the grand Prior of France;
who, not having been informed of the defeat
of their countrymen, were marching to
join
[ 92 ]
}
join the grand army: but they foon fhared
the fame fate, both the Leaders with moſt
of their men being killed on the pot. The
greatest part alfo of thoſe who had fled from
the battle of Creffy, amounting nearly to
the number flain in the fight, were de-
ſtroyed next day by means of a ſtratagem:
the morning proving mifty, King Edward
ordered: fome of the ftandards which had
been taken the day before to be placed on
eminences, which decoyed numbers of the
ftragglers, who immediately fell victims to
their want of caution.
It is related by fome hiftorians, that the
French King had determined to make an
end of the war at once by the total deftruc-
tion of the Engliſh, and for that purpoſe
had brought into the field the great and
hallowed banner of France called Oriflambe,
believed in thofe fuperftitious ages to have
come down from Heaven; as this had never
been uſed before but against the Infidels,
and was always confidered as a warrant for
their
[ 93 ]
their extirpation, on this occafion alſo it was
ſuppoſed to grant the fame fanguinary
licence. From this circumftance King
Edward's orders for giving no quarters are
faid to have arifen; but it is more probable
that this ſevere charge proceeded from the
great difproportion between the numbers of
the French and Engliſh: had the latter
been allowed to break their ranks, and to
make priſoners of thofe that fubmitted, it
might have fo encumbered them as to oc-
cafion their own defeat; confequently King
Edward acted in this refpect with all the
precaution of a wife General, and thereby
avoided the barbarity of putting men to the
fword in cool blood, which one of his fuc-
ceffors, Henry the Fifth, thought it necef-
fary to do after the battle of Agincourt,
the priſoners he had taken exceeding the
number of his whole army.
The King of France retired (as ſaid be-
fore) out of the battle by favour of the
night, with not above fixty perfons in his
company,
3
[ 94 ]
company, of whom only five were Barons.
Thus flightly attended, this unhappy Mo-
narch reluctantly left the field, and rode
with great fpeed till he came to the Caſtle
of Broye, about two leagues from Creffy;
on his demanding entrance, the Governor
afked who it was that expected to be let in
at fo unfeaſonable an hour; the King re-
plied, "Open your gates quickly, for I am
the Fortune of France." His Majefty pro
bably thought, in that diftreffing moment,
how falfe a title his flatterers had graced
him with, when they uſed to term him
Le-bien-fortune, the Fortunate. Adverfity
clears the mental ray from every delufive
charm, and reduces the moſt haughty mind
to its proper ſtandard. The King was im-
mediately admitted; but not thinking him-
felf ſecure ſo near his enemies, after he had
taken fome refreſhment he fet out for
Amiens. Having now leifure to reflect on
the cauſes of his ill fuccefs, he blamed
feveral of his Knights, and was fo highly
incenſed at the Lord Gondemar de Faye, for
fo
$
[ 95 ]
fo badly defending the paffage over the
Somme, that had he been near, it would have
coft him his head: but Lord Beaumont, to
foften the King's difpleaſure, with great
reafon obferved, that if his Majefty himſelf,
with a much fuperior army of choſen troops,
was not able to withſtand the puiffance of
the King of England, how was it to be
expected that Gondemar with his fmall force
fhould prevail againſt him? This pertinent
obfervation pacified the King, and faved
Gondemar from any further cenfure.
to
From this time, impreffed with all the
horrors of their fituation, the French began
to call the young Prince of Wales,
whoſe ſkill and courage they principally at-
tributed their difgrace, Le Noir, the Black
Prince; and fo familiar did this title be-
come, that in a record made in the early
part of the reign of Richard the Second, his
fon, he is fo ftyled.
King
[ 96 ]
King Edward now marched with his
victorious army towards Calais, which he
intended to beſiege he knew that this im-
portant fortreſs was impregnable, but being
freed by the late decifive engagement from
any interruption, he determined to reduce
it by famine; to this purpoſe he choſe a
ſecure ſtation for his camp, and drew in-
trenchments round the whole town.
Whilſt he patiently waited in this fitu
ation the furrender of the garriſon, he ſent
the Prince of Wales into England to raiſe
fupplies this young Prince was not only
qualified for the hardy encounters of war,
but his good fenfe and penetration enabled
him, even at this early age, to fhine in the
equally arduous tranfactions of the cabinet.
His uncommon valour and amiable accom-
pliſhments rendered him fo beloved by the
Engliſh, that they granted him with cheer-
fulneſs the ſupplies he required, and fub-
mitted with readineſs to his prudent regu-
lations
[ 97 ]
lations for their domeftic quiet during the
abfence of his Father.
At this period the English name was
raiſed to a pitch of eminence never known
before; beſides the unexampled atchieve-
ments of the King and Prince, Queen Phi-
lippa, willing to fhew that ſhe was not un-
worthy her alliance with fo warlike a
family, endeavoured to rival them in noble
deeds. The Scots taking advantage of the
King's abfence, had entered England at the
head of fifty thousand men, and carried
their ravages and devaſtations to the gates
of Durham : but the Queen affembling
an army of about twelve thouſand men,
which the entruſted to the command of
Lord Piercy, marched to oppoſe them: fhe
found them encamped at Neville's Crofs
near that city, and immediately gave orders
that they ſhould be attacked. When the
armies were drawn up and ready for the en-
gagement, this heroic Lady rode through
the ranks, exhorting her troops to do their
Ꮐ
duty,
{[ 98 ]
duty, and to ſtrive to emulate the noble deeds
of their countrymen at Crefly: nor could
ſhe be perfuaded to leave the field till they
were on the point of engaging. Her intre-
pidity fo animated the Engliſh, that their
enemies were unable to withſtand their im-
petuous attacks; they were conſequently
foon routed, and chaced off the field with
the lofs of ten thousand men. Never did
the Scots receive a more fatal blow; for
befides the numbers flain, among whom
were many of confiderable rank, the King
of Scotland himſelf was taken prifoner, with
moſt of his furviving Nobility.
The victorious Queen having, on her re-
turn to London, fecured her royal priſoner
in the Tower, croffed the fea at Dover,
attended by her Son, who had now executed
the commiffion his Father had entruſted
him with. She was received in the Engliſh
camp before Calais with all the triumph
due to her rank, her merit, and her fuc-
cefs. In thofe ages gallantry was inter-
woven
[ 99 ]
woven with bravery in the hearts of our
great anceſtors; and many fucceffive days
were devoted to tournaments and feafts, to
celebrate the glorious deeds of this Royal
Heroine.
The town of Calais was ftill defended
with remarkable conftancy by the garrifon
and inhabitants; and notwithſtanding the
fiege had continued to an unuſual length,
there feemed no probability of King Ed-
ward's withdrawing his troops. The
French King therefore determined at laft
to attempt their relief: he accordingly drew
together an immenfe army, amounting to
near two hundred thouſand men; but found.
the Engliſh Monarch fo furrounded by mo-
raffes, and fecured by entrenchments, that
he concluded it impoffible to force his
camp: Philip was therefore obliged to re-
tire, and to diſperſe his troops in their fe-
veral provinces, without completing his
purpoſe.
G 2
t
John
+
[ 100 ]
*
John de Vienne, Governor of Calais,
now faw the neceffity of furrendering the
fortrefs, which was reduced to the laft ex-
tremity by famine and the fatigue of the in-
habitants. He appeared upon the walls, and
made a ſignal to the Engliſh centinels, that
he defired a conference. Sir Walter Manny
was fent to him by King Edward, to whom
the Governor thus addreffed himſelf
"Brave Knight, the defence of this town
has been intrufted to me by my Sove-
66
66
❝ in me.
66
reign; and you are witneffes with what
fidelity I have diſcharged the truſt repofed
It is almoſt a year fince
you be-
fieged me; during which time I have
"endeavoured to do my duty. As we are
"now periſhing with hunger, I am willing
to furrender, on condition that the lives
and liberties of thoſe who have bravely
affifted me are preferved." Sir Walter
replied, “That as he was well acquainted
with the King of England's intentions,
"he could not give him any hopes that
"his requeſt would be granted: he affured
" him
[ HOT ]
him that his Mafter was greatly exafpe-
"rated againſt the townſmen of Calais for
"their obftinate refiftance, through which'
"he had loft a great number of valuable
ſubjects, and therefore he was determined
"to take exemplary vengeance on them;
nor would he receive the town under
CC
66
'
" men
66
are
any restrictions to his anger." "Con-
fider," returned Vienne, that brave
entitled to better treatment.
"Can your King condemn in us that
fidelity and courage which he would
expect from his own fubjects in the fame
"fituation? Can fo gallant a Prince as
"Edward wiſh to treat with feverity the
"inhabitants of Calais, for a conduct
"which in the eyes of the unprejudiced
"merits immortal honour? far be it from
‹ him ; but if his determination is unal-
66
66
terable, let him know that we will not
perifh unrevenged: that fortitude which
"has hitherto fupported us through fo
66 many difficulties, will enable us to defpife
death, or any punishment he is able to
66
G3
"inflict:
[102]
"inflict: we wish not however for thefe
"extremities, and recommend ourſelves,
"courteous Knight, to your interceffion im
"our behalf."
Sir Walter, ftruck with the juſtice of
theſe ſentiments, and the noble manner im
which they were delivered, repreſented to
the King, on his return, the loſs that muſt
unavoidably ariſe from driving fuch deter-
mined perfons to defperation. His argu-
ments prevailed, and Edward was at laft
perfuaded to mitigate the rigour of his de-
mands: he only infifted, that fix of the
moft confiderable citizens fhould be fent to
him, to be difpofed of as he thought pro-
per; that they ſhould come to his camp
barefooted, and with uncovered heads, hav
ing ropes about their necks, and carrying
the keys of the city in their hands: on
theſe conditions he promiſed to fpare the
lives of all the reſt.
6
This
[ 103 ]
This determination afforded an oppor-
tunity for an exertion of the trueft heroifm
that ever graced any age or nation. When
the inhabitants of Calais were informed of
this rigorous exaction, their confternation
was inexpreffible: though each had bravely
ventured his life, and borne all the incon-
veniencics of hunger and fatigue when it
was the common lot, when fupported by
example, and urged by emulation, yet,
where could be found a few fo truly pa-
triotic as to foar above their fellow-citizens,
and to facrifice their lives for the public
benefit? A folemn filence ſpoke for a few
moments the weaknefs of human nature,
and the force of that innate principle, the
love of life. At length one of the chief
Burghers, Euftace de St. Pierre, whofe
name the Hiftorian has recorded, and whofe
public fpirit Fame will perpetuate to lateſt
ages, ftepped forth, and declared himſelf
willing to encounter death for the ſafety of
his companions.
The facred flame in an
inftant fpread from breaſt to breaft, and the
number
G 4
[ 104 ]
number required voluntarily offered them-
felves. No fooner were the victims felected
and prepared for the facrifice, than they
were led to the Engliſh Monarch's tent.
en-
Recollection of the many brave fubjects
he had loft from the dangers of the fea, and
the change of feaſons to which they had
been expoſed during fo long a ſiege, ren-
dered Edward's heart infenfible to the voice
of humanity, and he ordered them to be
led away to immediate execution. In vain
did the Prince of Wales, in whofe breaft
mercy fat enthroned with valour,
treat his Father to fpare his emaciated pri-
foners, whofe prowefs was no longer to be
dreaded, and whofe virtues deſerved
gentler fate.
Edward continued inexorable,
and put a stop to his Son's folicitations by
reminding him, that in the determinations of
a Monarch, when a public example is re-
quired, Mercy muft fometimes give place
to Juftice. The Prince reluctantly yielded
to his Father's decifion, and drew back in
filence,
a
[ 105 I
filence, whilſt the tear of pity trickled down
his cheek.
The King now repeated his nod of con-
demnation, and the Officers were on the
point of leading the virtuous fufferers to a
conclufion of their woes, when the Queen,
who had hitherto fat in breathlefs expec-
tation, threw herſelf on her knees before
his Majefty with a Mother's fondneſs fhe
wiſhed to yield the merit of their prefer-
vation to her Son, and had only aided his
petition by diffufing a fupplicating tender-
neſs over her lovely countenance; but no
fooner did the perceive that his intreaties
were unavailing, than in an inſtant ſhe was
proftrate before her Husband, befeeching
him, in the most pathetic terms, to mo-
derate his rigorous fentence: "It is the
“firſt requeſt I have made to my Lord,'
the cried, "fince I braved the dangers of
"war for his glory, and the perils of the
"fea to fhew him my duty and love: let
"me not therefore be denied." Edward,
unable
[ 106 ]
unable to withstand the fair Petitioner,
raiſed her tenderly from the ground, and
configned his prifoners to her difpofal. A
murmur of applaufe, which even the pre-
fence of Royalty could not reftrain, broke
from the furrounding Peers, and proclaimed
the triumph of Humanity.
The Engliſh nation has been ever famed
for exerciſing a generous pity towards their
vanquished enemies, whenever felf-prefer-
vation did not forbid. Even the prefent
inflexibility of King Edward was in fome
degree warranted by the obftinacy of his
opponents: happy however was it for him,
that he fuffered his natural tenderneſs to be
aroufed by the intreaties of his Queen, or
this act of ſeverity would have blafted his
fame, and have weighed down in the fcale
of juſtice every heroic deed he could have
placed againſt it.
The Queen's humane interference in be-
half of the deferving citizens did not end
here:
[ 107 ]
here the ordered them to be carried to her
tent, to which in a fhort time fhe retired,
attended by the Prince of Wales; there ſhe
cauſed a repaſt to be fet before her famiſhed
guefts, and prefenting them with money
and clothes, difmiffed them in fafety. In
return for this generous conduct ſhe received
the grateful offerings of their hearts, and
the applauſe of admiring nations, the moft
pleafing tribute to a truly noble mind.
Immediately after King Edward had taken
poffeffion of Calais, the Prince of Wales
penetrated with a ftrong detachment of the
army upwards of thirty leagues into the
kingdom of France; and having ravaged
the country round about unoppoſed, he re-
tired again to his Father loaden with
booty.
Whilft the King remained at Calais, a
league was concluded, through the inter-
ceffion of the Pope's Legates, between the
contending nations, which continued with
various
[ 108 ]
various prolongations for fome years. As
foon as this was fettled, he returned with
his family to England; but meeting with
a dreadful tempeft, in which feveral of the
ſhips that eſcorted him were loft, he could
not help remarking, that in his paffage to
France the wind and feas always befriended
him; whereas on his return he met with
adverſe ſtorms and deftructive tempefts.
This obfervation probably cheriſhed his
hopes of fome time or other being able to
get poffeffion of that kingdom to which the
winds fo readily wafted him; an event
which feems to have been his favourite
wiſh, as fome authors tell us, that he
refuſed to accept of the dignity of Emperor
of Germany, which happening about this
time to be vacant, he was folicited by the
Electors to receive, that it might not impede
his deſigns on France.
The English received their victorious
Monarch and his valiant Son with the
loudeſt acclamations; and they entered the
city
[ 109 ]
city of London in triumph. The Queen
alſo ſhared in the honour of the day; nor
was her victory over the Scots, or her hu-
mane interpofition in favour of the citizens
of Calais forgotten.
During this peaceful period the Engliſh
Nobles, who could not remain inactive,
took great delight in jufts and tournaments,
the paſtimes of the age: the Prince of
Wales, who was held in high reſpect for
his worth and valour, diftinguiſhed himſelf
in the exerciſe of theſe knightly ſports;
but it was not long before he was called
again to action by the French, who were
on the point of regaining poffeffion of Calais
by treachery,
On the furrender of that town, King
Edward gave the government of it to Sir
Emeric de Pavia, an Italian, who had dif
covered great bravery and conduct in the
wars, but who was devoid of every prin-
ciple of honour and fidelity. The Lord
Geoffrey
L
[
110 ]
لبط
Geoffrey Charni,
Charni,
who commanded the
French forces on the frontiers, found means
to corrupt the Governor; and agreed with
him to deliver up the town for twenty
thouſand crowns of gold. This was be-
trayed to Edward by one of the Secretarics
of Sir Emeric, who retained his allegiance.
The King foon after fummoned the Italian
to London on other pretences; and he, judg-
ing it impoffible that a treafon tranfacted fo
privately fhould be difcovered, obeyed the
fummons with great readineſs: but what
was his furprize when he found his Royal
Mafter acquainted with his guilt! The po-
litic King however feeing the uſe which
might be made of this diſcovery, as the
terms of the agreement were not yet exe-
cuted, affured the Governor of his forgive-
nefs, on condition that he would turn the
perfidious contract to the deftruction of his
enemies. Sir Emeric, glad to have eſcaped
the puniſhment due to his difloyalty, pro-
mifed his Mafter that he would enter with
readineſs into his fcheme, and purfue with
punctuality
[ III ]
punctuality any plan he fhould lay down,
The King only infifted that he fhould in-
form him as foon as the day was fixed, and
then difmiffed him,
The laſt night in December being agreed
on between Lord Geoffrey and the Governor
for the delivery of the town, the latter
punctually fent notice to the King, who
was then keeping his Chriſtmas at Havering
in Effex without interrupting the feftivity
of his court, he marched privately to Dover,
with a felect body of men whom he had
kept near him for that purpoſe, and arrived
on the appointed evening at Calais. This
was done with fo much difpatch and fecrefy,
that only a few of his principal Officers
knew that he was himſelf arrived. Having
difpofed of his men in different parts of the
town, he appointed Sir Walter Manny to
the command of the enterprize, telling him,
that he would grace him with the honour of
it, as both himſelf and the Prince of Wales
intended to fight under his banner.
The
[ 112 ]
The Lord Geoffrey Charni having fur-
niſhed himſelf with a chofen body of troops
approached Calais about midnight: he im-
mediately drew up his men near the walls,
and fent two 'Squires to the gate appointed,
to know if Sir Emeric was ready finding
that he was there, expecting the completion
of their agreement, Lord Charni diſpatched
twelve Knights with two hundred men to
take poffeffion of the Caftle, and at the fame
time to deliver the gold to the Governor:
but they had ſcarcely entered the gates,
when they were furrounded and made pri-
foners. Sir Walter and his forces, among
whom were the King and the Prince of
Wales, difguifed in plain armour, now
rushed out with fhouts of victory. The
French, finding themſelves betrayed, were
at firſt in ſome confufion; but they in-
ſtantly recovered from their aftoniſhment,
and a fierce and bloody engagement enſued.
As the morning broke the King remarked
a French Knight, named Sir Euftace de
Ribemont,
[113]
Ribemont, who exerted himſelf with fin-
gular vigour and bravery: as no man more
admired valour, or poffeffed a greater ſhare
of it than himſelf, he was inflamed with
a defire of trying a fingle combat with him;
he therefore ſtepped forth from the bat-
talion in which he fought, and challenging
him by name (for he was known to him)
began a fharp encounter: the conteft was
long and obftinate, and the English Mo-
narch found in the French Knight a com-
batant worthy his puiffant arm. Twice
was he beaten to the ground, and each time
inftantly recovering himſelf like Antæus,
he preffed on his foe with redoubled vigour ;
till Sir Euftace, finding himfelf almoſt left
alone, cried out, "Brave Knight, I yield
"to your fuperior prowess; nor bluſh to
"be overcome by ftrength like yours."
He then gave up his fword to his unknown
antagoniſt, and became his prifoner.
By this time the defeat was general, and
of the whole French army few eſcaped either
death
H
[ 114 ]
death or captivity. The Prince of Wales
fell not ſhort of his Royal Father in the
valorous tranfactions of that day. Lord
Geoffrey Charni being previously wounded,
was taken prifoner with feveral other No-
blemen.
After this victory, which was happily
completed on the first of January 1349, by
ten in the morning, King Edward returned
with his prifoners to Calais, where he
treated them with the greateſt courteſy, and
invited them to a magnificent entertain-
ment. On the refumption of his ftate the
French firſt knew that his Majefty had been
perfonally in this exploit; and Sir Euſtace
de Ribemont difcovered, with pleaſure, to
what a noble antagoniſt he had delivered up
his ſword.
When the banquet was prepared, the
King fat at a table by himſelf, the Prince
his Son, with the Lords and Knights of
Engind, attending at the firft courfe; but
at
[115]
at the ſecond they all fat down at tables placed
on each fide of the hall: the French Knights
were feated at one long table in the middle of
it; and the viands being removed, the King
arofe and entered graciouſly into converſation
with them.
Geoffrey
As he approached Lord
Charni, he looked at him for a moment
with fome difpleafure; but that magnani-
mity for which his Majefty was famed foon
refumed its empire in his heart, and he ad-
dreffed him with complacence and fami-
liarity. Lord Geoffrey, though fenfible of
the King's condefcenfion, was unable from
his wounds, and a confcioufnefs of his in-
tended treachery, to return any anſwer.
He then moved towards Sir Euftace de
Ribemont, and with a friendly countenance
thus fpoke his approbation of the noble
ftand he had made against him in the field:
"Of all men living, Sir Euftace, you are
"the Knight whom I have found moft,
H 2
* C
as
[ 116
116 ]
"as well in offending your enemies, as in
"defending yourfelf; and I never, in my
66
life, met with that man that
gave me fo
"much ado, body to body, as you have
"done this day: wherefore I adjudge the
prize of Knighthood unto you, by right
“ſentence, above all the Knights of my
He then took off a chaplet
of pearls from his head, and preſenting it
to his prifoner, thus continued to addrefs
him : "I give you, Sir Euftace, this
• court
66
chaplet, for the beſt doer in arms at this
"laſt battle of either party, whether French
66
or Engliſh; and I defire you to wear it
this year at feſtivals for my fake. You
* I have given my Readers this fpeech in the language
of the times, as it will convey to them fome idea of the
rough and unlettered manners of that age. The intrepid
and generous deeds of thofe unpolifhed Sons of War
wanted not the aid of rhetoric to point out their merit,
or to blazon them to the world. Even the language of
Love was then fimple and unadorned; it was the lan-
guage of the heart, nor needed any fallacious explana-
tions to enfure belief, or to render it perfuafive.
66
are
[ 117 ]
117]
<6
"are a perfonable Gentleman, young and
amorous and well accepted among the
"Ladies; wherefore if you will wear it in
"all public balls, and declare unto them,
"that the King of England gave this as
''
a teftimony of your valour, I will now
"releaſe you, quitting you wholly of your
"ranfom." Sir Euftace expreffed his gra-
titude for this honourable acknowledgment;
and not only wore the chaplet whilſt he
lived, but in memory of this royal gift
from fo renowned a Prince, his family ever
after bore for their arms three chaplets gar-
niſhed with pearls.
This treachery of the French, attempted
whilſt yet the truce exifted, juftly re-
bounded on their own heads. But the
King of France was fo enraged at the dif
appointment, that, having betrayed Sir
Emeric de Pavia into his hands, he put him
to death with every mark of infamy: he
H 3
was
[ 118 ]
1
was firſt degraded of Knighthood *; then
branded with a hot iron; his tongue cut out
as a puniſhment for his perfidy; and after
being hanged, he was beheaded and quar-
tered as a traitor, The English Monarch
fought not to revenge either this fresh
breach of the truce, or his fubject's death;
only from the day that he reſcued Calais he
gave the command of it to Lord John Beau-
champ. So certain is it that the perfidious
never regain the confidence of thoſe they
have betrayed.
About this time King Edward, whoſe
mind was always intent on the attainment
of honour, inſtituted the order of the Garter,
in imitation of fome orders of a like na-
ture which had been eftablifhed in different
* When a Knight is to fuffer death for any crime, he
is first degraded, by having his military girdle ungirt,
his fword taken away, his fpurs hewn from his heels
with a hatchet, his gauntlet plucked off, and his coat of
arms reverfed.
kingdoms:
[ 119 ]
kingdoms: theſe were of two forts, reli-
gious or military; the principal among
the former were the Knights of the Holy
Sepulchre, the Knights Hofpitallers, the
Knights Templars, and the Teutonick
Knights; orders inftituted about the twelfth
century, during the time of the holy wars (as
they were termed) and foon after the city
of Jerufalem was retaken from the Saracens
by the Chriftians. Theſe Knights at firſt
were enjoined to guard the Holy Sepulchre,
to protect and accommodate Pilgrims, to
redeem Chriſtian Captives, and various other
duties which a refidence on the fpot required.
But on the lofs of the Holy Land, they
retired to the reſpective countries from whence
they had peregrinated, where they preferved
their original inftitutions for fome ages.
Among all the military orders inftituted
throughout Europe, of which there were
many different denominations, the Knights
of the Round Table, founded by Arthur,
King of Britain, may for antiquity chal-
H 4
lenge
[ 20 ]
120
lenge the first place.
This Prince was
crowned in the year 516, when he was
only fifteen years of age; and though many
fabulous ftories are added to his hiftory, his
name is defervedly celebrated among the
heroes which have graced this ifland: he
long propped up the declining honour of
his country, and by his great example re-
newed the exhaufted courage of his fubjects.
His renown for warlike atchievements was
fo extenfive, that many worthy Cavaliers
came from every country to his court, both
to improve themſelves in chivalry, as being
the feminary of military difcipline, and to
acquire applaufe by the proofs they gave of
their valour,
This furnished him with an opportunity
of felecting from thefe ftrangers and his
own fubjects, twenty-four of the moſt va-
liant Knights, whom he united in the bonds
of fellowſhip by fome regulations which
have not withstood the ravages of time and
ignorance. The only part of the infti-
tution
[ 121
tution which we are acquainted with is, that
to avoid all diſpute about precedency, he
caufed a round table to be made for the ce-
lebration of their public feafts, from whence
the order had its appellation. To this fo-
ciety he admitted not only Britons but Fo-
reigners, if they were perfons of nobility,
and renowned for their virtue and valour;
theſe were indifpenfable qualifications. The
place where this order was inftituted was
Windfor, and the time of their convening
Whitfuntide. In Wincheſter Caftle there
was a large round table, called and affirmed
to be King Arthur's; or at leaſt ſet up in
the room of one more ancient which had
been deſtroyed. It is not recorded that this
order furvived its founder: it is more pro-
bable that it expired with him; moſt of
thoſe Knights who had been honoured with
a place at his table perifhing by his fide in
the battle of Kamblan, now Camelsford, in
Cornwall, where, though he killed his enemy
Mordred, yet he fell himſelf,
King
[ 122 ]
King Edward, to whom the heroic vir
tues and military ſpirit of Arthur feems to
have defcended, being engaged in continual
wars with France, made ufe of the fame
method his warlike predeceffor had done, to
bring to his court all the valiant Knights of
the age: to this purpoſe, as early as the year
1344, the eighteenth of his reign, he
formed the deſign of reftoring King Arthur's
round table; he accordingly iffued out or-
ders for the fafe conduct of foreign Knights,
to try their ſkill at folemn jufts to be held
near Windfor.
At the time appointed great
numbers of accompliſhed Cavaliers came to
his court, whom the King entertained
with great hofpitality, and endeavoured to
attach to his intereſt by every act of cour-
tefy; but perceiving that after their depar-
ture, being unconftrained and at liberty,
fome of them entered into the fervice of
his adverſary in the enfuing wars, he re-
folved to project fome means to fecure thoſe
whom he thought fit to make his affociates,
by more felect and lafting bonds. To this
2
purpofe
[ E
123 ]
purpoſe he inſtituted the order of the Gar-
ter, which, if we confider its antiquity,
and the dignity of the perfonages who have
been enrolled therein, greatly excells every
other honorary inſtitution.
From whence it derives its denomination
of the Garter is at this time uncertain:
the vulgar and general opinion is, that the
Countess of Salisbury dropping accidently
her garter as fhe danced at a ball, King Ed-
ward ſtooping, took it from the ground;
whereupon, feeing fome of his Nobles fmile,
he turned it off with this reply in French,
"Honi foit qui mal y penfe-Shame be to
"him that evil thinks of it:" but in retort
for their laughter he further added, "That
fhortly they fhould fee that garter ad-
"vanced to fo high an honour, as to ac-
"count themſelves happy in wearing it."
66
Upon examination of this tradition there
appears very little reafon to give it credit;
for Sir John Froiffart, the only cotem-
porary
.
[ 124 ]
porary writer that treats of this inftitution,
affigns it no fuch origin; nor is there any thing
mentioned to that purpoſe by any of the
Engliſh Hiſtorians for two hundred years
after. Polydore Virgil was the first who
took occafion to fay fomething of it, but
without aſcertaining to whom the garter
belonged; cautiously declining to pronounce
whether it was the King's Miftrefs's or the
Queen's. Befides, in the original ſtatutes
of the order, there is not the leaſt conjecture
to countenance fuch a conceit; and the
ingenious Doctor Heylin treats this incident
as a mere fable: theſe are his words; " I
"take it to be a vain and idle romance,
derogatory both to the founder and the
order, firft publiſhed by Polydore Virgil,
"a ftranger to the affairs of England, and
by him taken on no better ground than
"the tradition of the common people;
"too trifling a foundation for ſo great a
building."
66
..
66
66
Of
[ 125 ]
Of the fame contexture as the former is
another tradition in Andrew du Chefne;
"That the Queen departing from the
King to her own apartments, and he fol-
66
66
lowing foon after, chanced to eſpy a blue
garter lying on the ground; whilſt ſome
"of his attendants carelessly paffed it by,
66
as difdaining to ſtoop for ſuch a trifle:
"the King knowing the owner, com-
"manded it to be given him; at the re-
ceipt of which he faid, You make but
"fmall account of this garter; but within
a few months I will cauſe the beſt of you
"to reverence it." Some fuppofe that the
motto was the Queen's anfwer, when the
King aſked her what men would conjec-
ture upon her lofing her garter in fuch a
manner.
Both relations are probably far diftant
from the fact, and an amorous inftead of
an honourable account has been falfely ren-
dered of this inftitution. It has thus fared
with other orders of fovereign foundation;
as
}
[ 126 ]
as the order of the Annunciade in Savoy,
and of the Golden Fleece in Burgundy.
There is a third opinion which feems to
approach neareſt to the truth: King
Richard the Firft, firnamed Coeur de Lion,
whilft his forces were employed in the re-
duction of Acon, being extremely harraffed
with the fiege, bethought himſelf of a
device to infpire his principal officers with
fresh courage. Superftition fays it was
done by the affiftance and mediation of Saint
George. He tied a leathern garter, the
beſt at that time to be procured, around his
own leg, and thofe of a confiderable num-
ber of Knights, thereby intending to dif
tinguiſh them for their courage, and to
raiſe a fpirit of emulation among them: it
had the defired effect, but was only a tem-
porary inſtitution.
When therefore King Edward determined
to eſtabliſh a lafting union among the moſt
deferving of his Knights, it is not impro-
bable
3
[ 127 ]
bable that he recollected this contrivance of
his valiant predeceffor, and approving of the
method, continued it in a more grand and
ceremonious manner. By this fymbol he
defigned to bind the Knights and Fellows
of it mutually to each other, and all of
them jointly to himſelf as Sovereign of the
order at the fame time intending that it
ſhould ſerve as an incentive to honour and
martial virtue. To draw the bonds of
amity more cloſe, the King caufed thoſe
who were of the order to be called Fellows,
Affociates, Brethren, or Knight-Compa-
nions; whilſt to reprefent how they fhould
be united in all the various turns of fortune,
he cauſed them to be habited exactly alike :
and as he laid claim to the kingdom of
France, he inferred by the motto *; "" Honi
"foit qui mal y penfe," that he retorted
"
defiance
* That age abounded with mottoes and devices ;
King Edward in particular was fo exceffively addicted to
them, that his apparel, plate, beds, houthold furniture,
ſhields, and even the harneſs of his horfes were not with-
out
[128]
defiance on him who fhould dare to think
amifs of ſo juſt an enterprize.
Hiftorians differ greatly about the time
this order was inftituted: it is probable the
order of the Round Table was renewed
fome years before that of the Garter was
eftabliſhed: from concurrent circumftances
it appears to have been about the year 1349,
the twenty-third of Edward's reign, and
Windfor, where King Arthur had firſt ce-
lebrated his inftitution, was fixed on by
him for the ceremony. When he had ap-
pointed the day and place, and made the
neceffary preparations for keeping the firſt
grand feftival of his new order, he fent his
Heralds into the neighbouring kingdoms to
invite all Knights to fhew their military
out them. The following mottó which was wrought
on his furcoat and fhield worn at a tournament, will
ſerve as a ſpecimen of them, and fhew how unintelligible
and infignificant they now appear.
Hay, hay, the Whyte Swan,
By God's foul I am the map.
prowess,
[ 129 ]
prowess, and to perform other public ex-
erciſes proper to the occafion.
to the occafion. Agreeable
to this invitation, many gallant Cavaliers
came over to fignalize their valour; and
what greatly added to the ſplendour of the
folemnity was, the prefence of Queen Phi-
lippa, attended by three hundred of the
faireft Ladies, bedecked with all imaginable
gaiety.
St. George of Cappadocia, that gallant
Chriſtian champion and martyr, was choſen
by King Edward as one of the patrons of
this order, he having been always eſteemed
the ſpecial guardian and protector of Eng-
land; from whence this order came to be
ſtiled the order of St. George. The founder
alfo added another patron, whofe name he
bore himſelf, namely Edward the Con-
feffor and we find he was wont to invoke
both theſe Saints in any great difficulties
and ftreights. At the fkirmiſh near Calais,
lately recited, being hard preffed, he paffi-
onately cried out at every blow, Ha, St.
Edward!
;
I
[ 130 ]
Edward! Ha, St. George! which his fol-
diers hearing, they ran to his aid, and ena-
bled him to put the French to flight.
The ftatutes of this inftitution were fo
judiciouſly devifed, and compacted upon
fuch a folid foundation of honour and dig-
nity, that they afterwards became a prece-
dent to other orders. It is alfo much in its
favour that the number of the Knights-
Companions have never been encreaſed; for
as they were originally twenty-fix with the
Sovereign, fo they ftill continue; whilft
the infringement of this reftriction has
brought feveral other military orders into
contempt and ruin. No order of Knight-
hood was ever graced with the companion-
ſhip of fo many fovereign Princes; Em-
perors having efteemed it the fummit of
their glory, and the higheſt trophy of ho-
nour, to be enrolled in the number: it en-
titles thofe Knights and Noblemen whofe
virtue has raiſed them to this eminence, to
be companions and affociates with Kings;
an
[ 131 ]
?
an inestimable prerogative, and a recom-
pence for the greateſt merit. The ordi-
nances and obligations of this inftitution
tend not only to fortify the minds of its
Knights with courage and perfeverance, but
to promote the gentler virtues; and in theſe
the firſt companions felected by the royal
inftitutor abounded in an eminent degree.
On the whole, every regulation must con-
vince poſterity of the goodneſs of the heart
and dignity of the fentiments of its founder,
Edward the Third.
The Prince of Wales was the firft of
theſe illuſtrious Companions; nor has ſuc-
ceeding ages ever produced a Knight, fo
fraught by nature with thoſe virtues and
accompliſhments required to grace the in-
ftitution.
The habit and enfigns of this order are
too well known to need a minute defcrip-
tion: the garter, the mantle, the furcoat,
and the collar, contribute to make it the
moft
I 2
[ 132 ]
}
moft fuperb and becoming drefs that can be
devifed. The materials of which they were
firſt compofed, except the mantle, are at
preſent unknown; but of thoſe wrought
in later ages particular accounts have been
given.
The garter fent to Emanuel Duke of
Savoy, in the reign of Philip and Mary,
was fet with letters of goldfmith's work,
the buckle and pendant of the fame, and on
the pendant a ruby with a pearl hanging at
the end. That made for the Emperor
Maximilian, by order of Queen Elizabeth,
was richly wrought with letters of gold,
fet off and garnifhed with ftones; the buckle
and pendant weighing three ounces, were
richly ſet with rubies and diamonds. The
French King, Henry the Fourth, had one
of purple velvet embroidered with letters of
gold, and decked with diamonds and rubies.
But the garter fent to Guftavus Adolphus,
King of Sweden, by Charles the Firſt, out-
vied all others conferred by former Sove-
reigns;
[ لما
133 ]
]
reigns; each letter of the motto being com-
pofed of ſmall diamonds, and for every ſtop
a diamond, within a range of the fame on
the fides of the garter; which, including
thofe on and about the buckle, amounted
to four hundred and eleven.
The form of the mantle is fimilar to the
ancient pallium or toga of the Greeks and
Romans. Thoſe prepared by command of
the founder againſt the firſt feaſt of this
order appear to have been of fine woollen
cloth; and it is not improbable, that this
material was chofen by him rather than any
thing richer, to give a preference to the ma-
nufactory of his own country: how long
thefe continued to be worn is uncertain;
but the firſt time we difſcover them to be
made of velvet, is about the beginning of
the reign of Henry the Sixth. The colour
of them was originally blue, or as it was
fometimes termed of celeſtial colour;
the reign of Queen Elizabeth it was changed
to purple; but they were reftored to their
former
I 3
in
[ 34 ]
former hue by a particular order of King
Charles the First, at the inftallation of his
Son the Prince of Wales. The left fhoul-
der of each of theſe mantles have, from the
inftitution, been adorned with a large fair
garter containing the motto of the order:
within this garter are the arms of St.
George, viz. argent a crofs gules, which
heretofore was wrought in fattin with gold,
filver, and filk; but in defcending times.
greater expence and magnificence became
the practice of the order, for it was embroi-
dered upon velvet with damafk, gold, and
feveral forts of twifts; the letters of the
motto and borders of the garter being com
pofed of fair oriental pearl. The garter
fixed upon the mantle of King Charles the
Second was encircled with large oriental
pearls; as were not only the letters of the
motto, but the crofs within.
The furcoat or kirtle, the third enfign of
the order, anfwers to the tunica of the Ro-
mans, and was worn like that next under
the
[ 135 ]
the toga it was girt cloſe to the body with
a girdle, and fo fitted, that the hem of it
reached a little below the knee. It was by
this part of the drefs of the Roman citizens,
that the three degrees among them were dif
tinguiſhed; for the Senators tunicks were
embroidered or purfled over with broad
purple ftuds, thofe of the Knights with
narrow ones, and thoſe worn by the Ple-
beians were plain. The colour of this vef-
ture was anciently changed every year;
commonly into blue, fcarlet, fanguine in
grain, or white; but in the thirty-fourth
year of King Edward's reign he altered it
to black, and was followed by the Compa-
nions of the order. The motive that in-
duced him to fix on this fable colour, was
ſuppoſed to be a kind of humiliation on ac-
count of the peftilence, which then began
again to fpread its malignancy with as
much fury as it had raged eleven years be-
fore. This garment, at the time of inſti-
tuting the order, and for a long time after,
was powdered all over with little garters,
I 4
embroidered
[136]
embroidered with filk and gold plate; on
each of which was neatly
►
was neatly wrought the
motto: the numbers of theſe garters de-
clared the degrees of honour of the wearers ;
a Duke having one hundred and twenty,
and a Knight Bachelor but fixty; the in-
termediate titles of Marquis, Earl, &c. dẹ-
creaſing gradually.
The ornaments of the collar and George
in their prefent form were made a part of
the dreſs of Henry the Eighth, who took
great delight in embellifhing the order.
Before the eſtabliſhment of this article by
King Henry, it appears that the Knights-
Companions were invefted with collars at
their inftallations, but whether collars of
S S's, or of any other model, is not
fpecified.
It may not here be amifs to infert an
account of the origin of collars, particularly
of thoſe which have the letters S S on them,
their foundation being little known.
Col,
lars.
[ 137 ]
E
lars in general are ornaments not of a late
but ancient invention: facred writ enume-
rates the collar of gold among the orna-
ments conferred upon Jofeph by Pharaoh.
The images of Ifis and Ofiris, worſhiped
by the Egyptians, were reprefented with
collars extending to their fhoulders, the
workmanſhip of which were very curious,
being interfected with various lines, and di-
vided with tablets and precious ftones: the
collar was alfo of an illuftrious original
among the Romans, and gave denomination
to the family of the Torquati, defcended
from L. Manlius, whom the foldiers fir-
named Torquatus; becauſe having van-
quifhed a champion of the Gauls, he cut
off his head, then plucked off his collar,
bloody as it was, and put it about his own
neck,
In priftine times, as none but Kings
and Princes wore collars, their ufe be-
tokened dignity and power; afterwards
they were beſtowed on men famous for
wifdom
[ 138 ]
their merit.
wifdom and for military atchievements as a
diſtinguiſhing badge, and in recompence for
Moſt aptly therefore have the
Sovereigns of military orders annexed this
ornament of the collar to their habit, and
conferred it on the Fellows and Companions,
moſt of whom are ſuppoſed to have meri-
toriouſly deſerved it, for their great wiſdom
and military exploits; and for this reafon
it was inſtituted as an additional glory to
the enfigns of the garter: it is compoſed
of gold, coupled together by feveral pieces
of links in faſhion of garters, with a ver-
million roſe between, and the image of St,
George hung thereat.
The collar of S S's worn as a badge of
lower and inferior honour, was made ufe of
originally by a focicty of noble perfonages,
in remembrance of Simplicius and Fauf-
tinus, Senators of Rome, who fuffered
martyrdom for the fake of Chriſtianity in
the reign of Dioclefian. It is thus de-
ſcribed in an ancient manfçript;
66 It was
6
"the
[139]
“the cuſtom of thoſe perſons to wear about
"their necks filver collars compofed of
"double S's, which denote the name of
"St. Simplicius; the collar confifted of
"twelve fmall plates of filver, on which
were engraven the twelve articles of the
"creed, together with a fingle trefoil: the
،،
66
image of St. Simplicius hung at the col-
"lar, and from it feven plates repreſenting
"the feven gifts of the Holy Ghoſt.
66
As
to the manner of their martyrdom, they
were bound together by the neck to a
"ſtone, and thrown over the bridge into
"the Tyber."
In the ancient creation of an Efquire, part
of the ceremony was the King's putting about
his neck one of theſe filver collars; a golden
one was the undoubted badge of a Knight.
Among the variety of thefe collars worn
are the following: That belonging to the
Lord Mayor of the city of London, which
is compofed of gold, having a knot like one
of thoſe which tie the garters together in
the
[ 140 ]
{
the great collar of the order of St. George,'
inferted between two S's; theſe again are
fituated between two rofes,
rofes, and in the
middle of it before the breaft is a large
portcullis, whereat hangs a jewel fet with
diamonds. The collars of the Lord Chief
Juftices of both the Benches, and the Chief
Baron of the Exchequer, formed of the
letter S and of knots, are in memory of the
faid St. Simplicius, who, being a Senator,
was confequently a difpenfer of the laws.
The most ancient ceremony ufed on con-
ferring of Knighthood was by putting the
belt which fupported the fword looſe over
the ſhoulders, or girding it cloſe about the
wafte. In the time of the Saxons fome
religious formalities were added, fuch as
watching, fafting, bathing, and confe-
crating the fword; inferring from the ob-
fervance of theſe rights, that decency of
habit was as well expected from them as
integrity of life and purity of manners.
The like religious ceremony was formerly
obſerved
}
!
[ 141 ]
obferved in other kingdoms: the perſon to
be knighted was bathed in the evening, and
laid in bed; then clothed in rich robes,
and led to the church to perform his vigils:
that being over and maſs heard, his fpurs
were put on, and his ſword girt about him,
then drawn out and put into his right hand;
whereupon the oath was forthwith admi-
niſtered to him; which taken, he that be-
ſtowed the dignity gave him a blow or
ftroke on the neck, faying, "God affift
66 you in the performance of your promife."
The oath or vow the Knights at this time
made, was in general to relieve and protect
the widow and the fatherlefs, the oppreffed
and miferable, and to defend the Church of
God. Thefe ceremonious methods have
been aboliſhed for fome ages; and even in
the century we treat of, were performed in
a more expeditious manner. Before the
joining of a battle it was ufual for the
Prince or General in the field, on fight of
the adverſe army, to give thoſe whom he
thought fit to advance to that honour (they
humbly
[ 14% ]
66
humbly kneeling before him) a gentle ftroke
with the flat part of a naked fword on their
fhoulders, without any other ceremony, ex-
cept pronouncing, Rife, Sir Knight, &c."
This mode is ftill continued, and termed
dubbing, the old Engliſh word for creating
a Knight; from "doopen," to dip; bath-
ing, as before obferved, being part of the
procedure.
The admonitions originally given at the
inſtallation of a Knight of the Garter were
as follow; fome variation has been fince
made to accommodate them to the alteration
of the national religion. Whilft the cere
mony of inveftiture with the mantle is per-
forming, the words are thefe: "Take this
"mantle of heavenly colours, in fign and
"token of the most honourable order you
"have received, and to the increaſe of your
“honour, figned and marked as you fee,
"with a red efcutcheon of our Lord's
"crofs, to the intent that you, being always
"defended by the virtue and ſtrength
46 thereof,
[ 143 ]
"thereof, may pafs through your enemies,
"and them alfo overcome and vanquiſh;
"fo that at the laft, for your worthy and
66
approved acts, you may, after this tem-
"poral chivalry, come to eternal triumphant
'joys in Heaven.” On the investiture
<6
with the collar the following words are alſo
pronounced: "To the increaſe of your ho-
"nour, and in token of the honourable
"order you have received, take this collar
"about your neck, with the image of the
holy Martyr and Chrift's Knight, St.
66
66
46
George, by whofe aid you being de-
fended, may paſs through the profperities
“and adverfities of this world, that having
here the victory as well of your ghoftly
66
as bodily enemies, you may not only re-
"ceive the glory and renown of temporal
66
chivalry, but alfo at the laft, the endleſs
"and everlaſting reward of victory." Such
part of the ftatutes of the order, as they
were reformed and explained by King Henry
the Eighth, neceffary for our preſent pur-
pofe, I fhall infert in the manner they
were
[ 144 ]
were originally fpelt. Whereas the
mooft famous, mooft happieft, and victo-
rious Prynce Edward, the Thirde of that
name, his noble Progenitour fometyme
Kyng of England and of Fraunce, and Lord
of Irland, &c. To th' onnoure of Almighti
God, and of the bleffed and immaculate
Virgyn Marie, and the bleffed Martir Sainte
George, patron of the right noble roialme
of England; and of Saynt Edwarde, Kyng
and Confeffor; to the exaltation of the holy
faith Catholique, ordeyned, eſtabliſhed,
created, and founded within the Caftel of
Wyndefore, a company of twenty-fix noble
and worthi Knyghtes, for to be of the mooſt
noble ordre of Saynt George, named the
Gartier, and for the honorable continuance,
augmentation, and interteyning of the
fame.
The feid mooft victorious Kyng did de-
vyfe and inſtitute divers honorable eſtatuts,
and laudable ordinances, for to be obferved
and kept by the cobrethren and confreres,
Knyghtes
[145]
Knyghtes and Companyons of the faid
mooſt noble ordre; amonge the which
eftatutes been certeyne doubtis and ambi-
guities, which to be more playnly declared,
interpreted, and extended, it is thought
right neceffary and expedient, and that cer-
teyne other new ordinances and articles be
to the faid eftatute added and adjoyned.
Wherefore the faid mooft excellent and vic-
torious Prynce, Henry VIII. Kyng of Eng-
land and of Fraunce, Defenfor of the Faith,
and Lord of Irland, and Soverayne of the
faid mooſt noble order; and for the right
fingular love, good zeal, ardent and intier
affection that his royall Majeſtie hath and
bearith to the faid mooft noble ordre, and
to the eſtate of Chivalrie and Knyghthood,
and for the honorable contynuance and in-
creafing the fame; and alfo at the humble
requeſte and inſtante defire of the Knyghtes
and Companyons of the faid noble order,
and by their advyfe, councell, and affent,
the twenty-third day of April, in the year of
grace MDXXII. and of his
K
mooft noble
reygn
[ 146 ]
reygn the eighth year, made interpretacion
and declaracion of the obfcurities, doubtis,
and ambiguities of the faid eftatutis, ordi-
nances, interpretacions, declaracions, refor-
macions, with their addicions aforefaid, after
the trew intencion of them, fhall be from
henceforth obferved, kept, and enfued by
the Soverayne, and the Knyghtes Confreres
and Companyons of the faid noble ordre in
manner and fourme following.
In the fecond ftatute is accorded, That
none ſhall be elected and chofen for to be
Fellow or Companyon of the faid mooft
noble ordre, except that he be a Gentilman
of blood, and that he be a Knyghte, and
without reproche. And that the Knyghtes
of the faid noble ordre, from henceforth,
ſhall not name any perfon in their election
to be Felow or Companyon of the faid no-
ble order, in whom thei fhall thynke or
extiem in their confcience to have ipotte of
reproche. And as towchyng the declaracion
of a Gentleman of blode, it is declared and
determined
[ 47 ]
determined that he fhall be defcended of
three decentis of nobleffe, that is to fay, of
name and of arms, both of his father's fide,
and alfo of his mother's fide.
And as
towchyng or concernyng any manner of re-
proche, for as moche as there be divers and
many fundry poyntis of reproche, there
fhall be here declared but three poyntis of
them oonly, as it is declared in manner and
fourme folowyng.
{
The firſt poynt of reproche ys, That if
any Knyght (as God defende) be con-
vaynqued or attaynted, of errour agaynft the
Criſten Faith Catholique, or had for any
fuche offence fuffered any payne or punicion
publique. The fecond poynt of reproche
ys, That if any Knyght (as God defende)
had been arrayned, convicted, or attaynted
of high treaſon. The third poynt of re-
proche ys, That if any Knyght departe or
flee away from batayle or journie, beyng
with his Soverayne Lord, his Lieutenant or
Deputie, or other Capetayne, having the
Kyng's
K 2
[ 148 ]
Kyng's power royal and auctoritie: and
whereas banners eftandatz, or pennons have
bene difplaied, and that thei preceded to
fight, he that then reniouſly and cowardly
flieth or departeth away from thens, ought
to be eſteemed and judged to have reproche,
and never worthi to be elected Knyght of
the companie as (God forbidde) do com-
mytte any fuche reproche; that then he
ſhall be departed and difgraded of the faid
order, at the next chaptier enfuyng, if it ſoo
fhall pleaſe the Soverayne and Companie.
The joy and triumph which reigned in
the court of England on account of this in-
ftitution, which concluded with military
fports and tournaments, was fuddenly
changed into forrow and mourning by a
terrible and deftructive peftilence, which
invaded that kingdom as well as the reft
of Europe, and is fuppofed to have carried
off about one-fourth of the inhabitants in
every country where it prevailed. In the
firſt fix months of this year, fifty-feven
thoufand
i
[ 149 ]
thouſand perfons are faid to have died of it
in London and Norwich; the church-yards
were not found fufficient for the burial of
the dead. This dreadful diftemper ſpread
into Wales and Ireland, and proved chiefly
fatal to the common people: none of the
better fort died of the infection, except three
or four of the Nobility, and Jane, King
Edward's fecond daughter, who was ſeized
with it at Bourdeaux in her way to Caftile,
where ſhe was to have been married to the
Infant Don Pedro, fon of Alphonfo, Sove-
reign of that kingdom. When the conta-
gion among the human fpecies abated, the
ſheep and cattle periſhed in vaſt numbers;
and no bird or beaſt of prey would touch
their carcaffes, fo that they lay putrefying
on the ſurface of the ground, and by their
intolerable ftench contributed to increaſe the
pernicious quality of the air.
The corn
was loft for want of hands to reap and ga-
ther it; and hence enfued a dreadful dearth
of all kind of proviſions. The Scots,
tempted by the proſpect of an eaſy prey in
K 3
this
1
"
[ 150 ]
t
this ſeaſon of death and deſolation, made an
irruption into the northern counties, and,
together with a large booty, carried back
the contagion to their own country, where
it raged with uncommon violence: a juft
reward for fo flagrant a breach of the laws
of prudence and humanity. This dreadful
calamity, rather than the pacific difpofitions
of the contending Princes, ferved to main-
tain and prolong the truce between France
and England.
In the beginning of the following fum-
mer, ſome variance happening between the
fleets of England and Spain, the Spaniards,
fecretly encouraged by the French, infefted
the British feas with fifty large fhips of war;
taking and deſtroying a great number of
veffels. King Edward enraged at theſe
difhonourable proceedings, for the nations
were not at war with each other, fitted out
a confiderable fleet to oppofe them; taking
with him his Son the Prince of Wales,
now in his twentieth year, with many No-
blemen
[ لا
151 ]
blemen of diftinction, he came up with
theſe plunderers off Rye in Suffex, when a
fierce engagement immediately began. The
Spaniards in their huge carracks, overlook-
ing the Engliſh veffels, poured down upon
them a ftorm of croſs-bow ſhot, ſtones, and
bars of iron; but the archers of England
foon clearing the decks, they boarded them
with their fwords and battle-axes in their
hands, and before the evening put an end to
the fight, made themſelves mafters of feven-
teen: the next morning the Engliſh wiſhed
to renew the engagement, but they found
that the greateſt part of their enemy's fhips
had eſcaped by favour of the night, leaving
thoſe that were difabled to their mercy.
Having thus cleared the feas of fuch trou-
bleſome interlopers, the King returned in
triumph laden with ſpoil.
Soon after the King and Prince's return, a
very remarkable combat was tried before
them: a diſpute having arifen between John
de Veſconti, a Nobleman nearly allied to
K +
the
[ 15 ]
the King of Cyprus, and Thomas de la
Marche, natural brother to the King of
France, it was agreed to refer their cauſe to
King Edward, as he was allowed to be the
most heroic Prince, and the best judge in
every point of honour of any Potentate in
Christendom. Thefe two Knights, fight-
ing under the banners of Conftantine King
of Armenia, and Hugh King of Cyprus,
Chriſtian Princes, at that time engaged in a
war againſt the Infidels, a quarrel aroſe be-
tween them, in which de Vefconti charged
de la Marche with taking a fum of gold to
betray the Chriſtian army into the hands of
their enemies. The Princes under whom
they ſerved not choofing to determine their
difpute, as there were no other proofs than
their fingle affeverations, they agreed to
ſtand by the award of the English Monarch;
accordingly the two Knights arrived in
England the beginning of September, when
the former openly before the King and his
court repeated his accufations againſt the
latter, challenging him to disprove it on his
body :
4
[ 153 ]
★
body he then threw down his gauntlet;
which Sir Thomas as boldly took up, and
accepted the challenge in proof of his in-
nocence.
King Edward appointed the fourteenth
day of October for the deciſion of their
quarrel, in clofe field within the lifts, at
his palace of Weſtminſter: on that day
the combatants came on horfeback, armed
at all points, the King, the Prince of Wales,
and the whole court of England being ſpec-
tators. On found of trumpet the combat
began; but at the firſt tilt both their ſpears
breaking on each other's fhield, without
either of them being moved from their fad-
dles, they both alighted at the fame inftant,
and renewed the fight on foot; for a confi-
derable time they fought with equal valour
and conduct, till both their weapons being
rendered uſeleſs, they came to cloſe grapple,
and fell together locked in each other's
gripe the vifors of both their helmets were
defended with fmall diftaut bars of fteel,
through
[154]
through which they might fee and breathe
more freely, and all the reſt of their bodies
covered with armour: from this circum-
ſtance the advantage turned in favour of Sir
Thomas de la Marche; for that Knight hav-
ing fharp pieces of fteel, called gadlings,
incloſed in the joints of his right gauntlet,
he therewith ftruck at the vifor of his ad-
verſary, and grievouſly wounded him through
the crevices: Sir John de Veſconti being
unprovided with the fame weapon of of-
fence, cried out aloud, that he could no
longer defend himſelf; whereat the King
threw down his warder, which put an end
to the combat.
His Majeſty then adjudged the victory to the
Frenchman, and the vanquished to be at his
mercy according to the law of arms. Sir
Thomas, fatisfied with fo plain and ho-
nourable a proof of his innocence (as this was
then eſteemed) forbore to uſe his power over
his enemy, but made a prefent of him to
the Prince of Wales, to be at his difcre-
tion :
[ 155 ]
tion: after which, in teftimony of his gra-
titude, he dedicated his own fuit of armour
to St. George the patron of England, with
great pomp and devotion, in the cathedral
church of St. Paul in London. The
ge-
nerous Prince of Wales gave Sir John de
Veſconti his full liberty, for the ſake of the
King of Cyprus, whom he refpected for his
valour; and after treating him with great
courteſy, ſuffered him to return home at his
leifure.
In this year Philip de Valois the French
King died, without being able to re-eſtabliſh
the affairs of France, leaving behind him
the character of a cruel and perfidious
Prince his treatment of John Count de
Mountfort eſtabliſhes the juſtice of this im-
putation. It had been ſtipulated at the con-
clufion of the laft truce, that the Count
ſhould be releaſed from prifon on his giv-
ing fecurity that he would conform to the
terms of the truce; yet, notwithſtanding
fufficient fecurity was offered, and a formal
decree
[ 156 ]
decree paffed in the parliament of Paris for
his enlargement, Philip refuſed to ſet him
free. Avarice and ambition feem to have
had a fhare in this determination, as it is
well known that he refuſed to releaſe his
prifoner, unleſs he would deliver up Breſt
and Hennebon to him, and renounce all
claim to the Duchy of Britany. But of
all the crimes of this faithlefs and perjured
Monarch, none ftained his character with a
more indelible mark of infamy, and ren-
dered him more the object of univerfal
hatred and deteftation, than his treatment of
Oliver de Cliffon, who had ferved him and
Charles de Blois with great zeal and ability.
Oliver had been taken priſoner at the fiege
of Namur, and being given up by King
Edward in exchange for Lord Stafford, in
preference to another Knight whom Philip
would rather have chofen, that King, na-
turally fufficious, imagined he had entered
into fome private agreement with Edward:
actuated by this fufpicion he ordered him
to be ſeized and thrown into priſon; foon
after
2
[ 157 ]
after his arreft, this unfortunate Nobleman
was beheaded at Paris without form or trial,
his body hung on a gibbet, and his eſtate
confifcated. The Britons were fo highly
incenfed at this cruel and tyrannical proceed-
ing, that the inhabitants of Vannes expelled
the garrifon, and declared in favour of the
Count de Mountford. Theſe circumſtances,
inftead of opening the eyes of Philip to a
fenſe of his own crimes, ferved only to
ftrengthen his fufpicions; and as he knew
no other way of keeping people in their
duty but by force and terror, he imme-
diately gave orders for apprehending ten
other Noblemen of Britany, who, though
they had all diftinguiſhed themſelves in
the fervice of Charles de Blois, were put
to death in the fame ignominious manner
that had been practiſed on Oliver de Cliffon.
His treachery was no lefs confpicuous in
another inftance; for having fet up a round
table in oppoſition to that of King Edward,
and iffued fafe-conducts for the protection
of all ſtrangers, he feized feveral Lords of
the
[ 158 ]
the Count de Mountfort's party, and put
them to death, contrary to the rules of chi-
valry and of honour.
He was fucceeded by his fon John, à
Prince unlike his Father, diftinguiſhed by
many virtues, particularly by a fcrupulous
honour and fidelity: he was not deficient
in perfonal courage, but he wanted that
prudence and forefight which the perplexed
fituation of his kingdom, at that time con-
vulfed by inteftine commotions, and op-
preffed by foreign wars, required. Charles
King of Navarre, who received and de-
ſerved the epithet of Wicked, was conti-
nually fomenting divifions among the King
of France's fubjects, and giving him per-
petual difquietude, although allied to him
by blood and marriage.
し
​No fooner therefore was the truce be-
tween England and France expired, than
King Edward took advantage of his compe-
titor's embarraffment, and prepared to re-
new
[ 159 ]
new once more his claims on that crown :
to this purpoſe he propoſed to attack his
enemy both on the fide of Guienne with an
army commanded by the Prince of Wales,
and on the northern parts in his own per-
fon. In profecution of this plan young
Edward failed for Bourdeaux, on board a
fleet of three hundred fail, attended by the
Earls of Warwick, Saliſbury, Oxford, Suf-
folk, and other English Noblemen. Im-
mediately after his arrival, being joined by
the vaffals of Gaſcoigné, he took the field;
reduced without interruption many towns in
the neighbouring provinces, and ravaged
the whole country after an incurfion of fix
weeks, he returned with a vaſt booty and
many prifoners to Guienne, where he took
up his winter quarters. King Edward's
invafion from Calais was of the fame nature,
and attended with the fame iffue.
In the enfuing fummer the Prince of
Wales, encouraged by the fuccefs of the
preceding campaign, took the field with an
army
{
[ با
160 ]
army of twelve thouſand men, of which
not more than four thouſand were Engliſh.
All Hiftorians agree that this was the ut-
moft amount of the forces with which he
performed fuch wondrous deeds, and gained
immortal honour. With this ſmall body
of troops the Prince ventured to pene-
trate again into the heart of France: his
defign was to join his brother John of
Gaunt, to whom King Edward had given
the command of an army in Normandy;
but finding all the bridges on the Loire
broken down, and King John advancing
towards him with a moft formidable force,
he thought it prudent to retire again into
his Father's dominions without perfifting in
his attempt.
!
The Prince lofing fome days before the
Caftle of Remorentin, it gave the French
army, which was nearer than he had ex-
pccted, an opportunity of overtaking him.
The following unexpected incident occa-
fioned this hindrance, and was the means of
bringing
ง
[ 161 ]
bringing on a battle near Poitiers: part of
his van guard falling in with a detachment
of the garrison of Remorentin as they
marched near it, they foon defeated them,
and in the purfuit entering the town with
the flying enemy, took poffeffion of it:
the Prince, tempted from this accident to
make himſelf mafter alfo of the Caſtle, or-
dered it to be affaulted; the attack conti-
nued all that day without fuccefs, and the
next morning it was brifkly renewed, the
Prince himſelf being perfonally preſent and
encouraging his men; but an Engliſh
Knight, for whom he had a great regard,
being flain as he ftood near him, he fwore
by his Father's foul (his moſt folemn oath)
not to leave the fiege till he was in poffeffion
of the Caftle, and had the defenders of it
at his mercy on this the affault was re-
newed with redoubled vigour; but there
appearing no probability of reducing it by
the ordinary methods, the Prince ordered
engines to be raiſed, with which he threw
combuftibles into it and fet it on fire: the
L
garrifon
[162]
garrifon finding the Caftle no longer tenable,
vielded themſelves to him, and were carried
off among the other priſoners.
After the taking of Remorentin the
Prince continued his march; but this delay
gave the French King time to overtake
him near Poitiers. King John was ac-
companied by his four Sons, Charles the
Dauphin Duke of Normandy, Lewis Duke
of Anjou, John Duke of Berry, and Philip
afterwards Duke of Burgundy, who for
bravely endeavouring to defend his Father
in the enfuing battle, was firnamed the
Hardy *; befides whom he was attended
by
* Other Hiftorians fay, that Philip afterwards acquired
this appellation from the following incident: When he
was priſoner in England, his Father King John being at
dinner with the English Monarch, this young Prince,
among the Nobility of both nations, was appointed to
wait on them. An English Nobleman ferving his Mafter
'before his royal Prifoner, the impetuous Prince, fired at
the indignity, as he esteemed it, ftruck him on the face,
faying at the fame time, "How dare you to ſerve the
"King of England firft, when the King of France fits at
"the
[163]
by twenty-fix Dukes and Counts, three
thouſand Knights, and an army of fixty thou-
fand men. With this hoft, as it might
justly be termed when compared with the
handful of English forces, the French King
doubted not of being able to extirpate his
enemies ;
he therefore marched after them
with the utmoſt expedition, affured of
fuccefs.
The firſt intelligence the Prince of Wales
received of his near approach, was from
ſome priſoners taken by one of his detached
parties; by theſe he underſtood the force of
his enemy, and that it was hardly poffible
for him to eſcape: on which he called in
all his detachments, and encamped on the
fields of Maupertius near Poitiers; he then
the fame table?" The Nobleman drew his dagger,
and was on the point of facrificing the Prince to his
injured honour, when King Edward loudly forbad him,
and turning to the royal Youth faid, "Vous etes
"Phillipe le Hardi:" from henceforward he was termed
Philip the Bold.
L2
fent
[ 164 ]
fent out two hundred men at arms, well-
mounted, under the command of the Captal
de Buſche, to reconnoitre the French,
who found King John entering with
his army into Poitiers: this undaunted
party rode ſo near that they had a full view
of the main body of the French; and not
content with feeing them, they attacked
their rear with fuch fury, that the King
cauſed a conſiderable party of his army to
face about and march again into the field;
by which means it was very late before they
re-entered the city. The Engliſh detach-
ment returning unbroken to the Prince,
informed him of their adventure; and at
the fame time, though fear increaſed not the
numbers, defcribed their enemies as exceed-
ingly numerous. "Well then," ſaid the
Prince with great compofure,
let us con-
"fider how we may fight them to the beſt
advantage, for against number policy is
requifite;" and agreeable to this maxim he
took every precaution during the night to
fortify his camp.
66
The
[* 165 ]
The next morning the King of France
drew out his army in battle array; he gave
the command of the van to his Brother
Philip Duke of Orleans, the center to his
Son the Dauphin, who had his two younger
Brothers under him, and led the rear him-
felf, attended by his youngeſt Son: when
his troops were formed, he came to the
front of the line mounted on a large white
courfer; he then told them, that, as whilſt
they were at a diftance from the Engliſh,
and in a place of fafety, they were conti-
nually boafting of their prowess, and wiſh-
ing to be in arms againſt them, he had now
brought them to the ftation they had fo
often defired, and expected they would
give him proofs that their eagerness was not
mere bravado.
He then ordered them to march; but at
that inftant the Cardinal de Talerande, who
had been fent by the Pope to be a mediator
between the contending nations, interpofed
his good offices, and intreated the King
L 3
that
[ 166 ].
that he would halt a moment, whilft he
haftened to the Prince of Wales, and en-
deavoured to prevent the fpilling fo much
Chriftian blood. To this the French Mo-
narch conſented, on condition that he would
quickly return; which the Cardinal pro-
miſed to do, and then haftened to the Eng-
liſh Prince, whom he found armed at the
head of his men: the Cardinal repreſented
to him the danger of his fituation from the
great fuperiority of his enemies, and urged
him to listen to propofals rather than await
a certain deftruction. The Prince, fenfible
that the apprehenfions of the Ecclefiaftic
were well founded, but at the fame time
undaunted and refolute, anſwered, that he
was ready to accept of any conditions which
were not inconfiftent with his own honour
and that of his country. His Excellency
returned with this compliant anſwer to the
French King, and with many arguments
prevailed on him to defer the attack till the
next day. The Cardinal, as well as all the
Prelates of the court of Rome, was ex-
tremely
[ 167 ] ·
tremely attached to the French intereft;
yet the moſt determined enemy could not
have contrived a greater prejudice to their
caufe than by this delay, as the Prince
during the night had time to ftrengthen the
poft he had before judicioufly chofen.
The negotiation however proved fruitleſs;
for though the Prince offered to relinquiſh
all the conquefts he had made, to releaſe
without ranſom all the prifoners he had
taken, and alſo to fwear that he would not
bear arms in perfon against the French for
ſeven years, yet the King infifted that he
fhould furrender himſelf a prifoner, with
a hundred of his principal Knights; on
theſe conditions only would he fufpend his
vengeance, and allow the reft of the Engliſh
forces to retire unmoleſted. To theſe
diſhonourable propofals young Edward re-
plied with an air of indignation, "That
"whatever was his fate, he could not fo
"far forget the refpect that was due to his
"Father's dignity and his own honour, as
L 4
66 to
[ 168 ]
"to fave his life on inglorious terms; nor
"could he ever confent that England fhould
"be obliged to pay a ransom for him."
He therefore rejected them as worſe than
death. The Prince delivered this determi-
nate anſwer to the Cardinal with all the fire
of an exalted mind; whilft his troops, by
their cheerful looks, expreffed their appro-
bation, and promiſed him fupport.
Soon after the Prelate's departure, a
battle appearing unavoidable, furrounded
by his general officers, the Prince thus
harrangued his army: "I have too often,
my friends, had experience of your cou-
66
66
CC
rage, to doubt it at this time; fre-
quently have I beheld you, infpired by
the fpirit of your great anceſtors, per-
"form fuch deeds as prove you are not in
"the leaft degenerated from them; no la-
"bour has ever appeared to be painful to
you, no fortreſs impregnable, no army
invincible, no human power formidable :
"I now fee on your faces a generous indig-
"nation
66
66
[169]
6
"nation at the contempt with which your
"enemies treat the defcendants of thofe va-
"liant heroes, who have often foiled thefe
haughty Frenchmen, have won the Ifle
" of Cyprus,
overcome the Saracens,
"obliged Scotland to receive their yoke,
"Wales to accept of their laws, and Ireland
"to become mild and tractable: repay the
"infult with your fwords, and let them
"fee how dangerous it is to provoke the
truly brave: let not numbers terrify you;
“valour and ſteadinefs will compenfate for
"the thinnefs of your ranks, and a few
"undaunted hearts may be able to with-
ftand the attacks of a tumultuous hoft:
،،
thefe brave Knights which furround me
$5 will ſhare with us in every danger;
"therefore follow your ftandards with re-
"folution, and doubt not of winning this
day eternal renown,"
C
This fpeech might appear like a bravado
from almoſt any other mouth; but the
Prince of Wales's modefty is too well
known
1
[ 170 ]
known to permit fuch an interpretation:
on this occafion, when his fmall army was
in danger of being ſwallowed up by a mul-
titude of foes, every method of aroufing
their courage to the top of its bent, and by
that means endeavouring to fupply the de-
ficiency of their numbers, was certainly to
be purfued. The greateſt Generals have
allowed, that a recapitulation of the valiant
actions of their anceſtors, or their own
former atchievements, is the moſt probable
mode of exciting an army to gallant deeds,
and of raiſing up a ſpirit of emulation
amongst them. It had the defired effect;
every apprehenfion was in a moment dif
pelled by this animated fpeech, and his men
waited with impatience the approach of their
enemies,
The fituation which the Prince of Wales
had choſen for the prefervation of his little.
army, ſhewed his expertnefs in every military
manœuvre he had drawn up his men on
a ſmall plain ſurrounded by vineyards and
incloſures;
[ 171 ]
inclofures; fo that the French could only
attack him in front, and that through a
narrow lane which would admit of no more
than four horfemen a-breaft: this natural
fo tification which furrounded his camp,
he had ftrengthened by art during the nego-
tiation carried on through the Cardinal; and
had lined the hedges of the lane with arch-
ers, who, being themfelves free from mo-
leſtation, could take their aim with com-
poſure he had alſo, in the night, ordered
the Lord John Grielly, Captal de Buſche,
to march under covert of a hill which lay
to the right, with three hundred men at
arms, and as many archers, that he might
be ready to fall on the enemy's flank during
the engagement. He had given the com-
mand of the van to the Earl of Warwick,
the rear to the Earls of Saliſbury and
Suffolk, taking his own ftand at the head
of the main body: the Lords Chandos,
Audley, and many other brave and experi-
enced Commanders, were at the head of dif-
ferent
[ 172 ]
ferent battalions. In this pofition the Prince
awaited the attack,
The French King, who was well ac-
quainted with the fituation of the Engliſh,
ordered the Mareſchals d'Endregan and Cler-
mont to advance with a strong detachment
of men at arms, and endeavour to force
their way through the lane; but no fooner
were they entered, than the Engliſh arch-
ers made fuch havock among them, that,
being thrown into confufion, very few pe-
netrated to the plain, and thefe met with fo
warm a reception from the men at arms,
that a ſmall number only efcaped; one of
the Marefchals was killed, and the other
taken priſoner; the remainder of this ad-
vanced party, who were ftill in the lane,
harraffed by the arrows of the Engliſh
archers without being able to oppoſe them,
recoiled upon their own army and put every
thing into confuſion.
In
[ 173 ]
In this critical moment the Captal de
Buſche unexpectedly appeared, and attacked
in flank the battalion that was led on by
the Duke of Normandy, which greatly
added to the diforder. The Generals to
whoſe care the Heir of the French Mo-
narch and his Brothers were committed,
too anxious for their charge, or intimidated
at the refolution of the Engliſh, carried them
off the field, and fet an example of flight
to the whole divifion. The Duke of Or-
leans, feized with a fimilar panic, ima-
gining from the flight of the Dauphin's di-
vifion that every thing was loft, thought it
prudent to found a retreat; but as he could
not long preſerve any order in retiring, his
intended retreat was likewife foon changed
into a flight.
The Lord John Chandos, ſeeing the van
of the French wholly defeated, and their
main body difordered, called out to the
Prince of Wales that the day was won, and
adviſed him immediately to march forward
and
[ 174 ]
and to attack the divifion under the King:
his Highneſs needing no folicitation mounted
his horſe, and boldly advancing, fell with
great impetuofity on fome German brigades
under the command of the Counts of Naffau,
Saltſburgh, and Neydo, pofted in front of
the King's battalion. A dreadful encounter
now enfued, in which the Prince even ex-
ceeded the gallantry he had fhewn at
Creffy at length the three German Ge-
nerals, with the Duke of Athenes, Con-
ftable of France, being flain, that body of
cavalry gave way, and left the King's divi-
fon expoſed to all the fury of a victorious
enemy.
The French Monarch having been told
that his Sons and his Brother had withdrawn
from the battle, declared aloud, That for his
part he would not quit the field though his
whole army fhould forfake him; and in-
deed it is allowed that he performed that
day the duty of a valiant Knight: had his
valour been feconded by only a fourth part
7
of
[ 175 ]
of his troops, fuccefs muft have crowned
his efforts to retrieve the honour of the day:
he fought on foot with a weighty axe of
fteel in his hand, which he managed with
great dexterity and refolution: his youngeſt
Son Philip, at that time not fourteen years
old, fought courageoufly by his fide: he
was alſo ſurrounded by many valiant
Knights, who endeavoured to defend their
Sovereign; amongst others the Duke of
Bourbon, the Lord of Pons, the Count de
Vantadour, the Lord John of Artois, and
Sir Euftace de Ribemont, who had been
vanquished by King Edward at Calais, and
releaſed by him without ranfom as a reward
for his courage.
On the part of the English, the Prince
of Wales was no lefs confpicuous for his va-
lour than for his ftation and quality; per-
forming not only the duties of an expe-
rienced and careful Commander, but alfo
thoſe of an approved and valiant Knight:
his Nobles likewife behaved with uncom-
mon
[ 176 ]
mon bravery and refolution, particularly the
Lord John Chandos, who for his courage
and conduct merited the greateſt encomiums.
But it is impoffible to recount the many
noble exploits of the Engliſh Nobility; the
Earls of Oxford, Saliſbury, and Suffolk
rendered themſelves famous by their great
atchievements; and the Earl of Warwick
fought fo long, and with fuch fury, that
his battle-axe cleaved to his hand; the Lord
Audeley fought all day among the thickeſt
of his enemies, performing many gallant
deeds, and receiving many deep wounds.
notwithſtanding which he could not be
vailed on to leave the field till towards the
conclufion of the battle, when his 'Squires
carried him by force to an adjacent mea-
dow, where they carefully difarmed him,
and binding up his wounds, refreſhed him
as well as they could: theſe gallant Knights
were well fupported by thofe of inferior
rank, more eſpecially by the archers, who
behaved themſelves with wonderful con-
ftancy and alacrity; from them all the
45
pre-
French
[ 177 ]
French divifions received their firft foil, for
being galled and difmayed by their arrows,
they were eaſily broken by the men at arms.
The battalion of French under the com-
mand of the King, which ftill kept its
ftation, was fuperior in number to the
whole Engliſh army, and compoſed of the
flower of that nation; but the Prince of
Wales and his undaunted troops, though
greatly fatigued with the toils of the day,
boldly attacked this fresh and numerous
divifion : the fucceſs which had hitherto
attended their arms fupported them under
this apparent difadvantage, and kept their
Hopes alive: the fight now became def-
perate, and for a while was well main-
tained on both fides; for the French King's
prefence and example animated his men
with uncommon refolution; only troops ac-
cuſtomed to conqueft, and led on by their
beloved Prince, could have withftood fuch
intrepidity; however after a ftout reſiſtance
this laft divifion of the French was alfo
M
broken,
:
[ 178 ]
1
broken, and a great flaughter enfued. The
Duke of Bourbon, the Viſcount Chalons,
the Lord of Argentum, and fifty Noblemen
of the higheſt quality, breathed their laft
on this well-difputed field; even Sir Euſtace
de Ribemont, who had fo bravely encoun-
tered King Edward, could not withſtand
the potent arm of his Son.
:
}
<
The forces which fought immediately
under the royal banner of France were ſtill
fo numerous, and difputed the point ſo well,
that for a time they remained impenetrable,
and atoned for the cowardice of their coun-
trymen; but the Engliſh and Gafcon
Lords at length broke their way through
this compact phalanx and reached the King :
the royal frandard was beaten down, and its
bearer, the valiant Lord Geoffrey Charni,
flain. This circumftance feemed to be a
fignal for a general flight, and thoſe who
could eſcape fled with precipitation into
Poitiers.
હૈં.
In
È 179 1
In the firft breaking of the corps that
encircled his Majefty, the Lord James of
Bourbon, Count de Ponthieu; Lord John
of Artois, Count d'Eu; and Charles his
Brother, Count de Tankerville, were taken
prifoners by the Captal de Buſche; and
many other Knights furrendered themſelves
to the moft advanced of the Engliſh No-
bles. Impelled both by the love of glory
and of gain, the attention of every perſon
now appeared to be only engaged on taking
the King: thoſe who knew him called out
to him to furrender; but Sir Dennis de
Morbeque, a Knight of Artois, who had
left France on account of a murder he had
committed at St. Omers, and who had
ferved King Edward about five years, by
his fuperior ftrength making way to his
Majefty, defired him to yield: " To
whom fhall I furrender myfelf?" faid
the King, "Where is my Coufin the Prince
દુઃ
of Wales? to him alone would I wiſh
"to fubinit."
"The Prince," replied de
Morbeque, is at a diſtance; I am myſelf
M 2
66
"a Knight,
[ 180 ]
"a Knight, and will conduct you to him."
On which the King gave him his right-
hand gauntlet, faying at the fame time,
"Unto you I yield myſelf." This not
appearing fatisfactory to feveral who had
made up to the King before Sir Dennis,
there was ſtill a great tumult and crouding
about both him and his youngest Son
Philip, who had ſhared his Father's for-
tune, and his Majefty was taken by force
from de Morbeque. It appears that John
de Pelham (afterwards on this account
knighted) was the firſt that came up to the
King, and laid hold of his belt; but Sir
Roger de la Warre got poffeffion of his
fword. In commemoration of theſe fer-
vices, and the honour thus attained, the
defcendants of Sir John de Pelham uſed the
buckles of a belt for their arms, and thoſe
of Sir Roger de la Warre the chape of a
fword.
The Prince of Wales, who had been
carried away in purfuit of the flying enemy
to
[ 181 ]
1
to a confiderable diſtance from this fcene,
finding the greateft part of the field clear,
had ordered a tent to be pitched, where he
repofed himself after the toils of the battle.
His firſt inquiries were relative to the King of
France; but not being able to hear any
tidings of him, he diſpatched the Earl of
Warwick and Lord Cobham to learn his
fate thefe Lords had not gone far before
they efpied a body of troops hurrying along
in feeming diforder; in the midſt of theſe
was the French King, in the greateſt ha-
zard of his life, for the Engliſh and Gaſ-
coigners having by force torn him from
Sir Denis de Morbeque, they were quar-
relling among each other about their title to
the royal Priſoner; and fome even threat-
ened to put him to death rather than give
up their pretenfions. To avoid the danger
which threatened him, this unfortunate
Monarch was obliged even to uſe intreaties:
"Contend not thus warmly about me,
"brave Knights," ſaid he, "but conduc
" me and my Son civilly to the Prince my
M 3
"Coufin,
[ 182 ]
Coufin, and concern not yourſelves who
it was that took me, for I am a King,
"and able to enrich you all.” Thefe
words fomewhat pacified them; and the two
Lords arriving at the fame time, preferved
him from any further indignities: they
immediately commanded, in the Prince's
name, that no one ſhould approach the
King's perfon; and then paying him the
homage due to a Sovereign, they conducted
him and his Son, with great refpect, to the
Prince's tent.
It is now that the brighteſt part of this
young hero's character opens to us. His
martial atchievements have probably been
equalled, but that humanity, moderation,
and courtefy which diſcovered itſelf in him
at fo early an age (for he had not yet
reached his twenty-feyenth year) renders
his character unrivalled, and his name
immortal.
The
[ 183 ]
*
The first impulſes of his humane heart
led him to enquire after the vanquished
King; the next after his own friends and
companions. Whilft the two Lords were
executing his commands, he aſked thoſe
about him if they could give him any in-
telligence relative to thofe Knights who were
abſent, and had diſtinguiſhed themſelves in
the battle, particularly after the Lord
Audeley; being told he was grievously
wounded, and in a litter hard by, the Prince
expreffed great concern for him, and ſent
two Knights to fce if he was able to be
brought to his tent, declaring at the fame
time, that if his wounds would not permit
this, he would readily wave all ceremony
and wait on him. Lord Audeley, fenfibly
affected by the Prince's care and conde-
fcenfion, ordered his fervants to bear him
in his litter to the place where his Highneſs
was; when he was brought into his pre-
fence, the Prince tenderly embraced him,
and endeavoured to cheer him by the kindeſt
expreffions. "I greatly honour you, Sir
"James,"
M 4
[ نا
184 ]
"James," he cried, "for the valour you
"have fhewn this day; you have atchieved
"the grace and renown from us all; I
"therefore retain you as my Knight, and
"to enable you to purſue the tract in which
you ſo much excel, I affign you a yearly
66
revenue of fiye hundred marks out of my
$6 heritage in England.” Lord Audeley
thanked the Prince, as well as his feeble con-
dition would allow, for this mark of his
favour, and retired; but to fhew that no mo-
tives but thofe of honour and love for his
prince and his country had influenced his
noble foul, he immediately transferred the
donation to his four 'Squires. The Prince
hearing of this generous proceeding, and
pleaſed with the fpirit of his Lordſhip, as
it correfponded with his own elevated fen-
timents, thanked him for fo proper an ap-
plication of his gift, and fettled fix hun-
dred marks a year more upon him.
Lord Audeley was fcarcely departed from
the Prince's tent than the Earl of Warwick
returned,
[ 185 ]
returned, and preſented the French King
to him. Young Edward received the cap-
tive Monarch with the fame reverence and
reſpect as if he had approached him in his
fulleft fplendor, and conquered him again
with arms more penetrating than the fword
or fpear, by his moderation and princely
courteſy he immediately ordered fome re-
freſhment to be ſet before his Majeſty, and
inſtead of affuming that fuperiority which
he had acquired by conqueft, ferved him
himſelf with great humility; adminiſtering
at the fame time every confolation to him
that his fituation would admit of.
At night he cauſed a magnificent fupper
to be provided in his pavilion for the
French King, and thoſe of his prifoners
whoſe quality entitled them to this prece-
dence: he obliged the King to fit in his
own chair of ſtate, and his fon Philip by
him; the Counts de Ponthieu, d'Eu, and
de Tankerville, being all of the blood royal,
had feats at the fame table; many Lords
and
[ 186 ]
his
He
and Knights of inferior degree fat at other
tables; and during fupper the Prince of
Wales would fuffer no perfon to ſerve the
King but himſelf, notwithſtanding
Majeſty's intreaties to the contrary.
endeavoured to raiſe the fpirits of his royal
Prifoner, by treating him in the moſt hum-
ble and reſpectful manner; and when he
ftill perceived by the King's countenance
that he continued dejected, with a benevo-
lence and generofity not to be paralleled he
thus addreffed him: "There is no caufe,
"Sir, that fo brave and valiant a Monarch
"ſhould be thus troubled and penſive, al-
66
6.6
though at this time your arms have not
« been favoured by the great Diſpoſer of
* events; fuccefs does not always attend
"defert ; but your valour is acknowledged,
your dignity ftill preferved, and your
Majefty held facred: your great Proge-
"nitors have atchieved many glorious en-
"terprizes both by fea and land; the tro-
phies of every part of Europe have pro-
"claimed the victories of France; and in
66
66
• the
[ 187 ]
"the Eaft, the faith and grandeur of the
"Chriſtian name have been propagated and
"defended by your Predeceffors againſt the
"moft puiffant Captains of the Infidels:
perhaps among fo many triumphs a few
64
66
battles have proved unfuccefsful; the
"well-known inftability of Fortune, which
"fometimes baffles the force of multitudes,
has fo ordered it; but it lies in your own
66
power to fupport yourſelf under your
"preſent adverſe fate, and, to keep your
mind ftill unconquered; nor fhall this
day detract any thing from your glory;
"as the realm of France has produced and
"nouriſhed many of my Progenitors, it
"ſhall ever find me grateful, and mindful
"of my origin; and your Majefty fhall
"always meet in me, if you will permit
66
·
me to glory in the title, an humble and
"refpectful Kinſman, There are many
"reaſons which render a friendly union
"between your Majefty and the King my
Father deſirable: I truſt they will prove
* efficacious; for, as I well know the moſt
• fecret
1
[ 188 ]
"fecret thoughts and affections of his mind,
"I am fatisfied you will eaſily come to an
accommodation with him: for my own
66
66
part, may he refufe to acknowledge me
"for his Son, when I ceafe to hold you in
"the fame degree of honour and reſpect I-
❝owe to his facred perfon *."
Thus did this godlike Prince endeavour to
diſpel the melancholy which clouded the
brow of his illuftrious Priſoner; and by re-
calling to his remembrance the warlike deeds
of his Anceſtors, ftrive to take off his at-
tention from the prefent adverfe ftate to
which he was reduced. With an exemplary
*The fubftance of this confolatory addrefs is given in
Du Chefne, p. 678, Paul Amy, p. 287, and Holling-
fhead's Eng. Chron. p. 960, which leaves no room to
doubt of its authenticity. The Prince's youth, his
triumphant fituation, and the uncommon delicacy of
fentiment it contains, may otherwife lead us to attribute
it to that propenfity of many of the ancient Hiſtorians,
to infert in their works romantic fpeeches and actions,
which have no real foundation, and are only credible
as they correfpond with the manners of the age.
J
greatness
[189]
greatnefs of mind he forbore to make any
mention of his own glorious atchievements,
though it is natural to fuppofe he was not
at that time cooled from the fury of the
battle, and muſt be elated with the greateſt
fuccefs that ever crowned the arms of any
General. The ambitious views of his Fa-
ther on the crown of France were loft in
the preſent wiſh to give comfort to the de-
jected poffeffor of it: the partial diftinctions
of friend and foe were extirpated both from
his difcourfe and behaviour, by that truly
chriſtian benevolence which no Prince ever
poffeffed in a more eminent degree, and
without which his character might have
been indifcriminately mingled with the herd
of Conquerors, born only for the deſtruction
of mankind.
This courteous demeanour had a vifible
effect on the grateful mind of the French
Monarch, who has been no lefs celebrated
for his many virtues than for his misfor-
tunes though vanquished and a priſoner,
he
ĺ 190 1
he did not forget that he was a King; he
thanked the Prince for the attention he paid
to his diftreffes, and affured him that he
thought it no diminution of his honour to
be conquered by fo brave and noble an
enemy His Majefty ſpoke but feldom
during
* This courteous behaviour of the Prince of Wales
towards his royal prifoner, being reprefented to the Pope
by the Cardinal of Perigort, his Holinefs wrote two letters
to the Prince; from one of which the following extract
is taken, and confirms the general account of his mode-
ration and clemency: "Innocent the Bishop, fervant
"of the fervants of God, to Edward Prince of Wales,
"eldeſt Son of our moft dear Son in Chrift, the illuf-
"trious King of England, greeting, and apoftolic bene-
"diction. Our reverend Brother Talarand, Biſhop of
Alby, Nuncio of the apoftolic See, wrote unto us by
"his letters, that you confirming and enhancing the
"nobility which you derive from your ſtock, by your gë-
"nerofity of foul, and the exerciſe of your virtues, have
"entertained him with fuch honours and fuch favours
દ
as became a Son to exhibit to his Father in Chrift;
" and that (which is greater than all thefe) preparing
"your mind equally for all events, and not being puffed
"up with any profperity of fucceffes, but always more
"humble in the fight of the Lord your God, attributing
"all unto him from whom you have received all, you
"do graciouſly allow to our dear Son in Chrift, John
"the
[191]
during the repaſt, and then only ſhort and
obliging fentences to the Prince, who con-
tinued to wait on him till it was finiſhed.
But the French Nobles could not contain
their admiration at fuch uncommon hu-
mility in fo young a Conqueror: overcome
by this elevation of mind, more than by
their late defeat, they burst into tears of
joy, and dwelt untired on his praiſes. All
the Engliſh and Gafcon Knights, imitating
the generous example fet them by their
Prince, treated their Captives with great
humanity, and difmiffed them on moderate
ranfoms.
"the illuſtrious King of France (whom the event of war
"hath brought into your priſon) that honour which belongs
"to fo great a Prince: upon which account, returning
"unto your Highnefs our deſerved praiſes, and hoping,
"undoubtedly, that the omnipotent God, who hath
refpect unto the lowly, but knoweth the proud afar off,
"will beſtow on you more abundantly and freely the
grace of his benediction, &c." Dat. Aven. V. Non.;
Octob. anno Pontif. IV. Odor Rainal. Epift. Secret.
'ડ
This
¿
1
[192]
This ever-memorable victory, termed
the battle of Poitiers, was obtained on the
nineteenth day of September 1356, begin-
ning about nine in the morning, and ending
a little after noon. There were flain in it,
according to both the French and the
English accounts, the chief and moſt va-
liant of the Nobility of France, among
whom were two Dukes, nineteen Counts,
and fix thouſand men at arms, exclufive of
the meaner fort, who were reckoned at
eight thouſand more. The flaughter was
much leſs here than at Creffy, the Engliſh
forces being not a third fo numerous; and
the Prince of Wales was unwilling to con-
tinue the purſuit too long, for fear of ha-
zarding the victory, as his foes were fo
abundant. When the prifoners were col-
lected together they amounted to twice the
- number of the English army; they there-
fore releafed many of them immediately,
after fixing a ſmall ranfom upon them, and
receiving no other fecurity than their pro-
mife to remit it before Chriſtmas to their
6
Captors
[ 193 1
Captors at Bourdeaux: but remaining maf
ters of the field of battle, they were all
enriched by the fpoil they found upon it;
for the French, confident of fuccefs, had
decorated their horfes and themfelves with
their beſt furniture and apparel, that they
might celebrate their victory with the
greater pomp: the prifoners alfo, though
their ranfoms were fixed at a low rate,
brought in confiderable fums. Every one
was allowed to apply to his own uſe the
money he received for the captives he had
taken; the French Monarch, his Son, and
thoſe whoſe redemption exceeded ten thou-
fand crowns only excepted, as fuch belonged
by the law of arms to the King.
Early the next morning after the battle,
the Prince ordered his army to be drawn
up, and on the field where its protection had
been fo confpicuous, caufed thanks to be
publicly rendered to Heaven for their fignal
deliverance. Among his many virtues and
amiable qualities, an unaffected piety held
N
not
[ 194 ]
not a fecondary place instead of vaunting
himſelf on his great prowefs, and priding
himſelf in his victories, he was not aſhamed
to attribute his fuccefs to the interpofition
of a fuperior Power, and publicly to offer
up his grateful acknowledgments: this hu-
mility diffuſed itſelf through every action,
and gained him the love and eſteem of thoſe
who were witnefles to it, with the enco-
miums of fucceeding ages.
Having allowed his army a proper time
for their refreſhment, he prepared to con-
tinue his march, intent on the fecurity of
his royal prize, and the ſpoil his troops had
acquired. Thus did Edward the Black
Prince (now doubly dyed black by the terror
of his arms, as Froiffart expreffes it) after
another fuccefsful expedition, march lei-
furely back, and arrive crowned with ho-
nour at his chief city of Bourdeaux: the
extravagant joy and triumph, the fumptuous
feafts, and fplendid pageants, with which
this victorious Prince and his gallant troops
were
[ 195 ]
:
were received into that city, are ſcarcely to
be imagined or defcribed. From hence the
Prince wrote letters to the King his Father,
giving him a full but modeft account of his
fuccefs, and promifing the next ſpring to
attend his royal Prifoner to England.
Whilft he remained at Bourdeaux he was
employed in deciding various differences
about the French prifoners: thofe he de-
figned to carry with him to England, which
the Gascoigners laid claim to, he paid them
the ranſom for; among theſe were Philip
the French King's Son, the Count de Pon-
thieu, and feveral other Noblemen: he alfo
heard before him the pretenfions of Sir Dennis
de Morbeque to the perfon of the King of
France; and notwithſtanding Sir Dennis
thewed the gauntlet the King had given
him, a 'Squire of Gafcoigué, named Ber-
nard de Troutes, averred that he had more
reafon to claim the honour of taking
the royal Priſoner, and thereupon chal-
lenged him; but the Prince commanded
N 2
them
*
३
J
{
[ 196 ]
them both, on pain of his difpleaſure, not
to proceed, being determined to leave the
decifion of fo intricate an affair to the King
his Father: however, on the French King's
declaring in favour of Sir Dennis, the ge-
nerous Prince fecretly gave him two thou-
fand nobles to enable him to ſupport the
dignity he had acquired, till he ſhould ar-
rive at the Engliſh court; and the next year,
when King Edward had determined the
caufe in his favour, the Prince gave him
five thousand crowns of gold more as a re-
ward for that ſervice; for though the ho-
nour was decreed to him, yet the King's
ranfom being above the ten thouſand crowns
ftipulated by the military laws, the Knight
was not entitled to it.
So many French Noblemen being flain
or taken prifoners at the late battle, there
remained but few able to manage the affairs
of that kingdom. The Dauphin, now
about eighteen years of age, naturally af
fumed the royal power during his Father's
captivity;
MoU
[197]
1
captivity; but though endowed with ex-
cellent abilities, he poffeffed neither the ex-
perience or authority neceffary to defend a
nation, affailed at once by foreign powers,
and ſhaken by internal factions. In order to
obtain fupplies he affembled the ftates of
the kingdom; but instead of ſupporting his
adminiſtration, they laid hold of the pre-
fent opportunity to demand limitations of
the Prince's power, and a renewal of thoſe
rights they ſuppoſed to have been infringed
by his Predeceffors: a fcene of confufion
confequently enfued, and France experi-
enced for fome months all the horrors at-
tendant on anarchy.
:
The provinces of Languedoc and Cham-
peigne alone feemed ready to contribute to-
wards the King's redemption and the exigences
of the ſtate affembled by the Earl of Ar-
magnac, the King's Lieutenant in thofe
parts, they agreed to pay their quota in
money, and to raiſe five thouſand men; at
the fame time they iffued out an ordonnance,
forbidding
N 3
[ 198 ]
C
forbidding the men to wear any precious
furs or rich ſtuffs; and ordering that all
the Ladies fhould lay afide the gorgeous at-
tire of their heads, and wear neither pearls,
gold, nor filver about their clothes, or upon
their girdles, fo long as their King should
remain a prifoner: and further to teſtify
their unhappineſs on account of the public
calamity, they laid afide all banquets, en-
tertainments, dances, and every other di-
verfion during his captivity. But theſe
laudable regulations were of no effect, as
moſt of the other provinces entered into the
views of the metropolis, whofe Provoſt,
fupported by feveral thoufand artificers, flew
three of the Dauphin's Counſellors in his
prefence, and were ready to fhake off all
regal authority.
During this confufion in the Dauphin's
affairs, King Edward feemed to have miffed
a favourable opportunity for puſhing his con-
quefts; but the ftate of the English finances
would not at prefent permit him to make
any
[ 199 ]
any regular or continued efforts. It has
been alſo eſteemed bad policy in the Prince
of Wales to keep the French King and the
other prifoners fo long at Bourdeaux,
whereby more than a year was spent in.
pleaſure and inactivity; but a rumour hav-
ing been ſpread, that the three eftates by
which the kingdom of France was then go-
verned, had views of refcuing their King
on his paffage to England, it was neceflary
he ſhould raiſe a fleet fufficient to convey
him with fafety. This, and the dangers
of a winter's voyage, retarded the Prince
till the twenty-fourth of April following,
near feven months after the battle of Poic-
tiers, when he fet fail for England: on the
fifth of May he landed at Sandwich, from
whence, after a fhort ftay to refreſh him-
felf and his companions from the fatigues of
the voyage, he proceeded on the twenty-
fourth to London.
Sir Henry Picard, then Lord Mayor,
was commanded by the King to prepare for
N 4
their
[200]
their reception in the moſt honourable man-
ner; and in Southwark they were met by a
thousand of the Citizens on horſeback.
The King of France, clothed in royal ap-
parel, was mounted on a large white courfer
in token of Sovereignty, whilft his generous
Conqueror, with his uſual modeſty and un-
paralleled greatnefs of foul, rode by his
fide on a little black horfe, induſtriouſly
avoiding every appearance of triumph. They
took their way over London Bridge, and
rode directly to Weſtminſter, and in the
ftreets through which they paffed the Ci-
tizens difplayed their plate, tapeſtry, and
valuable ornaments; but they more parti-
cularly expofed their warlike furniture, as
fuitable to the occafion, and expreffive of
their triumphant joy. The concourfe of
people to behold this uncommon fight was
fo great, that the proceffion continued from
five o'clock in the morning till noon, about
which time the Prince got to Weſtminſter-
hall, where he prefented to the King his
Father, then fitting in great ftate on a royal
throne,
[201]
throne, the perſon of King John his pri-
foner. The English Monarch aroſe, and
advancing to meet him, received him with
the fame courteſy as if he had been a neigh-
bouring Potentate voluntarily come to pay
him a friendly vifit. He then embraced
his Son, and publicly thanked him for the
ſervices he had done the kingdom; in
which all the people joined with the loudeſt
acclamations. The King concluded the
day with a magnificent entertainment, and
ordered apartments for the principal of his
captives in his own palace, till the Savoy *
could be prepared for their reception.
Never was joy more fincere and un-
bounded than that which diffuſed itſelf
through the whole nation on this glorious
occafion; and the rejoicings were continued
* The Savoy at that time was a noble ſtructure, be-
longing to Henry Duke of Lancaſter; but the firſt
founder being Peter Earl of Savoy, it retains his name to,
this day,
for
+
[ 202 ]
for ſeveral weeks, with the utmoſt ſplendor.
Thoſe troops who had been preſent at the
battle of Poitiers were welcomed, treated,
and highly careffed wherever they came,
and in all reſpects preferred to others of
equal rank and condition: on the contrary,
all the Lords, Knights, and 'Squires of
France, who had fled from the battle,
were fo hated, reviled, and pointed at,
that they forbore to appear at any public
place of refort: fo certainly is honour and
the public approbation the reward of vir-
tuous and gallant actions; and fo affuredly
will infamy and reproach purſue the coward
or the villain. The ambitious Tyrant or his
defpotic Miniſters may affect to deſpiſe the
cenfures of the people, and term them the
clamours of an ill-judging mob; the dif-
graced General may impute his retreat to
accident, to miftake, or to prudence, and
vaunt of his magnanimity whilft the enemy
are at a diftance; but the tyranny of the
one, and the cowardice of the other, will
appear through the thin difguife, and excite
the
!
[ 203 ]
the murmurs of the multitude, whofe de-
terminations are feldom erroneous. The
admiration and reſpect which the noble and
generous deeds of King Edward and his
godlike Son attracted, not only from their
own ſubjects but from the whole world,
fhould incite fucceeding Princes to an imi-
tation of their virtues, as they bid faireft
to procure them efteem at home, and họ-
nour from their neighbouring Potentates.
The acclamations of a few may be pur-
chafed, obedience might be enforced by
rigid laws and fubfervient mercenaries; but
how unlike the cheerful huzzas and willing
fervice of a happy people!
The Prince of Wales fhewed ſuch a ge-
nerous concern for the French Monarch,
that he promiſed him, both in his tent the
night of the late battle, and frequently af
terwards, that he would endeavour by his
entreaties and influence to prevail on his
Father to lay afide his enmity, and liften
to reaſonable terms of accommodation: he
accordingly,
گھر
[ 204 ]
1
accordingly, as a preparatory ſtep, procured
a truce to be made till the twenty-fourth
of June 1359, in expectation that a peace
would be concluded in the interim.
The Pope alfo again ftrove to mediate
between thefe Princes by his Legates, but
they were ſo notoriouſly partial to the
French, that King Edward would by no
means comply with the terms they offered:
to enforce their propofals, and to make a
peace the more neceffary to the English
King, they demanded, in the name of his
Holinefs, the annuity of one thouſand
marks, granted by his predeceffor King
John to the court of Rome when he refigned
his crown; and that fum having been with-
held for fome years, they infifted likewife
on payment of the arrears.
But depending
on the duty of his Clergy, the loyalty of
his Barons, and his own valour, he told
them without heſitation, "That as he ac-
،،
knowledged no fovereignty but that of
"Heaven, he would never pay tribute or
"" live
[ 205 ]
"live in fubjection to any mortal what-
""
❝ ever.'
This refolute reply put an end to
the negotiation, and a ceffation of arms, as
before agreed, was all that could be accom-
pliſhed.
Some months before the expiration of the
truce, King Edward with his Son the Prince
of Wales, and the King of France with
Lord James of Bourbon, held a friendly
meeting at Weſtminſter, when a treaty of
peace was agreed to by the two Kings on
the following terms:
First, That Acquitain fhould remain en-
tirely to King Edward and his heirs for
ever, together with Gafcoigné, Poitou,
Touraine, Sanctone, Perigórt, Quercy,
Limofin, Angoulefmois, Calais, Guifnes,
Boulognois, and the county of Ponthieu,
without any homage or tribute being re-
quired of him; and holding it by the fame
abfolute fovereignty as he held his kingdom
of England.
Secondly,
[206]
Secondly, That King John fhould pay
as a ranfom for himſelf three millions of
crowns of gold, and one million for the
Lords of France.
In confideration of thefe conditions King
Edward would give up and wholly remit
all his right in and to the duchies of Nor-
mandy, Anjou, and Maine; and renounce
his pretenfions to the crown of France,
never after taking upon him the title of
King of that country.
This agreement was figned and fealed by
both Kings on the twenty-fourth of March
1359, and a copy thereof fent to France for
the acquiefcence of the Dauphin, by the
Lord James of Bourbon, and the Lord Ar-
nold d'Endreghan: but the Dauphin and
the States of France rejected a treaty which
they eſteemed diſhonourable to that nation.
This refufal being brought to the French
King by the two Lords, he turned to King
Edward who was preſent, and thus expreffed
his
[ 207 ]
his diffatisfaction: "The fatal obftinacy of
66
66
my infatuated people is providing another
trophy for your victorious arms; you
"muſt again fhew them the fad effects of
"war, before they will underſtand the ad-
66 vantages of peace but thrice unhappy I,
"who cannot regain my liberty till 1 fee
66
my ſubjects once more vanquished; and
"can only impel them to their duty by the
"arms of my Conqueror."
From this time King Edward began to
make preparations for war; and in the in-
terim, to keep his Knights in employ, as
well as to indulge their turn for chivalry *
*The following inftance, recorded by Pêre Daniel,
will fhew the prevalence of chivalry and gallantry at that
time, and countenance this romantic exploit, though
it now appears only worthy of ridicule. A folemn duel
of thirty Knights on each fide was fought between Bem-
borough an Englishman, and Beaumanoir a Breton, of
the party of Charles de Blois: the Knights of two na-
tions being come into the field, before the conteſt began
Beaumanoir called out, That it fhould be feen that day
who had the fairest Miftreffes. After a bloody combat
the Bretons prevailed, and gained for their prize the
liberty to boast of their Miſtreſſes beauty.
which
[ 208 ]
which the people of that age were enthufi-
aſtically fond of, he cauſed a folemn juſt
to be proclaimed in London, to hold three
fucceffive days for the amuſement of the ci-
tizens: in the proclamation made on this
occafion it was given out, that the Lord
Mayor, the two Sheriffs, and the Alder-
dermen, as challengers, agreed to maintain
the field againſt all oppofers: but on the
day appointed the King himſelf, according
to a private agreement, came into the city,
attended by his four Sons, Edward, Lionel,
John, and Edmund, and by nineteen of
his principal Barons, where, bearing the city
arms on their fhields and furcoats, they
perfonated the corporation, and entered the
lifts in their ftead: they ſupported their
challenge with great honour for three days,
in the preſence of the Kings of France and
Scotland, the whole court, and an infinite
number of ſpectators: a few only of the
Citizens had been let into the fecret; but
when it was publicly known that the King
and his Sons had done them fo great an
honour,
[ 209 ]
honour, and fought fo gallantly under their
cognizance, they were greatly rejoiced, and
found, if poffible, their love for their Sove-
reign and his amiable family increaſed.
The truce was no fooner expired, and
the neceffary preparations made, than King
Edward embarked his army, which conſiſted
of one hundred thouſand men, on board one
thouſand one hundred and twenty fail of
fhips at Sandwich, and landed the fame
evening at Calais : on the fourth of Novem-
ber early in the morning they left that
town, and marched with great regularity
into France, the King obferving a ſtricter
diſcipline on this occafion than on any
former one. The carriages which had been
brought from England confifted of fix thou-
fand carts and waggons, each drawn by
four horfes; they were laden with provi-
fions for the army, befides many things
rarely feen in a camp, but uſeful in an ene-
my's country; fuch as hand-mills to grind
their corn, moveable ovens and forges:
O
thefe
1
[ 210 }
thefe were committed to the care of the
Prince of Wales, who had with him his
three Brothers, two thoufand fpears, and
four thouſand archers on horfeback, befides
infantry.
As this army was the greateſt that ever
paffed the fea from England in any prior or
fucceeding reign, in memory of the prin-
cipal leaders I fhall recite their names: Ed-
ward the Third, King of England, France,
and Lord of Ireland; with his four Sons,
viz. Edward of Woodstock, Prince of
Wales, Duke of Cornwal, &c.; Lionel of
Antwerp, Earl of Ulfter, afterwards created
Duke of Clarence; John of Gaunt, Earl
of Richmond, afterwards Duke of Lan-
cafter, and King of Caftile and Leon;
Edmund of Langley, Earl of Cambridge,
afterwards Duke of York. The King's
fifth Son, Thomas of Woodstock, was left
in England, and though not fix years of
age, was conftituted by his Father Lieute-
nant and Lord Warden of the kingdom dur-
and
ing
[ 211
211 ]
ing his abfence in France, feveral of the
wifeſt Prelates and Counſellors being ap-
pointed as the real Governors. The reſt of
the Leaders were Henry Plantagenet, Duke
of Lancaſter, the King's Coufin-german;
Roger Lord Mortimer, Earl of March,
and Conſtable of England; Thomas Beau-
champ, Earl of Warwick, and Robert
Ufford, Earl of Suffolk, Marſhals of the
army; Ralph Stafford, Earl of Stafford;
William Montague, Earl of Saliſbury and
King of Man; Humphry Bohun, Earl of
Hereford and Effex; William Bohun his
brother, Earl of Northampton; and John
Vere, Earl of Oxford; the Lord Henry
Piercy and his eldeſt Son Sir Henry, who
was afterwards created Earl of Northum-
berland; with the Lords Ralph Neville,
Edward Spencer, John Chandos, Walter
Manny, Reginald Cobham, John Grey,
John Mowbray, Roger de la Warre,
Thomas Felton, John Willoughby, James
Audeley, Ralph Baffet, John Carleton,
Bartholomew Burgherfh, John Fitzwalter,
Edmund
02
[ 212 ]
Edmund Pierpoint, and John Botetourt,
(the Predeceffors of feveral noble families
now extant) befides many Knights of great
repute exclufive of thefe noble perfons, a
great number of Lords and Gentlemen, ftrang-
ers, drawn by the high renown and ſplendid
fuccefs of King Edward and his Son, were
emulous to fight under their banners.
The Dauphin and the three eftates of
the kingdom of France, feeing fo formidable
an enemy approach, were the more easily
reconciled and united for their country's de-
fence but the young Prince, warned by
the ill-fuccefs of his Father, refolved to act
only on the defenfive; he accordingly pre-
pared to elude a blow which it was impoffi-
ble for him to refift, by putting all the
confiderable towns in a pofture of defence;
having fupplied them with ftrong garrifons,
he then fixed his own ſtation at Paris, with
a view of allowing the invaders to waſte
their fury on the open country.
3
The
[ 213 ]
The Engliſh army having ravaged Pi-
cardy advanced into Champaigne, Edward
having a ſtrong defire to be crowned King
of France at Rheims, the ufual place in
which that ceremony is performed;
he
therefore laid fiege to that city, and vigo-
rouſly carried on his attacks for feven weeks,
though without fuccefs, it being defended
by John de Craon their Archbishop with
great bravery.
During the fiege feveral ſtrong detach-
ments were ſent out to forage, whereby
many rencounters happened: the moſt re-
markable atchievement performed by theſe
detached parties was by one under the com-
mand of the Duke of Lancaſter, accom-
panied by the Earl of Richmond the King's
third Son, the Earl of March, the Lord
John of Chandos, the Lord James Audeley,
the Lord Burgherfh, and the Lord of Mu-
cidan a Gafcon Knight. Having ravaged
Champaigne till they came to Cerney en
Dormois, a ſtrong caftle, they made a vi-
gorous
0 3
[ 214 }
]
}
gorous affault on it; and the Lord of Mu-
cidan being flain, all the Lords fwore they
would not ſtir till they had taken the place:
the Gafcoigners, enraged at the lofs of their
Commander, plunged into the ditches, and
mounting the walls with their targets over
their heads forced the caftle, putting in
the firſt tranfports of their fury all the
garrifon to the fword, except Sir John Ca-
ples the Governor, and a few Knights.
King Edward foreſeeing the plan of de-
fence laid down by the Dauphin, had (as
before obferved) brought with him as many
neceffaries as poffible for the fubfiftence of
his army; he had alfo with him for his
amufement thirty falconers with hawks,
and fixty couple of hounds; with theſe the
chief of the Nobility hawked and hunted at
their pleaſure, thus paffing away a tedious
winter.
Still finding an obftinate refiftance from
the inhabitants of Rheims, and that an at-
tempt
[215]
tempt to take it by ſtorm, which his valour
fometimes ſuggeſted, would occafion the
lofs of many troops, having alfo greater de-
figns in agitation, the King decamped and
marched into Burgundy. On his approach,
Philip the
young
Duke fent his Chancellor
and fome other Noblemen to Edward, of-
fering one hundred thouſand nobles for the
preſervation of his country from further ra-
vages: this offer was accepted, and the
English army withdrew from his terri-
tories. The King then bent his march to-
wards the Nivernois, which faved itſelf by
a like compofition; but the other provinces.
not purchaſing the fame favour, he marched
towards Paris, laying wafte the territories
through which he proceeded.
On the last day of March he encamped
before that city, taking up his quarters at
Bourg-la-Reine within two fmall leagues
of it. During the feftival of Eafter feveral
treaties were ſet on foot to prevent a further
effufion of blood, but without fuccefs: this
induced
0 4
[216]
$
induced King Edward to draw his whole
army nearer to Paris, when he fent the
Duke of Lancafter with his Heralds to chal-
lenge the regent, then in the city with a
very confiderable force, to battle, affuring
him at the fame time, that if the French
were victorious he would never after claim
or affume any right to the crown of France.
Whilſt the Duke was on this errand, the
King knighted no less than four hundred
*
young
* On theſe occafions two fpecies of Knights were gene-
rally created, Knights-Bachelors, or Knights-Bannerets:
the former is the first degree of military honour; and in
time of war or of hafte, the initiation confifted only of a
gentle touch on the fhoulder with the flat fide of a ſword;
the latter dignity is fuppofed by Camden to have been
inftituted by King Edward himfelf, as a recompence of
martial prowess: it was reckoned an intermediate rank
between a Baron and a Knight-Bachelor, and might be
termed Vexillarius Minor, the leffer banner-bearer, as
before this order was created, the right of carrying a
fquare banner belonged only to the Barons. There is
alfo a difference between Knights-Bannerets and Knights-
Bachelors, in the occafions and circumftances of their
creations; the Banneret being only created at a time when
the King's ſtandard is erected, and he bears a banner of
his own in the field, whereas the Knight-Bachelor might
be
قمر
[ 217 ]
young Gentlemen, to encourage them to a
valiant behaviour ſhould a battle enfue.
But the Duke of Lancaſter foon returned
with an anſwer, that the Dauphin declined
to accept the defiance; when the King
granted Lord Walter Manny leave, on his
earneſt requeſt, to go at the head of the
new-made Knights and a confiderable body
of troops to ſkirmiſh near the barriers, and to
burn what they could of the fuburbs, hop-
ing by this means to provoke the French
to iffue out: the affault was vigorous and
lafted from morning till noon, the French
be dubbed at any time. A Knight could not be made a
Banneret till he was able to raiſe and maintain a certain
number of men; but a Knight-Bachelor not being able
to do this, marched under the banner of fome of the
Barons. The ceremony uſed in making a Banneret is
thus: He is brought into the field between two fenior
Knights, with trumpets founding before them, and He-
ralds carrying a banner of his arms called a Penon; in
this manner being brought before the King, the tip of
his banner is cut off, that of an oblong it might become
a fquare, like that of a Baron: his Majefty then having
wifhed him fuccefs, he returns to his tent conducted as
before,
defending
[ 218 ]
defending their ports with great reſolution ;
but the Regent having given peremptory
orders that no man, on forfeiture of his life,
fhould go beyond the barriers, this defign
of Sir Walter proved ineffectual.
The King now feeing that no provoca-
tions could bring the Dauphin to a battle,
and that it was impoffible to reduce the city
with ſo numerous an army in it, he raiſed
his camp
camp and marched into Bretagné : his in-
tention was to lay wafte the country as he
proceeded, and, after having refreſhed his
troops in that fruitful province, to return
to Paris before the harveft was got in; as
this plan would prevent the Dauphin from
procuring any freſh fupplies of corn, he
doubted not of being then able to reduce
that city by famine.
But whilft he was on his march Embaf.
fadors followed him with frefn overtures of
peace.
The Regent, his two Brothers,
and their Uncle the Duke of Orleans, hav-
ing
}
[ 219 ]
ing in council maturely confidered the mi-
ferable fituation of France, occafioned by
the ravages of the King of England, they
began ferioufly to wifh for an accommo
dation to this purpoſe they added the
Biſhop of Terovenne, a prelate of great
confequence and judgment, to the negotiators
that had been employed during the Eafter
week, and ordered them to follow King
Edward overtaking him near Gaillardon,
they defired him to permit a treaty to be
held once more for this falutary end;
which he readily granted, appointing his
Son the Prince of Wales, with the Duke
of Lancaſter, to hear their propoſals; but
at the fame time flackened neither his
march or his operations. The negotiation
was carried on in this manner for feveral
days, but the English Monarch's demands
appeared fo unreaſonable to the French
Commiffioners, that they were obliged to
fend an account of their proceedings fre-
quently to the Regent, and to wait a return
of his directions,
Very
[ 220 ]
Very little progrefs being made in the
treaty, as King Edward would not re-
nounce his pretenfions to the crown of
France, Henry, called for his heroic and
princely virtues the Good Duke of Lancaſter,
endeavoured to foften the rigour of theſe
conditions, and to terminate the war on
more equal and reafonable ones: the King
notwithſtanding continued inexorable, as
the juſtice of his claims to the French
throne had been early rooted in his breaſt,
and had been long the favourite wiſh of his
heart. However, whilft the Duke of Lan-
cafter was one day reiterating his reafons
and intreaties on their march towards Char-
tres, an accidental ftorm removed his obdu-
racy,
and effected what the Duke's moft
forcible arguments may not have brought
about. The fky in an inftant became
clouded, and there fell fuch torrents of rain
and hail, accompanied by fuch tremendous
peals of thunder and flashes of lightning,
that the whole fabrick of nature appeared to
be diffolving even the boldeſt Knights,
thofe
[ 221 ]
thoſe who had often braved death in battle,
could not behold this uncommon agitation
of the elements undiſmayed. At the fame
time it became fo exceflive cold, that fix
thouſand horfes and near one thouſand men
periſhed on the fpot; among others, that
brave young Nobleman the Lord Guy
Beauchamp, eldeft Son of the Earl of War-
wick, was fo wounded, that he died a few
days after at Vendofme. King Edward looked
on this as a loud declaration of the Divine
diſpleaſure at his feverity; alighting therefore
immediately from his horfe he kneeled on the
ground, and made a folemn vow to Heaven,
that he would now fincerely and abſolutely
incline his mind to peace with France on
reaſonable conditions: thus difpofed he en-
camped at a village near Chartres, called
Bretigny, where the French Commiffioners
attended him next day with ample inftruc-
tions, and he was content to accept of their
offers of
peace
*
This
* The preamble runs thus: Edward, eldeft Son of the
noble King of England, Lord of Ireland and of Acquitain,
Duke
[ 222
This famous treaty was negotiated by
Edward Prince of Wales,
Charles the
Dauphin Regent of France, and their
agents, in the name of both the Kings,
theſe two Princes, and all the ſubjects of
either realm. It was therein ftipulated,
That King John fhould be restored to his
liberty, on paying for his ranfom * three
millions of crowns in gold, about one mil-
lion five hundred thousand pounds of the
preſent money, which was to be diſcharged
Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chefter, to all who ſhall
fee thefe prefent letters, greeting. We give you to un-
derſtand, that of all the debates and diſcords whatſoever
moved and commenced between our moſt redoubted Lord
and Father the King of England on the one part, and
our Couſin the King and his eldeſt Son Regent of the
realm of France on the other part, for the benefit of peace
it is accorded on the 8th of May in the year of Grace
1360, at Bretigny near Chartres, in manner and form
following.
* An immenſe fum had the whole been paid, but one
half of it remained unpaid at the time a freſh war broke
out between the two kingdoms; when his fon Charles,
then King, choſe rather to employ the money in com-
bating the Engliſh, than in enabling them to carry on the
war.
at
[223]
at different payments. That King Edward
fhould for ever renounce all claim to the
crown of France, and to the provinces of
Normandy, Maine, Touraine, and Anjou,
poffeffed by his Anceſtors; in exchange for
which he ſhould receive, befides what he
already held in Guienne and Gafcoigné, the
provinces of Poitou, Sainctonge, Agenois,
Perigort, the Limofin, Tarbé, Cahourfin,
Bigorre, Gaure, l'Angouleſmois, and other
diftricts in that quarter, together with Ca-
lais, Guifnes, Montreuil, and the county
of Ponthieu, on the other fide of France.
That the full fovereignty of theſe provinces,
as well as that of Guienne, fhould be veft.d
in the crown of England; and, That France
ſhould renounce all title to feudal juriſdic-
tion or homage for them. That the King
reſtored to all his
of Navarre fhould be
honours and poffeffions. That the English
ſhould renounce their confederacy with the
Flemish, the French their connections with
the Scots. That the difputes concerning
the fucceflion of Brittany, between the fa-
24
milies
[224]
milies of Blois and Mountfort, fhould be
decided by arbitrators appointed by the two
Kings. And, That forty hoftages fhould
be ſent to England as a fecurity for the per-
formance of all theſe conditions.
This treaty being firft figned by the
Prince of Wales and the Dauphin, was af-
terwards ratified by oath in the following
manner, as deſcribed by Walfingham:
"At Paris in the time of low mafs, when
66
they had thrice fang, O Lamb of God,
"which takeft away the fins of the world,
"grant us thy peace, Charles the Dauphin,
66
Regent of France, went up to the altar,
"and laying his right hand on the patten
"wherein lay the Holy Euchariſt, and his
"left on the Gofpels, he took his oath in
thefe words: We Charles do fwear upon
"the Holy Body and the Goſpels of our
Lord, firmly what in us lies to keep this
66
66
peace and concord thus formed between
"the two Kings; and by no means to go
againſt the fame. So help us, &c." The
66
like
£ 225 1
like oath was taken by the Prince of Wales,
in the church of Louviers in Normandy.
The peace being thus confirmed, King
Edward marched by way of Abbeville to
Calais, where he gave orders for the em-
barkation of his troops for England: but
the Prince of Wales with his divifion hav-
ing marched into Normandy, that the army
being thus divided may be better accommo-
dated, the King haftened from Calais to Har-
fleur, where he took fhipping with his Son,
and landed at Rye in Suffex on the eigh-
teenth of May.
The King of France being now at liberty
to return to his kingdom, the Prince of
Wales conducted him to Calais
on the
eighth of July; but the money agreed for
the firſt payment of his ranfon bing de-
layed to the twenty-fifth of October follow-
ing, the Prince with his uſual courteſy at-
tended his royal Friend till that time, and
endeavoured
P
[ 226 ]
}
endeavoured by varying his divertiſements
to make his abode there agreeable.
On King Edward's arrival at Calais in
the beginning of October, both Kings again
ratified and confirmed by oath the treaty,
the French Monarch being no longer a
priſoner; the hoftages were alfo delivered
up, and four hundred thouſand crowns of
gold paid in part of the ranſom: King Ed-
ward then entertained his royal gueſt in a
magnificent manner, the Prince of Wales,
his Brothers, and the chief Nobility ferving
uncovered. The next morning King John
with his retinue left Calais, the King of
England accompanying him a mile on his
way, where the two Monarchs parted with
many profeffions of mutual friendſhip and
amity. The good difpofition of the French
King made him fully fenfible of the gene-
rous treatment he had met with in England,
and obliterated from his memory the unfor-
tunate incidents which had given occaſion
for it.
2
The
[ 227 ]
The Prince of Wales attended him to
Boulogne, where they parted with great re-
luctance; endeared to each other by a re-
ciprocation of noble and virtuous fentiments
and repeated acts of courteſy, a generous
friendship, fuch as is only known to exalted
minds, had taken root in their bofoms never
to be eradicated though they had met as
enemies, yet the fervour of their laft em-
brace ſpoke more forcibly than words could
do, the affectionate emotions of their truly
royal hearts.
The Prince on his return to Calais em-
barked with his Father and the French hof-
tages on the laft day of October, and landed
at Dover the next morning. When the
King arrived in London, with his ufual hu-
manity he gave command to all his Officers
to bear themſelves kind and favourable to-
wards the Lords of France, and to defend
them from all affronts and injuries whatever.
P 2
We
[228]
We are now to behold the character of
the heroic Prince of Wales in another point
of view foftened by peace he became a
captive to love; but even in this fituation
he gave proofs of the dignity of his fenti-
ments and rectitude of his heart. In the
early part of his life he had attended his
Father to Antwerp, where he was fo ad-
mired by the whole court of the Duke of
Brabant for his exact ſhape, noble air, and
graceful accompliſhments, that a match was
propofed by the Duke between the Prince
and the Lady Margaret his Daughter. The
propofal was readily accepted by King Ed-
ward, on the Duke's promifing to give for
her portion fifty thousand pounds fterling.
But the royal Children being within the
third degree of confanguinity, and the Pope
refufing to grant a difpenfation, the mar-
riage was not confummated. Since
which the Prince had never turned his
thoughts towards wedlock; honour had
been his only miftrefs, and
chievements his whole delight.
military at-
The time
however
[ 229 ]
however at length arrived, when he was to
add another proof to the innumerable in-
ſtances already recorded by Hiftorians, that
the boldeſt hearts are not impenetrable to
the fhafts of Love.
An accidental arrow pierced his breaſt;
for folicitating Joan, Countefs of Kent, one
day in behalf of a friend, he was ſo ſtruck
with her noble reply, and the force of her
charms, that he yielded up his heart to
her. This Lady was daughter and heirefs
of Edmund of Woodstock, Earl of Kent,
fecond Son of King Edward Firſt, and for
her admirable beauty was generally styled the
Fair Maid of Kent. Though thus royally
defcended, fhe was firft married to Sir
Thomas Holland, who in her right was
Earl of Kent, and by whom fhe had three
fons and a daughter: Sir Thomas dying, the
ftill retained fo much of her beauty, that
the Prince could not behold her without
feeling emotions to which he had hitherto
been a ſtranger.
P 3
She
[ 230 ]
She was in the thirty-third year of her
age, and the Prince in the thirty-firſt of
his, when he made his addreffes to her in
favour of a perſon he much refpected, whoſe
name is not handed down to us.
He re-
peated his folicitations with great difintereſt-
edneſs, but always found the Lady reluctant :
at length, when the Prince would no
longer be denied, fhe told him with fome
warmth, That when ſhe was a ward ſhe
had been difpofed of by others; but that
now, being at years of difcretion, and
riftrefs of her own actions, fhe would
not degrade herſelf by marrying beneath
her rank." She added, "That as fhe
* could not but remember fhe was of the
"blood royal of England, fhe was refolved
"never to marry again, unless it was to a
perfon princely and virtuous as himſelf."
A bluſh which overfpread her lovely face
as the coucluded, conveyed the whole of
her meaning to young Edward, who from
that moment began to form wiſhes not very
favourable to his friend. The Prince, who
was
[ 231 ]
was a paffionate admirer of every gallant
fpirit, was ſo pleaſed with the dignity of
her manner and fentiments, and fo charmed
with the partiality fhe feemed to exprefs
for himſelf, that he now folicited her hand
on his own account as he faw the Coun-
teſs ſo determined againſt the perſon pro-
poſed to her, he thought it no breach of
friendſhip to accept of that love he could
not gain for another, and which had been
fo delicately offered him.
King Edward was greatly pleaſed both at
his determination and his choice; a more
fuitable match could not have been propoſed
to him, as he wanted not to ftrengthen his
throne by foreign alliances: the Prince the
great grand-child of Edward the Firſt of
glorious memory, the Counteſs the grand-
child of the fame Monarch: he the glory
of his fex for military performances, and all
princely virtues; and fhe the flower of hers,
for the delicacy of her beauty, the fpright-
linefs of her wit, and the goodneſs of her
heart.
P 4
[ 232 ]
heart. To noble and ingenuous minds af-
fectation is diſpleaſing; they therefore de-
ferred no longer to indulge their mutual
wiſhes, than was neceffary to procure a
diſpenſation from the Pope on account of
their confanguinity; this being obtained,
they were married with great fplendor and
folemnity at the Caſtle of Windfor, on the
tenth of October 1361, and during their
whole lives lived an example to the English
court, of that nuptial harmony and felicity
which flows from a well-placed affection.
King Edward being now poffeffed of fuch
confiderable territories in France, the fo-
vereignty of which had been confirmed to
him by the treaty of Bretigny, he had
thoughts of erecting Acquitain and the
other provinces into a kingdom, and to annex
them to his titles; but taking into confi-
deration the great fervices of his Son Ed-
ward, he refigned them to him, creating
him Prince of Acquitain. The Prince hav-
ing received the proper charters, which con-
tained
[ 233 ]
tained many tender expreffions from the
King, and done homage for his domi-
nions, he made preparations to paſs the ſeas
to take poffeffion of them: the remain-
der of the year was employed in prepar-
ing a retinue equal to his dignity, which,
by the acquifition of fo rich a principality,
required the pomp and ftate of royalty.
After Chriſtmas the King and Queen,
with their whole family, went to viſit the
Prince and Princeſs at Berkhemſtead, a
manor belonging to the Prince in Hertford-
fhire, where they continued feveral Days*
* Sir John Froiffart, who was prefent at the Prince's
court during this aſſociation of the royal family, gives an
account of the hoſpitality with which they were received,
and at the fame time relates a prophecy which was then
the fubject of converfation: "That neither the Prince
"of Wales nor any of King Edward's Sons fhould ever
"come to the crown, but that the realm of England
fhould, after a while, devolve to the Houſe of Lan-
"cafter." This happened to prove true; but perhaps
the ambitious fpirit of John of Gaunt, afterwards Duke
of Lancaſter, whofe Son by indirect methods mounted
the throne, began to fhew itſelf at this early period, and
rendered fuch an event probable.
<
during
[ 234 ]
during which time the King held many
confultations with his Son on public affairs,
as he alway paid great refpect to the Prince's
judgment, not only in the concerns of war,
but alſo thofe of civil government: the
remainder of the time was ſpent in fplendid
entertainments, and in fuch diverfions as
could give pleaſure to their royal guefts;
the Prince and Princefs by their hofpitality,
affable behaviour, and tender affection for
each other, increafing that eſteem and vene-
ration in which they were before held by
the English court.
In the beginning of the February fol-
lowing the Prince went on board his fleet,
of which the Earl of Warwick was Ad-
miral, and arrived in four days at Rochelle,
at which place he, and his Princefs who ac-
companied him, were received with joyful
acclamations: on the fifth day after his ar-
rival he fet out with a princely train for
Poitiers, where the Nobility of that pro-
vince met him with great reſpect, and
cheerfully
[ 235 ]
cheerfully paid him homage. Thus, near
the ſpot on which he vanquiſhed the powers
of France, he reaped the firft fruits of his
conqueft. From Poitiers he went to Bour-
deaux, where he kept his court with all
the fplendor of a Monarch: thither the
Nobles of Gascoigné came to render him
fealty; he received them graciouſly, and
behaved towards them in all points with
fo much honour, graced by fuch a noble,
generous, and affable deportment, that they
rejoiced in the exchange of Sovereigns, and
promiſed themſelves much profperity under
his government.
Among thoſe who came to pay him
homage were the Earls of Foix and Ar-
magnac, Lords of great power, and nearly
allied by blood, but there fubfifted a great
animofity between them: this had broke
out into a war, which the French King
durft not undertake to compofe, for fear of
difobliging the King of England, whofe
yaffals they now were; but the Prince of
Wales
[236]
Wales took the opportunity of their meet-
ing at his court to make peace between
them, his obliging carriage and convincing
arguments bringing them to reaſon, though
before they were not inclinable to admit of
an accommodation.
peace
But it was not in the power of the
Prince to reconcile the minds of all his
new fubjects to this change of government.
Some of the towns transferred
transferred to the
English Monarch by the late treaty of
expreffed extreme reluctance againſt ſub-
mitting to the dominion of the Engliſh:
the King of France therefore took a refo-
lution of coming over himſelf to England,
in order to adjust thefe differences with the
greater readinefs: his Council endeavoured
to diffuade him from this rafh defign, and
probably adviſed him to make this a pretext
for breaking a treaty fo diſadvantageous to
his nation; but the King, among many
other virtues, poffcffed a nice fenſe of ho-
nour, and a fcrupulous punctuality in ful-
filling
[ 237 ]
filling every obligation he had entered
into: he confequently told them, “That
"though good faith was banished from the
“reft of the earth, the ought notwithſtand-
"ing to retain her habitation in the breafts
"of Princes." A declaration which will
ever do him honour, and, exclufive of his
valour and humanity, will make his name:
refpected *.
On his arrival in England he was re-
ceived by King Edward with the greateſt
cordiality, and had the Savoy palace again
allotted for his refidence; but he lived not
long enough either to enjoy the hofpitable
reception of Edward, or to finiſh the bufi-
* Some Hiſtorians, unwilling to allow the French
King the merit of ſuch a noble conduct,impute his readineſs
to vifit England not to his punctuality but to Love: they
affert, that being enamoured with a Lady of that king-
dom during his abode there, he made thefe difputes a
pretext for paying her a vifit. But this appears improbable
from the age of that Prince, who was now in his fifty-
fixth year, when it is natural to fuppofe the violence of
paffion muſt be moderated by Reafon and Prudence.
nefs
[ 238 ]
nefs which brought him over, for he foon
fickened and died. This Prince lived an inftance
that bravery, goodneſs of heart, and unfpotted
honour, cannot always fecure the poffeffor
from the frowns of Fortune, though me-
rited only by flight imprudences. His too
hafty and ill-judged attack of the Engliſh
army at Poitiers, notwithſtanding the
number of his forces warranted the moſt
defperate attempt, tumbled him from a
fplendid throne to captivity, and wrefted
from him a large portion of his dominions.
But though both the reign of King John
and that of his Father proved unfortunate
to their kingdom, the French crown ac-
quired, during their time, the provinces of
Dauphiny and Burgundy, valuable ac-
quifitions.
Charles the Dauphin fucceeded his Fa-
ther to the throne; a Prince educated in
the ſchool of Adverfity, and well qualified
by his prudence and experience to repair
the loffes which the nation had fuftained
from '
[ 239 ]
from the errors of his Predeceffors. Before
Charles could think of oppofing the power
of England, or endeavour to recover the
provinces his Father had difmembered, it was
neceffary to repair the many diforders to
which his own kingdom was expoſed. In-
ſtead of commanding his armies himſelf, as
his Anceſtors had always done, he choſe
Sir Bertrand du Guefclin, a Knight of
Brittany, to fight his battles; referving to
himſelf the more important duties of a
King-Policy, Forefight, and Judgment.
This Gentleman was one of the moſt ac-
compliſhed characters of the age; Charles
had diſcernment enough to diſtinguiſh his
talents, and to employ them to advantage.
He first directed his arms againſt the
King of Navarre, who had long fecretly
affifted the enemies of France, and given
that kingdom continual diſturbance; Sir
Bertrand attacked him with fuccefs, and
obliged him to accept of peace on difadvan-
tageous terms.
The
+
[240]
i
The wars in Brittany ftill continuing,
notwithſtanding the mediation of France
and England, Sir Bertrand was fent to the
affiftance of Charles de Blois, to whofe in-
tereft the French had always been attached;
but the Knight found himſelf unable to
cope with the valiant Lord John Chandos,
who fought on the fide of the Count de
Mountford: Du Guefclin was taken pri-
foner, and Charles de Blois being flain, the
young Count got poffeffion of that duchy.
The French King, by his policy, guarded
againſt any hoſtile confequences that might
have ariſen from this event; for fubmitting
to the decifion of Fortune, he acknow-
ledged the title of de Mountford, and re-
ceived as Sovereign the profferred homage for
his dominions.
Another embarraffment now called for
all the exertion of King Charles's policy.
On the conclufion of the peace of Bretigny,
the many military adventurers who had fol-
lowed the fortunes of King Edward, being
difperfed
[ 241 ]
difperfed into the feveral provinces of
France, and poffeffed of many fortreffes,
they refuſed to lay down their arms, or re-
linquiſh a courſe of life to which they were
accuſtomed, and by which alone they
could gain a fubfiftence. Thefe, by the
acceffion of numbers who were reduced to
mifery and defpair from the devaſtations of
war, amounted in the whole to near forty
thouſand, and under the name of Compa-
nions committed depredations on the peace-
able inhabitants of the kingdom. Some
Engliſh and Gafcon Gentlemen were not
afhamed to take command of thefe ruffians;
they fought ſeveral regular battles with the
troops of France, in many of which they
were victorious, and in one of them a Prince
of the blood loft his life. This evil was
every day increaſing, nor could a ſentence
of excommunication, which was iffued by
the Pope againſt them, put a stop to their
outrages.
1
Р
As
[242]
As Charles the French King was unable
to ſuppreſs them by force, he politicly
contrived to find them employ againſt fome
foreign power: an opportunity foon offered ;
for Pedro, King of Caftile, termed with
great propriety the Cruel, having filled
his own family and his kingdom with
bloodshed, his natural Brother, Henry
Count de Tranftamara, affifted by thofe
fubjects who were difgufted at the King's
cruelty, took up arms against him: the
Count however being unſucceſsful in the
attempt, fled into France, where he found
not only an afylum, but affiftance; for
King Pedro having, at the inftigation of
his miſtreſs Maria de Padrilla, put to death
his Wife who was Sifter to the Queen of
France, the whole French nation were
greatly exafperated against him, and ready
to revenge her murder. Charles took ad-
vantage of this difpofition of his people to
affift the Count, and at the fame time to
employ the Companions who had given him
fo much trouble; he accordingly fent
amongst
[243]
amongst them Sir Bertrand du Guefclin,
who was by this time ranfomed from the
English. The high character this Gene-
ral poffeffed induced them to rely on his
promiſes, and to enlift under his ſtandard,
though they knew not the deſtination of
their arms; the only condition they re-
quired before their engagement was, that
they ſhould not be led againſt the Prince
of Wales in Guienne. Sir Bertrand agree-
ing to this reſtriction, foon raiſed a fuffi-
cient number of forces, and marched into
Spain, where the univerſal deteftation King
Pedro was held in by his fubjects, made his
expulfion eafy to hardy and experienced
foldiers, led on by fo able a General. Don
Henry was accordingly feated on his Bro-
ther's throne, and the exiled King obliged to
ſeek a refuge in Guienne.
Whilſt this was tranfacting the Prince of
Wales employed himmelf in the regulation of
his principality: he constituted the Lord John
Chandos Conſtable of all Acquitain, and
the
[244]
ما
the Lord Guiſchard d'Angle his Marſhal;
the other great offices he diſtributed without
partiality to the Engliſh and Gafcon
Knights according to their merit, choofing
thoſe whofe fidelity he was affured of, and
who were moft celebrated for their virtues.
Perhaps there never lived a Prince of greater
integrity or ſtricter honour; the poffeffion
of fimilar qualities was confequently a fure
recommendation to his favour: and fo
great
was his penetration, that he was feldom mif-
taken in his judgment of perfons.
He now became as famous for the pro-
priety of his government in peace, as for
his heroic atchievements in war.
Peter of
Lufignan, King of Cyprus and Jerufalem,
having been foliciting feveral of the Euro-
pean Potentates to affift him in a crufade
for the recovery of Jerufalem, was ſo ſtruck
with the brilliancy of the Prince of Wales's
character, that he declared he fhould ef
teem every thing he had feen or done of
little moment, till he had been perfonally
witneſs
[245]
witneſs to the excellencies of fo renowned
a perfon; he therefore took a journey to
Angoulefie, where the Prince then kept
his court,
and arrived at the time he
held a grand tournament in honour of the
birth of his fon Edward, 1364. The
King of Cyprus beheld with admiration this
celebrated Hero, and was foon convinced
that Fame had not been too laviſh in his
praiſes: after being nobly entertained and
greatly careffed by the Prince, he procured
leave on his departure for the Earl of War-
wick, the Lord Roos, and upwards of three
hundred valiant Knights of England and
Gafcoigné, to affift him in the holy wars.
It was in the fourth year of the Prince's
refidence in France that Don Pedro, King
of Caftile, implored his protection. Whilſt
that King remained at Corunna he fent a
letter to the Prince of Wales, declaring
his misfortunes, his danger, and his po-
verty; and intreating, in the humbleſt man-
ner, that he would grant him fuccour.
Having
Q3
[246]
;
Having fummoned the Lords who com-
pofed his Council, young Edward fhewed
them the Spaniſh King's letter, and deſired
their advice how to act:
• Shall we,
"after the manner of the world," faid this
generous Prince, "neglect a man in adver-
66
fity? or thall we, as charity and bene-
"volence require, aflift him to recover his
throne? He claims our aid as a lawful
“heir and acknowledged Sovereign, driven
"from it by an illegitimate Pretender;
* fhall we not therefore, notwithſtand-
ing his crimes, endeavour to regain
"for him his crown, ftriving at the fame
"time to foften the rigour of his difpofi-
66
tion, which will enfure him the future
"obedience of his fubjects? It is true we
"are here enjoying the pleaſures of peace,
66
but are they not attended with obfcurity
"and difgrace? If we undertake this en-
terprize and fucceed, as I truft we ſhall,
"immortal honour, the warrior's chiefeft
good, will be our reward." The Lords,
infpired by the fame generous principles,
6.6
gave
[247]
gave their opinion in favour of the baniſhed
King; and it was agreed to invite him to
Bourdeaux, that they might hear more at
leifure the particulars of his requeſt.
There is no action of this excellent
Prince's life that feems to deferve cenfure
excepting this. To engage in defence of a
King held in general deteftation for his
numberless cruelties, has drawn upon him
the cenfure of many: fome imputing it to
a reſtleſs difpofition have faid, that, in-
flamed by the love of arms, he confidered
not the character of the perfon for whom
he undertook a war, fo he engaged in bat-
tles and bloodfhed; others, fuppofing it to
proceed from prefumption generated by his
former victories, confider it rather as the
effect of vanity than of generofity; whilſt
the French afcribing it to envy, boaſt that
the Prince, repining at the recent ſucceſs of
their great Commander Sir Bertrand du
Guefclin, was determined to fnatch the
laurels from his brow.
Q4
very
The latter is
improbable;
[ 248 ]
improbable; for after two fuch unparalleled
victories as thofe of Crefy and Poitiers, it
cannot be fuppofed that the Prince of
Wales could fet his name in competition
with a Knight, who had not yet arrived
to any degree of glory. It was not till
after this period that Sir Bertrand's atchieve-
ments acquired him fo much renown; and
even then the Prince of Wales, whofe ho-
nour the greateſt Monarchs on earth might
envy, could not furely condefcend to be
jealous of a perfon who had been conquered
and taken prifoner by one of his Generals.
The natural greatnefs of the Prince's foul
forbids this conclufion. Inured from his
childhood to war, and difliking the inactive
ftate he had long remained in, he might
perhaps engage too haftily in the cauſe of
an undeferving King: to prevent the acqui-
fition of fo powerful a confederate to
France as the new King of Caftile, who
was allied by honour and gratitude to that
kingdom, may have been another induce-
ment the latter motive will in a great
meaſure
[ 249 ]
meaſure excuſe the precipitate ftep, if we
are unwilling to allow him the merit of
generously intending to fuccour a diftreffed
Prince. He found however in the end too
much reaſon to repent his engaging in fa-
vour of a Potentate, who was not only
cruel and tyrannical, but perfidious and un-
grateful.
No fooner were his refolutions taken to
liften to the petitions of Don Pedro, than
he fitted out twelve men of war to bring
him from Corunna, of which he appointed
the Lord Thomas Felton Admiral: but
whilft this fleet was detained at Bayonne by
contrary winds, the fugitive King arrived
there, attended only by his three Daughters,
and a flender retinue. Being obliged by
his fucceſsful adverfary to leave his king-
dom, he threw himfelf without hefitation
into the hands of a Prince, on whofe known
honour he was fatisfied he could rely.
According to his ufual courteſy, the Prince
met the Caftilian King on the road to
Bourdeaux,
[ 250 ]
}
Bourdeaux, fhewing him the fame reſpect
as if he had been in poffeffion of his king-
dom. Don Pedro was not wanting in promifes
to confirm the Prince of Wales in his fa-
vour: he agreed, on his re-eſtabliſhment,
to give him the province of Bifcay, and to
make his
his young Son Edward King of
Gallicia; he likewife voluntarily covenanted
to diſtribute all his riches, which being
unable to bring with him he had fecreted
in Caſtile, among the troops that ſhould be
employed to affift him.
The Prince, before he abfolutely en-
gaged in this enterprize, thought it his
duty to confult his royal Father, without
whofe approbation he had never undertaken
any ftep of importance, on the propriety of
it. To this end he diſpatched the Lord
Roger de la Warre and three other Knights
to England, poftponing his refolutions till
their return. King Edward approved of
the undertaking, and as a token of his con-
currence fent his third Son the Duke of
Lancaſter,
[ 251 ]
Lancaſter, who was defirous of feeing his
Brother and ferving under him in this ex-
pedition, back with the Knights.
The Prince of Wales now fummoning
the Lords of Acquitain, imparted to them
his deſigns, and his Father's orders for their
affiftance: they prepared to obey the com-
mands of their Sovereign, but as it was a
war to be carried on in a diſtant country,
for the benefit of a foreign Potentate, and
not a fervice due to their own Lord, they
defired to know to whom they were to ap-
ply for the ufual fubfidies. The Prince,
turning to the Spaniſh King who was pre-
fent, told him, that as the undertaking
was on his account, it lay with him to fa-
tisfy the Lords on this head; he repreſented
to him at the fame time the juſtice of their
enquiry, alledging, that though he was
willing to affift him with forces inured to
hardſhips, and accuſtomed to conquer, yet
it was not within the compafs of his re-
venues to pay and provide for fuch an army,
nor
鲁
​[ 252 ]
nor could they expect it from him as they
were not raiſed for his own fervice. The
Caftilian readily offered to diftribute among
them all the money he had brought with
him, and folemnly repeated his promifes
of an ample recompence on the recovery of
his kingdom and his treaſure. The Prince
of Wales approved of his intentions, and
that none of his troops may be diffatisfied
with the ſcantineſs of their preſent allowance,
advanced the King a very confiderable fum,
to be repaid at the fame time.
The firſt ſtep the Prince took to diſtreſs
the enemies of his new ally was by re-
calling all the Engliſh and Gaſcon Compa-
nions who had enlifted themſelves under
the banner of Sir Bertand du Guefclin, and
remained yet in Spain. Sir Hugh Ca-
verley, Sir John Devereux, Sir Mathew
Gournay, and other Knights who com-
manded theſe freebooters, immediately
obeyed the fummons, and fo much reve-
rence did the whole corps bear to the name
of
[ 253 ]
of Edward, that they cheerfully followed
their leaders, though they were then en-
gaged in a very advantageous employ. As
yet Don Henry was unacquainted with the
Prince's intentions; he therefore granted
them paffports, and fuffered them to depart.
When he was informed of the active part
the Prince propoſed taking in the cauſe of
his adverſary, he treated it with contempt;
and had it not been for the advice of the
French General Sir Bertrand, who was
well acquainted with the activity and irre-
fiſtible power of the Prince of Wales, he
would have taken few precautions for his
defence.
Before the Prince entered on this expe-
dition it was neceffary to gain the confent
of the King of Navarre for a paffage through
his dominions, which lay between Acqui-
tain and Caftile: fome apprehenfions aroſe
of his acquiefcence; for though during the
wars between France and England, from a
turbulent and fickle difpofition, he had al-
ways
[ 254 ]
ways favoured the latter, yet, as he had
lately entered into a strict alliance with
Don Henry, the Prince was apprehenfive
of fome obftructions from him. But Don
Pedro, who during his adverfity was very
laviſh of his promifes, agreeing to reſtore
feveral towns which he had taken from the
King of Navarre, and alſo to pay him im-
mediately fifty-fix thouſand florins of gold,
he confented to permit the army to paſs
through his territories. The repayment of
this fum, which the Prince of Wales ad-
vanced to fatisfy the King of Navarre, was
the only contract which the perfidious Caf-
tilian ever performed *, and that probably
he. woul! have evaded, had he not given a
a bond for it dated at Libourne near Bour-
* This was the only confideration the Prince ever re-
ceived for the money he advanced, and his friendly
exertions in favour of this King, exclufive of fome move-
ables which he left in his hands: among them was a rich
table decked with gold and precious ftones, that fʊme
years after fell into the poffeffion of Thomas Arundel,
Biſhop of Ely, who left it by will to his fucceffors.
6
deaux,
[ 255 ]
deaux, 23d September 1366, and left his
three Daughters as a fecurity.
Don Pedro at the fame time, by a deed
dated alfo at Libourne, as a perpetual tef-
timony of his gratitude, and as a laſting
monument of his acknowledgments for
fuch fingular grace and goodneſs extended
to him, as well as for the greateſt increaſe
of honour he could poffibly fancy for the
Prince of Acquitain and Wales, and for
the Crown of England (thus it is expreffed)
granted unto King Edward, to the Prince
his Son, and to their heirs and fucceffors,
Kings and Princes of England for ever,
that whenever it fhould pleaſe any of them
to be in perfon in the wars with any King
of Caſtile againſt an enemy of the Chriſtian
faith, that the faid King and his three
eldeft Sons fhould have the chief command
in the van-guard above all other Princes
in Chriſtendom and although at fuch time
neither of them ſhould be there in perfon,
yet there fhould always be provided by the
Kings
[256]
Kings of Caftile, or their Succeffors, a ſtan-
dard of the arms of England, to be borne in
the fame place for the honour of that king-
dom. He alfo grants in the fame contract
fome other privileges to the English,
which prove the greatnefs of Don Pedro's
obligations.
The Prince of Wales now employed all
his thoughts to perform with honour the
adventure he was engaged in: he was at
this time in the flower of his life, being in
the thirty-fixth year of his age, of full
ftrength of body, in perfect health, and of
undaunted courage well tempered with ex-
perience and difcretion. How fad a reverſe
did this unfortunate expedition occaſion !
The Companions who had obeyed his
fummons amounted to twelve thouſand,
and were maintained by him during the
winter at an amazing expence; beſides theſe
he took into his pay all the valiant nen
that offered of whatever country. To
enable him to do this, he cauſed the
greateſt
[ 257 ]
greateſt part of his plate to be melted down,
and borrowed large fums from his friends
in England. Satisfied with the propriety of
his own conduct, he endeavoured to infpire
his Lords and Knights with favourable
fentiments of the cauſe he had undertaken :
with great humanity he buried the vices
of the Man in the fufferings of the King;
and perfuaded, according to the defpotic
opinion of all the Monarchs of thoſe rude
times, that no fubjects had a right to depofe
their Sovereign, however tyrannical his
conduct, much lefs that it became a baftard
Brother to ufurp a throne, he was confcious
that his exertions in defence of the baniſhed
King were founded on honour and equity.
Whilft the Prince was bufied at Bour-
deaux in preparations for the Spaniſh war,
the Princeſs his Confort was delivered of
another Son, to whom he gave the name
of Pichard; and he was called, according
to the cuſtom of that age, Richard of
Bourdeaux. This Prince, after the death
R
of
[ 258 ]
of his Father, and elder Brother Edward,
who died at the age of feven years, fuc-
ceeded his Grandfather Edward the Third,
and wore the crown of England twenty-
two years
On the Sunday following, being the tenth
of January, the Prince of Wales left the
city of Bourdeaux with a royal equipage,
having fent the greateſt part of his forces
before him, and arrived in the evening at
Dax, where he met his Brother the Duke
of Lancaſter, who had landed with his
troops in Bretagné, and marched through
the provinces of Poictou and Sainctonge,
Sir John Froiffart relates, that on the day of this
Prince's birth, as he fat at dinner in Bourdeaux, Sir
Richard Ponchardon, a valiant Knight of England,
fkilled in the aftrological fcience, came to him within.
two hours after the Prince was born, and faid,
"Froif-
64
fart, write down and remember, that this morning my
"Lady the Princefs is brought to bed of a fair Son, on
"this twelfth day, which is the day of the three Kings;
"and though he is but the fecond Son of a King's Son,
yet he ſhall be King."
66
The
[ 259 ]
The Princess of Wales beheld with a fe-
cret dread this first feparation from her be-
loved Lord: the weak ftate fhe happened
at that time to be in added weight to the
blow;
but the confideration that an increaſe
of glory to her Edward, whofe renown
was dearer to her than life, would be the
reward of this abfence, and the pleafing ex-
pectation of feeing him return crowned with
freſh laurels, banifhed every complaint.
Her fighs however could not be fuppreffed;
amidſt all her pomp anxious apprehenfions
would frequently intrude, and for a mo-
ment permit tenderneſs to triumph over
reafon. The feelings of the Prince were
no leſs pungent; but engaged in the cauſe
of Humanity, and intent on glorious deeds,
he fuffered not even the excitations of love
to retard the great purpofès of his foul.
Their adieu was uncommonly tender; that
of Hector and Andromache, however ele-
gantly defcribed, could not proclaim with
greater energy the fufceptible heart or the
exalted mind.
R 2
After
[260]
After the junction of his troops with
thofe of his Brother, the Prince continued
his march towards Caftile; but though the
King of Navarre had folemnly engaged to
grant the English forces a free paffage
through his kingdom, yet on their approach
they found great obſtructions; it was even
rumoured that he had declared for the new
King of Caftile.
The inconfiftency of his
character rendering this report probable, Sir
Thomas Calverley, with fome of the Com-
panions who formed the Prince's van, took
the town of Puente de Reyna and the city
of Miranda, which belonged to him. This
induced the King of Navarre to fend a No-
bleman to the Prince to make his excufes,
which he did with fo much plauſibility,
that the Prince fmothered his refentment,
but infifted on his Mafter's meeting him to
perfe&t the accommodation.
The King
was obliged to fubmit to this degradation,
and met the Prince of Wales in perfon on
the frontiers of his dominions, where, after
feveral conferences, the laft treaty was ex-
plained
[ 261 ]
plained and renewed.
This being done,
he returned to his refidence in the city of
Pampelona, ordering all the avenues of his
country to be left open, and commanding
his fubjects to furnish the English with pro-
vifions on payment of a reaſonable price for
them.
The Prince's army then continued its
march in three divifions; the firft com-
manded by the Duke of Lancaſter and Lord
John Chandos; the fecond by the Prince
himſelf and Don Pedro; and the third by
James, King of Majorca: in this order
they paffed the Pyrenean mountains, not
without incredible difficulties from the
rug-
gedneſs of the roads, and the inclemency of
the ſeaſon.
Don. Henry, King of Caftile, urged by
Sir Bertrand du Guefclin, had taken every
precaution to fruftrate the attempt of his
enemies: by the affiftance of Pedro, King
of Arragon, and fome other neighbouring
powers,
R 3
[ 262 ]
powers, he was enabled to raiſe an army of
one hundred thouſand men, with which he
now advanced to meet the Prince of Wales,
whofe forces did not amount to one-third of
that number.
When the armies approached each other,
the Prince detached a party of one hundred
and fifty men at arms, and three hundred
felect archers, all well mounted, under the
command of Lord Thomas Felton, to dif-
cover the poſture of his advertary: Sir
Thomas having paffed the river Ebro with
great fecrecy, encamped at Naverict, from
whence they frequently rode up to the
camp of the Spaniards, with an intent to
defcry their numbers and fituation. One
evening they ventured almoft to a village
which Don Henry had made his head
quarters this boldnefs brought on a kir-
miſh; but notwithſtanding Sir Thomas
was obliged to retreat, he carried off feveral
prifoners with him, The next morning he
fent a Knight to inform the Prince, then at
Salvatierra,
[263]
Salvatierra, of his fuccefs, and the ftrength
of the enemy;
at the fame time he in-
formed him that Don Henry was advancing
to meet him, and feemed defirous to come
to an engagement. The Prince hearing
theſe tidings, ſaid aloud to thoſe about him,
66
By my faith this baftard Henry is a
"valiant Knight, his readineſs to meet us
66 proves him ſo; ſince he is thus difpofed,
"we will not long oppoſe his wiſhes."
He then immediately iffued orders for
marching to Victoria, an advantageous poft
which he thought it neceffary to fecure:
he was no fooner arrived than he drew up
his army in order of battle, and waited
with compoſure the attack. To raiſe an
emulation among the younger part of his
forces, he firft knighted in the field Don
Pedro, and afterwards conferred the fame
honour on feveral courageous and hopeful
young Gentlemen. But Don Henry being
well fupplied with provifions, and finding
that a ſcarcity prevailed among his enemies,
}
R 4
he
[264]
he could not be drawn from his camp.
The Prince feeing there was no poffibility
of procuring fubfiftence for his army in his
preſent fituation, marched through the pro-
vince of Alava till he came to Vienne on the
confines of Navarre; where having refreſhed
his men for two days, he paffed the Ebro
and encamped near Najara. Don Henry,
on this movement of the Prince, diflodging
from St. Miguel encamped near him, and
a battle now became unavoidable.
The next day, being Saturday the third
of April 1367, the Prince was ready armed
and in the field as foon as the morning
dawned. As the armies approached each
other, with his vifor up, and his hands
claſped in a fupplicating attitude, he ad-
dreffed himſelf to Heaven in a ſhort ejacu-
lation, begging with great humility and
fervour the affiftance of that Being, with-
out whofe aid neither valour nor ſtrength
çan enfure fuccefs; after which, laying
his right hand on the fhoulder of Don
Pedro
[ 265 ]
Pedro who rode by his fide, he bid him be of
good cheer, for that day he trusted would
place him again on the throne of Caftile:
he then gave the word for the onſet, which
was, Advance, banners, in the name of
"God and St. George."
66
The divifion which the Prince led at-
tacked with great fury the van of the Spa-
niards, commanded by the Duke of San-
celloni and Don Sancho, the King's Bro-
thers; but not being able to withſtand the
impetuous ſhock, they foon fled in great
diforder, and opened a way for the Engliſh
to reach the main body, which confifted of
fixty thousand men, at the head of whom
was Don Henry.
The fight now grew defperate, and was
maintained with great bravery by both
parties till noon, when victory declared for
the Prince. Don Henry rallied his men
three times, and led them back to the
charge with undaunted refolution, endea-
vouring
[ 266 ]
66
My
vouring each time to aroufe their courage
by theſe pathetic remonftrances:
"Lords, I am your King; made fo by
፡፡ your free choice; and you have fworn to
66
66
be
fupport me on the throne you have given
me; for Heaven's fake, therefore,
"mindful of your promiſes, and acquit
..
yourſelves loyally unto me.' Another
time would he fay, "Where is the cou-
of thofe noble Spaniards who, under
66 my Father King Alphonfo, have fo often
"conquered the Moors? Do
66
rage
not now dif
grace your former glory." By theſe and
fimilar expreffions he infpired many of his
Knights with unufual courage, and they
facrificed their lives to his fervice. But the
fuperior fortune of the Prince of Wales
prevailed pity that it had not been excred
in a better cauſe, and againſt a leis-deferving
foe.
The Engliſh hero behaved in this battle
as he had done in thofe of Creffy and
Poitiers, with great intrepidity and con-
fummate
[267]
fummate prudence: he was always in the
hotteſt place of action, and wherever the
greateſt ſtreſs lay thither he conſtantly haft-
ened, carrying with him affurance to his
friends, and terror to his enemies.
When the fight was ended, he cauſed his
ſtandard to be erected on a hill to direct his
men on their return from the chace: thi-
ther, among the other Chiefs, came Don
Pedro, who alighted from his horſe the
moment he faw the Prince, and to fhew
his gratitude would have proftrated himſelf
before him; but the Prince ran haftily to
prevent it, and catching him by the hand
would not permit him to kneel; then, with
that noble humility and unaffected piety
which had ever graced his life, he cried,
"Kneel not to me, Sir, but pay your
"thanks to God, and give him all the
66
praife, for through him alone, and not
have you obtained this victory.”
❝s by me,
Notwithſtanding
[268]
The
Notwithſtanding this great example, the
morning after the battle, Don Pedro, by
nature favage and blood-thirſty, deſired the
Prince to deliver to him the Duke of San-
celloni, his illegitimate Brother, and fuch
other prifoners as were natives of Spain,
that he might put them to death.
Prince, fhocked a propofal fo unworthy a
truly brave mind, inftead of complying
with his requeft, adviſed him rather to
grant a general pardon to all his fubjects,
and by that means endeavour to conciliate
their minds, than by a continuance of the
fame inhuman conduct that had already oc-
cafioned their revolt, render his throne
ftill infecure. Thus was every dictate of
this excellent Prince's heart conformable to
the ſtricteft rules of genuine heroifm. By
this timely interpofition he faved the lives
of many Spaniſh Noblemen; from whence
a greater fatisfaction muft arife to a mind
like his, than from the victory he had juſt
obtained. The Caftilian King, from the
}
want of power to effect his fanguinary
purpoſes
2
[269]
purpoſes in oppofition to the Prince of
Wales, rather than from conviction of the
impropriety of fuch a ſtep, laid afide his
intentions, and pardoned all the prifoners
on renewing their oath of allegiance to him.
Nothing now remained to confummate
the Prince of Wales's glory: by his exalted
proweſs he had atchieved three fuch enter-
prizes as any one fingly was fufficient to
render his name immortal. Firſt, at the
battle of Creffy, where the whole power
of France was broken, two Kings flain,
and a third put to flight, and this at an age
before other Princes have learned the rudi-
ments of war, or are able to wield a wea-
pon; fecondly, at the battle of Poitiers,
ten years after, when with an inferior force
he again overthrew the French, and took
their King with all the flower of his No-
bility priſoners; thirdly, at Najara, as juſt
recited, where at one blow he decided the
fate of a kingdom; for the Spaniards ter-
rified at this defeat, voluntarily returned to
their
[ 270 ]
their duty, and again accepted Don Pedro
as their lawful Sovereign. But this laft
exploit, though nothing inferior in honour
to the former, was attended with the moſt
fatal confequences; for during his ſtay in
Spain in expectation of Don Pedro's ful-
filling his promiſes, through the heat of the
climate he fell fick of an incurable diſeaſe,
which put an end to his life, after lingering
ten years under it.
When the news of the Prince's fuccefs
arrived in England, rejoicings equal to
thofe made on his former victories fpread
throughout the land; the city of London in
particular celebrated it with great folemnity,
and his royal Parents prided themſelves in
this accumulation of fame to their favourite
Son. But a different fcene prefented itſelf
in the kingdom of France; unfeigned for-
row fat on every brow for the lofs of fo
many of their bravest countrymen, who
having followed the fortunes of Sir Ber-
trand du Guefclin were flain in the battle:
the
[ 271 ]
the capture alfo of Sir Bertrand, their re-
doubted champion, proved a great corrofive
to the minds of thoſe who had gloried in
his might, and fet his warlike actions in
competition with thoſe of his Conqueror.
Don Pedro being thus re-eftabliſhed on
his throne, the Prince of Wales put him
in mind of the conditions on which he had
engaged in his caufe, entreating him to
fulfil them that he might return to Guienne.
The Spaniſh King excufed himſelf for the
prefent by pleading his inability, but pro-
miſed to take a progreſs through his king-
dom for the purpoſe of raifing contributions,
with which he would repay every obli-
gation to his auxiliaries. The Prince was
obliged to be fatisfied with this evaſion,
and waited at Valladolid upwards of fix
weeks with a tolerable degree of patience
for Don Pedro's promiſed return: at the
end of that time he fent three Knights to
Seville, where he heard the Spanish King
then was, to know the reafon why he had
1
not
[ 272 ]
not kept his appointment. They received
no greater fatisfaction; for the King now
imputing his delay to the frequent plunders
of the Companions, which put it out of
the power of his ſubjects to aſſiſt him as he
expected, defired the Prince to withdraw
the whole of his troops from his dominions,
only leaving behind him proper perfons to
receive the ſtipulated fums when he ſhould
be able to pay them. This at once con-
vinced the Prince that he had nothing to
expect from him; and he found he had too
much reaſon to repent the affociating him-
felf with a man like Don Pedro, abandoned
to all fenſe of virtue and honour: he faw
that theſe refufals proceeded rather from a
want of principle than of ability, and was
tempted ſometimes to make uſe of force to
recover the fums which were thus unjuſtly
withheld from him; but finding his army
daily diminiſhing by ficknefs, and his own
*
health
* Some Authors impute the Prince's illneſs to charms
and incantations; others to the unwholefome air of Spain,
or
[ 273 ]
health greatly impaired by the climate, he
was obliged to be content with theſe affur-
ances, and to return into Guienne.
At Bourdeaux he was received in tri-
umph; he there met the Princeſs and his
Son Edward, now about three years of age:
the Princess's joy was greatly damped by
the viſible alteration in her much-loved Ed-
ward's health; nor could the increaſe of
his glory compenfate for the baneful confe-
quences with which it was attended:
whilft fhe welcomed his return with inex-
preffible rapture, the pallid hue which had
fupplanted the glow of health that was
wont to inſpire cheerfulneſs, and to excite
her love, in an inftant threw a gloom over
her beauteous countenance, and checked
or to fome lingering poifon : the latter fuppofition is
not improbable, and it may have been adminiftered to
him by order of the man on whom he had conferred un-
deferved favours, but who, inftigated by ingratitude
and his natural cruelty, took this method to acquit him-
felf of them,
S
every
[274]
every rifing tranſport. From that hour her
tender apprehenfions were awakened, and
the anticipated that fatal event which flowly
crept on, and at length overwhelmed not
only his amiable Confort, but the whole
English nation with anguiſh and defpair.
Soon after his arrival the Prince dif-
banded his army, and declaring his obliga-
tions to the Chiefs for their cheerful and
efficacious affiftances, promiſed, as ſoon as
he could raiſe the neceffary fupplies, to pay
them for their fervices, even though Don
Pedro fhould not fulfil his engagements:
"For my own part," continued this ge-
nerous Prince, "Honour fhall be my only
"reward." The troops, fatisfied of the
punctuality of their beloved General who
had never forfeited his word to them, re-
tired without murmuring; and he affigned
quarters to the Companions till they fhould
receive the ftipulated pay.
According
Į
[ 275 ]
According to the eſtabliſhed cuftom, he
foon allowed fuch of the French and Spa-
nish Knights as could procure fufficient
ranſom to return to their homes: but Sir Ber
trand du Guefclin, the French champion,
who had feated Don Henry on the throne
of Caftile, remained a prifoner with the
Prince fome time, till an accidental circum-
ſtance procured him that liberty, which nei-
ther the offer of a confiderable ranſom nor
the folicitations of his friends were able to
obtain. The Prince, who treated all his
prifoners with great affability, converfing
one day with this General faid, "How
"does your fpirit brook this confinement,
"Sir Bertand " Very well, Sir," re-
turned the Knight;
66
"how can I be diffà-
"tisfied, fince I am in the hands of the
"moft generous Prince living, and made
66
priſoner by the moſt renowned Knight in
"the world ?". "Lord John Chandos is
"indeed fo," anſwered the Prince; "but
66
6،
though it is no difhonour to be conquered
by a gallant man, what comfort have
S 2
66
"you
[276]
66
you in being detained, when moſt of
66 your countrymen are ranfomed?” “
Oh,
"Sir," replied Sir Bertrand, "I have this
"comfort; it is reported both in France
"and Spain, that your Highneſs ſtands fo
"much in fear of me that you dare not
"let me go, which muſt needs redound to
"the honour of fo mean a Knight as I
66 am.”
The Prince knew well to what
end thefe fubtile expreffions tended; he
alfo remembered that his whole Council had
been unanimous in advifing him to reject
every offer of ranfom for fo formidable an
enemy, till Don Pedro had paid the money
fo long promifed, fearing he might again
embroil the affairs of Spain, and put that
King out of a capacity of paying: he was
however of too great a ſpirit to bear this
infinuation, though prudence urged the ne-
ceflity of his being detained. To convince
him therefore that he was fuperior to his
bravado, and to let him fee that his refto-
ration to liberty depended on himſelf, he
told him he would immediately confent to
his
[
277 ]
66
66
his ranfom if he chofe it; at the fame
time to combat him with his own weapons,
he refolved to aſk ſuch a fum as he could
not eaſily raiſe he confequently made him
this reply; " Then, Sir, it feems you
imagine we detain you here through dread
"of your prowefs and chivalry; but think
"not fo, Sir Knight, for I fwear by St.
George, on payment of one hundred
"thouſand franks you fhall immediately
"be free.' 66
Agreed, Sir," returned the
General," and I thank you for the honour
"of rating me fo high." The Prince would
not recede from what he had faid, though
his Council would have perfuaded him to
break his promife; and Sir Bertrand, by
the affiſtance of the French King, the Duke
of Anjou, and Don Henry, having raiſed
in leſs than a month the fum agreed, which
amounted to ten thouſand pounds ſterling,
was releaſed from his impriſonment.
Don Henry no longer dreading the Prince
of Wales's potent arm, collected his fcat-
tered
S 3
[ 278 ]
tered troops and removed into the king-
dom of Arragon, where he renewed his al-
liance with that King, who promiſed to
aid him in the recovery of the throne he
had been driven from. The unparalleled
cruelties exerciſed by Don Pedro over his
helpleſs fubjects, whom he now regarded
as vanquiſhed rebels, revived all the animo-
fity of the Caftilians againſt him. Don
Henry took advantage of this renewed diffa-
tisfaction, and affifted by the King of Ar-
ragon, and Sir Bertrand du Guefclin, who
immediately on his releaſe had raiſed a con-
fiderable body of French and marched to
his aid, he fought out his opponent.
battle enfued, in which Don Pedro was de-
feated; and retiring with difficulty from
the field, threw himfelf with a few troops
into the caftle of Montrel, whither his vic-
torious Brother followed him and laid fiege
to the caſtle.
A
Don Pedro finding, that from a fcarcity of
provifions he ſhould not be able to hold out
long,
[ 279 ]
long, refolved to attempt an eſcape: ac-
cordingly about the hour of midnight, ac-
companied only by twelve perfons, he
iffued out in great filence, and was favoured
by the darkneſs of the night. He however
had not proceeded far before Sir Bertrand
du Guefclin, who had forefeen this attempt,
and was therefore the more watchful,
alarmed the guard on hearing the trampling
of horſes; ruſhing immediately into the
road from whence the found proceeded, he
laid hold of the bridle of the firft horfe he
met, which happened to be Don Pedro's,
telling him that he was a dead man if he
offered to move on. The Spaniſh King
then diſcovering himſelf, endeavoured to
corrupt the fidelity of the French Knight,
by a promiſe of two hundred thoufand
crowns of gold if he would permit him to
eſcape; but Sir Bertrand, faithful to the
cauſe he had eſpouſed, fecured the King
with all his train, and carried them to his
tent.
S 4
He
[ 280 ]
!
He had not been long there before Don
Henry, attended by the Duke of Roche-
breton and fome other Noblemen, came in :
as Don Henry entered he cried aloud,
"Where is that Son of a Whore the Jew,
"who calls himſelf King of Caftile?" Don
Pedro could not contain himſelf at this in-
fult, but boldly replied,
"Tis thou that
"art the Son of a Whore, and I the legi-
"timate Son of King Alphonfo:" at the
fame time feizing Don Henry, he threw
him upon a bench, and with his dagger
would certainly have flain him, had not
Lord Rochebreton laid hold of Don Pedro's
leg and turned him on his back, thus ex-
preffing himſelf, "I neither make King,
"nor marr King."
66
Don Henry recover-
ing himſelf by this timely affiſtance, drew
out a long knife and plunged it into his
Brother's heart, fo that he inftantly died.
Thus fell Don Pedro, and King Henry in
confequence became fully eſtabliſhed on the
throne of Caftile. The defcendents of the
former however, after fome time, re-afcended
it i
[281]
it; for Henry, Grandfon of Don Henry,
taking to wife the Princefs Catherine, fole
daughter and heirefs of John of Gaunt,
Duke of Lancaſter, by his ſecond wife Con-
ftance, eldeſt Daughter of King Pedro, the
families became united, and he reigned as
the true and lawful King of Caftile and
Leon.
The death of Don Pedro put an end to
every expectation of thoſe fums of money
being paid, which he was indebted to the
forces who had regained him his crown.
The Prince of Wales, however, more faith-
ful to his promiſe, and tenacious of his ho-
nour, fully recompenfed all thoſe who had
ſerved him in that expedition; but in order
to do this, he was obliged to load his fubjects
with taxes: this gave them ſuch diſguſt,
that many of them threw themſelves into the
arms of their ancient Sovereign the King of
France; and unable from his ill health
to oppoſe them in perfon, he had the vexa-
tion to fee a great part of his late-acquired do-
minions
[ 282 ]
minions torn from him. Agreeable to the
advice of his Council, he endeavoured to
raiſe the neceffary fupplies by a foüage, or
a tax on all chimnies throughout his princi-
pality: the fum impoſed on each chimney
was a livre, which it was fuppofed would
produce twelve hundred thouſand livres per
annum ; but this was fruftrated by the op-
pofition many of the Lords made to it:
thoſe who lived near his court, and were
immediately expoſed to his refentment, fub-
mitted to it, though with extreme reluc-
tance; whilſt others abfolutely refuſed com-
pliance. All the Prince's amiable qualities
were not fufficient to mitigate or affuage
the animofity which was revived on this ac-
count in the breaft of the inhabitants of Ac-
quitain againſt the English. The Counts
of Armagnac, of Perigort, and of Co-
mignes, the Lord d'Albert, and ſome other
Nobles withdrew themſelves to Paris, car-
rying their complaints to Charles the French
King, as their Lord Paramount, againſt theſe
oppreffions.
The
[ 283 ]
he
The King of France had now, by his
prudence, brought the affairs of his kingdom
into excellent order; but he thought it yet
too foon to break with the Engliſh:
therefore for fome time refufed to grant their
petitions, or to interfere in their diſputes.
He was however at length prevailed on by
them to re-affume the fovereignty over thoſe
dominions, which had been given up by
the treaty of Bretigny; and they even per-
fuaded him to fummon the Prince of Wales
to make his perſonal appearance before him
at Paris, there to juſtify his conduct to-
wards his vaffals. Many circumſtances
confpired to bring the French Monarch to
this determination: the mortal injuries his
kingdom had received from the Engliſh,
the pride of their triumphs, and the ſevere
terms impoſed by the treaty of peace,
ſeemed to call for every prudent method of
retaliation he at the fame time confidered
the declining years of King Edward, the
languiſhing ſtate of the Prince of Wales's
health, the affection which the inhabitants
of
.
&
[ 284 ]
of theſe provinces bore to their former Maf-
ters, the animofity his fubjects in general
expreffed againſt their invaders, and their
ardent defire of revenge; all theſe confide-
rations contributed to procure his exertion
in favour of the Gafcon Lords, as a prelude
to more important movements.
Before the French King agreed to fum-
mon the Prince of Wales, he thought it good
policy to endeavour by fome fallacious means
or other to get over his brother the Duke of
Berry, and the reft of the Noblemen who
were ſtill detained as hoftages for the re-
mainder of his late Father's ranfom. Ac-
cordingly the Duke having received a pri-
vate hint from Charles of his intentions,
obtained leave of the Engliſh Monarch to
return home to recreate himſelf amongſt his
friends and relations for one year. King
Edward, from the unwarlike character of
Charles, could not be convinced, even by
the repeated informations of his Son the
Prince of Wales, that he had any defigns of
commencing
[ 285 1
]
commencing hoftilities; he therefore freely
granted the Duke of Berry permiffion to re-
turn to France on his parole for the time
requeſted. This, as pre-concerted, he paid
no regard to; and the Lord Guy of Lux-
embourg, Count de St. Pol alſo, an inve-
terate enemy to the English nation, found
means by much fubtilty to get away with-
out leave.
The Prince of Wales was greatly dif
pleafed at the oppofition he met with in
raiſing the new tax; and to fhew his dif
dain of thofe Noblemen who had retired in
diſguſt, he proceeded to exact it with a high
hand on their districts: but on receiving
the fummons from the French King, his
diſpleaſure was more highly excited. The
conqueror of France could not brook fo
public an infult from a perfon, who but a
few years before had quitted the field with
precipitation at his approach. The only
anfwer therefore he returned to the meflen-
gers who delivered it was, "That he would
"readily
[ 286 ]
"readily vifit Paris, fince he was thus in-
"vited, but it fhould be at the head of
"fixty thouſand men.” This threat, how-
ever, he was never able to put in execu-
tion, for being foon after ſo far reduced by
the fatal distemper which preyed on his vi-
tals, that he could not fit on horfeback, his
own troops were greatly difmayed, and his
enemies inſpired with freſh courage.
The King of France no fooner received
this indignant meffage, and with it a true
ſtate of the Prince's declining health, than
he fecretly made preparations for war: the
firſt ſtep he took was to diſpatch the Count
d'Armagnac, the Lord d'Albert, and the
other rebellious Gafcon Lords, with a
ftrong body of forces, to endeavour to re-
cover their own demefnes, which the Prince
of Wales had taken poffeffion of on their
retreat at the fame time he gave orders to
his Brother the Duke of Anjou, who lay at
Thoulouſe, to affiſt theſe Lords in a private
manner, without throwing afide the mafk
of
[ 287 ]
of amity. They accordingly made an in-
road into Rovergne, and took ſeveral places;
but the vigilance of the Prince of Wales,
who had thrown ſtrong garriſons into all the
fortreffes of his dominions, prevented the
Lords from making any great progreſs.
King Charles now finding the plan of
his propofed vengeance ripe for execution,
ſent off a defiance to the King of England,
and to load it with a greater degree of in-
fult, ordered it to be delivered to him by
one of the loweft officers of his houfhold.
Before King Edward could receive intelli-
gence of his defign, he got poffeffion of
Ponthieu, the Burghers of the city of Ab-
beville having treacherously opened their
gates to him, and fet an example which the
whole province followed.
The Engliſh Monarch, at length arouſed
from the lethargy out of which his Son had
ſo often in vain endeavoured to awake him,
made the neceffary preparations for fecuring
the
[ 288 ]
the reft of his territories in France: in-
cenſed at this deceitful conduct of the
French King, he threatened to put to death
all the hoſtages who remained in his hands ;
but liſtening on reflection to the dictates of
Humanity, he abſtained from fuch unge-
nerous revenge. To fhew his adverfary
how much he refented this unexpected
breach of the late treaty, he re-affumed the
ftyle and dignity of King of France; and
laying afide his uſual ſeal, made uſe of
others, whereon were quartered the arms of
England and France, and inſcribed alter-
nately, EDVARDUS, ANGLIÆ ET
FRANCIÆ REX; or FRANCIÆ ET
ANGLIÆ REX.
In the mean time the Dukes of Berry
and Anjou, affifted by Sir Bertrand du
Guefclin, who was on this occafion recalled
from Spain, invaded the dominions of the
Prince of Wales. In a few weeks fixty
towns and fortreffes fubmitted to the obedi-
ence of the French King without any re-
fiftance,
[ 289 ]
fiſtance, through the treachery of the inha-
bitants, excited by the clergy, and pro-
tected by the forces under the command of
the two Dukes. The Engliſh with the
Prince of Wales were too inconfiderable in
number to prevent this defection; but King
Edward fending expeditiouſly a confiderable
body of troops to the Prince's aid, under
his Son Edmund of Langley, Earl of Cam-
bridge, and his Son-in-law John Haftings,
Earl of Pembroke, he was enabled to make
fome head against them. Many fkirmishes
happened between the contending parties,
in which fuccefs fometimes crowned one
fide, fometimes the other; but the Prince
of Wales being confined by his diſorder at
Angoulefme, and his troops divided to de-
fend the different fortreffes, the English
Commanders chofe not to hazard a general
engagement.
The King of France during this time was
employed in the northern parts of his king-
dom: he ſpent the beginning of the year
T
at
1
1
[ 290 ]
at Harfleur, in equipping a fleet to invade
England, with a formidable army under
the conduct of his Brother Philip, the Duke
of Burgundy; but after all his
but after all his prepara-
tions he was obliged to lay this expedition
afide to repel the English, who were retaliat-
ing his intentions upon him. The Duke of
Lancaſter having landed at Calais with a confi-
derable body of troops, made fuch inroads into
France, and committed fuch depredations,
that the French King ordered his men of
war to be laid up, and directed his Brother
to lead his forces towards Picardy, to ftop
the progrefs of the English arms: he ac-
cordingly encamped oppoſite them near St.
Omers, and though he was greatly fuperior
in numbers, yet he refuſed to give them
battle; for the King his Brother remem-
bering that in former actions fuperiority had
not availed, he prudently commanded the
Duke to avoid a decifive engagement. The
English Prince, judging it rafhneſs to at-
tack the French in their trenches againſt
fuch odds, drew up his army in order of
battle
I
[ 291 ]
battle for feveral days, and contented him-
felf with thus fetting them at defiance.
The armies in the fouthern parts con-
fined themſelves to fieges, taking and re-
taking towns and caftles from each other;
and in this manner they were employed for
feveral campaigns, during which nothing
more than the ufual occurrences happened,
except the lofs of two gallant Knights,
which befel the Prince of Wales about this
time.
The Lord James Audeley, who had be-
haved with fo much bravery at the battle
of Poitiers, and on many other occations,
being bereaved by ficknefs of his Son Sir
James Audeley, a hopeful young Gentle-
man; he defired leave of the Prince to re-
tire to England. The Prince confented,
but with great reluctance; for though his
Lordship's eminent fervices demanded his
indulgence, he could not fuffer fo uitful and
beloved
T 2
[ 292 ]
14
beloved a Nobleman to leave him without
fceling the extremeſt
regret.
Lord John Chandos, who equalled Lord
Audeley in merit, being appointed Senef-
chal of Poictou on the refignation of that
Nobleman, he took every opportunity of
annoying the French. Returning one day
from an expedition against them, flightly
attended, he fell in unexpectedly with a
party of the enemy, and a fharp encounter
enfued: it was early in the morning, and
the ground happening to be flippery from
a hoar froft, Lord Chandos ftriking vio-
lently at one of his adverfaries with a maffy
battle-axe, flid and fell down; before he
could rife, a rapier was thruft through the
fight of his vifor, and entered his face juſt
below his eye; the blow was given by fo
ftrong an arm that it penetrated his head,
and his Lordfhip, after a few ftruggles,
thewed no fymptons of life. Sir Edward
Clifford who was near at hand haftened to
his aid; but though he arrived too late,
yet
[ 293 ]
yet he valiantly defended the body of his
friend, and put the French to flight. Af
ter the action was over, Sir Edward per-
ceiving figns of life in the wounded Knight,
cauſed him to be carefully difarmed, and to
be borne foftly on the fhields of his men to
a neighbouring fortrefs, where, notwith-
ſtanding every afliftance, he expired the next
day in great agonies.
The Prince of Wales and all the English
fincerely lamented the lofs of this brave
Nobleman: even the King of France, his
enemy, is faid to have greatly grieved at
his death, remarking, that there was not a
perfon living fo likely to have renewed the
peace between the two crowns as Lord John
Chandos, he being greatly valued by King
Edward, and univerfally eſteemed and be-
loved. No Knight ever acquired greater
renown, either for valour or judicious con-
duct in the battles of Creffy, of Poitiers,
of Najara, and all the other actions in
which he had a fhare, none behaved more
gallantly
T 3
[ 294 ]
:
gallantly, or maintained with greater firm-
nefs the Engliſh name; at the fame time
he poffeffed fo much candour and impar-
tiality, as never to deny his enemies their
juft praife; with fuch prudence and mode-
ration, that before a battle he never con-
temned them, and when they were con-
quered, he never infolently triumphed over
them in war he was a rigid exacter of dif
cipline, but in peace courteous and affable.
To fum up his character, being on the firſt
lift of Knights of the Garter, he ſupported
the dignity of that inſtitution, by obſerving
his vows with the utmoſt punctuality, and
preferving his honour unfpotted. To fhew
the reſpect he bore his dear Lord the Prince
of Wales (to whofe excellencies no one
nearer approached than himfelf) he left
him all his poffeffions in Normandy, the
yearly revenues of which amounted to forty
thouſand franks, or four thousand pounds
fterling.
ኒ
After
[ 295 ]
After the death of Lord Chandos, whofe
courage and vigilance had hitherto kept
them in awe, fome other Barons of Gaf-
coigné and Poictou fell from their allegiance
to the English government. The Prince
of Wales through his illneſs being unable to
exert himſelf, this defection every day in-
creaſed to his great mortification : his
mighty foul began to bend beneath the
weight of his diſeaſed body, and his name
no longer appeared tremendous to his ene-
mies; but ftill his troops frequently gave
proofs that their invincible ſpirit was not
diminished.
The Companions on the English fide hav-
ing taken the Caftle of Belle Pêche, belong-
ing to Lewis Duke of Bourbon, they
found therein the Lady his Mother, whom
they made prifoner in expectation of re-
ceiving a confiderable ranfom for her. The
Duke hearing of this event was fo incenfed,
that he left Paris, where he then refided,
and haftened to her relief, refolving not to
leave
T 4
་
[ 296 ]
leave the caſtle till he had regained poffef
fion of it for this purpofe he raiſed a con-
fiderable army, and being reinforced by
the Lord of Sancerre, a Marthal of France,
with a large body of troops, he laid ſiege to
it. In order to reduce the place more at
his leifure, and to fecure his men from the
inclemency of the ſeaſon, for it was now
winter, he built a ftrong fortrefs near the
caſtle, encompaffed it by a ditch, and de-
fended it with towers. Inſtead of artillery,
the ufe of which was then fcarcely known,
the Duke erected enormous engines, with
which he caft huge ftones and pieces of
timber into the caftle: this fo affrighted
his Mother that the fent to him, de-
firing he would forbear to uſe thoſe horrid
weapons, which ftruck her and her female
attendants with fo much terror. The
Duke fuppofing that the Duchefs was ex-
cited by his enemies to make this demand
for their own eaſe, refuſed to comply with
her requeſt,
The
[ 297 ]
The Companions at length, finding
themſelves greatly ftreightened, applied to
the Prince of Wales for fuccour, who im-
mediately ordered his Brother the Earl of
Cambridge to march to their relief.
The
Earl, attended by Lord Pembroke, Lord
John Montague, and many other Knights,
raiſed as many forces as he was able, but
ftill was greatly inferior to the French:
with this ſmall army he encamped for fifteen
days oppofite the Duke of Bourbon, who
lay within his fortifications, not daring,
though fo fuperior, to attack the Engliſh.
The Duke even fent to collect a greater
power, and received confiderable reinforce-
ments; notwithſtanding which he ſtill con-
tinued on the defenfive,
The Earl of Cambridge thereon fent a
herald with a defiance to the Duke, wherein
he informed him, that if he did not come
out of his trenches and give him battle,
he was refolved, the third day from that, to
fet the Lady of Bourbon on horſeback, and
convey
[ 29 ]
convey her away before their faces in the
middle of the day. The Duke ftill not
choofing to hazard an engagement, on the
day appointed the Engliſh General drew up
his forces in order of battle early in the
morning, and commanded the trumpets to
be founded in token of defiance: after wait-
ing in the field fome hours, he ordered a
march to be founded: the Companions then
joined him, a free communication having
always been preſerved between the caſtle and
the camp, bringing with them all their va-
luable effects, and the Lady of Bourbon
mounted on a palfrey richly caparifoned,
attended by her Ladies and fervants.
the caſtle was demoliſhed, the Engliſh
marched from before it in fight of the Duke
of Bourbon and the French army, without
the leaft moleftation; fo great was the
dread they still entertained of the Engliſh
arms.
When
The Companions took the Duchefs of
Bourbon with them to a fortreſs which they
held
[ 299 ]
held in the Limofin, where the remained a
prifoner. The Prince of Wales, naturally
gallant and humane, was greatly diſpleaſed
with the confinement of the Duchefs; he
faid, "He waged not war againſt women
however, as the Companions were under
leſs reſtraint than regular troops, and ſub-
fifted by their plunder, he could not take
her out of their hands. But this faying
being reported to them, they agreed to fet
her at liberty; and to fhew that their deter-
mination proceeded from refpect for the
Prince, they aſked no other ranſom for her
than Sir Simon Burleigh, an English
Knight, then a prifoner with the French,
for whom they knew the Prince entertained
a great affection. This offer was accepted
with great readineſs by the Duke of Bour-
bon; and the Prince of Wales had the fa-
tisfaction to fee, from this incident, how
greatly he was beloved by all his dependents.
A further inftance of the great impreffion
Engliſh valour had formerly made on the
minds
[ 300 ]
minds of the French, and of their extreme
reluctance to meet them in the field, not-
withſtanding the fuperiority of their num-
bers, happened the fame year: Sir Robert
Knowles marched out of Calais with thirty
thouſand men, and paffing through part of
Artois and Champaigne, wafting and ra-
vaging the country as he proceeded, fud-
denly appeared before the gates of Paris:
the French King was then in that city;
but though furrounded by a court com-
pofed of many gallant Cavaliers, and a
very confiderable army, he could not pre-
vail on himſelf to affift his diftreffed fub-
jects. Sir Robert ftaid before the city two
days, and notwithſtanding the King could
difcern from his palace the deftruction of
his country, the English burning all before
them to provoke him to a battle, yet his
extreme caution prevailed, and he fuffered
them to proceed without moleſtation.
However, diffentions at length arifing
among the English, and fome of the Lords
under Sir Robert, who difdained to be go-
verned
[301]
verned by a perſon of inferior rank, grow-
ing difobedient to his commands, they fe-
parated themſelves from him. Thus weak-
ened, Sir Robert was unable to penetrate
into Guienne as he intended, but was
obliged to take fhelter in Britany, where
thoſe who had continued under his conduct
arrived fafe, whilft thoſe who had with-
drawn themſelves from his protection became
a prey to their enemies.
The following fummer the Dukes of
Anjou and Berry attacked the principality
of Acquitain in two places at once, each
with a formidable army, intending to meet
and befiege the Prince of Wales in his re-
fidence, the city of Angoulefme. The
Prince hearing of their intentions fum-
moned all his forces, and, ill as he was,
publicly declared that his enemies fhould
never find him immured in any fortrefs, but
that he would meet them in the field and
fight them fairly, however formidable their
forces in confequence of this refolution he
took
[ 302 ]
took leave of his Lady the Princeſs, who
now parted from him with greater reluc-
tance than ever, having none of thofe pleaf-
ing hopes to confole her, which had been
her ſupport when he departed from her on
his expedition to Spain: then he went from
her in health and vigour, with affurances
of fucceſs, and with the greateſt probability
of acquiring additional renown; but now
fhe could call none of thefe cheerful expec-
tations to her aid his weak frame de-
prived him of that fire which uſed to ani-
mate his troops and enfure them victory,
confequently dejection, unallayed by hope,
preyed on her fufceptible heart, and cauſed
her unceasingly to mourn the abfence of her
Lord.
The Prince having fet up his ftandard
at Cogniac, thoſe who retained their loyalty
reſorted to it; and receiving at the ſame
time a reinforcement from his royal Father
under the command of the Duke of Lan-
cafter, he was once more enabled to take
the
[ 303 ]
the field, with a profpect of repelling the
invaders of his dominions. In the interim,
the Duke of Anjou penetrated without con-
troul to La Linde, fituated on the river
Dordonne, about a league from Bergerac.
The town was commanded by Sir Thomas
Battefoile, a Knight of Gafcoigné, with a
ftrong garrifon, and every thing neceffary
for its defence. The Duke laid ſiege to it,
and to intimidate the inhabitants declared,
he would not leave the place till he had
them all at his devotion; but at the fame
time he offered to receive them under his
protection, if they would fubmit themſelves
without force to his mercy. The people
of the town wifhed to follow the example
of their neighbours, and to return to their
former Sovereigns the French; they there-
fore admitted emiffaries from the Duke,
who prevailed on the Governor by a confi-
derable fum then paid him, and the promiſe of
an annual penfion, to deliver up the town.
This agreement had not been kept ſo ſecret,
but that fome of the Knights who retained
their
ĺ 304 Î
<
their loyalty to the Prince of Wales gained
intelligence of it, and informed the Earl of
Cambridge, then at Bergerac, of the in
tended treachery, the night before it was to
be carried into execution.
Enraged at the disloyalty of the Gover-
nor, the Earl, the Lord Thomas Felton,
and Sir John Greilly, Captal de Buſche,
fwore they would be prefent at the delivery
of the town: accordingly before it was light
they ſet out from Bergerac, and by break
of day reached La Linde. On a ſignal
given, a gate was opened to them by the
loyal part of the troops in the town,
through which they marched with their
forces, and arrived at the oppofite gate as
the French were about to take poſſeſſion of
it. Sir Thomas Battefoile ftood amazed at
this fudden appearance of the Knights, and
wondered how they could have received in-
telligence of his defign; but Sir John
Greilly gave him not time to indulge his
conjectures long, for alighting from his
horfe
[ 305 ]
horfe he came up to him, and with one
blow of his fword ftruck him breathleſs to
the ground. The party of the French who
were to have taken poffeffion of the town,
finding their plot difcovered, haftily with-
drew from the gate and fled to their army.
The Engliſh Lords judged it more prudent
to fecure the town than to purfue them;
which being done, they were inclined to
put all the inhabitants to the ſword for their
treacherous conduct, but on their alledging
that they were over-awed, and compelled by
the Governor to act as they had done, they
were pardoned. The Lord Felton and the
Captal de Buſche ſtaid in the town till the
Duke of Anjou, hearing of the Prince of
Wales's approach, thought it prudent to
retire.
A council was now called by the French
General, at which Sir Bertrand du Guefc-
lin,
afterwards ftyled the Reftorer of
France, was prefent, to deliberate whether
they ſhould give battle to the Prince fome
alledged,
U
[ 306 ]
alledged, that his health was fo impaired
that he was only the fhadow of himſelf, and
not to be dreaded as formerly; but the
greater part, and among thefe Sir Bertrand,
afferted, that even the prefence of fuch a
General in the field was of great importance,
and carried Courage, if not Fortune, with
it; they therefore thought it would not be
prudent to withſtand the laſt efforts of his
expiring vigour, but rather to wait till his
diforder ſhould rid them of fo formidable an
enemy. This advice prevailed, and after
fupplying the places he had taken with
ftrong garrifons, the Duke of Anjou
marched to join his Brother the Duke of
Berry, who, having entered the Prince's
territories by another part, lay before
Limoges.
This city had been ſtrongly fortified by
the Prince of Wales, and having great con-
fidence in the Bifhop, who lay under the
higheſt obligations to him, he had left but
few Engliſh in the garrifon. But the Pre-
6
late,
[ 307 ]
late, forgetful of the favours he had re-
ceived, entered into a treaty with the Dukes,
and having firſt induced the inhabitants to
declare for the French, they overpowered
the garriſon, and delivered
and delivered up the city.
The French Princes, after ftaying a few
days to refreſh their men, left a ſtrong body
of troops behind them, and divided their
armies for the defence of the towns they
held.
When the Prince of Wales heard of this
tranfaction he was greatly exafperated, and
with difficulty could he prevail on himſelf
to credit the falfhood of the Bishop, to
whom he had ever behaved with unfeigned
complacence; but knowing the importance
of the city of Limoges, he determined to
recover it at all events. He firſt fent his
heralds to the inhabitants, commanding
them to deliver the Biſhop up to him, and,
acknowledging the impropriety of their con-
duct, to return to their duty. The citi-
zens, however, finding themfelves encom-
paff.d
U 2
[ 308 ]
1
paffed with ſtrong fortifications, abundantly
ſupplied with provifions, and fupported by
a numerous garrifon, treated the Prince's
commands with contempt.
The Prince
now fent them a meffage in a harfher ftrain;
he affured them, that if they did not im-
mediately ſubmit to him, he would come
in perſon againſt them, and having razed
their city to the ground, put to the fword
every inhabitant without diftinction. En-
couraged by the Commanders of the garri-
fon, the Burghers not only refuſed to take
the meffage into confideration, but affronted
his heralds, and fet him at defiance. This
being reported to the Prince, he was fo en-
raged at it, that he fwore by the foul of
his Father that he would take vengeance on
the infolent rebels, and make them dearly
repent their falfhood.
He thereon marched haflily from Cogniac
with a confiderable force, accompanied by
his Brothers the Duke of Lancafter and the
Earl of Cambridge, with many other Lords.
When
7
[ 309 ]
When the Prince began his march, he was
fo debilitated that he could not ride on horſe-
back, but was drawn in an open chariot:
being arrived before Limoges, he again
vowed never to return till he had the city
at his mercy; fo much was his noble mind,
unuſed to diffimulation or falfhood, irritated
by the treacherous conduct of the Biſhop,
and of a city towards which he had always
behaved with the greateſt lenity and good-
will. The Bishop and Burghers feeing the
Prince thus determined, began to repent of
their treaſon; but they were now no longer
maſter of the city, the garrifon placed there
by the Duke of Anjou holding them in
fubjection.
The Prince finding that the enemy,
driven to defperation by his threats, were
refolved to defend themſelves to the laſt ex-
tremity, concluded it would be too ha-
zardous an undertaking to ſtorm the place
in its preſent ſtate; he therefore thought it
neceffary first to undermine the walls, for
which
U 3
[ 310 ]
which purpoſe he had brought with him a
number of pioneers. Whilft he was thus
employed, Sir Bertrand du Guefclin made
an inroad into his dominions, and commit-
ted great devaſtations
devaftations; but the Prince would
not be diverted from the enterprize he was
engaged in. The engineers in about a
month having made a confiderable breach
in the wall, the Prince ordered it to be
ftormed, determined, agreeable to his former
refolution, to put both the garrifon and in-
habitants to the fword without exception,
to deter others from the like perfidy and in-
gratitude. Accordingly his troops entered
the breach, and beating down the gates and
barriers with their axes, began to execute
their Commander's intended vengeance,
A ſelect body, commiffioned by the Prince
for that fervice, haftened to the Bishop's
palace to fecure him: when he was brought
before his Highneſs he beheld him with the
utmoſt indignation, and notwithſtanding all
his fupplications for mercy, made him no
other
[ 311 ]
other anſwer than to affure him he ſhould
lofe his head.
gar-
The three chief Commanders of the
rifon, when they found the Engliſh gave
no quarter, exhorted each other to ſell their
lives as dearly as poffible; and drawing toge-
thera fcw choſen men, they placed themſelves
in an advantageous fituation, with their ban-
ners difplayed, refolved to defend them-
felves to the laft. They were immediately
attacked by the Duke of Lancaſter and the
Earls of Cambridge and Pembroke, who in
the true fpirit of chivalry, that they might
engage on equal terms, alighted from their
horfes and entered into fingle combat with
the three Generals: the conteft was main-
tained on both fides with fo much gallantry
and courage, that the Prince drew near in
his chariot to behold them. He was fo
great an admirer of martial atchievements,
and fo charmed with the ſkill and valour of
his adverfaries, that he commanded no
more flaughter fhould be made in the city,
U 4
and
[312]
The
and that all who were then engaged fhould
not ſuffer beyond the law of arms.
French Knights hearing this, delivered up
their fwords to their antagoniſts, and were
received as their priſoners.
Before the Prince put a stop to the
flaughter great numbers were flain, and the
city, after being given up to plunder, was
burnt and levelled to the ground.
The Bishop had many friends among the
Engliſh, particularly the Duke of Lancaf-
ter, who artfully pretending to be his ene-
my, prevailed on the Prince his Brother to
deliver him into his hands, and to leave the
execution of his fentence to him: this be-
ing granted, the Duke fent privately to.
Pope Urban the Fifth, who was just re-
turned from Italy to Avignon, informing
him of the Biſhop's danger, and that a letter
from his Holinefs in his behalf, directed
to himſelf, might prove beneficial to him.
The Pope took the hint, and immediately
wrote
[ 313 ]
wrote to the Duke, defiring him, in reverence,
to the Apoftolic See, to procure a pardon for
the Biſhop and fend him to Avignon. The
Duke of Lancaſter fhewed the letter to the
Prince his Brother, who acknowledged that
the Pope's requeſt ought to be granted; but
remembering the provocation he had re-
ceived, he could not help withing that his
Brother had not delayed the execution fo
long.
After the reduction of Limoges, the
Prince and his army returned with their
ſpoil and priſoners to Cogniac, where the
Princeſs met him with a mixture of pain
and pleaſure: the fuccefs which had at-
tended his arms gave her fatisfaction, but
her foul was tortured when ſhe beheld the
haſty ſteps of the grim tyrant to rob her of
all the held dear: to obferve the fecret ve-
nom, for which no antidote could be
found, gradually wafting that grace and
beauty which had once attracted the admi-
ration of every beholder, gave her inexpref-
fible
[ 314 ]
fible pangs.
She however ftrove to affume
a cheerful countenance, and imitate, in
fome degree, the magnanimity of her Ed-
ward. He beheld the uplifted dart of death
with the fame undauntedneſs he had often
met thoſe of his foes in battle, and felt no
apprehenfions but fuch as were occafioned by a
reluctance to part from the woman he loved,
and from friends whom he reſpected.
The winter now approaching, he per-
mitted the greater part of his forces to re-
tire to their quarters; and this proved the
laft warlike exploit of this renowned Prince.
About this time he was pleaſed to expreſs
his love for his Brother the Duke of Lan-
cafter, by granting him the town and caſtle
of La Roche fur Yon. The inftrument
bears date the eighth of October 1370,
wherein the Prince is ftyled Edward, eldeſt
Son of the King of France and of England,
Prince of Acquitain and of Wales, Duke of
Cornwall, Earl of Chefter, Lord of Biſcay
and
[ 315 ]
and of the caſtle of Ordiales. Appendant is
his feal of green wax, on which he is re-
prefented in his robes, fitting on a throne,
with a circle on his head, and a fceptre in
his right hand as Prince of Acquitain: on
each fide are two oftrich feathers and fcroles,
whereon are the words ICH DIEN, and over
which are the letters E P, viz. Edvardus
Princeps. On the reverfe he is figured on
horfeback, his furcoat, fhield, and the ca-
pariſon of his horfe, charged with the arms
of France and England: the infcription
round the feal is in Saxon characters after
the manner of the age, viz. S. EDVARDI
PRIMOGENITI REGIS ANGL. PRIN-
CIPIS AQUITANIÆ ET WALLIÆ,
DUCIS CORNUBIÆ ET COMITIȘ
CESTRIÆ.
In the beginning of the year 1371, 45th
Edw. III. Edward, the eldeft Son of the
Prince of Wales, died at Bourdeaux in the
feventh year of his age, to the extreme re-
gret of his parents and of the whole court:
the
}
[ 316 ]
1
the Princeſs in particular was greatly affected
at this accumulation of her forrows, and
viewed, with redoubled horror, the ap-
proaching diminution of her family; this
lofs appeared as a prelude to one of more im-
portance, and fhe wept at the fame time the
prefent and expected evil.
It was judged neceffary by the Prince of
Wales's phyſicians, that he ſhould try the
efficacy of his native air on his decaying
conftitution; he therefore prepared to fet
out for England. The command of the
fleet appointed for his convoy he gave to his
Brother the Earl of Cambridge, and left
the Duke of Lancaſter to fucceed him in
the government of his principality. Before
his departure he fummoned all the Barons
and Knights of Gafcoigné and Poitou that
retained their loyalty, and took his leave
of them in the most pathetic and friendly
manner; he conjured them, by that atten-
tion to their intereft which he had unceaf-
ingly fhewn during a refidence of ten years,
1
by
[ 317 ]
by that courteſy and friendſhip with which
he had always treated them, and by that
duty which they owed him as their Lord,
to continue ftedfaſt in their fidelity; he de-
fired they would cheerfully transfer the re-
ſpectful homage they had ever paid him to
his Brother the Duke of Lancafter, and
unite in oppofing the
oppofing the common
common enemy;
then in a ſoftened tone of voice, and with
a graceful air, in which dignity and affec-
tion were mingled, giving way to the effu-
fions of his humane and princely heart, he
concluded with benevolent wishes for their
welfare, and affurances of his continued re-
gard. His whole court were moved with
this folemn adieu, which the Prince's vi-
fible decline gave too fure a profpect of
being an eternal one with one voice the:
Barons affured him of their loyalty, and,
to confirm their vows, did fealty and ho-
mage in his prefence to the Duke his repre-
ſentative. This done, his Highneſs em-
barked at Bourdeaux in January, with the
Princefs
[ 318 ]
Princeſs and their fon Richard, and arrived
at Plymouth in a few days.
The Prince was conveyed in a litter to
Windſor, where King Edward then held his
court: he was there received with great
affection by his royal parents, whoſe hearts
felt unutterable pangs at the fad reverſe they
now beheld. Inſtead of the blooming Son
they had parted from a few years before,
full of health and crowned with glory, to
receive again to their arms only a faint re-
femblance of him, forced by the fell De-
ftroyer to relinquish thofe territories he had
bravely won, was one of Fate's fevereſt
ſtrokes, and probably haſtened Queen Phi-
lippa's death, which happened ſhortly after.
Had he died on the bed of honour they
would not have repined; but thus to fall
by a lingering diſeaſe, perhaps by perfidy,
excited even murmurs.
He foon after retired to his palace at
Berkhampſtead, and from the falubrity of
the
[ 319 ]
the air recovered a ſmall degree of health
but the accounts he frequently received
from Acquitain of the fuccefs of the French,
and the increaſing fpirit of defection among
his Gafcon Nobles (for fince his departure,
many who had given him affurances of
their loyalty had been either intimidated or
feduced from their allegiance) gave him
continual vexation, and retarded his re-
covery.
A great part of those who remained faith-
ful to him being pent up in Thouars by
Sir Bertrand du Guefclin, and feeing no
poffibility of withſtanding that General,
they agreed to furrender themſelves pri-
foners if they were noi fuccoured by a cer-
tain time: a ceffation of arms accordingly
took place, when they gave the Prince of
Wales intelligence of their capitulation,
and defired fome affiftance. King Edward,
exafperated at this reverfe of fortune, and
unwilling to have the laurels he had ga-
thered in his youth blaſted on his hoary
brow,
[ 320 ]
brow, fitted out a formidable fleet and raiſed
a large army, determined not only to re-
lieve his Gafcon fubjects, but to carry his
arms into the dominions of his enemy.
The Prince of Wales, though ſtill weak
and emaciated, refolved to accompany his
Father; his
his great foul would not fubmit to
the infirmities of the body, or fuffer him to
remain inactive while glorious deeds were to
be atchieved.
It was the latter end of Auguft before
the neceffary preparations could be made,
when this armament failed for Rochelle;
but the winds proving contrary, it was
kept at fea fix weeks without being able to
make that port. The King now found that
however flattering Fortune may be for a
while, fhe often proves fickle and inconftant
even to her greateſt favourites. In all the
affairs of life, though the tide for a time flows
fmoothly, and the gale proves favourable,
yet a reflux may be expected, and adverfe
ftorms will furely arife. During the prof-
perous
[ 321 ]
fperous part of his reign, Edward was
quickly wafted to the fhore where ſucceſs
and glory awaited his arrival; but the tide
once turned, in vain he ftrove to reach his
more fuccefsful enemies, who in their turns
now enjoyed the ſmiles of the deluding God-
defs. There being no poffibility of arriving
in time to prevent the furrender of his fub-
jects, agreeable to the convention, he failed
back, and in a few days re-landed his troops
in England. The confequence of this un-
happy voyage was the lofs of all Poitou
and Sanctoigne.
The Prince of Wales now feeing that it
was hardly poffible for him to recover any
tolerable degree of health, fo as to be ena-
bled ever to take the field, he furrendered
into his Father's hands his principality of
Acquitain, which from that time the King
governed by Lieutenants. He now retired
to his eftate in Hertfordſhire, and for the
four fucceeding years, for fo long was his
exiſtence continued to him, he took very
X
little
[ 322 ]
A
little ſhare in the national concerns. The pre-
paratory ſteps for fecuring the crown to his
Son Richard on the demife of his grandfa-
ther, chiefly employed his attention. He
knew how apt thoſe who ſtand neareſt to a
throne are to feat themſelves on it, if they
can take advantage of the youth or inability of
the lawful heir. To prevent any attempt of this
kind, which was greatly to be feared from the
ambition of his Brother the Duke of Lancaf
ter, he was careful to have his Son publicly
declared fucceffor to the throne after the de-
ceaſe of his royal Father and himſelf.
The
people had fuch veneration for the heroic
virtues of the Prince of Wales, that the
Lords and Commons agreed to the propoſal
with the greateſt readineſs, and paffed an
act for that purpoſe. The King and all his
Sons likewife fwore to maintain the right of
the young Prince after his Father's deceaſe.
The fickneſs of the Prince of Wales was
no lefs fatal to the kingdom than to him-
felf; for the King, in his old age, feemed
7
to
[ 323 ]
to have loft all thofe virtues, which, in his
younger years, gained him the character of
one of the braveft and wifeft Monarchs of
the age: the decline of his life correſponded
hot with the fplendid ſcenes which had
graced the former periods of it; befides, be-
holding the lofs of his foreign dominions,
the fruits of many a well-fought field, and
being unfuccefsful in every attempt to de-
fend them, he felt the decay of his autho-
rity at home. During the vigour of his age
the purſuits of war and ambition had em-
ployed his thoughts; but now at an un-
feaſonable time of life he began to indulge
himſelf in pleaſure. The Queen being
dead, he attached himſelf to dame Alice
Piers, a lady of great fenfe and high ſpirit ;
by thefe fhe acquired fuch influence over
his Majefty, that the whole kingdom were
difgufted at it; and in order to filence the
remonftrances of his Parliament, he found
it neceffary to remove her from court. The
indolence alfo naturally attendant on old
age infirmities, had made him in a great
X 2
meaſure
·
[324]
meaſure refign the adminiſtration into the
hands of the Duke of Lancaſter, who was
far from being popular, and therefore greatly
weakened that affection which the people
had hitherto borne to the perſon and go-
vernment of Edward. The Prince of
Wales faw with regret thefe diforders, but
was incapable of finding a remedy for them:
the aſpiring difpofition of his Brother, now
augmented by the King's inattention to the
affairs of government, made him apprehen-
five for his Son's fucceffion, notwithſtand-
ing the ſteps he had taken for his fecurity:
he however founded his hopes on the fupe-
rior love of the nation for himſelf, and
truſted that it would extend to his offspring.
After languiſhing for more than ten years,
the Prince's diſorder at length turned to a
calenture or burning fever, which put an
end to his life in the forty-fixth year of his
age.
Exclufive of his heroic actions, no-
thing can give pofterity a jufter idea of his
worth and virtue than the general lamen-
tation
[ 325 ]
tation which fucceeded his untimely death,
and the earneſt deſire of every rank that the
Son of fo great a Father might fit in due
time on the throne of his Anceſtors. Both
houſes of Parliament paid all imaginable
reſpect to his memory; they unanimouſly
requeſted leave to attend his funeral, and to
manifeft the affection they bore him, their firſt
deliberations after his death were employed
in making a proper provifion for his Son,
and confirming the fucceffion to him.
The King himſelf was no lefs affected at
this melancholy event; and though he had
already experienced the lofs of feveral of his
children, fome of them even in the bloom
of life, particularly the Duke of Clarence
his fecond Son, on this occafion he was
much more fenfibly grieved.
But amidst this univerfal forrow, that
of the Princefs was the moſt ſevere: not-
withſtanding death had made fuch flow ad-
vances, and his conqueft had long been cer-
X 3
tain,
[ 326 ]
tain, yet, when the fatal hour arrived that
was to level to the duft the man whom ſhe
loved with unabating ardour, her fortitude
forfook her, and fhe bewailed his lofs with
all the foftnefs of her fex.
4
Never was a tribute of grief more juſtly
paid than to this deferving Prince, who,
from the earlieſt period of his life to the
hour of his diffolution, excelled in all thofe
virtues and accompliſhments which entitled
him to the character of a great and good
man. In private life he enjoyed, in an emi-
nent degree, all thofe qualifications that
enabled him to perform every focial duty;
and fo greatly was he beloved by thofe
whom he honoured with his friendship,
that the Lord Greilly, Captal de Buſche, at
that time a prifoner in France, bemoaned
his lofs in fo fingular a manner, that his
death, which happened foon after that of
his royal Mafter, is fuppofed to proceed from
his excefs of grief.
As
[ 327 ]
As a Prince, he was adorned with all
thofe fhining qualities which caft a luftre
on his exalted ftation: his turn of mind
was exactly fuited to that propenfity for
martial deeds, which was fo much the tafte
of the age in which he lived; but though
he commanded armies, and gained unparal-
leled victories, when others begin to learn
the art of war, yet his mind was not elated
with conqueft. His valour and military
talents, great as they were, formed the
fmalleſt part of his merit; his generofity,
humanity, affability, and moderation gained
him the approbation of the whole world;
and the moſt ſhining of antient or modern
hiſtory never produced a character in which
fo many virtues centered untinged by any
vices. Though defervedly renowned for
wiſdom, juſtice, and liberality, the chief
of all his mental accompliſhments were hu-
mility and piety; from theſe he derived
that fortitude and refolution which enabled
him to brave unnumbered foes, whilft they
induced him to afcribe to Omnipotence the
glory
X 4
[
328]
1
glory of all his actions.
Walfingham, an
old hiftorian of credit, thus emphatically
writes of him; "The good fortune of
England, as if it had been inherent in
6،
66
66
his perfon, flouriſhed in his health, lan-
guiſhed in his fickneſs, and expired at his
"death; with whom died all the hope of
Engliſhmen. During his life they feared
"no invafion of the enemy, nor encounter
"in battle; for he affailed no nation but
❝he overcame, and beſieged no city that he
"did not take."
The Prince's body, after being em-
balmed, lay feveral days in ftate; an infi-
nite number of all ranks flocked to pay their
laft fad homage to their beloved Prince,
whilft every eye or tongue proclaimed the
affectionate emotions of their hearts, and
the greatness of that merit which called
forth fuch univerfal encomiums.
It was
then carried in a stately herfe drawn by
twelve horſes (the whole court and both
houfes of Parliament attending in mourning)
through
{ E
329 ]
through the city to Canterbury, where it
was interred with great funeral pomp in the
cathedral.
Charles, the French King, in the true
fpirit of noble gallantry which adorned that
age, though an enemy, diſtinguiſhed alſo
the Prince's exalted merit, by performing
his obfequies with great folemnity, attended
by all the principal Peers and Prelates of his
realm.
A magnificent monument of grey marble
was fhortly after erected over his grave, on
which lies his portraiture made of copper
gilt the tomb is decorated with eſcutcheons
of copper enamelled, with his arms and
devices; on an iron bar over it are placed a
helmet, a coat of mail, and gauntlets; and
on a pillar adjoining is a fhield richly dia-
pered with gold: the real armour he is ſaid
to have uſed in battle.
But
[ 330 ]
}
But this fumptuous monument has no
other epitaph than the following lines in old
French, and fome monkifh verfes in the
fame language, which ferve only to put the
reader in remembrance of the common fate
of human greatnefs, without enumerating
any of the virtues or glorious deeds of this
great Prince, which the occafion fo particu-
larly demanded: Cy gift le noble Prince
Monfieur Edward, aifnez Filz du tres no-
"ble Roy Edward Tiers, jadis Prince d'A
66
66
quitain & de Galles, Duc de Cornwaille,
"& Compte de Ceftre; qi moruft en la feſte
"de la trinité, queftoit le viii jour de Juin,
"l'an. de grace mil trois cenz feptante fifine.
"l'Alme de qui Dieu eit mercie, Amen."
Thus tranflated: "Here lieth the noble
"Prince the Lord Edward, eldeſt Son of
"the moſt noble King Edward the Third,
"late Prince of Aquitain and of Wales,
"Duke of Cornwall and Earl of Chefter;
"who died on the feaft of Trinity, which
66
was on the eighth day of June, in the year
grace one thouſand three hundred and
"" of
66
feventy-
[ 33 ]
feventy-fix. On whofe foul God have
The verſes are too con-
66
mercy, Amen."
temptible for inſertion *
King Edward furvived his beloved Son
about ten months, expiring in the fixty-
fifth year of his age, and the fifty-firſt of
his reign. His grand wifh had ever been
to leave the poffeffion of a throne he had
filled fo long, and with ſo much dignity, to
fo worthy a fucceffor; but being difap-
pointed, he ſeemed to live without any com-
fort, or the leaſt enjoyment of life. Eng-
land was thus deprived at once of two
Princes, its chief ornaments and fupport;
and the people were now fenfible of the ir-
reparable lofs they had fuftained.
*This fhews the low ebb of learning at that period:
it was not till the fifteenth century, when the art of
printing was firft brought into England, that literature
began to flourish, or that the English language was re-
duced to any degree of purity: before that time a bar-
barous French or Latin were made ufe of in all records
and public deeds.
The
[ 332 ]
The
The reign of Edward was not only one
of the longeſt, but alfo the most glorious
which occurs in the annals of this nation :
his victories over the French place his name
foremoſt among the English heroes, and
cauſe it to deſcend with renown to pofte-
rity. The domeſtic government of this
Prince is no lefs worthy of commemora-
tion, and proves that he was poffeffed of all
thofe eminent talents which are neceffary
both for a legiflator and a warrior.
turbulence of the great Barons being curbed,
the Parliament during his reign rofe into
greater confideration, and acquired a more
regular authority, than in any former
times; and King Edward took no ſteps of
moment without confulting them, and ob-
taining their approbation. A Prince of fo
much fenſe and fpirit as Edward, and who
had humbled the fuperior power of France,
could not fubmit to the tyranny of the
court of Rome; he confequently much
abridged the papal ufurpation over his king-
dom, notwithſtanding it had been fo long
eſtabliſhed
[ 333 ]
eſtabliſhed there in common with other
ftates.
Thefe encomiums proceed from a con-
templation of the general tenor of his reign,
whilſt yet his mind was in its vigour, and
before he became incapacitated by age from
acting with prudence and refolution. The
latter days of this Monarch (as before ob-
ferved) were not unclouded: had his fun
fet with its meridian fplendor, his regal
character would have been unblemished;
but was it to be expected from ſo long a
reign the brighteſt geniuses are the fooneft
exhauſted; and the greater the exertion of
the mental faculties the quicker their decay.
He was not however fo infenfible to the pub-
lic intereft, but that he fincerely lamented
the lofs of his godlike Son; and whilſt he
funk under the blow, felt both for his peo-
ple and himſelf.
His fubjects alfo refpected him even
amidſt his failings: the remembrance of
his
[ 334 ]
his former prudent conduct, and the glories
of his reign, fuppreffed for a time their
murmurs; nor was it till his imprudencies
became pernicious to the kingdom, that
they made any vigorous oppofition to them.
But how degrading a reverſe to his former
glory did this great Prince experience in his
laft moments! Some time before his death
he had removed from his palace at Eltham
to Sheen in Surry, that he might indulge
uninterrupted the infatuation which he had
ſuffered to overwhelm him, and enjoy,
without reſtraint, the company of his fa-
vourite miſtreſs. The fatigues of his youth
having greatly impaired his conftitution,
the infirmities of age came upon him before
they were to be expected from the common
courſe of nature; enervated alſo by indo-
lence and riot, to which he was unaccuf-
tomed, but which he encouraged to obli-
terate his grief, a malignant fever, the fatal
confequence, found him an eaſy prey, and
foon put an end to his exiftence. When
his diforder became fo violent as to leave
no
[ 335 ]
no hope of his recovery, all his attendants
forfook him; even his Miſtreſs, on whom
he had laviſhed his favours with ſo profuſe
a hand, and for whofe fake he had incurred
the difpleaſure of his people, even the
faithlefs Alice, before he could be infenfible
of her ingratitude, fhewed on how weak a
foundation the fabric of her boafted love
had been reared. Whilſt he was yet in
the agonies of death, with the utmoſt cool-
neſs ſhe ſtript him of his rings and jewels,
leaving him without one domeſtic to cloſe
his eyes, or to do the laft fad offices to his
breathlefs coarſe. The retired manner in
which he had lately lived, fecluded from
his Nobles and the principal Officers of his
houfhold, could alone have rendered this
treatment practicable. Thus bereft of com-
fort and affiftance, and in a condition to
which very few even of the meaneft of his
ſubjects were ever reduced, the mighty Ed-
ward lay expiring, when a Prieſt, urged
by Humanity and the duty of his profeffion,
approached his bed: perceiving him ftill to
breathe,
Ì 336 ĺ
breathe, he began to adminiſter ſome fpi-
ritual comfort to him, and for a while de
tained his lingering foul, till having ex
preffed a deep ſenſe of forrow and contrition
for the errors of his life, he died pronounc-
ing the name of Jefus. How obfcure the exit
of a Prince whofe reign had been the moſt
brilliant of any Monarch that had ever
ſwayed the fceptre of England! Was it
poffible to conceive his feelings when he
found himſelf thus abandoned, and reduced
to a fituation fo extreme from what he had
ever been accuſtomed to, how humiliating
muſt we ſuppoſe them to be; nor would
they afford a leſs inſtructive lecture on the
vanity of human greatnefs, than thoſe of
the wiſeſt of Kings.
King Edward's pofterity by his Queen,
Philippa of Hainault, were numerous, and
difgraced not their royal Parents: the eldeſt
of them was Edward, the heroic Prince
whofe glorious actions and virtues have here
been recorded; his fecond Son (for fuch as
died
[ 337 ]
died in their infancy are unnoticed) was
Lionel Duke of Clarence, who of all the
family reſembled moſt his Father and eldeſt
Brother in their noble qualities. By Eliza-
beth, daughter and heiress to the Earl of
Ulfter, he left one Princefs, who was after-
wards married to Edmund Mortimer, Earl
of March, and from whom King Edward
the Fourth was lineally defcended. The
third of this illuftrious progeny was John
of Gaunt, Duke of Lancafter, whofe Son-
feized on the English throne, and reigned
under the title of Henry the Fourth
him the crown defcended to his Son and
Grandfon, Henry the Fifth and Sixth, but
was recovered from the laſt, who wanted
the warlike abilities of his Father, by Ed-
ward the Fourth, to whom it certainly by
right of primogeniture belonged. Edmund,
created Earl of Cambridge by his Father,
and fome years after Duke of York by his
Nephew Richard the Second, was the next
of this royal family; and Thomas, Duke
of Glouceſter, the fifth and laſt. Thefe
Princes
Y
from
[ 338 ]
Princes had a great fhare in the concerns of
the fucceeding reigns: the former lived to
a confiderable age, and then died a natural
death; but the latter, having always oppofed
the adminiſtration of his Nephew, was
feized by his command and carried to Ca-
lais: unwilling to bring him to a public
trial, as he was beloved by the people,
Richard gave directions to the Earl of Not-
tingham, who was Governor of Calais, for
his being privately murdered; accordingly
the Duke was conveyed by four men from
the caſtle to an inn, where they fmothered
him between two feather-beds.
The me-
thod which King Richard made uſe of to
get the Duke of Glouceſter into his power,
is a proof of his treacherous and revengeful
difpofition. Diſpleaſed at the conſtant op-
pofition of the Duke (who had the real in-
tereſt of his King and country at heart) to
his extravagance and diffipation, he deter-
mined privately to get rid of fo troubleſome a
monitor, as he was too powerful to be ap-
prehended openly, and brought regularly to
juſtice;
[ لا
339 ]
juſtice; he therefore went into Effex under
pretence of hunting, and one evening paid
him a vifit at his feat at Plefhy. Having
always kept up the appearance of affection
and familiarity, the King was received with
the utmoſt cordiality by the Duke and Du-
chefs. Whilſt they fat at fupper, he told
the Duke that he wanted to confult him on
a very important affair relative to the ftate,
and begged he would accompany him to
London that evening, as his Council was to
fit early the nex morning. The unfufpi-
cious Duke cheerfully complied, and fet
out with the King on horfeback, attended
only by a few domeſtics: as they approached
Epping Foreft, King Richard rode off at
full gallop, and the Duke was immediately
ſurrounded by a party of armed men that had
laid in wait for them: being then hurried to
the river's fide he was put on board a ſhip,
which inftantly weighed anchor and the
next day arrived at Calais, where he fell a
prey to the infatiate malice of his enemies.
King Edward had alfo four Daughters, for
Y 2
all
[ 340 ]
all of whom their Father found fuitable
matches.
The Princess of Wales furvived her be-
loved Lord about ten years, during which
time the mourned his lofs with unaffected
forrow, and fhewed a facred regard to his
memory this endeared her to the nation,
and gained her univerfal refpect. So great
was the reverence of the people for her,
that at her requeſt the citizens of London
laid afide their refentment againſt the Duke
of Lancaſter, who had excited their dif
pleafure by his defpotic and haughty con-
duct. Soon after the death of his Brother,
the Duke having quarrelled with the Biſhop
of London, the citizens were fo exafperated,
that they proceeded to his palace (the Sa-
voy) with an intent to have facrificed him
to their fury he made his eſcape with
great difficulty, having but juſt time to get
into his barge; and being carried to Lam-
beth where the Princefs of Wales refided,
he defired her mediation and protection.
So
[ 341 ]
So furely will unwarrantable haughtineſs
prove its own deftroyer, and render on
many occafions fubmiffion neceffary; whilſt
a ſteady affable demeanor, not void of dig-
nity, the only genuine pride that can truly
adorn, enfures conftant reſpect and unadul-
terated homage. The Princefs, whofe
heart, like her late beloved Lord's, was ever
open to the fupplicant, fent three of her
Knights to the enraged populace, to per-
fuade them to ceaſe their hoftilities, and to
be reconciled to the Duke. Impreffed with
veneration for the noble Mediatrix, they an-
ſwered that they were at all times ready to
obey her commands, and in honour to her
would give over their attacks on the Duke's
palace: this they immediately did, but as
a token of their unfavourable opinion of
him, they hung up his arms reverſed in all
the public ſtreets, and ever after treated him
with diſreſpect.
On another occafion, in the eighth year
of her Son's reign, fhe again exerted herſelf
Y 3
in
[ 342 ]
in the Duke's behalf. The King's favou-
rites, between whom and the Duke there
was great inveteracy, having incenfed his
Majeſty against him, he fled to Pontefract
caſtle, and there ftrongly fortified himſelf
against his adverfaries. The Princefs,
though ſhe was apprized that both the Duke
and the Miniſters were justly difliked by
the nation, and confequently not deferving
of her care, yet, to prevent a civil war
which feemed to be on the point of com-
mencing, the undertook in perſon to me-
diate between them. Notwithſtanding the
was now grown very corpulent and unfit to
travel, fhe made feveral journies from one
party to another, and by her influence and
arguments effected a reconciliation, to the
great fatisfaction of the whole kingdom and
her own eternal honour.
Not long after this commotion grief put an
end to the life of this amiable Princefs: for John
Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, one of her Sons
by her first huſband, attending King Richard
in an expedition againſt Scotland, flew
with
[ 343 ]
with his dagger in a quarrel the eldest Son
of the Earl of Stafford relying on the
favour of the King, to whom he was fo
nearly allied by blood, he fled to a fanctuary
at Beverly, and doubted not of receiving a
ſpeedy pardon; but the King, exafperated at a
murder which robbed him of a perfon for
whom he had a great regard, delivered him
into the hands of juftice, without intereſt-
ing himſelf in his favour. The Princeſs
was no fooner informed of her Son's fitua-
tion, than, incited by parental tenderness,
The immediately fent to implore for him his
Majeſty's forgiveneſs: fhe conjured the
King by that intereft which ſhe had in both,
and by the duty he owed to a fond Mo-
ther, to ſpare a perfon fo dear to her; but
Richard remained inexorable, On the re-
turn of her meffenger to Wallingford, her
fummer refidence, finding that her fuppli-
cations were ineffectual, fhe was fo de-
preffed, that he died the fifth day after re-
çeiving the fatal intelligence. Thus fell a
prey to grief the worthy Confort
Y A
of the moſt
excellent
¿
[ 344 ]
excellent of Princes: united by affection,
they lived an inſtance that conjugal happi-
nefs is not incompatible with royalty,
though in the alliances of Princes inclina-
tion is too often obliged to yield to reafons
of ftate. Thrice happy they who, like the
princely pair I celebrate, or the royal pair
we ferve, find the bleffings of true love
twiſted in their bands, to foften thofe cares
from which the moft exalted condition is not
entirely free.
Their fon Richard had mounted the
Engliſh throne on the deceaſe of his royal
Grandfather; but his reign was far from
being happy to himſelf, or advantageous to
his people: his prudent and intrepid con-
duct during the infurrection of Wat Tyler
gave the people hopes that he inherited the
fpirit of his great Father, and that he would
in the courſe of his life acquire an equal de-
gree of glory; but in proportion as he ad-
vanced in years theſe hopes were blaſted,
and his want of folid judgment appeared in
every
[ 345 ]
every enterprize. This deficiency in pene-
tration and folidity threw him into the
hands of favourites, as it had before fatally
done his predeceffor Edward the Second,
an error which the good fenfe and noble
ſpirit of his Father and Grandfather had led
them particularly to avoid.
Robert de Vere, Earl of Oxford, a young
gentleman of an agreeable figure, and pof-
feffed of many fplendid qualifications, but
of diffolute manners, acquired an entire af-
cendant over him, and ruled him with the
moſt abfolute authority: Richard fet no
bounds to his affection for this
young Lord;
he firſt created him Marquis of Dublin and
then Duke of Ireland, titles unknown before
in England: all favours paffed through his
hands, and acceſs to the King could only
be obtained through his mediation; this
confequently produced great animofity be-
tween the Minion and his Creatures on the
one hand, and the Princes of the Blood and
the chief Nobility on the other; till the
Nobles,
[ 346 ]
Nobles, unawed by the perfonal character of
Richard, difpoffeffing him of all power,
power, ba-
niſhed ſome of his favourites, and put
others to death: the King however at length
recovered his authority, and reigned with
tolerable tranquillity for feveral years. Dur-
ing this period, though his public govern-
ment appeared unexceptionable, in private
life he was indolent, expenſive, and ad-
dicted to low pleaſures: he ſpent his time
in feafting and jollity, and forgot his rank
by admitting all degrees of men to his fa
miliarity.
Towards the latter part of his reign, a
difpute arifing between the Duke of Here-
ford, eldeſt Son of the Duke of Lancaſter,
and the Duke of Norfolk, a day was ap-
pointed by the King for the decifion of it
by fingle combat, according to the cuſtom
of the times: the whole nation feemed in-
tereſted in the event, and all the Nobility
divided themſelves into different parties on
the occafion. But when the two champions ap-
peared
[ 347 ]
*
peared in the field, accoutered for the fight,
the King by the advice of his Council in-
terpofed, and prevented the effufion of fuch
noble blood: however to fhew his impar-
tiality, he ordered both the combatants to
leave the kingdom and retire to different
countries. The Duke of Norfolk's baniſh-
ment he declared perpetual; that of the
Duke of Hereford he limited to ten years;
and afterwards, on fome circumſtances ap-
pearing in his favour, the term was fhort-
ened to fix years.
During the abfence of the latter his Fa-
ther the old Duke of Lancaſter died, and
he fucceeded to the title; but Richard,
afraid that his immenfe poffeffions would
give too great weight to the Lancaſtrian
faction, already become formidable to his
crown, he retained them for his own ufe.
Henry, the new Duke of Lancafter, had
long acquired by his conduct and abilities
the eſteem of the public: he had ferved
with diſtinction against the Infidels, and
joined
[ 348 ]
joined to his valour thoſe virtues and accom-
pliſhments which are fure to gain the ef
teem of mankind. The people, who muſt
have an idol for their temporary adoration,
finding nothing in Richard which they
could love or revere, eafily transferred to
Henry that attachment which they would
gladly have continued to a fucceffor of their
beloved Prince, had he been in the leaft de-
ferving of it they therefore lamented the
Duke's baniſhment, and turned their eyes.
towards him as the only perſon who could
retrieve the loft honour of the nation, or
redreſs the abuſes of government. Convinced
of this difpofition of the people towards him,
he took advantage of it, and whilſt Richard
was engaged on an imprudent expedition to
Ireland, landed at Ravenſpur in Yorkſhire:
under pretext of recovering his hereditary
poffeffions which the King unjustly de-
tained from him, he fummoned all his
friends to his affiftance, and foon faw him-
ſelf at the head of fixty thouſand men.
King
[ 349 ]
he
King Richard, receiving intelligence of
this invaſion, haftened over from Ireland and
landed at Milford Haven with a confiderable
force; but either intimidated by the general
combination of the kingdom, or infected by
the fame rebellious fpirit, they gradually
deferted him, till he found that only fix
thouſand men followed his ftandard:
therefore retired with fecrefy from this ſmall
body which only ferved to expoſe him to
danger, and fled to the Iſle of Angleſea, where
he propoſed to embark either for Ireland or
France. The Duke of Lancaſter, apprehen-
five of his purſuing this plan, fent the Earl
of Northumberland to him with the ſtrongeſt
profeffions of loyalty and fubmiffion; and
that Nobleman making himſelf mafter of the
King's perfon by treachery, carried him to
his enemy who waited at Flint caſtle.
Such of the Barons as were devoted to
Richard, being either fled or impriſoned, and
no opponents appearing against Henry, he
began to carry his views to the crown. To
this purpoſe he firſt extorted a refignation of
it from the King, and then prevailed on both
Houfes
3
ľ
350 ]
Houſes of Parliament, who were entirely at
his devotion, to confirm it by paffing an act
for his depofition. The throne being thus
declared vacant, the Duke of Lancaſter ſtep-
ped forth, and in a fhort but fingular ſpeech *
afferted his right to it. No objection being
brought againſt the claim, he was crowned
*The following is the Duke's fpeech in the original lan-
guage, which after having croffed himſelf on the forehead
and breaſt, he pronounced aloud before the Parliament :
"In the name of Fadher, Son, and Holy Ghoft, I
"(
Henry of Lancaſter challenge this rewme of Ynglande,
"and the croun, with all the membres and appurtnances;
"als I that am defcendit by right line of the blood coming
"fro the gude King Henry Therde, and throge that right
"that God of his Grace hath fent me, with help of kyn
"and of my friends, to recover it; the which rewme was
"in poynt to be ondone by default of governance, and
ondoying of the gude lawes." In order to underſtand
this fpeech it is neceſſary to be obſerved, that there was a
ſtory believed by the common people, that Edmund, Earl
of Lancaſter, Son of Henry the Third, was really the
elder Brother of Edward the Firft, but by reafon of fome
deformities in his perfon, had been impoſed on the nation
in his ftead. Henry therefore wifhes to take advantage of
this report, and to aſſert his right to the vacant throne,
not only as next male heir to Richard, but as having pre-
tenſions founded on a prior claim, his Father having mar-
ried the Grand-daughter of the Duke of Lancaſter, who
was thus believed to be the elder Brother of King Edward,
and confequently entitled to the crown before either of
the Princes of that name.
7
King
[ 351 ]
King in the room of Richard, by the title
of Henry the Fourth.
The depofed Prince was foon after confined
in the caſtle of Pontefract; but he remained
not long in the hands of his barbarous and
fanguinary enemies; for not fatisfied with
having robbed him of his crown, they ſoon
took from him his life alfo. It was the
prevailing opinion that Sir Piers Exton, to
whofe charge he was committed, and ſome
of his guards, fell upon him and diſpatched
him with their halberts; but it is more pro-
bable that he was ſtarved to death in priſon ;
and it is even faid, that after all fuftenance
was denied him, the wretched Monarch lan-
guiſhed near a fortnight under the excruciat-
ing pangs of hunger, before Death came to
his relief. He died in the thirty-fourth year
of his age, and the twenty-third of his
reign, leaving no poſterity.
The character of King Richard the Second
was nearly a contraft to that of his great Fa-
ther violent in his temper, profufe in his ex-
pences,
[ 352 1
pences, fond of idle fhew and magnificence,
addicted to pleaſure, and devoted to favou-
rites; he wanted all thofe heroic qualifica-
tions which rendered the Prince of Wales fo
greatly beloved. But thefe faults proceeded
rather from the levity of youth and the want
of judgment, than from incapacity or a bad
difpofition; he therefore deſerved not the ſe-
vere treatment he met with from the Duke
of Lancaſter, except his cruel and perfidious
treatment of his Uncle the Duke of Glou-
cefter may be allowed to merit it.
That Prince however received the juſt re-
compence of his reſtleſs ambition; for being
conftantly employed in defending a title
which he had furreptitiouſly obtained, and
continually apprehenfive from a conſciouſneſs
of the invalidity of his claim to it, he taſted
not of that happineſs which his imagination
had preſented as infeparably annexed to a
crown; but an unquiet reign convinced him,
that numberlefs thorns are entwined with
the jewels of an ufurped diadem.
FIN I S.
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