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Fainted by RWalker.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
Engraved by Alean

CONSTABLE'S MISCELLANY
Original and Selected Publications
IN THE VARIOUS DEPARTMENTS
OF
LITERATURE, SCIENCE, & THE ARTS.
VOL. XLVII.
LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL VOL. I.
Engraved from an Original Sketch by W. Miller
BATTLE OF NASEBY.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED FOR CONSTABLE & C EDINBURGH
AND HURST, CHANCE & C? LONDON.
1829.
2
LIFE
ས ་ར
OF
OLIVER CROMWELL.
**
BY
THE REV. M. RUSSELL, LL.D.
(C
AUTHOR OF A CONNECTION OF SACRED AND PROFANE
HISTORY," &c.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED FOR CONSTABLE AND CO.
AND HURST, CHANCE, and Co. London.
A
1829.
ہے
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE AND COMPANY,
PAUL'S WORK, CANONGATE.
SO
TO THE
REV. ARCHIBALD ALISON, LL.B. F.R.S.
MEMBER OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF LITERATURE,
&c. &c. &c.
THIS WORK IS INSCRIBED,
AS A TOKEN OF THE ESTEEM
ENTERTAINED FOR HIS HIGH CHARACTER AND TALENTS,
BY
THE AUTHOR.
PREFACE,
CONTENTS.
CHAP. I.
Containing an Account of his Family, as also of his
Habits and Domestic Pursuits until he entered
upon his Military Career at the breaking out of the
Civil War,
CHAP. II.
PAGE.
V
13
Containing a short Account of the Political and Re-
ligious Principles which led to the Civil War in
the reign of Charles the First,
CHAP. III.
•
Comprehending the Incidents which occurred from
the meeting of the Long Parliament, in November
1640, until the new-modelling of the Army, at the
suggestion of Cromwell, in the year 1644,
72
98
vi
CONTENTS.
PAGE.
CHAP. IV.
Containing an Outline of Public Affairs from the
period of the Self-denying Ordinance, to the Sur-
render of his Majesty by the Scots to the English
Parliament,
•
194
CHAP. V.
From the Arrival of the King at Holdenby-House,
to the period of his Flight from Hampton Court, 236
CHAP. VI.
Containing an Account of the Principal Occurrences
which took place from the time that the King ar-
rived in the Isle of Wight, to the period of his
Execution in January 1649,
. 270
NOTES,
. 311
PREFACE.
THE object of these volumes, is to give
a popular outline of the History of Oliver
Cromwell, who, it is allowed on all hands,
was, in many respects, the most extraordi-
nary man that England has ever produced.
Like all persons who from a low beginning
have risen to elevated rank, he had ardent
friends, and most violent enemies; and
hence the record of his life, in most instan-
ces, has either been an undistinguishing
eulogy, or a furious invective. The per-
sonal and political animosity which sprang
from the doubtful struggle of the Civil War,
survived a long time the events which mark-
ed its progress; as a proof of which, we
have only to mention the bitter hatred
which was directed against the memory of
viii
PREFACE.
Cromwell, by the writers who espoused the
royal cause immediately after the Restora-
tion, and who continued to exercise a pow-
erful influence over the public mind, as long
as the Stuart dynasty occupied the throne.
But in this, as in all other instances where
the triumph of faction is carried too far, or
where the cause of truth is sacrificed to the
interests of a party, a strong reaction took
place, as soon as the bias was removed which
had perverted at once the judgment and the
feelings of the people. The men of the Com-
monwealth were restored once more to pub-
lic favour; the virtues of Hampden, and
the patriotism of Pym, became again sub-
jects of popular veneration; and the ablest
writers were not ashamed to acknowledge,
that even the Protector himself possessed
many high qualities, both as a states-
man and a soldier; that he increased or
maintained the glory of his country; and
that he wanted nothing to secure for him a
place among the most illustrious of princes,
but a just title to exercise the power which
he had seized with an armed hand.
In this case, as in the former, there was
manifested a decided tendency to excess.
PREFACE.
ix
The hypocrisy and dissimulation of Crom-
well were forgotten, or represented as no-
thing more than that political caution which
was altogether indispensable in the difficult.
circumstances wherein he administered the
government. His ambition, even when it
deviated the farthest from the path of sin-
cerity and honour, was identified with that
honest love of fame, which warms every ge-
nerous bosom; or if it was admitted to be in
any respect questionable, it was vindicated as
the justifiable feeling of self-defence, which
compels a man to take out of the hand of
an enemy the sword which he is sure would
be used against himself. Again, where it
was not possible to throw upon his charac-
ter the direct rays of approbation, an at-
tempt was made to secure for it a favour-
able light, by darkening to the utmost de-
gree the actions and motives of King
Charles the First.
The contrast now stated will be fully
illustrated by a perusal of the works of Cla-
rendon, Heath, Bates, Dugdale, Hollis,
Coke, and Slingsby Bethel, compared with
those of Milton, Clement Walker, Win-
stanly, Sydenham, Dawbeny, the author of
X
PREFACE.
the Unparalleled Monarch, Gibson, May,
and Ricraft. In later times there is a simi-
lar diversity in the conclusions, as to the
character and policy of Cromwell, which
have been drawn by Hume and Echard, on
the one hand, and by Macaulay, Laing,
Brodie, and Godwin, on the other. The
last named writer, indeed, combines in his
own narrative the highest praise with the
deepest condemnation-representing Crom-
well as the best and greatest of mankind,
the most humane and generous of patriots,
while he charges him with the rankest
hypocrisy and deceit, and with the intention
of subjugating his countrymen to a state of
degradation and slavery.
There is an anonymous work deserving
of some notice, entitled "A Short Critical
Review of the Political Life of Oliver Crom-
well." The title page professes that it was
written by a "Gentleman of the Middle
Temple ;" but there is reason to believe that
it proceeded from the pen of the learned
Bishop Gibson, who was connected by mar-
riage with the Cromwell family. The bio-
graphy of the Protector, compiled by Dr
Harris, is well known, and justly esteemed
PREFACE.
xi
as a magazine of information collected from
the best sources; but the plan which the
author pursued, in imitation of Bayle, as
it neglects entirely the order of events, ex-
hausts at once the sagacity and patience of
the reader. The industry of Mark Noble, too,
has brought to light many interesting facts
respecting the genealogy and descendants
of Oliver; and, as he never rested satisfied
without an authentic reference, the various
notices which he has embodied in his book
may be cofifidently received as materials of
history. There are, besides, "Memoirs of
Oliver Cromwell, and of his Sons Richard
and Henry," by a gentleman who boasts of
having sprung from the Protectoral stock.
Of this work, a mere compilation, nothing
very flattering can be said; and it is in a
great degree superseded by a more recent
performance," Oliver Cromwell and his
Times," which is at once more judicious.
and more impartial.
It has been the study of the present au-
thor, while he availed himself of the labours
of all his predecessors, to avoid the two ex-
tremes which have just been pointed out,
and to give an unbiassed view of Cromwell's
xii
PREFACE.
conduct; in his early life; at his first entrance
upon public business; in his achievements
as a soldier; in his rise to political power;
and, finally, in his government of the three
kingdoms, which he was the first to conquer.
His character throughout is made to depend
upon his actions; and the reader, accord-
ingly, is every where supplied with evidence
by means of which he may at once form his
own judgment, and also ascertain the accu-
racy of the opinions which have been pro-
pagated by others.
LEITH, October 12, 1829.
}
LIFE
OF
OLIVER CROMWELL.
CHAPTER I.
Containing an Account of his Family, as also of
his Habits and Domestic Pursuits until he en-
tered upon his Military Career at the breaking
out of the Civil War.
As CROMWELL Occupied no distinguished place
in society till he was well advanced in life, his
biographers have all along been deprived of the
advantage of enlivening their narrative by a re-
lation of those minor circumstances of educa-
tion, early habits and propensities, on which the
interest of personal history has its main depend-
ence. Not being born in that high rank which
holds out to all its members the means and in-
ducements for future eminence, he found no one
to record his progress through the several stages
of childhood and youth; the incidents of which,
in most cases, not only afford indications of in-
dividual temper and disposition, but also, not
unfrequently, form the character of the mass of
VOL. I.
A
14
LIFE OF
human beings, and determine the line of their
most ardent pursuits. He was nearly forty
years of age before he attracted any particular
notice beyond the limits of his own family or
neighbourhood; and when at length he appear-
ed like the sun at noonday, and assumed a place
in the eye of the world, which secured for him
a lasting celebrity, the occurrences of his early
days were already forgotten, or only remem-
bered by those who, in describing the path
through which he had advanced to power, were
too much disposed either to flatter or to con-
demn.
In writing the life of a man who owed every
thing to his own abilities and good fortune, it
may seem superfluous to occupy the attention
of the reader with genealogical details. It is
proper, however, to mention that Oliver Crom-
well belonged to a family which, several gene-
rations before his time, had attained to a con-
siderable degree of wealth and reputation. The
industry of Mr Noble has discovered that the
ancestor of the Protector, in the fourth remove,
was Morgan Williams, or rather Morgan ap
William, a Welsh gentleman of respectable
property, whose father, William ap Yevan, held
an honourable place in the household of Jasper,
Duke of Bedford, and even, it is said, in that
of his nephew, King Henry the Seventh. Mr
Morgan Williams married a sister of Thomas
Lord Cromwell, afterwards Earl of Essex,
through whose powerful interest at Court he
was enabled to lay the foundation of that opu-
lence and rank which continued to throw lustre
on his descendants during several subsequent
OLIVER CROMWELL.
15
reigns. His eldest son, under the auspices of
the Vicar-General, his uncle, rose rapidly into
favour with Henry the Eighth, by whom he
was elevated to the order of Knighthood, and
also enriched by the grant of some valuable
estates which, from time to time, fell to the dis-
posal of the Crown. An attempt on the part
of the Roman Catholics, in the year 1536, to
check the progress of the Reformation in some
of the eastern counties, afforded to the King a
pretext for demolishing, to a still greater extent
than he had hitherto thought expedient, the
various monastic establishments in that district
of England, and for disposing of their revenues
to his favourites and dependents. Among other
lands bestowed upon Sir Richard, either as the
reward of his military services, or for a small
payment in money, was the estate of Hinchin-
brooke, in the county of Huntingdon, which
thenceforth became the principal seat of the
Cromwell family.
The distinguished person now mentioned as-
sumed the surname of Cromwell, in compliance
with a policy suggested by Henry the Eighth,
who, with the intention of abolishing all dis-
tinction between the English and the Welsh,
as well, perhaps, as for facilitating business in
the courts of law, did all in his power to induce
the latter people to adopt family names, and to
relinquish entirely that more primitive mode
of denoting lineal descent which the different
branches of the Celtic race appear to have de-
rived from their Oriental progenitors. It would
seem that Morgan ap William himself had so
far accommodated his nomenclature to the new
16
LIFE OF
style, that he changed his address to Mr Mor-
gan Williams; but as this surname was still
very recent, his Majesty recommended to Sir
Richard to use that of Cromwell, in honour of
his relation the Earl of Essex. Hence, as all
the other sons of the Glamorganshire squire
followed at the same time the example of their
eldest brother, the family patronymic fell gra-
dually into disuse; although we are informed
that, in almost all their deeds and wills, the pro-
geny of William ap Yevan signed themselves
Cromwell alias Williams, down to the reign of
James the First.
Sir Richard left his estates and honours,
which appear to have suffered no diminution
from the downfall of his powerful relative, Lord
Essex, to his eldest son, whose name was Henry.
This gentleman was held in high esteem by
Queen Elizabeth, who knighted him in the year
1563, and did him the further honour of beco-
ming his guest, at his house of Hinchinbrooke,
upon her return from visiting the University of
Cambridge. He had six sons, named Oliver,
Robert, Henry, Richard, Philip, and Ralph;
the second of whom was the father of the re-
markable individual whose character and ac-
tions constitute the principal subject of the fol-
lowing narrative.
Mr Robert Cromwell married the daughter
of a gentleman resident in the city of Ely, whose
name was Steward, a cadet, it is supposed, of a
family of the same name, to whom belonged the
lands and castle of Rosyth, in the county of
Fife. According to Mr Noble, he was called
William Steward, and described as claiming an
OLIVER CROMWELL.
17
alliance to the royal house of Scotland. By
other writers he is denominated Sir Richard,
Sir Thomas, and even Sir Robert; a circum-
stance which proves nothing so distinctly as the
obscurity into which his lineage had fallen, be-
fore the fame of his grandson's exploits had
awakened any curiosity respecting it in the pub-
lic mind. Mrs Cromwell had already been the
wife of Mr William Lynne, the son and heir of
John Lynne of Bassingbourne, and had spent
about a year in widowhood before she contract-
ed her second matrimonial engagement.*
It is stated by the industrious author of the
Memoirs of the Protectoral House of Crom-
well, that Robert, the second son of Sir Henry,
inherited, by the will of his father, an estate in
and near the town of Huntingdon, consisting
chiefly of possessions which formerly belonged
to the monastery of Augustine Friars, and
amounting, with the great tithes of Hartford,
to about three hundred pounds a-year. It is
added, that he usually resided at Huntingdon,
in a house which was either part of the old hos-
pital of St John, or was built upon the site, and
out of the ruins, of that establishment. But it
seems that in this particular the information
received by Mr Noble was not perfectly cor-
* Her first husband died in the twenty-seventh year of
his age, and was buried in the cathedral of Ely. as ap-
pears by this inscription :-" Hic inhumatus jacet op-
timæ spei Adolescens Gulielmus Lynne, Generosus, filius
et hæres," &c. After which is mentioned the death of an
infant daughter, and then is added :— Posuit amoris ergo
moestissima illius conjux Elizabeth filia Gulielmi Stew-
ard de Ely Armigeri "—NOBLE, vol. ii. pp. 197, 198.
A 2
18
LIFE OF
rect; and, as the building in question was that
in which Oliver first saw the light, the reader
will be pleased with the following notice con-
veyed to me by a gentleman who has recently
inspected the edifice and adjacent grounds, as
well as all the records which respect the family
of Cromwell in the neighbourhood of Hunting-
don. "That it was not out of the ruins of St
John's hospital that Mr Robert Cromwell's man-
sion was erected, is manifest from the fact, that
the said institution is still existing and flourish-
ing; and from its funds is supported the gram-
mar school of the town in which Oliver himself
was educated. As Cromwell's ancestor, Sir
Richard, obtained a rich dowery of the old Abbey
possessions from Henry the Eighth, it has been
supposed that the house and lands of the Au-
gustine Friars came into the family in this way.
But it is stated in the Valor Ecclesiasticus, that
they were granted to Thomas Andern on the
suppression of the monasteries; and I ascertain-
ed from an inspection of the ancient wills, re-
gistered in the office of the Archdeacon of Hunt-
ingdon, that the house was occupied as a brew-
ery by a Mr Philip Clamp, before it came into
the possession of Robert Cromwell, the Protec-
tor's father. The latter must, therefore, have
obtained the property by purchase; and as his
fortune was but small, we find that he conti-
nued to carry on the brewery formerly esta-
blished on the premises. The house was built
of stone, with Gothic windows and projecting
attics, and must have been one of the most con-
siderable in the borough. It had extensive back
premises, in which the brewery was carried
OLIVER CROMWELL.
19
1
on, and a fine garden. In the year 1810, the
estate was purchased by James Rust, Esq.,
whose extensive improvements have entirely
obliterated every trace of the Cromwell man-
sion. Previous to this date, the chamber in
which Oliver was born, and the room under it,
remained as they were at the time when that
event took place, and an outbuilding noticed by
Noble, in which Cromwell was said to have held
forth to the Puritans, was pointed out to stran-
gers."-" In the nave of St Mary's Church,
Huntingdon, the following notice is to be seen
on one of the pillars:
“Cromwell.
Turpin.
Bailiffs.
1600.
"The church was not built till 1620, and
Robert Cromwell, the Protector's father, who
must be the person here meant, died in 1617.
The inscription was probably made by some
curious person, after the name of Cromwell had
'gathered all its fame,' and drawn public atten-
tion and enquiry to the ancestors of the Pro-
tector."
Mr Cromwell and his wife are described
by a contemporary writer, as persons of great
worth, and as no way inclined to disaffection,
either in their civil or religious principles;
but remarkable for living upon a small fortune
with decency, and maintaining a large family
by their frugal circumspection. Several authors
of less candour and discernment are eager to
disprove the fact, that the father of so great a
20
LIFE OF
}
man as the Lord Protector of three kingdoms.
could ever have derived any part of his income
from trade. But it admits not of the slightest
doubt, that Robert Cromwell bought an esta-
blishment which had been formerly used as a
brewery, and it is only reasonable to infer that
he meant to employ it for the same purpose.
In reply to this conclusion, it is intimated that
the business was managed entirely by his wife,
who, by her skill and industry, not only pro-
vided funds to support her family in a respect-
able station, but even to supply her daughters
with such fortunes as might recommend them to
suitable marriages. But were there any discre-
dit connected with trade,—that source whence
so many of our greatest families have derived
their wealth and influence,—would the stain be
lessened by removing the imputation from the
one parent to the other? It is true, that the sa-
tire of royalist writers dwelt much upon the
comparatively low origin of Cromwell, and con-
trasted the domestic scenes of his youth with
the splendour which surrounded his latter days
at Hampton Court and Whitehall; but his
panegyrists inflict a more serious injury upon
his parentage, by denying facts which are at-
tended with no dishonour, and by inducing their
readers to believe that the idleness of his father
compelled his mother to be a drudge. Oliver
had no occasion to blush for his pedigree. His
immediate progenitor served in parliament du-
ring the reign of Elizabeth, and occupied a seat
upon the bench as a justice of the peace. The
signature of Robert Cromwell is also found at-
tached to a certificate addressed to the Privy
OLIVER CROMWELL.
21
Council, 1605, stating that the draining of the
fens in Northampton, Lincoln, Huntingdon, and
Cambridge, (a work which his son afterwards
resolutely opposed,) was practicable, and might
be accomplished "without peril to any haven or
county." In recommending this great improve-
ment, he was joined by sixteen of the principal
persons in the four counties, most immediately
interested; among whom we find the name of
Sir Oliver his brother, a patriotic and loyal cha-
racter, to whose countenance he appears, on va-
rious occasions, to have been greatly indebted.
An allusion has already been made to the no-
tion, which the Protectoral family is said to
have cherished, of being descended by the fe-
male branch from the royal house of Stuart. The
historian of that family, who left no source of
information unexplored, has established on good
grounds their right to the honour of which they
boasted, although in their days it appears to
have been received on the authority of a very
obscure tradition. Lord Hailes, in his Annals,
too, lends a strong confirmation to the same
claim. He remarks, that at the fatal battle of
Halidon, two Stuarts fought under the banner
of their chief; the one Alan of Dreghorn, the
paternal ancestor of Charles the First; and the
other, James of Rosyth, the maternal ancestor
of Oliver Cromwell.* Noble, who appears not
to have been aware of this authority, traces the
lineage somewhat higher; namely, to Alexander
the Lord High Steward of Scotland, who had
* Vol. ii. p. 204. Ann. 1333.
22
LIFE OF
three sons, James, John, and Andrew. The
first succeeded to the hereditary office held by
his father, which he transmitted at his death to
his son Walter; who, marrying Margery, the
eldest daughter of King Robert Bruce, and
heiress of her brother David who died without
issue, brought the Scottish crown into his fa-
mily in the person of his son Robert the Second.
The next branch of Alexander's descendants,
through his son John, flourished as Earls and
Dukes of Lennox, and was ultimately engrafted
into the royal stem, by the ill-omened marriage
of Lord Darnley with the unfortunate Mary.
But it is with the offspring of the third son
that our enquiry is most intimately connected,
as being the ancestor of Cromwell. Andrew
Steward of Dundavale, according to the author
of the Memoirs, had a grandson, who was ap
pointed one of the attendants of James the First
of Scotland, when this prince was sent into
France to avoid the cruel jealousy of his uncle,
the Duke of Albany; and being taken prisoner in
company with his master by the English cruisers,
he shared the captivity which Henry IV. thought
proper to inflict upon the royal child. He ulti-
mately consented to fix his residence in the
south, and even to accept of knighthood from
the hand of his new sovereign. Hence he be-
came the founder of the first family of Stewards
which settled in England, and at the same time,
the progenitor of Elizabeth the mother of our
hero. The genealogical table is as follows:*
* Sco Noble, vol. ii. p. 20k. 2d edit.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
23
ALEXANDER LORD HIGH-STEWARD OF SCOTLAND.
James Lord High-Steward
Walter Ld. H.-Steward-Marjory, sister of
| David II.
Robert II. King of Scotland.
Rob
Robert III.
James I.
James II.
James III.
1
James IV.
1
James V.
Queen Mary.
James VI. and 1st of England.
Charles I.
1
Andrew Steward, Esq.
Alexander Steward, Esq.
Sir John Steward, Knt.
Sir John Steward, Knt.
Thomas Steward, Esq.
Richard Steward, Esq.
Archibald Steward, Esq.
Archibald Steward, Esq.
William Steward, Esq.
Elizabeth Steward-Robert Cromwell, Esq.
Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector.

From this
ninth degree.
ployments in the nation, and to serve in Par-
in obscurity. I have been called to several em-
neither living in any considerable height, nor yet
entitled to say, "I was by birth a gentleman,
Charles the First, were cousins in the eighth or
Steward, the mother of Oliver Cromwell, and
deduction, it appears that Elizabeth
The Protector was therefore
24
LIFE OF
liaments;" and he adds, with what truth will ap-
pear in the sequel, "I did endeavour to dis-
charge the duties of an honest man in those
services."*
This distinguished individual was born at
Huntingdon, on the 25th of April, in the year
1599, and baptized four days after, in the parish
church of St Johns; his uncle, Sir Oliver, for
whom he was named, appearing in the capacity
of godfather. If we may trust to the gossip
of his more ancient biographers, his childhood
did not pass without many remarkable occur-
rences, which seemed to indicate that an un-
common fortune awaited his riper years. For
example, they say that his grandfather, Sir
Henry Cromwell, having sent for him when an
infant in the nurse's arms, to Hinchinbrooke, a
monkey took him from the cradle, and bolting
from a window, ran with him upon the leads
which covered part of the roof.~ Alarmed at
the danger to which the young visitor was ex-
posed, the family brought beds upon which to re-
ceive him, supposing that the creature would drop
him from its paws; but, it is added, the saga-
cious animal, appreciating the value of its trea-
sure, brought the "Fortune of England" down
in safety, and replaced him in his bed. On an-
other occasion he made a narrow escape from
drowning. He was saved by Mr Jolinson, a
Speech in Parl. 12th Sept. 1654.
+ "Oliverus filius Roberti Cromwell, Gent. et Eliza-
bethæ uxoris ejus, natus 250 die Aprilis, et baptizatus 290
ejusdem meusis, 1559. E Registro Ecclesiæ Paroch.
Sti Johannis infra oppidum IIuntingdon."
OLIVER CROMWELL.
25
clergyman, who, many years afterwards, was
recognised by Oliver when he was marching at
the head of his soldiers through Huntingdon.
He asked the aged and loyal curate whether he
did not remember having rescued him from an
untimely death? "I do," replied the other,
"but I wish I had put you in, rather than see
you in arms against your king.'
If we may
believe the author of a work published the year
after Cromwell's death, it will appear that the
accidents which befell him were not confined
to one element. He was, says Henry Daw-
benny, on the point of being consumed by fire,
and hence bore a great resemblance to Moses,
who endured an equal peril from water. Had
this foolish writer been acquainted with the oc-
currence to which the Protector himself alluded
at Huntingdon, he would have formed a still
closer parallel between the two personages,
whom it is the object of his book to compare
and to celebrate. The title of his tract is,
"History and Policy reviewed in the Heroic
Transactions of His Most Serene Highness Oli-
ver, late Lord Protector, from his cradle to his
tomb, declaring his steps and princely perfec-
tions, as they are drawn in lively parallels to
the ascents of the great patriarch Moses, in
thirty degrees to the height of honour." In
this parallel of thirty points between Cromwell
and Moses the man of God, he alludes to one
between "Elias and Dr Luther, between Elisha
and Calvin, and between Queen Elizabeth and
Dr Lort's MSS. communicated to Noble by Mr
Audrey.
B
26
LIFE OF
Deborah, that great princess and prophetess."-
"I cannot say," he admits, "that his late high-
ness was extracted from so priestly a family, but
altogether as princely, being lineally descended
from the loins of our most ancient British kings,
and tied in new alliances to the blood of our
later kings;" but in respect of hair-breadth es-
capes and miraculous exploits, the resemblance
is equally particular and complete.
Another biographer, who yields not less to
his fancy than the historian just named, informs
his readers, that Oliver was a prodigy of learn-
ing at the University; that he was exceedingly
admired by the bishops, and a great favourite
with King James; that he travelled in foreign
countries for the improvement of his manners ;
was remarkable for his gallantries at the court
of France; obtained a flattering audience from
Louis, and entered into the most endearing in-
timacy with Richlieu.* The love of truth will
not permit any one who knows the early life of
Cromwell, to extol either the docility of his tem-
per, or the literary triumphs of his genius. Be-
ing left alone of three sous, he became a great
favourite with his mother, who, although a wo-
man of excellent sense, appears to have indul-
ged the idle disposition which is common to
most boys, and to have protected him at home
from the chastisement which was due to his
faults. Dr Beard, the schoolmaster of Hunt-
ingdon, was severe, and his pupil appears to
have been at once playful and obstinate; and
* La Vie d' Olivier Cromwell, par Gregorie Leti.
Amsterdam, 1708.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
27
hence, the only memorial which has reached us
of that early period, represents the one flogging
without mercy, and the other transgressing with-
out remorse. Heath, who takes much pleasure
in darkening the character of young Oliver, re-
lates, that he was notorious for robbing of or-
chards, and incurred so much scandal by break-
ing of hedges and enclosures, that he drew upon
himself the name of Apple-dragon. He adds, too,
that he was "dreadfully suspect to all the adja-
cent country for eating and merchandizing of
young pigeons," which he privately removed from
the neighbouring dovehouses; whence he thinks
himself entitled to insinuate, that in this juve-
nile plunder there was displayed the inherent
tendency of that revolutionary spirit which after-
wards impelled him to attack royal castles, and
even make a burglarious attempt to seize the
crown itself. *
Every reader is acquainted with the two
anecdotes, first, of the dream or vision which is
said to have revealed to the future Protector the
greatness that awaited him in his maturer life;
and secondly, of the dramatical entertainment,
in which the boy is related to have shown some
tokens of that vaulting ambition which was after-
wards laid to his charge by the patrons of the
Commonwealth. As to the former, we are assu-
red even by friendly annalists, that on one occa-
sion, when lying in bed in a musing or melan-
choly frame of mind, a gigantic figure drew
aside the curtains, and told him, that he should
be the greatest man in England, but did not
* Flagellum, pp. 5, 6.
28
LIFE OF
}
mention the word King. Although he was told
of the folly and wickedness of such a story, he
persisted in the assertion that it was founded in
truth, for which, at the particular desire of his fa-
ther, he was flogged by Dr Beard. Notwithstand-
ing this harsh usage, he continued sometimes to
relate the occurrence to his uncle, Sir Thomas
Steward, who told him that it was traitorous to
entertain such thoughts. Heath says it was a
dream, others maintain that it was an appari-
tion; but Noble admits that "Cromwell men-
tioned it often when he was in the height of his
glory." It is worthy of notice, too, that Lord
Clarendon takes notice of this vision. During
the deliberations which took place, when an offer
of the crown was made to him, "they who were
very near to him," remarks the noble historian,
"said, that in this perplexity, he revolved his
former dream or apparition, that had first in-
formed and promised him the high fortune to
which he was already arrived, and which was
generally spoken of even from the beginning
of the troubles, and when he was not in a pos-
ture that promised such exaltation; and that he
then observed, it had only declared that he
should be the greatest man in England, and that
he should be near to be king; which seemed to
imply that he should be only near, and never
actually attain, the crown."
Whether the boy ever had such a dream or
not, is a matter of no consequence in reviewing
the history of a life so full of great events; but
it is certainly remarkable, if "it was generally
spoken of even from the beginning of the trou-
bles, and when he was not in a posture that pro-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
29
66
mised such exaltation." As to the dramatical
allusion to the sovereign power with which
Cromwell was subsequently invested, " it hap-
pened," says Heath, as was then the custom in
all free schools, that a play called the Five Senses
was to be acted by the scholars of this school,
and Oliver Cromwell, as a confident youth, was
named to act the part of Tactus, the sense of
Feeling; in the personification of which, as he
came out of the tyring room upon the stage, his
head encircled with a chaplet of laurel, he stun-
bled at a crown purposely laid there, which,
stooping down, he took up, and crowned himself
therewithal, adding, beyond his cue, some ma-
jestical mighty words."
It is manifest, that the stumbling upon the
crown and royal robe is a part of the action to
be performed by Tactus, while the soliloquy
which follows, without any other "mighty ma-
jestical words," gives of itself sufficient expres-
sion to the sentiment of youthful ambition.
"Was ever man so fortunate as I,
To break his shins at such a stumbling block?
Roses and bays, back hence; this crown and robe
My brows and body circle and invest.
How gallantly it fits me! sure the slave
Measured my head that wrought this coronet.
They lie who say complexions cannot change:
My blood's ennobled, and I am transform'd
Unto the sacred temper of a KING.
Methinks I hear my noble parasites
Styling me Cæsar, or Great Alexander,
Licking my feet, and wondering where I got
This precious ointment,-how my pace is mended,-
How princely do I speak,-how sharp I threaten.
Peasants, I'll curb your headstrong impudence,
B 2
30
LIFE OF
And make you tremble when the lion roars ;
Ye earthbred worms!-O, for a looking-glass!
Poets will write whole volumes of this change!
Where's my attendant? Come hither, sirrah, quickly,
Or by the wings of Hermes," &c.*
An ingenious attempt has been made to ac-
count for the dream, as originating in the excite-
ment and lofty ideas produced by the dramati-
cal performance. The story of the comedy being
ascertained to rest on a credible foundation, the
exhibition made on that occasion by Oliver, and
the revelation of the spectre, which is supposed
to have followed immediately afterwards, may
be connected together in the relation of cause
and effect. To young Cromwell might be as-
signed, whether by his own choice or otherwise,
the part of Tactus, or Touch. He is made to
stumble upon a crown and robe, purposely laid
in his way to entrap him; and as this is the in-
cident on which the plot principally turns, it was
not to be wondered at that it should lay some
hold on the imagination of the youth who sus-
tained it. After playing the chief character in
such a scene, the wonderful dream (for a dream,
if any thing, it must of course, be considered)
would have to the full as much resemblance to
the dramatic incident, as those fantasies of the
* This drama was printed in 1617, and in that im-
pression, is said to have been first acted at Trinity Col-
lege, Cambridge, and afterwards at the Free Grammar-
school, Huntingdon. The plan of the play is, that Lin-
gua gives a crown and robe to be contested for by the
Senses.-Winstanley is mistaken in supposing Oliver to
have acted the part of Tactus at Cambridge, which is con-
trary to the testimony of all other writers,-Noble, vol. i,
p. 252.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
31
wakeful brain are wont to have, when in our
sleeping hours, they recall to us, by grotesque
imagery, events of real life in which we have
been engaged. Allowing this to be the most
probable account of two trifling circumstances,
of which so many and such various accounts have
been given, it will be readily seen, that their
whole consequence arose not from their being
intrinsically remarkable, but from their subse-
quent application to the rise and fortunes of
Cromwell.*
A tradition is still current at Huntingdon of
an accidental meeting between the son of the
brewer and Charles the First, when children
and nearly of the same age, at Hinchinbrooke-
house, the seat of his uncle, Sir Oliver. This
occurrence is said to have taken place in the
year 1603, on occasion of the journey of Charles,
then Duke of York, from Scotland to London :
but it must have occurred, if at all, in September
1604, to which period the coming of this young
prince was deferred, on account of indisposition.
The story, however, derives support from the
known fact, that the mansion of this singularly
worthy and loyal knight, was generally one of the
resting-places of the royal family, when on their
journeys from the North to the English capital.
In the former year, for instance, when James was
on his way to take possession of his new king-
dom, he paid a visit to Sir Oliver, and accept-
ed of a splendid entertainment at his hands.
But what fixed the attention of political pro-
* Oliver Cromwell and his Times, by Thomas Crom-
well, p. 38.-Noble, vol, i,
1
32
LIFE OF
phets in the succeeding age was, the memorable
fact, that the two boys had not been long to-
gether before Charles and his companion dis-
agreed; and as the former was then as weakly
as the other was strong, it was no wonder that
the royal visitant was worsted. Oliver, even
at this age, so little regarded dignity, that he
made the royal blood flow in copious streams
from the prince's nose. This, obscrves Mr
Noble, was looked upon as a bad presage for
that king when the civil wars commenced. *
In the same mansion, at a somewhat later
period, Cromwell displayed his love for boister-
ous mirth, in a manner so little consistent with
good taste and respect for his uncle, that he in-
curred by it the forfeiture of the affection and
kindness which had been till then lavished upon
him by his good-natured relative. The reader
will find the details in the following statement,
by the author of the Memoirs, abridged from
the narratives of Bates and Heath :-
"Sir Oliver was a worthy knight, loved hos-
pitality, and always kept up old customs. Ac-
cordingly, at Christmas, his doors were throwni
open to all, who were not only feasted, but en-
tertained with music, dancing, and the usual
sports of the age and place. Amongst the re-
lations and friends of Sir Oliver, came his ne-
phew and godson, by invitation, to partake of
the festivity of one of those scasons: but he so
far forgot himself, that to humour a depraved
taste, he besineared his clothes and gloves with
the most nauseous filth, and accosts the Master
* Cromwell and his Times, p. 36.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
33
of Misrule, in the frequent turnings of a frisk-
ing dance, as well as every other person that
came in his way, so that the company could
scarce bear the room from the intolerable smell.
The Master of Misrule, discovering that our
young Oliver was the offender, seized, and or-
dered him to undergo a severe ducking in a pond
adjoining to the house; Sir Oliver, his uncle,
permitting the sentence to be carried into full
execution, as a punishment for his dirty beha-
viour. Perhaps I ought to apologize for rela-
ting so filthy a tale; but, as this was the occa-
sion of Oliver's losing his uncle's good opinion,
I thought its particular relation could not be
dispensed with."*
On the 23d of April 1616, when he was with-
in two days of completing his seventeenth year,
Cromwell was entered of Sidney-Sussex College,
in the University of Cambridge. His genius,
however, which was found little fitted for the
calm and elegant occupations of learning, did not
receive much cultivation in that seat of the
* Noble, vol. i. p. 98. Elenchi Mot. &c. pars prima.
Heath, Flagellum, p. 12.
† A festo Annuntiationis, 1616. Oliverus Cromwell,
Huntingdoniensis, admissus ad commeatum sociorum,
Aprilis vicessimo tertio, tutore Magistro Ricardo Howlet.
Regist. Coll. Sid.
(Between this entry and the next is crowded in, in a
smaller hand or letter, the underwritten character.)
Ilic fuit grandis ille impostor, carnifex perditissimus,
qui, pientissimo rege Carolo I. nefaria cæde sublato, ipsum
usurpavit thronum, et tria regna, per V. ferme annorum
spatium, sub Protectoris nomine indomita tyrannide vexa-
vit.
34
LIFE OF
muses. Dugdale informs us that he threw him-
self into a dissolute and disorderly course of life,
being more famous whilst there for football,
cricket, cudgelling, and wrestling, than for study;
and being of a rough and blustering disposition,
he acquired the name of Royster. The friends
of the Protector have justly questioned the au-
thority on which these statements are made, and
have ascribed to the malignant spirit which pur-
sued his memory after the epoch of the Resto-
ration, many similar calumnies which, at such a
distance of time, it was impossible for them to
disprove. They have, on the other hand, endea-
voured, with much less success, to establish his
character as a man of learning, or at least as a
patron of scientific pursuits, and a lover of the
fine arts. But Cromwell has left no evidence
that his mind was ever deeply smitten with an
affection for the beauties of poetical or oratorical
composition; and Milton, who knew him well,
does not ascribe to him any high accomplish-
ments in the way of literature. In his picture
of a perfect statesman, drawn in the Second
Panegyric presented to his warlike patron, the
great bard relates that, in his combination of
imaginary excellences, "to a nobility (which
because it is derived from others is more used
to be called theirs than our own) I added a
study of letters; by which nature should be cul-
tivated, the mind subdued and polished, and rea-
son sharpened. Yet this in a person taught for
the commonwealth and trained for public affairs,
I wished should be moderate. For as the art
of managing and governing a commonwealth is
OLIVER CROMWELL.
35
for the most part active and practical, it should
rather consist of counsel and prudence, than of
knowledge and wisdom, which are speculative
and theoretical. Wherefore it is necessary for
him who is brought up to that art of ruling and
commanding, to be tinged indeed with a study
of letters, which very seasonably inform and
drive away ignorance and unskilfulness from
him; yet not to be so deeply tutored as to com-
prehend them exactly and absolutely in every
point. For, I know not by what means, this
thorough knowledge of the sciences, when it
sharpens the intellect, yet dulls the soul, and
breaks its attention for ministering of public af-
fairs. Perhaps because it wastes the spirits ne-
cessary for action, and by wasting consumes
them, and therefore causes the mind which
wants them to languish. Those studies of the
wit and mind are tender things. They do not
fancy the sun and the crowd: they delight in
the shade and in retirement. Noise and busi-
ness disturb them. They shrink up at the hor-
rors of arms, and are even affrighted at the
brawling of the Forum. Like noble and delicate
maidens, they must rather be kept safe at home,
in free custody, than be brought forth into en-
gagements and perils. Wherefore the most
noble generals of former ages have so given
themselves to be instructed by their preceptors,
as rather to adorn than profess those studies;
and applied themselves just so much to them,
as should be enough to inform but not altoge-
ther to drown their minds."
Had Cromwell possessed erudition, his pane-
gyrist would infallibly have discovered that no
36
LIFE OF
man could successfully govern a commonwealth
without it; and with that view would have ad-
duced the examples of all the learned captains
in ancient and modern times, from Pericles and
Julius Cæsar, down to Frederick the Great. But
Milton's object was to compliment his master
upon his want of scholastic acquirements, and
to represent these as rather an incumbrance to
a statesman, instead of a manifest advantage; an
undertaking in which few authors could have
acquitted themselves so well, although the task
must have been accomplished at the expense both
of sincerity and of inclination. Bishop Burnet
assures us that Oliver "had no foreign language
but the little Latin that stuck to him from his
education, which he spoke very viciously and
scantily;" and if we were to form a judgment
of his literary taste and habits, from the speci-
mens of his composition which have come down
to our own times, we certainly should not rank
his accomplishments above those of a respect-
able farmer or tradesman in either division of
the British dominions.
It has not been ascertained how long he con-
tinued at the university; but as his father died
in June 1617, and left his family in no very
affluent circumstances, it is probable that his
residence did not exceed one half of the usual
period. His mother, it is said, wished to turn
his attention to the study of law, and in pursu-
ance of this object sent him to London, where
he was to enter one of the inns of court. But,
it must be acknowledged, that there is no part
of his history more obscure than this; for, while
one author asserts that he neglected his reading,
OLIVER CROMWELL.
37
and learned only the follies and vices of the
town, another maintains that he never was en-
tered at any school of law whatever, and there-
fore could not be chargeable with the immoral-
ities which are imputed to him during his sup-
posed residence in the capital. A late writer
remarks, that all the stories of his excesses
whilst in the metropolis, attending Lincoln's-
Inn, must fall to the ground, because he was
never there. The most diligent search has now
been made, and his name is not found in its re-
cords; and Sir James Burrows also, in his An-
ecdotes and Observations relative to Cromwell
and his Family, says, that after the strictest in-
vestigation, his name has not been discovered in
any register of that society.*
But notwithstanding this negative evidence,
it still appears very probable that Cromwell was
sent to London for the purpose already stated.
"He came," says a professed panegyrist, "to
Lincoln's Inn, where he associated himself with
those of the best rank and quality, and the most
ingenuous persons; for though he were of a na-
ture not averse to study and contemplation, yet
he seemed rather addicted to conversation, and
the reading of men and their several tempers,
than to a continual poring upon authors." Now,
when we reflect that this "portraiture of his
Royal Highness Oliver," was published a few
months after his death, and by a person who
"The most probable solution of the difficulty is, that
he actually became a student of law in the metropolis, but
was entered at some other inn of court."— Cromwell and
his Times, p. 41.
0
38
LIFE OF
appears not only to have known him intimately,
but also to have felt the obligation of devising
an apology for his idleness while in town, we
cannot refuse to admit that it is more probable
the entry of his name may have been neglected,
than that a contemporary author should have
fallen into a mistake concerning a fact which
must then have been so generally known. Wood
relates, without any appearance of hesitation,
that his father dying whilst he was at Cam-
bridge, he was taken home and sent to Lincoln's
Inn to study the common law; but making no-
thing of it, he was sent for home by his mother,
became a debauchee, and a boisterous and rude
fellow."*
In short, all his biographers, with the excep-
tions already mentioned, assume his residence
in London as an event that could not be dispu-
ted. Noble, who upon the whole is friendly
to his reputation, records that from the gay
capital he returned a finished rake to the place
of his nativity, where, if we may believe his
enemies, he followed his vicious courses. The
taverns were the chief places of his resort; but
his rash and boisterous behaviour prevented his
equals from consorting with him, for he could
ill brook contradiction at any time, and much
less now, when he had not learned, or did not
think it worth his while to practise, deceit. He
was therefore obliged to take up with less cre-
ditable companions, who, if they did not fall
into his sentiments, were sure to feel the weight
* Memoirs of the Protector, by Oliver Cromwell, p.
215. Ed. 1820. + Fasti, vol. ii. c. 88.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
39
of his arm, and receive a severe discipline from
his usual weapon, a quarter-staff. It is laid to
his charge, moreover, that he occasionally ne-
glected to pay his reckoning, and, of course,
very soon became unpopular among the ale-
wives of Huntingdon. When they saw him in
the street, they communicated the alarm from
house to house, and immediately every door was
shut against the noisy bully. The young wo-
men, too, who had reason to dread his lively
manners, are said to have carefully avoided his
approach. In short, Oliver, who had been what
one of his historians calls an " unlucky boy,"
turned out a wild and rather dissipated youth,
and thereby afforded some occasion to those who
afterwards smarted under his government, to
assail the purity of his juvenile character. "The
first years of his manhood," says Sir Philip War-
wick, no uncandid judge of his motives, " were
spent in a dissolute course of life, in good fel-
lowship, and gaming, which afterwards he seem-
ed very sensible of and sorrowful for; and, as
if it had been a good spirit that had guided him
therein, he used a good method upon his con-
version, for he declared he was ready to make
restitution unto any man who would accuse him,
or whom he could accuse himself to have wrong-
ed. To his honour I speak this, for I think the
public acknowledgments men make of the pub-
lic evils they have done, to be the most glorious
trophies they can have assigued to them. When
he was thus civilized, he joined himself to men
of his own temper, who pretended unto trans-
ports and revelations."
""*
* Memoirs of the Reign of King Charles I. p. 276.
40
LIFE OF
The following letter, written by Cromwell to
his relative Mrs St John, gives so faithful a
picture of his early life, that though it is rather
long, the reader will not grudge the space which
it occupies, more especially as it has not hereto-
fore been published entire. It is dated Ely, 13th
of October, 1638, and is addressed in these terms.
"To my beloved cozen, Mrs St John, att Sir
William Marham his house, called Oates, in
Essex, present theise:
"Deare cozen, I thankfully acknowledge your
love in your kind remembrance of mee upon this
opportunitye. Alas, you do too highly prize
my lines and my companie! I may be ashamed
to own your expressions, considering how un-
profitable I am, and the meane improvement of
my talent, yett to honour my God by declaringe
what hee hath done for my soule, in this I am
confident, and will be soe. Truly then this I
finde that hee giveth springes in a drye and bar-
ren wildernesse where no water is. I live (you
know where) in Mesheck, which they say sig-
nifies prolonginge; in Kedar, which signifies
blacknesse: Yet the Lord forsaketh mee not.
Though he doth prolonge, yett hee will (I trust)
bring mee to his tabernacle, and his restinge
place. My soule is with the congregation of
the first-borne ; my bodye rests in hope; and if
heere I may honour my God, either by doeinge
or by sufferinge, I shal be most glad. Truely
noe poore crcture hath more cause to putt forth
himself in the cause of his God than I. I have
had plentiful wadges beforehand; and I am sure
I shall never earne the least mite. The Lord
accept me in his Sonn, and give me to walk in
OLIVER CROMWELL.
41
!
the light, and give us to walk in the light as hee
is in the light! He it is that enlighteneth our
blacknesse, our darknesse. I dare not say he
hydeth his face from mee; hee giveth mee to
see light in his light. One beame in a darke
place hath exceeding much refreshment in it;
blessed be his name for shininge upon so dark
a hart as mine. You know what my manner of
life hath beene! O, I lived in and loved dark-
nesse, and hated the light: I was a chief, the
chief of sinners. This is true, I hated godli-
nesse; yet God had mercy on me. O, the rich-
nesse of his mercy! praise him for mee; pray
for me, that hee whoe hath begunn a good work
would perfect it to the day of Christ. Salute
all my good friends in that family, whereof you
are yett a member. I am much bound unto
them for their love: I bless the Lord for them,
and that my sonn by their procurement is so
well. Lett him have your prayers, your coun-
cile; let mee have them. Salute your husband
and sister from mee; hee is not a man of his
word; he promised to write about Mr Wrath of
Epinge, but as yett I received no letters; putt
him in mind to doe what with conveniency may
be doun for the poore cozen I did sollicit him
about. Once more farewell; the Lord be with
you, soe prayeth your trulye loving cozen,
"OLIVER CROMWELL."
"My wife's service and love presented to all
her friends."
The advocates for the immaculate sanctity of
Cromwell's youth insist that the expressions of
¢ 2
42
LIFE OF
self-abasement contained in the above letter im-
ply nothing more than that general feeling of
unworthiness which is inseparable from the
principles of a true Christian. But it is obvious
that in the retrospect which he takes of his past
days, there is a comparison between the state
in which he formerly was, with that to which he
had then attained. "You know what my man-
ner of life hath been! O, I lived in and loved
darkness, and hated the light: I was a chief,
the chief of sinners." Hence there is an air of
plausibility in the reasoning of those who be-
lieve that the aspersions cast upon his character
by Heath, Dugdale, and others, were not alto-
gether without foundation. There are few per-
sons, it has been well observed, who will become
converts to the opinion that the passage just
cited should be interpreted as merely conveying
such a deep internal sense of past unworthiness
as the most consistently moral character may be
supposed to feel, and express in epistolary con-
fidence to a friend. Cromwell here does more
than convey to his cousin such a conviction as
confined to himself; for his words express, not
so much a description of his own feelings, as an
appeal to Mrs St John's knowledge of what his
manner of life had been; and therefore, from
his allusion to offences which were known to
this lady, we may infer that his aberrations from
the path of virtue were no secret to the rest of
his relations and acquaintance.* Nor is this con-
clusion rendered in any degree more doubtful
by the great change which soon afterwards took
Cromwell and his Times, p. 62.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
43
place in his views and habits. Nay, the strong
language of abhorrence in which he describes
the tenor of his early life, and the ardour of his
sentiments in regard to the new path upon
which he had entered, will be held by persons
of experience as a presumptive proof, of no small
weight, that Oliver had not been altogether a
stranger to the deceits of intemperance.
But to the dispassionate and candid reader it
will at once appear, that both the friends and the
enemies of Cromwell lay more stress than enough
upon the childish freaks and youthful sallies
which the angry spirit of party has recorded
against him. Admit all that is laid to his charge,
and after weighing it in the ordinary balance of
the world's estimation, it will not be found to
exceed the irregularities to which many purer
hearts than his would not hesitate to plead
guilty. Suppose it were established beyond the
challenge of the most resolute scepticism that
Oliver occasionally abstracted a little fruit with-
out asking the key of the orchard; that he was
somewhat rude in his manner of saluting the
girls of Huntingdon when he happened to meet
them in the fields; and even that, when de-
feated in an argument over a pint of ale, he
once or twice sought redress in the use of a
ready fist or a cudgel, opposed, we must pre-
sume, to equal weapons on the part of his an-
tagonists,―would the verdict justify us in pro-
nouncing upon him a sentence of utter condem-
nation, or to brand him as the chief of simmers?
Certainly not; and hence we cannot approve
the waste of argument which has been employ-
ed on both sides of this question, to convince
4.4
LIFE OF
the world that Oliver Cromwell in his youth
was not like most other men of the same age,
and in the same class of society.
It would be doing injustice to Cromwell's
memory, says Mr Noble, not to mention, "that
the worthy and curious Mr Edward Ferrar of
Huntingdon acquainted Sir James Burrows,
about eighty years ago, that they had no traces
in that neighbourhood of Oliver's having led a
dissolute life; but really," he adds, "they are
exceedingly ignorant of every thing respecting
their great townsman!" We must, neverthe-
less, admit that this testimony, imperfect as it
is, has a favourable bearing on the youthful re-
putation of the Protector; and where it is not
contradicted by positive evidence, it ought to be
received to its full extent. Had his irregulari-
ties been as frequent and notorious as they are
described by Heath and other party-writers, it
is more than probable that some distinct traces
of them would have remained in the place of
his birth. His contemporaries, it is true, had
but little interest in remembering him after the
Restoration, when the great object with all
classes seemed to be to forget him as speedily as
possible; and local reminiscences, we all know,
when they are not strengthened by associations
of national fame or of popular regard, soon sink
from the current of tradition.
About the time he completed his twenty-first
year, he formed an alliance with Elizabeth, the
daughter of Sir James Bouchier of Essex, by
whom he received a considerable accession to
his income. At the same period, too, he is said
to have regained the affections of his relatives,
the Hampdens and Barringtons, as well as of
OLIVER CROMWELL.
45
his uncle Sir Oliver, all of whom he had alien-
ated, more or less, by his thoughtless or unduti-
ful conduct. He fixed his residence at Hunt-
ingdon, his native place; but in what manner he
employed himself during the seven years which
preceded his entrance into Parliament, cannot
now be ascertained. It is clear, however, that
he no sooner found himself at the head of a fa-
mily, than he became very rigid in his manners,
and devoted much of his time to religious du-
ties. His house was ever open to such of the
non-conformist ministers as could not conscien-
tiously comply with the ritual of the established
church. He encouraged them in their opposi-
tion, and aided them in their endeavours to ob-
tain a relaxation of the laws by which they had
bound themselves to observe the ceremonies and
to use the liturgy of the national religion. Nor
did he confine his exertions to the advancement
of their cause in the regular courts of law, and
by an appeal to the liberality of the bishop: he
preached in support of their principles wherever
he found a willing audience, and joined with
them in public prayer, with the view of securing
their ultimate success. By these means he pa-
ved the way for the popularity which attached
to his name at Huntingdon, and which, in due
time, procured for him the honour of represent-
ing that borough in Parliament.
It has just been admitted, that it was impos-
sible to ascertain what was the nature of his
employment at Huntingdon from the period of
his marriage till he was returned a member of
the third Parliament of Charles the First. The
author of his Life and Times thinks it very pro-
46
L
LIFE OF
bable that he adopted his father's business, and
attempted to increase his income by employing
the family brewery. "The satirical ballads of
that day," he observes, “ridiculed him for having
been a brewer, a liberty that scarcely would
have been taken with him at a time when there
were so many living who, from their own per-
sonal knowledge, must have been acquainted
with his history, had there been no actual foun-
dation for the lack of gentility which was thus
intended to be imputed to him. And it appears
to the writer, that a passage quoted from a Pa-
negyric, thought to have been composed by
Milton, in support of the opinion that Cromwell
never engaged in trade, would admit of a con-
struction more consonant to the conclusion just
advanced. The passage in question runs thus :
'Being now arrived to a mature and ripe age,
all which time he spent as a private person, no-
ted for nothing so much as the culture of pure
religion and an integrity of life, he was grown
rich at home, and had enlarged his hopes, relying
upon God and a great soul, in a quiet bosom,
for any the most exalted times.' Now, does
not the expression grown rich seem to imply the
inference that it was by some trade or profes-
sion his property had thus increased; since to
live without business, and at the same time to
bring up a numerous family in a genteel way,
could hardly have conduced to its accumula-
tion ?"*
In domestic life he appears to have been very
happy, for, although his lady was destitute of
See Note A. at the end of the volume.
J
OLIVER CROMWELL.
47
personal charms, and occasionally exhibited, it
is said, some symptoms of family pride, she was
prudent in the management of her household,
and affectionate towards her husband. There
remains but one letter written by her to Crom-
well, when he was in Scotland at the head of
the army, and as it is the only specimen of her
epistolary talents which has been handed down
to posterity, no apology can be necessary for
inserting it at this stage of the narrative.
“December the 27th, 1650.
“MY DEARIST,
I
"I wonder you should blame me for writing
nowe oftnir, when I have sent thre for one.
canenot but think they ar miscarid. Truly if I
knog my one hart, I should ase soune neglect
myself ase to the least thought towards
you, hoe in douing of it I must doe it to my-
self; but when I doe writ, my dear, I seldom
have any satisfactore anser, wich makse me
think my writing is slited, as well it may; but
I cannot but think your love coverse my wek-
nisis and infirmetis. I should rejoice to hear
your desire in seeing me, but I desire to submit
to the providns of God, howping the Lord, howe
hath seperated us, and hath oftune brought us
together agane, wil in hies good time bring us
agane to the prase of hies name. Truly my
lif
is but half a lif in your abscince, deid not the
Lord mak it up in heimself, which I must ac-
koleg to the prase of heis grace. I would you
would think to writ sometims to your deare
frend me Lord Chef Justes, of hom I have of-
tune put you in mind; and truly, my deare, if
48
LIFE OF
you could think of what I put you in mind of
sume, it might be of ase much purpos as others,
writting sumetimes a letter to the Presedent,
and sumetimes to the Speiker. Indeid, my
deire, you cannot think the rong you doe your-
self in the whant of a letter, thugh it wer but
seldome. I pray think of, and soe rest yours
in all faithfulnise,
"ELIZ. CROMWELL.'
Mr Noble, with a feeling of great candour,
admits against Cromwell an imputation of the
most nefarious kind, namely, that having by
his extravagance wasted his patrimony, he ap-
plied to his uncle Steward for assistance, when
meeting with a refusal, and finding that by a
smooth way of solicitation he could not prevail,
he attempted by colour of law to deprive him of
his estate; representing him as a person not able
to manage it. With this view, he petitioned
the King for a commission of lunacy; but his
Majesty, not being satisfied with the statement
on which the claim was founded, did not think
proper to grant it. It is added, that Sir Tho-
mas was highly provoked at this unfeeling con-
duct on the part of his relation; but through the
good offices of Oliver's mother, and the inter-
cession of other friends, a reconciliation took
place, and the property was in the end be-
queathed to the impatient nephew.
This charge was first recorded by Sir Wil-
liam Dugdale, in his "Short View of the late
Troubles," and has been repeated in later times
by Dr Harris and Mr Noble. The author of
the Memoirs of Cromwell treats it as a gratui-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
49
tous calumny fabricated by his political adver-
saries, and sufficiently disproved by the un-
deniable fact, that Sir Thomas Steward ulti-
mately made him his heir; taking it for grant-
ed that no one whose feelings were attacked in
so rude a manner, would have been induced, by
any consideration, to act so generously. But,
without supporting the credibility of a story
which none but the Protector's worst enemies
could wish to be true, it must not be forgotten
that the uncle had no other heirs to whom his
estates could regularly descend; that his sister
was unable to make more than a very small pro-
vision for her son, who had now eight or nine
children; and that there is no improbability in
supposing that the entreaties of the widow and
of Sir Oliver, her brother-in-law, might effect
the reconciliation which they are said to have
produced. At all events, as it is impossible at
this distant day to exculpate the memory of
Cromwell by the force of new evidence, his in-
nocence or guilt in the present case must, it is
clear, be determined by a reference to the gene-
ral standard of his character at that period of
his life.
It is surprising that so little attention has
been paid to the following remarks by Arch-
bishop Williams, pronounced at a meeting of
the Privy Council in 1645. Speaking of Crom-
well, his grace says, "I knew him at Buckden,
but never knew his religion, being a common
spokesman for sectaries, and maintaining their
part with stubbornness. He never discoursed
as if he were pleased with your Majesty and
your officers, and indeed he loves none that are
VOL. I.
D
50
LIFE OF
more than his equals. Your Majesty did him
but justice in refusing his petition against Sir
Thomas Steward of the Isle of Ely; but he takes
them all for his enemies that would not let him
undo his best friend; and above all that live, I
think him the most mindful of an injury.'
"*
It was in the year 1628 that he first appear-
ed in the great council of the nation, as one of
the members for the borough of Huntingdon.
Mr Noble narrates that he represented the same
borough in the year 1625, being the first Par-
liament of Charles; but this is obviously a mis-
take, as will appear from the following state-
ment, supplied by the learned friend already
alluded to. "A few years since there was a
disputed election case in the borough, which
was carried to a committee of the House, and it
became necessary that authenticated copies of
the returns should be procured from the origi-
nals in the town. I examined these, and found
that Cromwell sat only once for Huntingdon,
namely, in the third Parliament of Charles the
First, as stated above. In the first Parliament
of that monarch, the former members, Sir Henry
St John, and Sir Henry Mainwaring, were re-
turned."
Cromwell has been blamed for some degree
of acrimony against the Church, when acting as
one of the Committee of Religion. The Parlia-
ment had taken offence at some injudicious ser-
mons preached by Dr Mainwaring, and con-
demned him to pay a fine of a thousand pounds,
to be suspended for three years, and to be de-
**Hacket's Life of Archbishop Williams.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
51
clared incapable of future preferment. The
learned Divine, in compliance with the desire
of the Commons and the judgment of the Peers,
made a public submission, in which, among other
things, he confessed that in the three sermons
complained of, there were dangerous passages,
inferences, and scandalous expressions. Not-
withstanding this, his Majesty, prompted, it was
thought, by Laud, at that time Bishop of Win-
chester, granted him a full pardon for all errors
committed by him, either in speaking, writing,
or printing, and for which he might be hereafter
questioned; and in defiance of both Houses,
presented him to the living of Stamford-Rivers,
in Essex, which he was permitted to hold with
the parish of St Giles in the Fields. Admitting
that the Committee of Religion acted under legal
authority, and that Parliament had power to
interfere in such matters, it follows that the
members were justly entitled to express their
indignation at a measure which obviously de-
feated the main object which they had meant to
accomplish. Cromwell thought it his duty to
"inform the house what countenance the Bishop
of Winchester did give to some persons that
preached flat Popery, and mentioned the per-
sons by name; and how, by this bishop's means,
Mainwaring, who, by censure of last Parliament,
was disabled from ever holding any ecclesiastical
dignity in the church, and had confessed the jus-
tice of that censure, is nevertheless preferred to
a rich living. If these," says he, "are the steps
to church preferment, what may we expect?"
This anecdote, trivial as it may appear, shows at
least the bias which his mind had taken, and the
52
LIFE OF
ground on which his opposition to government
was thenceforth to be maintained.
Upon the dissolution of Parliament, Crom-
well returned to the duties or amusements of
domestic life. In the year 1630, when a new
charter was granted by the King to the corpo-
ration of Huntingdon, he was appointed a jus-
tice of the peace, in conjunction with his old
schoolmaster Dr Beard, and Robert Bernard,
Esq., a proof that his hostility to the Crown
was either not known, or lightly regarded.
But his native town did not now prove agree-
able to him. Sir Oliver, his uncle, who lived
in the neighbourhood, was decidedly loyal, and
possessed sufficient influence over the townsmen
to keep them steady to the royal cause; and
hence he could expect no encouragement in pur-
suing the line of policy to which his views of
duty or of interest had begun to invite him. It is
said, too, that he bore with impatience the pre-
cedency assumed by Dr Beard, whose acade-
mical rank entitled him to certain honours not
granted to his ambitious pupil. The embarrass-
ed state of his affairs, too, has been assigned as a
reason for his desire to remove to a different part
of the country. But, whatever truth there may be
in this, there is no doubt that in the year 1631, he
prevailed upon his mother, his wife, and his uncle,
Sir Oliver, to concur with him in the sale of the
lands and tithes which belonged to the family,
in order that he might realize such a sum of
money as would enable him to engage in some
more profitable branch of business. The pur-
chase was made by Richard Oatley and Richard
Owen, who paid L.1800 for the lands, tene-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
53
ments, leases, and tithes belonging to the widow
Cromwell and her son, situated in Huntingdon,
Godmanchester, and Brampton. Lord Sand-
wich, who now possesses the said property, in-
formed Mr Noble that, in the rental of the
estates there is a small portion of land near
Godmanchester still called Cromwell's Swath,
and two acres in the manor of Brampton, which
continued to bear the name of Cromwell's Acres
—the only memorial of a local nature which re-
mains to identify the residence, and perpetuate
the fame, of one of the most remarkable persons
that England has produced.
There is, indeed, still preserved at Hunting-
don a document to which the Protector's sig-
nature is affixed. In 1630, a gentleman in
the immediate vicinity of the town wished to
buy from the burgesses a small piece of land
which lay contiguous to his estate. The cor-
poration and principal inhabitants consented to
the transfer, but the lower class of the people
raised an outcry against disposing of any part
of their common property; when, to obviate
this prejudice, the intending purchaser obtain-
ed the signatures of as many as were willing to
sell the little portion of pasture ground. The
third name in the list is that of Cromwell, im-
mediately after that of his old and stern precep-
tor Dr Beard. This occurrence, perhaps, is of
no great moment, but it shows that Oliver had
not yet deserted the banners of the aristocracy.
With the money which he had raised by the
sale of his property, Cromwell stocked a farm
near St Ives, where he devoted his attention
during four or five years to the pursuits of agri-
J
D 2
54
LIFE OF
culture. His success, however, in this new un-
dertaking, appears not to have corresponded to
the usual activity of his disposition; and what-
ever may have been the cause of his failure, it
is certain that his worldly affairs did not keep
pace either with his reputation for piety, or with
his influence among his neighbours. It has been
surmised that he spent the greater part of his
time in devotional exercises and expositions of
the Holy Scriptures. Instead of sending his ser-
vants into the fields at an early hour, he detain-
ed them at home, it was said, to listen to his
enforcement of divine truth, or to his illus-
trations of the favourite doctrines which at that
period began to take possession of the popular
mind. In the evening he assembled them once
more to hear a repetition of some lecture at which
he had assisted in the course of the day; to re-
late the experiences of which it was expected
that every good Christian preserved a minute
record; and to compare the progress which they
were severally making in the course of practi-
cal religion. Meantime the labours of the farm
were neglected, and the affairs of the pious mas-
ter were fast hastening to ruin. The cold and
damp air, too, affected his constitution, while his
mind became more and more a prey to the most
gloomy apprehensions, the fruits of that epide-
mical fanaticism which was then spreading over
both the British kingdoms. His appearance in
the parish church was long remembered, from
the circumstance that he generally wore a piece
of red flannel round his neck, as he was subject
to an inflammation in the throat, occasioned by
excessive moisture and impure air.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
55
There is probably much exaggeration in the
above statement, not only because it is founded
upon the representations of his enemies, but
more especially because it betrays the most en-
tire inconsistency with the general character of
Cromwell, than whom none ever knew better
how to accommodate means to ends. It is true
he had not yet discovered an object suited to
his genius, or calculated to rouse and interest
the latent powers of his mind; and being igno-
rant of farming as a branch of rural industry,
he might by his best efforts only involve bim-
self in deeper embarrassments, and in more
hopeless poverty. Be this as it may, his expe-
riment at St Ives is said to have had no other
effect than to place him on the brink of ruin,
when, by the death of his maternal uncle, Sir
Thomas Steward, he succeeded to a consider-
able property in the neighbourhood of Ely,
which at once procured for him a more respect-
able station than he had theretofore occupied,
and supplied him with the means of supporting
his new rank. Mr Noble informs us that a
large barn which Cromwell built, still goes by
his name, and that the farmer who now rents
the lands which he occupied, marks his sheep
with the identical irons which Oliver used, and
which have upon them the letters O. C. In the
town, too, there yet remains a more character-
istic memorial of the Protector,-a number of
swords possessed by various individuals, and
bearing the initials of the warlike agriculturist,
a part of the supply, it has been conjectured,
that he sent down in the year 1642, and for
56
LIFE OF
which the House of Commons voted to him a
hundred pounds.
It has been observed, that Cromwell, while he
resided at St Ives, continued to attend the esta-
blished church; and there is evidence on record,
that he was occasionally intrusted with the civil
business of the parish. But it is clear, at the
same time, that he was not on good terms with
the clergy. He exerted all the influence which
he possessed for the encouragement of fanatical
lecturers, both there and at Huntingdon; and
it appears that he used the power with which
he was invested as one of the Committee of Re-
ligion in the Long Parliament, to persecute the
regular incumbents under the most frivolous
pretences. The Rev. Henry Downett, was vi-
car of St Ives at the period in question, who,
in the year 1642, was taken into custody by the
Sergeant-at-arms, for refusing to admit a fac-
tious lecturer, and forthwith sequestered. Mr
Reynolds, the curate, was silenced by the same
tyrannical authority, the exercise of which, on
this occasion, has usually been attributed to the
instigation of their late townsman, who, if he
had been favourably disposed towards them,
could easily have prevented so severe a punish-
ment.* The industrious compiler of the Me-
moirs suspects, that by procuring complaints
against them, he was the direct and immediate
cause of the sufferings of these two orthodox
and loyal divines. I am the more apt to be-
lieve this to be the case, says he, as Cromwell
secms to have harboured revenge against such
* Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
57
as had displeased him, and taken it when he be-
came possessed of the means; for, in 1641, he,
with his relation, Mr Valentine Walton, inform-
ed the Parliament against a gentleman of Hunt-
ingdonshire, only for words which were pretend-
ed to be spoken by him, of high and dangerous
consequence, for which the poor man suffered
many hardships.*
Dr Harris obtained from the trustees of the
British Museum permission to copy the follow-
ing letter from Cromwell to his very loving
friend, Mr Storie, at the Sign of the Dog, in the
Royal Exchange, London. It is dated St Ives,
January 11, 1635, and throws so favourable a
light on the religious motives of the author, that
as a contrast to the above statement, it ought
not to be withheld :—
"Mr Storie, among the catalogue of those
good workes which your fellowe citycenes and
our cuntrie men have doun, this will not be rec-
koned for the least that they have provided for
the feedinge of soules: buildinge of hospittals
provides for mens bodyes; to build materiall
temples is judged a worke of pietye; but they
that procure spirituall food, they that build up
spirituall temples, they are the men trulye cha-
ritable, trulye pious. Such a work as this was
your erectinge the lecture in our cuntrie, in the
which you placed Dr Welles, a man of good-
nesse and industrie, and abilitie to do good every
way: not short of any I know in England, and
I am persuaded, that sithence his cominge, the
* Noble, vol. i. p. 258.-Journals of the House of
Commons.
58
LIFE OF
Lord by him hath wrought much good amongst
us. It only remains now, that he whoe first
moved you to this, put you forward to the con-
tinewance therof; it was the Lord, and, there-
fore, to him lift we up our harts that he would
perfect itt. And surely, Mr Storie, it were a
piteous thinge to see a lecture fall in the hands
of soe manie able and godly men, as I am per-
swaded the founders of this are, in theise times
wherin we see they are suppressed with too
much hast and violence by the enemies of God
his truth; far be it that so much guilt should
sticke to your hands, who live in a citye so re-
nowned for the clere shininge light of the gos
pell. You know, Mr Storie, to withdrawe the
pay is to lett fall the lecture, for whoe goeth a
warefare on his own cost? I beseech you, there-
fore, in the bowells of Jesus Christ, putt it for-
ward, and let the good man have his pay. The
soules of God his children will bless you for it,
and soe shall I ; and ever rest, your lovinge ser-
vant in the Lord,
"OLIVER CRomwell.”
The estates to which the nephew of Sir Tho-
mas Steward succeeded, were certainly far from
being inconsiderable, although they consisted
rather of long leases and tithes held under
the Dean and Chapter, than of any very exten-
sive freehold or independent possession. It was
in the year 1636 that he removed thither; and
the auspices under which he commenced his new
career promised to him ample and uninterrupt-
ed success. The clergy, willing, perhaps, to
purchase his friendship, renewed the greater
part of his leases for twenty-one years, and ap-
OLIVER CROMWELL
59
pointed him to several important trusts, as a
freeman in the Episcopal city. But Cromwell,
stimulated by an ambition which rendered him
discontented, and being, at the same time, the
victim of extravagance or thoughtlessness in the
management of his private affairs, could find no
happiness in the peaceful retreat to which his
good fortune had conducted him.
It was in the course of the following year that
Oliver, despairing of his fortunes in England,
or indignant at the tyranny which, according to
his views, prevailed both in Church and State,
resolved to quit his native land, and accompany
his cousin Hampden and other adventurers in
a voyage to America. The settlements in the
new world, which were fast increasing in popu-
lation and wealth, presented a desirable asylum
to those who thirsted for greater liberty than
could at that time be enjoyed in the British
islands. Lord Warwick had obtained a grant
of the sea coast of New England, extending from
Naraganset river a hundred and twenty miles
towards the south-west, which he assigned in
1631 to several noblemen and commoners,
among whom were Nathaniel Rich, Pym, and
John Hampden; forbidding all colonization
along this particular tract, until his political
friends should be supplied with lands. The
government, actuated by that absurd policy
which appeared in almost all its public deeds
meant to check the rising spirit of the people,
issued a proclamation, prohibiting every one
from leaving the country who had not obtained
a royal license. This being found insufficient,
an order in council was set forth, commanding
the Lord Treasurer "to take speedy and effec-
60
LIFE OF
tual course for the stay of eight ships, then in
the river of Thames, prepared to go to New
England, and for putting on land all the passen-
gers and provisions therein intended for the
voyage." In these vessels were embarked Sir
Arthur Hazelrig, Hampden, Pym, and Oliver
Cromwell. It has been well observed, that the
King had afterwards full leisure to repent this
exercise of his authority!
Disappointed in the relief which he had ex-
pected to find in a foreign land, he returned to
Ely a prey to melancholy and the most violent
fanaticism. Sir Philip Warwick relates, on the
authority of Dr Simcott, who was Cromwell's
physician, that "his patient was a most splene-
tic man, and had fancies about the cross which
stood in the town, and that he had been called
up to him at midnight and such unseasonable
hours, very many times, upon a strong fancy
which made him believe he was then dying."
The letter already quoted, addressed to Mrs St
John, was written at this period, and expresses
the strong feeling of remorse and self-abasement
with which he was then agitated. Nor were his
views of the future more cheerful than his re-
trospect of the past. He brooded over the evils
which his diseased imagination created, and saw
no recovery for his affairs spiritual or temporal
in the distant perspective which opened up be-
fore him.
His active mind, however, soon afterwards
found a more congenial employment, in oppo-
sing a measure patronised by the Crown, and
universally regarded as fraught with the great-
est advantage both to the public and to the in-
dividual proprietors. A scheme had been pro-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
61
jected for draining the extensive fens which in
those days covered some of the finest plains in
the counties of Lincoln, Cambridge, Northamp-
ton, and Huntingdon. The Earl of Bedford
appears to have had the deepest interest in the
undertaking, and to have incurred the largest
share of expense; but as the work was of very
great magnitude, the aid of the King was grant-
ed on certain conditions, which were at once
favourable to the royal revenue, and satisfactory
to the other landholders. As no regular ac-
count of the transaction has been preserved, it
is not easy to explain the grounds on which
opposition was raised to this patriotic enter-
prise. It has been related that the peasantry,
who had long enjoyed the privilege of common-
ing in those extensive wastes, expressed their
dissatisfaction at the progress of the draining, by
means of which they were about to be deprived
of so much profit and amusement. Various
claims, too, were urged on the part of the smaller
proprietors, whose fields bordered on the fens,
which they imagined were not likely to be re-
spected in the ultimate division of the reclaimed
territory. A meeting was accordingly held at
Huntingdon, in which Cromwell is understood
to have inflamed the suspicions of the people,
and encouraged them to persevere in their re-
sistance to the King and the nobles, whom he
represented as pursuing their own advantage at
the expense of the public good. His opposition
proved successful, and the plan, which had been
to a considerable extent realized, was abandon-
ed for several years.*
VOL. I.
* Warwick's Memoirs, p. 277.
E
62
LIFE OF
In the volume entitled, "Oliver Cromwell
and his Times," there is an attempt made to
present this affair in a light considerably diffe-
rent, and much less creditable to the King. It
is insinuated that his Majesty, upon seeing the
work nearly completed, wished to seize a large
portion of the land for his own use, and to de-
prive the Earl of Bedford of ninety-five thou
sand acres, which had been set apart as a remu-
neration for his trouble and expense. But the
reader will not find in any contemporary writer
the slightest authority for this imputation upon
the integrity of Charles. Sir Philip Warwick
relates, that the nobleman just named, and the
other principal gentlemen whose habitations
bordered on the fens, "made propositions unto
the King to issue out commissions of sewers to
drain those lands, and offered a proportion free-
ly to be given to the crown for its countenance
and authority therein." He adds, that the com-
missioners appointed to hear the claims of the
numerous persons who thought they had certain
rights of commonage, never could satisfy them,
although they exerted themselves to the utmost.
The vulgar grew clamorous against the lords
and others who had joined the King in the un-
dertaking, and the commissioners were with-
stood by the remonstrances and threatenings
which everywhere met their ears. Hence the
project was relinquished by all parties for the
time; and Cromwell, who by his zeal and talent
had gained an immense accession of popularity,
was thereafter denominated" Lord of the Fens."
The occurrence now mentioned, although of
a local and temporary interest, laid the founda-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
63
tion of Oliver's fortune, by paving the way for
his return to Parliament. The resolution, as
well as the ability, which he had manifested in
defeating the united power of the crown and of
the principal landholders in the adjoining coun-
ties, marked him out as a fit man for more im-
portant business. Hampden and other of his
relations, who already anticipated that crisis in
political affairs which soon afterwards involved
the country in the calamities of a civil war, dis-
covered with much satisfaction that their kins-
man possessed the very qualities which were
most likely to be available in a contest between
the King and the legislature. He proved him-
self to be a character of invincible determination
and constancy, wherever his passions were en-
gaged, and an object worthy of his exertions.
occurred to call forth his strength. He was
described by his cousin, the celebrated patriot
now named, as one that "would sit well at the
mark;" alluding to his perseverance and the
firm hold which he took of every occasion, by
means of which a friend might be served or an
enemy discomfited. It has been said too, I know
not well on what authority, that the citizens of
Cambridge took an interest in the question which
respected the rights and expediency implied in
the measure which Cromwell opposed, and were
therefore not inattentive to the part which this
popular orator assumed in thwarting the views
of the privileged classes. His success in canvass-
ing for the seat which he afterwards held, as
one of their representatives in the House of
Commons, has been attributed to the zeal which
he showed in protecting their interests in the
64
LIFE OF
marshy lands. At all events, it admits not of
any doubt, that the ability displayed by him
against the royal commissioners at Huntingdon,
recommended him to that more momentous duty
which he was soon afterwards called upon to dis-
charge at Westminster.*
The necessities of the King, and the disturb-
ed state of affairs in Scotland, rendered neces-
sary that mecting of Parliament, which, after a
long interval, took place early in the year 1640.
The reputation which Cromwell had acquired
in Cambridge, by his public spirit in the dis-
pute respecting the fens, as well as by the display
of his gifts in occasional preaching, had recom-
mended him so effectually to the lower class of
the burgesses, that, as has been already intima-
ted, they elected him as one of their representa-
tives. Heath tells a story, with the intention
of inducing his readers to believe, that the elec
tion was not accomplished without some degree
of artifice, and that the future Lord General
owed his return to a successful stratagem on
the part of Timms, a member of the common
council, who had been accustomed to walk on
Sundays to the isle of Ely to hear his religious.
addresses, and to be edified by the purity of
his doctrine. It is more probable that he was
indebted for the honour of a seat in Parliament
to the influence of Hampden, and to the rising
fame of his own character, as a decided enemy
to the court, and an advocate for popular rights.
The only circumstance which throws any colour
of probability on the narrative of the Flagellum,
Cromwelliana, p. 2.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
65
is the subsequent elevation of Richard Timms
himself; who, in the Parliaments of 1654 and
1656, was nominated to represent the city of
Cambridge, by the authority of the Protector
and his Council of State.
The pecuniary affairs of Cromwell at this im-
portant epoch of his history have been various-
ly represented. The most probable conclusion
is, that he still retained a portion of the funds
which he had realized by the sale of his lands
and tithes, when he resolved to expatriate him-
self and remove beyond the Atlantic. Dugdale
says, that "being necessitated by his low con-
dition to quit a country farm which he held at
St Ives, and betake himself to mean lodgings in
Cambridge, the schismatical party there chose
him a burgess for their corporation in that un-
happy Long Parliament, which began at West-
minster upon the third of November, in the
year one thousand six hundred and forty." This
view of his condition is completely contradicted
by the advances which he made in the beginning
of the troubles to assist the funds of the par-
liamentary leaders. He contributed L.500 for
raising a force to crush the rebellion in Ireland;
he purchased a quantity of arms, to which allu-
sion has been made, to send down to his native
county; and he paid L.100 as the hire of certain
waggons, provided for the Earl of Manchester
when about to put his army in motion against
the King. We may therefore believe the au-
thor of a tract, called the “ Mystery of the
good old Cause," who asserts that "there were
letters of Cromwell to be seen in the hands of
a person of quality, wherein he mentions his
1
E 2
66
LIFE OF
whole estate to amount to about L.1300, which
at that time (prior to the commencement of the
civil war,) he intended to lay out upon a pur-
chase of drained fen-lands.' The possession
of such a sum might, it is clear, enable him to
make all the disbursements above mentioned;
and assuredly the extent of his benevolences at
that critical moment, demonstrates that he had
resolved to identify his future fortunes with
the issue of the great contest in which the na-
tion was about to engage.
The description given of Cromwell at this
period by Sir Philip Warwick, although fami-
liar to most readers, is so closely connected with
the subject in hand that it cannot be omitted.
"I have no mind," says the knight, "to give an
ill character of him, for in his conversation to
me he was ever friendly; though at the latter
end of the day, finding me ever incorrigible, and
having some inducements to suspect me a tam-
perer, he was sufficiently rigid. The first time
that ever I took notice of him was in the very
beginning of the Parliament held in November
1640, when I vainly thought myself a courtly
young gentleman; for we courtiers valued our-
selves much upon our good clothes. I came one
morning into the House well clad, and perceived
a gentleman speaking, whom I knew not, very
ordinarily apparelled, for it was a plain cloth
suit which seemed to have been made by an ill
country tailor: his linen was plain and not very
clean, and I remember a speck or two of blood
upon his little band, which was not much larger
than his collar: his hat was without a hat-band,
his stature was of a good size, his sword stuck
OLIVER CROMWELL.
67
close to his side, his countenance swollen and
reddish, his voice sharp and untuneable, and his
eloquence full of fervour, for the subject-matter
would not bear much of reason; it being in be-
half of a servant of Mr Prynn's, who had dis-
persed libels against the Queen for her dancing,
and such like innocent and courtly sports; and he
aggravated the imprisonment of this man by the
Council Table unto that height, that one would
have believed the very government itself had
been in great danger by it. I sincerely profess
it lessened much my reverence unto that great
council, for he was very much hearkened unto.
And yet I lived to see this very gentleman,
whom out of no ill will to him I thus describe,
by multiplied good successes, and by real but
usurped power-having had a better tailor and
more converse among good company-in my
own eye, when for six weeks together I was a
prisoner in his sergeant's hands, and daily wait-
ed at Whitehall, appear of a great and majestic
deportment and comely presence. Of him,
therefore, I will say no more, but that verily I
believe he was extraordinarily designed for those
extraordinary things which one while most wick-
edly and facinorously he acted, and at another
as successfully and greatly performed."
I have less pleasure in quoting the words of
Dr South, who is said to have been sufficiently
complaisant to the Protector when in the pleni-
tude of his power, but who, in a brief space after
the Restoration, speaks of him as follows:
"Who that had beheld such a bankrupt, beggar-
ly fellow as Cromwell first entering the Parlia-
ment House, with a thread-bare torn cloak and a
68
LIFE OF
greasy hat, (and perhaps neither of them paid
for,) could have suspected that in the course of
so few years, he should, by the murder of one
King and the banishment of another, ascend the
throne, be invested in the royal robes, and want
nothing of the state of a King but the changing
of his hat into a crown?"
The following anecdote confirms still farther
the same view of Cromwell's appearance when
he became a member of the celebrated republi-
can legislature: Lord Digby, going down the
Parliament stairs with Mr Hampden, and not
knowing Oliver personally, said, "Pray, Mr
Hampden, who is that man, for I see he is on our
side by his speaking so warmly to-day?"—"That
sloven," said Mr Hampden,prophetically, “whom
you see before you, hath no ornament in his
speech; that sloven, I say, if we should ever
come to a breach with the King, which God for-
bid! in such a case, I say, that sloven will be
the greatest man in England.”
No wise panegyrist of Cromwell will main-
tain that, in point of wealth, learning, eloquence,
dress, or any external accomplishment, he could
bear a comparison with the majority of the
members even of the Long Parliament. The
secret of his elevation, therefore, must be sought
for in the exercise of talents which were entirely
independent of those outward advantages, which,
in the first instance at least, conciliate attention,
and bespeak a favourable hearing even in the
most factious assembly. Fervour, zeal, and know-
ledge of the subject under debate, command at
length the most reluctant auditor, and confer the
charm of oratory on a bare statement of facts.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
69
We find accordingly that he soon gained the
respect of the House by the depth of his argu-
ments, though delivered without grace, elo-
quence, or even clearness; and he gradually
rose in the favour of the more discerning of the
members, by his penetration, his unwearied dili-
gence, his courage, and perseverance. He ac-
commodated himself to the dispositions of the
leading persons of his own side; he studied care-
fully the views and temper of every one whose
influence was likely to shape the determinations
of his compatriots; and he availed himself equal-
ly of the strength and of the weakness of cha-
racter which he found prevailing around him.
This chapter, which has been devoted to the
domestic history of Cromwell, may be properly
concluded with a short description of his per-
son. He is said to have been in early life of a
robust make and constitution, and his aspect
manly, though clownish. At a later period, he
became what Noble calls “rather a coarse-look-
ing man." He had suffered much from the fa-
tigues of a military life, from the anxiety which
surrounded the high station to which he ulti-
mately attained, and perhaps from the disap-
pointments incident to an ambition which aspi-
red to a still more lofty eminence. His counte-
nance was usually weather-beaten, his complex-
ion sallow, his features strongly marked, and
his nose of a flaming red. In a volume entitled
Butler's Remains, it is said that "Cromwell
wants neither wardrobe nor armour; his face was
naturally buff, and his skin may furnish you with
a rusty coat of mail; you would think he had
been christened in a lime-pit, and tanned alive.”
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LIFE OF
There is much more abuse of this contemptible
kind to be found in other royalist writers, who,
when the government was restored, thought
they could not supply too strong food to gratify
the appetite for revenge which the severities of
the Protectorate had excited. It is not to be
questioned, however, that his physiognomy must
have presented a particular conformation. Cla-
rendon says, "that he had something singular
and ungracious in his look and appearance."
And a lady, who records her recollections of
him in the Annual Register, remarks, that when
she saw him, his face was very pale, and his nose
of a deep red.*
But, notwithstanding these disadvantages in
point of look, manner, and expression, he left
every other competitor far behind him in the
race of fame and power.
He rose to a rank
higher than any subject in England had ever
His eyebrows, we are told, were large and shaggy,
his countenance approaching to the circular, and the fea-
ture already so often mentioned, attracted the attention of
every beholder.
When Major-General Massey was in-
troduced to the presence-chamber at the Hague, after his
escape from England, immediately after the violent death
of Charles the First, the Marquis of Montrose, by way
of drollery, asked him "how Oliver's nose did ?" Cle-
ment Walker says, that when Cromwell ordered the sol-
diers to fire, in the insurrection of the London appren-
tices, "his nose looked as prodigiously upon you as a co-
met ;" and speaking of the government making treason no
treason, he adds, that should the House vote that "Oli-
ver's nose is a ruby, they would expect you to swear it,
and fight for it." The reader who can derive amusement
from this low wit, will find some more extracts at the
end of the volume, Note B.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
71
enjoyed, carried with him the approbation of a
considerable portion of the people, commanded
the applause of foreign nations, and has left a
name which will in all future times continue to
hold a distinguished place in the history of his
country. It must, therefore, be a subject of in-
teresting investigation to detail the origin of
those causes which gradually produced that un-
wonted condition of things, the effects of which
were experienced in the temporary downfall of
monarchical government, a change in the form
of religion, and the substitution of a polity both
in church and state, altogether unknown to the
English people. A brief review of the leading
principles and events which paved the way for
the operations of the Long Parliament, and the
usurpation of Oliver Cromwell, will constitute
the main subject of the following chapter.
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LIFE OF
CHAPTER II,
Containing a short Account of the Political and
Religious Principles which led to the Civil War
in the reign of Charles the First.
ALTHOUGH no conclusions are more uncer-
tain than those which rest upon the philosophy
of history, it is nevertheless perfectly obvious
that we shall read in vain the annals of the hu-
man race, unless we derive from them a deeper
knowledge of the motives which influence man
in his social relations, and of those more gene-
ral principles upon which all government must
have its ultimate support. It is the error of
ignorant statesmen to account for the most in-
portant events by a reference to the particular
circumstances in which they find themselves
placed, instead of looking back to the progress
of the opinions which had produced the crisis.
which they wish to regulate, or of endeavour-
ing to detect the source of the evil which they
are desirous to remedy. They are disposed to
regard the movement before their eyes as the
result of causes which had not operated before,
and which are not likely to be called into action
again; and hence, they not only lose the most.
valuable lessons of practical wisdom, but volun-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
73
tarily shut their eyes upon the path through
which they might escape from all the difficulties
by which they feel themselves surrounded.
The history of a revolution, in particular,
cannot fail to be instructive, because it usually
proceeds from desires and passions which are
openly avowed, and are in fact incapable of con-
cealment. In this case the effect appears so
closely combined with the cause, that the exa-
mination of the one immediately reveals the
nature of the other: and although the varying
circumstances of political life, in different ages
and nations, necessarily give rise to peculiarities
in the source and character of the innovations
proposed, still a knowledge of the permanent
principles of the human heart will prove a safe
guide to him who has understanding enough to
profit by experience. In tracing the natural
history of the globe, our enquiries are impeded,
not by the magnitude of the subject, nor by the
length of time which has elapsed, nor even by
the absence of phenomena similar to those to
which, in the actual condition of the earth's sur-
face, our geological conclusions must be restrict-
ed; but by the conviction that in the structure,
as well as in the early convulsions to which our
planet has been subjected, certain physical ener-
gies must have been employed which have long
ceased to act, and which have only left effects
sufficiently distinct to enable us to conjecture
the amazing extent of their power. The agita-
tions of the social and political world, on the
contrary, bear a greater resemblance to the ap-
parent aberration of astronomical bodies, which
can be explained upon principles which are well
VOL. I.
F
74
LIFE OF
known, and act with a regular and constant force
in a determinate direction.
The British Revolution, which assumed a dis-
tinct form in the days of the First Charles, and
was completed in the reign of James the Second,
originated in causes which can be clearly traced
to the period which witnessed the accession of
the Tudors. The same great changes in the
state of society which led to the Reformation,
opened up the path in which the patriots of
England advanced to the accomplishment of
that not less important object, which was never
long absent from their views during the century
which preceded the invasion of William the
Third. The increase of knowledge and of pro-
perty among the commons was the main agent,
which effected, by a gradual but irresistible
operation, the improvement of the constitution,
and the enlargement of civil liberty. At a still
earlier period, indeed, the theory of government
had attained to considerable perfection; for the
spirit of the feudal system, under which the
forms of political society were originally esta-
blished in this country, was not inconsistent
with the claims of personal freedom in all classes
but the very lowest. In opposition to the weak
and arbitrary administration of Henry the Third,
authority was extorted from the Crown to clect
and return to Parliament two knights for each
shire, two citizens for each city, two burgesses
for each borough, and two barons for cach cinque
port, to represent the commons, or community
at large. The reigns of Edward the First and
of his grandson were distinguished by some im-
portant accessions to popular privileges; and if
OLIVER CROMWELL.
75
we might judge of the extent of liberty which
was enjoyed by the means and precautions which
were used for its support, there would be no
rashness in asserting that the frame of English
law already embodied the leading principles of
a free constitution.
But however perfect the theoretical outline
might appear, the administration of the govern-
ment in a rude age must have admitted many
exccptions to a complete security of either per-
son or property. Amidst the confusion of the
frequent wars in which the country was enga-
ged, and the turbulence of the more powerful
barons, the voice of law could not be heard, so
as to extend its protection to the lower orders
of the people; and it was not until the success-
ful pursuits of agriculture and of commerce had
raised the inhabitants of the maritime counties
in the scale of wealth and intelligence, that the
real benefits of the constitution began to be cu-
joyed. Such is the natural curiosity inherent
in the human mind, that whenever men have
the means of information placed within their
reach, they are found to examine and compare;
and from that moment the grosser corruptions
of national policy can only be maintained by force,
or by the dread of greater evils which would
attend their instant removal.) It is accordingly
worthy of observation, that so early as the reign
of Henry the Fifth," the times were now come
about when light began to spring forth, con-
science to bestir itself, and men to study the
Scriptures. This was imputed to the idleness.
and carelessness of the clergy, who suffered the
minds of young scholars to luxuriate into errors
776
LIFE OF
of divinity, for want of putting them on to other
learning, and gave no encouragement to studies
of human learning, by preferring those that were
deserving. The Convocation, taking this into
consideration, do decree that no person shall
exercise any jurisdiction in any office as vicar-
general, commissary, or official, unless he shall
first in the university have taken degrees in the
CIVIL OF CANON LAWS. A shrewd trick this was
to stop the growth of the study of divinity and
WICKLIFF'S way; and to embellish men's minds
with a kind of learning that may gain them pre-
ferment, or at least an opinion of abilities be-
yond the common strain, and dangerous to be
meddled with." *
Such expedients for perpetuating the reign.
of ignorance cannot be attended with much suc-
cess, and will never be resorted to by those who
have learned to read the "signs of the times."
The devices of the clergy in the fifteenth cen-
tury bore some resemblance to the narrow views
of James and of his son Charles, who, when they
found their subjects becoming more than usually
serious, gave orders to republish the Book of
Sports. In both cases we perceive a degree of
practical wisdom equal to that of men, who, to
prolong the duration of night, should, at the
dawn of day, desire the windows to be curtained
and additional candles to be brought. More in-
telligent and vigilant rulers would, in either in-
stance, have studied the indications of a new era
about to open upon the theological and political
world, and prepared themselves for the exer-
* Bacon's Discourses, Part 11.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
tions to which they might be called, whether to
obviate or to satisfy its claims.
But we must not permit ourselves to dilate
upon the remoter causes of that memorable ca-
tastrophe, which deprived Charles of life, and
raised Cromwell to supreme power. It may be
sufficient to observe, that to the policy of Henry
VII., who spent the greater part of his reign in
studying how to depress the nobles and exalt
the throne, may be ascribed those high notions
of the kingly prerogative which his son and
grand-daughter reduced to practice, and which
James the First made the subject of learned
commentaries. The wars of the Roses had re-
duced many of the greater barons to poverty
or embarrassment, while the increase of luxury
inflamed them with the desire of living in a
style of expense unknown to their more frugal
ancestors. Henry, to gratify their humour, and
accomplish his own purposes, permitted them to
sell their estates, a privilege not attached to the
charter by which they originally held their fiefs;
and at the same time prohibited them from
maintaining their wonted bands of armed fol-
lowers. These two measures, indeed, the un-
restricted allowance to dispose of their lands,
and the interdiction of their numerous retainers,
naturally accompanied each other, and the crafty
king lived long enough to appreciate the effects
of his contrivance in the degradation of many
of his principal tenants, and in the increasing
influence of that more active class, whose pro-
perty consisted in money and mechanical skill.
He saw the soil of his kingdom passing, year
after year, into the hands of men, who claimed
F 2
178
LIFE OF
no other privileges, and aspired to no higher
consequence, than such as always belong to
wealth in a free country; and he possessed art
sufficient to transfer to the crown all the power
and reverence which his titled vassals had con-
sented to relinquish.
The Eighth Henry, who was formed by nature
to be a despot, mounted the throne with the
determination to maintain all the ground which
his father had gained. Lord Bacon informs us,
that when this prince assumed the sceptre of
England, "there was no such thing as any great
and mighty subject who might any way eclipse
or overshadow the imperial power." With this
advantage on the side of regal authority, he
brought with him to the administration of af-
fairs a spirit of that firm and steady temper,
which was well fitted to break the edge of any
rising opposition. Besides the confidence of
youth, he was of a nature so elate and impe-
rious, so resolved and fearless, that no resistance
could succeed, and hardly any thought of it could
be entertained, against him. Sir Nicholas Bacon
says, that he feared nothing but the falling of the
heavens, and that though he was a man "under-
neath many passions, he was above all fear."
Still it was long before he thought himself se-
cure against the Barons, the old enemies of the
throne; and, therefore, he employed every me-
thod of artifice and rapine to sink them much
lower than was consistent with the safety of the
state. He did not consider the wise maxim re-
peated by Lord Verulam, that " depression of
the nobility may make a king more absolute, but
it will at the same time make him less safe;" on
OLIVER CROMWELL.
79
the contrary, he pursued the object bequeathed
to him by his father, and laboured to establish the
prerogative on the ruins of the privileged orders.
With this view, he followed the same example,
in placing churchmen in all the offices of trust,
and in encouraging to the utmost all branches
of trade and commerce; preferring to owe what-
ever obligations he might be obliged to contract,
to the wealthy merchants who flourished under
his government, rather than to the haughty
lords, who were ever wont to dispute the pre-
tensions of majesty. His power, too, was great-
ly augmented by that decided step towards the
Reformation which threw off the supremacy of
Rome. From that moment the throne did not
only rest on its own basis, as having no longer
any dependence on the papal chair; it rose still
higher than ever, for the ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tion was not thereby annihilated but transferred,
and all the powers of the Roman pontiff now
centred in the person of the King. The remain-
der of his reign shows that he was politic enough
to make the best use of the advantages which
the course of events had placed within his reach.
The high authority in spirituals which he had
gained, enabled him to hold all men, who either
feared or desired greater innovations, in the
most entire dependence. In a word, every thing
contributed to the advancement of the regal
power. The amazing revolution to which his
ungovernable passions gave rise, was hailed by
a majority of the nation as a deliverance from a
galling and most invidious tyranny, and was
therefore thought worthy of support, even at
the expense of the greatest sacrifices. For this
80
LIFE OF
reason, the Parliament went readily along with
the King in all his measures; and, beyond the
example of former times, was constantly obse-
quious to him, even in the inost capricious and
inconsistent acts of his government.
The despotism which Henry exercised, being
in no small degree connected with the peculiar
cast of his temper, was somewhat modified by
the circumstances in which his son and two
daughters administered the government. But
the spirit with which he animated the body po-
litic remained still unchanged. In the days of
Elizabeth, the claims of the prerogative were as
high, and the power of Parliament as low, as
during the reign of her imperious father. The
main object of her people, for many years after
she ascended the throne, was to secure the in-
terests of Protestantism; and, to gain an end of
such transcendent importance to their temporal
and spiritual welfare, they were willing to post-
pone all considerations which respected merely
the balance of power among the different orders
of the state. Besides, there was so little har-
mony among the professors of religion, whether
of the new form or the old, that the Queen had
nothing to fear from their combination; and as
her life was threatened by fanatical individuals
at home, and her country by bigoted sovereigns
abroad, all the friends of the Reformation, how-
ever much they might disagree on minor points,
united in their determination to defend her
Majesty, and to defeat the designs of the Roman
Catholics. In truth, Elizabeth owed much of
her strength to the conflicting opinions of her
subjects on the great article of religious belief.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
81
The leading parties were more solicitous to ob-
tain her countenance than to examine into the
grounds of her political administration, or to call
in question its consistency with the principles
of their more ancient constitution; and hence it
was that her reign exhibited to the public eye
as many tokens of despotism as could have been
collected from the deeds and proclamations of
her two immediate ancestors.
It is not surprising, therefore, that when the
first of the Stuarts ascended the throne of Eng-
land, he should have fallen into the mistake of
supposing that he had succeeded to an absolute
monarchy. James, it is obvious, might have
maintained that his notions of the prerogative
were those which he inherited with the crown ;
and that, whatever might be pretended from
researches into remoter times, his duty was to
retain the sovereignty on the footing on which
it had stood for several successions, and on which
it actually stood when the administration fell
into his hands. It is a remarkable fact, however,
that the Tudor princes, arrogant and despotic
as they were, never ventured upon any extra-
ordinary stretch of power, but with the concur-
rence of Parliament. Even the jurisdiction of
the Star-Chamber was confirmed by statute ;
the supremacy of the sovereign was established
by the same authority; and, in a word, the
most arbitrary proceedings on the part of the
King were recommended to the nation, not as
sanctioned by the inherent prerogative of the
crown, but as emanating from the collected wis-
dom of Parliament. Impetuous and self-willed
as Henry the Eighth was, he had still so much
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LIFE OF
respect for the ancient forms of business, that he
induced or compelled the legislature to afford
countenance to his most tyrannical measures.
Nay, he extorted from the representatives of the
people that most extraordinary of all concessious,
that his proclamations should have the force of
laws; a resolution which was embodied in a re-
gular statute, bearing date the thirty-first year
of his reign.
Henry, and even Elizabeth, sought a cover for
their attacks on the constitution, by acting in
an apparent concert with the two Houses of
Parliament. But nothing is more obvious, at
the same time, than that the regal power was
all the while exercised in so high and arbitrary
a manner, as gradually to destroy the belief that
the people had a legitimate claim to the bene-
fits of a free constitution. Even the language
of the legislature itself, with the decrees of
lawyers, and the doctrines of divines, rau de-
cidedly in favour of an unlimited prerogative.
The crown had been declared supreme, and
to have the chief government of all estates of
this realm, and in all causes ;" James, therefore,
reasoning with perfect accuracy upon the sta-
tutes and precedents with which the practice of a
hundred years had supplied him, pronounced the
King of England to be above all law; and even
Elizabeth, who was not so much disposed to
prate about abstract right, occasionally check-
ed her Parliaments by reminding them, that it
was not their part to meddle with what concern-
ed the prerogative royal, and the high points of
government.
The constitutional reader does not require to
OLIVER CROMWELL.
83
be told, that much of the high-sounding lan-
guage applied to the English monarchy, after
the Reformation, had a reference to the ancient
claims of the Popedom, which were now pro-
nounced groundless and obsolete. The supre-
macy of the crown so frequently announced, re-
spected not the power, occasionally assumed in-
deed, of enacting and dispensing with the laws
of the land, but merely the independence of the
kingdom with respect to all foreign states,
whether civil or ecclesiastical. The divine right,
too, or jus divinum, claimed for the hereditary
sovereign of England, was urged in opposition
to the Jesuits, who, to weaken the sentiment of
allegiance to a heretical prince, taught every-
where throughout the nation, that regal autho-
rity had no spiritual sanction, but originated ex-
clusively in the will of the people. The Puritans,
with very different views, coincided with the
Papists in the doctrine now mentioned; and hence,
as the foundation of the throne seemed about
to be shaken by the prevalence of an opinion so
formidable to the peculiar interests of Eliza-
beth, the clergy of the Establishment laboured
to prove, that all regular power is of God, and
that kings reign by his appointment, and as his
vicegerents. From these causes, speculations
on the source and nature of kingly government
were very commonly pursued during the early
years of James; and as he was at all times bet-
ter fitted for adjusting the members of a syllo-
gism than for the more active duties of his of-
fice, he indulged his imagination in theoretical
despotism and abstract tyranny, in both sections.
of his dominions.
84
LIFE OF
The same monarch, too, while he disgusted the
pride of the nobility, by a profuse and indiscri-
minate grant of the privileges possessed by their
order, bullied the Commons, whose power he
was so little able to resist, that the many triumphs
which they gained over his necessities, gave them
the full knowledge of their weight and import-
ance, a knowledge which proved very fatal to
his successor. It would have required more
ability than James possessed, to keep at bay the
powerful factions which threatened the peace of
his government, and to conceal from them the
real weakness of the crown; but as his reign
was never agitated by war, the patriots, who
watched for an opportunity to check his preten-
sions, saw his days come to an end without any
diminution of his darling prerogative.
Charles the First, it must now be seen, en-
tered upon power at a very inauspicious moment.
He inherited from his father a set of notions
very unfit for a limited monarchy; and it un-
fortunately happened, that the lessons bestowed
upon him in the closet were illustrated and con-
firmed by the recent history of the country
which he was called upon to govern. The ri-
sing spirit of liberty had gained much strength
since the days of Henry, and had thrown off
many of the incumbrances which impeded its
progress in the four subsequent reigns. There
was no longer any foreign enemy to dread; the
principles of the Reformation were now fully es-
tablished; and the more powerful parties at home
had ceased to regard one another with that ran-
corous jealousy which marked the first steps of
their dissension. The great body of the com-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
85
mons, too, were desirous to revive the original
principles of the constitution, and thereby to
place personal liberty and property on a more
secure foundation than they had enjoyed from
the death of Richard the Third.
It was, therefore, tacitly resolved to extort
from the young King a relinquishment of the
more offensive parts of the prerogative, in re-
turn for the supplies of money, which they knew
he would soon be compelled to solicit. Nor was
their expectation on this head either ill-found-
ed, or long delayed. The war in which he was
engaged against Spain, threw him immediately
upon the resources of Parliament; the leaders
of which, having concerted their plan of opera-
tions, made known, by the most unambiguous
proceedings, their firm determination to restrict
the power of the Executive within much narrower
limits than had been assumed by the family of
Henry the Seventh. The tables of both Houses
were accordingly loaded with complaints, peti-
tions, and remonstrances. Committees were
appointed to enquire into the manifold grie-
vances which were poured in from all parts of
the kingdom; and when Charles asked subsidies,
the Commons answered his request by insinua-
tions against his ministers, or by repeating in his
ears the murmurs and suspicions of the people.
In fact, as soon as the personal income of the
sovereign ceased to be equal to his wants in time.
of war, and he was thereby obliged to apply to his
people for aid, the principles of freedom deri-
ved support from the negative power of the po-
pular representation. The princes of the Tudor
race were supported, in a great measure, by the
VOL. I.
G
3
86
LIFE OF
property of the plundered monasteries, and by
the sale of crown lands. Elizabeth repeated-
ly availed herself of the latter expedient; and
James, who in this as in other things, followed
only the worst part of the example with which
that politic Queen supplied him, exhausted al-
most entirely this temporary source of revenue,
and left his son to the good-will of his subjects.
Nor is it at all improbable, as has been suggest-
ed by several historians, that the prospect of
rendering Charles dependent upon Parliament
for supplies, led the popular members to engage
him in the Spanish war at the very commence-
ment of his reign.
It was not to be expected that he could long
remain on good terms with the members of a Par-
liament who met only to strip him of his power,
and to tantalize him with hopes which they
meant not to gratify. Impelled by resentment
and bad counsellors, he dissolved them again
and again before they had time to enter upon
public business, and sent them back to their
constituents, whose dissatisfaction was not less
than their own, to form new plans for accom-
plishing their object. The wants of his govern-
ment drove him to expedients, which, although
not directly contrary either to the law or usages
of the nation, had always been deemed in some
degree arbitrary and oppressive. Resistance in
some cases, and discontent in most, soon con-
vinced him that it was impossible to conduct the
affairs of the kingdom without the aid and con-
currence of the legislature; for which reason, in
the third year of his reign, he convoked the
Parliament in which Cromwell made his first

OLIVER CROMWELL.
87
appearance as one of the members for Hunting-
don. In that session the famous Petition of
Right passed into a law, by means of which the
foundations of English freedom were again laid
and amply secured; and could each party have
reposed a firm confidence in the sincerity of the
other, this triumph, gained by the cause of liberty,
would have prevented all the calamities of the
civil war, But the King, who made this great
concession with reluctance, did not, it was al-
leged, respect the principles which were thereby
established as the rules of his future conduct.
The Commons, not without reason, complained
of his evasions and delay in the ratification of
the statute, and found no difficulty in inducing
the nation to believe that he would prove still
more faithless in observing its provisions. Dis-
gusted with each other, his Majesty prorogued
Parliament, and summoned it again in the course
of a few months; when finding the popular
members still obstinate and intractable, he final-
ly dissolved their assembly in 1629; resolving
to trust for supplies of money to those unconsti-
tutional expedients, as they were now consider-
ed, which the practice of former sovereigns had
placed within the limits of the prerogative.
Eleven years passed, during which Charles
governed without the advice of the great nation-
al council. At length, in the beginning of 1640,
he found it necessary to assemble both Houses,
to crave their assistance in regard to the affairs
of Scotland, and to enable him to raise an army
for the defence of the borders. But, at this
period, the King perceived that the pretensions
which he had endeavoured to check, had in the
I
88
LIFE OF
interval gained great additional strength, and
that no pecuniary advances could be procured,
except at the expense of his royal power. In a
fit of impatience, he put an end to their sitting,
and thereby avowedly placed at issue the pre-
rogative of his crown, and the privileges of his
Parliament. His best friends regretted this
hasty step; for the majority of the members, al-
though ardent in the cause of liberty, had not
yet allowed themselves to entertain the idea of
degrading the monarchy in the person of their
sovereign, or of destroying the balance of the
constitution by an undue extension of democra-
tical influence. The necessities of his situation,
however, compelled him, in the course of the
same year, to summon again the representatives
of the people; and, accordingly, on the third
day of November, he assembled that celebrated
body of men, whose proceedings, wise and tem-
perate at first, were ultimately so much impel-
led by popular violence as to defeat the very
object for which they had laboured, and to place
under the fect of a military despotism, the li-
berties and fortunes of their fellow-subjects.
The more special causes which diverted the
affections of the great body of the people from
Charles, and thereby accelerated the civil war,
were:-
1. His marriage with a daughter of France,
who, being a Roman Catholic, and having great
influence over the mind of her husband, ex-
posed him to the calumny of being inclined at
heart to the Popish superstition. It was one of
the precepts inculcated by Janies, in his "Basi-
licon Doron," that the King of England should
OLIVER CROMWELL.
89
marry a princess of the same religion with him-
self; by which means, many fears would be al-
layed, and many disputes avoided. "Discre-
pancy in points of faith," said he, " produces dis-
crepancy in all other matters; and the dissen-
sions of your divines will create discord among
the people, following the example derived from
yourselves." The train of priests and other
spiritual dependants whom Henrietta Maria
brought with her to the court of her husband,
gave great offence to the public; and hence we
find the faithful Nicholas, in the year 1641, ad-
dressing his royal master in the following terms:
“And for a farther assurance of your Majesty's
integrity in this reformation, I humbly offer it
to your Majesty's consideration, whether it may
not be necessary before the next meeting of
Parliament, to send away all the Capuchins,
and dissolve their cloyster; for if your Majesty
do it not yourself, I am misinformed if the Par-
liament fall not upon them when they come
again together; and it would be much more for
your Majesty's honour, and more acceptable to
your people, and, it may be, safer for the Capu-
chins, if in that particular your Majesty pre-
vented the Parliament."+
2. The new views entertained of religion by the
more zealous Protestants, contributed not a lit-
tle to bring Charles into difficulties, and to place
him in opposition to the wishes of a large body
Discrepans religio discrepantes semper mores secum
introducit; et dissentio vestrorum theologorum discordiam
etiam in populo gignit, dum a vobis ipsi exemplum su-
munt. P. 83.
† Evelyn, vol. v. p. 39.
G 2
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LIFE OF
of his people. It flows from the very nature of
man, that when he has made a change in his
maxims or principles, he should withdraw as far
as possible from his former opinions, and even
entertain a dislike for every thing which asso-
ciates with them in his recollections. In un-
cultivated minds this aversion acquires double
strength, because an ignorant person does not
make the proper distinction between the things
which are essential, and those which are only
subsidiary or concomitant. Hence, we find that
the progress of the Reformation, in both divi-
sions of the Island, was attended with expres-
sions of popular disgust and indignation against
the old communion, which, when examined, will
appear to have arisen, not so much from any
perception of erroneous doctrine on the part of
the Catholic divines, as from a certain horror of
rich vestments, painted windows, and unneces-
sary genuflexions. Now, as some of the ancient
ceremonies were retained in the reformed Church
of England, as being not only decent and beco-
ming, but also useful for directing the devotious
of the congregation, the less instructed and the
less liberal portion of the community thought
themselves justified in exciting suspicions against
the purity of the new religion, and in denoun-
cing as Popish every usage which was not en-
tirely novel. The Puritans, both in England
and Scotland, withdrew their allegiance from
the government, because the King would not
reduce the church to their model; and, at length,
the spirit of enthusiasm diffused itself to such
an extent among all classes, as to disappoint the
ordinary views of human prudence, and to dis-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
91
+
turb the operation of every motive which usually
influences mankind. Nor was the zeal of Laud,
the integrity of whose intentions none will have
the boldness to question, well calculated to meet
the dreadful emergency in which his duty called
upon him to act. Succeeding a primate such as
Abbot, who wanted either courage or principle
to oppose the extravagancies of the multitude,
it was indeed next to impossible that he should
at once restore the church and obtain popular-
ity. But his conduct was so injudicious or so
unfortunate, that he sacrificed both: he hasten-
ed the downfall of the establishment, increased
the embarrassments of the monarch, and finally
paid the penalty of his unseasonable ardour on
a bloody scaffold. It was, in truth, the miser-
able fortune of Charles the First to suffer most
from the hands of his friends; to see the best
principles produce the worst results; and to de-
rive from the devoted attachment of his adhe-
rents nothing but disappointment, perplexity,
and grief.
3. The proximate cause of the troubles which
embittered the latter part of this monarch's
reign, was his conduct towards the people of
Scotland. He incensed the nobility, by recall-
ing the grants of ecclesiastical property, whereby
many of them were enriched; he placed offices
of trust in the bands of the clergy, whom they
envied or despised; and he attempted an altera-
tion in the ritual of the church, without having
ascertained the sentiments of the officiating mi-
nisters. But his policy was still more erroneous,
when he attempted to step back from the posi-
tion which he found he could no longer occupy
92
LIFE OF
with safety; for he then began to court his most
inveterate enemies, whom it was impossible for
him to gain, and to lavish titles upon others,
who had neither patriotism nor gratitude. He
confided in men, too, who studied their own in-
terests and neglected those of their master; or
who, at least, were always more ready to gra-
tify private revenge than to promote the cause
of the public. The Duke of Hamilton, there
is little doubt, betrayed, through weakness or
disaffection, the cause of the crown in Scotland;
while the other noblemen, desirous to retain
their share of the ecclesiastical plunder, thwart-
ed in secret the most important of the measures
which, in the eye of the world, they pretended to
support. Charles conceded every thing to his
northern subjects, and was pleased to hear him-
self described as a "contented king among a
contented people;" but he had scarcely crossed
the Tweed on his return to the capital, when an
army of Scots entered England, charged with
an endless catalogue of complaints and demands.
It is said that Lord Saville forged a letter, pur-
porting that the English were desirous of a visit
from their Scottish brethren; assuring them, at
the same time, that the greatest part of the no-
bility and gentry would join them in soliciting
a free Parliament.* Be this as it may, we have
high authority for asserting, that, notwithstand-
ing the general change in the temper and man-
ners of the times, as the English are a people not
casily roused to action, it was a doubtful ques-

* Wellwood's Memoirs, p. 80,--Sir Edward Walker,
266.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
93
1
tion, whether they would have broken so sud-
denly the "twofold cord of the law and gospel,"
if Charles had not quarrelled with the popular
party in his native country. But this oversight
or misfortune, on the part of the King, afforded
an opportunity of realizing those schemes of go-
vernment which had long occupied their atten-
tion, and of organizing a plan of revolt, should
their proposals be rejected.*
The treaty of Rippon, in which his Majesty
was assisted by his great council of peers, pro-
claimed to all the world that the dispute be-
tween the royal prerogative and the spirit of
liberty, must be finally decided by force of
arms. The parliamentary leaders, who watch-
ed and fomented the disaffection which prevail-
ed in the north, strengthened their interests in
all quarters, and made secret preparations for
the struggle which they could not fail to anti-
cipate. Professing great apprehensions that
Charles meant to delude them, they refused all
terms of accommodation, but such as they knew
he could not accept; while he, on the other
hand, having denuded himself of some of the
principal attributes of sovereign power, and see-
ing no end to the aggressions of the Parliament,
thought it wiser to prefer the fortune of war,
than merely to retain the name of King, with-
out either its dignity or command. After much
fruitless negotiation, his Majesty left London,
where his presence was no longer respected by
the favourers of the new system, and finally
* Marchmont Needham.
94
LIFE OF
erected his standard at Nottingham, on the 25th
day of August, in the year 1642.
I shall conclude this chapter with an account
of the memorable Parliament which waged war
with this unfortunate monarch, as given by
Clarendon and Milton, two contemporary wri-
ters, who possessed the best means of informa-
tion." In the House of Commons," says the for-
mer," were many persons of wisdom and gravity,
who, being possessed of great and plentiful for-
tunes, though they were undevoted enough to
the court, had all imaginable duty for the King,
and affection for the government established by
law or ancient custom; and without doubt the
major part of that body consisted of men who
had no mind to break the peace of the kingdom,
or to make any considerable alteration in the
government of church and state; and therefore
all inventions were set on foot from the begin-
ning to work on them, and corrupt them, by
suggestions of the dangers which threatened all
that was precious to the subject in their liberty
and their property, by overthrowing or over-
mastering the law and subjecting it to an arbi-
trary power, and by countenancing Popery to
the subversion of the Protestant religion; and
then by infusing terrible apprehensions into some,
and so working upon their fears of being called
in question for somewhat they had done, by
which they would stand in need of their protec-
tion; and raising the hopes of others, that by
concurring with them, they should be sure to ob-
tain offices and honours, and every kind of pre-
ferment. Though there were too many cor-
rupted and misled by these several temptations,
OLIVER CROMWELL.
95
and others who needed no other temptation than
from the fierceness of their own natures, and the
malice they had contracted against the church
and against the court; yet the number was not
very great of those in whom the government of
the rest was vested, nor were there many who
had the absolute authority to lead, though there
was a multitude disposed to follow."
Milton's picture is not so flattering; but to ac-
count for the difference, let it be remembered,
that the delineation applies to two distinct pe-
riods. "The people, with great courage, and
expectation to be cased of what discontented
them, chose to their behoof a Parliament such as
they thought best affected to the public good,
and some indeed men of wisdom and integrity;
the rest whom wealth or ample possessions, or
bold and active ambition, rather than merit, had
commended to the same place. But when the
superficial zeal and popular fumes that acted
their new magistracy were cooled and spent in
them, strait every one betook himself to do as
his own profit or ambition led him. Then was
justice delayed, and soon after denied ; spite and
favour determined all; hence faction; thence
treachery both at home and in the field: every
where wrong and oppression; foul and horrid
deeds committed daily, or maintained in secret
or in open.
Some who had been called from
shops and warehouses, without other merit, to
sit in supreme councils and committees, (as their
breeding was,) fell to huckster the common-
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. i. p. 184.
96
LIFE OF
wealth. Others did thereafter as men could
soothe and humour them best; so he who would
give most, or under covert of hypocritical zeal
insinuate basest, enjoyed unworthily the re-
wards of learning and fidelity; or escaped the
punishment of his crimes and misdeeds. Their
votes and ordinances, which men looked should
have contained the repealing of bad laws and
the immediate constitution of better, resounded
with nothing else but new impositions, taxes,
excises; yearly, monthly, weekly; not to reck-
on the offices, gifts, and preferments bestowed
and shared among themselves. And if the state
were in this plight, religion was not in much
better; to reform which a certain number of
divines were called, neither chosen by any rule
or custom ecclesiastical, nor eminent for their
piety or knowledge above others left out, only
as each member of Parliament, in his private
fancy thought fit, so elected one by one. The
most part of them were such as had preached
and cried down, with great show of zeal, the
avarice and pluralities of bishops and prelates;
that one cure of souls was a full employment for
one spiritual pastor, how able soever, if not a
charge rather above human strength. Yet these
conscientious men (ere any part of the work was
done for which they came together, and that on
the public salary) wanted not boldness, to the
ignominy and scandal of their parson-like pro-
fession, and especially of their boasted reforma-
tion, to seize into their hands, or not unwilling-
ly to accept (besides one, sometimes two or more
of the best livings) collegiate masterships in the
OLIVER CROMWELL.
97
universities, rich lectures in the city, setting sail
to all winds that might blow gain into their co-
vetous bosoms.'
"'*
As to Cromwell, with whom we are more im-
mediately concerned, it is now extremely diffi-
cult to ascertain what were the precise views
with which he entered into public life. But it
is manifest that his conduct at that period was
marked with a deep impression of gloom and
restlessness, and above all, by a rankling dis-
affection towards every person who moved in a
sphere higher than his own, or who adopted
measures which had not received his approba-
tion. When admitted into Parliament, he kept
his eyes constantly fixed on subjects of com-
plaint and matters of grievance; and without
having devised any particular scheme of reform
in church or state, he made no scruple to con-
demn all who had the management of political
and ecclesiastical affairs. When asked on one
occasion to express his sentiments on these
important points, and to declare openly what
changes he might deem expedient, he replied-
"I can tell what I would not have, though I
cannot tell what I would have." There is rea-
son to apprehend that this description would
have applied to more than half the members of
the Lower House.
* Milton's Prose Works, vol. i. p. 130, and Note C. at
the end of this volume.
VOL. I.
H
پڑے
98
LIFE OF
CHAPTER III.
Comprehending the Incidents which occurred from
the meeting of the Long Parliament, in Novem-
ber 1640, until the new modelling of the Army,
at the suggestion of Cromwell, in the year 1644.
ALTHOUGH the abilities of Cromwell were
better suited to the active duties of the field
than to the deliberations of a legislative body,
the figure which he made in Parliament prior
to the commencement of the civil war, entitles
him to a place among those patriots, whose ex-
ertions imposed permanent and constitutional
limits upon the royal prerogative. The zeal
which he had already manifested in the cause of
religion, recommended him as a member of se-
veral committees, appointed from time to time
by the House to enquire into the state of the
church, and to devise means for its farther re-
formation. He forthwith found himself among
men not less inclined than he was to incur all
the perils of innovation, on the chance that some
advantages might accrue to the public, or to
their individual interests. The unfortunate dis-
solution in the preceding April had infused
into their minds a deep sentiment of indigna-
tion, suspicion, and alarm; and they met in
OLIVER CROMWELL.
99
November, resolved not to separate until they
had deprived the King both of the means and
the power to resist or to punish their encroach-
ments. "There was perceived," Lord Claren-
don remarks, " a marvellous elated countenance
in many of the members of Parliament before
they met together in the house; the same men
who, six months before, were observed to be of
very moderate tempers, and to wish that gentle
remedies might be applied, talked now in ano-
ther dialect, both of things and persons. They
used much sharp discourse, and said that they
must not only sweep the house clean below, but
also pull down all the cobwebs which hung in
the tops and corners, that these might not breed
dust, and so make a foul house hereafter; that
they had now an opportunity to make their
country happy, by removing all grievances, and
pulling up the causes of them by the roots, if
all men would do their duties."
Among the friends of reform were several
distinguished persons, such as Clarendon, Falk-
land, and Hollis, who had no wish to degrade
the crown, nor even to diminish its authority
farther than the security of a just and rational
freedom absolutely required. But the time was
now past when such concessions as formerly
would have satisfied even the most ardent ad-
vocate for popular rights, could be received as
the basis of an agreement between the sovereign
and his people. It was resolved to deprive him
of the command of the military and naval forces
of the kingdom, to deny him the privilege of
appointing the great officers of state, to restrict
his power in granting titles and conferring par-
100
LIFE OF
dons; and, in a word, to reduce the prerogative
to a mere sound, and the functions of royalty to
an empty pageant. "Should I grant these de-
mands," said Charles, in reply to the proposi-
tions which were submitted to him, " I may be
waited on bareheaded; I may have my hand
kissed; the title of Majesty may be continued
to me; and the King's authority signified by both
Houses, may still be the style of your commands;
I may have swords and maces carried before
me, and please myself with the sight of a crown
and sceptre, (though even these twigs would not
long flourish when the stock upon which they
grew was dead,) but as to true and real power,
I should remain but the outside, but the picture,
but the sign of a king. His towns," he added,
were taken from him, his ships, his army, his
money; and nothing," he observed, “remained
to him but a good cause, and the hearts of his
loyal subjects, which, with God's blessing, he
doubted not would recover all the rest."
66
1
These severe measures which were prosecuted
with so much resolution by the popular party,
alienated from them many members of the Lower
House, who were, upon the whole, friendly to
the cause of national freedom. The trial and
executi of Strafford, indicated by no unam-
biguous tokens the fierce spirit which animated
their counsels; and created fears among the more
reflecting part of the community as to the ulte-
rior designs of a body of men, who seemed more
desirous to punish past delinquencies than to
provide against future attacks on the constitu-
tion. The debates excited by the discussion on
the Remonstrance, showed clearly that Parlia-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
101
ment was already much divided on the expedi-
ency of depressing the crown to a lower level,
and of raising any higher a power less capable
of control, and whose pretensions were still
more likely to disturb the established principles
of government. This famous deed recorded
against the King all the unpopular acts of his
reign, and omitted no topic which could affect
the passions or prejudices of the people and
such an opinion had his enemies of their own
strength, that they entertained the hope of see-
ing it pass without any opposition. Cromwell,
who took a very active part in recommending it
to the House, remarked to Lord Falkland that
the debate would be but a sorry one.
But in
this expectation he was very much deceived; for
this discussion, the last which was resolutely
maintained by the royal adherents in the House
of Commons, continued from an early hour in
the morning until after midnight, when the mea-
sure was carried by a small majority of nine or
cleven voices. The members then fell into such
a tumultuous dispute upon a proposition to print
the Remonstrance, that they were with difficulty
separated three hours afterwards. "When they
voted it," says Sir Philip Warwick, "I thought
we had all sat in the valley of the sadow of
death; for we, like Joab and Abner's young men,
had catched at each other's locks, and sheathed
our swords in each other's bowels, had not the
sagacity and great calmness of Mr Hampden by
a short speech prevented it, and led us to defer
our angry debate until the next morning." In lea-
ving the House, Lord Falkland asked Cromwell,
whether there had not been a debate? To which
H 2
102
LIFE OF
he replied, "I will take your word another time,"
and whispered him in the ear, with some asse-
veration, that if the Remonstrance had been re-
jected, he would next day have sold all that he
had, and never have seen England more; adding,
that he knew there were many other honest men
of the same resolution.
The violence which already appeared in the
lower branch of the legislature, was considerably
inflamed by the practice which now began to
prevail, of presenting petitions to the House of
Commons. Such addresses were copiously pour-
ed in from counties, cities, towns, and parishes.
The various trades and corporations followed
the same example. One by the porters profess-
ed to be signed by fifteen thousand individuals,
all resolved to "live and die in defence of the
privileges of Parliament." The apprentices of
London likewise presented a similar offering of
their patriotism; and the beggars joined them
in firm resolutions, laid on the table of either
House, to protect the interests of property and
of personal freedom. The women, too, were
seized with the same rage, and appeared in thou-
sands at the doors of Parliament, loaded with
petitions for instant reform, in every depart-
ment of the civil and ecclesiastical administra-
tion. The multitude, in fact, were trained to
intimidate the friends of the King, and even to
suggest to the legislature such steps as the
pular leaders wished to see adopted. The pe-
tition of a very low class of persons demanded
that justice might be executed upon offenders,
according to the amount of their crimes, and
added, that "if such remedies were any longer
po-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
103
suspended, they should be forced to extremities
not fit to be named." The beggars, moreover,
already mentioned, who stated that they repre-
sented thousands of their brethren, proposed, as
an antidote for the public distress, that "those
noble worthies of the House of Peers who con-
cur with the happy votes of the Commons, should
separate themselves from the rest, and sit and
vote as one entire body." The female petition-
ers, especially, were encouraged in their tumultu-
ary proceedings; thanked by a deputation of the
members for their seasonable zcal; and solicited
to offer up prayers to God for the success of the
measures which had thus obtained their appro-
bation.
The war of the pen in all the large towns pre-
ceded the war of the sword. The adherents
of the Parliament distributed everywhere the
most violent addresses; insinuating against the
King very dangerous designs, and alarming the
people with the increase of Popery, and the ar-
rival of foreign troops. His Majesty, on the
other hand, endeavoured to soothe the appre-
hensions of the public, by assurances that he
had no intention to invade their rights, or to
resort again to unconstitutional measures even
for the supply of his most urgent wants.
But
the representations of his enemies were more
readily received, and more extensively circula-
ted among the lower orders; the majority of
whom were already prepared to join the stand-
ard of the Commons, whenever it should be dis-
played.
It is admitted, at the same time, even by the
most zealous of the republican party, that
104
LIFE OF
}
!
throughout the whole nation, the higher and
better informed classes were averse to the in-
temperate policy which the Parliamentary lead-
ers at that period thought proper to adopt. The
kingdom was thus divided into two great bodies,
the Roundheads and the Cavaliers, according as
they avowed their attachment to the new prin-
ciples of freedom, or to the interests of mo-
narchy. The origin of the former term is thus
explained by Mrs Hutchinson, in her memoirs
of her husband: "When puritanism grew into
a faction, and the zealots distinguished them-
selves, both men and women, by several affec-
tations of habit, looks, and words, which, had it
been a real declension of vanity, and embracing
of sobriety in all those things, had been most
commendable in them; but their quick forsa-
king of those things, when they were where
they would be, showed that they either never
took them up for conscience, or were corrupted
by their prosperity to take up those vain things
which they durst not practise under persecu-
tion. Among other affected habits, few of the
Puritans, what degree soever they were of,
wore their hair long enough to cover their ears,
and the ministers and many others cut it close
round their heads, with so many little peaks, as
was something ridiculous to behold; whereupon
Cleveland in his Hue and Cry after them be-
gins,-
With hair in character and luggs in text,' &c.
"From this custom of wearing their hair,
that name of Roundhead became the scornful
term given to the whole Parliament party, whose
OLIVER CROMWELL.
105
army indeed marched out so, but as if they had
been sent out only till their hair was grown ;
two or three years after, any stranger that had
seen them would have enquired the reason of that
name. The godly party of those days, when
he (Mr Hutchinson) joined their party, would
not allow him to be religious, because his hair
was not in their cut, nor his words in their
phrase, nor such little formalities altogether fit-
ted to their humour, who were many of them
so weak as to esteem men rather for such insig-
nificant circumstances, than for solid piety, wis-
dom, and courage."
But it must not be concealed that, associated
with the extravagance and affectation which de-
formed a large portion of English society, there
was much sound principle, virtue, and patriot-
ism. On both sides we see many things worthy
of admiration. On the one hand, a brave and
intelligent people are about to take the field in
the cause of liberty, upon which the recent prac-
tice of the government had unquestionably made
some serious encroachments; and, on the other,
a generous nobility, supported by the great body
of the minor barons of the kingdom, present
themselves in the attitude of defending their
sovereign against the fury of democratical am-
bition, which threatened to tread the crown and
sceptre in the dust. If on either part there was
an error, it arose from the undue intensity of a
laudable motive. As in the physical constitu-
tion of the atmosphere, the principles which
compose the invisible fluid which ministers to
life may, by a slight excess of one of the ingre-
dients, be converted into a most virulent poison;
106
LIFE OF
so in the temper of the British people, at that
important crisis, the infusion of an intemperate
zeal for matters of inferior consequence, preci-
pitated the most virtuous nation in Europe into
the miseries of a civil war.
It is somewhat remarkable, that Oliver Crom-
well seems to have been the first who took steps
to prepare for actual hostilities. Early in the
year 1642, he sent down arms to his native
county, and seized the royal magazine in the
castle of Cambridge. Shortly afterwards, upon
hearing that the university meant to forward
their plate to the king, he made haste to inter-
cept it, at the head of a body of horsemen whom
he induced to place themselves under his com-
mand. Doubts have indeed been expressed as
to his success on this occasion. In a tract de-
nominated the Querela Cantabrigiensis, it is said.
that "Master Cromwell, burgess for the town of
Cambridge, and then newly turned a man of
war, was sent down, as himself confessed, by his
masters above, at the invitation of his masters
below, to gather what strength he could, and
stop all passages that no plate might be sent;
but his designs being frustrated, and his charac-
ter as an active subtile man thereby somewhat
shaken, he hath ever since bent himself to work
what revenge and mischief he could against us.
In pursuit whereof, before that mouth was expi-
red, down he comes again in a terrible manner
with what forces he could draw together, and
surrounds diverse colleges while we were at
our devotion in our several chapels, taking away
prisoners several doctors of divinity, heads of
colleges, and these he carries with him to Lon-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
107
don in triumph." There is an entry in the Jour-
nals of the House of Commons, dated 18th
August, 1642, stating that a committee was ap-
pointed to prepare “an order for the indemnity
of Mr Cromwell and Mr Walton, and those that
have or shall assist them in the stoppage of the
plate that was going from Cambridge to York."
But there is an ambiguity even in the terms of
this authentic notice, which leaves the point un-
determined; probability, however, leans to the
opinion of those who think that part, at least,
of the contribution of the university was actually
seized by this sturdy partisan, and added to the
treasures of the Parliament.
It would appear, too, that he had suggested
the expediency of training the inhabitants to
military exercises, of associating the eastern
counties for mutual defence, and of watching
with unremitting vigilance the movements of
the opposite party.
In the journals just quoted, we find it order-
ed, that “Mr Cromwell do move the Lord-Lieu-
tenant for the county of Cambridge, to grant
his deputation to some of the inhabitants of the
town of Cambridge, to train and exercise the
inhabitants of that town."
There is some obscurity, it must be owned,
as to the date and the authority of his first com-
mission, for he is found actively employed in
the service of the Parliament before the armies
on either side were supplied with commanders.
But no sooner was the royal standard erected,
than he proceeded under a regular warrant to
take a share in the fatigues and responsibility
of the approaching war. He raised a troop of
108
LIFE OF
horse among his friends in the country, where
he may be said to have exercised a sort of inde-
pendent command for the security of the ad-
joining districts. His popularity and success
soon brought to him a great accession of re-
cruits, so that his troop gradually increased into
a regiment amounting to a thousand men.
From the very first, Cromwell displayed some
of the best qualities of a soldier and command-
ing officer. The materials, indeed, of his regi-
ment were excellent, and wanted nothing to
render them invincible, but the discipline which
their colonel delighted to enforce. Whitlocke
informs us, that most of the men were free-
holders and freeholders' sons, who upon matter
of conscience engaged in this quarrel; and be-
ing thus well armed within by the satisfaction
of their own consciences, and without by good
iron arms, they would as one man stand firmly,
and charge desperately. Heath mentions a fact,
in which he is supported by other writers, which
shows that Cromwell did not consider that all
men who are actuated by good motives must
necessarily prove heroes in the field.
"Upon
the first muster of his troop, having privily pla-
ced twelve resolute fellows in an ambuscade, (it
being near some of the king's garrisons,) upon
a signal at the appointed time the same ambush,
with a trumpet sounding, galloped furiously to-
wards the main body of their comrades, of whom
some twenty instantly fled out of fear and dismay,
and were glad the forfeiture was so cheap and
easy." Ashamed of their childish and disgrace-
ful conduct, they had not confidence to ask to
be allowed the honour of remaining in the corps,
OLIVER CROMWELL.
109
or to hesitate resigning their horses to those
who should fight the Lord's battle in their stead.
Bates, in like manner, bears testimony to the
care and ability with which Cromwell prepared
his men for the duties of the field, and whereby
he carried them on to that pitch of discipline
which rendered them the praise of the whole
army, and the dread of their foes. He used to
look after them daily, and observed how they
fed and dressed their horses; and that they
might be qualified to endure the hardships in-
cident to the cavalry service, he accustomed
them to sleep on the ground, or to share the
same bed with the animals upon which they were
mounted.
Every one knows that in filling his ranks, he
preferred those enthusiastic spirits which were
most susceptible of deep religious impressions,
and who, in taking the sword, imagined that they
had received a divine commission to draw it in
the special cause of Heaven. But his own account
of his first steps as a military man, is more in-
teresting than any that has been given by his
biographers." I was a person," says he, "that
from my first employment was suddenly preferred
and lifted up from lesser trusts to greater, from
my first being a captain of a troop of horse, and
I did labour as well as I could to discharge my
trust, and God blessed me as it pleased him, and
I did truly and plainly, and then, in a way of
foolish simplicity, (as it was judged by very great
and wise men, and good men too,) desired to
make use of my instruments to help me in this
work; and I will deal plainly with you, I had
a very good friend then, and he was a very noble
VOL. I.
X
110
LIFE OF
person, and I know his memory was very grate-
ful to you all, Mr John Hampden. At my first
going into this engagement, I saw their men
were beaten at every hand; I did indeed, and I
desired him that he would make some addition
to my Lord Essex's army of some regiments,
and I told him I would be serviceable to him in
bringing men in as I thought had a spirit that
would do something in the work: this is very
true that I tell you, God knows that I lie not.
Your troops, said I, are most of them old decay-
ed serving-men and tapsters, and such kind of
fellows; and, said I, their troops are gentlemen's
sons, younger sons, and persons of quality; do
you think that the spirits of such base and mean
fellows will be ever able to encounter gentlemen
that have honour, and courage, and resolution in
them? Truly I prescribed him in this manner
conscientiously, and truly I did tell him you must
get men of a spirit, and take it not ill what I
say, (I know you will not,) of a spirit that is
likely to go on as far as gentlemen will go, or
else I am sure you will be beaten still: I told
him so, I did truly. He was a wise and worthy
person, and he did think that I talked a good
notion, but an impracticable one: truly I told
him I could do something in it, I did so, and
truly I must needs say that to you (impute it
to what you please) I raised such men as had the
fear of God before them, and made some con-
science of what they did, and from that day for-
ward I must say to you, they were never beat-
en, and wherever they were engaged against the
enemy they beat continually."
The character given of the Cromwellian sol-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
111
diers by Sir Philip Warwick corresponds in
substance with that which has just been quoted
from a better authority. He asserts that they
had all either naturally the fanatic humour, or
soon imbibed it. "A herd of this sort of men
being by him drawn together, he himself, like
Mahomet, having transports of fancy, and withal
a crafty understanding, knowing that natural
principles, though not morally good, will con-
duce to the attainment of natural and politic
ends, made use of the zeal and credulity of those
persons; teaching them, as they too readily
taught themselves, that they engaged for God
when he led them against the King: and where
this opinion met with a natural courage, it made
them the bolder and too often the crueller; for
it was such a sort of men as killed brave young
Cavendish and many others, after quarter given,
in cold blood. And these men, habituated more
to spiritual pride than carnal riot or intemper-
ance, so consequently having been industrious
and active in their former callings and profes-
sions, where natural courage wanted, zeal sup-
plied its place and at first they chose rather to
die than fly; and custom removed fear of dan-
ger; and afterwards finding the sweet of good
pay and of opulent plunder and preferment, the
lucrative part made gain scem to them a natural
member of godliness."
:
The same author mentions, that in a conver-
sation which he had with Fairfax, the latter ac-
knowledged that the best troops he had in his
army, were the volunteers from the King's garri-
sons, which, from time to time, fell to the Parlia-
ment; and added, "so I found you had made them
112
LIFE OF
good soldiers, and I have made them good men."
One of Sir Philip's friends, a cavalier like him-
self, being annoyed with the praises which were
constantly bestowed upon the sanctity of the
parliamentary forces, as well as with the re-
proaches which were poured upon the moral
defects of those who served under the royal
banners, replied to the republican, "'Faith thou
sayest true; for in our army we have the sins of
men, but in yours, you have those of devils,
spiritual pride and rebellion."
It has been already remarked, that Crom-
well, at a very early period in the war, appears
to have been intrusted with the defence of the
eastern counties, where his presence contributed
not a little to keep the cavaliers in check, and
to prevent all rising in behalf of the King. Be-
sides his successes at Cambridge, where he se-
cured at once a supply of arms and of treasure,
he gained reputation to the cause of the Parlia-
ment, by seizing the person of the High Sheriff
of Hertfordshire, when about to denounce both
Houses and all their adherents as traitors.
Thomas Conesby had received a copy of the
royal proclamation, by which the Earl of Essex
and his insurgent army, with all who abetted
or supported them in their unnatural rebellion,
were to be exposed to the ban of the law, and
was proceeding to St Albans to perform this
official duty at the market-place, when behold!
Cromwell appeared at the head of his troop,
took the learned knight a prisoner, and sent
him off to London.
Sir
This service, more valuable for its local im-
pression than for its effect on the progress of
OLIVER CROMWELL.
113
military events, was soon afterwards followed
by one of much greater importance. Having
heard that some gentlemen of considerable rank
and fortune in the county of Suffolk, were to
hold a meeting at Lowestoffe, with the view of
promoting the royal interests in that quarter,
Cromwell marched his regiment thither with
the utmost dispatch and secrecy; and so well
had he concerted his plan, that, while the deli-
berations were still going on, and no suspicion
entertained of an enemy being at hand, he en-
tered the town, shut up all the avenues of escape,
and made the principal persons who had assem-
bled within its walls prisoners of war. In the
number were Sir Thomas Barber, Sir John
Pettus, and from twenty to thirty others, of
quality and substance. He found, besides, a
large stock of ammunition, and several engines
of war, “enough," says May, " to have served a
considerable force. And certain it was,” adds
the same historian, "that if Cromwell had not
surprised them in the nick of time, it had pro-
veď a matter of great danger to the country;
for within one day after, as many more knights
and gentlemen that were listed before, would
have met at the same place."
An instance of Cromwell's impartiality has
been recorded by the writer just named, which,
as it admits of a varied construction, has by some
been ascribed to a strict regard for public duty,
while others have regarded it as a proof that, in
the heart of the republican captain, there was a
larger place for the feeling of revenge than for
gratitude or family affection. Sir Oliver related
to the author of the Memoirs of King Charles,
!
I
1
114
LIFE OF
that, in the beginning of the troubles, he received
a visit from his nephew at the head of a strong
party of horse; that the young man solicited his
blessing, and could not be prevailed upon to keep
on his hat in his presence; but, at the same time,
he robbed the house of all the arms and plate
which it contained.
It cannot have escaped the notice of the read-
er, that several of the exploits now described,
were performed by Cromwell before the King
had erected his standard, and consequently be-
fore any offensive measures were adopted on the
side of the royalists. That an appeal would be
made to arms every reflecting person had dis-
tinctly perceived, from the moment that the Re-
monstrance was printed for indiscriminate dis-
tribution among the people; and the general
histories of the period have recorded that the
Parliament, immediately thereafter, supplied
themselves with the means of opposing their
sovereign in the field. No stronger proof could
be adduced of the hostile intentions of the po-
pular leaders, than the activity of Cromwell
throughout the early part of the year 1642-a
circumstance which has not had the weight as-
signed to it which it appears to merit, when ap-
preciating the views and motives of the two
great parties.
It was in the spring of 1643 that the associa
ted counties were threatened by the Lord Ca
pel, who intended to advance against Cambridge
with a considerable body of horse and foot. But
the vigilance of Oliver could not be deceived.
He invited the principal gentry in Essex, Suf-
folk, Norfolk, Cambridge, and Hertford, to a
OLIVER CROMWELL.
115
conference, where he urged upon them the pro-
priety of uniting all the forces they could raise,
in order to repulse the common enemy. "He en-
treated them to consider seriously how accept-
able a service they should render to the King
by keeping five whole counties in his obedience;
and concluded by drawing their attention to the
honours and other rewards which they might
justly expect from his Majesty in return for so
signal a proof of their loyalty!" I have quoted
the above notice from the Mercurius Politicus
of the 10th of March, a journal which has at
least the advantage of being contemporaneous.
Nor is the credibility of the statement at all di-
minished by the appeal which Cromwell makes
to the patriotism of his audience in the name of
the King; for the insurgents, both in England
and Scotland, continued throughout the war to
profess the utmost reverence for the royal per-
son and authority, and to defeat his armies, take
his towns, and demolish his fortresses, in order
to advance his Majesty's interests and honour.
The writer of the paragraph fails not to observe
the inconsistency with which those ardent friends
of the constitution were chargeable; for he adds,
"such excellent arts have they to abuse the
people, and make them think they doe good ser-
vice to the King, when they endeavour to de-
stroy him."
The Solemn League and Covenant itself, agree-
ably to the language of its framers, had for its
object not only the reformation of religion, and
the peace and safety of the three kingdoms, but
also the honour and happiness of the King. The
Parliament, in this and other similar deeds, must
116
LIFE OF
be supposed to have proceeded on the legal fic-
tion that the sovereign had deserted his own
cause, and was in fact contending against him-
self. They felt that to render their conduct
agreeable to the natural bias in favour of mo-
narchical government, it was necessary to sepa-
rate the royal person from the royal office; and
while they used their utmost efforts to subdue
the one, to keep up an appearance of the deepest
respect for the other. Cromwell, however, as
if he regarded this distinction as too metaphysi-
cal for the comprehension of common soldiers,
and as likely to have a bad effect upon their mi-
litary conduct, is said to have told his troopers,
that "he would not cozen them by the perplex-
ed expression in his commission, to fight for
King and Parliament; and that therefore, if the
King chanced to be in the body of the enemy,
he would as soon discharge his pistol upon him
as upon any private man; and if their consciences
would not let them do the like, he advised them
not to list themselves under him."*
On the 9th of September, 1642, the Earl of
Essex, who had been appointed to the chief
command of the Parliamentary army, left Lon-
don to begin the operations of the campaign.
The King had previously led his troops towards
the west, whither he was followed by the ene-
my, who, it was presumed, meant to fix his head-
quarters at Worcester. Prince Rupert, who had
received a commission from his royal uncle, was
intrusted with a body of cavalry stationed in
the neighbourhood of that city, where, on the
* Cromwell and his Times, p. 133.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
117
22d of the month just specified, he began the
war by an attack on Colonel Sandys, who com-
manded a flying party of horse sent out by Es-
sex to obtain information. The advantage was
on the side of the assailants, and though trifling
in itself, was hailed as a good omen by the vic-
tors, and had the effect of inspiring the adherents
of the King with some degree of confidence.
Soon afterwards his Majesty directed his march
towards the capital, with the view either of bring-
ing on an engagement, or of disconcerting the
measures of Parliament, whose greatest strength
lay in the city. The two armies came in sight
of each other near Keinton, a village in War-
wickshire; and after examining the ground, and
striving for the usual advantages of position the
greater part of a day, the royalists, towards the
evening of the 23d of October, advanced from
their lines on Edgehill, and threw themselves
with great fury upon their adversaries. The
impetuosity of Rupert, who commanded the
cavalry, disordered and put to flight at the first
onset the whole left wing of his opponents, which
he pursued with great slaughter for the space of
two miles. A similar good fortune attended the
King in the other flank, where the Parliament-
ary forces were likewise defeated and driven
from the field. But the eagerness of pursuit, to
which the nephew of Charles sacrificed all his
victories, had nearly turned the fortune of the
day against him. The reserve, which Essex had
placed under the direction of Sir William Bal-
four, an experienced soldier, took advantage
of the defenceless state in which the royal in-
fantry were left by the departure of the horse,
118
LIFE OF
and charged them with great resolution and
steadiness. The Earl of Lindsey, who com-
manded under the King, was mortally wounded
and taken prisoner. Sir Edmund Verney, who
bore the royal standard, was killed, and the co-
lours seized for a time by the enemy; and, in
truth, before the prince and his victorious ca-
valry returned to the field, the fruits of their
success were entirely destroyed. The battle was
suspended, but not finished: both armies kept
possession of the ground on which the changing
events of the day had placed them; and as nei-
ther felt inclined to renew a conflict which had
already proved so bloody, the attack was not re-
newed by either party. Essex retired to War-
wick, and the King to Banbury; each having
lost between two and three thousand of their
best troops.*
*
From the composition of his army, although
the number of the slain was about equal, the
loss was greater on the part of the King, be-
cause, as many of his followers were persons of
rank, their place could not be so easily supplied,
as in the case of plebeian soldiers. He was sur-
rounded by a guard of noblemen and gentlemen,
who, with their servants, constituted two troops,
amounting together to three hundred horsemen.
The annual income of this patrician corps was
estimated at more than L.100,000, being equal
to two-thirds of the rental of all the members
of Parliament who now conducted the affairs of
the nation. Irritated at having been called in
* Ludlow, vol. i. p. 47.-May, book iii.
47.—May, book iii. p. 16.-Cla-
rendon, vol. iii. p. 44.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
119
derision the Show Troop, those gallant cavaliers
at Edgehill requested permission to advance in
the first charge. This honour being conceded
to them, they rushed into the engagement un-
der the direction of Prince Rupert, who seldom
failed to draw victory along with him wherever
he displayed his banners; but their success was
purchased at a considerable expense of life, while
their absence from the King's person in the lat-
ter part of the action, occasioned, in some mea-
sure, the unfavourable change which occurred
in the fortune of the day.
No mention is made of Cromwell by any an-
nalist who has narrated the incidents of Kein-
ton Field. Lord Hollis, who professes to have
written his Memoirs in 1648, maintains that he
purposely abstained from taking any share in
the battle, although he was in the immediate
neighbourhood. "He with his troop of horse.
came not in, impudently and ridiculously affirm-
ing, the day after, that he had been all that day
seeking the army and place of fight, though his
quarters were but at a village near hand, whence
he could not find his way, nor be directed by
his ear, when the ordnance was heard, as I have
been credibly informed, twenty or thirty miles.
off, so that certainly he is not the man he is
taken for."
But it must not be forgotten that his lord-
ship entertained a great aversion to Cromwell,
and was ever ready to believe the most unfa-
vourable reports against the man who outwitted
his party, and defeated the plans both of the
Monarchy and of the Commonwealth. It will,
however, be seen hereafter, that Qliver was dis-
120
LIFE OF
posed on more occasions than one to reserve his
strength, until an opportunity occurred for dis-
tinguishing himself, and of giving a turn to the
tide of victory; and hence arose the various in-
sinuations against his personal courage in the
field, which originated at Marston Moor, and
which, in a greater or less degree, have adhered
to his memory ever since.
Early in the following year, after the failure
of the treaty at Oxford, the war was renewed
with much vigour on both sides. The Earl of
Newcastle, who commanded for the King in the
north, gained an advantage over Sir Thomas
Fairfax at Atherton Moor, and was thereby
enabled to threaten Hull, or to prevail upon the
Hothams, the governors, to deliver it
up into
his hands. Mrs Hutchinson relates, that on this
emergency her husband and Cromwell perform-
ed an essential service to the Parliament. "At
that time," says she, "they being equally zealous
for the public welfare, advised together to seek a
remedy, and dispatched away a post on foot to
London, who had no greater joy in the world than
such employments as tended to the displacing of
great persons, whether they deserved it or not;
him they sent away immediately to inform the
Parliament of Hotham's carriages, and the strong
presumption they had of his treachery, and the
ill management of their forces. This they two
did without the privity of any of the other gen-
tlemen, or commanders, some of whom were
little less suspected themselves, and others, as
my Lord Grey, through credulous good-nature,
too great a favourer of Hotham. The messen-
ger was very diligent in his charge, and return-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
121
ed as soon as it was possible, with a commit-
ment of Hotham, who accordingly was then
made prisoner in Nottingham castle, and Sir
John Meldrum was sent down to be commander-
in-chief of all those united forces. When they
marched away, a troop of my Lord Grey's, ha-
ving the charge of guarding Hotham towards
London, suffered him to escape, and thereby
put the town of Hull into a great hazard, but
that the father and son were there unexpected-
ly surprised, and sent up prisoners to London,
where they were after some time executed."
The inference which the lady draws from that
occurrence is somewhat amusing, although it
has probably no other foundation than her own
fancy. "Those who knew the opinion Crom-
well after had of Mr Hutchinson, believed he
registered this business in his mind as long as
he lived, and made it his care to prevent him
from being in any power or capacity to pursue
him to the same punishment when he deserved
it!"
Meanwhile the determined horsemen whom
Colonel Cromwell had trained with so much
care, began to make an impression on the royal-
ists, whether in the field, or in the blockade of
fortified places. In a skirmish near Grantham,
he defeated, at the head of these select troops, a
body of cavalry more than double their num-
ber; of which success he gives a graphic account
in the following letter:-
"SIR,
"God hath given us this evening a glorious
victory over our enemies. They were, as we are
VOL. I.
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4
122
LIFE OF
informed, one-and-twenty colours of horse troops,
and three or four of dragoons; it was late in
the evening when we drew out; they came and
faced us within two miles of the town. So soon
as we heard the alarm we drew out our forces,
consisting of about twelve troops, whercof some
of them were so poor and broken, that you shall
seldom see worse. With this handful it plea-
sed God to cast the scale, for after we had stood
a little above musket shot, the one body from the
other, and the dragooners having fired on both
sides for the space of half an hour or more, they
not advancing towards us, we agreed to charge
them; and advancing the body after many shots
on both sides, come with our troops at a pretty
round trot, they standing firm to receive us, and
our men charging fiercely upon them, they were
immediately routed, and ran all away, and we
had the execution of them two or three miles.
I believe some of our soldiers did kill two or
three men a-piece; we have also gotten some of
their officers, and some of their colours; but
what the number of dead is, or what the pri-
soners, for the present we have not time to en-
quire into.
OLIVER CROMWELL.”
Towards the close of June 1643, he gained
much honour by the relief of the town of Gains-
borough, which was menaced by the Marquis of
Newcastle. Lord Willoughby had taken it by
storm, and garrisoned it with parliamentary sol-
diers; but not having a sufficient force, he was
about to retire before the victors of Atherton
Moor, when Cromwell, interposing his regiment
between the town and Newcastle's advanced
OLIVER CROMWELL.
123
guard, attacked the first division of the royalists,
slew their commander, the brother of the Mar-
quis, and checked for a time the advance of the
main body. Ludlow, who had the best means of
information, relates, that when Oliver heard of
the movement on the part of Lieutenant-Gene-
ral Cavendish, he resolved to attempt the relief of
Gainsborough ; and with twelve troops of horse
and dragoons, marched thither, where he found
the enemy, amounting to more than thrice his
number, drawn up near the town. He had no
way of attacking them but by passing through
a gate, and charging uphill; notwithstanding he
resolved to fall upon them, and after some re-
sistance, threw them into confusion, killed a
number of their officers, and among others the
Lieutenant-General. It is said that Cromwell's
men gave no quarter, but that, driving the fu-
gitives into a bog, they butchered them with-
out mercy, not excepting the officers of highest
rank. It is to this fact that Sir Philip Warwick
alludes, when he ascribes the cruelty of the
Huntingdon troopers to the morose spirit which
they had imbibed with their religious principles.
Leaving an imputation so discreditable to be re-
ceived or rejected according to the value of the
authority on which it has reached our times, we
may proceed to observe, that the conquerors
had little time for rejoicing, for the main body
of the royalists, hearing of the loss which had
been sustained, pushed on rapidly to avenge it
in the blood of the insurgents. Cromwell reti-
red first to Lincoln, and afterwards to Boston,
in order that he might join the Earl of Man-
chester, whose army he was appointed to rein-
124
LIFE OF
force, and to exercise the duties of the second
in command under that nobleman.
Besides the accession of this valuable body of
cavalry, the Earl received a detachment of a
similar force, under the command of Sir Tho-
mas Fairfax; after which his muster-roll con-
tained about six thousand foot, and thirty-seven
troops of horse. To prevent any farther addi-
tions to his army, the Marquis of Newcastle
advanced towards Boston, prepared to give bat-
tle. With this view he dispatched a large body
of dragoons and regular horse, supposed to
amount to eighty-seven troops, under the charge
of Sir John Henderson, an old soldier, who
longed to measure his sword with Cromwell.
Hearing that the latter had formed his line at
a place called Winsby-field, near Horncastle, he
hastened the march of his squadrons, that he
might attack him before the Earl could bring
up the infantry to his assistance. But the suc-
cess of the royalist general was not equal to
his zeal. Oliver, after announcing the watch-
word, "Truth and Peace," gave out a psalm,
which was loudly sung by his officers and men
as they advanced to receive the charge of their
enemies. After sustaining the fire of their
whole line, which did little execution, the parlia-
ment cavalry put their horses to the full speed,
in order to throw themselves upon the advan-
cing column. But ere they could come into con-
tact, the royalists saluted them with another
volley, which brought Cromwell's charger to the
ground, and checked the rapidity of his ma-
nœuvre. Scarcely had he risen from the earth
when he was again struck down by a powerful
OLIVER CROMWELL.
125
hand, and lay for a moment among the slain.
Recovering himself once more, he mounted a
horse belonging to one of his men, prosecuted
the combat with increased spirit, and finally
gained so complete a victory, that the enemy
did not stop their flight until they had reached
the neighbourhood of Lincoln, a distance of
about fourteen miles. This success was the
more important, inasmuch as the King's troops,
having enjoyed a long season of prosperity, had
begun to despise the parliamentarians; and from
this epoch the light of a better fortune dawned
upon the cause of the latter, and conducted them
at length to still more brilliant issues.
The activity of Newcastle roused the Earl of
Essex from his camp near Reading, and induced
him to march towards Oxford. He fixed his
head-quarters at Thame, ten miles from that
city; but the great body of his army, which had
suffered much from sickness, lay dispersed at a
considerable distance from their general. In-
telligence of this being received by Prince Ru-
pert, he immediately planned a night expedi-
tion, in which, making a circuit round the main
strength of the enemy, he fell upon two regi-
ments quartered at Wycombe, about thirty miles.
from London, which he cut to pieces or made
prisoners. Essex, enraged at this loss, which
reflected upon his vigilance, instantly set out
with a force sufficient to intercept the Prince in
his return. The parties encountered each other
at Chalgrave; a skirmish took place, which was
attended with nothing remarkable, except the
death of Hampden, who, in the confusion of the
onset, received a mortal wound. Rupert finally
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126
LIFE OF
repulsed the assailants, and reached Oxford in
triumph. One of the prisoners announced to
the victors the fate of the celebrated patriot. He
was seen riding off the field while the action
was still going on, a thing he had never done
before, with his head hanging down, and his
hands resting on the neck of his horse; from
which appearances the relater justly concluded
that he was severely wounded.
The affairs of the Parliament, in the early part
of the year 1643, were, upon the whole, very
far from prosperous. Sir William Waller was
sent with a respectable force into the west of
England, where the royalists had recently
gained some important advantages; and hopes
were entertained at Westminster that their fa-
vourite general would achieve something where-
by their adherents might be preserved from
despair. But the success of his plans was by
no means adequate to the expectations which
had been formed. Though in the celerity of his
movements Waller displayed an extraordinary
merit, and against such an opponent as Rupert,
it was necessary to accomplish rapid marches;
yet he seems to have erred, by reposing too
much confidence in himself, and by cherishing
too much contempt for his enemy. He fought
a drawn battle near Bath on the 5th of July,
and had a second engagement near Devizes one
week later, in which, through the fortune of war,
the gallantry of the royalists, and the diligence
of the King in sending timely reinforcements,
his whole army was defeated and scattered be-
yond the power of rallying. Indeed one of the
most striking defects of this officer was, that
OLIVER CROMWELL,
127
owing to his utter want of discipline, the army
which he led out from the metropolis in the
most admirable condition, was, in the course of
a few weeks, so disorganized and reduced, that
he found it necessary to quit the field for the
purpose of recruiting, while the enemy was per-
mitted to follow up all his advantages during
the most active season of the year.
Another event followed soon afterwards,
which added not a little to the terror and em-
barrassment of the popular party. Bristol, al-
though well provided with supplies of all de-
scriptions, and capable of a protracted resist-
ance, surrendered to Prince Rupert on the 26th
of July. This appalling occurrence was attri-
buted to the weak nerves of the governor, Na-
thaniel Fiennes, son of Lord Say; who, although
gifted with high powers of intellect and wisdom,
was extremely deficient in most of those quali-
ties which constitute a soldier. The nephew of
Charles attacked the city on three sides at once
with his usual impetuosity; but the strength of
the walls would have enabled the garrison to
hold out a considerable time, had not their com-
mander, unaccustomed to the agitations which
attend the assault of a fortified place, yielded to
his fears, and solicited terms.
The precautions suggested by these adverse
occurrences show the degree of alarm which
prevailed among the parliamentarians. They
sent a deputation of their number to Scotland,
to invite the people of that country to co-operate
with them in the cause of national freedom, and
to prevent a recurrence of those oppressions
under which both kingdoms had so long groan-
128
LIFE OF
ed. At the same time they resolved to fortify
London against any sudden attack of the enemy,
who, being now master of the field, might gra-
tify his revenge upon both Houses, as well as
upon the mass of the citizens. Then was begun
that large intrenchment, which encompassed not
only the city, but the suburbs, to the extent of
twelve miles in circumference. To complete
this undertaking, thousands went out every day
to dig; all professions, trades, and occupations
took their turns; gentlemen of the best quality,
knights, and even ladies, sallied forth from their
houses, carrying mattocks, spades, and other
suitable implements," so that," says May, "it
became a pleasant spectacle at London, to see
them going out in such order and numbers, with
drums beating before them, which put life into
the drooping people, being taken for a happy
omen, that in so low a condition they yet seem-
ed not to despair." *
Had not Manchester and Cromwell been more
successful in the eastern and middle counties,
than Waller and Essex were in the west, the
war must have been brought to a conclusion
fatal to the views of the Parliament. Besides
his exploit at Gainsborough, which at least pro-
ved the superiority of his soldiers, he took Stam-
ford and Burleigh House, supported the popu-
lar cause in Lincolnshire against the Marquis of
Newcastle, checked the royalists at Newark,
and everywhere protected the borders of the
eastern association. A weekly paper of the
* History of Parliament, book iii. p. 91. Godwin's
Commonwealth, vol. i. p. 126.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
129
I
time, dated 9th May, 1643, mentions that " he
hath 2000 brave men, well disciplined; no man
swears but he pays his twelve pence: if he be
drunk he is set in the stocks or worse; if one
calls the other roundhead, he is censured; in-
somuch that the counties where they come leap
for joy of them, and come in and join them.
How happy were it, if all the forces were thus
disciplined!" The Commons, accordingly, in
the beginning of August, ordered that a speedy
course be taken for the raising of 2000 men
more, in the associated counties of Cambridge,
Norfolk, and Suffolk, to join with Colonel Crom-
well, and that every man of them have a month's
pay in his pocket. It was also ordered on the
same occasion, that the L.3000 appointed to be
raised by the associated counties aforesaid, shall
be paid to Colonel Cromwell.
His career, at the same time, was marked by
a spirit of violence and illiberality in other mat-
ters, for which no apology can be devised. The
Mercurius Aulicus relates, that at " Cambridge
the Lord Grey of Warke and Master Cromwell
did the last week deal very earnestly with the
heads of colleges to lend L.6000 for the public
use; and that the motion not being harkened to,
they kept them all in custody till midnight, ex-
cept Dr Brownrigg, the Bishop of Exeter, and Dr
Love; that the said heads being advised to assem-
ble the next day about it, and refusing to do so,
were called to the Lord Grey's lodging, and being
asked the reason of their refusal, made answer
by the Bishop of Exeter, whom they had chosen
for their speaker, that they had before consult-
ed the whole university, who had resolved
}
130
LIFE OF
that they could not comply with their desires
in that particular, as being directly against their
consciences; that Cromwell, when he found them
stick to their resolution, said to a friend of his
who was then in the place, they would have
been content with a L.1000 or less for the pre-
sent turn; not that so little money could have
done them good, but that the people might have
thought that one of the two universities had
been on their side. And it was also certified,
that when they failed to get money by that
means, in a fair and voluntary way, they took
by violence from the bursars of diverse colleges
such monies as were already brought in unto
them; and from the tenants of such colleges as
dwelt near at hand, such monies as they had in
readiness to pay their rents; and well we know
what they were counted in the former times,
when law and justice were in fashion, who, when
a man refused to deliver his purse, used to take
it from him."
Six days afterwards he went to Peterborough,
where he indulged himself in various kinds of
plunder; and farther, "in pursuance of the
thorough reformation which he professed to
carry into effect, he did most miserably deface
the cathedral church, break down the organ, and
destroy the glass windows, committing many
outrages on the house of God, which were not
acted by the Goths in the sack of Rome." He
was guilty of a similar violence at Ely, where
he entered the cathedral during divine service,
commanded the clergyman to stop, and drawing
his sword, gave orders to his horsemen to drive
out the congregation. To the present day that
OLIVER CROMWELL.
131
venerable pile bears testimony to the visit which
it then received from the followers of this mili-
tary reformer.
While Cromwell was displaying his usual ac-
tivity in the service of his masters, and had re-
vived the courage of the people in the depart-
ment where he was appointed to exercise his
command, the war languished under Essex and
Waller, both of whose armies, by disease and
repeated discomfiture, had been rendered un-
able to keep the field. The former of these
officers, indeed, began to open his eyes to the
calamities of the country, and to the fatal issue
in which the struggle between the King and his
subjects was likely to terminate. The Parlia-
ment had already manifested a determined feel-
ing of animosity against all the privileged or-
ders, and were still directing the thunder of their
power, not only against his Majesty, whose inte-
rests now appeared incompatible with their
but also against the nobility, the more digni-
fied and ancient among the gentry, and, in short,
against all that class whose wealth and rank were
wont to constitute the support of the throne.
own,
The Earl had too much penetration not to
perceive that the success of his arms would only
strengthen the enemies of peace, and thereby
postpone all accommodation with the King, and
the settlement of the constitution. On the
9th of July, accordingly, he addressed a let-
ter to the House of Peers, in which he states,
that his army being neither recruited with
horses, nor saddles, nor arms, he could not move
but with his whole force, which must be by slow
marches, and with infinite injury to the peace-
132
LIFE OF
able inhabitants." He therefore requests, that
"if it were thought fit, they would send to his
Majesty to have peace, with the settling of reli-
gion, the laws, and the liberties of the subject,
and bringing to just trial those chief delinquents
who have caused all this mischief to the king-
dom; and that if this do not produce a treaty,
his Majesty may be desired to absent himself
from the scene of contention, and both armies
may be drawn up near the one to the other, that
if peace be not concluded, it may be ended by
the sword."
Their lordships, although not unwilling to
listen to this pacific suggestion, found some dif-
ficulty in resolving to petition the King, in the
face of a proclamation which he had lately is-
sued, declaring the parliament, of which they
were members, to be no free parliament. But
in the beginning of August they appointed a
committee to consider of some propositions fit
to be presented to his Majesty for settling the
present distractions. A petition was, accord-
ingly, prepared on the 5th of the month just
specified, and sent down to the Commons for
their concurrence. The same day a long debate
took place in the Lower House, on the several
topics submitted to their review; and so nume-
rous had the friends of peace become, that, when
the question was put to the vote, whether the
propositions from the Lords should be taken
into farther consideration, it was carried in the
affirmative by a majority of ninety-four to
sixty-five. It was then proposed that this far-
ther consideration should be entered upon with-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
133
out adjournment or delay; a motion which was
negatived by only two voices.
The division now mentioned, took place on a
Saturday. This circumstance, which in all or-
dinary cases would not have been attended with
the slightest consequence, proved fatal to the
patriotic designs of the House of Peers. On
Sunday the pulpits of the metropolis rang with
the most violent denunciations against all who
were disposed to fight the Lord's battle deceit-
fully, and set forth in the liveliest colours the
manifold evils which would arise from entering
into terms with the malignants. A court of
common council, held the same day, drew up a
petition, addressed to the Commons, deprecating
in strong language the measure which the other
House had recommended. Next morning, the
Lord Mayor, followed by a multitude of the in-
habitants, appeared at the doors of the Parlia-
ment to present the remonstrance of the citizens;
while the populace, by shouts and menacing
gestures, declared their resolution to enforce
the sentiments which it contained, and to secure
a continuance of the war. The Peers, mean-
while, intimidated by such hostile demonstra-
tions, declared that this riotous assemblage of
the people was a breach of parliamentary privi-
lege, and desired a conference with the Com-
mons to provide for their mutual safety and in-
dependence. But before order could be resto-
red, the Lower House came to a vote, when it
was determined, by a majority of eighty-eight
to eighty-one, that no propositions should be
sent to the King.
The smallness of the majority on this memo-
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134
LIFE OF
rable occasion, shows how much inclined the
more temperate members of the legislature were
to put an end to the destructive war, which, du-
ring twelve months, had raged in the finest parts
of the kingdom. Clarendon tells us, that "the
design was for as many members of both Houses
as were of one mind, to have gone to the Earl
of Essex, and there, under the security of their
own army, to have protested against the vio-
lence which was offered, and to have declared
their want of freedom; by means of which they
made no doubt to have drawn both Houses to
consent to an agreement, or to have entered
upon such a treaty themselves with the King."
This plan was never realized, and other events
soon occurred which would have rendered it
entirely impracticable.
Every historian has remarked, that if Charles,
at the head of his victorious army, had marched
to London and supported by his presence the
efforts of his friends, he would, in all probabili-
ty, have dismayed the disaffected, quelled the
turbulent, and induced even the leaders of the
popular party to listen to equitable terms. But
he yielded to the advice of those who recom-
mended the siege of Gloucester, on the ground
that it was not good policy to leave so strong a
town behind him. "But," says Sir Philip War-
wick, "this counsel proved fatal; for had the
King at that period resolved in himself to have
struck at the proud head of London, and had
had authority enough at that time to have re-
quired the Earl of Newcastle to join with him,
humanly speaking, he had raised such confusion
among the two Houses and Londoners, that they
OLIVER CROMWELL.
135
had either sent him his own terms, or, if they
had fought him, most probably he would have
been victorious. For the counties about Lon-
don were well affected to the King's cause; and
many in London passionately wished for his
approach. But henceforward it befell the King's
forces as it did the Israelites, who, being dis-
couraged by the great number of spies, would
not march up towards Canaan." Then he quotes
the adage, that "the times of grace and of man's
repentance have a set appointment;" and that
"oftentimes divine Providence gives a man but
one single season to lay hold on." The King
fixes on Gloucester, and the Earl of Newcastle
as fatally sits down before Hull.
It is well known that Essex, having received
large additions to his army, followed the steps
of the King with the view of raising the siege;
and in this instance, as in many others in the
course of the war, the want of proper intelli-
gence on the part of the Royalists obtained for
the Parliament an important advantage. The
sound of their cannon was the first notice com-
municated to Charles that his enemies were at
hand. Breaking up in some confusion from be-
fore the walls of Gloucester, he retired to New-
bury with the intention of disputing with the
Republican General the road to London. A
battle ensued, which was fought obstinately on
both sides, and ended too with such an equality
of loss, that either party was found to claim a
triumph. The number of slain in the ranks of
Essex was greater than that of his adversaries;
but, as usual, his Majesty was deprived of seve-
ral gallant officers of high rank, whose deaths
136
LIFE OF
would have clouded even the joy of a decided
victory. Among others who fell at Newbury
was the amiable Lord Falkland,
66 a person,
says Clarendon, " of such prodigious learning
and knowledge, of inimitable sweetness and de-
light in conversation, of so obliging a humanity
and goodness to mankind, and of that primitive
simplicity and integrity of life, that, if there
were no other brand upon this odious and ac-
cursed civil war than that single loss, it must be
most infamous and execrable to all posterity."
Both Whitlocke and Rushworth speak of the
circumstances attending Lord Falkland's death.
They relate that in the morning of the fight, he
called for a clean shirt; and being asked the
reason of it, answered jocularly, that if he were
slain in the battle, they should not find his body
in foul linen: but upon being advised by his
friends not to engage, as not being a military
officer, he replied, with an air of sadness, that he
was weary of the times, foresaw much misery to
his country, and did believe he should be out of
it ere night. He could not be persuaded to the
contrary, but entered the battle and was slain.*
About the close of the campaign, which ter-
minated the gloomy year 1643, Cromwell took
Hilsdon House by assault, and for a time kept
Oxford in a state of considerable alarm. By
various achievements, particularly his conduct
at Grantham and Gainsborough, he had so ad-
vanced his military reputation, that public opi-
nion already began to pit him against Prince
Rupert, the most daring leader of the royal
*See Note D.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
137
party. The King, in reply to the remarks of
some one who had suggested that his Majesty
ought to have made an attempt to gain the fa-
vour of so formidable a soldier, is said to have
exclaimed, “I would that some would do me the
good service to bring Cromwell to me alive or
dead!" About this period, he was appointed Go-
vernor of the Isle of Ely, with "the like power
of levying money there for his forces as the Earl
of Manchester had in the associated counties."
ance.
But a new scene was about to open on the
public, ushered in by a treaty between the two
kingdoms, founded on the Solemn League and
Covenant. The progress of the royal armies in
the early part of the year, the defeat of Waller,
and the inactivity of Essex, dictated the neces-
sity of applying to the Scottish nation for assist-
In the month of July, Sir Henry Vane,
Armyn, Hatcher, and Darley, with Marshall, a
Presbyterian, and Nye, an Independent divine,
were dispatched to the North, with full powers
to conclude the negotiation. Both the Conven-
tion of the Estates and the Assembly of the
Kirk had been previously summoned to meet
them; their arrival was celebrated with every
demonstration of delight: and the letters which
they delivered from the English Parliament,
were, according to Principal Baillie, read by
some with shouts of exultation, by others with
tears of joy. At first, the allies of the Parlia-
ment insisted upon acting the part of umpires in
the grand question at issue between them and his
Majesty, and of having the power of dictating
the terms of reconciliation. But finding that this
high ground could not be conceded to them, they
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138
LIFE OF
;
became so much the more determined to secure
the religious interests of their body, and the ex-
tension of their doctrine and discipline over the
whole of the sister church. Vane was obliged
to admit to the deliberations of the commission-
ers a deputation from the General Assembly, led
by their moderator, the celebrated Henderson
and to listen to long harangues on the necessity
about to be imposed on the English Parliament,
army, and inhabitants at large, of signing the
Solemn League and Covenant, as the basis of
the confederation which was solicited by their
brethren in the South. After some discussion,
Sir Henry and his colleagues accepted this con-
dition, and thereby ratified a deed by which the
people of England, Lords and Commons, bind
themselves" to endeavour to bring the churches
of God in the three kingdoms to the nearest
conjunction and uniformity in religion, confes-
sion of faith, form of church government, direc-
tory for worship and catechisms." And they
were also by the same Covenant to “endeavour,
with their estates and lives, mutually to preserve
the rights and privileges of the Parliament and
the liberties of the kingdoms; and to preserve
and defend the King's Majesty's person and au-
thority, in the preservation and defence of the
true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, that
the world might bear witness of their loyalty,
and that they had no thought or intentions to
diminish his Majesty's just power and great-
ness."
This Covenant was taken by both Houses of
Parliament on the 25th of September, in the year
1613. Among others who signed it were the
OLIVER CROMWELL.
139
I
names of Lenthal the speaker, Sir Benjamin
Rudyard, Robert Harley, Oliver Cromwell,
Charles Lord Cranborne, William Lord Fitz-
william, Sir Peter Wentworth, William Lord
Monson, Henry Lord Grey of Ruthin, Sir Na-
thaniel Barnardiston, Thomas Lord Grey of
Groby, Sir Harbottle Grimston, John Dryden,
John Selden, Thomas Lord Wenmon, Bul-
strode Whitelocke, George Montague, Denzil
Holles, and Edward Montague.
The reader, even at this stage, may be incli-
ned to ask in what sense Cromwell could sign a
document which bound him to extend and protect
the interests of a church which he detested; to
preserve the person of a King whom he declared
he would shoot with as little compunction as he
would any other man; and to declare that he
had no thought or intention to diminish his Ma-
jesty's just power and greatness, when he had
already prompted and assisted others in strip-
ping him of nearly all the power which belong-
ed to him as the sovereign of three kingdoms.
Dr Harris answers this question by remarking,
that Cromwell must have taken this oath "in
the same manner as men take many other things,
much against his mind, though he had art enough
then to conceal his dislike: for it cannot be
thought but it must be very disagreeable to him
to be bound to introduce a discipline his large
soul abhorred, and to preserve and defend a
prince whom he was to fight against, and whose
power and greatness were the object of his
dread."
Charles, aware of the efforts which were made
to give to his enemies a decided preponderance
140
LIFE OF
in the field, had recourse to two measures from
which he expected material assistance. He re-
solved to summon a Parliament to meet at Ox-
ford in the month of January, 1644; and at the
same time gave instructions to his deputy in Ire-
land to enter into treaty with the Catholic con-
federates, so as to place at his command the
army which had been raised to check the insur-
gents in that divided country.
In regard to the former step, his success equal-
led his expectations. Forty-three peers and
a hundred and eighteen commoners obeyed his
requisition; expressing their readiness to co-
operate with him, either for the restoration of
peace, or for the more vigorous prosecution of
the war. They entered upon their duties by
sending to the Earl of Essex a letter, subscri-
bed by the members of both Houses, requesting
him to convey to his constituents at Westminster,
their earnest desire that commissioners might be
appointed on both sides to treat of an accommo-
dation. After some dispute in regard to mat-
ters of form and precedency, the popular leaders
consented to bring forward certain propositions
as the basis of an agreement, of which the fol-
lowing is the substance: that the Covenant, with
the obligation of taking it, the reformation of
religion according to its provisions, and the utter
abolition of Episcopacy, should be confirmed by
act of Parliament; that the cessation of the war
in Ireland should, by the same authority, be de-
clared void; that a new oath should be framed
for the discovery of Catholics; that the penal-
ties of recusancy should be strictly enforced;
that the children of Catholics should be educa-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
141
ted Protestants; that certain English Protest-
ants by name, all Papists who had borne arms
against the Parliament, and all Irish rebels, whe-
ther Protestants or Catholics, who had brought
aid to the royal army, should be excepted from
the general pardon; that the debts contracted by
the Parliament should be paid out of the estates
of the delinquents; and that the commanders
of the forces by land and sea, the great officers
of state, the deputy of Ireland and the judges,
should be also named by the Parliament, or the
commissioners of Parliament, to hold their places
during their good behaviour.*
It is obvious from the spirit of these propo-
sals, that the Parliament had no sincere desire
for peace, nor any expectation that the King
would meet them on ground so extremely un-
favourable to his interests. Nor was the dispo-
sition to conciliate more manifest on the part of
the royalists; for both Houses at Oxford had al-
ready declared that the Scots had broken the act
of pacification; that all English subjects who aid-
ed them should be deemed traitors and enemies
of the state; and that the Lords and Commons
remaining at Westminster, who had given their
countenance to the coming in of the Scots, or the
raising of forces under the Earl of Essex, or the
making and using of a new great seal, had com-
mitted high treason, and ought to be proceeded
against as traitors to the King and kingdom.
On the other hand, the few regiments which
*
Lingard, vol. x. p. 242. Journals of Commons,
March 15, &c. Rushworth, vol. v. p. 222–229. Baillie,
vol. ii. 1, 6, 10. Journals, 522.
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LIFE OF
were relieved from duty in Ireland, so far from
proving of any benefit to his Majesty, only con-
tributed to fill the ranks of his opponents. Ha-
ving landed at Mostyn in Wales, they advanced
into the country, without encountering any re-
sistance until they reached Nantwich, the forti-
fications of which effectually checked their pro-
gress; for while they were engaged in prepara-
tions for a siege, Sir Thomas Fairfax attacked
them with a superior force, and entirely disper-
sed their battalions. Nearly two thousand of
the private men passed over to the enemy as
recruits for the Parliament: and among the pri-
soners was Colonel Monk, who, after a short
confinement in the Tower, thought proper to
follow the example of his soldiers, and lend the
aid of his experience to the cause of the Com-
monwealth.
While the Scots, who had crossed the Border
on the 19th of January, 1643, were preparing, in
conjunction with the Earl of Manchester, for the
siege of York, Charles executed in person one
of the ablest manœuvres that were performed in
the course of the war. Essex and Waller, whose
forces, if united, would have amounted to twenty
thousand men, marched in two divisions, with
the intention of shutting up the King in Oxford,
Aware of their intention, and not having more
than seven thousand disposable troops, his Ma-
jesty passed between the hostile corps, and
reached Worcester without the slightest inter-
ruption. Waller undertook to follow him, while
his colleague proceeded with his army into Dor-
setshire. The King made a demonstration as if
he had intended to march towards Shrewsbury;
OLIVER CROMWELL.
143
and when the Parliamentary general, in order
to prevent him, hastened from Broomsgrove to
take possession of that town, he retraced his
steps to Oxford, augmented his numbers, and
attacked some of the enemy's positions in Buck-
inghamshire. Waller, again deceived, returned.
to the banks of the Charwell; and yielding to
resentment rather than to just views of military
expedience, he brought on a battle at Cropredy
Bridge, where he was defeated, with great loss
both of men and of reputation.
But, notwithstanding this advantage, the af-
fairs of the King fell into no small embarrass-
ment. The enemy had acquired great strength
in the North, where the Earl of Manchester,
Fairfax, and Cromwell, with their Scottish al-
lies, had compelled the Marquis of Newcastle to
resign the field, and to seek shelter within the
walls of York. His Majesty, informed of this
alarming state of things, commanded Prince
Rupert, who was pursuing with much success
his wonted career in Lancashire and Cheshire,
to collect his forces, and march for the relief of
the besieged army. The following is an extract
of the letter which on this occasion was sent by
Charles to his nephew, and which certainly ex-
culpates the latter from the charge usually
brought against him of fighting without orders.
"But now I must give you the true state of my
affairs, which, if their condition be such as en-
forces me to give you more peremptory com-
mands than I would willingly do, you must not
take it ill. If York be lost, I shall esteem my
crown little else, unless supported by your sud-
den march to me, and a miraculous conquest in
144
LIFE OF
the south, before the effects of the northern power
be found here: but if York be relieved, and you
beat the rebels' armies of both kingdoms which
are before it, then, but otherwise not, I may pos-
sibly make a shift upon the defensive to spin
out time until you come to assist me. Where-
fore I command, and conjure you, by the duty
and affection which I know you bear me, that,
all new enterprises laid aside, you immediately
march, according to your first intention, with all
your force to the relief of York: but if that be
either lost or have freed themselves from the
besiegers, or that for want of powder you can-
not undertake that work, that you immediately
march with your whole strength to Worcester,
to assist me and my army, without which or your
having relieved York by beating the Scots, all
the successes you can afterwards have most in-
fallibly will be useless unto me.
"
It is probable that the haughty disposition of
Rupert when opposed by a similar temper in
Lord Newcastle, would not permit him to show
this order to his colleague, as a reason for risking
a battle before York; else it is impossible that
the historians of that period could have con-
demned the Prince for an obstinate adherence
to his own opinion on this head, or that the
Marquis and some other general officers should
have been so much offended as to leave Eng-
land, and thereby expose the royal cause in the
north to certain ruin.
We are now to describe the battle of Marston-
Moor, the effects of which were universally felt
* Evelyn's Memoirs, vol. v. octavo edition, p. 121.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
145
in establishing the power of Parliament in the
first instance, and ultimately in placing the for-
tunes of England in the hands of Oliver Crom-
well. In fact, the rise of that distinguished sol-
dier may be dated from this period; for although
he had in the course of the preceding year given
unquestionable proofs of his courage and ability,
yet as he occupied only a very subordinate rank,
the merit of his exploits was in some degree ne-
cessarily transferred to the chiefs under whom he
served. But his conduct at Marston-Moor rai-
sed him to higher ground, and enabled him to
urge pretensions which his former superiors
could not resist, and to practise arts, of which,
in spite of their station and influence, they be-
came successively the victims. So many ac-
counts have been given of this memorable en-
gagement, and so much has party spirit been
awakened by the claims of the several com-
manders who figured in it, that it has become
extremely difficult to ascertain the movements
of the troops on either side, and to assign to each
of the confederate armies its exact share of the
glory which their united efforts secured. The
following details, recorded by a writer in the
Mercurius Britannicus, a weekly journal, pub-
lished a few days after the action, and which
appear to have been supplied by an eye-witness,
are perhaps the fullest and most impartial that
have come down to our times.
"I cannot let pass that glorious victory with-
out drawing up the battle once again into their
several brigades. General Lesley gave order
for drawing up of the battle. The right wing of
horse was entrusted to Sir Thomas Fairfax, a
VOL. I.
M
146
LIFE OF
man of known valour and resolution; it did con-
sist of his whole cavalry and three regiments of
the Scottish horse, commanded by the Earl of
Dalhousie, Earl of Eglinton, and Lord Balgony.
Next unto them was drawn up the right wing
of the foot, consisting of the Lord Fairfax's foot,
and two brigades of the Scottish horse for a re-
serve. In the main battle were the regiments
of the Earl of Lindsay, Lord Maitland, Earl of
Cassilis and Kilheads, and two brigades of the
Earl of Manchester's; in the reserve was the
Earl of Backlugh's (Buccleuch's) regiment, the
Earl of Loudon's, Earl of Dumfermling's, Lord
Couper's, General Hamilton's, general of the
artillery, the Edinburgh regiment, and a brigade
of Manchester's. Upon the left wing of horse
was the Earl of Manchester's whole cavalry, un-
der the command of Lieutenant-General Crom-
well, and three regiments of Scottish horse,
commanded by Major-General Lesley; and upon
their left hand, near a cross ditch, where the
enemy had a regiment of foot, were placed the
Scottish dragoons, under the command of Co-
lonel Frizell. Orders being given to advance,
the battle was led on by General Hambleton,
Lieutenant-General Baillie, and Major-General
Crawford; the reserve being committed to the
trust of Major-General Lumsdain. There was
a great ditch between the enemy and us, which
ran along the front of the battle; only between
the Earl of Manchester's foot and the enemy
there was a plain. In this ditch the enemy had
placed four brigades of their best foot, which,
upon the advance of our battle, were forced to
give ground, being gallantly assaulted by the
1
OLIVER CROMWELL.
147
Earl of Lindsay's regiment, the Lord Maitland's,
Cassilis's, and Kilhead's. Major-General Craw-
ford, having overwinged the enemy, set upon
their flank, and did very good execution, which
gave occasion to the Scottish foot to advance and
pass the ditch. The right wing of our foot had
several misfortunes, for betwixt them and the
enemy there was no passage but at a narrow lane,
where they could not march above three or four
in front. Upon the one side of the lane was a
ditch, and on the other a hedge, both whereof
were lined with musqueteers: notwithstanding
Sir Thomas Fairfax charged gallantly, but the
enemy keeping themselves in a body, and recei-
ving them by threes and fours as they marched
out of the lane; and (by what mistake I know
not) Sir Thomas Fairfax's new levied regiments
being in the van, they wheeled about, and being
hotly pursued by the enemy, came back upon
the Lord Fairfax's foot, and the reserve of the
Scottish foot, broke them wholly, and trode the
most of them to the ground.
"Sir Thomas Fairfax, Colonel Lambert, and
Sir Thomas his brother, with five or six troops,
charged through the enemy, and went to the
left wing of horse. The two squadrons of Bal-
gony's regiment being divided by the enemy
each from the other, one of them being lancers,
charged a regiment of the enemy's foot, and
put them wholly to the route, and afterwards
joined with the left wing of horse; the other by
another way went also to the left wing. The
Earl of Eglinton's regiment maintained their
ground (most of the enemy's going on in pursuit
of the horse and foot that fled), but with the loss
148
LIFE OF
of four lieutenants; the lieutenant-colonel, the
major, and Eglinton's son being deadly wounded.
Sir Charles Lucas and Major-General Porter
having thus divided all our horse on that wing,
assaulted the Scottish foot upon their flanks, so
that they had the foot upon their front, and the
whole cavalry of the enemy's left wing to fight
with, whom they encountered with so much
courage and resolution that, having interlined
their musqueteers with pikemen, they made the
enemy's horse, notwithstanding all the assist-
ance they had of their foot, at two several as-
saults, to give ground; and in this hot dispute
with both they continued almost an hour, and still
maintaining their ground. Lieutenant-General
Baillie, and Major-General Lumsdain, (who both
gave good evidence of their courage and skill,)
perceiving the greatest weight of the battle to
lie sore upon the Earl of Lindsay's and Lord
Maitland's regiment, sent up a reserve to their
assistance, after which the enemy's horse, having
made a third assault upon them, had almost put
them in some disorder, but that the Earl of
Lindsay and Lieutenant-Colonel Pitscotty be-
haved themselves so gallantly, that they quick-
ly made the enemy's horse to retreat, killed Sir
Charles Lucas's horse, took him prisoner, and
gained ground upon the foot.
"The Scottish dragoons that were placed
upon the left wing, by the good managing of
Colonel Frizell, acted their part so well, that at
the first assault, they beat the enemy from the
ditch, and shortly after killed a great many, and
put the rest to the route. Lieutenant-General
Cromwell charged Prince Rupert's horse with
OLIVER CROMWELL.
149
1
exceeding great resolution, and maintained the
charge with no less valour. Major-General
Lesley charged the Earl of Newcastle's brigade
of Whitecoats, and cut them wholly off, forty
excepted, who were made prisoners; and after
them charged a brigade of Greencoats, whereof
they cut off a great number, and put the rest to
the route. This service being performed, he
charged the enemy's horse (with whom Lieu-
tenant-General Cromwell was engaged) upon
the flank, and in a very short space the enemy's
whole cavalry was routed, on whom our fore
troops did much execution to the walls of York,
but our body of horse kept their ground. Lieu-
tenant-General Cromwell, and Major-General
Lesley, having joined, and receiving advertise-
ment that our foot was engaged with the ene-
my's horse and foot, marched to their assistance,
and met with the enemy's horse (being retreat-
ed from the repulse which they had from the
Scottish foot) at the same place of disadvantage
where they had routed our horse formerly; and
indeed their success was answerable, if not
much worse, for we routed them wholly, killed
and took their chief officers, and most part of
their standards. After which we set upon the
rear of their foot, and with the assistance of our
main battle, which all this time stood firm, we
put them wholly to the route, killed many, and
took their officers and colours, and by this time
we had no enemy in the field. We took all
their ordnance, being in number twenty-five,
near a hundred and thirty barrels of powder,
besides what was blown up by the common sol-
M 2
150
LIFE OF
diers, above a hundred colours, and ten thou-
sand arms, besides two waggons of carbines and
pistols of spare arms. There were killed upon
the place three thousand, whereof, upon a judi-
cious view of the dead bodies, two parts ap-
peared to be gentlemen and officers. There
were fifteen hundred prisoners taken, whereof
were Sir C. Lucas, Major-General Porter, and
Major-General Tellier, besides diverse colonels,
lieutenant-colonels, and majors. The loss upon
our part, blessed be God, is not great, being of
only one lieutenant-colonel, some few captains,
and not three hundred common soldiers."*
The reader will excuse the amplification which
encumbers the narrative now given, when he
calls to mind that Cromwell's behaviour at Mar-
ston-Moor, while it laid the foundation of his
power, has also been made the ground of an
impeachment upon his personal courage. Lord
Hollis, after remarking, that without the aid of
the Scots, the victory of the 2d of July would
not have been gained, adds, " for however Lieu-
tenant-General Cromwell had the impudence to
assume much of the honour of it to himself, or
rather, Herod-like, to suffer others to magnify
and adore him for it, those who did the princi-
pal service that day, were Major-General Les-
Îy, who commanded the Scottish horse, Major-
General Crawford, who was Major-General to
the Earl of Manchester's brigade, and Sir Tho-
mas Fairfax, who, under his father, commanded
the northern brigade. But my friend Cromwell
* Mer. Brit. 8th July, quoted from "Cromwelliana,”
pp. 9, 10.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
151
had neither part nor lot in the business: For I
have several times heard it from Crawford's own
mouth, (and I think I shall not be mistaken if
I say Cromwell himself has heard it from him ;
for he once said it aloud in Westminster Hall
when Cromwell passed by him, with a design
he might hear it,) that when the whole army at
Marston-Moor was in a fair possibility to be
utterly routed, and a great part of it running,
he saw the body of horse of that brigade stand-
ing still, and, to his seeming, doubtful which
way to charge, backward or forward; when he
came up to them in a great passion, reviling
them with the names of poltroons and cowards,
and asked them if they would stand still and see
the day lost? Whereupon Cromwell showed
himself, and in a pitiful voice said, Major-Ge-
neral, what shall I do?' He, (begging pardon
for what he said, not knowing he was there,
towards whom he knew his distance as to his
superior officer,) told him, Sir, if you charge
not, all is lost." Cromwell answered he was
wounded, and was not able to charge; (his
great wound being a little burn in the neck by
the accidental going off behind him of one of his
soldiers' pistols,) then Crawford desired him to
go off the field, and sending one away with him,
(who very readily followed wholesome advice,)
led them on himself, which was not the duty of
his place, and as little for Cromwell's honour as
it proved to be much for the advancement of
his and his party's designs. This I have but
by relation, yet I easily believe it upon the cre-
dit of the reporter, who was a man of honour,
6
152
LIFE OF
that was not ashamed or afraid to publish it in
all places."*
We should place very little confidence in this
accusation, urged, as it is, by one who was ani-
mated with the most violent personal dislike to
Cromwell, did we not find the same charge re-
corded by Principal Baillie, in a letter written
at London about a month after the action.
"The men," says he, meaning the Sectaries, as
he was used to call them, "are exceeding active
in their own way. They strive to advance
Cromwell for their head. They ascribe to him
the victory of York, but most unjustly; for
Humbie assures us, that Prince Rupert's first
charge falling upon him, did humble him so
that if David Lesley had not supported him, he
had fled. Skeldon Crawford, who had a regi-
ment of dragoons in that wing, upon his oath
assured me, that, at the beginning of the fight
Cromwell got a little wound on the neck which
made him retire, so that he was not so much as
present at the service; but his troopers were led
on by David Lesley."
At a still earlier period, indeed, that is, four-
teen days after the battle, Baillie writes to a
friend, who appears to have accompanied the
Scottish auxiliaries into Yorkshire, in the fol-
lowing terms: "We were both grieved and
angry that your Independents there should have
sent up Major Harrison to trumpet over all the
city their own praises to our prejudice; making
all believe that Cromwell alone, with his un-
* Memoirs of Denzil. Lord Hollis, p. 15. Baillie,
vol. ii. p. 49.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
153
speakably valorous regiments, had done all that
service; that the most of us fled, and that those
who staid, fought so and so as it might be. We
were much vexed with these reports, against
which you were not pleased, any of you, to in-
struct us with any answer, until Lindsay's let-
ters came at last, and Captain Stewart with his
colours. Then we sent abroad our printed re-
lations, and could lift up our face. But within
three days, Mr Ash's relation was also printed,
which gives us many good words, but gives
much more to Cromwell than, we are informed,
is his due."
In truth, it appears that the Independents
were determined to ascribe the merit of the
victory to their favourite champion; while the
Presbyterians, on the other hand, were equally
resolved to bestow the laurels of the day upon
Major-General Lesley. Both these officers, at
the head of their respective bodies of cavalry,
repulsed the Royalists under Prince Rupert ; in
the course of which service, it is probable that
Cromwell received a wound, which disabled him
from leading on his troops in the final charge
when their antagonists attempted to rally. We
are the more confirmed in this opinion, by the
very remarkable circumstance, that the rumour
of Cromwell's absence in the last attack was
circulated at London within a few days after the
engagement, a space of time which could hardly
afford to his enemies an opportunity for fabri-
cating a story altogether without foundation.
The same fact is repeated by Salmonet, Laing,
and others; hence it is probable that Cromwell
retired from the second conflict to have his wound
154
LIFE OF
dressed, while his brigade was led on by Craw-
ford or Lesley to the charge.*
But the world has been so much accustomed
to hear insinuations against the personal bra-
very of the most distinguished commanders, that
surmises similar to those which have been cir-
culated in regard to Cromwell, no longer make
any impression. Ludlow, who was by no means
favourable to the reputation of his brother offi-
cer, acknowledges that the victory, which had
been most obstinately disputed, was, in the end,
obtained by Cromwell's brigade; and such, it
may be added, is the testimony of the greater
number of authors who have written the military
history of that eventful period.
It is worthy of remark, that part of the ob-
scurity which hangs over the events of Marston-
Moor, has been created by a contemptible feel-
ing of national jealousy, which, even at the pre-
sent day, is not altogether extinguished. Lord
Clarendon, who hated the Scots, labours through-
out his whole history to represent them as ex-
cessively deficient in all the martial virtues, and
as never being able to withstand au onset of his
countrymen in the field of battle. Some allow-
ance may, perhaps, be made for the irritated
feelings of a royalist, who knew well that the
opposition to the government of Charles the
First, which ended in the dissolution of monar-
chy, originated in Scotland; that it was con-
stantly fomented by the disaffected in that coun-
try; and that their army at length assisted in
Salmonet, Hist. p. 160. Laing, History of Scotland,
vol. iii. p. 269.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
155
accomplishing the object to which their princi-
ples first attracted the attention of the political
Puritans in the south. But what shall be said
in defence of a modern author, who, to gratify
a passion which is only pardonable in a school-
boy, has for that purpose had recourse to means
of which even a schoolboy would be ashamed?
Dr Lingard quotes the language of Clarendon,
who says
"that the Scots fled all ways for many
miles together, and their general, the Earl of
Leven, was taken into custody by a constable,
and detained part of the next day.' "This," ob-
serves the Doctor, "has been described as a
falsehood and misrepresentation; but," he adds,
6.
yet there was some foundation for it, as ap-
pears from Baillie, who acknowledges that Les-
ley took to his heels." He gives the clause
"took to his heels," as the very words of the
Principal, and marks them, too, with the usual
signs of a quotation. But, in truth, Baillie does
not anywhere make use of the expression which
is here attributed to him. On the contrary, the
terms which he employs convey a much more
sweeping charge, and involve the reputation of
greater men than even Lord Leven. He says,
"there were three Generals on each side, Lesley,
Fairfax, and Manchester; Rupert, Newcastle,
and King. Within half an hour and less, all six
took them to their heels." Dr Lingard conceals
the flight of five heroes, because they were not
Scotsmen, and lays the disgrace upon Lesley
alone, because he had the misfortune to be born
north of the Tweed !*
But the above is not enough; he quotes from Baillie
156
LIFE OF
It is not without reluctance that I interrupt
the narrative to notice such disingenuous pal-
tering. History, at the best, is in many respects
a fable, a record of mistakes and prejudices;
two clauses belonging to separate sentences, at the distance
of four pages, which he applies to the Principal's country-
men, whom he is determined to cover with shame, and ad-
duces as a proof of the accuracy of Clarendon's strictures
on the Scottish nation. The words are,
"when so many
with cowardice fell in disgrace worse than death." Now, so
far from being exclusively applicable to the Scottish army,
the author of the letter, a few lines above, shows distinct-
ly what was the import of his observation. He says to
his friend, CC
see by this inclosed, (an account of the battle)
if the whole victory, both in the right and left wing, be
not ascribed to Cromwell, and not a word of David Les-
ley, who in all places that day was his leader. If his re-
ports of Manchester be true, you know the flight of some
is worse and more shameful than death.” Dr Lingard
has penetration enough to perceive that Baillie's remark
had an object very different from the one which he assigns
to it; but he knows, at the same time, that many of his
readers will take him at his word-a security, by the way,
which is becoming every successive month of less value.
“Baillie,” says he, " acknowledges that Lesley took to his
heels-only Eglinton kept ground there to his great loss."
Here again the object is to deceive-to make the reader
conclude that all the Scots ran away except Lord Eglin-
ton. But what is the fact as stated by Baillie? His
words are—“ the disadvantage of the ground, and violence
of the flower of Prince Rupert's horse, carried all our
right wing down; only Eglinton kept ground there to his
great loss."
Now of what was the right wing composed,
which was thus carried down by the impetuosity of Ru-
pert? It was composed first of Sir Thomas Fairfax's
whole cavalry, with three regiments of Scottish horse,
under Dalhousie, Eglinton, and Balgony; and secondly,
of Lord Fairfax's foot, and two brigades of Scottish in-
fantry as a reserve.
Hence it is clear the greater part of
OLIVER CROMWELL.
157
:
but in the hands of men who studiously corrupt
authorities, and openly pervert the plainest state-
ments, history must become a chronicle of lies.
He that is faithful in that which is least, is
faithful also in much and he who, in order to
minister to a national vanity, now become child-
ish and obsolete, can represent an author as
recording the very reverse of what he has set
down, will not, it may be presumed, when he
has more important objects to accomplish, hesi-
tate to use greater freedoms with less accessible
documents. Principal Baillie, in fact, so far
from acknowledging the slackness of his coun-
trymen at Marston-Moor, or deploring their
cowardice as more painful than death, boldly
claims for them the merit of having turned the
fortune of the field. " Lindsay," says he, “had
the greatest hazard of any; but the beginning
of the victory was from David Lesley, who be-
fore was much suspected of evil designs; he with
the Scots and Cromwell's horse, having the ad-
vantage of the ground, did dissipate all before
them.'
The effects of this great triumph achieved by
the Parliamentary forces, were sensibly felt
throughout the remainder of the campaign.
York and Newcastle very soon fell into the
the right wing were English; and it is well known be-
sides, that it was the tumultuous retreat of Fairfax's raw
horsemen which threw that division of the army into con-
fusion, and trode down in their haste the foot soldiers of
their northern allies. It was in the same right wing that
Eglinton kept his ground to his great loss, after Fairfax's
whole cavalry had turned their backs to the enemy, and
were galloping off through the lines of their friends.
VOL. I.
N
5
158
LIFE OF
hands of the victors; and the power of the King,
northwards of the river Trent, was so much re-
duced, as to deprive him of all hope of ever re-
covering, at the point of the sword, the valuable
counties which were thus wrested from him.
He had already determined to march with the
remains of his fine army into the west, where his
strongest positions were threatened by Essex ;
who, contrary to the wishes of his employers,
had resolved to advance into that quarter to re-
lieve certain towns which the royalists continued
to invest. Lime, at that period besieged by
Prince Maurice, was the main object of conten-
tion. The celebrated Blake distinguished him-
self in its defence, and enabled the small garri-
son to hold out until the approach of the Lord
General compelled the assailants to retire. Ha-
ving accomplished this object, Essex marched
against Weymouth, which surrendered to him at
the first summons. He then resolved to bring
Maurice to a general action, but the Prince,
whose numbers were not equal to those of the
enemy, continued his retreat towards the bor-
ders of Cornwall.
The King, meantime, having dispersed the
troops of Waller at Cropredy Bridge, found him-
self at liberty to follow the insurgents,and to watch
the motions of this general. He accordingly left
Oxford ten days after the defeat of Rupert, and
passing through Bath and Ilchester, entered the
capital of Devonshire on the 26th of July. The
Earl, upon hearing of the advance of the royal
army, resolved to turn on his steps, and give
battle to his Majesty on the banks of the Severn;
but he is said to have been dissuaded from adopt-
J
OLIVER CROMWELL.
159
ing this plan by the entreaties of some gentle-
men who had estates in Cornwall, and who were
desirous to save them from the ravages of Prince
Maurice. No part of England was better affect-
ed to Charles than that remote county. Sir Ed-
ward Walker remarks, that it was not till now
they "were sensible of the great and extraordi-
nary advantage the rebels have over his Majes-
ty's armies by intelligence, (the life of all war-
like actions,) and which by the loyalty of this
people, the rebels here were utterly deprived of;
no country in his Majesty's dominions being so
universally affected to his Majesty and his cause;
which, for my part, I shall never ascribe either
to a greater measure of judgment, or to more
humanity than others have, but unto that obedi-
ence to their superiors which the rest have cast
off. For the gentry of this country retain their
old possessions, their old tenants, and expect
from them their ancient reverence and obedience.
And give me leave to say, if many of the nobi-
lity and gentry of this unhappy kingdom had
not fallen from the lustre, honour, and virtue of
their ancestors, and by their luxury been neces-
sitated to manumise their villains, but had paid
that awful reverence to the majesty and great-
ness of their sovereign as they ought, they might
have expected the same proportionably from
their inferiors and tenants: and instead of ha-
ving them their companions, or rather masters,
as they now are, they might have had them their
servants; and then I believe this war, which,
under pretence of religion and liberties, is to in-
troduce heresy in doctrine, parity in conditions,
160
LIFE OF
and to destroy the King, nobility, and gentry,
in all probability had not been."*
On the 2d of August, the King and his ne-
phew joined their forces at Launceston; while
Essex fixed his head-quarters at Lestwithiel.
When in this position, his Majesty, who was no
stranger to the pacific intentions of the Earl, as
indicated by the letter which he had addressed the
preceding year to the House of Peers, made an
attempt to open a negotiation with him. The
following communication shows the temper of
Charles, and his eagerness to bring to a close the
unhappy struggle in which he was engaged with
a class of men who, whatever were their origi-
nal intentions, were now ready to overstep the
bounds which divide the love of country from
the pursuits of personal ambition.
"Essex, I have been very willing to believe,
that whenever there should be such a conjunc-
ture as to put it in your power to effect that
happy settlement of this miserable kingdom
which all good men desire, you would lay hold
of it. That season is now before you: you have
it at this time in your power to redeem your
country and the crown, and to oblige your King
in the highest degree; an action certainly of the
greatest piety, prudence, and honour that may
be; such an opportunity as perhaps no subject
before hath ever had, or hereafter you shall have.
To which there is no more required but that you
join with me heartily and really in the settling
of those things which we have both professed
constantly to be our only aim. Let us do this;
* His Majesty's Happy Progress in 1644, p. 50.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
161
and if any men shall be so foolishly unnatural as
to oppose their King's, country's, and their own
good, we will make them happy, by God's bles-
sing, even against their wills. To this the only
impediment can be want of mutual confidence:
I promise it you of my part, and as I have en-
deavoured to prepare it on yours by my letter
to Hertford from Evesham, I hope this will
perfect it, when, as I here do, I have engaged unto
you the word of a king, that you, joining with
me in that blessed work, I shall give both to you
and your army such eminent marks of my con-
fidence and value, as shall not leave a room for the
least distrust among you, either in relation to the
public or to yourself, unto whom I shall then be
your faithful friend.-Postscript. If you like of
this, hearken to this bearer, whom I have fully
instructed in particulars: But this will admit
of no delay. Liskerd, the 6th August 1644.”*
If
Essex made no reply to the above communi-
cation. Three days after it was sent, some
"busie spirit," as Sir Edward describes him, pre-
pared another letter to the Earl, to be signed by
the principal officers of the united army.
The King discovered the project of his inju-
dicious friend before the epistle was actually
forwarded to the head-quarters of the enemy;
but to satisfy all the world of his real desires
for peace, he was pleased to give way, that it
should be subscribed and sent." The answer
from the General was conceived in these terms:
"My Lords, in the beginning of your letter you
express by what authority you send it. I ha-
* IIistorical Discourses, p. 52.
N 2
162
LIFE OF
ving no power by the Parliament, who have
employed me, to treat, cannot give way to it
without breach of trust."
Having no longer any hope of finishing the
war by treaty, his Majesty gave orders to nar-
row the quarters of his antagonist, and to cut off
his supplies. Being certain that, unless provi-
sions were brought by sea, the parliamentary
forces would soon be reduced to the necessity
of yielding at discretion, he rejected the oppor-
tunities which were repeatedly offered to him of
coming to a general action. His hopes at length
were realized, for Essex, after instructing his
cavalry to make their way through the enemy's
lines, embarked on the 27th of August with
some of his principal officers, and left the infan-
try to their fate. The King imposed upon them
no severer conditions than that they should lay
down their arms; neglecting even the usual pre-
caution of binding them not to serve against him
during the war.
The Parliament behaved with great magna-
nimity on this occasion. Instead of upbraiding
Essex, who, in exposing himself to the disaster
by which he had been overtaken, disobeyed a
positive order issued by the Committee of both
kingdoms, the Houses thanked him for his past
services, expressed their conviction of his un-
shaken fidelity, and assured him of their conti-
nued affection to his person. At the same time
they gave instructions that his army, horse and
foot, should be reimbodied in the neighbourhood
of Portsmouth and Southampton, and amply sup-
plied with every thing which might be thought
requisite to fit them once more for immediate ser-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
163
vice. Waller, whose battalions had been recrui-
ted, and who was on the point of marching for
the west, was directed to co-operate with Essex;
while Manchester and Cromwell, who had retired
into the associated counties, were commanded
to bring up their forces, that they might assem-
ble under the same leader, and attack Charles
on his return from Cornwall to Oxford.
The King, who was desirous, before the ap-
proach of winter, to relieve the garrisons of
Basing-House, Banbury, and Dennington castle,
concentrated his troops in the vicinity of these
posts, and established his head-quarters at New-
bury. The parliament's army made haste to at-
tack him; and as Essex, at that instant, labour-
ed under a fit of sickness, the command was in-
trusted to the next senior officer, the Earl of
Manchester. The conflict was fierce, and ex-
tremely obstinate. The soldiers who had laid
down their arms in Cornwall, eager to wipe off
the disgrace which stained their professional re-
putation, urged the combat with the greatest
fury; and having retaken some of the cannon
which, on that occasion, they had been obliged
to surrender, they are said to have embraced
them with tears of joy. Cromwell, who com-
manded the cavalry in this battle, added to the
high character which his former exploits had
merited, and defeated the enemy wherever he
had an opportunity of leading his Ironsides to
the charge. Night, it has been insinuated, saved
the royalists from a complete discomfiture; while
the general on the other side, either from un-
due caution, or from personal jealousy, checked
the ardour of his troops when about to follow
up their advantage. Cromwell, a short time
164
LIFE OF
afterwards, declared in Parliament that Man-
chester had neglected a favourable opportunity
of bringing the war to a close by a total defeat.
"I showed him evidently," said the commander
of the cavalry, "how this success might be ob-
tained; and only desired leave with my own
brigade of horse, to charge the King's army in
their retreat, leaving it in the Earl's choice, if
he thought proper, to remain neutral with the
rest of his forces. But, notwithstanding my
importunity, he positively refused his consent
and gave no other reason, but that if we met with
a defeat, there was an end of our pretensions-
we should all be rebels and traitors, and be exe-
cuted and forfeited by law."
;
Upon leaving the field of Newbury, the King
placed his ordnance in Dennington castle, and
thereafter pursued his march to Oxford. Being
joined by Prince Rupert, he returned in a few days
to carry away his guns, and, if it should prove
necessary, to try the fortune of arms once more
against his adversaries. Manchester, although
he saw himself thus defied, did not think proper
to renew the contest without more certain hopes
of success; for which reason he quietly allowed
the royal army to remove their cannon, and
thereby to convert the opprobrium of defeat in-
to the triumph of victory. Charles, having con-
centrated his forces under the eye of his enemy,
and afforded a temporary relief to the beleaguer-
ed garrisons in the neighbourhood, returned to
Oxford, where he meant to fix his winter quar-
ters, and to await the issue of farther negotia-
tions.
Meanwhile the affairs of the Parliament were
brought to the brink of ruin, not by their losses
OLIVER CROMWELL.
165
in the field, nor by the failure of their pecuniary
resources, but by dissensions among their prin-
cipal generals. Essex and Waller, so far from
co-operating together in the common cause, ap-
peared to take satisfaction in each other's re-
verses. At Cropredy Bridge, the latter was de-
feated, while his colleague remained inactive at
the head of a powerful force; and when the
other was compelled to surrender in the west a
fine army to the King, Waller is charged with
creating delay in the vicinity of the capital, in-
stead of flying to his assistance with the troops
which had been collected for that purpose. But
a misunderstanding still more formidable had
arisen in the military councils of Manchester.
His lieutenant-general, ever since the success at
Marston-Moor, had continued to entertain suspi-
cions as to the ulterior views of his commanding
officer; who, he apprehended, like others of the
nobility, was not disposed to push the war any
farther, nor to sink the King below the level on
which he might make an equitable arrangement
with his subjects. Cromwell alleged, "that
Manchester had always been backward to en-
gagements in battle, and against ending the war.
by the sword, and had been an advocate for such
a peace to which a victory in the field would
have been an obstacle: that since the taking of
York, (as if he thought the King was now low
enough and the Parliament too high,) he had
declined and shifted off whatever tended to far-
ther advantage upon the enemy, and especially
at Dennington castle: that before his conjunc-
tion with the other armies, he had drawn his
army into and detained it in such situations, as
166
LIFE OF
were favourable to the enemy's designs, against
many commands of the committee of both king-
doms, and with contempt and vilifying of the
commands and since, sometimes against the
council of war, and sometimes deluding the coun-
cil, had neglected one opportunity with pretence
of another, and that again of a third, and at last
persuading them that it was better not to fight
at all."*
There can be little doubt that there was some
ground for the accusation thus brought against
Manchester. The aristocracy at large already
perceived that their order was contemned by the
commons, and that, in the event of farther success
against the King, there was great hazard of its
being finally abolished. Early in the contest,
indeed, the Lower House manifested a determi-
nation to place themselves on a footing of equal-
ity with the Peers. Secretary Nicholas, in wri-
ting to his master while in Scotland, relates, that
"the Committees of both Houses met this after-
noon at a conference; they were all bare-head-
ed during the conference, both Lords and Com-
mons, by a private intimation; but if the Lords
should have put on their hats, the Commons
were resolved to have done so likewise."+ For
these reasons, we may without hesitation believe
the leaders of the popular party when they assure
us that the noble commanders were more desi-
rous to accommodate matters with the King, than
to elevate, by a succession of triumphs, the de-
mocratical power of the state, which already
menaced with extinction both the others.
* Rushworth, vol. v. p. 732.
Evelyn, vol. v. p. 46.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
167
Cromwell, from the very first, had attached
himself to the thorough reformers; that class of
men among whom were Vane, St John, Ireton,
and Marten, who imagined that the grievances.
of the nation could not be redressed so long as
the regal authority was permitted to remain.
Hence it followed, that the views and interests
of the lieutenant-general were decidedly opposed
to those of the nobleman under whom he served;
and as the success of the one party was incom-
patible with the safety of the other, it is not
surprising that they should have quarrelled.
Two great obstacles stood in the way of the
Republicans, which it now became their princi-
pal study to remove; namely, the power of the
privileged classes, and the political principles of
the Scottish nation. As to the latter, apparent-
ly the most formidable, it could only be over-
come by dismissing the army under the Earl of
Leven; while the former was to be more art-
fully counteracted by introducing the famous
Self-denying Ordinance.
There is no doubt that the Scots, however in-
consistent with their principles their actual con-
duct may be deemed, were sincere in their pro-
fessions of supporting the monarchy, and even
of preserving the person of Charles. Their Co-
venant announced in the most open and promi-
nent manner their resolution to effect these two
objects; and, as it has been already observed,
they refused to grant assistance to the English
Parliament, except on the express condition that
all the members of both Houses, and every officer
in the public service, should place themselves un-
der the same obligation. Cromwell, amongst the
168
LIFE OF
;
rest, put his name to that celebrated document
and, perhaps, when his views began to expand
with his military fame, he could not but feel
that, by his signature, he had bound himself to
accomplish the very things which he was least
desirous to see fulfilled. He contracted a great
dislike to the Scots, who were, it is probable, too
much disposed to assume a dictating tone in all
matters connected with religion; and he is ac-
cordingly reported to have said that he would
as soon draw his sword against them as against
the soldiers of the King. At all events, their
principles were diametrically opposed to the
projects which seem to have been already en-
tertained by the majority of his friends, inas-
much as these unequivocally implied the exist-
ence of a constitutional monarchy, as well as of
an established church.
Cromwell, who at that period was friendly to
neither, bestowed his countenance upon the In-
dependents, a body of Christians of recent origin
in England, and whose distinguishing tenets
may be identified with the two propositions, that
every congregation constitutes a separate church,
and that the pastors, as they are elected by their
flocks, so ought they to derive their maintenance
from the private contributions of the faithful.
The opinions of this class of professors, as they
disclaimed the expediency of an establishment,
were the most convenient for such of the parlia-
mentary leaders as meditated a radical change
in the constitution of the English goverument.
It has been usual to ascribe to his love of liberty
in all its forms, and more especially of an entire
freedom of conscience, the attachment which
OLIVER CROMWELL.
169
Oliver showed to the ecclesiastical polity of the
Independents; but it will be found, upon a mi-
nuter inspection into his character and motives,
that he was not particularly sensitive in regard to
the abstract rights of mankind; and that his pre-
ference of the congregational model arose from
its easy adaptation to his political views, rather
than from its more liberal spirit, or its closer re-
semblance to the practice of primitive times. It
must not be concealed, however, that the dread
of an inquisitorial power vested in any clerical
corporation, however orthodox, had carried the
minds of many well-instructed persons to accede
to the moderate pretensions of the Independ-
ents; "who," says Lord Clarendon, “ were more
learned and rational than the Presbyterians, and
though they had not so great congregations of
the common people, yet they infected, and were
followed by the most substantial and wealthy
citizens, as well as by others of better condition."
But an opportunity will occur hereafter for en-
quiring into the principles of toleration which
prevailed at that important crisis of our history;
and as our business at present is with Cromwell
and his political allies, we shall proceed to state
the measures which he adopted to realize their
favourite objects-the fall of the monarchy, and
the elevation of the popular branch of the go-
vernment.
Before the Earl of Manchester and his Lieu-
tenant-General proceeded to intercept the re-
treat of Charles from Cornwall to Oxford,—the
movement which brought on the second battle of
Newbury,-Cromwell, who had discovered that
VOL. I.
170
LIFE OF
his friends, the Independents, ran the risk of being
finally vanquished in the Assembly of Divines,
made and carried a motion in the Lower House,
that the "Committee of Lords and Commons
appointed to treat with the Commissioners from
Scotland, and the Committee of the Assembly,
should take into consideration the differences in
opinion of the members of the Assembly in point
of church government, and endeavour a union, if
it were possible; and in case that could not be
done, that they should essay to find out some
methods by which tender consciences, who could
not in all things submit to the common rule which
might be established, might be borne with, con-
sistently with Scripture and the public peace, that
so the proceedings of the Assembly might not
be so much retarded.'
The success which attended this proposal
shows clearly that many of the members of the
House of Commons, who were originally Pres-
byterians, must have seen reason to change their
sentiments on the article of church polity. Essex,
Manchester, and the chief officers in both armies,
continued, however, to support that system, on
the ground that it was not incompatible with the
restoration of the King to the exercise of his
authority, nor with the rank and privileges of
the Peers as hereditary advisers of the crown.
In fact, it was at this precise period that the
character of the Civil War underwent that great
change, which immediately afterwards induced
the armies of the Parliament to fight, not for the
liberties of the nation, but for the ascendency of
* Baillie, vol. ii. p. 61. Journal of Commons, sub ann.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
171
a party who were already grasping at the reins
of government.
The designs of Cromwell did not, indeed,
escape the suspicion of Lord Essex, nor of the
Scottish Commissioners. The former, it is true,
had taken some personal offence at his report
to Parliament respecting the battle of Newbury,
in which he seemed to lay more blame on the
officers of his lordship's army, than on those
who had served under Manchester and Waller.
The Scots, in like manner, were displeased with
him, both on account of his aversion to Presby-
terianism, and of some expressions which he had
used derogatory, as they thought, to the honour
of their nation. But it
But it may be presumed, that
their fears and aversion had a more worthy ob-
ject than any that could arise from their indi-
vidual interests; and when they took counsel
whether they might not denounce him as an in-
cendiary, candour requires of us to believe that
they were influenced by the higher motives of
patriotism and public justice. Whitelocke gives
an interesting account of a conference which was
held on that subject in the presence of Essex,
and of the result in which their deliberations
terminated.
"One evening very late, Maynard and I were
sent for by the Lord-General to Essex-House,
and there was no excuse to be admitted, nor did
we know beforehand the occasion of our being
sent for. When we came to Essex-House, we
were brought to the Lord-General, and with
him were the Scots Commissioners, Mr Holles,
Sir Philip Stapylton, Sir John Meyrick, and di-
verse others of his special friends. After com-
172
LIFE OF
pliments, and that all were sat down in council,
the Lord-General requested the Lord Chancellor
of Scotland to explain the object of the meeting,
when the latter spoke as follows:-
"Master Maynard and Master Whitelocke,
I can assure you of the great opinion both my
brethren and myself have of your worth and
abilities, else we should not have desired this
meeting with you. And since it is his Excel-
lency's pleasure that I should acquaint you with
the matter upon which your counsel is desired,
I shall obey his commands, and briefly recite
the business to you. You ken very weel that
Lieutenant-General Cromwell is no friend of
ours, and since the advance of our army into
England, he hath used all underhand and cun-
ning means to take off from our honour and
merit of this kingdom; an evil requital of all our
hazards and services; but so it is. And we are
nevertheless fully satisfied of the affections and
gratitude of the gude people of this kingdom in
general. It is thought requisite for us, and for
the carrying on of the cause of the tway king-
doms, that this obstacle or remora may be re-
moved out of the way; who, we foresee, other-
wise will be no small impediment to us and the
gude design we have undertaken. He is not
only no friend to us, and to the government of
our church, but he is also no well-wisher to his
Excellency, whom you and we all have cause to
love and honour; and if he be permitted to go
on in his ways, it may, I fear, endanger the whole
business; therefore we are to advise of some
course to be taken for prevention of that mis-
chief. You ken very weel the accord 'twixt the
OLIVER CROMWELL.
173
twa kingdoms, and the union by the Solemn
League and Covenant; and if ony be an incen-
diary between the twa nations, how he is to be
proceeded against. Now the matter is wherein
we desire your opinions, what you tak the mean-
ing of this word incendiary to be? And whether
Lieutenant-General Cromwell be not sic an in-
cendiary as is meant thereby? And whilke way
wud be best to tak to proceed against him, if he
be proved to be sic an incendiary, and that
will clip his wings from soaring, to the preju-
dice of our cause? Now you may ken that by
our law in Scotland, we 'clepe him an incendiary
who kindleth coals of contention, and raiseth
differences in the state to the public damage, and
he is tanquam publicus hostis patria. Whether
your law be the same or not, you ken best who
are mickle learned therein. And therefore, with
the favour of his Excellency, we desire your
judgment in these points.'
Whitelocke, having been requested by Lord
Essex to give his opinion, after a short pream-
ble, replied in these terms: "The sense of the
word incendiary is the same with us as his lord-
ship hath expressed it to be by the law of Scot-
land, one that raiseth the fire of contention in a
state, and so it is taken in the accord between the
two kingdoms. Whether Lieutenant-General
Cromwell be such an incendiary between these
two kingdoms, as is meant by this word, cannot
be known but by proofs of his particular words
or actions, tending to the kindling of this fire of
contention betwixt the two nations, and raising
of differences between us. If it doth not ap-
pear by proofs that he hath done this, then he is
1
1

o 2
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LIFE OF
not an incendiary, nor to be proceeded against
for it by the Parliament upon his being there
accused for those things. This I take for a
ground that my Lord-General, and my Lords
the Commissioners for Scotland, (being persons
of so great honour and authority as you are,)
must not appear in any business, especially of
an accusation, but such as you shall see before-
hand will be clearly made out, and to be brought
to the effect intended. Otherwise for such per-
sons as you are to begin a business of this weight,
and not to have it so prepared beforehand as to
be certain to carry it, but to put it to a doubtful
trial, in case it should not succeed as you ex-
pect, but that you should be foiled in it, it would
reflect upon your great honour and wisdom.
Next, as to the person of him who is to be ac-
cused as an incendiary, it will be fit, in my
humble opinion, to consider his present condi-
tion, and parts, and interest in the Parliament,
(wherein Mr Maynard and myself, by our con-
stant attendance in the House of Commons, are
the more capable to give an account to your
lordships,) and for his interest in the army,
some honourable persons here present, his Ex-
cellency's officers, are best able to inform your
lordships. I take Lieutenant-General Cromwell
to be a gentleman of quick and subtle parts,
and one who hath, especially of late, gained no
small interest in the House of Commons, nor is
wanting of friends in the House of Peers, nor
of abilities in himself, to manage his own part,
or defence, to the best advantage. If this be so,
my lords, it will be more requisite to be well
prepared against him before he be brought upon
OLIVER CROMWELL.
175
the stage, lest the issue of the business be not
answerable to your expectations.” *
We are informed by the same author, that
Hollis and Stapleton, with some other enemies
of Cromwell, entered eagerly into the question,
and mentioned some particular words and ac-
tions which might be successfully employed to
prove that he was an active and most dangerous
incendiary. In opposition to Whitelocke, too,
they insisted that his interest in the House was
not so great as it had been represented; and
they concluded by expressing their readiness,
should it be thought expedient, to come for-
ward as his accusers in the face of the Parlia-
ment. But the Scottish Commissioners declined
to proceed in a matter at once so delicate and
hazardous, until means were used to collect evi-
dence on the leading articles of the charge; and
in this resolution all the other individuals pre-
sent at length concurred.
Whitelocke remarks, he had reason to sus-
pect that some false brethren who were pre-
sent, informed Cromwell of all that had passed.
Though he took no notice of any particular
passages at that time, yet he seemed more kind
to me and Mr Maynard, than he had been for-
merly; and carried on his design more actively of
making way for his own advantage."+ There
**
†
Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 126.
Anthony Wood says, "In 1644, when Robert Earl
of Essex was about to prove Oliver Cromwell an incen-
diary, Whitelocke gave him, the said Oliver, timely notice
of the design, (he being privy to it,) and thenceforth he
became very gracious with that most active person, who
with his party were very willing to engage him as far as
they could to them."
J
176
LIFE OF
is no doubt that this was the crisis of Oliver's
fate, and that it prompted him to the decisive
measure by which he was enabled to wield the
power of the whole army, command the Parlia-
ment, take the life of the King, change the form
of administration, and render himself the auto-
crat of the British empire.
Finding that his intentions could be no longer
concealed, and that his opponents were deter-
mined to use against him the very weapons
which he himself had been accustomed to em-
ploy, he resolved, by one bold step, to deprive
them for ever of the means of thwarting his in-
terests, or of defeating his plans. Relying upon
the activity of his friends in the Lower House,
he denounced his commanding-officer as false
to the trust which Parliament had reposed in him,
and suggested an expedient for securing the
welfare of the nation in future against the in-
difference of lukewarm friends, and the selfish
designs of the aristocracy. In short, he pro-
posed the Self-denying Ordinance, the object of
which was, to disqualify every person who held
a seat in either House for discharging any other
office, whether military or civil, with the ex-
ception of a few in the latter department, which
were particularly specified.
The reader of Cromwell's history will per-
ceive that by his ambition he repeatedly placed
himself in circumstances which left to him only
the painful alternative of falling a victim to his
own devices, or of sacrificing others for his safety.
At a later period, when the death of the King
became a subject of deliberation, he discovered,
it was said, that either his own head, or that of
OLIVER CROMWELL.
177
Charles, must fall to the ground; and, in such
a case, he imagined that no one could blame
him for the decision which he adopted. In the
present conjuncture of affairs, it was evident to
all that the officers who had hitherto command-
ed against his Majesty, were no longer dispo-
sed to prosecute the war, but rather to pave the
way for an amicable adjustment of the differ-
ences between him and his subjects. Had this
plan succeeded, Cromwell and his associates
were perfectly aware that, even upon the most
favourable arrangement, they would be compell-
ed to return to their former insignificance, and
thereby not only to sacrifice all the advantages
which they possessed, but also to forego the
brilliant prospects which were already opening
up to them in the event of a prosperous termi-
nation of hostilities.
In his opposition to Manchester and Essex,
therefore, the Lieutenant-General represented
a strong party in the Commons, who dreaded
nothing so much as a peace with the royalists.
One of their number observes, that "if a war
of this nature must be determined by treaty,
and the King left in the exercise of his royal
authority, after the utmost violation of the laws,
and the greatest calamities brought upon the
people, it doth not appear to me what security
can be given to them (the nation) for the futur e
enjoyment of their rights and privileges; nor
with what prudence wise men can engage with
the Parliament, who being, by practice at least,
liable to be dissolved at pleasure, are thereby
rendered unable to protect themselves, or such
as take up arms under their authority, if, after
178
LIFE OF
infinite hardships and hazards of their lives and
estates, they must fall under the power of a
provoked enemy, who, being once re-established
in his former authority, will never want means
to revenge himself upon all those who, in de-
fence of the rights and privileges of the nation,
adventure to resist him in his illegal and arbi-
trary proceedings."*
Influenced by these views, and having no
longer any doubt as to the intentions of the
noble Generals, the Commons listened with a
deep interest to the charge which Cromwell
brought against the Earl of Manchester. The
accusation pointed chiefly to the affair of Den-
nington castle, in which the remissness of the
commander excited no small degree of surprise
and suspicion. In fact, the House, on the 23d of
November, made an order that on the Mon-
day following, the Lieutenant-General and Wal-
ler should declare their whole knowledge and
information respecting the late proceedings of
the conjoined armies. The substance of the
statement made by the former of these officers,
has been already given; reflecting chiefly on the
supposed reluctance of Manchester to end the
war by the sword, and conveying an insinuation
that he was more desirous to conciliate than to
subdue the party which fought for the King.
Whitelocke remarks, that Cromwell's narrative
gave great satisfaction to the assembly to whom
it was addressed.
Three days afterwards the Earl entered upon
his defence in the House of Peers; in the course
* Ludlow, vol. i. p. 132.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
179
of which he accused Cromwell of being, by his
tardiness and disaffection, the principal cause
why the King had been allowed to carry off his
ordnance from Dennington castle, without the
hazard of a battle. It arose, Manchester alle-
ged," from his not obeying orders, who being
commanded, as Lieutenant-General of the horse,
to be ready at such a place, by such an hour,
early in the morning, came not till the after-
noon; and by many particulars, made it clear
to have been only his fault."* He added, that
for his own part, as he was inexperienced in
war, he had done nothing without the advice of
his principal officers, of whom the first that dis-
suaded him from fighting, was Sir Arthur Hazle-
rig, (an individual whom Cromwell meant to
adduce as a witness to prove his charge,) “ and,”
says he, "I must acknowledge that Lieutenant-
General Cromwell was sensible of a contradic-
tion in this particular, as, when there was but an
information of such a report cast out at random,
that I had acted without the advice of the council
of war, he professed that he was a villain and
liar that could affirm any such thing."†
Not satisfied with this verbal recrimination,
his lordship drew up a narrative, in which he
embodied charges of a more serious nature
against Cromwell; stating that he meditated the
most dangerous innovations, the objects of which
were, to abolish the House of Lords, and even
to put an end to the peerage altogether; to dis-
solve the coalition between the two nations; to
break up the Assembly of Divines; and to raise
* IIollis, p. 28. † Rushworth, vol. v. p. 133.
180
LIFE OF
an army composed of men devoted to his inte-
rests, who would extort from both King and Par-
liament whatever conditions they might think
proper to demand. There are particular expres-
sions cited, in relation to this point, which seem
worthy of being mentioned. At one time Crom-
well having proposed some scheme to which it
seemed improbable that Parliament would ac-
cede, he insisted upon the expediency of his
measure, and said to Manchester, " My Lord,
if you will stick firm to honest men, you shall
soon find yourself at the head of an army which
shall give law to both King and Parliament."
"This discourse," continued the Earl, "made
the greater impression on me, because I knew
the Lieutenant-General to be a man of very deep
designs; and he has even ventured to tell me,
that it never would be well with England till I
were Mr Montague, and there were ne'er a lord
or peer in the kingdom.” *
In due course the Lords communicated to
the Commons a copy of the defence made by the
Earl, as well as his recrimination upon the se-
cond in command. But the Lower House, in-
stead of investigating the charge, appointed a
committee to enquire whether it were not a
breach of privilege, and contrary to the funda-
mental constitution of Parliament, that an ac-
cusation against one of their members should be
originated by the Peers? A discussion on this
point of form occupied the attention of both
Houses until the 9th of December; on which
day the Commons having resolved themselves
* Clarendon, vol. v. p. 562.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
181
into a grand committee, " to consider of the sad
condition of the kingdom by the continuance of
the war, there was a general silence for a good
space of time, many looking upon one another
to see who would break the ice, and speak first
on so tender and sharp a point. Amongst whom
Oliver Cromwell stood up, and spoke briefly to
this effect: That it was now a time to speak,
or for ever to hold the tongue, the important
occasion being no less than to save a nation out
of a bleeding, nay almost dying condition, which
the long continuance of the war had already
brought it into; so that, without a more vigor-
ous, speedy, and effectual prosecution of the
war, casting off all lingering proceedings, like
soldiers of fortune beyond sea to spin out a
war, we shall make the kingdom weary of us,
and hate the name of a Parliament. For what
do the enemy say? Nay, what do many say that
were friends at the beginning of the Parlia-
ment? Even this, that the members of both
Houses have got great places and commands,
and the sword into their hands; and what by
interest in Parliament, and what by power in
the army, will perpetually continue themselves
in grandeur, and not permit the war speedily to
end, lest their own power should determine with
it. This I speak here to our own faces; it is but
what others do utter abroad behind our backs. I
amfar from reflecting on any; I know the worth
of those commanders, members of both Houses,
who are yet in power. But if I may speak my
conscience without reflecting upon any, I do
conceive, that if the army be not put into an-
other method, and the war more vigorously pro-
VOL. I.
P
182
LIFE OF
secuted, the people can bear the war no longer,
and will enforce you to a dishonourable peace.
But this I would recommend to your prudence,
not to insist upon any complaint or oversight
of any commander-in-chief, upon any occasion
whatsoever, for as I must acknowledge myself
guilty of oversights, so I know they can be
rarely avoided in military affairs; therefore,
waving a strict enquiry into the causes of these
things, let us apply ourselves to the remedy
which is most necessary; and I hope we have
such true English hearts and zealous affections
towards the general weal of our mother coun-
try, as no members of either House will scruple
themselves and their own private interests for
the public good; nor account it to be a disho-
nour done to them, whatever the Parliament
shall resolve upon in this weighty matter.
The argument of Cromwell was opposed by
several members, and especially by Whitelocke,
who pointed out the injustice and practical in-
convenience of the intended ordinance. He con-
tended that, if it were thought expedient for the
public service that any of the officers at present
in command should be removed from the army,
the wishes of the House should be made known
to them plainly and candidly. "Let them have
what they deserve-your thanks for their for-
mer good services-and they will not be offend-
ed that you, having no more work for them, do
lay them aside with honour. But to do a busi-
ness of this nature by a side wind, is, in my
humble opinion, not so becoming your honour
* Parliamentary History, vol. xiii. p. 375.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
183
and wisdom, as plainness and gravity, which are
ornaments to your actions." He then alluded
to the example of the Greeks and Romans,
amongst whom, the greatest offices in peace and
war were conferred upon their senators; who,
having a deep private interest in the public wel-
fare, were less likely than meaner men to betray
their trust; and having a perfect knowledge of
the intentions of government, were thereby bet-
ter qualified to perform their duties in the field.
But the speech of the lawyer made no impres-
sion on the members, the majority of whom
were decidedly in favour of the change suggest-
ed by Cromwell. It was accordingly resolved
on the following day, That during the time of
this war, no member of either House shall have
or execute any office or command military or
civil, granted or conferred by both or either of
the two Houses of Parliament, or any authority
derived from both or either of the Houses; and
that an ordinance be brought in accordingly.*
On the 19th December, the said ordinance
passed the House of Commons, and was order-
ed to be sent to the Lords for their concurrence.
A motion had been made in the committee to
exempt the Earl of Essex from the operation of
the law, which was negatived by a small major-
ity; and it is worthy of remark, as showing the
peculiar influence whence the whole scheme pro-
cceded, that the national covenant was no long-
er to be used as a test for those who held or
executed any public office. The Upper House
*Journals of Commons. Whitelocke's Memorials, p.
Par. Hist. vol. xiii. p. 437.
119.
184
LIFE OF
demurred not a little as to the main provisions
of the new statute, as it not only deprived them
of nearly all the power and honour which be-
longed to their order, but inflicted upon them
an incapacity which did not extend to any other
body of men. They, therefore, after some con-
ferences with the Commons, rejected the ordi-
nance on the 15th January, 1645. Meantime,
the plan for new modelling the army was brought
forward by the committee of both kingdoms,
proposing that the military force should consist
of 7600 horse, and 14,400 infantry, and be pla-
ced under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax,
assisted by Major-General Skippon. The Peers
again hesitated, and would perhaps, had there
been any prospect of success, have ventured on
a direct opposition; but being conscious of their
weakness, and apprehensive, it is probable, of
a severer blow aimed at their privileges, they
contented themselves with a few amendments.
Their sanction was obtained about the middle
of February; and on the 3d of April following,
they passed, with slight modifications, the Self-
denying Ordinance itself; soon after which, the
Lords Essex, Manchester, Warwick, and Den-
bigh, resigned their commissions.
By the new model, Sir Thomas Fairfax was
not only appointed commander-in-chief, but also
invested with the power of nominating all the
officers under him, and with the execution of
martial law. No mention is made of the King's
authority, nor is any clause for the preservation
of his person inserted in the ordinance; but the
general is directed to "lead his armies against
all and singular enemies, rebels, traitors, and
OLIVER CROMWELL.
185
other like offenders, and every of their adhe-
rents, and with them to fight; and them to in-
vade, resist, repress, subdue, pursue, slay, kill,
and put in execution of death by all ways and
means.
*
As Cromwell owed to this memorable inno-
vation, the rapid rise which he immediately af-
terwards made to power, political and military,
it has become a question among historians, whe-
ther he could anticipate such effects as likely to
result from it, and whether he did not, in fact,
profess self-denial in order that he might gratify
his ambition in the highest points to which it had
aspired. In forming our judgment on this head,
some weight is due to the charges brought
against him by Manchester, whose ulterior views
he had once endeavoured to sound; for it is re-
markable that Oliver used the very means, and
aimed at the precise objects, which were speci-
fied in the Earl's narrative as sent down to the
House of Commons. It may be presumed, there-
fore, that such visions had occasionally floated
before his imagination; and also that, however
inconsistent it may appear with his usual cau-
tion, he had revealed them in part to his supe-
rior officer, over whom, it is admitted, he exer-
cised a predominating influence. The hint con-
veyed in these words, "My Lord, if you will
stick firm to honest men, you shall soon find
yourself at the head of an army which shall give
law to both King and Parliament," contains the
substance of the crooked policy which Cromwell
himself afterwards employed, and by which he
* Brodie's History of the British Empire, vol. iii. p.
539.
P 2
186
LIFE OF
soon effected all the objects on which his daring
spirit had fixed its desires.
It is deserving of attention, too, that his
friends had already tried to get the chief com-
mand of Manchester's army transferred to him
from that nobleman; and that this attempt, which
did not fail to excite among the Presbyterians
a great degree of alarm and suspicion, was not
relinquished until they were deserted by every
appearance of success. But there is a circum-
stance which proves still more clearly that the
partisans of Cromwell intended that he should
occupy a high station in the army, even after the
enactment of the self-denying statute; namely,
that in appointing officers for the new model,
they left the place of lieutenant-general vacant.
Sir Thomas Fairfax was nominated to the chief
command; Skippon had assigned to him the
rank and duties of major-general; and the names
of twenty-four colonels were announced as ha-
ving the charge of so many regiments; but no
one was selected to occupy the station of the
second in authority. It cannot reasonably be
doubted, says Mr Godwin, that there was a spe-
cial reason for keeping the name of the officer
second in command in reserve; and that reason,
as appeared in the sequel, was, that the situation
was destined for Cromwell.*
Nor did the elevation of Fairfax to the first
place materially impede the progress of the fu-
ture Protector, or even diminish his influence in
the meantime. Sir Thomas, though a brave sol-
dier, had no confidence in his own resolutions, and
* Godwin's History of the Commonwealth, vol. i. p.
405.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
187
was much inclined to repose on a more vigorous
intellect, in all matters where counsel rather
than action was required. The characteristic
qualities of his mind were simplicity and open-
ness, equally removed from reserve and from
guile. He paid a ready homage to the power-
ful talents of Cromwell; who, in assuming the
office of lieutenant-general, was understood to
direct the movements of the army, and to dic-
tate the orders which he appeared to obey.
Sir Arthur Hazlerig is said to have described
Fairfax as a commander "hewed out of the
block for them, fit for their turn to do what-
ever they will have him, without considering or
being able to judge whether honourable or ho-
nest." But, without adopting this opinion to
the full extent, it must be admitted that the man
who could deceive Ludlow and Milton, make a
tool of Manchester, outwit Vane, and lead, as if
blindfolded, the ablest members of the Long
Parliament, was more than a match for the gen-
tle and unsuspecting Fairfax.
It has been argued, however, that Cromwell,
when he proposed the Self-denying Ordinance,
must have acted from disinterested motives, both
because he was himself to be subject to the
operation of the new law, and also, because, if
it had passed when he first brought it forward,
as he was not at the moment engaged in any
military employment, he could not have found
a pretext for continuing in the army. It was
as late as the 27th of February, as has been re-
marked by an ingenious writer, that he was or-
dered by the Parliament, which he had till then
attended, to join Sir William Waller, that he
188
LIFE OF
Ba
might assist him in carrying relief to Melcombe,
as well as prevent levies from being made in
that neighbourhood for the service of the King:
hence, had the Self-denying Ordinance and that
for the new model been passed as soon as was
expected, both these officers, before the date
just mentioned, must have been deprived of their
commands, and even rendered incapable of any
similar appointment.*
But is it not very obvious that Cromwell could
have easily removed the supposed disqualifica-
tion by resigning his seat in Parliament; an al-
ternative of which the noble generals were de-
prived by their hereditary right to a place in
the Upper House? Besides, pretexts could
never have been wanting to secure the services
of an officer so able and successful. In truth,
there is sufficient evidence on record to prove
that an expedient was actually employed for this
very purpose; or, at least, that an event occur-
red which was used as an argument for conti-
nuing the conqueror of Marston-Moor at the
head of his faithful squadrons. "The next
work," says Lord Hollis," was how again to get
in my friend Cromwell; for he was to have the
power, Sir Thomas Fairfax only the name, of
general he to be the figure, the other the
cipher. This was so gross and diametrically
against the letter of the Self-denying Ordinance,
that it put them to some trouble how to bring
it about. For this, Cromwell's soldiers, forsooth,
must mutiny, and say they will have their Crom-
561.
:
Brodie's History of the British Empire, vol. iii. p.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
189
well or they will not stir. Yet for these very
men had Cromwell undertaken before, when,
upon debate, the inconveniency was objected
which might follow by discontenting the com-
mon soldiers, who would hardly be drawn to
leave their old officers and go under new, he
could say that his soldiers had learned to obey
the Parliament, to go or stay, fight or lay by the
sword, on their command; which I know pre-
vailed with a great many to give their vote with
that ordinance. By this trick a little beginning
was made towards the breach of it, which was
soon made greater. For they caused a report
to be spread that the King was bending with
his forces towards the Isle of Ely, which none
could save but Cromwell, who must be sent in
all haste for that service, and an order of dispen-
sation is made for a very few months, but with
such protestations of that party that this was
only for that exigency, and that for the world
they would not have the ordinance impeached,
as Mr Solicitor said, and that if nobody would
move for the calling him home at the expiration
of that time, he would. But all this was to gull
the House. Mr Solicitor forgot his protesta-
tion, and before that was out there is another
order for more months, and so renewed from
time to time, that at last their great commander
is riveted in the army, and so fast riveted, as,
after all his orders of continuance were at an
end, he would keep his command still, which he
has done for several months, and does yet, not-
withstanding that ordinance, without any order
at all of the House for it."*
* Hollis' Memoirs, p. 35.
190
LIFE OF
That there was a mutiny in Cromwell's re-
giment on the occasion alluded to by Hollis, is
placed beyond all doubt, by an entry made in
the Journal of the Commons, on the 20th of
March, 1645, where we find, "the humble peti-
tion of the soldiers of Lieutenant-General Crom-
well, acknowledging the heinousness of their
offence in refusing to march with Sir William
Waller into the west." Then follows a resolu-
tion" that this House doth accept of the ac-
knowledgment and submission of the said sol-
diers, and do admit them into their former good
opinion and favour.” It must have been early
in March that the Lieutenant-General assumed
the personal command of his horsemen in the
west, as we find him immediately afterwards
leading them against the enemy at different
towns in Somersetshire, while Waller occupied
the maritime parts of Dorset. In the course of
April he returned towards the north; at which
time Essex, Manchester, and the other Generals
having, in compliance with the Self-denying Or-
dinance, resigned their commissions, he is said
to have repaired to Windsor, where Fairfax was
quartered, to kiss the General's hand, and take
leave of the army. At this critical moment, says
the author of Anglia Rediviva, "in the morning,
ere he was come forth of his chamber, those
commands, than which he thought of nothing
less, came to him from the committee of both
kingdoms," in virtue of which he marched to-
wards Worcester, to intercept a convoy pro-
ceeding to Oxford, and to shut up the royalists
within the walls of that city.
It would appear, too, that so far down as the
OLIVER CROMWELL.
191
middle of May, the new system had not been
extended to all the regiments in the service of
Parliament; for we find that about the period
now specified, the committee of the army were
desired by the House, "to consider what sums
of money are fit to be provided for that party of
horse and foot under the command of Lieu-
tenant-General Cromwell, and Major-General
Browne, which is not within the new model.
But on the 10th of June, a letter was read in
the Commons from Sir Thomas Fairfax, and
diverse of the chief officers of his army, dated
at Sherrington two days before,‹ desiring that
Lieutenant-General Cromwell might command
the horse in chief, in Sir Thomas Fairfax his
army.' Whereupon it was resolved, that Sir
Thomas Fairfax be desired, if he thinks fit, to
appoint Lieutenant-General Cromwell to com-
mand the horse under Sir Thomas Fairfax, as
Lieutenant-General, during such time as this
House shall please to dispense with his attend-
ance; and that Sir Thomas Widdrington pre-
pare a letter to be signed by Mr Speaker, and
forthwith sent to Sir Thomas Fairfax, to ac-
quaint him of this vote."*
In this manner was completed the very poli-
tic scheme by which the popular party at once
prevented the return of peace, and secured the
ascendency of their own interests, as well as the
temporary depression of the Peerage and of the
Crown. To effect these objects, no plan could
have proved more effectual than that of placing
Cromwell at the head of the army. He was
*Journals, May 11. June 10.
1
192
LIFE OF
an enemy to half measures; and he dreaded the
restoration of royal power, as an event which
was not only to blast all his prospects of personal
aggrandisement, but to defeat the intentions of
his dearest friends, and perhaps expose them to
the vengeance of the court.
of the court. But it is manifest,
at the same time, that from this moment, the
fate of the King was sealed. No terms which
could be proposed as the basis of a settlement,
would have satisfied the two great parties, or
protected the one against the power and suspi-
cions of the other. Henceforth the sword alone
was to determine whether England was any
longer to hold a place among monarchies, or to
undergo the experiment of a republican govern-
ment.
In the ascendency of Cromwell as a success-
ful soldier, was exemplified that result which at
one period or another inevitably takes place in
all revolutions. A man from among the people,
without titles, lands, or privileges, and whose in-
terests have become connected with the progress
of the innovation, starts up to direct the course
of events; and, without any regard to the ori-
ginal object of the quarrel, avails himself of the
passions which have been thereby excited, leads
on the multitude to accomplish his private pur-
poses, and at length imposes upon their necks
a heavier and more galling yoke than that which
they have just shaken off. At this time, and
instructed as we are by the page of history,
every friend of liberty must regret that Crom-
well was made an exception to the otherwise
unlimited operation of the Self-denying Ordi-
nance. It had been better for the Parliament to
OLIVER CROMWELL.
193
have suffered a material risk as to the prosper-
ous conclusion of the war, than to have employed
so dangerous an instrument. But at the period
of which we are treating, not one of them dis-
trusted the principles or motives of the Lieu-
tenant-General; and it would have appeared as
little less than ruin to the incipient common-
wealth, to lay aside the man who, above all
others, was best fitted to render her cause vic-
torious.
In short, were there any doubt that the Self-
denying Ordinance was meant to serve a parti-
cular purpose, it might be removed by the fact
that Cromwell, after he had thereby turned out
the aristocratical generals, contrived soon after-
wards to have several of the chief officers of the
army elected members of the House of Com-
mons, who at once occupied their seats, and re-
tained their commands. But the consideration
which most strongly confirms this view, is found-
ed on the remarkable circumstance already men-
tioned, that when the troops of the new model
were supplied with an establishment of officers,
the appointment of Lieutenant-General, or se-
cond in command, was not filled up; it was re-
served for the hero of Marston-Moor.
VOL. I.
194
LIFE OF
CHAPTER IV.
Containing an Outline of Public Affairs from
the period of the Self-denying Ordinance, to
the Surrender of his Majesty by the Scots to
the English Parliament.
THE new form into which the army was cast,
opened up for Cromwell a wide path to the ac-
complishment of all his purposes. In redu-
cing the old regiments, pains were taken to
select for the battalions of the new model such
officers and soldiers as were most likely to com-
ply with his views in the still greater innova-
tions which he meditated. The rigid Presby-
terians were dismissed, and their places filled
by Independents; men whose fanatical humours
could be more easily excited by the Lieutenant-
General, who, in this respect, was ever ready
to supply the defects of military discipline by
the more effectual aids of preaching and prayer.
But while the Parliament was engaged in
these preparations for war, an attempt was made
by commissioners from the King and from the
two Houses at Westminster, to negotiate a peace.
The meeting took place at Uxbridge, on the
30th of January, 1645, in compliance with the
wishes of the moderate on both sides, who were
OLIVER CROMWELL.
195
weary of hostilities, rather than from any ex-
pectation entertained by the leaders of either
party that the treaty would be attended with a
successful issue. The main points submitted to
discussion were the Church, the Militia, and
Ireland; and the period for deliberation was
limited to twenty days. Twenty-six proposi-
tions, drawn up so as to give mutual satisfac-
tion to the insurgents of England and Scotland,
had been presented to the King at Oxford, on
the month of November preceding; and these,
put into the hands of the Parliamentary Com-
missioners at Uxbridge, were declared to be the
only basis on which the people could treat with
their sovereign.
As to religion, it is well known that the
legislators of Westminster had, the year before,
sanctioned a Presbyterian Directory of public
worship, in place of the Liturgy, and had even
agreed upon several points of ecclesiastical polity
subversive of the established church: to these
they required the King's consent, as well as to
the acts for abolishing Episcopacy, and for con-
stituting the Assembly of Divines. The royal
commissioners were authorized to propose a
modified form of Episcopal government, by
which the bishops should be precluded from ex-
ercising any part of their wonted jurisdiction,
without the concurrence of a certain number of
presbyters to be chosen by the clergy of their
dioceses. But no concession that did not im-
ply a full establishment of the Presbyterian
church, could be received by the other party,
who, on this head, were deprived of all discre-
tionary power. They were farther instructed
196
LIFE OF
to insist that the Solemn League and Covenant
should be rendered obligatory throughout the
whole kingdom, and signed even by Charles
himself. His Majesty's representatives replied,
that he could not conscientiously give way to
the proposed change in the religious worship of
the nation, but that he would willingly grant
every reasonable indulgence to those who might
have scruples to join it; and consent, moreover,
that L.100,000 towards the liquidation of the
public debt, should be raised on the property of
the church.
The second point, which respected the power
of the sword, presented difficulties neither fewer
nor less insuperable than the question of eccle-
siastical constitution. The King proposed that
the right of appointing officers to the army and
navy should be confided for three years to
twenty commissioners, ten of whom were to be
nominated by himself, and the other ten by the
Parliament; on condition that, at the end of the
period just stated, the usual authority vested in
the crown, should revert undiminished to him
or to his heirs. To this the other party would
not accede; on the contrary, they demanded
that the power in question should be continued
to the two Houses for seven years from the
conclusion of this treaty, or for three years after
the establishment of a firm and durable peace,
and then to be permanently defined and disposed
of by act of Parliament. As this proposition was
obviously meant to deprive Charles, during his
whole life, of the most efficient article of his
pre-
rogative, it is not surprising that his commission-
ers should have met it with a decided refusal.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
197
The affairs of Ireland appear not to have en-
gaged the same degree of attention which was
bestowed upon the army and the church. In
truth, the renewal of the war in that country
could only have been resolved upon in the event
of a successful termination to the treaty on the
part of the sectaries; who, in prosecuting hosti-
lities against the Roman Catholics, were influen-
ced more by religious motives, than by consider-
ations of policy. But the Parliament had be-
sides reserved a bitter potion for the King in
the punishment and proscription of his most
distinguished adherents, which they knew well
he would not consent to swallow, as long as he
had the power of resistance. In the exceptions
from pardon embodied in one of their proposi-
tions, were specially mentioned forty of his
English friends, and nineteen belonging to Scot-
land; together with all such of the latter king-
dom as had concurred in the votes at Oxford
against that country, or been concerned in the
insurrection under Montrose and his partisans.
In addition to this, they insisted that all judges,
lawyers, bishops, and other public functionaries
who had deserted the Parliament, should be
rendered for ever incapable of exercising their
respective offices, and that a third part of their
estates should be forfeited to the public for pay-
ment of the national debt. As to all other de-
linquents, they demanded that a tenth part of
their property, if it exceeded L.200 in value, or
even the half of that sum if they had actually
carried arms, should likewise be seized for pub-
lic uses.
In a word, neither King nor Parliament ex-
Q 2
198
LIFE OF
pected, and it is equally certain that neither de-
sired, the accomplishment of this celebrated
treaty, in the peculiar circumstances in which
they were relatively placed at the period when
its deliberations commenced. Each looked for
a favourable change in the aspect of affairs.
The popular party were about to prepare for
the field an army which they knew would have
no other object but conquest, and the final esta-
blishment of their power. Charles, on the other
hand, was not without hope that the arms of
Montrose in Scotland, and a powerful reinforce-
ment of soldiers from the sister island, would
enable him in the spring to meet his enemies
on equal terms, and to recover, during the sum-
mer of 1645, all that he had lost in the course
of the late campaign.
Dr Wellwood tells a story, which has been
repeated by the author of the Critical History of
the Life of Cromwell, the object of which is to
account for the failure of the treaty of Uxbridge,
on the supposition that Charles would have
yielded to the demands of the parliamentary
commissioners, had he not received, during the
negotiations, a letter from the Marquis of Mon-
trose, dissuading him from all concessions. We
are told, on this authority, that the Earl of
Southampton, who is represented as having been
extremely desirous for an accommodation, had
posted to Oxford, where he fell at the feet of
the King, and entreated him to accept the pro-
posals offered by the enemy, at whatever ex-
pense it might be to his personal feelings. His
Majesty is said to have consented, and to have
even promised to sign a warrant to that effect
OLIVER CROMWELL.
199
on the following morning; but, it is added, that,
in the course of the night, he altered his resolu-
tion and became as inflexible as ever.
"The unhappy occasion of this change," ob-
serves the Doctor,* "has hitherto lain a secret in
history, and might have continued such still, if
a letter from the Marquis of Montrose in Scot-
land, of which I have seen a copy, under the
Duke of Richmond's hand, did not give a suffi-
cient light into it." The reader may be pleased
to peruse a part of the communication now al-
luded to, as there can be no doubt, whatever
truth there may be in Wellwood's anecdote,
that it produced a considerable impression on
the mind of the King. "Let me humbly en-
treat your Majesty's pardon if I presume to
write you my poor thoughts and opinion about
what I heard by a letter I received from my
friends in the south last week, as if your Ma-
jesty was entering into a treaty with your rebel
Parliament in England. The success of your
arms in Scotland does not more rejoice my heart,
than that news from England is like to break it.
The more your Majesty grants, the more will
be asked; and I have too much reason to know
that they will not rest satisfied with less than
making your Majesty a king of straw. Forgive
me to tell your Majesty, that, in my poor opi-
nion, it is unworthy of a king to treat with re-
bel subjects, while they have the sword in their
hands. As to the state of affairs in this king-
dom, the bearer will fully inform your Majesty
* Wellwood's Memoirs, pp. 63, 308. A short Critical
Review of the Life of Oliver Cromwell, pp. 117, 260.
200
LIFE OF
in every particular. And give me leave, with
all humility, to assure your Majesty that, through
God's blessing, I am in the fairest way to re-
duce this kingdom to your Majesty's obedience.
And if the measures I have concerted with your
other loyal subjects fail me not, which they
hardly can, I doubt not but before the end of
this summer, I shall be able to come to your
Majesty's assistance with a brave army; which,
backed with the justice of your Majesty's cause,
will make the rebels in England as well as in
Scotland, feel the just rewards of rebellion."
The King, for other reasons, was by no means
inclined to come to terms with the Parliament,
and more especially because he knew the lead-
ing members of the Lower House had resolved
to prosecute the war. He could not have re-
mained ignorant of the important motion made
in the Commons by Cromwell on the 9th of the
foregoing December, of which the object was to
deprive all the friends of monarchy of the power
formerly possessed by them in the persons of
Essex, Manchester, and Denbigh, of sheathing
the sword whensoever the cause of a rational
liberty might appear to have been vindicated.
The only chance, therefore, which remained to
him of negotiating a peace on a footing of equal-
ity depended upon the fortune of war; and to
that, however inadequate his means and reluc-
tant his supporters were become, he was de-
termined to trust, during the course of another
campaign.
The new model seems to have been completed
under the direction of Cromwell, who, it has al-
ready been remarked, left no efforts unemployed
OLIVER CROMWELL.
201
to secure officers and men devoted to his cause,
and animated with a spirit similar to his own.
Never was a more singular army assembled than
that which was now set on foot by the Parlia-
ment. To the greater number of the regiments
chaplains were not appointed, as the officers
were in general qualified to assume the spiritual
duties, and to unite them with their military
functions. During the intervals of active service,
they employed themselves in sermons, prayers,
and exhortations; yielding their minds in these
pursuits to the same emulation which inspired
their courage in the field of battle. Enthusiasm
supplied the place of study and reflection; and
while they poured out their thoughts in unpre-
meditated harangues, they mistook that elo-
quence which, to their own surprise, as well as
to that of others, flowed in upon them, for divine
illuminations conveyed by the agency of the
Spirit. Wherever they were quartered, they ex-
cluded the minister from his pulpit; and usurp-
ing his place, conveyed their sentiments to the
audience with all the authority which followed
their power, their valour, and their military ex-
ploits. The private soldiers, seized with the
same spirit, employed their leisure hours in
prayer, in reading the Bible, or in spiritual con-
ferences; when they compared the progress of
their souls in grace, and stimulated one another
to farther advances in the great work of their
salvation. When they were marching to battle,
the field resounded as well with psalms and spi-
ritual songs adapted to the occasion, as with the
instruments of martial music; and every man
endeavoured to drown the sense of present dan-
ger in the prospect of that state of never-ending
202
LIFE OF
peace and security which was placed before him.
In so holy a cause, wounds were esteemed me-
ritorious, and death a pious martyrdom; while,
amidst the perils of the charge, and the confu-
sion of the conflict, their minds were supported
by the delightful assurance that the sword of
an enemy would only relieve them from the
duties of this world, to send them to the full
enjoyment of the next.*
Dugdale's Short View, p. 721. Rushworth, vol. ví.
p. 281.
Hume, vol. vii. p. 53.
The following letter from Cromwell to Colonel Hacker
will illustrate the above statement ;-
SIR,
"I have the best consideration I can for the præsent
in this businesse, and although I believe Captain Hubbert
is a worthy, man I heere so much, yett as the case stands,
I cannott, with satisfaction to myselfe and some others,
revoake the commission I had given to Captain Empson,
without offence to them and reflection on my own judg-
ment. I pray lett Captain Hubbert know I shall not
bee unmindful of him, and that noc disrespect is intended
to him. But indeed I was not satisfied with your last
speech to mee about Empson, that he was a better praecher
than a fighter or souldier, or words to that effect. Truly
I thinke that hee that prayes and praeches best, will fight
best. I know nothing will give like courage and confi-
dence as the knowledge of God in Christ will, and I blesse
God to see any in this armye able and willinge to impart
the knowledge they have for the good of others. And I
expect itt be encouraged by all chiefe officers in this armye
especially; and I hope you will doe soe. I pray reccave
Captain Empson lovinglye. I dare assure you he is a
good man and a good officer, I would we had no worse.
"I rest your lovinge friend,
“Dec. 25, 1650.”
“O. CROMWELL.”
"To Colonel Francis Hacker, at
Peebles or elsewhere, these."
OLIVER CROMWELL.
203
The royalists presented a striking contrast to
the army to which they were opposed. Dis-
gusted in some degree with the high religious
pretensions of the republican party, they rushed
into the other extreme of licentiousness and im-
piety. Their habit, too, of living on free quar-
ters, an evil produced by the want of regular pay,
encouraged them in the liberties which they
were accustomed to take with the property of
friends and of foes. Their commanders were
obliged to connive at extortions which they
could neither prevent nor punish; and the faults
which they did not check, they were accused of
countenancing. Rupert, of whom it was said
that he was in all things a soldier, willingly per-
mitted his troops to enjoy a license, to which,
as conquerors, he thought them fully entitled
within the limits of the Parliament, and, in qua-
lity of protectors, where the inhabitants were
devoted to the cause of the King. The op-
probrious appellation of " Goring's Crew," con-
tinued long in the west to express the resent-
ment of the people who had been plundered by
the followers of that General; and his example,
it is believed, was imitated by Wilmot, Gerrard,
and Granville, whose oppressions became more
grievous as the interests which they supported
sank into a more hopeless decline.
The first service which Cromwell performed
in virtue of his dispensation from the Commons,
was to intercept at Islipbridge a body of troops
proceeding from the west towards Oxford, with
the intention, it was thought, of reinforcing the
* Rupert "toujours Soldat.”
204
LIFE OF
King, and of enabling him to march with his
artillery against some of the garrisons held by
the parliamentary forces on the banks of the
Severn. He defeated two regiments of cavalry,
took a great number of prisoners, and got pos-
session of the standard which the Queen had
presented to a favourite corps of horsemen.
Being in the neighbourhood of Blessingdon
House, at that time a place of arms, commanded
by Colonel Windebank, he made an assault up-
on it while a number of ladies were within its
walls on a visit to the governor's young wife.
The terror of the females compelled the colonel
to listen to terms, and finally to surrender the
garrison; for which imbecility he was soon af-
terwards tried by a court martial at Oxford, and
condemned to be shot. Cromwell was not less
successful in a skirmish with Sir William
Vaughan in the same vicinity, whom, with the
greater part of his infantry, he is reported to
have taken prisoners. But in an attack by Go-
ring, who had advanced from Bristol to assist
the King, he was for a moment deserted by his
usual good fortune. He had failed in a prema-
ture assault on Farringdon House, which was
defended by Sir George Lisle, and immediately
afterwards his quarters were beat up by the
royalist general, who dispersed his troops, and
inflicted upon him a very considerable loss. It
has been asserted that Oliver was not present
with his division when Goring surprised it, be-
ing engaged on official duty in the tent of Sir
Thomas Fairfax, who lay encamped at some dis-
tance. At all events, the King's party were
greatly elevated by their victory, as it seemed
OLIVER CROMWELL.
205
to confirm their opinion in regard to the infe-
riority of the newly modelled regiments, from
which almost all the officers of experience had
been expelled by the intrigues of the Independ-
ent faction, both in the army and in the Parlia-
A rumour, indeed, prevailed during a
few days that Cromwell himself was either slain
or wounded, and that 2000 of his men had fallen
under the sword of the enemy.*
ment.
In the early part of the summer the hostile
armies were employed in watching the move-
ments of each other. The principal object con-
templated by the Parliament was the relief of
Taunton, which had for some time suffered a close
investment under the direction of Sir Richard
Granville; while the King, on the other hand,
resolved to march towards Wales, to raise the
siege of Chester, the garrison of which was now
reduced to great distress by the vigilance of Sir
William Brereton, who, during several months,
had maintained a rigorous blockade. Cromwell,
who had been instructed to shut up his Majesty
in Oxford, found himself unequal to the task
for which reason, Sir Thomas Fairfax, who had
already reached Salisbury on his way to Taun-
ton, was recalled by the committee of both king-
doms, and desired to lay siege to that city;
for, although the King had retired, it contain-
ed his stores, his remaining wealth, and some
members of his household. The approach of
the royalists drove away Brereton from before
Chester, and gave liberty to the brave troops
which were confined within its fortifications to
*
• Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 852. Heath, 33.
VOL. I.
R
206
LIFE OF
join the main body; upon which they directed
their march to Leicester, which they took by
storm the very day it was first summoned to
surrender. The loss of so valuable a post alarm-
ed the parliamentarians in all parts of the king-
doms, and suggested to their government the
expediency of raising the siege of Oxford, of
concentrating their armies, and of confining the
attention of their General to the operations of
Charles and Prince Rupert, who seemed deter-
mined to penetrate into the north.
It was on this occasion that Fairfax addressed
a letter to the two Houses, requesting that they
would be pleased to nominate Cromwell his
Lieutenant-General. He represented that "the
esteem and affection which he hath with the
officers and soldiers of the whole army, his own
personal worth and ability, with the constant
presence and blessing of God which have ac-
companied him, makes us look upon it as the
duty we owe to you and the public to make it
our humble and earnest suit to appoint him
unto this employment." This epistle was also
signed by several other officers, and particularly
by Fleetwood, Whalley, Skippon, and Ireton,
men near unto Cromwell, and probably not
wholly ignorant of his designs." The Commons
most readily complied with the desire of the
General, and gave orders that Oliver, who ap-
pears to have gone down to Cambridge for the
defence of the associated counties, should forth-
with join Fairfax with all the troops under his
command. The following note from Sir Tho-
mas to his lieutenant is worthy of insertion, as
a specimen of the simplicity and good faith of
1
OLIVER CROMWELL.
207
P
the writer, who never, until it was too late, al-
lowed himself to suspect the designs of his am-
bitious colleague.
"SIR,
"You will find by the enclosed note of the
House of Commons a liberty given me to ap-
point you Lieutenant-General of the horse of
this army, during such time as that House shall
be pleased to dispense with your attendance.
You cannot expect but that I make use of so
good an advantage, as I apprehend this to be,
to the public good; and therefore I desire you
to make speedy repair to this army, and give
orders that the troops of horse you had from
hence, and what other horse and dragoons can
be spared from the attendance of your foot in
their coming up, march hither with convenient
speed; and as for any other forces you have
there, I shall not need to desire of you to dis-
pose of them as you shall find most for the pub-
lic advantage, which we here apprehend to be,
that they march towards us by the way of Bris-
tol. We are now quartered at Wilton, two
miles from Northampton; the enemy still at
Daventry. Our intelligence is that they intend
to move on Friday, but which way we cannot
yet tell. They are, as we hear, more horse than
foot, and make their horse their confidence; ours
shall be in God. I pray all possible haste to-
wards your affectionate friend to serve you,
"THOMAS FAIRFAX."
This letter was dated on the 11th of June;
and, on the second day thereafter, Cromwell
{
?
208
LIFE OF
joined at the head of a considerable body of
horse. No sooner was he at head-quarters than
he infused into the councils of the Command-
er-in-Chief the spirit of enterprise which dis-
tinguished his active mind. Fairfax, although
he appears to have enjoyed better intelligence
than Charles, was still ignorant as to the ulte-
rior views of his enemy; not knowing whether
they meant to risk a battle, or to continue their
march into the north, with the intention of re-
trieving the effects of Marston-Moor in that
important division of the kingdom. Cromwell
suggested the propriety of sending out a de-
tachment of horse, to ascertain the exact posi-
tion of the Royalists, and to attack their rear
should they persist in retiring from the scene
of action.
The King had been some days at Daventry,
still hesitating whether to turn his face east-
wards, or to pursue his original intention, when
news was carried to him, on the 12th of June,
that Fairfax had already advanced to North-
ampton with a formidable army. Upon recei-
ving this intelligence, his Majesty next morning
retired to Harborough, meaning to go back even
as far as Leicester, that he might draw from
Newark some regiments of foot, and keep his
enemy at bay until the other forces which he
expected could have time to join him. But in
the course of the ensuing night, an alarm was
conveyed to Harborough, that the Parliament-
ary general was encamped within six miles of
that town. A council of war was immediately
held, to which some of the officers were sum-
moned from their beds. It was resolved to fight,
OLIVER CROMWELL.
209
and even to anticipate the attack of Fairfax,
should he appear to delay his advance. Accord-
ingly, at an early hour on the 14th of June, the
army was drawn up on a rising ground about a
mile south from Harborough, a position of the
most advantageous nature both for the foot, ca-
valry, and ordnance. The main body of the in-
fantry, amounting to about 2500, was put under
the command of Lord Ashley; the right wing
of horse, being somewhat less numerous, was
led by Prince Rupert; while the left wing, con-
sisting of cavalry from the northern counties,
and of some detachments from Newark, in all
not exceeding 1600, was intrusted to the charge
of Sir Marmaduke Langdale. In the reserve,
were the King's life-guards, commanded by the
Earl of Lindsey, Prince Rupert's regiment of
foot, and the royal horse guards, under Lord
Bernard Stuart, recently created Earl of Litch-
field.
After remaining in order of battle till eight
o'clock, it began to be doubted whether the in-
telligence which had reached them respecting
the enemy were well founded. The impatience
of Rupert carried him two miles in front, with
the view of ascertaining the position of Fairfax;
and imagining that he saw the van of the Par-
liamentarians beginning to turn their backs, he
sent a message to the King to advance at a quick
step with his whole line, and begin the pursuit.
Charles put his army in motion; and relinquish-
ing the favourable ground which he had origin-
ally occupied, led his battalions into the plain
which separated Harborough from Naseby. Fair-
fax meantime, having formed his cavalry on a
R 2
210
LIFE OF
gentle eminence immediately behind the last
named of these towns, waited the approach of
his antagonists, who had not yet passed the level
space which divided the two hosts.
Of the Parliament's army, the general-in-chief
and Skippon commanded the main battle; Crom-
well had the right wing, in which he was assist-
ed by Rossiter; the left was confided to Ircton,
who, at the instance of his father-in-law, had
recently been appointed commissary-general of
the horse. The number on each side was so
equal, as not to differ 500 men; amounting in
either line to about 18,000. The engagement
began in the wings, which were chiefly compo-
sed of cavalry. Prince Rupert with his wonted
impetuosity charged the opposite squadrons in
the division of Ireton, which he bore down at
the first onset, and drove out of the field. Their
commander, who showed no less skill than spirit,
attempted again and again to rally them. At
the head of a few troops which had kept their
ground, he threw himself on a body of the royal
infantry; but the latter being armed with pikes,
his horsemen could make no impression on their
ranks, and he was at length wounded severely
in the thigh and face, dismounted, and taken
prisoner. In the meantime, the Prince, regard-
less of those whom he left engaged, continued to
hew down the fugitives, driving them through
their reserves, until he reached the cannon in
the rear, and the waggons loaded with the
heavy baggage.
On the other wing, the fortune of the day
was different; Cromwell, who commanded the
right of the Parliamentary army, rushed upon
OLIVER CROMWELL.
211
Sir Marmaduke Langdale with the utmost fury;
but he, being an old soldier, stood firm, and re-
ceived the charge with equal gallantry, when,
after exchanging all their shot from carabines
and pistols, they fell on mutually sword in hand.
Rossiter and Whalley gained some advantage
at the extremity of the wing, where they rout-
ed two divisions of horse, pushing them briskly
into the rear. The latter rallied and charged
again, but were at length utterly defeated; while
the rest of the cavalry, being attacked in flank,
found it necessary to retreat and leave the field
to the enemy.
While the wings of either army were thus
engaged with alternate success, the foot in the
centre began the battle with equal fierceness,
and for two hours kept up a destructive fire.
The King's infantry, led on by gallant officers,
and enraged at the defeat of their horse, made
a furious attack on that part of the enemy's line
which was commanded by major-general Skip-
pon, who, in endeavouring to maintain his posi-
tion, received a severe wound. The advantage
thus gained by the Royalists was only of a mo-
mentary duration; for Cromwell returning with
his victorious brigades fell upon their flank, and
threw them into the utmost confusion. One
regiment alone preserved its ranks unbroken,
though twice desperately assailed by Fairfax;
upon which that general ordered the captain of
his life-guard to give them a third charge in
front, while he himself attacked them in the
rear. Sir Thomas with his own hand killed an
ensign, and, having seized the colours, gave them
to a soldier to keep for him. The man after-

212
LIFE OF
wards boasted that he himself had won this
trophy; and upon the words being repeated to
Fairfax, he replied, "Let him retain that ho-
nour; I have acquired enough to-day beside."
It is remarked by Lord Clarendon, that this
difference was observed all along in the disci-
pline of the King's troops and of those which
marched under the command of Fairfax and
Cromwell, that though the former prevailed in
the charge and routed their opponents, they sel-
dom rallied, and could not be brought together so
as to make a second charge the same day. This
was the reason why they had not an entire vic-
tory at Edgehill. The parliamentary soldiers,
on the other hand, if they were successful, or
even if they were beaten and routed, presently
rallied again, and stood in their ranks until they
received new orders. On the present occasion,
the King and the Prince could not collect their
broken troops, which were still in sufficient
numbers upon the field, though they often en-
deavoured it at the manifest hazard of their own
persons. His Majesty, addressing the horse-
men who had returned with Rupert from the
pursuit of the enemy, exclaimed," One charge
more, and we recover the day !" but all his ef-
forts were fruitless, for what could not be ac-
complished by the cavaliers at a single onset,
seems to have been considered by them as either
impracticable or altogether impossible.
An officer belonging to that spirited body of
cavalry which had with so much ease driven the
whole of Ireton's wing off the ground, relates,
that all Fairfax's foot, too, except his own bri-
gade, were pushed back upon the reserves. "But,"
OLIVER CROMWELL.
213
he adds, "here their officers rallied them and
brought them on to a fresh charge; upon which
their horse, under Cromwell, having repulsed
ours, commanded by Sir Marmaduke Langdale,
about a quarter of a mile into the rear, faced
about and fell upon our infantry.
Had our
right wing done thus, the day had been secured;
but Prince Rupert, according to his custom fol-
lowing the flying enemy, never concerned him-
self with the safety of those behind; and yet he
returned sooner than he had done in like cases
before. At our return we found all in confu-
sion, our foot broken all but one brigade, which,
though charged in front, flank, and rear, could
not be broken, till Sir Thomas Fairfax came up
to the attack with fresh men, and then they were
rather cut to pieces than beaten; for they stood
with their pikes presented every way to the last
extremity. In this condition, at the distance of
a quarter of a mile, we saw the King rallying
his horse and preparing to renew the fight; and
our wing of cavalry coming up to him gave him
an opportunity to draw up a body of horse so
large that all the enemy's horse, facing us, stood
still and looked on, but did not think fit to charge
us, till their foot, which had entirely broken our
main battle, were put into order again, and
brought up to us. The officers about the King
advised his Majesty rather to draw off; for since
our foot were lost, it would be too much odds
to expose the horse to the fury of their whole
army, and would only be sacrificing his best
troops without any hopes of success.
* Military History of England, p. 276.
214
LIFE OF
The number of slain on the side of the royal-
ists was eight hundred; the parliament's army.
is supposed to have lost two hundred more; but
of the former not fewer than four thousand were
taken prisoners. There were also captured the
whole of the artillery, eight thousand stand of
arms, above one hundred pair of colours, the
royal standard, the King's cabinet of letters, his
coaches, and the whole spoil of his camp.*
Charles retreated first to Leicester, and after-
wards to Ashby-de-la-Zouch, followed by Crom-
well, who is said to have killed all the stragglers
whom he overtook in the way, but to have avoid-
ed a general action with the royal cavalry, which
were still in great strength. After this, his
Majesty, with a body of three thousand horse,
went to Litchfield, and through Cheshire into
North Wales; and Sir Marmaduke Langdale,
with about two thousand five hundred, marched
to Newark. "This," says the military author
already quoted, "was the most fatal action of
the whole war: not so much for the loss of can-
non, ammunition, and baggage, of which the
enemy boasted so much, but as it was impossible
for the King ever to retrieve it. The foot, the
best that ever he was master of, could never be
supplied; his army in the west was exposed to
certain ruin, and the north was overrun with
the Scots. In short, the case grew desperate,
and the King was once upon the point of bid-
ding us all disband and shift for ourselves."†
There is an anecdote on record which applies
Whitelocke's Memorials, June 14.
+ Military History, p. 277.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
215
both to Fairfax and Cromwell, and which is
probably founded on the same trifling circum-
stance. Whitelocke mentions, that the colonel
of Fairfax's life-guard, seeing the general in the
thickest of the fight without his helmet, offered
his own, which was refused. Heath, on the
other hand, who took pleasure in relating any
thing which might reflect contempt on Oliver,
states, that in the action at Naseby, “a com-
mander of the King's knowing Cromwell, ad-
vanced smartly from the head of his troops to
exchange a bullet singly with him, and was with
the like gallantry encountered by him, both sides
forbearing to come in, till their pistols being dis-
charged, the cavalier, with a slanting back-blow
of a broadsword, luckily cut the ribband which
tied his murrion, and with a draw threw it off
his head, and now ready to repeat his stroke,
his party came in and rescued him, and one of
them alighting threw up his head-piece into his
saddle, which Oliver hastily catching, as being
affrighted with the chance, clapped it the wrong
way on his head, and so fought with it the rest
of the day."
The following letter from Cromwell to the
Parliament will be read with interest, not only
on account of the details which it presents, but
chiefly as it illustrates the connexion which he
thought proper to keep up with that distinguish-
ed body. He was only second in command in
the army which fought at Naseby, and yet his
dispatch was written one day earlier than that
of Sir Thomas Fairfax, and must indeed have
been composed before he set out in pursuit of
the Royalists. It is dated at Harborough, or, as
216
LIFE OF
he spells it, Haverbrowe, June 14, 1645, and is
addressed to the Honourable William Lenthal,
Speaker of Commons House of Parliament.
"SIR,
"Being commanded by you to this service,
I think myself bound to acquaint you with the
good hand of God towards you and us. We
marched yesterday after the King, who went
before us from Daventree to Haverbrowe, and
quartered about six miles from him; this day
wee marched towards him. Hee drew out to
meete us both armies engaged; wee after three
hours fight very doubtful, at last routed his
armie, killed, and tooke about 5000, very many
officers, but of what qualitye wee yet know not:
wee took also about 200 carriages, all he had,
and all his gunns, being 12 in number, whereof
two were demie cannon, 2 demie culveringes,
and (I think) the rest facers. We pursued the
enemy from three miles short of Haverbrowe to
nine beyond, even to sight of Leicester, whither
the King fled. Sir, this is non other but the
hand of God, and to him alone belongs the glorie,
wherein non are to share with him. The gene-
ral served you with all faythfulnesse and honor,
and the best commendation I can give him is,
that I dare say he attributes all to God, and
would rather perish than assume to himselfe,
which is an honest and a thrivinge way, and yet
as much for bravery may be given to him in this
action as to a man. Honest men served you
faithfully in this action. Sir, they are trustye.
I beseeche you in the name of God not to dis-
courage them. I wish this action may beget
OLIVER CROMWELL.
217
thankfulnesse and humilitye in all that are con-
cerned in it. He that venters his life for the
libertee of his countrie, I wish hee trust God for
the libertee of his conscience, and you for the
libertye he fights for; in this he rests whoe is
your most humble servant,
"OLIVER CROMWELL."
The fruits of this victory appeared in various
forms for the advantage of the Lieutenant-Gene-
ral. On the 16th of June, the very day the
news of their great success reached Parliament,
it was resolved that his services should be con-
tinued in the army under Sir Thomas Fairfax,
during the pleasure of both Houses. The Lords
restricted it to three months. On the 8th of
August, this dispensation was renewed for four
months longer; and on the 23d of January fol-
lowing, it was extended to six months addition-
al. After this there were no more resolutions
about Cromwell's absence from the Lower
House. He took it for granted that he had
leave; no one offered to move for recalling him;
and he soon attained so great a power, that no
one with safety could have dared to make such
a motion.
The parliamentary forces followed up their
success at Naseby, by reducing Leicester, Taun-
ton, and other considerable towns, which till
then had been held by the royalists. Goring,
at the same time, sustained a signal defeat, and
was compelled to retreat to Bridgewater. In
this action the military talent of Cromwell was
particularly distinguished. An advanced party
of horse, regardless of all consequences, was on
VOL. I.
S
218
LIFE OF
the point of charging the enemy; he checked
then until the whole of the cavalry had come
up, when, putting himself at their head, he at-
tacked the royalists with such vigour and suc-
cess, that nearly their whole body of foot became
his prisoners, while he captured also the greater
part of their ordnance. He likewise assisted
Sir Thomas Fairfax in the reduction of Bristol,
advising him to storm a place of so much im-
portance, rather than to lose time in the forms
of a regular siege. Rupert, who defended the
city, unwilling to incur the hazard of a general
assault, delivered it up to the victors of Naseby,
together with a large proportion of the royal
magazines and warlike stores. In writing to
the Speaker on this occasion, Cromwell assures
the House that the humble entreaty of the men
under his command is, that "in remembrance
of God's praises, they may be forgotten. It's
their joy that they are the instruments of God's
glory, and their country's good. It's their ho-
nour that God vouchsafes to use them. Sir,
they that have been employed in this service,
know that faith and prayer obtained this city
for you."
The next exploit of Cromwell was the cap-
ture of a strong fortress at Devises, command-
ed by Sir Charles Lloyd. When summoned to
surrender, the governor sent for answer" win
it and wear it;" but the activity of his assailant
soon brought him to a more complying state of
mind. The place was almost instantly taken
by storm. Berkeley Castle experienced the
same fate; and the city of Winchester was soon
afterwards given up to him by capitulation. So
OLIVER CROMWELL.
219
strict was he in exacting from his men a scru-
pulous compliance with the articles to which he
had agreed, that when a complaint was made
by some of the garrison that their property had
been plundered by the parliamentary soldiers,
he commanded the offenders, six in number, to
be tried by a court martial. Being found guilty
and sentenced to death, they expected imme-
diate execution; but having resolved to take
only one life by way of example, he desired
them to cast lots to determine which of them
should undergo the dreadful penalty of disobe-
dience; and having satisfied the law in this par-
ticular, he sent the five others to Oxford, with
an account of the proceeding, to Sir Thomas
Glenham, the governor; transferring to him the
power of putting them to death, or of inflicting
such other punishment as he might think proper
to adjudge. Sir Thomas sent back the prison-
ers, accompanied with a grateful acknowledg-
ment of the attention shown by the Lieutenant-
General to his military engagements.
He next led his victorious columns against
Basing House, the seat of the Marquis of Win-
chester, which he took by assault, and made pri-
soners of all its garrison, the noble owner him-
self being of the number. The terror of his
arms made his future conquests more easy.
Longford-House, likewise a castellated mansion
and place of arms, surrendered to him at the
first summons. Pursuing his course in Devon-
shire, he engaged Lord Wentworth at Bovey
Tracey, and took from him five hundred prison-
ers, with several standards and other trophies.
After which, having replaced himself under the
220
LIFE OF
immediate command of Fairfax, he assisted in
the reduction of Dartmouth, and in the victory
which was gained over Lord Hopton at Tor-
rington. The remains of the royal army, re-
treating into Cornwall, soon found themselves
under the necessity of disbanding or yielding to
the General upon terms; a few only preferring
to share the fortunes of their commander, who
took refuge within the walls of Pendinnis Cas-
tle. At length Lord Ashley also being defeat-
ed and made prisoner, there was no longer in
the field any regular force which could oppose
the parliamentary generals. Of this his lord-
ship was so sensible, that he said to his captors,
46 you have done your work, and may now go
to play, unless you choose to fall out among
yourselves." Exeter having soon afterwards
surrendered, Cromwell repaired to London and
took his seat in Parliament, where he received
"the hearty thanks of the House for his great
and many services.”
But the gratitude of Parliament was not con-
fined to such demonstrations of their confidence
and esteem. In the latter end of the year 1645,
an annuity of L.2500 appears to have been
granted to Cromwell and his family, for the
services which he had performed to the public;
and soon afterwards it was ordered by the
House of Commons, that all the lands of the
Earl of Worcester, Lord Herbert and Sir John
Somerset, his sons, in the county of Southamp-
ton, be settled upon Lieutenant-General Crom-
well, and his heirs, to be accounted as part of
the L.2500 per annum formerly appointed him
by this House. To secure the full return of the
OLIVER CROMWELL.
221
stipulated income, it was further ordered, on
the 31st of January, 1646, that Mr Lisle do
bring in an ordinance for the full granting unto
and settling upon Lieutenant-General Cromwell
and his heirs, the manors of Abberston and
Itchell, with the rights, members, and appurte-
nances thereof, in the county of Southampton,
being the lands of John, Lord Marquis of Win-
chester, a delinquent that hath been in arms
against the Parliament, and a Papist.
In a letter from St John, communicating to
his friend the above orders of the House, men-
tion is made of a patent, which is said to have
passed the Great Seal the same day on which
the communication is dated. "I knew not,
says Dr Harris, "what the patent mentioned
in this letter means, unless the following reso-
lution of the House of Commons will explain
it." "December 1st, 1645. Resolved, that the
title and dignity of a baron of the kingdom of
England, with all rights, privileges, pre-emi-
nencies, and precedencies, to the said title and
dignity belonging or appertaining, be conferred
and settled on Lieutenant-General Oliver Crom-
well, and the heirs male of his body; and that
his Majesty be desired in these propositions (for
a peace) to graut and confer the said title and
dignity upon him, and the heirs male of his
body accordingly; and that it be referred to the
former committee to consider of a fit way and
manner for the perfecting thereof."
After a fruitless endeavour to recruit his
army in Wales, and a demonstration of march-
ing towards the Scottish border, with the view
of joining Montrose, the King found it neces-
$ 2
222
LIFE OF
sary to shut himself up in Oxford, where he
spent the following winter. As spring advan-
ced, he received from time to time the unwel-
come intelligence that the several towns and
fortresses in the west, which till then had ac-
knowledged his authority, were no longer able
to resist the arms of the Commonwealth; and
finally, that the devoted band of royalists who
had fought under the banners of Hopton, the
last of his generals who kept the field in that
part of England, had listened to the terms of
Fairfax, and laid down their weapons.
The month of April saw the termination of
the Civil War, as far as Charles himself was
personally concerned. The victorious arms of
Cromwell had swept like a tempest over the
counties contiguous to the capital, and had left
no stronghold unsubdued which might have
afforded refuge to the enemy, or enabled them
to collect their scattered troops. Oxford alone
remained as the head-quarters of his Majesty,
and it is obvious that the temporary repose
which that city was allowed to enjoy, arose ra-
ther from the policy of the parliamentary lead-
ers, than from their want of power to reduce it.
The difficulties and contention which after-
wards agitated the two great parties in refer-
ence to the custody of the royal person, were
already anticipated by the sagacious mind of
Cromwell. Were the King to surrender him-
self to the Parliament, a treaty, he well knew,
would necessarily follow, as the Presbyterians,
who at that period held the reins of govern-
ment, had no intention either to dissolve the
monarchy, or to take away the life of the sove-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
223
reign.*
It therefore became the main object
of Oliver and the Independents, of whom Sir
Harry Vane, in the meanwhile, acted as the
agent, to prevent all negotiation with the two
Houses, and thereby to compel Charles to have
recourse to some such measure as that which
he finally adopted. Ashburnham was employ-
ed by the King to represent his views to the
wily diplomatist just named, and to urge, above
all things, his free access to Parliament. For
this purpose he authorized his messenger to pro-
mise large rewards to the generals, to Vane
himself, and to his friends; and to give an as-
surance that, if the other party should still in-
sist upon the establishment of their ecclesiasti-
cal polity as an indispensable condition of peace,
his Majesty would join his forces with those of
the Independents under Cromwell and Fairfax,
and root out of the kingdom that tyrannical
government. Vane returned answers so ex-
tremely evasive, that it is not easy to under-
stand what were his precise objects in carrying
on this hazardous correspondence. It has been
conjectured that he sought to detain the King
in Oxford till Fairfax and Cromwell should
bring up the army from Cornwall; to amuse,
in short, the royal bird, till the fowlers should
have enclosed him in their toils.+
Oxford, in the meantime, was invested by
Colonel Rainsborough, who received strict or-
"All the royalists in Scotland could not have pleaded
so much for the crown and the King's just power, as the
Chancellor and Wariston did for many days together."
Baillie, vol. ii. p. 203.
† Lingard, vol. x. p. 338.
224
LIFE OF
ders to prevent the King's escape, lest he should
repair to the capital. In truth, Charles all along
had so much confidence in the affections of his
people, as also perhaps in the dissensions of hist
enemies, that he entreated nothing with so much
earnestness as a personal conference at West-
minster. He twice made a proposal to that
effect in the opening of the year 1646; and to
obtain a favourable hearing, he offered to grant
full toleration to every class of Protestant dissent-
ers, to resign to the Parliament the command
of the army during seven years, and to yield to
them the power of nominating for the next time,
the Lord Admiral, the Judges, and the Officers
of State. To this message they did not even
deign to make any reply. Unwilling to relin-
quish the hope of an amicable settlement, he
asked whether, if he were to disband his forces,
dismantle his garrisons, and return to his usual
residence in the neighbourhood of the Parlia-
ment, they would, in return, give their word
for the preservation of his honour and person,
and allow his adherents to live without moles-
tation on their own property. But even this
submissive proposal was not honoured with an
answer. On the contrary, influenced by the
dread that he might elude the vigilance of Rains-
borough, the Parliament issued an ordinance,
that if the King came within the lines of com-
munication, the officers of the guard should con-
duct him to St James's, imprison his followers,
and allow of no access to his person; giving
notice at the same time by proclamation, that
all Catholics and persons who had borne arms
in the King's service, should depart from Lon-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
225
don within six days, under the penalty of being
proceeded against according to martial law.*
At length, when his Majesty received inform-
ation that Fairfax, at the head of his army, had
reached Andover, he solicited Colonel Rains-
borough to take him under his protection, and
conduct him to London. Upon meeting with a
refusal from that officer, he formed his final re-
solution of throwing himself upon the genero-
sity of the Scots, with whom, through Mon-
treuil, the French envoy, he had been some time
in treaty. It is remarkable that this intention
on the part of the unfortunate monarch was
known at London a week before he attempted
to realize it. Baillie, in a letter written on the
24th of April, remarks, "Sir Thomas Fairfax's
army will now be near Oxford. They would
have made us believe that the King had resol-
ved to have broke through to our army for pro-
tection from prison; but I suspect the chief
spreaders of these reports knew well enough
how they kept him fettered in Oxford, with
4000 or 5000 horse, besides their daily treaties
with Ashburnham, and those who have the ab-
solute power over him, and keep him still till
they deliver him to Sir Thomas Fairfax, and to
be disposed upon as Cromwell and his friends
think it fittest for their affairs.-Cromwell came
yesternight to town."
From a due consideration of the facts here
stated, it has been thought by no means impro-
bable that the Independents in Parliament con-
nived at the escape of Charles, as well as that
* Charles's Works, p. 556. Lingard, p. 353.
226
LIFE OF
they with their leaders, Cromwell, Vane, Ireton,
and St John, were far from desiring the termi-
nation of hostilities, as long as their antagonists
were so powerful in the Lower House. Ön this
account, the following statement by Heath, is
entitled to more attention than his speculations
on political motives are usually entitled to com-
mand. Alluding to the departure of Charles
from Oxford, he says, "Herein Cromwell most
cunningly and deceitfully first practised the
King's ruin, for whereas upon the rendition of
that city, if the King had been taken in it, a sud-
den end had been put to the troubles by some
composure, which would have marred Crom-
well's plots, not to be acted but by a stratocracy
and an army. By this means of suffering him
to escape, which might easily have been pre-
vented, the war was no nearer a conclusion than
at the beginning, if the Scots, as was hoped
howsoever, would have proved honest, and kept
their allegiance and faith due to such extraor-
dinary trust and confidence reposed in them."*
It must be admitted, that it is only from ex-
amining the policy which Cromwell subsequent-
ly pursued that we discover the probability of
the charge which is thus brought against him.
It is universally known that he disliked the Scots,
whom he accused at a very early period of car-
rying arms into England, chiefly with the view
of imposing their system of church government
upon the Parliament and people; and hence it may
be inferred that he would have had no objection
to march his victorious troops against them, had
Flagellum, p. 41.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
227
a generous compassion for Charles induced their
leaders to adopt his interests, and to make his
restoration to power the ground of a national
quarrel. At all events, the Lieutenant-General
could not fail to be better pleased to hear that the
King had retired to the Scottish camp, than he
would have been to see him at Westminster in
treaty with the Commons, whose determinations
he could not yet fully control. It is manifest,
besides, that the Independent party left no means
unemployed which might provoke a continuance
of the war. "Nothing," says Baillie, "effrays
these men so much as a peace." Nay, Cromwell,
at the expense of his reputation, displayed some
degree of liberality towards the royalists who
were taken prisoners in Oxford, that he might
thereby get quit of all such impediments as would
have delayed his preparations for his "northern
warfare."*
The caution with which the Scottish general
acted, frustrated the hopes of the future Pro-
tector, and deprived him of that employment for
his arms which of all others he would have pre-
ferred. Instead of the movement of troops, an
active communication by letters took place be-
tween the authorities at Newcastle and West-
minster; and Charles once more discovered, that
his only chance of safety depended upon his suc-
cess in negotiating with the Parliament, the
majority of whom still belonged to the ranks of
the Presbyterians. Three months elapsed be-
fore the propositions were submitted to him by
the hands of certain commissioners, who were
* Baillie, vol. ii, p. 212.
228
LIFE OF
desired to restrict their deliberations with the
monarch to the space of ten days, and not to
rest satisfied with any thing short of an entire
acceptance of all the conditions with which they
were intrusted.* The terms offered on this oc-
casion, were essentially the same as those which
had been rejected by him in the preceding year,
but rendered somewhat more disagreeable to the
royal feelings by a number of additional re-
straints, and an enlarged list of proscriptions.
On the tenth day, his Majesty replied, that it
was impossible for him to return an unqualified
assent to proposals of such immense importance;
that without explanation he could not compre-
hend how much of the ancient constitution it
was meant to preserve, or how much to take
away; that a personal conference was necessary
for both parties, in order to remove doubts, weigh
reasons, and come to a perfect understanding.
He added, that for this purpose it was his inten-
tion to repair to Westminster, as soon as the
two Houses and the Scottish commissioners
would assure him that he might reside there
with freedom, honour, and safety.+
When the enemies of the King found that the
Scots were not disposed, from any chivalrous
sentiments in behalf of their native prince, to
incur the hazard of a war with the rising Com-
* The names of the commissioners were, Sir Walter
Earle, Sir John Hippesley, Robert Goodwin, and Luke
Robinson. The Lord Chancellor Loudon, and the Mar-
quis of Argyle, likewise waited upon his Majesty on be-
half of Scotland.
+ Lingard, vol. x. p. 345. Clarendon Papers, vol.
ii. p. 243. Baillie, vol. ii. p. 208.
OLIVER CROMWEll.
229
monwealth, they directed all their efforts to pre-
vent a successful issue to the treaty of Newcastle.
We are told by a modern historian, that the task
of defeating the pacific views on either side was
assumed by Cromwell and Ireton. The latter,
a firm and rigid disciple of the Republican school,
and the former, "of whom," says Mr Godwin,
"it was notorious, that whatever he dared to
think that also he dared to speak, had no soon-
er chosen their part, and determined to fight their
adversaries with their own weapons, than they
completely threw into shade the pigmy efforts
of the Presbyterians. Having once sworn to
deceive, the dimensions of their minds enabled
them immediately to stand forth accomplished
and entire adepts in the school of Machiavel.
They were satisfied that the system which they
had adopted was just; and they felt no jot of
humiliation and self-abasement in the system-
atical pursuit of it."*
The historian of the Commonwealth is not
very fastidious as to the qualities of which he
constitutes a hero. But as an apology for these
two great men, he reminds us that they had
fought for political and religious liberty; that
they abhorred the views and despised the per-
sons of their antagonists; that they believed, if
the Presbyterians succeeded, a worse species of
tyranny would follow than that which the lead-
ers of the Long Parliament had conspired to
prevent; and that on the present occasion a cer-
tain degree of deception was necessary to ac-
Godwin's History of the Commonwealth, vol. ii. p.
VOL. I.
T
203.
230
LIFE OF
complish a people's safety, and effect the noblest
ends. He acknowledges that "hypocrisy was
of the very essence of every thing they could
effect." But then, Charles, stripped as he was
of the ensigns of royalty, was still the centre
round which the cabals of party put forth all
their power. The Presbyterians were satisfied
that if they could win him over to concur with
them, they should surmount every obstacle to
their views. "In this situation," he exclaims,
"should the Independents do nothing? To ex-
pect it, is to expect what is not in the nature
of man. Cromwell and Ireton resolved not thus
to be defeated.”
The reader will appreciate the delicacy and
skill with which the motives of those celebrated
characters are here illustrated and defended.
The next step is to give an account of the means
which they used to accomplish their patriotic
intentions. "One engine they are said to have
employed in the execution of their purpose, was
a clergyman, whose escape from punishment in
the Tower they contrived, and whom they com-
missioned as their agent to the King at New-
castle. This clergyman is conjectured to have
been Hudson, the same person who had assisted
Charles in his flight from Oxford a few months
before, and who, two years afterwards, lost his
life fighting for the King in the second civil
war. He was adapted for their purpose, as being
a devoted royalist, and particularly hostile to
the Presbyterian party. His instructions were
to advise Charles by all means to reject the pro-
positions, and throw himself upon the army, the
leaders of which were in that case resolved to
OLIVER CROMWELL.
23Ì
replace him in the full exercise of his royal
authority, upon the simple conditions of liberty
of conscience, and such a security for the mili-
tary power of the state in their favour as they
should think it necessary to require. The same
persons who had commissioned Hudson, brought
over the Marquis of Hertford, who was now in
London, and several other of the King's most
distinguished friends, to trust them, and to en-
tertain the same views which they had infused
into their agent. These persons, accordingly,
furnished Hudson with letters, recommending
to Charles to listen to the suggestions which he
had to offer."*
The authorities to which Mr Godwin refers,
are not quite satisfactory, and would not be
held decisive on any great question where they
were not supported by collateral evidence. On
this point then, so closely connected with the
reputation of Cromwell, the reader will find
some notices in Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes
of Hamilton, which appear to corroborate the
information of Bamfield, the testimony on which
the annalist of the Commonwealth principally
relies. "At this time," says the bishop," the
Independents, fearing the extremity to which
the King was driven might force him to con-
sent to any thing upon which a settlement
might follow, betook themselves to strange me-
thods to obstruct it; they, therefore, gave some
hopes that they would be willing to dispense
with the imposing of the Covenant, and consent
to a toleration of Episcopacy and the liturgy,
*
Godwin, vol. ii. p. 201
232
LIFE OF
providing they might be satisfied in other
points."
Whatever may have been the "
have been the “strange me-
thods" which Cromwell and his partisans em-
ployed, there is no doubt that their arts were
attended with success. Lord Lauderdale, in-
deed, wrote from London very earnestly, with
the view of undeceiving his Majesty, and of as-
suring him that he possessed the most perfect
knowledge that the designs of those persons had
no other object but the destruction of the mo-
narchy and the ruin of the royal family. This,
adds Dr Burnet, he continued "to represent,
by many letters, both to the King and to those
about him; yet his Majesty was much wrought
upon to give credit to those offers of the secta-
ries, which made him the less apprehensive of
hazard." But may not the conduct of Charles
on this occasion, which has hitherto appeared
so unaccountable, be in some measure explained
by a reference to the plan which was adopted
by his enemies to mislead him? Hudson was
deservedly a favourite in the royal household,
and possessed of no small influence in the King's
most secret councils; whence we can easily un-
derstand, that if Cromwell deceived him, and
could convert his zeal for the cause of his mas-
ter into an instrument of fraud, the friends of
the monarchy, during the treaty of Newcastle,
must in vain have urged the strongest reasons
for compliance with the demands of Parliament.
It belongs not to the biographer of Crom-
well to state the terms of that unfortunate sti-
"Burnet, p. 288.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
233
pulation which provided for the delivery of
Charles into the hands of the English commis-
sioners. It is enough to mention, that the re-
jection of their propositions, and the firmness
which he displayed in refusing to give his sanc-
tion to their religious model, had so much in-
censed the majority of the Presbyterians against
the monarch, that the Independents had no im-
mediate cause to apprehend a union of their in-
terests. The struggle henceforth is, therefore,
not between the power of the crown and that
of the people, but between the two parties into
which the popular leaders had formed them-
selves during the progress of the war. In this
contest we shall behold Cromwell acting a dis-
tinguished part, treading under foot the very
authority for which he had fought in the field;
using as tools the ablest men of the age; and
inducing the friends of liberty to strain their
utmost exertions for the establishment of a mi-
litary despotism, under which the law of the
sword superseded for a time the exercise of
every other code, in the administration of public
affairs.
In taking a retrospect of the events which have
marked the course of the four preceding years,
it will be acknowledged that for the issue of the
war, so favourable to their interests, the Parlia-
ment were greatly indebted to the courage and
military talent of Oliver Cromwell. During the
carlier campaigus, the victories gained by their
arms were merely nominal, and were therefore
usually followed by a depression of their affairs;
nor was it until the captain of the Hunting-
donshire cavalry rose to the rank of a field offi-
T 2
234
LIFE OF
cer that the soldiers of the commonwealth could
meet on equal terms the high-spirited troops
which followed the standard of the King. At
Marston-Moor the reputation of Cromwell eclip-
sed that of every other commander who shared
with him the dangers of a doubtful and very
perilous engagement; while of the victory of
Naseby, if Fairfax was entitled to the first
place in the triumph, the true judge of profes-
sional merit will bestow the loudest encomium
upon the achievements of his lieutenant-general.
But a condition of things much more decisive
of his character, rose out of his own success.
The King was thereby reduced sufficiently low
to encourage the hope that the future govern-
ment of the country might be established on a
safe foundation, equally favourable to the just
rights of the crown and to the liberties of the
people. But such a compromise, which in all
circumstances must be attended with great dif-
ficulty, was in this case opposed as well by the
divided interests of the popular leaders, as by
the feeling of superiority which swelled in the
hearts of the military victors, who now thought
themselves entitled to give the law to the beaten
Royalists. There were, in fact, three parties.
who claimed the right of being heard in the final
settlement of affairs; and it unfortunately hap-
pened, that on whatever principle the arrange-
ment should take place, one of the three bodies
must be sacrificed, to secure the union of the
remaining two. A treaty between the King
and the Presbyterians necessarily involved the
political downfall of the Independents; while
an agreement between the crown and the latter
OLIVER CROMWELL.
235
class of religionists, must infallibly have led to
the ecclesiastical discomfiture of their oppo-
nents, the adherents of the Covenant and of the
Westminster Assembly. In short, it is more
easy to describe the embarrassment in which
the King, the Parliament, and the army, were
placed by the conclusion of the war, than to
suggest an expedient by which they might have
accommodated their differences, and secured the
peace of the nation. An honest patriotism
would, no doubt, have accomplished much on
both sides; but, unhappily for the reputation of
the principal characters engaged in that mo-
mentous conflict, the evil spirit of private am-
bition, rivalry, and personal dislike, had univer-
sally mixed itself with the sullen temper engen-
dered by a false religion, as well as with that
desire for retribution and reprisal which a long
course of hostilities could not fail to create in the
national mind. We are now about to see in what
manner Cromwell conducted himself amidst the
dangers and perplexities of his new position;
and to determine whether his tactics in parlia-
ment and in the council were not equal to those
which he displayed in choosing his ground, and
fixing the moment of attack, in the presence of
an armed enemy.
236
LIFE OF
CHAPTER V.
From the Arrival of the King at Holdenby-House,
to the period of his Flight from Hampton
Court.
THE Parliament had no sooner obtained pos-
session of his Majesty's person, than they resol-
ved to diminish the numbers of the army, and
to remove from the exercise of a dangerous
power the more ambitious of the general officers.
At the period in question, the majority of the
influential members in both Houses were of the
Presbyterian persuasion, and consequently hos-
tile to Cromwell and his Independents; for
which reason, the latter resolved to employ the
influence which they had acquired from their
long service in the field, to prevent the accom-
plishment of a purpose so obviously calculated
to endanger both their interests and their per-
sonal safety.
Their bold and sagacious leader divided his
time between the camp and the House of Com-
mons, concealing, with his usual dexterity, the
plan by which he had determined to oppose the
power of the one to the pretensions of the other.
It was only from hints which he sometimes drop-
ped in conversation, that his most intimate
OLIVER CROMWELL.
237
6
friends could conjecture what was passing in
his mind; and in reference to his views at the
interesting crisis which was produced by the sur-
render of the King into the hands of the parlia-
mentary commissioners, Ludlow communicates
the following characteristic notice: "Walking
one day with Lieutenant-General Cromwell in
Sir Robert Cotton's garden, he inveighed bit-
terly against them, (the Commons,) saying, in a
familiar way to me, if thy father were alive, he
would let some of them hear what they deser-
ved;' adding farther, that it was a miserable
thing to serve a Parliament, to whom, let a man
be never so faithful, if one pragmatical fellow
rise up and asperse him, he shall never wipe it
off. Whereas,' said he, when one serves un-
der a general, he may do as much service, and
yet be free from all envy and blame.' This text,
together with the comment which his after ac-
tions put upon it, hath since persuaded me that
he had already conceived the design of destroy-
ing the civil authority, and setting up of him-
self; and that he took that opportunity to feel
my pulse, whether I were a fit instrument to
be employed by him to those ends. But having
replied to his discourse, that we ought to per-
form the duty of our stations, and trust God
with our honour, power, and all that is dear to
us, not permitting any such considerations to
discourage us from the prosecution of our duty,
I never heard any thing more from him upon
that point. '*
In conducting the intrigues, by means of
+
• Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 187.
238
LIFE OF
which the army was finally turned against the
Parliament, Cromwell employed the subtle mind
of Ireton, his son-in-law, and commissary-gene-
ral. Fairfax, indeed, was still commander-in-
chief, and hence the official business of the dif
ferent corps passed through his hands, and bore
the nominal impress of his sanction. But, in
fact, as he himself acknowledges, the real power
was vested in his lieutenant-general, who used
the name and authority of his superior officer
to further the ends of his own ambition. "From
the time that the army declared their usurped
authority at Triplow-Heath, I never," says Sir
Thomas, "gave my free consent to any thing
they did; but being yet undischarged of my
place, they set my name, in way of course, to all
their papers, whether I consented or not, and
to such failings are all authorities subject. Un-
der parliamentary authority many injuries have
been done; so here hath a general's power been
broken and crumbled into a levelling faction.
Yet this, I hope, all impartial judges will inter-
pret as force and ravishment of a good name,
rather than a voluntary consent, which might
make me equally criminal with that faction."*
The measures contemplated by Parliament,
were to draft part of the army for the reduction
of Ireland, and to place the remainder on a new
footing, under the direction of officers attached
to their political principles. The death of Essex,
it is true, deprived them of the chief means by
which they had hoped to realize their scheme,
and, at the same time, gave additional strength to
Short Memorials. Somers's Tracts, vol. v. p. 396.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
239
the cause of the Independents. Still their resolu-
tion to diminish the ranks of the battalions re-
served for home service, continued unshaken ;
and with this view they sent Cromwell and Ire-
ton to Walden, the head-quarters of the Gene-
ral, charged with orders to soothe the minds of
the soldiers; to confirm their allegiance to the
two Houses; and to induce as many as were
wanted for Ireland, to engage heartily in that ex-
pedition. It is well known that this mission was
not crowned with success. The men, whose pay
had not been regularly advanced, insisted upon
a full discharge of all arrears; complained loud-
ly of the ingratitude manifested by the Parlia-
ment; produced a long list of grievances which
required redress; and pointed out many abuses
in the administration of affairs, the removal of
which they would not suffer to be longer de-
layed. It has been said that the Lieutenant-
General and his son-in-law increased the dis-
affection, and stimulated the resentment of the
troops. Contrary to the trust reposed in them,
it is asserted, they very much hindered the
service upon which they were sent; not only
by discountenancing those who were obedient
and willing, but by giving encouragement to
the unwilling and disobedient; declaring that
there had lately been much cruelty and injus-
tice in the proceedings of Parliament against
them. In further pursuance thereof, Commis-
sary-General Ireton drew up those papers and
writings which were then sent from the army,
addressed as well to the legislature as to the king-
dom at large; telling the agitators, at the same
time, that it was lawful for them to refuse to
240
LIFE OF
disband until they had received full satisfaction
for their past services.*
To carry on a regular negotiation with their
masters at Westminster, the soldiers elected two
individuals from every regiment to represent
their wishes, and to advocate their cause. The
officers had formed a similar association; and
hence these two bodies, who constituted a stand-
ing committee of management, or council of war,
bore some resemblance to the two Houses of
Parliament. The elective members were ori-
ginally called Adjutators or Assistants, but in
a little time, either from ignorance or malignant
wit, they were usually known by the name of
Agitators. They assumed to themselves the
right of giving their opinion on all public mat-
ters; of disputing the decisions of the govern-
ment; and of listening to such terms as were
proposed for the satisfaction of their brethren
in the camp, as well as for the future regulation
of military affairs at home and abroad. They
were, in short, a deliberative assembly with armns
in their hands; and accordingly, when their ar-
guments failed to produce the proper effect on
either House, they struck their tents, or aban-
doned their quarters in the country, and march-
ed in order of battle to the doors of the Parlia-
ment.
It was at Nottingham, in the month of Fe-
bruary, that the General first observed the prac-
tices of the agitators, when they met to frame a
petition about their arrears. The thing, he al-
* Sundry Reasons by Major Robert Huntington for
laying down his Commission.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
241
lowed, seemed just; but not liking the way, he
spoke with some officers who were principally
engaged in it, and got it suppressed for the time.
It is clear, however, that the instigation upon
which the army acted could not be subdued by
the gentle measures recommended by Fairfax.
The genius of Cromwell, there is little doubt,
animated the councils of his military brethren
of all classes; and when the camp moved from
Nottingham to Essex, the Lord-General even felt
himself under the necessity of devising a pretext
for a step so sudden and irregular.
Every candid historian must regret that for
the important events which fall within the limits
of this chapter, we have no authority to allege
but such as must be derived from annalists who
were unfriendly to Cromwell. No advocate of
his fame has defined the part which he took in
exciting the opposition of the army, or vindica-
ted the motives from which such questionable con-
duct appears to have proceeded. Viewed, indeed,
as a portion of the intricate game of ambition
which he had undertaken to play, the ability
which he manifested in thwarting the designs
of the Parliament, cannot be too highly extoll-
ed. He knew that the leaders of that renown-
ed convention had resolved to put him down; to
strip him as far as they could of all the influence
which had attached to his name and character;
to subject him to a disqualification for all mili-
tary employment; and to brand him as an object.
of suspicion to all lovers of their country. He
had heard, too, that votes were carried in the
House of Commons for reducing the greater
part of the army under Sir Thomas Fairfax,
VOL. I.
U
242
LIFE OF
}
and for prohibiting every officer above the rank
of a colonel, from serving in the diminished es-
tablishment which was to be retained. The same
restriction was applied to every individual, what-
ever might have been his former rank, who re-
fused to take the Solemn League and Covenant;
and to all whose consciences would not permit
them to conform to the Presbyterian form of wor-
ship. In self-defence, therefore, he seems justi-
fied in protecting the interests of his profession;
and if his ambitious views had not comprehend-
ed the renewal of war, and the destruction of a
numerous body of his fellow subjects, there are
few who would not approve the resolute policy
which he had determined to pursue.
No doubt appears to be entertained by any
contemporary writer, that Cromwell set in mo-
tion all the intrigues of the military, and at
length directed the terror of their armis against
his opponents at Westminster.
He contrived,
however, to conceal himself so artfully in the
back-ground, and to employ instruments so well
adapted to his purpose, that the work was com-
pleted before the unsuspecting General had al-
lowed himself to imagine, that his second in com-
mand gave any countenance to those frequent
acts of insubordination, which no discipline could
now suppress. At last, indeed, his eyes were
opened, and in the Short Memorial which he has
bequeathed to posterity, he laments, in words
which cannot be misunderstood, that the success
of his army in 1646, "was soon clouded with
abominable hypocrisy and deceit, even in those
men who had been instrumental in bringing the
war to a conclusion. Here was the vertical point
on which the army's reputation and honour turn-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
243
ed into a reproach and scandal. Here the power
of the army I once had, was usurped by the
agitators, the forerunners of confusion and
anarchy.'
>"
As Cromwell had undertaken at once to di-
rect the mutinous spirit of the army, and to hood-
wink the Commons, he occasionally found him-
self beset with the most serious difficulties, ari-
sing from the impetuosity of the one, and the
suspicions of the other. When Sexby and his
companions appeared at the door of the House
with a petition, and a proposal was made that for
their contumacy they should be forthwith com-
mitted to the Tower, the Lieutenant-General
rose in his place and protested, that to his cer-
tain knowledge the army was greatly misunder-
stood and calumniated. He assured the members,
that the soldiers willingly put themselves into
the hands of the national representatives, and
would conform to any thing which Parliament
might be pleased to ordain. If the House of
Commons commanded them to disband, they
would obey without a murmur, and pile up their
arms at the door of that assembly. For him-
self, he entreated them to accept the assurance
of his entire submission and obedience. He be-
sought them, therefore, to bear in mind the long
services, and the pure and entire loyalty of that
meritorious body, and to do nothing respecting
them in anger, or under false and mistaken no-
tions of resentment."
This temporizing policy completely answered
*Baxter, p. 59.
Warwick, p. 330. Godwin, vol.
ii. p. 301. Clement Walker, p. 31.
244
LIFE OF
the purpose which Cromwell had in view. The
House resolved to send him, Skippon, Fleet-
wood, and Ireton to the head-quarters of the
army, with a message to the soldiers, certifying
them that an indemnity would be passed to re-
lieve all military men from every charge on their
conduct during the war; that a sum of money
would be remitted for the payment of part of
their arrears, and that the remainder would be
settled at no distant period. These concessions,
however, proceeded on the understanding that
the troops were to be disbanded; a consumma-
tion which Oliver, Fleetwood, and Ireton were
determined to prevent With this view, the
negotiations were protracted from the second
of May till the twenty-first; when Cromwell
appeared in the House, and made known the
terms on which alone the soldiers would submit
to lay down their arms. Parliament then began
to see the necessity of pressing their measures
without delay. Accordingly, on the 28th of the
same month, both Houses voted a declaration
that the army should be reduced immediately,
and appointed the Earl of Warwick, Lord De-
laware, and Sir Gilbert Gerard, to see their re-
solution carried into effect.
Meantime the camp was removed from Saf-
fron Walden to Bury St Edmonds; where a ge-
neral council of officers and agitators was soon
afterwards held, with the intention of avert-
ing the measure recommended by Parliament,
until all the grievances of the army should be
redressed. A petition to Fairfax was drawn
up under the auspices of Ireton, Rich, Okey,
Robert Lilburne, and Harrison, remonstrating,
OLIVER CROMWELL.
245
in the first place, against the tyrannical pro-
ceedings of the two Houses, and then soliciting
that he would order all the regiments to come in
from out-quarters, and make speedy prepara-
tions for a general rendezvous of the whole army.
During the delay thus created, a corps under
Colonel Rainsborough refused to march to the
sea-side, whence they were to be embarked for
Jersey; and, at the same time, Cornet Joyce, an
officer in Cromwell's own regiment, proceeded
to Oxford with a hundred horsemen to secure
the artillery and ammunition deposited in that
garrison; in order that, should the military
council find it necessary to oppose the votes of
Parliament by force of arms, they might not be
destitute of suitable supplies.
It was impossible that Cromwell, whose in-
fluence among the soldiery was known to be
very great, should not incur suspicion on the
part of the two Houses. His name, it is true,
had never once been mentioned in any of the
petitions or remonstrances brought forward by
the army; while in conducting a debate on the
expediency of coercive measures, he was always
the most forward to condemn the undutiful be-
haviour of the agitators, and to inflame the
resentment of the Commons. Nay, if we may
believe Clarendon, he was moved to the highest
pitch of grief and anger whenever any intelli-
gence was received from the mutinous regi-
ments. He wept bitterly; he lamented the
misfortunes of his country; and he advised the
most violent measures for checking the insubor-
dination of the troops. At the same time he
called heaven and earth to witness that his de-
U 2
246
LIFE OF
voted attachment to the Parliament had render-
ed him so odious in the army, that his life, while
among them, was in the utmost danger.
But information in the meanwhile reached the
parliamentary leaders, that the Lieutenant-Gene-
ral was acting a double part; for that the agita-
tors, whose turbulence seemed to create in his
breast so much anguish and dismay, were in reality
his own creatures, and accustomed to act on his
suggestion and authority. It is doubtful whe-
ther his enemies in the House upbraided him
with his perfidy, and thereby gave him an op-
portunity to defend his conduct; but it is clear
that Hollis and his party had come to the reso-
lution of exposing his treachery to the view of
the nation, and even of sending him to the Tower.
Cromwell, whose vigilance and sagacity could
never be deceived, got notice of this hostile de-
termination in time to evade it. He immediate-
ly left London for the army; by whom he was
received with the loudest acclamations, and in-
stantly invested with the supreme command,
both of Fairfax, and of all the orders of men
who professed to serve under him.
Some degree of obscurity, it must be acknow-
ledged, continues to hang over the incident
which gave occasion to this open defiance of the
Parliament. Burnet, on the authority of Sir
Harbottle Grimstone, relates the following an-
ecdote, which, it is possible, may have been the
occasion of this memorable breach between the
civil and military power.
"When the House
of Commons and the army were a-quarrelling, at
the meeting of the officers it was proposed to
purge the army better, that they might know
OLIVER CROMWELL.
247
whom to depend on. Cromwell, upon that, said
that he was sure of the army; but there was
another body that had more need of purging,
naming the House of Commons, and he thought
the army only could do that. Two officers, who
were present, brought an account of this to
Grimstone, who carried them with him to the
lobby of the House of Commons; they being
resolved to justify it to the House. There was
another debate then on foot, but Grimstone di-
verted it, and said he had a matter of privilege
of the highest sort to lay before them, it was
about the being and freedom of the House. So
he charged Cromwell with the design of putting
a force upon the House. He had his witnesses
at the door, and desired they might be exami-
ned. They were brought to the bar, and justi-
fied all they had said to him, and gave a full re-
lation of all that had passed at their meetings.
When they withdrew, Cromwell fell down on
his knees, and made a solemn prayer to God,
attesting his innocence, and his zeal for the ser-
vice of the House; he submitted himself to the
providence of God, who had thought fit to ex-
ercise him with calumny and slander; but he
submitted his cause to Him. This he did with
great vehemence and many tears. After this
strange and bold preamble, he made so long a
speech, justifying both himself and the rest of
the officers, except a few that seemed inclined
to return back to Egypt, that he wearied out
the House, and wrought so much on his party,
that what the witnesses had said was so little
believed, that, had it been moved, Grimstone
thought both himself and they would have been
248
LIFE OF
sent to the Tower. But whether their guilt
made them modest, or that they had no mind
to have the matter much talked of, they let it
fall; and there was no strength on the other
side to carry it farther. To complete the scene,
as soon as ever Cromwell got out of the House,
he resolved to trust himself no more amongst
them; but went to the army, and in a few days
he brought them up and forced a great many
from the House."*
Whatever truth there may be in the above
statement, no doubt can be entertained as to the
views of the agitators, and the existence of such
a crisis as compelled Cromwell to throw him-
self upon the army. Apprehensive, at the same
time, lest the Parliament should enter into
treaty with the King before their designs were
ripe for execution, they resolved to seize his
Majesty's person, and detain him in the neigh-
bourhood of their camp, until he should finally
determine on what ground to make an agree-
ment with his people. For this purpose, on the
1st of June, they dispatched Mr Joyce, the sub-
altern already mentioned, with a numerous
body of horse to Holdenby-House, under orders
to make the King his prisoner, and to convey
him to the head-quarters of the General. Charles,
finding all resistance vain, and observing that
the guards appointed by the Parliament had
joined with the troopers under cornet Joyce,
consented at length to accompany his new guides
whithersoever they might have instructions to
* Burnet's History of his Own Times, vol. i. p. 77.
Oxford edition.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
249
conduct him. He was carried the first day as far
as Hinchinbrooke House, and subsequently to
Newmarket, in the neighbourhood of which the
army was encamped.
The agitators hesitated not to acknowledge
that this measure originated in their council;
but the general belief attributed it to the artifice
of the Lieutenant-General, who came down to
the army the same day that his Majesty arrived.
Fairfax was entirely ignorant of the step now
mentioned, as well as of the purpose for which it
had been adopted. The following morning he
attended on his Majesty, and endeavoured to
persuade him to go back to Holdenby House; pro-
mising to supply him with such a military force,
as would render impracticable all similar attempts
on his personal security. The King declined to
return; and spoke something about his interest
in the army, which showed that certain proposals
must have been made to him, before his remo-
val from the parliamentary commissioners. The
General immediately summoned a council of war
to proceed against Joyce, according to martial
law, for this high offence and breach of duty.
"But the officers," he adds, " whether for fear
of the distempered soldiers, or rather, as I sus-
pected, from a secret allowance of what was
donc, made all my endeavours in this ineffec-
tual." *
Huntington, the major of Cromwell's own
regiment, gives an account of this transaction,
which leaves no doubt that it originated entire-
ly in the profound artifice of the Lieutenant-Ge-
Short Memorials. Somers's Tracts, vol. v. p. 391.
250
LIFE OF
neral. In allusion to the intrigues practised at
Triplow Heath, he remarks, "for the effecting
of their further purposes, advice was given by
Cromwell and by Commissary-General Ireton,
to remove the King's person from Holdenby,
or to secure him there by other guards than
those appointed by the commissioners of Par-
liament; which was thought most fit to be car-
ried on by the private soldiery of the army, and
promoted by the agitators of each regiment,
whose first business was to secure the garrison
of Oxford, with the guns and ammunition there;
from thence to march to Holdenby in prosecu-
tion of the former advice, which was according-
ly acted by Cornet Joyce, who, when he had
done the business, sent a letter to the General
then at Keinton, acquainting his Excellency
that the King was on his march to Newmarket.
The General, being troubled thereat, told Com-
missary-General Ireton that he did not like it,
demanding withal who gave those orders. He
replied, that he gave orders only for securing
the King there, and not for taking him away
from thence.' Lieutenant-General Cromwell co-
ming then from London, said, if this had not been
done, the King would have been fetched away
by order of Parliament.' The same day Cornet
Joyce being told that the General was displea-
sed with him for bringing the King from Hol-
denby, he answered, that Lieutenant-General
Cromwell gave him orders at London, to do
what he had done both there and at Oxford.'"*
A similar statement was made on the autho-
* Sundry Reasons, &c.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
251
rity of Joyce, who complains, that for allowing
certain facts to transpire, he was miserably per-
secuted by the Lord Protector.* Hollis insists
that the plan was arranged on the 30th of May,
in a meeting held at Cromwell's house in Lon-
don; and that the Cornet actually received his
orders there, to seize the King and conduct
him to the army.† General Ludlow, who pro-
bably was better acquainted than any other
with the motives which influenced the military
council at Triplow, tells us, that the agitators
of the army, sensible of their condition, and
knowing that they must fall under the mercy
of the Parliament, unless, by prosecuting what
they had begun, they could secure themselves
from their power; and fearing that those who
had shown themselves so forward to close with
the King, out of principle, upon any terms,
would now, for their own preservation, receive
him without any, that they might the better
subdue the army, and reduce them to obedience
by force-resolved to take his Majesty out of
the hands of the parliamentary commissioners.
There can be no doubt that the reasons now
stated were mainly influential in recommend-
ing to the partisans of Cromwell the exploit
performed by Cornet Joyce at Holdenby. But
as Oliver is said to have denied all knowledge of
the design, and to have himself declared that he
did not issue any order to that effect to the sub-
altern who accomplished it, certain advocates
for the purity of his reputation, have used a num-
* Harleian Miscellany, vol. viii. p. 293.
† Memoirs, p. 96.
+
+
1
252
LIFE OF
ber of ingenious arguments to prove that the sei-
zure of the royal person did not originate with
the member for Cambridge. The author of the
volume entitled, "Oliver Cromwell and his
Times," produces several considerations to pre-
vail upon his readers" to hesitate in believing
that the Lieutenant-General was actually con-
cerned in the King's removal from Holdenby."
He concludes, however, by acknowledging, that
it does seem probable that Cromwell both knew
that the measure was contemplated, and so far
countenanced it, as to take no steps to prevent
what he trusted to the violence of its planners
to execute in their own time.*
The army, now under the direction of that
master mind, who thought nothing was done
while there remained any thing to be achieved,
drew nearer to the metropolis in order to frighten
the Parliament into compliance with their wishes.
They adopted the bold expedient of accusing of
high treason eleven members belonging to the
Lower House; who, being Presbyteriaus, dreaded
the resentment of the opposite faction to such
a degree, that they vacated their seats, and
sought safety in a temporary concealment. They
next demanded that the militia of London should
be replaced in the hands of those who had ex-
ercised the command during the war; depriving
thereby of a powerful source of influence their
political opponents in the House of Commons,
who had recently invested some of their own
creatures with the charge of the civic battalions.
This concession, however, so much enraged the
* Memoirs, p. 194.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
253
inhabitants of the city, that they crowded round
the doors of the Parliament, and, by shouts and
menaces of the most alarming nature, compelled
the Commons to rescind their vote. Their ha-
tred of the army, at the same moment, renewed
their feeling of compassion towards the King;
and under the impulse of this generous emotion,
they insisted upon a resolution being passed,
that the King should come forthwith to London,
and be invited thither with honour, freedom,
and safety.
The tendency of such an occurrence was too
obvious to escape the penetration of the military
leaders. Under pretence of freeing the Parlia-
ment from restraint, they advanced to Hounslow
Heath, where they were met by the two speak-
ers, Manchester and Lenthall, attended by eight
peers, and about sixty commoners, who unani-
mously declared that they came to the army for
protection. Orders were immediately given to
lead the troops into the capital; whither they
escorted the fugitive members of the two
Houses, and restored them to the exercise of
their wonted authority. The citizens, among
whom the Presbyterian party had great influ-
ence, endeavoured to oppose the entrance of
those military umpires. An attempt was made
to repair the fortifications, and even to take the
field at the head of the militia. Waller and
Massey were invited to assume the command
of this tumultuary force against the veterans
under Fairfax and Cromwell; but the rapid ap-
proach of the latter quelled the courage of the
civilians, and disposed them to submit to the
moderate terms which were held forth by their
VOL. I.
X
254
LIFE OF
invaders. By a vote of both Houses the Gene-
ral was made Constable of the Tower of Lon-
don; and this was immediately followed by a
resolution for a day of thanksgiving, that Par-
liament was restored to its honour and freedom
with so little effusion of blood. The submission
of the city, and the consequent triumph of the
Independents, took place on the 6th of August,
1647.
During the greater part of the months of June
and July, the King had accompanied the mo-
tions of the army; occupying in the neighbour-
hood of their cantonments such houses as were
fit for his residence. At this period began that
rivalry of attention to his Majesty, on the part
of the two great factions who were struggling
for ascendency in the nation, which led him to
hesitate so long which of their offers he should
accept, that he finally lost the good opinion and
support of both. The conduct of Cromwell, at
this juncture, was liberal and considerate. He
granted permission to the King's friends to vi-
sit him in private; allowed the royal chaplains
to resume their professional duties in the house-
hold; and forbade all restraint but such as might
be thought necessary to prevent the sudden de-
parture of his captive. On the 1st of July his
Majesty was indulged so far as to have leave to
spend a day or two at the castle of Windsor;
and wherever he went, care was taken that pre-
parations should be made for his reception, not
inferior to what had been customary in a royal
progress. Cromwell even procured for the King
the pleasure of an interview with his younger
children, who were still in the hands of the Par-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
255
liament. This meeting took place on the 15th of
July; and the Princes were farther allowed to
pass a short time with their royal parent at Ca-
versham, a seat belonging to Lord Craven. The
people flocked in great numbers to see them, and
strewed the way with branches and flowers.
The King and Parliament being both subdued
to the interests of the Independents, the thoughts
of Cromwell and Ireton were now seriously
turned to the important task of placing the af-
fairs of the kingdom on a permanent basis. The
higher and more influential of the military offi-
cers were disposed to adopt the san.e views; and
hence proposals were drawn up in the name of
the army, and presented to Charles for his consi-
deration. The substance of these articles respect-
ed, in the first place, certain improvements in the
constitution of Parliament, the election of mem-
bers, and the period of sitting. Secondly, it was
provided, that the military power by sea and
land should be for the next ten years at the
disposal of Parliament; the King not to inter-
fere with the appointment of officers during that
period nor afterwards, without the consent of
the legislature. No person who had carried
arms against the Parliament was to hold any
place in the public service for five years, nor to
be a member of either House until after the
lapse of the same space of time. The great of
ficers of state were to be for the next ten years
in the nomination of Parliament, who afterwards
were to name three candidates, of whom the
King was to select one. Peers who had been
made since the removal of the great seal in 1642,
were not to sit in Parliament without the con-
256
LIFE OF
sent of both Houses. All grants under the
King's great seal since that time were to be
pronounced void; while all deeds bearing the
impress of that used by the Parliament, were to
be declared valid. All coercive power in bishops
and other ecclesiastical officers, extending to civil
penalties, was to be taken away. The use of
the liturgy was not to be enjoined; nor, on the
other hand, the taking of the Covenant to be
enforced. Farther, the King, Queen, and royal
issue were to be restored to safety, honour, and
freedom, without diminution of their rights, or
limitation to the exercise of regal power, beyond
what is contained in the above particulars. Fi-
nally, a number of state delinquents, not ex-
ceeding five, were to be excepted from the bene-
fit of whatever indemnity might be granted by
Parliament, in behalf of those who had served in
the camp or council of the monarch.
Cromwell appeared very desirous for a speedy
agreement with the King, insomuch, says Sir
John Berkeley, that "he sometimes complained
of his son Ireton's slowness in perfecting the
proposals, and his unwillingness to come up to
his Majesty's sense: at other times, he would
wish that Sir John would act more frankly, and
not tie himself up by narrow principles."
But
Charles was staggered by the three articles which
provided for the punishment of his friends, their
incapacity to serve in Parliament, and the omis-
sion of all legal support for the Episcopal church.
In allusion to the fate of Strafford, he declared
that no man should suffer for his sake; and con-
cluded an interview to which he had admitted
the commissioners of the army, by assuring them
OLIVER CROMWELL.
257
that he could not accept their proposals, and,
moreover, that their interests could not be long
supported without his co-operation. "You will
fall to ruin if I do not sustain you."
The negotiations thus carried on between the
King and the principal officers, alarmed the agi-
tators, who imagined that Cromwell had resol-
ved, by a compromise with Charles, to aggran-
dize himself, and leave them to their fate. At
all events, the Lieutenant-General affected to
consider himself in danger, and actually request-
ed that Berkeley and Ashburnham, the agents of
his Majesty, would not repair so frequently and
with so little disguise to his quarters. He still,
indeed, declared his undiminished anxiety for
an adjustment of all differences; imprecating on
himself and his posterity the vengeance of hea-
ven, if he were not sincere in his endeavours to
serve the King in that particular; but, at the
same time, he did not conceal his apprehensions
in regard to the inconstancy of the army.
It has been usual to charge Cromwell with
insincerity in relation to the progress and fail-
ure of this negotiation. Ludlow declares his
belief, that Ireton never had any intention to
close with the King, but only to lay his party
asleep whilst they were contesting with the
Presbyterians in Parliament. The opinion of
contemporary writers coincides for the most part
with that of the author now named, in regard
both to the commissary-general and his father-in-
law; and yet noue of them has supplied evidence
sufficient to justify an inference so extremely un-
favourable to the candour of Oliver. It is, there-
fore, not improbable that he was in earnest, and
x 2
258
LIFE OF
was even desirous to dispose of his influence to
the King, for a certain degree of wealth and
rank to be conferred upon himself and family.
There is a story told by the author of the Me-
moirs of Lord Broghil, on the authority of that
nobleman, which has been thought to throw some
light on the motives of Cromwell in the latter
stage of this transaction. His lordship is said
to have entered into conversation with the Lieu-
tenant-General upon the subject of the King's
execution, when the latter remarked, that if
Charles had followed his own mind, and had
had trusty servants about him, he had fooled
both the Parliament and the army; adding, "we
had once had an inclination to come to terms
with him, but something that happened drew
us off from it.". "The reason of an inclination
to come to terms with him was, we found the
Scots and Presbyterians began to be more power-
ful than we, and were strenuously endeavour-
ing to strike up an agreement with the King,
and leave us in the lurch; wherefore we thought
to prevent them by offering more reasonable
conditions. But while we were busied with
these thoughts, there came a letter to us from
one of our spies, who was of the King's bed-
chamber, acquainting us that our final doom was
decreed that day: what it was he could not tell,
but a letter was gone to the Queen with the con-
tents of it, which letter was sewed up in the
skirt of a saddle, and the bearer of it would
come with the saddle upon his head about ten
o'clock the following night, to the Blue Boar
Inn in Holborn, where he was to take horse for
Dover. The messenger knew nothing of the
OLIVER CROMWELL.
259
letter in the saddle, but some one in Dover did.
We were then at Windsor; and immediately
upon the receipt of the letter from our spy, Ire-
ton and I resolved to take a trusty fellow with
us, and in troopers' habits to go to the inn;
which accordingly we did, and set our man at
the gate of the inn to watch. The gate was
shut, but the wicket was open, and our man
stood to give us notice when any one came with
a saddle on his head. Ireton and I sat in a box
near the wicket and called for a can of beer, and
then another, drinking in that disguise till ten
o'clock, when our sentinel gave us notice that
the man with the saddle was come. Upon which
we immediately rose; and when the man was
leading out his horse saddled, we came up to
him with our swords drawn, and told him we
were to search all who went in and out there;
but as he looked like an honest fellow, we would
only search his saddle: which we did, and found
the letter we looked for. On opening it, we read
the contents, in which the King acquainted the
Queen that he was now courted by both the
factions, the Scots, Presbyterians, and the army;
that which of them bid fairest for him should
have him; that he thought he could close soon-
er with the Scots than the other. Upon which
we speeded to Windsor, and finding we were
not like to have any tolerable terms from the
King, we immediately resolved to ruin him.”
There is much appearance of truth in this nar-
rative, because the statement of Cromwell agrees
with a variety of other facts which have been
brought to light in the course of the negotiation.
It is certain that both parties courted the King;
260
LIFE OF
and, moreover, that they respectively enlarged
their terms of agreement, in proportion as each
suspected that the other was gaining ground.
Charles balanced their offers with a steady hand,
resolved that the faction which bid fairest for
him should have him ; but not having much con-
fidence in the sincerity of either, he hesitated
too long, and was at length rejected by both.
It is not a little remarkable that it was at
Windsor, to which place Cromwell and Ireton
are said to have returned after making the dis-
covery at the Blue Boar Inn, that these leaders
first consented to a proposal for putting the
King to death. Charles, in the meantime, had
retired from Hampton Court, and sought an
asylum in the Isle of Wight; a step which the
unfortunate monarch was induced to take, in
consequence of certain insinuations that his life
was threatened by a violent faction in the army.
There had recently sprung up in the ranks
a class of political fanatics, who declaimed
against all distinctions in society, except such
as rested on mental endowments or spiritual
gifts, and who, from the objects they professed
to have in view, were denominated Levellers.
This mischievous sect had formed an alliance
with the agitators, and thereby acquired so
much influence among the common soldiers, as
to place on a very insecure footing the autho-
rity of the regimental officers, and even of the
Lieutenant-General himself. Animated by a
bitter hatred towards kings, nobles, and all the
privileged classes, they viewed with great sus-
picion the intercourse which subsisted between
Cromwell and the royal quarters; and they are
OLIVER CROMWELL.
261
represented to have yielded so far on one occa-
sion to their resentment, as to meditate the
death of that commander, as an apostate from
the principles of liberty. It may therefore be
regarded as not altogether improbable that, in
a fit of intemperate zeal, they, in like manner,
used threatening language in reference to the
person of the monarch; and hence that Crom-
well had some pretext for conveying to him the
information which has been supposed to hasten
his final resolution. But when, on the other
hand, we consider with how much ease he sup-
pressed the turbulence of the levellers, when
he saw it necessary to recall them to a sense
of military duty, we shall find it difficult to be-
lieve that, if no other reason had intervened to
break off the treaty with the King, he would
have been deterred from his purpose by the
murmurs of a few enthusiastical soldiers.
CC
That Cromwell wrote to the officer in com-
mand at Hampton Court, is manifest from what
transpired during the examination of the latter
at the bar of the House of Commons. Address-
ing the Speaker, Colonel Whaley says, you
demand of me what that letter was that I show-
ed the King the day he went away. The letter
I shall show you; but, with your leave, I shall
first acquaint you with the author, and the
ground of my showing it to the King. The
author is Lieutenant-General Cromwell; the
ground of my showing it was this; the letter
intimates some murderous design, or at least
some fear of it, against his Majesty. When I
read the letter, I was much astonished, abhor-
ring that such a thing should be done, or so
262
LIFE OF
much as thought of by any that bear the name of
Christians. When I had shown the letter to his
Majesty, I told him I was sent to safe-guard
him, and not to murther him; I wished him to
be confident no such thing should be done; I
would first die at his feet in his defence; and
therefore I showed it to him that he might be
assured, though menacing speeches came fre-
quently to his ear, our general officers abhorred
so bloody and so villainous an act."
It has been supposed that the flight of Charles
irritated the levellers, and drove them to the
very
brink of insurrection. Fairfax gave orders
that a remonstrance should be prepared, to re-
fute the calumnies which were directed against
the principal commanders, and explain the mo-
tives upon which their conduct had proceeded.
On the 15th of November, four days after
Charles had disappeared, the General and Crom-
well went down to the army, in order to read
that paper at the head of every regiment. In
two corps, which had joined the camp without
permission, the majority of the men were ex-
tremely disaffected; bearing on their hats a
motto expressive of their desires, "The people's
freedom, and the soldiers' rights." One of the
battalions yielded to reason, and removed the
emblem of insubordination from their
caps; but
as the other seemed determined to set at defi-
ance the power of discipline, Cromwell sprang
into the ranks, and seized the most active of the
ringleaders. A court martial, which was im-
mediately held, condemned several of them to
be shot; and the sentence was forthwith exe-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
263
،،
cuted upon one individual, whose fate, as in a
former case, was determined by casting lots.
Subordination being restored, Cromwell re-
turned to his duty in Parliament, where, on the
19th of November, he gave
an account of the
proceedings at the late rendezvous, and how, by
God's great mercy, and the endeavours of his
Excellency and officers, the army was in a very
good condition." The House ordered to give
Lieutenant-General Cromwell thanks for his
good services. A short time after, a solemn fast
was kept by the General and his staff. "The du-
ties of the day were performed by diverse of
the officers, amongst whom there was a sweet
harmony. The Lieutenant-general, Commissa-
ry-general Ireton, Colonel Tichburne, Colonel
Hewson, Mr Peters, and other officers, prayed
very fervently and pathetically. This continued
from nine in the morning till seven at night."
Whatever share Cromwell may have had in
the departure of the King from Hampton Court,
it is manifest that his Majesty did not conceive
that their negotiation for a settlement of public
affairs was to be thereby entirely concluded.
On the contrary, he dispatched Sir John Berke-
ley from the Isle of Wight with letters to the
principal officers, entreating them to further his
views for a speedy accommodation. Hammond
had sent his chaplain on a similar message, con-
juring the military chiefs, by their engagements,
their honour, and conscience, to remove every
obstacle out of the way, and not to yield to the
fantastic giddiness of the agitators. About an
hour after his arrival at Windsor, Sir John
went to the General's quarters, where he found
264
LIFE OF
the officers of the army assembled; and being
admitted, delivered his letters to Fairfax, who
immediately requested him to withdraw. After
he had attended about half an hour, he was
called in again, and told by the General, with
some severity in his face, that they were the
Parliament's army, and therefore could say no-
thing to the King's motion about peace, but
must refer those matters, and the King's letters,
to their consideration. Then Berkeley looked
upon Cromwell, Ireton, and the rest of his ac-
quaintance, who saluted him very coldly, show-
ing him Hammond's letter to them, and smiling
with disdain upon it.*
Berkeley proceeds to relate, that being thus
disappointed, he went to his lodgings in a state
of great uneasiness, and remained there till to-
wards evening, when he sent out his servant to
find, if possible, any one of his military acquaint-
ances. He fortunately met with one, (supposed
to be General Watson,) who told him to inform
his master that he would meet him at midnight
in a close behind the Garter Inn. At the time
and place appointed, they met, when the officer
acquainted him in general that he had no good
news to communicate; and then, descending to
particulars, said, “You know that I and my
friends engaged ourselves to you; that we were
zealous for an agreement, and if the rest were
not so, we were abused. That since the tumults
in the army, we did mistrust Cromwell and Ire-
ton, whereof I informed you. I come now to
tell you that we mistrust neither, and that we
Berkeley's Memoirs. See Note E.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
265
are resolved, notwithstanding our engagement,
to destroy the King and his posterity, to which
Ireton has made two propositions this afternoon:
one, that you should be sent prisoner to Lon-
don; the other, that none speak with you upon
pain of death, and I now hazard my life by doing
it. The way designed to ruin the King, is to
send eight hundred of the most disaffected in
the army to secure his person, and then to bring
him to trial; and I dare think no farther. This
will be done in ten days, and therefore if the
King can escape, let him do it as he loves his
life." Sir John then asked the reason of this
change, since the King had done all things in
compliance with the army, and that the offi-
cers were become superior since the last ren-
dezvous. He replied, that he could not certainly
tell; but conceived the ground to be, that though
one of the mutineers was shot to death, eleven
more made prisoners, and the rest in appearance
overawed, yet they were so far from being so
indeed, that two-thirds of the army had since
been with Cromwell and Ireton to tell them,
that though they were certain to perish in the
enterprise, they would leave nothing unattempt-
ed to bring the whole army to their sense; and
that if all failed, they would make a division
among the troops, and join with any who would
assist them in the destruction of those who
should oppose them. Upon which, he added,
Cromwell and Ireton argued thus: If the army
divide, the greater part will side with the Pres-
byterians, and will, in all likelihood, prevail to
our ruin, by forcing us to make our applications
to the King, wherein we shall rather beg than
VOL. I.
Y
266
LIFE OF
offer any assistance; which if the King shall
give, and afterwards have the good fortune to
prevail, if he shall then pardon us, it will be all
we can pretend, and more than we can certainly
promise to ourselves; thereupon concluding,
that if they could not bring the army to their
sense, it were best to comply with them, a schism
being utterly destructive to both. In pursuance
of this resolution, Cromwell bent all his thoughts
to make his peace with the party that was op-
posite to the King, acknowledging, as he well
knew how to do on such occasions, that "the
glory of this world had so dazzled his eyes, that
he could not discern clearly the great work that
the Lord was doing."
Sir John further informs us, that next morn-
ing he sent Colonel Cooke to Cromwell to let
him know that he had letters and instructions
to him from the King; but the Lieutenant-Ge-
neral returned answer by the same messenger,
that he could not see him, it being very danger-
ous to them both; bidding him be assured that
he would serve the King as long as he could do
it without his own ruin, but desired that it
might not be expected that he should perish for
his sake.*
Ludlow, who abridges the narrative now gi-
ven, put little confidence in the promises of
Cromwell and his son-in-law, the commissary-
general. On the contrary, he suggests, that
having secured the city by an armed force, per-
suaded the King to refuse the propositions of
the Parliament, subdued the levellers, and, by re-
* Ludlow, vol. i, p. 228.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
267
moving his Majesty, freed themselves from his
importunity, they had resolved to rid their hands
of him altogether. They deemed it more po-
litic, at the same time, to devolve the final ne-
gotiations with the monarch upon the Parlia-
ment, whom they should thereby render respon-
sible for the catastrophe which they saw was
likely to take place; for they knew well that
the Presbyterian party would not come to an
agreement with him on the terms proposed by
the army, and that their own faction in the
Commons would not now treat on the lowest
conditions to which his misfortunes might com-
pel him to descend.
In a case so extremely complicated, and which
involved the fate of so many interests, not easy
to be reconciled, it is not surprising that there
should have been perpetuated against Charles
the charge of insincerity. He did not fail to
perceive the value of his accession to both of
the two parties who courted him; and as it was
avowedly a bargain on either side, the imputa-
tion of selfish motives might perhaps, not with-
out some show of justice, have been reciprocally
urged by the King, the Parliament, and the
army. His Majesty, too, laboured under a pe-
culiar disadvantage in conducting all the treaties
which were proposed to him after the battle of
Naseby, inasmuch as he could not negotiate with
more than a part of his people at one time; and
hence he had no security that his concessions,
however ample, would effect the great object.
which both himself and his opponents professed
to have in view.
For example, in the conference which took
268
LIFE OF
place at Hampton Court, where Charles rejected
the propositions offered by Cromwell and his
son-in-law, Sir John Berkeley, being desirous
to bring about a settlement, "demanded of Ire-
ton and the other officers, what they would do
if the King should consent; by whom it was
answered, that they would offer them to the
Parliament for their approbation." From this
acknowledgment we may perceive, that an ac-
ceptance of the terms proposed by the army
would not necessarily have formed the basis of
a peace with the national representatives; and,
consequently, that the sovereign had much rea-
son in his arguments when he requested that
commissioners might be mutually appointed by
the Parliament and by the council of officers
respectively, to prepare the way for a personal
treaty, in the conclusions of which all interests
might be united.
To this plan, however, apparently so equit-
able, neither the military nor parliamentary
leaders could ever be induced to accede. Each
wished to negotiate separately; to gain the roy-
alists by closing with their master; to strength-
en their own hands, in short, in order that they
might be able to put down their rivals. Can it
be a matter of surprise, then, that Charles, when
he found that the only result at which his nego-
tiations could arrive, was to array the King and
the Parliament against the army, or the King
and the army against the Parliament, should
have hesitated to conclude with either faction;
and that he should have entreated, as he all along
did entreat, to be allowed to submit the contro-
versy to the people at large, in the capital of his
empire?
OLIVER CROMWELL.
269
In the meantime, his Majesty was assailed by
reports of various kinds that his life was in dan-
ger, and informed that if he wished to escape
the hand of an assassin, he must forthwith leave
Hampton Court. Being perplexed by the coun-
sels of his secret enemies, and by the zeal of his
injudicious friends, he knew not what expedient
to adopt. Some advised him to go to London
and make his appearance in the House of Lords;
others recommended his immediate departure
from the kingdom; while a third party suggest-
ed an immediate and unconditional compliance
with the views of the Presbyterians in Scotland
as well as in England. "At last," says Ludlow,
"he resolved to go to the isle of Wight, being,
as is most probable, recommended thither by
Cromwell, who, as well as the King, had a good
opinion of Colonel Hammond, the governor
there."*
* Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 215.
Y 2
h
270
LIFE OF
CHAPTER VI.
Containing an Account of the Principal Occur-
rences which took place from the time that the
King arrived in the Isle of Wight, to the period
of his Execution in January 1649.
THE vigorous measures adopted by Fairfax
and Cromwell at the general rendezvous of the
army, placed the power of the commonwealth
entirely in their hands. The Parliament, after
the retreat of the eleven members, had shown a
disposition to submit to their military guides,
and even to promote their views; and every
thing would have hastened to a confirmed des-
potism under the mixed oligarchy of the sword
and the gown, had not the people, whose inte-
rests had ceased to be remembered by either
party, revived for a moment to a sense of the
danger with which they were threatened. They
had seen the war come to an end without be-
stowing upon them any of the advantages which
they had been led to expect. A sum of money,
large beyond all precedent, was raised annually
upon the property and labour of the nation; an
army exceeding forty thousand men was kept.
up to overawe the populace, whose battles they
pretended to fight; while hundreds of officers,
1
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OLIVER CROMWELL.
271
originally poor and of the meanest professions,
were now in the enjoyment of great wealth, and
some of them not a little disposed to trample on
the rights of their less fortunate brethren.*
The King having rejected the four proposals,
or bills, as they were called, which were sent to
him as the basis of a treaty, Cromwell and Ire-
ton laboured to stimulate the Commons to the
most violent resolutions. The latter, professing
to speak the sense of the army, under the appel-
lation of Many Thousand Godly Men, who had
hazarded their lives in defence of the Parliament,
asserted that the King, by declining the bills,
had refused safety and protection to his people.
He reminded the members, that their obedience
to the sovereign was but a reciprocal duty for
his attention to their interests; and that as he
had failed on his part, they were freed from all
obligations to allegiance, and must settle the
nation without consulting any longer so mis-
guided a prince. Cromwell, in like manner, after
giving a flattering character of the army, whose
valour and godliness he extolled in the highest
degree, recommended that the Parliament should
now guide and defend the kingdom by their own
power, and not accustom the people any longer
to expect safety and government from an obsti-
nate man whose heart God had hardened. "Teach
* Mrs Hutchinson, speaking of Major-General Harri-
son, says, that he "who was but a meane man's sonne,
and of a meane education, and no estate before the warre,
had gathered an estate of L. 2000 a-yeare, besides engross-
ing grate offices, and maintained his coach and family at
a heighth as if they had been borne to principallity." Vol.
ii. p. 175.
272
LIFE OF
them not," said he, "by your neglecting your own
safety, and that of the kingdom, in which theirs
too is involved, to imagine themselves betrayed
and their interests abandoned to the rage of an
irreconcilable enemy, whom for your sake they
have dared to provoke. Beware," (and at these
words he laid his hand on his sword,)" beware,
lest despair cause them to seek safety by some
other means than by adhering to you, who know
not how to consult your own safety."
No sooner, then, was it resolved by the two
Houses, that no more addresses should be made
to the King, and that no correspondence lead-
ing to a settlement of affairs should be renewed,
than a general ferment agitated the public mind.
Every one suspected that it was the intention
of those who had assumed the direction of affairs,
to abolish entirely the monarchical government,
and to introduce in its place a military despot-
ism. The great majority of the nation, accord-
ingly, began to wish for the restoration of the
sovereign. Much diversity of opinion prevailed,
indeed, with respect to the conditions; but all
agreed, that what Charles had so often demand-
ed, a personal treaty, ought to be granted, as
the most likely means to reconcile opposite inte-
rests and to lead to a satisfactory arrangement.*
Scarcely a day passed which was not marked
by some occurrence indicative of the popular
feeling. An alarming tumult in the city, in
which the apprentices forced the guard, and ven-
tured to engage the military under the command
of the General, was quickly followed by similar
→ Lingard, vol. i. p. 406.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
273
disturbances in Norwich, Canterbury, Exeter,
and several other places. These were, indeed,
soon suppressed by the vigilance of Fairfax and
of the county committees; but the cry of “ God
and the King!" shouted by the rioters on these
occasions, sufficiently proved that the sentiment
in favour of royalty was every hour gaining
strength. At the same time, petitions from dif-
ferent public bodies poured into the two Houses,
all concurring in the same prayer, that the army
should be disbanded, and the King brought back
to his capital. Cromwell and his friends, aware
that it would not be in their power to control
the city while their forces were employed in the
field, withdrew their opposition in the Lower
Chamber so far, as to permit the Presbyterian
party to carry a vote, that no change should be
made in the fundamental government of the
realm by King, Lords, and Commons: and on
this ground the citizens declared themselves en-
gaged to live and to die with the Parliament.*
Nor were these demonstrations in favour of
the King confined to tumults and popular up-
roars. The men of Kent, under Hales and Go-
ring, flew to arms, and engaged the troops com-
manded by Fairfax and Major-General Skip-
ton. They were indeed defeated, but the reso-
lution with which they fought at Maidstone en-
dangered for a moment the ascendency of the
republicans. The Welsh, at the same time,
who throughout the whole war had been friendly
to the royal cause, once more assembled under
the banners of their chiefs; and Colonel Poyer,
* Lingard, vol. x. p. 212.
274
LIFE OF
the governor of Pembroke Castle, was the first
to proclaim the authority of the monarch, and
to bid defiance to the threats of the independ-
ents. Several towns followed the example with
which they were thus supplied; and in some
skirmishes which followed, the advantage was
on the side of the royalists.
But the approach of Cromwell at the head of
a few regiments of veterans crushed the hopes
of the insurgents. Having driven them within
their walls, the Lieutenant-General immediately
invested Pembroke ; resolved to carry the fort-
ress in his usual manner by a spirited assault.
His men, cheered by the presence of their in-
vincible leader, and inflamed by the fanatical
discourses of Hugh Peters, dashed into the
ditch, ascended the ramparts, and were about
to throw themselves upon the garrison, whom
they had hoped to find unprepared, when, on a
sudden, they were attacked with the utmost
fury, and, after a sanguinary conflict amidst the
darkness and confusion of night, compelled to
return to their camp, considerably diminished
in number. Six weeks were spent in the siege
of Pembroke; an interval which, under more
active friends than now conducted the affairs of
Charles in the field, might have turned the for-
tune of the war.
The Scots, whose aid during the whole course
of these civil broils, was extremely unpropitious
to the monarchy, had again recruited their army
to fight for the King and the Covenant. The more
rigid Presbyterians, suspicious as to the real
object of the expedition, had opposed the exer-
tions of Hamilton in all the districts to which
I
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OLIVER CROMWELL.
275
their influence extended; and hence the troops
which he raised were not only far from being
hearty in the cause, but were also ill provided
with arms and ammunition, and resorted slowly,
and in some instances not without compulsion,
to join their standards. Sir James Turner, who
held a command during this unfortunate inroad,
describes the composition of the corps which
were thus assembled, and the blundering con-
duct of the principal officers after they were set
in motion, with an air of so much candour and
simplicity, that I shall satisfy myself with an
abridgement of his narrative.
66
My Lord Duke marcheth on with this ill-
equipd and ill-orderd armie of his, in which I,
being colonel of a regiment, officiated also as
adjutant-general, or rather indeed doing the
deutie of major-general of the infantrie, since
there was none named for it. To releive Lang-
dale at Carlisle, brought us out of the roade,
and treulie we never came into the right way
againe; so true is the old saying, once wrong
and ay wrong. At Hornbie, a day's march be-
yond Kendall, it was advised whether we should
march by Lancashire, Cheshire, and the western
counties, or if we should go into Yorkshire, and
so put ourselves in the straight roade to Lon-
don, with a resolution to fight all who should
oppose us.
Callender was indifferent: Middle-
ton was for Yorkshire: Baillie for Lancashire.
My Lord Duke was for Lancashire, and it seem-
ed he had hopes that some force would join him
in his march that way. Whatever the matter
was, I never saw him tenacious in any thing
during the time of his command but in that.
276
LIFE OF
We choosed that way, which led us to our
ruine. Our march was much retarded by most
rainie and tempestuous weather, and by staying
for countrie horses to carry our little ammuni-
tion. The van-guard is constantlie given to Sir
Marmaduke, upon condition he should constant-
lie furnish guides, pioneers for clearing the
ways, and what was more than both these, to
have good and certaine intelligence of all the
enemies motions. But whether it was by our
fault or his neglect, want of intelligence helped
to ruin us; for Sir Marmaduke was well near
totallie routed before we knew that it was Crom-
well who attacked us.*
"Beside Preston in Lancashire, Cromwell falls
on Sir Marmaduke's flank: the English imagine
it was one Colonel Ashton, a powerful Presby-
terian, who had got together about 3000 men to
oppose us, because we came out of Scotland
without the General Assembly's permission.
Marke the quarell. While Sir Marmaduke dis-
putes the matter, Baillie, by the Duke's order,
marches to Ribble Bridge, and passes it with
all the foot except two brigades. This was two
miles from Preston. By my Lord Duke's com-
* Dr Lingard (vol. x. p. 417) says, that Langdale, who
had watched the motions of Cromwell, "fell back on the
Scottish army near Preston, and warned the Duke to pre-
pare for battle on the following day." Had this been so,
Hamilton would have deserved at the hands of his own
army the punishment which he afterwards received from
the hands of the Parliament: but the account given by
Sir James Turner is more probable, and explains, if any
thing can explain, the wretched management of the com-
bined forces.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
277
mand, I sent some ammunition and men to Sir
Marmaduke's assistance, but to no purpose, for
Cromwell prevailed so, that our English first
retired and then fled. It must be remembered,
that the night before this sad rencontre, Earls
Callender and Middleton were gone to Wigham,
eight miles from hence, with a considerable part
of the cavalry. Callender was come backe, and
was with the Duke, and so was I; but upon the
route of Sir Marmaduke's people, Callender got
away to Ribble, where he arrived safelie by a
miracle, as I think, for the enemie was between
the bridge and us, and had killed or taken the
most part of our two brigades of foot. The
Duke, with his guard of horse, Sir Marmaduke,
with many officers, among others myselfe, got
into Preston towne with intention to passe a
foorde below it, though at that time not ride-
able. At the entrie of the towne, the enemie
pursued us hard. The Duke faced about and
put two troops of them to a retreat; but so soon
as we turned from them, they turned upon us.
The Duke facing the second time, charged them,
which succeeded well. Being pursued the third
time, my Lord Duke cried to charge once more
for King Charles. One trooper refusing, he
beat him with his sword. At that charge we put
the enemie so far behind, that he could not over-
take us so soon. There Sir Marmaduke and I
entreated the Duke to haste him to his armie;
and treulie he shewed here as much personal
valour as any man could be capable of."
A council of war being held, it was resolved
to retreat during the ensuing night, Baillie and
VOL. I.
Z
278
LIFE OF
Sir James Turner endeavoured to dissuade the
Duke from this determination; representing the
impossibility of retiring with safety before an
enemy so powerful in horse, in bad weather,
with deep roads, the soldiers being wet, weary,
and hungry, and without ammunition. The
authority of the Duke, it appears, could not
withdraw the major part of the officers from this
shameful resolution. The retreat was begun in
the dark, and next morning, says Sir James, we
appeared at Wigham-Moor, "half our number
less than we were; most of the faint and weary
soldiers having lagged behind, whom we never
saw again." Nothing could exceed the dismay
and disorder into which the vanquished army
fell. Turner related that when a regiment of
horse pressed upon his infantry, he desired the
latter to halt and make way for the fugitives,
who would otherwise have trodden them down.
"But my pikemen being demented, as I thinke
we were all, would not hear me, and two of
them runne full tilt at me. One of their pikes,
intended for my bellie, I gripped with my left
hand; the other run me neere two inches in the
innerside of my right thigh; all of them crying
that all of us were Cromwell's men. This made
me forget all rules of prudence, modestie, and
discretion. I rode to our horse and desired
them to charge through these foot. They, fear-
ing the hazard of the pikes, stood. I then made
a cry come behind them that the enemie was
upon them. This encouraged them to charge
my foot so fiercelie, that the pikemen threw
down their pikes and got into houses. All the
horse gallopped away; and, as I was told after-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
279
wards, rode not through, but over our whole
foot, treading them down."*
This army, as every reader knows, was com-
pletely disorganized and fell in pieces. The rear-
guard alone, which was a full day's march behind
the main body, returned to Scotland in good
order; the rest were either cut off by the mili-
tia in the several counties through which they
attempted to pass, or were detained as prisoners
of war. Hamilton himself and some of his prin-
cipal officers, whom shame prevented from join-
ing the miserable rout of their countrymen,
surrendered to the enemy, on the sole condition
of experiencing the mercy of Parliament. A
similar fate awaited Sir Marmaduke Langdale,
who, with several of his followers, was overtaken
by the enemy at a country inn on the borders
of Staffordshire. Cromwell, meantime, conti-
nued his march towards the banks of the Tweed,
and finally proceeded to Edinburgh. The terror
of his name as a soldier, extorted from the Pres-
byterians in that city a show of respect, which
they did not feel for his character as a leader of
sectarians. They yielded, indeed, less reluctantly
to his demand for suppressing the royalists, and
for replacing the power of the state in the hands
of Argyle. Of the events which followed this
revolution, Sir James Turner speaks in these
terms:-"As soone as the news of our defeate
reached Scotland, Argyle and the Kirk's party
rose in armes everie mother's sonne; and this
was called the Whiggamer rode. David Lesley
was at their head, and old Leven in the castle
→ Sir James Turner's Memoirs, pp. 63–66,
280
LIFE OF
of Edinburgh cannonading the royall troopes.
when they came in view of him. Yet might
they have been all verie soone conjured to be
quiet, if the royalists had not suffered themselves
to be cheated by a treaty, by which they were
obliged to lay down armes, and quit their power
in civil and military affairs. Cromwell is feast-
ed by old Leven (pears of one tree) in the castle
of Edinburgh, which, within two years after, he
made his own. These men who courted him,
were so faithful to the Covenant, that, if fame
wrong not some of them, they agreed with him,
in my Lady Home's house in the Canongate,
that there was a necessitie to take away the
King's life. Now for the good entertainment
the Presbyterians had given this arch-Independ-
ent, at his return to England he left Lambert
with four regiments of horse to defend them
against the Malignants-for so were honest men
called-till forces of their own were raised,
which was soone done. And then acts of state
and kirk are made to incapacitate all who had
been in England with the Duke, all who had
abetted that engagement, or had assisted to it,
from any office, charge, or employment: aud
numbers of honest ministers, upon that same ac-
count, were turned out of their benefices and
livelihoods."*
* Sir James Turner's Memoirs, pp. 68, 69. The follow-
ing proclamation issued by Cromwell upon his entrance into
Scotland is worthy of notice. "Whereas we are marching
with the Parliament's army into the kingdom of Scotland,
in pursuance of the remaining part of the enemy, and for
the recovery of the garrisons of Berwick and Carlisle, these
are to declare, that if any officer or soldier under my com-
OLIVER CROMWELL.
281
The campaign of 1648 was distinguished by
an event which is not usually mentioned by his-
torians, the death of Cromwell's eldest son, who
was killed in an action with the enemy's cavalry.
This young man, whose name, too, was Oliver,
was about nineteen at the breaking out of the
civil war; soon after which, by his father's in-
terest, be obtained a commission in the Parlia-
ment's army. It is certain, from the following
incident mentioned in the History of Peter-
borough, that he was a captain so early as 1643.
When the troops under Old Noll were employ-
ed in destroying the painted glass and other
ornaments of the cathedral, a soldier found a
manuscript volume, which he afterwards sold to
a Mr Hustin, who prevailed upon him to write
the acknowledgment given below. As a far-
ther proof of this, John Lilburne, in the year
mand, shall take or demand any money, or shall violently
take any horses, goods, or victual, without order, or shall
abuse the people in any sort, he shall be tried by a council
of war, and the said person so offending shall be punished
according to the articles of war, made for the government
of the army in the kingdom of England, which is death.
Each colonel, or other chief officer, in every regiment, is
to transcribe the copies of this, and to cause the same to
be delivered to each captain of his regiment; and every
said captain of each respective troop and company is to
publish the same to his troop or company, and to take a
strict course, that nothing be done contrary hereunto.
Given under my hand, this 20th September, 16-18.
CROMWELL."-Mod. Intell.
* "I pray let this scripture book alone, for he hath paid
me for it; and therefore I would desire you to let it alone,
by me, Heury Topclyffe, souldier under Captain Crom-
well, Colonel Cromwell's son. Therefore, I pray let it
alone, Henry Topcliffe, April 22, 1643."
z 2
282
LIFE OF
1647, charges the Lieutenant-General with ha-
ving several relations in the army, and amongst
others, two of his own sons, one a captain of
Fairfax's life-guard, the other a captain of a
troop of horse in Harrison's regiment; both,
says the accuser, raw and inexperienced soldiers.
As Richard Cromwell was designed for the bar,
the youths now alluded to must have been Oli-
ver and Henry; the latter of whom, it is well
known, was a captain of the life-guard. The
other, says Noble, was killed in July 1648, in
attempting to repulse the Scotch army that in-
vaded England under the Duke of Hamilton, at
which time Colonel Harrison was wounded; the
latter circumstance clearly evinces that it was
he who was killed, as he is just mentioned above
as being a captain in Harrison's regiment.*
The defeat of the allied army in the north
determined the fortune of the war in the south-
ern counties. Lord Goring, after sustaining a
check from the troops under Fairfax, threw
himself into Colchester, which he defended with
resolution as long as any hope remained for the
royal cause. At length he was compelled to
surrender at discretion, when two of his bravest
officers, Sir George Lisle and Sir Charles Lucas,
were, by a council of war, condemned to be shot.
The latter, tearing open his waistcoat, exclaim-
ed," Fire, rebels !" and instantly fell. Lisle ran
to him, kissed his dead body, and turning to the
soldiers, desired them to come nearer. One of
them replied, “Fear not, sir, we shall hit you."
"My friends," he answered, "I have been
* Noble's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 133.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
283
nearer when you missed me." Fairfax was
much blamed for this severity; and his charac-
ter is not relieved from the imputation of vin-
dictive feeling, by the assurance that he acted
under the direction of Ireton, the representa-
tive of Cromwell.
In the absence of the army, the Presbyterians.
resumed a temporary ascendency in the Parlia-
ment, and renewed their negotiation with the
King. They repealed the vote of non-addresses,
and sent proposals for the consideration of his
Majesty, which were discussed at considerable
length, at the small town of Newport, in the
Isle of Wight. The result was, indeed, unfa-
vourable; but the spirit of conciliation which
was thus manifested by the two Houses was
sufficient to alarm the military demagogues.
The council of officers set forth a threatening
proclamation, charging the majority of the Com-
mons with apostacy from their former princi-
ples, and appealing from their authority to" the
extraordinary judgment of God, and of all good
people." To provide for the settlement of the
kingdom, and the punishment of the guilty, the
General marched several regiments into Lon-
don; quartering them at Whitehall, York-
House, and the Mews. At the same time, and
with similar intentions, they gave orders to re-
move his Majesty from the Isle of Wight to
Hurst Castle; a solitary edifice on the coast of
Hampshire, and almost entirely surrounded by
the sea.
These arbitrary measures on the part of the
army, justly alarmed the more moderate divi-
sion of the Lower House. They remonstrated
284
LIFE OF
against the seizure of the royal person, as having
been made without their knowledge, and in op-
position to their wishes; and being no longer
able to conceal from themselves that a thorough
revolution in the government was meditated by
the independents, they resolved to take into
consideration the concessions which had been
made by the King at Newport, and to deter-
mine whether they might not be held as a suf-
ficient basis on which to rest the settlement of
the kingdom. A debate, which continued three.
days and a whole night, ended by a vote in the
affirmative. The military faction was defeated
by a majority of forty-six; and in this resolu-
tion, the judgment of the Commons unquestion-
ably coincided with that of the mass of the
people, who had for some time been extremely
desirous for an accommodation with their sove-
reign. But the officers, although worsted in
Parliament, did not relinquish their intention
of destroying the monarchy. They marched
down two regiments to the House; seized and
imprisoned the leaders of the opposite party;
intimidated the remainder so as to repel them
from their duty; and thereby commanded the
future deliberations of that national assembly.
It has been made a question by the biogra-
phers of Cromwell, whether he had any share
in this celebrated purification, which was admi-
nistered by Colonel Pride. The Lieutenant-
General returned from Scotland on the evening
of the day on which the operation was perform-
ed, and took up his residence at Whitehall;
where, and at other places, he declared “ he had
not been made acquainted with the design; yet
OLIVER CROMWELL.
285
that, since it was done, he was glad of it, and
would endeavour to maintain it.' But this as-
sertion has not every where met with implicit
belief, and chiefly for this reason, that no one
would have dared to engage in a measure so
extremely hazardous, had not Cromwell either
suggested it, or given assurances of support.
Besides, the plan of such an attack on Parlia-
ment had occurred to him at an early period, as
the only effectual means for counteracting the
policy of his antagonists. "Those fellows," said
he to Ludlow, "will never leave, until the army
pulls them out by the ears." Mrs Hutchinson
also relates that, on a former occasion," he was
in the mind to have come and broken them up,”
had not her husband, and some of the soberer
officers, dissuaded him from it. The idea, there-
fore, was not new to him; and it is extremely
probable that, upon hearing, while he was in
Scotland, of the renewed ascendency of the
Presbyterians, as well as of their treaty with
the King, he communicated to Ireton his wishes
as to the interposition of the army, and the
dispersion of the hostile members. Upon the
whole, then," says one of the most friendly of
his historians," it may be judged that the Lieu-
tenant-General was content, (agreeably to a po-
licy he had before sometimes used,) by means
of his emissaries, to influence the minds and
nerve the spirits of his compeers, in a way cal-
culated to produce certain consequences-which,
in the case before us, it was impossible to deny
must have been desirable to him-without di-
rectly pointing out, or afterwards directly sanc-
tioning, their line of conduct; a mode of opera-
286
LIFE OF
tion that would square with his asserted igno-
rance of the plan actually adopted, and was at-
tended with the advantage of leaving him a loop-
hole of escape at all hazards.”* In a letter to
Fairfax, who had officially countenanced, or at
least connived at, the expulsion of the members,
Cromwell ascribes the zeal of the army to the
direct inspiration of Almighty God.
The fate of the King was already determined;
and nothing remained to complete the tragical
issue but some considerations as to the grounds
and manner of a public trial. It is remarkable,
that the capital punishment of Charles had been
contemplated with more or less steadiness ever
since the beginning of the year 1646; and that
the republican party, amidst the various ebbs
and flows of their political interests, had never
allowed this fatal consummation of the struggle
in which they were engaged, to remain long ab-
sent from their counsels for the future settle-
ment of the kingdom. In the month of May,
of the year just mentioned, Baillie, in writing
to Mr Alexander Henderson during the treaty
of Newcastle, remarks, that "there is much talk
here by all sorts of people of the King's obsti-
nacy; the faction rejoices therein; this disposi-
tion contributes greatly to their wicked design:
our perplexity for him and ourselves at the pre-
sent is very great; if he would do his duty in
spite of all knaves, all would in a moment go
right but if God have hardened him, so as I
can perceive, this people will strive to have him
in their power and make an example of him; I
:
* Oliver Cromwell and his Times, p. 236.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
287
abhor to think of it, what they speak of execu-
tion."*
Before he set out on his last expedition to
Wales, and while the ferment created by the
levellers continued to agitate the army, Crom-
well made several attempts to ascertain what
were the real sentiments of the two great parties
which divided the nation, in regard to the re-
storation of the royal authority. For this pur-
pose, he invited to dinner a number of the lead-
ing men both among the presbyterians and in-
dependents; and took an opportunity of ascer-
taining during a personal conference the points
upon which they differed, and whether there
were any common ground whereon they might
meet to accomplish a hearty reconciliation. This
at least, according to Ludlow, was the pretext
under which he called them together; but the
real object, he insinuates, was only to obtain
such information as might enable him to direct
his course with safety and success, through the
difficulties with which recent events had sur-
rounded him. The attempt, whatever might be
the purpose which it was meant to serve, ter-
minated in a complete failure. He found it im-
possible to adjust the rival pretensions of the
two ecclesiastical bodies; the one of whom could
not endure a superior, the other would not con-
sent to tolerate an equal.
He contrived to bring about another confer-
ence, consisting of the Grandees, as they were
called, of the House and army, on the one hand,
and of a deputation of the republicans on the
Baillie, vol. ii. p. 209.
288
LIFE OF
other. At this meeting, says Ludlow, who was
present, the Grandees, of whom Lieutenant-
General Cromwell was the head, kept themselves
in the clouds, and would not declare their judg-
ments either for a monarchical, aristocratical, or
democratical government; maintaining that any
of them might be good in itself, or for us, ac-
cording as Providence should direct us. The
commonwealth-men, on the contrary, declared
that monarchy was neither good in itself nor
good for the people; and they endeavoured to
prove the former branch of the assertion, by
quoting the eighth verse of the eighth chapter
of the first book of Samuel, where the rejection
of the judges and the choice of a king were
charged upon the Israelites by God himself as a
very great crime. Several other texts were ad-
duced to establish the same doctrine. As to the
inexpediency of monarchical rule, an argument
was drawn from the recent experience of the
kingdom, and from the losses and sufferings which
had arisen from the effort to maintain it. They
reasoned, as before, that protection and obedi-
ence were reciprocal, and concluded, that as the
King had broken his oath to govern according to
law, he had set them free from their allegiance.
They added, that as he had appealed to the sword
for the decision of the things in dispute, and
thereby caused the effusion of a deluge of his
people's blood, it seemed to be a duty incumbent
upon the representatives of the nation to call
him to account for the same; more especially as
the controversy had been determined by the very
species of arbitration which he himself had se-
lected. The next step was to establish an equal
OLIVER CROMWELL.
289
commonwealth, founded upon the consent of the
people, and calculated to secure the rights and
liberties of all men; and then they might rely
upon seeing the hearts and hands of the nation
joined to support it, as being at once just in itself,
and in all respects most conducive to the happi-
ness and prosperity of the community at large.
These arguments were enforced at great
length by the patrons of democracy. But it
was not the object of Cromwell to decide in fa-
vour of either party. He desired no more than
to ascertain what were the views of both, and
the means which they might recommend for
their accomplishment." He, therefore," says
Ludlow, "professed himself unresolved; and
having learned what he could of the principles
and intentions of those present at the conference,
he took up a cushion and flung it at my head,
and then ran down the stairs; but I overtook
him with another, which made him hasten down
faster than he desired.-The next day, passing
by me in the House, he told me he was convin-
ced of the desirableness of what was proposed,
but not of the feasibleness of it; thereby, as I
suppose, designing to encourage me to hope
that he was inclined to join with us, though un-
willing to publish his opinion, lest the Grandees.
should be informed of it, to whom, I presume,
he professed himself to be of another judg-
ment."*
The narration now given contributes to throw
considerable light on the political character of
Cromwell. He never attempted to force the
VOL. I.
* Ludlow, vol. i. pp. 238, 239.
2 A
290
LIFE OF
current of events, but merely to direct its mo-
tion towards the objects which he was desirous
to effect. He did not even, like a Cassius or an
Anthony, make it his study to raise the passions
and embark his fortunes on the high tide which
he had succeeded in producing; on the contrary,
he satisfied himself with marking the direction
which the feelings and wishes of those around
him had already taken, and shaped his course
accordingly. Pagan writers have remarked, that
the gods sometimes sport with human affairs ;
an observation which proceeded from ignorance
of that moral relation in things which connects,
by an invisible chain, the most important events
with causes apparently the most trivial and in-
adequate. But on the occasion just described,
Cromwell turned into jest and the rudest buf-
foonery a deliberation which respected the lives
of thousands, the fate of an ancient family of
kings, and the future government of the most
important nation in Christendom. It was a rule
with that wonderful man, that there should be
no correspondence whatever between his words
and his actions; that his present doings should
reveal as little as possible of his intentions re-
specting the future; and hence the closest ob-
servers of his conduct could neither discover
what was passing in his mind, nor predict what
he would undertake before the setting of the
He declared at the conference in which
Ludlow harangued against monarchical govern-
ment, that he was still unresolved; but the line
of policy which he immediately afterwards pur-
sued, makes it manifest that his determination
was already fixed that Charles Stuart, as he had
sun.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
291
ceased to reign, should also soon cease to live.
In truth, it had previously been a subject of dis-
cussion in the council of officers, whether the
King should not be brought to justice for his
tyranny and oppression; on which occasion, af-
ter many prayers offered up by Oliver and the
more resolute of his adherents, it was secretly
determined that monarchy should be for a time
extinguished in the blood of the sovereign.
Perhaps the real sentiments of the army are
nowhere more distinctly expressed than in the
declaration of the House of Commons, voted by
Cromwell and his friends, annulling all former
votes in favour of a treaty with his Majesty.
"Neither can we believe," say they," that any
agreement we could have made with the King
in the Isle of Wight, in the condition he was
then in, would ever have been observed, either
by himself, or any of his party; for, setting aside
the bare name of honour, safety, and freedom
which the treaty did pretend unto, neither the
King, nor any of his, did ever hold him in any
other condition than that of a prisoner. And
since enforced oaths are in many men's judg-
ments not necessary to be kept, what assurance
could we have that he, who so often had failed
of his promises made to us when he was free,
and at his own disposal, would make that good
to us when he came to be re-established in his
royal power, which he had obliged himself to do
when he was in durance and a prisoner? And
besides, hardly any example can be produced,
either foreign or domestic, of any prince once
engaged in war with his subjects, that ever kept
any agreement which he made with them any
292
LIFE OF
longer than mere necessity did compel hi
thereto. The examples to the contrary where-
of, are so many and so manifest, and the late
bloody violation of the peace betwixt the crown
of Spain and the people of Naples, is so fresh in
our memories, that we cannot expect any propo-
sitions agreed upon at the Isle of Wight should
bind the King more than the fundamental laws
and his coronation oath; besides his often protest-
ations and engagements in the name of a king and
a gentleman, which he hath so often violated."*
Milton, in one of his political tracts, avowed-
ly extols the conduct of the military council in
driving the royalists from the House of Com-
mons, and in avenging their cause on the head
of the monarch. "If it has always been count-
ed praiseworthy in private men to assist the
state and promote the public good, whether by
advice or by action, our army sure was in no
fault, who, being ordered by the Parliament to
come to town, obeyed and came; and when they
were come, quelled with ease the faction and
uproar of the King's party, who sometimes
threatened the House itself. For things were
come to that pass, that of necessity, either we
must be run down by them, or they by us.
They had on their side most of the shopkeepers
and handicraftsmen in London, and generally
those of the ministers who were most factious.
On our side was the army, whose fidelity, mo-
deration, and courage, were sufficiently known.
It being in our power by their means to regain
our liberty, our state, our common safety; do
Parliamentary History, vol. xviii. p. 509.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
293
you think we had not been fools to have lost all
by our negligence? They who had had places of
command in the King's army, after their party
were subdued, had laid down their arms, indeed,
against their wills, but continued enemies to us
in their hearts. With these men, though they
were the greatest enemies they had in the world,
and thirsted after their blood, did the Presby-
terians, because they were not permitted to ex-
ercise a civil as well as an ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tion over all others, hold secret correspondence,
and took measures very unworthy of what they
had formerly both said and done. To such ani-
mosity did they at length arrive, that they would
rather enthral themselves again to the King,
than admit their own brethren to a share in
their liberty, which they likewise had purchased
at the price of their own blood. They chose
rather to be lorded over once more by a tyrant,
stained with the gore of so many of his own
subjects, and breathing nothing but revenge.
against those who survived, than to see their
friends and fellow-christians on the same foot-
ing of equality. The independents, as they are
called, were the only men that from first to last
kept to their point, and knew what use to make
of their victory. They refused, and wisely in
my opinion, to make him king again, being
then an enemy, who, when he was their king,
had made himself their enemy: nor were they
ever the less desirous of a peace; but they very
prudently dreaded a new war, or a perpetual
slavery, under the name of a peace.' "'*
* Pro populo Anglicano Defensio,
2 A 2
294
LIFE OF
1
1
The intentions of the army having been com-
municated to Charles in the Isle of Wight, he
was entreated to make his escape. But having
given his promise to the Parliament not to at-
tempt the recovery of his liberty during their
negotiation with him, nor for twenty days after
its conclusion, he would not listen to any per-
suasions which might have induced him to ha-
zard the infringement of that promise. In vain.
did his attendants urge that a promise given to
the Parliament could no longer be binding, since
they could no longer protect him from the vio-
lence which he had reason to apprehend from
other persons, to whom he was not placed under
any similar engagements. The King refused to
indulge such refinements of casuistry on a sub-
ject so closely connected with his honour; and
resolved to endure even the extremest rigours
of fortune, rather than expose himself to the
charge of having violated his pledge.
About the middle of December, instructions
were given to Colonel Harrison to proceed to
Hurst Castle, in order to make arrangements for
the removal of the King to the palace of Wind-
sor, preparatory to his trial. His arrival at
midnight created a deep alarm among the at-
tendants of his Majesty; the more especially be-
cause this very officer had been named in a let-
ter received by Charles, during the treaty of
Newport, as having engaged to put an end to
his life by assassination. But the fears enter-
tained by the royal household, were altogether
unfounded. Harrison was a violent republican,
and probably thirsted for the blood of his un-
fortunate sovereign; but he has been described
OLIVER CROMWELL.
295
1
by those who knew him, as being quite incapa-
ble of acting the part of a murderer. On the
second day thereafter, the King was escorted
from his gloomy prison by a troop of horse, un-
der the command of Colonel Cobbet, the same
person who, a few weeks before, had conducted
him from Carisbrooke Castle; and on the 23d
of December, the melancholy cavalcade arrived
at the palace already mentioned, where its for-
mer master immediately found himself a ne-
glected captive; stripped of all the honours and
obeisance which were due to his rank, and which
had not till now been denied to him by any of
his keepers.
Meanwhile the Commons passed a vote that
such expedients as might be offered for settling
the peace and government of the kingdom should
be taken into immediate consideration. With
this view, a private meeting was held by Crom-
well, who called to his assistance Whitelocke
and Widdrington, the commissioners of the great
seal, Lenthal the Speaker, and Dean, one of his
most trusty adherents. After two sittings, the
lawyers proceeded to draw up some resolutions
as founded on the deliberations in which they
had been employed; comprehending a plan for
the return of the secluded members to their
duty in Parliament; an answer of the Lower
House to the messages of the army; and a pro-
clamation to be issued by the Lords and Com-
mons for the settlement of the nation. But it
is not without reason Mr Godwin remarks,
"that as the King had been already sent for to
undergo a public trial, there could be no serious
meaning on the part of Cromwell in these meet-
296
LIFE OF
ings. He sought them probably the better to
conceal till the last moment his real designs. And
it appears that he managed these conferences
with such address, as to bring Whitelocke and
Widdrington, two of the first lawyers of the day,
to lend their countenance in a great degree to
the new plan of government, although they had
both before hesitated to attend their duty in
Parliament. It is a curious circumstance, handed
down to us on the same authority, that Crom-
well at this time lay in one of the King's rich
beds in Whitehall, and in this posture gave au-
dience to some of the most considerable persons
in the nation."*
Various attempts, we are told, were made to
induce Cromwell and his council of officers to
depart from their resolution of putting the King
to death. The States of Holland interposed
through the usual diplomatic channel, but with-
out effect. The Queen wrote to the Parliament,
entreating that she might have a pass to return
to England, with the view of prevailing upon
her husband to give them satisfaction; or, if she
could not succeed in obtaining concessions, that
she might at least have it in her power to assist
him in his great extremity. Her letter was laid
aside unread. It is farther reported, that Co-
lonel John Cromwell, a relation of the future
Protector, who had found employment in the
service of the Dutch provinces, was commission-
ed by the Prince of Wales, then resident at the
Hague, to proceed to London, with full powers
Whitelocke, December 19, 1648. Godwin's Coin-
monwealth, vol. ii. p. 654.
2
}
A
'
OLIVER CROMWELL.
297
to grant any conditions which the Lieutenant-
General might demand, if he would consent to
preserve the life of Charles.
The colonel is said to have been encouraged
to undertake this mission, by the recollection of
an assurance given to him some time before by
Oliver, that he would rather draw his sword in
favour of the King than allow the republicans
to make any attempt on his person. Upon his
arrival in the metropolis, he found that his kins-
man had shut himself up so closely in his cham-
ber, and issued such strict orders that no one
should be admitted to him, that it was not with-
out some difficulty he obtained an interview.
The envoy did not fail to describe the action
about to be perpetrated in the very darkest co-
lours, and especially the horror which it would
excite in all foreign countries; adding, that of
all men he least expected that his relation should
have a hand in so flagitious a crime, after the
protestation which he had formerly made on be-
half of his sovereign.
Whereupon, says Heath, Cromwell fell to his
old shifts, telling him that it was not he but the
army who were about to inflict justice on the
King; that it is true he did once use such words as
those which the colonel had repeated, but times
were now altered, and Providence seemed to dis-
pose things otherwise. He added, that he had
prayed and fasted for the King, but no return
that way was yet made to him. Upon this the vi-
sitor fastened the door, which till then had conti-
nued open, and going close up to Cromwell, said,
"Cousin, it is no time to dally with words in this
matter; look you here"-showing his credentials
298
LIFE OF
and a carte blanche with which he had been sup-
plied" it is in your power not only to make
yourself, but your posterity, family, and relations
happy and honourable for ever: otherwise, as
they have changed their name before from
Williams to Cromwell, so now they must be
forced to change it again; for this fact will bring
such an ignominy upon the whole generation of
them, that no time will be able to wipe it away."
Here Cromwell seemed to be shaken in his re-
solution, and to ponder on the communication
which had just been made to him. After a little
space, he replied, "Cousin, I desire you will give
me till night to consider of it: and do you go to
your inn, but go not to bed till you hear from
me: I will confer and consider farther about the
business." The colonel did so; and about one
o'clock, a messenger came to him and told him
he might go to bed, and expect no other answer
to carry to the prince; for the council of officers
had been seeking God, as Cromwell himself had
also done, and it was resolved by them all that
the King must die.*
The interview now described, is understood
to have taken place only two days before the
execution of Charles; and there is no doubt
that Oliver had already firmly resolved to co-
operate with his military tribunal, in accom-
plishing that bold and unprecedented measure.
Bishop Burnet, on the authority of General
Drummond, afterwards Lord Strathallan, re-
lates an anecdote which removes all obscurity
*Heath's Flagellum, p. 67.
Life of Oliver Cromwell, p. 116.
Critical Review of the
OLIVER CROMWELL.
299
which might otherwise attach to the views of the
Republicans. This gentleman happened to be
with Cromwell when the commissioners from the
Scottish Parliament, sent to protest against put-
ting the King to death, came to argue with him.
Cromwell bade Drummond stay and hear their
conference, which he did. They began, says he,
in a heavy languid style to lay indeed great loads
upon the King; but they still insisted on that
clause in the covenant by which they swore that
they would be faithful in the preservation of his
Majesty's person. With these they showed upon
what terms Scotland as well as the two Houses
had engaged in the war, and what solemn de-
clarations of their zeal and duty to the King
they all along published; which would now ap-
pear, to the scandal and reproach of the Chris-
tian name, to have been false pretences, if, when
the King was in their power, they should pro-
ceed to extremities. Upon this, Cromwell en-
tering into a long discourse on the nature of the
regal power, according to the principles of Ma-
riana and Buchanan, replied, "that he thought a
breach of trust in a king ought to be punished
more than any other crime whatsoever. He said,
as to their covenant, they swore to the preser-
vation of the King's person in the defence of the
true religion; if then it appeared that the settle-
ment of the true religion was obstructed by the
King, so that they could not come at it but by
putting him out of the way, then their oath could
not bind them to the preserving him any longer.
He said also, that their covenant did bind them
to bring all malignants, incendiaries, and ene-
mies to the cause, to condign punishment; and
300
LIFE OF
was not this to be executed impartially? What
were all those on whom public justice had been
done, especially those who suffered for joining
Montrose, but small offenders, acting by com-
mission from the King, who was therefore the
principal, and so the most guilty? Drummond
said Cromwell had plainly the better of them at
their own weapon, and upon their own princi-
ples.*
Among the intercessors with Cromwell for
the life of Charles, there is mentioned the name
of his son Richard, afterwards Lord Protector ;
who is said to have thrown himself at his feet,
and begged that he would not stain his hands in
the blood of his sovereign. There were other
members of his family who were equally averse
to the tragical issue which was then contempla-
ted, and not less urgent to dissuade him from its
perpetration; but he had gone too far to retract
with safety either to his own interest or person,
and had implicated in the guilt of the design
several bold spirits who could discover no in-
demnity for themselves except in its full com-
pletion.
It was, throughout, characteristic of Crom-
well's policy that, in all matters of importance,
he appeared to follow, rather than to lead; and
even, on some occasions, to require a degree of
compulsion to do the very things which he was
most desirous to perform, and to allow those
things to take place which he had determined
to see accomplished, He insensibly pervaded
* Burnet's History of his Own Times, vol. i. p. 71.
Oxford edition, 1823.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
301
others with his sentiments and communicated to
them his plans; and hence in many cases his
instruments had the strong feeling and con-
sciousness of free agency, and proceeded to re-
alize his intentions as if they had originally
sprung up in their own minds. So completely,
indeed, could he separate himself from the de-
signs which he had stimulated others to pursue,
that, on some great emergencies, he could call
in question, when they proceeded from his infe-
rior partisans, his own favourite opinions, and
condemn, too, in them the very conduct for which
he had himselfs upplied both the occasion and the
motive. For example, although, after the meet-
ing of the officers at Windsor, there cannot be
the slightest doubt that he was resolved to bring
Charles to the scaffold, yet, when the idea of
capital punishment was first started in the Lower
House of Parliament, he expressed the utmost
surprise and indignation. "When it was first
moved in the House of Commons,” says Clement
Walker, "to proceed capitally against the King,
Cromwell stood up and told them, that if any
mau moved this upon design, he should think
him the greatest traitor in the world; but since
providence and necessity had cast them upon it,
he should pray God to bless their counsels,
though he were not provided on the sudden to
give them consent.'
""*
But it was only when he saw others too for-
ward that he recommended reflection and delay.
When, on the other hand, he discovered a ten-
dency to hesitate in the execution of any of his
→ History of Independency, part ii, See Note. F.
VOL. I.
2 B
302
LIFE OF
great plans, he became violent, and even impe-
tuous-condemning with a loud voice the faint
and unbelieving hearts which were inclined to
make terms with the oppressor, or, as he word-
ed it, to return back to Egypt. When, for in-
stance, he was opposed by one who wished to
avoid extremities, he exclaimed that he would
cut off Charles's head with the crown on it.
When, too, on the last day of the trial, the mem-
bers, on the motion of Mr Downes, adjourned
into the Court of Wards, and were pressed by
the same individual in the most pathetic terms,
to give the King liberty to make some proposi-
tions to the Parliament for the settlement of the
nation, as his Majesty had just before desired
in the presence of his judges, "Cromwell did
answer with a great deal of storm. He told the
President that now he saw what great reason
the gentleman had to put such a great trouble
upon them; saith he, sure he doth not know
that he hath to do with the hardest-hearted man
that lives upon the earth; however, it is not fit
that the court should be hindered from their
duty by one peevish man; and he desired the
court, without any more ado, would go and do
their duty."*
But, upon the whole, Cromwell did not take
an active part in the trial of the King. The
court, which originally consisted of one hundred
and fifty individuals, gradually diminished in
number; and on the 29th of January, 1649,
when the warrant for execution was produced,
* Exact and Perfect Narrative of the Trial of the Re-
gicides, p. 168.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
303
there were only fifty-nine who would consent to
sign it.* Various statements, founded on the
evidence produced during the trial of the Regi-
cides, after the Restoration, have come down to
our times, which, if true, reflect little honour on
the gravity of the Protector, especially on an
occasion so extremely solemn. It was said by
several witnesses, that he laughed and jeered in
the Court of Wards during the adjournment al-
ready mentioned; and when he was called upon
to sign the warrant, he marked Henry Martin's
face with ink, and permitted the other to use
the same freedom with him. This strange jo-
cularity bears some resemblance to the throw-
ing of the cushion at Ludlow's head while deli-
berating on the fate of the unhappy monarch,
and presents such a whimsical association of
ideas, as must defy the analysis of the most ex-
pert metaphysician. We can understand much
better the narrative of Sir Purbeck Temple, one
of the commissioners appointed to try the King,
but who refused to sit, when he tells us that he
hid himself to see and hear what was transact-
ing in the Painted Chamber, where the Commit-
tee of the High Court of Justice was assembled
to contrive how they should regulate their novel
proceedings. When they were so employed,
news was brought, says he, that his Majesty
was landed at Sir Robert Cotton's stairs, upon
which Cromwell ran to the window to look at
him as he came up the garden, but returned " as
white as the wall."
Colonel Hunks, one of the individuals to whom
* See note G, at the end of the volume.
304
LIFE OF
the warrant for execution is addressed, declares
that a little before the King's execution, he was
in Ireton's chamber, where Harrison was also pre-
sent, together with Cromwell, Hacker, Phayer,
and Axtell. The warrant was produced and
read by Hacker, during which Oliver addressed
himself to Hunks, and desired him, in virtue of
that document, to draw up an order for the ex-
ecution. "I refused; and upon refusing of it,
there happened some cross passages. Cromwell
would have no delay. There was a little table
that stood by the door, and pen, ink, and paper
being there, Cromwell stooped and writ; I con-
ceived he wrote that which he would have had
me to write: as soon as he had done writing,
he gave the pen over to Hacker. He stoops
down and did write; I cannot say what he writ;
away goes Cromwell and then Axtell; we all
went out; afterwards they went into another
room; immediately the King came out and was
murdered."
It is well known that Fairfax, who was now
a member of the House of Peers, refused, in
concurrence with all that body, to sanction the
trial of his Majesty. A rumour, which, however,
appears to be without foundation, has been pre-
served by history that he meant to employ a
part of the army-his own regiment, if no other
would join-to prevent the execution of the sen-
tence. This being suspected, Cromwell, Ireton,
and Harrison coming to him, after their usual
manner of deceiving, endeavoured, says Perin-
chief, "to persuade him that the Lord had re-
jected the King, and with such like language
as they knew had formerly prevailed upon him;
OLIVER CROMWEll.
305
concealing that they had that very morning
signed the warrant for the assassination. They
also desired him with them to seek the Lord by
prayer, that they might know His mind in the
thing. Which he assenting to, Harrison was ap-
pointed for the duty, and by compact was to draw
out his profane and blasphemous discourse to
God to such a length as might give time for the
execution, which they privately sent their in-
strument to hasten; of which when they had no-
tice that it was passed, they rose up and per-
suaded the General that this was a full return
of prayer, and God having so manifested his
pleasure, they were to acquiesce in it."*
Heath tells the story with some variety in the
circumstances, but likewise with such an air of
romance as not to conciliate the belief of an un-
prejudiced reader. "The very same day ap-
pointed for the murder, Cromwell and the offi-
cers assembled together, to consider of some
means, if possible, (with security to the nation,)
of saving the King's life; and many tedious ex-
pedients were offered by some not so bloody as
the rest, and a speedy remonstrance to the Par-
liament proposed, and that in the meanwhile
the King should be respited. Cromwell seemed
very forward, expressing how glad he should be
if such a thing could be effected; for he was
not ignorant, he said, what calumny that action
would draw upon the army, and themselves in
particular, though they did nothing therein but
in obedience to the Parliament. But, he add-
ed, before we proceed in so weighty a matter,
་
Perinchief's Life of Charles the First,
2 B 2
306
LIFE OF
let us seek God, to know his mind in it. Here-
unto they agreed, and Oliver began a long-wind-
ed prayer, and continued in it till a messenger
whom he had appointed for that purpose, came
rapping at the door, and hastily told them that
they need not trouble themselves about the King,
for the work was done, which being unexpect-
ed to many of them, did at present astonish them;
while Cromwell, holding up his hands, declared
to them it was not the pleasure of God he should
live, and therefore he feared they had done ill
to tempt Him against His will, or words to that
effect. ***
(C
It is not improbable that Cromwell and his
friends were engaged in some sort of devotional
exercise while the execution was going forward,
and that the officer who announced the comple-
tion of it, may have found them still upon their
knees; but whether the object was to soothe
their own consciences, or merely to ward off
the expedients of those who were not so bloody
as the rest," must for ever remain undetermi-
ned. That such deceit and violence were not
thought quite unbecoming the character of re-
ligious professors, was not only proved by the
conduct of that singular generation, but even
acknowledged by them on the ground of prin-
ciple. "I had much discourse," says Bishop
Burnet," on this head, with one who knew
Cromwell well, and all that set of men; and
asked him how they could excuse all the preva-
rications, and other ill things, of which they
were visibly guilty in the conduct of their affairs.
*Flagellum, p. 69.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
307
He told me they believed there were great oc-
casions, in which some men were called to great
services, in the doing of which, they were ex-
cused from the common rules of morality; such
were the practices of Ehud and Saul, Samson and
David; and by this they fancied they had a pri-
vilege from observing the standing rules."*
It is doubtful whether the Bishop may not
have formed an incorrect judgment when he de-
clared, "that Ireton was the person who drove
on the King's death; for Cromwell was all the
while in some suspense about it. Ireton had the
principles and the temper of a Cassius in him; he
stuck at nothing that might turn England into
a commonwealth; and he found in Cook and
Bradshaw, two bold lawyers, as proper instru-
ments for managing it. Fairfax was much dis-
tracted in his mind, and changed purposes often
every day. The Presbyterians and the body of
the city were much against it, and were every
where fasting and praying for the King's pre-
servation. There was not above eight thousand
of the military about town; but these were
selected out of the whole army as the most enga-
ged in enthusiasm ; and they were kept at prayer
in their way almost day and night, except when
they were upon duty, so that they were wrought
up to a pitch of fury that struck a terror into
all people."
Mark Noble, a mild and lenient writer, re-
marks," that Cromwell's hypocrisy to the pub-
lic, and jocularity throughout the dreadful tra-
gedy of the King's trial and execution-though
* Burnet's Own Times, vol. i. p. 78.
J
308
LIFE OF
great part of it was forced, and only a cover to
hide the perturbation of his mind within-gave
greater pain than the action itself. There might
be the primary principle of nature, self-defence,
to plead in his justification, at least extenuation,
in putting the King to death; but none to in-
dulge a vein of mirth and pleasantry in the mis-
fortunes of any one, particularly a person of so
high a degree, and who stood in so sacred a re-
lation to him as his sovereign; yet, during the
last scenes of the King's life, he talked jestingly,
and acted buffoonery; and this, too, when he was
professing himself only guided by Providence,
and lamenting the condition of his sovereign,
whose lamentable fate he was fixing. It is cer-
tain that he went to feast his eyes upon the
murdered King; and some say, put his finger
to the neck, to feel whether it were entirely
severed, and viewing the inside of the body, ob-
served how sound it was, and how well made
for longevity. Bowtell, a private soldier, said,
' that Cromwell could not open the coffin with
his staff, but taking the other's sword, effected
it with the hilt of it; while he was inspecting the
body, Bowtell asking him what government they
should have now, he said, 'the same that then
was.' There was no excuse for this: yet did
he before, during the trial and execution, mock
his Maker by hypocritical prayers; and at those
times and after, would shed tears for his mas-
ter's unhappy situation and death.”*
The death of the King alienated for ever from
Cromwell all the more moderate of the English
Memoirs, vol. i. p. 118.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
309
people, who had continued to believe that a
treaty with his Majesty was not altogether im-
practicable. No one was any longer permitted
to doubt that personal motives weighed more
with the ambitious soldier than the love of coun-
try; and that, in hastening the execution of his
sovereign, he had yielded to the impulse of a
selfish apprehension, rather than to the desire
which he professed to entertain of vindicating
the injured rights of his fellow-subjects. At the
same time, he brought dishonour upon the cause
for which he had appeared in the field with so
much advantage: He threw a stain upon the pa-
triotism of others, who sincerely laboured to re-
new the constitution, and thereby to place on a
firmer basis the privileges of the people and the
just authority of the sovereign: And, by disgust-
ing the nation with a tyranny more intolerable
than any that had ever been inflicted by a legi-
timate prince, he paved the way for the resto-
ration of the monarchy, in the same undefined
and arbitrary form in which it originally de-
scended to the House of Stuart.
In return for this treachery to his friends and
his own better principles, Cromwell attained
indeed to the enjoyment of a power more ex-
tensive in itself, and less restricted in its exer-
cise, than had been possessed by any hereditary
monarch on the throne of England: but which,
in the end, so far from affording him any real
satisfaction, only embittered his days and dimi-
uished their number. He felt himself surround-
ed with anxiety, suspicion, and even terror for
his personal safety; knowing that he was envied
by some, hated by others, ridiculed by a third
310
LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL.
party, and regarded with aversion by the great
body of the people. He continued, at the same
time, to be corroded by the workings of an
ambition which he was not allowed to gratify.
He aspired to the crown and sceptre, although
warned that he could not enjoy them but at the
expense of his life; cherishing the dream that
he might be the founder of a new dynasty, while
he saw every reason to fear that, at his death,
his family would immediately fall back into the
same obscurity from which he had succeeded in
giving to it a momentary elevation.
At all events, the execution of Charles opened
up for him a wider field wherein to display his
peculiar talents, and to pursue his favourite ob-
jects. Henceforth we shall contemplate him at
the head of the government; acting with a de-
gree of energy and success, which have secured
for his administration a lasting fame, and which,
in some degree, compensated to his contempo-
raries the severity and exactions which he found
it necesary to impose.
NOTES.
NOTE A, p. 46.
THE following notices may be adduced in support of
the opinion, that Cromwell was for some time engaged in
the business of brewing.
Butler, speaking of the knight's dagger, says—
"It had been 'prentice to a brewer,
Where this and more it did endure;
But left the trade, as many more
Have lately done on the same score.”
The author of Oliver's Court remarks-
"Who, fickler than the city ruff,
Can change his brewer's coat to buff,
His dray-cart to a coach, the beast
Into two Flanders' mares at least:
Nay, hath the art to murder kings,
Like David, only with his slings."
Another writer, in allusion to the House of Commons,
observes-
"Tis Noll's old brew-house now,
The Speaker's but his skinker,
I swear,
Their members are like th' council of war,
Carmen, pedlars, tinkers."
312
NOTES.
A Song, styled "The Protecting Brewer,” given in the col-
lection of “Loyal Songs.”
A brewer may be a burgess grave,
And carry the matter so fine and so brave,
That he the better may play the knave,
Which nobody can deny.
A brewer may be a Parliament man,
For there the knavery first began-
And brew most cunning plots he can,
Which nobody can deny.
A brewer may put on a Nabal face,
And march to the wars with such a grace,
That he may get a Captain's place,
Which nobody can deny.
A brewer may speak so wondrous well,
That he may rise, (strange things to tell,)
And so be made a Colonel,
Which nobody can deny.
A brewer may make his foes to flee,
And raise his fortunes so, that he
Lieutenant-General may be,
Which nobody can deny.
A brewer may be all in all,
And raise his powers both great and small,
That he may be a Lord General,
Which nobody can deny,
A brewer may be like a fox in a cub,
And teach a lecture out of a tub,
And give the wicked world a rub,
Which nobody can deny.
A brewer, by's excise and rate,
Will promise his army he knows what,
And set upon the college gate,
Which nobody can deny.
Methinks I hear one say to me,
Pray, why may not a brewer be
Lord Chancellor o' th' University?
Which nobody can deny.
-
NOTES.
313
A brewer may be as bold as Hector,
When as he had drunk his cup of nectar;
A brewer may be a Lord Protector,
Which nobody can deny.
Now here remains the strangest thing,
How this brewer about his liquor did bring,
To be an Emperor or a King,
Which nobody can deny.
A brewer may do what he will,
And rob the church and state, to sell
His soul unto the Devil in Hell,
Which nobody can deny.
In the song of the Sale of Religious Household Stuff
given by the same gentleman, are these two lines:
"And here are Old Noll's brewing vessels,
And here are his dray and his slings.'
33
Mr Walker, who paid so dear for writing his senti-
ments in the History of Independency, after prophesy-
ing that Cromwell (then lieutenant-general to Fairfax)
would assume the supreme sway, says,
then let all true
saints and subjects cry out with me,
'God save King
Oliver and his brewing vessels ;'" and in another place,
speaking of Harry Parker, whom he calls Observator, he
says that he is returned from Hamburg, and "that he is
highly preferred to be a brewer's clerk, (alias secretary to
Cromwell") Worm, in Cowley's "Cutter of Colman
Street," has a reference to Cromwell, when, speaking in
derision of Cutter's learning, he asks him, "What parts
Hast thou scholarship enough to be a brew-
hast thou?
er's clerk ?"
NOTE B, p. 70.
NOTHING is heard now amongst the brethren, but
triumph and fury, singing and mirth, for their happy suc-
cess (thanks to the Devil first, and next to Noll Crom-
well's Nose) against the Scots, whom they vaunt to have
beaten to dust. Monro, one of the best soldiers in Chris-
VOL. I.
2 C
314
NOTES.
tendom, is coming on with a powerful army to give
Noll another field sight-he will find hard play here, for
these will not be laughed out of their loyalty, nor fright-
ened out of themselves with the blazing of his beacon
Nose.-Parliament Porter, August 28, 1648.
Then Mr Cromwell, to show that this was no time to
speak sense and reason, stood up, and the glow-worm
glistening in his beak, he began to spit fire; and as the
devil quoted Scripture against our Saviour, so did he
against his sovereign, and told the House, it is written,
"Thou shalt not suffer a hypocrite to live;" and what
then, I pray you, will become of himself?—Mercur. Prag.
January 4, 1648.
Division in the army grows great; superiority is the
thing looked upon, and Cromwell thinks he deserves it
best, which Henry Marten is impatient to suffer; and
Pride, stepping between them, makes great words to fly,
insomuch that Ruby Nose drew his dagger in the House
on Saturday, and clapping it on the seat by him, express-
ed great anger against Henry and his levelling crew.—
Mercur. Prag. March 25, 1648.
Nor is the malice of that bloody coward Cromwell yet
half satisfied with the last gill of royal blood, drawn off
from the father, but is now brewing more mischief to-
wards his royal son, King Charles the Second, who, in
spite of all the brewers and bakers, cobblers, pedlars, and
tinkers, in the Parliament and army, is rightful King of
Great Britain. Sure Cromwell intends to set up his trade
of brewing again, for the other day, being in the presence
of the Duke of Gloucester, he stroked him on the head,
and like a merciful protector, said, “Sirrah, what trade do
you like best? Would not a shoemaker be a good trade for
you, or a brewer? And for that little gentlewoman, your
sister, (meaning the Lady Elizabeth,) if she will be ruled,
I will provide her a husband; one of Colonel Pride's
sons, or one of my own, if either of them like her, or can
love her." The Duke told him, "that being a King's
son, he hoped the Parliament would allow him some
means out of his father's revenue, to maintain him like
a gentleman, and not put him an apprentice like a slave."
Nose Alty makes answer, Boy, you must be an
เC
NOTES.
315
apprentice, for all your father's revenue will not make half
satisfaction for the wrong he hath done the kingdom;"
and so Nose went blowing out.-Mercur. Elenct. February
28, 1649.
NOTE C, p. 97.
Ir is remarked by Butler, when speaking of the cause
for which the patriots engaged against Charles, that they
were all ready to do and suffer, without precisely knowing
the real object, civil or religious, which carried them into
the field.
"When hard words, jealousies, and fears,
Set folks together by the ears,
And made them fight like mad or drunk
For dame Religion, or for punk;
Whose honesty they all durst swear for,
Though not a man of them knew wherefore."
An ingenious Italian, in the reign of Elizabeth, gave
this character of the Puritans: "That the common peo-
ple were wiser than the wisest of the nation; for here
the very women and shopkeepers were better able to judge
of predestination, and what laws were fit to be made con-
cerning church government, and what were fit to be obeyed
or demolished; that they were more able (or at least
thought so) to raise and determine perplexed cases of con-
science than the most learned colleges in Italy; that men
of slightest learning, or at least the most ignorant of the
common people, were mad for a new, or a super, or a
re-reformation of religion. And in this they appeared like
that man who would never cease to whet and whet his
knife till there was no steel left to make it useful.'
Hooker's Life, by Walton.
The Dissenters, many of whom before the war had got
into parish churches, preached the people into rebellion,
incited them to take arms and fight the Lord's battles, and
destroy the Amalekites root and branch, hip and thigh,
and to root out the wicked from the earth. They told
the people that they should bind their kings in chains,
316
NOTES.
It
and their nobles with links of iron; and one of them
(Durnan at Sandwich) prayed to God "that the King
might be brought to Parliament in chains of iron."
has been fully made out that many individuals were drawn
into the war by the direful imprecations pronounced from
the pulpit by seditious preachers. Dr South mentions he
had it from the mouth of Axtell, one of the regicides,
"that he, with many more, went into that execrable war,
with such a controlling horror upon their spirits from
those public sermons, especially of Brookes and Calamy,
that they verily believed they should have been accursed
by God for ever, if they had not acted their part in that
dismal tragedy." It is not, therefore, at all wonderful
that Cromwell should have found himself in the predica-
ment which he himself described when he said, "I know
what I would not have, but I do not know what I would
have."
NOTE D, p. 136.
THE interest which attaches to the character of Lord
Falkland, will form an apology for inserting the following
anecdote, already so well known to all who have perused
the annals of the Civil War.
Whilst he was with the King at Oxford, his Majesty
went one day to see the public library, where he was
showed, among other books, a Virgil, nobly printed,
exquisitely bound. The Lord Falkland, to divert the
King, would have his Majesty make a trial of his fortune
by the Sortes Virgiliane, an usual kind of divination in
ages past, made by opening a Virgil. The King opening
the book, the passage which happened to come up was
that part of Dido's imprecation against Eneas, iv. 615,
&c.
"At, bello audacis populi vexatus et armis,
Finibus extorris, complexu avolsus Iuli,
Auxilium imploret, videatque indigna suorum
Funera: nec quum se sub leges pacis iniquæ
Tradiderit, regno aut optata luce fruatur,
Sed cadat ante diem mediaque inhumatus arena.
14
NOTES.
317
Which is thus translated by Dryden:
Oppress'd with numbers in the unequal field,
His men discouraged, and himself expell'd,
Let him for succour sue from place to place,
Torn from his subjects and his son's embrace.
First let him see his friends in battle slain,
And their untimely fate lament in vain ;
And when at length the cruel war shall cease,
On hard conditions may he buy his peace;
Nor let him then enjoy supreme command,
But fall untimely by some hostile band,
And lie unburied on the barren sand !”
King Charles seeming concerned at this accident, the
Lord Falkland, who observed it, would likewise try his
own fortune in the same manner; hoping he might fall
upon some passage that could have no relation to his case,
and thereby divert the King's thoughts from any impres-
sion the other might make upon him: but the place Lord
Falkland stumbled upon was yet more suited to his destiny
than the other had been to the King's; being the follow-
ing expressions of Evander upon the untimely death of his
son Pallas, Æn. xi. 152.
"Non haec, O Palla! dederas promissa petenti,
Cautius ut saevo velles te credere marti.
Haud ignarus eram quantum nova gloria in armis,
Et prædulce decus primo certamine posset.
Primitia juvenis miseræ bellique propinqui
Dura rudimenta !"
Of which Dryden has given us the following transla-
tion:
Oh, Pallas! thou hast fail'd thy plighted word
To fight with caution, not to tempt the sword;
I warn'd thee, but in vain; for well I knew
What perils youthful ardour would pursue;
That boiling blood would carry thee too far,
Young as thou wert, in danger's race to war.
O curst essay of arms, disastrous doom,
Prelude of bloody fields and fights to come!"
1
202
318
NOTES.
NOTE E, p. 264.
Ir is generally believed by historians, that the flight of the
King from Hampton Court was contrived by Cromwell,
when he found there was no longer any prospect of re-
conciling Charles to the army on the terms which Ireton
had suggested. Mrs Hutchinson endeavours to protect
the character of both these officers against the charge, to
which their conduct appears to have exposed them, that
they meant to aggrandize themselves and families at the
expense of the cause for which they had engaged; but
she says nothing as to their knowledge of the King's in-
tention to withdraw from his palace. "To speak the
truth of all, Cromwell was at that time so incorruptibly
faithful to his trust, and to the people's interest, that he
could not be drawn in to practise even his own usual and
natural dissimulations on this occasion." This testimo-
nial is of some value, as far as it respects the honesty of
the Lieutenant-General's intentions in conducting the ne-
gotiation with Charles at Hampton Court. But it leaves
untouched the other point, not less important to the sin-
cerity of his views, which relates to the secret instigations
which induced his Majesty to become a voluntary pri-
soner in Carisbrooke Castle.
The following statement conveys the opinion of Lord
Clarendon on this head; and as it appears to have been
written immediately after the event, and before the death
of the King, it may be regarded as conveying the impres-
sion which was made among the royalists at the time.
Alluding to the turbulent conduct of the Agitators and
Levellers, he says,
"You must understand this dislike of theirs against
those proceedings, was not out of any good affection to-
wards the King, but only having engaged their creatures
long since to intend his ruin, and that rabble having, as
they thought, a fit opportunity to set about it, began upon
a sudden to strive so furiously, that they almost spoiled all.
So that the grand steersmen of the plot were necessitated,
in regard they saw the constitutions of the people would
NOTES.
319
not bear so open and hurried a course against their King,
to take them off with might and main. And hereby they
took occasion to communicate counsels with such in the
army, whose hearts were truly loyal, to act under most
specious pretences, to ingratiate themselves, obtain credit
and confidence, and obscure their design; which must be
effected another way with subtility. In prosecution here-
of, all friendship was pretended towards his Majesty, a
friendly correspondence held, and daily intelligence given
him of all that was done, or intended, by the Agitators,
and the guards doubled to preserve his person from assas-
sins And all this, not out of any good-will, (though so
pretended,) but only in order to their design to strike ter-
ror to his Majesty, and by this stratagem, work in him
a willingness to remove from Hampton Court (as a place
not secure) to some other of more safety, where he might
be out of the reach of the agitators, and parley with the
Parliament touching the settlement of the kingdom.
Thus, partly by fright, and partly by feigned friendship,
seconded with high promises, they prevailed so far upon
the good King and his friends that were about him, to
make a pretended escape from Hampton Court, and com-
mit himself to their mercy under the power of Hammond.
So that they are now arrived to the height of their wishes,
having by these sleights withdrawn him from Hampton
Court, that place where they perceived him to be so eyed
and adored by his people; and where he was courted and
looked upon as stepping into the throne again at West-
minster; and where it had been impossible to have kept
him long from the rescue of a popular insurrection, and
altogether dangerous to have used any extremity towards
him. But now, having him cooped up thus, as it were
out of the world, what the consequence will be any man
may collect, that is neither a prophet, nor the son of a
prophet.”—Clarendon's State Papers, vol. ii. Appendix,
p. xliii.
NOTE F, p. 301.
THE Connexion of Cromwell with the Levellers has
never been clearly discovered. There is no doubt that both
1
320
NOTES.
tr
he and Ireton encouraged them to a certain extent, on the
same principle that they countenanced the Agitators; and
it is equally certain, that both these classes of men sus-
pected the views of Oliver, and became his enemies. Mrs
Hutchinson (vol. ii. p. 129) says, that the Levellers
were they who first began to discover the ambition of
Lieutenant-General Cromwell and his idolators, and to
suspect and dislike it. About this time he was sent down,
after his victory in Wales, to encounter Hamilton in the
north. When he went down, the chiefe of these Level-
lers, following him out of the towne to take their leaves of
him, received secret professions from him of a spirit bent
to pursue the same just and honest things that they desi-
red; and they went away with great satisfaction, till they
heard that a coachful of Presbyterian priests, coming after
them, went away no lesse pleased: by which it was ap-
parent that he dissembled with one or the other, and by
so doing lost his credit with both."
The following paper expresses so closely the sentiments
of Cromwell and Ireton, that it is impossible not to sus-
pect that the hand of the latter was employed in drawing
it up.
An Agreement of the People for a firm and present Peace,
upon grounds of Common Right and Freedom; and as it
was proposed by the Agents of the Five Regiments of
Horse, and since by the General Approbation of the
Army, offered to the Joint Concurrence of all the Free
Commons of England.
Having by our late labours and hazards made it appear
to the world at how high a rate we value our just freedom,
and God having so far owned our cause as to deliver the
enemies thereof into our hands: We do now hold ourselves
bound, in mutual duty to each other, to take the best care
we can for the future, to avoid both the danger of return-
ing into a slavish condition, and the chargeable remedy of
another war; for, as it cannot be imagined that so many
of our countreymen would have opposed us in this quar-
rel, if they had understood their own good; so may we
safely promise to ourselves, that when our common rights
and liberties shall be cleared, their endeavours will be
NOTES.
321
1
蟹
​disappointed that seek to make themselves our masters:
since, therefore, our former oppressions, and scarce yet
ended troubles, have been occasioned either by want of
frequent national meetings in council, or by rendering
those meetings ineffectual: We are fully agreed and re-
solved to provide, that hereafter our representatives be
neither left to an uncertainty for the time, nor made use-
less to the ends for which they are intended: In order
whereunto we declare,
1st, That the people of England being at this day very
unequally distributed, by counties, cities, and burroughs,
for the election of their deputies in Parliament, ought to
be more indifferently proportioned according to the num-
ber of the inhabitants. The circumstances whereof, for
number, place, and manner, are to be set down before the
end of this present parliament.
2d, That, to prevent the many inconveniences appa-
rently arising from the long continuance of the same per-
sons in authority, this present parliament be dissolved
upon the last day of September, which shall be in the
year of our Lord 1648.
3d, That the people do of course chuse themselves a
parliament once in two years, viz. upon the first Thurs-
day in every second March, after the manner as shall be
prescribed before the end of this parliament, to begin to
sit upon the first Thursday in April following, at West-
minster, or such other place as shall be appointed from
time to time by the preceding representatives; and to
continue till the last of September then next ensuing, and
no longer.
4th, That the power of this, and all future representa-
tives of this nation, is inferior only to theirs who chuse
them and doth extend, without the consent or concurrence
of any other person or persons, to the enacting, altering,
and repealing of laws; to the erecting and abolishing of
offices and courts; to the appointing, removing, and calling
to account magistrates and officers of all degrees; to the
making war and peace; to the treating with forraign
states, and generally to whatsoever is not expressly or
implyedly reserved by the represented to themselves, which
are as followeth :
322
NOTES.
1. That matters of religion and the ways of God's
worship are not at all intrusted by us to any human
power, because therein we cannot remit or exceed a tittle
of what our consciences dictate to be the minde of God
without wilful sin; neverthelesse the publicke way of in-
structing the nation (so it be not compulsive) is referred
to their discretion.
2. That the matter of impressing and constraining any
of us to serve in the wars, is against our freedom, and
therefore we do not allow it in our representatives; the
rather, because money (the sinews of war) being always
at their disposal, they can never want numbers of men
apt enough to engage in any just cause.
3. That after the dissolution of this present parliament,
no person be at any time questioned for any thing said or
done in reference to the late publicke differences, other-
wise than in execution of the judgments of the present
representatives or House of Commons.
4. That in all laws made, or to be made, every person
may be bound alike; and that no tenure, estate, charter,
degree, birth, or place, do confer any exemption from the
ordinary course of legal proceedings, whereunto others are
subjected.
5. That as the laws ought to be equal, so they must be
good, and not evidently destructive to the safety and well-
being of the people.
These things we declare to be our native rights; and
therefore are agreed and resolved to maintain them with
our utmost possibilities against all opposition whatsoever,
being compelled thereunto not only by the examples of
our ancestors, whose blood was often spilt in vain for the
recovery of their freedoms, suffering themselves, through
fraudulent accommodations, to be still deluded of the fruit
of their victories; but also by our own woeful experience,
who, having long expected, and dearly earned, the esta-
blishment of these certain rules of government, are yet
made to depend, for the settlement of our peace and free-
dom, upon Him that intended our bondage, and brought
a cruel war upon us.
NOTES.
323
Noтc G, p. 303.
THE WARRANT FOR BEHEADING CHARLES IST.
At the high Co'rt of Justice for the tryinge
and judginge of Charles Steuart, King of England,
January 29th, Anno Dom. 1648.
WHEREAS, Charles Steuart, Kinge of England, is and
standeth convicted, attaynted, and condemned of High
Treason, and other high crymes. And sentence, uppon
Saturday last, was pronounced against him by this Cort,
to be putt to death, by the severinge of his head from his
body. Of wch sentence, 'executon remayneth to be done.
These are therefore to will and require you to see the said
sentence executed, in the open Streete, before Whitehall,
uppon the morrowe, being the Thirtieth day of this in-
stante moneth of January, betweene the hours of Tenn in
the morning, and Five in the afternoon of the same day,
wth full effect. And for soe doing, this shall be yo¹ suf-
ficient warrant. And these are to require All Officers
and Souldiers, and other the good people of this Nation of
England, to be assistinge unto you in this service. Given
under of Hands and Seales.
To Collonell Francis Hacker, Collonell Huncks,
and Lieutenant-Collonell Phayre, and to every of them.
[Seals.]
Jo. Bradshawe,
Tho. Grey,
O. Cromwell,
Edw. Whalley,
M. Livesey,
[Seals.]
Har. Waller,
John Blakiston,
J. Hutchinson,
Willi. Goff,
Tho. Pride,
John Okey,
Pe. Temple,
J. Davers,
T. Harrison,
Jo. Bourchier,
J. Hewson,
H. Ireton,
Hen. Smyth,
Tho. Mauleverer, Per. Pelham,
Ri. Deane,
[Seals.]
Robert Tichborne,
H. Edwardes,
Daniel Blagrave,
Owen Rowe,
Willm. Perfoy,
Ad. Scrope,
James Temple,
A. Garland,
Edm. Ludlowe,
324
NOTES.
[Seals.]
[Seals.]
[ Seals. ]
Henry Marteu,
Tho. Horton,
Tho. Challoner,
Vint. Potter,
Wm. Constable,
J. Jones,
John Frenne,
Rich. Ingoldesby, Gilbt. Millington,
Will. Cawley,
Jo. Barkstead,
Isaa. Ewer,
John Dixwell,
G. Fileetwood,
J. Alured,
Robt. Lilburne,
Will. Say,
Valentine Wauton, Anth. Stapley,
Symon Mayne, Gre. Norton,
Tho. Wogan,
John Venne,
Gregory Clement,
Jo. Downes,
Tho. Wayte,
Tho. Scott,
Jo. Carew,
Miles Corbet.
A most accurate fac-simile of this warrant was engra-
ved by the Society of Antiquarians, on a large sheet, in
1750.
END OF VOLUME FIRST.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE AND COMPANY,
PAUL'S WORK, CANONGATE.
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