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THE
HISTORY
OF
N
THE LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP,
KING OF MACEDON;
THE FATHER OF
ALEXANDER.
BY THOMAS LELAND, D.D.
FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN.
4 NEW EDITION, corrected.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
Printed for G. and W. B. WHITTAKER, Ave-Maria Lane,
AND
JAMES ROBBINS, College-street, Winchester.
1820.
1
JAMES ROBBINS, PRINTER, WINCHESTER.
R
VOL. II.
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP
KING OF MACEDON
BOOK THE THIRD, SECTION J.
嘗
​CONTENTS.
RUMOURS of a conspiracy to dethrone Philip.-The
Olynthians suspected of sharing in it.-Philip invades their
territories.-They apply to Athens for assistance.-First Olyn-
thiac oration of Demosthenes.-He is opposed by Demades.
Character of this leader.- Chares sent to the relief of Olynthus.
The progress of the Macedonian arms.-Consternation of the
Olynthians.-They are defeated.-Send a second embassy to
Athens.-The confusion of the Athenians.-They send out a
gulley in quest of Chares.-He returns.-His exploit, and
triumph. The Athenians elevated. The second Olynthiac
oration of Demosthenes.-New succours sent to Olynthus under
the command of Charidemus.-The Olynthians again defeated.
-They banish Apollonides.—Entrust their cavalry to Euthy-
crates and Lasthenes.-The conduct of Charidemus.-The Olyn-
thians once more solicit the Athenians.-The third Olynthiac
oration of Demosthenes.-The character of Eschines.-He
encourages the Athenians to take up arms, and to excite the
states of Greece against Philip.-Siege of Olynthus continued.-
Its cavalry betrayed.-Philip becomes master of the town.-
Olynthus razed; and the inhabitants sold.—Aristotle suspected of
cruelty-Instance of Philip's condescension.-The Athenians
affected by the misfortunes of the Olynthians.—Philip's behaviour
to the trailors who had lately served him.-His two natural
brothers put to death.-Philip celebrates games in honour of the
muses.-The humanity of Satyrus.-Philip carries on a pyratical
war against Athens.-Practises secretly in Eubaa.-The defeat
of Molossus.-Overtures for an accommodation between Athens
and Macedon.-Agreeable to the Athenians.-Aristodemus and
Neoptolemus sent to Pella.-The Athenians again inflamed by
Aschines.-Their heat allayed by the arrival of Phrynon.-
Philocrates moves the assembly to enter into a treaty with Philip.
-His motion supported by Demosthenes.-Probable reasons for
this conduct.-Stratocles and Eucratus confirm the people in
their favourable sentiments of Philip.-Ten ambassadors ap-
poinled to treat about a peace.
THE
LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP,
KING OF MACEDON.
BOOK THE THIRD.
SECTION I.
DURING the disorders of Euboea, the king-
dom of Macedon was alarmed by a conspiracy,
formed (as was supposed) by Archelaus, Ari-
dæus, and Menelaus, three natural sons of
Amyntas, to dethrone Philip, and to divide the
kingdom between them. It doth not appear
probable, that an attempt of this nature could
have really been made against a prince, sur.
rounded with large armies, strengthened by
alliances, and admired and beloved by his sub-
jects; yet the danger was industriously magni-
fied by Philip and his creatures. Archelaus
was seized, and according to the custom of
Macedon, condemned to death by the army.
Aridæus and Menelaus had taken refuge in
BOOK III.
SECT. 1.
oliv. vol. 2
1.8, c. 3.
p. 1. Justin
c.3.
•
B 2
4
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. Olynthus; suspicions seem to have been fo-
mented of this state, as sharing deeply in the
conspiracy; and an indignation to have been
artfully raised, against a people who could thus
basely join in designs against their ally, their
friend and benefactor. The dispositions which
they had already discovered, the jealousy and
hatred which they had already expressed of
Philip, must have given some credit to such
representations; and that prince well knew
how to improve every circumstance, and to
find the fairest and most plausible pretences
for his designs.
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 75.
Olynthus was now much more powerful than
ever. When Lacedæmon came, with all her
force, to fall on the Olynthian territories, the
state commanded but five thousand foot, and
four hundred horse. Ten thousand foot and
one thousand horse, was now the force of
Olynthus: and its dominions were enlarged
and strengthened by the concessions made by
Philip in the infancy of his reign. But the
Macedonian had taken care to render all their
power ineffectual. The Olynthians saw seve-
ral of their citizens grow rich and great, in a
manner quite unaccountable; their possessions
were enlarged; they raised stately houses;
and displayed their affluence and magnificence.
This was the price at which they sold their in-
tegrity to the enemy of their country: yet were
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
5
I
their fellow citizens so infatuated, as to grant SECT. I.
them the confidence and respect, due only to
riches acquired by merit and honest industry.
Thus did corruption prepare the way to their
destruction: and then was the time for Philip's
attack. He demanded that his two brothers
should be surrendered to him. The Olyn-
thians, either convinced of their innocence, or
thinking themselves bound to protect them
from the consequences of an attempt which
they themselves had encouraged, refused ab-
solutely to give them up: and, to support his Olymp.
demand, Philip led his forces directly into 107, Y. 4.
their territories.
The first appearance of their danger deter-
mined the Olynthians to dispatch ambassadors
to Athens, to cement that friendship, which
their mutual interests had already formed; and
to engage the people to enter into that strict
alliance, which might oblige them to send
assistance to the Olynthians, against an enemy
they were equally concerned to oppose. Phi-
lip's present invasion had raised the ferment
and confusion at Athens, natural to a people,
whose inquisitive dispositions had ever ren-
dered them attentive to the motions of their
rival; though their indolence and supineness.
kept them from opposing or preventing them.
A war between these two neighbouring powers, Dem. Olyn
which had been long the object of their wishes, 2, sect. 4.
6
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Tourreil
Sommaire
Olyn. 1.
BOOK III. as the only means of confining Philips' views
to his own kingdom, had now happened: and
an assembly was convened to deliberate on
the measures proper to be taken in consequence
of this event. The ambassadors were intro-
duced and heard; and most of the eminent
speakers delivered their opinions on this im-
portant occasion. At length Demosthenes
arose, and supported the demands of Olynthus,
in the first of those which are called Olynthiac
orations.
Address and energy are equally conspicuous
in this performance. He begins with congra-
tulating his countrymen on an event so agree-
able to their views, and favourable to their in-
terests. But let us attend to the orator himself,
in his remarkably delicate and fine exordium.
"In many instances (Athenians!) have the
Gods, in my opinion, manifestly declared
"their favour to this state: nor is it least ob-
"servable in this present juncture. For that
"an enemy should arise against Philip,
"on the very confines of his kingdom, of no
"inconsiderable power; and, what is of most
importance, so determined upon the war,
"that they consider any accommodation with
him, first, as insidious; next, as the downfal
"of their country: this seems no less than the
gracious interposition of heaven itself. It
rr
"C
must, therefore, be our care, (Athenians!)
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
..
"that we ourselves may not frustrate this SECT. 1.
CC
goodness. For it must reflect disgrace, nay,
the foulest infamy, upon us, if we appear to
have thrown away, not those states and ter-
"ritories only which we once commanded, but
"those alliances and favourable incidents
"which fortune hath provided for us."
The greatness of Philip's power, and the
continued course of his successes, were the con-
siderations which principally dispirited the
Athenians, and possibly were urged with too
much force by the speakers which had before
appeared. These he therefore represents in
such a manner, as to convince them of the ne-
cessity of opppsing him, and, at the same time,
to encourage them to the attempt. Corruption
and artifice are the causes to which he ascribes
his elevation. All those whom he deceived,
and made the instruments of his power, are
now convinced of his insincerity; and ready
to unite, and to reduce him to his original
condition. No acquisitions, no advantage,
can secure him from the fatal effects of this
combination. "For when forces join in har-
mony and affection, and one common inte-
"rest unites the confederating powers, then
rr
they share the toils with alacrity, they en-
"dure the distresses, they persevere. But
"when extravagant ambition, and lawless
power, (as in his case) have aggrandized a
8
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
rr
BOOK III. ce
<<
single person; the first pretence, the
slightest accident, overthrows him; and all
"his greatness is dashed at once to the ground.
"For it is not, no Athenians! it is not possible
"to found a lasting power upon injustice per-
66
fidy, and treachery. These may perhaps suc-
"ceed for once; and borrow for a while, from
hope, a gay and flourishing appearance. But
"time betrays their weakness; and they fall
"into ruin of themselves. For as, in struc-
"tures of every kind, the lower parts should
"have the greatest firmness; so the grounds
“and principles of actions should be just and
But these advantages are not found in
"true.
"the actions of Philip."
He therefore recommends to them to dispatch
immediate and effectual succours to the Olyn-
thians; to send ambassadors to animate and
encourage the Thessalians in their dispositions
which had lately appeared, and which, he still
insists, were utterly unfavourable to Philip;
and to enforce their remonstrances by their own
vigour and activity. Such a conduct, he de-
clares, could not fail to bring down that ruin
upon Philip, which he represents as just im-
pending, and ready to crush him: in which his
allies, his subjects, his soldiers, his excesses,
his jealousy, and envy, his insatiable ambition,
and even his victories, all conspired to involve
him. To the Athenians, aud to their miscon-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON
duct, to the abuses and corruptions which had SECT. I.
crept into the administration, and to these
only, he imputes the successes of their enemy.
Some of these corruptions he displays at large;
others he hints at with sufficient severity; and
concludes with enforcing the necessity of a
thorough reformation.
(6
(C
rus in
Epist ad
Trans. of
Orations.
Demosthenes was vigorously opposed by Philocho-
Demades, a popular leader, then of consider- Dionys.
able figure. I here take the liberty of tran- Amm.
scribing the character of this leader, as I have
represented it on another occasion; "He was Pref, to
a man, who, by birth and education, seemed the Phil.
"destined to meanness and obscurity; but, as
"the Athenian assembly admitted persons of
"all ranks and occupations to speak their sen-
timents, his powers soon recommended him
"to his countrymen; and raised him from the
low condition of a common mariner, to the
administration and direction of public af-
fairs. His private life was stained with those
"brutal excesses, which frequently attend the
"want of early culture, and an intercourse
"with the inferior and least refined part of
"mankind. His conduct, as a leader and
"minister, was not actuated by the principles
"of delicate honour and integrity; and his
eloquence seems to have received a tincture
from his original condition. He appears to
"have been a strong, bold and what we call
"6
VOL. II.
Ꮳ
10
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
יל
rr
BOOK III." a blunt speaker; whose manner, rude and
CC
daring, and sometimes bordering on extrava-
gance, had oftentimes a greater effect than
the more corrected style of other speakers,
"who confined themselves within the bounds
"of decorum and good breeding."
Whatever might have been the motive of
his opposition on the present occasion, whe-
ther a sincere and disinterested difference of
sentiment, or, which is more probable, the se-
cret influence of Macedonian gold, his oppo-
sition was in a good measure ineffectual; for
the Athenians were so far affected by the elo-
quence and force of Demosthenes, that they
decreed to send two thousand men, and thirty
ships, to the assistance of Olynthus. But un-
happily, these forces were composed of fo-
reigners and mercenaries and commanded by
Chares, who, notwithstanding what may have
been said by Demosthenes to palliate his mis-
conduct, was undoubtedly a disgrace to his
Plutarch. Country, and to the military character; fitter
in Apophth to be employed, as Timotheus observed, to
carry the baggage, than to command an army.
While the Athenians were thus employed in
debating and forming decrees and resolutions,
Philip was in the field, and acting with all
imaginable vigour. No sooner had this prince
fals. Leg. entered the Chalcidian region, than the com-
manders of every town were ready to receive
Demost.de
sect. 75.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
11
16. sect. 52.
1.16, sect.
his bribes, and to open their gates to him. SECT. I.
The fortress of Gira was first taken and razed; Diod Sic. 1.
and then his march was directed to Stagira.
The inhabitants, who were trained to war,
attempted to stop the progress of his arms: but
the place was soon taken by storm; those who
escaped the sword were reduced to slavery;
and the town razed to the foundations. The Diod. Sic.
neighbouring cities were either corrupted or in- 53.
timidated, and opened their gates. Miciberna,
a town situated on the Toronaic gulph, was so
well provided and fortified, that it appeared
capable of holding out a considerable time.
But the corruption of the governor saved
Philip the tediousness and trouble of a siege.
Torone, a maritime city, whose citadel was
joined by strong walls to the sea, soon had the
same fate; and, possibly, on this occasion it
might have been, that Philip, when the strength
of the place was represented to him, asked that
memorable question, Cannot a mule, laden
"with money, find access to it?"
fals. Leg.
All this time the Athenian succours were Eschin. de
expected in vain. They had sailed; but how sect. 24.
their course had been directed, was a matter
totally unknown. The Olynthian cities were
almost all subdued, or purchased with so much
ease, that Philip, as Demosthenes observes, Dem. de
could not often advance fast enough to accept ut supra.
of all the invitations of traitors, contending
falsa Leg.
C 2
12
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
3. sect. 4.
BOOK III. who should be speediest to take his pay, and
betray their trust; and was frequently at a loss
to determine, which of them he should first
gratify. The capital city was now threatened
with a siege; and the general terror and con-
sternation, as well as the strength of the in-
vader, seems to have been duly weighed, and
to have prompted the Olynthians to attempt an
Dem. Phil. accommodation: at least, by offering a treaty,
to gain some respite of the present danger;
and, if possible, to amuse the enemy, till suc-
cours should arrive. But it was in vain to
hope to deceive the penetration of Philip. He
knew how to retort this artifice upon them-
selves; and, by affecting some attention to
their overtures, to render his designs doubtful
for a while: still, however, continuing his ap-
proaches; till at last, when he had advanced
within forty stadia of Olynthus, he took off
the mask; avowed his resolutions of for ever
preventing his enemies from forming any con-
nexions with this state, which might embarrass
or distress him; and declared explicitly, that
either the Olynthians must quit their territories,
or he could not reign in Macedon.
Ibid.
This people had long suspected, but now
received a terrifying proof, that he meditated
no less than their final ruin and subversion.
Vigour and resolution were the only means
falsa Leg. left to save them. They collected their own
Dem. de
ut supra.
(PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
13
[
forces, with whom they united those which SECT. III.
their neighbours could afford, and determined
1. 16, sect.
to try their fortune in the field. They fought Diod. Sic.
bravely and their cavalry, in particular, dis- 53.
tinguished themselves by their gallant conduct.
But they were defeated, and shut up within
their walls; and, while the victor was pre-
paring for a vigorous siege, ambassadors were
again sent to Athens, to represent the desperate
condition of Olynthus, and to urge the necessity
of supporting this state against the Mace-
donian arms.
Eschin.
sect. 24.
Here were again raised that tumult and con- de fal. Leg.
fusion, which the news of Philip's victories
usually occasioned. Of their general, their
army, their fleet, they had no accounts; their
allies were not only left unprotected, but their
settlements and dependent towns in Thrace,
particularly in the Chersonesus, were invaded
and harassed by the Macedonians. They were
also alarmed with intimations of a treasonable
correspondence carried on within their city, by
which Philip was secretly supplied with arms,
and all necessaries for his fleet. At the motion
sect. 80, 81
of Timarchus, a popular leader, and zealous Dem de
opposer of the Macedonian interest, they is- fal. Leg.
sued out a decree, denouncing sentence of
death against all such infamous practices; and
loudly clamoured against Chares, whose neg-
lect, or treachery, had thus distressed his
country. The most strenuous partisans of
14
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
;
!
BOOK III. this commander held down their heads in con-
fusion: and, to allay the present ferment,
schin, ut Cephisophon, one of his most intimate friends,
supra.
was now obliged to move, that Antiochus, who
commanded those gallies which were usually
sent out wtih advices, should immediately set
sail, and seek out this chief, to whom the Athe-
nians had intrusted their fleet; and, when found,
should inform him, that the Athenian people
were highly surprised, that Philip should be
suffered to invade their dependent settlements,
while they themselves were totally ignorant
what course their admiral had taken; where he
was now stationed; or in what manner he had
disposed his forces.
But he himself now brought the news of his
own exploits, as we find them recorded in those
fragments of Theopompus, which Athenæus.
hath preserved. Instead of opposing the
attempts against Olynthus; instead of protect-
ing any of the Athenian settlements; he had
contented himself with making a descent on
the coast of Pallene, where he met those eight
hundred men, who were called Philip's friends,
and who have been already described, headed
by one Audæus. On these he fell with all his
force, and soon put them to flight. He was
12, p. 534. now returned in triumph to Athens; and, in
honour of this illustrious victory, gave a public
entertainment, on which he expended no less
Athen 1.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
15
than sixty talents, which he had exacted from SECT. 1.
the Phocians. The people, who judged of the
importance of the exploit, by the manner in
which it was celebrated, imagined, that their
general must have given Philip some very fatal
blow and the assembly, now convened to
consider the demands of Olynthus, breathed Dem. Olya
nothing but contempt and indignation at
Philip's present enterprizes, and vain and
extravagant menaces of revenge and chastise-
ment.
2, sect. I.
Such were their dispositions, when Demos-
thenes appeared, and addressed the assembly,
in the second of the Olynthiac orations. He
begins, on this occasion, with correcting the
vanity and confidence of his countrymen: he
rouses them, by the terror of impending danger,
and affects to consider the defence of Olynthus
as the last and only means of preserving the
very being of Athens. They were now en-
gaged in an alliance with Olynthus; and there
could be no doubt of the necessity of fulfilling
their engagement: but how to be enabled was
the great question. By the original coustitu-
tion of Athens, every citizen, without distinc-
tion, was obliged to serve personally in the
field, until he had arrived at the age of forty
years. No station, circumstances, or character, Tourreik.
could possibly be pleaded as an excuse: but all, poi. 1.
without distinction, men of eminence, men who P.271.
Not. in
+
16
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. had been dignified by public offices, philoso
phers, whose lives were devoted to contempla-
tion, to the acquisition and propagation of
knowledge, gloried in the faithful discharge of
the sacred duty which they owed to their
country, and in the resolution and bravery
with which they fought its battles, even in the
station of private soldiers. We find Plato (in
his apology) boasting of the military prowess
of his master Socrates: and his own actions in
the field have not wanted the due applause of
history. But new decrees had now been made,
and new customs introduced, by which men of
wealth and interest were enabled to procure an
exemption from military duties; so that it was
become exceedingly difficult to raise an army
composed of Athenian citizens: while a sense-
less profusion at home, and ill concerted and
unsuccessful expeditions abroad, had, by this
time almost entirely exhausted their finances.
The weight of public expences began to be
universally complained of; and some attempts
seem to have been made to put an end to that
shameful misapplication of their treasure to the
support of theatrical entertainments. Apollo-
dorus, in particular, a wise and public-spirited
Athenian, proposed to the assembly, as we
* in Nær. learn from Demosthenes*, that this important
affair should be duly weighed: and that they
should consider of the expediency of applying
Initio.
ì
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
17
in Olyn. 2.
the redundancies of their treasury, according SECT. I.
to the original intent, to the support of their
armies. But all such attempts were now effec-
tually frustrated; for Eubulus, a popular lea- Liban Ulp
der, who sought to gain an interest and influ-
ence in the assembly, by flattering the vices.
and follies of his countrymen, had lately pre-
vailed to have a law passed, by which it was.
pronounced a capital offence for any man to
propose a decree for the alienation of the
theatrical money. Thus was every
was every honest
counsellor reduced to the melancholy alterna-
tive, of either passing over in silence so scan-
dalous and pernicious an abuse, or of sacrificing
his life to his sincerity and integrity.
These were the great difficulties, with
which Demosthenes was now to struggle: and
his personal safety obliged him to treat this
latter point with the exactest caution. 'Ap-
point magistrates," sath he," for the inspec-
"tion of your laws; not to enact any new
"laws; you have already a sufficient number;
"but to repeal those, whose ill effects you now
experience. I mean the laws relating to the
theatrical funds (thus openly I declare it)
"and some about the soldiery. By the first,
"the soldier's pay goes, as theatrical expences,
to the useless and inactive; the other screen
"those from justice, who decline the service of
"the field, and thus damp the ardour of those
VOL. II.
D
18
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
}
BOOK III, cc disposed to serve us. When you have
repealed these, and rendered it consistent
"with safety to advise you justly, then seek for
some person to purpose that decree, which
you are all sensible the common good re-
quires. But, till this be done, expect not
66
CC
66.
66
66
that any man will urge your true interest,
when, for urging your true interest, you
repay him with destruction.
him with destruction. Ye will never
"find such zeal: especially since the conse-
quence can be only this; he who offers his
opinion, and moves for your concurrence,
"suffers some unmerited calamity but your
"affairs are not in the least advanced; nay,
"this additional inconvenience must arise,
"that, for the future, it will appear more dan-
СС
gerous to advise you, then even at present.
"And the authors of these laws should also be
"the authors of their repeal. For it is not
66
just that the public favour should be be-
"stowed on them, who in framing these laws,
"have greatly injured the community; and
"that the odium should fall on him, whose
CC
freedom and sincerity are of important
"service to us all.-Until these regulations
"be made, you must not think any man so
"great, that he may violate those laws
" with impunity; or so devoid of reason as tò`
plunge himself into open and foreseen des-
"truction."
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
19
In the progress of this speech, he draws a
contrast between the ancient and present state
of Athens; between the conduct of former
times and that of his contemporaries; which,
as it sets the corruptions of their state in the
clearest point of view, deserves to be inserted
at large.
"And here (saith the orator) let me intreat
your attention to a summary account of the
"conduct of your ancestors, and of your own.
"I shall mention but a few things, and these
"well known: (for if you would pursue the
way to happiness, you need not look abroad
"for leaders; our own countrymen point it
out.) These our ancestors, therefore, whom
"the orators never courted, never treated with
"that indulgence, with which you are flattered,
"held the sovereignty of Greece, with general
"consent, five and forty years; deposited
"above ten thousand talents in our public
treasury; kept the king of this country in
that subjection, which a barbarian owes to
"Greeks; erected monuments of many and
"illustrious actions, which they themselves
atchieved, by land and sea; in a word, are the
66
،،
only persons who have transmitted to pos-
terity such glory as is superior to envy. Thus
great do they appear in the affairs of Greece.
"Let us now view them within the city, both
in their public and private cunduet. And,
CC
SECT. I.
D 2
20
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III.
t
<C
first, the edifices which their administrations
"have given us, their decorations of our tem-
દ ples, and the offerings which they deposited,
"are so numerous, and so magnificent, that all
"the efforts of posterity cannot exceed them.
Then, in private life, so exemplary was their
"moderation, their adherence to ancient man-
"ners so scrupulously exact, that, if any of you
"ever discovered the house of Aristides, or
Miltiades, or any of the illustrious men of
those times, he must allow, that it was not
distinguished by the least extraordinary
splendour. For they did not so conduct the
public business, as to aggrandize themselves;
"their sole great object was to exalt the state.
"And thus, by their faithful attachment to
66
66
(C
Greece, by their piety to the gods, and by
"that equality which they maintained among
themselves, they were raised (and no wonder)
" to the summit of prosperity.
СС
"Such was the state of Athens at that time,
"when the men I have mentioned were in
"" power. But what is your condition, under
"those indulgent ministers who now direct us?
“Is it the same, or nearly the same ?—————Other
things I shall pass over, though I might ex-
patiate on them. Let it only be observed,
that we are now, as you all sce, left without
"competitors; the Lacedemonians lost: the
"Thebans engaged at home; and not one of
Co
"6
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
21
CC
Yet at a
"all the other states of consequence sufficient SECT. I.
"to dispute the sovereignty with us.
time, when we might have enjoyed our own
dominions in security, and have been the
umpires in all disputes abroad; our territories
"have been wrested from us; we have ex-
pended above one thousand five hundred
"talents to no purpose; the allies, which we
gained in war, have been lost in time of
peace; and to this degree of power have we
"raised up an enemy against ourselves. (For
"let the man stand forth who can shew whence
Philip has derived his greatness, if not from
"us.)"
CC
"C
In the conclusion, he once more hints at the
expediency of paying their soldiers with the
money now destined to the use of the theatre;
still guarding against any formal motion or
proposal. And, to treat this affair with still
greater delicacy, he suggests another method
of eluding the force of Eubulus's law and
that is, that these theatrical distributions should
be still continued; but that all those, who
were in the service of the public, and who
usually received their several appointments,
should now discharge their respective duties,
without pay, fee, or reward; so that the name
only of these distributions would have in that
case remained.
But however the Athenians might have in-
12
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Philocho-
rus in
Dionys.
Aum.
1. 16, sect.
$3.
BOOK III. dulged or approved of the liberty, with which
Demosthenes censured their conduct, and in-
forced their real interest, they yet could not
prevail on themselves to sacrifice their darling
entertainments to glory and security. They
however, granted to the Olynthians a rein-
Epis. ad forcement of four thousand foreign infantry,
and one hundred and fifty horse, under the
command of Charidemus. This general began
with ravaging Bottia, a territory on the con-
fines of Chalcis, which, among other towns,
contained Pella, the capital of Macedon; and
Diod. Sic. then threw his forces into Olynthus. Encou-
raged by these succours, the inhabitants ha-
zarded another battle, but were received with
the bravery and vigour usual to the Mace-
donians, and driven back to their city with
considerable loss. In these two battles, which
Philip had now fought with the Olynthians,
Apollonides, the commander of their cavalry,
a man of eminence, and friend to the Athenians,
who had honoured him with the freedom of
their city, seems to have discovered such
abilities and valour, as threatened to retard his
progress. He knew the value of a brave,
judicious, and faithful officer; and judged it
necessary to deprive his enemies of so impor-
tant an acquisition. His gold had already
gained a considerable party within the walls of
Olynthus, by whose malicious practices, and
Demost.
In Near.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON
23
SECT. I
Phil. 3,
facetious clamours, the Olynthians were fatally
deceived, and made to entertain suspicions of
the integrity of Apollonides. Blinded by pre- Dem.
judice, and inflamed and deceived by infamous sect. 12,
arts, they listened readily to one of Philip's
creatures, who was employed to accuse him
publicly; banished their zealous and honest
general, and unhappily were prevailed on to
confer his command upon Euthycrates and
Lasthenes, two corrupted and abandoned trai-
tors, who had sold themselves, and their
country, to Philip. Such was the madness of
the many: and so false and dangerous a test of
real merit doth popularity frequently prove.
Theop. ia
The forces of Charidemus, at the same time,
proved useless and contemptible; and their
general distinguished himself only by his inso-
lence and debauchery. At every meal, ac-
cording to his custom, he drank to a scandalous
excess; and publicly insulted the ladies of Athen. L
Olynthus by his brutality. He was even so
insolent and abandoned, as to demand that the
senate of Olynthus should procure for him a
beautiful youth, a captive then in the town, as
a reward for his pretended services.
The Olynthians, thus unhappily circum-
stanced, were obliged to apply once more to
Athens, and to desire a reinforcement, com-
posed of citizens animated with a sincere
ardour for their interest, their own glory, and
10, p. 4801
24
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK II. the common cause.
Tourreil
Demosthenes was still
their strenuous advocate, and, on this occasion,
pronounced the third Olynthiac oration. The
same motives to vigour and resolution, the
same animated expostulations and remon-.
strances, are urged in this performance, with
new force and energy. The sum of the
1
orator's advice is this: to send immediate suc-
cours to Olynthus, and these formed of citi-
zens; to make, at the same time, a diversion
in Macedon; and to dispatch ambassadors
through Greece, to notify these their resolu-
tions, to remove all ill impressions, which their
former misconduct (aggravated and inforced
by Philip's representations) might have made
on the several states, and to inspire them with
the glorious resolution of uniting against the
common enemy. He again resumes the con-
sideration of the theatrical money, but with still
greater caution and reserve. In this address,
critics have remarked, with pleasure and appro.
Hist. Phil. bation, the different pictures which he draws of
Philip, for the different purposes of alarming
and encouraging his hearers. At first he is
politic, vigilant, and intrepid; he has risen
gradually to the highest pitch of power; and is
now ready to appear before the walls of Athens,
if not instantly opposed. Then lest their
minds might be too strongly affected by the
danger, he is represented in a manner totally
Sommaire
Olyn. 3.
Rollin.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
25
different. His power is by no means real or
solid; his allies are ready to revolt; his king-
dom is threatened with war and desolation;
and he is just ready to be crushed by the first
vigorous effort made to distress him. But as
confidence and security were the fatal ex-
tremes, to which his hearers were the most in-
clined, he seems to have dreaded the danger
of dwelling too long on this representation,
and concludes with the dreadful image of a
formidable enemy ravaging their territory, and
shutting them up within their walls.
SECT. I.
in Vit.
War now became the favourite topic at
Athens; and Eschines, among others, loudly
declared for it. This popular leader, as yet
uncorrupted by the gold of Macedon, had that
influence in the assembly, which was usually
acquired by eloquence and abilities. His fa-
ther had been banished by the thirty tyrants, Plutarch.
which Lacedæmon had imposed on Athens, Orat.
when Lysander made her mistress of that state;
and his fortune, in these times of disorder, was
considerably impaired. The earlier years of
the son were spent in the less honourable oc-
cupations; but he had those powers and ac-
complishments, which soon raised him from his
state of obscurity. As an orator," his style pref. to
He was a Trans of
was full, diffusive, and sonorous.
*
the Phil.
stranger to the glowing expressions, and Orations.
daring figures, of Demosthenes, which he
VOL. II.
26
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. "treats with contempt, and ridicule.
Demost. de
fals. Leg.
sect. 5.
65
rr
66
But,
though more simple, he is less affecting; and,
by being less contracted, has not so much
strength and energy. Or, as Quinctilian ex-
presses it, carnis plus habet, lacertorum minus.
But, if we would view his abilities to the
"greatest advantage, we must not compare
them with those of his rival; then will his
"figures appear to want neither beauty nor
grandeur. His easy and natural manner will
"then be thought highly pleasing: and a just
" attention will discover a good degree of force
"and energy in his style, which, at first, ap-
pears only flowing and harmonious."
56
CC
On the present occasion, he mounted the
gallery, from whence the public speakers ad-
dressed the assembly, and vehemently urged
the absolute necessity of vigorous and active
measures. He produced one Iscander, a player,
a man not likely to be heard with the less favour,
on account of his profession, to inform them of
the practices of Philip in Arcadia, of which he
had been lately witness; of his industry and
artifice in forming an interest there; and of the
zeal and courage with which Eschines had op-
posed his partisans. He expatiated on these
and all the other dangerous designs of Philip,
and inveighed, with great severity, against the
indolence and insensibility of his countrymen.
He recalled all the glory of their ancestors to
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON
27
He sect. &1.
their view; and insisted on the necessity of SECT. 1.
acting worthy of the state, and worthy of the
Sovereigns and protectors of Greece.
urged them to send out their emissaries even
into the most distant regions of the earth, to
raise up enemies against this aspiring and
subtle prince. He then summoned the youth of
Athens to the temple consecrated to Agraulas,
one of the daughters of Cecrops; and there
engaged them, by a solemn oath, to consider
Philip as their implacable enemy. Thus were
hostilities declared in form on the part of
Athens. Eubulus himself drew up a decree,
whereby it was enacted, that deputies should
be sent to the several states of Greece, to
engage them in a common league against the
Macedonian. Eschines was commissioned to
Dionys.
Amm.
go for this purpose into Arcadia. Two thou- Philocho-
sand foot, and three hundred horse, all Athenian rus in
citizens, with seventeen ships of war, and Epist ad
transports, were granted for the relief of Olyn-
thus. But unfortunately the command was
again entrusted to Chares. His dissolute and
abandoned manners rendered him the scorn of
his enemy: his avidity and extortion made him
hated and dreaded by the allies: but the large
sums of money, which he usually exacted from
these latter, enabled him to pay a number of
popular leaders, who supported his interest in
E 2
28
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
"
BOOK III. the assembly, and screened him from all the
consequences of his misconduct.
Philip, in the mean time, vigorously pushed
on the siege of Olynthus. Some sallies were
made, in which the besieged seemed to have the
advantage, as Euthycrates and Lasthenes, the
two new commanders of their cavalry, con-
cealed their treacherous intelligence with
Philip by these successes, which were in reality
concerted. They at length marched out, at
the head of five hundred horse, to attack one of
Dem de the enemy's posts. The Macedonians fled at
the first onset; and they abandoned themselves
to the pursuit: thus leading their troops into
the ambush which had been before prepared
for them. They now found themselves sur-
rounded by a numerous force, and the whole
body of horse was obliged to lay down their
arms, and to surrender prisoners of war.
fal. Leg.
sect. 75.
p. 22.
This body had been of considerable service
Oliv. vol. 2 to the Olynthians. It had been employed in
cutting off convoys, and making various excur-
sions into the adjacent districts, as the Mace-
donians had not been able to surround the town
entirely. This fatal loss therefore, together with
108, Y. 1. the traiterous correspondence carried on within
the town, soon opened the gates, and made
Philip complete master of Olynthus. [A]
Olymp.
[A] The particulars of the art and address by which the two
principal traitors recommended themselves to the attention and
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
29
CC
1.
SECT. I.
cohibenda.
The inhabitants, who had but just now en-
joyed a considerable share of power, riches,
and magnificence, were, in a moment, reduced
to the abject and miserable condition of slaves.
Their beautiful and stately edifices were demo- Thucyd. 1.
lished; and their city, whose elegance and
situation were celebrated through Greece, was
now razed to the foundations. Spectators
looked on with grief and commiseration, and
the news was every where received with indig-
nation and surprise. "Hath Philip destroyed Plut de Tra
Olynthus," said a witness of this melancholy p. 558.
event: "He himself never raised such a city."
But the mind, possessed with an insatiable
ambition, cannot attend to the solicitations of
its more humane and benevolent affections.
His schemes of greatness demanded the total
ruin of this state: and to such schemes the
conquerors and scourges of mankind are ever
known to make all other considerations yield.
The whole body of Olynthians, without dis- Diod. Sic.
tinction, without regard to condition, sex, or 53.
age, was now set up to public auction, and sold
confidence of their countrymen; the manner in which they con-
ducted their infamous design; and the circumstances of their
betraying the town to the besieger; might have probably been
worthy of being exactly and minutely recorded. But these, and
many other particulars relative to the transactions of Philip,
which might have afforded lessons of instruction, highly useful
and important, are unhappily lost to posterity; or, at most, but
imperfectly related, or alluded to by the Athenian orators,
1. 16, sect.
30
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Euseb.
Prep. Ev.
p. 792.
BOOK III. to any of the Greeks that were inclined to pur-
chase. Philip was present at this sale, where
lib. 15. 2. Aristotle, the Philosopher, is accused of assist-
ing and aggravating the misfortunes of a people,
with whom he had lived in friendship, by point-
ing out the richest of the inhabitants, and in-
structing Philip to extort that treasure which
they might have concealed in this public dis-
tress, and to demand exorbitant ransoms. An
Olynthian, who was going to be set up among
others, loudly demanded his liberty, declaring,
that he was a friend of the king, and desiring
to be brought near him, that he might approve
what he asserted. Philip ordered him to ad-
in Apophth vance, and the man begged him, in a whisper,
to let fall the skirt of his robe, for that, at pre-
sent he was exposed in a manner quite in-
decent. The king entered into this pleasantry
with the utmost condescension and good hu-
mour. Right!" said he, "the man is my
"friend, though I did not know it. Let him.
"be set at liberty." [B]
Plutarch.
1
[B] In the controversies of M. Seneca the lawyer, (l. 10.
controv. 5.) we find it asserted, that, among those wretches of
Olynthus, who were now loaded with chains, and dragged away
to slavery and misery, Parrhasius, the celebrated painter, ob-
served one whose face had a singularity of expression which
struck his fancy; that he purchased and led him home, where
the inhuman artist caused him to be tormented, in order to study
the different characters of pain; and from him, drew a picture
of Prometheus chained to the rock, which was deposited in the
temple of Minerva at Athens. I am not sufficiently warranted
to determine, whether this be a real historical fact, or a fiction.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
31
?
chus Orat.
The news of these transactions was received SECT. I.
at Athens with shame and sorrow. The am-
bition and cruelty of Philip now raised their
utmost indignation; and the misfortunes of
their allies, when it was too late, awakened all
their sentiments of humanity. Those few in- Dianar-
habitants, who escaped the general ruin, they in Dem.
received and treated with the utmost tender-
ness. They condemned Euthymachus, one of
their own citizens, to death, who had abused
an Olynthian woman with the licence which
masters usurped over the slaves of that sex.
When Chares appeared, and offered to render
an account of his conduct, they refused to hear
him; on this occasion, he was told by Cephi-
sodotus, that he had too long held the Aristot.
"people under his absolute subjection, whom c. 10.
"he now insulted by this pretended candour
"and readiness to account for his actions."
They endeavoured to make some amends for Dem. de
their former neglect of the safety of Olynthus, sect. 75.
by thundering out the severest decrees against
those traitors who had brought down ruin and
desolation on that state. But other punish-
ments were reserved for them. Some were,
without distinction, involved in the general
calamity. The two principal betrayers of their
*
framed for the sake of debate in the schools. Pliny, who re-
counts the performances of this painter, (Hist. Nat. l. 35. c. 36.)
makes no mention of a Prometheus.
Rhet. 1. &
fal. Leg.
32
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. country, Euthycrates and Lasthenes, were the
objects of contempt and detestation, even to
the Macedonians. The soldiers were ever in-
sulting, and dealing them liberally the oppro-
brious names of traitors, parricides, and vil-
lains. They complained to Philip, and de-
sired his protection; but his answer completed.
their confusion, and plainly shewed with what
abhorrence such wretches must ever expect to
be received, even by those who have been ser-
ved by their iniquity. "Do not take notice
"of these rude ill-mannered fellows," said
Plut. in
Apoph.
Dem, de
Cherson.
sect. 10.
• 3.
"C
Co
Philip, they are strangers to all civility and
good breeding. They call every thing by
"its proper name." The fate of these men
was worthy of their baseness; they were thus
exposed to all possible insult, unprotected and
despised; and either removed by a violent
death, or suffered to languish under disgrace
and poverty.[c]
Just. 1. 8. In Olynthus were found Menelaus and Ari-
dæus. They were condemned by the army,
and instantly sacrificed to Philip's jealousy, or
to the security of his throne.
[c] If we may rely on the representations of Demosthenes
these men were sufficiently warned of their fate, by the manner
in which Philip treated those who had already served him in the
same infamous way. The orator ascribes his success at Amphi-
polis and Pydna to treachery, and insinuates, that the traitors
were repaid as their baseness merited.
OLYNTH. 3. sect. 3.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
33
fal. Leg.
cum Schol.
p. 28.
In honour of this important conquest, those SECT. I.
Olympic entertainments (so were they called) Dem. de
which Archelaus, a prince of Macedon, had in- sect 58.
stituted, and which were continued in the city
of Dium for the space of nine days, in honour
of the muses, were now celebrated by Philip, Oliv. 1. 8,
at his return to Macedon, with a magnificence
intirely new. But his views were not confined
to the ostentatious display of his wealth and
grandeur, or the enjoyment of pleasure and
entertainment. These games were, on the
contrary, made the occasion of confirming his
old friendships, and acquiring new. The con- Diod. Sic.
{
1. 16, sect.
course which attended them was received with 55.
åll politeness and kindness; and entertained
at public feasts, where Philip did the honours
of his palace with all due elegance and gran-
deur. These feasts were usually concluded,
by presenting his guests with a cup; in which
he had first drank to them, according to the
Grecian custom, or with some other mark of
his munificence: and, on one of these occa-
sions, he observed, that Satyrus, the celebrated
actor, whom he held in great esteem did not
appear to partake in the general festivity, nor Dem. de
to desire any token of his friendship. Has fal Leg.
"Satyrus nothing to ask?" said Philip; doth cum Schol.
"he doubt my generosity, or imagine that I
"have conceived some particular offence at
"him ?" "The things which others seem so
VOL. II.
F
(C
set. an.
34
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III." earnest to obtain," replied Satyrus, " are to
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 58.
cum Schol.
(C
me entirely indifferent. That which would
gratify me in the highest degree, my prince
"could grant with the greatest ease; but,
"alas! I fear he will refuse it." Philip gaily
pressed him to speak his request boldly, and to
put his friendship to the proof; for that he
should deny him nothing. Thus encouraged,
he addressed himself in this manner to the
king: "Apollophanes, of Pydna, was my friend
"and host. When he was killed, his relations
"sent his two young daughters to Olynthus,
as to a place of security. There were they
"taken when just arrived at the marriageable
CC
CE
cr
age; and are now groaning under the weight
of captivity and slavery, employed in all
"the menial offices to which their unhappy
"fate has subjected those helpless creatures.
"These are the presents I request; and these
"I conjure you to bestow upon me.
But,
CC
first, know what it is I ask. I expect, I
"wish for, no advantage from them. I disdain
"all intentions unworthy of me, and unworthy
"of their father. No! my desire is to give
"them such portions as may enable them to
marry happily."
CC
The beginning of this speech excited the at-
tention of the whole company. Apollophanes
was known to have been extremely obnoxious
to Philip, as he had been an accomplice in the
"
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
35
murder of his brother Alexander. The con- SECT. I.
clusion was pleasing and astonishing; and
their esteem and admiration broke instantly
forth, in the loudest acclamation and applauses.
Philip was affected by this greatness and good-
ness of mind, which his guest discovered; he
readily granted his petition, and his munifi-
cence enabled Satyrus to pay the portions.
The taking of Olynthus gave Philip an ac- oliv. 1.8,
cession of territory highly convenient and im- P. 31.
portant. It made him master of the whole
Chalcidian region, a tract in itself of consider-
able moment; it divided Thrace, and separated
the country subject to Atheus, from that which
Cersobleptes reserved to himself. The king-
dom of Philip, including Thessaly, which he
in effect commanded, was now bounded by
Phocis on the south-west, and on the north-
east by the dominions of Cersobleptes. But,
on each side, were numbers in the Athenian
interest. This state was now the only great
enemy he had to encounter, the only material
obstacle to his design of commanding all
Greece. Its ministers were soliciting the
seversal Grecian powers to unite with them
against him. It was his part, if possible, to
detach them from these connexions; and to
engage them to conclude a peace with him
separate from the other states. He knew that
indolence and self enjoyment were still pre-
F 2
1
'
36
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. dominant at Athens; and that vigour and reso-
lution, on his part, would soon make them
weary of the war, on
present totally intent.
determined to exert.
which they seemed at
These he was therefore
His ships of war were
sent to sea to harass and distress their trade:
their merchants were continually falling a prey
to these; and their tributaries and dependent
islands were ever subject to his incursions
and depredations. From comparing several
passages in the Athenian orators, which hint at
some transactions of this prince, not particu-
larly recorded, it seems to me probable, that,
during the course of the Olynthian war, his
fleet was employed in making some descents
on Lemnus and Imbrus, islands dependent on
Athens, in order (possibly) to divert the atten-
tion of the Athenians from the defence of
Olynthus. Here several Athenian citizens
were made prisoners, aud carried off in chains
to Macedon. The Macedonian fleet then
took its course towards the south, and surprised
some Athenian vessels at anchor near the cape
of Gerastus (which might have been intended
for the relief of Imbrus) and these were in-
stantly seized and rifled. Encouraged by this
success, and the rich spoil which had been
thus obtained, Philip now seems to have deter-
mined to continue these depredations. The
bad conduct of Chares had greatly weakened
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
337
the naval power of Athens, and left the sea
open to the Macedonians, who boldly sailed to
the very coast of Attica, and, having made
a descent on Marathon, insulted the Athe-
niaus, by taking their sacred galley, as it was
called; which was destined to be sent out, on
all extraordinary emergencies, with advices and
directions to their commanders. [D] A body of
[D] The learned reader need not be informed, that these
transactions are mentioned in the oration, called the first Phi-
lippic of Demosthenes; and that their date is here settled upon
a supposition, that what is so intitled in the copies and editions
of Demosthenes, is really two distinct orations, spoken on dif-
ferent occasions, and at different times. In a former work I en-
deavoured to establish this opinion by somne (at least) probable
arguments. It must be confirmed beyond controversy, could it
be proved that these transactions were not prior to the date of
Demosthenes's first oration against Philip; but that I have
placed them nearer to their true time, than the commentators
and interpreters of this orator.- Lucchesini fixes them to the
third year of the one hundredth and fifth Olympiad, immediately
after the reduction of Amphipolis, Pydna, and Potidea. But,
besides that he assigns no authority for this opinion from history,
it seems irreconcileable to the conduct and policy of Philip at
that time, who (whatever were his actions) professed to be at
peace with Athens; amused that state with promises of giving
up Amphipolis; and, in his attack of Pydna and Potidæa,
aflected only to act as ally to Olynthus. Olivier dates them
somewhat later, in the second year of the one hundredth and
sixth Olympiad, in the archonship of Diotimus. He collects
this from a decree preserved in the oration of Demosthenes on
the crown, (sect. 34.) which was occasioned by the invasion of
Attica, and in which Diotimus is mentioned as commander of
the Athenian cavalry. But, as it appears that it was not con-
sistent with the office of archon to be employed in such a com-
mand (of which the reader may be at once satisfied, by consulting
any of the authors who have treated of the constitution and polity
of Athens) this opinion is overturned by the only authority
which can be produced to confirm it. Had the name of the
archon Enovuμos been used in the dates of those decrces, which
SECT. 1.
38
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Book m. Athenian cavalry, under the command of Dio-
timus, attempted to oppose this inroad, but
«Ε
66
Demosthenes quotes in the above-mentioned oration, the diffi-
culty would be cleared at once: but, as this is not the case, we
are obliged to have recourse to what other lights may be afforded.
And first, before the author is condemned of rashness and pre-
sumption, the learned reader is intreated to attend to the follow-
ing passage in Aischines on the embassy, (sect. 24.) Φίλιππος
δε όρμηθείς εκ Μακεδονίας, ουκ ετ' ύπερ Αμφιπόλεως προς ήμας
ηγωνίζετο, αλλ' ηδη περι ΛΗΜΝΟΥ και ΙΜΒΡΟΥ και Σκύρου,
των ημετέρων κτηματων· εξελιπον δε Χερρόννησον ἡμων οἱ
πολιταί, την ουσαν ὁμολογουμενως Αθηναίων. ΟΙ ΜΕΝ
ΚΑΙΡΟΙ ΤΗΣ ΠΟΛΕΩΣ ΤΟΙΟΥΤΟΙ ΗΣΑΝ, ΕΝ ΟΙΣ ΟΙ
ΠΕΡΙ ΤΗΣ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΣ ΕΓΕΝΟΝΤΟ ΛΟΓΟΙ. "Philip
"issues out from Macedon; no longer contends with you for
Amphipolis, but now attacks LEMNUS and IMBRUS, our
" undoubted dominions. Our citizens, in the Chersonesus, are
obliged to abandon their settlements in that country, to which
"our right was fully and amply acknowledged, &c.-THESE
WERE THE TIMES, such the circumstances of the state, wHEN
A PEACE BEGAN TO BE FIRST MENTIONED."-Another pas-
sage in Demosthenes (Exord. 32.) is also worthy of notice :
Ψηφιείσθε άπερ εκ των παρεληλυθοίων χρόνων, καθελκειν
τριήρεις, εμβαίνειν, εισφερειν πανία ταυία ήδη· α τριων ήμερων
ά
ή πέντε (αν σιωπήθη τα παρα των πολεμίων, και σχωσιν
ησυχίαν εκείνοι) παλιν εκετι καιρον είναι πρατίειν ὑποληψεσθε·
όπερ ἡνικα εν Ἑλλεσπόντω Φιλίππον ηκουσαμεν, συνεβη, και
παλιν ἡνικ᾽ ΕΙΣ ΜΑΡΑΘΩΝΑ ΤΡΙΗΡΕΙΣ ΑΙ ΛΗΣΤΡΙΔΕΣ
ΠΡΟΣΕΣΚΟΝ.- “ You will then, as in times past, make
"magnificent decrees for equipping your fleet, arming your
citizens, and raising your subsidies; all which shall, in three
or five days, (should the enemy seem quieted, and no longer
disposed to molest you) be pronounced unnecessary, as was
"the case when we heard that Philip was at the Hellespont;
"and again, when the piratical ships made the descent at
Marathon."-When the reader has perused that part of the
present history, which is contained in this and the following
sections, he will be the better enabled to judge how far these
passages favour my opinion; and, by comparing the transactions
there related, and authentically attested, with the passages here
quoted from the Athenian orators, he will determine whether
the author hath been guilty of an unwarrantable presumption in
discarding the authority of the copies of Demosthenes, and even
of those critics and commentators, to whose learned and judicious
labours he is considerably indebted.
66
66
(6
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
39
soon threw down their arms, and fled shame- SECT. I
fully before the enemy; while the forces of
Macedon, having thus alarmned the Athenians
in their very city, again set sail, and proceeded
to the isle of Salamis. Here they again de-
feated a detachment commanded by Charide-
mus, and thus returned home in triumph, laden
with the spoils of their enemy.
In Euboea, the place of all others where
Athens could be most deeply wounded, Philip
determined to make one attempt more. Fa-
voured as he was by the disposition of the in-
habitants, who were many of them secret ene-
mies to Athens, he had occasion for no other
pretence, but that of freeing the island from
the Athenian tyranny. Molossus, who was
appointed to succeed Phocian in the command
of the Athenian forces in Euboea, conducted
himself in such a manner, as to encourage
Philip to this attempt. He first made himself
hated and afterwards despised. Hipparchus
had succeeded Plutarch in the government of
Eretria: and his years and reputation gave
credit to the Macedonian interest, which he
espoused from a particular esteem for Philip, Oliv. 1. S.
and a sincere persuasion, that he should really
serve his country, by rendering it dependent
on this prince. Callias, the Chalcidian, was
screened, by his interest among the popular
leaders at Athens, from the resentment due to
p. 36.
40
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. his late conduct: and now again appeared in
Eschin. in Euboea, an active and vigorous manager for
Ctes, sect, the king of Macedon. He assembled a kind of
83.
Plutarch.
convention of the different states at Chalcis,
under pretence of settling the affairs, and com-
posing the disorders of Euboea; but, in reality,
to concert measures for ruining the Athenian
interest. Thence he passed over to the court
of Macedon, to give an account of his success.
Here he displayed and magnified his services,
which were graciously received, and all possible
assurances of support and assistance readily
given to him. Philip's partisans in Euboea
now collected and strengthened themselves;
his forces were sent into the island; and his
agents every where employed to gain the
people over to his interest; and to drive out
and destroy all those who attempted to oppose
him.
Molossus had neither strength nor abilities
in Phocion to encounter this formidable association; nor
did he ever once think of defeating it, till it
was already formed completely, and prepared
to act. Then, at length, he took the field; but
quickly found himself betrayed, even by those
who had given him the strongest assurances of
their attachment: such a general corruption
had Philip's secret practices produced. He
was surrounded and taken prisoner, with all his
army; which, when plundered by the Euboeans,
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
41
was suffered to pass over into Attica, loaded SECT. I.
with all the ignominy of this defeat.
Cherson.
sect. 7.
And now Philip's party was triumphant; Dem. de
and the whole island prepared to submit to his sect. 9.
regulation. The government of Eretria was
placed in the hands of Clitarchus, a man de-
voted entirely to the king of Macedon. And
while he thus established his power in a place, Phil. 1.
which, by its situation, commanded as it were
the country of Attica, at Oreum, over against
Scyathus, an island dependent on Athens, he
procured the government for Philistides, who
had formerly headed the Theban party in
Euboea, and who, by his conduct and character,
was the terror and detestation of all good
men. Thus did this vigilant prince establish
such an interest, as might effectually facilitate
the future subjection of that island; although,
at present, he pretended only a tender regard
to its freedom and tranquillity.
It could not but be imagined, that the Athe-
nians would take some measures for opposing
this settlement, and for supporting their inte-
rest and power in a place of such consequence
to the welfare and security of Attica. The
Euboean cities were now under the direction
of men ready to obey the dictates of the king
of Macedon; the instruments of his policy,
who had, by long experience, become perfectly
acquainted with the means of amusing the
VOL. II.
G
42
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. Athenians. By his direction, probably, ambas-
sadors were now sent, in the name of these
falsa Leg.
sect. 7.
states, to Athens, to endeavour to heal all late
Aschin. de breaches, to effect an accommodation, and, par-
ticularly, to possess the Athenians with favour-
able opinions of Philip's intentions, who, they
declared, was extremely desirous of putting an
end to all quarrels, and making a peace on
such terms as should demonstrate his integrity
and respect for their state. Aristodemus and
Neoptolemus, two celebrated actors, (the latter
also noted as a dramatic poet) who had been
gained over to the interest of Philip by his
favours and presents, were employed to con-
firm these representations, and to influence the
people in favour of their master. Neoptolemus
had, some time before, gone to Macedon, under
pretence of collecting some debts, but, in rea-
lity, to concert with Philip the means of serving
and obliging him in the Athenian assembly.
Demosthenes, who saw through his designs, en-
deavoured to lay them open to his countrymen;
and to guard them against his artifices; but was
soon silenced by the friends of Neoptolemus,
who cried out, that nothing but malice, offi-
cious baseness, or secret enmity, could prompt
any man to accuse him, or to draw invidious
inferences from his correspondence with Mace-
don, to which he was not only induced by his
private interest, but by a regard to his country,
Dem. Orat.
de Pace.
sect. 2.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
43 1
ye
as, by transferring his effects from Macedon to SECT. I.
Athens, he was the better enabled to contri-
bute to the exigences of the state. The dis-
positions of the people on this occasion are
best described by Demosthenes:* Had * Orat. de
"been spectators in the theatre, and not en-
gaged in affairs of the highest and most
"intimate concernment to the public, ye could
"not have heard him with more indulgence,
nor me with more resentment."
(C
Pace.
fal. Leg.
Thus the temper of this people, ever violent,
but ever varying, led them from peace to war,
and from war to peace, just as the breath of
some popular speaker fired their national
vanity, or soothed their love of ease and indo-
lence. These latter passions were just going
to prevail, when Eschines returned from his Dem. de
embassy, and gave a new direction to their sect. 5.
minds. He had assembled the great council of
Arcadians at Megalopolis; and prevailed on
that people to engage to bear arms against
Philip; and now appeared to give an account
of his success. He displayed the services which
he had performed on this occasion; enlarged
on the opposition he had been obliged to com-
bat from Philip's agents; inveighed, with great
bitterness, against the corrupt practices of those
hireling wretches, who were labouring, not
only to destroy their own countries, but to
bring down universal ruin on the whole nation
62
44
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. of Greece: he assured the people, that the
Arcadians, roused and inflamed by his remon-
strances, expressed all possible satisfaction at
that spirit, that true zeal for the general cause
of Greece, which now began to appear at
Athens. He harangued, with all possible acri-
mony, against Philip: he had beheld, he said,
on his return, a sight capable of melting them
to pity, at the calamities of Greece, and of in-
spiring them with fury and indignation against
the Barbarian; a body of young Olynthians,
of both sexes, to the number of about thirty,
driven, like a herd of cattle, by one of Philip's
officers, as a present to some of his creatures.
He dwelt on the misery of these their late allies,
and the unparalleled inhumanity of their con-
queror; and concluded with recommending to
them to send their envoys to confirm the
Arcadians in their present zealous dispositions,
and to procure the justly merited punishment
for those who still presumed to support the
Macedonian interest in that country.
War and revenge now echoed through the
assembly. The people were more exasperated,
and more violent, than ever; the Macedonian
emissaries and partisans were silenced aud
dismayed, and began to look on all their in-
dustry and artifice as wholly ineffectual; when
one single act of Philip's politeness, or, to
speak more properly, of his policy, raised his
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
46
creatures from their dispair, and gave another SECT. I.
turn to the dispositions of the Athenians.
de fal. Leg.
A man of some eminence at Athens, whose Eschin.
name was Phrynon, had assisted at the sect. 7.
celebration of the famous Olympic games,
which collected the Greeks from all parts,
every fourth year, to Elis. In this time of uni-
versal festivity all wars ceased, and a general
truce was observed for fifteen days. Yet some
Macedonian soldiers, either ignorant or in con-
tempt of this truce, seized and plundered
Phrynon; and obliged him to purchase his
liberty by a considerable ransom
At his return to Athens, he applied to the
people, and requested to be sent with a public
character into Macedon, that he might have
an opportunity of soliciting restitution of the
effects which had been taken from him. In the
course of all the Grecian wars, heralds and
ambassadors were ever passing from one to
another party, to settle the exchange of pri-
souers, and for other like purposes. On this
occasion, therefore, Phrynon was, according to
his desire, sent, ou some public occasions, to
Macedon, and Ctesiphon appointed for his col-
league. They were received by Philip with
his usual artful aflability, and all his specious
shews of openness, candour, and affection.
He assured Phrynon, that his soldiers had acted
from ignorance and misapprehension, and or-
46
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK II. dered that his effects should be all instantly
Eschin. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 7.
1
restored. He entertained them at his table,
where he gave them every possible instance of
his attention and respect; and, at parting, de-
clared, in a most engaging manner, that it was
with the greatest concern he found himself
involved in a war with Athens; that, however
he might have been unfortunately misconceived
or misrepresented, he had ever entertained the
nost favourable intentions towards the state,
and that nothing could give him greater plea-
sure, than to see a speedy and effectual accom-
modation of all the disputes now unhappily
subsisting between them.
Phrynon and Ctesiphon were now returned,
highly flattered by the confidence which Philip
appeared to repose in them. This, possibly,
contributed to deceive them into an opinion of
his candour and sincerity; and their vanity
prompted them to display to the assembly the
friendship and regard which Philip expressed
for them, and for the state; on which they en-
larged, as persons in strict intimacy with this
prince, and well acquainted with his sentiments
and dispositions. They were heard with satis-
faction and applause. All the late resolutions,
all the preparations for war, were, in an instant,
forgotten; and Philocrates, a man attached to
the Macedonian interest, and suspected equally
by Æschines and Demosthenes, moved the as-
PHILIP, 47.
2%
KING OF MACEDON
sembly, that an herald and ambassadors should SECT. I.
be sent to Philip, to discover his intentions,
and to make him propositions for a peace
This motion was, at first, attacked judicially
by one Lycinus; on which occasion Demos-.
thenes, in a long and elaborate defence, sup-
ported the cause of Philocrates, who, by a fit
of sickness, was prevented from appearing be-
fore the assembly.
ful. Leg.
This conduct of Deinosthenes is urged as an
instance of his inconsistency and insincerity.
But it must be observed, that, besides the indo-
lent and corrupted part of Athens, there was
another party equally averse to war, but from
different principles. They saw the power and Eschin. de
the vigour of Philip; they were sensible of the sect. 51.
weakness and degeneracy of their countrymen;
they reflected, that, from the time that they had
attempted to recover Amphipolis, no less than
fifteen hundred talents had been expended, to
no purpose, except to gratify the avarice of some
foreign commanders, who had been taken into
their service, and who had ever appeared more
attentive to their private interest, than to the
glory of Athens. One hundred vessels had
been lost; seventy-five dependent cities, most
of which had been conquered in Thrace by Ti-
motheus, had fallen into the hands of the ene-
my; Olynthus was destroyed, and Eubea re-
volted; the several Grecian states harassed and
พ
48
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
$1
of
BOOK III. wasted by their ill-judged quarrels, and alie-
nated from each other by their jealousies and
suspicions; and Philip more admired, more
dreaded, and more respected, than ever. They
concluded, therefore, that the state of Athens
was rather concerned to secure what share of
power was left to her, than to entertain notious
revenge; or of reducing an enemy too
active, too politic, and too strong for a
weakened, distracted, and corrupted people
to contend with. This was the opinion of
Phocion, and other citizens of eminence and
character; and some attention was due to the
sentiments of such men. Possibly they who
had the highest opinion of the power of Athens,
if duly and faithfully exerted, and who were
most firmly persuaded of the expediency and
necessity of opposing their rival, might still
have thought it just and reasonable to hear, at
least, what terms of accommodation he might
propose. This would convince the Grecians
of their candour and moderation; the power
of rejecting them was still reserved, and, if
unreasonable and unjust, they would help to
undeceive those who were blinded by Philip's
artful professions, and afford new incitements
to a vigorous opposition. But, whatever might
have been the motives of Demosthenes, the
Aschin. de people approved of his arguments: the decree
fal. Leg, proposed by Philocrates was confirmed; and
sect. 7.
PHILIP, 49
*
KING OF MACEDON.
the accuser had scarcely the fifth part of the SECT. I.
suffrages.
In the course of these transactions, another Sect. 8.
incident happened to confirm the Athenians in
their present pacific dispositions. At the time-
when Olynthus was taken, some of their citi-
zens were found in the town, and brought pri-
soners to Macedon: among whom were Stra-
tocles and Eucratus, two Athenians of consi-
derable note. The relations of these men
applied to the assembly, and requested that
they might be taken care of in the treaty
which they now seemed disposed to transact.
Demosthenes and Philocrates supported their
application; and Aristodemus, [E] whose pro-
[E] This prince, who ever studied to maintain an extensive
reputation, wisely judged nothing could more contribute to this,
than to shew an extraordinary regard to the polite arts, and to
their professors of every kind. The passion for the theatre,
which prevailed in Greece, naturally introduced the performers
to the notice and regard of the public; and, in proportion as this
passion became violent, they met with an extraordinary degree
of respect, and it became fashionable to caress them: and,
possibly, Philip did not think it beneath him to flatter the Greeks,
by conforming to their passions. Besides, the allusions and
particular applications of passages in the tragic writers to the
affairs and persons which might, at any time, be the objects of
general attention, an usual practice on the Greek etage, put
the reputations of great men, in some measure, in the power of
actors, and made it their interest to court them: as by dwelling
on, and pointing out, particular passages, which might afford·
apposite and ingenious applications to the circumstances and
characters of their times, they might influence their audience, in
a manner which cannot be surprising, when we consider that
the Greeks were frequently guided more by imagination than
judgment.
VOL. II.
H
50
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. fession, as a player, made him extremely
agreeable to Philip, was immediately com-
missioned to go to Macedon, and to treat par-
ticularly about their release. He was probably
more engaged in paying his court, than in
executing his commission; and, at his return,
either neglected to give an account of it, or
deferred it on purpose, till he should be ex-
pressly called on, that the report, which he
had determined to make, might be the less sus-
pected. In the mean time, Stratocles returns
to Athens, being dismissed by Philip without
any ransom, and with the highest expressions
of respect. Possessed with this instance of
politeness and generosity, he lavishes his en-
comiums on Philip, repeats the assurances of
his kind and amicable intentions to Athens,
and inveighs against Aristodemus for neglect-
ing to report the success of his embassy. And
now Aristodemus was summoned to give an
account. of his negociation before the senate.
Here he expatiated on the merits, the candour,
the sincerity, and the benevolence of Philip,
on his regard and respect for Athens; and de-
clared, that this prince was not only ready to
conclude a peace, but to enter into a strict
alliance with the state. The same represen-
tations he made to the assembly of the people,
who heard them with the utmost satisfaction:
and Demosthenes himself appeared so well
1
!
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
51
}
satisfied with the conduct of Aristodemus, that SECT. I.
he moved, and the assembly decreed, that he
should be honoured with a golden crown, the
usual reward of those who had acquitted them-
selves with honour in the administration of
public affairs.
Nothing now remained, but to nominate the
persons to whom this important transaction was
to be committed, and on whose abilities the
people might rely, to make their overtures at
Macedon, and to defend the interests of their
country in an emergency which demanded the
utmost address and circumspection. Ten Athe-
nian citizens were now chosen for this purpose,
Ctesiphon, Phrynon, Philocrates, Jatrocles, Eschin.de
Nausicles, Cimon, Demosthenes, Dercyllus, sect. 9.
Eschines, and Aristodemus. To these were
added Agalocreon of Tenedos, on the part of
the allied cities and states dependent upon
Athens, who was to act as their representative,
and to take care of their particular interests.
fal. Leg.
p. 52.
fal Leg.
The ten were all men of distinction, and re- oliv. 1.9,
spectable by their condition or accomplish- Eschin. de
ments. Ctesiphon by his age and experience, sect 18.
and weight in the assembly; Phrynon by his
riches; Cimou by his illustrious birth; Nau-
sicles and Dercyllus by the public offices which
they had discharged. Jatrocles was also a
person of figure, and had ever been in strict
connexion with Eschines. Eschines himself
H 2
2
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
52
Dom.
fal. Leg.
sect. 5.
Lucian. in
vit. Dem.
BOOK III. was noted for his genius, memory, and elo-
quence; and, by that zeal which he had already
Dim de expressed against the Macedonian, fully per,
suaded the people of his integrity, and inspired
them with exalted expectations from his con-
duct in this commission. Demosthenes was
now universally celebrated and admired as a
public speaker and able politician. Philocrates,
Eschin. de besides his facility in speaking, was remarkable
for his gaiety in social life, a qualification of
no small consequence at the court of Macedon;
and Aristodemus added to a most advantageous
person all the charms of wit and politeness,
and all the force and beauty of a just and grace-
ful elocution.
fal Leg.
sect. 21.
Demosthenes appeared particularly intent
on the speedy execution of this commission.
To prevent all possible delay or interruption,
he moved the people to send deputations
to some cities, where Aristodemus had obliged
himself to perform on the stage under some
particular penalties, to apologize for his ab-
sence, and to get those penalties remitted.[F]
[F] The idea of pomp and dignity, which we are accustomed
to annex to that of an ambassador, may make it appear very
extraordinary that a player should be intrusted with such a com-
mission, whose profession was undoubtedly considered by the
Athenians as of the less honourable kind, (whatever favours
might be lavished on the ministers of their darling pleasures, in
these times of luxury;) for we find Demosthenes frequently
speaking with contempt of their profession. But, in a state
purely democratical, the abilities were considered, and not the
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
53
station of those who were intrusted with the conduct of public SECT. I
affairs. We find, in the case of Demades, that a common
boatman was enabled to raise himself to some of the highest
offices in the state. Nor must we imagine, that the deputies of
this republic were at all similar to the representatives of sovereign
princes in modern times. They were sent out without parade,
train, or attendants, dignified only by being citizens of Athens.
Demosthenes (de falsa Leg. sect. 47.) mentions it as an extra-
ordinary instance of extravaganee, that five such deputies had
an appointment of one thousand drachmæ, that is, £32 5s. 10d.
for three months: not a fifth part of what Amabæus received,
per diem, for singing in the theatre at Athens.
!
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP,
KING OF MACEDON.
BOOK THE THIRD, SECTION II.
{
CONTENTS.
PHILIP pursues his Thracian conquests.-Halus besieged by
Parmenio.-The Athenian deputies proceed towards Macedon.
-The behaviour of Demosthenes,-his magnificent promises.-
The ambassadors arrive,—are introduced to an audience.—The
substance of Eschines's speech.-Demosthenes confounded;-he
censures the other ambassadors,—whom he afterwards flatters.-
They return to Athens.-The behaviour of Demosthenes in the
senate,—and in the popular assembly.—Eurylochus, Antipater,
and Parmenio, arrive at Athens.-The assiduity of Demosthenes
in doing the honours of the city to the Macedonian ambassadors.
-The motion in favour of the allies. Dissentions in the
assembly. The sentiments of Demosthenes,-and of Æschines;
whose opinion is of a sudden entirely altered.-The decree of
Philocrates passed.—The motion of Demosthenes.-Cersobleptes
abandoned by the Athenians; submits to Philip.-New commo-
tions at Athens, and new preparations for war.-The sudden fit
of zeal subsides.-The people impatient for the ratification of the
treaty. The unnecessary delays of the ambassadors.-They
arrive at Pella,---are joined by Demosthenes.-The Phocian war
continued.— Ambassadors from Phocis, Thebes, and Lacedæmon,
attend on Philip.-His artful behaviour to the several ambassa-
dors.-Private conferences of the Athenian deputies.-The
speech of Demosthenes to Philip.-That of Eschines.-Philip
addresses a letter to the Athenians.-The shameful adulation of
Æschines and the other deputies.-The treaty ratified on the
part of Philip.-Halus taken,
BOOK THE THIRD.
SECTION II.
WHILE Athens was thus preparing all
BOOK III,
Ctes. sect.
matters for an accommodation, Philip was SEC II.
employed in the pursuit of his Thracian con-
quests, which were greatly facilitated by the
reduction of Olynthus. He was already master
of the promontories of Pallene and Ampelus;
and had now only to reunite that of Athos,
which Xerxes had separated, and which com-
manded the gulphs of Singis and Strymon.
He took the cities of Ganos Ergiske, and some Eschin. in
others of no considerable name; and confined 30.
Cersobleptes to the sacred mount; the town
which the statue of Alexander would have held
in its hand, had it been cut out of mount Athos,
according to the famous project of the statuary;
and which, at this day, bears the same name.
Parmenio was at the same time in Thessaly, Dem. de
supporting the Pharsalians, the devoted friends sect. 48.
of Philip, in their pretensions to Halus, whose
inhabitants inclined to the Athenian interest,
and, of consequence, were obnoxious to Philip.
The Pharsalians seemed to have claimed Halus
as their property; while the Haliaus asserted
their own independence, and the king of
VOL. II.
1
fal. Leg.
58
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK III. Macedon, to support his friends, and weaken
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 48.
the interest of his enemies, sent his forces into
Thessaly, under pretence of forcing them to
acknowledge their rightful sovereigns. This
city was seated on the Pthiotis, between the
mountains Othrys and Thymprestes: its walls
were washed by the river Amphryssus: its
situation was strong, and enabled it to sustain
a long siege.
The Athenian deputies passed through the
Macedonian army, which had invested Halus,
without waiting the return of the herald, who
had been sent to demand their safe-conduct;
and from thence proceeded to Pegasæ. Still
they continued their progress, and, at Larissa,
met the herald returning with their passport,
and, without delay, proceeded towards Mace-
don. From the first moment of their depar-
ture, the principal ambassadors seem to have
betrayed a mutual diffidence and suspicion of
each other. Each seemed more solicitous to
deprive his colleague of any honour which
might attend this negociation, and to shift off
any disgrace from himself, than to unite in one
cordial and sincere resolution of attending to
Ib. sect. 6. the public interests. Eschines is said, by De-
mosthenes, to have expressed his suspicions of
the integrity of Philocrates, and to have
spoken of him as a man from whom they might
expect the most abandoned and traiterous con-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
59
fal. Leg.
duct and, if we may believe Eschines, De- SECT. II.
mosthenes, through the whole journey, be- Eschin. de
trayed the utmost dissatisfaction at those who sect. 10.
were joined with him in the commission; and,
by a peculiar moroseness, had rendered himself
so disagreeable to them, that they would have
excluded him from their society, had not
Agalocreon and Jatrocles interposed, and
persuaded them to endure his severity of tem-
per. In some of their conversations, in which
they were concerting the best manner of ex-
ecuting their commission, Cimon expressed his
apprehensions of Philip's art and power of
speaking. But these apprehensions, if we may
believe Æschines, were treated with great con-
tempt by Demosthenes; who insisted, in the
most confident manner, that he had ample and
irresistible matter to urge; that he should trace
the contests between Athens and Macedon
from the earliest date; establish the right of
his country to Amphipolis by the fullest and
clearest proofs, and deprive Philip of all power
of objection or reply: [A] that he had no doubt
but that this prince would feel the whole force
of his remonstrances; that this city should be
given up to the Athenians, and that Leosthenes
[4] The expression which Demosthenes is said, by his rival,
to have used on this occasion, is in the highest degree rude and
insolent, ωστε άπορραψειν το Φιλιππου στομα ολοσχοινω
aBgcxw, that he would sew up Philip's mouth with a dry
bulrush.
1 2
60
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. should also be resigned into their hands, whom
Æschin. de
fal. Leg.
14.
the ambassadors were commissioned to demand
from Philip; but whether as a criminal, in
order to be brought to justice; or as a valuable
citizen, whom they affected to consider as de-
tained at Macedon against his will; we are
not sufficiently warranted to determine.
They were now arrived, and introduced to
scot. 12, 13 an audience. As it had been agreed between
them, they spake in order according to their
ages; all with the usual Attic elegance; but
Æschines more copiously than any of those
who preceded him. He reminded Philip of
the many acts of kindness which the Athenians
had done to his predecessors the kings of
Macedon; to his own family, and to himself,
when Pausanias had first attempted to usurp
the throne; and of the interest and power
which Pausanias had acquired in Mace-
don; of the weak and distressed condi-
tion of the children of king Amyntas, the
solicitations of Eurydice, and the generous
interposition of Iphicrates. He touched on
the ungrateful returns made to Athens by
Ptolemy and Perdiccas, in disputing their pre-
tensions to Amphipolis; on the greatness of
mind, which his countrymen had discovered, in
granting a truce to Perdiccas, notwithstanding
their victories and advantages; and as it was
maliciously asserted that Callisthenes had been
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
61
put to death for concluding this truce, he de- SECT. II.
clared, that other causes had produced this seu-
tence. He dwelt on the unreasonableness of
those hostilities, which Philip himself had com-
mitted against the Athenians; and traced their
right to Amphipolis, from the earliest ages; a
right acknowledged by Amyntas himself in the
general assembly of the Grecians: he observed,
that a city, which had never been taken in any
war against Athens, could not possibly be held
by the right of conquest; and that Philip had
really taken an Athenian city from the Amphi-
politans, which never could be construed as an
acquisition won from the Athenians.
Demosthenes was the youngest, and conse-
quently the last to speak. He now stood before
a prince, whom he was conscious he had fre-
quently spoken of with the greatest severity,
and who, he knew, was thoroughly informed
of every thing said or done at Athens. He
was to contend with a complete master in his
own art; and the reputation of the great Athe-
nian orator, who was ever lancing the bolts of
his eloquence against the king, must have
raised a solemn attention in the court; even
the ambassadors themselves were curious to
hear those irresistible remonstrances which the
orator is said to have promised with the greatest
confidence, and which Philip and his courtiers
were, by this time, warned to expect.
All
Eschin. de
ect. 16.
falsa Leg.
!
62
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. was suspense and eager curiosity; and every
man now waited in silence for some extraor-
dinary instance of force and dignity of speak-
ing. But he who had so frequently braved all
the tumult and opposition of an Athenian
assembly, was, in this new scene, in an instant
disconcerted and confounded. He began in a
manner utterly unworthy of his reputation,
obscure, ungraceful, and hesitating: his terror
and embarrassment still increased: and scarcely
had he uttered a few broken and interrupted
sentences, when his powers totally failed him;
and he stood before the assembly, utterly un-
able to proceed. Philip saw his distress, and,
with all imaginable politeness, endeavoured
to relieve it. He told him with that conde-
scension and good nature, which he knew so
well to affect, that, at his court, he need be
under no apprehensions: he was not now
before an assembly of his countrymen, where
he might expect some fatal consequences, if
his hearers were not pleased: he begged he
would take time to recollect himself, and pur-
sue his intended discourse. Demosthenes
attempted to proceed; but his confusion still
continued: he appeared still embarrassed, and
was soon obliged to be again silent. The
ambassadors were then ordered to withdraw.
Eschin. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 15.
Demosthenes, mortified no doubt by the
weakness which he had just now discovered,
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON
63
CC
endeavoured to give vent to his chagrin, by 9ECT. 11.
condemning the conduct of the other ministers.
He told Æschines, with a face of passion
and vexation, that he had utterly ruined
the state and her allies. When this assertion
was received with general astonishment,
What! said he, "have you forgotten the
present state of Athens: how greatly the
people have been harassed by war, and how
ardently they wish for peace! Are those
magnificent preparations capable of elating
you, which have been decreed, but not yet
"made? You have now so irritated Philip,
"and spoken so severely, that, instead of end-
ing the war by an happy accommodation,
you may expect a favourable and pacific
disposition changed into the most violent
" and hostile resentment."
(C
CC
r
fal. Leg,
Before an answer could be given, they were Eschin. de
again called in; and Philip now replied to sect. 15.
their representations and remonstrances one by
one, with the greatest order, strength, and per-
spicuity. He addressed himself particularly to
Æschines, and dwelt on his speech with pecu-
liar copiousness and accuracy, but in such a
manner, if we may believe this minister, as
plainly shewed, that the king did not consider
him as a fomenter of the war; and that the
fears which Demosthenes expressed were
groundless at least, if not malicious. Any
+
64
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. thing which this latter speaker might have
represented in his short and confused address,
was either of too little moment to deserve an
7
answer, or was passed over by Philip with a
contemptuous disregard, affected on purpose
to mortify his great enemy, and to remind the
world that the man who had ever inveighed
with the utmost virulence against him, had not
been able, on this occasion, when his allega-
tions were to be delivered without acrimony,
to offer any thing which merited the least reply
or notice. He concluded with the usual de-
clarations of his candid intentions, and of his
desire to live for the future in strict amity with
Athens. He then invited them to an entertain-
ment, where Demosthenes is said, by his rival
orator, to have still behaved with great weak-
ness and confusion. And, having received
many tokens of honour and esteem, they were
dismissed with letters, wherein Philip assured
the Athenians, that his dispositions were sin-
*ect. 14. cerely pacific; and that, as soon as they should
consent to enter into an alliance with him, they
should be particularly informed of those in-
stances of friendship and affection, which they
might expect from his real regard and esteem
for Athens.
Dem, de
fal. Leg.
Aschin. de The disadvantageous manner in which De-
sect. 17. 18 mosthenes had now appeared at the court of
falsa Leg.
Macedon, must have given him no small unca-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
65
!
He
siness; and, if fully represented at Athens, he SECT. II.
was sensible, must sink him greatly in the opi-
nion of his countrymen. The dissatisfactions
which he had betrayed, and the suspicions
which he had expressed of his colleagues, were
now likely to prove highly prejudicial to him,
and might reasonably be expected to irritate
them, and to prompt them to give no very fa-
vourable account of his late conduct.
therefore now found it necessary (if we may
give credit to his rival) to make a total alteration
in his behaviour. His severity and reserve
were changed to the most obliging complai-
sance and obsequiousness. To each of the
ambassadors apart, he took occasion to make a
tender of his friendship and interest at Athens;
he proposed to obtain them favours and em-
ployments and even promised acts of kind-
ness of a private nature. He complimented
Eschines in particular on the abilities which
he had lately displayed; on the strength and
energy of his speech, and the happiness of his
genius. Such were the arts he is said to have
practised from the moment of their departure.
At Larissa he resumed the discourse of late
transactions. He freely rallied the confusion
and hesitation into which he had been betrayed;
and acknowledged the eloquent and masterly
manner in which the king of Macedon had
spoken and in this all the ambassadors
:
VOL. II.
K
1
"
f
1
I
1
1
}
66
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. readily concurred. Eschines observed with
what exactness and precision he had, at once,
answered all their allegations; and Ctesiphon
cried out in transport, that, in the course of a
long life, he had never met with a man of so
polite and amiable a deportment. These
praises were by no means pleasing to Demos-
thenes. He apprehended," he said, "that
fal. Leg.
έσ
they could not think it proper to make such
"representations to the assembly." Thus
artfully endeavouring, if we may believe Æs-
chines, to lead the ambassadors to make their
report in such a manner as might serve him
most effectually; and even enable him to esta
blish his own reputation, by depreciating those
of the other deputies; and, if this was his de-
sign, it was in a good measure successful. They
all agreed to make the same report to the
peo-
ple; and Æschines asserts, that Demosthenes
prevailed on him, by the most vehement intrea-
ties, to promise that he would give a favourable
account of his particular conduct, and assure
the Athenians, that he had spoken sufficiently
on the affair of Amphipolis.
Eschin. de The ambassadors were now returned; and
sect. 19. first appeared in the senate to give an account
of their embassy, and to deliver Philip's letters.
Here Demosthenes spoke loudly in praise of
his colleagues, and, confirming his declarations
with a solemn oath, he congratulated the senate
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
67
on having chosen ambassadors, whose integrity SECT. II.
and abilities were worthy of the state. Es-
chines, in particular, was the object of his en-
comiums; and he moved, that every one of the
ministers should be honoured with a crown of
sacred olive, and invited the next day to a
public entertainment, according to the custom
of Athens.
sect. 20.
They were, in the next place, to make their
report before the popular assembly, where Cte-
siphon, as the oldest minister, first rose, and
gave the account which had been concerted
between them: to which he added many praises Eschin.
of the affability, politeness, and festivity of the de fal. Leg
king of Macedon, as well as of the gracefulness
and dignity of his person. Eschines took
notice of his eloquence and memory, of the
acuteness and readiness with which he spake
to every particular point; and added, as he
had promised, that Demosthenes had taken
care, as his peculiar province, to discuss the
affair of Amphipolis. The people seemed
pleased with the representations of their am-
bassadors, and were particularly warm in their
applauses of Æschines; when, last of all,
Demosthenes arose. "I am surprized," saith
he,
(C
CC
"both at our ministers, and at you who
have here assembled to hear their report:
who can think it worth while to waste the
"time of advising and deliberating, in trifles
K 2
68
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III.
Ib. sect. 21
CC
quite foreign to the present purpose. This
negotiation may be readily and briefly re-
ported. Here is the decree by which we
were commissioned. We have executed this
"commission. Here are Philip's letters. You
"hear his answer. You are then only to take
"it into consideration."
<<
This short speech raised a general murmur
in the assembly. Some applauded the strength
and precision of it; others censured it as mali-
cious and envious; when Demosthenes pro-
ceeded in this manner: "You shall now see,
"how I propose to cut off all these superfluous
"matters. Æschines praises the memory and
eloquence of Philip. But so far am I from
agreeing with him, that I apprehend any
"other man, in the same rank and circum-
stances, would not be accounted inferior to
"him in these particulars. Ctesiphon praises
"his person: I think my colleague Aristode-
"mus has a figure no less graceful. Others
"tell you of his mirth and gaiety at table: I
"think Philocrates is by far the more jovial
<<
companion. [B] One man says it was left to
me to speak about Amphipolis; but this your
"orator would not willingly suffer either you
[B] It is observable, saith Olivier, (1. 9, p. 63.) that it was
necessary to collect together all the accomplishments of the
several ambassadors, in order to have a just idea of those of
Philip.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
69
"or me to speak.-But this is all trifling. I SECT. II.
shall draw up a decree for entering into a
re
k
negotiation with Philip's heralds and am-
bassadors, who are now expected; for con-
vening an assembly, within two days after
"their arrival, to deliberate both about a
peace and an alliance; and for doing the
" usual honours to your ministers, if you ap-
prove of our conduct."
fal. Leg.
Dem. de
sect. 20.
This decree he accordingly moved for: it Eschin. de
was then the eighth day of the month Elaphe- sect. 22.
bolion: and the days of deliberation were fixed fal. Leg.
for the seventeenth and eighteenth of the same
month. In the interim, Philip's three ambas-
sadors, Antipater, Eurylochus, aud Parmenio
(who had orders to change the siege of Halus
into a blockade, and to join the other two) ar-
rived at Atheus. The merit and character of
these men added greatly to the lustre of their
embassy. Eurylochus was eminent both for
eloquence and valour; and exerted each effec-
tually in the service both of Philip and Alex-
ander. Parmenio joined the merit of an honest
courtier to that of an able and brave soldier.
We may judge of the esteem in which his
master held him by the following answer. He
was told that the Athenians had chosen their Apophth
ten generals for the year. "A happy people,
"who can every year find ten!" said Philip,
with his eye fixed on Parmenio: In my life,
*
Plutarch.
70
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
+
BOOK HI.
Eschin. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 34.
Sect. 21.
Ctes. sect.
28.
"I I never knew but one." Antipater was the
most respected and revered of all Philip's
ministers. This prince used frequently to say
at table: "Come, let us drink deep! it is
"enough for me that Antipater is sober!" He
came into his audience chamber one morning
later than usual. "I have been long a-bed,"
said he," but it is no matter: Antipater was
"awake."
These men were received at Athens with all
the respect due to their characters and com-
mission. They were lodged at the house of
Demosthenes, who was particularly solicitous,
that the state should treat them with the
Eschin. de utmost deference and politeness. He procured
an order from the assembly, that seats should
be appointed and prepared for them in the
theatre, where he appeared remarkable assi-
duous to do the honours of the city. This
might have been intended as a return for the
respect and attention paid to the Athenian
ambassadors at Macedon. The people of that
court valued themselves on their magnificence,
and therefore were to be treated according to
their own ideas of politeness. And possibly
he might have thought that, by thus appearing
the instrument of procuring them public
honours, he would give them an opinion of his
own importance at Athens. But, whatever were
his motives, this his conduct disgusted the
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
71
}
}
{
people, who received his officiousness, and SECT. II.
public assiduity, in obliging the ambassadors,
and ordering their accommodations in the Ibid.
theatre, with loud expressions of derision and
contempt.
When the ambassadors had first been enter-
falsa Leg.
tained at a public feast, on the next day the
assembly was convened to give them audience.
The representatives of the several Grecian
powers, who were then at Athens, saw plainly,
that Philip wished only for a separate peace;
and thought that matters were hurrying on with
a precipitation which might prove fatal to the
general interest. They therefore had a motion
made in the assembly of the following purport:
That, "whereas the Athenians were now de- Eschin. de
"liberating about a treaty with the king of sect. 22.
"Macedon; and that the deputies, sent to ex-
"hort the Greeks to defend the general cause
"of liberty against this prince, were not yet
"returned; it should be resolved, that, on the
"return of these deputies, two assemblies
"should be appointed to consider of a peace;
"that the determination of the Athenians, on
this occasion, should be regarded as the act
"of the confederates in general; and that all
they who, within the space of three months,
"might think proper to accede to the treaty.
"should be considered as included in it, and
"intitled to all the advantages of it."
CC
72
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK III.
This motion, in which no mention at all was
made of any alliance, was strongly supported
by Eschines, The debate was protracted;
and the assembly divided between those who
urged the necessity of attending to the inte-
rests of the allies, and those who affected to
consider all delays as highly dangerous. The
first were only for a cessation of arms for the
present, that the Grecian states might have full
leisure to concur in all further transactions, and
to unite in concluding such a full and complete
accommodation and alliance with Macedon, as
might provide effectually for all their interests.
The others were for entering immediately into
the strictest connexions with Philip, as the only
Ctes. sect. means of putting a stop to his conquests, and
of securing to the people of Athens those do-
minions which he had still left unsubdued. Of
this latter party Demosthenes appeared to be
a warm espouser, though not without a due at-
tention to the interest of the allied states, as
• De fal. he himself represents his conduct. The next
morning (for the dispute had been protracted,
and the people forced to rise without coming to
a determination) before any other speaker had
been heard, he mounted the gallery, and spoke
with great vehemence for bringing this impor-
tant affair to an immediate conclusion. He
Eschin. in
26.
Leg. sect. 6
*
told the people, "that the motion of the day
before, relating to the allies, could have no
CC
I
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
73
"sort of effect, without the concurrence of the SECT. II
66
66
Macedonian ministers; and that he appre-
hended it was a new affair, about which they
"were not instructed or commissioned to treat.
"He could not conceive (he said) how a peace
"could possibly subsist, without an alliance;
"to rend these two asunder would be a most
" unnatural separation. He thought it by no
means prudent to wait the slow proceedings
"of the allies; and that they were now only to
"consider whether they would carry on the war
alone, or make a peace alone.
(C
This was the
fal. Leg.
only alternative left for them; and, on one
"or other of these two measures, they were
"now necessarily to determine." He then
called on Antipater, and interrogated him pub- Dem. de
licly about the intentions of the king, his sect. 6.
master. His answers were calculated to bring
all matters to a speedy issue; and Philocrates
now proposed his decree in form for the imme-
diate conclusion of a peace and alliance. The
assembly still continued greatly distracted.
The well-known ambitious and enterprizing
temper of Philip, the vigour with which he was
now actually pursuing his Thracian conquests,
and the necessity of stopping his progress by
the engagements of an equitable treaty, afforded
Demosthenes and Philocrates weighty argu-
ments for the support of their opinion. On the
other hand, the proposition made by Philo-
VOL. II.
Ꮮ
1
74
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Ibid.
BOOK III. crates was attacked with violent animosity, as
calculated to betray the cause of Greece, and
to sully the glory of their ancestors, the great
patrons and protectors of liberty. Eschines,
in particular, spoke in the following manner:
"Had Philocrates studied to give all possible
opposition to a peace, had he long laboured
" and matured his scheme, he could not possibly
"have contrived means more effectual than
"this decree. I am, myself, presuaded, that it
"is highly proper to come to an accommoda-
"tion. But such a peace as he has now pro-
posed I never should advise, while one single
"citizen of Athens was left alive."
This whole day also passed in opposition
and debate; and the next morning the subject
was resumed with the same heat and violence;
when Eschines arose, and every man waited
in expectation to hear a strong and zealous
defence of the motion in favour of their allies,
and a spirited opposition to the sentiments of
Philocrates and Demosthenes. But his opinion
Demost. de was now quite altered. To the general surprise
he declared, if we may believe Demosthenes,
"that it was an idle vanity to attend to those
"who entertained and flattered them with
fals. Leg.
⚫ect. 6.
56
"
r
pompous harangues on the conduct and
glory of their ancestors; or to imagine that
they were born for the protection of every
state, that could not maintain their own quar-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
75
CC
CC
rels: that, for his part, he was for considering SECT. II.
only the particular interest of Athens. This
peace was their own affair, and ought
"not to be affected by the determinations of
"others. He saw, with concern, a number of
" insolent men throwing out their opprobrious
“invectives, and branding, with the name of
"Barbarian, a prince of merit and abilities,
"devoted to Greece, and particularly attentive
"to approve himself a friend to Athens; that,
"in short, he should move them, to confine
"their care and assistance to those who had
formerly assisted them." The meaning of
which was, that the Phocian interest only
should be provided for, and their Thracian al-
liances and connexions all abandoned.
(C
From this æra, Demosthenes dates the cor-
ruption of Eschines; and, if the relation be
exactly true, the Macedonian ministers had no
doubt tampered with him, and gained him over
to their master's service.
Ctes. sect.
Philocrates was now triumphant; his decrec
passed without any farther opposition; and a
clause was inserted, which obliged all the re-
presentatives of the allied states to accede im- Eschin. in
mediately to the treaty, which was now ratified, 2.
in form, on the part of Athens. To this clause
Eschines attributes the destruction of Cerso-
bleptes, who could not, as he asserts, take any
advantage of the treaty, as he had then no
L 2
76
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. minister at Athens; but this clause might pos-
sibly have been understood of those states only
whose representatives were then present; for
it appears, from several particulars in those
orations of the two contending orators, where
these transactions are discussed, that a time
must have been allowed for the others to
accede.
Corona.
sect. 9.
And now Demosthenes proposed, and the as-
Demost. de sembly agreed to, the following resolution; [c]
"Whereas Philip, by his ambassadors sent
“to Athens, in order to treat about a peace,
"has agreed to, aud concluded, terms of ac-
"commodation; it is RESOLVED by the Senate
" and People of Athens, in order to bring the
peace to an issue, which hath been settled in
"a former assembly, that five ambassadors be
"chosen from the community of Athens. That
"the ambassadors, thus chosen, shall depart,
"and without delay, repair to that place,
"where they shall be informed that Philip re-
sides, and with all convenient speed, mutu-
r
r
"6
ally receive and give the necessary oaths and
"ratifications of the treaty, concluded as afore-
"said with the people of Athens, including the
"allies on each side. The persons chosen for
"this commission are Eubulus, Eschines,
Cephisophon, Democrates, and Cleon."
r
[c] There is an apparent difficulty in the date of this Decrce,
noticed by Leland, which is removed by Taylor, in his Anno-
tations on Demosthenes de Corona, sect. 9.-Editor.
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON
77
SECT. II.
Eschines, who was at the head of this em-
bassy, appears to have now devoted himself
entirely to serve Philip. Eubulus seems to
have had all the craft of a politician, without
the genius and temper of a true patriot states-
man: attentive to establish his own interest
and power at home, he found it more easy
and more consistent with his scheme, to flatter
the vices and follies of his contrymen, than to
watch over the welfare of his country. Such
a man was easily elated and influenced by the
attention, which a prince or his ministers might
shew him; which, though paid to his power
and authority in the assembly, his vanity must
have attributed to his own merit and abilities.
Such a man was a most convenient instrument
for the designs of Philip; nor do the rest of
the ambassadors appear to have been suffi-
ciently guarded against his artifices. His par-
tisans and private agents grew every day more
and more powerful in the assembly at Athens;
and either corruption or deceit eluded all the
efforts of the zealous patriots. Before the
Macedonian ministers were departed, a remark-
able instance appeared of the weakness of
Athenian politics. Critobulus, a citizen of Eschin. de
Lampsacus, appeared on the part of Cersob- falsa Leg.
leptes, and demanded that he should be in-
cluded in the treaty. But this prince, who had
purchased their friendship by so many impor-
sect. 26.
1
78
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. tant concessions, whom their honour and their
interest equally obliged them to support, was
now abandoned and disclaimed: his demand
was instantly rejected, and, if we may credit
Æschines, at the instances of Demosthenes
himself. History hath not given the particu-
lar reasons for a conduct which appears so ex-
traordinary. But it seems not improbable,
Sect. 27. that, when the representative of Cersobleptes
appeared, some Athenian generals, who had
lately commanded in Thrace, and who were
now assessors in the assembly, complained of
hostilities.committed by this prince, and repre-
sented him as an enemy to Athens: (for thus I
would understand a passage in Philip's letter
to the Athenians; [D]) and that, in consequence
of these representations, Cersobleptes was de-
nied the advantage of being considered as an
ally, and abandoned entirely to the power of
Philip, whose schemes demanded his ruin, and
who had now driven him out of all his terri-
[π] Οιδα - Κερσοβλέπτην δε τοις παρ' εμου πρεσβευίαις,
ιδια μεν τους όρκους ομόσαι προθυμουμενον, κολυθέντα δ' ύπο
των ὑμετέρων στρατηγων αποφαινοντων αυτον Αθηναίων εχθρόν.
I know that Cersobleptes, when he declared himself ready
(not to swear to a separate treaty with me, as I confess to have
inadvertently rendered it in the first edition of the Philippic
orations translated, but) to accede to the treaty, and to take the
necessary oaths, in order to be included in it as one of the Athe-
nian allies, in the presence of my ambassadors, was prevented
by your generals, who shewed that he was an enemy to the people
of Athens.
}
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
79
fal. Leg.
tories one by one, and shut him up, as hath SECT. 11.
been already observed, in the sacred mount. Eschin.de
Here, quite cut off from all assistance, he soon sect. 26, 29.
found it in vain to contend any longer; surren-
dered himself to the conqueror, and gave one
of his sons as an hostage for the performance
of such severe terms as Philip's superiority ena-
bled him to dictate.
The news of this unhappy prince's total
ruin was sent to Athens by Chares, who still
commanded a fleet on the coast of Thrace;
and there raised the usual ferment and com-
motion. These were still increased by new
attempts of Philip to reduce some towns on the
Propontis, and the neighbouring islands, which
were under the protection of Athens: and of
which number were Serrium and Doriscum,
two places frequently mentioned in the orations
of Demosthenes. For some short time the
people seemed determined to recommence hos-
tilities. Levies, preparations, subsidies, were
all projected; and vigour and opposition, glory
and resolution, became once more the favourite
topics. On this occasion, Demosthenes pro-
nounced that oration, which Dionysius Hali- Epist ad
carnassæus calls the fifth Philippic, and which
is supposed, by the editors and interpreters of
that orator, to be now lost: but which, the
author of this history is induced to believe,
hath been joined to the first Philippic, not only
Amm.
80
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. from the reasons which he had occasion to offer
in another work, but particularly as the latter
part of the oration, so called, mentions facts,
which, according to Eschines, must have im-
mediately preceded the present treaty; and
which, we find from another part of the remains
of Demosthenes, happened at the time when
Philip attacked the Athenian settlements on
the Hellespont; and when the counsels of
Athens were fluctuating, and within the space
of a few days changed from peace to war, and
from war to peace, which we find frequently
and remarkably happening from the first attack
of Olynthus, down to the ratification of the
treaty now depending. [E]
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
cum Schol.
This fit of zeal had been suddenly raised,
sect. 46.47. and as suddenly subsided. The consequence
of all their violent commotion was no more than
to dispatch an ambassador, named Euclides,
to represent to Philip that Serrium and Doris-
cum were Athenian cities: to which he coldly
answered, that he had not been so instructed
at the time of the convention which they had
held with his ministers; nor had any mention
been made of these places in the treaty. And
with this answer the people seemed now con-
tented.
But this incessant and indefatigable pursuit
[E] See a note in Book III. sect. 4. p. 41.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
81
of new conquests and acquisitions could not but SECT. II.
convince the Athenians of the absolute necessity
of obliging Philip to an immediate ratification
of the treaty, as the only means of stopping the
progress of an active and restless ambition.
The ambassadors, chosen for this purpose,
seemed in no haste to depart. Æschines, in
particular, was suspected, and perhaps justly,
of being entirely devoted to the interest of
Philip, and determined to give him every
possible opportunity of extending his Thracian
conquests, by prolonging the interval between
the congress at Athens, and the ratification of
the treaty on the part of Macedon. Demos- Dem, de
thenes looked on this as his real design, and sect. 47.
for that reason, as he asserts, procured another
decree, to oblige these ministers to repair to
Philip without further delay, and to receive
his engagements. The error in neglecting the
interests of Cersobleptes was perceived when
it was too late; and the ambassadors were now
directed to administer the oath to that prince,
that he might be included in the treaty.
Æschines and his colleagues, at length, pre-
pared for their departure. They embarked at
the port of Athens, coasted along the Euripus;
then landed at Chalcis, and from thence pro-
ceeded to Oreum. Here they stopped for some
time, under the pretence of waiting for a con-
voy. Proxenus, the Athenian admiral, who was
VOL. II.
M
fal. Leg.
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
ect. 55.
82
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Sect. 49.
BOOK III ordered to conduct them, at length arrived with
his fleet. Still their departure was deferred
under various pretences; while Philip pursued
his conquests with his usual vigour. In twenty-
five days they at last arrived at Pella; a jour-
ney which might have been accomplished in
six, had they used the necessary expedition.
Here they were joined by Demosthenes, who,
after their departure, had prevailed on the
people to add him to their number; in order,
as he alledged, to enable him to perform his
promise to some Athenian prisoners, who had
been taken in Olynthus, and were still detained
at Macedon; and whom, at the time of a
former embassy, he had engaged to ransom at
his own expence; and now brought a talent
with him for this purpose. We find Eschines
Eschin. de treating this design of Demosthenes with the
greatest contempt: he insists, that it was well
known, that Philip intended to set them all at
liberty without any consideration; and that
his talent could not have proved sufficient for
the ransom of a single citizen of but moderate
rank. By the computation of Demosthenes,
however, it must have been of much greater
service: for he asserts, that, immediately after
his arrival, he furnished several poor citizens,
who were desirous of purchasing their freedom,
without owing any obligations to Philip, or
who doubted the reality of his intentions to
fal. Leg.
sect. 31.
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 50.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
83
release them, some with three, some with five SECT. II.
minæ, according to their different circum-
stances and conditions.
falsa Leg.
At Pella, where the ambassadors now waited Eschin. de
the return of Philip, who was still in Thrace, sect. §2.35.
they found the deputies of Thebes, whom the
Phocian affairs had brought to the court of
Macedon. Preparations for war were carrying
on through that kingdom, and some great and
signal event seemed to be in agitation. The
real designs of Philip were ever an inviolable
secret, until they came to the very point of
execution; but it was universally supposed,
that the armaments he was now making were
intended against the Phocians. The circum-
stances of this people it is necessary to recal
to view.
1. 16, sect.
*
108. Y. 2.
The sacred war had for some years passed Diod. Sic.
in mutual ravages, the effect and indication of 56.
the weakness of each party. In the beginning
of this present * year, the Phocians had some Olymp.
slight success near Hyampolis, but were de-
feated before Coronea with a considerable loss.
The Thebans, however, were too weak to de-
rive any advantages from this victory, or to
recover those cities which the Phocian arms
had gained in Boeotia. The enemy still in-
fested their territories, and had just been rein-
forced by a considerable party of their army, Dem. de
which the Thebans had shut up in one of their sect. 45.
fal. Leg.
M 2
84
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. towns, and which their fellow soldiers delivered,
by making themselves masters of the place.
Thus strengthened and encouraged by their
success, the Phocians sought out their enemy,
and gained a considerable victory near Hedy-
leum. The cavalry of Thebes was not en-
gaged in this action, but was soon after broken
and defeated.
Diod. Sic.
1. 16, sect.
58.
The Thebans, weakened by these their losses,
and abandoned by their allies, determined
to address themselves for assistance to Philip,
as the person to whom the honour of deter-
mining this tedious quarrel seemed peculiarly
reserved. The Phocians, on their part, were
equally exhausted, and equally dispirited; their
money was wasted, and their forces harassed :
they suspected the designs, and dreaded the
power, of Philip; and now began to think
Sect. 56. seriously of a peace. They commenced a
judicial process against Phaleucus, who was
accused of plundering the sacred treasures,
convicted, and deposed: they then named three
magistrates, who were commissioned to examine
into the state of the temple, and into the de-
predations which had been there made; and
to bring the authors to condign punishment.
Philon, one of their citizens, who had shared
largely of the spoil, and others of his accom-
plices, were put to death, being first obliged to
make restitution to the god: and while, by these
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
85
acts of justice, they endeavoured to regain the SECT. II.
general favour, they had recourse to the Athe-
nians for assistance, and, as an inducement to
comply with their desires, offered to give them
fal. Leg.
up Alponus, Thronium, and Nicæa, the three Eschin. d
cities which commanded the streights of Ther- scct. 41
mopyla. The Athenians accepted of the con-
ditions, and granted them a fleet of fifty vessels,
under the command of Proxenus. But these
vessels were neither equipped with sufficient
expedition; nor did their general act with the
necessary vigour.
1316, scot.
Phaleucus, though deposed, still continued Diod. Sic.
at the head of eight thousand mercenaries, who 59.
were absolutely devoted to him. These he
supported by ravaging the Theban territory;
and, with them, covered Orchomenus, Coronæa,
and Tilphosseum, the conquests of his prede-
cessors. At Nicæa he fixed his head-quarters,
and determined to prevent Proxenus from
taking possession of the cities of Thermopylæ. Eschin. ut
He even seized and threw the deputies into supra.
chains, who were sent to summon him to sur-
render these towns to Athens, according to the
late stipulation: while the natural forces of the
Phocians were in the mean time employed in
fortifying the city of Abæ.
Dem. de
fal Leg.
sect. 25.
1 16, sect.
It was not yet the time for Philip to act effec- Diod. Sic.
tually against Phocis; but, that he might not 58.
appear to neglect the cause of the god, he sent
F
86
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. the Thebans some reinforcements, which ena-
bled them to attack the Phocians at Abæ, where
they defeated and pursued them with consider-
able slaughter. The Phocians dispersed in
their flight: some found refuge in the neigh-
bouring towns: a party of five hundred took
refuge in the temple of the Abæan Apollo.
They pitched their tents along the porticoes,
and made their lodgment to the best advantage
in their power.
Their beds were of dried
herbs, straw, and the like inflammable mate-
rials. An accidental fire began in one of their
tents, was instantly communicated through the
whole number; spread itself round the adjacent
apartments, and raged with a fury which could
not be extinguished. Part of the temple was
consumed; and the wretched Phocians, who
had taken shelter there, were all either stifled,
or reduced to ashes.
This accident was generally represented as
the apparent judgment of the deity on those
sacrilegious men, who had presumed to expect.
protection in his temple, and filled all the Pho-
Ib. sect. 59 cians with consternation and despair. They
dispatched their deputies to Archidamus, to de-
sire the assistance of Sparta: while the Thebans,
on their part, sent ambassadors to Philip to so-
licit fresh succours. These now attended at
Pella; whither ministers from Lacedæmon also
repaired. This state saw the present distressed
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
87
condition of Phocis, and thought it a favour- SECT. II.
able opportunity to revive an old claim to the
temple, which they insisted belonged originally
to the Dorians. And, as it plainly appeared schol. in
that the Phocians could not long keep posses- fal. Leg.
sion of it, their ministers were instructed to re-
present and assert this their claim at Macedon.
Dem. de
sect. 25.
When the Athenian deputies had resided
twenty-five days at Pella, Philip returned, and
received the representatives of the several states
with his usual politeness. He affected the
greatest attention to the remonstrances of the
Lacedæmonians; and gave such answers, as
effectually prevented them from penetrating
into his real intentions. The Theban ministers Demost. de
falsa Leg.
he also treated with the appearance of the sect. 49.
utmost friendship and respect. Repeated at-
tempts were made to gain them by magnificent
presents, but these were all rejected; and, on
this occasion, Philon, one of those ministers,
made the following answer to his declarations.
of affection, which Demosthenes extols as rather
worthy of the state of Athens:
"It is with the utmost delight and satisfac- Ibid,
tion I observe that greatness and goodness of
"mind expressed in this your generous treat-
'ment of the Theban ministers. We have
already been honoured with sufficient assu-
(C
rances, that we are considered as your friends,
"and worthy of all the rights of hospitality.
}
i
}
88
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK III. But let this benevolence be directed to our
Sect. 49.
66
"C
66
65
state, and to its interests, now intrusted to
us. So shall you act worthy of Philip, and
worthy of Thebes: and so shall we, and our
country, be ever inviolably attached to the
king of Macedon."
Caresses, promises, and presents, were also
employed towards the ambassadors of Athens,
Every one of them was privately and particu-
larly tempted by large sums. But Demosthenes
himself bears witness to the general integrity
of his colleagues on this occasion, and declares,
that these magnificent offers were rejected. A
grand present was then prepared for the whole
body, as the best method of screening the cor-
ruption of any particular inan. This was also
declined by Demosthenes; who took the liberty
of representing, that this money might be more
honourably and advantageously employed, in
purchasing the freedom of the Athenian pri-
soners. To this Philip answered, that, as his
guests and friends, they were fully intitled to
this small acknowledgment of his regard; that
their acceptance of it could not at all affect the
prisoners, or retard their release; these he in-
tended to send, as a compliment, to the Athe-
nians, at their approaching festival in honour
of Minerva. Demosthenes, as he hath repre-
sented his own conduct, still continued to resist
the alluring temptation: the other ministers
"
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
89
were not possessed of equal resolution; but SECT. II.
either dazzled by the magnificence of his pre-
sent, or convinced of the fairness of his inten-
tions, accepted and divided it among them.
fal. Leg,
Before their public audience, they consulted Eschin. de
among themselves in what manner they were sect. 32.
to proceed, and how they might best execute
their commission. On this occasion, Æschines
took notice of the preparations for war, now
carrying on in Macedon; which plainly disco-
vered that Philip was determined to strike some
important blow. There could be no doubt, he
said, that this prince intended to march to the
streights. All Greece was in suspence and ex-
pectation. He therefore thought it the duty
of the embassy not to be confined to the busi-
ness of receiving Philip's oath; but that, as
they had full power to act, in every particular,
as they deemed most advantageous to the state,
they were now to endeavour to detach Philip
from the Theban interest, and to persuade him
to restore those cities of Boeotia which had been
demolished by Thebes. Demosthenes, on the
contrary, declared, that he apprehended it the
safest method to confine themselves to the letter
of their commission: he saw, as plainly as any
man, that Philip intended to march to Ther-
mopyla; but that he had not that boldness
which could prompt him to meddle in any mat-
ters that might be productive of contention,
VOL. II.
N
!
90
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. and of which he might find it difficult to give a
satisfactory account to his countrymen. He no
doubt saw what would prove the consequence
of all these transactions; and therefore deter-
mined to act, with all imaginable caution, in an
affair which would be undoubtedly canvassed
and examined with the strictest scrutiny here-
after. The real design of his appearing now
at Macedon, probably was no other than to
watch the conduct of Eschines, and to have an
opportunity of detecting those secret practices
and correspondences which he, at least, sus-
pected: it was therefore most consistent with
his scheme, as well as the safest method, to act
no further in this negociation than was strictly
and absolutely required by the commission:
Æschin. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 34.
They were now admitted to an audience; on
which occasion Demosthenes was the first to
speak. And the substance of his speech is
thus recorded by his rival orator:
Co
"His colleagues, he observed, were entirely
divided in their views and sentiments. His
"were strictly consonant to those of Philip.
"He had, in the first place, laboured to sup-
66
port the decree of Philocrates; then, both
"in the senate and in the assembly, he had
"promoted and accelerated the peace and al-
"liance; and this in such a manner, as effec-
tually to frustrate all opposition. At Athens
"he had procured all possible honours, for the
66
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
91
66
Macedonian ministers, and, by this means,
exposed himself to all the distraction and
anxiety which the malice and envy of his
"enemies could raise within his mind. He had
"escorted these ministers publicly as far as to
Thebes, with all the marks and declarations
"of respect. He was sensible, he said, that
" he had been maligned and misrepresented in
Macedon. He had indeed denied Philip the
praise of beauty; for, in this, he must confess
"that woman far surpassed him. He had not
displayed his potency in drinking, the ex-
cellency of a sponge. Nor had he spoken in
high terms of his memory, the qualification
"of an hireling rhetorician, rather than that
"of a mighty prince."
66
t
CC
(C
CC
SECT. II.
Demosthenes, though he sometimes affected, Longinus.
yet was of all men least capable of gaiety and
ridicule: Naturally gloomy and severe, pos-
sessed of none of the lively passions, and there-
fore unable to excite them, if he ever made
his hearers laugh, it was the mirth raised by
absurdity and weakness, not the applause ex-
torted by the poignancy of wit, or the delicacy
of humour. On this occasion, his attempts to
give a light and ridiculous turn to the enco-
miums which the ambassadors had lately la-
vished on Philip, were entirely unsuccessful.
His colleagues held down their heads, in con- Eschin, de
fusion, while the courtiers loudly expressed
falsa Leg.
sect. 34.
N 2
02
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. their derision. It was some time before the
respect due to the presence of their prince
could prevail; but at length Eschines was
admitted to address himself to Philip. The
Sect.35.36 court of Macedon, he said, was not the place
for the Athenian ministers to defend, or to
praise themselves; they had been deemed
worthy of their commission at home; and there
they were to account for their conduct. Their
present business was to receive Philip's oath,
conformably to the treaty already concluded on
the part of Athens. The preparations for war
now carrying on, plainly declared that the king
intended to march against the Phocians. But
he intreated him to remember the ties and en-
gagements which united those several states, of
which the great Hellenic body was formed.
Their disputes were, if possible, to be deter-
mined judicially; if not their rights, their pri-
vileges, their religion, he hoped, would find the
due attention and respect. The ancient laws
of Greece demanded, that all sacrilegious vio-
lators and spoilers of the Delphic temple should
be punished with severity; but, at the same
time, forbade the subversion of any of these
cities which are entitled to send representatives
to the great Amphictyonic council; and the
members of this council he proceeded to enu-
merate, and to explain the nature of their rights
and privileges. The cities of Boeotia, he ob-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
93
served, were destroyed, and the Phocians SECT. II.
threatened. The respect due to the great
council of Greece, not to mention the treaty,
must determine him to restore the one, and to
spare the other: the individuals who had vio-
lated the sanctity of the temple, might have
their punishment sufficiently determined at the
approaching assembly of Amphictyons: but
their cities were, by the most solemn laws and
institutions, entitled to full security: and if
any partiality to the Thebans, or the influence
of their representations, should induce him to
act in opposition to these, while he raised him-
self a number of enemies, he would find them
equally false and ungrateful as they had for-
merly proved to Athens.
These remonstrances were probably calcu-
lated for recominending the speaker's zeal to
the Athenians, not for influencing the person
to whom they were addressed. At least, Philip
was too politic to come to any explicit declara-
tion of his intentions. He confined himself to
vague professions of his affection and respect
to Athens; promised to give up the prisoners, Dem.
and obligingly desired that the ambassadors sect 47.
might not yet leave him; for that he wished to
settle some affairs in Thessaly in their presence,
and with their assistance. To this country he
now directed his march, accompanied by the
deputies of Athens and Thebes, who were all
fal. Leg
& alio.
94
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. treated with the utmost appearance of affection
Dem. de
Pace, sect.
3.
Phil. 2.
sect. 6.
and confidence. The deputies of each state
always found an easy admission to the king,
who ever spoke of their affairs with such
apparent ease and candour, such seeming
affection and regard, that the most cautious
could not suspect his artifice, nor could the
most penetrating discover it. To the Thebans
he inveighed in private against the obstinacy
and the impiety of Phocis; and assured them
of his resolution to inflict exemplary punish-
ment on this state. To the Athenians he ex-
pressed the utmost commiseration of that un-
happy people. He lamented his connexions
which obliged him to appear among their ene-
mies; he took occasions to hint, that if he
should be obliged to decide this tedious quar-
rel, his real intentions were to protect them
against all severity; he spoke, with concern,
of the tyranny and cruelty of Thebes; and of
the necessity of restoring the cities of Boeotia
to their independence. Every article, that
was agreeable to the views and interests of
Athens, he frequently mentioned with an ap-
parently firm conviction of their justice and
reasonableness; and, without directly and for-
mally promising, persuaded the deputies, that
it was his real purpose to make most important
concessions to the Athenians; and fully to in-
demnify them for any inconvenience they
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
95
might suffer by his keeping possession of Am- SECT. II.
phipolis. And, while he thus amused the
Timarch-
several deputies in private, he every day enter-
tained them all at his table with the utmost
gaiety and condescension. On one of these Eschin. in
occasions, the young Alexander, who, from his p. 193.
earliest years, discovered a particular taste for
music, sang, or repeated some verses for the
entertainment of the company; and Demos-
thenes is said to have descended, at his return
to Athens, to repeat and ridicule those errors
in pronunciation, which the prince committed.
fal. Leg.
From Thessaly, Philip addressed a letter to
the Athenians, expressing his esteem for the
state, and its ambassadors, declaring, that he
should omit no opportunity of demonstrating
his regard for them, and earnestly desiring, that
the means might be pointed out to him; not
hinting, as before, at any particular good Dem. de
offices which he intended to confer; but pro- sect. 13, 14,
fessing a total ignorance of the manner in
which he might gratify this people; and only
declaring his general good disposition and
desire, to approve himself their friend. He
concluded with entreating them not to be.
offended at his detaining their ambassadors,
for that he wished to take the advantage of
their eloquence and wisdom, to bring the
people of Halus to reasonable terms. Eschi- nid. sect.
nes is accused by his rival orator of having
13.
..
96
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
!
fal. Leg.
sect. 40.
BOOK III. held nocturnal interviews with Philip, and hav-
ing dictated this letter himself. But this in:
Eschin. de sinuation he treats with great contempt, and
insists on the glaring absurdity of supposing
that Philip could not have composed it, or
might not have employed Python or Leos-
thenes, two able speakers, who then resided at
his court.
Dem. de
sect. 42.
But whether Eschines concurred or no in
these arts of protracting the treaty, or whether
he suggested any means of amusing the Athe-
nians, it seems pretty clear, at least, that he
(if not his colleagues also) was rather studious
to recommend himself to Philip, than to serve
fal. Leg. his country. Nay, to such shameful adulation
and prostitution are these ministers said to have
proceeded, as even to betray the weakness of
their state to its mortal enemy, and to point
out the means of subverting it. They repre-
sented to Philip, that the people of Athens
were weak, fluctuating, and inconstant, like
the waves of a tumultuous sea, tossed about by
the winds and accidental storms; that all pub-
lic spirit was lost among them; that the com-
munity and its interests were never regarded,
never asserted, never remembered; that it was
his business to gain a few friends among them,
who might direct all their councils, and con-
duct all their affairs, in the manner most
agreeable to his designs; and that this would
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
$7
enable him to command them absolutely, and SECT. 11.
to effect whatever he pleased at Athens. De-
mosthenes asserts positively, that he accused
them, in the assembly, of having given this
shocking and flagitious advice; and that they
were utterly unable to contradict him. But
Philip wanted neither their instruction nor
directions. He was perfectly acquainted with
the temper and dispositions of his antagonists,
and had long practised those arts which these
men are said to have recommended to him.
He had now no longer occasion to affect de-
lays. He had already compleated his Thracian
conquests, and was fully prepared for the exe-
cution of his other designs. He was advanced
to the very borders of Greece; and an uninter-
rupted passage through Thermopyla was the
only difficulty now remaining. The Athenians
were in the first place to be satisfied; aud
therefore, just as he was ready to depart from Dem. de
Pheræ, he took the oath which they required, sect. 49.
and concluded the treaty which had been so
long depending. The ceremony was performed
in a place adjoining to the temple of Pollux,
which Demosthenes calls a tavern. The terms
of his engagement were, that "he concluded
r
fal. Leg.
a peace with the Athenians and their allies,”
without any explicit exception or reservation. Sect. 52.
A state of the allies, on each side, was settled
and drawn up. The Cardians were included
VOL. II.
98
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Dem. de
fatte
sect. 47.
in Orat. de
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 89.
BOOK III. on the part of Philip, so as to leave him per-
petual occasion of fomenting divisions in the
Chersonesus. On the part of the Athenians,
Cersobleptes was omitted. Philocrates had
endeavoured, at Athens, to have the Halians
and the Phocians expressly excepted out of
the treaty. This the people absolutely refused;
but now Philip contrived to have their names
also omitted in the list of the Athenian allies.
Aliud Arg. Halus, he said, he was absolutely engaged to
fal. Leg. give up to the Pharsalians, who had ever served
him with the greatest zeal and affection. As
to the Phocians, he publicly declared, that he
could not think of comprehending in this treaty,
or of honouring with the name of allies, a
people polluted by sacrilege, and condemned
by the general voice of the great and august
council of the Amphictyons. But, at the same
time, he privately assured the Athenian minis-
ters, that he had determined to act in such a
manner as should give general satisfaction to
Greece; that he would take no measures with-
out the concurrence and consent of the Phocians
themselves; but that he had his own reasons for
not entering into a particular explanation of his
intentions, in presence of the Theban deputics.
Thus this momentous affair, which engaged
the attention of all Greece, and from which
every state flattered themselves with the hopes
of such consequences as suited their particular
:
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
99
views and interests, was delayed just so long as SECT. II.
Philip's schemes required, and concluded at
the time and in the manner best suited to his
purposes. The ambassadors of every state
imagined that they only saw through his real
intentions: but these were, in effect, equally
concealed from them all. The great schemes
of his ambition were the sole objects of his
real regard; and these he was now prepared to
execute.
fal. Leg.
Orat. in
sect. 1.
Halus was taken; for the united forces of Dem. de
Philip and Parmenio were not to be resisted. sect. 45.
And this important place, which, by its situa- Epist.
tion, covered all the Pthiotis, Philip gave up
to the Pharsalians, who razed the town, and
dispersed the inhabitants: A concession which
augmented the reputation of his disinterested-
ness, and inspired the Greeks with such
favourable sentiments of Philip, as greatly
facilitated his design of deciding the Phocian
war.
I
+
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP,
KING OF MACEDON.
BOOK THE THIRD, SECTION 111.
}
$
1
1
4
}
CONTENTS.
THE Athenian ambassadors return. The representations
of Demosthenes in the senate.-Their effect.-Contests in the
popular assembly.-Demosthenes insulted.-The treaty finally
ratified.-Philip amuses the Phocians,-Defeats the designs of
Lacedæmon, Confirms the Athenians in their pacific disposi-
tions.-A third embassy sent from Athens to Philip.-The
deputies of each state effectually deceived.-Philip treats with
Phaleucus,-who is suffered to retire.-Philip gains the impor-
tant pass of Thermopyla.-The Phocians submit.-The decree
of the Amphictyons,—is executed with severity.—Athens alarmed
at Philip's passing Thermopyla.-The flattering assurances of
Eschines.-The Athenians are informed of the destruction of
Phocis.-Their consternation.-Their decree.-Philip's letter
to the Athenians.-Eschines repairs to Philip.-His pretence
for this journey.-The Amphictyons assemble.-The power of
Thebes established.-Athens invited to concur in the late resolu-
tions of the Amphictyons; and to acknowledge Philip as a
member of this body.-The oration of Demosthenes on the peace.
-Summary of the Philippic oration of Isocrates.-Complete
settlement of the Grecian affairs by Philip.+His abilities dis-
played in the late transactions.-The fate of Phaleuçus.
BOOK THE THIRD.
SECTION III.
WHILE the king of Macedon continued
BOOK III.
falsa Leg.
his progress, and was advancing gradually SECT. 111.
towards the pass of Thermopyla, the Athenian Demost. de
ministers returned, and appeared before the sect. 7.
senate of five hundred, to report the success
of their negociation. Suspense and expecta-
tion possessed the mind of every citizen in
Athens; and the senate-house was instantly
crowded with vast numbers, impatient to be
made acquainted with the result of this impor-
tant transaction. Those of the ambasadors
who had yielded to the influence of Mace-
donian gold, or who imagined that their future
reputation would be determined, in a great
measure, by the general opinion of their ad-
dress and abilities, on this occasion, displayed
their services in a pompous manner, and en
deavoured to inspire their countrymen with
the most favourable sentiments of Philip. De-
mosthenes, on the other hand, inveighed loudly
against the conduct of all those who had been
entrusted with any share in the management of
this treaty: he enumerated minutely all the se-
veral instances of their artifice and insincerity,
104
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
,
BOOK III. which, he peremptorily declared, were bringing
down ruin on the state, and on its allies, which
nothing could avert, but the utmost caution
and vigour on the part of Athens. He insisted
with all his usual vehemence, that the people
of Phocis were a devoted sacrifice to the am-
bition of the Macedonian; that the specious,
but dangerous, promises and assurances of his
colleagues, were really calculated for the utter
destruction of that unhappy state; and that
universal confusion and disorder must speedily
prove the consequence of that fatal security,
with which they were now endeavouring to
possess the Athenians. The king of Macedon,
he observed, was now upon the confines of
Greece, ready to pour in his armies, and to
overwhelm that whole nation; and the last
and sole resource now left, the last and only
means of preserving the liberty of Greece, and
the being of Athens, was instantly to defend the
country of Phocis, and once more to possess
themselves of the important pass of Thermo-
pylæ: the least degree of irresolution, the
delay of one hour, must inevitably prove fatal
to the liberty of Greece.
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 11.
Ibid.
Faction, clamour, and prejudice had not the
same influence among these sage and expe-
rienced counsellors, as in the popular assem-
blies. Demosthenes was heard with approba-
tion; and so unfavourable to the ambassadors
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
105
}
was the final resolution of the senate, that they SECT. I..
were even denied the usual compliments and
public honours paid to every man who had
ever been entrusted with the like commission.
Nor doth the senate seem to have been entirely
satisfied with the conduct of Demosthenes.
The acrimony and dissension which appeared
among the deputies, might have persuaded
them, that all were in some degree to be con-
demned. The men whom Demosthenes ac-
cused, were, on their part, as violent in en-
forcing every objection which lay against his sect. 12.
conduct; and the senate was so far influenced
by their representations, or so much displeased
by what they themselves observed, that no
distinction was made between the ambassadors,
but Demosthenes himself involved in the gene-
ral disgrace.
But now they appeared before the assembly
of the people; and here they were assisted by
their partisans, and favoured by the general in-
dolent and pacífic disposition. Eschines arose,
((
ז.
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
and repeated the declarations and assurances sect. 8.
which he had already made in the senate." I
"have had the happiness," said he, "of per-
suading Philip to every measure which may
"be advantageous and agreeable to the state.
'Nothing, but an 'impatient and intemperate
heat, on your part, can prevent the happy
"effects of this my negociation. Do you but
VOL. II.
P
106
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. " continue quiet, and, in three or four days, you
"will find the Boeotian cities freed from the op-
СС
pressive domination of Thebes, and Thebes
" itself invested by a powerful army. Thespia
"and Platea will be raised from their ruins, and
"restored to their ancient strength, splendour,
"and independence: the Thebans themselves
"will be obliged to pay the fine imposed on the
Phocians, and to repair all the effects of sa-
"crilege and profanation. They were, them-
СС
selves, the real authors of the Phocian war:
"they had, themselves, entertained a design of
"seizing the temple; and, as I easily convinced
Philip, are not therefore the less culpable,
(c
CC
CE
с
.
though they have failed in the execution. So
sensible is this people of the effects of my
remonstrances, and so much irritated by their
success, that they have, in revenge, devoted
"me to destruction, and actually set a price
upon my head. The people of Euboea look
"on our accommodation with Philip with the
greatest terror and consternation. 'We
know,' say they, on what conditions this
peace has been concluded. We know, that
Amphipolis is to be given up to Philip; and
"Euboea to be delivered entirely into the
C
power of Athens as an equivalent. These
"are the important advantages which may be
"expected from our negociation. But these
"are not the only advantages. Another point,
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
107
"of high and intimate concernment to the SECT. 111.
66
public, hath been effectually secured, which
"I shall take another opportunity of display-
(6
ing fully. At present, I perceive the envy
"and malignity of certain persons ready to
"break forth; and therefore shall avoid every
" occasion of contest and altercation."
fal. Leg.
The point which he now hinted at, was the Dem. de
restitution of the city of Oropus; which the sect. 8.
Athenians, as I had occasion to observe, were
very solicitous to obtain, and which the The-
bans still kept possession of, in manifest oppo-
sition to all right and justice.
Eschines finished his flattering harangue Sect. .
with the universal acclamation and applause of
the assembly. The place resounded with tu-
multuous praises of his abilities, both as a
speaker, and as a public minister; and it ap-
peared plainly, that any other sentiments must
be received with resentment and disgust. As
soon as he could command attention, Demos-
thenes arose. He declared that, for his part,
he knew nothing of all those magnificent ad-
vantages which Eschines so confidently pro-
mised; he knew nothing of any assurances, or
declarations of this nature, made by Philip;
he had no reason to believe, nor did he expect
to see them fulfilled; and then began to utter
the same sentiments of caution, suspicion, and
vigilance, which he had before delivered in the
P 2
108
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. Senate. But he was quickly interrupted by
the loud expressions of contempt and indig
nation, which instantly burst forth from Philo-
crates and Eschines. The general voice of
the assembly favoured their insidious design of
suppressing all inquiry and dispassionate ex-
amination of their conduct, and, in an instant,
all was confusion, noise, dise, ridicule, and
resentment. Demosthenes found it in vain to
strive against the present torrent of popular
clamour and odium, and the prejudices and
passions of a people, violent and impatient in
their resentment against the man who had en-
Sect. 16. deavoured to mortify their most pleasing hopes.
Well, my countrymen!" said he, "I see
your dispositions; but, if any of these fine
promises are performed, I renounce all re-
"compence due to my faithful services. Let
my colleagues only share your favour;
"
honour them; reward them; crown them;
if you be disappointed, let them only be ob-
jects of your displeasure; let me be consi-
"dered as having no share in this business."---
rr
A
Not so," said Eschines; "rather prepare to
"defend your conduct, when the event hath
proved your malice." I shall ever be
ready," " cried Demosthenes, "like an honest
"citizen, to submit my actions to the public."
The spirit and apparent candour of this
sect. 16. speaker, gave the opposite party reason to ap-
Dem. de
falsa Leg.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
109
prehend, that he might at last be heard with SECT. III.
less disgust: when Philocrates, dreading the
consequences of all further explanations,
"Men of Athens!" said he, "it
started up.
is no wonder that Demosthenes and I differ
" in opinion. He is a morose and peevish
"water-drinker: my heart is opened and di-
"lated with good wine and jollity." This
ridiculous jest was received with loud shouts of
laughter and applause; and, in this serious and
momentous affair, unhappily had a greater
effect, than the most solid arguments and
spirited remonstrances. The suspicions of
Demosthenes were again insulted, despised, Sect 17.
and derided; and, without further delay or
difficulty, a decree was inade for the ratification
of a perpetual peace and alliance with Philip
and his descendants. It enacted, that public
thanks should be given to this prince, for his
kind and equitable conduct and attentions
towards the state; that the Phocians should be
obliged to deliver up the temple, and submit to
the determination of the Amphictyonic council;
and that, in case of any opposition to these de-
'mands, the Athenians should send an army to
enforce the execution of this their decree.
Ambassadors from Phocis were then at Athens, Sect. 20.
and present at these resolutions; and Philip.
took care that it should be represented to them,
that the Athenians had a very just dependence
!
110
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. On his declarations; that they could never
think of delivering up Phocis into his power,
were they not confident of his intentious; and
that the Phocians might be well assured, that
they could not suffer, by submitting their fate
to the determination of the king of Macedon.
This management entirely defeated the schemes
of Lacedæmon. For, when Archidamus found
that he could effect nothing by treating with
Philip, his ambassadors retired, and an army
was raised, and led into Phocis, to oppose the
attempts of Macedon, or rather to seize the
temple. But the Phocians now hoped that their
fate was not yet desperate; the confidence
which the Athenians seemed to repose in
Philip, must, as they imagined, have a just
foundation: or, if any of them still entertained
suspicions of this prince, their apprehensions
of Athens, and their fear of finding a new
enemy in this state, (should they attempt any
opposition) determined them to wait the final
event in quiet. They saw through the pre-
tended zeal of Archidamus: and, when he
offered his services and protection, and ex-
Eschin. de pressed his apprehensions of the approaching
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 19.
fal. Leg.
sect. 41.
Dem. be
fal. Leg
sect. 18.
*
danger, they answered, with a real or affected
ease, that "the Phocians feared for Sparta
"much more than for themselves." His assis-
tance was rejected, and his forces marched back
to Lacedæmon.
{
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
1:1.
Having thus defeated the designs of Archi- SECT. II.
damus, Philip's next care was to confirm the
Athenians in their present dispositions. He
well knew the temper of this people, and still
dreaded their inconstancy. Their general,
Proxenus, was now stationed near the Streights, Ibid.
where he might, with ease, not only oppose his
passage through Thermopylæ, but cut off his
provisions, which were all supplied by sea; as
Phocis, and the frontier of Thessaly, had lain sect. 39.
entirely uncultivated amidst the confusion and
disorder of war. In order, therefore, to per-
suade the Athenians to a full reliance on the
candour and sincerity of his intentions, to
quiet all suspicions, and to inspire them with
that security and confidence which his interests
required at this critical conjuncture, he ad-
dressed a letter to their state, conceived with
all the artifice which refined and consummate
policy could dictate, acknowledging the friend-
ship which the decree lately made in his favour Set. 18
had expressed; desiring, that they themselves
might appear and be witnesses of the equity of
his conduct, and that a deputation of their
citizens might be sent to him, that, in their
presence, and with their assistance, he might
make a final decision of the Phocian affairs.
To give this letter the greater weight, his
emissaries were busily employed to magnify
the declarations of Philip, as a full and per-
112
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. fect proof of his resolution to attach himself
entirely to the interests and views of Athens,
rather than to those of Thebes.
Æschin. de
falsa Leg.
sect. 41.
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
#ect. 39.
His letter could not possibly have arrived
more seasonably. Scarcely had the treaty been
ratified on the part of Macedon, when advices
were received, that Proxenus had been refused
admittance into the cities which commanded
Thermopylæ. Phaleucus had partly discovered
his intentions of coming to a treaty with Philip:
and the effects of such a conjunction were un-
certain. The people were in a ferment: the
assembly divided between hopes and appre-
hensions: but the letter instantly quieted all
their commotions; and it was resolved to send
an embassy to Philip, to assist, as was pre-
tended, in the deliberations about the affairs of
Phocis, but, in reality, to watch the motions of
the king of Macedon, and, if possible, to gain
further assurances of his resolution to perform
Eschines and De-
his promises to Athens.
mosthenes were both deputed as ambassadors
on this occasion. The partisans and friends
of the Macedonian interest, knew the danger
of giving Demosthenes any opportunity of
rousing the people from their security; while
this statesman, on the other hand, saw through
their designs, and determined that they should
not remove him from Athens at this critical
time. To their great disappointment, he de-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
113
clined the commission; and as it was necessary SECT. III.
to leave some friend behind, who might watch
his motions, and counteract his schemes, Æs-
chines pleaded sickness, and procured his bro-
ther to be sent ambassador in his place.
sect. 4.
fal. Leg.
Attention and suspence now possessed all
Greece. The storm was gathering; and no
one knew, with certainty, where it was to fall.
The Phocians, whose deputies attended upon Phil. 3.
Philip, flattered themselves with the fairest
hopes of security and protection. The The Eschin.de
bans felt, or at least affected to feel, some ap- sect. 41.
prehensions. They began to raise levies, and
to fortify their towns; and Philip, to magnify
the danger, and with an appearance of sin-
cerity capable of deceiving the most guarded,
entreated the Athenians, in a second letter, to
hold their forces in readiness, and to march
out to assist him in the support of justice.
The Messenians, the Argians, and Megalopo-
litans, who had dreaded the effects of Philip's
transactions with the Lacedæmonian ministers,
when these ministers were obliged to depart
without success, must naturally have encou-
raged themselves with expectations of protec-
tion and assistance; and that the king of Ma-
cedon would enable them to shake off the
Spartan yoke, and assert their ancient inde-
pendence.
Philip, in the mean time, marched on, mak-
VOL. II.
114
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
2. sect. 4.
sect. 5.
in Phil. 2.
BOOK III. ing the fairest and most favourable declara-
tions to the deputies of every state, who seve-
Dem. Phil. rally pressed him to come to an explanation of
De Pace, his designs To the Thessalians he promised
Lucchesini to give up the cities which commanded Ther-
mopylæ, and to restore those rights in the
Amphictyonic council, together with some pe-
cuniary advantages (of which we have but
obscure accounts) which the Phocians had
wrested from them, by keeping possession of
the temple. To, the Thebans he gave assu-
rances, that he would make them masters of
those Boeotian cities which the Phocians had
conquered, and that the entire territory of
Phocis should be at their disposal. To the
Athenians he repeated his assurances of his
favourable intentions to their state; of his
aversion to the insolence and tyranny of
Thebes; and his resolution to circunscribe its
power by establishing the Boeotian cities in a
condition of strength and independence. Thus
by the deepest and most consummate dissimu-
lation, which he dignified by the name of
policy, did Philip completely deceive all those
persons who were employed to watch his mo-
tions with strict attention; and who severally
Eschin. de exulted in their own superior penetration, and
scet. 41. spoke with pity and contempt of the blind and
fal. Leg.
fatal securtiy of all the other deputies. One
difficulty now only remained to retard the great
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
115
design which this prince was so happily con- SECT. пI.
ducting. Phaleucus was still stationed at Diod. Sic.
Nicea with his eight thousand men.
Such a 59.
force must have proved ineffectual against the
powers of Macedon, Thessaly, and Boeotia;
yét still a vigorous opposition, aided by the
extraordinary advantage of situation which
Thermopylæ afforded, might occasion a dan-
gerous delay. The Macedonian, earnest to
seize the present favourable moment, when
Greece in general was lulled into full confi-
dence and supine dependence on his promises,
seemed well disposed to treat with this chief.
And, as Phaleucus could have no reasonable
hopes of assistance from Athens, and as it ap
peared absolutely necessary for his safety to
come to immediate terms with Philip, he, on
his part, readily attended to the overtures pro-
posed; and, on condition that the town should
be given up, he was permitted to retire with
his troops into Peloponnesus.
Thus did this politic and enterprising prince
gain what was justly called the key to Greece,
and pass the famous Streights without opposi-
tion or difficulty: an attempt which, in former
times, would been have received with horror
and indignation; which, but a few years since,
was considered as highly dangerous and au-
dacious: and whose success must have, eveu
now, been deemed exceedingly doubtful and
I 16, sect.
Q 2
116
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
}
BOOK III. precarious, since the interest of the several
Dem. de
1al. Leg.
sect. 21.
states, however opposite in their different views
and sentiments, called on them all equally to
guard against it, as its success left their several
territories absolutely exposed to the arms of
Macedon. But the art and address of Philip
were as consummate as his ambition was vast.
He knew how to make the passions, interests,
and inclinations of every particular people, the
instruments of his designs; and thus, by the
assistance of some, and the connivance of others,
he was entered into the very heart of Greece,
at the head of a powerful army, ready to decide
the contests of that country, where no other
king of Macedon had ever been considered in
any other light but that of au humble tributary,
or ally, favoured and honoured by the protec-
tion which he received, or the connexions to
which he was admitted.
The Phocians, now totally abandoned, in a
state of terrible uncertainty, still amused with
hopes, yet trembling for the event, were ob-
liged to submit implicitly to Philip; and in-
stantly concluded a treaty for that purpose,
which he, on his part, engaged to have approved
of and confirmed by the Amphictyons. The
article of most importance was this, that the
state itself should be spared; and that punish-
ment should be extended no further than to
those who had shared in the guilt of sacrilege.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
117
1; 16, sect.
The Amphictyons assembled to determine par- SECT. III.
ticularly about the fate of Phocis. The de-
puties of the Thessalians, Locrians, and Boo- Diod. Sie.
tians, only were present on this occasion; all 59.
devoted to Philip, and ready to enact whatever
he might dictate, particularly against a people
who had, for so many years, and with such ob-
stiuate valour, maintained a bloody war against
them. A decree was framed, of which these
were the principal articles.
$
I. That the Phocians should be for ever deprived of Sect 60.
their right of sending representatives to the council of
Amphictyons: which should be transferred to Philip,
and enjoyed by him, and his descendants, successors
to the throne of Macedon.
II. That the three principal cities of Phocis, which
sent representatives to the Amphictyonic council,
should be dismantled; and for ever deprived of all
their former privileges; and excluded from all inter-
course with the temple and the great council. [A]
III. That the Phocians should be obliged to deliver
up their arms and horses: and that they should not
be permitted the use of either of these until they had
discharged the fine originally imposed on them, and
made full restitution to the god for the depredations
committed in his temple.
IV. That such of the Phocians, as had shared in the
sacrilege, should be regarded and treated as impious
[A] See the preliminary dissertation on the council of Am-
phictyons, in which the reader will find this article enlarged
upon, which has exercised the commentators on Diodorus.
118
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
}
1
BOOK III. persons, excluded from all rights of society, and denied
all protection or asylum in their country.
C
V. That all the cities of Phocis (those three men-
tioned in the second article only excepted) should be
demolished and reduced to distinct hamlets, containing
}
no more than sixty houses cach, at the distance of a
stadium from each other.
VI. That the Phocians should be permitted to cul-
tivate their lands, from the produce of which they
should pay every year sixty talents to Apollo, until
they completely indemnified the temple.
:
1
VII. [B] That the Corinthians, who, with the other
states of iuferior note, had united with the Phocians
in the sacred war, as a punishment for the assistance
and support which they had granted to sacrilege,
should lose their privilege of presiding at the Pythian
games which privilege should, for the future, be
Dem. Phil. enjoyed by Philip, in conjunction with the Baotians
3. sect. 8. and Thessalians: together with the right of superin-
tending the oracle.
t
:
VIII. That the arms of the Phocians should be
broken in pieces and burnt; and their horses sold by
[B] A learned commentator on Diodorus hath taken notice
of some difficulties in this article, which have escaped the obser-
vation of those writers who have had occasion to treat of these
affairs. History, as he observes, is silent as to the privilege
which the article supposes the Corinthians possessed, or rather
seems to contradict such supposition. Nor is this people men-
tioned in the former part of Diodorus among the allies of Phocis.
No mention is here made of any punishment inflicted on Lace-
dæmon and yet we are told by Pausanias (1. 10, c. 8.) that
they were also deprived of the right of assisting in the Amphic-
tyonic assembly. For these reasons he supposes, that the article
has descended to us imperfect and mutilated.
See the Note on Diod. V. 2, p. 129. Edit. Wessel.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
119
auction, the produce to be appropriated to the indem- SECT. II.
nification of the teinple.
IX. That it should be the care of the Amphictyons
to procure all the expiations and reparations due to
the god and to his temple.
X. That they should exert themselves, with all due
diligence, to make such regulations as might reestab-
fish the peace and tranquillity of Greece.
And now the enemies of Phocis, irritated bý
ancient animosities, by the toils, and dangers,
and distresses of a bloody and obstinate war of
ten years, with all the unrelenting fury of men
who regarded themselves as the instruments of
divine justice, prepared to execute the terrible
decree; while the wretched Phocians submitted
with that dismay and consternation which so
momentous an event must naturally have pro-
duced. Some cities indeed, driven to despair
by finding all their hopes cruelly disappointed,
and justly dreading the remorseless severity of
their adversaries, discovered a disposition to
resist, but were instantly stormed; razed to Dem. de
their foundations; and the inhabitants reduced
to slavery. Lileum, Hyampolis, Anticyra, Pa-
rapotamia, Panopea, and Daulis, eminent cities Pausan, in
even from the earliest ages, whose names were
perpetually resounding in the ears of the Gre-
cians, consigned to immortal fame by the verse
of Homer, their great and darling poet, were
Corona.
sect. 12.
Phoc
1
;
120
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
A
BOOK III. all treated with the greatest severities. Ero-
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 22.
chus, Charadra, Amphiclea, Neone, Tethro-
nium, and Drymea, cities which had been
exposed to all the calamities, and sustained all
the fury, of the Persian war, with others of less
note, were now, without regard to their ancient
sufferings or merits, involved in the general
ravage. Where revenge and cruelty were not
exerted in their full force, the miserable suf-
ferers looked on without daring to drop a tear,
or breathe a sigh, while their walls, their pub-
lic edifices, their temples, and the tombs of
their ancestors, were subverted and demolished.
Nor were they long suffered to lament over the
ruins of their former greatness; but, like herds
of brute creatures, driven by their insulting
enemies from their settlements, and proudly
commanded to repair, without delay, to the
habitations appointed for them. The tran-
quillity, the order, and the silence, with which
all this severity was executed, heightened the
distress, and formed a spectacle more affecting
than the outrages of a bloody war.
At Athens, every account of Philip's motions
was received with an eager and inquisitive
impatience, and, according to the different re-
presentations made by the public speakers,
elevated the hopes, or awakened the fears, of
that misguided people. The news of his hav-
ing passed through the Streights began to
I
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
121
create uneasiness and apprehensions: but these SECT. III.
were speedily allayed by the insinuations and
assurances of those popular leaders who were
either the dupes or the creatures of the king of
Macedon. "My countrymen," cried. Æschines, Dem. de
"be not alarmed, nor fear any dangerous con- sect. 12.
sequences from. Philip's marching through
((
(C
•
Thermopyla: beware of all heat and impa-
"tience; and rest assured, that every thing
"will succeed agreeably to your warmest
wishes. In a few days you will hear that
CC
C
(6
((
Philip hath declared himself a friend to those
against whom he now marches with all the
appearance of hostilities; and that they who
"now regard him as their firmest ally, will
immediately find him their declared and in-
veterate enemy. Appearances and professions
"are deceitful: the surest bond of friendship
"is an union of interests; and it is equally the
"interest, both of Philip and of the Phocians,
"to be delivered from the insolence and stu-
pidity of the Thebans."
CC
i
Corona.
sect. 20.
By such fallacious assurances did this abused Dem. de
and misguided people suffer themselves to be fal. Leg.
deceived into an unreserved confidence and se
curity; when, in five days after the destruction
of Phocis, and the decree of the Amphictyonic
council, the news of these important events
was brought to Athens. The Athenians were,
at this time, assembled at the Piræus, their fa-
VOL. II,
R
122
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. mous port, on some affairs relating to their
navy, full of expectations and fair prospects,
implicitly depending on the professions of
Philip, and the representations of his creatures.
In a moment astonishment and consternation
were spread through the city; all was tumult
and confusion: they now found their great
rival on their confines, united with Thebes:
aud every man expected a powerful and for-
midable force', formed by the union of two such
dangerous adversaries, to appear instantly be-
fore their walls. As their hopes had been san-
gaine, their disappointment was, in proportion,
terrible. The following decree was instantly
made, which plainly shews that they regarded
their condition as in the utmost decree alarming
and perplexing.
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 20.
"In the archonship of Mnesiphilus, on the
twenty-first day of the month Mæmacterion,
"at an assembly extraordinary; convened by
"the authority of the generals, prytanes, and
"senate: At the motion of Callisthenes, it is
СС RESOLVED,
"That no citizen of Athens, on any pretence
"whatsoever, be permitted to pass the night
“in the country. But that every man shall be
"confined within the city, or the precincts of
"the Piræus, excepting only such persons as
66
may be appointed to the defence of some
post. That every such person shall be ob
2
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
123
7
*
liged to maintain his station, without pre-
"suming to absent himself either by night or
day. That whoever refuses to pay due
"
obedience to this resolution and decree, shall
"incur the penalties ordained for traitors,
"unless he can alledge some necessary cause,
"to be approved of by the general immediately
in command, the treasurer, and the secretary
"of the scuate, who shall have the sole power
"of judging of such allegations. That all
*
SECT. 111.
twelve
effects, now in the country, shall be instantly
removed; those within the distance of one About
hundred and twenty stadia, into the city or miles.
the Piraus: those at any greater distance,
"to Elusis, Phyle, Aphidna, Rhamnusium, and
"Sunium."
sect. 20.
When the first surprise was over, and their
terror, in some degree, dissipated, resentment
and indignation succeeded, and possessed them
with equal violence. They called loudly for Demost. de
arms; levics were prepared for the relief of falsa Leg.
Phocis; and Proxenus, their admiral, was or-
dered to direct his course towards that country,
But Philip, who was duly attentive to allay
this heat, now addressed a letter to the Athe-
nians, conceived in the following terms:
CC
Philip, king of Macedou, to the Senate
and people of Athens, health.”
"Know ye, that we have passed the Streights
"of Thermopylæ, and reduced Phocis. We
R 2
124
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
ш.
BOOK II." have stationed our garrisons in such towns
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 39.
"as have submitted, and acknowledged our
66
authority. And those which have presumed
"to resist our force, we have taken by assault,
"reduced the inhabitants to slavery, and razed
"their habitations to the ground. But, being
"informed that you are making dispositions for
"the support of these people, we, by these pre.
sents, recommend you to spare yourselves
"the pains of such an ineffectual attempt,
"Your conduct must certainly appear ex-
66
CC
tremely inequitable and extravagant, in arm-
ing against us, with whom you have so lately
concluded a treaty. If you have deterinined
"to shew no regard to your engagements, we
"shall only wait for the commencement of
hostilities, to exert a resolution, ou our part,
"no less vigorous and formidable."
CC
This letter, thus expressed with a royal and
commanding brevity, had the effect which the
king of Macedon justly expected from the
variable dispositions of this people. Their
terror had been succeeded by resentment; and
this resentment was equally transient, and now
gave way to confusion and vexation.
brother of Æschines, and his colleagues, arrived
at the same time. They had been informed,
in Euboea, of the fate of Phocis; that the two
and twenty cities, which composed this state,
had been destroyed in less than two and twenty
The
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
125
SECT. III.
in Orat.
days; and therefore, deeming it to no purpose
to continue their progress, returned immediately Aliud Arg.
home, where, in the present dispositions of the eand.
people, they were received with sufficient Not. in
dissatisfaction.
Lucchesini
Orat. de
Pace.
falsa. Leg.
The popular leaders at Athens, they who
were in the Macedonian intesest, and they who
opposed it, had now an ample field for ha-
ranguing, and were busily employed in soothing,
or inflaming: in accusing others, or defending
themselves. But the partisans of Philip were
visibly sinking in their credit and influence, and
obliged to make use of every artifice to preserve
any remains of popularity. Eschines no Demost. de
longer affected sickness: he forgot all his fears sect. 40.
of the Theban resentment; and, without any
public character, or commission from the state,
without regard to the late decree which forbad
any man to stir from within the walls of Athens,
he now repaired to Philip. As he had no de- Eschin. de
mands to make, he pretended that the sole ob- sect. 41.
ject of this journey was to employ his credit
and abilities in favour of the wretched Pho-
cians, and to prevail on Philip to mitigate
their severities. The Eteaus, a people bor-
dening on Thessaly, and who, according to
Eschines, had a right to assist in the council
of Amphictyons, irritated by some particular
injuries, or earnest to express a peculiar zeal
against profanation, urged vehemently that the
fal. Leg,
126
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
?
BOOK m. Phocians, should suffer the whole rigour of the
Dem. de
fal. Leg.
sect. 10.
law against sacrilege, which ordained, that all
those who had arrived at the years' of puberty,
and had shared in the guilt, should be preci-
pitated from rocks without mercy. Eschines,
as if commissioned by his state, spoke in favour
of the Phocians, was heard with attention, and
easily prevailed to have this bloody sentence
averted. Thus he acted a part, whose merit
he might magnify at home, and gave Philip
an opportunity of appearing to oblige the
Athenians, when neither his interest demanded,
nor his natural dispositions prompted him to,
any unnecessary outrageous barbarities.
The members and assessors in the Amphic-
tyonic council were now assembled in the pre-
sence of Philip, to the number of two hundred,
who entertained them at a magnificent feast,
where Eschines was also present. The guests
sounded the praises of the great, the brave,
the pious king of Macedon, chaunted his vic-
tories, and hymned forth their prayers to the
gods for his future prosperity. In these, many
of them were entirely sincere; yet some would
afterwards have glady retracted. The Thebans
were, of all others, most ardent in their ap:
plause; and with good reason. Orchomenus,
Corsia, Coronæa, Hyampolis, and Tilphosæum,
the conquests lately inade by the Phocians in
Bocotia, were all given up to them; and the
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
127
२
"
falsa Leg.
Dem. de
affairs of Boeotia determined entirely in the SECT. III.
manner most agreeable to their interests. Here
they now began to give a free course to their
insolence and tyranny; so that the iuhabitants
of Orchomenus, who had ever been averse to
their government, thought it necssary to secure
the safety of their persons, by a stipulation,
in which they cousented to quit their present
settlement; while others of the Baotians, who
had shared in the guilt and punishment of
Phocis, or now found the tyranny of Thebes
intolerable, sought an asylum in Athens, where
they were received with the utmost kindness.
Philip, in order to increase his popularity, Eschin, de
seems to have espoused the cause of the op- sect. 43.
pressed in a manner by no means pleasing to Pace, sect.
Thebes, and to have, with some difficulty, pre-
vailed on them to treat their dependent states
with greater moderation. Some disputes seem
to have thus arisen between the king of Mace-
don and the Thebans concerning the settle-
ment of Bœotia; and appearances were man-
aged with so much art, that the partisans of
Philip were not ashamed to declare to the Phit. 2.
Athenians, that this prince was really forced
into those measures which seemed to prove his
attachment to Thebes; and that, surrounded
as he was by the Theban and Thessalian forces,
he could not, with safety, oppose the demands
of these people.
·
1
5.
sect. J
1
1
է
128
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK III.
Olymp.
108. Y. 3.
Demost.
Orat. de
Pace.
1. 16, sect.
60.
The great council of Amphictyons was now
convened at Delphi, where Philip appeared,[c]
and appointed his representatives to sit and
vote in that assembly, in the place of the Pho-
cians. All the Amphictyons, then present, ac-
knowledged him as their colleague by a formal
Diod. Sic. decree; in which was inserted the treaty of
general pacification; and all the acts against
the wretched Phocians, and their adherents,
ratified and confirmed. As the council was
formed entirely of those who had been parti-
cularly favoured by the king of Macedon, and
were entirely devoted to his interest; every
thing that he could dictate, every thing that
could be supposed agreeable to him, was readily
enacted. But, in an affair of such conse-
quence as a change in the Grecian body, and
the introduction of a new member, Philip
justly resolved to remove all pretences of future
altercation; and, for this purpose, circular
[c] While Philip was now resident at Delphi, he there met
a man called Arcadion, who had affected to express some par-
ticular resentment to him, and had industriously avoided all
intercourse with him. The king, who perhaps knew what use
might be made of this man, accosted him with asking how far
he had determined to fly from him? to which Arcadion au-
swered by a parody on a line of Homer:
Ev'n to that Land where Philip ne'er was known.
The apposite and sprightly answer made his peace at once.
The king smiled, invited him to supper, and all animositie
ceased.
ATHENE. 1. 6, p. 249.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
129
Dem. de
sect. 40.
letters were dispatched to all the absent states SECT. III.
who had a right to share in the proceedings of
the great council, inviting them to appear,
and demanding their concurrence in all the late
transactions.[D] The Athenians affected to
express their grief for the fate of Phocis, by fal. Leg.
refusing to send their usual deputies to the
Pythian games, (which were just now cele-
brated, and to which Philip sent some of his
courtiers to preside) or their representatives to
the present council of Amphictyons. But,
however they might have been pleased to
avoid all appearance of concurring in transac-
tions calculated to oblige and aggrandize the
Macedonian, it soon became necessary for them
publicly to declare their opinion of the late
acts of the Amphictyons; for they, among the
others, received the invitation to accede to
Philip's election, and to acknowledge Macedon
as a member of the Hellenic body.
1-8.
The people now assembled to consider of Dem. de
this demand, stung with vexation and disap- Pace, secs,
pointment, sensible of their weak and mistaken
conduct, still fired with their national vanity,
and mortified at the view of that power which
[D] The Lacedæmonians, saith the French writer of the life
of Philip, (vol. ii. p. 126) absolutely refused their concurrence.
But, if we are to believe Pausanias, they were deprived of all
right of sending deputies to the council of Amphictyons; and
therefore could not have been at all applied to. See note [B]
on this section.
VOL. II.
130
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. they themselves had permitted their rival to ac-
quire. Philip's deputies were introduced, and
their letters read: the assembly, as usual, was
distracted and inflamed: levies, subsidies, and
armaments, were spoken of; and loud invec-
tives uttered against the insolence of Philip's
demand. Æschines, who appeared, and stre-
nuously pleaded the cause of Macedon, was
received with loud shouts of resentment and in-
dignation. With an affected ease and con-
tempt he turned to the Macedonian envoys
who stood near him: "You see," said this
abandoned flatterer, "those numbers, how
bold, how clamorous at home! notwithstand-
ing all this violence, believe me, there is
scarcely a man among them who would act
"with any vigour in the field!”
Dem. de
falsa Leg.
sect. 36.
CC
66
С6
Demosthenes seems, on this occasion, to have
been affected deeply by the view of Philip's
close attachment to the other states of Greece,
which appeared, to him, to render it a thing
impracticable for Athens to contend alone with
their united powers. They, who only consider
him as a vehement speaker, who usually ex-
erted all the force and art of eloquence to
warm his hearers with resolution, and to ani-
mate them against the daring attempts of the
Macedonian, are inclined to believe, that the
oration, entitled, On the Peace, ascribed to
Demosthenes, was not pronounced on this oc-
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
131
casion: but they who consider him as a states- SECT. III.
man and a patriot, as well as a popular leader,
insist, that a due attention to the difference of
circumstances and conjunctures, and a due regard
to the safety and tranquillity of his country,
must have prompted him to suppress an un-
timely zeal; to moderate and correct, as well
as, on other occasions, to animate and inflame.
Notwithstanding all his fears of the Macedo-
nian power, notwithstanding all his usual op-
position, how sincere, and how violent soever,
still he might have justly thought, that the
Athenians had already made Philip too many
and too important concessions, to enter into an
unequal contest with him at this time about
what he calls an empty title. It is objected by De Pace
Libanius, in his argument to this oration, that Dem. de
he afterwards accuses Eschines of having pro- sect. 36.
posed to the assembly to acknowledge Philip
as an Amphictyon, a motion which even Phi-
locrates himself, though the boldest and most
violent partisan of Macedon, yet never dared
to make. Could Demosthenes, therefore, have
ventured to accuse his rival, if he himself had
afforded him an opportunity of retorting the
accusation? It may be observed, in answer to
this, that whoever reads over the oration on
the Peace with attention, will find that it con-
tains no formal motion or proposal of any
kind; nay, that it expressly guards against
}
in fin.
fal. Leg.
S 2
132
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
}
BOOK III, these: Let us hear the orator himself, in the
conclusion of his harangue: "What then,"
saith some one, "shall these apprehensions
"make us yield to his demands? Is this your
"motion?-Not at all!" And, when he after-
wards came to accuse Eschines, he might have
thought it convenient to urge a point, which
was likely to load him with popular odium,
whatever his own opinion had been on the
same occasion. The least restriction or reserve
on his side, improved and represented as the
distance of time would permit, might have
effectually obviated any recrimination. And
the silence of Æschines is at least as good a
proof, that this oration did not afford him a
pretence for retorting the accusation on his
rival, as that it was not at all delivered.
But one point most critics are agreed in: that
the oration on the Peace is at least the genuine
composition of Demosthenes. And it is parti-
cularly worthy of attention, as it points out
one part of his character, which is not genc-
rally considered with due regard; that of a
sage and consummate politician, perfectly
acquainted with the characters, sentiments, in-
terests, and dispositions of all the several
powers and states, by whose motions Athens
might be affected. The beginning of his
address is artfully calculated to guard against
all suspicions of his sincerity: to remind the
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
139
people of the integrity and resolution with SECT. III.
which the orator had delivered his sentiments
on former occasions; and thus gradually to
prepare his hearers to receive an opinion as
the true effect of public spirit, which in their
present dispositions, they seemed sufficiently
inclined to reject as dishonourable, and ap-
parently inconsistent with the usual vehemence
of the speaker. He then proceeds more di-
rectly to the object of their present deli-
beration:
CC
CC
"And now to give my sentiments on the
present occasion: whether subsidies, or al-
liances, or whatever schemes are concerting
"for the public good, one point must be se-
cured: the continuauce of the present peace.
Not that it is so very excellent, or so worthy
"of you: but, of what kind soever it may be,
"it were more for the interest of your affairs
"that it had never been concluded, than that
now, when it is concluded, you should in-
'fringe it: for we have suffered ourselves to
"be deprived of many advantages, which
"would have given our arms much more secu-
rity and strength.
(C
CC
"In the next place, we must be careful not
"to drive those to extremities, who are now
assembled, and call themselves the council
of Amphictyons; nor to afford them a pre-
"tence for a general war against us. Were
7
134
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
:
III, ‹t
BOOK II. we again engaged with Philip for Amphi-
(C
re
"
"
polis, or any such private matter of dispute,
in which neither Thessalians, nor Argians,
nor Thebans, were concerned; in ny opi-
"nion, none of these would join against us;
"and least of all-let me be heard without
interruption—the Thebans: not that they
wish well to us, or would not willingly recom-
"mend themselves to Philip; but they are
perfectly sensible (however mean their un-
Iderstandings may be thought) that, were
"they to engage in a war with you, the evils
"would all fall on them; the advantages
"others would lie ready to intercept. They
will, therefore, never be betrayed into such
"a quarrel, unless the cause be general. In
"like manner, another war with the Thebans
"for Oropus, or any such private cause, could
not, I think, distress us; for there are those
"who would join either with us, or them, to
repel an invasion, but in offensive measures
"would concur with neither. This is the true
nature, the very spirit of alliances. There
are none so much attached to us or Thebes,
as to desire that we should maintain our own
power, and triumph over our competitor.
To be secure they would all wish us, for
"their own sakes, but that either of us should
CC
66
reduce the other to subjection, and so be
enabled to give law to them, not one would
"bear.
7
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
135
"Where then lies the danger? What are ECT. 111.
you to guard against? That general pretence
"for uniting against us, which the war now in
tr
<<
((
agitation may afford the states. For if the
Argians, and the Messenians, and the Mega-
lopolitans, and such other of the Pelopon-
"nesians as are in the same interest, should
"make it a cause of quarrel, that we have
sought a treaty with the Lacedæmonians,
"and seem to have favoured their designs; if
the Thebans, incensed as they are said to be
" at present, should become yet more incensed
"at our harbouring their exiles, and taking
every occasion of declaring ourselves im-
placably averse to them; if the Thessalians
"should resent our reception of the fugitive
Phocians; and Philip our opposing his ad-
mission into the council of Amphictyons; I
fear, that, to revenge those private quarrels,
they may the authority of this council,
"to give sanction to a general war against us;
"and, in the violence of resentment, forget
"even their own interest, as it happened in
the Phocian war. You are not ignorant that
""
((
#
K
"
the Thebans, and Philip, and the Thessa
lians, although they had by no means the
same views, have yet all conspired to the
very same purposes. The Thebans, for in-
stance, were not able to hinder Philip from
passing and becoming master of Thermopyla
136
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK III.
(C
nor from coming in, after all their toils, and
depriving them of the glory; (for as to pos-
"sessions, and the acqusition of territories,
"the Thebans have succeeded happily; but,
"in point of honour and reputation, they have
"suffered most shamefully.) If Philip did not
pass, they were to expect nothing; it was
highly disagreeable to them; yet, for the
"sake of Orchomenus and Coronæa, which
66
СС
they greatly desired, but were not able to
take, they chose to endure all this. And yet
"there are persons who dare to assert, that Philip
"did not surrender these cities to the Thebans
((
"
freely, but was compelled. Away with such
pretences! I am satisfied, that this was
equally his concern, with the gaining the
Streights, the glory of the war, the honour
"of deciding it and the direction of the Py-
"thian games; and these were the greatest
(6
cc
objects of his most carnest wish. As to the
Thessalians, they neither desired to see the
"Thebans aggrandized, nor Philip (for in their
66
power they saw danger to themselves); but
"two things they greatly desired, a seat in the
"council of Amphictyons, and the wealth of
Delphos; and thence were they induced to
join in the confederacy. Thus you may ob-
serve, that private interest oftentimes en-
gages men in measures quite opposite to
their inclinations. And therefore it is your
"part to proceed with the utmost caution,
"
I
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
137
6C
"What then," saith some one, "shall these SECT. III
apprehensions make us yield to his demands?
"Is this your motion? Not at all! I only mean
"to shew you, how you may maintain your
dignity, avoid a war, and approve your mo-
"deration and justice to the world. As to
"those violent men, who think we should
"brave all dangers, nor foresee the difficulties
"attending upon arms, I wish them to consi-
"der this. We allow the Thebans to possess
Oropus; should we be asked the motive, we
would answer, to avoid a war. In like man-
ner, by the present treaty, we yield Amphi-
polis to Philip; we suffer the Cardians to be
distinguished from the other inhabitants of
"the Chersonesus; the king of Caria to pos-
"sess Chios, and Cos, and Rhodes; and the
CC
<<
Byzantines to cruize for prizes; and this,
"because we think that peace and tranquillity
"will produce more advantages than violence
" and contests about these points. And, if we
"are thus directed in our conduct towards
each particular state, and where our interest
"is highly and intimately concerned, it would
"be perfect weakness and absurdity to provoke
"the resentment of them all for a shadow."
The final determination of the assembly was
agreeable to these his sentiments. It was re-
solved to acknowledge Philip as an Amphic-
tyon, and to accede to all the dispositions made
VOL. II.
138
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III,
in the late council at Delphos. And now it
was that Isocrates addressed his famous dis-
course to Philip, in which he exhorts him to
unite with the states of Greece, and to lead
them against their common enemy, the Persian.
To give a just idea of this performance, it
may be sufficient to copy the abstract of it by
Histoire. Monsieur Rollin,* and those reflections which
it suggested to that grave historian :
de Phil.
66
СС
"The scope of this discourse was to exhort
Philip to take advantage of the peace he had
just before concluded, in order to reconcile
"all the Grecian states, and afterwards to turn
"his arms against the king of Persia. The
"business was to engage in this plan four
66
cities, on which all the rest depended, Athens,
Sparta, Thebes, and Argos. He confesses,
"that had Sparta or Athens been so powerful
as formerly, he should have been far from
66
66
making such a proposal, which he was sen-
"sible they would never approve; and which
the pride of those two republics, while sus-
tained and augmented by success, would re-
ject with disdain. But that now, as the most
"powerful cities of Greece, wearied out and
"exhausted by long wars, and humbled in their
"turns, by fatal reverses of fortune, have equally
an interest in laying down their arms, and liv-
"ing in peace, pursuant to the example which
"the Athenians had begun to set them; the pre-
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
139
"sent is the most favourable opportunity Phi- SECT. III.
(C
lip could have, to reconcile and unite the
"several cities of Greece.
In case he (Philip) should be so happy as
"to succeed in such a project, so glorious and
beneficial a success would raise him above.
"whatever had appeared most august in
Greece. But this project in itself, though it
I should not have so happy an effect as he
might expect from it, would yet infallibly
65
(6
"
"
"6
"
1
gain him the esteem, the affection, and con-
fidence, of all the states of Greece; advan-
tages infinitely preferable to the taking of
cities, and all the conquests he might
hope to obtain.
"Some persons indeed, who were prejudiced
against Philip, represent and exclaim against
"him as a crafty prince, who gives a specious
pretext to his actions, but, at the same time,
has in reality no other object in view but
"the enslaving of Greece. Isocrates, either
"from a too great credulity, or from a desire
"
#C
of bringing Philip into his views, supposes,
"that rumours, so injurious as these, have no
"manner of foundation; it not being probable
"that a prince, who glories in being descended
"from Hercules, the deliverer of Greece, should
think of invading and possessing himself of
it. But these very reports, which are so
capable of blackening his name, and of
T2
140
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK III. "C
66
sullying all his glory, should prompt him to
"demonstrate the falsity of them, in the pre-
sence of all Greece, by the least suspicions
"of proofs; by leaving and maintaining each
city in the full possession of its laws and
"liberties; by removing, with the utmost care,
"all suspicions of partiality; in not espousing
"the interest of one people against another;
"in winuing the confidence of all men by a
"noble disinterestedness, and an invariable
"love of justice; in fine, by aspiring to no
"other title than that of the reconciler of the di-
(C
visions of Greece, a title far more glorious.
"than that of conqueror.
"It is in the king of Persia's dominions he
ought to merit this last title. The conquest
"of it is open and sure to him, in case he
"should succeed in pacifying the troubles of
"Greece. He should call to mind, that Age-
silaus, with no other forces than those of
CC
cc.
rr
Sparta, shook the Persian throne; and would
infallibly have subverted it, had he not been
"recalled into Greece by the intestine divi.
"sions which then broke out. The signal
66
>
victory of the ten thousand under Clearchus,
" and their triumphant retreat, in the sight of
"innumerable armies, prove what might be
expected from the joint forces of the Mace-
"donian and Greeks, when commanded by
Philip, against a prince inferior in every
८८
"f
:
į
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
141
C
respect to him whom Cyrus had endeavoured SECT. III.
"to dethrone.
"Isocrates concludes with declaring, that
"one would believe the gods had hitherto
granted Philip so long a train of successes,
" with no other view but that he might be en-
"abled to form and execute the glorious enter-
[C
prise, the plan of which he laid before him.
"He reduces the counsel he gives to three
"heads: that this prince should govern his
"own empire with wisdom and justice; should
"heal the divisions between the neighbouring
"nations and all Greece, without desiring to
possess any part of it himself; and, this being
(C
tr
(C
done, that he should turn his victorious arms
against a country, which, from all ages, had
been the enemy of Greece, aud had often
"vowed their destruction. It must be con-
fessed, that this is a most noble plan, and
highly worthy of a great prince. But Iso-
"crates had a very false idea of Philip, if he
CC
(C
66
(C
thought this monarch would ever put it in
"execution. Philip did not possess 'the equity,
moderation, or disinterestedness, which such
a project required. He really intended to
"attack Persia, but was persuaded that it was
"his business to secure himself first of Greece,
"which indeed he was determined to do, not
He did not endea-
(C
by services, but force.
vour either to win over or to persuade na-
112
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
re
BOOK III. <<
<<
tions, but to subject and reduce them,
As,
on his side, he had no manner of regard for
"alliances and treaties, he judged of others
by himself, and was for assuring himself of
"them by much stronger ties than those of
friendship, gratitude, and sincerity."
These are the sentiments of the French
writer; and we may securely concur with him
in affirming, that the virtuous simplicity of the
rhetorician did by no means suit with the active
and vigorous ambition, and the subtle and de-
signing policy, of the king of Macedon. He
was now sailing in the full tide of popularity,
universally honoured, admired, and celebrated.
The Amphictyons decreed a statue to their
new colleague, which was erected in the Del-
Athena.1. phian temple, above that of Archidamus; and
by an accident sufficiently singular, the golden
statue of Phryne, the celebrated courtesan,
erected, as Crates the Cynic expressed it, by
the intemperance of the Greeks, was situated
in the middle between the figures of those two
illustrious princes: as it were to mortify their
pride, and to remind them how little such pub-
lic honours were to be valued, which an infa-
mous and contemptible prostitute was thus
allowed to share with them.
13. p. 591.
Thus did Philip, with so much ease and suc-
cess, decide a contest which had so long raged
in Greece, and laid the foundation of the final
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
143
3. sect. 8.
falsa Leg.
p. 133.
subjection of that nation, under pretence of SECT. III.
asserting the cause of Apollo. He committed Dem. Phil.
to the Thessalians the care of the temple of
Delphi, and the administration of all its re-
venues; which they were to employ in re-
pairing the effects of the late confusion and
depredation. Pompous sacrifices were made Demost de
to express his grateful acknowledgments to the sect. 40.
god. But the politicians of Greece were sen-
sible that Apollo was more indebted to Philip,
than Philip to Apollo. For the reduction of Oliv. 1. 10,
Phocis was, in reality, a mašter-piece of ad-
dress and policy, which this prince alone could
have effected. To this it was necessary that
the Thebans, the Thessalians, and the Lo-
crians, three states opposite in their views and
dispositions, should all act in concert. The
Athenians aud Lacedæmonians were to be
kept in suspence and inaction, and amused by
promises rather specious than sincere, and
which were to be observed just so far as con-
venience permitted: the name of Phocis was
to be distroyed; the people suffered to subsist.
He was to seize the pass of Thermopyla as it
were without design, while the states of Greece
both allies and enemies, were all equally in-
terested, and many of them inclined to oppose
him. In short, he was to secure the concur-
rence both of those he punished, and those
whose cause he supported and avenged. These
144
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
}
BOOK III. means, which, in the hands of a less able mas-
ter of intrigue, must have proved inconsistent
with each other, were all reconciled, in his,
and all conspired to the great end he had so
long meditated, and to which he now success-
fully attained.
1. 16, sect.
64.
In all this the people of Greece saw nothing
but the vengeance of the god inflicted on the
sacrilegious prophaners of his temple: they al-
vished their encomiums on the prince who was
now preparing chains for them, as the instru-
ment of divine justice, and the pious and zea-
lous assertor of the honour of Apollo; and
looked with satisfaction on every misfortune of
every inhabitant of Phocis, as a manifest de-
claration of the displeasure, and the execution
of the just wrath, of heaven. Grave and judi-
cious historians have not thought it beneath
them to observe, that even the women; who
4
shared in the national guilt; shared also in the
Diod. Sic. punishment. A lady of Phocis, say they,
young and beautiful, and till then virtuous,
having accepted, as a present from her husband
the necklace of Helen, which was dedicated to
Apollo, became enamoured with a youth of
Locris, abondoned herself to his sensuality,
and died in a state of most shameful prostitu-
tion. She who had received the bracelet of
Eriphyle, another secret deposit, entered into
a conspiracy against her husband, and was con-
4
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
145
sumed in the flames of her house, to which her SECT. III.
son set fire..
The wretched fate of the three first chiefs of
Phocis in the late war, Philomelus, Onomar-
chus, and Phayllus, have afforded to historians
ample matter of religious reflection. Nor
have they failed to observe, that the same
divine justice which destroyed these leaders,
pursued their successor Phaleucus.
He embarked at Corinth, with a design of Sect. 62.63.
passing into Italy: making his forces believe
that he had been invited by the Lucanians.
But his officers, who were not satisfied as to
his real intentions, obliged him, by force, to
make a descent on the coast of Peloponnesus.
From hence he persuaded them to reimbark,
and, passing into Crete, seized the city of
Lyctus, a Spartan colony, from whence he was
driven out by Archidamus. He then proceeded
to lay siege to Cydonia, where he perished by
the flames of some of his machines, which
were set on fire by lightning; or, according to
other writers, was assassinated by a soldier, in
revenge of some severities which he had in-
flicted on him. His army was pursued by the
besieged with great slaughter; they who sur-
vived the defeat passed into Peloponnesus,
where they entered into the service of some
Eleans, who had been banished on account of
having shared in the guilt of Phocis, and were
VOL. II.
U
}
146
BOOK III.
Phil. 4.
sect. 3.
Diod. ut
supra.
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
attempting to regain their native settlement
by force of arms. The inhabitants of Elis
called the Arcadians to their assistance. The
exiles were defeated, and four thousand of
their auxiliaries taken prisoners, and divided
between the Arcadians and Eleans. They
whom the Arcadians led away were reduced to
slavery and perished in chains. They who
remained in the hands of the Eleans were
condemned to death as sacrilegious persons,
and shot with arrows, or precipitated from
rocks. And Demosthenes imputes this massa-
cre to Philip, and inveighs against it as a
notorious instance of his insincerity and cruelty.
Those of the Phocian army, who escaped
from this last defeat, perished in Sicily, in a
sedition which they had excited against Timo-
leon.
1
Such was the end of Phaleucus and 'his
eight thousand soldiers. They perished un-
pitied and unlamented; while every severe
stroke, which fell upon them, served to increase
the veneration with which the great king of
Macedon, the avenger of Apollo, was now
universally beheld.
}
J
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP,
KING OF MACEDON.
BOOK THE, FOURTH, SECTION 1.
U 2
{
}
CONTENTS.
PHILIP protects the remains of the Phocians.—Returns to
Macedon.-Regulations made in that kingdom.-Cabyle and
Poneropolis peopled.-Dispositions of the Athenians, and their
conduct towards Philip.-Embassy of Hegesippus to Pella.-
His reception.-Philip marches into Illyria.-Alexander enter-
tains the Persian ambassadors.-Disorders in Thessaly.-Philip
appears there. His regulations and institutions. His power
established there.-Affairs of Megara.-Philip sends forces
thither.-Are withdrawn.-Affairs of Eubœa.-Philistides op-
posed in Oreum by Euphraus,-who is imprisoned.-Disorders
in Peloponnesus.-Philip espouses the cause of the Messenians
and Argians.-His letter to Archidamus.-The answer.
Athens alarmed.-Corinth threatened by Philip,-prepares for
war.—Diogenes derides them.—Athenians send an embassy into
Peloponnesus.-Demosthenes harangues the Messenians-Effects
of his negociations.-The several powers send their deputies to
Athens. Second Philippic oration of Demosthenes,-its effect.
—Philocrates retires.-Eschines accused by Timarchus,—eludes
the prosecution.-Philip enters Peloponnesus,-takes Trinasus,-
terrifies Sparta.-Noble answer of a Spartan.-Agis sent am-
bassador to Philip.-Their conference.-Affairs of Peloponnesus
settled.— Observation of Antiochus.-Philip prepares to return
home. His reception at Corinth. He overlooks a public insult.
-His attention to the education of Alexander.—The tutors and
course of study of this prince.-Letter of Isocrates to Alexander.
-Philip's expedition into Thrace.-Deudras and Machetas
subdued.-Machetas injured, and redressed by Philip,-who
marches to support the Cardians.- Eumenes recommends himself
to his patronage.-Death of Arymbas.-He is succeeded by
Alexander, son of Neoptolemus,-who is favoured by Philip.-
His stratagem against the Illyrians.-His death.-Athenians
still alarmed.—They endeavour to excite the Greeks to take up
arms against Philip,-who attempts to allay their ferment,-
addresses a letter to them.—Oration on the Halonesus-Demos-
thenes accuses Eschines of fraud and corruption in his embassy.

THE
LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP,
KING OF MACEDON
BOOK THE FOURTH.
*
+
1
$
SECTION I.
PHILIP had now amply fulfilled his engage- BOOK IV.
ments to the Thebans and Thessalians, and SECT. I.
gratified their revenge even to a degree of
severity, to which his own natural temper,
uninfluenced by motives of interest or con-
venience, was by no means inclined; and
which could not but prove displeasing to the
other states, who were still, if possible, to be
amused, and might, with good reason, expect
something from all those magnificent promises
which had lately been lavished upon them. He
therefore now affected to shew some pity to the
}
in Liter.
fate of the miserable Phocians. A garrison, Dem. Orat.
composed of Macedonians, had been stationed sect. 2.
at Nicæa, to secure, on any future occasion, 14.
his peaceable passage through the Streights; 2. sect. 3.
Oliv. 1. 11.
p.
Dem Phil.
150
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK IV, and this garrison was said to be directed to
protect the remains of the Phocian state, and
to do them every act of kindness which might
be afforded, without giving umbrage to their
enemies. Having thus made such dispositions
as were deemed necessary for his honour and
his interest, he marched back to Macedou,
elated by the consciousness of the power and
reputation he had acquired: and meditating
still greater and more extensive enterprizes.
Here he was, for some time, employed in
Justin, 1.8. fortifying and embellishing his dominions. He
changed the situation of some cities, transferred
the inhabitants from one settlement to another,
and made all such alterations and dispositions
as the facility and convenience of commerce, or
the security of his frontier, demanded, without
regard to the murmurings or complaints of his
subjects, whose affections were fixed to their
ancient habitations: and however Justin may
Olymp.
108. Y. 4.
G. 5.
A
inveigh against these transactions, however
Bernecce- pathetically he may lament the hard fate of
rus in Just, those who were thus removed; such disposi-
Joc. cit.
tions, wise and equitable princes have often
deemed by no means cruel or unwarrantable.
It may also be supposed that the people, thus
removed, had been conquered in war, or had
forfeited the rights of subjects by their rebellion,
or other crimes. And Philip sometimes pu-
nished the guilty, by transporting them to dis-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
151
:
•
p. 11s.
Strabo, 1.7
Nat. 1.4.
Suid. in
tant habitations, where the opportunities for SECT. L
their evil practices were less frequent, and the
contagion less likely to be diffused. Two cities
in Thrace lie thus peopled with colonies formed
of the most abandoned among his subjects, to Oliv. 1. 10.
whom he is said to have added those of the
Phocians, whose peculiar guilt had reduced
them to the condition of slaves, and who had
been given up to his absolute disposal. One
of these cities, built among the people, called p. 320.
Asti, was known by the name of Cabyle or
Calybe: the other, situated under mount Rho- Plin. Hist.
dope, was called Poneropolis, the city of vil- c. 18.
lains: which disgraceful title was afterwards Δουλων
lost in that of Philippolis. Its situation gave Toxis.
it also the name of Trimontium, the three hills.
The manners of its inhabitants improved by
degrees, till the scandal of its origin was en-
tirely forgotten: and, in after times, it had the
honour, not of giving birth to Marcian, the
husband of Pulcheria, as Olivier hath as- L. 10,
serted, but of reckoning that emperor among Evagrii
its adopted citizens. To Thasus also Philip, 1.2, c. 1.
in like manner, sent a colony composed of Halopeso,
those of his subjects, by whose absence his
kingdom might be purged; and made use of
the ships of Athens to transport them. That
state had this year equipped a magnificent fleet,
with what design doth not appear; whether to
keep their soldiers and mariners in action, or to
*
p. 118.
Hist. Eccl.
Orat. de
p31.
1-52
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. display their force and greatness. Their con-
duct towards Philip was equivocal at least,
if not inconsistent: in consequence of the
alliance they had lately concluded, they lent
him their vessels to transport his exiles; yet
the consciousness of their own weak conduct
so soured their dispositions, and the view of
Philip's power and honours filled them with so
much envy, and raised such apprehensions in
their minds, that they took every occasion that
presented itself of traversing and perplexing
his designs, and of opposing and affronting his
allies. Mutual dissatisfactions, complaints,
and remonstrances, were the natural conse
quences of these their motions; and they soon
Dem. de found it necessary to send an embassy to Ma-
Halon.
cedon, to justify their conduct, to recriminate
in their turn, and to demand an explanation
and amendment of several articles in the late
treaty. On this occasion, Philip did not
think it necessary to make use of his usual dis-
simulation: he avowed his resentment, rejected
their apologies with disdain; and even banished
Dem. de from his court the poet Xenoclides, who, at
this time, resided at Pella, and had entertained
the orator Hegesippus (who was at the head
of this embassy) together with his colleagues,
with the affection due to his countrymen.
fal. Leg.
sect. 92.
But though Philip resented, yet he did not
fear, the attempts of Athens; nor could any
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDÓN.
153
cap. 6.
Plutarch.
motions of this state interrupt his schemes. SECT. I.
He now carried his arms into Illyria and Dar- Just. 1. 8,
dania, possibly to convince the Grecians that
he had no further designs on any of their
states, or to repress some commotions which
might have arisen among his barbarous neigh-
bours, and to punish some attempts against the
peace of Macedon. While he was engaged in
this expedition, extending his dominions, and
spreading the terror of his arms, Ochus, king
of Persia, alarmed by magnificent reports of
the greatness and glory of the king of Mace-
don, and terrified with various rumours of his
intentions to invade Asia, sent an embassy to
Pella, to seek this prince's friendship, or rather
to gain a just information of the real extent of in Vit.
his power. On this occasion, the young prince Fortuna
Alexander did the honours of the court in the 342.
absence of his father. Instead of entertaining
the Persians with boyish and frivolous dis-
courses of pleasures, gaiety, and amusement;
instead of inquiring with a puerile curiosity
into the riches of the Persian court, its plan-
tanes of gold, its golden vine with clusters of
emeralds and rubies; his conversations were
solid and manly, and expressed that ardour for
glory and greatness, which was afterwards in-
flamed to such a degree of extravagance. Ho
was ever inquiring into the nature of the Per-
sian government, polity, and art of war; the
VOL. II.
X
Alex. de
Alex. p.
154
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
?
BOOK IV. genius and character of the great king; the
distance of his capital from the coast; the roads
which led to it; and other like particulars;
which plainly shewed that a boundless ambi-
tion had already taken possession of his infant
mind; and that even now he meditated those
great designs which he afterwards so wonder-
fully executed. The ambassadors heard him
with astonishment, and, in raptures, cried out,
"Ours is an opulent king: this is the truly
great prince."
Diod. Sic.
1. 16, sect.
69.
Olymp.
109, Y. 1.
From Illyria, Philip returned into his own
kingdom, laden with the spoils of his enemies;
and, after some short interval of retirement,
found it necessary to make an excursion into
Thessaly. By the natural fickleness of the
people, and the intrigues of the leading citi-
zens, who either opposed or favoured the Ma-
cedonian interest, new commotions began to
arise, and new pretences were afforded to Phi-
lip's creatures, to invite this prince to appear
once more in Thessaly, and to maintain the
Dem. de tranquillity of this country. Eudicus and Sino,
two citizens of Larissa, his creatures and cor.
rupted partisans, who possibly had fomented
these disorders on purpose to oblige their mas-
ter, were now the most earnest with him to
march into Thessaly, and to support his autho-
rity. At their request, and for their support, he
threw a body of soldiers into Larissa, to keep his
enemies in awe, under the pretence of sup-
Corona.
sect. 16.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
155
2, sect. 4.
pressing faction and sedition; while he was at SECT. I.
the same time employed in settling a plan of
government, in appearance intended to esta-
blish the peace of Thessaly, but, in reality,
calculated to put it for ever out of the power
of the people to give the least opposition to
the designs of Macedon. He took to himself
the charge of the public revenues, and di- Dem Phil.
rected the application of them: and then
divided the whole country into four districts,
in each of which he established a magistracy,
composed of ten eminent Thessalians, who Phil. 3
were absolutely devoted to him, and ready to
conduct and direct all affairs, as he should find
it convenient to prescribe. [A] The Thessa-
lians had ever appeared remarkably attached
to their national customs, and were always flat- Athen. 1.
tered by any conformity and deference which 14, p. 625.
foreigners might pay to these. Philip, the
better to secure their adherence, was deter-
mined to indulge this their vanity, and affected
to imitate their manners and customs, and to
shew every instance of respect to Thessaly. Ibid 1.6,
He had already two Thessalian mistresses. As
A
The
[4] The government which now Philip established in Thes-
saly, is called a government of ten in the second Philippic of
Demosthenes; and, in the third, a government of four.
manner in which I have here represented it, and which I have
borrowed from Olivier, seems to clear up this difficulty, without
obliging us to recur to the supposition of an error in the copies
of Demosthenes.
sect. 6
p. 260.
X 2
156
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
p. 259.
BOOK IV. they were fond of the pleasures of society, he
instituted public feasts, and honoured them
with his own presence. All the nobles of his
court were ordered to treat those of Thessaly
with all possible politeness and deference;
and he himself set the example. A Thessalian
called Agathocles, more noted for his jovial
course of life, than for any military abilities,
and who is said to have recommended himself,
by flattering and diverting the king, was en-
trusted with the command of one of his armies,
and conducted an expedition against the Per-
rhiboans. The Thessalians had ever been pre-
sanit, tu- tenders to wit, and sprightly sallies of fancy
and pleasantry, though without the least share
of true taste or delicacy. And this might
possibly have determined Philip to bestow a
small government, in Thessaly, on Thrasidæus,
a man whose genius recommended him to this
particular disposition of the Thessalians; but
whose merit, at the court of Macedon, is said
to be no other than the peculiar art and address
with which he flattered Philip.
Galen de
end. 1. 3.
Athen. 1.6,
249.
But while he thus laboured, by indirect
ways, to secure the affections of this country,
the more forcible and effectual methods of es-
Dem. Phil. tablishing his power and authority were not
3, sect. 7. omitted. He still continued to keep posses-
sion of Pheræ, of Echinus, Pagasa, Magnesia,
and Larissa, and purchased the town of An-
Phil. 4,
sect. 3.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
157
tron, whose citadel commanded the Euripus of SECT. I.
Chalcis.
p. 152.
Nor was he less attentive to enlarge his in- Oliv. 1. 11,
fluence and power in other parts. The Mega-
reans were a people, who, after various vicissi-
tudes of fortune, sometimes subjected to Athens,
sometimes to Lacedæmon, according to the dif-
ferent vicissitudes of power which these states
experienced, now lived independent, and pre-
served a most in veterate hatred of both. These
he determined, if possible, to gain over to his
party, and began, according to his usual cus-
tom, to practise secretly with the leading mem-
bers of the state. They had sent an ambas-
sador to Macedon, named Pteodorus, who re-
turned highly flattered by the respect and af- Dem. de
fection with which he had been received, and
absolutely devoted to Philip, as was the general
case of those who were sent in such characters
to the court of Macedon. At his return to
Megara, he found the people engaged in a
judicial process against one Perilaus, who was
accused of being corrupted by Philip. Pteo-
dorus, who was the most considerable member
of the state by his birth, riches, and interest,
undertook this man's defence, and prevailed
on the senate of three hundred to acquit him.
But, fearing some future attempts from those
who opposed the Macedonian interest, he dis-
patched Perilaus to Macedon, in order to con-
fal. Leg.
sect. 83.
158
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. cert the means of promoting the designs and
interests of Philip. A body of troops, secretly
in this prince's pay, was sent to Megara, and
admitted by the contrivance of Pteodorus, un-
der pretence of defending the city, and of
guarding it against all internal commotions.
By means of these, the partisans of Macedon
were enabled to command their fellow-citizens,
and to remove those who attempted to give
them any opposition. But whether it was that
Philip feared that too open and avowed an
attempt on the liberty of Megara might give
umbrage to the neighbouring states, or that
he thought himself sufficiently assured of the
affections of this people, these troops were soon
*Phil. 4, withdrawn; which gives Demosthenes* occa-
sion of representing his attempt on Megara as
unsuccessful.
sect. 3.
Phil. 3,
scct. 4.
Phil. 2,
sect. 14.
In Euboea his agents were as busily engaged
in concerting every means to weaken the Athe-
nian interest, and to reduce the island entirely
to the power of Macedon. Philistides, whom
Philip had placed at the head of affairs in
Oreum, was implicitly obedient to the dictates
of his master, and indefatigably industrious in
favouring and assisting his designs. All his
acts of government were calculated to establish
the power of Philip, to discountenance all op-
position, to intimidate and to oppress those
who affected a zeal for the independency of
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
159
the state, or who regarded the Athenian inte- SECT. I
rest as most favourable to their liberty. Eu-
phræus, a citizen of eminence, who had for
some time resided at Athens, and possibly had
there contracted strong prejudices in favour of
that state, set himself at the head of the oppo-
site party, and was ever inspiring his country-
men with suspicions of Philistides and his ad-
herents. As he had too much resolution to
sink under the discouragements of a powerful
opposition, or the weight of popular odium,
with which the artifices of his antagonists con-
trived to load him, he, at length, proceeded to
a formal impeachment of Philistides, and the
other leaders of the Macedonian party, whom
he accused of a traiterous design of subjecting
their country to a foreign power. But Philip's
agents were too politic, and too well supported,
to be shaken by his ineffectual efforts: they
were surrounded by a standing army, which
was maintained by Philip for their support;
they were assisted by the popular favour, which
every artifice had been exerted to obtain. And,
thus armed, they boldly retorted the accusation
of treason on Euphræus; they called him in-
cendiary, disturber of the public peace, and
rebellious enemy to the just measures of go-
verument; and this brave and honest citizen,
deserted by his friends, and insulted by the
blinded populace, was seized and committed
1
160
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. to prison: the partisans of Macedon were left
at full liberty to pursue their schemes, and all
their enemies terrified and confounded by this
remarkable instance of their vigour and severity.
Dem. de
But the most important object of Philip's
present attention was the state of Pelopon-
nesus, and the contests in that country. Athens
Pace, sect. had lately entered into a treaty of alliance with
Lacedæmon, as the only means now left to
guard against the increasing power of Mace-
5.
don. The Thebans, on the other hand, inso-
lent and arrogant in their present state of ex-
altation, and still cherishing an inveterate.
hatred and jealousy of their old rivals the La-
cedæmonians, were now eager in pursuit of
every means to mortify that people, and to re-
duce their power to the lowest ebb. The Ar-
gians, Messenians, and other Peloponnesians,
readily listened to the suggestions of Thebes;
were well inclined to renew their former con-
tests with Sparta; and impatient to assert their
Tour. Som- ancient freedom and independence. Philip,
now the great umpire in all the contests and
disputes of Greece, was solicited, and willingly
agreed to support the cause of these states;
and, as the defender of the oppressed, wrote an
haughty letter to Archidamus, in which he de-
manded that Lacedæmon should instantly re-
nounce all claim of superiority and jurisdiction
over those cities. He concluded his letter with
Phil. 2.
maire.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
161
de Garru
311.
a menace, inspired by a consciousness of his SECT. I.
present power :
"I shall find a way to oblige Plutarch.
you to pay the due attention to this just de- litate, p.
"mand, if once I enter into Peloponnesus."
To which Archidamus, as yet undismayed, an-
swered, with a brevity strictly laconic, by the
repetition of the single particle IF. [B]
The people of Athens had too great acute-
ness and penetration not to see through Philip's
real design in espousing the cause of the cities
in Peloponnesus, and fomenting the disorders
of this country: nor were his attempts in other
parts of Greece less alarming, or less manifest
indications of a restless and dangerous ambi-
[B] It had been the boast of Epaminondas, that he had com-
pelled the Spartans to extend their monosyllables. And this
people now seems to have particularly affected to convince the
pupil of Epaminondas, that they still retained this mark of their
ancient dignity. To a long and insulting letter, they answered
him by two words very capable of inspiring him with a lively
sense of the strange vicissitudes of fortune to which greatness
was subject: DIONYSIUS AT CORINTII. To another letter, de-
manding admission into their territory, they answered by a single
negative, expressed in the extremity of Spartan conciseness:
not by the particle Or, according to Plutarch, (in loc. cit.) but
by the letter O, which had at this time the force of the negative
particle, as Ausonius relates:
Una fuit tantum, qua respondere Lacones,
Lilera, et irato regi placuere negantes.
EPIST. XXV. 36.
In like manner, the answer, mentioned in the text seems to
have been expressed only by the letter E: which was pro-
nounced as the conditional Greek particle EI, as we learn from
Athenæus, 1. xi. p. 230.——See the commentary on the Sand-
wich marble, by the learned and accurate Doctor Taylor.
VOL. II.
Y
162
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. tion. Whilst he threatened the Lacedæmonians
with an invasion, he at the same time assumed
8. sect. 7.
the power of deciding the contests of some
Dem. Phil. other less distinguished states. The Achæaus
and Ætolians seem to have submitted a dispute
concerning the city of Naupactus, to his deter-
mination: the first of these he declared against;
promised to put the Etolians in possession of
the town; but, in the mean time, kept it in his
own hands. Leucas, a city of Archarnania,
and Ambracia in Epirus, both colonies of the
Corinthians, and, by their situation, of consi-
derable importance, were the next to feel the
terror of his arms: he first corrupted some of
their citizens, and then attacked them openly.
The people of Corinth, alarmed at the danger
with which their settlements were threatened,
and fired with indignation at the incessant
Conscrib. attempts of Macedon to extend its conquests,
347.348. began to prepare for war with a spirit ill suited
to their own weakness and the superiority of
their enemy.
The city became a scene of
general commotion; arms of all kinds were
forged; their walls and fortifications repaired;
and all provisions made for their own defence,
and for repelling their enemy; while Diogenes,
the Cynic philosopher, who then resided at
Corinth, and looked with a just contempt on
all this tumult, began, with a ridiculous affcc-
tation of hurry and engagement, to roll about
Lucian. de
Hist. p.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
163
his tub into different postures and situations,
that (as he observed) he might not be the only
persou unemployed in a city so full of business.
SECT. 1.
These attempts upon the Grecian cities, and
particularly Philip's practices in Peloponnesus,
were displayed with all possible address and
energy by the popular leaders at Athens, who
opposed the Macedonian interest. By their re-
presentations the people were inspired with a
violent fit of zeal and indignation; and an em- Dem. Phil.
bassy was now sent into Peloponnesus, as the 2, sect. 3.
first great means to check the ambitious designs Phil. 3
of Philip, in order, if possible, to detach the
Argians and Messenians from their connexions
with this subtle and designing prince. Demos-
thenes was at the head of this embassy; and
we may judge of the spirit and eloquence which
he exerted on this occasion, by the following
extract from his speech to the Messenians,
which is preserved in his second Philippic
oration :
sect. 15.
sect. 4.
"Ye Messenians! how highly think ye, Phil. 2,
"would the Olynthians have been offended, if
C
<<
any man had spoken against Philip at that
time, when he gave them up Anthemus, a
city which the former kings of Macedon had
ever claimed: when he drove out the Athe-
"nian colony, and gave them Potidea: when
he took all our resentment on himself, and
"left them to enjoy our dominions? Did they
CC
Y 2
164
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV
rr
expect to have suffered thus? Had it been
foretold, would they have believed it? You
"cannot think it! yet, after a short enjoyment
"of the territories of others, they have been
"for ever despoiled of their own, by this man.
Inglorious hath been their fall, not conquered
r
only, but betrayed and sold by one another.
"For those intimate correspondences with ty-
"rants ever portend mischief to free states.
"Turn your eyes to the Thessalians! think
cc
ye, that when he first expelled their tyrants,
"when he then gave them up Nicea and
"Magnesia, that they expected ever to have
"been subjected to those governors now im-
rr
posed on them? Or that the man, who re-
"stored them to their seat in the Amphictyonic
council, would have deprived them of their
"own proper revenues? Yet, that such was the
" event, the world can testify. In like man-
"ner you now behold Philip lavishing his gifts
"and promises upon you. If you are wise,
<<
you will pray that he may never appear to
"have deceived and abused you. Various are
"the contrivances for the defence and security
"of cities: as battlements, and walls, and
trenches, and every other kind of fortifica-
66
"6
tion: all which are the effects of labour, and
"attended with continual expence. But there
"is one common bulwark, with which men of
"prudence are naturally provided, the guard
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
165
and security of all people, particularly of SECT. I.
"free states, against the assaults of tyrants.
"What is this? Distrust. Of this be mindful:
"to this adhere: preserve this carefully, and
"no calamity can affect you. What is it you
"seek? Liberty? And do ye not perceive that
nothing can be more averse to this than the
very titles of Philip? Every monarch, every
tyrant, is an enemy to liberty, and the op-
# poser of laws. Will ye not then be careful,
"lest, while ye seek to be freed from war, ye
"find yourselves his slaves."
r
sect. 15.
sect. 3.
These negociations of the Athenians for
some time suspended the designs of Philip, if
we may believe Demosthenes,* saved Am-* Phil. 3,
bracia, and prevented his marching directly Phil. 2,
into Peloponnesus. It appears, however, that
he found means of sending in some forces for
the support of the Argians and Messenians,
who received them as their guardians and
deliverers; as the prospect of entirely shaking
off the severe yoke of Sparta, the flattering
assurances of Philip, and the zealous solicita-
tions of Thebes, had much more weight with
these people than the imaginary dangers which
Demosthenes, and the other ambassadors He-
gesippus, Lycurgus, and the rest, all eminent
popular leaders, now presented to their view.
Thus was Peloponnesus threatened with a
bloody war; and each party laboured vigo
168
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. rously to strengthen their interest, and to sup-
Tourr. port their cause. The Lacedæmonians in-
Puil. 2. stantly dispatched their deputies to Athens, to
Sommaire.
represent their danger, and to desire assis-
tance; and they were heard, with all possible
deference and favour, by a people who could
not look on with indifference, while the jealou-
sies and animosities of the Greeks, and the
ambition and artifice of Philip, were exciting
such commotions, as it were, on the very bor-
ders of their state. Yet, on the other hand,
Philip was too formidable for them to enter into
any rash measures. The peace lately con-
cluded must give any opposition to his arms
the appearance of perfidy, however necessary
for their safety: all the reasons which could
possibly be urged to deter them from any en-
gagements with Lacedæmon, were represented
in their full force by the ambassadors of Mace-
don, Thebes, Argos, and Messene, who also
now appeared in the assembly; Philip's minis-
ters called on them to adhere strictly to their
treaty; expatiated on the integrity and can-
dour of their master; obviated all the objec-
tions of deceit and breach of promise on his
part; and appealed to the terms of the treaty,
to which his conduct had been strictly con-
formable. If he had continued to adhere to
the interest of Thebes, no assurances made, no
engagements entered into by him, forbad such
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
167
attachment. If the Athenians had entertained SECT. I
unwarrantable expectations, their disappoint-
ment was only to be attributed to themselves
or to those ministers who have decived them,
and abused the king of Macedon by their mis-
representations.
maire.
The ambassadors of Thebes, Argos, and Tour. Som
Messene, inveighed loudly against the Athe- Phil. 2.
nians on account of the favour and support
which they had already granted to Lacedæ-
mon, under whose tyranny all their neighbours
groaned, who had long proved the scourge of
Greece, and who, notwithstanding the repeated
and successful efforts to reduce their power,
were still insolent and arrogant, and impatient
to make Greece feel the full severity of their
rigorous and arbitrary sway. The Athenians,
who called themselves the patrons and protec-
tors of liberty, surely could not, consistently
with their principles, oppose a reasonable at-
tempt to restore their natural and original
rights and liberties to a people oppressed and
harassed by a power supported but by violence,
and authorized by no right but that of supe-
rior force.
The ambassadors of Lacedæmon, on the Ibid.
other hand, aided by those public leaders, who
hated the ambition, and dreaded the vigour
and policy of Philip, endeavoured to lay open
to the people all the artifices of this intriguing
1
168
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
I
BOOK IV,
prince; the instances in which he had already
deceived those with whom he held the least in-
tercourse; and the dangers to be still dreaded
from a king who made dissimulation, perfidy,
and corruption, the instruments of his great-
ness; whose ambition was insatiable, and his
vigour indefatigable. A regard to justice, and
a tender concern for the happiness and inde-
pendence of others, have ever been his pre-
tences; but the vanity of such pretences never
were more apparent than in the present case.
If it be just and reasonable that every-single
city should enjoy an absolute freedom and
independence, why are the cities of Boeotia
given up entirely by Philip into the power of
Thebes? If Thebes may justly claim the ab-
Tour. Not. solute sovereignty of Boeotia, must not the
pretensions of Lacedæmon be tried by the
same rule of justice; and may not she, with
equal reason, assert her pretensions to the so-
vereignty of Peloponnesus. But, in truth, the
revenge and jealousy of Thebes, as well as
Philip's grand design of subjecting all Greece
to the power of Macedon, demands the imme-
diate ruin of Lacedæmon: that of Athens must
necessarily ensue: and nothing but a vigorous
resolution, on the part of this state, can pos-
sibly avert that desolation with which Greece
is now threatened by the insatiable and malig-
nant passions both of her secret and avowed
enemies.
Phil. 2,
sect. 3.
in Loc.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
169
}
There was now a noble field for the abilities SECT. I.
of Demosthenes; and these appear to have
been eminently exerted in that oration which
is commonly called the second Philippic. In
this address, the artifices and designs of Philip
are fully displayed; every motive to caution,
vigilance, and resolution, urged with due force;
the glory and dignity of Athens represented
with particular art and delicacy; and the cor-
ruption and perfidy of those, who had been
entrusted with the conduct of the late public
transactions, attacked with such warmth, as
could scarcely fail to inspire his hearers with
the most violent indignation and resentment.
It is not possible to make any extract from this
admirable piece: to give a just idea of it, it
would be necessary to insert it entire: nor is it
without reason that Olivier supposes, that it L. 11. p.
was to this oration particularly Philip gave
that honourable testimony mentioned in a life
[6
*
*
155.
10. Orat. in
of Demosthenes, compiled by Plutarch: "Had Plut. Vit.
"I been present to hear these spirited remon: Demost.
strances, I myself must have given my voice
"for declaring war against the king of Mace-
"don."
Nor were the Athenians insensible to the
force and energy of their public leader. De-
mosthenes was appointed to answer the ambas-
sadors. It was determined to support the cause
of Peloponnesus; and those who managed the
VOL. II.
2
*
1
170
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
falsa Leg.
sect. 38.
Ctes. sect.
30.
cial
BOOK IV. late treaty were exposed to all the resentment
Demost. de off an enraged and disappointed people. A judi-
process was commenced against Philocrates,
and managed with considerable zeal by Hype-
rides, the celebrated orator, who violently op-
posed the Macedonian party. Demosthenes, on
this occasion, warmly contended, that all the
other ambassadors had been equally guilty, and
should be involved in this prosecution. But
the people seemed contented with making one
Eschin, in victim to public justice; and Philocrates, who
justly dreaded the event of a trial, found it the
safest and best expedient to withdraw from
Athens. As Philip's partisans were now ap-
parently in the decline of their power, their
enemies determined to pursue their victory. A
formal accusation was also brought against
Æschines by one Timarchus, a citizen of emi-
nence, who had frequently been heard with
attention in the assembly. He had proposed
many decrees, and particularly that which made
it capital to supply Philip with arms or military
stores. But Æschines prevented him on this
occasion, and proved that Timarchus was un-
worthy to propose any thing to the people, as
he had justly merited infamy by his abandoned
and dissolute life: he was accordingly declared
unworthy of interfering in any matter of public
concernment. Thus did Eschines, for this
time, evade the general resentment, with a sort
Arg. ia
Eschin.
Grat. in
Timarch
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
171
of triumph over his enemies; while, at the SECT. I.
same time, he avoided all explanations of his
conduct.
While the Athenians were thus employed in
accusing, trying, and condemning or acquitting
those who had been entrusted with their affairs,
the usual consequence of weak and misguided
politics in a corrupted and disordered state,
Philip pursued the schemes of his ambition
with his accustomed vigour. He directed his
course towards Laconia, in order, as he pre-
tended, to support the liberty of the people of
Peloponnesus; and, without any interruption
from the Athenians, or from Sparta, which was
immediately threatened by his arms, landed his
forces at the cape of Tenarus. The Pelopon
nesians crowded to his standard with the
warmest zeal and acknowledgment of his
friendship; and thus he found himself at the
head of a numerous army, which threatened
destruction to all those who should presume to
oppose him. With these formidable powers
he marched forward, and began with forming
the siege of Trinasus.
3. c. 8. 1.
This place was by its situation strong, and Frontin. 1.
well provided for an obstinate and vigorous
resistance. It was of the utmost moment to
make himself master of it, before the Lacedæ-
monians could have time to collect their forces
and march to its relief; and for this purpose he
Z 2
174
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. had now recourse to a stratagem. In the night
he caused a large quantity of earth to be laid
at a small distance from the walls: and, having
engaged the besieged in an interview, he
shewed them the heap, and asked whether
they could now think of resistance any longer
His artifice succeeded: the inhabitants, ima
gining that their town was now undermined
immediately resolved on a capitulation.
Nat. 1. 2.
c. 36.
The first accounts of Philip's invasion had
raised a considerable commotion in Lacedæ-
mon; and the taking of Trinasus added greatly
to the general consternation which now spread
through that state, and all its allied powers.
Plin. Hist. An extraordinary meteor appeared in the air;
and, for several days, the heavens assumed an
horrid dusky redness. This accident was re-
ceived by the people, at this critical time, as an
ominous warning of that destruction which
seemed just impending. A young Spartan,
who appeared unmoved amidst the general
terror, was asked with surprise, whether he did
not really fear Philip? Why should I fear
4. c. 5. 12. .. him," cried the gallant youth, "he cannot
hinder us from dying for our country.”
Frontin. 1.
<<
CC
While most of the adjacent states and cities
of Peloponnesus declared for Philip, the Lace-
dæmonians found themselves abandoned by
their allies, and utterly unable to support the
quarrel by the force of arms. They were there-
J
1
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
173
Apophth,
fore obliged to make Philip himself the arbiter SECT. 1.
of their dispute; and Agis, the son of king
Archidamus, was sent as an ambassador to con-
clude a treaty with the king of Macedon, on
such terms as he should prescribe. The Spar-
tan prince, agreeably to the simplicity of his
country, appeared, on this occasion, totally
unattended; and when Philip thus expressed Plutarch.
his surprise, "What! have the Spartans sent Lac.
"but one?" "Am not I to meet one?" said
Agis, with a true Laconic pride. The king of
Macedon seems to have been mortified with
the boldness of this answer, and to have forgot
his usual politeness in this interview., “I shall bid.
"take care," said he, with a good degree of
heat, "to prevent the Spartans from setting
"foot in any part of Greece." "It is well!"
returned Agis. We have a country of our
"own, and can live there."
After some altercation and remonstrances,
these princes proceeded to settle the boun-
daries between Lacedæmon and Argos, in which
all matters were adjusted in the manner most
favourable to this latter state. Messene was
declared a free state. The inhabitants were strabo. 1.
established in their old habitations, and con- 3. p 361,
firmed in all the privileges they had enjoyed,
and all the lands they had possessed, when they
were conquered by Lacedæmon, three hundred
and thirty-five years before. Antiochus, one of
174
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
raid.
BOOK IV. the ephori who signed this treaty, could not
contain himself from observing, "that Philip
"had indeed given these lands to the Messe-
nians, but had not, at the same time, given
"the means of defending them." But, to this
end, Philip, having formed a confederacy with
the states that had attended him, obliged them
to give him securities for the execution of all
the terms of their treaty; and, on his part, en-
gaged to afford them the necessary assistance
on all occasions. And, the more effectually to
secure the continuance of those dispositious
which he had now made, he took care to place,
at the head of all the allied cities, a number of
men entirely devoted to his interest. [c] Thus
reducing them, in reality, to an absolute de-
pendence on Macedon, at the same time that
he affected a most disinterested regard to their
liberties. These were the artifices and pre-
Dem. de
Coron.
sect. 91.
[c] The names of many of these Demosthenes hath preserved
in his oration on the Crown; and branded them as the betrayers
of their countries, and the pests of Greece. Polybius indeed
(in Excerpt.) endeavours to rescue the memory of these men
from infamy, possibly from regard to Megalopolis, his native
city. This historian insists, that, in their attachment to Philip,
they were influenced only by a true regard to the freedom of
their states, and a just aversion to the tyranny of Sparta. But
it was a thing well known in Greece, and which was transmitted
down even to the time of Pausanias, that when Philip made his
attempts on the liberties of Greece, Sparta was the only state
which proved inaccessible to his gold, and incapable of
corruption.
PAUSAN. in Achaicis.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
175
tences which the leading powers of Greece had SECT. I.
employed to establish their own interest, and
to depress their neighbours and rivals; these
first divided, weakened, and corrupted the
Greeks; and now their own unreasonable am-
bition encouraged, enabled, and taught their
common enemy the means to gain an influence
in Greece, and to establish his power on their
general ruin.
[D] Philip now returned, and passed through
Arcadia, in order to detach some cities that had
not yet declared themselves from the interest of
Lacedæmon. He was so far successful, that
he, for a time, engaged them to his party. And
many of those cities erected statues, and de-
creed crowns of gold, to their deliverer. In
the days of Pausanias, they pointed out a piece
of ground in Arcadia adjoining to a fountain Arcad.
which was called Philip's camp, and which,
possibly, had been applied to that purpose at
this time.
From Arcadia, he proceeded to Corinth, and
lodged at the house of Demaratus, a man de.
[D] This invasion of Peloponnesus, together with the parti-
culars which have been here related, the French writer places
much earlier, in the one hundred and seventh Olympiad. But
I could not think it safe to follow his authority, as the reader,
who will take the trouble of turning to Demosthenes, de falsa
Leg. sect. 29, and Phil. 2, sect. 7, will find it expressly asserted,
that Philip never did nor could enter Peloponnesus, until he
became master of Thermopylæ.
Pausan. in
¡
176
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
in Apophth
BOOK IV. voted to his service, and who owed to Philip
Plutarch. his influence in that city. Public games and
spectacles were, at this time, celebrated at Co-
rinth, where numbers of the Peloponnesians
were collected. At these games Philip ap-
peared; and the people, who found themselves
now governed by his creatures, and, by this
time, had many just reasons to suspect the sin-
cerity of his intentions, received him with loud
expressions of disgust. His courtiers, earnest
in their zeal for the honour of their master,
pressed him to punish those insolent men who
made such ungrateful returns to his good
offices. But Philip well knew when to dis-
semble and pass over such affronts unnoticed.
Ibid.
te
(c
By no means," said he, "if they are so in-
"solent now, how would they behave, should
we do them any ill offices?" Thus we find
that this prince, according to the expression of
Theopompus, which Longinus hath preserved,
could, with ease, swallow injuries and affronts.
His policy supplied the place of true meekness;
or, which is the same, true greatness of mind.
He heard, with an affected unconcern, of those
opprobrious invectives which were sometimes
dealt to him in the Athenian assembly. "I
"am much indebted," said he, "to those ora-
"tors who make me acquainted with my
"faults." Instead of punishing his revilers,
when they were absolutely in his power, he
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
177
wisely chose to gain them by good offices. SECT. I.
"Hath Nicanor spoken evil of me?" said he: Plutarch.
perhaps he hath reason. I have neglected
re
"his merit: let him have some mark of my
CV
friendship." This had the duc effect: the
Macedonian changed his language; and the
king observed to those who recommended se-
verities, " You see, it is in our own power to
"be well or ill spoken of.”
In Apoph.
in Vit.
At his return to Macedon, the education of
his young son Alexander became the imme-
diate object of his regard. The prince had,
from his infancy, discovered a remarkable
nobleness and greatness of sentiment, and a
genius susceptible of the highest improvements
and accomplishments. He was the apparent
heir to the kingdom, the power, and the fame
of his illustrious father. The philosopher Plutarch.
Aristotle was therefore invited to the court of Alex.
Macedon, and to him was committed the im-
portant charge of superintending the education
of this prince, "that he may be taught," said Plutarch.
Philip, "to avoid those errors which I have
cominitted, and of which I now repent." To
engage him more effectually in a faithful and
diligent discharge of this great trust, Philip
loaded Aristotle with favours worthy the gene-
rosity of the king, and the merit of the philo-
sopher. He caused Stagira, the city which Plut. in
gave birth to Aristotle, and which had shared
VOL, IN
2 A
in Apoph
Vit. Alex
178
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
p. 160.
BOOK IV. the common fate of the Olynthian territories,
to be rebuilt, and the inhabitants, who were
now slaves or fugitives, to be restored to their
original settlements and privileges; and there
set apart a spacious park, laid out into shady
walks, and ornamented with statues and seats
of marble, for the use of the Peripatetic sages,
who were there at full liberty to pursue those
exercises which gave the title to their sect.
Oliv. 1. 11. History has thought it worthy to transmit to us
an account of all the persons concerned in the
nurture and education of this prince. Hella-
nica, the nurse of Alexander, hath not been
forgotten, the sister of Clitus, a woman to whom
the grateful prince shewed the utmost atten-
tion in the midst of all his conquests. A gover-
nor, named Leonidas, had ever attended him;
a man naturally austere, but virtuous and
brave; rigidly scrupulous, and careful of the
most minute particulars relating to his charge.
Nothing superfluous, nothing that administered
to vanity or luxury, was ever suffered to ap-
proach the prince's apartment by this exact
inspector. In some religious rite, Alexander
was observed by Leonidas to make use of more
incense than seemed necessary on the occasion,
and told, with some severity, that it would
"be time enough to be thus lavish of perfumes,
"when he was master of the country that pro-
"duced them;" which occasioned the prince,
Plut. in
Alex.
Ibid.
r
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
179
when he had afterwards conquered Arabia, SECT. I
to send Leonidas a large quantity of these
perfumes, "to engage him," (as he said) to
make his offerings to the gods with a more
liberal hand.” He had another governor,
Lysimachus of Acharnania, who seems to have
been recommended by his age and attachment
to his pupil. He called Alexander Achilles,
Philip Peleus, and himself Phoenix. This flat-
tering application recommended and endeared
him to the king of Macedon, who had that pa-
ternal tenderness which made him feel a sen-
sible delight in all presages that seemed to
promise that his son should surpass him in the
glory of his actions. Aristotle, on his part,
laboured to improve and adorn the mind of
Alexander with every kind of knowledge suit-
able to a prince. That logic, for which his Isocrat.
sect was famous, was neither wholly neglected, Alex.
nor minutely inculcated. What the philoso-
pher more insisted on, was to give the prince a
perfect knowledge of the human mind, to ex-
plain all the objects which affect it, and the
motives by which it is determined. The three Oliv. 1. 11,
books of Rhetoric, which he afterwards dedi-
cated to Alexander, were an abridgment of
those lectures on Eloquence, which he had
given to the prince, to complete him in that
branch of knowledge, of which he had already
received the rudiments from Anaximenes of
Lit. ad
p.
162.
2A2
180
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. Lampsacus. Thus the first care of his teachers,
was to form this prince to speak with grace,
propriety, and force. Nor is it probable, that
they had less attention to teach him an equal
propriety of action and conduct in the elevated
station in which he was at some time to appear.
But those studies, which might inspire him with
great and exalted ideas of glory and heroism,
seem to have been the particular delight of
Alexander, if we may judge from that remark-
able veneration which he ever expressed for the
works of Homer.
Oliv. 1. 11,
P. 162.
Plut, in
Alex.
Oliv. 1, II.
p. 163.
As Aristotle was the son of a physician,
doubtless, a natural partiality in favour of the
art determined him, saith Olivier, to give his
pupil an extensive knowledge in medicine. If
it be allowed to indulge conjectures, he might
be supposed to have taken the hint from Lysi-
machus, and to have flattered his pupil, by
imitating the education of Achilles, and ap-
pearing in a character similar to that of Chiron,
But the deference due to the judgment of
Milton, who, in his tractate on Education, re-
commends this branch of knowledge as of
great use to military men, should induce us to
conclude, that the philosopher was directed
by the just rules of reason and good sense, in
teaching his pupil the means of preserving the
health of those numbers, who might hereafter
march under his guidance and command. The
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
181
I
}
prince seems to have received these his in- SECT. I.
structions with pleasure: he afterwards wrote
several directions and receipts for the use of
his sick friends; and, possibly, the opinion
of his own skill determined him to cause the
physicians of Hephæstion to be hanged, who,
might not have treated his favourite according
to those rules in which he had been instructed.
We may presume, that mathematics were not
neglected by Aristotle; though we learn from
Seneca,* that Alexander studied geometry * Epist. 91.
without any great success. But another
branch of literature, which the philosopher Plut. in
seems to have inculcated with particular atten-
tion, was the knowledge of being, considered
in itself, and of intelligent substances. And
how greatly his pupil valued himself on this
knowledge, may appear from the following
letter, occasioned by Aristotle's publishing a
treatise of these metaphysical disquisitions:
"ALEXANDER, to ARISTOTLE, health!
"You have by no means acted rightly in
publishing those treatises of knowledge, to
"be communicated only to particular hearers.
How shall I excel others, if those things,
which I have been taught, be now divulged
to the world? I am ever better pleased to
<C
(
appear superior to the rest of mankind, in
Alex.
Ibid,
182
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. the knowledge of excellent things, than in
Plut. in
Alex.
Oliv. 1. 11.
p. 161.
66
power. Farewell!"
The answer of the philosopher, on this occa-
sion, is well known, that these disquisitions
CC
were published, and not published; being
"written in such a manner as to be still totally
(6
inaccessible to the vulgar." And, if we may
judge by those metaphysical works, which have
been transmitted to us as the works of Aristotle.
the prince's complaint was ill-founded, and the
philosopher's answer extremely just.
The greatness of mind which now began to
dawn in this young hero, the attention and
assiduity with which he received all instruction
and improvement, and his general loveliness
of manners, the effect of a natural good dispo-
sition, aided and enlivened by an exact and
well conducted education, now began to be a
subject of praise and admiration in all the po-
lished and refined states. The venerable Iso-
crates, who prided himself in that regard with
which he was ever honoured by Philip, received
such accounts with the joy natural to a man of
his years and disposition; and, about this time,
wrote a letter to Alexander, conceived in the
following terms :
CC
ISOCRATES, to ALEXANDER, health!"
As I have addressed a letter to your father,
!
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
183
66
" and as you are resident in the same place, I SECT. 1.
"should have condemned myself of the utmost
impropriety, had I neglected thus to express
myself to you, and, by this means, to con-
"vince those who are unacquainted with me,
"that my age hath not yet reduced me to a
"state of perfect dotage; but that the remains
"of genius, which I still possess, are not un-
worthy of those powers, with which my former
years were favoured. I am assured, from the
"concurring testimony of all men, of that affec-
"tion which you have ever expressed to man-
"kind, of your particular regard to Athens, of
your love to learning, and of that prudence
"and justness of sentiment which appear in all
your conduct. I have a strong proof of this
"in the accounts which I receive of
your deli-
cacy in the choice of those Athenians who are
"admitted to your confidence; who are not
"of the number of those who blindly abandon
"themselves to wicked pursuits: but men,
"whose conversation cannot offend, and whose
society can neither prove injurious to you nor
"
(C
66
prompt you to act injuriously to others: men
"with whom the wise must ever chuse to asso-
"ciate. It is said, that, among the various
"branches of learning, you do not intirely re-
"ject that which is conversant about disputa-
"tion. This you esteem as advantageous in
private life, but not so well fitted to those who
CC
1
184
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
<<
BOOK IV. " are to govern societies, and born to kingly
power as it is neither convenient nor decent
for men of elevated minds to engage in con-
66
troversy with their subjects, or to suffer them
"in the violence of dispute to forget the differ-
"ence of their stations. This kind of learn-
"ing, therefore, you do not passionately ad-
rr
mire, but have rather chosen to devote your
"chief attention to the study of eloquence;
"A study, whose high importance we expe-
"rience daily in all our public transactions,
"and which enables us to deliberate on all
"affairs of state: by which you too have dis-
"covered no inconsiderable share of wisdom,
" in directing and prescribing to your subjects,
"in judging of what is truly noble and equi-
table, and what is contrary to these, aud in
dispensing punishments and rewards, accord-
ing to those unerring rules derived from this
important knowledge. These studies prove
your true discernment, and give the most
"favourable assurance both to your father and
"to others, that, by a due perseverance in
"such laudable pursuits, at a maturer time of
"life, you will arrive at the same distinguished
"eminence in true wisdom, which your father
confessedly enjoys at present."
k
cc
¿C
CC
CC
About this time Philip, was obliged to quit
his kingdom and march into Thrace, where
the struggles between the Athenian and Mace-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
185
1. 16, sect.
+ Olymp.
donian interest had raised new commotions. SECT. I.
Cersobleptes, as hath been already observed,
was obliged to divest himself of the sove-
reiguty, and to give up his son to Philip as an
hostage. And there is reason to conclude, that
he himself was forced to commit himself into
the hands of Philip, and to submit implicitly
to his disposal; yet Diodorus* makes him ap- * Diod. Sic.
pear in this year at the head of an army, 71.
prepared to defend himself against the Mace- 109, Y. 2.
donian; from whence we are to conclude, that
he found the means of resuming his dominions.
Possibly Diodorus may have been mistaken in
the precise time in which Cersobleptes was
made a prisoner; but, however this may be, it
is yet certain that Philip made a campaign in
Thrace in the eighteenth year of his reign.
His arrival spread a general terror through the
country. As the inhabitants did not dare to
wait his approach in a body, they separated
their forces, which obliged him, on his part, to
dispose his troops in such a manner, as that
they might act in several places; so that he
gained various advantages at the same time.
Deudras and Machetas, two brothers, who Paul. Oros.
had succeeded as joint heirs to the sovereignty
of their father, at first united their forces, and
determined to oppose the king of Macedon.
But this union did not last for any considerable
time; they soon began to quarrel among them-
VOL. II.
2 B
Val. Max.
:
186
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. selves, and were at length obliged to submit
their contests to Philip, and to constitute him
their umpire; who soon decided their quarrels,
by reducing them both equally to a state of
Athen. 1. dependence on his pleasure; and is said to
have taken their sister into the number of his
concubines.
13, p. 557.
Plut.
Apophth.
Machetas afterwards followed him to the
court of Macedon. And here he was the occa-
sion of displaying Philip's greatness of mind,
in submitting to just censure, and generously
acknowledging and correcting his own errors.
Machetas had a judicial controversy which
Philip heard at a time when he had indulged
too far in jollity and revelling. His judgment
being blinded and weakened by excess, his
decision was manifestly capricious and unjust.
Machetas, with that vexation which the con-
sciousness of the integrity of his cause, thus
despised and injured, must naturally have raised,
boldly urged his wrongs: "I appeal," said he.
"What!" replied Philip, "from your king?
"Where is that power to whom you can ap-
"C
peal?" "I appeal," returned Machetas,
"from Philip flustered with wine, to Philip
"cool and temperate." The boldness of this
remonstrance set the king's levity and injustice
all full in his view; he re-heard the cause the
next day, and although he would not reverse
his former sentence, he made Machetas full
I
·
T
X
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
187
amends for the injury he had received by his SECT. I.
precipitation.
•
13. p. 557.
From reducing these two princes, Philip Athena. 1.
proceeded to invade the dominions of Cithelas,
another petty sovereign of Thrace. But, as
this prince was too inconsiderable to give him
any effectual opposition, a peace was soon con-
cluded; and the sister of Cithelas, a woman of
remarkable beauty, given up to Philip, in
order to preserve a shadow of sovereignty to
her brother. To secure the attachment of all
those districts, which he thus subdued, Philip
chose the most advantageous situations, where
he erected forts; and these he garrisoned with Diod. Sic.
Macedonians. The people were obliged to 71.
pay him a tribute, which amounted to a tenth
part of their revenue, while his soldiers awed,
oppressed, and harassed them. [E
J
[E] Some few of Philip's actions in Thrace, of less moment,
are mentioned in Frontinus, Polyænus, and some other writers,
which the author chuses to pass over in silence, as he finds it
impossible to connect them with the history, or to ascertain
their dates. Among these is the conquest of Abdera, which
the French writer fixes to this period.-At one time when
Philip had sailed on an expedition to this city and its neigh-
bourhood, he found occasion for his artifice, in order to avoid an
engagement with Chares, the Athenian admiral.
This com
mander was stationed with twenty ships in the Strymonic bay,
near the city of Neapolis, ready to attack the Macedonian fleet
at its return. Philip chose out four of his best sailing vessels,
which he ordered to cruize in view of the Athenians. Chares
was tempted out to pursue these with all his force; and, while
he suffered himself to be engaged in a fruitless chace, the Mace-
donians passed by unmolested.
POLY.EN. 1. 4, c. 2, str. 22.
1. 16, sect.
262
188
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV.
Haloneso.
From Thrace Philip passed into the Cherso-
Orat, de nesus, whither he was invited by the people of
Cardia, who, when the rest of that peninsula
was given up to Athens, refused to acknowledge
the jurisdiction of that state; and, encouraged
by the assurances of assistance which they re-
ceived from Macedon, asserted their indepen-
dency, and either sought, or were necessarily
involved in, various contests about their boun-
daries [F] with the Athenian colony which was
now settled in Chersonesus.
Plut. in
Vita
Eumenis.
Philip appeared, and declared his intentions
of assisting his allies the Cardians, and sup-
porting them in their just pretensions. In this
city he resided for a while, and, at some times,
was a spectator of those public exercises in
which the youth of Cardia were engaged. On
one of these occasions, he is said to have taken
particular notice of one young man, who dis-
tinguished himself among his fellows by his
agility and strength of body. When the
games
were concluded, he engaged in discourse with
·
[F] These boundaries were said to be distinctly marked out
by an altar sacred to Jupiter, whose situation is described in the
oration on the Halonesus; and here Philip (among other flat-
tering assurances which he lavished on the Greeks, while the
late treaty was depending) promised to cut through the isthmus,
at his own expence, for the convenience and security of com-
merce, which was frequently interrupted by the length of time
required in doubling mount Athos, and sailing round the Cher-
sonesus, or by contrary winds.
DEM. PHIL. 2. sect. 6.
PHILIP, 189
>
KING OF MACEDON.
him, and soon found that he was endowed with SECT. I.
qualities infinitely superior to those which he
had just displayed. He learned, with joy, that
this extraordinary youth was the son of a man
to whom he had been intimately and affec
tionately attached; he immediately invited him
to his court, and placed him about the young
prince Alexander, whom he afterwards served
in the quality of a secretary.
This was that Eumenes, one of the succes-
sors of Alexander, whose genius and abilities
were confessedly superior to all the others.
Penetration and acuteness, elevation of thought.
and rectitude of intention, firmness, eloquence,
and affability, were all united in Eumenes.
He was distinguished from all the other chiefs,
by his attachment to his master's family, and
by a disinterestedness which was beyond ex- Plut. in
ample. But he fell by the treachery of his
own soldiers, who basely delivered up their
general in chains into the hands of his mortal
enemy; so totally had luxury and wanton
prosperity debauched their minds, and oblite-
rated all sense of duty.
Eumen.
109. Y.3.
1. 16. sect.
While Philip was thus engaged in the affairs Olymp
of Thrace, he received an account of the death
of Arymbas, king of Epirus, and uncle to Olym- Diod. Sic.
pias. This prince left a son named acides 72.
who was father to Pyrrhus. But Philip exerted
his influence and power in favour of his bro-
1
190
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. ther-in-law, and engaged the nobility of Epirus
to place Alexander, the son of Neoptolemus,
on the throne, and to acknowledge him as
rightful successor. If Neoptolemus and Arym-
bas had been in joint possession of the throne,
a form of government which Aristotle, in his
Politics, mentions to have been established at
Epirus, then Alexander had a right to his share
of the sovereignty, and Philip must have been
guilty of a very inequitable partiality in ex-
tending his power to the prejudice of the other
family. But it is unaccountable why the ab-
Justin, 1. 8. breviator of Trogus should so far distort the
history of these transactions, as to suppose that
Philip, after having acknowledged Arymbas as
sovereign of Epirus, proceeded afterwards to
dethrone him, and to substitute the brother of
Olympias in his room: for Arymbas certainly
died in peaceable possession of the kingdom,
after a reign of ten years, as Diodorus * ex-
'pressly asserts.
c. 6.
* L. 16.
sect. 72.
!
This injustice of that author may induce us
to suspect the truth of what he has advanced
of the connexions between Philip and his bro-
ther-in-law. This Alexander was then but
twenty years old. He had learned, at the
court of Philip, all that could form a great
king and an able general; and Philip, who
seems to have had a sincere friendship for him,
added to the crown of Epirus a present of four
(
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
191
cities, which are mentioned in the oration in- SECT. I.
titled, On the Halonesus, and said to be Elean
colonies, which possibly Philip might have
given away with the consent of Elis, where
his power and influence were in effect absolute.
The conduct of this prince seems to have done
no dishonour to Philip's friendship. In the
beginning of his reign, he found himself ob-
liged to maintain a war against the Illyriaus,
whom he subdued by a stratagem, which seems
to have been copied from the artful and subtle
king of Macedon. The Illyrians expected Frontin. 1.
a reinforcement, of whose number Alexander strat. 10.
was informed. He armed an equal body of
Epirotes, after the Illyrian manner; and, to
prevent all suspicion of deceit, ordered themn
to ravage and lay waste his own territories.
The Illyrians, deceived by this appearance,
marched in full confidence to join these pre-
tended succours; and, in an instant, were
surprised, attacked, and cut to pieces.
This prince died afterwards in Italy, where
he met with more resistance than his nephew
found in Persia. He conquered the Brutii, the
Lucani, and even the Samnites (whose valour
had so often exercised the Romans), and after-
wards made a peace with the Romans; incer-
tum qua fide culturus, saith the historian Livy,*.
si cætera processissent.
But to return to Philip; his Thracian con-
2. c. 5.
* L. S. c. 17.
192
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. quests inflamed the jealousy of the Athenians;
Dem. de
Chers. sect.
0.
and the disputes in the Chersonesus afforded
them a pretence for venting their dissatisfac-
tion. Ever ready to oppose the interests of
Philip, when this might be effected by negocia-
tion, and now favoured by the opportunity of
his absence, they dispatched ambassadors to the
Grecian states, to endeavour to inspire those
who united with Philip and accepted of his
protection, and those who still wavered, with
suspicions of this prince's sincerity, and appre-
hensions of his enterprising and boundless
ambition. All their old complaints, and all
the late causes of dissatisfaction, were, on this
occasion, urged with the utmost force and ve-
hemence. His injustice in wresting Potidæa
from the Athenians; his insincere and even
treacherous conduct in relation to Amphipolis;
the instances of his deceit in all the transac-
tions relative to the late treaty: his keeping
Epist. Phil possession of Halonesus (an island, which one
Sostratus, a pirate, had some time since taken
from them, and which Philip, having driven
out this pirate, now claimed as his property) in
defiance of the just pretensions and acknow-
ledged right of Athens; the hardships and op-
pressions under which the Athenian colony in
the Chersonesus now laboured, and his partial
support of the Cardians in their unjust de-
mands; the fate of those people whom he had
ļ
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
193
subverted and destroyed, were recalled to SECT. I.
view; all his insidious favours and promises;
all the various artifices by which he had at first
gained the confidence of these people to their
own undoing; in a word, every representation
that could possibly raise distrust and indigna-
ion, was now made to the Grecians with all
the force and address of the most eminent
orators and statesmen of Athens. Every state
was separately exhorted to unite against a
prince, who was really their common enemy,
whatever appearance he assumed, or whatever
sentiments he expressed. The Athenians, on
their part, (the ministers declared) were ready
to unite with their brethren and friends, and
to exert that zeal against the aspiring Mace-
donian, which they had ever discovered for the
defence of liberty and the glorious cause of
Greece.
These practices of the Athenians could not
possibly be regarded by Philip with indifference.
His successes had gradually elevated his views,
and the great design which he had now formed
of marching into Asia at the head of all the
Greeks, plainly required that he should, if pos-
sible, calm all jealousies and suspicions in the
Athenians; or, at least, prevent them from
alienating the affections of the other states,
and detaching them from their connexions with
Macedon.
VOL. IN
194
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
}
BOOK IV.
Haloneso.
12. p. 550.
Dem. de
Coron.
sect. 43.
For this purpose, he had, some time since,
Orat. de when complaints arose of his infractions of the
treaty, dispatched Python the Byzantine to
Athens, to calm the jealousies of that state,
and to obviate all objections to the sincerity
and integrity of his conduct. This emissary
was well fitted to influence popular assemblies.
Athen. 1. His manner of address was suited to his corpu-
lence and bulk; loud, bold, and forcible, with
that passionate vehemence which seems to arise
from conviction and sincerity, though it be fre-
quently but the effect of an heated imagination,
or a particular violence of temper and consti-
tution; and sometimes no more than artifice
and disguise. Whatever impressions his re-
monstrances might have made, Philip now
found it expedient to address a letter to the
Athenians, in which he repeated all the apo-
logies that his conduct admitted of, and en-
deavoured to possess the Athenians in particu-
lar, and the Greeks in general, to whom his
letter could not be long a secret, with a fa-
vourable opinion of the candour and integrity
of his intentions. This letter, among other
pieces of the same kind, which might have
done honour to the abilities of the king of Ma-
cedon, is unhappily lost to posterity; but the
principal articles of it are preserved in that
oration which we find among the remains of
Demosthenes, intitled, on the Halonesus, and
1
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
195
which is generally supposed to be the work of SECT. I.
the orator Hegesippus.
He began with mentioning their complaints
with relation to the island of Halonesus; which
(as he alledged) he fairly won from the pirates
who had settled there, and which he was ready
to give up freely to the Athenians; and to sub-
init all other contests about the islands to a fair
and equitable arbitration. The second article
relates to some disputes between the merchants
of each country, of which we have but obscure
hints. In the next place, he called on the Athe-
nians to concur with him in suppressing piracy,
and clearing the seas from all obstructions
to commerce. In the late treaty, he observed,
there was an article inserted, which the Athe-
nian ministers had not mentioned to the people,
that each party should keep what they were
then in possession of: and that, by virtue of
this article, the Athenians had no further claim
to Amphipolis. Another clause, he observed,
had been added to the treaty, that the Grecian
states, which were not comprised in it, should
continue free and unmolested; and, in case of
any attack, should be protected by those who
had engaged in the treaty; and to this, he in-
sisted, he had readily subscribed. As to any
breach of promise, he appealed to the terms of
their treaty, which must demonstrate, that he
had entered into no such engagements as the
202
196
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. Athenians imputed to him. As to the acquisi-
tions made by his arms since the peace, the
equity of such proceedings he offered to submit
to umpires. He put them in mind, that all the
Athenian prisoners had been given up; and
concluded with declaring, that all disputes be-
tween the Cardians and the Athenian colony
in the Chersonesus, should be decided by an
arbitration; and that the Cardians were ready
to submit to such decision. And, while he
thus endeavoured to set his conduct in the
fairest point of view, he remonstrated against
the insolence of the Athenian orators, and
called on the people to guard against their
insidious and malicious representations.
A
In the above-mentioned oration, all these
several articles are particularly discussed. The
speaker, among other particulars, insists, that
the Athenians could not, consistently with their
honour, accept of Halonesus as a free gift, but
should resume it as restored to the lawful pro-
prietors. The method of arbitration he repre-
sents as shameful and dangerous; asserts the
dignity of Athens, and speaks with contempt of
Macedon and Philip. His pretence of sup-
pressing piracy, he represents as a design to
gain the sovereignty of the seas. He reminds
his hearers of the letter in which Philip ac-
knowledged their right to Amphipolis, when he
formerly laid siege to it. His attempts to clear
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
197
up all objections to his sincerity, all suspicions SECT.
of breach of promise, he treats with contempt.
Instead of leaving the Grecian cities free, he
observes, that he had delivered up three cities
in the Cassiopea (Pandosia, Buceta, and Elatia,
the property of the Eleans) to Alexander of
Epirus; instead of delivering up their prisoners,
he had even refused them the body of one of
their hosts and agents who had died in Mace-
don, and which they had demanded by three
different deputations. He concludes, with re-
presenting Philip's injustice and oppression of
the Athenian colony in the Chersonesus; and
insists, that it is an insult to the Athenians to
propose an arbitration, and to engage that the
Cardians should be determined by it, as if
Athens could not, by force of arms, reduce that
turbulent people within the bounds of reason
and equity.
I.
in Orat. de
The author of this oration takes notice of
his having gone on an embassy to Macedon,
in order to explain and amend the articles of
the late treaty. He also mentions his having Liban. Arg
brought an accusation against one Callipus, Halon.
who, by a decree which he proposed, acknow-
ledged and favoured the pretensions of the
Cardians. Both which circumstances agree to
Hegesippus, and have induced the critics and
commentators to ascribe this performance to
that orator. It is certain, that Demosthenes
198
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
Ctes. sect.
30.
BOOK IV. also spoke on this occasion. He insisted on
Æschiu, in the distinction between accepting and resuming
the Halonesus: he declared violently against
an arbitration (as we are informed by Eschi-
nes): because no impartial mediating state,
could be found (as he asserted) so totally were
the minds of all men corrupted by the Mace-
donian. The character of his ambassadors he
treated with great freedom, and declared, that
they were no other than spies: ueither of
which latter circumstances are found in the
oration above-mentioned, which, it may be at
least affirmed, doth not appear well calculated
to produce any considerable effect. Something
more violent, forcible, and pathetic, seems to
have been demanded by the occasion, by the
abilities of Philip, and the natural temper of
the Athenians. But, whatever may have been
the reason, whether the strength of their repre-
sentations who opposed the Macedonian, or
the present dispositions of the Athenians, the
deputies, who presented Philip's letter, were
dismissed without any satisfactory answer.
By the reception which these deputies now
found at Athens, and the eagerness with which
the people listened to the popular leaders who
opposed the Macedonian interest, it appeared
plainly, that the influence of Philip's partisans
was declining in this state. This was then a
favourable time for bringing the conduct of
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
199.
those who had contributed to deceive the peo- SECT. I.
ple, and had favoured the designs of the king
of Macedon, to a judicial examination: and,
accordingly, Demosthenes chose this oppor-
tunity of preferring an accusation against s-
chines, for fraud and corruption in his late con-
duct of the treaty; which occasioned the two
orations on the subject of their Embassy, wor-
thy the reputation of these rival orators; and
second only to those pronounced in the cause
of Ctesiphon.
:
The oration of Demosthenes for Ctesiphon our. 1. 11,
is superior to that of Eschines, even in the P. 188.
judgment of Eschines himself. But this doth
not seem to be the case in the orations on the
Embassy. That of Eschines appears more Eschio.
varied, and more pathetic; nor is it surprising Epist. 12.
that he should have exerted the utmost efforts
of his genius for the defence of his life and of
his honour; his peroration is exceedingly
affecting, and the most exquisite address ap-
pears under that air of abasement and langour
that runs through the whole of it. The diffe-
rent successes of these two orations, those on
the Embassy, and those in the cause of Ctesi-
phon, may, in some sort, enable us to decide
on their different merit; for the Athenians were
frequently determined more by the eloquence
of the speaker, than by the goodness of the
cause.
200
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV.
voce
Αισχίνης.
In Vit.
Demost.
2
P
On the present occasion, Æschines was, with
Suidas in great difficulty, acquitted but by thirty voices,
and this, as is said, by the intrigues of his
friend Eubulus. Plutarch,* indeed, seems to
doubt whether this cause was ever heard; as
neither Demosthenes nor Eschines take any
notice of the decision in their orations on the
crown. But the disappointment of Demos-
thenes, who was the accuser, and the great
difficulty, or perhaps the manner, of Æschines's
escape, may account for the silence both of one
+ Epist. 12, and the other. In a letter addressed by Es-
chines to the senate and people of Athens, in
the time of his exile, he takes notice of his
acquittal, on this occasion, as an incontestible
proof of his innocence.
A
As to the merits of the cause, I do not think
it proper to enter into a minute discussion of
them; it is sufficient to have represented the
conduct of these two statesmen, in their em-
bassies, as fully and impartially as I could,
without presuming to direct the judgment of
the reader.
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP,
KING OF MACEDON
BOOK THE FOURTH, SECTION 11.
VOL it.
2 D
1
។
1
་
'
DIOPITHES sent to support the Athenian colony in the
Chersonesus.—His hostilities against Philip.—Philip's discourse
with Antipater.-His remonstrances at Athens.- Commotions in
the assembly.-The oration of Demosthenes on the stale of the
Chersonesus.Its effect.-Philip continues his Thracian con-
quests.-Alexander lames Bucephalus. His temper and disposi-
tion.-Philip's attention to correct his errors.—The Peparethians
seize Halonesus.-Are severely punished.—Affairs of Eubœa,—
Eretria,-Oreum.-Callias, the Chalcidian, encourages the Athe-
nians to oppose the Macedonian interest in Eubœa.—Is assisted
by Demosthenes.-Artifice of this leader.-Callias and Demos-
thenes address the assembly.-The third Philippic of Demos-
thenes.-Phocion sent into Euboea.-His success.~ -Remarkable
anecdote preserved by Eschines. Decree in favour of Demos-
thenes. Philip besieges Perinthus.-Obstinate valour of the
besieged. They are supported by the Byzantines.-Receive
unexpected relief from Persia.-Philip defeated in his attempt.
-Marches towards Byzantium.-Leon, the Byzantine, deputed
to demand succours at Athens.-The fourth Philippic oration of
Demosthenes.-Amyntas seizes the Athenian ships at Selymbria.
-The decrees of the assembly on this occasion, and Philip's
letter.-Leon admitted to propose his demands to the assembly.
-Effect of his appearance. Succours decreed for Byzantium.
-Chares appointed commander.
1
BOOK THE FOURTH.
SECTION II.
مر
#
WHILE the Athenians were venting their BOOK IV.
SECT. II.
109, 1.3.
in Orat. de
resentment and indignation at home, against
those who were regarded as the partisans of
Macedon; they seemed also disposed to exert
some degree of vigour abroad. Their general olymp.
Diopithes was sent to the Hellespont to sup-
port the Athenian colony in the Chersonesus,
and to repress the encroachments of the Car-
dians; and his secret instructions were to neg-
lect no occasion of distressing Philip. His Liban. Arg.
arrival in the Chersonesus could not but greatly Chers.
alarm the inhabitants of Cardia. They in-
stautly sent to acquaint Philip, who was now
in the upper Thrace, of this important event,
earnestly imploring his succour, and offering to
submit themselves entirely to the government
and jurisdiction of Macedon. Diopithes, on
his part, having encouraged and provided for
the defence of the Athenian settlements in the
Chersonesus, determined to act agreeably to
what he deemed the spirit of his commission;
and taking the favourable advantage of Philip's
absence, who was now engaged in a contest
✔
SD 2
204
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
!
BOOK IV. with Amadocus, the brother of Cersobleptes
and king of the Odrysians, he made an inroad
on those territories of the Macedonian, which
Epist.Phil. lay in the maritime parts of Thrace. Here he
stormed two cities, Crobyle and Tiristasis, and
carried off a considerable booty, and a number
of prisoners; all which he lodged safely in the
Chersonesus. Amphilochus, a Macedonian of
some eminence, was dispatched on this occa-
sion to his camp, in quality of an ambassador,
to treat about the ransom of those prisoners.
But the Athenian general, flushed with his
success, not only refused him an audience, but
caused him to be seized, contrary to the law of
arms, and cast into prison: from whence, after
a confinement sufficiently severe, he was ob-
liged to purchase his release at the expence of
nine talents. In this excursion of Diopithes,
an herald, charged with packets for Macedou,
was also seized, who was thrown into chains,
and his letters sent to Athens, where they were
read in a full assembly,
Luciau En-
These hostilities could not fail to alarm all
com. Dem. the Macedonian settlements upon the coast.
A courier was instantly dispatched to Philip
with a full relation of those motions of Diopi-
thes, on which Antipater enlarged with the
zeal of a faithful minister, expressed his appre-
hensions of the consequences, and urged Philip
to an immediate opposition. But this prince
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
205
resolved, that no petty hostilities or depreda- SECT. IL
tions should divert him from his main designs;
these he knew he could revenge at leisure, and
therefore determined to pursue his present ex-
pedition, and to complete the conquest of the
Odrysian Thrace.
com. Dem.
He is said to have answered Antipater with Lucian En
a smile, in the following manner:-" Aud do
you really fear this Athenian general and his
(C
tr
tr
army? To me their ships, their port, their
arsenals, are but trifles. What effect can
"these produce, when their possessors are
"wholly employed in games and public enter-
"tainments? Were not the Athenians pos-
sessed of so invaluable a treasure as Demos-
(C
(C
thenes, force, or artifice, or corruption, would
"enable me to command them much sooner
"than the Thebans and Thessalians. He it is
"who watches over their state; he it is who
pursues me with incessant vigilance, who
crosses my schemes, and counteracts all my
attempts; whose penetration my deepest ar-
tifice, my most secretly concerted designs,
never can escape: the grand and only ob-
"stacle to the progress of my power. If we
"now possess Amphipolis; if we command.
Olynthus, Thermopylæ, and Phocis; if we
CC
(C
(C
kr
(C
have established our power in the Chersone-
"sus and the Hellespont; his vigorous oppo-
"sition was never wanting to oppose us. Ile
206
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK IV. " rouses the supine; he awakens, his fellow
citizens from their lethargic state, as it were
CC
by incision and cauterizing, without the least
deference to their follies, or the least fear of
their displeasure. He directs the appoint-
"ment of their treasures; he restores the
"wretched state of their marine, by his wise
66
institutions. He recalls their attention, from
their theatrical distributions, to the honour
"of their country, to their ancient glory, and
the victories of Marathon and Salamis. He
procures them allies and subsidies. No, ar-
tifice can escape his penetration; no temp-
tation can corrupt his integrity. It is De-
"mosthenes therefore that I fear much more.
si
r
than all the force of Athens. In prudence
"and policy, he is not inferior to Themisto-
cles; in greatness of soul, he is equal to
Pericles. This it is that secures the attach-
"ment of the Greeks to Athens.
We are
obliged to this state for entrusting their
"armies to Chares, Diopithes, and Proxenus;
" and keeping Demosthenes at home. Did he
command their forces, their navies, their ex-
CC
CC
peditions, and their treasures; I fear that he
"would even render our very throne preca-
CC
rious, who now, by his decrees only, pursues
"and attacks us with so much violence, ob-
"structs our designs, collects such vast sup-
plies, and raises such powerful armies."
}
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
207
in Orat de
Such a noble testimony is Philip said, by SECT. H.
Lucian, to have given to the merit and abilities
of the great Athenian; and such contempt did
he express of their commander. His honour
required however that the hostilities of Diopi-
thes should not pass entirely unnoticed: he
therefore addressed a letter to the Athenians, Liban. Arg.
in which he represented the conduct of this Chersou.
general with every aggravating and invidious
circumstance; he took notice of those mutual
engagements which subsisted between them ;
professed his disposition to adhere inviolably
to these; demanded, from the justice of the
state, that a punishment might be inflicted on
their officer adequate to his offence, or else he
must be forced, he said, to repress the insolence
of Diopithies; and, in that case, whatever mea-
sures his honour and his security might de-
mand, could not, he presumed, be considered
at Athens as any infraction of the late treaty,
This letter instantly raised an unusual fer-
ment in the state; and the conduct of Diopi-
thes was canvassed with all imaginable vio-
lence and heat, both in the senate and the as-
sembly. The partisans of Macedon inveighed Dem. de
loudly against this general, and called for all
the severity of public justice against a man,
who, they alledged, had been guilty of a most
unjust and unwarrantable outrage; had pre-
sumed to attack a formidable power, with whom
Cherson.
sect. 1, 2.
208
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. his country was in actual alliance, and was now
involving Athens in a dangerous, expensive,
and unnecessary war. To these they added
reflections on the Athenians themselves, and
their equivocal conduct with respect to Philip.
They had concluded a treaty with him, and
affected to adhere to it; and yet, at the same
time, such was the inconsistency of their con-
duct, that they encouraged and supported every
attempt to infest his territories and annoy his
subjects. Such proceedings arraigned the ho-
nour, and reflected on the understanding of the
people. There were but two different mea-
sures that could possibly be recommended or
pursued, either to observe the peace inviolably,
or to declare war in form, and act like a fair
and open enemy. The first of these was both
equitable and expedient, as Philip had, as yet,
made no attack on them; the latter precarious
and dangerous, and could be proposed only by
those, who, regardless of the safety and tran-
Sect. 13. quillity of their country, sought a pretence for
acquiring the management of the treasury,
which, in times of confusion, they might apply
with impunity to their own wicked purposes,
and enrich themselves and families with the
spoils of the public.
>
The inattention or profusion of the Athenians
had reduced Diopithes to many difficulties in
relation to the pay and maintenance of his
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
209
Chers. sect.
forces; and from these he found no other means SECT. II,
of extricating himself, than by heavy exactions
on the Athenian colonies lying along the Helle-
spont, which, notwithstanding the plea of ne-
cessity, were severely felt by these people, and
now became another subject of complaint in
the assembly. "Is this man's conduct," cried Dem. de
his enemies, "actuated by any regard to the 7.
"interest and honour of his country, who thus
"harrasses and plunders our dependent cities;
"whose avarice breaks through all the ties of
society, and who is deaf to the solicitations
"of humanity; whose rapine and extortion
alienate the affections of our colonies; and
who, while he draws from their vitals the
"means of pursuing the extravagant schemes
"of his own vanity and ambition, leaves them
"defenceless, and exposed to the incursions of
any Barbarians, who may deem it worth
"while to strip them of their poor remains of
property."
"
(f
(C
"C
CC
The general principle on which Diopithes
had now acted was undoubtedly just and war-
rantable. For when any potentate hath dis-
covered a manifest disposition to distress and
injure a neighbouring people, and has even
proceeded to actual attempts on their dominions
and dependent territories; it will be allowed, I
presume, that the law of nations must ever con-
sider such a conduct as equivalent to an open
VOL. II.
2 E
210
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK IV. avowal and declaration of hostilities. Yet in
Dem. de
Chers. sect.
1.
some instances this general had acted intem-
perately and unjustly, and these duly improved,
and represented in their full force, seem to
have had a considerable effect, and threatened
Diopithes with the resentment of his fellow-
citizens; when Demosthènes, ever zealous and
indefatigable in his opposition to Macedon,
arose to support the cause of this commander.
"It were to be wished, Athenians," (thus
did this illustrious orator introduce his 'ani-
mated harangue) "that they who speak in
σε
public would never suffer hatred or affection
"to influence their counsels; but, in all that
"
they propose, be directed by unbiassed rea-
"son; particularly, when affairs of state, and
"those of highest moment, are the object of
"our attention. But since there are persons,
"whose speeches are partly dictated by a spirit
"of contention, partly by other like motives;
"it is your duty, Athenians, to exert that
power which your numbers give you, aud,
"in all your resolutions, and in all your ac-
tions, to consider only the interest of your
country."
CC
It seems probable from this exordium, that
Diopithes and his advocates had not only the
corrupted partisans of Macedon to contend
with, but many others, who were influenced by
private enmity to this general, or whose vanity
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
211
prompted them to affect appearing considerable SECT. 11.
in the assembly, and to declaim on the atten-
tion due to public faith, and the dishonour re-
flected on their country by any violation of it;
or with others, whose natural coldness and
caution, whose consciousness of the weakness
and corruption of their state, and the ever in-
creasing power of its rival, made them look
with horror on every motion which tended to
an open, rupture.
*
But the force of Demosthenes, which seems
to have been all exerted on this occasion, gave
a new turn to the debate, and effectually sup-
ported the cause of Diopithes, by inspiring the
assembly with the warmest indignation and re-
sentment of Philip's conduct. This is the ob-
ject which he presents to them as really worthy
of their serious attention, while all disputes
about the conduct of their officer he affects to
consider as a matter foreign to their present
purpose: "As to crimes objected to those men, Sect. 2.
"whom our laws can punish when we please;
"I, for my part, think it quite indifferent,
(C
whether they be considered now, or at some
"other time; nor is this a point to be violently
" contested by me, or any other speaker. But
when Philip, the enemy of our country, is
now actually hovering about the Hellespont
with a numerous army, and making attempts
on our dominions, which, if one moment
2 E 2
212
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. "
Dem. de
Chers. sect.
3.
neglected, the loss may be irreparable, here
"our attention is instantly demanded; we
"should resolve, we should prepare, with all
possibly expedition, and not run from our
"main concern, in the midst of foreign cla-
"mours and accusations.
<<
કંદ'
3
*
"I have frequently been surprised at asser-
"tions made in public;" thus the orator pro-
ceeds; but never more, than when I lately
"heard it affirmed in the senate, that there are
"but two expedients to be proposed, either ab-
"'solutely to declare war, or to continue in
peace. The point is this: if Philip acts as
one in amity with us; if he does not keep
possession of our dominious, contrary to his
"treaty; if he be not every where spiriting up
"enemies against us; all debates are at an
"end; we are undoubtedly obliged to live in
peace, and I find it perfectly agreeable to
"you. But if the articles of our treaty, rati-
"fied by the most solemn oath, remain upon
record, open to public inspection; if it ap-
pears that, long before the departure of
Diopithes and his colony, who are now ac-
"cused of involving us in a war, Philip had
unjustly seized many of our possessions (for
"which I appeal to your own decrees); if,
"ever since that time, he hath been constantly
arming himself with all the powers of Greeks
"and Barbarians, to destroy us; what do these
"
rr
"
"
1
,
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
213
66
C
men mean, who affirm we are either abso- SECT. II.
lutely to declare war, or to observe the
peace? You have no choice at all; you
have but one just and necessáry measure to
pursue, which they industriously pass over.
"And what is this? To repel force by force.
"Unless they will affirm, that, while Philip
C
keeps from Attica and the Piræus, he does
"our state no injury, makes no war against us.
"If it be thus they state the bounds of peace.
"and justice, we must all acknowledge, that
"their sentiments are inconsistent with the
"common rights of mankind, with the dignity
"and the safety of Athens."
Chers. sect.
As to the objection to Diopithes, with respect.
to his treatment of the allies, he gives this the
most plausible turn, and represents it as the
dictates of treachery and corruption: "It hath Dem. de
"been the constant custom of all the com- s.
"manders who have sailed from this city, (if I
"advance a falsehood, let me feel the severest
punishment) to take money from the Chians,
"and from the Erythrians, and from any peo-
ple that would give it; I mean of the in-
habitants of Asia. They who have but one
or two ships, take a talent; they who com-
"mand a greater force, raise a larger contribu-
"tion. And the people who give this money,
<<
(C
"
whether more or less, do not give it for no-
thing (they are not so mad), no; it is the
21+
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. cc
Sect. 9.
ઃઃ
price they pay to secure their trading vessels
from rapine and piracy, to provide them
"with the necessary convoys, and the like,
however they may pretend friendship and
"affection, and dignify these payments with
the name of free gifts. It is therefore evident,
that, as Diopithes is at the head of a con-
"siderable power, the same contributions will
"be granted to him. Else, how shall he pay
"his soldiers? How shall he maintain them,
"who receives nothing from you, and has no-
thing of his own? From the skies? No;
but from what he can collect, and beg, and
borrow. So that the whole scheme of his
accusers is to warn all people to grant him
nothing, as he is to suffer punishment for
"crimes yet to be committed, not for any he
hath already committed, or in which he hath
already assisted."
66
66
L
In order to set the shameful misconduct of
his countrymen in the strongest light, and, at
the same time, to preserve the respect due to
his hearers, he makes use of a remarkably
beautiful prosopopeia, and imagines that the
several powers of Greece thus call on the Athe-
nians to account for their conduct; "Men of
"Athens! you are ever sending embassies to
"us; you assure us, that Philip is projecting
"our ruin, and that of all the Greeks; you
"warn us to guard against this man's designs,
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
915
(and it is too true, we have done thus.) But, SECT. IL
"O most wretched of mankind! when this
"man had been ten months detained abroad;
"when sickness, and the severity of winter,
" and 'the armies of his enemies, rendered it
impossible for him to return home; you
“neither restored the liberty of Eubœca, nor
recovered any of your own dominions. But,
"while you sit at home in perfect ease and
health (if such a state may be called health),
"Euboea is commanded by his two tyrants; the
one just opposite to Attica, to keep you per-
petually in awe; the other to Scyathus.
"Yet you have not attempted to oppose even
"this. No; you have submitted; you have
" been insensible to your wrongs; you have
(C
66.
r
(C
W
+
fully declared, that, if Philip were ten times
"to die, it would not inspire you with the
"least degree of vigour. Why then these em-
""
<<
bassies, these accusations, all this unne-
cessary trouble, to us? If they should say
this, what could we allege? What answer
"could we give? I know not!"
Thus, in the instances of his greatest seve-
rity, he takes care not to shock those whom he
would persuade. His boldest and most violent
censures are always qualified with some decla-
rations of respect, of the sincerity of his inten-
tions, or of the necessity of dealing freely and
candidly with the assembly. And never do we
216
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. find in those writings of Demosthenes, which
are confessedly genuine, such rude and insolent
expressions, as appear in the conclusion of the
oration on the Halonesus. [A]
The sum of his advice, on the present occa-
sions, is this: that they should consider Philip
as the enemy of their state, the implacable
enemy of their free constitution; that they
should be persuaded, that all his designs are
really aimed against Athens; and that, wher-
ever any man opposes him, he opposes an at-
tempt against their walls; and that of con-
sequence, instead of recalling Diopithes, or
disbanding his army, they should rather rein-
force him, and supply his men with every
provision that might enable and encourage
them to defend the rights of their country.
Nor did his eloquence fail to have its due
effect. The Athenians were fired with the
warmest sentiments and resolutions, They for-
got all their scruples, and despised all the ob-
Epist. Phil. jections made to Diopithes: the most vigorous
resolutions were made, to enable him to pur
sue his success; and Callias, another of their
commanders, encouraged by the present dis-
[4] Προσήκει αὐτὸς ὑφ' ὑμων κακους κακως απολωλέναι, είπερ
ύμεις τον εγκεφαλον ἐν τοις κροτάφοις, και μη εν ταις πλερναις
καταπεπατημενον φορείτε. It must be your part to pursue those
wretches to utter destruction, if your brains be seated in your
heads, and are not sunk into your heels, there to be trodden
down
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON,
217
positions of his countrymen, fell on some SECT. II.
cities which lay upon the gulph of Pegasæ,
and which were dependent on Philip, where he
seized some vessels laden with merchandises,
bound to Macedon, and treated the goods and
passengers as lawful prize.
he
Phil. 3,
sect. 4.
Oliv. 1. 12.
p. 196.
Philip looked with a just contempt on these
hostilities, as the result of envy and jealousy,
rather than of a true vigour and resolution; and
which he knew when, and in what manner, to
revenge, although designs of more importance
prevented him at present from repelling them. Demost.
He had subjected all the tract which lay
between the Nessus and Hebrus, where
took the cities Drongilus and Mastira, con-
quests in themselves of small value, as their
revenues were all derived from some collieries
and mines in the adjacent districts; but of
great consequence, as they opened him a free
passage to the cities on the Propontis, objects
worthy of his ambition, both on account of
their grandeur and importance, and as, by sub-
duing them, he might reduce the Athenians to
the utmost difficulties, and even deprive them
of the common necessaries for their support. Dem. de
Byzantium in particular, one of those great sect. 27.
marts from whence Attica was supplied with Loc.
corn, he determined, if possible, to unite to his
dominions; and, for this purpose, had at first
tried what might be effected by the way of
VOL. II.
2 F
Corona.
Ulp. in
218
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. negociation, that, by gaining over the By-
zantines into the number of his allies, he might
gradually and imperceptibly reduce them to
the condition of subjects.
But this people,
Dem. de
Cherson.
proud of their wealth and independence, and
possibly taught by experience and reflection
on the fate of other cities, to suspect the real
intentions of the king of Macedon, rejected all
his offers of alliauce, and obliged him to con-
cert other methods for reducing them to his
He made some motions, which
obedience.
sect. 15. plainly indicated a design to attack them; and
is said to have begun, according to his usual
politics, with lavishing his gold among the citi
p. 197.
zens; and, by this means to have gained over
Oliv. 1. 12, a party (of which Python was the head), who
engaged to give him possession of one of the
gates. But whether the timely discovery of
this conspiracy obliged him to change his route,
in order to screen the guilt of Python, and to
save him from punishment; or that he con-
ceived his design was not yet ripe for execu-
tion; he suspended his hostilities, and for some
time, continued at his own court.
About this time it was, that the young prince
Alexander discovered his address and spirit by
breaking Bucephalus. The manner of it is
* In Vit. thus described by Plutarch: * A Thessalian,
called Philonicus, offered to sell this horse to
Philip, and rated him at thirteen talents. The
Alexand.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
219
king and his courtiers went into a plain to try
him, but found him vicious and unmanageable,
impatient of the touch, and even of the voice,
of those who attempted to mount him. The
king, in disgust, ordered this untractable beast
to be sent away; when Alexander, who stood
by, lamented that so excellent a horse should
be lost by unskilfulness and timorousness.
Philip reproved his presumption; but, as he
still insisted that the horse might be managed,
at last agreed to entrust the attempt to him,
on condition, that, if he failed, he should for-
feit the price at which the horse was rated.
Alexander then ran up, and seized the bridle ;
turning Bucephalus directly to the sun, as he
had taken notice that he was disturbed and
affrighted by the motion off his shadow. He
then led him gently on; and, when he began
to rear up, softly casting of his robe, at one
bound seated himself on his back; and without
lashing or spurring, reined him gradually and
quietly. When he thus found his fury some-
what abated, he indulged his impatience for
the course, and boldly pressed him forward,
both with voice and heel. The courtiers at
first beheld him with solicitude and silence;
but, when they found him reining round and
returning in exultation, they burst into loud
shouts of applause; and, as he dismounted,
his father, embracing him with tears of love
SECT. II.
2 F 2
220
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF -
BOOK 1V. and joy, cried out,
Oliv. 1. 12.
p. 201.
N
r
CC
My son, seek for some
kingdom worthy of thy soul: Macedon is
"too little for thee."
·
These emotions of paternal tenderness seem
to afford a convincing proof that Philip was an
utter stranger to any disadvantageous rumours
about the conduct of Olympias; or, at least,
gave no credit to such reports. He seems to
have beheld, with pleasure, that nobleness and
elevation which the prince discovered; aud to
have been duly attentive to cherish and culti-
vate his great qualities, and to correct his
errors. The manners of Alexander were mixed
with an haughtiness and fierceness far removed
from the affability of his father. To one who
proposed to him to contend at the Olympic
Plutarch. games,-"Yes," said he, "if I may have kings
"for my competitors." He punished a Mace-
Apophth. donian noble, who, to pay his court, suffered
him to gain the advantage in a race where they
both contended. In conferring favours, he
seemed frequently governed by caprice, and
treated his father's subjects, at some times, ra-
ther as his own slaves. Philip, who foresaw
that this haughty humour must necessarily in-
crease when he came to the throne, omitted
nothing in his power to correct and moderate
it. He frequently repeated that precept, so
worthy to be engraved in the memory of all
Apophth who are born to a kingdom, " Be affable whilst
in Vit.
Alex. in
Plut.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
221
+
Off. 1.2. 15
Max.
you may." He also instructed him in the SECT. II.
manner of bestowing; and made him observe,
that the way he pursued could only serve to
exhaust his treasure, without gaining him the Cicer. de
sincere attachment of any person. From his Valer.
earliest years, he received the accounts of his
father's victories with uneasiness, lest, as he
said, there should be nothing left for him to
atchieve; and the Macedonians, who were Plut. in
principally attentive to that strong passion for
glory which Alexander discovered, and which
could not fail to recommend him to the affec- Ibid.
tion and respect of a warlike nation, called him
their king, at the same time that they gave
Philip the title of their general; nor was Philip
displeased to find these names thus shared
between them.
Vit. Alex.
In the mean time, the perpetual contests and
dissensions which raged all around him, and
which the jealous machinations of his enemies,
and their just apprehensions of his ambition,
were perpetually exciting, obliged him to turn
his attention to foreign affairs. The Pepare- Epist.Phil.
thians, a people in alliance with Athens, who
inhabited an island equally distant from Euboea
and Thessaly, could not but look with uneasi-
ness on Halonesus (which lay to the west of
them) now in the hands of the Macedonians,
neighbours, whom they dreaded and suspected.
They were much better pleased with the
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV.
pirates, the late possessors of this island, with
whom they had carried on an advantageous
trade. They, therefore, made a descent on
Halonesus, where they surprised and carried off
the Macedonian garrison in chains. Philip at
first remonstrated against this outrage, but soon
found it in vain to expect attention or redress;
and therefore determined to have recourse to
the more effectual way of arms. He detached
some forces, which soon drove out the Pepare-
thians from their new conquest, and inflicted
the utmost severities of war on these insolent
islanders. Their sufferings were represented
at Athens, whose jurisdiction they acknow-
ledged; and gave occasion for new complaints
against the conduct of Macedon. The gene-
rals were ordered to protect the wretched Pe-
parethians, and the orators inveighed against
the cruelty and barbarity of Philip.
The perpetual contests which this prince and
the Athenians maintained in Euboea, and their
mutual efforts to support their power in this
Dein. Ph. important island, had produced the utmost dis-
3. sect. 12. order in the several states of which it was com-
11.
posed. In Eretria, the fair assurances and pro-
mises of Philip had alienated the people from
the interest of Athens. They even refused to
listen to the ambassadors sent from that city, to
inspire them with suspicions of the Macedonian,
and to engage them to return to their former
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
303
connexions. They banished all those, whose SECT. II.
fears of future danger, or whose attachment to
Athens, induced them to oppose the Macedo-
niau, and resigned themselves with unreserved
confidence to Philip. But they were soon
made to feel the fatal consequences of this con-
duct. A thousand mercenaries were sent from
Macedon, who razed the fortifications of Porth-
mus, and thus effectually defeated all future at-
tempts to prevent the Macedonian from pass-
ing freely over into the island. Supported by
this force, three of Philip's creatures, Hip-
parchus, Automedon, and Clitarchus, established
themselves in the government of Eretria, where
they oppressed and persecuted all those with-
out mercy, who betrayed the least dissatisfac-
tion at their measures, or the least inclination
to oppose the Macedonian interest. Some in-
effectual attempts were made to check the pro-
gress of this tyranny, which served only to
confirm and increase it. New forces were sent
from Macedon, under the command of Eury-
lochus, who instantly drove out the disaffected.
An opposition was again attempted, and again
were troops dispatched under the conduct of
Parmenio, who defeated and chastised their
combinations, and completed the subjection of
Eretria.
1
In Oreum, the general terror, which the im-
prisonment of Euphræus had produced, con-
224
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. firmed the power of Philistides and his accom-
plices, and emboldened them to act with less
caution and reserve. The inhabitants groaned
under their tyranny; and some were yet found,
who openly lamented and inveighed against
the designs of their governors. Contests and
divisions thence arose in the city; and Philip
was soon made sensible of the necessity of
sending an effectual support to his friends and
Dem. Phil. partisans. He addressed a letter to that peo-
3. sect.3.
ple, in which he took notice, that he had re-
ceived advice of many tumults and divisions
with which their city was distracted. He had
therefore ordered a body of forces to march
into Oreum, to take cognizance of their affairs,
and re-establish the tranquillity of their city;
for that he, as their friend and ally, could not
look with indifference on events which so
nearly affected their welfare, or refuse his in-
terposition for the regulation of their disorders.
The forces were accordingly dispatched; and,
though the fate of other states sufficiently in-
formed the people of what they were to ap-
prehend, yet so great and so general was the
Sect. 13. dejection, that they were admitted without any
considerable opposition. Philistides waited
only for this event, to give a free course to his
tyranny and cruelty. All the adverse party
were removed, either by banishment or death:
and the unfortunate Euphræus found no other
}
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
225
means of eluding the revenge of a tyrant, now SECT. II.
armed with power, and inflamed by resent-
ment, but by putting an end to life with his
own hand.
Ctes. sect.
But the insolence and cruelty of Philistides
soon made the people weary of his government,
and gave them an aversion to the party on
which he depended for his support. The Athe-
nian agents were secretly employed in cherish-
ing these sentiments; and, aided by the natu-
ral inconstancy of the people, were preparing
all matters for a revolution. Callias, the Chal- Æschin. ia
cidian, who had acted as a partisan to Athens, 33.
Macedon, and Thebes, successively, and had
incurred the displeasure both of Philip and the
Thebans, now returned to his engagements
with the first of these states; and sent three
emissaries to Athens, in quality of ambassadors,
from Chalcis. These men represented the de-
plorable condition of the island in general,
groaning under the Macedonian yoke, and of
their own city in particular; and earnestly
urged the Athenians to assert their interests in
Euboea, and to act agreeably to that character,
which had ever been their boast and glory, in
delivering the Chalcidians from oppression and
tyranny. To secure the success of this nego-
ciation the more effectually, the principal
popular leaders were gained over, and en-
gaged, by presents and promises, to plead the
VOL. II.
26
226
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Ctcs sect.
33.
BOOK IV. cause of Chalcis. Of this number was Demos-
Aschin. in thenes, if we may believe his rival; who, it
seems, transacted this affair with all the address
of a subtle and able advocate. In all the
Grecian wars, the inferior parties had ever
been obliged to send their deputies to that
state which was considered as the head of the
confederacy, and there to pay their respective
subsidies to the support of the common cause.
But Demosthenes, as his conduct is represented
by Eschines, contrived, that the Chalcidians
should neither be obliged to the one nor the
other of these, by prevailing on the assembly
to resolve to send assistance to Chalcis, from
the mere motive of generosity. "It becomes
our state,” said he, "without any preliminary
66
stipulations, to send immediate assistance to
"the distressed: let us, then, enter into formal
66
66
engagements with them, when, by their ac-
tions, they have approved themselves our
"real friends." But, lest a dependence ou
the generosity and public spirit of Athens
might prove too precarious, he, at the same
time, contrived to attach the state more firmly
to the Chalcidians, without subjecting this latter
people to any immediate burdens attending a
confederacy; and this by making the Chalci-
dians engage to assist the Athenians on every
occasion; which gave them as full a claim to
the assistance of Athens, as if it had been for-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
227
mally stipulated; these engagements being SECT. II.
ever considered as mutual. Such refinements
may now be deemed inconsiderable; but in
the Athenian assemblies they had great impor-
tance.
Ctes. sect.
The people of Oreum and Eretria appeared Eschin. in
equally solicitous to gain the assistance, of 34.
Athens, in order to relieve them from their
present difficulties; and the Macedonian inte-
rest seems to have been already so far weak-
ened, that each of these states was now able to
consult publicly, and in a body, for the resto-
ration of their liberty. Callias was sent in
person to Athens, as the agent of the Euboean
cities. Here he affected the warmest zeal for
the common cause of liberty, and the most sin-
cere abhorrence of the ambition of the Mace-
donian. All Greece he declared was now con-
vinced of his dangerous and aspiring designs,
and only waited till led on by Athens to over-
whelm him. "I am this moment," said he, Ibid.
addressing himself to the assembly, "arrived
"from Peloponnesus. There the several
powers have, at my instances, resolved to
raise one hundred talents, to support a war
against the common enemy. I have settled
"the proportion of each state. Sixty are to
"be paid by the Achæans and Megarcans.
"To these the cities of Euboca are to add forty.
Other states and cities, through all Greece,
(
(C
f
2 G 2
228
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. "have cheerfully agreed to contribute to this
Ctes. sect.
34.
(6
glorious cause. Thus shall we be amply
provided with forces, and enabled to keep
up a formidable power both by sea and land.
These are the effects of my negociations, uni-
"versally known and acknowledged. Other
"matters have I transacted, other advantages
"have I obtained, not so proper to be here
displayed. But numbers in this assembly are
"well informed of them, and can give full
"attestation to my assiduity and sincere at-
"tachment to Athens."
56
The people were pleased and flattered by
this harangue. They fancied that they now ap-
peared in their old glorious character of the
sovereigns and arbiters of the fate of Greece,
the patrons and protectors of liberty, avengers
of injustice and ambition, and supporters of the
weak and oppressed. To confirm them in their
Eschin. in present sentiments, Demosthenes now appeared,
and, with his usual vehemence, urged them to
vigilance and vigour, to a just attention to their
own interests, and the common cause of Greece.
*In Ctes. He had been gained, if we may credit *Es-
chines, by the promise of three talents, to dis-
pose his countrymen to assist the Euboeans in
the opposition now meditated against Philip.
One of thess talents was to be paid by Callias,
another by the state of Oreum, and a third, as
his rival orator asserts, by Clitarchus of Eretria,
sect. 35.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
229
who, in such a case, must have forsaken his old SECT. 1.
connexions with Philip. But, whether influ-
enced by private motives, or a regard to the
public interest, or both conjointly, his eloquence
had its usual effect. He heaped the most mag-
nificent praises on Callias, and professed him-
self privy to those secret affairs which he had
hinted at. He was convinced, he said, that be
had justly represented the dispositions of the
Greeks, with which his late embassy into Pelo-
ponnesus had made him well acquainted. His
transactions in that country, and in Acharnania,
where commotions had arisen, and where the
Athenians had been persuaded to send both
forces and ambassadors to oppose some attempts Dem. in
of Philip, he was now ready to report in form; dor. p. 652.
the sum of which was this: he had prevailed Ctes. sect.
on the Peloponnesians and Acharnanians to
unite vigorously in the common cause, and
cheerfully to contribute their several quotas in
order to support their liberty, and check the
dangerous and growing power of the Macedo-
nian: that all these quotas were completely
settled and adjusted, and that the whole
would not only be sufficient to fit out one hun-
dred ships of war, but to maintain a mercenary
army of ten thousand foot and one thousand
horse that to these were to be added the do-
mestic forces of those people, two thousand
from Peloponnesus, and two thousand more
Olympio-
Eschin. in
31.
230
THIE LIFE AND REIGN OF
F
BOOK IV. from Acharnania. All this formidable body
Oliv 1. 12,
p. 209.
Plut, in
Vit De-
most.
was now ready to follow the standard, and
march under the direction and command of
Athens. These prospects, so fair and promis-
ing, were neither uncertain nor remote. The
departure of this army was settled, and it was
to take the field on the sixteenth day of the
next month Anthesterion: for that he had
directed the several states to send their deputies
to Athens, in order to settle all future opera-
tious at the time of full moon. He concluded
with proposing a decree, that ambassadors
should be sent to the Eretrians to engage them
effectually in this confederacy; that others
should be sent to Oreum to prevail on that
state to enter into a strict offensive and de-
fensive alliance with Athens, and to desire that
each of these communities should pay the five
talents, their respective shares of the expence
of the intended war, into the hands of Callias,
a person on whom Athens had the most in-
plicit reliance, and who could best judge in what
manner they might be applied to greatest ad-
vantage for the general interest.
In the mean time, the king of Persia,
alarmed by the accounts which he had received
from his ambassadors of Philip's power, and
justly dreading that invasion which the Mace-
donian really meditated, and which was now
become a favourite topic of discourse both at
}
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
231 ·
his court, and in the several states of Greece, SECT. II.
sent his agents to Athens, who there employed
all their art to encourage and enliven the pre-
sent spirit of the people; and, by the power-
of gold, engaged some principal popular
leaders to urge their countrymen to open hos-
tilities against an enemy equally the object of
terror and suspicion to the Persians and Athe-
nians. No time could have been more favour-
able to such a measure. The jealousy and
vanity of the people were inflamed by the pros-
pect of powerful supplies and assistance; and,
in their present fit of zeal, every representation
of the danger to be dreaded from the enter-
prising king of Macedon, flattered their passions
and opinions. In the midst of this commotion,
which envy, jealousy, shame, the warmth of
patriotism, and the secret practices of intrigue,
all conspired to raise, Demosthenes pronounced
that oration which is commonly called the third
Philippic.
5. sect. 4.
The present object of the assembly was not Dem. Phil.
only to secure the Athenian interest in Euboea,
but to preserve the colonies on the Hellespont,
and the settlements in the Chersonesus, from
the attempts of Philip; and to guard against
those designs which it was now clear that he
entertained against the cities of the Propontis,
particularly against Byzantium. His creatures
and partisans at Athens were not yet dismayed,
232
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Sect. 10.
3
BOOK IV. but exerted all their diligence and artifice to
allay the storm which threatened their master,
and to bring back the Athenians to their former
state of supineness and insensibility. They
loudly cried out (as may with great probability
Dem. Phil. be collected from the oration of Demosthenes
3, sect. 3.
above-mentioned) against all infringements of
the late treaty; and, as usual, accused those
who recommended vigorous measures, as ene-
mies to the honour and tranquillity of their
country. All late transactions they canvassed
with great severity, and declaimed with warmth
and violence against evil counsellors and weak
and wicked ministers, All appearances of
danger, all fears of Philip and his designs,
they treated with a sovereign contempt: they
expatiated on the glorious actions of their
countrymen in former times; on the difficulties
they had encountered, and the success which
had attended their arms in their contest with
Lacedæmon. Present difficulties they repre-
sented as infinitely inferior, and the enemy,
now painted in such alarming colours, as infi-
Dem. Phil. nitely less powerful and formidable. To this
they seem to have added some insinuations or
invectives against Demosthenes particularly,
as a subtle and corrupted partisan, who looked
with horror on their sincere zeal for the honour
and happiness of Athens, and on their discern-
ment, which saw through his designs, though
3, sect. 14.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
233
veiled under the appearance of public spirit; SECT. 11.
and who justly merited the severity of justice,
by presuming to violate the respect due to a
prince in alliance with Athens.
The third Philippic was calculated to obviate
their insinuations, and to confute their asser-
tions. The insincerity of the public speakers,
Demosthenes represents as the great cause of
all the difficulties of the commonwealth; and
desires the permission of the assembly, to speak
his sentiments freely, without art or reserve.
"On other occasions," saith he, " you account Sect. 2.
liberty of speech so general a privilege of all
"within your city, that aliens and slaves are
allowed to share it. So that many domestics
may be found among you, speaking their
thoughts with less reserve than citizens, in
"some other states. But from your councils
(c
(C
you have utterly banished it." The dangers
of their present condition; the dangers to be
apprehended from the enemies of the state who
lie concealed within the city; and the dangers
arising from the aspiring ambition of Philip,
are all urged in this address with full force;
past events recalled to view, and late instances
of Philip's conduct represented with all pos-
sible aggravations; and every thing urged
that could inspire his hearers with indignation,
vigilance, and suspicion. He concludes with Dem. Phil.
advising them to dispatch ambassadors into all 3,sect. 15.
VOL. II.
2 H
234
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. parts, to raise up enemies against the dange-
rous Macedonian, and even to enter into an
alliance with the king of Persia against this
common enemy; to reinforce their army in the
Chersonesus, and to make every provision which
might convince the Greeks that they were duly
sensible of their danger, and resolved to exert
themselves in a manner worthy of their dignity,
at the same time that they applied to others for
their concurrence. "I do not mean," saith
he, "that we should endeavour to raise a spirit
abroad, which we ourselves are unwilling to
assume. It would be absurd to neglect our
"own interests, and yet pretend a regard to
"the common cause; or, while we are insen-
"sible to present dangers, to think of alarming
"others with apprehensions of futurity. No,
"let us provide the forces in the Chersonesus
"with money, and every thing else that they
" desire. Let us begin with vigour on our
part, then call upon the other Greeks: con-
vene, instruct, exhort them. Thus it be-
"comes a state of such dignity as ours. If
66
be
you think the protection of Greece may
"instructed to the Chalcidians and Megareaus,
"and so désert its cause, you do not think
justly. It will be well if they can protect
"themselves. No, this is your province; this
"is that prerogative transmitted from your
"ancestors, the reward of all their many, and
glorious, and great dangers."
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
235
SECT. II.
109, Y. 4.
1. 16, sect.
He was heard with favour and applause;
and, in a short time after, succours were sent olymp.
into Euboea, to secure the attachment of that Diod. Sic.
island, and to bear down the partisans of Ma- 74.
cedon. The command of these was wisely in-
trusted to Phocion, whose merit and abilities
determined them to apply to him, as their most
effectual resource in cases of importance, when
their minds were not blinded by the partial re-
presentations of corrupted orators, and whose
former conduct made him particularly revered
by the friends, and dreaded by the enemies of
his country, in that island to which he was now
dispatched.
And now, while Phocion marched into Eu-
bæa, Demosthenes was employed with no less
diligence, as a statesman, in opposing the Ma-
cedonian interest in that island. By his nego-
ciations and intrigues he engaged many of the
Eubœan cities to desert from the Macedonian.
Philip's garrisons were expelled from some;
others shut their gates against them. The
Athenian party became every where predomi-
naut, and, in the principal places, was openly
espoused. Thus the arms of Phocion had
scarce any difficulties to encounter: nor had
this general an opportunity of displaying his
conduct and resolution, but with ease drove
out Philistides from Oreum. Nor was Clitar- Dem. de
chus suffered to continue any longer in Eretria, sect. 25.
Corona.
**
2 H 2
236
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Diod. ut
supra.
BOOK IV. although he had shewed some dispositions for
entering into engagements with Athens, and
had, as well as Philistides, appeared in that
city with overtures for an accommodation.
But this cautious general suspected his sin-
cerity or steadiness, and now treated him as an
enemy. With the rest of the Macedonian ad-
herents he was obliged to quit the island; and
all Euboea, now freed from the Macedonian
power, exulted in this revolution, and cheer-
fully returned to its attachment with Athens.
The greatest share of this success Demos-
thenes assumes to himself, as the effect of his
Eschin. in remonstrances and negociations. But his rival
Ctesiph.
sect. 35.
orator hath preserved a remarkable anecdote,
which, if true, doth no great honour to his
disinterestedness and nobleness of mind. The
people of Oreum, when they applied to Athens
for assistance, are said to have purchased the
services of Demosthenes, by engaging to pay
him a talent, if, by his interest, they could
obtain effectual succours. The condition was
now performed, and this private stipulation to
be made good. But the efforts of the people of
Oreum to shake off the Macedonian yoke had
entirely exhausted their finances, and left their
state impoverished and distressed. They there-
fore found themselves obliged to apply to De-
mosthenes, and to intreat, that he would remit
this their debt, and, in lieu of it, they promised
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
237
to do him all the honour in their power, to SECT. 11.
erect a statue of brass in Oreum to him, their
benefactor and deliverer. But Demosthenes
had a much greater regard to solid gain than
any empty honour which they could confer
upon him. He received their proposal with
disdain, and told them he had no sort of occa-
sion for their piece of brass: that Callias was
security for the talent, and from Callias he
would demand it. Thus distressed, the citizens
of Oreum were obliged to mortgage their pub-
lic revenues to Demosthenes as a security for
the money, and paid him interest at the rate of
a drachma per month for each mina, until they
were enabled to discharge the principal. [B]
But, by whatever motives the conduct of
Demosthenes might have been actuated on this Dem. de
occasion, at Athens it was received with all sect. 26.
}
possible honours and applause: and, shortly
after the success in Euboea, the following de-
cree was made as an attestation and reward of
his merit:
"In the archonship of Charondas, the son
"of Hegemon, on the twenty-fifth day of the
"month Gamelion, the Leontidian tribe then
4.
[B] A drachma, according to Arbuthnot, is equal to 7d.
a mina, to 31. 4s. 7d. and sixty minæ made a talent; 1931. 15s.
So that the interest which Demosthenes received was 11. 18s,
9d. per month, which is at the rate of 121. Os. 6d. per cent,
per ann.
Corona.
238
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
SECT. 11.
re
CC
presiding, at the motion of Aristonicus, the
following resolution was made:
"Whereas Demosthenes, the son of Demos-
"thenes of the Paanian tribe, hath, at many
times, done various and eminent services to
"the community of Athens, and to many of
"our confederates: and, at this time, hath, by
"his counsels, secured the interests of the
"state, and particularly restored the liberties
"of certain cities in Euboea: as he hath ever
uniformly persevered in an unalterable affec-
"tion to the state of Athens, and both by
"words and actions exerted himself, to the ut-
"most of his power, in the service of the
(C
Athenians, and the other Greeks ;-It is en-
"acted by the senate and the popular assembly,
"that public honours shall be paid to the
aforesaid Demosthenes; that he shall be
"crowned with a golden crown: that this
tr
crown shall be publicly proclaimed in the
"theatre on the feast of Bacchus, at the time
(C
of the performance of the new tragedies;
"and that the care of thus proclaiming these
"honours shall be committed to the presiding
tribe, and the director of the public enter-
"tainments. This is the motion of Aristonicus
"of the Phrearian tribe."
Philip's great designs did not permit him to
prevent the success of these attempts of Athens
in Eubœa. He had established his interest
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
239
there, rather by intrigue than by direct force. BOOK IV.
In sending in his troops, he pretended to act
from motives of tenderness to the distresses of
the several states, and a generous regard to
their security. In modelling their governments
he professed only an attention to their tran-
quillity; and, while he aggrandized his own
creatures, and established his own influence
and authority, he affected to appear wholly
solicitous to support their lawful magistrates
against faction and sedition. He therefore
might have thought it still necessary to dis-
semble, and not openly and violently to oppose
the disposition of the Euboeans, who now
seemed generally inclined to return to their old
connexions with Athens. By suffering this
state to exert some force successfully against
his friends and garrisons, he loaded them with
the odium of breach of faith, and disregard to
treaties, and gave any hostilities, which he
might hereafter find convenient to his schemes,
appearance of defence, or of warrantable
revenge and reprizals. For these reasons he
seems to have permitted the Athenians to exult
in this their recovery of Euboea, as the effect
of superior policy and vigour: and, in the
mean time, made the most effectual prepara-
tions for damping all their joy and exultation
in their late success. For this purpose, having
collected an army of thirty thousand men, and
the
240
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1. 16. sect.
74.
Oliv. 1. 12,
p. 216.
BOOK IV. made all the preparations which the impor
tance of his design required, he marched di-
Diod. Sic. rectly to invest Perinthus, under the pretence
that its inhabitants held intelligence with the
Athenian settlements in the Chersonesus, and
contributed to the distress of his allies the Car-
dians. This city was very considerable both
by its situation, which was remarkably strong,
and by the commerce which was there carried
on in great extent. It had ever been in that
strict alliance with Athens, which the mutual
interest of these two cities made absolutely
necessary. Attica was supplied by Perinthus
with a considerable part of its corn and neces-
sary provisions, and Perinthus was every year
enriched with large sums of money, which this
commerce drew from Attica. So that Philip
must have considered the possession of this
city as an accession of power in itself highly
important, and such an accession as must dis-
tress and wound his great rivals in the ten-
derest part. He brought all the most formi-
dable engines and preparations for a siege, up
to the walls of Perinthus; and fully shewed his
resolution of commencing the operations of the
siege with all imaginable vigour, and with
every circumstance of terror, and every instru-
ment of destruction, which might drive the
inhabitants to a submission. But he here
found an enemy worthy of his resolution. The
Diod. ut
supra.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
241
Perinthians defended themselves, not with the SECT. II.
momentary ardour of men as yet unexperienced
in dangers and fatigue, but with a steady settled
courage, which it appeared could not be abated
by all the hardships and labours of a siege,
carried on by a formidable enemy, who seemed
determined on their destruction.
Philip began with raising towers of a heigth Diod. ut
sufficient to command the walls of Perinthus ; supra.
from whence he poured into the town such vast
quantities of missive weapons, as soon dis
lodged the besieged, and obliged them to re-
move to some distance. His battering rams
were at the same time employed against the
walls; his miners were busy at their founda-
tions; and all the force of arms, of fire, and
of labour, was exerted to gain the town. By
these means, a considerable breach was quickly
made in the walls, and the besiegers encou-
raged by the prospect of a speedy conquest.
But they were now mortified by new and un-
suspected opposition. The Perinthians pre-
sented themselves in array of battle on the
ruins of their fortifications; and a second wall
now appeared to stop the progress of the
enemy, which had been raised by the citizens
to a sufficient height for covering their work-
men, and securing their retreat.
The Byzantines, sensible of the extremities Diod. Siq.
to which the people of Perinthus were reduced, 74
VOL IL
2. I
1. 16, sect.
Į
242
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. and justly conceiving their own interest and
safety concerned in the defence of this town,
sent in great quantities of defensive and, offen-
sive weapons: and the Perinthians, encouraged
by these supplies, redoubled their efforts, and
confirmed themselves in the resolution of dying.
in the defence of their country..
r
Philip, on his part, pushed on the siege with
unrelenting vigour. The besieged were quickly
obliged to retire behind the new walls, and
whoever ventured to appear at any of the open-
ings, were the sure marks of the Macedonian
archers and slingers. In order to prevent all
suecours from being sent into the town, Philip
constantly detached large parties to scour all
the adjacent district, reserving only such num-
bers with himself as were sufficient to push on
the attack, which was carried on, without respite
or relaxation, both by day and night, In order
to restore their communication with their
friends without the walls, the besieged made
several sallies, but were ever repulsed with con-
siderable loss. At length, covered with wounds,
worn out, and ready to sink under incessant
toils, almost entirely exhausted of their provi-
sions and supplies, they were now on the point
of surrendering, or of seeing their city taken
by assault, and exposed to the fury of an enemy
exasperated by opposition, when unexpected
relief appeared to auimate their drooping
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
243
courage, and to raise new difficulties to their SECT. 11.
besiegers.
1 16. sect.
Repeated accounts of Philip's power, and Diod. Sic.
alarming reports of the future schemes and de- 75.
signs of his ambition, were constantly received
at the court of Persia. They who spread these
reports, imagined that they shewed their zeal,
by representing the subject of their fears with
all circumstances of aggravation; and even
the distance contributed to magnify the dan-
ger. His attack of Perinthus was particularly
represented as a dreadful instance of the vast-
ness of his designs, and his resolution in exe-
cuting them. Ochus was so affected by these
reports, that he conceived his very safety de-
manded him to take some measures for op-
posing Philip's progress. He therefore sent
directions to his satraps, whose governments
were adjacent to the coast, to exert themselves
for the preservation of Perinthus, and to use
all the means in their power for preventing
this city from falling into the hands of the
Macedonian. Mentor, the Rhodian, a faithful Ib. sect. 52.
subject of Persia, and a general of eminent
abilities, had some time since performed a con-
siderable service to his master, and deprived the
Macedonian of many advantages, by making
himself master of the person of Hermias, the
satrap of Atarna, an intimate friend of Aristotle,
who had deserted the service of his master,
1
4
2 12
244
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. maintained an avowed rebellion against Ochus,
professed himself a zealous partizan of Philip,
and was in strict intimacy and confidence with
him, an assistant in many of his enterprises,
and the partner in all his counsels. For this
purpose, Mentor was obliged to have recourse
to artifice. He gave Hermias assurances, that
he had made his peace with the king of Persia,
so that he might now, without any apprehen-
sions, return to his allegiance. Hermias was
effectually deceived, and rashly ventured to
come to an interview with Mentor, where he
was instantly made a prisoner. His seal was
found about him, and enabled Mentor to coun-
terfeit letters, which were sent, as from Her-
mias, to the governors of the several towns de-
pendent on this satrap, and contained direc-
tions to deliver up these towns to the king of
Persla. The orders were executed without
any suspicion of the deceit; and, having thus
removed this powerful obstacle, Mentor could,
with greater ease, obstruct the progress of
Philip's arms. The satrap of Phrygia, who
was particularly entrusted with this commis-
sion, found means to deceive the vigilance of
Pausan. in this prince, and to throw into Perinthus vast
quantities of provisions and military stores,
with a powerful reinforcement of troops, paid
Diod Sic. by Persia, and commanded by officers sent for
that purpose from Byzantium. Apollodorus,
Attic. p.
28.
1. 16. sect.
52.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
215
(1.
SECT. IL
cit.
In loc.
a citizen of Athens, as Pausanias* informs us,
had the chief command. This state, if we
may depend on the assertions of Philip in his
famous letter, had actually sent its deputies
into Asia, to rouse the Persian to a sense of
the danger to be apprehended from the arms
of Macedon: while the emissaries of Persia
were as industrious, on their part, to prevail
on the popular leaders to exert themselves, in
order to animate the zeal of the Athenians.
Demosthenes himself is said to have received Plutarch.
such presents from the great king, as gave his
enemies an occasion of depreciating his zeal,
as the effect of intrigue and corruption.
in Demost.
1. 16, sect
The Perinthians, encouraged and strength- Diod. Sic.
ened by the supplies they had now received, 75.
resumed their former ardour; while Philip,
who, on his side, promised himself the greater
glory from the obstinacy of their defence, was
but the more animated to redouble his efforts.
With his rams he beat down a considerable
part of the new wall which the Perinthians had
raised behind the ruins of the outward fortifi-
cation. In order to encourage his soldiers, he
promised them the plunder of the town, besides
the extraordinary rewards appropriated to those
who should distinguish themselves in the as-
sault. He marched up and attacked the be-
sieged at the several breaches; and, at the
same time, in order to divide their strength,
246
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. obliged his soldiers to scale those parts of the
walls which were yet left standing. All these
efforts were supported by an infinite quantity
of arrows, stones, and other missive weapons
poured in from the machines and towers of the
besiegers. Thus were the Perinthians, after
a resistance almost incredible, at length ob-
liged to abandon their walls, and to retire into
their town, where, as their last resource, they
barricaded all the streets and avenues.
Diod. Sic,
1. 16. sect.
76.
And now the Macedonians, flushed with
their advantage, and confident of success, once
more found a new obstacle to encounter, which
the situation of the town, opposed to them.
Perinthus was built upon an isthmus, and on
an eminence which ended as it were in a point,
and formed a conical figure, so that the houses,
built in the manner of an amphitheatre, were
so contrived as to support each other. All the
motions of the besiegers were distinctly viewed
from the eminences; and if they attacked any
of the adjacent quarters, abundance of arrows,
and other instruments of death, were at once
showered down upon them from the higher
and remoter parts. Thus was Philip, after
various difficulties and dangers, at length mor-
tified by a full conviction, that it would be im-
possible to gain the town by assault, without
the loss of a considerable part of his army.
He therefore determined to change the siege
}
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
247
SECT. II.
p. 224.
into a blockade; and, taking with him such a
number of men as might be sufficient for form-
ing other sieges, he proceeded to attack some
cities of the Propontis; he made inroads and Oliv. 1. 12.
committed ravages, in the territories of Byzan-
tium, but as yet concealed his intentions of
besieging that city. The Byzantines, however
were duly sensible of their danger; and, in
order to oblige him to declare his designs, and
to lay them open to the world, they kept close
within their walls, even with an affectation of
caution and vigilance; while Leon, one of their Philostrat
principal citizens, was dispatched to Athens, in 485.
order to engage that state in the defence of
Byzantium, and to obtain the necessary suc-
cours against the danger immediately impen-
ding over a place of such importance.
Soph. p.
The attention of Athens was already en-
gaged to Philip's motions, and its assemblies
employed in debating and consulting; for thus
far they were ever easily influenced by the
appearance of danger. The assistance afforded
by Persia to Perinthus, and the representations
of the deputies and emissaries of this city,
raised new commotions, and disposed the
Athenians to contribute, by their efforts, to Dem. Phil.
repel the common danger. The friends of*
Macedon, on the other hand, repeated all their
former arguments, and continued, by all their
eloquence and artifice, to recommend tran-
248
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
A
BOOK IV. quillity and security. Aristodemus seems, on
this occasion, to have persevered in his attach-
ment to Philip, and to have, with a remarkable
zeal, urged every motive that might calm the
suspicions, and allay the ferment, raised among
his countrymen. Many honest citizens, whose
consciousness of the weakness and corruptions
of the state made them dread the consequences
of an open rupture, joined with the partisans
of Macedon, and declared for pacific measures.
The enemies of Philip, on the contrary, repre-
sented the insolence and outrages of this
prince with all possible heat and severity; and
urged the interest, the dignity, and the safety
of Athens, as all demanding the most vigorous
resolutions, and most speedy and effectual
efforts for circumscribing the inordinate power
of Philip, and stemming that torrent which
threatened to involve all Greece in ruin. The
assembly, as usual, was distracted and divided,
till at length Demosthenes arose, and, by the
irresistible, force of his eloquence, bore down
all opposition, and put an end at once to all
further debate. The oration, pronounced by
this leader on the present occasion, commonly
called the fourth Philippic, is principally com-
posed of the saine arguments and motives so
often urged before, and with such address and
vehemence; and, now retouched, enlivened,
and improved, presented in a different form,
or disposed in a different order.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
249
Not.
On this occasion, he once more resumed the SECT. 11.
consideration of the theatrical money; but his
sentiments now appear somewhat of a different
kind from those which he formerly professed.
These theatrical distributions seem to have
been a perpetual occasion of public contests
between the several orders of the state. The
poor were ever dissatisfied that the richer citi-
zines shared the largesses, which they consi-
dered as their own peculiar right; and the rich
beheld with impatience, the dissipation of the
public funds which cast the whole weight of
the supplies on them. But there was still a
greater cause of complaint. The revenues of Tourreil.
the state were not always sufficient to defray Phil. 4.
the immense expences of feasts and entertain- vol. 2, 398.
ments: and, in this case, some factious leader,
who was willing to gain popularity, would
propose to tax the rich, or perhaps, by his in-
famous calumnies, raise a prosecution, which
would bring in a large pecuniary fine. The
rich, it may be imagined, were alarmed at such
proceedings; they inveighed loudly against
the authors of them; and sometimes ventured
to accuse them in form, and to bring them to a
trial. When their baseness and evil designs
were publicy exposed, the people were ashamed
to avow their intentions of supporting such
flagrant injustice; their clamours were loud
against the person accused; but as, in all judi-
VOL. II.
2 K
250
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
I
BOOK IV. cial processes, they gave their votes by ballot,
they then had an opportunity of saving their
friend.
The manner in which Demosthenes treats
this subject may not be unworthy of observa-
tion:
"There is another affair, wherein the public
"hath been injured, which hath been attacked
"most injustly and indecently; which is the
"constant pretence of those who refuse to per-
form their duty to the state; to which you
"will find the blame of every omission, which
rr
every man is guilty of, constantly transferred.
"I cannot speak of it without great apprehen-
"sions: yet I will speak: for I think I can
serve my country, by advancing some things,
"both in behalf of the poor against the rich,
"and of the rich against the necessitous: if we
"first banish those invectives unjustly thrown
"out against the theatrical fuuds; and those
"fears, that such an appointment caunot sub-
sist without some dismal consequences; an
<<
appointment which, above all others, may be
"most conducive to our interest, and give the
'greatest strength to the whole community.
CC
"Attend then, while I first plead for those
"who are thought necessitous. There was a
"time, not long since, when the state could
"not raise more than one hundred and thirty
"talents; and yet none of those who were to
PIIILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
251
"command, or to contribute to the equipment SECT. II.
(C
of a galley, ever had recourse to the pretence
"of poverty to be exempted from their duty:
"but vessels were sent out, money was sup-
CC
(C
(C
plied, and none of our affairs neglected.
After this, (thanks to Fortune!) our revenues
"were considerabiy improved; and, instead of
"one hundred, rose to four hundred talents;
"and this without any loss to the wealthy
citizens, but rather with advantage; for they
"share the public affluence, and justly share
"it. Why then do we reproach each other?
Why have we recourse to such pretences to
"be exempted from our duty, unless we envy
the poor that supply with which Fortune
"hath favoured them? I do not, and I think
"no one should blame them. For, in private
CC
(C
rr
families, I do not find the young so devoid of
respect to years, or indeed any one so unrea-
sonable and absurd, as to refuse to do his
duty, unless all others do quite as much:
"such perverseness would render a man ob-
"noxious to the laws against undutiful chil-
dren. For to nothing are we more inviolably
bound, than to a just and cheerful discharge
"of that debt, in which both nature aud the
"laws engage us to our parents. And as we,
"each of us, have our particular parents, so
all our citizens are to be esteemed the com-
CC
mon parents of the state; and therefore,
2 K 2
252
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV.
(C
σε
"instead of depriving them of what the state
bestows, we ought, if there was not this
provision, to find out some other means of
supplying their necessities. If the rich pro-
"ceed upon these principles, they will act
agreeably not to justice only, but to good
policy: for, to rob some men of their neces-
sary subsistence, is to raise a number of
"enemies to the commonwealth.
CC
cc
<<
To men of lower fortunes I give this ad-
"vice: that they should remove those grie-
vances which the wealthier members so
loudly and so justly complain of: (for I
now proceed in the manner I proposed,
"and shall not scruple to offer such truth as
66
<<
may be favourable to the rich.) Look out,
"not through Athens only, but every other
"nation; and, in my opinion, you will not
"find a man of so cruel, so inhuman a dispo-
sition, as to complain, when he sees poor
"men, men who even want the necessaries of
r
life, receiving these appointments. Where
"then lies the difficulty? Whence this ani-
mosity? When they behold certain persons
charging private fortunes with those demands
"which were usually answered by the public;
when they behold the proposer of this imme-
፡፡
CC
<c
66
diately rising in your esteem, and (as far as
your protection can make him) immortal;
"when they find your private votes entirely
i
!
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
253
"different from your public clamours; then SECT. II.
"it is that their indignation is raised. For
justice requires, Athenians, that the advan-
"tages of society should be shared by all
"its members. The rich should have their
"lives and fortunes well secured, that so, when
any danger threatens their country, their
CC
<<
opulence may be applied to its defence.
" Other citizens should regard the public trea-
sure, as it really is, the property of all; and
"be content with their just portion; but should
" esteem all private fortunes, as the inviolable
right of their possessors. Thus it is a small
"state rises to greatness; a great one pre-
serves its power.'
(C
It cannot but be observed, that all here said
in defence of the theatrical appointments, is
expressed with a caution and reserve quite
opposite to his usual openness and freedom;
and which plainly betrays a consciousness of
being inconsistent with his former sentiments.
How far he may be excused by the supposed
necessity of yielding to the violent preposses-
sious of the people, and giving up a favourite
point, I cannot pretend to determine. But it
is certainly not very honourable to Demos-
thenes to suppose (with Ulpian*) that his for- Enarrat.
mer opposition was merely personal; and that
the death of Eubulus now put an end to it.
The sum of his advice, on the present emer-
in Phil. 4.
254
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. gency, is this, that they should observe the
manner in which Philip was endeavouring to
distress them, and imitate it in their opposi-
tion; that they should make all possible pre-
parations to defend themselves, and annoy the
enemy; that they should send effectual and
speedy supplies to those who were now en-
gaged with him; and that they should enter
into an immediate alliance with the king of
Persia, a measure which (either actuated by
private or by public-spirited motives) he re-
presents as of the utmost importance, particu-
larly as it would enable them to gain a large
supply of money. He hints (as is supposed) at
the seizing of Hermias, from whom the king of
Persia could now extort a full confession of the
designs which Philip meditated against Asia,
so as to receive the most unsuspected proof of
the danger to be apprehended from the Mace-
donian. Through the whole address he in-
veighs, with great severity, against corrupted
leaders and orators who had sold themselves to
the enemy of their country; and, towards the
conclusion, particularly attacks Aristodemus
in a spirited apostrophe:
(C
66
The oration is thus emphatically closed:
You have now heard truths of the highest
moment, urged with all freedom, simplicity,
"and zeal. You have heard a speech not
"filled with flattery, danger, and deceit, cal-
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
255
I
"culated to bring gold to the speaker, and to 9BCT. II.
"reduce the state into the power of its ene-
"mies; it remains, therefore, that the whole
"tenour of your conduct be reformed. If not,
"that utter desolation, which will be found in
your affairs, must be imputed, wholly to
yourselves."
16
Corona.
sect. 23.
The strength and energy of Demosthenes
were not entirely ineffectual. The Athenians Dem. de
came immediately to a resolution of dispatching
succours to those towns which were attacked
by Philip, and instantly began to execute their
intentions by sending to the Hellespont a fleet
laden with provisions. This fleet anchored in
view of Selymbria, a city of the Propontis, in
alliance with Athens, and now actually be-
sieged by Philip. the commander seems to
have supposed that the treaty, which still for-
mally subsisted between Athens and Macedon,
would protect him from all hostilities; but in
this he was deceived; for his fleet was instantly
surrounded and seized by Amyntas, who com-
manded the naval force of Macedon. The
lading was examined, and found to consist en-
tirely of corn, which Leodamas, the com-
manding officer, insisted had been purchased
at the Hellespont, aud was intended to be sent
to Lemnos. This pretence was not sufficiently
specious to deceive the penetration of Philip.
There could be but little doubt of the real
256
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. destination of this fleet; the distress of the
Selymbrians, and the late resolution of the
Athenians, were well known. Philip there-
fore detained these ships, as carrying pro-
visions to his enemies.
* In loc.
cit.
The intelligence of this event renewed the
agitation of the Athenians, and once more
afforded a subject of warm debate to their
assembly. The following decrees made on
this occasion, are preserved by Demosthenes,*
who represents this action as the first open and
avowed declaration of hostilities on the part of
Philip.
"In the archonship of Neocles, an assembly
"extraordinary being convened by the gene-
"rals in the month Bodromion, Eubulus, the
son of Mnesitheus, of the Cyprian tribe, pro-
posed the following resolution:
tr
"Whereas the generals have reported to the
assembly, that Leodamas our admiral, toge-
ther with twenty ships sent under his com-
"mand to import corn from the Hellespont,
"have been taken and brought into Macedon,
by Amyntas, a commander in the service of
king Philip; RESOLVED, that it shall be the
rr
66
care of the prytanes and generals, that the
"senate be convened, and ambassadors chosen,
"who shall repair to Philip, and demand the
166 dismission of the admiral, the vessels, and the
"soldiers: that they be instructed to declare,
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
257
that, if Amyntas hath in this acted through SECT. II.
ignorance, the community of Athens hath no
complaints to urge against him; that, if their
"officer hath anywise exceeded his commis-
sion, they are ready to take cognizance of
"his offence, and to punish him as his inad-
"vertence may have merited; but if neither
"of these be the case, but that this outrage be
"the sole act either of the person who gave or
"who received the commission, that the am-
"bassadors shall demand an explicit declara-
tion, and report the same, that the people of
"Athens may determine on such measures as
may be proper for them to pursue."
((
The ambassadors were accordingly named, Dem. de
by virtue of the following decree:
(<
;
"In the archonship of Neocles, on the last
day of the month Bodromion, by a resolution
"of the senate,
"The prytanes and generals having reported
"the determination of the general assembly,
"that ambassadors be sent to Philip to demand
"the restoration of the ships, and that the said
"ambassadors be furnished with particular in-
structions, and with a copy of the decree of
"the assembly.
"The persons, chosen to be entrusted with
"this commission, are Cephisophon, Demo-
critus, and Polycratus. Aristophon, the Co-
fr
VOL. H.
2 L
Corona.
sect. 23.
1
258
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. co
Ibid.
Dem. de
Corona,
sect. 23.
66
thocydian, moxed for this resolution, in the
presidency of the tribe Hippothoontis."
Thus commissioned and instructed, these
ambassadors repaired to, Philip, whom they
now found at the Hellespont. Although this
prince could not but see through the fallacy of
the allegations relative to the destination of the
Athenian ships, yet it was at present necessary
to avoid an open rupture with that state, and
to appear to Greece as acting with extraordi-
nary candour and moderation. He therefore
ordered that the vessels should be released;
and dismissed the Athenian deputies with the
following letter addressed to their state:
*
"PHILIP, king of Macedon, to the senate and
people of Athens, health.
"I have received three of your citizens in
quality of ambassadors, who have conferred
"with me about the dismission of certain ships
" which Leodamas commanded. I cannot but
"consider it as an extraordinary instance of
"weakness, to imagine, that I can possibly
"believe that these ships were really intended
"to import corn, from the Hellespont; for
"Lemnos, and that they were not really sent
"for the relief of the Selymbrians, who are now
besieged by me, and who are by no means
}
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
259
ec
included in that treaty of pacification, by SECT. 11.
" which we stand mutually engaged. These
•
"were the orders which your officer received,
"not from the people of Athens, but from cer-
"tain magistrates, and others now in private
stations, who are by all means solicitous to
<<
(6
engage the people to violate their engage-
"ments, and to commence hostilities against
"me. This they have much more at heart
"than the relief of Selymbria, foudly imagin
"ing that they may derive advantages from
"such a rupture. Persuaded as I am, that our
"mutual interest requires us to frustrate their
"wicked schemes, I have given orders that the
" vessels brought in to us shall be immediately
"released: and, for the future, do you remove
"those pernicious counsellors from the admini-
เส
rr
<<
stration of your affairs, and let them feel the
severity of your justice: I shall, on my part,
"endeavour to adhere inviolably to my treaty.
"Farewell.
The receipt of this letter raised new commo-
tions in the assembly and afforded the several
parties, and popular leaders, new subject for
opposition and debate. In the mean time,
Leon, the Byzantine ambassador, continued
at Athens, without an opportunity of exe-
cuting his commission. He had from time to
time solicited an audience, but still found diffi-
culties and delays. The assistance offered by
2 L2
260
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Soph. p.
485.
BOOK IV. the Byzantines to the revolted allies of Athens,
in the social war, was still remembered, and
mentioned with resentment; and the partisans
of Philip took pains to dwell invidiously on
Philostrat. this subject. At length, however, he obtained
permission to address himself to an assembly,
, and for that purpose appeared in the gallery
where the public speakers were usually stationed
to harangue the people. His person was by
no means of that kind which commands imme-
diate respect. His stature was low; his legs
remarkably short; and his belly round and
prominent. At sight of this extraordinary
figure, the people, who were of all men most
passionately fond of ridicule, who could readily
find out, or even create, something ludicrous
in every object, forgot the respect due to his
character, and instantly burst into loud and
tumultuous peals of laughter. Leon was not
in the least disconcerted. As soon as he could
gain attention, "Men of Athens," said he,
you laugh at my person. You would laugh
"much more, were you to see my wife. She
"is still less than I am; and yet, when we
r
disagree, the whole city of Byzantium is
"too small to hold us." [c] The Athenians,
[c] We have a similar account in Athenæus, (1. 12, p. 550.)
of Python's suppressing a sedition at Byzantium, by observing
to the people that his wife was more corpulent than himself,
and that yet, when they agreed, one little bed was sufficient for
them, &c.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
201
}
charmed with this presence of mind, with which SECT. II.
he recalled them to the business of their meet-
ing, and presented to their view the danger of
those divisions which had long been one great
cause of all their difficulties, changed their con-
tempt into applause, and gave him the most.
favourable attention. In an eloquent, forcible,
and natural discourse, he convinced them of
the great importance of a vigorous opposition
to the aspiring and enterprising king of Mace-
don; and of uniting their forces with those of
Byzantium, which might enable them to check
the progress of his arms. Convinced by his
reasons, and influenced by his address, the Plut. in
people instantly decreed that a powerful fleet
should be equipped, and sent to the Helles-
pont. Their force, if properly conducted,
might have proved an effectual obstacle to
the designs of Philip; but unhappily the com-
mand was intrusted to Chares.
His person
and address promised enterprise and courage.
Ilis interest in the assembly was still powerful.
He had orators and popular leaders in his pay.
And thus corruption and intrigue defeated the
most vigorous and best concerted measures of
this misguided people.
Phoc.
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP
KING OF MACEDON
ROOK THE FOURTH, SECTION 111.
}
1
CONTENTS.
-Its
CHARES sets sail.-His conduct.-The Byzantines shut
their gates against him. His engagement with Amyntas.—
Byzantium besieged.-Philip attempts to surprise the town.-Is
unsuccessful.-The relief of Byzantium intrusted to Phocion.-
He is received with joy.-Philip determined to raise the siege.-
From what motives. His transactions with the king of Scythia.
His interview with Leon.-Reasons for his engaging in the
Scythian expedition.-Actions of Phocion.-He returns to
Athens. Decrees of the Byzantines, Perinthians, and Cherso-
nesites.--Observations of Demosthenes.-Philip's leller to the
Athenians.-The oration of Demosthenes ON THE LETTER.---
effect.-Sentiments of Phocion.-His expedition to Megara.-
Antipho's plot discovered by Demosthenes.-He first escapes
from justice. He is afterwards forced to confess, and pun-
ished.-The Athenians disposed to warlike measures.-The ora-
tion of Demosthenes on regulating the commonwealth.—The
famous law of Eubulus repealed.-Alexander, reduces the
Madareans.-Builds Alexandropolis-Philip's message to the
king of Scythia.-The answer.-Battle with the Scythians.-
The Triballi oppose Philip's return.—His imminent danger.
Is rescued by Alexander.-The prince's observation on his
father's wound.
•
BOOK THE FOURTH.
SECTION III.
BOOK IV.
110, Y. 1.
Phocion.
CHA
HARES now sailed from the Piræus, more
intent on gratifying his avarice and luxury, SECT. 111.
than on executing the important commission Olymp.
which his country had imprudently assigned to
such a general. The towns by which he sailed, Plut. in
refused to admit him into their ports, so uni-
versally were his vices and inabilities the ob-
jects of terror and scorn. He was thus obliged
to wander for some time along the coast, op-
pressing the allies and dependent states of
Athens by his severe exactions; while the
enemy despised him, and, from his conduct,
derived the most favourable expectations of
success. At length, this general appeared be-
fore Byzantium. But here, as in other places,
he was treated with ignominy; and the By-
zantines absolutely refused to open their gates
to a man, from whom they had no expectations
of
any effectual assistance, and whose conduct
would probably aggravate their distress, and
increase their difficulties.
4
p. 238.
Stung with this disgrace, and determined, oliv. 1. 13.
by some bold exploit, to convince the Byzan- Hesychius
tines of their mistake, he bore down on the orb.
de Situ
VOL. II.
2 M
266
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. Macedonian fleet, which lay at anchor before
Oliv. 1. 13,
p. 239.
Chalcedon, where the Byzantines commanded,
and, by permission of the king of Persia, main-
tained a garrison. But Amyntas, Philip's ad-
miral, prevented his attack. He came out to
meet him, fell furiously upon his fleet, sunk
several of his ships, and took others. Damalis,
the wife of Chares, followed him in this expe-
dition, and died during the engagement. She
was interred on the coast of Asia, to which the
shattered remains of the Athenian fleet retired,
and where her epitaph was extant under the
later Greek emperors.
1
This defeat confirmed the suspicions which
had been entertained of Chares, and encou-
raged Philip to avow his designs against By-
zantium, and to commence hostilities against
this important town. It was, by its situation,
remarkably strong. On three sides the sea
rendered it inaccessible; on the fourth, by
which only it could be attacked, it was strongly
defended by a large and deep trench, with
towers raised to a considerable height, and at
a small interval from each other; in each of
which, besides the usual guards, there was a
mastiff kept at the public charge: a precaution
usual in all the Grecian cities, to secure them
Diod. Sic. against surprises and nocturnal attacks. The
inhabitants were well supplied with provisions
1. 16. sect.
77.
+
and other necessaries. Chios and Rhodes, in
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
267
Oliv. 1. 9.
consequence of ancient, friendship and treaties SECT. HI
which still subsisted, had thrown in consi-
derable succours; so that, when Philip began
the siege by his battering engines, the Byzan-
tines trusted entirely to the goodness of their
walls, and the condition of their town; and, p. 240..
without making any sallies, suffered the be-
siegers to carry on their works without inter-
ruption. Philip determined to take advantage
of this inaction, and, if possible, to become
master of the town by surprise. He affected
an obstinate resolution of making a breach in
the walls, and of proceeding by assault, while,
in the mean time, he made all possible disposi-
tions for the execution of his real design. For
this, he chose out a night remarkably dark and
gloomy; and ordered a large party of the
bravest and most enterprising of his Mace-
donians to scale the walls. They had already
crossed the trench and fixed their ladders; and
some of them had even mounted the walls, Ibid.
when this bold project was at once defeated
by the mastiffs that were shut up within the
towers: their barkings and bayings roused the
centinels, and informed them of the enemy's
approach. The whole town was instantly in
arms, though no man knew from what quarter
the danger was to be apprehended; and, in
2 M 2
268
THE LIFE AND REIGN of
Tourr.
Rem. sur
Ctes. p.
BOOK IV. this universal confusion, considerably increased
by the darkness, they imagined that the be-
siegers were already masters of the town, and
the several parties, which now issued out tu-
multuously from their respective stations, were
just on the point of falling blindly on each
Dem. pour other; when, on a sudden, a bright meteor
appeared in the air, and enabled them to dis-
tinguish their friends, to collect their forces,
and to march in some order against the enemy,
who had by this time gained the rampart.
The Macedonians were, with much difficulty,
repulsed; and retired, with all the honour
which a brave, though unsuccessful, enterprise
could reflect upon them.
$29.
Ibid.
The meteor, which had appeared so oppor-
tunely to direct their motions, the Byzantines
ascribed to the peculiar favour of the gods:
and, in the ardour of their acknowledgments,
dedicated a statue to Hecate, before which a
lamp was kept burning continually by night
and day, to express their gratitude to the god-
dess, who had been pleased, in so effectual and
seasonable a manner, to supply the absence of
her luminary.
When this stratagem was thus defeated,
Philip determined to rely entirely on the valour
of his men, and continued the operations of
the siege, with the same indefatigable diligence
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
269
and vigour with which they had been first SECT. III.
commenced. [A]
1
in Vit.
During these transactions, accounts, were Plut.
received at Athens, that Chares had been de- Phocion.
nied admittance into Byzantium. This the
partisans of Macedon took care to represent as
the natural consequence of the misguided zeal
of their countrymen, and a proof of the just-
ness and integrity of their counsels, who had
recommended pacific measures. "We have
66
officiously sent our fleets," said they, "to join
"with those who are really the enemies of
"Athens, and as enemies they have treated
us: we have discovered our hostile intentions
CC
(C
against Philip, which have only served to in-
" flame his just resentment, while we are dis-
[A] While Philip was employed in this siege, he is said by
the abbreviator of Trogus (l. 9. c. 1.) to have raised considerable
sums of money by piracy; and, by the capture of öné hundred
and seventy ships, to have restored the declining state of his
finances. Plutarch also (de Fort. Alex. Orat. 1, p. 327.)
asserts, on the authority of Onesicritus, an ancient author, that
Philip was at this time two hundred talents in debt. We have
likewise an account, in Polyænus, (l. 4, c. 2, str. 2.) of a
mutiny in his army, occasioned by the want of pay; which
must have been about this time. The soldiers crowded round
the king, at a time when he was engaged in some gymnastic
exercises, and clamoured loudly for their money. Right!"
said Philip, "my brave fellow soldiers! money you must have;
-and, for this purpose, you see me strengthening my body,
"in order to march against the Persian, who hath riches to
satisfy you all."-He then rushed through the midst of them,
plunged into an adjacent pool, and there continued bathing, till
the soldiers, who waited till the king should conclude. his
exercises, and be at leisure to answer their demands, by degrees
forgot their complaints, grew quiet, and dispersed.
970
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
}
BOOK IV.
Plut.
in Vit.
Phocion.
66
Ce
66
เ
gracefully precluded from giving any opposi
tion to his designs." Error, misrepresenta-
tion, clamour, and division, prevailed as usual
in the assembly of the people, who were en-
tirely at a loss where to fix the blame of their
disappointment, and how to remedy the incon-
veniencies of it: when Phocion, their experi-
enced and faithful citizen, arose, and at once
put an end to the confusion. "At this time
my countrymen," said he, "the measures
which you have taken for the preservation of
your allies, and for repelling the common
danger, were by no means unworthy of your
dignity. On the other hand, the suspicions
" of our allies are but too well founded. Let
us not condemn that diffidence which the
conduct of our leader hath justly raised in
every city which our fleets have visited. It
"is to Chares, and to his rapacious and insa-
"tiable cruelty, which have rendered him the
"terror and detestation of our allies; to his
"weakness and misconduct, which have ren-
dered him the scorn and sport of all our
enemies, that we must impute the insult on
our state. He it is who hath made us sus-
pected and dreaded, even by those who
cannot possibly subsist without our succours."
Struck with the force and candour of this
declaration, the people at once resolved on a
new armament, and instantly nominated Pho-
"
•
66
26
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
271
cion himself to the command, wisely intrusting SECT. III.
to their brave old general the important charge
of relieving Byzantium. He accepted the com-
mand, and, having raised his levies, set sail for
that city. At his arrival, he gave every assu-
rance of his just and kind intentions; and, to
allay all suspicions and distrust, all fears of
oppression and irregularity, proposed to en-
camp without the walls. But his illustrious
reputation had already secured him all the ho-
nour and confidence which his virtues merited.
Leon had inspired the Byzantines with the most
favourable sentiments of his old friend and
fellow student; and offered to be himself re-
sponsible for the sincerity and integrity of his
conduct. Their gates were therefore opened
to Phocion, as to their protector and deliverer;
his forces were entertained with all the tender-
ness and regard which friendship could inspire;
and they, by an exact regularity of conduct
and discipline, and a strict and diligent atten-
tion to the defence of the town, confirmed and
rewarded the Byzantines: who were
taught to revere their inoffensive behaviour
towards the citizens, and the intrepidity with
which they sustained the assaults of the enemy.
now
Philip was justly alarmed at this powerful
reinforcement; all his artifice, all his resolution,
and all the efforts of a brave and numerous
army, had been exerted, for a considerable
272
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. time, without effect. He therefore became
sensible of the difficulties which he encountered,
and despaired of the success of his daring
enterprise. An event, which now occurs to
be explained, confirmed him in his resolution
of raising the siege, and, at the same time,
removed all appearance of necessity or dis-
grace.
Just. 1. 9.
6.2.
At the time when Philip marched to lay
siege to Perinthus, he was met at Apollonia by
certain persons who assumed the character of
ambassadors from Atheas, king of Scythia;
and, as commissioned by him, implored the
assistance of Macedon against the king of the
Istrians, who had made a formidable inroad
into Scythia, and thus infested and distressed
the dominions of their master. These ambas-
sadors, the more effectually to engage the as-
sistance of Philip against an enemy, who by
this time seems to have reduced their country
to the utmost extremity, promised, in the name
of their master, to secure to Philip the succes
sion of his kingdom, if, by his arms, Atheas
was rescued from the present danger. The
proposal was highly agreeable to the ambition
of Philip. He instantly ordered a body of
forces to march to the assistance of Scythia,
and promised to follow them in person, as soon
as his affairs should permit him. The death of
the king of the Istrians, which happened in
1
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
273
the course of these transactions, relieved Atheas SECT. III.
from his difficulties, and rendered the interpo-
sition of Macedon unnecessary. And now the
king of Scythia disavowed all the propositions
made by those who called themselves his am-
bassadors. He declared, that it was not at all
probable that he had desired the assistance of
the Macedonians, who were only able to en-
gage with men, while he himself was at the
head of an army which could combat with cold
and famine; nor could he think of appointing,
Philip his successor, when he had a son ca-
pable of inheriting his crown and dignity.
Philip then sent to desire that he would at least
gratify the forces which he had detached to his
relief, by granting them their pay. His am-
bassadors, at their arrival in Scythia, found the
king in his stable, employed in the care of his
horse. When they expressed their surprise, Plut. in
he asked them whether their master did not Apophth
employ himself in the same manner. "For
my part," said he, " in time of peace, I make
"no sort of difference between me and my
groom." When they came to open their
commission, and talk of business, he coldly
told them, that all Scythia could not command
so much wealth as might gratify such a poten- supra.
tate as Philip, and that he deemed it more eli-
gible to offer nothing, than to make an offer
unworthy of their master; that the barren soil
VOL. IK
2 N
Just. ut
274-
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. and severe climate of Scythia, rendered the
tus, 1.2,
P. 485.
inhabitants more distinguished by their ex-
traordinary vigour and bravery, than by their
riches.
}
This answer was now reported to the king
of Macedon when harassed by the obstinate
defence of the Byzantines, and gave him a fair
pretence of abandoning his present enterprise,
and marching against Atheas. And now, re-
solved to quit the siege of Byzantium, but at
the same time to retire with a good grace, he
demanded an interview with Leon, who com-
Philostra manded in the town. A cessation of arms en-
sued; Leon appeared before Philip, and, with
that boldness which a free government inspires,
desired to know for what reason the king of
Macedon thus attacked a town which had never
given him the least umbrage. Philip answered
ingenuously, that the situation of Byzantium
rendered the possession of it necessary to his
designs; that he considered the city as a mis-
tress whom he had long wooed and courted,
and had at length determined to force to a
compliance. "Alas! sir," replied Leon, point-
ing to the machines which were raised against
the town," it is not thus that lovers address
"themselves to their mistresses: these are not
"the entertainments which they provide for
"them." Philip assured him that the opera-
tions of the siege should immediately cease;
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
275.
and, having directed him to declare to the SECT. II.
Byzantines, that the general good of Greece
was the sole end of all his actions, he raised
the siege, and prepared for an expedition into
Scythia.
Besides those motives of honour and re-
venge, which invited Philip into Scythia, he
had other political reasons to determine him
to carry his arms into that country. His great
design was to humble the Athenians; but it
was by no means a favourable opportunity for
declaring war against them, when he had been
foiled in two grand undertakings, and obliged
to raise two different sieges, so as to sully the
glory of his arms, and to re-animate the cou-
rage of his enemies. In advancing therefore
to Scythia, where he had no doubt but that his
arms would be victorious, he justly thought
that he should give the Athenians time to grow
calm, and to subside, by degrees, to their usual
indolent and inactive state. Their flaming
zeal, he knew, was suddenly raised; and, if
the appearance of danger was in the least re-
moved, would, of itself, evaporate: by carry-
ing his arms into these distant parts, all Greece
would remain in ignorance and suspence as to
his real designs, until they came to the very
point of execution: and one grand scheme he
now seems to have concerted against that
whole nation, and particularly against Athens,
2 N 2
276
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. which will hereafter be explained, and which
might be conducted with much more security
and success in his absence.
Plut. in
Phoc.
Dem. de
Corona.
sect. 27.
Plut. ut
supra.
He therefore raised the siege of Byzantium;
and Phocion, to whose conduct the preserva-
tion of that important place was principally
owing, marched out amidst the prayers and
acclamations of the inhabitants. He suffered
the Macedonians to retire unmolested, without
attempting to fall on their rear, or being
tempted by his success, to any of those rash
vanities, which might possibly be pardoned
in a less renowned and experienced general.
The quiet and security of the Athenian colo-
nies, and dependent states, were his principal
concern. He steered his course towards the
Chersonesus, where the friends of Athens were
perpetually infested by irruptions from Cardia.
In his passage, he took some vessels, which
were carrying arms and provisions to the
enemy; and being informed that the Mace-
doniaus had made an attempt on Sestus, he
marched instantly to prevent their designs,
and obliged them to retire to Cardia. Several
cities of lesser note, which Philip had lately
taken, were also recovered by Phocion in this
expedition. And, having thus driven Philip
from the Hellespont, to spread the terror of
the Athenian arms still further, he made incur-
sious tnto the territories of this prince, and
}
277
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
there raised large contributions, so as to main- SECT. III.
tain his soldiers at the expence of the enemy,
instead of burdening his allies; but, being op-
posed by some forces which were sent to check
his progress, and having received a wound in
an engagement, he thought it necessary to
content himself with the glory he had already
acquired, led his forces back, and embarked
for Athens.
These several expeditions reflected infinite
honour both on Phocion and on the Athenians.
The people, who had been immediately ob-
liged, and who now owed their safety to the
valour and conduct of Athens, did not confine
themselves to a bare acknowledgment of such
signal services, but proceeded to raise solid
and authentic monuments of their deliverance
and gratitude. The following decree, made
on this occasion by the Byzantines and Perin-
thians, hath been transmitted to us by the great Dem. de
Athenian orator:
Bosphoricus being hieromnemon, Dema-
"getus, by permission of the senate, drew up
"the following resolution:
"Whereas the people of Athens have, from
"the earliest times, persevered in an unalter-
"able affection to the Byzantines, and to their
confederates and kinsmen the Perinthians,
"and have lately, when Philip of Macedon
"invaded and laid waste their territories with
(C
Corona,
sect. 27.
278
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. "fire and sword, and attacked their cities, done
them many and signal services; and, by a
reinforcement of one hundred and twenty
ships, with provisions, arms, and soldiers,
"have extricated us from the utmost dangers,
"restored our ancient constitution, our laws,
"and the sepulchres of our fathers; it is there-
"fore RESOLVED, by the people of Byzantium
"and Perinthus, to grant to the Athenians the
right of intermarriage, the freedom of our
"states, the power of purchasing lands, and
"the first and most honourable seats in all our
public entertainments, in the tholus, in the
senate, and in the popular assembly. And
"that whatever Athenian shall chuse to reside
" in our respective cities, shall enjoy a perfect
immunity and exemption from all taxes.
"And it is further resolved, that three statues,
"sixteen cubits high, shall be erected in the
port of Byzantium, representing the commu-
nity of Athens crowned by the Byzantines
"and Perinthians. And that honorary pre-
"sents shall be sent to the several general
assemblies of Greece, the Isthmian, Nemean,
Olympic, and Pythian, where proclamation
shall be duly made of that crown now by us
"conferred on the people of Athens; that all
"Greece may be informed of the magnanimity
"of Athens, and the gratitude of the Byzan-
"tines and Perinthians."
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
279
The people of the Chersonesus, who had SECT. III.
been protected against the attacks of Cardia,
and the Macedonian forces stationed in that
city, expressed their acknowledgments in the Dem. de
following manner:
"The Chersonesites, inhabitants of Sestus,
"Eleus, Madytus, and Halopoconesus, do
crown the senate and people of Athens with
"a golden crown of sixty talents. They also
CC
(C
(C
consecrate an altar to Gratitude and the
Athenians, on account of the important ser-
"vices conferred by this people on the inhabi-
"tants of the Chersonesus, in delivering them
"from the power of Philip, and in restoring
"their country, their laws, their liberties, and
"their religion. Of which the Chersonesites
"will ever retain a just and grateful sense,
"and be ever ready, to the utmost of their
power, to return the important obligation.—
"Thus it was RESOLVED in a full assembly of
"the senate."
Corona.
sect. 27.
These public acts, and the honours thus paid
to Athens, were matter of great triumph to the
enemies of Macedon, and the leaders who de-
claimed against Philip. They magnified them
as the glorious effect of their counsels and con-
duct. "The measures I concerted, the con-
"duct I pursued," (saith Demosthenes,* speak- *de l`··ron«.
ing of these transactions, )" not only saved
r
"the Chersonesus and Byzantium; not only
sect. 97.
980
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV, co
prevented Philip from becoming master of
"the Hellespont; not only afforded you an
" opportunity of acquiring immortal honours;
"but displayed to all the world, the dignity
"and integrity of Athens, and the base per-
"fidiousness of Philip. He, the friend and
ally of the Byzantines, publicly and avow-
edly besieged their city; (can we conceive a
"baser, a more abandoned outrage?) You,
"who might have justly cherished resentment
against them, on account of ancient injuries,
"not only forgot all your wrongs; not only
"refused to look with indifference on their
<<
<c
danger; but appeared to all mankind their
great deliverers; and, by this transcendent
generosity, acquired universal love and ho-
nour. That you have frequently honoured
rr many of those with crowns to whom the con-
"duct of your affairs hath been intrusted, is
"well known. But name, if you can, any one
"counsellor, or public speaker, except myself,
by whose means the state itself hath been
"thus honoured.”
If the recollection of these honours, after a
long interval of time, was pleasing and flatter-
ing to the Athenians, they could not but have
been greatly affected by them, when they had
been just conferred; and possibly the success
and glory of this expedition contributed greatly
to dispose their minds to vigorous and warlike
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
281
measures. Disappointments depressed them; SECT. III.
and the least appearance of good fortune ele-
vated and transported them. They were now
engaged in deliberation on an affair, which had
been, for some time, considered' as of great
moment. About the time that Philip medi-
tated the siege of Byzantium, this prince, who
already perceived some degree of vigour break-
ing through that immoderate indolence which
had long possessed the Athenians, determined
to make use of every artifice to check their
rising spirit. It was of particular importance
to him, if possible, to deter them from opposing
the designs he was now prepared to execute;
at least to possess the other states of Greece
with unfavourable sentiments of their conduct,
and to make them regard the hostilities, which
it might be convenient for him to commit
against Athens, as equitable and necessary.
For these purposes he addressed a large letter
to the Athenians, in which he recounted all
his complaints, all his real and pretended inju-
ries, in the amplest and most artful manner;
examined every allegation made on their part,
and obviated every objection to his conduct.
This letter was received at Athens after the ac-
count of the defeat of Chares in the engage-
ment with Amyntas, and, as was intended, af-
forded the partizans of Macedon a copious sub-
ject for haranguing, and ample and powerful
VOL. II.
20
282
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. arguments for intimidating the people, and di-
verting them from all measures that might pro-
duce an open rupture.
This piece now became the object of consi
deration in the assembly of the people. It
hath happily been preserved, and is an honour
able proof of the eloquence and abilities of
this prince. I take the liberty therefore of
transcribing this letter at large; which how-
ever it may have been already laid before the
English reader, must be considered as a neces-
sary part of the present work.
Сс
PHILIP, to the senate and people of Athens,
greeting.
"As the embassies I have frequently sent to
"enforce those oaths and declarations by which
"we stand engaged, have produced no altera-
"tion in your conduct, I thought it necessary
"thus to lay before you the several particulars
" in which I think myself aggrieved. Be not
"surprised at the length of this letter; for, as
"I have many causes of complaint, it is neces-
sary to explain them all distinctly.
66
66
?
"First then, when Nicias the herald was
forcibly taken out of my own territory; in-
"stead of punishing the author of this out-
rage, as justice required, you added to his
(6
"C
wrongs, by keeping him ten months in pri-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
28
son; and the letters intrusted to him, by us,
you read publicly in your assembly. Again;
"when the ports of Thassus were open to the
Byzantine gallies, nay, to any pirates that
pleased, you looked on with indifference;
"although our treaties expressly say, that
"such proceedings shall be considered as an
"actual declaration of war. About the same
"
"
"time it was, that Diopithes made a descent
upon my dominions, carried off in chains the
"inhabitants of Crobyle and Tiristasis, ra-
vaged all the adjacent parts of Thrace, and
"at length proceeded to such a pitch of law-
#
((
less violence, as to seize Amphilocus, who
"went in quality of an ambassador to treat
"about the ransom of prisoners; whom, after
"he had reduced him to the greatest difficul-
ties, he compelled to purchase his freedom
"at the rate of nine talents. And this he
"did with the approbation of his state. Yet
"the violation of the sacred character of he-
(C
((
"
SECT. III.
ralds and ambassadors is accounted by all
people, the height of impiety: nor have any
expressed a deeper sense of this than you
yourselves: for, when the Megareans had
put Anthemocritus to death, the people pro-
"ceeded so far as to exclude them from the
"mysteries; and erected a statue before the
gates, as a monument of their crime. And
"is not this shocking, to be avowedly guilty
202
284
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV." of the very same crimes, for which your re-
"sentment fell só severely upon others, when
you yourselves were aggrieved?
СС
(C
"In the next place; Callias, your general,
"hath made himself master of all the towns
upon the bay of Pegasæ, though compre-
"hended in the treaty made with you, and
"united in alliance to me. Not a vessel could
"steer its course towards Macedon, but the
rr
..
passengers were all treated by him as ene-
r mies, and sold: and this his conduct hath been
applauded by the resolutions of your coun
"cil. So that I do not see how you can pro-
"ceed further, if you actually declare war
against me. For, when we were at open
hostilities, you did but send out your corsairs,
sell those who were sailing to my kingdom,
"assist my enemies, and infest my territories.
"Yet now, when we are professedly at peace,
66
rr
66
so far have your injustice and rancour hurried
you, that you have sent ambassadors to the
"Persian, to persuade him to attack me; which
"must appear highly surprising: for, before
"that prince had subdued Egypt and Phoenicia,
"it was resolved, that, if he attempted any
new enterprises, you would invite me, as
"well as all the other Greeks, to an association
"against him. But, now with such malice am
"I pursued, that you are, on the contrary,
confederating with him against me. In for-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
285
mer times, I am told, your ancestors objected SECT. III.
"it as an heinous crime to the family of Pisis-
<<
tratus, that they had led the Persian against
"the Greeks: and yet you are not ashamed to
"commit the very same action, for which you
"are continually inveighing against those
tyrants.
"But your injustice hath not stopped here.
« Your decrees command me to permit Teres
and Cersobleptes to reign unmolested in
"Thrace, as being citizens of Athens.-I do
"not know that they were included in our
"treaty, that their names are to be found in
"the records of our engagements, or that they
66
are Athenians. But this I know, that Teres
"served in my army against you; aud that,
"when Cersobleptes proposed to my ambassa-
dors to take the necessary oaths, in order to
"be particularly included in the treaty, your
"generals prevented him, by declaring him an
enemy to the Athenians. And how is this
FC
rr
66
equitable or just? When it serves your pur-
poses, to proclaim him the enemy of your
"state; whem I am to be calumniated, to give
"him the title of your citizen; when Sitalces
was slain, to whom you granted the privileges
"of your city, instantly to enter into an alli-
ance with his murderer; yet to engage in a
war with me, ou account of Cersobleptes?
And this, when you are sensible, that not one
286
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV." of these your adopted citizens have ever
"
66
shewed the least regard to your laws or de-
terminations. But to bring this affair to a
"short issue. You granted the rights of your
community to Evagoras of Cyprus, to Diony-
"sius the Syracusan, and to their descendants.
Prevail therefore upon the men who have de-
posed each of these, to restore them to their
dominions, and you shall recover from me
all those territories of Thrace, which Teres
and Cersobleptes commanded. But if you
"have nothing to urge against those who
<<
expelled them, and yet are incessantly tor-
"menting me, am not I justly warranted to
* oppose you?—I might urge many other argu-
"ments upou this head; but I chuse to pass
"them over.
"The Cardians, I freely declare, I am deter-
"mined to support; as my engagements to them
"are prior to our treaty; and as you refused to
"submit your differences with them to an
cc
CC
arbitration, though frequently urged by me;
"nor have they been wanting in the like soli-
citation. Should not I therefore be the basest
of mankind, to abandon my allies, and to
"shew greater regard for you, my inveterate
opposers, than for my constant and assured
"adherents?
rr
СС
Formerly (for I cannot pass this in silence)
you contented yourselves with remonstrating
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
287
<
upon the points above-mentioned. But lately SECT. I.
upon the bare complaint of the Peparethians,
"that they had been severely treated by me,
you proceeded to such outrage, as to send
"orders to your general to avenge their quar-
"rel. Yet the punishment which I inflicted
"was no way equal to the heinousness of their
"crime: as they had, in time of peace, seized
"Halonesus, nor could be prevailed upon, by
("
"
(C
all my solicitations, to give up either the
"island or the garrison. The injuries I re-
"ceived from the Peparethians were never
thought of; but their punishment com-
"manded all your attention, as it afforded a
pretence for accusing me; although I did
"not take the island either from them, or from
you, but from the pirate Sostratus. If then
you confess that you delivered it to Sostratus,
you confess yourselves guilty of sending out
pirates; if he seized it, without your consent,
"how have I injured you, by taking possession
of it, and by rendering it a secure harbour?
Nay, so great was my regard to your state,
"that I offered to bestow you this island: but
(6
((
(C
"(
this was not agreeable to your orators: they
"would not have it accepted, but resumed.
"So that, if I complied with their direction, I
proclaimed myself an usurper: if I still kept
"possession of the place, I became suspected
"to the people. I saw through these artifices,
"c
288
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
you
t
BOOK IV." and therefore proposed to bring our dif-
ferences to a judicial determination; and, if
"sente.ce was given for me, to present you
"with the place; if in your favour, to restore
"it to the people. This I frequently desired:
would not hear it: the Peparethians
seized the island. What then was I to do?
"Should I not punish the violators of oaths?
"Was I tamely to bear such an audacious
"insult? If the island was the property of the
"Peparethians, what right have the Athenians
"to demand it? If it be your's, why do you
"not resent their usurpation?
"
"
"So far, in short, have our animosities been
carried, that, when I had occasion to dis-
patch some vessels to the Hellespont, I was
obliged to send a body of forces through the
"Chersonesus to defend them against your
colonies, who are authorized to attack me
by a decree of Polycrates, confirmed by the
"resolutions of your council. Nay, your
general has actually invited the Byzantines
"to join him, and every where publicly de-
"clared, that he has your instructions to com-
"mence hostilities, at the first favourable op-
*C
66
portunity. All this could not prevail upon
"me to make any attempt upon your city, or
"your navy, or your territories; although I
might have had success in most, or even all
" of them. I chose rather to continue my
ស
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
289
(
solicitations, to have our complaints sub- SECT. III.
"mitted to proper umpires. And which, think
ye, is the fittest decision; that of reaɔn, or
"of the sword? Who are to be judges in your
cause, yourselves or others? What can be
CC
more inconsistent, than that the people of
Athens, who compelled the Thassians and
"Maronites to bring their pretensions to the
city of Stryma to a judicial decision, should
yet refuse to have their own disputes with`
"me determined in the same manner? Parti-
cularly, as you are sensible, if the decree be
against you, still you lose nothing; if in
CC
(C
(C
your favour, it puts you in possession of my
conquests.
"But what appears to me the most unac-
"countable is this: when I sent you ambas-
sadors, chosen from all the confederated
(f
CC
(f
powers, on purpose to be witnesses of our
transactions; when I discovered the sin-
"cerest intentions of entering into reasonable
"and just engagements with you, in relation
"to the affairs of Greece, you even refused to
"hear these ambassadors on that head. It was
tr
(C
،،
(C
then in your power to remove all their ap-
prehensions, who suspected any danger from
my designs; or to have openly convicted
me of consummate baseness. This was the
"interest of the people; but the orators could
not find their account in it; for they are a
VOL. II.
2 P
i
290
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK IV. "set of men, to whom (if I may believe those
"who are acquainted with your polity) peace
<<
CC
is war, and war is peace; as they are always
I
sure to make a property of the generals,
"either by aiding their designs, or by mali-
"cious prosecutions. Then they need but
"throw out some scandalous invectives against
persons of worth and eminence, citizens or
foreigners, and they at once acquire the
"character of patriots, among the many.
"could have easily silenced their clamours
"against me, by a little gold; and even have
"converted them into praises: but I should
"blush to purchase your friendship from such
"wretches. To such insolence have they pro-
"ceeded upon other occasions, that they even
"dared to dispute my title to Amphipolis;
"which is founded, I presume, upon reasons
<<
beyond their power to invalidate: for, if it
"is to belong to those who first conquered it,
"what can be juster than our claim? Alexan-
der, our ancestor, was the original sovereign,
co
as appears from the golden statue which he
"erected at Delphos, from the first fruits of
"the Persian spoils taken there. But if this
"admits of contest, and it is to continue the
66
CC
property of those who were last in posses-
sign, it is mine by this title too; (for I took
"it from the Lacedæmonian inhabitants, who
"had dispossessed you:) and all cities are
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
291
CC
held either by hereditary right, or by the SECT. III.
right of conquest. And yet you, who neither
were the original possessors, nor are now in
possession, presume to lay claim to this city,
"under pretence of having held it for some
short time; and this, when you have your-
"
((
selves given the strongest testimony in my
"favour: for I frequently wrote to you upon
"this head, and you as often acknowledged
"me the rightful sovereign: and, by the arti-
"cles of our late treaty, the possession of
Amphipolis, and your alliance, were both
secured to me. What title therefore can be
better established? It descended to us from
"our ancestors; it is our's by conquest; and,
lastly, you yourselves have acknowledged
"the justice of our pretensions; you who are
"wont to assert your claim, even when it is
"not supported by right.
t
"I have now laid before you the grounds of
my complaints. Since you have been the
"first aggressors; since my gentleness and
"fear of offending have only served to increase
your injustice, and to animate you in your
66
CC
(C
attempts to distress me; I must now take up
arms; and I call the gods to witness to the
justice of my cause, and the necessity of
procuring for myself that redress which you
deny me."
To have distinctly answered every article in
2P 2
292
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Tourr.
Somum.
Orat. in
Epist.
BOOK IV. this letter would have been extremely difficult,
with so much force and delicacy had Philip
urged all his real or pretended causes of com-
plaint. The conduct of Athens, notwithstand-
ing all the advantages of a good cause, had
been in many instances highly exceptionable;
and these instances Philip knew how to display
to the greatest advantage. Demosthenes there-
fore, the strenuous adversary of Macedon, found
himself obliged to exert all his address against
so powerful an antagonist. Without engaging
to a formal discussion of facts, the orator ap-
plies himself wholly to the lively passions. He
affects to consider the letter as a formal decla-
ration of war; inflames the imagination of his
hearers with this idea; animates and urges
them to a vigorous opposition; and points out
the means of giving success to their arins.
He seemed to triumph and exult in this letter,
as an avowal of those iniquitous designs, which
he had so frequently imputed to Philip; and
with a passionate zeal, which hath all the ap-
pearance of sincerity, addressed himself to the
assembly in that short oration, intitled, ON THE
LETTER; which is, as it were, a recapitulation
of all that he had, in former times, urged
against the king of Macedon.
Encouraged by their late successes, and in-
flamed by the eloquence of their public leader,
the Athenians secmed to have quite forgotten
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
293
all their indolence and self enjoyment, and, SECT. III.
with a violent and tumultuary zeal, declared
loudly for war. Generals were instantly no-
minated to head their forces, powerful fleets
and armies were decreed, and ambassadors ap-
pointed to solicit the states of Greece to take
up arms, and to raise up enemies against the
Macedonian. During these transactions, Pho-
cion arrived, and, in these dispositions, he
found his countrymen; he knew full well the
real power of Philip, and the weakness, cor-
ruption, and instability of Athens; he dreaded
the zeal of Demosthenes, which he considered
as rash and misguided, and not wholly disin-
terested; he deemed it more prudent to pre-
serve the remains of power, which Athens now
enjoyed, than by engaging in a contest, which
though just and warrantable, yet could not but
prove dangerous, and might involve the state in
ruin; and, probably, his honest and unsuspec-
ting temper might have been so far deceived by
the professious of Philip, that he imagined this
prince would have contented himself with a
bare superiority of power and glory, without
attempting to reduce the Grecks to a state of
absolute subjection and dependence. Agree- Plut. in
ably to these sentiments, this illustrious Athe- Phocion.
nian now joined with the partisans of Macedon,
and did honour to their faction, by zealously
recommending peace and accommodation. But
į
291
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK
Plut. in
Phocion.
the present temper of the assembly was directly
opposite to such counsels. What!" cried
an orator of inferior note, and disadvantageous
character, who sought to recommend himself
by seconding the instances of Demosthenes,
"darest thou, Phocion, dissuade the Athenians
"trom war, when the sword is already drawn?"
"Yes," replied the true disinterested patriot;
though in war I shall be thy master, and in
-“ time of peace thou mayest perhaps prove
mine" His opposition only served to ex-
pose him to invectives unworthy of the in-
tegrity of his intentions: the sentiments of
Demosthenes favoured the passions of his
hearers, and therefore found no difficulty in
prevailing. He repeated his vehement remon-
strances, as opposition and clamour protracted
the debate; and urged the Athenians to en.
gage Philip at the greatest distance possible
from Attica, so as to keep all the evils of war
from their own territory. My countrymen,"
said Phocion, "if we must declare for battle,
"let us rather be solicitous how to gain the
victory, than to determine on the scene of
our operations. This is the true and only
means of keeping the war at a distance. If
we are overcome, the worst of calamities
"will be quickly at our doors."
CC
re
But whatever opinion Phocion might enter-
tain of the conduct of his countrymen, he was
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
205
always ready to afford them bis most zealous SECT. 111.
and faithful services; and, by his valour and 1bid.
conduct, to contribute to the success of their
arms. Megara, where the Macedonian interest
seems to have now prevailed, and to have op-
pressed the inhabitants, applied at this time to
Athens, in order to be enabled to shake off the
yoke, and particularly to defend them against
some attempts which the Boeotians seem to have
made, in order to become masters of the city.
The deputies applied to Phocion, who in-
stantly prevailed on the Athenians to accept
of a proposition so agreeable to their present
views. A body of troops was led by him into
Megara, where they were received with joy.
The partisans of Macedon retired at their ap-
pearance; and the Athenian general fortified
the port of Nicæa, raised and strengthened
two new walls which secured the communica-
tion with the sea; and thus both defended the
city from all attempts by land, and enabled
the Athenians to throw in succours, whenever
any emergency might demand them.
Thus the people of Athens, in their first
sudden heat, acted with a vigour which seemed
to promise great and illustrious events. Their
emissaries were busily employed in the several
states of Greece to represent the danger to be
apprehended from the common enemy, and to
invite them to an union and confederacy neces-
296
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Corona,
sect. 72.
Plut. X.
Hyp.
Dem. de
Corona.
sect. 42.
BOOK IV. Sary for the general safety. Demosthenes, and
Dem. de Hyperides an orator scarcely of inferior note,
had distinguished themselves by their zeal and
Orat. Vit. abilities in these commissions, and returned to
Athens with the most favourable hopes of
powerful assistance. About this time, the for-
mer of these ministers was engaged in per-
forming a service of high importance to his
country. A man named Antipho had been for
some time considered as an Athenian citizen,
Ulp. in loc. till, by an examination of the registers, he was
found to be really a foreigner, and was accord-
ingly deprived of all the privileges of a native,
and driven, with some ignominy, from the city.
Enraged at his disgrace, he went off to Philip,
and, to gratify his revenge, and to recommend
himself to a master who ever paid his emis-
saries with distinguished generosity, proposed
to steal privately into Athens, and to set fire
to the arsenal. Philip, who was neither deli-
cate in the choice of his instruments, nor in
the means of distressing or reducing his anta-
gonists, listened readily to the proposal of this
hireling, and, by bribes and promises, encou-
raged him to the attempt. Antipho set out
and arrived privately at Athens: his enterprise
seemed easy to be executed: he was now safely
lodged in the port, where all naval prepara-
tions were carrying on with vigour, and at all
times could find admittance to the place, where
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
297
Corona.
sect. 42.
were lodged great quantities of timber, and SECT. m.
other materials for a fleet. But Demosthenes
happily received a timely intimation of this
black design. He flew to the Piræus, where
he soon found the place of Antipho's conceal-
ment, whom he seized and dragged before an Dem. de
assembly of the people. Here his accusation
was treated by the friends and partisans of
Macedon with contempt and scorn. Eschines,
in particular, inveighed against the whole
transaction as tyrannical and oppressive, and
accused his rival of assuming a power incon-
sistent with freedom, insulting over the misfor-
tunes of a wretched citizen, entering violently
and unwarrantably into the house of an inno-
cent man, and harassing and oppressing him
by his malicious and groundless accusations.
So great an effect had these clamours, that the
criminal was dismissed without the formality
of a trial; and now departed, triumphing in
his escape, to pursue his wicked design with
greater security. But the august court of
Areopagus, whose particular province it was
to take cognizance of all matters of treasou
against the state, had greater and juster atten-
tion to the information of Demosthenes. They
caused Antipho to be again seized and brought
before the people; where they insisted that he
should be strictly and regularly examined as
to the crime laid to his charge. Torture forced
VOL. II.
20
?
298
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. from him a full confession of his guilt; and
sentence of death was passed and executed
on the wretch, who had attempted so infa-
mous a service to the enemy of that commu-
nity, of which he claimed the honour of being
a member.
Dem. de
Corona.
sect. 27.
This event gave new credit to the party which
declared for war, and possibly contributed to
confirm the people in their present dispositions,
which were universally of the active and vigo-
rous kind. At length they saw that formidable
enemy, whose arms had been long accustomed
to success, foiled in two attempts of great im-
portance, and principally by the counsels and
arms of Athens; retiring before their generals,
and forced from all designs on Greece, to re-
trieve the honour of his arms in parts remote
and barbarous. This then was the happy mo-
ment for pursuing their advantages, and for re-
ducing that ambition to just and equitable
bounds, which was now, for the first time, se-
verely mortified and disappointed. Such were
the airy hopes which the Athenians entertained
against a prince, who was still concerting his
secret schemes in the very heart of Greece,
and securing the most effectual instruments of
success and greatness, in the passions, preju-
dices, and corruptions of that nation. This
leading state, to render the hostilities now
meditated the more formidable and effectual,
reflected seriously on the causes of all past
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
299
Lucchesini
Orat. de
*
περί της
misfortunes and disappointments, and seemed SECT. III.
resolved to reform those corruptions and
abuses, which had disgraced their constitution,
and weakened their power. The oppression
and severe exactions which their allies and de-
pendent states had lately complained of, and to
which the necessity of their affairs had contri- Dionys.
Hal. Epist.
buted, as well as the avarice of their com‐ ad Armæ.
manders, naturally determined them to reflect Not. in Arg
on the necessity af making some effectual Ord Rep.
provision for the payment of their armies; and
this as naturally determined the honest and
faithful counsellors to resume the consideration
of that old scandalous abuse, the theatrical
distributions. There is an oration * of Demos-
thenes still extent on this occasion, in which he urlag.
earnestly urges them to a general regulation of
the state; points out their corruptions, with
their causes and consequences; and describes
both the ancient and present condition of
Athens; Athens uncorrupted, illustrious, and
fortunate; and the same state degenerated and
disgraced; with a spirit natural to this orator.
In this address no mention is at all made of
Philip, possibly that the attention of the as-
sembly might not be distracted and divided.
And, as to the theatrical appointments, though
he speaks more boldly than on former occa-
sions, yet he still preserves on this point a great
degree of caution; once more recurring to his
2 Q 2
300
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. former expedient for eluding the force of Eubu-
lus's law, and recommending to his countrymen
to accept of these distributions as a full recom-
pence for those services which the state might
demand from their several ages and stations,
As to this money," saith he, "and the affair
now immediately proposed to our attention,
"a speaker may, without danger, appear on
"either side; by condemning those men who
thus distribute and exhaust the public trea-
"sures, he may gain the esteem of those who
"regard this custom as highly injurious to the
"state; or by assenting, and encouraging
"these distributions, he may recommend him-
"self to the favour of the inferior and poorer
part of the community. The general inte-
"rest of their country is considered by neither,
"but their approbation or condemnation of
"this custom influenced entirely by their se-
"veral circumstances of affluence or indigence.
I, on my part, shall neither oppose nor re-
"commend it. But this I would entreat you
"maturely and seriously to consider, that the
"money is of little moment; the custom which
"hath arisen from thence of the greatest con-
sequence. If then these distributions are
"received as a reward for those acts of duty
86
CC
you owe the state, far from injuring, you
"really perform the most essential service both
"to your country and to yourselves; but if a
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
301
66
pre-
public entertainment, or any other like
"tence, may serve for demanding these sums,
"and the bare mention of any further condi-
tions be rejected with impatience; notwith-
"standing all your regulations, how specious,
"how promising soever, you will find your-
"selves inevitably exposed to all the conse-
quences of misconduct.
66
"This I now declare as my opinion, (let me
"not be interrupted by clamour and opposi-
"tion; but hear, and then determine) that, as
"we are now convened about receiving these
"appointments, so should an assembly be
called, to consider of a general regulation
"of the community, and particularly of a pro-
"vision for our military affairs; and that every
" citizen should discover not only a just atten-
"tion to all useful measures, but a just alacrity
"to carry them into execution; that so, my
"countrymen, our hopes of good fortune may
depend upon ourselves, instead of amusing
ourselves with reports of this or that man's
exploits Let all the public treasures, all
"the funds for which private fortunes are now
(C
so uselessly exhausted, all those resources
"which our allies afford, be equitably distri-
"buted, and effectually applied. Let the sol-
dier consider his portion as the full reward
"of his services in the field; let him, who hath
passed the age of military duty, accept of his
SECT. III,
302
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV.
Dionys.
Aminæ.
part as a full recompence for his services in
the administration of justice. Let the duties
"of the field be performed by yourselves,
duties too important to be intrusted to other
"hands.
Let your armies be composed of
"citizens: thus let them be paid and provided;
"thus shall they go on with vigour and suc-
cess; and thus shall your general really
"command his troops. Then, my country-
"men, our whole occupation shall no longer
"be to conduct the trials of our officers; nor
6 C
the result of all our armaments no more than
"this short form, Such a man, the son of such
a man, hath brought an impeachment against
such a person."
C.C
The result of the present debate was this;
Epist. ad that scandalous law of Eubulus, which de-
nounced death against any person who should
propose the alienation of the theatrical ap-
pointments, was at length repealed: and the
people, convinced, though late, of the necessity
of such a regulation, consented to part with
that fatal allurement, by which they had been
so long limed, to use the expression of Dema-
* In Plat. des,* and to apply those public treasures to
the equipment of their navies, and the main-
Quæst.
Platon.
p. 1011.
tenance of their armies, which had, till now,
even in the most perilous times, been lavished
on poets, players, and musicians.
Such were the dispositions of the Athenians,
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
303
!
SECT. II,
Alex.
when the king of Macedon led his troops
towards Scythia. The young prince Alexander, Put in
who, from the time that Philip first marched
against Byzantium, was entrusted with the
administration of his government, had, in the
absence of his father, made an expedition
against the Medareans, a people of Thrace,
subjects of Macedon, who had revolted from
their allegiance. Their chief town he stormed,
dispersed the barbarous inhabitants, in whose
room he established a colony composed of
different nations; and ordered, for the future,
that the town should be called Alexandropolis;
so early had he conceived a passion for immor-
talizing his name. And now the victorious
young prince marched of the head of all the
noble youth at Macedon, his companions and
officers, to join his father.
C. Y.
As he approached the frontiers of the king ust. 1. 9,
of Scythia, Philip dispatched an herald, who
was commissioned to inform that prince, that
the king of Macedon, when engaged in the
siege of Byzantium, had made a vow to Her-
cules, that he would erect a brazen statue to
the honour of his divinity, on the opening of
the Danube. This vow he now prepared to
perform, and hoped, that his religious inten-
tions would meet with no opposition on the
part of the Scythians. To this insidious over-
ture, which seeins to be an argument that the
304
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Į
BOOK IV. Original pretence for this expedition was not
extremely well founded, Atheas coldly an-
swered, that "Philip, if he pleased, night
"send the statue to him, which he should take
"care to erect in the appointed place, and
engage, besides, for its security and con-
"tinuance. But that, if it was fixed there
"without the concurrence of the Scythians,
"he could not give any assurance but that
"they might melt it down, in order to point
".
their spears and arrows." This answer con-
vinced Philip, that Atheas was apprized of his
real intentions; and therefore he now prepared
to enter Scythia in an hostile manner.
"
The people of this country were poor and
warlike. They had formerly pushed their
conquests to a considerable extent, but the
conquerors of other nations had never been
able to establish their power in Scythia. An
extraordinary valour, robust and hardy con-
stitutions, and a frugality almost incredible,
in a great measure supplied those defects,
under which they laboured from a total igno-
rance of military discipline. At first some
skirmishes and rencounters arose between se-
veral detached parties of the two nations, in
which the Scythians had the advantage. Some
of the Macedonians were made prisoners
Apophth. among which number was Ismenias, eminent
and celebrated through Greece for his per-
Plut. in
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
305
}
Alex.
m.
formance on the flute. Such an artist was SECT. III.
sure to be received at the court of Macedon
with favour and distinction. The polite arts
had long been the glory of Greece; and Philip,
whose earliest ambition, as hath been already
observed, was to make his kingdom considered
as a member of that body, justly conceived it
one effectual method to introduce those arts
into Macedon, which had ever been one great
distinction between the Grecian and Barbarian
world. Eloquence, which he really possessed, Plut. in
he is said to have cultivated and displayed
even to a degree of extravagance and pedantry;
and in music he affected a taste and skill much
beyond what he really possessed (although on
one occasion, when his son, who had the like
passion, seemed to take a pleasure in his mu- Plut. in
sical performance, he asked with contempt, Apophth
whether he was not ashamed to perform so
well.) With this Ismenias he is said once to
have been engaged in discourse on a piece of
music, in which he was betrayed into some
warmth of opposition to the sentiments of so
complete a master: "Heaven forbid, great Ibid.
"Sir," replied the artist with spirit and polite-
ness, "that you should be so well acquainted
"with these matters as we."
But Ismenias was now in the hands of a peo-
ple, from whom his accomplishments could
command no esteem. His fame, however, in-
VOL. II.
2 R
306
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV. duced the king of Scythia to hear his perform-
ance on the flute; but his music was received
without pleasure or applause. Atheas, with a
barbarous insensibility, observed, "That, to
"his ear, the neighing of his mare was much
"more agreeable."
Ibid.
Frontin.
1. 2, c. 8,
str. 14.
Just. 1. 9,
cap. 2.
Oliv. 1. 14,
p. 295.
At length the armies of the two nations met
in the open field, and prepared for a general
engagement. Philip was not inclined to ex-
pose his Macedonians to the brutal ferocity of
their enemy; and therefore formed his first line
entirely of those auxiliaries which attended
him, archers, slingers, and such light armed
forces. His phalanx he drew up at the rear of
these, with their pikes so pointed, as to threaten
death to those who should retreat. The auxi-
liaries, thus enclosed between the enemy and
this no less formidable body, were obliged to
exert the utmost efforts of vigour and bravery;
and, at length, broke the Scythian army, after
an obstinate resistance, and great slaughter
both on one part and the other. The victory
was complete; and more than twenty thousand
prisoners of all ages and sexes were taken on
the field of battle. It is well known, that the
wives and children of the Scythians attended
them to war; that they had no general but
their king; no god but their sword, which was
literally the object of their adoration; and no
country or habitation but the spot on which
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
307
they occasionally encamped. The Macedo- SECT. III.
nians gained a large booty, all of a warlike
kind. Gold, silver, costly vases, rich stuffs,
and all the instruments of luxury and magnifi-
cence, were entirely unknown in this country.
The spoil consisted wholly of arms, chariots, Just ut
and twenty thousand mares, which were des- supra.
tined to furnish the magnificent studs of Pella,
where, we are informed by Strabo,* Philip L. 16.
kept no less than thirty thousand mares and P. 752.
three hundred stallions.
թ.
This booty, such as it was, tempted the Just. 1. 9,
Triballi, a barbarous people descended from & 3.
the same origin with the Illyrians and Pæonians,
and whose manners differed little from those of
Scythia: they had, in appearance, submitted
to Philip, acknowledged themselves subjects
of Macedon, and had allowed that prince a
peaceable passage through their country, when
he first marched against Scythia, But now,
when he was returning to Macedon through the
defiles of the Moesian mountains, they boldly
opposed his progress, and insisted on a share of
his booty. As the Macedonians had not sus-
pected the least opposition from the Triballi,
they marched on securely: the demand of the
Triballi confounded them, and the attack,
which immediately succeeded it, they were
totally unprepared to repel. Laden with booty,
encumbered by their baggage, and inclosed in
2 R2
308
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK IV.
f. l.
a narrow and disadvantageous situation, they
could neither assist their fellows, nor defend
themselves: so that this army, which had so
often been victorious, was now in danger of
perishing without glory, without the opportu-
nity of exerting their valour, and by the hands
of an enemy contemptible, and unworthy of
their swords. To increase the confusion, cer-
Curt. 1. 8, tain mercenary Greeks, now in the army of
Philip, made the same demand with the Tri
balli, and drew their swords to support it. In
this imminent distress, Philip rushed into the
heat of all the tumult, and, where the contest
was most violent, fought for a long time with
extraordinary valour. At length his horse
sunk under him; and the same weapon, which
pierced the beast, wounded the rider also dan-
gerously in the thigh, who now lay senseless on
the earth, surrounded by the enemy. The
young prince Alexander, who was also, on this
occassion, distinguishing himself by acts of
valour, flew, with the noblest and bravest of his
attendants, to the rescue of his father. He
himself covered him with his shield: the enemy
was driven back, and the king conveyed safely
from the tumult. His danger inspired the
Macedonians with all the fury of revenge, so
that the Triballi were no longer able to sustain
their attack. They fled and dispersed; but the
confusion of the Macedonians gave them an
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
309
opportunity of carrying off the greatest part of SECT. III.
the booty.
Philip's wound was attended by no other ill
consequence but a lameness, with which he
continued to be affected; an inconvenience
which, it is pretended, he bore with great im-
patience; and that Alexander, on this occasion,
made that famous answer to his father: "How Plut, de
"can you, Sir, be displeased at an accident, Orat. 1,
"which, at every step you take, recalls your
"yalour to remembrance?"
fort. Alex.
p. 331,
p
"
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP
KING OF MACEDON
BOOK THE fifth, SECTION 1.
}
CONTENTS.
INTRIGUES in Greece, during the course of the Scythian
expedition.-Philip projects a scheme for a new religious war.
-Ancient history of Cirrha.-Eschines and his colleagues
sent to the Amphictyonic council.—Athenians give umbrage to
Thebes.-Threatened with the resentment of the council.-
Eschines engaged in a contest with a citizen of Amplissa.-
His speech.-Commotions in the council.-Resolutions against
the sacrilegious usurpation of the Amphisseans, who violently
oppose the execution of them.-Cottyphus assembles another
Council.-Result of their deliberations.—Æschines returns to
Athens.-His reception.-Remonstrances of Demosthenes.-
Their effect.-War declared by the Amphictyons against the
Locrians of Amphissa.-Conduct of Cottyphus.-A treaty made
with the Locrians.-They violate it.-New decree of the Am-
phictyons.-Execution of it again opposed by the Locrians.~
Partisans of Philip take occasion to propose him as leader of the
Amphictyonic army. Decree by which Philip is invested with
this authority-Variously received in Greece.-At Athens the
people are confounded with superstitious fears.—Phocion's
severe application of an oracle.-Demosthenes accuses the
Pythian priestess of philippizing.-Philip sets sail for Greece.—
Opposed by the Athenian fleet.-His stratageni.-Remarkable
instance of Athenian politeness.-Philip enters Greece.—Sum-
mons the states of Greece to attend his standard.-Jealousy of
Thebes.-Philip's letter to the Peloponnesians.-Dispositions of
Thebes, of Sparta,-of Athens.-Athenians send assistance to
the Amphisseans-Progress of Philip's army.-Athenians in
confusion.-Send to demand a truce.-League formed in favour
of Athens.-Thebans not inclined to unite either with Philip or
the Athenians.-Philip's artifice to prevent an union between
Thebes and Athens,-Defeated by Demosthenes.-Thebans still
irresolule.—Alárm the Athenians by their letter to Philip.-
Athenians renew their applications to Philip for a cessation of
arms.-Philip's letter to the Athenians,-to the Thebans,seizes
Elatea.
+
THE
LIFE AND REIGN
OF
PHILIP,
king of macEDON.
BOOK THE FIFTH.
SECTION I
11
1
IN these distant expeditions, in which Philip
had been now engaged, and which apparently
diverted his attention from the affairs of Greece,
the great objects of his ambition were ever
present to his mind, the springs which moved
and actuated all his conduct. His creatures
and partisans were still busily employed to
facilitate the final subjection of all the Grecian
states, by the secret power of intrigue; while
their master was engaged in retrieving the
glory of his arms, which the efforts of the
Athenians, directed by the abilities of Phocion,
had contributed in some degree to sully. In
effect, the hostilities of this people, even when
conducted by weak and dastardly commanders,
VOL. I
29
BOOK V.
SECT. I.
'
314
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
sect. 48.
BOOK V. and defeated by the superior vigour and abi-
lities of Philip, yet (if we may believe Demos-
* de Coron. thenes *) greatly distressed and harassed this
prince. Notwithstanding all his application
to maritime affairs, Macedon could not yet
boast so great a naval power as that of Athens.
By this means, the trade and commerce of his
subjects had been considerably interrupted;
and the enemy frequently enriched by the
spoils of his merchants, who were ever falling
a prey to their ships of war.
+
The subjection of this people was therefore
absolutely necessary to the schemes of his am-
bition; but a fair and popular pretence was as
necessary to justify the attempt, and to assure
its success. The naval superiority of Athens
secured them from any invasion by sea, and,
without the absolute concurrence of the The-
bans and Thessalians, no attack could be made
by land, where these people served as a sort of
barrier to Attica. Any open violence, unwar-
ranted by some specious reasons, any direct
infraction of a treaty which still formally sub-
sisted, could not fail to alarm these people,
who were now apparently jealous and dissatis-
fied at the still increasing power of Macedon;
and might determine them to rise up at once,
and oppose Philip's entrance into Greece.
With people thus disposed, no private cause
of quarrel, no complaint by which Macedon
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
315
aloue might be affected, could have any weight SECT. I.
to induce them to unite their arms with an
ally, to whom they, by this time convinced of
his insincerity, were no longer bound by incli-
nation. This prince therefore determined,
with a true and consummate policy, to find
out such a cause to justify his arms, as might
influence all the states of Greece; and to ap-
pear, as if he only fulfilled his engagements,
and asserted the rights of his allies and confe-
derates, while he really gratified his own am-
bition and revenge. An affected regard to
religion had at first gained him admission into
Greece; to the same pretence he now resolved
to recur; and, by the happy expedient of a
religious quarrel, to effectuate those schemes.
of greatness and power, which he had hitherto
carried on with unwearied vigour. The chief
instruments of his designs, if we may rely on
the representations of Demosthenes,* he chose
at Athens, the place where he was most openly sect. 48.
and avowedly opposed, and where, of conse-
quence, he could be least suspected of finding
assistance. Agents thus chosen might securely
carry on their intrigues, and raise disorders,
whose tendency they themselves might not
perceive in its full extent; and whose secret
springs must lie concealed from the Greeks,
who could not readily be persuaded, that
the actions of Athenian citizens were dic
* de Coron.
9 $ 2
316
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. tated by Philip, or calculated to serve his
purposes.
De Coron.
sect. 49.
Æschin. in
Ctes. sect.
38.
These, we are told, were the sentiments of
this prince; and that his gold was therefore
now liberally dispersed at Athens, to animate
the industry of a corrupted faction; by whose
intrigues, assisted by the unsuspecting security
of the people, ever ready to forget their danger,
the moment that their enemy was removed to
any distance, Eschines, Diognetus, Midias,
and Thrasicles, all favourers and partisans of
the Macedonian, were chosen the representa-
tives and deputies of Athens in the great coun-
cil of Amphictyons. In these august cha-
racters they repaired to Delphi, where, imme-
diately after their arrival, Diognetus and Midias
fell sick; or, at least, pretended sickness, as
Æschines was, by his abilities, the fittest in.
strument of designs which they had all con-
certed; who thus found himself possessed, in
effect, of the whole management of the depu-
tation, and left at full liberty to serve the intc-
rests of a master, to whom he had basely sold
his country.
It cannot be denied, that too much honour
is sometimes paid to the policy of princes, by
ascribing those events to their intrigues and
machinations which are oftentimes wholly for-
tuitous. But Philip was the prince of all
others, of whose designs we may most safely
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
317
judge by appearances. His restless and tur- SECT. I.
bulent ambition, his well-known vigilance
sagacity, and penetration, gave weight to the
representations of Demosthenes, even when
the facts were recent, and might have been
strictly scrutinized, and examined in all their
circumstances. And we, of these later ages,
may perhaps safely regard those representa-
tions, as something more than the artifices of
party; and, not without reason, ascribe those
events to intrigue and design, which are now
to be explained; and which, though at first
seemingly inconsiderable, yet regularly and
uniformly wrought the great purposes of Phi-
lip, and, in the end, produced the total sub-
version of liberty and Greece.
de l'Acad.
But it is here previously necessary to engage via. Ilist.
the attention of the reader to a part of the au- d'luse. vol.
cient history of Greece, which hath exercised 5, p. 60.
the learned, in order to clear up the difliculties
with which it appears to be embarrassed, but Memoires,
which the present purpose requires to be only 201.
related briefly.
Between the town of Delphi and the sea,
was a certain district, called the Cirrhæan plain,
which, in ancient times, had been possessed by
the people of Cirrha, a town upon the gulph of
Corinth; and by the Acragallida, a neighbour-
ing people of Phocis. Cirrha, by the conveni-
ency of its harbour, soon became the seat of
vol. 7, p.
Eschin. in
Ctes. sect.
36.
318
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
{
BOOK V. affluence, which, of consequence, inspired the
inhabitants with exalted ideas of their own im-
p. 418.
Phoc.
Ctes. sect.
portance. Their neighbours they treated with
contempt, and sometimes oppressed by their
tyranny: in defiance of the order of the Am-
Strab. 1.9, phictyons, which exempted all those from du-
ties and taxes whom religion brought to Delphi,
they exacted considerable sums for the use of
their port, both from Greeks and strangers. Not
contented with these means of enriching them-
selves, they entered with fire and sword into the
adjacent districts, violently seized some lands
Pansan, in belonging to the temple of Apollo, profaned
Eschin. in and pillaged the temple itself, and insulted and
36. abused the Amphictyons, who attempted, by
their authority, to restrain these outrages. Such
enormous crimes could not but render them an
object of horror to Greece in those days of
simplicity and religion: which was considerably
increased by the denunciations of the oracle,
which uttered the severest sentence against
those sacrilegious wretches, and commanded all
who approached the sacred shrine, to exter-
minate them with fire and sword On this oc-
cassion, Solon, the Athenian legislator, zealous
for the honour of religion, called loudly on the
Amphictyous to execute the commands, and
assert the rights, of Apollo; and, by his per-
suasion, the council engaged in a war against
the delinquents of Cirrha. Their forces were
Plut. in
Solon.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
319
p. 418.
Polyænus.
Paus. in
collected, under the conduct of Eurylochus the SECT. 1.
Thessalian, according to Strabo, Plutarch, and Strabo, 1.9
other writers; or Clysthenes the Sicyonian, as Plut. in Sol
Pausanias asserts. Alemæon, an Athenian, 1.6, c. 13.
commanded the forces of his state, as Plu- Phocion.
tarch * informs us, from the ancient register of * in Solon.
Delphi; and was attended by Solon himself,
who appeared in the camp to animate the sol-
diers, and direct the whole expedition by his
sage counsels.
The city of Cirrha was closely invested and
pressed by a vigorous siege. All the violence
of a religions zeal was exerted against the de-
voted enemies of heaven; who, on their part,
made an obstinate defence to prevent their
total extirpation.
Thus was the war pro-
Athéneo,
tracted to a considerable length; and the be-
siegers, after a long series of almost ten years,
notwithstanding all their art and valour, not- Callisthe-
withstanding their implicit obedience to the nes in
dictates of Apollo, who vouchsafed to direct
them in the course of their expedition, at last
found the success of the siege doubtful and
precarious. To the oracle they had again re-
course, to be informed of the final issue of
this tedious quarrel; and to obtain some de-
claration which might invigorate their drooping
courage. The answer as reported by Æschi- Eschin. i
nes and Pausanias, with some small difference sect. 36.
of expression, but the same in sense and Phoc.
Ctesipht.
Paus in
320
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. real purport, was delivered in the following
manner:
Still shall those tow'rs their ancient pride maintain;
Nor force nor valour e'er that rampart gain;
Till Amphitrite, queen of azure waves,
The hallow'd lands of sov'reign Phoebus laves;
Till round his seat her threat'ning surges roar,
And burst tumultuous on the sacred shore.
Eschin.
sect. 36. city was impregnable.
in Ctes.
Paus. in
This answer did not contribute to lessen the
perplexity of the Amphictyons, as it was not
easy to conceive how the lands which sur-
rounded the temple, and were considered as
the portion of the god, could possibly be
washed by the sea, from which they were at a
considerable distance. On the other hand, it
served to elevate the people of Cirrha, who
regarded it as a formal declaration that their
But, unhappily for
Phoc. them, the sagacity of Solon relieved the be
siegers from their distress. He advised them
to declare all the lands of Cirrha as conse-
crated to Apollo, that so the hallowed territory
might really extend to the shore, and be really
washed by the sea. The expedient was ap-
proved of; and now the only question was,
how they might accelerate the conquest of a
city, which heaven had, as it were, delivered
into their power. The means for this purpose
were also suggested by Solon. He found out,
#
>
"
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
321
A
Eschin.
sect. 36.
Phoc.
a private aqueduct, which conveyed a consi- SECT. 1.
derable quantity of water into Cirrha.
pranch of the river Plistus, the source of this
supply, he turned off into a bason provided
for its reception, and there impregnated it with
the roots of hellebore. The river, thus endued in Ctes.
with all the purgative quality of this plant, he Paus. in
again restored to its ancient channel. The
besieged, who, in this interval, had laboured
under many difficulties from the want of their
usual supply, and were now delighted to find
their river once more running through their
city, drank of these medicated waters with the
utmost eagerness, which baffled all their va-
lour, and obliged them to desert their posts.
In these circumstances, the besiegers made a
general assault, and, with ease, became masters
of a town which had so long braved all their
efforts. Cirrha was pillaged, burnt, and de-
stroyed; and those of its inhabitants, whom
the sword had spared, were reduced to slavery.
Their port was demolished, their territory de-
dicated to the god, and all the Amphictyons
engaged, by a most solemn oath, never to cul-
tivate this district, never to suffer it to be cul-
tivated; but to assist the deity, and support
the rights and privileges of the consecrated
land, with all their power. To render this
obligation still more awful, the following schiti.
dreadful imprecations were added: "If any sect. 36.
VOL. H:
T
in Ctes,
322
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. cc
Pausan.
in Phoc.
Eschin.
in Ctes.
sect. 87.
people, city, community, or private persons
shall presume to violate this oath, may they
be devoted to the vengeance of Apollo,
Diana, Latona, and Minerva the provident!
May their lands never produce their fruits!
May their wives, instead of a natural off-
spring, bring forth horrid monsters! May
"their herds be cursed with unnatural barren-
"ness! May all their attempts in war, all
"their transactions in peace, be for ever
rr
r
Co
CC
blasted and defeated! May total ruin for
ever pursue them, their fainilies, and their
"descendants! and may they never appease
"the offended deities, Apollo, Diana, Latona,
"and Minerva! but may all their sacrifices
"and offerings be for ever rejected!"
The determination of the Amphictyons was
at first observed with the attention usually paid
to all new regulations, till time began, by de-
gress, to wear off the terror of these impreca-
tions. A superstition, which tended to deprive
'mankind of their natural rights, of the com-
forts and necessaries of life, and the rewards of
human industry, was obliged to yield to tempo-
ral convenience. At first, the port of Cirrha
was restored, as the service of the god itself
seemed to require, that such a provision should
be made for the reception of those votaries who
visited his temple. At length the Locrians
who inhabited Amphissa, possessed themselves
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
323
of the consecrated land, exacted all the ancient SECT. 1.
duties from those to whom the port afforded an
accommodation, which they repaired and kept
in order, without regard to the decrees and
resolutions of old times, now generally consi-
dered as obsolete and fabulous. A long and
peaceable possession seemed to have obliterated
all remembrance of their usurpation, which the
Greeks justly regarded as a common advantage,
and paid, without repining, for the conve-
nience of an harbour that rendered their ap-
proach to Delphi secure and easy.
Such was the situation of affairs, when Æs-
chines and his colleagues appeared in the
council of the Amphictyons; and such, pro-
bably, might they have for ever remained, had
not craft and policy found it convenient to as-
sume the semblance of religion, and to veil
their black designs under an affectation of
piety and holy zeal. But now Eschines was
duly instructed and prepared to transact his
master's business. Contests and disputes were
to be raised among the Greeks; and care was
taken, that the seeds should be already sown.
As the Amphictyons were at this time employed
in repairing the temple, and replacing the of
ferings which the Phocians had removed in the
late sacred war, certain golden shields were
sent from Athens, inscribed with the following Eschin.
sentence: TAKEN BY THE ATHENIANS FROM THE sect. 88.
in Ctes.
? T2
324
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. MEDES AND THEBANS, WHEN THEY FOUGHT
AGAINST GREECE. These were hung up in the
temple before the regular consecration of the
offerings, which was accounted a sort of profa-
nation; nor could it be expected, but that the
Thebans must be highly provoked by this in-
vidious memorial of their old disgrace. It was
immediately whispered, that the Amphissæans,
out of their regard to Thebes, had determined
to move the council, that a fine of fifty talents
should be imposed on the people of Athens,
for thus prematurely depositing their offering.
At this report the Athenian deputies expressed
the utmost astonishment and concern; and
Æschines, who was left solely to manage the
affairs of his state, was earnestly pressed by his
colleagues to exert himself on this occasion.
Corona,
sect. 48.
This partisan now rushes into the assembly
of the Amphictyons, and, with all the appear-
ance of a true patriot zeal, begins a formal de-
Dem. pro fence of the Athenians, before any accusation
had been regularly brought against them.
Here he is immediately interrupted by a citizen
of Amphissa, who, with an impatience and re-
rentment which might have been entirely the
effect of art, inveighs loudly against Athens:
"Ye Grecians," saith he, "had ye the least
"share of wisdom, ye could not suffer the
very name of the Athenian people to be
mentioned at this time, but must drive them
Eschin.
in Ctes.
sect. 38.
"C
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
325
"from the teinple, as accursed and devoted SFCT. I.
CC
wretches, who, in defiance of all laws divine
" and human, presumed to support the sacri-
(
lege of the Phocians, and to associate with
"these execrable profaners of Apollo, them-
"selves no less execrable and profane."
Æschines had now a fair opportunity of
raising commotions, by appearing only inte-
rested for his country, and zealous for the glory
and defence of Athens. With a passionate
warmth, which is frequently the effect of arti-
fice as well as that of real patriotism, and which
is most likely to deceive, and more particularly
in popular assemblies, by being considered as
the indication of sincerity, and the overflowings
of an heart honestly affected, this master of
intrigue now addressed himself to the assembly
in the following manner:
CC
"With horror and indiguation do I hear
"this opprobrious treatment of a people re-
"nowned and dignified by great actions; the
acknowledged guardians and protectors of
"Grecian liberty. Who art thou, abandoned
wretch, who thus presumest to vent thy hate-
"ful malice against this illustrious people?
"Hast thou not heard, art thou insensible of,
"our merit, rude and brutal as thou art? Or,
"what demon hath possessed thy mind, and
"driven thee to this extravagance? But say,
ye Grecians, shall men, who never knew the
$26
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
3
BO ›K V.
!
Eschin.
in Ctes.
sect. 38.
66
"exalted pleasures of renown and glory, be
suffered to tear from us the venerable memo-
rials of those virtues which our ancestors so
nobly, so greatly displayed?
Shall men,
"themselves polluted by sacrilege, devoted to
"destruction by the most awful denunciations
"of vengeance, presume to accuse the Athe-
nians of profanation? Look down, ye reve-
"rend guardians of religion, defenders of the
rights of Apollo; look down on that plain
"which there lies before you; those lands from
"ancient times dedicated to the god. Behold
"how they are now occupied and cultivated by
"the Amphissæans: see what buildings they
С6
have there erected. Behold that port, which
"the religion of our ancestors consigned to de-
"solation, is now, by those impious men, rebuilt
"and fortified. You see yourselves, and need
"not any testimony from me, that they have
"exacted duties, and raised large sums of wealth
"from that accursed harbour. Let me intreat
your attention, while the oracle, the awful
"mandate of Apollo, is recited, which first de-
"termined the fate of this district. You hear
"the voice of heaven claiming and hallowing
"these lands. Hear now the solemu oath and
"dreadful imprecation of our ancestors. Thus
"did these pious Greeks engage to assert the
rights, and to defend the cause, of the god.
"Shall their posterity forget those religious en-
"
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDÓN.
307
gagements? Shall those tremendous curses
"be supinely disregarded, or impiously braved
" and despised, in this assembly? For myself,
"for my country, for my children, for my
family, I here declare, that we will assist the
66
66
deity, and maintain the privileges of the con-
"secrated land: and, pursuant to the tenour of
"this oath, with all our strongest efforts, with
"all the powers of soul and body, discharge
"that sacred duty which we owe to heaven.
"Do you, ye Grecians, determine as you please.
"Your religious rites are prepared; your vic-
(C
tims stand before the altars; you are prepar-
"ing to offer up your solemn prayers, for bles-
tr
sings on yourselves, and on your countries.
"But oh! consider with what voice, with what
"heart, with what front, with what confidence,
"
(C
can you breathe out your petitions, if you
suffer those sacrilegious men, whom you have
"thus devoted and accursed, to escape with
impunity. The terrible imprecation is not
conceived in dark or doubtful terms. No;
"the curse extends not only to these impious
profaners, but to all those who suffer their
profanation to pass unrevenged. Hear the
very terms. These are the words with which
"the awful and affecting form is closed: May
those who permit them to go unpunished,
never offer up an acceptable sacrifice to
Apollo, Diana, Latona, and Minerva the
k
(
SECT. I.
328
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
Æschin.
în Ctes.
sect, 39.
Æschin.
in Ctes.
sect. 89.
66
provident; but may all their offerings and
religious rites be for ever rejected and
" abhorred!
Having thus harangued the Amphictyons,
Æschines retired, and gave the creatures of
Macedon an opportunity of fomenting the dis-
orders now excited. A general murmur first
rose in the assembly, which was instantly suc-
ceeded by violent tumult and confusion. The
men, who were entrusted with the secret of the
whole transaction, and many honest and unde-
signing members of the council, whose real re-
gard to the religion of their country was now
alarmed and offended, declared loudly for the
interests of heaven, and the necessity of sup-
porting the rights of Apollo. The Amphis-
sæans, on their part, had strenuous advocates,
prompted by interest or policy; and the diffe-
rent parties maintained the contest with equal
heat and violence, for the greatest part of that
day. At length the sentiments of religion
prevailed, and proclamation was made to this
effect: "That all inhabitants of Delphi, both
"slaves and freemen, above the age of sixteen,
should, the next morning, repair with spades,
mattocks, and axes, to the Thytæum, a place
"adjacent to the Cirrhæan plains." And, by
a second proclamation, all the hieromnemons
and pylagoræ were enjoined to assemble at the
same place, in order to assist the god, and de-
<C
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
329
fend the consecrated ground: and it was de- SECT. I
clared, that the representatives of any state,
who should absent themselves on this occasion,
were to be excluded from the temple, and de-
clared obnoxious to the vengeance denounced
by the imprecation.
Early the next morning the Amphictyons,
and all the inhabitants of Delphi, appeared at
the place appointed by the proclamation, and
from thence proceeded to the Cirrhæan plain,
full of a religious fervour, and, probably, still
further inflamed by some designing leaders,
who could well assume the appearance of zeal
and piety, and were well acquainted with the
influence and power of such an appearance.
These men fell instantly to demolishing, burn-
ing, and destroying the harbour, the houses,
and all the effects and possessions which the
labour and industry of the Amphissæans had
produced; and were now preparing to retire,
with the complacency and satisfaction of men
conscious of having asserted the cause of
heaven; when the inhabitants of Amphissa,
who were but sixty stadia distant from Delphi,
appeared in arms to defend their property, and
furiously attacked the Delphians. Some of the
venerable body of the Amphictyons became
their prisoners, and all the others were obliged
to provide for their security, by a precipitate
retreat into the town.
VOL. II.
380
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
Eschin.
in Ctes.
This action of the Amphissæans was consi
dered as an heinous aggravation of their
sect. 39. impiety, and greatly increased the general
clamour and disorder. The next morning
Cottyphus, the president of the Amphictyonic
council, summoned an assembly, composed not
only of the usual representatives of the several
states, but also of all the Greeks who came to
offer sacrifices, or to consult the oracle, who
were all considered as guardians of the temple,
and entitled to share in the transactions of the
council. In this assembly, where the numbers
must have greatly increased the tumult, the
severest invectives were uttered against the
Amphissæans, and much praise of the dignity
and piety of Athens. The result of their deli-
bérations was to enter into a resolution, that
the hieromnemons should assemble at a time
appointed, previous to the next ordinary con-
vention at Thermopyla, with a decree pre-
pared in due form, specifying the punishment
to be inflicted on the Amphissæans, for their
crimes committed against the god, the con-
secrated land, and the Amphictyons.
Eschin.
in Ctes.
sect. 40.
་
Eschines now returned with his colleagues
to Athens, where he made a full relation of his
conduct to the assembly, and produced the de-
crees and resolutions of the Amphictyonic
council. The people, who, in general, saw
nothing more in these transactions than an ex-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
331
traordinary zeal and attention to religion, ap- SECT. I.
plauded their deputies, and breathed the utmost
indignation at the impiety of the Amphissæans.
But Demosthenes, who justly dreaded the con-
sequences of a religious quarrel, and, perhaps,
saw through the whole design, and all the
secret springs by which these commotions were
raised and actuated, loudly expressed his dis-
satisfaction; and endeavoured to inspire the
assembly with suspicions of the integrity of
their Amphictyons, and with displeasure at
their conduct, in embroiling the states of
Greece in an unseasonable quarrel, founded on
obsolete traditions, and calculated to weaken
and disunite them, and to give the common
enemy an opportunity of establishing his power
on their divisions. But the cause of religion Demost.
was fair and popular, and had greater influence pro Ctes.
on the multitude than his remonstrances, which Eschin.
were considered as the mere effect of envy and sect. 40.
private pique, and which his rival orator took
care to represent as the consequence of a secret
engagement with the Amphissæans, by which
they bound themselves to pay him twenty
minæ yearly, besides one thousand drachmæ
in hand, to oblige him to support their interest
at Athens.
In the senate Demosthenes was more favour-
ably received, and heard with a juster atten-
tion. Here, political motives had a greater
sect. 47.
in Ctes.
Sect. 37.
2U2
332
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
weight; and the consequences of every mea-
sure were considered with greater caution and
temper. Here, then, the representations of
this vigilant and sagacious statesman had their
due effect. He prevailed to have a decree
passed, (to which, either the deference due to
the opinion of the senate, or, as schines re-
presents it, the artifice of Demosthenes in
taking the opportunity of a thin assembly,
Aschin. in procured the confirmation of the people) to
the following effect:
Ctes. sect,
40.
Eschin. in
41,
"RESOLVED, That all such persons who shall
"be deputed by the people of Athens, as their
"hieromnemons and pylagoræ, shall hereafter
66
repair to the general council of the Amphic-
"tyons at the times stated and appointed by
our ancestors: and that the said persons shall
"not have any intercourse with the extraordi-
nary council now to be convened; nor share
" in their debates, proceedings, decrees, or any
of their transactions whatever."
CC
Thus the final determination of the Athe-
Ctes. sect. nians was, in effect, to condemn the conduct.
of their deputies, and to protest against all the
consequences of their misguided and interested
zeal. In obedience to the resolution of the
state, Æschines and his colleagues remained
at Athens, while all the other representatives.
of the Greeks, except those of the Thebans,
(who were possibly by this time made to fear,
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
333
sect. 51.
that these commotions had been really raised SECT. I.
by Philip for his own purposes) assembled at
the time appointed for the extraordinary council.
In this assembly it was unanimously resolved,
that the Amphictyons should declare war against
the Locrians of Amphissa. And Cottyphus, Ibid.
who is called both an Arcadian and Pharsalian, Demost.
and who possibly was born in one of those coun- pro Cles.
tries, and engaged in the service of the other,
was appointed general of the Amphictyonic
army. This man, who was either in the interest
of Philip, and privy to his designs, or not pos-
sessed of the qualifications necessary for con-
ducting and bringing this war to a speedy
issue, acted without vigour or resolution; and,
instead of improving the advantages he obtained
in some slight hostilities, entered into a treaty
with the people of Amphissa. A fine was im-
posed on them, for the payment of which a
sufficient time was allowed: the most culpable
of their citizens were banished; and others,
who were said to have disavowed the sacrilege
of their countrymen, restored to their posses-
sions, from which they had been driven by the
opposite faction. But, instead of conforming
to the terms and conditious of this treaty, the
Locrians, who only sought to gain time, and
might have been privately spirited up to a
further opposition, refused absolutely to pay
the fine imposed on them, recalled the men
Eschin. in
Ctes. sect.
41.
1
231
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF ·
BOOK V. whom the Amphictyons had banished, drove
out those who had been recalled, and still con-
tinued to occupy and to cultivate the conse-
crated lands. Care was taken to represent
this their conduct, with all the necessary aggra-
vations, at the next general council; and this
produced the following resolution, which hath
all the appearance of moderation, but might
have been entirely calculated for raising new
commotions, and for carrying on one uniform
design in favour of Philip.
Demost.
in Ctes.
Sect. 51.
Demost.
in Ctes.
sect. 51.
Sect. 50.
"In the pontificate of Clinagoras, at the
general assembly of the Amphictyons, held
in the spring, It is RESOLVED, by the pylagoræ,
" and the assessors in the said assembly, That,
"whereas the people of Amphissa continue to
("
"
profane the consecrated lands, and do at this
time actually occupy them by tillage and
pasture-the pylagore and assessors shall
repair to the said lands, and determine the
"boundaries by pillars; strictly enjoining the
people of Amphissa to cease from such viola-
tion for the future."
<<
"
The Amphictyons, therefore, again visited
these lauds; and were again repulsed by the
Amphissæans, who wounded Cottyphus, and
put his attendants to flight. And now the
grand design, which Philip's agents had been
so long concerting, became ripe for execution.
This new outrage increased the clamour and
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
395
indignation of the assembly, where there were
numbers of Philip's creatures, who knew how
to improve this happy opportunity. They rose
up, and iuveighed against the sacrilegious pro-
faners of divine things, with all the warmth
which a true regard to religion raises, and which
hypocrisy can frequently assume; they men-
tioned the late ineffectual measures which had
been pursued to reduce those wretches to the
due subjection; they lamented, in a pathetic
manner, the great and heavy expence with
which the righteous cause, now undertaken by
the Amphictyons, must necessarily be attended :
the remissness and insensibility of several peo-
ple who had hitherto neglected the defence of
the temple, and from whom no vigorous and
effectual assistance could be expected for the
future. Upon the whole, they declared, that,
in order to discharge those sacred duties which
they owed to heaven, that they might not fall
under those dire curses by which they and
their posterity were bound, they were now to
apply to some powerful instrument of the
divine vengeance, who might prove able and
well-disposed to take up arms in defence of
Apollo, and to support the authority of the
great and august council of Greece. There
is a prince, said they, whose zeal for the gods,
whose tender regard to the honour of the
sacred shrine, have been already approved and
SROT. 1.
336
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
acknowledged. Philip king of Macedon is
now returning from his conquest of Scythia.
He hath piety to prompt him, and force to
enable him to assert our cause. To him, there-
fore, whom the gods seem to point out as the
great defender of religion, let this our cause be
committed,
These sentiments were echoed through the
assembly by the friends of Macedon; and the
tumult kept up to drown all the remonstrances
of caution and policy. The suspicious and
wary were discouraged and insulted; the unde-
signing were deceived; and thus, on this fatal
day, faction, corruption, supineness, inatten-
tion, and weakness, all conspired to give the
deadly wound to Grecian liberty, by the fol-
lowing decree, which was now passed in due
form:
"In the pontificate of Clinagoras, in the ge-
"neral assembly held in the spring. Whereas
"the people of Amphissa have cantoned out
among themselves the consecrated lands, have
occupied them by tillage and pasture, and,
"when summoned to desist from such a profa-
"nation, rose up in arms, and forcibly repelled
"the general council of Greece, wounding
"some of the members, and particularly Cot-
typhus the Arcadian, general of the Amphic-
tyons: It is therefore RESOLVED by the
pylagoræ, the assessors, and the general
CC
55
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
337
C
(C
assembly, that a deputation shall be sent to SECT. I.
Philip king of Macedon, inviting him to
"assist Apollo and the Amphictyons, and to
66
66
repel the outrages of the impious Amphis-
sæans; and farther to declare, that he is
"constituted by all the Greeks, members of
the council of the Amphictyons, general and
commander of their forces, with full and
"unlimited powers."
((
in Ctes.
This welcome invitation and commission, Eschin.
the fruit of all his secret practices, Philip re- sect. 41.
ceived in Thrace, while he was yet on his
return to Macedon. He bowed, with an
affected reverence, to the venerable council,
and declared his readiness to execute their
orders.
The inferior states of Greece, and all those
whose simplicity and weakness rendered them
insensible to the designs now forming by Phi-
lip, entirely approved of this act of the Am-
phictyons; and of the nomination of a prince
to the command of their forces, so eminent and
illustrious for his piety, and so capable of exe-
cuting the vengeance of heaven. At Sparta,
and at Athens, this event was considered in a
different manner. The first of these people,
though possessed of but a small part of their
ancient greatness, yet still retained their pride,
and seem to have looked with a sullen indig-
nation at the honours paid to Macedon. The
VOL. II.
2 X
338
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. Athenians had been long taught to dread the
policy of Philip; and had now their great
popular leader, who repeatedly urged the ne-
cessity of suspicion and vigilance; represented
all the late transactions in the Amphictyonic
council as the effects of Philip's intrigues, and
his designs against Greece in general, but
more particularly against the welfare and
liberty of Athens.
Dinarch.
In Dem.
Plut. in
Phoc.
}
To counteract the zeal of Demosthenes, and
to prevent the effects of his incessant remon-
strances, the minds of the people were alarmed
with oracles and predictions, uttered with all
solemnity from the sacred tripod, and reported
to the Athenians with all the veneration due to
the dictates of Apollo. Vengeance was de-
nounced against all those who should presume
to oppose the king of Macedon, the destined in-
strument of divine justice. The people were
exhorted not to suffer artful and designing
orators, and popular leaders, to seduce them to
their ruin. This was an oracle easy to be ap-
plied by the two great contending speakers
to each other; though possibly, the real inten-
tion of the priestess was to raise suspicions of
Demosthenes, and to prejudice the people
against him. She also spoke much of the sin-
gularity of some one citizen, who disturbed the
harmony of the state, by opposing the general
sentiments of his countrymen. This too was
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
339
probably intended to mark out Demosthenes. SECT. I.
But when the oracle was read in the assembly,
and variously interpreted, according to the
different passions and designs of the different
partisans and leaders, Phocion, who ever
treated his fellow citizens with that honest
severity which arose from a just sense of their
errors, and a patriot zeal for reformation, rose
up, and at once put an end to all debates
about the application. I am that singular
person, said he; I entirely dissent from all your
proceedings. I dislike your measures, your
resolutions, your whole conduct.
in Ctes.
A particular event now gave new occasion Eschin.
to Philip's agents to confound the minds of p. 42.
the people with superstitious fears. The great
mysteries of Ceres were celebrated with all the
usual solemnity; and a number of the initiated
persons, who were considered as the peculiar
favourites of heaven, died suddenly, during the
course of their ceremonies and religious rites.
This was reported and received at Athens,
with general consternation, as ominous and
portentous. It was immediately proposed to
send a deputation to Delphi, to consult the
god on this alarming occasion: a design which
Demosthenes justly considered as intended to
gain some new declarations from the priestess
in favour of the Macedonian interest; and
which he therefore determined to oppose.
2 x ?
340
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
Demost.
sect. 51.
Polyæn.
1. 4, c. 2,
str. 8.
CC
My countrymen," said he, "it is to no pur-
pose to consult the oracle at this time. We
"cannot obtain the real and genuine dictates
"of Apollo. It is very plain, by those pre-
"tended oracles which have been already
"reported to us, that the Pythian priestess
"speaks as Philip dictates; that she is secretly
"influenced by him, and devoted to his service.”
This sentiment he expressed by an artificial
phrase, The priestess philippizes, which struck
the imagination, and pleased the taste of the
people, a never failing method of influencing
and prevailing in the assembly.
In the mean time, Philip prepared to act in
pro Cies. that character with which he was now invested,
He set sail for Greece with a numerous fleet,
but soon learned that Chares and Proxenus,
the Athenian commanders, were prepared to
oppose his descent with a superior naval force.
An engagement might hazard the success of
his present design, or at least retard it; and
therefore he determined to have recourse to
artifice, in order to extricate himself from the
present difficulty. He dispatched a light vessel
from his fleet, with letters directed to Antipater,
informing him, that certain commotions had
arisen in Thrace, which obliged the king to
appear immediately in that country, and added
orders and directions suitable to such a design,
The better to conceal his stratagem, he also
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
311
SECT. I.
Demetr.
addressed some letters to his queen Olympias.
The vessel, as was intended, fell into the ene-
my's hands; the pretended dispatches were
sent to Athens, and there opened (the queen's Plut. in
letters only excepted, which this polite people
sent back in the condition in which they were
received.) The admirals were ordered to quit
their station, and to steer towards the Cherso-
nesus; and thus was Philip suffered to land
unmolested. The forces of his own kingdom
were more than sufficient to reduce the Am-
phissæaus; but, under pretence of giving a
greater solemnity to the execution of the Am-
phictyonic decree, he resolved to summon all
those people who sent representatives to that
council to attend his standard, and to assist
him in inflicting the punishment due to sacri-
lege. Thus he could distinguish his adherents
from those who secretly envied his power, or
openly opposed his interest; and render the
latter odious to the rest of Greece, as men who
deserted or opposed the cause of heaven. The
Thebans first received his summons, and re-
ceived it with the temper of a people, who re-
pented of their engagements with Macedon,
and envied the greatness of Philip. They at Dem. de
first declined to concur with him, which pro- sect. 1.
duced the following invitation to the people
of Peloponnesus:
Corona,
1
342
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V
<<
PHILIP King of Macedon, to the magistrates
"and counsellors of the confederated people
"of Peloponnesus, health.
"Whereas the Locri, called Ozolæ, inhabi-
"tants of Amphissa, profanely commit out-
rages on the temple of Apollo in Delphi, and
"in an hostile manner invade, and make depre-
"dations in the sacred territory; know ye, that
we have resolved, in conjunction with you, to
"assert the rights of the god, and to oppose
"those impious wretches, who have thus pre-
"sumed to violate all that is accounted sacred
"
among men. Do you, therefore, meet me in
arms at Phocis with provisions for forty days
"within this present month called by us Loüs,
'by the Athenians, Bodromion; and, by the
(c
¢¢
Corinthians, Panemus. Such as attend us
"shall be duly consulted, and all measures
pursued with their concurrence; they, who
"refuse obedience to these orders, shall be
punished. Farewell."
:
The Thebans, who were particularly con-
cerned in the menaces with which this letter is
concluded, were now considerably embarassed
and divided by their jealousies and apprehen-
sions. They were heartily weary of their en-
gagements with Philip: they dreaded, as well
as envied, the increase of his power: nor could
all their phlegm and slowness prevent them
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
343
Orat. in
from perceiving that the reduction of the Am- SECT. 1.
phissæans was, by no means, an object adequate
to the greatness of all these military prepara-
tions. On the other hand, they had ever
affected, when their interest demanded it, an
implicit obedience to the determinations of the
Amphictyonic council, and could not now,
either with decency or safety, appear to forget
the veneration due to that assembly; and, Dinarchi.
therefore, determined to send a body of infantry Dem.
to the appointed place of rendezvous, under
the command of Proxenus, one of their gene-
rals, who was the pensioner of Philip. The
Lacedæmonians, on their part, persevered in
the resolution of detaching themselves entirely
from these affairs, and having no share in the
dispute. At Athens the usual commotions
arose in the assembly; and the several parties
and popular leaders exerted all their zeal to
influence and direct the public councils.
mosthenes inveighed with his usual force
energy against Philip, and his pernicious de-
signs; and, prompted by the fury of his zeal,
or by secret motives of interest, urged the
people to oppose the king of Macedon, by
assisting the Amphissæans; and thus to disap-
point the ambitious schemes of this prince,
who had now found a specious but insidious
pretence for ravaging, and destroying, and sub-
verting, the states of Greece, and establishing
De- Demost.
in Ctes.
and sect. 52.
311
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. that power and sovereignty, which had ever
been the darling object of his wishes. Eschi-
nes, on the other hand, insisted on the odious-
ness and danger of such a measure, which no
man, he said, could recommend, who was not
secretly bribed by the Amphissæans: and that
even supposing the present war to be no more
than a pretence, yet it was the Thebans who
had most reason to dread the consequences of
it, as they were the people more immediately
threatened by the Macedonian arms.
Eschin.
in Ctes.
sect. 45.
Sect. 49.
Perhaps it would have been most prudent
for the Athenians to have imitated the example
of Lacedæmon on this occasion. They could
have made no effectual opposition to Philip,
without the concurrence and assistance of the
Greeks; and, although, by remaining quiet,
they might not have prevented him from
attacking their state, yet such an attack would
not have been supported by any plausible plea,
and might have spirited up some powerful
opposition in the other states of Greece. But
unhappily they chose (and it must be acknow-
ledged, that Demosthenes seems to have deter-
mined them to this choice) the most odious
and dangerous step that could possibly have
been taken. Without daring to remain quiet,
or marching with all their force to repel what
they affected to consider as an invasion of their
country; without endeavouring to strengthen
'
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
345
themselves by the concurrence of any other SECT. I.
power; they hired out a body of ten thousand
foreign troops to the Amphissæans, under the
command of Charidemus; and thus incurred
the censure of supporting sacrilege, and de-
prived their state of a considerable part of its
security, without distressing or checking the
progress of the enemy.
in Ctes.
Their ineffectual reinforcement, together
with the Amphissæans, fled before the Mace-
donians, who pursued them to their town,
where they found an easy admittance. Philip, Demost.
having stationed a garrison there, and made sect. 52.
such dispositions as might be agreeable to
the Amphictyons, proceeded to spread terror
through the adjacent districts. Some other
cities, who were accused of sharing in the
sacrilege of Amphissa, were dismantled or rased
to their foundations. Thus much the honour
of the god, and the authority of the great
council, required; for both of whom Philip
still affected the highest veneration, and, no
doubt, took care to inspire the Greeks with
unfavourable sentiments of Athens, and its
attachment to Amphissa, and to display every
thing exceptionable and unpopular in the con-
duct of that state.
These events naturally raised the utmost
terror and confusion in that community, where
good or bad advices were ever received with
VOL. IF
27
346
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Demost.
Sect. 52.
in Ctes.
BOOK V. an extravagance of triumph or consternation.
The people were firmly convinced, that the
victorious army was now ready to appear in the
territories of Attica, with fire and sword, under
the pretence of completing the vengeance of
the god. To gain a little time, in order to
collect their force, and to prevail on some
other Grecian cities to assist them in this their
extremity, seemed now the only measure which
the Athenians could pursue: and for this pur-
pose it was resolved to send an embassy to
Philip, in order to demand a truce; though as
yet the war was not declared in due form,
either on one or the other side. The decree
for this embassy was conceived in the fol-
lowing terms:
Ibid.
66
"In the archonship of Heropythus, on the
twenty-fifth day of the month Elaphebo-
lion, the Erecthian tribe presiding, the
"senate and generals came to the following
"resolution:
"Whereas Philip hath possessed himself of
some adjacent cities, and demolished others,
"and is actually preparing to make an inroad
"into Attica (in manifest contempt of his en-
gagements,) and to rescind all his late treaties
" and obligations, without the least regard to
public faith: It is RESOLVED, that ambassa-
"dors shall be sent to confer with him, and to
66
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
347
"exhort him to preserve that harmony, and to SECT. I.
"adhere to those engagements, which have
(
hitherto subsisted between us: at least, that
"he may grant the state time to deliberate,
"and make a truce, till the month Thargelion.
"-Simus, Euthydemus, and Bulagoras, are
"elected from the senate for this commission."
sect. 69.
At the same time deputies were dispatched
to the different cities and communities of
Greece, in order to prevail on them to unite
with Athens against the Macedonian power.
The Corinthians, Euboeans, Megareans, Leu-
cadians, and Corcyræans, were attentive to
these overtures, and readily consented to form
the league. And now the fate of Greece ap- Demost.
pcared to depend on the determination of in Ctes.
Thebes. This state seems to have been warmly
solicited both by Athens and by Philip; and
to have received their solicitations with the
sullenness and reserve of a people actuated by
the grosser motives of envy, resentment, and
pride, rather than by the principles of a refined
and extensive policy. They remembered the
victories of Epaminondas and Pelopidas, and
were mortified at the thoughts of marching
under the conduct of the Macedonian. They
had also been particularly disobliged by the
loss of Nicæa, which they had been in posses-
sion of, and which Philip was obliged to give
up to the Thessaliaus, in order to render them
1
1
2 Y 2
318
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
2
Ctes. sect.
44.
BOOK V. deaf to the solicitations of Athens, and firm to
Eschin. in the Macedonian interest. On the other hand,
they must have hated the Athenians, as they
were conscious of being despised by this people
of lively genius; and much more, as they were
conscious of having materially injured them,
in keeping possession of Oropus. Suspended
and distracted by such different principles,
they received the representations of each of
the contending powers with a provoking phlegm
and insensibility, (for by this time the pretence
of a religious war was vanishing, and it began
to appear plainly, that the contest was really
between Athens and Macedon.) This sus-
pense and irresolution of Thebes contributed
to respite the invasion of Attica much more
than the negociations of the Athenian ambas-
sadors, who only discovered the fears and
weakness of their state, and whom Philip doth
not seem to have received with any great
Demost.
pro Ctes.
sect. 52.
attention.
The Athenians were, however, still incessant
in their applications; and, by addressing them-
selves to the pride of the Thebans, by expa-
tiating on the glory and honour which a brave
and vigorous defence of Greece and liberty
must reflect upon them, began to make some
impression on their spirits, and obliged Philip
to have recourse to new artifices to defeat their
intrigues. It appears, that he began with
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
349
Ctes. sect.
endeavouring to sow dissensions between the SECT. I.
Thebans, and the other Baotians, in order to Eschiu. in
alienate these latter from their dependence on 45.
the capital city; to confound the Athenians,
by dividing the power and interest of the
Baotic body, that so they might not know to
whom they should address themselves for as-
sistance; and, at the same time, to persuade
the Thebans, that his measures could not be
affected by their resolutions, or his success
depend on their assistance, which could prove
but inconsiderable, if separate from that of the
rest of Bocotia. But Demosthenes, who was Sect. 43.
the principal agent and director in all the
opposition to Philip, eluded this blow, by per-
suading the people of Athens to declare, by a
public act, that they would support the autho-
rity of Thebes; and, at the same time, ac-
knowledge and defend, as their allies, all those
Boeotians who continued in their attachment to
the capital. This declaration determined these
people to remain quiet, and to avoid all the
consequences of disturbing the tranquillity of
Boeotia.
Yet the final determination of the Thebans
was still doubtful. Resentment of former quar-
rels, and fears of prescut danger, were too
powerful and prevailing to suffer them to de-
clare publicly for Athens; and Philip had co-
gent motives to urge, and effectual means of
મ
350
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
Dinarch
in Dem.
Dem. in
Ctes. sect.
52.
supporting his interest at Thebes. He had
bribed many popular leaders in that state; he
knew how to lavish fair promises and assur-
ances of friendship; to display to the people
all the advantages which might arise to them
from the ruin of their old enemy; and to ele-
vate them with many flattering hopes of favour
from a prince who had, on former occasions,
approved himself entirely devoted to their in-
terest. Observation and experience might have
taught the Thebans to suspect the promises
of the king of Macedon; however, they were
at last so far prevailed on, as to send him a
letter, in which they expressed their regard to
ancient treaties and connexions, and their re-
solution of adhering to them. Formal decla-
rations could not possibly deceive Philip; but
the Athenians were so far deceived by them,
that they began to despair of influencing the
Thebans, and thought it necessary to repeat
their applications to Philip, to obtain a cessa-
tion of arms. For this purpose the following
decree was made:
CC
er
"In the archonship of Heropithus; the last
day of the month Munichion;-at the
"motion of the polemarch :--
"Whereas Philip is exerting his most stre-
nuous efforts to alienate the Thebans from
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
351
us, and prepares to march with all his army
"to the frontiers of Attica, in direct violation
"of the treaty now subsisting between us:—It
"is RESOLVED by the senate and people of
Athens, that an herald and ambassadors be
"sent to him, who shall require and demand a
" cessation of hostilities, that the people may
"have an opportunity of deliberating on this
exigency; as at present they are inclined to
judge that the honour of the state cannot be
supported but by an extraordinary and vigo-
"rous opposition. Nearchus and Polycrates
"are chosen for this commission, from the se-
"nate; and Eunomus from the people, in
quality of herald.”
(C
"
It was of the utmost consequence to Philip
to persuade the Athenians and the other Greeks,
that all appearance of pacific measures was en-
tirely owing to his equity and moderation, and
not to any dread of opposition on the part of
Thebes; and, by an affectation of confidence
in this latter people to conceal his real opinions
and resolutions from them; and to intimidate
his avowed enemies, by the appearance of a
powerful alliance. This application of the
Athenians he therefore answered by the follow-
ing letter:
SECT. I.
352
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
Demost.
in Ctes.
sect. 52.
Ibid.
(C
PHILIP king of Macedon, to the senate and
people of Athens, health!".
CC
"How you have been affected towards us
from the beginning, we are by no means ig-
"norant: nor of that assiduity with which you
"have laboured to bring over to your party
"the Thessalians, the Thebans, and even the
"Boeotians. As these people had just ideas of
their real interests, and have refused to sub-
"mit to your direction, when you find your-
"selves disappointed, you send heralds and am-
"bassadors to us, to put us in mind of former
"treaties: and you demand a truce, although
" you
have in no one instance felt the force of
our arms. I on my part, have admitted
your ambassadors to an audience. I agree
"to your demands, and am ready to grant the
" cessation which you require, provided that
"
C.C
you remove your evil counsellors, and brand
them with the infamy which they so justly
"merit. Farewell."
At the same time, and for the same purposes.
he also addressed a letter to the Thebans, con-
ceived in these terms:
"PHILIP king of Macedon, to the senate and
"people of Thebes, health!"
"I have received your letter, wherein you
"take notice of the harmony and peace sub-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
353
CC
sisting between us. I am informed, that the SECT. 1.
Athenians have been assiduous in their solici-
tations, to prevail upon you to comply with
them in those demands which they have lately
"made. I must confess I formerly imagined,
"that I had discovered some dispositions in your
"state, to be influenced by their promises, and
"to acquiesce in their measures: but now I
"have received full assurances of your attach-
“ment to us, and of your resolutions to live in
peace, rather than to submit to the guidance
"of foreign councils. I feel the sincerest satis-
faction, and highly applaud your conduct
" and more, particularly as, by your adherence
"to us, you have in the most effectual manner,
provided for your interest and safety. Per-
severe in the same sentiments, and, in a short
time, I hope you will experience their good
"effects. Farewell."
tc
Thus did this politic prince affect an implicit
reliance on the declarations of Thebes; though
it was extremely natural for him to suspect such
declarations, the means he himself had fre-
quently chosen to conduct his designs, and to
deceive others. He considered the true strength
of his interest in that city, and wisely deter-
mined to depend on something more solid and
secure than formal promises. His party in
Thebes appears, indeed, to have been consi-
derable: but the opposite party was formed of
VOLA IL
354
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. those whom he had thought not of conse-
quence enough to be gained, aud of those who
had rejected his overtures, influenced either by
the intrigues of Athens, or by the remembrance
of their ancient glory, and the great actions
of their ancestors. Others were prevented from
declaring themselves for either party, by their
natural timidity and irresolution. Others again
conceived, that the true interest of their
country required them to observe a kind of
neutrality, or to espouse, occasionally, the
Athenian and Macedonian parties, so as to
keep up a sort of balance between these two;
to prevent Thebes from being embroiled in the
quarrels, or involved in the distresses, of
Athens; from being reduced to a state of sup-
jection, under the notion of an alliance with
Macedon, and being led by that power into any
hostilities against Greece, which would only
serve to confirm the Thebans in slavery, and
load them with all the odium of contributing
to the destruction of their brethren the Gre-
cians.
}
#
It was therefore absolutely necessary for
Philip, by some vigorous measures, to deter-
mine the balance of interest and power to his
party: to confound and dismay his avowed op-
posers: to crush all their efforts, and to defeat
all their intrigues; to gain over and to confirm
the wavering and cautions; to terrify the com.
>
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
355
mon people, and to convince the subtle and SECT. 1.
deep reasoners, that he was no longer to be
amused and trifled with; but that the very being
of the Thebaus depended entirely on their
cordial and effectual concurrence in his mea-
sures, and implicit obedience to his directions.
These purposes he now determined to effect by
one bold step, which his policy alone could
dictate, and his vigour execute; which soon
gave full vent to that flame which he had kin-
dled, and made it burst forth in all its force and
furyselfylt
funys215
1
Elatea was a Phocion city of considerable
nota, situated in the middle of a small plain,
between two chains of mountains, the one of
which opened into Phocis, the other led to Bee-
otia. The citadel was seated on a small emi-
nence adjacent to the town, through which ran
the river Cephisus, and from thence, winding
its course, through Boeotia, fell into the lake
Copais. This lake skirted Attica with one of
its extremities, and served for the transportation
of commodities from Phocis, which were carried
down the Cephisus, at that time navigable by
small vessels. When most of the Phocian cities
were razed to their foundations, Elatæa was one
of those three which only were dismantled; aud
when Philip became master of that country, the 2. sect.3.
importance of its situation seems to have de-
termined him to restore its fortifications, as if
Dem. Phil.
272
356
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. to prepare against some such great occasion as
was now presented to him.
Demost.
pro Ctes.
Sect. 53.
Olymp.
110, Y. 3.
This place he boldly seized, while the The-
bans suspected nothing less than any appear-
ance of force or violence; and the Greeks in
general fondly imagined, that his designs were
wholly confined to that insignificant war, which
they had fatally committed to his conduct.
Thus was this enterprising prince, all on a
sudden, master of a post of the utmost conse-
quence; at the head of an army capable of
striking terror into his opposers; at the distance
of but two days march from Attica; absolute
commander, as it were, of the citadel and for-
tress both of Thebes and Athens; conve
niently situated for receiving succours from
Thessaly and Macedon; and entirely at liberty,
either to give battle to those who might pre-
sume to appear in arms against him, or to pro-
tract the war to any length that might be found
convenient.
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND REIGN
>
OF
PHILIP,
KING OF MACEDON.
BOOK THE FIFTH, SECTION II.
CONTENTS.
ATHENIANS informed that Philip had possessed himself
of Elataa.-Their consternation-Speech of Demosthenes
Decree-Demosthenes sent to Thebes.-Deputies of the several
powers busily engaged in that city-Python addresses the assem-
bly on the part of Philip;-opposed by Demosthenes. Effect of
his harangue.-Observation of Lord Bolingbroke-Philip
alarmed.-Demosthenes honoured at Athens.-Philip amuses
the Thebans with proposals of peace.-Makes some impression
on that people.-His design again defeated by Demosthenes.-
Athenian forces arrive at Thebes and favourably received.—
Moderation of the Athenians.-Demosthenes the soul of the
confederacy. Confederates march to meet the enemy-Gain
some advantages, which are received with extravagant joy at
Athens.-Philip resolves to bring on a general engagement.-
Leads his army to the plain of CHERONEA.-Place where he
encamps described by oracles as fatal to Greece. Diogenes visits
the Mucedonian camp. -His answer to Philip.--Armies in the
field. Disposition of the forces. Alexander attacks the sacred
band of Thebes.-Impetuosity of the Athemians.-Fatal error
of Lysicles.-Athenians broken. Weakness of Demosthenes.-
Victory compleated by the defeat of the Thebans-Greeks in
the centre spared.-Philip receives the congratulations of his
officers. Gives a feast in honour of his victory.-Visits the
field of battle.Affected by the view of the sacred band.-
Comes to the place where the Athenians had fought.-Ilis weak
behaviour Corrected by Demades.-Philip recollects himself;
-
returns to his tent. His conversation, his obliging conduct
to the Allienians,—his severity to Thebes.-Confusion at Athens.
-Decree of Hyperides-Phocion named general.-Consterna-
tion in Attica.-Death of Isocrates.-Condemnation of Lysicles.
-Demosthenes still revered and intrusted with public affairs.-
Alexander and Antipater sent to Athens.-Demosthenes appointed
to speak the funeral oration over the slain-Funeral supper
given at his house.-Epitaph.-Samos taken.-Peace offered to
the Athenians. They are desired to send their deputies to a
general convention at Corinth.-Phocion's opinion.Demades
prevails. Ambassadors sent to Philip.-Insolence of "Demo-
chares.-Philip's answer.-IIe still resolves to preserve the
appearance of moderation.
î
"
.:
Į
¡
BOOK THE FIFTH.
SECTION II.
$
SECT. II.
110, Y. 3.
THE news of Philip's late important transac- BOOK V.
tions was quickly spread through the adjacent n
countries, and received with all the stupid and Olymp.
helpless astonishment of men rouzed from a
long lethargy, and awakened to a dreadful
sense of their danger, and of the real designs
of their enemy. It was late in the evening,
when a courier arrived at Athens, appeared be-
fore the Prytanes, and pronounced the dread-
ful tidings, that the king of Macedon had taken
possession of Elatæa. These magistrates, and
all the other citizens, were now at supper, in-
dulging themselves in the pleasures and gaities
of the table; when the news, which in a mo-
ment rang through all the city, roused them
from their state of ease, and put an end to their
festivity. The streets and public places were
instantly filled with a distracted concourse,
every man with terror and confusion in his
countenance, and every man solicitoùs for an
immediate consultation on an emergency so
important and alarmning. Numbers thronged
precipitately to the public place, where the
360
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
*
BOOK V. people generally assembled, and which, as was
usual at all other times, they found occupied
by the different traders who exposed their
wares to sale. These were instantly driven
away, without being allowed time to remove
their shops; which the impatience of the mul-
titude instantly set on fire, in order to clear the
place at once, for the convenience of an
assembly. Others, in the mean time, ran to
seek the generals and magistrates, and clamo-
rously demanded their appearance; others in
quest of those, whose office it was to summon
the citizens to a consultation: thus, through
the whole night, Athens was one continued
scene of uproar and confusion. At the dawn
of the succeeding day, the magistrates sum-
moned the senate; when the whole body of
the people, who were now voluntarily assem-
bled, flocked instantly to the senate-house,
seized their places, and waited with the utmost
anxiety for the result of so important a delibe
ration. The senate now appeared: the Pry-
tanes reported to them the advices which had
been received: the messenger was produced,
and he repeated the terrible account. The
public officer then arose, and, according to the
usual form, invited all those to speak, who
were inclined to offer their sentiments on this
occasion. This invitation, which the great
orater, who transmitted these particulars, ob-
Olymp.
110, Y. 3.
เ
}
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
361
serves, should have been considered as the SECT. II.
voice of their country, imploring the advice.
and assistance of her children, was received
with silence and dismay. It was frequently
repeated; but still no man dared to offer his
opinion. The eyes of all seemed turned to
Demosthenes, in this universal silence and
dejection, as if to entreat the advantages of
his discernment and abilities, to raise his fellow
citizens from their despair. Demosthenes at
length arose, and appeared the only person
undaunted and unmoved in this great affecting
scene of consternation. With a countenance
of serenity, the firm composure of a patriot,
and the sage discernment of a complete states-
man, he addressed himself to the assembly in
the following manner:
،،
"Men of Athens!
They, who are thrown into all this terror
"and agitation from an opinion that the The-
"bans are now entirely gained over to the
"interests of Philip, seem to me totally igno-
rant of the present state of affairs. Were
"that the case, I am convinced we should
"now hear, not that he was at Elatæa, bút on
our very frontier. His intent (I clearly see
"it) in seizing this post, is to facilitate his
"schemes and designs in Thebes. Attend,
and I shall now explain the circumstances
i
VOL. II.
3 A
362
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. "of that state. Those of its citizens, whom
" his gold could corrupt, or his artifice deceive,
"are all at his devotion. Those who origi-
nally opposed, and who continue to oppose,
"his interest, he
Ce
rr
<<
finds incapable of being
wrought upon. What then is his design?
Why hath he seized Elatea?-That by
drawing up his forces, and displaying his
power, on the borders of Thebes, he may
inspire his adherents with confidence and
"elevation, and so terrify and controul his
adversaries, that fear or force may drive them
" into those measures which they have hitherto
opposed. If then we are resolved, in this
conjuncture, to cherish the remembrance of
every act of unkindness, which the Thebans
"have done to Athens; if we regard them
"with suspicion, as men who have ranged
"themselves on the side of our enemy; in the
"first place we shall act agreeably to Philip's
66
66
warmest wishes, and then, I am apprehen-
"sive, that the party, who now oppose him,
64
СС
may be brought over to his interest, the
"whole city submit unanimously to his direc-
tion, and Thebes and Macedon fall with
"their united force on Attica. Grant the due
" attention to what I shall now propose: let it.
"be calmly weighed without dispute or cavil,
" and I doubt not but that my counsels may
"direct you to the best and most salutary
દર
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
363
"measures, and dispel the dangers now im- SECT. II.
pending over the state. What then do I
"recommend?-First, shake off that terror
"which hath possessed your minds, and, in-
"stead of fearing for yourselves, let the The-
"bans be the objects of your apprehensions.
"C
"
They are more immediately affected: they
"are the first to feel the danger. In the next
place, all those of the age for military ser-
vice, both infantry and cavalry, should march
instantly to Eleusis, that Greece may see,
that you are also assembled in arms, and
your friends in Thebes be emboldened to
"assert their rights, when they are assured,
*
(r
1
that, as they who have sold their country to
"the Macedonian have a force at Elatæa to
""
support them, so you are ready to assist the
"men who bravely contend for liberty. In
"the last place, I recommend you to nominate
"ten ambassadors, who, with the generals,
66
may have full authority to determine the
time, and all other circumstances of this
“ march. When these ambassadors arrive at
Thebes, how are they to conduct this great
"affair? This is a point worthy of your most
"serious attention.-Make no demands of the
Thebans at this juncture it would be dis-
"honourable. Assure them, that your assist-
ance is ready for their acceptance, as you are
"justly affected by their dauger, and have been
:
3 A 2
364
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V❝So happy as to foresee and to guard against
Demost.
pro Ctes.
sect. 55.
"it. If they approve of your sentiments, and
"embrace your overtures, we shall effect our
great purpose, and act with a dignity worthy
"of our state. But should it happen that we
are not so successful, whatever misfortunes
they may suffer, to themselves shall they be
"imputed; while your conduct shall appear,
"in no one instance, inconsistent with the
"honour and renown of Athens."
Such sage counsel, delivered with ease and
resolution, amidst a general consternation, doth
more honour to its author, than the most com-
plete and accomplished piece of eloquence in
times of greater ease and security. Nor did it
want its due effect: it was received with uni-
versal applause; Demosthenes himself was in-
stantly chosen to head the embassy, which he
had now proposed; and the following decree,
composed and preferred by this orator, was
readily approved, and confirmed by the as-
sembly.
"In the archonship of Nausicles, the Aian-
tidian tribe presiding; on the sixteenth
day of the month Scirrophorion ;-De-
mosthenes, the son of Demosthenes,
"of the Pæanian tribe, proposed this
"decree:"
"Whereas Philip king of the Macedonians
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
365
1
"C
hath, in various times past, violated the treaty SECT. II.
"of peace subsisting between him and the state
re
(f
((
of Athens, in open contempt of his most
"solemn engagements, and of all that is es-
"teemed sacred in Greece; possessing himself
"of cities to which he had no claim or preten-
sions, reducing some to slavery that were
"under the Athenian jurisdiction, and this
"without any previous injury committed on
"the part of Athens;-And whereas he, at this
"time, perseveres in his outrages and cruelty,
imposing his garrisons on the cities of Greece,
"subverting their constitutions, enslaving their
inhabitants, and rasing their walls: in some,
dispossessing the Greeks, and establishing
"Barbarians; abandoning the temples and se-
pulchres to their inhuman rage, (actions
agreeable to his country and his manners)
insolent in his present fortune, and forgetful
of that mean origin from whence he hath
"arisen to this unexpected power;-Aud
whereas, while the Athenian people beheld
"him extending his dominion over states and
“countries like his own, barbarous, and de-
"tached from Greece, they deemed themselves
"little affected, or injured by such couquests;
"but now, when Grecian cities are insulted by
(<
(C
CC
(6
"
"
his arins, or totally subverted, they justly
"conceive it would be unwarrantable, and un-
worthy of the glory of their illustrious ances-
366
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK Y."tors, to look on with indifference, while the
"Greeks are thus reduced to slavery-For
"these reasons, the SENATE AND PEOPLE OF
"ATHENS (with due veneration to the gods and
"heroes, guardians of the Athenian city and
territory, whose aid they now implore; aud
"with due attention to the virtue of their an-
"cestors to whom the general liberty of Greece
was ever dearer than the particular interest
"of their own state) have RESOLVED,
"That a fleet of two hundred vessels shall
"be sent to sea (the admiral to cruise within
"the streights of Thermopylæ,-That the
c.
generals and commanders, both by horse and
foot, shall march with their respective forces
"to Eleusis.-That ambassadors shall be sent
"to the states of Greece: and particularly to
"the Thebans, as the present situation of
(c
"
Philip threatens their confines more imme-
diately. That these ambassadors shall be in-
"structed to exhort them not to be terrified by
Philip, but to exert themselves in defence of
their own liberty, and that of Greece: to
"assure them, that the people of Athens, far
"from harbouring the least resentment, on ac-
"count of any former differences which might
"have alienated their states from each other,
are ready to support them with all their
powers, their treasures, their forces, and their
"arms; well knowing that to contend for
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
367
(C
sovereignty among themselves is an honour SECT. II.
"to the Greeks; but to be commanded by a
foreigner, or to suffer him to wrest their su-
periority from them, is unworthy of the
"Grecian dignity, and the glorious actions of
"their ancestors;-To assure them, that the
"Athenian people do not look on those of
"Thebes as aliens, but as kinsmen and coun-
trymen; that the good offices conferred on
"Thebes, by their progenitors, are ever fresh
"in their memory; who restored the descen-
"dants of Hercules to their hereditary do-
"minions, from which they had been expelled
by the Peloponnesians, and, by force of
arms, subdued all those who opposed them-
selves to that illustrious family; who kindly
"entertained Œdipus, and his adherents, in the
"time of their calamity; and who have trans-
mitted many other monuments of their affec
tion and respect to Thebes:-That the
'people of Athens, therefore, will not, at this
conjuncture, desert the cause of Thebes and
"Greece; but are ready to enter into engage-
"ments, defensive and offensive, with the
Thebaus, cemented and confirmed by a mu
"tual liberty of intermarriage, and by the
"oaths of each party tendered and accepted
"with all due solemuity. The ambassadors
"chosen, on this occasion, are Demosthenes
"C
"C
(C
"(
368
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
Demost.
pro Ctes.
sect. 56.
66
Hyperides, Mnesithides, Democrates, and
"Callæschrus."
This decree, by which the Athenians thus
declared war in form against the king of Mace-
don, was quickly spread through Greece, to
possess the several states with an opinion of the
vigour and resolution of Athens. Philip him-
self was speedily made acquainted with it, and
seems to have perused it with the attention due
to the address and art of the composition.
The eloquence and abilities of the author he
affected to admire; and, on many occasions,
acknowledged their power and importance: he
even affected to receive the accounts of that
severity with which Demosthenes treated him,
with gaiety and unconcern: Let him use his
liberty," said he, " he hath a right to it: he
never received our pay." But, as the inter-
nal weakness and disorders of Athens could
not possibly escape his penetration, he looked
with contempt on all the efforts of that state,
and might not have deemed this their spirited
declaration of hostilities of so much conse-
quence as it really proved, or as Demosthenes
ascribes to it, who makes it the great cause of
all that vigorous opposition which we shall soon
find raised against Philip; and that the danger
now impending over the Athenians, and all
their fears of being abandoned by the Greeks,
C
ཞོ:f་ན་
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
369
!
and crushed by the joint forces of many power-
ful enemies, were at once dispelled, and at once
vanished like a vapour.
All Greece was now in motion, as at the eve
of some important and decisive event. The
Athenian ministers arrived at Thebes; and the
great contest for power and superiority ape
peared to depend entirely on the success of
their negociation. The glory, the freedom, and
independency of Greece, were the honourable
pleas by which Athens dignified its cause;
while Philip, on his part, affected to act only
in obedience to the orders of the Amphictyonic
council, and to complete the vengeance of the
god, by subduing that state which had hitherto
proved the grand obstacle to the schemes of
his ambition.
SECT. 11.
Demost,
Amyntas and Clearchus appeared at Thebes Plut. in
in quality of his ambassadors, attended by Py-
thon, the celebrated orator of Byzantium. The
Thessalians deputed Daochus and Thrasydæus,
two creatures of Macedon. The Ætolians, the
Dolopes, the Ænians, and Pththiotes, had also
their several representatives at Thebes. The
ministers of Macedon, and its allies, affected Demost
the greatest triumph and confidence, professed ect. 61.
to consider the Thebans as their most assured
friends, and to regard any attempt to alienate
them as in the highest degree ridiculous and
presumptuous. The ambassadors, and friends
VOL. II,
1
3B
pro Ctes:
}
370
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. of Athens, were in the same proportion de-
pressed and dispirited; and the whole city, the
scene of this important negociation, was now
busied in caballing and intriguing, in private
meetings and secret consultations; each party
labouring to strengthen its interest, to confirm
its adherents, and to gain new friends. The
popular assembly, on whose determination the
final event depended, was now convened, and
Sect. 62. Philip's representatives had that deference and
distinction paid them, that they were first ad-
mitted to address themselves to the people;
when Python rose up in the name of this
prince and all his allies.
He began with praising Philip and magnify-
ing his abilities, his character, and his power;
his piety towards the gods, his true regard to
Greece, and his particular affection to Thebes,
the place in which his infant mind had been
formed by the principles of virtue, under the
direction of the immortal Epaminondas. He
recalled to their minds all the instances of this
affection; the assistance he had frequently
afforded to this state in its contests with Phocis,
in which his armies, his treasures, and his per-
son had been equally devoted to the cause of
religion and of Thebes. Uniform in his con-
duct, and steady in his attachments, he was
now preparing to assert both these important
interests, which had ever been, and still were,
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
371
heim.
dear to him, by chastising and humbling a SECT. 11.
state, which had always appeared equally an
enemy to both. He inveighed against the
fickleness and inconstancy, the turbulence and
pride, of Athens; and expatiated on all its
quarrels and complaints, all the circumstances
of unkindness, all the appearances of aversion
and contempt, which the Athenians had ever Freins-
discovered to the Theban people No greater Supp. in
proof of this contempt could possibly be disco- Curt. cap.
vered than the present application of this
people to Thebes; for nothing but an opinion
of an utter defect of understanding in the
Thebans could possibly prompt them to desire
the assistance of these, to prop the tottering
power of their enemies, and to save them from
ruin, by involving themselves in an unequal
contest with a powerful prince, who now
invites them to join their arms with his, at
least to allow him a peaceable passage through
their territory, that he may for ever secure to
them the sovereignty of Greece, by punishing
the injustice, the arrogance, the irreligion of
a people, alone able to contend with them for
this illustrious privilege. To comply with the Demost.
Athenians, he observed, was to expose their
native country to all the miseries and horrors,
all the ravages and desolation, of a bloody
war to unite with Philip was to enrich them-
selves with the spoils of their inveterate ene-
pro Ctes.
sect. 62.
1
1
3 R2
372
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
*
BOOK V. mies. This gracious prince invites them to
share the wealth of Attica; to carry off its
flocks and herds and slaves, to add to the
affluence, and increase the power, of Thebes:
and therefore, if interest, if gratitude, if resent-
ment, if honour, could have the least influence
on their minds, no doubt could possibly re-
main, but that a people, strongly urged by all
these powerful motives, would instantly spurn,
with a just contempt, at the mean artifices of
Athens; and gladly embrace the happy occa-
sion of establishing their power for ever, by
accepting the tenders of friendship made by
the great and formidable king of Macedon,
whose moderation and humanity prompted
him to engage them by the strong ties of gra-
titude and interest, rather than by the terror
of his invincible arms.
Demost.
pro Ctes.
sect. 43.
His speech was delivered with an extraordi-
nary
heat and violence, as if dictated by a sin-
cere and powerful conviction; and Philip had
his friends and partisans in the assembly, who
tumultuously applauded and echoed his sen-
timents, and called loudly on the Thebans, to
Join with the great and pious prince, the pro-
tector of the religion and liberty of Greece,
rather than with the Athenians, the disturbers
of its peace.
But now Demosthenes arose.
As an orator,
his reputation obliged him to exert all his abili-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
}
373
ties against an antagonist who seemed to rival SECT. 11.
him in force and vehemence. As a statesman, he
was solicitous for the success of those measures
which he himself had recommended; and, as a
patriot, the danger of his country must have
strongly affected him, and called forth all his
energy. Unhappily the oration, in which he
opposed this turbulent speaker, hath not been
transmitted us; nor have we any considerable
accounts of the arguments and topics on which
he enlarged. But, from some imperfect hints
in his oration on the Crown, it appears, that he
expatiated, with all his art and eloquence, on
the dignity of Athens, the rank which this state
had ever maintained in Greece, and the atten-
tion which it had ever discovered to the com-
mon cause: that he endeavoured to divert the
attention of his hearers from all ancient quar-
rels and animosities, which he represented as
the generous effects of a passion for glory and
superiority, in two noble rivals, whose origin,
whose actions, and whose principles, rendered
them equally worthy of those noble prizes, for
which they had so gloriously contended. The
perfidy, the treachery, and the dangerous and
insatiable ambition of Philip, he represented in Dem. pro
such strong and striking colours, that even the Cres. sect.
allies and confederates of this prince were, as
he asserts, forced to rise and give testimony to
the truth and justness of his allegations. All
43.
371
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. those fair offers of friendship and assistance,
now lavished on the Thebans, were thence con-
verted into so many arguments to confirm their
suspicions of his sincerity, and to inspire them
with distrust and caution. It was an easy and
natural transition to represent their danger as
certain and incontestible; to entreat them to
unite with their brethren and countrymen, in
order to repel the danger which threatened
their walls; to accept of an assistance, which a
truly cordial tenderness and affection only
could prompt the Athenians to offer; and to
embrace the last occasion, that might be pre-
sented, of acting consistently with their ancient
glory, by bravely asserting their own liberty,
and that of Greece, against the subtle and in-
veterate enemy of that renowned nation: a
nation, whose eyes were now fixed on Thebes,
imploring the assistance and defence of its
generous and gallant offspring; and entreating
them to remember their duty and their glory;
and to crush the proud Barbarian, instead of
rioting in the miseries, and preying on the vitals,
of its venerable parent.
The effects of his harangue were such as
might be expected from the most exalted ideas
that can be formed of it. The agents and par-
tisans of the Macedonian were confounded;
Theopom- unable to oppose or answer the strength and
Vit. Dem. energy of the great Athenian. The minds of
pus in Plut
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
375
all the Thebans were at once ravished and in- SECT. II.
flamed with the love of glory: every other con-
sideration was hid from them as by enchant-
ment; all sense of gratitude, all fears of dan-
ger, and all the cold sentiments of policy, were
instantly lost in that generous enthusiasm with
which the speaker fired them. Arms and ho-
nour, Athens, Greece, and liberty, were echoed
tumultuously through the assembly; where it
was resolved to accept of the assistance of
Athens, and even to desire that assistance
by a decree, which was now executed in due Demost.
form.
Thus was Philip, one of the greatest masters
of intrigue in his or any other age, for this time
foiled and defeated by the abilities of Demo-
sthenes; and the seizing of Elatea, which he
had reasonable considered as the most effectual
measure for securing the Thebans to his party,
proved the very means of driving them into the
interest of his enemies. This is one of those
events, which shew that great effect may be
produced from the wisdom and integrity of
public councils, and the inestimable value of a
vigorous, zealous, and able statesman. Au
eminent modern, who had himself been much
conversant in politics, and shared largely in
the direction and conduct of national affairs,
ascribes the success of Demosthenes to his
intrigues and secret transactions, rather than
pro Ctes.
sect, 63.
376
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. to the power of his eloquence. His sentiments
on this affair may not be displeasing:
Letter on
the Spirit
tism.
"It was of mighty consequence to Philip."
of Patrio- saith lord Bolingbroke, "to prevent the acces-
“sion of Thebes to the grand alliance, that
"Demosthenes, at the head of the Athenian
"commonwealth, formed against the growing
power of the Macedonians. Philip had emis-
"saries and his ambassadors on the spot to
oppose those of Athens: and we may be
"assured that he neglected none of those arts
"
upon this occasion, that he had employed so
"successfully on others. The struggle was
great; but Demosthenes prevailed, and the
"Thebans engaged in the war against Philip.
"Was it by his eloquence alone, that he pre-
"vailed, in a divided state, over all the sub-
tility of intrigue, all the dexterity of negoci-
66
"
ation, all the seduction, all the corruption,
"all the terror that the ablest and most power-
"ful prince could employ? Was Demosthenes
wholly taken up in composing orations, and
haranguing the people in this remarkable
"crisis? He harangued them, no doubt, at
Thebes, as well as at Athens, and in the rest
"of Greece, where all the great resolutions
of making alliances, waging war, or con-
cluding peace, were determined in demo-
"cratical assemblies. But yet haranguing
was, no doubt, the least part of his business
65
•
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
377
" and eloquence was neither the sole, nor the SECT. II.
principal talent, as the style of writers would
re
induce us to believe, on which his success
+
£
"dependled. He must have been master of
"other arts, subservient to which his elos
quence was employed; and must have had
"a thorough knowledge of his own state, and
"of the other states of Greece; of their dispo-
sitions, and of their interests relatively to
"one another, and relatively to their neigh-
"bours, to the Persians particularly, with
"whom he held correspondence not much to
"his honour: I say, he must have been master
"of many other arts, and have possessed an
immense fund of knowledge, to make his
eloquence in every case successful, and even
pertinent or seasonable in some, as well as
to direct it, and to furnish it with matter.
"whenever he thought proper to employ this
weapon."
((
c.
<
Thus far Lord Bolingbroke. But, with due
deference to so great a name, and in a point
on which he might expect to be heard with
deference, it may be observed, that the cir-
cumstances of these times, and these states, in
which we have seen Demosthenes engaged,
were totally and essentially different from those
any
modern scenes of intrigue. or negocia-
tion. Secret practising and caballing might
have engaged, and were, no doubt, employed
of
VOL. II.
3 C
*
373
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
J
BOOK V to engage some leading and popular men at
Thebes. But still the final determination, as
the noble writer hath observed, was in the
people at large; a mixed body, composed of
all ranks and orders of men, most of whom
were to be influenced rather by their national
prejudices, passions, and opinions, than by
cool motives of interest or policy. To such
minds, sudden, violent, and forcible impres-
sions alone were suited; and particularly on
an occasion too pressing to admit of the slow
and gradual effects of intrigue. Philip him-
self was too well acquainted with what the
present occasion required, to depend entirely
on the influence of his gold, the assiduity of
his partisans, or the subtlety and dexterity of
private negociations. These were all exerted,
but the forcible and vehement orator was his
last resource. In all secret practices he had
many advantages above the Athenians; he
could bribe more liberally; he had interest,
security, and all the motives to urge, that were
most powerful and cogent. To these the
Athenian could only oppose honour, glory,
public spirit, and such like arguments, which
require all the powers of eloquence to display
and to enforce. And, therefore, in such cir-
cumstances, and on such an occasion, we may
perhaps safely concur with the general voice.
of historians, in ascribing this success of De-
mosthenes to his abilities as a public speaker.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
379
pro Ctes.
Philip, who now saw himself deprived of SECT. 11.
twelve thousand of the best troops in Greeee,
and his enemy reinforced by such a formidable
body, began to suspect that his enterprising
genius had hurried him too far, and to consider
the final event as exceedingly doubtful and
precarious. His agents redoubled their dili-
gence, and all his artifices were exerted, to
guard against the consequences of so alarming
a disappointment. In all his letters and ad- Demost.
dresses, his style appeared considerably al- seet. 64.
tered; and, instead of that magisterial manner,
which he had hitherto assumed, he affected a
great degree of moderation and humility. This
was considered at Athens as a manifest iudica-
tion of fear. The triumph of the people, in
the success of their embassy, was equal to their
former consternation; and Demosthenes, to
whom this success was justly attributed, was
now unrivalled in their affections. A resolu-
tion was entered into to confer the honour of
a crown upon him in return for his important
service; and Diondas, one of their citizens,
who attempted to oppose the conferring of this
honour, was heard with contempt and aversion, Ibid.
and exposed to the consequences of a malicious
accusation.
The army of the Athenians was now ordered
to march to Thebes. It was composed of all Diod. Sic.
the citizens of the age for military service, but 85.
1. 16, sect.
302
380
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
7
BOOK V. the depravity and inattention of this people
appeared even in their most vigorous measures.
The merits of Phocion were neglected; and the
command of their forces entrusted to Lysicles,
a man undistinguished by abilities; and Chares,
with whose character the reader is by this time
well acquainted, So earnest was Demosthenes
for their departure, that he absolutely declared
against waiting for the sacrifices and religious
rites, which usually preceded all important
transactions, and from which were derived the
omens of success.
Eschin.
in Ctes.
sect. 42.
Eschin.
în Ctes.
sect, 47.
The king of Macedon, in the mean time,
either to extricate himself from the uncertainty
and difficulties of a contest, which now pro-
mised vigour and importance; or to amuse,
and to allay the heat which had been raised at
Thebes; began to make some overtures to-
wards an accommodation. Thebes was now
the scene of all great transactions; and De-
mosthenes had, by this time, so strengthened
his party, that he was emboldened to inveigh,
with all imaginable violence, against any pro-
posal of peace; and boldly declared, that he
himself would drag the traitor to prison, who
should dare to mention so shameful and dis-
honourable a measure. But, notwithstanding
all such violent declarations, the chief magis-
trates and leaders at Thebes were apprehen-
sive of the uncertain events of war, and consi-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
381
{
dered a peace as a just and prudent medium SECT. IL
between the invidious appearance of deserting
the cause of Greece, and exposing their coun-
try to certain danger and distress. They
therefore recommended a pacification to the
Athenians, and actually countermanded their
forces, who were now directing their march to
Thebes. This obliged Demosthenes to ap-
pear once more in the assembly, where he la-
boured to inspire the people with the utmost
aversion to these sentiments of their governors.
All his arguments were repeated, and the mo-
tives of honour and glory urgently and fre-
quently enforced. "If the Thebans," said he,
[C
66
are still undetermined, still insensible of the
"common danger, still uninfluenced by the
due affection to Greece, there is, at least,
one people that hath not yet forgot the
glorious actions and generous principles of
their ancestors. The Athenians, though
deprived of all assistance, and abandoned by
"their countrymen, cannot be inattentive to
"the sacred cause of liberty; if left to support
"the contest by themselves, they must at least
"demand a free passage through the Theban
territory, that by themselves they may march
against the enemy of Greece, and gloriously Eschin.
fall in its defence."
This last stroke put an end to all farther de-
liberations, and confirmed the Thebaus unal-
"
in Ctes.
sect. 47.
382
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
Demost.
sect. 63.
*
terably in their resolution for war, and oppo-
sition to Macedon. The Athenian forces ar-
rived at Thebes, and were received with every
demonstration of affection and joy. While
the Theban army, both infantry and cavalry,
pro Ctes. encamped without the walls, the Athenians
were admitted into the city, received into the
houses, and lodged among the wives and
daughters of the citizens. And these forces,
by the strictest discipline, and exactest regu-
larity of conduct, confirmed and repaid this
extraordinary confidence. Demosthenes, who
may justly be said to have been the soul of
this great affair, the spirit which actuated the
body of the confederates, was, on every occa-
sion, consulted by the generals both of Thebes
and Athens; and every measure taken, every
disposition made, in consequence of his ad-
vice and approbation. This was not a time,
as he wisely conceived, to contend, or raise
disputes, about precedence, superiority, or
any point of honour. The Thebans he freely
permitted to hold the first rank, and to be con-
sidered as the principal and leading member
of the confederacy. To their generals was
committed the supreme command of all the
land forces, who were yet obliged to act in
concert with those of Athens. Two parts of
the expence, attending the support of these
forces, were paid by Athens; the remaining
Ibid.
}
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
388
part by Thebes. The whole expence of all SECT. 11.
the maritime preparations the Athenians con-
sented to support. The command was con-
ferred alternately on the officers of each nation.
Thus, by a timely condescension, by indulg
ing the national vanity of the Thebans, and
preventing them from being pressed by the bur-
den of their present engagement, this vigilant
and sagacious statesman effectually removed all
jealousy; and, while he affected only to display
the attention of his countrymen to the common
cause, and their generous concern for Gseece,
gained, and firmly attached to their interest,
powerful and zealous allies, whe now seemed
firmly possessed with all those generous senti-
ments of glory, liberty, and public spirit, which
all the art and power of his eloquence had been
employed to raise. Instead of trembling at the
approach of Philip, and shrinking with an
unmanly terror from the impending storm, the
confederates now issued out boldly to meet the
enemy, and encamped within two days march
of the Macedonian army. Parties were, on
different occasions, detached from each side,
who sometimes: met and encountered each
other with violence and fury. In two of these
engagements, which happened at some interval
from each other, as the season of the year
seems to have, for some time, prevented any Ibid.
grand operations, the Macedonians were driven
瞿
​384
LIFE AND REIGN OF
THE {
BOOK back to the camp, and the honour of these sue-
cesses ascribed principally to the conduct and
Plut. in
Vit. Dem.
}
valour of the Athenians. The news was re
ceived at Athens with that extravagance of
triumph, which plainly indicated the levity of
the people; and the weakness of their state.
The temples were instantly opened, the tumul-
tuous crowds rushed in with sacrifices and
thanksgivings, and the whole city was filled
with feasting and rejoicing.
3
Philip, on his part, must have looked with
a just contempt on all this exultation; well
knowing, that the bravery and spirit of his ene-
mies wanted that direction which might enable
them to improve their advantages. Conscious
of his own abilities, and the weakness of those
generals who commanded the Greeks, he deter-
mined to bring on a general engagement, where
his superior skill must appear of the greatest
moment. For this purpose, he took a favour-
able opportunity of decamping, and led his
army to the plain of Cheronea, a name ren-
dered famous by the event of this important
contest. Here he chose his station, in view of
a temple dedicated to Hercules the author of
his race, as if resolved to fight in his presence,
to make him witness of the actions of his de-
scendant, and to commit his forces, and his
cause, to the immediate protection of this
hero: Some ancient oracles were preserved,
*
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
385
which seemed to point out the spot on which SECT. II.
he now encamped, as the scene of some dread-
ful calamity to Greece.
One of these oracles
was expressed in the following manner:
[A] From dire Thermodon, where the brave shall bleed,
Quick let me soar to air, with eagle-speed;
Far from the horrid scene; from danger far;
And thence securely view the distant war:
Where boundless woes shall wait the vanquish'd host,
And where the victor's hardy self is last.
Another was thus conceived:
[B] Ye vultures, fed by war's tremendous waste,
Fly to Thermodon, there expect the feast;
There riot largely o'er the sanguine plain,
Which death shall amply load, and horrid carnage stain,
The word Thermodon was of doubtful sig- Ibid
uification; but whether it was understood as
a statue of an ancient hero which was found
near this plain, or was the old name of a
rivulet which ran along the front of Philip's
camp, and fell into the river Cephisus, the-
general purport of the oracles was the same.
[4] Της επί Θερμώδοντι μάχης απάνευθε γενοίμην
Αιετος εν νεφεεσσι και περι θηησασθαι.
Κλαίει ο νικηθείς ο δε νίκησας απολωλε
[3] Την επί Θερμώδοντι μαχην μενε παμμελαν ορνί
Την εν τοι κρεα πολλά παρέσσεται ανθρώποισι
1
VOL. II.
3 D
386
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. And these circumstances, frivolous as they
may appear, were very capable of inspiring
confidence in an ignorant and superstitious
people. Omens, prodigies, and predictions,
were ever found of singular use to governors
and generals; and Philip had too much policy,
too just notions of mankind, to despise those
arts, or to neglect any advantage which the
prejudices of his people might afford him in a
conjuncture so exceedingly critical.
His army was now formed of thirty-two
thousand men, warlike, disciplined, and long
inured to the toils and dangers of the field;
but this body was composed of different na-
tions and countries, who had each their distinct
and separate views and interests. The army
of the confederates did not amount to thirty
thousand complete; of which the Athenians
and Thebans furnished the greatest part: the
rest was formed of the Corinthians and Pelo-
ponnesians. The same motives, and the same
zeal, influenced and animated them. All were
equally affected by the event, and all equally
resolved to conquer or to die in defence of
liberty. In this respect they had greatly the
advantage; but supineness, inattention, and
corruption, had still that fatal influence, and
still so far weakened and defeated the noblest
resolution of the Greeks, that the command
of this illustrious body was, unhappily, in-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
387
trusted to men utterly unworthy of so impor- SECT. 11.
tant a charge; men elevated to this station,
not by the experience of their abilities, not by
a reputation purchased by toils and difficulties,
and brave atchievements, but by the power of
faction, and the secret practices of intrigue.
On the contrary, their enemies were com-
manded by a prince rendered illustrious by a
long series of victories and great achieve-
ments, whose abilities and renown inspired his
soldiers with the utmost confidence and firmest
assurances of victory.
Discrim.
p. Amic.
On the eve of the decisive day, while each Plut. de
party was preparing to assert their ancient inter Adut.
honours, engaged in all those occupations et 70.
which the great business required, filled with
anxious expectation, and each man animating
his fellow soldier with fair hopes of victory,
Diogenes the famous Cynic, who beheld this
great commotion with an indifference, and in-
sensibility to the interests of mankind, which
he called philosophy, was led by curiosity to
visit the camps, as an unconcerned spectator,
in order to observe the different emotions and
behaviour of so many people, who were now
preparing for a great and important engage-
ment. In the Macedonian camp, where his
character and person were not known, he was
stopped by the guards, and conducted to
Philip's tent. The king expressed surprise at
3D 2
388
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. a stranger's presuming to approach his camp;
and asked, with severity, whether he came as
a spy: "Yes," said Diogenes, "I am come to
1. 16. sect.
in Dem.
Plut. in
Pelop.
spy your vanity and ambition, who thus
"wantonly set your life and kingdom to the
"hazard of an hour."
•
And now the fatal morning appeared, which
was for ever to decide the cause of liberty, and
Diod. Sic. the empire of Greece. Before the rising of the
86. sun, both armies were ranged in order of bat-
Dinarch. tle. The Thebans, commanded by Theagines,
a man of but moderate abilities in war, and
suspected of corruption, obtained the post of
honour on the right wing of the confederated
Greeks, with that famous body in front, called
the SACRED BAND, formed of generous and
warlike youths, connected and endeared to
each other by all the noble enthusiasm of
love and friendship. The centre was formed
of the Corinthians and Peloponnesians; and
the Athenians composed the left wing, led by
their two generals Lysicles and Chares, or
Stratocles according to the orators. On the
left of the Macedonian army stood Alexander,
at the head of a chosen body of noble Mace-
Oliv 1. 15, donians, supported by the famous cavalry of
Thessaly. As this prince was then but nine-
teen years old, his father was careful to curb
his youthful impetuosity, and to direct his
valour; and, for this purpose, surrounded him
Strabo, 1.9
p. 414.
p. 368.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
369
:
ut supra.
with a number of experienced officers. In the SECT. 11.
centre were placed those Greeks who had Diod. Sic.
united with Philip, and on whose courage he
had the least dependence; while the king
himself commanded on the right wing, where
his renowned phalanx stood to oppose the im-
petuosity with which the Athenians were well
known to begin their onset.
for a
Alex.
The charge began, on each side, with all
the courage and violence, which ambition, re-
venge, the love of glory, and the love of liberty,
could excite in the several combatants. Alex Plut. in
ander, at the head of the Macedonian nobles,
first fell, with all the fury of youthful courage,
ou the sacred band of Thebes, which sustained
his attack with a bravery and vigour worthy of
its former fame. The gallant youths, who
composed this body, not timely, or not duly,
supported by their countrymen, bore up
while against the torrent of the enemy, till, at Plut. în
length, oppressed and overpowered by superior Pelop.
numbers, without yielding or turning their
backs on their assailants, they sunk down on
that ground where they had been originally
stationed, each by the side of his darling
friend, raising up a bulwark, by their bodies,
against the progress of the enemy.
of the enemy. But the
young prince and his forces, in all the enthu-
siastic ardour of courage, animated by success,
pushed on through the carnage, and over all
*
390
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V the heaps of the slain, and fell furiously on the
main body of the Thebans, where they were
opposed with an obstinate and deliberate va-
lour; and the contest was, for some time, sup-
ported with mutual violence.
1. 4, c. 2.
:
The Athenians, at the same time, on the
right wing, fought with a spirit and intrepidity
worthy of the character which they boasted,
and of the cause by which they were animated.
Many brave efforts were exerted on each side,
and success was for some time doubtful, till at
length part of the centre, and the left wing of
Polyanus, the Macedonians, (except the phalanx), yielded
to the impetuous attack of the Atheniaus, and
fled with some precipitation. Happy had it
been on that day for Greece, if the conduct
and abilities of the Athenian generals had
been equal to the spirit of their soldiers; but
the brave champions of liberty were led on
by the despicable creatures of intrigue and
cabal. Transported by the advantage now,
obtained, the presumptuous Lysicles cried out,
"Come on, my gallant countrymen! the vic-
"tory is our's, let us pursue these cowards,
"and drive them to Macedon!" and thus, in-
stead of improving their happy opportunity,
by charging the phalanx in flank, and so break-
ing this formidable body, the Athenians wildly
and precipitately pressed forward, in pursuit of
the flying enemy, themselves in all the tumult
1
PHILIP KING OF MACEDON.
391
1. 4, c. 2.
and disorder of a rout. Philip saw this fatal SECT. It.
error with the contempt of a skilful general, Polyænus,
and the secret exultation arising from the as-
surance of approaching victory. He coolly
observed to those officers who stood round him,
that "the Athenians knew not how to con-
quer;" and ordered his phalanx to change
its position, and, by a sudden evolution, to
gain possession of an adjacent eminence.
From hence they marched deliberately down,
firm and collected, and fell, with their united
force, on the Athenians now confident of suc-
cess, and blind to their danger. The shock
was irresistible; they were at once over-
whelmed; many of them lay crushed by the
weight of the enemy, and expiring by their
wounds, while the rest escaped from the dread-
ful slaughter, by a shameful and precipitate
flight, bearing down, and hurrying away with
them, those troops which had been stationed
for their support. And here the renowned
orator and statesman, whose noble sentiments,.
and spirited harangues, had raised the courage
on this day so eminently exerted, betrayed
that weakness which hath sullied his great
character. He alone, of all his countrymen, Plut. in
advanced to the charge cold and dismayed; Demost...
and, at the very first appearance of a reverse
of fortune, in an agony of terror, turned his
back; cast away that shield which he had
392
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. adorned with this inscription in golden cha-
Plut.
ΔΗΜ.
Βιος Νεα-
νίκος.
Vit. X.
Orat.
racters, TO GOOD FORTUNE; and appeared fore-
most in the general rout. The ridicule and
malice of his enemies related, or perhaps in-
vented, another shameful circumstance; that,
being impeded in his flight by some brambles,
his imagination was so possessed with the pre-
sence of an enemy, that he loudly cried out
for mercy.
While Philip was thus triumphant on his
side, Alexander continued the conflict on the
other wing, and at length broke the Thebans,
in spite of all their acts of valour, who now
fled from the field, and were pursued with
great carnage. The centre of the confede-
rates was thus totally abandoned to the fury of
Diod. Sic. a victorious enemy. But enough of slaughter
ut supra. had already been made: more than one thou-
Att. p. 215. sand of the Athenians lay dead on the field of
Paus. in
battle, and two thousand were made prisoners:
and the loss of the Thebans was not inferior.
Philip therefore determined to conclude his im-
portant victory, by an act of apparent clemency
which his ambition and policy really dictated;
and gave orders that the Greeks should be
spared; conscious of his designs, and still ex-
pecting to appear, in the field, the head and
leader of that body which he had now com
pletely subdued.
Thus fell the great and illustrious nation of
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
393
GREECE; and, in one fatal day, saw her ho- SECT. U.
nours and liberties wrested from her by a
people, who had, for ages, acknowledged her
superiority, and courted her protection. The
virtues of her sons had raised them to the full
meridian of glory; thence had they gradually
declined by their corruptions, and, having for
a while retained some degree of strength and
splendour, now set for ever. That vital heat
which animated them, which called forth and
cherished their abilities, and inflamed and in-
vigorated their minds with great and generous
sentiments, was extinguished. Some faint
glimmerings were, for a while, to remain, till
darkness and barbarity, which now began their
reign, gradually advanced and prevailed, and;
at length, totally overspread their once happy
land: An alarming example to all future na-
tions, who may, like Greece, boast their liberty,
and, like Greece in its degenerate state, retain
only the shadow of that liberty; and, while
they fondly triumph in the actions of their
fathers, and are vainly elevated by a dange
rous national pride, suffer luxury, venality,
and licentiousness, to destroy the spirit, and
prey upon the vitals, of their constitution.
These hath Providence ever made their own
severe punishment, from which the yet unex-
tinguished remains of bravery and public spirit
in a people can by no means secure them.
VOL. II.
Зв
+
394
.THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. Bravery and public spirit never were more
eminently displayed, than in those Greeks who
fought at Chæronea; but they were exerted
too late, and their vices and corruptions had
deprived them of the necessary conduct and
direction: so that the very remains of their
virtue completed their ruin. They were led
on rashly to slaughter by wretches insensible
to the inestimable value of their lives; and
thus the ardour for liberty, which still inflamed
them, only served to load the field of battle
with carnage. But let posterity regard the
faults of these illustrious men with an humane
tenderness and compassion, and learn a just
value for those noble principles, which, even
in a degenerate state, could produce such glo-
rious effects: and, while they admire the policy
and abilities which thus subdued them, let
them also learn to regard, with just detesta-
tion, that insatiable ambition, that unwarrant-
able lust of power and grandeur, which casts a
false and flattering lustre round the great
scourges of mankind.
With all that horrid triumph and exultation
in the destruction of his opposers, which are
felt by the idolizers of false heroism, was the
king of Macedon now indulged. The power
which he had purchased by a long series of
painful labours, both of mind and body, he
saw completely secured; and his fancy was
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
395
possessed, not with the hopes of tranquillity,
but with all the dazzling prospects of an ever
restless ambition, with the expectations of new
and more important conquests.
SECT. 11.
1. 16, sect.
The evening of the battle closed the havock;
and Philip received the congratulations of his
officers, whom he invited, together with the
ambassadors of his allies, to a magnificent en- Diod. Sic.
tertainment. Some of the most eminent Athe-86.
nian prisoners, and they who had been deputed
to demand their dead, were politely invited to
share in his feast, which was for some time con-
tinued with decency and well corrected joy.
At length the Athenian deputies retired, and
Philip and his Macedonians began to give a
freer course to their gaiety and festivity, which
were continued to the approach of day. And
now it was proposed to visit the field of battle;
and, for this purpose, the king and all his com-
pany issued forth, crowned with their festal
garlands, and, by this time, inflamed with wine.
Pelop.
To that quarter they first came where the
Thebans had engaged. Here they beheld the
bodies of those three hundred, who, in their
lives, had been united by the ties of sacred Plut. in
friendship, united also in their deaths, all in
the order in which they had originally stood
against their enemies, and all gloriously stained
with the genuine marks of an honourable,
though unfortunate valour.
The affecting
"
3 E 2
396
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. sight struck their conquerors with awe and
veneration. Philip himself hung over them in
wonder and pity. Ambition, that steels the
heart of man, and renders him insensible to the
miseries of his fellow creatures, for a while
lost all its influence: he melted into tears;
and, raising his hands in admiration of the
virtue of these gallant Thebans, pronounced a
solemn curse on those who could be base
enough to suspect their friendship of any thing
criminal or infamous.
Plut. in
Demost.
From thence they proceeded to that part of
the field in which the Athenians had fought.
The scene at once struck the king of Macedon
with a violent impression of his late danger,
the happiness of his escape, and the impor-
tance of his success. Transported by the
thought, he, in that moment, forgot his dig-
nity, and, with a weak and ridiculous triumph,
bounded from the earth, and began, with an
insulting mockery, to sing out the late decla-
ration of war which Demosthenes had drawn
up. His courtiers were too indulgent to their
master to dare to recal him to himself, or to
hint at the weakness and unworthyness of this
Diod Sic. conduct. But Demades, the Athenian orator,
who was his prisoner, and now attended him,
was not yet so inured to slavery, as to restrain
his indignation. "Sir," said he, with the
liberty of an Athenian, you are acting the
1. 16. sect.
86,
CC
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
397
Demost.
Enc. Dem.
part of Thersites, when fortune had enabled spor, 1,
you to appear in that of Agamemnon." No
rebuke could possibly have been inore flatter-
ing to Philip, who really hoped to appearin
Asia at the head of the Greeks, like that an
cient king. It at once awakened him from his
extravagance; he blushed, and cast to the
ground the chaplet of flowers which adorned
his brows; with the warmest expressions of Plut. in
friendship and esteem, he instantly pronounced Lucian,
Demades free; and led back his crowd of re-
vellers to his tent, where they resumed their
places at the table with reserve and serious-
ness. The conversation now began to appear
more worthy of greatness. The king took no-
tice of the imminent danger to which he had
been exposed, and which he had so fortunately
escaped; the immense abilities and influence
of one single speaker, which had raised so
many enemies against him, and which had ap-
peared almost a complete counterpoise against
the whole power of Macedon. His flatterers
observed, with an officious zeal and obse-
quiousness, with what superiority of abilities
ho had now surmounted all these difficulties:
that Iris enemies were prostrate at his feet; on
his nod their fate depended; and that nothing
was wanting to complete his vengeance, bitt
to march to Athens, that insolent aud presump-
tuous city, which had raised this opposition,
398
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
!
EbOK V. and called him forth to the field, and now
justly merited the full severity of his power;
that his honour and his tranquillity equally
obliged him to crush that turbulent state, and
to raze its walls to their foundations. But
Philip, whose views were juster, and his policy
more extensive, received the proposal with
Plutarch. disdain. Have I encountered all these toils
in Apoph.
"and dangers for glory," said he, "and shall
"I destroy the theatre of that glory? "The
gods forbid it!"
1. 16. sect.
86.
Just. 1. 9.
c. 4.
Diod. ut
supra.
Sect. 87.
66
From this time, all his actions were regularly
influenced by those great designs of conquest,
which he meditated, and which now seemed
Diod. Sic. ripening to execution. He laboured, by every
appearance of moderation and condescension,
to gain the affections of the conquered Greeks.
He dismissed the Athenian deputies with full
permission to perform the funeral rites to the
honour of their dead; and their prisoners he
also ordered to be set at liberty, without any
ransom. To this favour these prisoners boldly
desired that he would be pleased to add that
of restoring their baggage. Indeed!" cries
Philip, smiling;— these meu imagine that I
have only conquered them at some sport,” and
then graciously complied with their request.
The Thebans, indeed, were not treated with.
the same lenity. While he shewed a general
disposition to clemency and condescension, he
Plut. in
Apophth
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
399
c. 4.
imagined that his dignity required him to dis- SECT. II.
cover some sense of their ingratitude, (for so
was their conduct deemed by Philip and his
adherents), and, by a seasonable instance of his
severity, to intimidate those of his confederates
who might be tempted to revolt from him. Just. 1. 9,
The Thebans, therefore, he obliged to pur-
chase both their dead and their prisoners: the
principal leaders and partisans, who had op-
posed his interest in Thebes, he punished with
death, or banishment and confiscation; and
three hundred exiles, who had suffered for
their adherence to his cause, were instantly
ordered home, and intrusted with the pub-
lic affairs, and the administration of govern
ment [c].
At Athens the people indulged themselves in
the most pleasing and flattering hopes, when
the news of Philip's victory arrived, to render Dem. de
the city a scene of tumult and consternation. sect. 57.
[c] Their first act of power (as it is represented by Justin,
in loc. cit.) was to summon the most eminent of the opposite
party to the tribunal, in order to inquire into the authors of
their banishment. These, with a resolution worthy of their
former fortune, avowed this pretended crime, in which they
all claimed a share, as their greatest honour. "Thus," saith
the historian, "with a surprising courage, they, to the utmost
"of their power, passed sentence against the men who sat in
judgment on them; and who were arbiters of their life and
death; despised all pardon which their enemies could grant
them; and, as they could not by their actions avenge them-
selves, in their words at least preserved the remains of
t freedom."
46
Corona.
400
``THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Plut. X.
Orat Vit.
Flyper.
$
:
BOOK V. The assembly, which was now convened, re-
sounded with clamour and confusion, revilings
and accusations, every pretender to politics
bellowing out his invectives against weak mea-
sures and wicked conduct, and urging his ad-
vice, as to the course to be pursued in this state
of terrible distress and danger. Hyperides,
the famous orator, proposed a decree, that the
rights of Athenian citizens should be granted
to all strangers who should take up arms in
defence of Athens; that the slaves should be
set at liberty, and armed; that all Athenians,
who had been declared infamous, should be re-
stored to their rank and honours; that the
women, and all the sacred things, should be
shut up in the Piræus; that the walls and for-
tifications should be repaired, and every pro-
vision made to maintain a siege, This decree
he acknowledged to be, in several articles, con-
trary to law; but the arms of Macedon, he
observed, bore down all the authority of their
laws. The present violent impression of dan
ger, and the apparent, uccessity of affairs,
obliged the people to ratify this deeree, how-
ever disagreeable to their pride, or repugnant
to their anceint constitution: and, when the
orator was afterwards accused, on account
of this illegal motion, he found the follow
ing short defence sufficient, " Men of Athens!
"It was not Hyperides, but the defeat at Cha
"ronca, which made this decree."
2
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
401
Phocion.
The choice of a commander was considered sect. ii.
as a matter of the utmost moment: the corrupt,
and those who had long been used to govern
the people by intrigue and clamour, contended
violently for Charidemus; but the best and Plut. in
gravest of the citizens, sensible of the impor-
tance of such a trust in this time of peril, pre-
vailed on the senate of Areopagus to interpose
their authority. These venerable magistrates,
attended by a number of Athenians, eminent
by their stations, and respected by their virtues,
appeared in the assembly, and, with tears, in-
treated the people to name Phocion their ge-
neral. Their authority had the due weight;
and this faithful and experienced old soldier,
who had been shamefully laid aside when his
abilities might have saved his country from ruin,
was now appointed to command the forces of
Athens, when it was too late to perform any ef-
fectual service.
De Coran.
The fate of this city was generally consi-
dered as desperate: all Greece expected every
moment to hear that it was invested and de- Demost.
stroyed: the people of Attica, who supposed sect. 59.
that the enemy was preparing to invade them
with fire and sword, crowded with terror and
dismay, to shelter themselves within the walls of
Athens; and as a total stop was instantly put
to all commerce, these additional numbers serv-
ed to increase the present confusion and dis-
VOL. II.
3 F
402
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. tress, by the want of provisions which they na-
turally produced.
Plut. X.
Orat.
Isocrat.
1. 16. sect.
88.
Isocrates, who had ever entertained a favour-
able opinion of Philip, and frequently assured
his countrymen of the sincerity and integrity of
this prince, was so affected by the present re-
verse of fortune, that he determined not to sur-
vive the ruin of his countrymen; and without
waiting to find what use the Macedonian would
make of his victory, died, by voluntary absti-
nence, at the age of nearly one hundred years.
Lysicles was now returned, covered with
shame and disgrace; universally detested as the
immediate cause of the late misfortune; and
regarded as a victim due to the shades of those
brave men, whose lives he had so wantonly and
weakly lavished. He was hauled to the tri-
bunal, where Lycurgus the orator, a man justly
Diod. Sic. esteemed for his eminent worth, and respect-
able by the high offices he had borne, under-
took the prosecution of this rash and ignorant
general. No tedious inquiry, no laboured
harangues, no formal course of testimonies
and examinations, were required on this oc-
casion. "The Athenians," said Lycurgus,
addressing himself to the criminal, " have been
"totally defeated in a general engagement.
“One thousand of our youth have fallen on
"the field of battle; two thousand have been
"made prisoners. The enemy hath erected ·
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
403
"a trophy to the eternal dishonour of Athens; SECT. II.
"and Greece is now ready to receive the
66
((
•
dreadful yoke of slavery. You were the
"commander on that fatal day and you yet
"live: you enjoy the sun's light: you appear
"in our public places, the monument of the
disgrace and calamity of your country."-
This short process was sufficient: the rest was
supplied by the quickness of conception,
and indignation of his hearers; and Lysicles,
mute and confounded, and conscious of his
fatal error, was led away to instant execution.
It might be expected, from the natural
temper of the Athenians, and from the present
ferment, that Demosthenes would have been
regarded as the principal cause of their present
calamity; and that, at the very moment when
he first appeared, the people would have given
way to the emotions of fury and resentment,
and have torn the orator in pieces; yet, at this plut. in
so critical conjuncture, neither their own fatal Demost.
disappointment, nor the calumnies of his ene-
mies, could prevent them from doing justice to
his zeal and honourable counsels. In him they
still confided; and by him were solely directed. de Coron.
All the precautions taken, by stationing their
guards, raising their walls, and strengthening
their works, were in consequence of his advice.
He himself was appointed to furnish provisions,
and to repair their fortifications; and this lat-
A
3 F 2
Demost.
sect. 74.
404
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. ter commission he executed with a generosity
which reflected the greatest honour on him;
and for which, by a decree proposed by Ctesi-
phon, (that famous decree which occasioned
those two orations of the great rivals Æschines
and Demosthenes, the wonder and delight of
all ages and nations that were ever blessed with
Sect. 35. literature), he was honoured with a golden
crown, as a reward of his public spirit, in ex-
pending a considerable sum on the public
works out of his own private fortune, which, in
this time of calamity, he gave freely to the
Plut. Paral state. By this it should seem, that the pas-
sionate love of money, of which he is accused,
(though he might not have been always delicate
in the means of gratifying it) was yet not of
the sordid kind, but subservient to another
more honourable passion.
inter Dem.
et Cic.
The Athenians, saith the ingenious French
historian * Rollin, a people naturally fickle
4to. p. 525. and wavering, eyer disposed to punish their
* Hist.
Anc. vol. 3.
own errors and omissions in the persons of
those statesmen, whose schemes they had them-
selves rendered ineffectual by their tediousness
and delays in execution, by thus crowning
Demosthenes in the midst of public misfor-
tunes, of which he appeared the sole author,
pay the most glorious homage to his abilities
and integrity. By this proceeding, so full of
wisdom and bravery, they seem, in some sort,
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
405
to confess their own error, in having neither SECT. 17.
fully nor seasonably pursued his measures; and
to acknowledge themselves alone guilty of
their present disgraces.
!
c. 4.
de Coron.
But the Athenians did not stop here. Philip
had now sent home the bones of those who
had fallen at Charonea, that all due honours
might be paid to them; and even shewed such
respect to the state, as to appoint his own son, Just. 1. 9,
and Antipater, his deputies on this occasion.
The funeral rites of those brave unfortunate
men were now prepared; aud Demosthenes Demost.
was the person chosen to pronounce their elo- sect. 88.
gium. In vain did Æschines and his adher-
ents oppose this choice, which only served to
confirm the people in their resolution, in which
the friends and kinsmen of the deceased cheer-
fully concurred; and consented that the fane-
ral supper, which was generally given in the
house of some near relation, should now be
held in that of Demosthenes. For (as he him-
self observes on this occasion) although many
others were, privately, allied more nearly to
one or other of the slain, yet, in a public
capacity his connexion was the nearest, who
had appeared most interested in their preserva-
tion, and must of consequence have been the
most deeply affected by their fall. But all
these honourably testimonies, paid to his inte-
grity, could not allay the vexation which De-
Sect. 89.
I..
406
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. mosthenes felt at the fatal event of his coun-
Plut. in
Demost.
Oliv. 1. 15,
p. 380.
sels. He considered himself as a man perse-
cuted by fortune; nor would he now venture
to propose any thing to the assembly in his
own name, which he considered as inauspi-
cious. In such a temper of mind he, perhaps,
might not have been able to display his great
abilities in his funeral oration; nor is it neces-
sary to suppose, that he must have been
equally eminent in this species of eloquence,
as in the deliberative and judicial kinds; yet we
must concur with the general voice of the
learned, in pronouncing that piece, which is
preserved among his writings, and bears the
title of his Funeral oration totally unworthy to
be regarded as the genuine composition of De-
mosthenes.
In the epitaph, engraven on the monument
erected to the illustrious deceased, the public
grief is strongly marked by the length of it,
which is entirely different from the ancient At-
tic simplicity. It was expressed in the follow-
ing manner:
1.
[D] These, for their country's sacred cause array'd,
In arms, tremendous, sought the fatal plain :
Brav'd the proud foe with courage undismay'd,
And greatly scorn'd dishonour's abject stain.
[ο] Ο δε πατρας ένεκα σφετέρας εις δηριν έθεντο
Όπλα, και αντιπαλων ύβριν απεσκεδασαν.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
407
2.
Fair virtue led them to the arduous strife;
Indignant terror menac'd in their eyes.
For freedom nobly prodigal of life,
Death they propos'd their common glorious prize,
3.
For never to tyrannic vile domain
Could they their generous necks ignobly bend,
Nor see Greece drag the odious servile chain,
And mourn her ancient glories at an end.
4.
In the kind bosom of their parent-land,
Ceas'd are their toils, and peaceful is their grave;
So Jove decreed: (and Jove's supreme command
Acts unresisted, to destroy, or save.)
5.
Chance to despise, and fortune to controul,
Doth to the immortal gods alone pertain :
Their joys, unchang' d, in endless currents roll:
But mortals combat with their fate in vain.
:
Μαρναμενοι δ' αρετης και δείματος ουκ εσαωσαν
Ψυχας, αλλ' αϊδην κοινον εθεν ο Βραδήν,
Ούνεκεν Ελλήνων, ὡς με ζυγον αυχενι θενίες
Δελοσύνης στυγεραν αμφις εχωσιν ύβριν.
Γαια δε πατρις εχει κόλποις των πλείστα καμόντων.
Σωμαλ' επει θνητοις εκ Διος ήδε κρισις,
Μηδεν αμαρτειν εστι Θεων, και παντα κατορθών
Εν βιοτη· μοιραν δ' ετι φύγειν επορεν.
SECT. II.
408
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
Paus. in
Bæt. p.
315.
Demad.
Orat. frag.
Frontin.
1. 3, c. 3,
The Thebans were also careful to give an
honourable interment to their dead, aud, on
their monument, placed a lion of marble, the
symbol of their courage; but no inscription was
engraved, possibly out of awe and respect to the
conqueror.
Alexander and Antipater were still at Athens,
where they gave all possible assurances of Phi-
lip's gracious intentions, and his resolution to
conclude a peace on terms entirely equitable
and advantageous to the Athenian people. As
an earnest of his friendship, he confirined them
in possession of Oropus, which the Thebans
had, in the late alliance, at length consented
to give up: but, as it was not consistent with
his designs to leave them in possession of the
empire of the sea, which might possibly tempt
them to make some new efforts for the recovery
of their power, he determined to make himself
master of Samos. Thither he sent some forces:
a carriage laden with stones was so contrived,
that, under the pretence of being admitted
through one of the gates of the city, which
commanded that island, it there stopped, and
was so engaged, that, at the approach of the
Macedonians, the gates could not be shut; so
that the enemy entered, and all resistance was
vain.
The seizing of Samos, one of their most fa
vourite islands, was the first mortifying stroke
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
409
p. 389.
Phocion.
that made the Athenians sensible of their fall: SECT. II.
yet peace was still offered to them on such terms Oliv. 1. 15,
as could not but be regarded as favourable and
advantageous. Their laws, their constitution,
and their territories, as far as to the isle of Sa-
mos, were all left to them; and the only con
dition, required on the part of the conqueror
was, that they should send their deputies to
appear in a general council, which Philip had
appointed to assemble at Corinth, on an affair
in which every state of Greece was equally
interested. Phocion, though by no means Plut. is
averse to peace, yet declared it as his opinion
that the people should not explain themselves
on this last article, until the particulars of Phi-
lip's scheme, and the intent of this assembly,
were laid before them. But now Demades was
returned at the head of those prisoners, who
had been treated with so much generosity by
Philip. The kindness, the condesceution, the
lenity, the moderation of this prince, were all
displayed, by these men, in the fairest and most
advantageous colours; and Demades, in parti-
cular, urged the people to comply with the
terms proposed by Philip, which gratitude,
and the necessity of their affairs, equally re- Seneca de
commended to them. His opinion prevailed, Ira, c. 29.
and ambassadors were sent to the king of Ma-
cedon to ratify the treaty of peace. Among these
was one Demochares, a rude and ridiculous
VOL. II.
R
3 G
410*
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF ·
BOOK V. pretender to boldness and freedom of speech,
He and his colleagues were received with all
politeness; and the affair concluded without
delay or difficulty. When they were on the
point of departure, and admitted to an audi-
ence, in order to take leave in due form; Phi-
lip, who was ever lavished of his professions of
friendship, asked them, in an obliging manner,
if their was any particular in which he could
further gratify the Athenians. "Yes," said
Demochares," hang thyself." The indigna-
tion of all those, who were witnesses of this
unpardonable rudeness, was loud and violent:
but the king soon silenced their clamour,
"Let this ridiculous brawler," said he,
"de-
part unmolested;" and, addressing himself
to the other ambassadors, "Go tell your
countrymen, that they, who can utter such
"outrages, are much less inclined to peace
" and moderation than he who can pardon
"them.
His courtiers and friends in vain endeavoured
to take the advantage of this insolence, in
order to irritate him against Athens. He was
unalterably attentive to his great point, and
still resolved, that no provocation should tempt
him to hazard the success of it. The general
of the Hellenic body was the character in which
he judged he should appear with the great-
est lustre and, in order to be invested with
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
411
the full power of this character, to reconcile a SECT. II.
people to his command, as yet unaccustomed
to obey, he justly conceived, that a general
opinion of his clemency and greatness of mind
was absolutely neccessary. This was the true
meaning of his favourite maxim, That he Plut. in
"would rather appear for a long time kind
and beneficent, than absolute for a little
time" [E].
[E] It may not be thought unworthy of observation, that,
during all the late transactions, all the course of great events, by
which the state of Athens was so intimately affected, a number
of Athenian citizens, of some rank and distinction, were found so
totally insensible to the interests, the dangers, and distresses of their
country, that they formed themselves into a kind of club, or so-
ciety, which was called THE SIXry, and employed their time in
feasting, drinking, and gaming, and in the sprightly and saty-
rical exercises of wit and pleasantry. No public affair what-
ever was considered by this set of men, as of consequence enough
to interrupt the mirth, or disturb the tranquillity, of their
order. They saw their countrymen arming for battle; they
heard of their captivity and death with an absolute indif-
ference. Events and actions of the most serious nature seem
to be treated, by these hardened wretches, with wantonness
and levity. Their fame reached even to Macedon; and
Philip, who, both by policy and inclination, was engaged to
encourage such a society, presented. them with a talent to
assist their festivity, and to induce them to send him some
productions of their wit.
ATHENEUS, 1. 14. p. 614
Apophth
3 G 2
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE AND REIGN
or
PHILIP
KING OF MACEDON
BOOK THE FIFTH, SECTION III.
1
رة
E
CONTENTS.
PHILIP prepares to invade Persia.-The present time most
favourable for such an attempt.-Philip assembles a convention
of the Grecian states at Corinth.-Explains his design, which
is received with universal applause.-Desires the honour of
being appointed general of the Grecian forces.-Opposed by the
Arcadians; but in vain.-The whole amount of the Grecian
forces.-The Athenians discontented.-Phocion's advice.-The
pride of Sparta.-The answer to Philip's letter.-Philip dis-
misses the deputies.-His domestic misfortunes.-The jealousy
of Olympias.-Philip marries Cleopatra.-His answer to the
remonstrances of Alexander.-His nuptials celebrated.-Impru-
dence of Attalus.-Resentment of Alexander,-who conducts
his mother into Epirus, and retires to Illyria.-The Illyrians in
arms against Philip.-His last battle with that people.-His life
saved by a young Macedonian.-The cause of his desperate ge-
nerosity. Philip returns to Macedon.-His interview with De-
maratus.-Philip endeavours to put an end to his domestic dis-
sensions.-Alexander and Olympias return to Macedon. Pex-
odorus, king of Caria, offers his daughter in marriage to
Aridaus.-Alexander's jealousy; his secret design,- discov-
cred and defeated by Philip.-Alexander and Olympias still
irritated.—Attalus abuses Pausanias,-who complains to Philip,
but is denied justice.-Pausanias impatient for revenge ;—is
irritated against the king by the emissaries of Olympias,-by
Alexander, by the secret emissaries of Persia.-Ilis discourse
with Hermocrates.-The war against Persia commenced:
Philip consults the oracle.-The answer.-Marriage of Philip's
daughter with Alexander of Epirus.-Solemn festival at Age.
-Flattery of the Grecian states.-Remarkable passages from
a tragic poet repeated by Neoptolemus.-Solemn procession
to the theatre, Death of PHILIP.-Honours paid to the me-
mory of his murderer.-Philip's virtues and vices resolved
into his ruling passion.
поло
.:
A
&
BOOK THE FIFTH.
SECTION III.
WE have already seen the king of Mace- BOOK V.
don contending with his neighbours, confirm-
ing his power and enlarging his dominions;
corrupting and deceiving the states of Greece;
occasionally fomenting or allaying their jea-
lousies and animosities; first uniting his king-
dom to that great and honourable body which
they formed; and, at length, by one important
victory, creating himself the head of that
body. We are now to view him preparing to
act in this glorious character, and to lead the
powers of Greece into Asia: elevated with the
mighty hopes of shaking the throne of the
great king of Persia.
SECT. III.
the Hist. of
Univ. Hist.
The weak and injudicious attempt of Xerxes See note on
to conquer Greece had inspired its several inha- Philip, in
bitants with the warmest resentment and impa-
tience for revenge; which the Persians them-
selves, by their corruptions, contributed to keep
alive. When princes, either through inatten-
tion, defect of judgment, or the want of virtue,
suffer their subjects to sink into all the ex-
cesses of effeminate luxury; from such subjects
416
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. they are not to expect generous sentiments, or
great and gallant actions. Ruin and slavery,
the natural and necessary consequences of such
corruptions, must, at last, fall with all their
weight to crush the men who abandon them-
selves to the selfish and sensual passions.
Politicians may, for awhile, suspend these fatal
effects, by introducing foreign forces to defend
those who have lost that spirit which should
prompt them to fight their own battles; but
this, although it may delay, only serves to ren-
der their distruction surer. Such was the case
of the Persians: they hired Grecian troops;
they maintained them in the exercise of their
discipline; they made them intimately ac-
quainted with their country and their manners,
witnesses of their errors, their corruptions, and
their weakness. When at any time these
Greeks returned into their own country, they
never failed to expatiate on these with con-
tempt and indignation; and were eternally
prompting and encouraging their follow-citi-
zens to march against their old enemy, and to
subvert that unwieldy empire, which was
already on the point of sinking under its own
weight.
Representations of this kind had been ever
Herod. 1.v. pleasing and flattering to the Greeks. We
find Cleomenes, a Spartan king, had long since
listened to such overtures. Agesilaus, one of
#9 30.
PHİLİP, KING OF MACEDON.
417
Agesil.
Græ. 1.6.
his successors, proceeded yet farther, and, with SET, IÁ.
an inconsiderable army, gave law to the lieute Plut. in
nants of the great king. It is true, he did not
openly profess a design of conquering the
whole empire, but that he really intended no
less, may be collected from his affecting to
sacrifice in the same manner with Agamemnon,
when he entered on his expedition; which
seemed to imply a design of emulating that
ancient king, who had not only harassed, but
subverted, Troy. The like design is thought
to have been formed by Jason of Thessaly,
when a conspiracy put an end to the life of that
able prince. The Persians were conscious both xen. Hist.
of their own weakness, and the strength of
their enemy; or, at least, were frequently re-
minded of these alarming truths. The actions
of the famous ten thousand in particular gave
them a terrible intimation of their danger, who
had followed the younger Cyrus as far as to
Babylon, and who, when they had lost their
commanders, without guides, without provi-
sions, had yet disdained to surrender; con-
ceived and executed the stupendous design of
traversing all Asia Minor, in view of such
superior numbers; and returned to their own
country, triumphant over all the various dif-
ficulties and dangers which they encountered
in their tedious march. Wisely therefore had
the Persians long laboured to foment the dis-
VOL LL
1
3 H
h
418
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK ▼ orders of Greece, to arm one state against its
Olymp.
110, Y. 4.
c. 5.
1. 16, sect.
89.
"
neighbour, to keep up the balance between
both, and to divide that force, which, if once
united, threatened them with destruction. But
the time was now come, when a superior
power had put an end to all the dissensions
of Greece; when a prince of valour and abili-
ties, capable of conducting the greatest and
boldest enterprises, supported by numerous and
well disciplined armies, and assisted by wise
and faithful ministers, and brave and experi-
enced officers, was the head, the leader and
commander, of the whole Grecian power, with-
out any rival to controul or obstruct his vast
designs.
This prince, who, ever since his late victory
Just. 1.9, had omitted no means of securing the affec-
Diod. Sic. tions of all the Greeks, was now at Corinth,
where the deputies of the states attended, [A]
and were prepared to receive his overtures.
The grand assembly was convened, and here
Philip publicly declared the design which he
had for some time formed of marching into
Asia, to destroy that monarchy, which had ever
[A] On this occasion probably it was, that the deputies ex-
pressed some impatience, when Philip lay in bed longer than
usual one morning, when they were appointed to attend him.
"You need not wonder," said Parmenio, that my master
sleeps, while you are awake; for, while you slept, he was
waking."―(Plut. Apoplith.)-The answer could never have.
been made with more propriety than. at this time.
66
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
419
been formidable to Greece, notwithstanding all SECT. 111.
the signal victories she had gained over Persia.
He had eloquence and address to animate them
to the undertaking; to set all their ancient
glory full in view; to inflame all their national
prejudices and animosities against their great
enemy; to remind them of the glorious at-
tempts of some particular states and generals,
even when Greece was divided and distracted;
and to confirm them in the fairest and greatest
expectations of success, now, when the whole
force of this brave nation was to be exerted,
against a people enervated by luxury, and de-
pressed by slavery. He concluded with de-
manding the honour to which he aspired, that
of being nominated their leader and general in
this expedition; and desired that the assembly
should regulate the contingent, which each
state was to furnish; while he, on his part,
engaged to employ all the forces of his king-
dom in this glorious cause.
The several deputies, gained by Philip's pre-
sents aud caresses, or iufluenced by their na-
tional prejudices, received these propositions
with acclamation and applause. A war against
the Persians, who had profaned and destroyed
the Grecian temples, was considered as a kind
of religious war, which seemed naturally to
devolve to a prince, who had already been
crowned with such extraordinary success in his
3 H 2
420
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
?
BOOK V. attempts to vindicate the honour of the gods;
nor could any man of this time be supposed so
capable of undertaking the conduct of this
arduous enterprise, as the renowned king of
Macedon. All the Grecians were sensible, and
some by melancholy experience, that, in the
knowlege of military affairs, no man could
stand in competition with Philip. Vigilance,
address, quickness in execution, authority in
commanding [B], the art of forming and dis-
ciplining forces, deep penetration, indefati-
gable vigour, and consummate valour, were.
all so conspicuous in this exalted character,
that it was impossible for them to hesitate a
moment in the choice of a commander. As to
་་
[B]" Discipline," say the authors of the Universal History,
in a Note on the History of Philip, "under the eye of an able
general, renders troops invincible, but, under officers of smaller
"abilities, is far from being of such high advantage. Men of
"inferior genii have no ideas of those changes, which the
"alterations introduced by time require; and therefore, by
adhering too scrupulously to old rules, ruin themselves,
"and those under their command."-To this we are perhaps
warranted by observation to add, that a scrupulous regard to
systematical rules, and pedantically reducing war to a science,
sometimes proves a fatal enemy to that enthusiastic ardour,
some spark of which must necessarily have a share in great-
ness of all kinds, and particularly in military greatness. Where
the lively sense of honour is wanting, and the true patriot
spirit which should animate a soldier, it may serve to extin-
guish the sense of shame, and the fear of disgrace, by af-
fording a fair pretence for justifying an instance of inactive
conduct, or the declining an hazardous and dangerous enter-
prise. But, when an exact knowledge of the military art
is united with more elevated qualities, then it becomes really
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
421
SECT. III.
1. 17. sect.
the expedition itself, it was the darling object
of all those who were pleased with the recol-
lection of the great actions of their ancestors.
The Grecian colonies of Asia, who had long
groaned under the Persian yoke, fired with the
prospect of recovering their independence,
seem to have urged every motive that might
animate the zeal of the assembly, and prompt
the Greeks to this great attempt. The Arca- Diod Sie.
dian deputies alone had the boldness to op- 3.
pose their voice to the general sense of the as-
sembly, and to declare against conferring the
command on Philip, but were soon silenced
and discouraged; and, if any remains of envy, Oliv. 1. 16.
or cold and wary policy, still continued to Plut.
damp the general ardour, these were at once
removed by the representations of Dius the
Ephesian, who now appeared at Corinth, pos-
sibly to support the interests of the Asiatic set-
tlements, and urged it as absolutely necessary
to suffer Philip to lead the Greeks against the
Persian, in order to preserve some appearance
of their former liberty.
p. 397.
Thus was this momentous affair determined
without any considerable difficulty. The num-
ber of forces, which each particular state was
to supply, came in the next place to be ascer-
tained. The whole amounted to two hundred
and twenty thousand foot, and fifteen thousand c. 4.
horse, exclusive of the Macedonians; a pro-
Just. 1. 9.
422
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
p. 395.
Y.
BOOK digious force, of which Greece had, till now,
no just idea. When this nation assembled its
Oliv. 1. 16, armies at the isthmus of Corinth, against those
Persian forces which burnt Athens, no more
than fourscore thousand men could be led into
the field.
Plut. in
Phoc.
The Athenians, at first, approved of this
mighty project, and of the
nomination of the
prince chosen to direct it. By the resolution
of the assembly, they were obliged not only
to furnish men, but, as a maritime power, to
assist the great leader in this cause, with their
ships and naval stores; and were now called
upon to comply with this resolution; a stroke
terribly mortifying to their vanity. They
looked back with pain and regret to that state
from which they had fallen, and felt their pre-
sent subjection and dependence with an im-
portant and impatient vexation. Clamour, re-
pining, grief, remorse, and despair, filled their
assembly; sensible of the superiority of the
Macedonian, yet ashamed to acknowledge it;
and, pierced with a sense of their misfortunes,
yet incapable of retrieving then. In the
midst of their dejection, Phocion, their faithful
citizen, who, in the days of their pride, had
been frequently neglected and disregarded,
now appeared their only comforter, when his
usual severity could be of service no longer.
Men of Athens," said he, "I foresaw these
$
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
423
CC
(C
((
((
things which are now the subjects of your
"complaints; and, for this reason, I opposed
your appearing in that assembly, till, we
"should be particularly informed for what pur-
poses it was convened. My advice was then
rejected, and it is now too late to deliberate:
you have engaged, and must abide by the
consequence. Support this reverse of for-
"tune with becoming resolution. Imitate your
generous ancestors, who sometimes gave law
"to others, sometimes were contented to re-
"ceive it, according to the difference of con-
junctures; and, thus by their wise and vir-
"tuous conduct, both in good and bad fortune,
frequently preserved not their own country
only, but all Greece, from ruin.”
r
(6
SECT. III.
c. 5.
These representations seem to have recon-
ciled that submission, which their present cir-
cumstances made necessary, to those ideas of
their own dignity, which the Athenians could
not resign without the most painful reluctance.
The Lacedæmonians, on their part, too weak Just. 1. 9,
to oppose the designs of Philip, and still too
proud to concur in them, had resolved to send
no deputies to Corinth, and affected to detach
themselves entirely from those affairs which
now engaged the general attention of Greece.
Philip, in a letter which he addressed to this
people, reproached them for thus separating
from their brethren, and deserting the common
424
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
ต
BOOK V. cause; and demanded their immediate con-
currence, with some menacing expressions.
The answer which he received on this occasion
was no more than this:
Plut. Lac.
Apophth.
YOUR VICTORY HATH
IF YOU IMAGINE THAT
MADE YOU GREATER, MEASURE YOUR SHADOW [c].
This sullen pride, so little suited to the pre-
sent weakness and depression of Sparta, seems
to have been treated by Philip with just con-
tempt. He now parted from the Greeks, with
an heart filled with exultation and triumph.
He lavished his favours on the deputies of
every state, and sent them home to sound his
praises, and to inspire his countrymen with the
most favourable sentiments of their great and
glorious leader [D].
h
f
[c] Plutarch, in his Apophthegms; attributes this answer to
Archidamus. But king Archiḍlamus, as we learn from Diodorus,
died on the very day of the battle of Charonea, in an engage
ment between the Tarentines and' Lucanians, in which he as-
sisted the former people; and so Plutarch himself relates, in
the life of Camillus, where he cnumerates the several misfortunes,
that happened on that fatal day, the seventh of the month called
Metagitnion.
OLYMP. 110. v. 3.
$
The present conduct of Sparta accounts for the inscription
on the offerings made from the Persian spoil at the passage of
the Granicus: “ Alexander the son of Philip, and all the
← Greeks, except the Lacedæmonians, took these sports from
the Barbarians.”
ARRIAN
$
[o] During the time of Philip's residence at Corinth, he
shewed particular attention to Dionysius the younger, who
had been driven from Sicily by Timoleon, and now resided
in that city. He frequently entertained him at his table, and,
+
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
425
But the period was now approaching, when SECT. III.
all those flattering hopes of greatness and re-
nown, which totally possessed the soul of
Philip, were, in one fatal moment, utterly de-
feated. This prince, adored by his soldiers and
his subjects, revered and admired in Greece,
and dreaded and esteemed by foreigners, was
by no means exempted from domestic misfor-
tunes. His repeated violations of the mar-
riage bed, and the open and abandoned man-
ner in which he resigned himself up to the
gratification of his lawless passions, inflamed
the severe and haughty temper of his queen
Olympias, who, unable to support his infideli-
ties, determined to revenge them, while, at the
same time, she continued her reproaches and
complaints. Such a conduct could not fail to
extinguish all remains of affection in her hus-
band, and to estrange him totally from the
queen. He had several favourites, some of
whom have been mentioned; and all are par-
* L. 18. p.
ticularly recounted by Athenæus. *
But at 557.
by every instance of kindness, endeavoured to alleviate his
grief. At one time, Philip attended to some of the poetical
performances of the elder Dionysius with an applause, in which
possibly his politeness might have had the greatest share. He
asked, with an obliging surprise, what time a prince, like the
elder Dionysius, could find for such studies. That time replied
the son, elevated by the applause paid to his father, which we
waste in amusements and occupations, which have no rational
purpose in view.
VOL. II.
}
PLUT. GEM. PLETHO. 1. 2.
3 I
Plut. in
Alex.
426
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. length he conceived a passion of a more seri-
ous nature for Cleopatra, niece to Attalus, his
general, his favourite, and kinsman. As
Cleopatra was no less amiable in her temper
and accomplishments, than in the extraor-
dinary graces of her person, Philip conceived
that he should consult his own happiness most
effectually, by forming an inviolable and per-
petual union with this lady; and, without the
least hesitation, resolved to separate himself
for ever from the princess who had long ap-
peared so great an enemy to his tranquillity.
In vain did Alexander remonstrate, that by di-
Apophth. Vorcing Olympias, and engaging in a second
marriage, he exposed him to the danger of con-
tending with a number of competitors for the
crown, and rendered his succession precarious.
Plut. in
Plut. in
Alex,
Co
My son," said the king, "if I create you a
"number of competitors, you have the glori-
"ous opportunity of exerting yourself, to sur-
66 pass
them in merit; thus shall their rivalship
by no means affect your title." His mar-
riage with Cleopatra was now declared in form,
and celebrated with all the grandeur and so-
lemnity, which the great occasion demanded.
The young prince, however dissatisfied, was
yet obliged to attend on these solemuities, and
sat in silent indignation at that feast which
proclaimed the disgrace of his mother. In
such circumstances, his youthful and impetuous
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
427
mind could not but be susceptible of the ECT. !!!.
slightest irritation. Attalus, the uncle of the
new queen, forgetting that just caution which
should have taught him to be scrupulously ob-
servant to avoid offending the prince, intoxi-
cated by the honours paid to his kinswoman,
as well as by the present festivity, was rash
enough to call publicly on the Macedoniau
nobles to pour out their libations to the gods,
that they might grant the king the happy fruits
of the present nuptials, legitimate heirs to his
throne. "Wretch!" cried Alexander, with
his eyes sparkling with that fury and vexation,
which he had till now suppressed, "dost thou
"then call me a bastard ?" and instantly darted
his goblet at Attalus, who returned the outrage
with double violence. Clamour and confusion
arose; and the king, in a sudden fit of rage,
snatched out his sword, and flew directly to-
wards his son. His precipitation, his lameness,
and the quantity of wine in which he had by
this time indulged, happily disappointed his
rash' purpose; he stumbled and fell on the
floor, while Alexander, with an unpardonable
insolence, cried out, " Behold, ye Macedo-
"nians! this is the king who is preparing to
Co
lead you into Asia; see, where, in passing
"but from one table to another, he is fallen to
"the ground."
312
428
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
Plut. in
Alex,
1. 16. sect.
93.
This accident opportunely put an end to
the disorder; Alexander retired, and soon after
quitting his father's court, conducted his mo-
ther Olympias into Epirus, from whence he
himself passed into Illyria. His resentment of
the insolence which Attalus had betrayed, was
in some sort pardonable; but the remarkable
instance of disrespect to his father and his king,
justly merited the utmost severity of censure:
and his resolution of retiring into a country,
where Philip was considered as an enemy, had
not even the pretence of sudden heat or warmth
Diod. Sic. of temper to alleviate its guiit. The Illyrians
were now actually in arms against Philip, and
obliged him to march into their territories at
the head of all his forces. It is not certain that
Alexander was in the Illyrian army, but he un-
doubtedly, at least, resided at the court of
Pelurias, the Illyrian king; who, at the very
time when Philip's power and glory were at the
highest point of elevation, opposed the Mace-
donians, and asserted the liberty and indepcu-
dence of his country. With this prince Philip
was, for the last time, engaged in the field, and
gained a complete victory, after an obstinate
contest, in which his person was exposed to
imminent danger. The enemy poured down
upon him with all their force; when at the
time that he appeared ready to sink under their
desperate attack, a young Macedonian, named
1
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
429
Pausanias, distinguished by his illustrious birth SECT. HI.
and by the dignity and gracefulness of his per-
son, cast himself before the king, and, without
deigning to cover himself with his shield, suf-
fered the enemy to wreck their fury on him,
and to bury those weapons in his body, which
were directed against his royal master. In thẹ
last agonies of departing life, he disclosed the
secret of this desperate generosity to Attalus,
his friend. He told him, that a young Macedo-
nian, who was also called Pausanias, his com-
panion and fellow-soldier, had derided that af-
fection, which the king had frequently expressed
for him, as the effect of a shocking passion,
which justly degraded its object not only
beneath the dignity of a soldier, but even the
rank of humanity; that impatient of the in-
solent and unjust reproach, he had formed the
resolution of proving by his death, that his
attachment to his prince was of the most
strictly virtuous kind. Attalus saw his friend
expire, with grief and indignation; and deter-
mined to regard the man, whose insolence had
made so strong an impression on his mind, as
the immediate author of his death.
1
-
Philip now returned to Macedon, and there
found Demaratus the Corinthian, whom he re-
ceived with the respect, which he usually paid
to the most illustrious citizens of the Grecian
states. In discoursing about the affairs of this
430
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Plut. in
Alex. in
Apophth.
(6
BOOK V. nation, the king asked him, whether the people
of Grecce had yet forgot their animosities, and
lived in due harmony and amicable intercourse
with each other. To this Demaratus answered
with a becoming freedom, which, at the same
time, expressed his regard to Philip: "How
can you, Sir, affect an attention to the
tranquillity of Greece, while your own family
"is distracted by quarrels and dissensions?"
The king roused by this spirited and ingenuous
reply, saw and confessed his error; and de-
clared his resolution of putting an immediate
end to all his domestic quarrels. He sent his
faithful monitor Demaratus into Illyria, to en-
deavour to recall Alexander to a sense of his
duty; and, by his mediation, the prince was
persuaded to return to Macedon. Olympias
also was admitted to appear once more at the
court of Philip, where she seemed to content
herself with the titles of queen and mother
to the persumptive heir to the throne, still
cherishing, however, the warmest and most in-
veterate resentment against her husband and
her rival, and determined to omit no means
of inspiring her son with the same sentiments.
Plut. in
Alex.
Ibid.
Some time after this; Pexodorus, king of
Caria, sent to offer his daughter in marriage to
Aridæus, one of Philip's natural sons, whose
understanding had been impaired, in his child-
hood, by a poison which Clympias had given
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
431
'
him, jealous of the affection his father expres- SECT. III.
sed for him. The friends and flatterers of this
queen, ever officious to create suspicions, re-
presented to her son, that this was the effect of
a design which Philip had conceived of depriv-
ing Alexander of his right of succession, and
transferring it to Aridæus. Olympias herself
was industrious to possess Alexander with the
like fears, and persuaded him to apply privately
to Pexedorus, and to offer to espouse his
daughter himself, as this prince could not but
prefer his alliance to that of Aridæus, disgraced
both by his birth and understanding. The
prince listened to these suggestions and made
some private overtures to the king of Caria,
which were eagerly received. But Philip was
soon informed of these transactions, however
sccretly conducted, and instantly flew to the
apartment of his son, accompanied by Philotas
one of Alexander's principal favourites. He
reproached the prince with his meanness and
abject degeneracy, in courting the alliance of
a base Carian, whose country was held in such
general disesteem, as even to become a pro-
verb and by-word of contempt: a conduct ut-
terly unworthy of that throne to which he was
born, and which his father reserved for him
as his undoubted right. Alexander was un-
able to make any answer to this charge; but,
as Philip intended to be reconciled to his
439
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
1
33
BOOK V. Son, and apparently to forget all animosities,
the blame of this affair fell entirely on the
agents and assistants. Harpalus, Mearchus,
Phrygius, and Ptolemy, all young. Macedo-
nian nobles, who had been intrusted with the
prince's intentions, and assisted him by their
counsels, were banished; and Thessalus, the
principal agent, was, by the king's order,
seized at Corinth, and sent in chains to Ma
cedon.
*
ནས་
J
All-discord now appeared to subside in the
royal family but such appearances were false
and deceitful. Olympias still felt her grief,
and her son was still irritated by his mother's
wrongs. While Philip indulged his ambitious
fancy with schemes of greatness and renown;
utterly insensible to the dangers impending
over him, and blind to the fatal consequences
of unrelenting hatred and revenge, an event,
which at this time raised. a considerable.com-
motion at the court of Macedon, gave a free
course to that flame, which lay concealed in the
breasts of Philip's repudiated queens and his
incensed son. Attalus, as hath been already
observed, resolved to revenge the death of the
noble Macedonian, who had saved the king's
life in Illyria, at the expence of his owns This
dreadful purpose he concealed, that he might
be the better enabled to execute it; and, with
an appearance of friendship, invited the other
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
439
1. 16, sect.
Pausanias to a feast. Here, when he had, by SECT. II.
wine and revelling, rendered him insensible, Diod. Sic.
and incapable of all resistance, with a horrid 93.
exultation, he called in his menial servants,
and exposed the unhappy youth to all their
abandoned brutality, as the lowest and meanest
of those detestable wretches, among whom he
had presumed to account his companion and
fellow-soldier. Pausanias, when sensible of
the outrages he had suffered, with all the fury
and indignation of a generous mind, flew to
the king, urged his wrongs, and loudly called
for justice and vengeance on Attalus. The
original cause of this outrage was probably
well known to Philip, and, together with his
regard for the uncle of his new queen, unhap-
pily influenced him much more than the just
complaints of an injured subject. Instead of
granting redress, he endeavoured to dissipate
the vexation of Pausanias, and vainly ima-
gined, that a new command in the army,
which he now conferred on him, would be suf
ficient to allay his vexation, and to make him
forget his wrongs. But the wounds which his
honour had received, were not so easily healed:
he still harboured the most lively resentment,
which the disappointment of revenge served to
inflame and irritate.
The partisans of Olympias and Alexander
officiously expressed the deepest sense of the
VOL. I.
3 K
434
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V.
Plut. in
Alex.
Arrian.
c. 14.
Diod. Sic.
1. 16, sect.
94.
injuries done to this afflicted youth; 'and, by
pretending to commiserate, laboured to irritate
his vexation. They artfully represented to
him, that the king, by denying justice, made
himself an accomplice in the guilt of Attalus;
and that the outrage he had received was of
that dreadful nature, which demanded some
signal stroke of illustrious vengeance. Alex-
ander himself is accused of practising these
arts, of listening to Pausanias with affected
pity, while he dwelt upon the story of his
injuries; and of spurring him on to the am-
plest and most extensive revenge, by quoting
a line of Euripides, in which Medea threatens
to involve, in one great sacrifice, to her resent-
ment,
THE FATHER, BRIDE, AND IIUSBAND.
Nor were the secret emissaries of Persia less
solicitous to free their country from the danger
of a formidable enemy, by urging this Mace-
donian to the desperate purpose of executing
his revenge on Philip. They seem to have
seized the favourable opportunity of forming
a conspiracy against the life of this king, of
which Pausanias was to be the principal in-
strument; whose mind was now fully prepared
for such a fatal purpose.
And now, while this unhappy youth con-
tinued brooding over those malignant passions
which distracted and corroded his mind, he
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
435
happened to go into the school of one Hermo- SECT. II.
crates, who professed to teach philosophy; to
whom he proposed the following question:
"What shall that man do, who wishes to trans-
"mit his name, with lustre, to posterity?"
Hermocrates, either artfully and froin design, or
the natural malignity of his temper, replied,
"He must kill him who hath atchieved the
"
greatest actions: thus shall the memory of
"the hero be joined with his who slew him,
"and both descend together to posterity."
This was a maxim highly agreeable to Pau-
sanias, in the present disposition of his mind;
and thus various accidents and circumstances
concurred to inflame those dangerous passions
which now possessed him, and to prompt him
to the dreadful purpose of satiating his revenge
with the blood of Philip.
Olymp.
Y.
In the mean time this prince, fully persuaded, 1.
that he had restored the tranquillity of his fa-
mily, indulged his ambitious hopes in full se-
curity, and turned his whole attention to his
schemes of greatness, and the expedition Sect. 91.
against Persia. He already began the war
with detaching Attalus and Parmenio, at the
head of some forces, iuto Asia, where these
generals, agreeably to their instructions, drove
out the Persian garrisons from some Grecian
cities, and restored the inhabitants to their
original free and independent state.
'
3K2
436
"THE LIFE" AND REIGN OF
1
BOOK ST.
Sect. 91.
Just. 1. 9,
0.7.
A king, celebrated for his piety, could not,
on this occasion, neglect the due religious
ceremonials, or omit the necessary mark of his
reverence to the gods, that of consulting the
Delphine oracle about the event of his great
design; and any favourable declaration, he
knew, could not fail to have a considerable ef-
fect in animating his soldiers. The answer
which he received from the Pythian priestess,
was expressed in this manner:
"In fatal pomp, now stands the victim crown'd!
The arm already rais'd, that deals the wound!"
1
1
suc
Whatever application this oracle might have,
afterwards, appeared to warrant, it was at pre-
sent received with the utmost joy, as a mani-
fest indication, that the gods had marked out
the Persians as a sacrifice to appease their
wrath, and to atone for all those profanations,
which the barbarous enemy had formerly com-
mitted in Greece. In full confidence of sno
céss, Philip prepared to enter on his expedi-
tion. Just as he was on the point of departure,
he concluded a marriage between his daugliter
Cleopatra and Alexander king of Epirus, the
brother of Olyinpias, a prince for whom he
ever retained a strict regard, and whom he
hoped to attach firmly to his interest by this
alliance that Olympias, who had already en-
deavoured to engage him in hostilities against
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
437
her husband, might find all such efforts inef- SEED. III.
fectual nor be enabled to disturb the tran-
quillity of Macedon in the absence of Philip,
while the king of Epirus; from whom only she
could expect assistairce, was, by this new tie,
engaged to oppose and to defeat all design
against his father-in-law.
*
Arcad.
A few days before this marriage, his queen Pausan, in
Cleopatra was delivered of a son; that son
which the unrelenting Olympias afterwards put
to death, together with his unhappy mother,
with such circumstances of cruelty'; and Philip
determined to celebrate both these joyful
events by solemn games and festivals, which
were now prepared at Ege with all possible
magnificence. Thither the deputies of every Diod. 1. 16.
Grecian state, together with all those who had sect. 91.92.
ever been honoured with the king's friendship,
were invited to repair, to share in his joy, and
to receive the last marks of his affection, before
his departure into Asia. The concourse was
great and splendid: the Grecian cities, who
had so lately regarded Philip as their invete-
rate enemy, now vied with each other, in ex-
pressing their respect and affection for this
prince, Many of them presented him with
crowns of gold; and, among these, Athens
now appeared the formost in her zealous ex-
pressions of regard: her crown was also pre-
438
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. sented; and an herald stood up, amidst those
numbers attending on the games now exhi-
bited, and made a solemn proclamation, that
the Athenian people had resolved to consider
any man as their enemy, who should make an
attempt on the life of Philip; to deny him all
refuge in their city, and instantly to give him
up to jusuce. This, historians have accounted
among the omens and portents attending the
death of this king, though it seems to have
been an usual form of expressing their friend-
ship: but how abject must their flattery appear
when it is considered with what joy the execu-
tion of that attempt, against which they now
thundered out their decrees. was soon after re-
ceived at Athens.
Thid.
The games were closed with a magnificent
feast, to which the whole attending concourse
was invited, and in which Philip displayed all
his usual politeness. As his mind was quite
possessed with his great designs, in the midst
of mirth and gaiety, he addressed himself to
Neoptolemus, who was one of his guests, and
asked whether he could repeat any verses ap-
plicable to the affairs of Persia. The player
instantly seized the fair occasion of flattering
his master, by delivering a passage, taken
from a tragedy called Cinyras, to the following
Calig. c.57 purport:
Sueton. in
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
439
In dazzling pomp, O fatally elate!
Whose tow'ring hopes, whose thoughts, (how great!)
Beyond heav'n's concave wing their airy way;
Q'er realms and nations vast and wide,
With vain delusive pride,
Extending their imaginary sway.
Lo, where, in dreadful unexpected hour,
7
Death comes, inexorable pow'r!
To blast these hopes, amidst their fairest bloom;
Led by pale horror and despair,
To stop this mad career;
And bury all in night's eternal gloom [E].
These verses were received with the loudest
acclamations: no application being at this
time thought of, but that which Neoptolemus
intended; nor any potentate supposed to be
intoxicated with greatness, and to project
vain and extravagant schemes of ambition,
ignorant of impending danger, but the king of
Persia. ⠀
M
SECT. II.
1. 16. sect.
The day which succeeded to this feast was Diod, Sie
destined to the entertainments of the theatre, 93.94.
to which the numbers attending on Philip,
{
J
[] Although these verses were strictly and remarkably ap-
plicable to Philip, in his present temper and circumstances;
yet this prince was not entirely insensible of the vanity of
human greatness, but could himself, moralize on this subject.
He once happened to fall to the ground, when engaged in some
gymnastic exercises. As he rose, he observed the impression of
his body in the sand. Heavens," cried Philip, "how small...
a space
hath nature allotted to us; and yet we are vain enough
"to desire to command the universe."
66
PLUT. DE EXSULIO, P. 602.
440
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
BOOK V. who had all passed the night in gaiety and jol-
lity, and were still assembled, began to repair
by the dawn of day. They marched on in
solemn order. Among other instances of mag-
nificence, twelve statues of the gods were
borne in procession; to which a thirteenth
succeeded, of still more exquisite beauty and
workmanship, representing the great king of
Macedon, as a personage worthy to be ranked
among the divinities. When the Greeks and
Macedonians were seated in the theatre, Philip
came out of his palace, attended by the two
Alexanders, his son and son-in-law. He was
clothed in a white flowing robe, waving in soft
and graceful folds, the habiliment in which the
Grecian deities were usually represented. He
moved forward with an heart filled with tri-
umph and exultation, while the admiring
crowds shouted forth their flattering applause
His guards had orders to keep at a considerable
distance from his person, to shew that the king
confided in the affections of his people, and
had not the least apprehensions of danger
amidst all this mixed concourse of different
states and nations. Unhappily, the danger
was but too near him. The injured Pausanias
had not yet forgot his wrongs, but still retained
those terrible impressions, which the sense of
the indignity he had received, and the artful
and interested representations of others, fixed
}
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
441
1
;
I
1
deeply in his mind. He chose this fatal morn- SECT. III.
ing for the execution of his revenge on the
prince who had denied reparation to his injured
honour. His design had been for some time
premeditated, and now was the dreadful mo-
ment of effecting it. As Philip marched on in
all his pride and pomp, this young Macedonian
slipped through the crowd, and with a desperate
and malignant resolution, waited his approach
in a narrow passage, just at the entrance into
the theatre. The king advanced towards him:
Pausanias drew his poignard; plunged it into
his heart; and the conqueror of Greece,. and
terror of Asia, fell prostrate to the ground and
instantly expired.
c. 7.
93. 4.
The murderer flew towards the gates of the
city, where there stood horses ready to favour
his escape, which Olympias herself is said to Just. 1. 9.
have prepared. The tumult and confusion was
such as might be expected from so fatal an
event. Some of the Macedonians crowded Diod. Sic.
round the fallen king with an officious and in- 116. sect.
effectual care, while others pursued Pausanias.
Among these were Perdiccas, Attalus, and
Leonatus; the first, who excelled in swiftness,
cane up to the assassin when he was just pre-
paring to mount his horse; but being by his
precipitation entangled in some viues, a violent
effort to extricate his foot brought him sud-
denly to the ground. As he prepared to rise,
VOL. II.
3 L
:
J
412
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
Just. ut
supra.
Ibid.
.>
BOOK V. Perdiccas was upon him, and, with his com-
panions, soon dispatched him, by the repeated
wounds which their fury inflicted. His body
was immediately hung on a gibbet, but, in the
morning, appeared crowned with a golden
diadem; the only means by which Olympias
could now express her implacable resentment.
In a few days, indeed, she took a further oc-
casion of publishing her triumph and exulta-
tion in her husband's fall, by paying the same
funeral honours to Pausanias, which were pre-
pared for Philip: both bodies were burnt on
the same pile, and the ashes of both deposited
in the same tomb. She is even said to have
prevailed on the Macedonians to pay annual
honours to Pausanias. As if she feared that
the share she had taken in the death of Philip
should not be sufficiently known to the world,
she consecrated to Apollo the dagger which
had been the instrument of the fatal deed,
inscribed with the word MYRTALIS, the name
which she had borne when their loves first
began. It was observed, that the handle of
this dagger was adorned with the figures of
chariots; a circumstance on which a supersti-
Elian. 1. tious fiction seems to have been founded. It is
said, that Philip was warned by the oracle of
Trophonius," to beware of the chariots:" and
that, in consequence of this admonition, he
1. 1, c. 8, carefully avoided all such vehicles; nor could
3. c. 46.
Val. Max.
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
448
be persuaded to visit a place in Boeotia called SECT. II.
by that name. Quasi capulo occisus esset, săith
Cicero, * speaking with just contempt of this * De Fato.
story.
Thus died Philip king of Macedon, at the
age of forty-seven years, and after a reign of
twenty-four, spent in toils and difficulties, and
enterprises of hazard and danger, in which he
so eminently displayed that extent and eleva-
tion of genius; that firmness and greatness
of mind; that justness and accuracy, penetra-
tion and sagacity, in forming his designs; that
true discernment in chusing the means of con-
ducting them; and that 'vigour and resolution
in executing them; which have justly rendered
him the object of admiration to all those who
are acquainted with the Grecian story. The
judicious reader cannot fail to have already
observed, how far he was assisted in the ae-
quisition of that power to which he aspired;
and which was purchased by the labours and
dangers of his life, by the advantages which
he happily derived from the distresses of his
infant years, from his education, from his
natural and acquired accomplishments, and
from the dispositions and circumstances of
those with whom he contended. He may also
have already observed, how far the different,'
and apparently inconsistent discriptions, which
historians have transmitted of this prince's
3 L 2
444
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF '
BOOK V. character, may be reconciled by attending to
that great ruling passion, the love of glory and
power, which possessed the mind of Philip.
All his other passions, his inclinations, his
natural endowments, the principles in which
he had been instructed, the sentiments he had
imbibed, the graces, the qualifications, the
accomplishments, he had acquired, were all
subservient to this. If terror and severity were
necessary for the establishment of his power,
his sentiments of humanity easily yielded to
the dictates of his ambition; and the distresses
in which whole states and countries were in-
volved, he regarded with indifference and un-
concern. If dissimulation and artifice were.
required, his perfect knowledge of mankind,
joined to his obliging and insinuating deport-
ment, enabled him to practise these with the
most consummate address; and thus were can-
dour and ingenuousness frequently sacrificed
to his schemes of greatness. If corruption was
necessary, he knew its power, and was perfect
in the art of propagating and recommending it
by the fairest and most plausible pretences; and
although he endeavoured, from a full convic-
tion of its fatal consequences, to check its pro-
gress in his own kingdom, (as appears from his
discouraging his son's attempts to introduce it)
yet he never scrupled to make it his instrument
to destroy his rivals. Hence we find him some-
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON.
41.5
Voc.
Ælian. 1 7.
times represented as a cruel, crafty, and perfi- SECT. 111.
dious prince, who laid it down as his favourite
maxim, that it was a folly, when he had killed
the father, to leave any of his family alive to Suid. in
revenge his death; who professed to amuse IλITT.
men with oaths, as children are cheated with c.12.
toys; and who was rather the purchaser, than
the conqueror, of Greece. If, on the other
hand, the specious appearances of generosity,
condescension, and benevolence, were required
to serve his great purposes, no man was more
capable of assuming them; no man could dis-
play them more naturally and gracefully. If
his reputation was to be exalted, or the number
of his partisans to be increased, he could confer
favours with an air of the utmost cordiality and
affection, he could listen to reproof with pa-
tience, and acknowledge his errors with the
most specious semblance of humanity; he could
conquer his enemies and revilers by his good
offices, and reconcile their affections by unex
pected and unmerited liberalities. Hence again
we find him emblazoned by all the pomp of
praise; as humane and benevolent, merciful and
placable; in the midst of all the insolence of
victory, careful to exercise the virtues of hu-
manity; and gaining a second aud more glo- Folyb.i.d
rious triumph, by the kindness and clemency
with which he reconciled and commanded
the affections of those whom his arms had sub-
dued.
446
THE LIFE AND REIGN OF
7
BOOK V.
Plut. in
Apophth.
In a word, his virtues and vices were di-
rected and proportioned to his great designs of
power: his most shining and exalted qualities
influenced in a great measure by his ambition;
and even to the most exceptionable parts of
his conduct was he principally determined by
their conveniency and expediency. If he was
unjust, he was, like Cæsar, unjust for the sake
of empire. If he gloried in the success ac-
quired by his virtues, or his intellectual ac-
complishments, rather than in that which the
force of arms could gain, the reason, which he
himself, assigned, points out his true principle.
In the former case," said he, "the GLORY is
6.6
entirely my own; in the other, my generals
and my soldiers have their share.”
The learned have been sometimes fond of
comparing the merit of this prince's painful
conquest, with the rapid progress of his son:
their abilities, their virtues, and their faults.
This is a subject which hath been fully ex-
hausted by other writers. And although the
nature and extent of their abilities and vir-
tues, and their vices, afford much useful in-
struction, yet the circumstances of those peo-
ple with whom they contended, may possible
(if duly weighed) suggest reflections more ge-
nerally and highly useful and interesting.
FINIS.
JAMES ROBSs, Printer, College Street, Winchester.
:
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