·
ARTES
18371
LIBRARY
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
"FLORIBUS INDO
TDEBUR
QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAMU
CIRCUMSPICE
THIS BOOK
FORMS PART OF THE
ORIGINAL LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
BOUGHT IN EUROPE
1838 TO 1839
BY
ASA GRAY
DS
506
7233
A
COLLECTION
OF SEVERAL
Relations & Treatifes
Singular and Curious,
OF
JOHN BAPTISTA TAVERNIER,
Baron of Aubonne.
Not Printed among his firft Six Voyages.
Divided into Five Parts, viz.
I. A new and fingular Relation of the Kingdom of Tunquin, with fe-
veral Figures, and a Map of the Countrey.
II. How the Hollanders manage their Affairs in Afia.
III. A Relation of Japon, and the Cauſe of the Perfecution of the
Chriſtians in thoſe Iſlands; with a Map of the Countrey.
IV. A Relation of what paffed in the Negotiation of the Deputies
which were at Perfia and the Indies, as well on the French King's
as the Company's behalf, for the Eſtabliſhment of Trade.
V. Obſervations upon the East India Trade, and the Frauds there fub-
ject to be committed.
Publifbed by EDMUND EVERARD, Efquire.
IMPRIMATUR hic Liber, cui Titulus, A Collection of feveral
Relations and Treatifes, &c.
Auth. Spinedge, Rev. in Chrifto Patri
Dom, Domino Gulielmo Archiep.
Cant. à Sacris Domefticis.
LONDON,
Printed by A. Godbid and J. Playford, for Mofes Pitt at the
Angel in S. Paul's Churchyard. 168 0.
חוה
།
то THE
RIGHT HONOURABLE
Sir Robert Clayton,
LORD MAYOR
1.
OF THE
ELECT
CITY of LONDON.
MY LORD,
勿
​HE Encouragement
the City-Trade and
Forein Diſcoveries is
like to find under
Your Lordship's Ma-
giftracy, ought to be
the chief Encourage-
ment of any Publick-
fpirited Perfon to
render unto You all due Acknowledgments
and Teftimonies of Honour in this kind
The City of LONDON is doubtlefs the
Head and Promotrefs of all Englifb Trade,
b
and
DEDICATION
and Your Lordship is the defigned Head
and Repreſentative of the City: That Obli-
gation Forein Traffique hath to London, Lon-
don oweth partly to the wife Councils and
Government of its Chief Magiftrate, and
it ſcarce ever had any, of whofe Prudence
Courage, and Moderation, it ought to con-
ceive greater hopes than of Your Lord-
fhip's. Hard Weather needs Refolute Pi-
lots, and Good Magiftrates are ordinarily
ſent by God againſt bad Times: And far be
it from us that we fhould make Times
worſe than they are. But as it hath been
my bad more than my good Fortune to be
fome years ago the firft Avant Courier,
who from the Enemies Camp brought the
Tidings of thefe Hellish Attempts, that now
cauſe our Domeſtic Troubles; fo I in this
Book preſent to Your Lordship, and all Eng-
land, an unavoidable and impartial Argu-
ment, to fhew that our Fears from Jefuitical
Practices are much lefs magnified, than
they are by them beyond meaſure extenua-
ted, by a new Popith Device of Creating
Security: For herein Your Lordſhip may
fee what the Jefuits are, where ever they get
Footing and Credit, in the furtheſt
part of
Japon, as well as in Venice, Paris, Ireland, and
England.
Calum non Animum mutant, cùm trans mare currunt.
You fhall obferve (I fay) how thefe Igna-
tians Covetoufnefs and State-undermining,
brought
DEDICATION.
brought the greateſt Rebellion, Bloudthed,
and Maflacre upon about 60000 Chriftians
at one blow, that ever was feen in thofe Ea-
ftern Parts of the World, and how thereby
fome Hundred Thoufands in after Perfecu
tions were deſtroyed; nay, and the whole
Chriſtian Name quite extirpated (in hatred
of their Practices) by Heathen Monarchs,
who could not think their Heads, Crowns,
nor Eftates, to be otherwife fafe from the Fa-
&tious Diſciples of this Loyola. Yet all theirs,
and their fecret Factors Devices, will (I
hope) come to nought, if we follow thole
moderate, peaceable, and judicious Coun-
fels, Your Lordship's Eloquent Speech hath
fet out unto us, begetting a fober and
hearty Harmony 'twixt Prince and People.
If the Ship be kept in good order within,
there's little to be fear'd from Storms with-
out. I remark, That it depended much
on the Tribunus Plebis, or Lord Mayor of the
old Rome, (moft like to our London in Policy
and Magiſtracy) to keep it and the whole
Government in an even temper, and to
maintain a Lovely Correfpondency be-
twixt the Senat and the People; and it was
by him that the Enemies or Friends of the
Commonwealth ordinarily wrought their
ends of Peace or Difturbance. Therefore
as Your Lordihip hath always appeared, as
well in your Actions as in your Words, a
Sincere and Brave-fpirited Patriot, a Mode-
rate and Reconciling Subject, it is not to be
doubted
DEDICATION
doubted but that Your Lordthip will give
that Satisfaction to the Court, City, and
Country, and even to all Forein Traffiquers
themfelves, that is juftly expected and con-
ceived of you. So that Quiet, Peace, Trade.
and Forein Diſcoveries, being encouraged
and promoted in your Times, your Name
fhall be not onely refpected and honoured
among your Countreymen, but alſo in
thoſe remoteſt parts of the World, where
this fmall Work (moft neceffary for all
Eaft India Merchants and Travellers) will
found it out, and teftifie with all the due
Reſpects and Obligations on the Public
Accompt of,
"
Your moft Humble and
Dutiful Servant,
EDMUND EVERARD.
Advertiſement
About the ENGLISH ATLAS now
Printing at the Theatre in Oxford by Mofes
Pitt Bookfeller in London.
T
Hat the First Volum of the faid ATLAS, which con-
tains the North Pole, the principal Countries of which are,
Muscovy or Ruffia, Poland, Sweden, and Denmark;
will be finished, and ready to be delivered to the Subfcribers about
Chriſtmaſs next: And therefore it is defired, that those that have
Subfcribed and not Paid their Money, as alfo others that defire to
Subſcribe, do immediately pay their Subfcription Money, viz. Forty
Shillings, to Dr. Thomas Yate, Principal of Brazen Nofe College
Oxon, or to Mofes Pitt at the Angel in S.Paul's Churchyard Lon-
don; where they shall have a Receipt.
And all thoſe that have a mind to have their Coat of Arms engra-
ven on any of the Plates, shall have it done for Twenty Shillings, if
they pleaſe to fend their Coat to either of the two Perfons above men-
tioned in time.
If any defire to fatisfie themselves as to the well-doing of the faid
Book, let them inquire at the Theatre in Oxon, or at the Shop of
the faid Moles Pitt in London, where they may be fully satisfied
by feeing of the Sheets of the faid Book as they are wrought off at the
Prefs.
It's defired, that if any Gentleman has any Curiofities of any Coun-
trey whatsoever, if he pleafe to communicate them to the faid Mofes
Pitt, and they are approved of and judg'd fit to be Printed by those
Learned men, whofe Judgments are confulted, they shall have Satisfa-
Etion for them to their own content.
1
THE
PREFACE
HE World being an ample
Volum, in whofe Extent
and Varieties the Framer's
Wisdom and Attributes are
manifeftly read and ſet out,
it ſeems that great Travel-
lers are the best Scholars
and Proficients in this Book;
fince on's Native Countrey is but as a fingle Leaf, where
all the Singularities are not to be feen which are found
in the other.
Non omnis fert omnia Tellus.
And the truth of it is, thofe Ancient Philofophers,
who have firft laid the Foundations of Arts, Sciences,
and Commonwealths in the World, were Travellers in-
to theſe very Eaſtern Parts, (partly deſcribed by us
here) whence they brought home all their Knowledge;
it being here that Man and Knowledge it felf had their
first beginning. So that wife Travellers are not un-
C
like
PREFACE.
like thofe rich laden Vefsels which through many dangers
bring wholeſom and profitable Cargo's, Drugs, and
other Conveniences, to be difpers'd among the feveral
Societies of their own Countrey: They are like thofe di-
ligent Mafter-Bees, who run divers miles to extract
out of many bitter Herbs that fweet Liquor, which they
afterwards kindly refund to be enjoyed at home in com-
mon, in the hardeſt Seaſons of the Year, by their Fel
lows. What cofts them dear, others have it cheap:
And there's fearce any Private Perfons in the Common-
wealth, to whom we owe greater Honour and Thanks,
than to Worthy Travellers and Diſcoverers of Forein
Countries.
1
Yet it may be truly faid, That Ancient Travellers
and Geographers have but as courfe Limners and
Coaft-Drivers, drawn a very rough Draught in their
Relations of thofe Countries they defcribd unto us, in
comparison of fome later Writers, who alfo fometimes
do but copy their Predeceffors Stories; and Merchants,
with maft other Travellers, are weather-driven by their
private Occafions or Misfortunes, to take but a Cur-
fory Survey of Places, and fo give but an answerable
ſo
account of the fame to the World.
But among all the Ancient and Modern Travellers,
none bad fuch fair Opportunities and Advantages as the
Illuftrious Monfieur Tavernier had, to make a true,
profitable, and exact Relation of the Singularities of
thefe Remote Parts of Afia, where he paſt fo many
Years
PREFACE
Years in great Splendour, as ſhall appear by the enfu-
ing Confiderations and Qualifications of a good Tra-
veller.
1. He from his Youth had a strong Inclination to
Travel, which fecret Inftinct is certainly a Preordina-
tion of God for an Undertaking; and this unfeen Impul-
fion carries fuch extraordinary Inftruments chearfully
and profperously through all the Difficulties, others of a
contrary difpofition would never wade thorough, før
whom it would be in vain to ftrive against the current of
Nature.
2. This Travelling Genius made him begin early
to fit himself for his defign, and foon to go about it. He
was therefore fufficiently imbued in his Intellectuals with
all due knowledge of Sciences, Language, and Geogra
phy, and precedent Travellers Maps and Books, with-
out all which common Traveller's cannot conceive fo foon
and fo orderly, nor reap ſo much benefit for themſelves or
others'
3. But Speculations without Experience are but un-
profitable Notions; and the Experiments of this kind
are not to be had without great Means and Ex-
pence, for want of which many a good Undertaking is
Still-born.
1
1
Haud facilè emergunt,quorum virtu-
tibus obftat
Res angufta domi̟----
is
PREFAC E.
is an old and true Saying. But our noble Tavernier
had an ample Eſtate, drove a great Trade, had Money
in abundance, and a Prince's or Embaſſador-like Reti-
nue, without which and great Prefents none is fcarce
look'd upon in Luxurious Afia, fit for admittance in-
to great and worthy Companies, where Knowledge may
be attained; fo that he thereby foon got into the Pre-
fence, Familiarity, and Clofets of the Emperours, the
Minifters of State, and the Philofophers of Perfia,
Mogol, &c. and got into the Acquaintance and Con-
verfations of the leading and common Merchants, Traf-
fiquers, and People; and knew their Languages very
well: for it is in vain to have Eyes, if one bave not alſo
a Tongue in fuch cafes.
4. And whereas Learning and Riches do fometimes
render narrow Souls of a more proud and unfociable
temper, Monfieur Tavernier is by Nature and Edu.
cation, an obliging, cheerful, and infinuating Travel-
ler, and of a graceful Countenance. Comely Perfonages
are beloved almoſt as ſoon as they are feen; and thoſe
that have but fair Souls, are not fo till after they are
known. Now Monfieur Tavernier having both theſe
Advantages, had a free entrance into the Friendſhip
and Notions the Indians (great or fmall) bad con.
cerning the Natural, Mechanical, Political, Religi-
ous, and Trading State of their own Countrey; which he
made more his buſineſs to know, than to grow more rich.
And
PREFACE.
And at fome times he would reckon Thouſands of Pounds
as nothing to attain his ends in this point of Knowledge
and further Experience; as the perufal of this his own
Work, and Perfon's now in London, that knew him in
and after his Travels, can fully teſtifie.
5. Moreover, Mutual Help of Perfons equally un-
derftanding and curious, is a great advantage in fuch
Reſearches and Obfervations as thefe. Now John
Baptiſta Tavernier, befides many other Heads and
Hands, bad berein the Affiftance of a Brother, as com
plete a Traveller as himſelf in thoſe furtheft Parts of
Afia, and had no lefs the foregoing Qualifications in
Perſon and Eftate than this his Brother John Bap-
tiſta had, as the Reader may well perceive by this Vo-
lum of Travels.
6. And as for the Time; Six Voyages, and about
Forty Years Abode in thofe Countries they do defcribe
did render thefe Brethrens Knowledge vaft, their Ex-
periments tried over and over, and this their Account
more fure and exact (as Ifaid) than that of any other
Traveller beretofore.
7. And finally, to confirm the undoubted Credit
that's to be given to this Nobleman and his Relation,
(who is above all defign of Flattering or Deceiving the
Reader) you may meet with feveral Worthy Perfons
in this City and the Court of England; and I my ſelf,
who was at Paris fome few years ago at Monfieur
d
Ta-
PREFACE.
ட்
Tavernier's Arrival, and who can witneſs the grand
Efteem, the folemn Honours and Thanks, that were
then given him by Perfons of all Ranks and Degrees,
the French East India Company's Admiration and
Recommendation of bim, that he had done bis King
and Countrey more Credit in thofe proud Eaftern
Courts than ever any did before him; the French
King's imploying of him there; the Rarities be
brought home to the Learned; the vaft Riches and
Memoirs be gained for himſelf, and the incomparable
Jewels and Singularities he brought to the French
King; the Titles of Lord and Baron conferred upon
him extraordinarily, though he were a Merchant and
a ftrict Proteftant. Thefe (Ifay) Public and Private
Teftimonials do fhew what Credit other Nations and
his own (which is Singular) had given to him. But
in a word his own Obfervations herein gathered will
prove it better.
But if any defire to have fome Account of the Work
it felf, the Newness, Profit, and Satisfaction the very
Subject must needs yield to all Perfons and Profeffions
cannot but be acceptable.
The Naturalift ball have Plants, Minerals, Ani-
mals, and Phoenomena's never feen in our Climate.
And about Phyfic, the Law, Mufic, and Poetry, more
Time
PREFACE.
Time and Tryals are required in thofe Countries than
here; and you fall accordingly read of Cures done that
draw near to natural Miracles:
}
!
The Divine will fee things worth his Obfervation in
their Religion and Morals, wherein they may confound
the very Chriftians; whereof I'le onely touch but thus
much: That by the Light of Nature thofe Heathens
own a Supreme Deity, and a Future State of Happi-
nefs and Torments; and do in view of the ſame most
Strictly keep the Civil and the Ten Moral Command-
ments, much anſwerable to ours, which their Prophets
have left to them. So that they punifb Murther and
Adultery even in* Princes and Princeffes; terrible *Tunquin
Examples whereof you may here read at large. And
the Church and State Government are fubfervient in a
Subordination, the one being a Prop to the other.
1
1
*
ch.7.p.18.
Even Statesmen may find Subject of weighty confide-
ration, in the Antiquity, Model, and Exactness of their
Government. As for inftance: Though they have a
Special regard to Monarchy, so as to keep the Succeffion
within the fame Line; yet the Great Conftable, and *Tunquin
the King's Council have Power left them to propofe and
chuſe the fittest Perfon among the Royal Children,or Col-
lateral Succeffors, who is nominated in the King's
Life-time, to prevent after Disturbances. They have
allo
C.11.p.35.
PREFACE.
alfo on the other fide very fingular and unimitable ways
to prevent the Infurrections, Divifions, and Rebellions
of the Militia and the People.
But above all, the Traveller and Traffiquer into
thofe Parts will be like to run into a thouſand Inconve
niences, and Loffes of Health, Life, and Eftate, with-
out being guided by fuch Directions as be carefully gives
herein, which others cannot poffibly fo foon and fo well
know.
It is in fine herein declared, by what means the
French, Holland, and Portugal East India
Companies were Settled, Improved, and Worsted in
thofe Countries; also the Coinage, and the Reduction
thereof to ours; the particular places where all forts
of Eaſt India Commodities are best and cheapeſt had;
the Rates and Exchange Returns are here to be found;
the manner how to know their Falfifications in Gold, Sil-
ver, Jewels, Drugs, Silks, Linen, and all the other
Merchandizes which are brought from thofe Nations
are here fet down: It being otherwiſe hard or impoffible
to escape the Cheats of the Perfians, Chineſes, and
Japoners, without fuch Inftructions.
Ile fay no more, but that in this Work was imployed
the Help of another Worthy Gentleman, who labour'd
in
PREFAC E.
in the firſt Volum of Tavernier's Tranflation; but it
was brought to an end and perfection by me, who had
the occafion to be more particularly acquainted with
Monfieur Tavernier himſelf, his Native Tongue,and
other Particularities abroad.
{
1
1
Edmund Everard.
C
臬
​A
1
The
ཀ
The TABLE to Tavernier's Volum of
Fapon, China, and Tunquin,&c.
A
Relation of Japon, and of the cause of the Perfecution of
the Chriftians in thofe Iflands.
pag.1.
A Relation of what pass'd in the Negotiation of the Depu-
ties which were fent to Perfia and the Indies, as well on the behalf
of the French King, as of the French Company, for the fettling of
Trade.
26
5 1
Obfervations upon the Trade of the East Indies.
Of the Commodities which are brought as well out of the Dominions
of the Great Mogul, as out of the Kingdoms of Golconda and
Vilapour, and other neighbouring Territories. And alfo of the
Weights and Meaſures of the faid Commodities.
Chap. 1. A difcourfe in general concerning the City of Tunquin, and
of the manner how the Author came to have knowledge thereof.
Chap. 2. Of the Situation and Extent of the Kingdom of Tun-
quin.
57
Ι
5
7
Chap. 3. Of the Quality of the Kingdom of Tunquin
Chap.4. Of the Riches, Trade, and Money of the Kingdom of Tun-
quin.
13
Chap.5. Of the Strength of the Kingdom of Tunquin by Sea and
Land
14
16
Chap. 6. Of the Manners and Customs of the People of the King-
dom of Tunquin.
Chap.7. Of the Marriages of the Tunquineſes, and their Severity
toward Adultereſſes.
18
Chap. 8. Of the Vifits, Feafts, and Paftimes of the Tunquineſes. 21
Chap.9. Of the Learned Men in the Kingdom of Tunquin. 24
Chap. 10. Of their Phyſicians, and the Difeafes of the Tunqui-
nefes.
28
Chap. 11. Of the original Government and Policy of the Kingdom of
Tunquin.
3 I
38
Chap. 12. Of the Court of the King of Tunquin.
Chap 13. Of the Ceremonies obferv'd when the Kings of Tunquin
are advanced to the Throne.
40
Chap. 14. Of the Funeral Pomp of the Kings of Tunquin, and of
their manners of burying their Dead.
46
Chap. 15. Of the Religion and Superftition of the Tunquinefes. 49
of
Of the Government of the Hollanders in Afia.
Chap. 1. Of the Island of Formofa, and how the Hollanders pof-
feffed themſelves of it, and how it was taken from them by the
Chineſes.
57
61
Chap. 2. Of Maurice Island, where they cut Ebony.
Chap. 3. Of the Grandeur of the General at Batavia, and what be-
fell his Wife and his Niece.
Chap.4. Of General Vanderbroug, and of the Original of the City
of Batavia.
85
69
Chap.5. Of the Countrey about Cochin, and how the Holland
General crown'd one of the Indian Princes.
74
Chap.6. Of the Sieur Hollebrand Glins, Prefident of the Factory
at Ormus.
Chap. 7. Touching the Islands of the Prince.
77
79
Chap. 8. How the Hollanders fent to declare War against the Per-
ſians, and of the ill fuccefs of their Fleet.
80
Chap.9. Of the Severity of the Holland Commanders in the In-
dies.
Chap. 10. Touching the Women,
83
85
A
T
The Order obferv'd in the March of the Fu-
neral Pomp at the Interment of the
Kings of Tunquin.
I.
Two Meflengers of the Chamber proclaim the deceafed King's
Name; each of them bears a Mace, the Head whereof is full of
combuſtible ſtuff for Artificial Fire or Fufées.
2.
Next proceed Twelve Elephants; on each of the four fore-
moft is one bearing the King's Standard. Then follow four other
Elephants, with Wooden Turrets on their Backs, and in every one of
thefe are Six Men, fome being armed with Mufquets, others with
Fire Lances. The four laft Elephants do feverally carry a kind of
Cage; fome of which are on all fides shut up with Glass Windows,
the other with a fort of Grates; the first being of a Square, the other
having fix fides and facing.
3. Then rides the Mafter of the Horfe, attended with two Pages
on Horſe-back.
4. Twelve Horfes are led by the Bridle two and two, by as
many Captains of the Guard. The Harness of the first Six Horfes
is very rich, the Bit, and all the Furniture of the Bridle and Saddle
are of pure Gold, the Saddles are embroydered likewife with Gold:
But the Six other Horfes Harnefs is all cover'd over with Gold
Plates.
5.
The Chariot which bears the Maufolee, wherein is the
King's Corps, is dragged by Eight Stags trained to this Service.
Each of thefe Stags is led by a Captain of the Life Guard.
6. Then follows the new King afoot clad in White Satten, with
a Straw Cap on his Head. If he hath any Brothers, they attend
on him in the like Attire; and they are furrounded with Musicians
and Players on the Hoboys, and other Inftruments.
7. There proceeds afterwards Six Princeffes in White Satten,
who carry Meat and Drink for the deceaſed King. Theſe are at-
tended
tended by two Ladies of Honour in Purple Garments; and about
thefe Ladies are feveral Muſicians.
8. Eight Princes of the Royal Bloud go in Purple Garments
with Straw Hats.
9.
Four Governours of the four chief Provinces of the King-
dom, each bearing a Stick on his Shoulder, on which hangs a Bag full
of Gold and ſeveral Perfumes; and theſe Bags contain the Prefents
which the feveral Provinces make unto the deceafed King, for to be
buried with his Corps, that he may make use of the fame in the other
World.
10.
Two Chariots go next, each drawn by Eight Horfes, and
every Couple being led by Two Men.
In each Chariot is a Coffer or
Trunk full of Bars of Gold and other Riches, for the deceaſed King's
uſe in the Life to come.
II.
A great Crowd of the King's Officers, and of the Nobility,
do follow this Funeral Pomp, fome afoot and fome on horfe-back, ac-
cording to their Offices and Qualities.
;
Place this Page 46.
A Continuation of the Order obferved at
the Funeral Pomp of the Kings of Tunquin,
fetting out from the City of Bodlego.
The King's Body is put into a Galley, which is drawn up the Ri-
ver. This River is increaſed by ſeveral Brooks that come down
from the Mountains, and it runs through barren and Defart Coun-
tries. In fome of these places they are wont to bury the Corps very
privately; for fix onely of the chief Eunuchs of the Court are to know
where the King hath been buried. An Oath is tendered to them ne-
ver to reveal the place. And this is done perhaps on fome Religious
Motive, and likewife through Fear, that the Treaſures which are
buried by him should be digged up. Thefe Riches are ordinarily fome
Maffy Bars of Gold and Silver, as likewiſe fome Pieces of Cloth of
Gold and Silver, and fuch kinds of other rich Furnitures, which he is
to make use of (as they say) when he hath need of them in the other
Would. Many Lords and Ladies of the Court will needs be buried
Alive with him, for to ferve him in the places where he is to go. I
have observed in paſſing through the Estates of the Raja or Prince of
Velouche, which border on the Eaſterly parts of the Kingdom of
Viſapour, that the Wives fuffer themselves to be buried Alive near
their deceaſed Husbands, inſtead of being burned, as they practiſe in
other Provinces of the Indies.
A. Here you fee the Profpect of the City of Bodlego.
B.
The Galley where the King's Corps is.
C. Two Galleys do carry the Lords who go to be buried Alive
with the King. That which is grated about is full of Ladies, who
likewife offer themſelves to be interred Alive with him.
D.
Other Galleys, wherein are the Treasures which are to be
buried with the Corps.
Place this next to, The Order in the March of the Funeral Pomp, &c.
An Alphabetical Index to the Map of Tunquin,
made on the place by B. Tavernier.
The first Figures are Longitude, the fecond Latitude.
Odego, whence they embarque the King's Bo- | Dinphoan,a good Port, but difficult entrance 149-10
Bodega vahe the Huts for those that attend the
ely as alfo
King's Body
Camelee, a great River, but bad Port
Bonten, an excellent Haven
144-21
151-9
146-13
Chancon, an Ifle where S. Xavier died February 4.
1552.
Haifo,
this Ille is a Foreft of Orange and Pomgra-
nat Trees
145-14
Hainanen, an Ifland wherein is two Rivers, one is
very hot and ſmells of Sulphur, and the fick come
from all the adjacent parts to bath in it 148-19
Iſland of Fiſhes
155-21
146-19
Checo, the Capital City of Tunquin, and King's
Seat
Colaure
Pulociampelio Ifle
146-15
144-21
146-14
Cuaci, the Bounds between Tanquin and Cochin-
china
Sanfoo, one of the greateſt Cities of Cochinchina,
and greateſt Trade,but the Port failing, it now
decays
143-15
142-16
Tacan, an Ile where the Fowls retire during the
Cuadag, a Lake
140-22
heat
148-12
Tortoſe Iſlands
152-II
|
Tulatan Ifle
147-14
142-20
Cuadig, the Port where all the great Ships lie, not
able to enter the great River of Cheche, being
ſtopped up
An Alphabetical Index of all the Towns in the Map of Japon.
A
Aizu
A
Fucha
Chas 175-34 Fumay
Acofaqui 177-34 Fuximi
184-38
179-36
172-33 Ocambe
176-35 Ocafaqui
Tucnocuni
175-34
179-34
Tenri River
178-34
177-34
Toia
172-33
Ꮐ
Okais
179-34
Tokoefi
173-33
Akas
174-34 Ganamifaqui
171-34
Omodo Key
170-33
Toi Ille
183-34
Ameffima
171-34 Ganomi
172-34 Oquayama
174-34
Tomo
173-34
Amufana
175-34 Ginkay
171-34 Ormeda
176-34 Tondozima Ifle 180-38
Anai
174-34 Gold Mines
184-38
Ofeaca
175-34 Tottori
174-35
Anzuqui
176-35
I
Ova
176-34 Tfumgaer
184-40
Aqui
173-34 Jaai
178-34
Owaeri
177-35
V
Aquita
182-40 Jamman
171-34
е
Vacofa
176-35
Arcy
177-34 Idiumo
173-35
Quano
176-34 Vafumi
171-32
Ava
174-33
Idzumi
175-34
Quinocuni
175-33
Llbama
17635
Ava
181-34 Jedo or Jendo
181-35
Quirenoxo
176-36 Vitchu
178-36
Autua
170-33 Jeffe
184-40
R
Vomi
176-35
Axicanga
182-36 Jefare
179-34 Roches
171-33 Vouri
177-35
Aximot
181-36 Inaba
174-35
S
Voxu
183-37
B
Ingo
175-34 Sacca
178-34
W
Bandel
Bigen
Bingo
Bipchu
179-34 Jobeco
174-35 Jokeits
173-34 Jofinda
173-34 Ifakuts
170-33 Saccaiia
176-34 Sace
175-34 Waka
176-34
176-34
X
Bugen
172-34 Juani
Bungo
171-33 Julimara
177-34 Saikock
176-34
172-35 Sando
179-34 Sangani
171-33 Xendai
183-38
Samma
176-34 Xidaibama
182-37
180-37 Xikofo
173-33
18c-35 Ximo
171-32
C
K
Sanuqui
173-34 Ximofakock
170-33
Camba
Cango
179-34 Kakinkw
177-36 Kakingaren
179-34 Saquio
171-34 Ximolu
182-36
178-34 Sapui
175-34 Ximomaxoqui
171-34
Canfula
182-35 Karaye
178-34 Sateuma
170-32 Xinan
178-35
Cataizu
175-33 Kilma
170-33 Sateque
183-37 Xio
173-33
Caucani
175-34
M
Savoia
174-34 Xiva
177-36
Cochite
170-33 Maicazima Ifle
183-36
Scabarei
179-34
Y
Coreer Ifles
The Sea
171-34 Mia
169-34 Marganni 174-34
177-34
Silver Mines
179-37 Yamamguela
172-34
Simanda
178-34 Yamato
176-34
Coyflina
171-34 Miaco or Mcaco 175-34
Simiffima
170-33 Yamaxico
175-34
D
Micava
177-35 Sinagawa
181-35 Yazuqui
174-35
Daura
180-34 Mimalaca
173-35
Sincubi
170-33 Yechigen
177-36
Deva
182-38 Mino
177-34
Sintli
176-34 Yechingo
180-36
Dongo
172-33 Mirico
179-34
Sino Sima
171-34 Yhe
176-34
F
Mulaxi
Facova
1 So-34 Muro
181-35 Sirion
174-34 Sirack
177-34 Yonazaua
183-38
178-34 Yynoxima Ille
183-33
Fairma
174-34
N
Stintgo
175-34
Z
Faviffida
178-34 Nanaftgamma 170-33 Surunga
179-34
Zetta
170-33
Fintfautwa
177-34 Namba
184-39
Suva
180-36 Zima
176-34
Firanda
170-33 Nangati
171-34
Suvo
172-34
Firazima
172-34 Nangiſaqui
171-33
T
Fitaqui
182-37 Nayma
178-37 Tambo
175-35
Flagway 177-34 Nibarafacq
178-34 Tanegaxima
172-32
Foncorai
Foqui
178-34 Nibora faca
174-35 Nivata
FINIS.
178-34 Tango
175-35
181-37
Tatomi
178-35
Foriffauva 180-35 Noto
178-37 Tauma
175-35
The King of Tunquin's Setting out for
·
I.
the War.
The King going out of his Palace is carried in his Palan-
quin or Chair by the Chief Officers of his Houfhold.
2.
3.
4.
The Order of the King's March when he goes to the War.
The Muficians and Trumpeters who follow his Chair.
An Officer who carries a Bafon full of Water, on which doth
float a Braſs Boul with a hole in the bottom of it; fo that exactly in
an hour this Boul becomes full of Water, and fuddenly finks to the
bottom.
5.
Then prefently two other Officers do ftrike the Hour upon two
great Brass Platters, N.5. of about a Yard Diameter, and much
after the Form of our Burning Glaffes, yet of the Metall that Bells
are made of, which causes that they are heard a very far off.
Afterwards he that carries the Bafon of Water takes up the Cup
from the bottom, and fets it again a ſwimming atop of the Water, juſt
as it was before. When it is full and finks, they after the fame
manner ſtrike on the ſaid Platters. And this is their way of reckon-
ing the Hour and Times in Tunquin, as well as in the Indies, and
almoſt throughout the Eaſtern Parts betwixt the Tropicks; for
Europe become ufelefs in
that the Clocks which are made in
thofe Countries during the Rainy Seafon, the Air being there fo
heavy and damp, that all Iron and Steel, nay the very Knives and
Watches in peoples Pockets do grow rufty, though you wrap them up
never fo well in Cotton or Leather, and take all the care imaginable
to keep them dry; yet it will be impoffible otherwiſe to preſerve them
from Ruft, than by letting them lie in Oyl while that Weather lafts.
This Foggy Dampness of the Air is predominant as foon as you are
paft Perfia, in all the Mogol's Countrey, from the Fifteenth of June
to
the end of September. The further one goes on toward the East,
the later thefe Rains do begin and are met withall.
It's
1
It's good likewife to obferve, that in the Empire of the Great
Mogul, in Tunquin, and in other Eaſterly Parts between the Tro-
picks, they do as we divide the Day and Night into 24 Hours, ma-
king the Day of 12, and the Night to be of as much; ſo to proportion
equally the Times of Working and of Reft. But they do fubdivide
both the Day and the Night into 4 equal parts, and this Divifion is
made known by the Strokes given upon thofe Platters. As for Ex-
ample: The firft Hour of the firft Watch of the Night is mark'd by
one Blow, the fecond by another, and the third likewife by another.
In the fecond Watch of the Night the first Hour is made known by
two Blows one after another, and fo of the reft untill the third Watch;
then at the first Hour of that they give three Strokes. And this Or-
der is obferved till the laft Hour of the fourth Watch, which is mark’d
by four Knocks. In this manner they continue to marck the firſt
Hour of the day with the fame Regularity.
All Perfons of Quality do keep Eight Officers on purpofe for this
Employ; who likewife are to have a care of keeping the Palace Gates.
This Engine for the marking of the Hours is ordinarily hung up at the
Entry of great Palaces near the Porter's Lodge.
Place' this Page 14.
The Order of the March of the Queens of
Tunquin, when they go abroad out of
the Palace.
A. Six Elephants go in the Front, drawing a kind of a Sedan
clofe shut up, with Grate-like Windows.
B. Fifteen Captains or Officers walk next, Armed with Fire-
locks.
C. The Sedan wherein the Queen is.
D. Six of the Queens Gentlemen do carry Paraſols, for to
guard the Queens Chair from the Scorching of the Sun.
ment;
F. Six Ladies of Honour of the Queens go next.
The first
hath the Command of the Queens Eunuchs: thefe Eunuchs, though
throughly Spaded, yet are never admitted into the Queens Apart
the Kings of Tunquin being in that particular more jealous
than other Kings and Mahometan Princes, who allow this fort of Eu-
nuchs to ferve their Queens within the Palace. The next in Office
of theſe Ladies preſents the Queen with Sweet Meats when she is about
to drink; for they uſually eat some before they drink, they alleag-
ing that this keeps them from having the Cholic,to which they are very
fubject in Tunquin. The third in rank carries a Box of Perfumes
and Betel. The others usher the Queen when she gets into the Sedan,
or alights.
G. Here is a Chariot drawn by Eight Maids of Quality, when
The gets out of the Sedan; but before she appears, all the Men and
Eunuchs do withdraw into fuch places, whence they cannot have the
fight of her, it being a Crime to look upon her: then the Ladies help
her out of the Sedan, and the Maids draw her along to whatever place
She has a mind to go in unto.
Place this next to, The King of Tunquin fetting out for the War.
40
25
24
PRE N
¿
48181119
LUONNENT
14,0
169
170
171
141 142
143 144
1415 146
147
AHAMA
410281
MARTIRUTA:
39
23
"1. 1:HUB!
Lake
of
22 Cuadag
21
20
19
38 18
MELAN
* LEIGH BLU RAY A
Cuadag
Bodego
Cieco
17
16
Cuaci
15
37
14
13
12
Sansoo
36
11
MAPP
of
TUNQUIN
35
34
9
51 20 251
30%
451
15 Leagues make a degree,
140
141 143 143
Kecou
оо
148
BUENAR
172
173
174
175
176
177
149
150
151
152
1 1911 18:11
River of Cimpa.
PRELUN
MADEIRAL.
25
124
The Coaft
of China
unhahited23
MANIERE.
22
Cimpa
Keto
The Ile of
Chancon
21
the high Tower
20
:
178
179
180
181
A MAPP OF THE ISLES OF
IAPON
Hainamen
Bhaude
Haifo
Pulociampelio Ile
Colaure
Tulatan Ile
A
144
Camelee
145
Tachan
Ile of
Tachan
Din
phoan
Bonten
THE COAST OF COCHINCHINA
En
PALIN
MMCH
146
147
148
ALDEA
AHLAL·
149 150 151 152
THE SEA OF COREER
„AUREOLERJAA
LUKING
LARRI-
MURRAN
JEISE,
MARIERE I
19
182
ד
182
Aquita ☎
184
185
THE LAND OF LESSE
440
the Streights of
Sangar
R
TSUNGAER
NANBV
3.9
18
ORIENTALL OCEAN
TONDO
XIMA
YONAZAVA
38
Ifle
Aizu
17
16
15
14
13
12
10
The Tortife
Ilands
OQUI
Quira
похо YECHIGEN
Noro
NAYMA Ś
XIVA
Canga
FVCHV
Vrcнvid
Silver Sando
Mihes
YECHINGOL
Conzuque
SUVA
DEVA
XIDAIBAMA
Voxv
&
NIVATA A
FITAQVI
ཀ 1hugü1 ‹iffí
H
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XIMOLY
Ахімот
MVLAXI
IEDO or IENDO.
Sinaganra
SANGANI
-
Forikau
Anzuque
@ Mino
IETS
OWAERI
Vouuriga
MIA
Siriou
EGEN
AMICAVA
OCASAQVI
Fintfcantma
Acofaqui
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FLAGWAY
Strack
Arey
XINAN
TATOMI
UA N
Iuftinare
Frificaua
Camba
Okis
SURUNGA
Iefare &
Mirico
Ocambe
Tom/sida —
Simandá
KAKINKAREN
Nibarafacg
Karaye
Tenri R
Foncora
Sacca
Taai
Naunte
OF arri
-0.
DAVRA
toiver
Faco
kack
Tauraga
Nilima
Scabárci
KaKm Km
Niborafaca
BANDEL
NANGATI
Ximonaxoqui
IUAMI
IAMAL
Suno
Yaman
guelu.
BINGO
Firax:
ima
Aquis
Толо
Idzumo
Tacauara
Tante rani
Sicafinna
Comagni
Caroto
Sreeval
Cammiena
Segui
YAZUQVI
SO
MIMALACA
BrrсHU
Bingn
Bignatemco
Hewarry
Sira
FOQUI
IT
BIGEND__
Oquayama
Wata
Onfima
INABA
TAUMA
TOTTORI
VACOSA
VBAMA
Vomi
TANGO
TAMBAYAMAXIRO
TCVNOCUNI
FUXIMI
MIACO
01
MEACO
Muro
Fairma
AKAS
Dongo
XIO
A
Sanuqui
TOKOESI
or
XIKOKO
Isle
Toia XIKOKO
Aùa
Marganni
Anai
Lefima
Sauora
I Stintgo
Amuzana
Saqui
Achas
Odes
Stibe
Sintfi
Samma
Quano
Ormida
Iokwaka
Iakuts
....
Ona
Cammyania
Sace
Sekinofylo
Auwa
Tonda
Fifsima Ingo
Oleaca
wer
tower
Saccania
Idzumi
الضار
EN
A
YKE
க
Yamato
Cauachi
TS
Quinocunt
IE
"Xima
Yonda
RHUBARBIE HANGMAN
The Ifles of
COREER
33
Firando
32
Cochite
3 Gotto
Kifma
Ximo Saikock
Sio Sima
Coyfsima
Amefrima
Gin Kay
Tamman
Ganamiſaqui
Jaqui
Retoranmo
omi
Cokora
Bugen
Fumay
Simifsima
•Tobeco
Auria THE KINGDOME
Satcuma
Sincubi
OF SAIKOCK
。Omodo Key
Nanast gamma
Zettay
Bungo
Roche NANGISAQUI
Ximo
Vafumi
Tanegasima
macka
170
Cataru
THE
SOUTH
HIM
171
172
173
174
109
175
176
177
178
SEA
179
180
181
+AVA
XENDAI
Gold
Mines
37
Sataque
36
MAICUIMA Isle
135
Canfula
34
Torfle
YYNOXIMA Ile
33
182
*GEDNUDE NA
POPUNJABIT.
CONNEMONE
10 15 20 25 ༣༠
The Leagues of Iapon are like
the little Miles of France.
183
.184
32
A New and Particular
RELATION
Of the KING DOM of
TUNQUIN:
With a MAP of the CouNTRY and
ſeveral FIGURË Š.
CHAP. I.
A Difcourfe in general concerning the City of Tun-
quin, and of the Manner how the Author came
to bave knowledge thereof.
T
HE Kingdom of Tunquin has been long
unknown to the People of Europe; nei-
ther have they, who have given us Rela-
tions thereof, well understood the Coun-
try, as having trufted too much to
defective and fabulous Defcriptions and
Obfervations. Not that I am willing to be
over ſevere in cenfuring; but fubmiffively I am bold to af
firm, That this which I here make Public was extracted out
of my Brother's Writings, of which I had the overlooking in
B
my
i
2
A New and Particular Relation of the
my ſecond Voyage that I made to the Indies; and of which
I was the more confident, for that the Author had been
one who had made Eleven or Twelve Voyages from
Batavia, Bantam, and Achem, to Tunquin. Other Obſerva-
tions I collected from the Tunquinefi themſelves, with whom
I have had ſeveral Difcourfes, during the time that I was at
Batavia and Bantam, where they principally trade: And
that which gave me the more light was this, That thoſe
Merchants ſeveral times bring along with them fome of
their Bonze's or Prieſts, as alfo fome of their Learned Men
to teach their Children to Write and Read. For thefe Mer-
chants when they make a Voyage by Sea, carry all their
Families along with them. And from theſe Bonze's and
other Learned Men I had feveral Obfervations and Memoirs
in Writing, as being defirous to be inform'd by me of the
Government and Situation of our France. And as I was
never without an Atlas and fome other particular Maps, they
were raviſh'd with admiration, when I fhew'd them the
Structure and Compoſure of the whole World, and the
Situation of its ſeveral Kingdoms and Eſtates.
Therefore may the Reader with the more pleaſure and
delight peruſe theſe Relations, when he has ſo much reaſon
to be perfuaded that they are cordially done, and that they
are made public by a perfon whofe fincerity has no defign
to abuſe him. My Brother, who was a perfon both cun-
ning and couragious, and one that lov'd to Travel as well
as my felf, having heard much talk in the Indies of the
Grandeur of the Kingdom of Tunquin, refolv'd to go thither,
and as he had a particular gift to learn a Language in a little
time, he foon grew familiar with the Malaye, which is the
Language of the Learned in thoſe quarters of Afia, as Latin
is among Us in Europe. He underſtood that Silk, Musk, and
other Commodities of the like nature, were much cheaper
there then in other places adjoyning, and that the People
dealt with more fairneſs and honeſty. Upon the encourage-
ment of which Information he prepar'da Ship, and made
his Voyages with good ſucceſs.
He always carried with him a good Sum of Money; and
more then that,he ftor'd himſelf with a confiderable number
of ſmall Curioſities, to prefent the King and his Nobility,
according to the general Cuſtom of all the Eaftern Countries:
Thus
-t-
Kingdom of TÚN QUI N.
3
Thus he came to be well receiv'd the first time that he fet
foot in the Country; fo that the Cuſtomer being by him
oblig'd with a ſmall Clock, a pair of ſmall Piſtols, and two
Pictures, which were the Pictures of two Curtefans, imme-
diately gave notice to the King of his arrival. Thereupon
having order to attend the Court, and coming to kifs the
King's hands, the whole Affembly was furpris'd to hear a
Stranger, born in a Country ſo far diftant, ſpeak the Malaye
Language fo fluently. The King gave him a favourable
reception, and kindly receiv'd the Prefent which he brought
along with him. It was a very noble Sword, of which the
Handle and Hilt were all over enchac'd with Rubies and
Emraulds, with a Backfword Blade. To this he added a
pair of Piſtols, adorn'd and inlaid with Silver, a Perfian
Saddle and Bridle, embroider'd with Gold and Silver, a
Bow and Quiver full of Arrows, and fix Pictures, like thoſe
which he had given the Cuſtomer. Theſe things highly
pleas'd the King, who preſently drew forth the Sword out
of the Scabbard, the better to look upon and confider it. At
length one of his Sons took it up, to try whether it would
fit his hand as well as thoſe of his own Country, and offer'd
to make a blow. My Brother, feeing the young Prince
handle the Weapon gracefully enough, after the manner of
the Country, told the King, that if he pleas'd, he would
fhow the King how they handled that Weapon in Francè,
of which the King readily confented to be a Spectatour.
This was my Brother's firft Reception at Court; for he
made feveral Voyages to Tunquin, and every time that he
return'd, they ftill the more and more obligingly entertain'd
him. But that which fix'd him more in the good opinion
and favour of the King and Lords of the Court, was his
frolic and gentile behaviour in playing with them for feveral
large Sums, infomuch that being one that ventur'd deep,
he loft above 20000 Crowns in one Voyage. However
the King, who was a generous Prince, would not ſuffer him
to be a lofer, but gave him thofe confiderable Préfents that
fuppli'd his lofles. By means of my Brother's thus long
fojourning in Tunquin, and the familiar acquaintance which
he had at Court, together with the Trade which he drove
in the Kingdom, as he was diligent to inform himfelf of all
the Curiolities of the Country, it was eafie for me upon
В 2
the
4
A New and Particular Relation of the
the fame foundation to lay the Structure of theſe Memoirs.
Though I may ſafely fay, I was no leſs laborious in my
own particular, and by the frequent Diſcourſes which I had
with a great number of the Tunquinefes, with whom I met
both at Bantam and Batavia that came thither to Trade, and
whom I often treated at my own Expences, to inform
my felf of the particular Ceremonies and Cuſtoms of their
Country.
Thus you ſee the Grounds and Foundations of this Rela-
tion, which is both faithful and exact, and by which that
noble Country, of which the Deſcriptions hitherto have
been ſo obfcure and uncertain, fhall be truly diſcover'd and
fet forth, ſuch as it is; declaring withal, that no other Con-
fideration or Intereft, then that of ſpeaking truth, has incited
me to undertake this Deſcription.
For the better obſervation of a right Method in purſuance
of this Relation, and to conduct the Reader gradatim to
the more perfect knowledge of this Kingdom, I will ſpeak
firft of its Situation, its Extent, and its Climate. Next I
ſhall come to difcourfe of its Qualities, its Riches, and its
Trade, which are the three Springs and Sources of the
Strength and Force of a Nation. Next I fhall give an Ac-
count of the Cuſtoms and Manners of the People as well in
their particular OEconomy and Civil Society, as in relation
to their Marriages, their Vifits and Feſtivals. Next to this
we fhall give a brief Account of the Learning, and learned
Men, and among them of their Phyſicians, and the Subject
of their Art, that is to fay, of the Diſeaſes particular to the
Country. We fhall alfo give a Relation of the Original of
the Government and Policy of the Kingdom of Tunquin, of
the Condition of the Court, of the Inauguration and Fune-
rals of their Kings, and in the laſt place of the Original of
the Inhabitants.
And I dare ingage, that the Map of the Country, and the
Cuts which were drawn upon the place, will no lefs contri-
bute to the Divertiſement of the Reader, then to the Expla-
nation of the Matter which they contain.
CHAP.
Kingdom of Tu N QUI N.
5
CHA P. II.
Of the Situation and Extent of the Kingdom
of Tunquina
W
E fhall have the lefs reaſon to admire where-
fore our Predeceſſors had ſo little knowledge
of this Kingdom, when we confider that
having formerly been a confiderable part of China, the In-
habitants in the fame manner as the Chinefes did, kept them-
ſelves cloſe within their own bounds, never minding to
have any Commerce with other People, whom they con-
temn'd and lookt upon as Barbarians come from the other
part of the World. But now that they find that Strangers
come to find them out in their own Territories, they begin
to ſee that other People have as good Government as them-
felves; which has bred in them a deſire to Converſe and
Trade with Foreigners; fo that now they affociate them-
feives in friendly manner with all other People, as I have
obferv'd them to do both at Batavia and Bantam.
people believe this Country to lye in a very hot Climate ;
nevertheleſs it is now known to be very temperate, by
reafon of the great number of Rivers that water it; which,
together with the Rains that fall in their Seafons, caufe a
brisk freſhneſs of the Air; which indeed happ'ns moſt
uſually over all the Torrid-zone, as I have obferv'd in my
Indian Travels. From whence we may alſo have reaſon
to believe the Country to be very fruitful and thick inha-
bited.
Mort
To the Eaft this Kingdom lies upon the Province of Cau-
ton, one of the beft of China:
To the Weft it is bounded by the Kingdom of Brama.
To the North it borders upon two other Provinces of
China, Jumman and Quanfi.
To the South it lies upon Cochinchina, and the great Gulph
of the fame name.
To return to the Climate, the Air is fo mild and tem-
perate, that all the year long feems to be but one continual
Spring; Froft and Snow are never there to be feen; and
befides,
6
A New and Particular Relation of the
beſides, the Peftilence, the Gout, the Stone, and other
Diſeaſes ſo frequent in Europe,there are never known. There
are but two Winds, which divide the whole Year between
them ;
the one blowing from the North, the other from
the South, and both continuing the fame for fix months
together. The first refreshes the Earth in that manner, that
there is nothing fo delightful as the Country of Tunquin.
The other begins to blow from the end of January to the
end of July; and the two laft months are their months
of rain. The greateſt inconvenience is, that there
arife once in feaven years, as well in this Country as
in other parts of the Indies, thofe hideous and terrible
Tempeſts, that blow down Houſes, tear up Trees
tear up
by the roots, and make ſtrange Deſolations. They feldom
laft above four and twenty hours, nor are their fad Effects
to be felt but only upon the Seas of China, Japon, Cochin-
china, Tunquin, and the Manilles, being rarely known in any
other Seas.
The Aftrologers of thoſe parts believe that theſe terrible
Tempefts proceed from the Exhalations that rife out of the
Mines of Japon. It comes with that fuddain force that when
it furprizes a Veffel out at Sea, the Pilots have no other
remedy then to cut down all the Mafts, that the ſtorm
may have the leſs force upon the Ship.
In this fair extent of Land, almoſt equal to that of France,
are ſeveral Provinces, whoſe limmits are not well known;
the Tunquinefes being no great Geographers, nor having bin
over curious to write the Annals of the Nation. But the
moſt underſtanding and knowing among them affur'd me at
Batavia, that the whole Kingdom contain'd above twenty
thouſand Cities and Towns. They alſo affirm'd that there
might be many more, but after the manner of their Neigh-
bours the Cochinchinefes, many of the People chooſe rather to
upon the Water then upon the Land; fo that you ſhall ſee
e the greateſt part of their Rivers coverd with Boates,
which ferve them inſtead of Houſes; and which are very
neat, though they alſo keep their Cattel in them.
CHAP.
Kingdom of TuNQUIN.
7
!
CHAP. III
Of the Quality of the Kingdom of Tunquin.
T
His Country for the moft part is a level Extent,
which riſes up and down into pleaſant Hillocks;
the greateft Hills which it has lying to the North.
It is water'd by feveral Rivers which inter-cut and glide
through the Country: fome of which carry Galleys of
good burthen, and large Shallops, very commodious for
trade. Yet in all the Country there grows neither Corn
nor Wine, by reaſon of the want of rain, which never falls
but in the Months of June and July. But it bears an infinite
quantity of Rice, which is the chief fuftenance of the
People. Of this Rice alfo they make their Drink, befides
which they have good Aqua Vite or Strong-water. Their
Fruits are excellent, but much different from ours, as are alſo
the Trees that bear them. The chiefeft of theſe Trees are
the Palm-tree, which bears a Fruit bigger then in any part
of Afia.
The Nut is about the bignels of a Man's Head,
in fhape like a Coco-nut; the Shell is very hard, and being
open'd, the Pulp within is as white as Snow, having a taft
like our Almonds, and every one of the Fruits contains
about two glafsfuls of Liquor, very refreshing and pleafing
to the Palate. The Gogavier, very much refembles our
Lawrel, of which there are two forts; the one bears a
Plum, green without and red within: but the Fruit of the
other Tree, which is in much more efteem, is yellowish
without and white within, the top of the Fruit being like a
fmall Nofegay: the Pulp is full of fmall Kernels, lefs then
thofe of a Pomegranate; and if they be eaten before they
are ripe they bind the belly, whereas being eaten when
they are come to full maturity they work a contrary effect.
Formerly this Fruit was not known in the Kingdom of Tun-
quin, but after the Portug feated themselves at Macao, they
carri'd ſeveral Plants thither, fo that now the Fruit is grown
very common. The Papager bears a Fruit which very much
reſembles a ſmall Melon, the taft whereof is very delicious.
The Arager grows upright and freight, like the Maft of a
Ship,
8
A New and Particular Relation of the
Ship, bearing no Branches but at the top
no Branches but at the top, which makes it
appear like a Crown. The Fruit which it produces is like a
Nutmeg, but a little more round. The People break this
Nut, and bruifing it together with Betle leaves,mix both with
a little Chalk, and make uſe of the Powder to keep their
Teeth clean, to dye their Lips of a Vermilion colour, and to
keep their Breath ſweet.
They have but two forts of Figs, the one like ours, and
the other like thoſe which are call'd Adam's Figs, as long as a
Man's finger.
There is alſo another Tree, very like our Willow, which
they call the Powder Tree, becauſe that of the Wood they
make Charcoal, and of the Coal a Powder which they make
ufe of in their Wars.
The Jambager is another Tree, that grows very high;
which bears a Fruit about the bigness of a Citrul-Cucum-
ber, the Pulp whereof is full of Kernels like a Granate, very
cooling and pleaſant, and very frequently eaten in the Seaſon
of heat.
The High-ways are alfo planted with Trees on both fides
for the convenience of Travellers: And there are ſome of
theſe Trees ſo big that two or three thouſand men may ſtand
under them, like that at Ormus, or Bandar Abaffi, by me
deſcrib'd in my Relations of Perfia, and of which many
other Travellers have made mention. When the Branches
of theſe Trees are about ten or twelve foot long, there iffue
forth other little Branches which turn downward, and by
little and little defcending to the ground, take root and
afterwards become as it were fo many Pillars to ſupport the
Mafter-Branches. There are fome of the Mafter-Branches
three hundred Paces long, which are fupported by theſe out-
growing Branches at the diftance of every ten or twelve
foot. The Fruit is of the bigness of one of our great Nuts,
the Shell whereof is red, containing within nothing but a
Kernel like a grain of Millet. The Rere Mice feed upon 'em,
and alfo make their Nefts in the trees. Thefe Rere-mice
are as big as a good Pullet, infomuch that their Wings are
above a foot and a half long. They never light upon the
tree like other Birds, but you fhall fee them all the day long
hanging at the branches of the trees, faften'd by their Claws
to the tree with their heads downward. Upon every Wing
they
Kingdom of Tu N QUIN.
9
they have ſeven as it were little Hooks or Claws, fo that
being fhot, they never fall to the ground, but remain fixed
to the branches,that at a distance you would take them to be
fome great Pears that hung upon the tree. They are ac-
counted a great dainty among the Portugal, who leave their
Pullers to eat them. 'Tis true that their Flefh is very white;
and when they are young they are a delicate fort of Diet.
I happen'd to eat of them two or three times with the Por-
tugals, who thought they had oblig'd me with a great dainty
and had I not known what they were, I fhould have taken
them for Pullets. And now I am talking of the Delicacies
of the Country, I will tell you of one fort of Dyet which
is very fingular. This Food is the Neft of a certain Bird
which is no where to be found, but in the four lands that
lie upon the Coaft of Cochinchina, and of which you have
the Figures in the Table 4, B, C, D. Thefe Birds are about
the bigness of a Swallow, and build their Nefts in fuch a
manner, that they are neither too cloſe compacted, nor alto-
gether transparent; they are like an Onion compos'd of
feveral rings and envelopings; that compoſe a Neft of a cer-
tain fort of Gunim, which is fteep'd in warm water,and mix'd
with all the Sawces which are made both for Fish and Fleſh,
It is tranſported all over India and into Holland for Curioficie's
fake. You would believe in eating thofe Meats which are
feafon'd therewith, that thofe Nefts were compos'd of all
the Spices in the Orient. I have not only brought this Diet
into France, and prefented of it to ſeveral Perfons of Quality,
but I have allo my Vouchers for the truth of what I relate,
feveral of my Friends who have brought it from Helland,
among the reſt M. de Villermont, whofe Name is famous for
his Travels into the East-Indies. He and all thofe that have
eat thereof agree with me, that all the Spices of the Eaſt
put together, do not give that effectual relifh and favour
as thele Nefts do, to the Meats and Diſhes wherein they
are us'd.
Near to theſe four Iflands, where thefe Birds Nefts are
found, are five others mark'd in the Map 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.
In thefe five Iflands are fuch infinite number of Tortoifes, and
fuch excellent Food, that the Tunquinefes and Cochinchinefes do
not believe they have entertain'd their Friends at a Banquet
as they ought to do, till the Tortoifes are brought in. Thole
C
TWO
10
A New and Particular Relation of the
two Nations pickle up great quantities of them, and fend
them abroad, which is a vaft trade among them; and indeed
the chiefeft occafion of the Wars between them is, becauſe
the Cochinchinefes do all they can to hinder the Tunquineſes to
fifh for them, alledging that thofe Seas and Iflands belong
to them. Neither is the Meat but the Shell alfo of great
eſteem, and one of the greateſt Commodities for Trade in
Afia.
Tunquin alfo affords great ftore of Anana's and Orange
trees, of which there are of two forts: the one that bears
a Fruit no bigger then an Abricot; the other bigger then
thole of Portugal: both alike in taft, and being to be gather'd
from the tree for fix months together. They have alſo two
forts of Citrons, the one yellow, the other green; but both
the one and the other fo tart and fow'r, that they cannot be
eaten without offence to the Stomach. Nevertheleſs, the
Juyce is made ufe of as we do here of Aqua fortis, to cleanſe
Copper, Tin, and Iron, before we gild thoſe Metals, as
alfo for Tinctures, eſpecially thoſe of Silk. They are alſo
made uſe of for Lyes to whiten Linnen, and to take out
Spots. Through all the Territories of the Great Mogul they
make uſe of this Juyce of Citrons to whiten their Calicuts;
whereby they make them fometimes fo white that they dazle
the fight.
;
They make great quantities of Silk in the Kingdom of
Tunquin, of which both rich and poor make themſelves
Garments. The Hollanders, who thruſt themſelves in every
where, where there is any hope of gain, carry off fuch a
quantity every year, that it is now become the chiefeft part
of that Commodity which they carry to Japan; whereas
before they fetch'd their Commodities from Perfia, Bengala,
or China.
As for ſweet ſmelling Flow'rs, the Tunquinefes have but
one fort, which they call the Flow'r of Bague. It grows
like a large Noſegay, and the Branches of the Shrub that
bear it, fpread themſelves crawlingly upon the ground. As
they have great ſtore of Sugar, fo they eat very much, while
it is yet in the Cane, not having the true Art to refine it: and
that which they do grofly refine, they make into little Loaves
weighing about half a pound. They eat very much, making
uſe of it always after Meals to help digeftion.
Through
Kingdom of Tu N QUI N.
ii
Through the whole Kingdom are neither Lions, Affes,
nor Sheep; but the Forefts are full of Tigers, Harts, and
Apes, and the Fields are full of Beeves, Cows, and Hogs.
As for Hens, Ducks, and Turtles, they are not to be nun-
ber'd, which is the general Proviſion for their Feſtivals.
Their Horſes are very well fhap'd; of which there are
always five or fix hunder'd in the King's Stables; He allo
keeps the fame number of Elephants, of which fome aré
for the Service of his Houſe, the reft bred for the Wars.
Theſe Elephants are of a prodigious bignefs, neither arè
there any
fo tall nor fo nimble in any part of Afia; for they
will bow themſelves, and ſtoop fo low, that you may get
upon their backs without help. They have no Cats, but
they have Dogs that ferve for the fame purpoſe, and will
watch all night to kill the Rats and Mice, which are very
large and very troublefom. Very few Birds are to be ſeen
in the Air, which toward the evening grows duskifh, bý
reafon of thofe vaft number of Gnats that get into the
Houtes in the night time and hinder people from fleeping,
not only by the noiſe which they make, but with their con-
tinual ftinging; which is one of the greateſt inconveniencies
of the Country. For remedy whereof in fome meaſure,
an hour before they go to fleep they take the Husk or Chaff
of the Rice,which flies from the Rice when it is beaten, and
ftrew it upon a ſmall Fire in a Fire-fhovel, and fo let it fmoak,
and by that means they kill or drive thofe Flies-away. Be.
fides this, they cover the Bed with a Pavilion or Tent that
trails upon the ground, made like a Net with very ſmall
holes to let in the Air. But notwithſtanding all the pre-
vention can be us'd, they will be about a man when he rifes
i' the morning. But there is yet a a far greater inconvenience
in this Country, which proceeds from the infinite numbers of
white Emmets, which though they are but little, have teethi
fo fharp, that they will eat down a wooden Poft in a ſhort
time. And if great care be not taken in the places where
you lock up your Bales of Silk, in four and twenty hours
they will eat through a Bale,as if it had been faw'd in two in
the middle. Several of them have fallen from the Ciel-
ing into my Neck, where they rais'd Blifters upon the
Skin, which preſently fall again being wafh'd with cold
Water.
C 2
I have
12
A New and Particular Relation of the
I have told you that Hens and Ducks are infinitely nume-
rous in Tunquin, I will now tell you how they preferve the
Eggs of theſe Creatures, which they will keep for two or three
years together without being fpoil d. They falt them, and
to make them take falt, they fill a Veffel full of Water, and
throw a good quantity of Salt into it. If the Egg fink to
the bottom, the Pickle is not good, then they throw in
more Salt, till they find that the Eggs ſwim. The Pickle
being thus made, they take Afhes, and make them up into
a Paft with this Pickle: and in this Paft they encloſe every
Egg by it felf, and then wrap it up in a leaf of an Herb,
not unlike one of our Pear-tree leaves, but much larger, and
then put the Eggs into Earthen Pots cloſe cover'd: after
which manner they keep their Eggs for two or three years
together.
,
In other parts of the Indies where there is great ſtore of
Oyl, as in the Dominions of the Great Mogul, the Kingdoms
of Pegu, and Arochan, they put their Eggs into great Earthen
Pots well varniſh'd, and then fill the Veffel with an Oyl
which is made of a fmall Seed like Rape-feed. For as for
Sallad Oyl, after you are once pafs'd Aleppo, you fee no more
Olive-trees over all Afia, but only in one place of Perfia near
Casbin, where between the Mountains lies a little Valley
about a League long and half a League broad, full of Olive-
trees, but they make but very little Oyl, preſerving the
Olives only to eat. But to return to the Eggs; they are the
chief Provision which they eat a Ship-board. But the Eggs
which are preſerv'd in Salt are preferr'd much before thofe
that are kept in Oyl, becauſe that in ufing the firft, there is
no need of carrying Salt to Sea, or of boiling Salt with their
Rice. When they eat them, they boil them till they are
hard, and with every mouthful of Rice they eat a Pea's
bignefs of Egg, which is as good and better then Salt with
their Rice. As to what remains, there are neither Mines of
Gold nor Silver in the Kingdom of Tunquin, neither do they
Coin any Money.
CHAP.
Kingdom of TuNQUIN,
13
CHA P. IV.
Of the Riches, Trade, and Money of the
Kingdom of Tunquin.
T
HE chief Riches of the Country of Tunquin confift iri
the great quantity of Silks which they fell to the
Hollanders, and other Foreigners, and in theit Lig-
num Aloes. Of which there is fome worth a thouſand Crowns
the Pound, according to its goodneſs and oylineſs. There
is fome that is not worth above three Crowns, but it is dry
and good for nothing but to make Cabinets, or Beads to
hang about Womens Necks: All the Mahumetans, eſpecially
fuch as let their Beards grow, make great account of this
Wood; and when they give a Vifit, they prefently bring a
little Chafing-difh, and caft a ſmall piece of this Wood
upon the Coals, which yields a fmoak and pleaſing mift;
with which they perfume their Beards, at the fame time
lifting up their hands to Heaven, and crying, Elhemed Illah;
or God be thanked. If the Wood be oily, the bignefs of a Pea
will ſerve to throw upon the fire, which being a little
moiſten'd in Water, will yield as much fmoak as a dry piece
as big as a Man's fift. Which is the reaſon, that if it be
oily and good it wants no price. One of the chief Prefents,
as I have obferv'd in another part of this Book, which
the Portugals of Goa fent to the Emperor of Japon, was a
piece of Lignum Aloes, fix foot long, and two round.
coft 40000 Pardo's or 54000 Livres.
15
It
It is fo much the more pleaſure and profit to trade with
the People of Tunquin, by how much the more faithful and
frank they are in their dealing then the Chinefes, who will
deceive you if they can fo that it is a hard thing to be too
cunning for them, as I have often found by experience.
When you have fold them any Commodity, and they find
that their Bargain is not very advantageous, their general
way of getting off is this: As they have generally three
forts of Reals, one fort that is full weight, others which arc
light, four, others eight per Cent. if they have no mind to
ftand to their bargain, they offer to pay you for your Goods
in'
1
14
A New and Particular Relation of the
=
+
1
you
in light Reals, which they have clipt themſelves, and ſo
you are deceiv'd. There are no fuch People for Trade in
the World they refuſe to deal in nothing, even in old
Shoes, and if will fell them but one of them too, they'l
buy it, without ever enquiring why you will not fell the
other. But for thoſe of Tunquin they are more blunt and
plain in their dealing, fo that it is a pleaſure to have to deal
with them. I have told you, there are neither Mines of
Gold or Silver in Tunquin, neither do they Coin Money
there. So that in Trade they make uſe of certain Lingots
of Gold, as they are brought out of China, ſome of which
amount to 300 Livres of our Money, others to fix hun-
der'd. They alfo make uſe of Bars of Silver as they are
brought from Japon. As for fmall Payments they either
cut the large Bars into fmall pieces, to which purpoſe they
have their Scales, like our Stelleers; or elfe they pay in
Foreign Coin, which are the Reals of Spain generally. This
Gold and Silver is brought from China, and Japon, in lieu
of thoſe vaſt quantities of Silk which are exported out of the
Country, which with Musk and Lignum Aloes are the chief
Riches of the Kingdom.
-
CHA P. V.
Of the Strength of the Kingdom of Tunquin
by Sea and Land.
T
Hey who have written before me concerning the
Kingdom of Tunquin, have ſpoken largely of its
Forces both by Sea and Land, and allow it a pro-
digious number both of Souldiers and Galleys. They write
that the Forces which were ufually wont to meet at the Ren-
devouz were 12000 Horie, 2000 Elephants, as well to carry
the King's and the Nobilities Tents and Baggage, as for the
Service of the War, 300000 Foot, and 300 Galleys. And
in regard the Kingdom is well ftor'd with Provifion and
Ammunition, that in time of War the whole Army ex-
ceeds 500000 Men. But the number which my Brother
Law
page. 14 Tunquin.
T
134
O o O o O o O o O o d o o o O o v
PALLICE OF THE KİNG .
SYAWSHASYAVAY
།།ོན་
A
ព
Order of The March of The king of Tunquin When he goes out of his Pallice.
3
الالازق
The order & March of The king of Tunquin When He goes To Warr:
Kingdom of Tu N QU }
15
IN.
ſaw in the year 1649, when the King was preparing to
make War againſt the King of Cochinchina, for certain Ships
which the Cochinchinefes had taken from the Tunquinefes
though the Quarrel was taken up by certain Embaſſadors
which the King of Cochinchina fent to the King of Tunquin, to
whom the former made fatisfaction.
The Army that was then prepar'd to march upon this
Expedition was compos'd of 8000 Horſe, 94 thouſand Foot,
and 722 Elephants; 130 for the War,and the reft to carry the
Tents and Baggage of the King and the Nobility; and 318
Galleys and Barks, very long and narrow, with Oars and
Sails; and this was that which my Brother faw. The Con-
dition of the Souldiery is very toilſom and laborious, and
of little advantage in the Kingdom of Tunquin. For they
are all their life time fo ti'd and engag'd to the Service of
the Wars, that though they are capable of other Labours
for the fupport of their Families, they are not permitted to
undertake it. Thoſe days that they are not upon the Guard,
they are oblig'd to attend their Captains where-ever they
go, and two days in a week they are compell'd to Exercife
with their Bows and Arrows in their prefence. Their Com-
panies conſiſt of a hundred or a hundred and thirty Men;
and they of each Company that have made the beſt ſhot,
have one of them two Months Wages, the other one, which
is paid them in Rice. He that makes the worſt ſhot, next
time he mounts the Guard, is oblig'd to ftand Centinel
double his time. All the Captains look upon it as a great
piece of glory to have their Souldiers Arms and Weapons
neat and bright. If they find any ruft upon them, they
fconce them eight days Wages for the firſt fault, and for the
fecond they are very feverely chaftis'd. As for thofe that
ferve in the Galleys, they are entertain'd and lifted propor-
tionably. And fometimes the Captains fend their Souldiers
aboard for ſome days, that they may learn to row.
is one of the chiefeft Paftimes of the Kings of Tunquin to ſee
the Mock-fights of the Galleys. When he has a mind to
delight himſelf with this Divertisment, the King, with fome
part of his Court, removes to one of his fair Palaces, that
tands upon one of the largeſt Rivers in his Country; and
it is a great Honour for any of the Captains whofe Souldiers
carry the Victory. Now as the Victory is only got by the
For it
force
16
A New and Particular Relation of the
force of the Oars, it happens fometimes that there are fome
Souldiers who ftrain themſelves fo hard, that they fall down
dead with the Oar in their hands: for the King is the only
Judge of the Combat. Wherein the pleaſure that he takes
is fuch, that he fends an Elephant to the Captain that obtains
the Victory, and gives him three Months Wages befides.
If any Souldier chance to die in this Exerciſe, his Widow
or his Heirs have two years Pay. But notwithſtanding all
their pain and labour, their Wages are fo fmall, that they
are not able to maintain their Wives and Children. But in
regard they Marry very young in this Country, the Wives
as well of the Souldiers as of all the meaner fort of people,
take care to learn fome Trade beſides, that they may be
able to maintain their Families. The Captains alfo have
their work prepar'd for them. For they are oblig'd to look
after the King's Elephants, and to manage them for the
Wars, and fo to breed them, that they may not be afraid of
Wild-fire, or any other Artificial Fires as alfo to build
places all along the Rivers, for the Galleys to ride fhelter'd
in, when they can no longer live out at Sea. All theſe Offi-
cers and Captains, and Lords of the Court, which are gene-
rally call'd Mandarins, have but four days in a Month to
divert themſelves, two at the firſt change of the Moon, and
two at the full.
CHAP. VI.
Of the Manners and Customs of the People of
the Kingdom of Tunquin.
T
He People of Tunquin are naturally mild and peace-
ful, fubmitting eaſily to reaſon, and condemning
the Tranſports of Choler. They eſteem the Ma-
nufactures of ftrange Countries far beyond thofe of their
own; though they are not very curious of ſeeing any other
Countries but thoſe where they were born; and where, as
they fay, they always defire to live, to honour the Memory
of their Anceſtors. They have a tone in ſpeaking, natu-
rally
page4
ין
. 17. Tungun.
2
1
3
6
ས་
5
N1 The Great Chancellor of The Kingdome of Junquin. 2:3: 4 The Mandarins Or Officers of Warr. 5 Cheif Chancellor of all The
Jurisdictions of The Kingdom. 6: 7 Mandarins. of Learning or officers of Judicature.: 8 The Chief Usher.
8
Kingdom of Tu N QUIN
17
rally ſoft and pleaſing; happy memories, and in their Lan-
guage, which is very florid, they uſe ſeveral appoſite Com-
parifons. They have good Poets among them, and People
that love Learning; in which refpect they are no way infe
riour to the Chinefer, their Neighbours.
The Tunquinefes, as well Men as Women, afe for the moſt
part well proportion'd, of an Olive Complexion, verý
much admiring the whiteness of the Europeans. Their Noles
and Faces are not fo flat as thofe of the Chinefes, as being
generally better made. Their Hair is very black, which
they uſually wear as long as it will grow, being very care-
ful in combing it. The Common People plait it in treiles,
and tie it like a great Roll upon the top of their Heads.
But the Nobility, Men of Law, and Souldiers, tie their
Locks about their Necks, that they may not flutter in their
Faces. They do not believe their Teeth to be handfom, till
they have made them as black as jet; and they fuffer their
Nails to grow, the longest being accounted the faireft.
any
Their Habit is grave and modeft, being a long Robe that
reaches down to their heels, much like that of the Japonnefes
without diftinction of Sex. This Habit is bound about
at the walt with a Girdle of Silk, interwoven with Gold
and Silver, the Workmanſhip whereof is alike on both
fides. As for the Souldiers, their upper Garments reach no
farther then their Knces; only their Breeches reach down to
the mid Leg, without either Hofe or Shoes.
The vulger fort of People are altogether flaves for one
part of the year. For unless they be the Citizens of the
Capital City, where the King keeps his Court, all the other
Handicrafts of what Trade foever, as Joyners, Carpenters,
Lockſmiths, Mafons, and the like, are oblig'd every year to
work three Months at the King's Palace; and two Months,
or Moons more (For the Tunquinefes reckon their Months by
the Moon) for the Mandarins, or great Lords. The reft of
the year
is for themſelves, all which time they have liberty
to work for the fupport of their own Family. This Service
in their Language is call d Viecquan, or the Condition of a
Slave. But they are liable to other drudgeries worſe ther
thoſe before mention'd; as to lop Trees, with which they
chiefly feed their Elephants. This is a fevere days work, to
which they were condemn'd by the great Grandfather of
D
the
1
18
A-New and Particular Relation of the
the King that now reigns, after he had put an end to the
Civil Wars that turmoil'd his Kingdom, and that he had
brought his rebellious Subjects to fubmit themſelves. They
had occafion'd him a great deal of trouble, and in regard
he could not fubdue them without a great hazard of his
Army, his Council advis'd him to famiſh them; but he ra
ther choſe to give them their Lives, and to condemn them
and their Pofterity to this laborious Service, of which he
might in time reap the benefit.
I have told you elſewhere that the Tunquinefes take great
delight to live upon the Rivers, which are there free from
Crocodiles and all other dangerous Animals, which haunt
the Waters of Nile and Ganges. Where we are to obſerve,
that theſe Rivers overflow their Banks every year, after the
Rains are fall'n, with that terrible violence, that many times
they carry away whole Towns and Villages, at what time
a good part of the Kingdom looks like a Sea, reſembling
the lower Egypt under Water upon the Inundation of Nile.
CHAP. VII.
Of the Marriages of the Tunquinefes, and their
Severity toward Adultereffes.
T
HE Tunquinefes cannot Marry without the conſent
of the Father and Mother, or if they be dead, with-
out the allowance of their neareſt Kindred. They
muſt alſo have the permiffion of the Judge or Governour of
the place where the Marriage is to be made, for the obtain-
ing of which they must give him fome Prefent. But in regard
they were wont to exact upon the poor people more then
they were able to give them, fo that many Marriages were
difappointed, to the great damage of the Public; the King,
who reign'd in the year 1639, being inform'd of theſe Extor-
tions, and their ill Confequences, fet forth a Law to regu-
late thoſe Abuſes, and to curb the Authority of the Gover-
nours. He order'd that the young Man who was defirous
to Marry, ſhould pay no more then fuch a Sum, according
4
to
Kingdom of TuNQUIN
19
two
to the proportion of his Eftate, amounting to one or tŴO
-fourths per Cent and that they that were not worth above a
hundred Crowns ſhould pay nothing. Now in regard the
Common People, both Men and Women, are naturally
laborious, all that the Maids can get they preferve for their
Portions, and to buy them two or three handfom Garments,
with a Neck-lace of Coral or yellow Amber, and a certain.
number of Beads, to garnish their Locks; which they fuffer
to hang down upon their Backs, accounting the beauty of
their Hair to conlift in the length.
+
There is no Wedding kept without a great Feaft; and
they must be very poor when the Feaft lasts not above three
days; for fometimes they junket for nine days together.
The next day after the Wedding the Bridgroom calls the
Bride his Sifter, and the calls the Bridegroom Brother. The
Law of the Land permits the Man to divorce his wife when
he pleafes, which they do many times for very flight caules.
But the Woman has not the fame Priviledge: or at leaſt, if
fhe defire a feparation, it is much more difficult to obtain;
and the occaſion must be very notorious. The Tunquinefes
fay that this Law was made to keep the Women in fub-
jection, and to oblige them to be refpectful to their Plusbands.
When the Husband defires this feparation, the Ceremony is
this. You muſt know that many of the Eastern People
never touch their Victuals with their hands, but make ule
of two little ſticks about fix inches long, gilt and varniſh'd,
which ſerve them inſtead of Forks. The Husband then,
when he goes about to repudiate his Wife, takes one of his
own ſticks, and one of his Wife's, and having broken them,
they take cach one half, and fow it up in a piece of Silk, in
which they keep it. Then the Man is bound to restore the
Woman what the brought with her, and to keep the Chil-
dren which they had between them. But thefe Divorces
are not half fo frequent as formerly.
The Laws are alſo very rigorous againſt Adultereffes. So
that if a woman accus'd of this crime be convicted thereof,
ſhe is caft to an Elephant bred up to this purpoſe, who pre-
fently throws her up into the Air with his Trunk, and when
The comes to the ground, tramples her under his feet, till he
can perceive no life in her.
While my Brother was at the Court at Tunquin, he was a
D 2
witness
+
A New and Particular Relation of the
20
witneſs of the fevere Puniſhment, to which a Princess was
condemn'd, for being taken in the Act with a certain Prince.
It is the Cuſtom in the Eaft, when a Prince dies, to fhut up
in the moſt private and retir'd part of all his Palace all the
women which he made uſe of in his life time. There they
are allow'd two Maids to attend them, they eat alone, and
ſee no perſon living any more to the very day of their deaths.
I cannot tell by what means one of the Princes of the blood
had got a view of one of the deceaſed King his Uncle's
wives; but being defirous to fee her again, and to overcome
all difficulties that oppos'd him, and to deceive the Guards
that watch'd the Dores, he made ufe of a flight not eaſily diſ
cover'd. For you muſt know, that in the Kingdom Tunquin,
as in all the Kingdoms of Afia, in the Houfes of the Kings
and other great Lords, the Kitchin is ufually feparated from
the Houſe, and that the Garden is between them; fo that for
the better carrying the Meat from one place to another, the
Servants make ufe of a kind of Flasket, or rather Iron
Gheft. And to keep the Meat warm, the Diſhes are fup-
ported by little ſticks laid athwart, about an inch diftant
one from another, under which is an Iron Plate with holes
pierc'd quite through, about half a foot above another,
which makes the bottom of the Cheft; between which
Plates they put lighted Coals, to keep the Meat warm.
Theſe Chefts being to be carri'd by two men, the Tunquine fe
Prince plaid his game fo well, that he was put into one of
theſe Chefts wherein the Princeffes Meat was wont to be
carri'd up into her Apartment. But he was not there many
days before the thing was diſcover'd. He was preſently
brought before the King, who caus'd him to have feveral
weighty Chains to be put about his Neck and Waft, and
upon his Hands and Leggs; and thus chain'd and manacled,
he order'd him to be led about for five Months together,
to be ſeen by the People. After that he was thut up in a
cloſe Priſon, where he remain'd ſeven years, till the death
of the King, whofe Son coming to the Throne, fet him at
liberty, upon condition he ſhould ferve as a private Souldier
upon the Frontiers of the Kingdom. As for the Princeſs
ſhe was ſhut up in a little Chamber upon the top of a
Tow'r, where the remain'd twelve days without having
any thing given her to eat or drink; after that the Chamber
was
1
Kingdom of Tu N QUI N.
was all uncover'd at the top, that the fun might come at
her, and ſcorch her to death, and fo fhe di'd in three days.
The two Maids that ferv'd her had a little more favour, for
they were thrown to the Elephants, who prefently trod
them to death. The two Porters of the Cheft, or Flasket,
were ti'd to four fmall Galleys, by the two Hands, and
two Leggs, and as they Row'd ſeveral ways were pre-
fently difmembred. Being at Daca, in the Kingdom of
Bengala, I ſaw the fame Juſtice done to a Bramerè, who
would have betraid Cha-Eft-Can to the King of Arachan.
CHAP. VIII.
Of the Vifits, Feasts, and Pastimes of the
Tunquineſes.
A
Mong all the Eaftern People the Tunquineſes are the
moſt fociable, and moſt frequently vifit one ano-
ther. Generally they make their Viſits about Noon,
in the hotteſt time of the day, and then every one walks
with a Train fuitable to his Condition. The Princes and
Mandarines ride upon their Elephants, or elſe they are carri'd
in a kind of Litter, where they may either fit or lie. Six
Men carry it, and behind them follow fix more to eaſe them
by times. Their Train confifts generally of fifty or fixty
Perfons; neither are they permitted to exceed that number.
As for the ordinary Gentry, and Officers of the Court, they
ride a Horſe-back, not being allow'd above ſeven or eight
Servants to attend them. They chew Betlè continually, as
all the other Afiaticks do in fuch places where it is to be had.
And when any one comes to vifit another, it would be
taken for a great affront, if at his taking leave, he fhould
not be preſented with a Box of Betle, to take what he
pleas'd.
The richer that Box is, the more Honour is given to the
Perſon to whom the Betle is prefented: Infomuch that when
a Prince is about to be marri'd, he ufually fends three of
theſe Boxes to his Spouſe, of which I have feen fome at
the
22
A New and Particular Relation of the
the Apartments of fome of the Princes that came to the
Court of the Great Mogul, which were worth above 4 or
500000 Livres : One Thall be cover'd with Diamond's, ano-
ther with Rubies and Pearls, another with Emraulds and
Pearls, or elſe with other Jewels.
The Tunquinefes take it for a great difhonour to have their
Heads bare, which is only for Criminals, whom they cauſe
to be fhay'd fo foon as they are taken: So that it is a diffi-
cult thing for a Criminal to escape the hands of Juftice, for
wherever they go, when they find that a man has no Hair,
he is taken and carri'd to the Governour, who cauſes him to
be nail'd to a Crofs immediately.
They fit cross legg'd, after the manner of the Afiatic
People. At great mens Houſes, in the Halls, where they
receive their Vifits, there is as it were an Alcove, with a kind
of a Bedſted rais'd about a foot from the ground. It is
cover'd with a very fine Mat, made of little Reeds bound
together, as it were with fine thread. For it is not the
Cuſtom to spread Carpets upon the Floors, as in other
Countries of Afta. Not that the deerness hinders them from
making ufe of them, for thefe Mats 'coft them more then a
fine Perfian or Indian Carpet would do, but becatife they are
cooler to fit upon, and becauſe the Punies do not get fo eafily
into them. Being at Bantam I bought one of thefe Mats of
a Tunquinefe, which was admir'd for its fineness. It was nine
Ells fquare, and as even and as foft as Velvet. With theſe
Mats they cover the Beds or Couches, upon which the Man-
darins, or Princes, and the Nobilty which accompany them,
ſeat themſelves round the Chamber, every one having one
Cuſhion under him, and another at his Back.
As for their Diet the Tunquinefes are not very curious. The
Common People are contented with Rice boil'd in water,
and dri'd Fiſh, or falted Eggs. For as for Flefh they eat
none but at their Feftivals. The great Lords are ferv'd every
day with Flefh and Fifh, but their Cooks know not what
belongs to bak'd Meats. Otherwife they are more neat in
their Kitchins and Chambers then we, only they make no
ufe either of Napkins or Table-cloaths. Whatever is ſet
before them to eat, is ferv'd in little Plates, not fo big as
our Trenchers, being made of wood lacker'd with all forts
of Flow'rs, like the Cabinets which are brought from Japan.
All
Tunquin page 23
JAUN
וא
N
ستيل
AUBATE
VODITE
MUTU
躁
​i
The Reprotonation of & Theatre where they, let their Comedies for the Divertigement of & King of Tunquin and his Court.
Vine Kings Box & the box for i to Tedges who prefide at y Comedies, 3&4the Princes Boxes 5. the Theatre for the Actors 6. the Machines and decoration.
ý
Kingdom of TuNQUIN.
23
All theſe Plates are brought up, rang'd in order, in a large
Voyder, lacker'd like the Plates. Ulually the Voyder holds
ten or twelve Plates, and the Meat is cut in little pieces,
about the bigness of a Hazle Nut. They make ufe neither
of Spoons, nor Knives, nor Forks, but only of thofe little
Sticks, of which I have made mention in the foregoing
Chapter, never touching their Meat with their fingers..
When there are ſeveral fitting at the Table, either at their
ordinary Meals, or upon fome Feſtival, they account it a
great piece of Manners to be filent; or if they have a deſire
to Difcourfe, they alway allow the Eldeft the honour of
beginning, bearing a great refpect to them that are aged.
But the Youngest, at the Table, is never permitted to begin
the Difcourfe. They waſh their Hands, their Mouths, and
Faces before they fit down, but never after Meals. And
when they defire to know whether every one has had his
fill, they ask him whether he have eaten his Rice, according
to the Cuſtom of the Ancient Fathers in Scripture, who, by
Bread, meant the whole Repaft. Neither is it a Cuſtom
among them to ask one another how they do? but how
many Meaſures of Rice he eat for his Dinner, and whether
he eat with an Appetite. This is a general Cuſtom among
all the Idolatrous Indians, unleſs in the Dominions of the
Great Mogul, where they eat not Rice only, but Bread, and
there they ask in civility how much Rice they boil'd, and
how much Meal they bak'd for Bread; for the more he eats,
the better in health they think a man is.
Among all the Paftimes of the Tunquinefes there are none
wherein they take ſo much delight as in Comedies, which
are only Acted in the Night-time; but thoſe which are pre-
fented the day that they firft behold the new Moon are the
beft. They laft from Sun-fetting to Sun-rifing, and they
are fet out with beautiful Decorations and Machines, very
pleafing to behold. They are excellently well skill d in
reprefenting the Sea and Rivers, and making a fhew of Sea-
fights, and Combats between Galleys and Barks, though
they have feldom more then eight Actors, Men and Women.
The places appointed for theſe fights, are great Halls, the
third part whereof the Theater takes up, the reft being fill'd
with. Benches for the Spectators. Upon each fide of the
Theater is a Box very fumptuouſly ſet out, referv'd for the
King,
24
A New and Particular Relation of the
King when he pleaſes to come.
The Actors and Actreffes
are very magnificently clad. The drefs for the Womens
heads being a kind of Miter or Diadem, which exceedingly
becomes them, from the hinder part whereof two Ribonds,
three fingers broad, hang down below their wafts. Both
the one and the other Act their parts very perfectly, and,
according to their manner, obferve an exact time in their
Dancing.
At one of the corners of the Hall fit the two Judges of
the Comedy, one of whom beats time upon a Braſs Drum.
Their other ordinary Paftimes, eſpecially for the Lords and
Mandarins, are Fiſhing and Hunting, though they take
more pleaſure in the former, by reafon of the plenty of
Fiſh which their Rivers afford them. But, as I faid before,
they follow theſe ſports only upon the days that are permit-
ted them,as being better husbands of their time then we, not
fparing any part of it from buſineſs. So that they who at the
beginning of that little knowledge which we had of theſe
People,wrote that their Manners and Cuſtoms were wild and
barbarous, were miſinform'd. For as there is no reaſon to doubt
of the truth of what I affirm,and what others have confirm'd
by other Relations, we may well conculde from what I have
faid, That all the Duties of Civil Society and Politeneſs are
not confin'd within our Europe; but that the Kingdom of Tun-
quin, anciently a part of China, ftill retains the good Govern-
ment and Civility of the Chineſes themſelves.
.fl.
CHAP. IX.
Of the Learned Men in the Kingdom of
Tunquin.
C
Ertain it is, that the Tunquinefes have a very great
inclination for Learning, and that they apply them-
ſelves to their Studies with diligence and fuccefs:
for that they cannot be advanc'd without it to the Offices
and Dignities in the Kingdom. I do not here, by Learning,
mean the underſtanding of the Languages of our Learned
Men
Kingdom of TuN QUI N.
25
Men of Europe, which are altogether unknown to the
Eaſtern People, and much leſs the Philofophy of Ariftotle,
of which they never ſo much as heard. But we mean the
knowledge of the Laws of their Country, by means
whereof they obtain the charges of Judicature; the Mathe-
maticks, and particularly Aftronomy, to which all the Ori-
entals have a great inclination, as being great obfervers of
the Stars, by whofe affiftance they flatter themſelves to be
able to foretel things to come. The Tunquinefes are alfo paffio-
nate lovers of Mufic and Poetry, as being great admirers
of Comedy and Tragedy, of which thoſe two Sciences are
the main Compoſition; fo that the Muſicians and Actors
of Tunquin are accounted the beft in the whole Eaftern
part of the World..
your
That you may acquire Nobility by Learning, in
Youth, you muſt paſs through three degrees, of the Synde,
the Doucan, and the Tanfi, from which degree you may
aſcend to that of the Nobility.
1
To attain the firſt degree, it behoves the Youth of
Tunquin to apply themſelves for eight years together to their
Studies, and that very cloſe, to enable themſelves for the
Office of a Notary, Proctor, and Advocate, to which
there is nothing more conducing then to ſpeak Eloquently
in public. At the end of eight years, they are examin'd
concerning the duty of thofe Employments; and if any
one fail to give an Anfwer to the Queſtions propounded, he
is fent back again as incapable to obtain any Employment
for the future, or to ftudy any longer. For thole that
acquit themſelves well of their Examination, which is
very rigorous, their Names are fet down in a Regifter,
and preſented to the King, who firſt grants them the liberty
to take upon them the Title of Synde, and then if it be
their aim to enjoy the Quality of Doucan, they are com-
manded by the Tanfi's to ftudy Mufic, Aftrology, and Poefie,
not only to be able to be judge of it, but allo to perform
themſelves upon occafion. For to be good judges of Co-
medy, which is a great Honour among them, it behoves
them to be both good Comedians and Muficians. Nor in-
deed is there any Paftime more frequent then that of the
Theater in this Country; for there is never any folemn
Feſtival among them, which is not accompany'd and fet
E
forth
26
A New and Particular Relation of the
forth with Artificial Fire-works, in making whereof theſe
People are exquifite; after which they have their Come-
dies, with Machines, and change of Scenes in every Act.
Beſides this, their Actors have a prodigious memory,
fo
that let the part be never fo long, they never make uſe of
Prompters to affift them, as we do in Europe.
They that will learn the Mathematicks, muſt make their
own Inftruments themſelves, and ſpend five years in this
ftudy. They are examin'd every year, and if they fail
to anſwer fuch Queſtions as are ask'd them, for the firft
four they are pardon'd; but at the end of the five years,
if upon the grand Examination, they fail to anſwer the
Queſtions demanded them by the Tanfis, they are utterly
degraded; whereas if they fatisfie their Examinors, they
are permitted the Name and Dignity of Doucan. After
thirteen years thus spent, before they can arrive to
the degree of a Tanfi, they muſt ſpend four years more in
learning to write and read the Chinese Character to ſuch a
certain number of Words. For the life of a Man would
not ſuffice to learn to write and read the Chineſe quite
through. The reaſon is, becauſe that as to this particu-
lar, it is not in China as in other Nations, where one Word
is compos'd of ſeveral Letters. The Chineſes for every
Word have a different Figure, all which Figures are very
numerous, as you may eaſily conjecture. By the by let
me tell you, that thefe Figures are made with ſmall Pen-
cils, and that the Chineſes make uſe of a certain Ink, which is
made up into a Pafte, and fo moiſten'd in Water as you make
ufe of it. They have alſo another fort of Colour for certain
Words. But they cannot make uſe of Pens, as our Euro-
peans, which are made of Quils; nor of thofe of other
Eaſtern People, which are made of ſmall redifh brown
Reeds, the best of which grow in certain Merfhes in
the Kingdom of Pegu and Arachan.
+
J
But to return to the Students of Tunquin, they are alſo
oblig'd to underſtand the Laws and Customs of the Chineſes,
as well as their own; and the laft four years being at an
end, the laft and great Examination is made in the great
place, within the Encloſure of the Palace of Tunquin, which
is a ſtately Marble ſtructure. There the King is preſent,
with the Princes and great Lords of the Court, the Mande-
rins
Kingdom of Tu N QUI N.
27
:
rins for Learning, and all the Tanfi's, and many allo
come on purpoſe from diſtant Provinces to the Solemnity.
Some Relations of Tunquin have been a little too ridiculous
in this particular, afferting extravagantly, that fome
times there are above 30 or 40000 Students prefent at
theſe Examinations; but by what I could learn from my
Brother, or gather by that difcourfe which I have had
with the Natives, the number of Students never exceeds
three thouſand. There are in the place nine Scaffolds ſet
up; of which the one is for the King and Princes, the other
for the Examiners, and thofe that are to be Examin'd: And
for the better hearing what is faid, the Scaffolds are built
like an Amphitheater. But whereas there are eight days
ſpent in this Examination, the King and the Mandarins are
never there but only the two firft days. The last day all
the Names of them who have been Examin'd, as well they
who have anſwer'd well, as of them that have falter'd,
are left in the Hands of the fixteen chief Manderins, who
are as it were fixteen Counſellors of State, and then it is
at the King's pleaſure to favour whom he thinks fit, of
thoſe who have not given full fatisfaction to the Queſtions
propounded to them. As for thofe who were found very
ignorant, they are degraded with fhame, and there is no
more ſaid of them. All thoſe Names are ufually written
upon large Tables, fet up at the Gate of the King's Palacë
for eight days together, to the end, that all the People may
know who are receiv'd into the Rank of Nobility, and
who not.
The eight days being pafs'd, they are all to appear again
upon the fame Scaffolds, where in the view of all the
World, they who have had the misfortune to have falter'd
in their Examinations, are difmifs'd as unworthy of any
Employment while they who have behav'd themfelves
worthy of approbation, are honour'd with a Veft of Vio-
let Satin, which they prefently put on, and then take upon
them the Name of Tanfi's. Then they have given them a
Lift of the Towns and Villages, where they are to receive the
Rents which the King allows them; wherein however they
have not an equal fhare; fome being allow'd more, foinc lets;
according to their merit, or the favour of the Prince.
Preſently they ſend notice to the places affign'd them of the
E 2
time,
28
A New and Particular Relation of the
time, at which they intend to be there and then all the
Inhabitants come forth to meet them, in Honour of their
Dignity, with all forts of Mufic, and a Guilded Branquar,
carried by eight Men. There they are permitted to ſtay
three Months to divertize themſelves, and for their own
recreation. After that they return to Court, to inſtruct
themſelves in the affairs of the Kingdom, and the King's
Houſe, and to perfect themſelves in the knowledge of thoſe
things, which is the way to obtain the Dignity of a Man-
darin. All Embafladours who are fent to the Princes ad-
joyning, eſpecially to the Chineſes, are choſen out of theſe
Tanfi's, among whom they always make choice of the
ableft, and not of the richeft, the King allowing them
fufficient to maintain their Port, and defray the expences
of the Embaffy.
CHAP. X.
Of their Phyficians, and the Diſeaſes of the
Tunquinefes.
Τ'
He Phyficians belonging to the Kingdom of Tunquin
do not make it their buſineſs much to ftudy Books;
ſpending their Youth in fearching after the nature
and qualities of the Roots and Simples, and how to apply
them according to the nature of the Diftemper. But more
particularly they apply themſelves to the beating of the
Pulſe, and its diverfity of Meaſure, by which they chiefly
pretend to underſtand the cauſe of the Diſeaſe, and what
And therefore when
Remedy to make uſe of for cure.
they go to feel a Pulfe, they feel it in ſeveral parts of the
Body; and according to the diverfity of the part, and the
beating, they judge of the quality of the Distemper.
Therefore upon their firft coming, they feel the Patient in
three places, firft upon their right fides, and fecondly upon
their left. By the Pulfe which they feel upon the wriſt of
the right hand, they gueſs of the condition of the Lungs,
by that which they feel upon the Vein of the Arms, where
gene-
Kingdom of TuN QUIN.
29
}
generally People are let Blood, they guess at the Diſtem-
pers of the Stomach, and the Region of the Kidneys.
The Pulle of the left Wrift difcovers to them the condition
of the Heart By that in the Veins of the left Arm, where
uſually they let Blood, they are inform'd of the eftate
of the Liver. By the Pulfes of the Temples, both right
and left, they give a more exquifite judgment of the Kid-
neys. They are very careful to count how many times a
Pulſe of a fick Perfon beats in the time of one Refpiration;
and according to theſe ſeveral Pulſes, they tell you which
part of the Body is particularly diftemper'd, whether the
Heart, the Liver, or the Lungs; or whether the Diſtem-
per proceed from any outward cauſe, as from Cold, Sadnefs,
or any other diſorderly Paffion.
They never make uſe of any other Remedies but of
Herbs and Roots, which they chooſe themſelves; there
being no diftinction among them of Apothecary and Phyfician.
Thele Herbs they mingle fometimes with a little Ginger,
which they boyl in Water, and give the Decoction, being
ftrain'd, to the Patient. They have very good Receipts
for the Purples, Epilepfie, and ſeveral other Difeafes
which are accounted incurable in Europe. They make uſe
of China Ink to stop a Dysentery, and for the cure of Wounds.
When the Sea Ebbs from the fhoar upon theſe Coafts, they
find upon the Sand a little fmall kind of Crabs, which dye
immediately, and by the heat of the Sun, which is there
extraordinary, become as hard as a Stone in a fhort time;
theſe the Tunquinefe Phyficians beat to Powder, and give
to their Patients in Dyfenteries, and Feavers, fometimes in
Aqua Vite, fometimes in plain Water. They mightily ad-
mire the Herb Tea, which comes from China and Japan;
which latter Country produces the beft. It is brought to
them in Tin Pots cloſe ſtop'd, to keep out the Air. When
they would ufe it, they boyl a quantity of Water, accor-
ding to the proportion they intend to ufe, and when the
Water feeths, throw a fmall quantity into it, allowing as
much as they can nip between their Thumb and fore-Finger
to a Glaſs. This they preſcribe to be drank as hot as they
can endure it, as being an excellent Remedy againſt the
Headach, for the Gravel, and for thoſe that are ſubject to
the Griping of the Guts; but then they order a little Ginger
to
30
A New and Particular Relation of the
to be put into the Water when it boyls. At Goa, Batavia,
and in all the Indian Factories, there are none of the Euro-
peans who do not ſpend above four or five Leaves a day; and
they are careful to preſerve the boyl'd Leaf for an Evening
Sallad, with Sugar, Vinegar, and Oyl. That is accounted
the beſt Tea which colours the Water greeneft; but that
which makes the Water look Red, is little accounted of.
In Japan. The King and great Lords, who drink Tea, drink
only the Flower, which is much more wholfom, and of a
taft much more pleaſing. But the Price is much different,
for one of our ordinary Beer Glaffes is there worth a French
Crown.
The most dangeroug Diftempers that befall the Tunqui-
nefes, moſt uſually happen when the bad Air furprizes
the People; for of a fudden it deprives them of their
Speech, and then Death fuddenly follows without a ſpeedy
Remedy. The beſt Remedy for this fudden Diftemper is
to mix fome Counterpoifon with Aqua Vite inſtead of Wine,
and to let the Patient drink it as hot as he can. The Patient
alſo mult at the fame time be rub'd with a Cloth dip'd in
Aqua Vita, where Ginger has been boyl'd. This takes
away the pains caus'd by cold Winds, and unwholſom Airs.
Though fome for the more ſpeedy cure of theſe pains, lay
the Patient upon a Bed made only of Girts, four Fingers
diftant one from the other; and then ſetting a Chafing-diſh
underneath, caufe the fick Perfon to ſweat in a Cloud of
Frankincenſe, till the pain is gone, repeating the fame
thing Morning and Evening.
As for Blood-letting, it is by no means us'd in that Coun-
try. They make ufe of Fire, eſpecially for the Purple-
Feaver, a Diſeaſe fo dangerous in France. For the cure of
this, the Phyfitians of Tunquin take the Pith of a Reed,
which they dry very well; dip it in Oyl, and fet it on Fire:
and then apply to every Purple Spot one of thefe lighted
Wicks. The Spot will give a whif like a fmall Squib,
and that's an infallible fign that the Venom is gone out of
the body. This Remedy is feldom apply'd but in the
night time, becauſe the Spot does not appear fo well in
the day time. And the Phyſician muſt be very careful,
that when this Venom flies out of the Patient's Body, it does
not find a way into his own; for then there is no Remedy
:
but
Kingdom of TuNQUIN.
31
but Death. There are forne Phyficians that will prick the
Purple Spot with a Needle, and let out the Peftilential
Blood; after which they burn the part ſo prick'd, and then
rub it with Ginger, not permitting their Patient to take
the Air in 20 days after they are cur'd. While they are
under cure, they drink nothing but Water, with Citron-
peel boyl'd in it, and abftain from Fleſh and Butter. They
give them to eat Rice boyl'd in Water, and ſalt Fiſh; but
the more they abstain from eating and drinking, the fooner
they are cur'd. And indeed it is a wonderful thing to ſee
the excellent effects of their Remedies in fo fhort a time;
for they have no lingring Diftempers to hold them years
together, as they do among us.
i .
1
{
!
CHA P. XI.
Of the Original, Government, and Policy, of
the Kingdom of Tunquin.
辈
​T is not above fix hundred years fince Tunquin was firft
govern'd by particular Kings, in regard it was anciently
a part of the Dominion of the Chineſes. What is re
ported of the first Tunquinefes, That they were without
Governours, and without Kings, is altogether fabulous,
like to that which is related of a certain Infant of three
years of Age, who appearing before a great Affembly of
the People, exhorted them to free themſelves from the
power of the Chineſes, who were their Oppreffors. Upon
which a lovely Horfe miraculously appearing to the laid
Infant, he mounted the Horfe, and immediately fetting for-
ward with thofe that were gather'd after him, as alſo others
that appear'd as wonderfully to affift him, he fet upon the
Chineſes, and defeated them in fuch manner, that they never
durft venture after that to return any more to reconquer
what they had loft. But the most certain truth of, Ťun-
quin History affures us, That for theſe fix Centuries laft paft;
it has been govern'd by fix various Families. The first that
affum'd the Title of King was a famous Robber, whofe
+
Name
32
A New and Particular Relation of the
Name was Din, who having gather'd together a great
Number of Malecontents, and Vagabonds, became fo
powerful and formidable through his own Valour, that
after ſeveral bloody Battels gain'd, it was no difficult thing
for him to ſeize upon the Throne. But he did not reign
long in peace, for the moft part of the People rebell'd
againſt him; and in the firft Battel that he fought, he loft
his Life. However his own Party won the day; and
having left two Sons, his eldeſt reigned three years; after
whofe death, the younger Brother rul'd in his ftead, but
dy'd ſoon after, neither of the Brothers leaving any iffue
behind them. After that the Kingdom was miſerably
diſtracted by ſeveral Civil Wars, till the weaker Party
calling in the Chineſes to their Afſiſtance, became the moſt
puiffant. Then it was that a certain Mandarin, of the
Family of Lelequel, was advanc'd to the Throne, who
being a valiant and prudent Prince, reftor'd tranquillity to
the whole Kingdom. Who, when he ſaw himſelf Eſtabliſh'd
in peace, built that large Palace, which they, who have
ſeen it, admire, as well for it's Circuit, as for its magnificent
Structure, being all of Marble of divers Colours, both
within and without. This King had but one Daughter,
who foon after her Father's death, the better to fecure her
ſelf, marry'd one of the most powerful Mandarins in the
Country, of the Houfe of Tran. But foon after, one of
her Subjects rebelling againſt her, gave her battel, took
her Prifoner, and put her to death. Having thus got the
Power into his hands, the Rebel ufurp'd the Throne; but
nine years after, he was alfo flain in Battel by his own
Subjects, who had call'd the Chineſes to their Affiftance.
They being thus Mafters of the Kingdom, held it for twenty
years, and fet Governours over every Province. But at
length the Mandarins grew weary of their Oppreffion, becauſe
of the heavy Tributes which they laid upon the Tunquinefes
fo that a valiant Captain of the Houfe of Le,having aflembled
a numerous Power together, gave the Chinefes-three Battel's;
and in every one overcame them. The Chineſes thus expell'd
out of Tunquin, the Conquerour feiz'd the Crown, and in
his Family the Regal Government continu'd for above four-
fcore years. After which time, a great Lord, of the
Family of Marr, which had formerly enjoy'd the Scepter,
to
1
Kingdom of Tu N QU IN.
33
?
1
**
c
ว
to Revenge himſelf of an affront which the King had
put upon him at Court, found a way to eſcape his hands
and being affifted by a great Number of diſcontented Per-
fons, of which the belt regulated Kingdoms are always
full, and the Chineſes, who always fought an opportunity
to regain what they had loft, after a bloody Battel, he
paflets'd himſelf of the Kingdom, it being never known
what became of his Predeceffor. But this new King en-
joy'd the Fruits of his Victory but a ſmall while. For two
years afterwards, a Mandarin, of the Houfe of Trim,
having efpous'd the Daughter of another great Lord, openly
declard War againſt his Soveraign, with a defign utterly to
extirpate the Houfe of Marr. Unhappily for him,death put
a ftop to his deſigns, though he left two Sons behind him,
able enough to have putlu'd lfis undertakings. But the
eldeft, naturally timorous, and fearing to engage himſelf
in a dangerous War, voluntarily fubmitted himfelf to the
King, who gave him the Government of a Province, and
marry'd him to one of his Sifter's Daughters. The younger
Brother being a valiant Prince, and having his decealed
Father's Army at his Devotion, though the King propos'd
him great advantages, would give ear to nothing, but out of
his ambition to Reign himfelf continu'd and fuccefsfully ac-
complished what his Father had begun. In the fecond
Battel which he gave the King, who was there in perfon,
he took him Priſoner, together with his Brother, who had
ſubmitted to him, and fome few days after he put them both
publicly to death at the head of his Army, the one as an
unjuft ufurper of the Throne; the ether as a defertor, who
had abandon'd his Father's Army, and fo ill follow'd his
intentions.
"
Now though as Victor he might eaſily have aſcended the
Throne, and tak'n upon him the Name and Title of King,
yet he would not accept of any higher Title then that of
General of the Army; and the better to Eſtabliſh himſelf
in his Authority, and to gain the affection of the People,
he caus'd Proclamation to be made through all the Provinces
of the Kingdom, that if there were any Prince of the Houſe
of Le yet remaining alive, he fhould fhew himſelf, with
full affurance that upon his appearing, he fhould be put into
poffeffion of the Kingdom. There was but one to be found,
F
who
34
A New and Particular, Relation of the
who had been ſo cloſely purfu'd by the Houſe of Marr¸
while it rul'd, that to fave his Life he was forc'd to abfcond
himſelf in the Frontiers of the Kingdom, under the Habit
of a private Soldier. The General was overjoy'd to find
that there was yet a lawful Heir of the Houſe of Le to be
found, that he might place him upon the Throne. So that
fo foon as he was known to be of the Legitimate Race, all
the Equipage and Attendance of a King was ſent to him,
with Order to all the Provinces as he paſs'd along, to receive
him as if he were already crown'd. The whole Army
march'd two days march to meet the King, and brought
him to Checo, the capital City of the Kingdom, where he
was plac'd in the Throne of his Father, and with great
Pomp proclaim'd King of Tunquin. But General Trin, who
car'd not ſo much for the Royal Title, as the Royal Power,
fo order'd his buſineſs, that leaving to Le all the outward
fhew and Pomp of Royal Authority, he referv'd to himſelf
the whole command of the Army, and the greatest part of
the Revenues of the Kingdom abfolutely to difpofe of at
his own pleaſure. So that from that time to this hour, we
may affirm that there has been, and ftill are, two Kings of
Tunquin, of which the firft has only the Name and Title of
King, and is call'd Boia, and the fecond Choia, who has
all the Authority, diſpoſing of all things at his pleaſure,
while the other remains fhut up in his Palace like a Slave,
not permitted to ftir abroad but upon certain days: and
then he is carry'd through the Streets of Checo, like an Image,
though with a magnificent Train and Royal Equipage. He
has generally 2000 Soldiers for his Guard; and fometimes
20000 which are quarter'd upon the Frontiers, chiefly to-
ward Cochinchina. He alſo has ready upon the Frontiers 50
Elephants for War. And upon the Rivers of the Kingdom
where the Enemy can come to damage him, he ufually
keeps 100 great Galleys, with a vaft company of fmall
Galliots, to which the Soldiers and Rowers that belong,
have more pay then the others at Land. And theſe, that
they may row with more ſtrength, row ftanding, with
their Faces toward the Prow, quite contrary to our Row-
ers, who turn their backs.
The King gives public Audience almost every day; but
he makes no Edict, or public Decree, that is of any effect,
if
Kingdom of TuNQUIN.
35
if it be not alfo Sign'd by the Choia. At thefe Audiences
he has with him thirty two Councellors of State, and beſides
thefe, a hundred others to judge of all Appeals of the
Kingdom. The Eunuchs have a very great Power at Court,
as in all other Courts of Afia, and the King, as to his moſt
important affairs, confides more in them then in his own
Children. The eldeſt Children do not always fucceed
their Father; for the Choi, or General, with all the Coun-
cellors, which are generally his Creatures, thought it con-
venient, that when the King fhould have more Sons then
one, he ſhould make choice of whom he pleas'd to fucceed
him. So that fo foon as he has nam'd him, the Choia,
attended by the principal Officers of the Army, Councellors
of State, and Eunuchs, come to congratulate him, and
to give him their Oaths to ſet him upon the Throne after
the death of his Father; and for the other Brothers they
are always fhut up in the Palace, as in a Priſon, without
medling with any affairs of State. They never ftir out of
the Palace but four times a year, and they never ſtay
abroad above fix days at a time, the Officers that attend them
being put upon them by the Choia, who is as it were Lord
high Conftable of the Kingdom. The firſt of theſe ſix
days of liberty they go to vifit the Temples, and the Prieſts,
to whom they give large Alms; the two next days they
take their pleaſure in hunting; and the three laft days they
ſpend their time upon the Rivers, in Galleys fumptuoufly
trimm'd and adorn'd.
The Kingdom of Tunquin is divided into eight large-Pro-
vinces, every one of which has its Governour, and its Ma-
giſtrates, from whofe fentence there lies an Appeal to the
Court. We fhould wrong this Country to fay that there
were no Nobility therein; as indeed there are none in moſt
Kingdoms of Afla.... But they muft all attain to this degree
their merit; fome by the Warrs,and fome by their Learning.
They who attain their Nobility by Arms, have wherewithall
to live handfomly at home; and they begin to learn their
Exerciſes betimes, at fartheft by eleven or twelve years of
Age. The first thing they are to understand, is how to
handle their Swords the Blades of which are freight,
long, and broad, like thofe of the. Switzers, having but
one Edge. They are allo taught to aim with their Bows,
F 2
་
เ
and
+
36
A New and Particular Relation of the
>
and to fire a Musket with Matches, (for they know not
the uſe of Fire-Locks) to ride the great Horie, to fhoot
running, and to manage their Zagay's, which are a fort
of Staves, cheek'd with Iron, like a Half-Pike. When
they are ready in all theſe Exerciſes, then they learn to
make all forts of Artificial Fire-works; as alfo how to in-
vent new ones,to make uſe of them againſt the Elephants. By
the way I muſt needs tell you, there are fome of theſe Ele-
phants as I have ſeen ſeveral times, that are ſo accuſtom'd
to theſe Artificial Fires, that they regard them not at all,
neither are any way diſturb'd at the Squibs that are thrown,
and go off under their very Noſes and Bellies. Neverthe-
lefs of 200 of thefe Creatures which the Eaftern Kings
carry to their Wars at a time, you ſhall have hardly fifteen
that are ſo hardy and valiant. So that unleſs their Gover-
nours take not great care, inſtead of running upon the
Enemy, they turn upon their Friends, and put the whole
Army into a moſt diſmal confuſion; as you fhall hear by
the following Story. For Aurenge-Zebe, the prefent
Great Mogul, being then a young Prince, obtain'd of
Cha-gehan, his Father, to let him have the command of
an Army of threefcore thouſand Men, and fourſcore Ele-
phants; and with this force, out of his Antipathy to the
Chriftians, he laid Siege to Daman, a Town belonging to
the 'Portugals, fourteen Leagues from Surat. The Gover-
nour was a perſon of great Valour, and had alfo two Sons
with him, who, together with himſelf, had both ferv'd
the King of France. He had alfo in the Town eight hun-
dred Gentlemen, who voluntarily put themſelves into the
Garrifon for its defence, from all parts of India where the
Portuguefes had to do, and were all excellently well mounted.
For the Portugals at that time made uſe of none but Arabian
Horſes, the worst of which coft a thouſand Crowns at leaſt.
The Governour finding that the Indian Prince began to prefs
hard upon him, having already made two Affaults, refolv'd
with all his Cavalry and Infantry to make a Salley upon Sun-
day Morning, caufing them to fix at the ends of their Spears
and Lances certain Artificial Fire-works, to which they were
order'd 'fuddenly to give fire, as foon as they fhould gain
the Elephants Quarter. This deſign was fo fuccessful, that
when it came to be executed,the Elephants were fo fuddenly
terrifi'd,
Kingdom of TuUN QUIN.
37
1
terrifi'd, that running impetuouſly through the Indian Army,
they trod to the ground, and cut in pieces with the Swords
and Scithes which were faften'd to their Trunks, what ever
ftood in their way. The Portugals taking advantage of this
confuſion, made no lefs havock among the amazed Multi-
tude, whom they had furpriz'd fecurely and profoundly
afleep. For they had an opinion, that the Portugals would
never attack them upon the Sabboth day, believing they
had the ſame veneration for that day which the Jews had.
But they were utterly deceiv'd, in fo much that the Portu-
gals, by virtue of this Stratagem fo cloſely purfu'd, obtain'd
a notable Victory, to the utter deftruction of 20000 of
Aurenge-Zebe's Army, the ſpoils whereof are reported to
have amounted to above twelve Millions.
But to return to the Kingdom of Tunquin, I must tell
you,
that the Tunquinefes have often wag'd War againſt the Chineſes,
becauſe the firſt would not pay the latter the Tribute which
was accorded them by a Treaty made by one of their Kings,
of the Houſe of Le. But in the year 1667, the Chineſes,
feeing that the Tartars had made themſelves Maſters of their
Country, made a Peace with the Tunquinefes, wherein it
was agreed, that the faid Tribute ſhould be no longer paid;
but that they ſhould every year fend an Embaffador only to
Pequin, to do homage to the Emperour of China.
As for their Juftice and Policy, they obferve a very exact
Order and Regulation over all the Kingdom of Tunquin, as
well in their Cities, as in the Country. So that few of the
beſt regulated Kingdoms exceed them. More eſpecially
they have a great care, for the public good, to repair the
Bridges and High-ways; and every quarter of a League
there is fuch Provifion made, that any Traveller may there
meet not only with Water, but Fire alfo to light his Pipe,
being generally great ſmoakers of Tobacco.
As for Murder, they are very exact in puniſhing that
crime. For they carry the Perfon apprehended before
the Judge, and then he must hold to his Mouth a little wifp
of Grals, to fhew, that by his diforderly life he had made
himſelf a Beaft. Not much unlike this is the cuftom in
Perfia, where the King and his Council condemn or pardon
all but fuch as have murder'd a Man that has any Kindred.
For then all the favour that the King can fhew him is, to
deliver
L
کی تو کرنے کے
10
quinole recours
+
2.
e. pary
38
A New and Particular Relation of the
deliver him into the hands of the next of kin to the Perfon
kill'd, who has power to agree with the Criminal for a Sum
of Money, which is rarely done, as being accounted an
Act both infamous and ignominious. So that if there be
no agreement made, then it behoves the next of kin to be
the Executioner himſelf, and put the Criminal to that death
to which he is before condemn'd.
CHAP. XII.
Of the Court of the Kings of Tunquin.
A
1
Lthough the King, as I have already ſaid, have
not much Authority in his Kingdom, which is
govern'd altogether by the General, who has the
whole Militia at his Devotion, yet he is highly honour'd by
his Subjects, and he keeps a very fplendid Court. The
firſt and fifteenth day of every Month, all the Mandarins
who are the Grandees of the Kingdom, are bound to come
in their Chineſe Habits to kiss the King's hands. The Con-
ſtable, or General, was formerly wont to perform the
fame Office, but by degrees he has obtain'd a difpenfation,
and only ſends another Prince in his ſtead. As for all the
other, Mandarins, Governours of Provinces, Jufticiaries,
and Military Officers, every year they go to kifs the Choia's
hands, and to congratulate him upon the first day of the
year, which is the fifteenth of the fifth Month; as alfo when
he has obtain'd any great Victory over his Enemies. So
that the General has more Honour done him then the King
himſelf. 'Tis alfo the cuſtom of the Tunquinefes, among
the Men, that when they meet any Perfon higher in condi-
tion then themſelves, they make four profound obeyfances
to the very Earth. But for the Women, what ever their
condition be among themfelves, they never make but one.
They who are defirous to be admitted into the Palace to fee
the King, are oblig'd to put on Violet Robes, and their
Servants muſt be clad in the fame colour. They that ap-
proach the King's prefence to obtain any favour, muſt
carry
Kingdom of Tu N QUI N.
39
1
;
carry a Preſent along with him. For though the Conſtable
be the perſon that diſpoſes of all Offices and Commands
over all the Court and Kingdom, yet every year upon the
fifteenth day of the feventh Month, the King diftributes
feveral confiderable Gifts and Largeffes to his Courtiers; as
alſo to the Children of fuch Fathers who have perform'd
any important Service for the good of his Kingdom. He
gives them Pains of Gold, every one worth fix hundred
Livres and Bars of Silver, amounting each to forty fix
Livres. The fame day he alſo releaſes all Priſoners, both
Criminal and Debtors, provided the crime do not deſerve
death; and that the debt do not exceed two Bars of Silver.
Alſo every year, the three last days of the laſt Month, the
40 Mandarins, who are the chief Councellors of State, take
the Oaths of all the Lords and Officers of the Court, and of
their Wives; caufing them to ſwear to be faithful to the
King, and if they know of any thing that concerns the
King's perfon, or his Kingdom, to diſcover it. All Go-
vernours of Provinces give the fame Oaths to the Lords and
Gentlemen under their Jurifdictions; and the Governours
of Cities to the Citizens, and other Inhabitants. They
that diſcover any Treafon never fail of any reward; only
with this diſtinction, in reference to the quality of the Per-
fons that reveal it. For as for the Mandarins and Gentle-
men, the King rewards them according to his own plea-
fure: But as for the meaner fort, whether Men or Women,
they are ennobl❜d, and gratifi'd with a reward of 50 Pains
of Gold, and 500 Bars of Silver, which in all amounts to
53000 Livres.
But they eſteem their Nobility far beyond
their Money.
At certain times of the year, there is a Muſter of the
Youth of the feveral Provinces; and all thofe who are
found not to be either of the Nobility, or not to have learnt
any Trade, are prefently enroll'd for the Service of the
King, who every five years make choice of fuch as he in-
tends for his Guard, and fends them to the Frontier Garri-
fons. There are fome who endeavour to get off by Money
but if they be diſcover'd, both the Officers and the Soldier
are puniſh'd without redemption. For they hang a little
Bell about his Neck, Fetter his Arms, and in that pofture
fend him to the Conftable, who prefently orders his Head
i
to
1
40
A New and Particular Relation of the
to be ftruck off. But in regard the Tunquinefes are very averſe
from ſeeing any Blood fhed, the Kindred or Friends of the
condemn'd Perſon, intercede that he may be hang'd, be-
lieving that death to be moſt honourable which is not defil'd
with Blood-fhed; wherein they ſeem to be of the Opinion
of the Turks.
CHAP. XIII.
Of the Ceremonies obferv'd when the Kings of
Tunquin are advanc'd to the Throne.
B
Efore we ſpeak of the Enthroning the Kings of
Tunquin, and of the Ceremonies that attend it, it
behoves us to relate the manner of their fetting out
of the Palace, when they go at any time to take their plea-
fure. The King is feated upon a moft magnificent Palan-
quin, carry'd by eight Men, where he may be beheld by
all the People; the Lords and Officers of the Court attend-
ing him on foot, provided he do not go out of the City :
for when he goes into the Country he rides upon an Ele-
phant, and the Lords follow him on Horfe-back. When
the Queen Mother, or his firſt Wife go abroad, they are
likewiſe carry'd upon a cloſe Palanquin, with Lattice-Win-
dows, to the end, they may fee and not be feen; and
behind the Palanquin follow the Maids of Honour on foot.
The Mandarins, and great Princes, folemnize their Birth-
days every year, with great Feafting, Paftimes, Come-
dies, and Fire-works, and all their Friends and Kindred
fail not to attend them to honour the Solemnities. In the
year 1645, the eldeſt Son of the King, who was by his
Father appointed for his Succeffor, upon one of his Birth-
days fhew'd the Court all the divertizements he could
imagin, and the King who had a great affection for him,
fent him a thouſand Pains of Gold, and five hundred Bars
of Silver, to the value of 120000 Livres. At which
time,large Alms are diftributed, eſpecially to poor Widows
and Prifoners.
When
Kingdom of Tu N QUI N.
41
When the King dies, and leaves ſeveral Sons, they ſet up
him whom (when alive) he chofe for his Succeffor. The
third day after the Deceaſe of the King, the Conſtable with
all the Military Mandarins, the Lords of the Council, and
all the Governours of Provinces, repair to the Prince's Ap-
partment, where they prefent him with a Chineſe Habit, af-
ter which having mounted him upon an Elephant, they
bring him into one of the great Courts of his Palace, which
is all covered with Cloth of Gold and Silver as with a Tent.
There it is, that being placed upon a Throne magnifi-
cently enrich'd, all the Mandarins proftrate themſelves up-
on the Earth with their Heads downward; in which po-
fture having lain for fome time, they rife, and clofing their
Hands together, with their Arms and Eyes lifted up to Hea-
ven, they ſwear to the new King to be faithful to him till
death. This firft Ceremony being over, the new King, to
ſhew himſelf liberal upon his firft coming to the Crown,
caufes four Panes of Gold, and fix Bars of Silver, to be gi
ven to every one.
Foot;
But to diſtinguiſh the Conſtable from
the reft, he gives him twenty Panes of Gold, and forty Bars
of Silver and to the Preſident of the Council or Chancel-
lour ten of Gold and twenty of Silver. Theſe Preſents be-
ing thus made, feveral Pieces of Artillery are fired round
the Palace, accompanied with feveral Volleys of ſmall
Shot, there being then in Arms above 30000 Horſe and
and then the King is fet upon a magnificent Palan-
quin, and the Conſtable and chief of the Council ride before
upon lovely Horſes. Sixteen of the principal Officers of the
Court carry the King, viz, eight Military Mandarins, and
eight of the Council. And in this manner they fet forward
to the Apartment of the deceaſed King, from whence all
the Lords retire for two hours, except the Eunuchs; and
then it is, that the Princeffes, Ladies of the Court, and chief
Wives of the Mandarins, come to kiſs the King's Hand, and
congratulate his Advancement to the Throne. Which
done, all the Lords return again to a noble Feaſt after the
manner of the Countrey ready prepar'd. Their Viands are
not fo delicate, nor fo deliciouſly drefs'd as ours, neither
have they ſo much variety. "Tis true, they have thoſe
Birds-nests, already mention'd, which they mix in the moſt
part of their Difhes, which gives the Meat a taſt of
G
almoft
42
A New and Particular Relation of the
>
almoſt all forts of Spices. Of all the Meats which they eat
Colts Fleſh is. in moſt eſteem, and Dogs Fleſh, neither of
which agree with our Palates. The Feſtival is concluded
with Comedies and Fireworks, which la allft the night.
The next day the 30000 Men that gave their Volleys of
fmall Shot the day before, are drawn up in good order in a
Field next, and all the principal Officers of War, Colonels,
Captains, and Lieutenants, leave the Frontiers to be at the
fame place. Then the King mounted upon his Palanquin,
and carried by fixteen of his principal Officers, the Conſta-
ble and grand Squire riding before, and attended by feveral
other Commanders on foot, with feveral Mummers that
play and dance before the Pallanquin, goes forth of his Pa-
lace, the Drums, Trumpets, Cornets, and other Warlike In-
ftruments, filling the Air with their Martial Sounds. In
this Pomp, and with this Equipage, the King being come
to the Camp, quits his Palanqum, and mounts one of his
great Elephants of War, which are us'd to the noiſe of the
Guns and fight of the Fireworks. Being thus mounted, he
rides into the middle of all his Troops, in which place all
the Officers fwear Fidelity to him; after which he beſtows
his Gift's upon them, to every Colonel two Panes of Gold,
and forty Bars of Silver; to every Captain the half of what
he gives a Colonel, and to every Lieutenant the half of what
he gives a Captain and as for the Souldiers, they have
every one a Moneths Pay. Theſe Preſents being made, the
whole Army diſcharges three Volleys, and then every Com-
pany retreats into a large Hutt, where they have Meat and
Drink prepar'd for them, enough to ſerve them a whole
day and a night. In the fame Field is alfo fet up a fair woo-
den Palace, fumptuously enriched within with Paintings
and feveral pieces of Workmanſhip in Gold. There the
King ſpends all the night, ſome part in Feaſting, ſome part
in Plays and feeing the Mummers dance, and the reft in be-
holding the Fireworks. The next day the King leaves his
wooden Palace, which is afterwards fir'd by the Souldiers,
as well as their own Hutts, and fo returns to the City. Be-
ing arrived at his Palace with the fame pomp that he went
forth, he feats himself upon his Throne, and there fhews his
Liberality to thoſe that made the Fireworks, to the Come-
dian's and Dancers, and all the reft that were any way con-
tributary,
Kingdom of TuN Q U I N
43
tributory to the ſetting forth the Pomp of the Ceremony.
Then he gives Access to all the People, and two Commilli-
oners, one for the Merchants, and the other for the Handi-
crafts, make a Speech to the King, the fubftance whereof is,
that all the Burgeffes and Inhabitants of the good City of
Checo do acknowledge him for their King, and that they will
be faithful to him till death. The Speech being ended, the
King preſents the Body of the Merchants with 50 Panes of
Gold, and 300 Bars of Silver; and the Body of the Tradef-
men with 20 Panes of Gold, and 100 Bars of Silver. The
People gone home, every one ftrives who ſhall ſpend moſt
in Feafting and Comedies, adding of their own to the Kings
Bounty; fo that every Quarter of the City is full of Jollity
and Rejoycing for a week together. Some days after come
the Commiffioners for the Commonalty, from all parts of
the Kingdom, who in the behalf of their Cities and Towns
mike known to His Majefty the univerfal Joy of the People
for their lawful Prince, affuring him of their Fidelity, and of
their Service against the Chineſes. They name particularly
thehunefes, becauſe the Tunquinefes have no greater Ene-
mies than they, and for that the Hatred between them is ir-
reconcileable. The King obferving the good will of his Peo-
ple, teftifies his Acknowledgment in this manner: All
that have not time out of mind been Rebels to their lawful
Sovereigns, but have conftantly taken up Arms for their
Defence, are discharged for a year from all Taxes and Im-
pofitions; and for the reft, who have at any time formerly
affifted the Enemy, they are onely exempted for fix moneths.
All Priſoners for Debt partake alfo of the King's Bounty, fo
that after the Preſident of the Council has made a Compo-
fition with the Creditors for half the Summe, the King pays
the reſt.
氰
​It is a thing almoſt incredible, what a vaft number of Sa-
crifices the King fends to the Temples of his falfe Gods, to
be there offer'd to the Idols.
The number of Beafts is faid to exceed an hundred thou-
fand, befides the value of a million in Panes of Gold, Titfucs,
and silks, ro adorn the Idols, and Orange-coloured Calicuts
for the Bonges, and thofe that attend the Service of the Pa-
gods. Among the reſt of theſe Preſents he fends a vaſt num-
ber of Pieces of blue Calicuts for the poor people that are
kept
T
G 2
44
A New and Particular Relation of the
kept in the Pagods, as our Poor are kept in Hofpitals. The
Idolatrous Princes alfo confume incredible Summes to adorn
the Pagods and Images of their falfe Gods. There are fome
of them three foot high, all of maffy Gold; others of Silver
bigger than the Life.
The new King after all thefe Ceremonies are over, takes
his time to go and give thanks to his falfe Deities for his co-
ming to the Crown when the Moon first changes, fhutting
himlelf up for the first week with the Bonzes, and living in
common with them with a great deal of Frugality.
During this time he vifits the principal Hofpitals, to ſee
how the poor people are us'd, efpecially the old Folks,
whom they have in great Veneration, to whom he diftri-
butes new Alms; for naturally the Tunquinefes are very
charitable. To conclude, he makes choice of fome fair
Situation, where he orders the building of a new Pagod,
which he devotes to fome of his Idols. Thus his Devotion
being ended, upon the first day of the ſecond Quarter, he
mounts one of his Elephants of War, attended by all the
Officers of his, Court on Horfe-back, and ten or twelve
thouſand men on foot, chofen out of the whole Army to
attend him. All the fecond Quarter the whole Court ftays
in a certain Plain, where are three Houfes fet up, one for
the King, one for the Constable, and one for the Prefident
of the Council, with a world of Huts for the reft. There
are alſo ſeveral ſmall Cabins fet up, which are not covered
and cloſed but upon one fide, which they turn as the Wind
blows; and thele are the places where they dress their Vi-
Etuals: For at that time the King allows two meals a
day to all his Attendants..
Through this Plain runs the River of
•
which
is very broad in that place. Upon this River are feveral
Galleys richly gilded and painted, but especially the Ad-
miral, which exceeds all the reft in Magnificence. The
Prow, the Poop, the Ropes, the Oars, but onely that part
which goes into the water, glitter all with, Gold; the Ben-
ches very ingenioufly painted, the Rowers well clad. For
there the Rowers are all Souldiers, and Freemen, contrary
to the Cuſtom in Europe. The Souldiers in their youth are
taught to handle their Oars, and have fomewhat better Pay
than the Land-Souldiers. The Galleys are not fo big, as
ours,
Kingdom of FUN QUI¸Ñ‚
45
While
ours, but they are longer, and cut the water better.
the King flays in this place, he diverts himself with teeing
thefe Galleys row one againſt another. In the Evening the
Rowers come afhoar with their Captains to kifs the King's
Hand, and they that have behav'd themſelves moft froudly
and nimbly, carry off the Marks of his Bounty. The ſeven
days being paſt, the King calls before him all the Souldiers
of the Galleys with their Officers, and gives them two
moneths Wages extraordinary, as he does to his Land-
Souldiers. Tis a wonderful thing to behold the vaſt num-
ber of Fireworks, which they throw about, as well upon the
Land as upon the Water. For my Brother, who has been
prefent at all chefe Shews, has told me, that for theſe feven
days together you would think, the Air and Water all on fire.
Being at Bantam I once faw one of thefe artificial Firework-
Shews which, the Tunquinefes that were there plaid off before
the King, and I must confefs it was quite another thing from
what we make in Europe.
The feven days being paft, the King returns to the City in
the fame order, and with the fame, pomp, as he went
forth; and being come to his Palace, he goes directly to
the Apartment of his Princeffes, where, none but his Eu-
nuchs accompany him, where he ftays, all the reft. of the
moneth. Every Evening he diverts himself with new Fire-
works, which are plaid off before the Womens Lodgings;
where alſo the Eunuchs, together with the Comedians and
Mummers, contribute to divertife the Ladies.
{
}
CHAP.
46
A New and Particular Kelation of the
CHAP. XIV.
Of the Funeral Pomp of the Kings of Tunquin,and
of their manner of Burying their Dead.
V V
Hen the King of Tunquin dies, he is preſently
Embalm'd and laid in a Bed of State, where
for fixty five days the People have liberty to
come and ſee him. All that time he is ferv'd as he was
when he was alive; and when the Meat is taken from be-
fore the Body, one half is given to the Bonzes, and the other
half to the Poor. So foon as the King hath breath'd his
laft gaſp, the Conſtable gives notice thereof to the Go-
vernours of Provinces, and orders them how long they ſhall
Mourn.
All the Military Mandarins and Judges wear Mourning
generally three years, the King's Houthold nine moneths,
the Nobility fix, and the meaner fort three moneths. Du-
ring theſe three years there is a Ceffation from all Diver-
tiſements, except thoſe that attend the Ceremony of the
King's Advance or Elevation to the Throne. All the Vi-
ands which are ferv'd up to the King are vernifh'd with
Black. The King cuts his Hair, and covers his Head with
a Bonnet of Straw, as do likewife all the Princes and Coun-
ſellors of State; neither do they leave off that Habit till the
King's Body be in the Galley which is to carry him to his
Enterment. Three Bells which hang in one of the Tow-
ers of the Palace, never leave tolling from the King's ex-
piring till the Corps be put into the Galley. The third day
after his Deceaſe all the Mandarins repair to Court, to tefti-
fie their forrow which they have for the Death of the de-
ceaſed King, and ten days after that the People are allow-
ed to ſee the Body lie in State, till it be put into the
Galley.
During the fixty five days that the Body is thus expos'd,
the Conftable is bufie in preparing for the Funeral Pomp.
From the Palace to the place where the Galleys wait for
the Body, it is about two days Journey, and all the way
fpread
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The Order obferve in the March of the Funerall Pompe at the Interment of the Kings of Tunquin,
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A Continuation of ÿ Order obferue at & Funerall Pompe for & Interment of ÿ Kings of Tunqiun fetting out from ý City of Bodlego.
Tuuquin page 47
A Reprefentation of the Wayyons and Boates which in forme of a Convoy carry the Brafts and proviſion necessary for the juftenance of those that
attend the Funeral Pompe af the interment of & Kings of Tuquin from Choco to Bodlegs where the body is put in a Calley to be conveyd to ÿ Sepulcher
Kingdom of TuNQUIN
47
fpread with Violet-colour'd Calicut, which is the King's
Colour. But in regard the King and all the Court march
afoot both going and coming, they make it ſeventeen days
Journey. At every quarter of a Leagues end are ſet up
Huts, where is ready prepar'd Water to drink, and Fire to
light their Tobacco. After the Pomp is over, and that the
King is returned home, the Cloth is taken up and given to
the Bonzes.
As to the order of their March it is thus:
The two men that go formoſt of all, are the two Ufhers
of the Door of the King's Chamber, who go repeating
aloud the Name of the deceaſed King, carrying each of
them a Mace of Arms, the bole whereof is full of artificial
Fireworks. The twelve that follow, are the twelve chief
Officers of the Galley, which draw the Tomb whereon the
King's Name is written. Then follows the grand Squire on
Horfeback, attended by two others. Next appear twelve
led Horfes, which are led two by two, fix of which have
their Bridles enrich'd with thin Plates of Gold, and their
Saddles embroydered. The other fix with Bridles of Gold,
and Houffes embroidered, and fring'd about with a Gold and
Silver Fringe; every Horfe being led by two men. Next
to them follow twelve Elephants, four which carry each of
them a man carrying a Standard; four others which carry
each of them a Tower with fix men apiece, fome with Muf-
quets, others with Fire Lances; the four laft carry each of
them a kind of a Cage, of which one is made with Glafs
Windows before and upon each fide; the other like a kind
of a Lattice, and the other with four kinds of Ruffs; and
theſe are the King's Elephants which he rode upon when he
went to the Wars. Behind them follow eight Horfes, eve-
ry one of them led by a Captain of the Guard, who draw
the Herfe. The new King, and his Brothers if he have
any, or the Princes of the Bloud, follow the Herfe, clad in
Robes of White Satten, which is their Mourning Colour.
Laftly follow two Chariots, each one drawn by eight Hor-
fes, and carrying two Coffers, wherein are the Panes of
Gold, Bars of Silver, rich Tiflues and Habits, which are to
be buried with the Body of the deceaſed King.
The
48
A New and Particular Relation of the
As
The Funerals of the Tunquineſes.
S fer the ordinary Funerals of the Tunquinefes, they are
more or less pompous, according to the Quality of
the Perfons.
At their Enterments they uſe great ftore of artificial Fire-
works, which are the Companions as well of their Sorrow
as their Joy. They ſet upon the Tomb of the deceaſed
good ftore of Victuals and Comfitures, out of a belief that
the dead are the better for them. For their Priefts keep
them in that blind Error for their own advantage, and fo
well order their buſineſs, that there is nothing left by morn-
ing. The fame thing is practiled by the Chinefes at Bata-
via, where they have a place without the Town to bury
their dead, which puts me in mind of this Story: Every
evening the Guard is relieved as well in the City as in the
Fortreſs. At the fame time alſo they put forth eight Souldi-
ers and a Corporal at each Gate of the City, who go the
Rounds about the Walls of the City, and as far as within Ca-
non-fhot of the Walls, being fearful of being furpriſed by
the King of Mataran, or Bontam, their Capital Enemies.
Now becauſe the Chineſes burying place lay in the Walk of
theſe Souldiers, when they faw the Provant upon one of the
Tombs, took it away to their Guard, and there feafted them-
felves. The Chineſe Prieſts, that ufually came about mid-
night to take away the Victuals, finding themſelves ſeveral
times bereaved of their Expectations, and fufpecting the
Souldiers belonging to the Holland Garrifon, firft complain-
ed to the General and Council; but that not taking effect,
they refolved to poiſon both the Meat and the Drink, to
prevent the like Fraud for the future. This took fo good
effect, that afterwards many of the Dutch Souldiers being
poiſoned, deterr'd the reft from any more fuch Licoriſh At-
tempts.
CHAP.
Kingdom of Tu N QUI N.
49
CHAP. XV.
Of the Religion and Superstition of the
Tunquineles
He Tunquiefes as to matters of Religion are divided
into three Sects: The firſt takes its original from
T
an ancient Philoſopher called 'Confutius, whofe Me-
mory is very famous over all China, and the neighbouring
Countries. Their Doctrine afferts that Man is compos'd
of two parts, the one fine and fubtil, the other material and
grofs; and that when Man dies, the fubtiler part goes into
the Air, and the groffer part ftays in the Earth. This Sect
maintains the uſe of Sacrifices, and adores the ſeven Planets.
But among all their Gods and Idols they have four in parti-
cular veneration; the Names of theſe Gods are Rauma, Be-
tolo, Ramonu, and Brama. They have a Goddeſs alſo, whofe
Name is Satisbana, which is the whom the Women adore
but for the King and the Mandarins, eſpecially the more ftu-
dious fort, they adore the Heavens. The fecond Sect had
for its Founder a certain Hermite called Chacabout, and is
followed by the moſt part of the meaner people. He has
taught them the Tranfmigration of Souls, and has enjoyn'd
his Followers to oblerve to Commandments.
The firft is, That they ſhall not kill. 2. That they ſhall
not ſteal.
3. That they fhall not defile their Bodies-
4.
That they fhall not lye. 5. That they fhall not be tin-
faithful in their words. 6. That they fhall reftrain their in-
ordinate Defires. 7. That they fhall do injury to no man.
8. That they thall not be great Talkers. 9. That they fhall
not give way to their Anger. 10. That they fhall labout
to their utmost to get Knowledge.
As for them that defign to live a Religious Life, they muſt
renounce the Delights of this Life, be charitable to the poor,
overcome their Paflions, and give themſelves up to Medita-
tion. He taught moreover, that after this Life there were
ten diftinct places of Joy and Torment: and that the Con-
temners of this Law fhould feel Torments proportionable
H
to
50
A New and Particular Relation of the
to their Offences, without any end of their Torments. That
they that endeavour'd to fulfill his Law, and had fail'd in
any point, they thould wander in divers Bodies for
3000
years before they entered into happineſs. But that they
who had perfectly obeyed his Law, fhould be rewarded
without fuffering any change of Body. And that he himſelf
had been born ten times, before he enjoyed the Blifs which
he poffeffed, not having in his firft Youth been illuminated
with that Knowledge which he afterwards attained. This
Chacabout was one of the greateft Impoftors that ever was in
fia, having ſpread his Opinions over all the Kingdom of
Siam, over a great part of the Provinces of Japon, and from
thence into Tunquin, where he died.
J
The third Sect is that of Lanthu, to whofe Fables the Ja-
ponnefes and Chineſes give great credence, but the Tunquinefes
more. He was a Chineſe by Nation, and one of the great-
eſt Magicians in the Eaft. He made a great many Diſciples,
who to authorize this black Impoftor, and the more to im-
poſe upon the people, made them believe that the Birth of
Lanthu was miraculous, and that his Mother carried him in
her Womb, without lofing her Virginity, feventy years.
He taught much of Chacabout's Doctrine; but that which
won the Hearts of the people was, that he ftill exhorted the
Grandees to build Holpitals in all Cities where there had
been none before. Infomuch that feveral of the Nobility
betook themſelves to thofe places to look after the Sick, as
did alſo a great number of the Bonzes for the fame reafon.
While my Brother was there, the Choid, a great Enemy to
thefe Vagabonds, fent for a great number of Bonzes and
Says, or idle Fellows, and picking out the ſtrongeſt and
beft proportion'd, fent them away to the Frontiers for Soul-
diers.
"Tis the Cuſtom of the Tunquine fes to adore three things
in their Houſes The firft is the Hearth of their Chimney
made of three Stones The ſecond is an Idol which they
call Tienfa, which is the Patronefs of Handicrafts, as Sculp-
ture, Painting, Goldſmith's work, &c. So that when they
forth a Child to learn any of thofe Trades, before they
let him work they fet up an Altar, and facrifice to this Idol,
to the end he may infufe into the Lad wit and aptneſs to
learn. The third is the Idol Buabin, which they implore
put
when
Kingdom of Tu N QUI N.
$1
when they deſign to build an Houfe. For then they erect
an Altar, and fend for the Bones and Says to facrifice to
this Idol. To this purpoſe they make great preparation of
all forts of Viands, and then prefent him with feveral gilt
Papers, wherein are written feveral Magic words, endea-
vouring by that means that he may not fuffer any misfortune
to befall the Houſe they are going to build.
There are fome Tunquinefes that adore the Heaven, others
the Moon, and others the Stars There are alfo fome that
adore five parts of the Earth, making a fifth part in the
middle of that which is known to us, and to them alfo, but
confuſedly. When they worship them, they have for each
of the parts a particular Colour. When they adore the
Northern part, they clothe themfelves in black; and the
Diſhes and Table whereon they lay their Sacrifices are like-
wife black. When they worship the South their Habit is
red; when the Eaft, green; when the Weft, white; and
when they adore the middle of the World, they wear
Yellow.
They offer Offerings likewife to Trees,Elephants, Horſes,
Cows,and almoſt to all other forts of Animals. They that ſtu-
dy the Chinese Characters are accuſtomed every fifth moneth
of the year, to facrifice for the Souls of the dead who were
never buried. They believe that by fo doing their Under-
ſtandings ſhall be more enlightned for the apprehending of
all things.
Every year, at the beginning of the year, they have a
great Solemnity, to honour after their death thofe who in
their life-time have done any noble action, and were re-
nowned for their Valour, reckoning in that number thoſe
that have been ſo hardy as to rebel againſt their Princes, as
being men of Courage. Three days before this great So-
lemnity, which is perform'd in a large Field, they fet up
feveral Altars, fome for the Sacrifices, others for the Names
of the Illuftrious Men whom they defiga to honour. The Eve
before above 40000 Souldiers fpend the night in this Plain,
where all the Princes and Mandarins are ordered to meet
with their Elephants and led Horfes, and the King himſelf
goes thither in perfon. After they have finiſhed all their
Sacrifices, and burnt good ftore of Incenfe to the Honour of
the dead, the King and all the Mandarins make three pro-
H 2
found
52
A New and Particular Relation of the
found Reverences where the Altars are; then the King
fhoots with his Bow and Arrows five times against the Al-
tars, where lie the Names of thoſe that were lo rafh as to
rebel againſt their Sovereigns. After that the
great Guns
go off, and the Souldiers give three Volleys of Imall Shot,
to put all the Souls to flight. Then they burn all the Al-
tars, and a great number of gilt Papers, which were made
ufe of at the Sacrifices; concluding all with a moft hideous
fhout of all the Souldiery. Which done, the Bonzes, Says,
and fuch like people, come and devour the Meat that was
made uſe of for the Sacrifices.
The first and fifteenth days of the Moneth 'tis a wonder-
ful thing to hear the Chiming Din of their great Bells. For
thoſe are the more eſpecial Holydays fet apart for the Wor-
ſhip of their Gods, and all the Bonzes and Says give them
more than ordinary Worſhip upon thoſe days, redoubling
their Prayers, and repeating upon thofe day's every one of
them a ftrange kind of Charm fix times over. At theſe
times ſeveral people bring Meat and Drink to the Sepul-
chres of their Kindred, to facrifice for the good of their Souls
to eat. The Bonres fail not to be there, and when the
others have paid their Devoirs the Bonges fall to, and what
they cannot eat they give to the poor. But for all the au-
ftere Lives of thefe Bonges and Says, neither the King nor
the Mandarins make any account of them, fo that they are in
credit onely with the common people.
In the Kingdom of Tunquin, where the great Cities have
feveral Pagods, there is hardly a Town or Village that has
not one, and for every Pagod at leaſt two Bonges and two
Says. But there are fome Pagods that maintain forty Bonzes
and as many Says, who live in common under a Superiour,
they keep to the Doctrine of Chacabout, and a Coat is the Idol
which they adore. They wear about their Necks a kind of
Necklace, confifting of 100 Beads, very big and made of
Wood. In their Hands they carry a Staff, which is headed
with a Bird of varnifh'd Wood. They beg for their living,
and are not like the Bonges in other Kingdoms, who beg
Alms as it were their due; theſe on the contrary ufe all the
modeſty and humility that may be, never taking more than
is needful for them: and if they have any thing to spare,
they give it to the poor Widows or Orphans that cannot get
their
page. 52. Tunquin.
1
2
香
​The Representation of The Pagods or Temples of The Jdolators gn Junquin, With The Figures of Their Dieties, & Their Different
Pofturs which They use when They Doe Penance And Accomplish Their Superstitius Lowes or When They Practise Their
Magic Impofturs" which They Are Much Addicted Nj.haibout.2.Thaiphou Thoui.3. Bagoti, Magitians, And Witches
Kingdom of Tu N QUI N.
53
their living. Their Orders permit them to marry, provi-
ded they leave their Monaftery. They affift at the Funerals
of great men, where they fay a kind of Orizon, founding
their Trumpets and Cornets, while the Bells in their Pagods
go at the fame time.
The Tanquintfes allo have a great veneration for two
Magicians, and one Magicianels. The firft of their Magi-
cians, whom they call Tay-bou, makes them believe that he
knows the Events of things to come; fo that when they
have any occafion to marry their Children, build a Houfé,
buy Land, or undertake any buſineſs of Confequence, they
confult this Oracle to know what fhall happen to them.
The Magician courteouſly receives them, and with a coun-
terfeit modeſty demands of them (for Example) the Age of
the perſon concerned. Then taking into his hands a great
Book about three fingers thick, wherein are the Figures of
Men, half Men, and ſeveral forts of Land and Water Ani-
mals, of Circles, Triangles, and Squares, he goes to work,
and at the ſame time puts into a Goblet three Pieces of Cop-
per, whereon are engraven feveral Characters onely up-
on one fide. After he has fhaken the Pièces in the Cup,
he throws them upon the ground as at Croſs and Pile; if
all the Characters lie undermoft he looks no further in his
Book, but looks upon it as an unfortunate fign; but if one
or two Characters come up, he looks in his Book, and
makes the perfon believe what he pleaſes. But if all the
Characters happen to turn uppermoft, then the Magician
cries out, that the Party is the moſt fortunate in the world.
The ſecond Magician is called Thay-Phou-Thony, to whom
they have recourſe in all their Sicknelles. When any fick
perfon comes to him, he takes a Book full of Figures like
the former; onely the Form of the Book is different, for
this is not above an inch thick, and about four fingers long,
with eight Panes full of Cyphers. If after feveral Apiſh
tricks which he acts before the fick perfon to amufe him, he
affirms that the Distemper comes from the Devil, he him-
ſelf, together with the fick party and they that brought him,
do Homage to the evil fpirit: this Homage confifts of le-
veral Sacrifices, and the Friends of the fick party prefent to
the Devil, or rather to the Magician, a Table furniſh'd with
Rice and other Viands. But if after all thefe Offerings the
fick
!
54
A New and Particular Relation of the
T
fick party do not recover his health, all the Friends and
Kindred of the fick party, with as many. Souldiers as they
can get, furround the fick perfons Houfe, and fhoot off their
Mufquets three times, to drive away the Devil. Some-
times the Magician makes the fick party and his Friends be-
lieve, that the God of the Waters is the caufe of the Diſtem-
per, efpecially if the fick perfon belongs to the Water, as
being a Mariner, Boatman, or Fisherman. And to the end
he may be cur'd, and that the appeas'd God may return to
his watry Habitation, he orders that all the way from the
fick
parties Houfe to the next River may be fpread with all
the Pieces, of Stuff which all the Kindred have, and that
they fet up Huts at fuch and fuch diftances, and keep in eve-
ry one a feveral Table furniſh'd with all forts of Viands for
days. And all this to oblige the Deity to retire, and to en-
tertain him till he gets home. But the better to know the
rife of the Difeafe, Thay-Phou-Thouy makes them believe,
that they must go and confult Thay-Bou, who is the chief
Magician, and if he anſwer that the Souls of the dead have
cauled the Distemper, the Magician imploys all his tricks
and devices to draw to him thofe mifchievous. Souls; and
when he has got into his Clutches, as he pretends, the Soul
that is the Author of the Difeafe, he fhuts him up in a Bottle
full of Water till the party be cured; and then breaking the
Bottle he fets the, Soul at liberty to go about his buſineſs.
When the party recovers, he makes him and his Friends be-
lieve, that if the Bottle had not been well ftopp'd to keep in
the Soul, their Kinfman would have died infallibly.
ངམ ག ན་
The Magicianefs, which the Tunquinefes alfo confult, is
called Bacoti, and the keeps a great Correfpondence with
the Devil, to whom, if fhe has a Daughter, the offers her as
foon as fhe is born, the more to oblige him. If any Mo-
ther bewail the death of her Child, and be defirous to know
in what condition the Soul of the Child is in, in the other
world, fhe goes to Bacoti, who to fatisfie the Mother pre-
fently falls a beating her Drum, to fummon the Soul to come
to her, who prefently appears, as fhe pretends, and tells her
its Condition whether good or bad. But moſt commonly
The makes the filly Mothers believe that the Soul is happy,
and bids them be of good cheer.
A:
A
:
The
Kingdom of Tu N
UN OU T
NOU UTN.
15
The Superftitions of theſe people are very numerous, but
the moſt remarkable are thefe abivib yod's
:
The ſtudious fort of people are very diligent to learn how
by looking in a Mirrour to foretell things to come.
There are fome that prefent Aqua Vite to the dead, and
fprinkle their Afhes with it, but this onely upon the Athes
of their Anceſtors, from whom at the fame time they beg
for Health, Honour, and Riches.
Others there are, that upon the first day of their year take
a piece of Chalk, and make feveral Figures round, fquare,
and triangular, upon the Threshold and Steps of their
Doors. They fay thoſe Figures fright away the evil ſpirits.
Some there are that make great Obfervations upon the Feet
of their Hens, and draw ftrange Conclufions of bad or ill
fortune from thence. Others travelling into the Countrey,
if they ſneeze but once by the way, return to the place from
whence they parted in the morning, faying, That had they
gone on,ſome thiſchief would have certainly befallen them :
but if they fneeze twice, they purſue their Journey,never fear-
ing any danger for that day.
to two tatu Majali
There are fome fo fuperftitious, that going out of their
Houſes, if they meet a Woman, they return home again for
two or three hours; but if they meet a Man, 'tis a good
Omen.
The firſt Fruit which they gather at the beginning of the
year, is that which the Araguer bears, ſpoken of in the third
Chapter. And this is the first which they eat with great
Ceremony, during the firft Quarter of their fecond Moneth.
To which purpoſe they are fo poffefs'd with the Devil, that
they poyfon one of thefe Fruits, and give it to a Child to eat,
believing that by taking away the life of the poor innocent
Child, they fhall thrive the better all the
year after.
When the Moon is eclipfed, they fay there is a certain
Dragon that affails her, and endeavours with all his might
to overcome her, with an intention to devour her. Then
to aſſiſt the Moon, and to put the Dragon to flight, they
diſcharge their Mufquets, ring their Bells, beat up their
Drums, and make a hideous noife till the Eclipfe be over:
and then they believe that they have refcued the Moon, for
which they make as great a rejoycing, as if they had ob-
tain'd ſome eminent Victory over their Enemies.
They
**
5.6
A New and Particular Relation of the
They are alfo very fuperftitious in reference to the hours
of the day. They divide the natural day into twelve hours,
and to every one they give the name of fome Beaft, as of a
Tiger, a Lion, a Bear, a Horſe, a Dragon, an Ape, &c. The
Moneths alfo and Days have their particular Names: and
when a Child is born, preſently the Father and Kindred go
to fee the name of the Beaft by which the Hour was call'd
wherein the Child was born; believing that Animal will
prove fatal to it. At the time that my Brother was at the
Court at Tunqum, the King then reigning being born in the
hour of the Horfe, would never give Audience, nor ever ftir
out of his Palace at that hour, for fear fome mischief fhould
befall him at that time. That Prince was fo fuperftitious,
that one of his Children dying in the fifth moneth, which
bears the name of the Horfe, he would never permit him to
be enterr'd, but caus'd him to be burnt, and ſcatter'd his afhes
in the Air.
This is that which I could gather of most remarkable and
moft confiderable matters concerning the State of the King-
dom of Tunquin, either out of the Manufcripts which my
Brother (who died in the ladies) left me, or from the Dif
courſe which I have had with the Tunquinefes themſelves both
at Bantam and Batavia,
ť
·
L
1
do
I
£
OF
7
FIROODT
411
OF THE
ISLAND
OF
FORMOSA.
CHAP. K
How the Hollanders poffeffed themselves of it,
and how it was taken from them by the
Chineſes.
T
HE Iland of Formofa is about Eighty
Leagues in compafs; fo that the Holland-
ers were never in poffeffion of the whole
Ifland, but were onely Mafters of four
Fortreffes, and two and fifty Villages,
wherein they could number about four-
teen or fifteen thoufand Inhabitants. As
for that part which is under the Indians, the beſt diſcovery
that we can give, is onely fuch as was made by a young
Hollander upon this occafion.
I
There
37
58
A New and Particular Relation of the
F
There was in the chief Fort belonging to the Hollanders a
young man, imployed there as an under-Factor, who being
wild and extravagant, was put out of his place and made a
Souldier. He not able to undergo that miferable courſe of
life, refolved with himfelf rather to die, than live in that
mean condition. Thereupon having at feveral opportuni-
ties made a ſhift to make up a little Pack of what he thought
was moſt fit for the Mountainiers of the Ifland, he watch'd
his time and ſtole out of the Fort, and took his way directly
toward the Mountains. With thefe Highlanders he liv'd
four years, in which time having learnt the Trade and Lan-
guage of the Countrey, be ventur'd to return to the Holland-
ers again, who received him kindly, as being willing to
underſtand the Government of the People, and by what
means they might traffick with them. Whereupon the young
man made them this Relation.
As for the Government of the People he ſaid, that over
every fix Villages there was an Overfeer with four Counſel-
lors, who adminifter Juftice, and puniſh the ſmalleſt Theft
with Death. The Men are crucified; the Women are laid
along upon a thick Beam of Wood, and then with a Scimi-
tar their Bodies are divided into three parts. The Men are
fo punifh'd for Theft or Murder, and the Women for Theft
or Adultery. If it be a Pety Larceny, not above the value
of a Shilling, they give them an hundred Lashes with a
Whip, and burn them in the Cheek. They that believe
themſelves to be unjustly dealt with, whether in Civil or
Criminal Cauſes, enter their Appeal to go to the North Eaft
part of the Ifland, in which divifion of the Ifland there ftands
a City by the Sea-fide, where he that commands all the
Highlanders refides. At the end of our Moneth of March
feveral of theſe Highlanders refort to this City, efpecially
the Merchants, who carry along with them all their whole
Stock that they had hoarded together the year before in
Horns of Oxen, Harts, Bufulo's, and Raw Hides; and then
return again at the end of April, bringing back in return of
their Commodities Japon and China Stuffs, Clothes, and
Linen of the fame Countrey, and Gold and Silver Japonese
Money, of various Coyns and Value. He told them alfo,
that he believed that in the Mountains near the Sea, there
are certain Mines of Gold and Silver, or fome River where
they
Iſland of FORMOSA,
59
they find it in Powder, and that the Japonefes fetch it in their
Velfels. He did all he could to diſcover the truth, but after
he had travelled two or three days Journey, the People
would let him go no further. For at the end of every three
or four hours travel there are Guards fet, who examine all
Travellers whither they go; neither will they let their own
Countrymen pafs, but fuch as go about their Law or to trade.
Moreover he told them, that if they would give him Goods
to trade withall, as Amber, Coral, Looking Glaffes; but
chiefly fome Skins of the Sea Fiſh; which is rougher than
Seal-skin, he would endeavour to get to the very City it felf
where the Ships ride. Thefe Skins are greatly efteemed by
the Natives to adorn the Scabbards of their
Cutlaffes and Swords. For ufually upon
the
back of this Fiſh you fhall find nine little
Stones, which make a kind of a Roſe, eight
in a Circle and one in the middle, as you
fee theſe nine difpofed in their exact order.
When the Portuguezes traded onely to Japon,
it is incredible how dear they fold thefe Skins. For if Na-
ture had well ſet theſe Stones at an equal diſtance, and even
in bigness, one of theſe Skins would yield above ten thou-
fand Piafters, and more. This Fifh is caught in the Perfian
Gulph, where I have ſeen of them, but I faw but
very few
fo perfect as that which I have defcrib'd, which would in
thoſe Countries yield ten thouſand Crowns.
But to return to the Story; the Governour gave the
young man what he defired, and fent him going: but the
Chineles foon after expelling the Hollanders out of the Ifland,
it was never known what became of the young man.
It may be wondered why Formofa was taken ſo ſoon:
but here were two Reaſons, firft the faint-heartednefs of the
Governour, and fecondly his breach of word to a French
Souldier of Rouen, call'd Abraham du Puys; for he having
ferved out his time of feven years, defir'd leave to be gone,
but the Governour, after he had promis'd him fair at first, at
length abfolutely refuſed him. Soon after the Chineſes came
to befiege the place. The Souldier thus difappointed, and
feeing himſelf coop'd up who might have been free, had the
Governour ſo pleaſed, ſtudied a fatal revenge upon all his
Countrymen, for being by this means grown deſperate,
I 2
watch'd
ๆ
60
A New and Particular Relation of the
watch'd his opportunity, and flinging himſelf from the Fort
into the Sea, Iwam directly to the Enemy. The Gover-
nour offered 200 Pieces of Eight to any perfon that would
venture after him, and bring him back dead or alive. A
Serjeant accepted his offer, but it was to get loofe as the
other had done; and fo they got both ſafe into the Enemies
Quarters. The Chineſes prelently carried them to the Ge-
neral Coxima; and he being a perſon of Valour and Difcre-
tion, made very much of them, whereupon they readily
and willingly inform'd him of the ftrength and condition of
the Fortrels. They alſo adviſed him to remove his Batte-
ries to the weakest part of the Town, whereas he was then
affailing it where it was moft ftrongly fortified: which if
he would do, they affur'd him he ſhould be foon Mafter of
the Fort. The General was thinking a little before they
came to have raiſed his Siege, but upon their encouragement
he fell on again according to their direction; and as he was
preparing for a general Affault, the Holland Commander,
fearful of lofing his Life and his Eftate, beat a Parley, and
furrender'd the place upon Articles.
During the Siege the Hollanders made a Salley, but were
beaten in again, and fourteen of their men were taken Pri-
foners. The Chineſes finding thofe fourteen men in their
power, and remembering how cruel the Hollanders had been
to their Nation when they took any of them at Sea, brought
the fourteen men all together, put out one eye of each, cut
off their Nofes, Ears, and one hand, and fo fent them back
to the Fort, with order to tell the Commander, that the
Dutch had taught them that kind of Mercy.
CHAP.
}
Iland call'd MAURICE IJand.
61
T
CHA P. II.
Of Maurice Island, where they cut
Ebony.
HE Ifland call'd Maurice Inland lies almoft in 84
degrees of Longitude, and 21 degrees of Southern
Latitude, being but 2 degrees and 30 minutes from
the Tropick of Capricorn, right over againſt the middle of
the great Ifland of Madagaſcar, which it has upon the Weft,
from whence it lies 140 Leagues, and is in compafs about
60 Leagues. It bears great quantities of Ebony and here
it was that the Hollanders did formerly fend their Slaves,
their baniſh'd and condemn'd Perfons, to cut that fort of
Wood, which is Labour much more fevere and cruel than
that of Rowing in the Galleys. The whole Iſland is fubject
to thoſe violent and outrageous Tempefts call'd Ouragans,
which nothing can withſtand,ſo that the People are forc'd to
dig themſelves Holes in the ground, not being able to keep
their Huts ſtanding. Neither had the poor Creatures any
other Food than a little boil'd Rice, and about a Farthings
worth of Salt-fiſh among four for a whole day. Since that
the Price of Ebony being brought very low, the Dutch have
forfaken the Ifland, the Profit not bearing the forry Expen-
ces which thoſe poor Creatures put them to.
So foon as this Tree is cut down it must be fawed into
Planks, and then buried feven or eight foot deep in the
Earth, which ought to be fomewhat moift. There thoſe
Planks muſt lie two years, and fometimes three, if the Wood
be very thick. After that the Wood is fit to be wrought up-
on, neither will it ſplinter or ſplit, and will the fooner ad-
mit of a glittering Poliſhment.
This Maurice Inland puts me in mind of a Story, that the
Sicur Loocker told me, concerning what befell him in his
Voyage from Holland to Batavia in the Year 1643. Cha
Abbas the fecond of that Name, King of Perfia, having a
great deſire to learn to paint, fignified to the Hollanders at
Hifpahan, that he defired them to fend into Holland for fome
per-
62
A New and Particular Relation of the
1
perſon who was excellent both in Deſigning and Painting.
Thereupon the Chief of the Factory wrote into Holland, and
upon his Letters the Company fent away Loocker, to oblige
the King; and to do him the greater honour, gave him the
charge of Merchant of the Veſſel, who is equal with the
Captain, during the Voyage; to whom the Wind and Sea-
fon was very favourable till they came to the Cape of Good
Hope; but after they had doubled the Point, the Pilots bare
too much to the North, whereas they ſhould have fteered
directly Eaſt, ſo that when they had made the Height of the
Ifland of Madagaſcar, they met with nothing but contrary
Winds. For it is obfervable, that all the year long there
blows but one Wind toward Maurice Ifland; fo that a Ship
may go thither in eight or nine days, but cannot return in
thirty or forty. For you muſt ſteer Weftward to 30 de-
grees, and from thence Eaſtward to 14 or 15 degrees, and
then you light upon Maurice Ifland. Five days together
the Ship was but rudely handled by the ftorm; which at
length grew fo violent, and the Sea fo boisterous, that all
the great Cabin was broken to pieces, the Beak of the Ship
carried away, and the Foremaft made unferviceable. Thir
teen days together they remained in this miſerable conditi-
on, tofs'd up and down by the Sea and Wind, all which time
they never law the Sun, unable to take any height or ob-
fervation where they were. The fourteenth day it cleared
up, and the Sun appeared, and then taking the Height they
obferved themſelves to be not far from the Maurice Ifland,
which was very true; for the next day by break of day they
found themſelves not above two Leagues from the Ifland';
and they found themſelves upon the North fide of the Iſland,
whereas the Hollanders liv'd upon the South. And there-
fore perceiving that if the Wind did not change, it would be
long time, and that with great difficulty too, before they
could fetch a compaſs about the Ifland to come to the Fort
where the Hollanders were, they call'd a Council, where it
was refolved that Loocker with ten Souldiers fhould be put
on fhoar, and that he ſhould endeavour to get to the Fort
by Land, there to make provifion of Water and Refreth-
ments for the reft of the Company, againſt they could come
about. Maurice Iſland has this advantage, to be furniſhed
with excellent Water, and great ftore of Goats, Oranges,
Ci-
Island call'd MAURICE Island.
63
Citrons, and other Fruits: but when the Ouragans happen
there is not one to be feen upon the Trees, unleſs onely up-
on thoſe which are fhelter'd by the Ebony Boughs,, which
are thick and ſtrong, and the Trees deeply rooted in the
Earth. Loocker thereupon with ten Souldiers was put on
fhoar in a Shallop, with Provifions for fix days. Nor was
the Ifland in that part above eight or ten Leagues broad,
which they thought to travel in few days: but the Woods
were fo thick, that had they not been well provided of Car-
penters Hatchets and Axes, they could never have made
their way. The first day they travell'd not above a League,
and the next day not above as much more, being ftill forced
to hack their way along with great travel and pains. So
that being now weary and ſpent, they laid themselves upon
the ground to repofe themſelves, and get a little fleep.
When they wak'd they heard the voices of feveral people,
which much rejoyced them, believing them to be the
Slaves and poor Creatures that were cutting Ebony not far
off. Thereupon they fell to work to get as near them as
they could but the Woods proved fo thick, that they de-
fpair'd of doing any good. Nevertheless the further they
advanced, the clearer they could hear the voices of the peo-
ple, ſome ſpeaking Dutch, others Portuguese. Whereupon
Loocker caus'd one of the Souldiers in his company that had
a ftrong voice, to call out in the Portuguese Language, to
the people to come and help them. But instead of that
they all betook themſelves to their heels, and fled to the
Commander's Lodge, telling him that there were Devils in
the Woods, and that they had call'd to them in the Portugal
Language. The Commander feeing both the Souldiers
and the Slaves in fuch a difmal amaze and terror, knew not
at firft what to think; however he endeavoured to refettle
their diſtraction, and to revive a fort of people that were
half dead with fear. The next day he perfuaded them to
return to their Work, perfuading them to lay afide their
vain Fears, which proceeded onely from idle Apprehenfi-
ons but they flatly denied him,telling him that they would
rather die, than return to be torn in pieces by the Devil.
However, others that had not been prefent at the accident,
and therefore gave not fo much credit to the report, profer-
ed to ſee the utmoſt of this buſineſs, provided any one that
had
64
A New and Particular Relation of the
1
had heard the voice would bring them to the place. Away
upon this went a good number of them together, and co-
ming to the place fell to work. Now becauſe Loocker and
his Companions having labour'd all the night before, were
fallen afleep;
for a good while the Workmen heard no
voice at all, nor fo much as any thing ftirring, fo that they
began to laugh at thoſe that had brought them thither, who
ftill obftinately maintained the truth of what they had heard.
This Diſpute at length began to grow fo hot and fo loud,
that at length they wak'd Loocker and his Fellows, who be-
ing now got nearer to them by means of their laſt nights la
bour, heard diftinctly every word they ſaid, and notwith-
ſtanding their diſtreſs could not chufe but laugh. Soon af-
ter Loocker and the Souldiers call'd out again, Work toward
us, they cried, we are Hollanders, come and help us out of the
Wood, and we will put an end to the dispute. But the Workmen
no fooner heard them, but away they ran for their Lives,
and when they came to the Lodge, they were ſo har'd, ſo
fcar'd, and quite out of breath, that the Governour in vain
endeavour'd to get the leaft tittle of a word from them.
length being come to themſelves, they affur'd him that it
was too true that the Devils were in the Wood, and that the
more to deceive and wheedle them, to day they had not
onely spoken Portuguese, but Dutch too. This put the Go-
vernour and all into a deep Confternation, infomuch that
they were all at their Wits end. But the next morning
Loocker and his Gang having made their way through, the
Centinel ſpied them firſt from the Fort, and by the dif
charge of his Muſquet gave notice of the approach of the
Devils. And then it was that the poor affrighted Mortals,
laying afide their fears, and going forth to meet their own
Shapes, found them to be a company of their Countrymen
in diſtreſs, whom they then received into their kindneſs, to
give an account of their Misfortunes. Three days after the
Ship came into Harbour, though in a miferable condition.
At
CHAP.
1
General at BAT. A VIA, ÚT.
65
CHA P. III.
*
Of the Grandeur of the General at Batavia, and
what befell his Wife and his Niece.
T
He Company to maintain their Authority and
Commerce in the Indies, believe it to be to their
advantage, that the General whom they ſend to Ba-
tavia, and who commands in all the places in Afia where
the Dutch traffic, ſhould keep up the Port of a Prince.
There is no Cavalry in Europe To well clad or mounted as
his; the Horſemen all upon Perfian or Arabian Steeds. Nor
is his Foot Guard lefs fumptuous: His Halberdiers wear
their yellow Satten Doublets, Scarlet Breeches lac'd with
Silver Lace, and their Silk Stockins. But this onely for the
General's Guards; for thoſe which they ſend abroad to their
Forts and Garriſons, it is a great pity to ſee how poorly they
are attir'd, and how meanly fed. When the Dutch Fleet
arrives at Batavia, the Souldiers which they bring are
drawn up in the Parade of the Fortreſs by the Major, who
chufes out the handſomeſt to remain at Batavia, the reft
are ſent and diſtributed into other places. When the Gene-
ral and his Wife go abroad, they always ride in their Coach
and fix Horſes, with fix Halberdiers attending at each Boot;
and a Troop of Horfe and two Companies of Foot for their
Guard: The Authority of the General is very great,though
he may be ſometimes commanded by his Wife: neither is it
fafe for them that depend upon them, to do or fay any thing
that may offend them: But for others, who have their Im-
ployments immediately from the Company, they never ob-
lige themſelves to be fo circumfpect. For truth whereðf I
will relate the following pleafant Story.
The Wife of General Matfuker having one day underta-
ken to play upon a Captain of a Ship call'd the Lucifer, and
to laugh at him, for having loft a Bale of Goods which had
been feized by the Company,in regard no particular perfon
is permitted to trade. The Captain nettled at her Difcourſe,
refolved to be revenged. Nor was it long before he found
K
the
66
A New and Particular Relation of the
the means; for being commanded away for Maflipatan in
the Kingdom of Goleonda, where being arriv'd, laden, and
ready to fet Sail to return to Batavia, the chief of the Factory
defired him to take in four Bales of Goods for the General's
Wife, as belonging to her, and to deliver them privately to
her. This was Nuts to the Captain: fo that being return'd
to Batavia, he went he went immediately to viſit the Ge-
neral, and deliver him the Letters which concerned the Car-
go. Immediately according to cuſtom the General invited
him to dinner, at which time it is ufual for the General to
inform himſelf of the Condition of the Factory. Among
the rest of the queſtions the General asked the Captain whe-
ther he had any Counterband Goods aboard, or any that
were not upon the Company's fole account. To which
the Captain anſwered, that all the Goods belonged to the
Company, except four Bales, which the chief Factor at
Maflipatan had particularly recommended to his care, as be-
longing to Madam General. This being publickly ſpoken
in the preſence of a great many that were at Table, the Lady
that was not aware of fuch a blow, was not a little furpriz'd,
and the General himſelf was not a little in wrath, fternly
ask'd her how fhe durft undertake to trade without his
knowledge. Prefently ſhe denied the whole matter, and
averred that the Captain was miſtaken,and took her for fome
other perfon. But the General ſent for the Fifcal, and or-
der'd him to go forthwith with the Captain, and fetch the
four Bales afhoar; which being done, he order'd further
that the Goods ſhould be carried into the public Hall of the
Town Houſe, with a Writing fix'd upon them, that who-
ever own'd thoſe Goods fhould come and claim them; but
no body came. So that the Captain had the pleaſure to fee
the Lady in a delicate raging paffion, and the Goods difpos'd
of to the Fifcal, and the Poor of the Hoſpital.
-
The fame General and his Wife having no Children,they
began to confider to whom they ſhould leave their Eftates.
At length the General bèthought himſelf of a Niece he had
at Amsterdam, and therefore wrote to the Directors of the
Company to fend her to him. This Niece of his cried Pot-
herbs and Onions about the ſtreet to get her living; in which
Calling fhe was at laft found out, and brought to the Dire-
Ators, who prefently changed her Habit, and of a Crier of
Cab-
General at BATAVIA, &C.
67
Cabbage made her a little Lady; who though fhe were of
fuch a low condition, was not without a good proportion
of natural Beauty.
5
The Fleet being ready to depart, there was a Cabin built
on purpoſe for this Niece, and the Company having pre-
fented her with ſeveral pieces of Tiflue and Silks, recom-
mended her to C. Roffe, the Viceadmiral's care.
This Cap-
rain had been ſeveral times at the Indies before, and was
both rich and a Batchelour: fo that when the Ship was out
at Sea, he fail'd not to fhew all the refpects imaginable to
this Niece. Now this young Virgin not being accuſtomed
to the Sea, upon the leaft guft of Wind fhe was half dead
and all that time the Captain would not ftir from her Bed-
fide, for fear any Accident ſhould befall her. And as he
was thus diligent not to ftir from her Bed-fide in fowl, 'tis
verily believ❜d he was feldom far from it in fair weather;
and that inſtead of fitting by her Bed-fide, he fometimes got
fairly into it. But whether he were within or without,
moſt certain it is, that before Madam Niece arrived at Ba-
tavia, fhe found her felf to be with child, though fhe fo
diſcreetly concealed it, that none in the Veflel percei-
ved it.
The Veffel had no fooner paffed the Strait that lies to
ward Bantam, but Madam General with a great number of
her Friends in ſeveral little Barques came out to meet Ma-
dam Niece, and were not a little furprized to find her to be
a perſon ſo well clad and handfom withall, without
appearance of what fhe had been before.
any
A Coach and fix Horfes, and fix Halberdiers, a Troop
of Horſe, and a Company of Foot, waited upon the fhoar
for Madam General. And thus was Madam Niece conduct-
ed to the Fort with great pomp, and as kindly received by
Monfieur General. Some few days after feveral of the Gal-
lants of Batavia came picquiering to the Houſe to ſee Ma-
dam Niece; and fo it was, that all being fmitten, every one
defired her in Marriage: but both Uncle and Aunt were
deaf to all their Suits, as having defign'd her to a young rich
Merchant, who was then out of the way. C. Roe laugh'd
in his fleeve at the buftle that was made, and ftill continued
his former reſpects and double Diligences, which were the
more willingly permitted him in regard of the great care of
K 2
their
68
A New and Particular Relation of the
their Niece, for which the Uncle and the Aunt thought
themſelves oblig'd to him during their Voyage. But at
length feeing fuch a fwarm of Sweethearts about her, he
thought it but charity to undeceive ſo many poor Gulls, and
without further ceremony to go to her Aunt, and to demand
her Niece for his Wife. The She General who look'd up-
on herſelf to be a kind of a Queen at Batavia, look'd upon
it as a high offence and indignity for a Tarpaulin Captain
of a Ship to dare to make her fuch a Propoſal, having alrea-
dy refus'd fuch Matches, perfons that might come to be
Privy Counſellors of all the Indies. Nevertheleſs within a
day or two after the Captain renewed his Charge, but then
in a Majeſtic Fury fhe utterly forbid him the Fort. He ta-
king little notice of her rage, goes to the General, and after
ſome Diſcourſe makes the fame.Propoſal, and receives the
fame Anſwer. But then the Captain gave the Husband
ſuch a Bone to pick, that he would not give the Wife; Sir,
faid he, twice already have I demanded your Niece in Mar-
riage, this is now the third time that I make the fame de-
mand; if you refuſe me, you fhall ask me four times before
I accept of her and fo faying briskly left him. The Gene-
ral reflecting upon the Captain's words, went to his Wife
and told her the Story, who gueffing at the effects of a long
Voyage Familiarity, call'd Madam Niece into examination:
She not being us'd to Diffimulation confefs'd the whole mat-
ter, and without any more to do was married to the Cap-
tain, to the great wonder of the whole City, till the birth
of a Boy at the end of fix monechs unfolded the Riddle. But
this lying in was her ruin; for about five or fix days after,
the Mother and the Nurfe being ill, the chief Chirurgeon
of the Fort order'd them to take a little Cremor Tartar; and
to that purpoſe fent a young man to the Mafter Chirurgeon
of the Town, to fend him two quantities of Cremor Tartar
in two Papers. He being drinking with his Friends, fends a
young Barber newly come from Holland, to put up the two
quantities according to direction. But the Barber miftook
the Glafs, and put up Sublimate inftead of Cremor Tartar. So
the two Women taking their Dofes, diffolved in two Silver
Cups of fair Water, died in 24 hours after.
CHAP.
དྷྭ་
7
1
General VANDERBROUG, C.
iv
CHA P. IV.
*
Of General Vanderbroug, and of the Original-
of the City of Batavia
G
Eneral Vanderbroug was of Anverfe, and having ftu-
died in the Jefuits College, retained fome tincture
of Learning, which he endeavoured to improve
as much as his bufinels would give him leave. While he
was General he caus'd the Alcoran to be tranflated out of
Arabic into Dutch. He was alfo a man of courage, and ſe-
veral times expos'd himſelf to great hazards for the Service
of the Company, as you fhall ſee by the following Re-
lation.
After the Hollanders had taken feveral Prizes from the
Portuguezes by Sea, they wanted a place of Retreat, where
they might repair their endamaged Ships, and repofe after
the toils of the Sea. At firft they caft their eyes upon the
Inland of Java, in that place where the English had built a
fmall Convenience for their Trade. There is a Road in
that
part, where Veffels ride ſecurely all the year, into which
a River difcharges it felf that will receive Shallops of good
burthen, for above a thouſand Faces. The Water of this
River is moft excellent; for being carried never fo far to
Sea, it never ftinks, nor engenders Worms; which can only
be faid of the Thames and Ganges befides.
The Hollanders therefore came and lay upon the point of
a River, over against the place where the English had their
fmall Houfe. They had with them then the greateft part
of the Ships which they had in the Indies, laden with thofe
great Bales of Cloth which come from Bengale and the Coalt
of Surat, fo big that a dozen men can hardly manage them.
Thele Bales they landed, and of them made a kind of Forti-
fication, planting a good number of great Guns between
them: For they never wanted great Guns ever fince they
traded alone to Japon, the onely Kingdom of the World
abounding in Copper; from whence they brought prodigi-
ous quantities to Macao and Goa, where they caft their Artil-
lery.
Thus
69
70
A New and Particular Relation of the
Thus the Hollanders thought that by Sea no body could
endamage their ſmall Fortification, made of Bales of cloth,
which was defended by their Veffels which they had in the
Road: But by Land they were afraid that the King of
the Ifland, viz. either of Materan or Bantam, might di-
fturb them. Obferving therefore the Situation of the Ifland,
which on that fide was all covered with Woods, which
reached on that fide within a League of the Sea; and that
where they ended, to the Shoar there was no other
way but
a Bank, which ſeparated the Marfh from the River: So that
the Hollanders the better to fecure themſelves againſt the
two Kings, refolved to raiſe a Tower upon the Bank. In
this Tower they planted feveral Culverins and fmall Pieces,
cramm'd with artificial Wildfire, and every evening relieved
their Guards. The King of Materan perceiving this, and
believing that the Hollanders would not ftop here, advanced
a powerful Army to pull down the Tower. To which
purpoſe he brought with him great Chains of Iron, and
Cables made of the Coco Flax; believing that by the favour
of the Night, having got his Chains and Ropes about the
Tower, by the ſtrength of his Men and Elephants he might
eafily pull it down. But having fail'd in his Enterprize,and
for that the Hollanders Artillery kill'd him abundance of
Men, he retreated with his Army. But it was not long be-
fore he return'd again with a more powerful Force by Land,
and alfo a great Fleet of fall Veffels to affift him by Sea.
With thefe Forces he gave a furious Onfet a fecond time,
which the Hollanders with no lefs vigour fuftained, and beat
him off. But nothing difcouraged with his lofs, he refolved
to give a third Onfet, onely he ftaid fome few days in expe-
Єtation of more Forces.
In the mean while one of the most confiderable Captains
of his Army was accus'd to the King not to have done his
Dity: though ſeaſonably advertiz'd that the King was re-
folv'd to feize upon his perfon, and cut him to pieces. For
you muſt know, that among the Javans when any perfon
has merited Death, they tie the Offender all along upon a
great piece of Timber, and the next Lord or great perfon
that has a mind to try the goodneſs of his Scimitar, comes
and cuts the Body into four pieces, the firſt ftroak being made
upon the Breft, the ſecond upon the Pit of the Stomach, the
third
General VANDERBROUG, &C.
71
7
third upon the lower part of the Belly. The four pieces
if they be Men, are burnt; if Women, thrown to the Dogs,
which they keep for that purpoſe. For the Javans never
burn any perfon. women.
1
This Favanefe Lord therefore knowing what he was to
truſt to, made his eftape to the Hollanders, and was kindly
received by Vanderbroug. To ingratiate himſelf, he told
the Dutch General all the King's Deligns in reference to the
carrying the place; where he would make his Onfet, and
what number of men he had. This however did not ſuffi-
ciently chear up the General, who knew his own weakneſs.
So that the Javaneſe perceiving him ftill penſive, I find (faid
he) that thou art afraid of the King's ſtrength, and reaſon
thou haft, but be rul'd by me: Thou art not ignorant that
the Javanners are rigid Obfervers of the Law of Mahomet,
and that if any Uncleannefs from a Chriſtian hand falls upon
their Clothes, they fling them away, and ſpend fix whole
days in washing themſelves, before they believe themſelves
clean! Hear then, faid he; let all the Ordure and Dung of
the People that are with thee be heaped in a place together,
and made fluid in Pots for that purpofe; and when they
mount their Ladders, fpare not for Showres of that Liquor,
and I warrant ye they will retreat faſter than they came on.
Farther continued he; I know that the points of their Ar-
rows and Cric's are poiſon'd, and that this poifon is ſo
ftrong, that whoever are wounded therewith die fuddenly,
unless they have recourfe to this onely Remedy; which is to
preſerve their own Excrement, and to dry it to powder
and when they find themſelves wounded, to take a little of
the powder, and drink it off in a ſmall Beer-glafs of Water.
The General obſerving what the Javan Lord had faid, when
the Enemy mounted their Ladders, luftily befmear'd them
with the Liquor, which he caus'd to be prepar'd against their
coming; fo that inftead of gaining the tops of their Ladders,
they made all the hafte they could down again, but being
hindred by thoſe that follow'd them, they threw themfelves
headlong to the ground; by which means ſeveral of them
were maimed, and ſeveral kill'd outright. Thus the Army
disbanded in a moment, and the Emperour was the first that
took his flight. Vanderbroug obferving the diforderly Re
treat of the Enemy, took a ſmall Party with him, and pur-
C
#
f'd
72
A New and Particular Relation of the
{
fu'd the flying Enemy, who being encloſed by thoſe in the
Fort, that fally'd out upon them, were miferably cut in pie-
ces. But the General having left the greateſt part of his
men, and returning onely with a ſmall and very inconfider-
able Company, the Javanners who had hid themſelves in
the Merfhes for fear, refum'd courage; and fuddenly fell up
on him in his return, and fo encompafs'd him on every fide,
that it was impoffible for him to eſcape. However they de-
fended themſelves ftoutly for a while, but being wounded
with the Arrows and Cric's of the Indians, and not being
provided of the forementioned Antidote, they died imme
diately. The General was taken alive, not fo much as
wounded; for as he told me afterwards himſelf, he found
they had no defire to kill him. So foon as he was taken
they carried him to the Emperour, who as foon as he ſaw
him bid him not fear any thing, but told him withall, that
it was his pleaſure, that he fhould command his Men to
quit the Fort and Tower, and be gone; otherwiſe that he
would make both him, and all thoſe that ſhould fall into
his Hands, perpetual Slaves. At the fame time the Empe-
rour with his principal Officers, and the General with a good
Guard, came to the Foot of the Wall of the Tower, where
the General in the Malay Language, laying before them
his own misfortune, and the improbability of their holding
out long, commanded them to quit the Fort, after they had
embarqued whatever they faw fitting, but onely 6 Pieces of
fmall Canon, 200 Bullets, and 500 Quintals of Powder.
The Emperour was overjoy'd to hear what the General ſaid,
and thought himſelt fure of the Fort and Tower. But then
the General turning to the Emperour, told him, that none
of his men underſtood Malay, and that therefore it would
be convenient for him to repeat the fame in Flemish.
Which being granted, he spoke to the Souldiers in Flemish,
and ordered them quite the contrary; that is to fay, that
they ſhould not be Traitors to their Countrey, but hold out
the place till death, not minding what became of him; and
to that end, that they fhould bid the Infidels forthwith re-
tire, or elſe they would immediately fire all their Guns up-
on them. The Emperour aftoniſh'd at their Reſolution re-
treats, and carries the General with him. Being thus re-
tir'd, the General made him believe that he would find a
means
General VANDER BROUG,
73
C.
means to write to the Company, to give them an account
of what had pafs'd, and that he was confident they would
give fuch order for an Accommodation, as ſhould ſatisfie
His Majefty, which fatisfi'd the Emperour for that time. In
the mean while the General found an opportunity to get
into a ſmall Barque,and to get to the Fort,where he was joy-
fully receiv'd. This Recital I had frorn his own mouth.
The General having done this and ſeveral other eminent
Services for the Company, and acquitted himſelf with Re-
putation and a fair Eftate, was defirous to return home,
where the Prince of Orange, and feveral of the States had
no leſs a defire to fee him. Streight he took up his Habita-
tion at the Hague, and for a good while liv'd fplendidly,
gave great Prefents and Entertainments to the Prince, and
feveral other Grandees of Holland, by which means he ran
himſelf into fo great an Expence, that he was forc'd to de-
fire of the Company, that he might return into their Ser-
vice.
One day the Prince of Orange asking him what Rarities
he had brought out of the Indies, he call'd for five Silver
Plates, and ſetting them upon the Table, drew out five
little Bags out of his Pocket, and emptied a feveral Bag up-
on a feveral Plate; which furpriz'd not onely the Prince,
but feveral others of the States then prefent, to fee fuch a
number of Diamonds and other Jewels of a vaft value.
It was not without fome difficulty that he was again en-
tertain❜d by the Company; but at length they fent him Ad-
miral of two Ships to Batavia, where being arriv'd, the Ge-
neral and Confuls made him Admiral of the Fleet that was
juft bound for the Coaft of Coromandel, Surat, and Perfia.
Being return'd to Batavia,General Vandyme and the Coun-
cil ſent him to Malaca, which the Hollanders then befieg'd,
and where they found a ftouter reſiſtance than they imagin'd.
There in an affault upon the Town he received a flight
Wound, of which he was quickly cur'd; but foon after he
fell fick, and died before the Town was fùrrendred.
!
L
CHAP.
74
A New and Particular Relation of the
CHAP. V.
Of the Country about Cochin, and how the Holland
General crown'd one of the Indian Princes.
A
LL the Countrey about Cochin is planted for the
moſt part with that fort of Tree which they call
Cocos, the Fruit whereof produces that fort of Wine
which the Inhabitants call Tary, whereof they make their
Strong Water. They mingle this Wine with courfe black
Sugar unrefin'd, together with the Bark of a Tree which
bears nothing but Thorns. This Bark cauſes the Tary and
Sugai to boil and ferment like new Wine. When the Tary
and the Sugar have fermented for above ſeven or eight hours,
they diftill them in an Alembic, and make Strong Water,
which is ſtronger or fmaller, by how much the more often or
feldomer it is diftill'd.
Befides the Coverture of theſe Trees the whole Country
is full of Cows; for they are all Idolaters in this Country,
that onely worſhip their Cows for their Gods, feed upon
their Milk, and eat nothing that has Life.
When you leave the Countries of theſe Princes, which
they call Rajas, travelling toward the North Eaft you enter
into the Territories of the Raja of Velouche, which are of a
large extent. He and all his Subjects being Idolaters, un-
leſs it be about nine or ten thousand poor People call'd Chri-
ftians of S. John, as being baptiz'd after the fame manner that
S. John baptiz'd the People in the Wilderneſs.
After the taking of Cochin, of which we have given a full
Relation in our Indian Travels, General Vangous, who com-
manded at the Siege, became fo haughty that he defpis'd
all the other Officers, as well Military as thofe that belonged
to the Government and Juftice of the City. However to
recompence one of the Raja's by whofe means he had ta-
ken the City, he perfuaded him to quit the Name of Raja,
and to affume the Title of King, that he might have the
Honour to fet the Crown upon his Head. To this end he
made great inquiry through his whole Army for a Gold-
finich,
i
Countrey about COCHI,
&c.
fmith, and having found out one that undertook it, and
caus'd him to make a Crown of maffie Gold, that weigh'd
near ten Marks, which I believe the Raja found more in-
convenient and weighty upon his Head, than an old Muc-
kender with three corners bound about his Head,which is the
mark of the Raja's Sovereignty.
While they were making this Crown there were great
preparations for the Ceremony: It was performed in a Gar-
den near the Town, where was fet a large Tent fpread all
over with painted Calicut. Within was a Throne erected
with a Canopy of China Damask, and all the Steps to the
Throne were cover'd with Perfian Tapiſtry.
The day being come, the greatest part of the Army,Offi-
cers and Souldiers, went to fetch the Raja, who lay in his
Hut a quarter of a League off; where they mounted him
upon one of two Elephants which the General ſent him, be-
ing attended likewile with two led Horfes, and two Palan-
quins for more State. Being come to the place, he was clad
in a Scarlet Robe with great Hanging Sleeves, and fo brought
in where Vangous was fitting upon his Throne, with a
Sword and a Crown by him. The Raja being come to the
Foot of the Throne, the Major of the Army took the Sword,
deliver'd him by the General, and girt the Raja, who then
afcending the Steps of the Throne, proftrated himfelf be-
fore the Holland General while he put the Crown upon his
Head. Then the new King rifeth up, and lays his Hand
upon the Head of a Cow that ftood near the Throne. Which
done, kneeling with his Hands clafp'd, and lifted toward
the Head of the fame Cow, he took his Oath to be true and
faithful to the Company, and to embrace their Intereſts.
On the other fide the General promis'd him on the behalf of
the Company, that they should affift him when he fhould
have occation against his Enemics. Which Solemnities be-
ing very gravely perform'd, the Mufquettiers gave three
Volleys, and the new King was conducted back to his Hut
with the fame Pomp that he was brought. Thus you fee the
Pride of a Pepper Merchant, to make Kings and domineer
over Crowns.
One other famous Act of Vangons must not be forgotten.
You must know, that at the taking of Cochin the Jefuits had
in that City one of the fireft Libraries in all Afia, as well
L 2
for
75
96
A New and Particular Relation of the
for the great quantity of Books fent them out of Europe, as
for feveral rare Manufcripts in the Hebrew, Chaldee, Arabic,
Perfian, Indian, Chinese, and other Oriental Languages. For
in all the Conquefts of the Portugals, their firft care was to
fummon all the Learned People of the feveral Nations, and
to get all their Books into their hands. During that little
time which the Jefuits ftaid in Ethiopia they had copied out
all the good Books that came to their knowledge, and ſent
all thoſe Books to Cochin. They had ftaid longer in Æthio-
pia, had it not been for the Jealoufie of the Patriarchs, and
their Bifhops, which are very numerous; fo that if there be
two men in one Village that belong to one Church,the chief-
eft calls himſelf Bifhop. At their Ceremonies of Baptiſm
when they name the Holy Ghoft, they apply a hot Iron to
the neck of the Infant, faying that the Holy Ghoſt deſcended
upon the Apoſtles in the fhape of Fiery Tongues. The Pa-
triarchs and Biſhops were jealous of the Jefuits, finding that
they had infinuated themſelves into the favour of the King
and Grandees of the Court. Which fo enraged the Æthiopt-
ans, that they caus'd the People to mutiny, preaching that
the King was about to alter the Religion of the Country,and
to draw along with him feveral of the Lords. And the
Fury of the People grew to that height, that whatever the
King could do or fay, he could not appease their Fury: So
that they put him in prifon, and elected his Brother in his
place. The caufe of this diſorder was laid upon the Jefuits,
and was the reaſon that they were expell'd the Kingdom;
neither had they ſcap'd fo, but that they were afraid of the
Governour of Mozambique, and the Portugals that inhabit all
along the Coaft of Africa. But to tell ye what became of
this Library, General Vangous made no confcience to expoſe
it to the ignorance of his Souldiers, fo that I have feen the
Souldiers and Seamen tear ſeveral of thoſe beautiful Volums
to light their Tobacco.
CHAP.
Sieur HOLLE BRAND GLINS, &c.
HOLLEBRAND
CHAP. VI.
Of the Sieur Hollebrand Glins, President of the
Factory at Ormus.
V V
For
parc,
Hen the Ships come to Ormus, it is a great pre-
judice for the Goods to lie out of doors.
ſuch is the extremity of the Heat in that
that if the Spices, eſpecially the Cloves, be not carried to the
Water-fide every foot, and there laid to fteep in the Water
for four and twenty hours, they would turn to a mere
powder.
Sugar is brought thither in great Wooden Cheſts, but if
there be the leaft Cleft for a Fly or an Emmet to get in, in a
ſmall time the Cheft will be half emptied.
As for Camphire, which is brought from Borneo in Pipes,
if it lie a little too long in that warm Air,it will exhale above
half away.
To remedy theſe Inconveniences Sieur Hollebrand refol-
ved to build a bigger Warehouſe. Among the reft of the
Workmen that were imployed in this Building was a Gun-
ſmith, who came in the interim in a Ship from Batavia.
This poor Fellow was imployed to make Locks for the
Warehouſe; for in thofe Parts they have no other Keys, or
Locks either, than what are made of Wood: So that it was
a Crime for him to be found idle at any time. And there-
fore the Preſident finding him one Sunday in the Afternoon
drinking with two of his Companions that came from the
Ship to fee him, gave the Fellow half a dozen good Licks
with his Cane, and would have given him more, but that
the Smith being a furdy Fellow, and feeling the Blows ſmart,
wrefted the Stick out of the Preſident's Hands, and flung it
out of the Window. For which the Preſident, upon pre-
tence that the Fellow had ftruck him four Blows, which was
untrue, as I my felf being there could witnefs, fent him la-
den with Chains to the Ship, where he would have tried
him for his Life, in a full Court of the Merchants of the Fa-
Story: but they refuſing him, for very madnefs he took
two
77
78
A New and Particular Relation of the
two Notaries, that he had a power over, went to the Ship
alone, made the Officers of the Ship, and condemn'd the
Fellow to be hang'd. And he had certainly been executed
but for me and fome other of my Countrymen, (for the Fel-
low was of Geneva) that threatned the Prefident out of his
defign. Yet he caus'd him to be drubb'd Naked at the
Main Maft after that inhuman manner, that he loft the uſe
of one of his Arms. This the Genevefe could never forget,
and therefore fought all opportunities to kill him; to which
purpoſe he put himſelf in the fame Ship with Hollebrand
when he returned for Holland. But coming to the Cape of
Good Hope, and being fent afhoar in the Shallop for Provifi-
ons, the Shallop was overfet in a ftormy Sea, and Hollebrand's
Life thereby fecur'd.
But before we leave Ormus, where Hollebrand was build-
ing his Warehouſe that caus'd all this mifchief, let us take
notice of this by the way, that there is no abiding at Ormus
till April, left you pay for your ſtay with fome Malignant
Fever, that may hold a man as long as he lives; or if he be
cur'd by chance, yet will the White of his Eyes be more yel-
low than Saffron. This fame fort of Fever feizes our Euro-
peans in the Port of Alexandretta in Syria, and in the Ilands
where the Hollanders lade their Cloves, Nutmegs, and
Mace.
By the way obferve, that there is a particular fort of Nut-
meg which the Hollanders call Maneque, and we the Male
Nutmeg, as long again and a little bigger than the ordinary
Nutmeg, and this fort they never carry into Europe, becaufe
they fell it to berter profit in Perfia and the Indies. This I
fhall allo further add, that the ordinary Nutmeg condited,
fuddles more than the ſtrongeſt Wine, eating but onely one
either at the beginning or ending of the Meal.
CHAP.
Ilands of the PRINCE.
79
T
CHAP. VII.
Touching the Islands of the Prince. P
1
HE Fort of Batavia has four fair Baftions, and is
well built but upon an ill Foundation, thoſe Baſtions
being plainly obſerv'd to fink, and requiring Repa-
ration from time to time. For the perfecting of which Work
the Hollanders wanted Slaves: whereupon a Confultation
was had where to get Slaves. To which Anfwer was made,
that there was no better place than the Prince's lands.
Which being concluded, the General of Batavia diſpatch'd
away three the biggeft Ships belonging to Batavia. Thefe
Ships vifited every one of thefe Iflands, feigning that they
came from Holland and wanted Refreſhment. So foon as
the Inhabitants diſcover'd the Veſſels, they flock'd to the
Shoar Men, Women, and Children, as they wont to do,
bringing along with them the best of their Provifion, as Coco
Wine, Nuts, and other Fruits of the growth of the Ilands.
Happy were they that could firſt get aboard, for they always
get more by the Mariners and Souldiers, than by thofe that
go afhoar to trade. Now fo foon as they were afhoar, they
gave them Strong Water to drink till they were drunk, and
when the Maſters of the Ships faw them in that condition,
they immediately ſent a good number of their men well ar-
med afhoar, who bound them that were upon the “and to
truck for their goods, and carried them away to their Ships,
killing all those that made any refiftance. But they did them
little fervice; for finding themſelves fo inhumanly us'd as
the Hollanders ufe their Slaves, they took a reſolution to eat
nothing, and to ftarve themſelves to death, rather than to be
forc'd to labour and be beaten every day.
CHAP.
80
A New and Particular Relation of the
1
}
CHAP. VIII
How the Hollanders fent to declare War against the
Perfians, and of the ill Success of their Fleet.
M
Uch about the ſame time Charles Conftant was fent
by the Company with a Fleet of feven great
Ships, to declare War against the Perfians, in cafe
they would not comply with the Dutch in reference to their
Silk Trade and their Cuftoms. Being arriv'd at Ormus he
left the Fleet there, and haften'd to Ipahan, and from thence
to Casbin, where then the King was. But his Embaffie had
not that effect as he expected: For he thought that the King
would have been frighted at the noiſe of a Fleet of feven
great Ships that lay at Ormus, but he was miſtaken. For
the Perfian knew he need not fend any Force against the
faid Fleet, in regard it would be ruin'd without: It being
impoffible for our Europeans to stay at Ormus in the heat of
Somer, as well by reafon of the Heat, as for want of Water;
for there is no good Water at Ormus, nor upon any part of
the Coaſt of Perfia, but what is kept in Cisterns, and that
full of Worms. 'Tis true, that upon the Coaft of Arabia
there are Wells of good Water, but when the Arabians dif-
cover any Ships upon the Coaſt, they come down all in
Arms to defend their Wells; for it is their profit to fell their
Water, and that at a very dear rate, to thofe that are in ne-
ceffity.
Now the King and Council not being ignorant, that the
longer the Fleet lay at Ormus, the worle would be its con-
dition, would not give the Commander his firſt Audience
in two moneths. During which time there died above half
the Men; for from fix a clock in the morning till four in the
afternoon, if any of the Seamen went to take a little Air
upon the Deck, he prefently fell down dead. The Admi-
ral was to blame not to make proviſion of Water being
bound for fuch a place as Ormus.
The Commander Conftant did not take the right courſe
to effect his buſineſs, by publiſhing what he intended to pre-
fent
Declaring War against the PERSIANS, &C.
ſent the Miniſters of State withall. For the Lords of Perfu
never take any Preſents themſelves, for fear it fhould come
to the King's Ear. But there is a private Bill fent to the
Party for whom it is intended, and he fends whom he thinks
fit to receive it. Had he fo done, and doubled his Sum of
5000 Venetian Ducats, perhaps the Athemadoulet might have
us'd him more kindly, eſpecially for ſo long time as that
King had. For whatever a Predeceffor does, a Succeffor
changes many things. So that if the deceaſed King have
given any Houſe or Land to any perſon, it muſt be confirm-
ed by the fucceeding King in his firft Year, or elfe the Gift
returns to the King. It is the fame thing if any perfon builds
a Houſe upon the King's Demefns: which has been a great
inconvenience to the Austin Friers and bare-foot Carmelites,
becauſe their Houſes are built upon the Lands which
Cha Abbas gave them of the Royal Demefns. So that
every time a new King aſcends the Throne, they are forc’d
to make the Athemadoulet new Prefents, fometimes to the
Value of the Land: for it is a rare thing to find a prime
Minifter that is a Friend to the Chriftians. But the Jeſuits
and Capuchins, who came after them, provided better for
themſelves, each of thofe Orders having bought the Ground
upon which their Houſes are built.
The Commander feeing that he could not compafs his
Deſign, and that the Athemadoulet would abate nothing of
the forty four Tomans which he demanded, went to the
Divanbegai and told him, that buying the fame Goods of
particular perſons, they might be had for thirty two, or at
moſt for thirty three Tomans. To which the Divanbegai an-
ſwered him, That all thofe particular perfons paid the King
Cuſtom, and Convoy upon the Road, the Cuſtom alone
amounting to Eighteen per cent. which the Hollanders did
not pay and that there was not a Year wherein they did
not bring in Goods to the Value of 30000 Tomans; and that
if account fhould be taken of the Silks which they carried
away, and of the Goods which they brought in, the Athema-
doulet ought to make them pay near 50000 Tomans for Du-
ties. The Commander ill fatisfied with this Anſwer went
to his Lodging, and without asking the Advice of the Mer-
chants that were with him, or of his Frenchman, who better
underſtood the Practice of the Court, or without taking his
:
M
leave
81
82
A New and Particular Relation
leave of the King, return'd privately to Ipahan, intending
for Bander where the Fleet lay. The Athemadoulet being
advertiz'd of his fudden departure, was very much offend-
ed; ſo much the more becauſe at the Commanders firſt Ar-
rival he had done him great Civilities, even to the furniſh-
ing his Lodgings after the European manner, with à Bed,
Stools, and Tables. Thereupon he gave notice thereof to
the King, who when he heard of it utter'd theſe words,
Has any one given him any diſtaſte, or is he turn'd Fool? He fhall be
glad to come back again.
Being come to Ipahan, to the great wonder of the Franks,
who heard nothing of his taking leave of the King, he be-
gan to make up his Pack, intending for Gomrom, in caſe the
King did not fend for him again; which he did, 'tis true, but
not with thoſe Compliments which he expected; for he
flatter'd himſelf that the King would have petition'd him to
The King fent for him indeed,but his Compliment
was not very pleafing; for the perſon that brought the
Meffage told him, That it was the King's pleaſure he fhould
ſpeedily return, and if he would not go willingly he had
order to carry him by force. But notwithſtanding the King's
Command and the Counſel of his Friends, he fet out from
Ipahan for Bander, according to his firft intent.
We accom-
return.
panied him fome part of his way, and being juſt ready to
take our leaves, we faw a Perfian Gentile and well mount-
ed, (he was a Captain of an hundred men) who calling the
Interpreter to him, Go (faid he) and tell thy Preſident, that
he muſt return to his Lodging, and to morrow make hafte
to the King, according to the Order he has already recei-
ved: and with that he rode away full fpeed. The Inter-
preter told the Commander what the Captain faid; but not-
withſtanding all this the Commander being a perſon of a
hot and obftinate humour, continued his way. Neither the
Merchants of Zulpha, nor any of the Perfian or Armenian
Servants would follow him, fearing the Baftinado, and be.
lieving he was fecure enough; as it happen'd: for he had
not rode far, before three Captains with their Bows and Ar-
rows in their hands bolted out upon him, one of which ri-
ding up directly to the Commander, Art thou (faid he) the
onely perſon that ever fet foot in this Empire, that refufeft
to obey the Companion of the Sun, whom fo great a part
of
Severity of the Holland COMMANDER Ŝ. 83
of the World obeys? At the fame time came up fifty ftout
Horſemen, and one of them who cammanded them made
at Mr. Conftant with his Mace. Then the Admiral was
forc'd to lower his Sails and return back, forc'd to receive an
Affront which he might have avoided. When he was come
to his Lodging, the Perfian Officer without alighting call'd
the Interpreter, and bid him go forwarn the Commander
in the Name of the King, that neither he nor any of the
Hollanders prefumed to ftir out of their Houſes till further
order; for that if any of them were ſeen abroad,they fhould
be taught to obey the King's Commands. Thus the Hol-
lander's having been coop'd up nine days, word was brought
the Commander he might return to Cusbin, where he found
that all his Rodomontado's fignified nothing, but that he muſt
comply with the Athemadoulet.
CHAP. IX.
Of the Severity of the Holland Commanders
G
in the Indies.
Eneral Speck, before he came to his Imployment,
had a Daughter by a Woman which he kept onely
as his Miſtreſs, not as his Wife. After his time
was out he returned into Holland, and not being willing to
carry his Daughter along with him, knowing that fhe would
go off better at Batavia than in Holland, left her to the care
of General Com, who fucceeded him in his charge. The
Girl was fair and left rich, fo that her Father was no fooner
gone, but ſhe had many Suitors that courted her, without
any confideration of her Birth, among all which there was
none that the fancied, like one that was a Superior Merchant
of the Fort, for whom fhe had a particular eſteem. Nei-
ther did the believe but that General Com would have given
his confent upon the firſt requeſt, knowing the young man
to be of a good Family. Nevertheleſs they were both de-
ceiv'd; for being ask'd, he utterly denied to yield to any
M 2
fuch
84
A New and Particular Relation
fuch matter. However, the young Man and the Maid con-
tinued their Fidelity to each other, and that with fuch a clofe
relpect, that at length the Virgin's Belly began to fwell.
Whereupon fhe made one of the Ladies of the City acquaint-
ed how the cafe ftood, as alfo of her Council, believing
that the General upon notice how Affairs went, would mar-
ry her to keep all things private. But fo foon as the Lady
had revealed the Mystery, he was fo far from anfwering
their expectation, that he threw the young Man laden
with Fetters into prifon, and fhut up the young Woman cloſe
Priſoner in her Chamber. Next day he call'd a Council,
declar'd to them the Matter of Fact, and gave his Opinion,
that the young man deferv'd to loſe his Head, and that the
Maid fhould be whipp'd. The Council were of a contrary
Judgment, and advis'd him to reconcile the Mifchance by a
Marriage. But notwithſtanding all their perfuafions the
General refolv'd to have his own humour, the next day pri-
vately fent for the Executioner, and caufing the young Man
and the Maid to be brought into his Hall, commanded the
Man's Head to be forthwith truck off, and the Virgin to be
whipp'd though big with Child.
1
The Sieur Goyre commanded the Holland Fleet that was
fent to the Manilles, he landed all his Souldiers, and moſt
of his Mariners. When they began to march,he command-
ed that not a man fhould ftir out of his Rank upon pain of
death. It happen'd that a young Soldier, who was troub-
Fed with the Bloudy Flux, ftept a little afide to cafe Nature,
which the faid Commander perceiving, caus'd him to be ap-
prehended and bound, and calling a Council of War would
have had him hang d, and when the Officers refus'd to give
Sentence againſt one that had committed no offence, he cau-
fed feven or eight Blacks of the Low Countries to hang him
up upon a Tree. But the Sieur Dirk Hogel, Lieutenant Gene-
ral, marching by in the nick of time, and feeing the poor Fel-
low in that condition, prefently order'd him to be cut down,
and fo fav'd the poor Fellow's Life, who returning into
Holland, and making his Complaint to the Company, the
Directors wrote fmartly to the General and Council at Ba-
tavia about the bufinefs; who upon Examination of the
matter, in regard the Lad was fent by the Directors of the
Orphans Houſe at Amfterdam, condemned the Sieur Goyre
to
of the WOMEN.
85
to pay four thouſand Crowns to the Orphans Houſe, and
three hundred Crowns yearly to the poor Souldier.
Y
}
C
CHAP. X.
Touching the Womer..
1.
Fetimes when Women think that their Amours are
oft fecret, they are by fome frange and unexpect-
ed accident odly diſcover'd. While I was at Ba-
tavia, the Secretary of the Hoſpital, as handfom a perfonas
any was in the City, had a Wife that pass'd for a Batavian
Beauty, neither indeed was the defpicable. This Couple
had been ſeven years married without any Children; fo
that the Woman defpairing of her Husband's Abilities, and
to know where the fault lay, refolved to beſtow her Fa-
vours upon one of her Slaves, who was well ſhap'd but ve
Ey black, chufing rather a private Familiarity with him,than
with any young Hollander, whofe frequent Vifits might
breed fufpicion. It ſeems the fault did not lie in her, for
her Sable Gallant had fo improv'd his Talent, that in a ſhort
time fle found the effects of Change. In fhort, the Wo-
mans Belly fwell'd, and her Husband thinking his time had
been come, gan to boaft of his Manhood, and great Joy
there was among the Friends of the Woman upon the hopes
of Iffue. Great Provifions were made against the Lying in,
and the General himſelf made choice of for Godfather. But
when the good hour was come, and the Woman delivered,
their Joy was turned into Mourning, for the Child prov'd
one of the footy Of-fpring of the Sun-burnt race, a perfect
Black. The Husband and Mother of the Woman blufh'd as
red for fhame as the Child was black, and the Goffips hung
down their heads like Bulrufhes: nay the Husband was fo
transported with fury, that he could not hide his refolution
to murder his Wife, for bringing fuch a piece of live Char-
colę into the world. But he was prevented, and fecur'd in
the Fort by the General, till by the intermiffion of Friends,
who wiſely laid before him the original caufe of his Wifes
Tranf
86
A New and Particular Relation of the
Tranfgreffion, they were at length made Friends, and the
Slave for having fhew'd himſelf a Man, was condemn'd to
tug at the Oars in the Galleys that go to fetch Stone for the
ufe of the City.
Now as a White Woman may bring forth a Black, ſo
ſometimes a Black may be deliver'd of a White Child. For
at Bagaim a Cafer's Wife, as black as himſelf, was deli-
ver'd of a white Child. The Cafer feeing his Child white,
would have immediately fallen upon his Wife and ſtrangled
her, had not the good women that affifted at her Labour
prevented him, and one of thofe Goffips was fo cunning as
to run to the Jefuits Houſe, who are well refpected by
thofe Blacks, to defire Father Thomas de Bare, who had a
long time been Rector at Agra, to come to the Cafer's Houſe.
Preſently the Father came with another of the Fraternity,
and finding the Cafer ſtamping and ſtaring almoft out of
his wits, and in open hoftility without all reaſon, to ap-
peaſe his fury ask'd him whether he kept any Hens, and
whether he had any that were black. The Cafer anſwer'd
that he did keep Hens, and that he had likewiſe black Hens.
Preſently the Father order'd one to be brought him; and
then holding it in both his hands before the good Women,
Does this Hen (faid he to the Cafer) lay thee any Eggs?
Yes, replied the Cafer. Of what colour are they, faid the
Father? White, anfwer'd the Cafer. Well then, faid the
Father, thou art worfe than thy filly Creature, and haft far
lefs reafon; for if this Hen which is black lay thee white
Eggs, why may not thy Wife which is black bring thee a
white Child? This Compariſon fo wrought upon the
Cafer, who was no Difputant, that he embrac'd his Wife,
kifs'd his Child, and all was well again. Though for all
the Jefuit's Compariſon it was believ'd that fome Portugal
Souldier had quarter'd with his Wife, which was the reafon
of that more than ufual Production.
b
To conclude, there was a certain woman, the wife of
one of the Counsellors of Batavia, who had both kindneſs
and affection for a Merchant of the Fort, who was both
young and handſom. And it is the Cuftom in that Coun-
trey to be not onely kind but free, fhe had for ſeveral years
fo well fupplied his wants, that he was Company for the
beſt.
It happen'd that this Counſellor was fent abroad up-
on
of the WOMEN.
87
on ſome Negotiation, and ſtaid longer than he thought he
fhould have done. For this reafon Money grew fhort with
the Lady; ſo that her Gallant coming for a Supply, and ſhe
not having ready money to anfwer his Expectations, ſhe
gave him a Gold Chain worth 400 Crowns to pawn for his
preſent Neceffities till ſhe could redeem it. But this Fatal
Chain was the diffolution of all their former Love: For the
young Gentleman being ftreighten'd for Money, and find-
ing no perſon that would lend him fo much Money as he
wanted upon it, very fairly goes and offers it to a Goldsmith
to fell.
While this unfortunate Lover was driving his Bar-
gain in the Shop, who in the name of ill luck fhould come
by but one of his Miftreffes Slaves, and ſpying the Chain in
his hand, runs and tells her Patronefs how fhe had feen her
Gallant imploy'd. Who furpriz'd that her Gallant ſhould
go about to fell the Chain, when he had onely promis'd to
pawn it in private and fure hands; now (quoth The) all will
out, there will be the Devil upon Dun when my Husband
comes home; and I forfooth that have liv'd credibly thus
long, muſt be the ſport of my Neighbours and the talk of
the Town. This produc'd a Duel between Love and In-
tereft, wherein Intereft getting the victory, away fhe im-
mediately fends to all the Goldsmiths, to give them notice
that ſhe had been robb'd of a Gold Chain, defiring them to
apprehend the Party that brought it. She alfo gave the fame
notice to the chief of the Chineſes, and defir'd the Advocate
Fiſcal to make a public Search. Well, by theſe means the
Chain was quickly found, and the Merchant whatever he
could fay for himſelf was apprehended and put in prifon;
foon after he was condemned for a Thief, and fentenced to
row all his life in the Stone Galley, which is the Galley
that fetches Stones for the ufe of Batavia. But happy for
him, General Vanderlin's Lady falling into a hard Labour
before the time of Execution, and defiring his Pardon at
ſuch a folemn Juncture, eafily obtain'd it, feafonably reco-
vering him from the Misfortunes of Folly and Neceffity.
A RELA
de de of
A
RELATION
O F
JAPON,
AND
Of the Cauſe of the Perfecution of the Christians
in thoſe
ISLANDS,
HE Modern Geographers have made
Descriptions of Japon, by means of
ſuch conjectures as they have drawn
from the Relations of certain Mer-
chants who have traded in thofe
Countries. But in regard there are
very few Merchants who are skilful
in Geography, as being fuch who only
mind the profit and advantage of
their Voyages, thofe Defcriptions
have prov'd very uncertain. As to
the knowledge of the Ancients, in
reference to this part of the World,
it is no lefs imperfect; and it is but
only by conjecture to this day, that we believe the Abadii of Ptolomy
to be that Inland which is now call'd Niphon. That which I could learn
of moft certainty, was by the Relation of feveral perfons who have.
Travell'd theſe parts, that the Empire of Fapon is at prefent compos'd
of feveral Iſlands, of which tome perhaps may not be ablolute Iſlands,
but rather Peninſula's, and particularly thofe that make a part of the
B
Land
I
2
A RELATION
Land of reffo, the Inhabitants whereof are Vaffals and Tributaries to
Fapon. Nevertheless a Holland Pilot, who has been induſtrious to
difcover whether the whole Country it felf were an Illand, or a
Continent adjoyning to that vaft Tract of Land call'd Corea, unknown
to this day, in thofe parts where it extends it felf behind China to the
bottom of Tartarie Nilhan, faith, that it is feparated from 7pon by a
narrow Sea, which at this day is call'd The streights of Sanguar.
Through all the Ilands of Japon, where formerly were accompted to
have been 66 Kingdoms, there are three remarkable for their largeneſs,
of which that of largeft extent is called Niphon, the next Xiao, and
the third Xicock. The Japonners accompt it a Journey of twenty
wenty feven
days from the Province of Quanto, to the Country of reffe; and they
fay farther, that this Country of reffo, in thofe parts which are remote
from the Sea, is ſo full of inacceffible Mountains, that those Faponners
who have attempted a difcovery by Land, could never accomplish their
defign, being difcourag'd by the length of the Journey, and the
difficulties and badneſs of the ways.
,
The Ifland of Niphen is four times as big as the other two; and there
is alſo a Mountain therein that vomits up Flames of Fire, like Mount
Etna in Sicily, formerly it was diftinguifh'd into thirty five Kingdoms,
but at this day it is only divided into five parts, the names whereof are
Famafoit, Fetsen, Jetfefen, Quanto, and Ochio, lying all in order as you
travel from Weft to Eaft. Theſe five parts are again divided into
feveral Provinces. The Ifland of Ximo, or Saycock, is fituated to the
South-Weft of Niphon, being about 160 Leagues in circuit. The Inland
of Xicock is feated by the South of Niphon, being about 120 Leagues in
compafs. The other Iflands that lye round about are not fo confiderable,
for in thofe Seas lye feveral Iflands fcatter'd up and down, as in the Archi
pelago, between the Morca and the Coafts of Afia the lefs. As to the
reft, I refer the Reader to the Map annexed, believing it to be
true, as having been made upon the places themfelves.
very
The Emperour at prefent keeps his Court in the City of Teddo, in
regard the Air is there more temperate, and the Heats not fo violent;
but when he has a Son that is arriv'd to the Age of fifteen years, he
fends him to Suranga, there to refide, till the death of his Father makes
him way to the Throne.
Since reddo has been made choice of for the Seat of the Empire, it
has fo greatly enlarg'd it felf from day to day, that it is at prefent three
Leagues in length, and three in breadth, very populous, and the Houſes
ftanding very clofe together. When the Emperour rides through the
City, or that there is any publick fhew to be feen, it is impoffible to get
by the crowd of the people, though the Women are not permitted to be
of the number. The Emperours Palace is cover'd with Plates of Gold,
to which the Palaces of the Lords are every way correfpondent in Mag-
nificence; ſo that afar off the City affords the richeſt and moſt magnifi-
cent Proſpect that was ever beheld: Though it be not fo beautiful
within, by reaſon that the ordinary Houfes are built only of Wood.
The Great Dairy keeps his refidence at Meaco, which is allo a very large
City, containing above a hundred thoufand Houles; it was formerly
the capital Seat of the Empire, at what time the Dairy's were laid afide.
So foon as he is Crown'd by the Bones, who are the Prefts and Lawyers,
he is then no more to expofe himself to the light of the Moon, nor to
shave
of JAPON.
3
7
fhave his Head, or cut his Nails. The Natives report, that the Empire
of Japon was formerly govern'd by a Prince call'd Dairy, who had
acquir'd fo high a reputation for Holiness, that his Subjects ador'd him
as a God, and that to increaſe the awe and reverence of the people, he
fuffer'd his Hair and Nails to grow, affirming, that it it was a piece of
Sacriledge to make ufe either of Razor or Sizzars. The Princes
that fucceeded him, though they had only the name of Kings, have
ftill preferv'd the fame cuftom, believing that it becomes not their Gran-
deur to appear in view of the Moon, as being Sons of the Sun. If he
have a Daughter that is ripe for Marriage, the Emperour is oblig'd to
Marry her, and the it is that bears the Title of Empress, though the
fhould happen to have no Children, which is contrary to the Maxims
of all the Eaftern Monarchs, who give the Title of Queen and Sulta-
nefs only to her, among all the rest of their Wives, that is firſt brought
to Bed of a Male Succeffor to the Crown.
At the end of every ſeven years, the Emperour fends one of the chief
Princes of his Court to the Dairy with a Basket full of Earth, and to
tell him, that all the Lands which the Emperour commands, are at the
Dairy's Devotion; and indeed the Empire belongs to him by right of
Succeffion, though at prefent he enjoys only the Title, and very large
Revenues, which render him highly confiderable in the Empire.
The Japonners are Idolaters, and adore the Sun; but though they have
a great number of Temples and different Idols, yet they are not over
obftinate in their Devotion, only the Emperour is very fevere againft
all other Religions. They never ftir out of their Native Country to
travel, unleſs it be to China, and the Land of reffo; and within thefe
few years the Emperour has prohibited his people under extream penal-
ties, from having any Commerce with Foreigners, the Chineſes and
Hollanders excepted. He had receiv'd Ambaffadours at feveral times
from feveral Princes, but never fent any of his own to them again.
Nevertheleſs it is affirm'd, that feveral Lords of theſe Iſlands newly
converted to the Faith, in the year 1585, fent their Children to Rome
to render their acknowledgments to Gregory the Thirteenth; and that
being return'd back in the year 1587, to Goa, they were afterwards
receiv'd, and welcom'd again into their own Country with
great marks
of joy. The little inclination which they have to Navigation and
Traffick, proceeds in part from the great abundance of all things necef-
fary for Human fupport, which their own Country produces, and then
in the next place from the jealoufies of the Emperour, who is afraid of
the alterations which new Religions may make in his Government;
for they are very fickle, and eafily feduc'd after Novelties, which has been
the occafion of many Revolts, and Civil Wars, till Quabacondon wreſted
the Empire out of the hands of the Dairy, and reunited all the Provinces.
They are fo fiery and revengeful, that upon the leaft affront given them,
if they cannot have an opportunity of a preſent revenge, they will rip
up their own Bellies, and kill themſelves. I was told a Story to confirm
this. Two young Lords that ferv'd the Emperour met in the
Palace, and joftl'd one the other by accident; the moft furious of the
two was immediately for drawing his Sword. The other told him, the
place was not convenient, that he was going to wait; but that if he
would ftay for him in fuch a place, he would give him fatisfaction.
Accordingly the party that thought himſelf affronted went and ſtay'd,but
B 2
his
4
RELATION
A
his impatience was fuch, that after he had ftay'd awhile, not finding
the other to come, he ripp'd up his own Bowels for very vexation.
Upon which the people crowding about him, ask'd him the reafon of
his killing himself; to which they could draw no other anlwer but this,
A cowardly Raskal has affronted me. By and by the other comes, makes
way through the throng, and furpriz'd with what he beheld; Poor
Creature, faid he, thou need'st not have doubted my being as good as my word,
this Dagger fball affure thee of it: And fo faying, he kill'd himself upon
the place, and fell by the others fide.
There is no Nation under Heaven that fears Death lefs than this, or
that is more enclin'd to cruelty. If any Prince or great Lord makes a
Feaſt for his Friends, at the end of the Feaft he calls his principal Offi-
cers, and asks 'em, if there be any that has fo much love for him as to
kill himſelf before the Guefts for his fake. Prelently there arifes a
difpute among them who fhall have the Honour; and who ever the
Prince is pleas'd to name, rips up his Belly with a Cric, which is a kind
of Dagger, the poynt whereof is Poylon'd. This cuftom is allo
practis'd upon the Death of their Mafters, or when they lay the Foun-
dations of any Palace; for they are fo fuperftitious as to believe, that
theſe Victims are neceffary to render both the Owners of the Building,
and the Habitation fortunate.
They puniſh all manner of Theft with Death. 'Tis alſo a capital
Crime among them to play for Money. Adultery is only punith'd in
the Women: But Coynage of falle Money, fetting Houfes on Fire,
Deflowring and Ravishing of Virgins, are not only punish'd in the perfons
of the Criminals, but alſo of thoſe who are next of kin to them. The
Women live retir'd, and are very faithful to their Husbands. The
Emperour having put to Death one of the Lords of his Court, out of
hopes to enjoy his Wife; the fearing violence, befought the Emperour
to give her time to confider, which was granted for fome few days.
At the end whereof the fhut her felf up in a Room with her Children;
and after ſhe had delivered a Paper to one of her Servants to carry to the
Emperour, the fet the Chamber a Fire, and burnt both her felf and her
Children. The Emperour met with nothing elle in the Paper but
reproaches of his Tyranny, and atteftations of joy from the Lady, that
the had the opportunity to Sacrifice her felf to the memory of her Huf-
band. Several other ftories I have heard, which make me believe,
that this Nation is not uncapable of doing actions worthy a Roman
Vertue.
The Portugals were the first people of Europe that difcover'd the Ilands
of Japon. They were thrown upon the Coaſt by a violent Storm, in
the year 1542, and underſtanding that there was greatftore of Gold
and Silver in the Country, they return'd with a refolution to ſettle them-
felves. The first place where they thought to fix was neer Surunga, a
City which ſtands about four Leagues from the Sea: But becauſe there
is but one Road, and that not very fecure neither for Shipping, they
remain'd there not above five years. At length they took poffeffion of
a little forfaken Ifland call'd Kifma, which they peopl'd afterward's;
but fince the laft Perfecution of the Chriftians, the Portugals were forc'd
to abandon it, having no more Commerce with the Japonners. How the
Hollanders came to erect their Factories there, I thall tell the Reader in
another part of this Relation.
Seven
of JAPON.
5
Seven years
after the firft coming of the Portugals to Japon, St. Francis
Xavier made aVoyage thither to Preach the Gospel. The firft place where
he Landed was the Inland of Niphon, where he ftay'd two years and fome
Months, and travel'd feveral parts of thefe Iflands; but his principal
defign being to go to China, he took ſhipping accordingly. The Velfel
was no fooner out at Sea, but St. Francis fell fick, fo that the Captain
pur him ashore again in the Ifland of Sechen, by others call'd Hajaan,
belonging to China, where in a few days after he dy'd, and never was
in China, as fome have reported and believ❜d.
After his death the Chriftian Religion fpread it felf very much in
China, the people being very docible, and apprehenfive of the inftructions
which were given them, but the behaviour of the Portugals difpleafing
the Principal Governours, and thofe who had moft Power at Court,
they did them ill Offices to the Emperour, and the Bonzes mifliking the
new Religion, and jealous of the effects thereof, were the fomenters of
continual perfecutions against the new Converts, pretending they
favour'd the defigns of the Portugueses.
Nevertheleſs the Chriftian Religion daily got footing, and perhaps the
whole Nation would have embrac'd it, if the coveroulnefs and wicked-
neſs of the Chriftians themſelves had not been the chief impediment
of their converſion. The Hollanders did all they could to lay the fault
upon the Portugals, but the truth will eafily appear by the Letter written
to one Leonard Campen, a Hollander, wherein it is faid, that when the
Hollanders were ask'd by the Natives what Religion they were of, they
made this anſwer, we are no Chriflians, we are Hollanders. I do not go
about to blemiſh a whole Nation for the fault of a few, but only to
fhew what a dangerous thing it is,to make an ill choice of Officers upon
the fetling of a new Commerce in Regions fo remote.
The Holland East-India Company having fet out a Veffel for Batavia,
put aboard about a dozen young Boys, and as many Girls, taken out of
the Holpitals in the Country. Among thefe Boys there was one who
was defign'd to ferve in the Kitchin, but Fortune made him an Inftru-
ment of one of the greateft Misfortunes that ever befell our Age.
During the Voyage, the Merchant having obferv'd him to be a Boy of
a ready wit,and for that reafon believing that he might one day prove fer-
viccable to the Holland Company, caus'd him to be taught to write and
read; wherein he improv'd to well in a fhort time, that being come to
Batavia, he was thought capable of a higher Employment. The Velfel
being arriv'd, the General and his Council refòlv'd to fend the fame Veffel
to Japon, with fome part of the Lading which was brought from Europe.
Thereupon the Merchant was commanded upon this Voyage, and the
under Accomptant happening in the mean time to dye, this Boy was by
him advanc'd to the place, and by the Merchant carefully inftructed in
the knowledge of the East-India Trade.
The Veffel being arriv'd at Firando, the new under Accomptant
believing no place more proper for him then that to raile his fortune,
refolv'd to leave his Benefactor, and therefore when the Ship was to
return, he hid himself out of the way, till he knew the Ship to be far
enough onward on her Voyage, and by that means becoming a Member
of the Factory, he grew to perfect in the Language of the Natives,
and fo uſeful to the Company, that at length he came to be Preſident
of the Factory; the Authority of which Employment fo puff'd him
up,
6
A RELATION
up, that he was not only for continuing and upholding the Commerce
of his own, but excluding all other Nations. Now, as I have already
obferv'd, the Portugals were the firft Traders, and the firft that propa-
gated the Chriftian Religion in thofe parts; therefore it was that the
Chriſtian Faponners would not Trade with any but the Portugals, as
having known them longer, and finding them more true to their words.
This the Preſident obfèrv'd, and made it his buſineſs to render them
obnoxious at Court, and by vertue of his Prefents, engag'd the Gover-
nours of Provinces, and other great Lords, to favour his defign.
However, the Portugals wanted neither friends nor confederates. And
though they were not in a condition to be fo liberal as the Preſident, yet
they made afhift to defend themſelves, and render his under-hand
Dealings ineffectual. Thereupon finding that thofe Tricks would
not take, he had recourle to the fouleft of Calumnies; for he counter-
feited a Letter written in the Portuguese Language, containing a difco-
very of a defign of the Chriftian Japonners to have made a general In-
furrection, and a particular Confpiracy against the perſon of the Em-
perour. This Letter he carry'd to a Lord of the Country, into whoſe
favour and confidence he had wrought himſelf, who preſently thought
it to be his duty to give intelligence of fo important a deſign to the
Court.
The Preſident inform'd him by what accident the Letter came to his
hands, and gave an account of fuch circumftances, as made his Impo-
fture look with a probable countenance, relating, how that the Hol-
landers had taken a Portugal Veffel returning from Japan to Goa, and that
the Holland Captain having taken this Letter among other Papers, open'd
it, and perceiving of what confequence it was, had fent an Exprefs to
the Prefident to proceed as his prudence, and the affection of the Dutch
Company toward the Emperour fhould guide him. That the Portugals,
who were but Subjects to the Spaniards, had a pernicious Maxim, not to
fuffer any Religon but their own in any place where they had to do,
and that for their own ends they never fpar'd either the Life or Liberty
of Man; that they thought it an acceptable Sacrifice to God, to cut the
Throats of thoſe whom they could not convert. And lastly, that the
Hollanders were a people that accorded with all Nations and Religions,
and minded nothing but their Trade.
The Lord believ'd all theſe fraudulent Calumnies, and fent a Copy
of the Letter to the Emperour, the fubftance whereof was, That the
Spaniards in the Philippine Ilands, and the Portugals in Japon, being in
confederacy with the Chriftians of the Country, had fent to the Gover-
nour of Goa to fend by a time prefix'd eight or ten Veffels, with Men
and Arms, but efpecially a good number of Officers to command the
Revolters, for that then there would be a numerous Army ready, and
that they ſhould eaſily make themſelves Maſters of Japon.
The Portugals were then under the Dominion of the Spaniard, and
though they would fuffer no Spaniard in their Indian Acquifitions but
the Viceroy, yet feveral of the Religious Orders did flip into Japon,
carried thither by a true and real zeal; yet this zeal, when once indif
creet, does as much mischief as covetoufneſs it felf. The Father Pan-
lifts, for fo they call the Jefuits in the Indies, by reaſon that their Church
in Goa is dedicated to St. Paul; theſe Jefuits I fay, had made a fair pro-
grefs, and gain'd great credit among the people, notwithſtanding
their
Of JAPON.
7
their continual perfecutions, according as the Lords of the Country
were well or ill affected towards them. Their number therefore
encreas'd, and the new Converts had this advantage, that they enrich'd
themſelves by Trading with the Portugals, who had made a pofitive
Agreement not to Trade with the Bonzes, This provok'd the Bonzes
againſt them, and the multitude of the Chriftians fo far augmented
the Emperour's jealoufies and fears, that in a fhort time they produc'd
the effects of open rage and cruelty.
,
The Jefuits had converted to the Faith a great Lord of the Kingdom,
who liv'd moſt commonly at Bugen, in the Ifland of Ximo, a perſon of
great Intereft and Power in the Ifland. He had four Sons two of
which liv'd with him, and following his Example, had embrac'd the
Catholick Faith. The Father was Baptiz'd by the name of Ignatius z
the eldest of the two was call'd Francis, and the youngest Charles: the
two eldeſt Sons were at Court in great favour with the Emperour. The
younger of the two that had embrac'd the Chriftian Religion, ad-
dicted himſelf wholly to the ſtudy of the Scripture, and retir'd with
the Jesuits to their Seminary. His Example had wrought with a great
number of young Lords, and as he was eloquent befides, he was of
great ule to the Jesuits in preaching the Gofpel, and reclaiming the people
from the groffneſs of their Errors.
The Japonners are naturally endow'd with a noble mind, and great
inclination to Learning; fo that there is nothing wanting in that Nation
but able Teachers. Not but that they have Doctors of their own: the
Dairy's Court is full of them; where they preferve the Annals of their
Country, and pretend that Printing and Artillery were in ufe among
them before they were known in Europe. From this Court come all
their Books, in regard the perfons that attend upon this Prince apply
themſelves only to their Studies. It is reported, that they learnt all theſe
things by their frequent Commerce with the Chineses, and that they are
alfo originally defcended from them. And in truth, the greateft Pro-
vince of the Iſland of Niphen is call'd Quanto, according to the name
of the Sea-Coaft part of china, where lies the greateſt Traffick be-
tween the Japonners and Chineses. Moreover, if there be any credit to
be given to the Chinese Hiftories, they fay it was but a small part of their
valt Empire, which extended it felf from North to South 56 Degrees
of Latitude, from the Frozen Sea to the Equinoctial Line, being boun-
ded to the Weft by the Caspian Sea, and extending Eaſtward over all
the Southern America to New Spain.
Father Thomas Bair, a Portuguese, has often told me when I was at
Agra, a capital City of the Great Mogul, where the Jesuits have a very
fair Houle, that this and feveral other young Lords improv'd
themselves ſo far in fix or feven years, that they were as Learned as their
Maflers themfelves, and that they were more zealous in converting
thofe of their Nation. Now the fefuits at that time had no Houfe for
the Inftruction of Youth and Profelytes, and therefore they defir'd this
young Lord to lend them one of his. Thereupon he having four very
fair ones, with great Revenues belonging to them, gave that which
was nearest to the City to his Converters. A while after, the youngeſt
of his Sons fell fick, and was carried to this Houle for the Air's fake
where he recover'd by the care of the Fathers, and the Prayers of the
Chriftians; but his Father did not long enjoy the pleaſure of ſo great
*
a
8
RELATION
A
a Cure, which ſeem'd almoſt miraculous; for he dy'd at what time both
his Sons and the Chriftians ftood moſt in need of his protection.
The two eldeſt, who were with the Emperour, understanding the
the Death of their Father, came to take poffeffion of their Inheritance,
and demanded of the Jefuits the Houſe which their Father had given
them, for in Japon no Parent can alienate the Eftate of his Children;
nay, when they come to fuch an Age, he is oblig'd to put them in
poffeffion of their Eftates, referving only ſuch a proportion to himſelf.
The Jefuits, loth to part with fo fair a convenience, would not quit their
hold, though it were for their own quiet, and to engage the whole
Family to ftand by them in their time of trouble. This refufal pro-
vok'd the two Brethren, and this quarrel between them and the fejuts
happen'd at the fame time that the Dutch Prefident was labouring to
bring about his defigns. He had notice of this difpute, and as he was
a great Impoftor, he made it his bufinefs to enflame the two Brothers,
not only againſt the Jesuits, but againſt the Portugals in general, giving
them a Copy of the Letter which he had fram'd, as is before-men-
tion'd.
Theſe two Lords, who were Favourites of the Emperour, joyning
Intereſt of State to their particular Intereft, made their complaints at
Court, with extraordinary aggravations; urging that there was no
fecurity for the Eftates of particular Men, for the quiet of the Empire,
nor the Life of the Prince, unleſs not only all the Portugals, but allo all
the Natives of Japon, who had fuck'd their Errors, were exterminated
out of the Iſland. To make good the reaſons of their Exafperation they
ſhew'd the Emperour a Copy of the Letter, and put him into fuch
a fright, as well for his Perſon, as the Empire, that he would admit of
no juſtification on the other fide.
Some of his Lords, who were Friends to the Portugals, befought him
to examin the truth of what was alledg'd, before he proceeded to utmoſt
extremities againſt a whole Nation, and against his own Subjects.
But he was inexorable, and prefently gave private Orders to certain
Commiffioners, to go through all the Provinces of the Empire, and
to banish not only the Portugals, but alfo all the Chriftian Natives. Now
in regard they had their private confederates, as well in the Court, as
in other places, they had intelligence, in all parts,of the cruel refolution
tak'n againſt them, though none were more zealous and faithful to
them then the two Lords of Ximo, Francis and Charles. Thereupon
the Chriſtians met together to confult for their own fafety, and their
common preſervation, and feeing all attempts to juftifie themfelves
prove ineffectual, they refolv'd to and upon their guards, and to dye
in the defence of their Innocency and Religion. The two Lords put
themſelves at the head of the Chriftians Army, the elder of which had
been a Souldier, and underſtood the Art of War; the younger kept að
their Spirits and Courages by his continual Exhortations.
The Emperour's Commiffioners underſtanding that the Chriftians.
were thus embody'd, gave him ſpeedy notice thereof, but faid nothing
either of the number of their Forces, or of their defigns. The Jefuits
and Austin Fryars at Goa, told me, that the Army of the Chriftians con-
fifted of above 40000 Men, befides thofe recruits that came up to them
before and after the Battel was fought.
The
Of JAPON.
9
The Emperour not beleiving that the Army was fo numerous, fent
against them at firft not above 25 or 30000 Men, under the Com-
mand of the youngeſt of the two Lords of Ximo, that liv'd at
Court. But thofe Troops were no fooner upon their March, but
he rais'd new Forces, and fent another Army after them, confifting of
40000 Men, commanded by the young Lord, to whom the Dutch
Prefident had fhew'd the Letter firft of all.
C
The Chriftians having intelligence of the approach of theſe two
Armies, prepar'd to receive them, choofing an advantagious place to
intrench themſelves. The first Army foon appear'd in fight of the
Chriftians, who lay fo encamp'd, that the Imperialifts could difcover
no more than one part of them. However, before the Engagement,
the youngest of the Chriftian Brothers advis'd his other Brother to ſend to
the General of the Emperour's Army, who was their Brother likewife,tó
defire Peace, and to befeech him to intercede for them to the Emperour,
and to affure him, that they were ready to lay down their Arms, and
throw themſelves at his Feet, and to juftifie their Innocency. To this
purpoſe a Letter was fram'd and fent to the General, but the Meffenger
that carry'd it was nail'd to a Croſs in fight of the whole Army of the
Chriſtians, and at the fame time the Enemy came on with great fury to
affail them.
The Fight lafted almoft three hours with equal advantage, the Cap-
tain of the Imperialifts feeking every where for his Brothers, while they
ftrove to avoid him. The Chriftians, who knew that all their ſafety
confifted in their Victory, and that there was otherwife no hope of par-
don, fought with ſo much valour, that the Imperialiſts were forc'd to
give ground. Their General was flain upon the place, and at length
the whole Army of the Idolaters was cut in pieces.
10
This Victory wrought the Converfion of feveral of the Idolaters
and the Chriftians, after they had given thanks to God three days toge-
ther, prepar'd themſelves for a fecond Combat, not doubting but the
other Army would fet upon them while they were weary, and weaken'd
by the laft Battel. But that General more prudent then the former, only
poſted himſelf where the Chriftians could not come at him, and writ
to the Court the particulars of the Defeat of the firſt Army, upon which
he expected the Emperour's Orders.
In the mean while,the Army of the Chriftians daily encreas'd, ſo that
in a few days they were above fifty thousand ftrong. The Emperour,
refolv'd to ftifle this Revolt in the beginning, fent Orders through all
his Empire to make new Levies; and all the while the Dutch Preſident's
Confederates ceas'd not to aggravate him against the Chriftians, not
fuffering the other Courtiers to open his Eyes, and prevent fo unjuſt a
profecution. The defeat of his Army had put him into fuch a rage be
fides, that though the Captains of the Chriftians Army did all they
could to clear themſelves from the falle accufations laid upon them, and
to obtain their pardons, there was no poffibility of being heard.
The Emperour call'd his Council, where the wifeft were of opinion,
that it would prove the best way to receive the fubmiffions of the Chri-
ftians, who offer'd to lay down their Arms upon a general pardon, and
the free exerciſe of their Religion. But the Prefident's Cabal carry'd it
beyond this fober advice, and the Emperour, exafperated by his Impo-
ftures, took the wrong courle. Thereupon the Council refolv'd with
C
all
10
RELATION
A
all ſpeed to raiſe a vaft Army, which was to joyn with the other, and
fo to ruin the Chriſtians all at a blow. The Dairy alſo, who is con-
fulted upon all important affairs, approv'd this Council. Thereupon
the Lords who are oblig'd to furnish the Emperour with Men, ftrove
who should bring their Troops and Companies first to the Randevouz
appointed, which was neer the place where the ſecond Army lay; fo
that when both Armies were joyn'd together, there was in the Field a
Body of 150000 Men. The Brother of the General, who was flain in
the firſt Battel, commanded under the Emperour, who refolv'd to go
in perſon.
But first of all he caus'd a Proclamation to be made in his Camp,
whereby he forbad any Quarter to be given to any Chriftian, unless it
were the two Brothers, whom he intended to punish openly; and that
they who left the Field before the Chriftians were banish d,fhould be put,
they and their Kindred, to the moſt cruel Deaths that could be imagin'd;
but that they ſhould be rewarded that brought the Head of a Chriftian
to the Emperour. The Copies of this Proclamation were ſcatter'd in
the Army of the Chriftians, though they did no harm but only encou-
rag'd them againſt the Idolaters, feeing there was no hope of pardon.
Nevertheleſs the youngest of the two Brothers offer'd to go and throw
himſelf at the Emperour's Feet, to implore his clemency in the name of
the whole Army; faying withall, That he ſhould accompt himſelf happy
to fuffer Martyrdom to fhew his Innocency; but they would not fuffer
him to ftir. All he could obtain from them, was to write a Letter full
of reſpect, fubmiffion, and repentance for what had been already done,
declaring that they were ready to lay down their Arms, if the Emperour
would grant them pardon, and the free Exerciſe of their Religion,
offering with the hazard of their Lives to make out the falfity of all
thoſe things wherewith they had been accus'd.
This was by an Idolater carry'd to a certain Lord who ſecretly favour'd
the Chriftians; but the Emperour toar it without reading it, vowing
at the fame time, that he would never return to his Court 'till the Idola-
ters were all extirpated. The Chriftian Army underſtanding the Em-
perour's refolution,minded nothing more then their own defence. 'Tis
true, the Ground where they lay was advantagious enough for the
ſmallneſs of their Number, but the Idolaters were three to one; beſides
that the Idolaters of the Country, who favour'd the Chriſtians before,
now declar'd all against them fo foon as they faw the Imperial Army.
So that now both Armies lying fo near together, feveral hot Skirmishes
paſs'd between 'em; and at length it came to a general Battel. At firſt
the Chriftians overthrew the Idolaters, not able to ſtand before them:
with fo much vigour did the youngeſt of their Chieftains affail them.
He was remarkable for his Habit that day, but more remarkable for his
courage; fo that the Field was cover'd with the Bodies of the flain, fear
and dread poffeffing the yielding Enemy. But while the Victor forgot his
Brother's advice, and purfu'd too far from the Body of the Army, he
was encompaſs'd on every fide, wounded, and being carried away by
the prefs of his Enemies, was at length taken, and lead before the
Emperour. His eldeſt Brother, more experienc'd in War, rally'd and
recall'd thoſe that had follow'd his Brother, and till Night maintain'd
the advantages, which he had got over the Imperialifts, who were ſtill
fupply'd with fresh Succours,as neceffity requir'd. The next day the Fight
was
I
11
of JAPON.
was renew'd again by break of day, and with a fuccefs as honourable,
but more bloody to the Chriftians.
The third day the Emperour enrag'd at fuch a refiftance, caus'd them
to be fet upon in feveral places at one time. The General of the Chri-
ftians Army rode from Rank to Rank, encouraging the Souldiers both
by his Exhortations, and his Example: but at length having receiv'd
feveral wounds, he was overlaid by the multitude of his Enemies that
crouded to his deftruction. And now the General being left, and the
Chriftians having no perfon to command them, it ceas'd to be a Com-
bat, and became a Maffacre. However, refolving to dye with their
Swords in their hands, they flung themſelves into the thickeſt of their
Enemies, and Sacrific'd themſelves to their own Innocency. Their
Camp was foon forc'd, and all the old Men, Women, and Children
put to the Sword, except fome few that elcap'd and hid themſelves in
the Mountains, who afterwards made a relation of this bloody Story to
them who rehears'd it to me.
This was the deplorable end of the Chriftians, and indeed of the
Chriftianifme of Japon, which the Prefident procur`d by his impoſtures
and fallacies. And it has been made appear by three exact accɔmpts,that
there has perifh'd, either in Battels or by Tortures, above 60000 Chri-
ftians. The eldest of their Captains fuffer'd a moft cruel Martyrdom
for ſeven days, neither could any offer, that the Emperour could make
him for his Brothers and his own Valours fake, induce him to renounce
the Chriſtian Faith. After that, there was a kind of Inquifition fet up
thorough the whole Empire, which lafted for ſeveral years, whereby
thoſe that perſever'd in the Faith, were condemn'd to moft intolerable
Torments, in fo much that the Relation,which Van Varen, a Hollander,
whofe credit it would be a vanity to queſtion in this particular, cannot
be read over without Horrour. In fixteen years, that is, from 1613
to 1629, the Chriftians were fo multiply'd, that there were above
400000; but in the year 1649, the fame Hollander relates, that thoſe
Faponners who were brought from thence by the Company's Ships to Am-
fterdam, affirm'd, that Chriftianity was utterly extirpated out of the
Ifland.
Being at Ogli, a large Town upon the fairest Arm of the Ganges, I
met a Holland Merchant, who had ferv'd the Company in Japon a long
time, and had made feveral Voyages. He came thither with two
Ships laden with Bars of Silver and Copper, which he had exchang'd
for Silks, which the Hollanders buy at Bengale. This Merchant know-
ing I was there, came to vifit me; and I finding him to be a fincere
honeft Man, and well verft in the affairs of Japan, eſpecially in
reference to the laft perfecution of the Chriftians, grew cove-
tous of his converfe, and invited him often to my Houſe. In our
familiar difcourfes concerning the fettlement of the Hollanders in the
Eafl-Indies, and of the extraordinary gain which they make by their
Trade there,and paffing thus from one thing to another, at length I ask'd
him who was the Author and Contriver of a Maffacre fo horrid, as
that was reported to be. Whereupon he related to me all the particu-
lars of which I have here made a recital, and many more which I have
forgot or omitted, as being either not pertinent to my fubject, or elfe
already related by others. He had his information from fuch of the
Natives that had efcap'd out of the Battel, and feveral of the Idolater
C 2
Mer-
}
1
12
A RELATION
Merchants, in whoſe memories the fact was then freſh: and indeed he
was fo ingenious in his Story, that I could not find any motive to in-
cite me to mildoubt the truth of it. For many times he could not for-
bear ſhedding tears, and to interrupt his diſcourſe with his fighs, often
imprecating Heav'ns Vengeance upon the Prefident, and proteſting
he wonder'd the Company employ'd him fo long. But God referv'd
his puniſhment to himself. For the deferts of his crimes always atten-
ding him, and provoking judgments and misfortunes upon whatever
Enterprize he took in hand, he miferably perish'd in fight of Lisbon in
fair weather. All the men in the Ship were fav'd; only he returning
to recover a certain Cabinet of Jewels which he had there, the Ship
ſplit, and the Portugals had the fatisfaction to fee him fwallow'd up in the
Sea, who had been the occafion of the Ruin of fo many of their
Country-men in Japon; and immediately they rang their Bells in the
City for joy of his Death.
In my laſt Voyage to the Indies I was at Bandar-Abali, where the
Hollanders have a Factory. Thither arriv'd two Vellels from Japon to
take in Silks, which the Hollanders buy of the Perfians to exchange in
Japon. The Captain of one of the Ships told me, that during ſeveral
trading Voyages which he had made to that Ifland, the Emperour had
caus'd two Inquifitions to be made after the Chriftians; in the firſt of
which the Inquifitors met with 247, who were all moft exquifitely
tormented to Death, in the latter they only found 63, among whom
were ſeventeen Children, twelve Girls and five Boys, of which the
eldeſt were not above thirteen years of Age.
Among all the perfecutions which the Chriftians fuffer'd, there was
none comparable to this for extremity of Torments: For the Japonners
are the moſt ingenious in cruelty of any people in the World, and the
moſt conſtant in fuffering. For there have been Children from ten to
a dozen years old, who for 60 days together have endur'd to have their
Bodies faften'd to the Crofs, half burnt, half torn in pieces, while
their Executioners forc❜d them to eat, on purpoſe to prolong their Lives
in mifery, and yet they would not renounce the Faith which they had
embrac'd. Neither did this barbarous Inquifition extend only to the
Chriſtians, but to their Kindred and Relations, nay, to their very
Neighbours. For if a Prieft were taken in any Houle, all the people
in that Houſe, and the Houſes adjoyning, were hall'd to Execution,
for not having made the diſcovery.
At the beginning of every year there is a new Inquifition, at which
time all that can write are requir'd to ſubſcribe, or elſe the chief of the
Family fubfcribes for all the reft, that they neither are Chriftians, nor
are acquainted with any Chriftians,and that they abominate Chriſtianity
as a Religion dangerous to the State.
Don John of Braganza, being advanc'd to the Crown, that fudden
change which in one day, and without the leaft Tumult in Lisbon,
wrefted the Crown of Portugal from the King of Spain, wrought the
fame effect at Goa. All the Portugals at Goa at the fame time acknow-
ledg'd their new Soveraign; the Viceroy who was a Spaniard, was fent
away to Spain by the firft Veffels that were homeward bound; and Don
Philip de Mafcarennas, a Portugal, Governour of Ceylan, came to Goa, and
took upon him the command of Viceroy.
So
Of JAPON.
13
So foon as he came to the Government, his first thoughts were how
to Eſtablish the Trade of the Portugals in Japon, which when they were
expell'd, amounted to three Millions of Pardo's yearly, one Pardo being
worth twenty feven Sous of French Money. The hopes therefore of
regaining fo great a lofs, made him toward the end of the year 1642,
take a refolution to fend a folemn Embaffy to the Emperour of Japon, fur-
nish'd with magnificent Prefents: For which reafon he made choice of
what was moſt rare, and moſt likely to be acceptable to the Emperour,
and the Grandees of his Court. The moſt coftly of theſe Preſents was
a piece of Lignum Aloes, otherwife call'd wood of Calambour, four Foot
in length, and two Foot in Diameter; a larger piece then which the
Indies had never feen, having coft 40000 Pardo's.
Pardo's. To this he added a
great quantity of fair Coral Beads of an extraordinary bignefs. This is
the moſt acceptable Preſent that can be fent to the Lords of Japon, which
they faften to the Strings wherewith they draw their Pouches together.
With theſe he ſent a great number of Carpets and Hangings of Cloth
of Gold, Silver, and Silk, and feveral pieces of Tiffue of Gold and
Silver. 'Tis faid the whole Prefent coft the City of Goa above eight
hundred thouſand Pardo's, which amounts to about 866661. 135.
4 d. of English Money. Beſides all this, the two great Ships which
were prepar'd for the Embaffador, carry'd one of them 50 Peeces of
Canon, and the other 35, both laden with all forts of Commodities.
which are eſteem'd and priz'd in Japon, amounting to about 83333 l. 65.
8 d. Sterling. The Equipage of the Embaffador was no lefs fumptuous.
And becauſe the Viceroy would not be thought to give any occafion of
offence to the Emperour, he would not fuffer one fefuit in the Train,
but only four Augustins for the Admiral, and four Jacobins for the other,
Men of difcretion and conduct. While I was at Goa, in the year 1648,
I met with ſome of theſe Fathers, who gave an exact accompt of the
Embaffy.
They made a profperous Voyage, and arriv'd happily at their in-
tended Port. But you muſt underſtand, that when any Ship arrives at
Japon, no perſons are permitted to come afhore, 'till the Governour of
the place have an accompt who they are, that they may give notice
thereof to the Emperour, and know his pleaſure, whether they thall be
received or no. In the mean time the Ships rode in a very dangerous
place, at the entry of the Haven, into which there was no fteering,
without the affiftance of the Native Pilots.
The Governour of Nangafaqui furpriz'd to underſtand that they were
Portugueses, wrote in all haft to the Emperour. The Dutch Prefident
being inform'd of the news, play'd all the pranks he could, us'd all the
contrivances imaginable to fruftrate the fuccefs of the Embaffy, and
to ruine the Veffels that brought the Embaffadour and his Preſents.
To which purpoſe he found a way to bribe the Courrier, who was ſent
with the Emperours Orders; fo that inſtead of twenty days, which
were fufficient for his journey, he made it above two Months before he
deliver'd his diſpatches. During which time the two Ships had fuffer'd
very bad weather upon the Coaſts, and endur'd many a fevere Storm.
At length the Orders came that none ſhould be permitted to Land but
the Embaſſadour, the two Captains, and the two Pilots, to give an
accompt of the fubject and caule of their coming. The Embaffadour
being Landed, acquainted the Governour that he came to compliment
the
}
A RELATION
!
14
1
I
the Emperour in the behalf of the King his Mafter, and to affure him
that they were no longer under the Power of the King of Spain. That
about a year fince, a lawful Heir of Portugal had recover'd the Diadem
of his Anceſtors which the Spaniard had ufurp'd. That this new King
was ſo juſt and generous a Prince, that underſtanding that fome of his
Subjects had deſerted the Illand of Japon, without paying their Debts,
he had now fent to make a general fatisfaction; but chiefly out of that
reſpect which obliges all Soveraigns newly come to the Crown, to give
notice thereof to thofe Princes, whofe friendship they defire.
The Governour inform'd the Emperour of all theſe things; but the
Prefident having as good intelligence by means of his Friends at Court,
alledg'd to the Emperour that they were Rebels, who came from the
utmoſt parts of the Welt, to bring the News and Example of their
Revolt to fapon: That the natural reſtleſneſs of this Nation caus'd fre-
quent difturbances and revolutions among them. That they were never
long at reft themſelves, nor would fuffer others to be at quiet. That
confidering the experience he had had, he could not be either too cau-
tious for the ſecurity of his perfon, or the tranquillity of his Empire.
Laftly, that the Emperour and the Empire would be ruin'd paft reco-
very, if thoſe people were ever admitted to fet footing therein.
This Counſel well feconded by the rest of the Cabal, eaſily made an
impreffion in the Heart of the Prince naturally Barbarous, and an
Enemy to the Chriftians. Thereupon he fent an Order to the Gover-
nour to invite all the whites aboard, and to treat them for eight days in
the beſt manner he could. At the end of eight days they were order'd
to repair aboard again, and at the fame time he made a Preſent to the
Embaladour, and chief of his Train, confifting of fix great Cabinets,
and fix Coffers lacker'd with black, with Figures in Relief, intermix'd
with fpangles of Gold, all the Embelliſhments being of Maffie Gold.
With them were fix Cabinets, and fix Coffers, lacker'd with Red,
Embellish'd after the ſame manner with Silver. I faw fome of them
when I was at Goa, and I must confefs I never beheld any fo rare and
beautiful in that kind, which made me admire the ingenious Induſtry
of the Artiſts of Japon; Our European imitations of their workmanſhip
being no way comparable to them.
The Embaſſadour having receiv'd his Preſent, had Order to remove
all the Goods in the fecond Veffel into the Admiral. He would have
made great Preſents to the Governour, who refus'd them; telling the
Embaffadour withall, that he had expreſs command to refufe them, and
to declare to the Embaffadour, that if he did not make haft away, he
would fink his Ship. That the Emperour his Maſter had made a new
prohibition, forbidding all Portugals and Spaniards to venture near his
Dominions upon any pretence whatſoever; nay, though it were upon
pretence of an Embaffy, upon pain of being crucifi'd upon the place,
without liberty to ſpeak for themselves. As for the Debts of the Porta-
gals, he had undertaken to diſcharge them himſelf; only he had fent
that Preſent to the King his Maſter to thank him for that Embally. The
Embaſſadour had no fooner remov'd the Goods out of the fecond Veffel
into the Admiral, but they fank her before his face. And not contented
with that affront, the Governour fent for all the Blacks that were in the
Admiral, and cut off their Heads, pretending they were Indians, and
that, as fuch, they could not be ignorant of the Rigorous prohibitions
which
of JAPON.
15
which the Emperour had put forth, forbidding all Strangers, except the
Hollanders, to let footing in Japon.
upon
After the Portugal Embaffadour was thus barbarously fruſtrated and
difmifs'd, he ſent News thereof to the General at Batavia, urging him
to execute the defign which the Hollanders had upon Macao; telling him
alfo, That though there were a probability of a League between the
Hollander and the Portugal against the Spaniard, yet that it could be no
harm to feize Macao beforehand, as they had made themſelves Maſters
of feveral places, while the Portugals were under the King of Spain.
The General taking the Prefident's advice, was ready to fet Sail
this enterprize, when a Meffenger from Portugal brought him the News
of the Treaty concluded between Portugal and Holland; as alfo of the
Navy which the Hollanders had fent to Lisbon to aid the Portugals. At
firft he made as if it had been a falfe Rumour, and put the Meffenger in
Priſon; nevertheleſs while he delay'd the departure of the Fleet, he
receiv'd expreſs Orders from his Superiours to Treat the Portugals as
Friends and Allies. So that he was conftrain'd to turn all his Forces
againſt the Molucca Iflands, then in the poffeffion of the Spaniards.
The Preſident was very forry for the laft News, by reaſon that the
General and he had great defigns upon the Conqueft of that place, and
had promis'd the Company by that means to make them abfolute Maſters
of the Trade of China, and of all the Eaft. True it is, that Macao is
very advantagioufly feated for thofe that defign to be Mafters of thoſe
Seas, efpecially upon the Coafts of Quantung and Fockien, which are
the Provinces, whither are brought down all the Merchandizes of this
Empire. It lies at the Mouth of the Gulph of Canton, in a ſmall
Peninſula adjoyning to a larger Ifland, and built upon a kind of a Pro-
montory, on three fides environ'd with the Sea, which no Ship can
come neer by reaſon of the Flats, unleſs it be on that fide next the Port,
which is defended by a ſtrong Fortreſs. This City drew from the only
Fair of Quanchin 1300 Chefts of Silks of all forts, every Cheft con-
taining 150 pieces, and 2500 Lingots of Gold, not reckoning the raw
Silks, the Gold Wire, and other Merchandizes: whence it may be
eafily judg'd what advantage the Portugueses made of it; and wherefore
the Prefident defir'd ſo much to expell them from thence.
But his Deſigns were difappointed, not only by the revolution in
Portugal, but allo by the lofs which the Hollanders fuftain'd of the Iſland
of Formofa, which the Chineſes took from them, following the advice
of a French Souldier, whom the Governour of Tayovan had refus'd to
difmifs after his time was out. For the better underſtanding this
accident, you must know that the Hollanders being fetl'd in Japon, and
having excluded all other Nations from thence, except the Chineses,
whom the Emperour permitted to return, after that the Maffacre com-
mitted by the Japonners in a City of China, of which they had a defire
to make themſelves Mafters, had caus'd a Ceflation of the Commerce
between the two Kingdoms, and conftrain'd the Emperour of China
to fet a price upon the Heads of the Japonners. Nevertheless the Hollan-
ders did all they could to make a new Rupture between the people, or
elle themſelves to feize upon fome place that lay proper to ruin the Trade
of the Chineſes to Japon.
To this purpole, not daring to attempt upon the Portugueses, they
over-ran the Seas which environ'd the neighbouring Islands, and took
the
16
A RELATION
the Veffels of the Chineses which were bound for Macao, exerciling
ſtrange Cruelties upon the people that had efcap'd into thoſe Iflands,
after the irruption of the Tartars into China, Coxinga, the Son of
Chinchilunge, that famous Pirate, who fav'd the remainders of that
ruin'd Empire, then commanded thofe people, and was become formi-
dable to the Tartars themſelves. Who to revenge himſelf upon the
Dutch Pirates, undertook the Siege of Tayovan, where they ufually
retir'd, and by gaining that place drave them wholly out of Formofa.
This is a large Inland plac'd at the poynt of the Phillippines, ftretch-
ing out in length from North to South, and to the Weft lying oppofitė
to the Provinces of Fockien, and Quantung. The Chineſes call it Tali-
eukien. Since which time, 'tis very probable that the Spaniards gave it
the name of Formofa, from its beauty and fertility. They being the
firſt people of Europe that diſcover'd it, and inhabited it; and upon one
of its Promontories to the North built the Fort of Kiling. The natu-
ral Inhabitant's live almoſt all in the Woods and Mountains, where they
maintain themſelves by hunting the Hart, and wild Boar, whofe dry'd
Fleſh, Skins, and Horns they fell to the Sangleys, who in exchange
bring them other neceffaries. The little Inland of Tayovan lent its Name
to the little Fort which the English built, over againſt the great Iſland
it was very convenient for the Hollanders, who made great advantage
of the Cattel, Hides, and Horns, both of Harts and Bufalo's, which
they carry'd from thence, and fold to the Chineſes and Japonners, who make
great uſe thereof in ſeveral of their Trades and Manufactures. But the
chiefeft advantage which the Hollanders made of this Ifland confifted in
this, that it lay in the middle way between Batavia and Japon, and
ferv'd as a place of fecurity for their Ships in bad Seafons, and to take
in refreſhments. There also they laded off feveral of the Goods of the
Chineses, which they took by way of Piracy from the Chineses, or which
were brought them by the Sangleys, who are the Original Merchants of
the Chineses, fetled at the Philippines, but who drive the greateſt Trade
of that Country, independent from the Spaniards.
•
Coxinga, though an Idolater and a Pirate, banish'd out of his Country,
and provok'd by the Hollanders, had fo much humanity as to lend to the
General at Batavia to fend away Veffels to fetch away his Men, and de-
liver'd them all without fuffering them to receive the leaft injury. He
had his Friends and Favourers in the Emperour of Japon's Court, as
being a declar'd Enemy to the Tartars, whole neer Neighbourhood the
Faponners cannot endure. For fo quick a Conqueft of fo many Lands
and Provinces in ſeven years, as it were only upon fight of the Enemy,
had very much alarum'd them. He by his Friends acquainted the Em-
perour of the acts of Holtility, committed by the Hollanders against
the Chineſe Merchants: Adding moreover, that they had made private
propofitions to league themſelves with the common Enemy; and that
it was one of the Nations of the North, born for the defolation of other
Countries, and to invade the Peace of Empires. That they had fetled
themſelves in the Iflands of the Eaft only by treachery and violence.
That for fome years fince, they had made it their buſineſs to cruiſe the
Seas between China and fapon, on purpoſe to make themſelves abfolute
Maſters of the Trade, and that if he did not take a fpeedy courfe, they
would do the fame miſchief in his Dominions which the Tartars had
done in China.
The
of JAPON.
17
>
The Prefident had much ado to divert the Storm, for the moſt potent
Lords at Court, although his Penfioners and Friends, began to open
their Eyes, and in fome meaſure took Coxinga's part, faying, That the
Chinefes were unfortunate enough, in being laid waft by the Tartars
without being perfecuted and afflicted by the Hollanders. That feeing
that after they had been expell'd their Country, they had nothing left
but their Boats, and fome few Rocks for their places of refuge, it was
a piece of inhumanity to difturb them in their laft Sanctuaries, and to
deprive them of their liberty of the Sea, and their Commerce with
Japon, from whence thofe miferable Exiles had their chiefeft ſupport.
The Bonzes, the Merchants, the vulgar People, all took the chinefes
part. Thereupon the Emperour fent for the Dutch Prefident, and told
him, I understand, faid he, that thy Company abuſes my Protection,
and that their Veffels, inftead of being contented with the Trade which
I have permitted them, prefume to play the Pyrates upon the Chineſes,
and to trouble the Seas adjoyning to my Empire. If I hear any more
of theſe complaints, I will caufe thee and all thy Nation to be Cru-
cifi'd. I know not how the Prefident appeas'd the Emperour's fury
this I know in general, that the Hollanders made a fecret alliance with
the Tartars against Coxinga. Him the Inhabitants of Fockien call'd to
their affiftance, having rais'd an Army of 200000 Men; whereupon
he went to aid them with a very powerful Navy. After ſeveral Skir-
mishes, the Tartars and Chinefes came to a pitch'd Field, where the
Captain of the Tartars having plac'd the beſt part of his Cavalry in
Ambush, order'd his Men to retreat by degrees, 'till they had drawn
the Chineſes into the Ambufcade; at what time the Tartars encom-
paffing them on every fide, kill'd 80000 upon the place; Coxinga with
his Navy not being able to relieve them.
During this War, the Hollanders took their opportunity, and made
themſelves Maſters of the Ifland of Fishers, between Formofa and the
Coaft of Fockien. In a fhort while after Coxinga dy'd, and Savia his
Uncle, the richeft Merchant of China, who out of his own revenue
had disburs❜d the expences of the laft War, grew weary of the charge,
and was defirous to make Peace with the Tartars. Of which one of
the Sons of Coxing a being advertiz'd, feiz'd upon his Uncles perfon,
and ſhut him up in a clofe Prifon, where he kill'd himſelf for madneſs.
The Hollanders overjoy'd at the Death of Savia, who had always hin-
der'd them from the Trade of the Province of Fockien, fent a Navy
againſt his Nephew in favour of the Tartars, who made War againſt
him all along the Sea-Coaft. Several Combats happen'd between the
Funcks of the Islanders and the Holland Veffels in view of the Tartars
who fatisfi'd themfelves with being only Spectators. But all the benefit
which the Hollanders reap'd from the advantages which they obtain'd
over the Iſlanders, was only to put into the Hands of the Tartars the
Cities of "Bemos aed Quefmoy, and all the places thereabouts, which
Coxing a's Party poffefs'd before. For notwithstanding all their kindness,
the Tartars would not affift them to retake Tayovan; fo that they only
were content to build certain fmall Forts in the fmall Iſlands adjoyning
to Formofa: and fince my return from the Indies, I never could inform
my ſelf of the truth of the illue of that Enterprize.
But the Hollanders were not content with their fettlement at Firmando,
which was an Hland both defert and barren, feated upon a Streight,
D
which
}
18
A RELATION
which feparates the Point of the Land of Corea from Japon, a place no
way commodious for their Deſigns of Engroffing the Trade of China,
as being too remote from Nangifaqui: Befides, that the North and South
Winds are fo violent at their Seafons in this Streight, between the two
Coaſts, that it is impoffible to come near the hoar when they blow.
The Preſident therefore having fuch good luck in the Expulfion of the
Portugals out of Japon, doubted not but that he might obtain the fmall
Iſland of Kifma, an Ifland that had been wholly deſerted ever fince the
Habitations of the people had been deſtroy'd. At firſt he only defir'd
leave to build a fmall Tenement for the conveniency of the Factors.
Now between this Inland and Nangifaqui, there is only a narrow Frith,
not above a Musquet Shot over. Here the Preſident defir'd the Gover-
nour that he might make a Bridge of Boats for a more cafie intercourſe
between the City and the Port. The Governour gain'd by Preſents,
gave him leave to build the Bridge; but feeing that the Hollanders made an
ill uſe of it, and that they came too frequently and numerously into the
City, he built two Forts at both ends of the Bridge, and furnish'd
them with Souldiers, who were to take notice who pals'd to and frc.
He alſo publiſh'd an Order, That fuch Hollanders as came by day into
the Town, fhould return to their Lodgings before night, upon pain
of Death. This Order, and the little conveniency which they had for
Lodging in their own Quarters, very much troubl'd them; fo that the
Prefident made new Applications at Court, and obtain'd leave to build
a Factory, and Warehouſes for their Goods.
The Governour thereupon fent a Surveyor to the Hollanders, to mark
out the Ground which the Emperour had given them to build upon.
This perſon being largely rewarded, made them good meaſure, and
yet they were not contented; fo that in the Night-time they had
enlarg'd their Quarters, by removing the first marks. The Governour,
being advertiz'd thereof, began to be very angry, but they found means
to appeaſe him with their Prefents: fo that he eaſily condefcended to the
flight reaſons which they gave him for what they had done. Thus in
a fhort time they finish'd their work, which was without encompass'd
with a Wall, much like a Garden Wall, but within contain❜d a real
Fort, flanck'd and lin'd according to all the Rules of Art, and which,
the outward Wall being beaten down, not only defended their Bridge,
but commanded the entry into the Haven of Nangifaqui.
They took great care not to admit any but Hollanders, for fear their
Defign fhould be difcover'd. So that when the whole was finish'd, the
Prefident gave advice to the General at Batavia what he had done.
defiring him to fend him eight Braſs Guns, fo broken, as to be eafily
put together in the places where they were broken. He adviz'd him
alfo to put them up in Hogheads, pack'd up like other Goods; and
inſtead of Mariners, to fend a good number of Souldiers, habited like
Mariners, for the fecurity of the Factory. But, this Stratagem had not
that ſucceſs which he expected; for about that time the Emperour had
ſent a new Governour to Nangiſaqui: So that when the Ships arriv'd at
Batavia, the new chang'd Officers, being more vigilant then the for-
mer, coming to weigh the Bales as they were put afhore, and finding
certain Hogsheads at the bottom of the hold, which they could not re-
move by reaſon of their weight, they prefently brake them up, and
perceiving there the broken pieces of Canons, carry'd fome of them
to
of JAPON
19
to the Governour, who immediately fent intelligence thereof to reddo,
of which the Preſident had as fuddain notice by his Penfioners. He
having his invention at command, repairs forthwith to the Emperour's
Court, and there tells the Emperour, That he had receiv'd Orders
from his Superiours to prefent him with certain Peeces of Canon, made
according to the newest Invention of his Country, the ufe whereof
was fo convenient, that they were with little difficulty and trouble to
be drawn up, and made ufe of, where others could not poffibly be brought
to play: and that he thought no Prefent could be more acceptable or ler-
viceable to him, to render him Victorious over his Enemies. Upon
this the Emperour was very well fatisfi'd, and fent to the Governour
of Nangijaqui to fend him thofe Guns, and withall, not to moleſt the
Hollanders, either in their Factory, or in vending their Wares.
Having fo fortunately difengag'd himſelf out of theſe Briers, he lays
another defign, and fends to the General at Batavia, a perion of a
turbulent and unquiet Spirit like himſelf, to ſet out two Veffels, to
make a diſcovery of all the Coafts of Japon, and particularly of thoſe
Coafts which were next the Gold Mines, and to fee if they could find
any fafe Harbour for Ships to ride in, in thoſe tempeftuous Seas, or any
places proper to fortifie, that they might no longer depend upon the
uncertain humour of the Court of Japon, which was as inconftant as
their Seas. The General provided two Ships, and furnich'd them with
excellent Pilots, good Souldiers, expert Mariners, and. Provifions for
two years, with all other Neceffaries and Inftruments, as well for del-
ving as building. One of the feven of the General's Council was chosa
Superviſor of the Enterprize. 'Tis faid, that thofe two Veffels skirted
all along the Coast of Japon, from the East to the South, and from the
South to the North, fetching a compals about the Inlands to the 47 deg.
of Northern Latitude, and that they discover'd one Island which they
call'd The States Ifland, and afterwards touch'd upon another Land
which they nam'd The Company's Land, inhabited by White people,
with long Hair, habited after the Japon fashion, which they found to
be a Continent adjoyning to Nialhan, and Corea; and that after they
had wander'd a long time upon the Sea, without any other deſign
then to make new Difcoveries, they pafs'd through the Streights of
Sanguar, which feparates the Land of reffo from Japon, and kept along
thole Coafts of Japon to the Eaft, to oblerve the Bays of Aizu, and
Xendai, where are the Gold Mines. In that part a furious Tempeſt
took them, in fight of the Mountains, where the Gold Mines lye,
which lafted four days together. The fecond of thele Veffels run full
againſt a Rock, and fplit her felf, with the total lols of every Mothers
Son in the Veffel. The Admiral held out a longer time, but coafting
the Land where the Mountains of Sataque appear, the Tempeft grew
fo violent, that the alfo brake against the Rocks. In this fecond Ship-
wrack only the Admiral, and thirteen perfons more efcap'd, partly by
the help of the Planks, and partly by Swiming. The Japonners upon
the Coaft preſently ran to view them, and wonder'd to fee people in
thofe parts, whole Language they did not underſtand. Nevertheless,
they entertain'd them civilly enough; but in regard they were Stran
gers,
and that there was a ftrict prohibition not to receive any Stran-
gers among them upon any pretence whatsoever, they were at a great
lofs what to do with em. One, wiler then the reft, advis'd his
Brethren
D 2
>
20
A RELATION
ARE
3
Brethren to carry them to the Emperour, whofe counfel was follow'd;
and fo they took their journey toward reddo, which was above a hun-
dred Leagues off.
The Emperour, being inform'd of their arrival, order'd that they
ſhould be civilly us'd; and at the end of eight days fent for them, and
caus'd them to be ask'd, of what Country they were, and what Defign
brought them into his Seas? The Admiral, who was a perſon of a
ready ingenuity, anfwer'd, That he was a Hollander, who all his life
time had ſerv'd his Country as a Souldier, where he had the command
of a thouſand Horfe, and two thouſand Foot, at what time Fortune
or rather the care of preferving his Honour, forc'd him from his Nativé
Soyl. I was, faid he, one of the chief Commanders in the Army,
and though I ſay it, my Service had gain'd me a fair reputation.
The Prince, who commanded us, had a great confidence in me, which
made one of his near Relations jealous of me; fo that he was not only
content to do me all ill Offices with the General, but fought all occa-
fions to pick a quarrel with me. I dare be bold to ſay, that had he not
been fo nearly related to the Prince, I ſhould not have taken his affronts
fo long patiently. But at length he provok'd that patience to ſuch a
degree, and fo deeply and openly affronted me, that I was conſtrain'd
to meet him with my Sword in my hand. His misfortune and mine fo
order'd it, that I kill'd him at the firft pufh. My Friends affifted me to
make my eſcape
my eſcape, and kept me hid for fome days, thinking to have ap-
peas'd the Princes anger; but it continu'd fo violent, that they advis'd
me to abfent my ſelf for fome years. Therefore to render my Exile leſs
tedious, and that I might be ftill doing fomething for the Service of my
Country', I defir'd my Friends to furnish me with two Ships, with a
refolution to feek out and deftroy all thofe Pirates that infefted the Indian
Seas. I have been in chace of them for a whole year together; and
fometimes we met with Tempefts fo violent,that drave us we know not
whither our felves, my Pilots not being experienc'd in the Eaſtern Seas.
Soon after meeting with another Tempeft no lefs rude and boyftrous,
we were forc'd to let our Ships drive as the Winds themſelves were
pleas'd to force them, which at length drove us upon the Coafts of this
Empire, where we have fuffer'd Shipwrack, not having fav'd above
fourteen of four hundred, which I brought along with me. Happy
in fuch a' misfortune, to be caft upon the Territories of a Prince fo
potent and generous, that, no queftion, will have compaſſion upon our
miferies.
,
When the Interpreter had repeated this Relation to the Emperour, the
Prince, and all the Lords of the Court were very much concern'd, and
admir'd both the Courage and Aſpect of the Stranger. The Emperour ſent
him very rich Prefents, and to all thofe of his Company; and gave
Order, that he ſhould be conducted to Kiſma, to the Holland Factory
and that he ſhould be well treated upon the way, during the whole
journey, which was five and twenty or thirty days Travel. There
this famous Champion ftay'd four Months, in expectation of the Ships
that come every year from Batavia to Fapon; fo that he had time enough
to make a full Relation of the Lands which he had oblerv'd, and of all
the particulars of the Shipwrack. One day as he was telling how he hed
cajoll❜d the Emperour, and that the Prefident was applauding the quick-
nefs of his wit for inventing fuch an imaginary piece of Knight-
Errantry,
of JAPON.
21
Errantry, a Japoncfe Boy that ferv'd the Preſident, heard all the dif
courfe, without being obferv'd by his Mafter. Some Months after,
the Prefident had beaten this Boy, which he, as all the Faponefes are
of a fiery and vindicative Nature, refolving to revenge, went to the
Governour of Nangiſaqui, and repeated to him the whole Diſcourſe
between his Mafter and the Admiral. The Governour, finding it to
be a buſineſs of importance, fends advice thereof to the Court. The
Emperour was ſo enrag'd at the injury and affront put upon him, that
he commanded the Governour to ftop the Admiral' and his Train, and to
fend him with a good Guard to reddo, and not to let any Ship enter the
Harbour, 'till he had had a full Examination of the matter.
This Order was not fo fecret, but that the Preſidents Friends had
notice thereof, who prefently gave him intelligence of it fo feafonably,
that the Admiral was fent away before the Order came to the Governour.
Eight days after, three Holland Veffels arriv'd at Kifma, to whom the
Governour fent exprefs command to keep out at Sea, and not to come
ahore. The Prefident feigning to be furpriz'd at this Prohibition, went
to the Governour to know the reafon, who gave him this Anfwer, The
Emperour, faid he, is acquainted with your tricks, you fhall have no
more kindneſs from me; I have fent to Court to give notice of the
arrival of your three Ships, and I fhall follow my Orders when they
come. Upon this the Prefident made no doubt but the Admiral's ftory
was difcover'd; and recollecting with himfeli that he had beaten his
Faponefe Boy, and that he was run away from him, he foon conjectur'd
at the Author of all the mischief. In short, the Governour receives his
Orders, the Tenour whereef was, That he fhould fend away the three
Veffels, without permitting them to land either Men or Goods; and
that he ſhould tell the Prefident, That the Emperour was fatisfi'd that
the Admiral was a Cheat and a Spy, whom he intended to puniſh
feverely, and therefore, if he did not fend for him to Fapon by the firſt
opportunity of the Winds, he would put to Death all thoſe of his
Nation, and fling their Goods into the Sea.
Upon the return of three Ships to Batavia, there was no fmall hurly
burly in the Iſland, for by them they understood the danger that their
Country-men were in, if they did not fend back the Admiral. There-
upon an extraordinary Council was call'd, to deliberate upon an affair
of fo great importance, who were all of one mind, that the Admi-
ral was to be fent back, and that it was better for one to fuffer, then a
whole Nation.
The Admiral being advertiz'd of this their refolution, publickly pro-
tefted against the violence and injuftice they were about to do him;
telling them, that he was born a Subject of the Republick of Holland,
who had only the Power of his life and death; that in their Service, he
would expofe his life to a thouſand hazards, but that he was not oblig'd
to facrifice himſelf for the particular Interefts of a private Trade.
The Minifters took his part, and made it a cafe in Religion. The
common people mutiny'd againſt the General, and the Tumult
grew to that heat, that the Sea-men were fent for from aboard their
Ships to difperfe the multitude. At length, by the interpofition of
a Minifter, the bufinefs was brought to a conclufion; who perfwaded
the Admiral by his fmooth Language, to appease the diſorder of the
people, by ſubmitting to the Relult of the Council. Thereupon he
promis'd
22
RELATION
A
promis'd to return to Fapon, propvided they would allow him what he
demanded, not only for his reward, but alſo that which thould bear
him out in that fame new part which he had in his head to act.
Firſt he demanded two Ships magnificently trim'd, a Train of fifty
choſen Men, every one of which was to have three changes of Habit,
of the richeſt Stuffs that could be had: Moreover 50000 Crowns for
his Voyage, a Cupboard of Gold and Silver Plate, with all Equipage
proportionable, and that thoſe that accompany'd him fhould relpect
him, as a perſon of great Quality.
All this was allow'd him, and the Admiral departed from Batavia, and
arriv'd well at Nangifaqui. The Governour furpriz'd at the beauty of
the Veſſels, could not believe them to be Merchants, and therefore ſent
to know who they were; but he was more furpriz'd when he knew
that it was the Admiral. Forthwith he diſpatch'd a Courrier to the Em-
perour, to give him notice, and to inform him with what magnificence
the Admiral was return'd. The Prefident alfo fent, that he might have
a favourable reception, and to defire his Friends to let the Emperour
know, that this was a Perſon of great Quality, whom an Honourable
Action had driven from his Country, and that he no fooner underſtood
the accufation that lay againſt him, but that he was return'd with that
Equipage that became him, to juftifie himſelf.
Till the Order came, the Governour, according to cuſtom, caus'd
all the Sails and Rudders of the Ships to be brought to him, not per-
mitting any perſon to come ashore. At length the Order came, that
the Admiral and his Attendants fhould be receiv'd into the City, toge-
ther with all things neceffary for their perfons, and that they should be
convoy'd to reddo, and that in all places where they came, they thould
be nobly treated. The Prefident accompany'd the Admiral to afſiſt
him, as well with his Councils, as with the favour of his Friends.
Their Entry was very magnificent, and the richneſs of their Habits
brought the people from all parts, as being mainly greedy after No-
velty, fo that the noife thereof was (pread all over the Court: Yet the
Emperour would not admit them to their Audience upon the day which
they defir'd.
Two Months were elaps'd, during which time the Admiral kept
open Table, and difplay'd his dafling Riches to the Eyes of the Japoneses,
and being of a quick and apprehenfive wit, he caus'd himſelf to be in-
ftructed in the Language of the Ifland, and in a ſhort time he began to un-
derſtand many Words. When the Emperour fent for him,he clad himfelf
and his Train in a richer Habit then that which they had on when he
made his Entry. At first the Emperour feem'd to be angry, I underſtand,
faid he, that thou art an Impoftor and a Traytor, that thy Birth is
obfcure, and that thou art come as a ſpy into my Kingdom, and therefore
I am refolv'd to punish thee according to thy merits.
When the Interpreter had explain'd the Emperour's words, the
Admiral with an undaunted countenance, Sir, faid he, a Prince fo
great as you are, fhould rather be a comfort and ſupport to the unfortu
nate, then add to their affliction. Fortune, that perfecutes me, has
in nothing been more cruel to me, then in raifing thofe Calumnies,
with which ſhe has endeavour'd to blemish my reputation with your Ma-
jefty. She might expell me my Country, and caft me upon unknown
Coafts at the other end of the World, but ſhe can never inſpire into
me
Of JAPON.
23
"
me thoughts unworthy of my Birth. This is the ſecond time I have been
within your Dominions, the firft by occafion of Shipwrack, the ſecond
to obey your Majefties commands. The firft accufes none but the
Winds. And had I been guilty of what I am accus'd, I ſhould never have
ventur'd my ſelf into your hands fo far off from your Power. But
Sir, my Accufers have one advantage which I have not; they fpeak
your Language, I underſtand it not, nor how to make you apprehend
the truth of my juftification. Allow me eight Months to learn the
Speech of your Country, and then, if you will be fo gratious as to hear
me, I make no doubt but to confound my Accufers, and to fatisfie your
Majeſty in all things.
The Emperour was furpriz'd, and mov'd with his Anfwer, but more
eſpecially at his requeſt of eight Months to learn the Japonick Language.
I grant it thee, faid the Emperour, for it is but juft that a perſon ac-
cus'd ſhould have both the Liberty and means to do it. And in the mean
time I will take care that thou be honourably entertain'd in all places
where thou haft a deſire to refide.
The Admiral us'd this Liberty with ſo much prudence, and got fo
much the love of the Courtiers by his carriage and his liberality, that
by their converſe, he not only learnt the Language, but by vertue
of their good Character, the Emperour would often fend for him, and
ask him ſeveral Queftions concerning our Europe, in reference to the
Qualities of the Countries, the Manners of the People, the feveral
Forms of Government, the Extent of the feveral Kingdoms, their
Riches, Strength, and War-like Difcipline; of all which, the Admi-
ral gave him fo handfome an Accompt, that the Prince took great de-
light in his Diſcourſe. And at length he had gain'd fo much the favour
and confidence of the Emperour, that he utterly laid afide all the ill
thoughts which he had of him, and condemn'd to Death, as a falſe
Witnels, and a Traducer, the Japonese that had accus'd him.
After ſo fortunate an efcape, the Admiral thought it but common
prudence to make a fair retreat in the Grandeur of his Reputation, and
thereupon he took leave of the Emperour, who loaded him with Honours
and Preſents. The Courtiers were alfo forry for his departure, ſo that
fome of them accompany'd him back, and took order for his entertain-
ment, which was very magnificent all the way to Nangiſaqui, where
he took Shipping a few days after, and return'd to Batavia.
All the People throng'd to the Port to fee him when he Landed. He
told them in few words the fuccefs of his Voyage. Some applauded
his ingenuity and courage; others extoll'd the Service which he had
done the Company and Nation. The Council receiv'd him alfo with
thanks and prailes, and gave him all the Gold and Plate which he had
brought back. A while after he departed for Amfterdam, where he
was no fooner arriv'd, but he prefented a Petition to the States General
against the East-India Company, for fending him back to Japon, and for
reparation of the violence and injury done him. The bufinels was
long in debate, but at laft the Company was condemn'd to pay him
great damages, and Intereft for the fame.
But to return to the Preſident: He began now to be weary of being
confin'd to one Factory, though he made up his Pack well enough
where he was. But his Ambition carry'd him farther, and he thought
he had done Service enough to be advanc'd to a higher Dignity. Nei-
ther
24
A RELATION
ther was his preſence fo neceffary at Japon, where he had ſettl'd the
Dutch Trade in as good a condition as it could well be. And in truth,
the Hollanders had then almoft the whole Trade of the East-Indies.
They had taken from the English, Formofa, Amboyna, and Pooleron, and
by that means engrofs'd all the Trade of Cloves, Mace, and Nutmegs.
They had taken Baton by furprize. The Inhabitants of the Celebes,
Ternate, and Tidor, were become their Vaffals; and the King of Ma-
caffar having made an Alliance with them, had expell'd the Portuguefes
out of his Dominions. By means of their Factories in Sumatra, they
had got all the Pepper Trade of the Weſtern Coaft of that Iſland into
their hands, befides ſeveral other advantages which they had in ſeveral
other places, where they had encroach'd upon the Portugals, Spaniards,
and the English themfelves. The East-India Company at that time enter-
tain'd 140 Ships, part Men of War, and part Merchant-men, pro-
vided with great Guns, Ammunition, and Proviſion of all forts, and
in theſe Ships above 6000 Men, part Souldiers, part Mariners.
via was the Soul of their Conquefts, made upon the Ruins of the Portu-
guefes, which had they lain all together, would have made a large
Empire, and by which they might have grown infinitely rich, had
not the expences of their Navies and Souldiers eaten out the gains of
their vaft Trade. One of their wifeft Generals told me frequently.
we have, faid he, but too many Fortreffes, we need no more then the Cape
of Good Hope, and Batavia, Factories well fettl'd, good Ships, and honeft
Men to ferve us. For in short, their Officers pillage unmercifully,and
cauſe the Commerce and Dominion of their Country-men to be detefted
by the Indians, through their Covetousneß and Cruelty.
Bata-
I know my ſelf,that in the year 1664, the Expences of the Hollanders
in the East-Indies amounted, communibus annis, to twelve Millions a year,
not to reckon Shipwracks, decay of Ships, and waft of Goods, and
yet
their Cargo's for Afia and Europe have not amounted to above ten
Millions; and ſometimes the Cargo's are fo mean, that the Receits do
not answer the Expences. Nevertheleſs their perfeverance and courage
were worthy of admiration. For what could be more to be admir'd,
then to fee that a finall number of Merchants, aſſembled at firſt upon
the ſingle ſcore of Trade, fhould afterwards prefume to make War in
Regions fo far diftant, affail fo many Princes and Nations, plant fo
many Colonies, befiege fo many Cities and Forts, and laftly, fet forth
fo
many Navies at fuch prodigious Expences, that it would put many
potent Soveraigns to a plunge to do as they did?
This was the Eſtate of the Holland Eaft-India Company, at what time
the Preſident, the principal Subject of this Relation, was recall'd from
Japon to Batavia, there to take upon him the Office of Chief Director.
He carry'd thither great ftore of Wealth, and built feveral magnificent
Houſes in the City. His Authority alfo was very large; but he exer-
cis'd it according to his ufual cuftom, and was hated by all the Officers
of the Company, and the Citizens themſelves. He thought himſelf
fecure of the Employment of General, but he was deceiv'd in his hopes;
upon which he took pet, and return'd for Amsterdam, where he liv'd
quietly for fome years. At length his turbulent and ambitious Spirit put
him upon new Deſigns, to revenge the injury which he thought he had
receiv'd. To which purpoſe he return'd to the Indies. His undertaking
was not ſo profperous for thofe that employ'd him, and who merited to
have
of JAPON.
25
have been better ferv'd. He pillag'd, couzen'd, and caus'd ſeveral
diſorders in their affairs, and at length returning home again, perish'd
in the River of Lisbon with his Money and Jewels, as hath been already
related.
The End of the First Part.
1
E
A
Å
26
KAAKAAAAAAAAAAA AA
A
RELATION
O F
What pass'd in the Negotiation of the DEPUTIES
Which were fent to
PERSIA and the INDIES,
As well on the behalf of the KING, as of the
FRENCH COMPANY, for the fettling of Trade.
N the Relation which I have undertaken, I fhall
make a faithful Report of things in fuch manner as
I ſaw them tranſacted by the Deputies lent to Perfia,
and the Indies, as well on the behalf of the King,
as of the French Company, for the fettlement of
Trade.
The Thirteenth of July, 1665. the Sieur Lalin,
Gentleman Extraordinary to the King, and the
Sieur de la Boulaye, a Centleman of Anjou, with the Sieurs Beber,
Mariage, and du Pont, Deputies of the new French Company, for the
fettling of Trade in Perfia and the Indies, arriv'd at Ifpahan, and took
up their Lodgings at Zulpha, being the Suburbs of the fame City, where
allo at that time liv'd the Sieur L'Etoile, a French Merchant. Lalin and
Boulaye, without faying any thing to the Deputies, deliver'd to L' Eftoile
the Letters which Monfieur de Lyonne had written to him; the Infcrip-
tion whereof was thus. To Mr. L' Eftoile, firft Valet du Chambre to the
King of Perfia, or in his abfence, to Mr. Logis, his Son in Law. Which
was not a little to be admir'd at by the Franks, who had fojourn'd any
time in that Country, to find that Monfier Boulaye, who had been be
fore in Perfia, and ſhould have better understood the Cuftom of the
Court, fhould be no better able to inftruct a Secretary of State, then to
let him give L' Eftoile the Title of Valet du Chambre to the King of Perfia,
who
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
27
who has none to ſerve him in his Chamber but Eunuchs, and never
fuffers a Chriftian to touch his Habits, for fear of being defil'd.
The purport of the Letters, was to admonish L'Eftoile to fupport,
affift, and protect the Deputies in the Bufinels upon which the Com-
pany had fent them; and in cafe of loffes by the way, to furnish them
with fuch neceffaries as they ſhould want.
The King of Perfia was then three days journey from Ipahan; for
which reaſon a Meffenger was diſpatch'd with a Letter to the Nazar, or
Grand Mafter of the Houfe, and another to the Mirzateker, or his
Lieutenant, to know whether his Majefty would command them to
wait on him there, or whether they fhould expect his return to Ifpahan.
In the mean while the Deputies could not agree amongst themſelves:
For the three Merchants Beber, Mariage, and du Pont affirm'd, that
the two Gentlemen were only interefted by the by in this Negotiation;
and that having no right to take cognizance of the Affairs of the Com-
pany, they ought not to trouble themſelves any farther, then the King's
Letters directed them, in the affairs of the Company. That the Effect
of the King's Letters was no more, then that two Gentlemen, defirous
to ſee the Court of Perfia, were joyn'd with the Deputies of the Com-
pany; and therefore it belong'd to them only to treat with the Minifters
of the King of Perfia. That the Gentlemen had no more to do then to
deliver the King of France's Letter to the Perfian King, and to defire a
nomination of Commiffioners to treat with the Deputies. This con-
téft, which all the Franks in vain endeavour'd to compofe, came at
length to the Nazar's Ears; who was ftrangely furpriz'd at it, having
then a deſign to procure an Order from the King to remove out of
Ispahan and the Suburbs, all the Chriftians of what opinion foever, and
place them over againſt Zulpha.
However, the Deputies rais'd new objections and difficulties every
day; which Father Raphael of Mans, Superiour of the Order of Capu-
chins in Perfia, employ'd all his credit and induftry to accommodate.
He wrote them out feveral forms of a Letter, which they were to fend
to the Nazar, but thoſe that pleas'd the one Party, did not like the other.
At length Father Raphael, weary of fcribling and altering, amending and
correcting, and all to no purpofe; told them feriouſly, they did ill to
actin fuch a manner, and to infift upon idle formalities; that the Perfian
Style, wherein they ought to write to the Nazar, ought to be concife
and plain, without fuperfluities, or impertinencies; and laftly, that
all their contentions did but redound to the difadvantage of the Com-
pany, whole Intereſts they pretended to manage. After ſeveral con-
tefts, Father Raphael, at laft, finifh'd the Letter to the content of both
Parties, which was tranfcrib'd into the Perfian Language; with ano-
ther to the. Mirzateker, and both were diſpatch'd away.
1
The Nazar
having read it, preſently inform'd the King of the French Companies
defign, and of the arrival of the Deputies. His Majefty commanded
him to let them know that they were welcome, and that in a short
time, he would return to Ipahan, and give them Audience. ……..
3
Some few dayes after, the Court return'd to Ispahan, and while the
King ſtopp'd at one of his Houfes near the Gates of the City, the Nazar
fent for Father Raphael, to know of him who the French Deputies were,
and who had ſent them into Perfia, to which the Father gave him the
beſt fatisfaction he could. For the Natar wonder'd that they were
E 3
1
come
::
28
A RELATION of the
come into the Kingdom, and fent, as they faid, from fuch a potent
Prince, and yet that the Governours of Erivan and Tauris fhould know
nothing of their paffage through thoſe Cities. The Athemadoulet allo
was in the fame Aftonishment; and it gave them reaſon to ſuſpect both
the Quality of their Perſons, and the Reality of their Commiffion.
For either they were ignorant of the cuftom of the Country, or elſe
they did ill to travel incognito, like ordinary Trade/men, and Perfons of
mean condition. But Father Raphael having affur'd them, that they
were ſent by the King of France to fettle a Company of Trade, and
that he had Letters of Advice thereof out of Europe, the Nazar bid
Father Raphael tell the Deputies they ſhould be in a readineſs, for that
the King would give them Audience in a few days.
But the former mifunderſtanding, ftill continuing between the Gen-
tlemen and Deputies, Father Raphael fearing fome mischievous conſe-
quence of it in the prefence of the King, or that they ſhould make fome
diſpute for priority, the Father reprefented to the Nazar, that whereas
the Deptuies were of two Orders, the one of Gentlemen, and the
other of Merchants; therefore to take away all fufpition of jealoufie,
it would do well, that His Majefty would be pleas'd when he admitted
them to their Audience, to permit the Gentlemen their feats on the one
fide, and the Merchants on the other. Which the Nazar approv❜d, and
the King allow'd of the fame day.
The 27th of September, the King being at his Palace of Scader-
Abbas, upon the bank of the River, between the Bridge of Zalpha,
and the Bridge of Schiras, caus'd a preparation of Artificial Fire-works
to be made, which came to above 2000 l. and early in the Morning
caus'd notice to be given, that he intended that day to give audience to
the King of France's Deputies. Father Raphael alfo had Order to be
ready with the Deputies, to the end, the Mehementler, or Maſter of
the Ceremonies, might not be oblig'd to wait. Accordingly that very
day the Mehemender came to L'Eftoile's Houſe, and from thence con-
ducted the Deputies, with all their Train, and the rest of the Franks
then refident in thofe parts all mounted on Horſe-back, with a march fo
flow and grave, and for the advantage of the fight ſo far about, that it
was almoſt Night before they arriv'd at Scader- Abbas; at what time the
Mehemender enter'd the Palace alone, leaving the Merchants at the
Door. In the mean while, the Merchants believing that Father Raphael
did not favour them ſo much as the Gentlemen, cry'd out aloud, that
they would have an Interpreter alfo for themſelves, or elfe would go no
farther. Father Raphael, who acted only by the Nazar's Order, and
for the advantage of the French Nation, told them, that whither they
went any farther or no it was all one to him: that for his part he was
not there as an Interpreter, either for the one or the other, but only in
obedience to the King's commands.
:
1
In the mid'ft of this debate the Mehemender return'd to carry the De-
puties to their Audience; five hundred Musketeers being rank'd in order
upon the bank of the River, to give them a Volley as they pafs'd along.
The Mehemender's march at firſt was flow ahd grave,but approaching the
place where the King was, and from whence he had a view of the De-
puties, he caus'd them to double their pace to the foot of the Steps,
where the Lackeys took off their Shooes,and from thence they proceeded
into the Hall of Audience, where the Kans, and other great Lords were
fitting.
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
29
put
fitting. Upon each fide ſtood the Youth of Quality, fumptuoufly clad
in Tiffue of Gold and Silver, their Cloaks and Mantles being lin'd
with Martins, Sables, and other rich Furs. The Deputies being come
into the King's prefence, the Mehemender caus'd them to kneel, and
bow their Heads to the Ground three times: That done, he
caus❜d them to rife, and lead up Lalin by the hand alone, as being the
perſon who had in charge the preſenting of the Letter to the King.
After him follow'd Boulaye, and the reft of the Deputies, and thus they
mounted
up to
to the place where fate the Athemadonlet,and the Nazar. The
King was feated upon a Scaffold fomewhat higher then the reft, encom-
pas'd with 150 young Gentlemen magnificently clad, to whom the
Sieur Lalin, at the head of the Deputies, made his compliments in
French, and then humbly prefented the Kings Letter, feal'd with a flat
Seal upon a flying Label, enclos'd in an Embroider'd Box, with the
Arms of France and Navar, in relief, upon the Lid. Father Raphael
explain'd to the King the effect of Lalin's Speech. After which the
King gave a little bow with his Head, and at the fame time gave a fign
to the Maſter of the Ceremonies to carry them back to their places.
Being came to the bottom of the Hall, where the Officers had Order to
ſeparate the Gentlemen from the Merchants, the Officers by miſtake
Boulaye with two of the Merchants, and Mariage one of the Mer-
chants with Lalin, which made Boulaye cry out aloud in the Turkish Lan-
guage Menbeg-Zadde, I am a Gentleman; but the thing being done, and
the King being prefent, there was no help. Then the Perfian Mufick
began to play for a quarter of an Hour; which having given over,
the Mafter of the Ceremonies came again, and carried up Father Ra-
phael, and the two Gentlemen, as he ſuppos'd, of which Mariage by
the forementioned miſtake happen'd to be one, again to the King: at
what time Lalin with a comely grace made his Harangue, and fet forth
the occaſion of his Deputation to His Majefty, of which His Majeſty
teſtifi'd his good liking by a nod of his Head. For Lalin had a handſom
prefence, and fpake with an acceptable Tone, and his magnificent
Habit very much added to the comely Air of his Perfon. The Speech
was expounded by Father Raphael; which when he had done, the King
ask'd the Deputies feveral Queftions, and then with his hand made them
a fign to retire to their places, beck'ning at the fame time to Father Ra-
phael to stay, and caufing him to come near him, more particularly in-
form'd himlelf of the Power of the King of France, the Extent of his
Dominions, his Military Difcipline, and his Councils: of all which
the Father gave him the best accompt he could, and then with the King's
leave, retir'd to his place. This Scene being over, a Flagon of Gold,
and a Glafs were fent to the Deputies, attended with a fhort Banquet of
Fruits, and other forts of Food; the Inftrumental and Vocal Mufick
playing all the while. Which being over, the King again fent for
Lalin, Mariage, and Father Raphael, and after a fhort Difcourfe, having
difimifs'd all but father Raphael, he fell into a difpute with him touching
the Unity of the Divine Nature, the neceffity of one Prophet, and
how Mahomet was the Seal and Crown of all Prophets. He feem'd to
admire that the Franks, who had the Reputation of being People of Wit
and Diſcretion, could think Jefus Chrifto be a God: to all which parti-
culars, the Father endeavour'd to give the King the beſt fatisfaction he
could. But then, Father Raphael being defirous that the three Deputies
fhould
30
A RELATION of the
fhould partake of the King's favour as the other two had done. Where-
upon the King fent for the other three Deputies, and having difcours'd
a while with Boulaye, while Father Raphael interpreted between them,
in a short while he difmifs'd them all again, but Father Raphael, with
whom he enter'd into a more jocular Difcourfe then the former, of the
Colours, Black and White, and of the Beauty of the French Women,
the King confeffing that naturally he did not love Brown Women, the
White complection being more agreeable to him, as being that com-
plexion which alone compos'd the Beauty of Women. The Father
modeftly made his answer, that Beauty confifted only in fancy; for
that the Perfians lov'd thick and full Eyebrows, which were not at all
eftecm'd in France. Then the King cafting his Eyes upon the Box
wherein the King of France's Letter lay, he took out the Letter, and
obferving it to be a ſmall piece of Parchment, and not ſuch a one as he
had receiv'd from ſeveral Princes and Potentates of Europe, nor indeed
like thoſe which the Jefuits had brought him formerly from the King
of France himself, in a fair piece of Parchment, with a large Seal deep
cut, he gave evident Demonftrations of his contempt of it, and was
about to have thrown it away. Father Raphael perceiv'd him to be out
of humour, to whom the King in purſuance of his diflike, faid, Ra-
phael, I never receive open Letters without a Seal, take it, and let me
fee it no more, for I do not believe it comes from fo great a King as the
King of France, and at the fame time made him a lign to retire. He
durft do no otherwife then take the Letter, and fo returning to his place,
he told both Lalin and Mariage what had pafs'd in his Diſcourſe be-
tween him and the King. Two hours, after that, were spent in be-
holding the Mummeries of, their common Dancers, a paftime very
ufual in Perfia. Which being over, the King fent again for Lalin,
Mariage, and the Father; and after fome few Queſtions, to whith they
gave the beſt Anſwers they could, he again diſmiſs'd both the Deputies,
retaining only Father Raphael with him.. The Father, then taking his
opportunity, told the King, that he had always obferv'd it to be the
cuftom of the Athemadoulet to cauſe the Letters, which the European
Princes fent His Majefty, to be interpreted in his prefence. And
therefore, added the Father, I befeech Your Majefty to permit me to
give the King of France's Letter to the Athemadoulet, to the end, it may
be truly interpreted to him according to uſual cuſtom. Thereupon the
King made a ſign to the Father to give it him, and glad he was to be fo
rid of it. The Father obferving the King in a good humour, fpoke to
him in behalf of the other three Deputies, that he would be pleas'd to
admit them to be ſent for a fecond time, in regard the others had been
fent for three times. But the King told him, it was enough for him to
fpeak to the Gentlemen, let his Minifters talk with the Merchants.
The Father being then diſmiſs'd he ſent for Lalin alone, for whom he
fhew'd himſelf to have a very great kindneſs and affection; and at the
fame time commanded the Nazar to bring him the next day, together
with Father Raphael, and Lagis the Genevefe, who was retain'd in his
Service, to Court, for that he intended to be merry with them. Then
he went on,and told Lalin,that ſo ſoon as the French Ships were arriv'd,he
would ſend an Embaſſadour to the King of France, and make a ftrict
Alliance with him. Lalin reply'd, that His Majefty of France defir'd
nothing more. Why then, reply'd the King, is not my Alliance fuffi-
î
+
cient
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
31
cient, but that you muft go ſeek the Alliance of the Blacks, from
whom you will not draw thofe advantages, with which you flatter
your felves? For you muſt know, that the Deputies kept their affairs
fo fecret, that no body knew of them but all the World, the Servants
as well as the Malters. Not confidering, that the Perfians are good Poli-
ticians, and that that Court is never without Spies. Therefore the
King knew, that as foon as the Deputies had difpatch'd at his Court,
they were to depart for the Indies, with which Nation he keeps no good
Correfpondence. And for that reaſon, he was not a little offended with
them, though they endeavour'd to perfuade him, that their Errand to
the Indies was only for Linnen and Spices.
The Deputies prefented to the King a very fair Fuzee, together with
the Kings Picture, in little, drawn to the Life, which was lo much the
more eſteen'd, becauſe at the fame time feveral large Cuts had been
brought to spahan, and prefented to the King, which perfectly agreed
with the Picture in Oyl, by which the whole Court was convinc'd that
it was the real Portraiture of the King. When theſe Preſents were laid
before the King, he ask'd the Deputies, for which of the Eaſtern Na-
tions the French had moft affection; to whom M. Lalin made anfwer,
that certainly for the Perfian; thereupon the King return'd, that cer-
tainly they had reafon; for that the Perfians were white, like the French,
and that it was impoffible for them to have any affection for the Indians
who were black.
At length the King, to fhew the Deputies his higheſt favour, would
have them drink the HEZARD PICHE, in a golden Cup, which holds
about a Pint of Paris. He order'd the Wine to be the fame which he
drank himſelf, which was in a Bottle of Chryſtal Glaſs, ſtudded with
Diamonds. Lalin drank couragioufly, and fo did Mariage; but Father
Raphael made a fair excufe, and got off. After midnight the Zerhaftes,
or Table-Cloaths of Cloth of Gold were fpread upon the Floor, and
feveral roafted Viands very hot of the Spice, and Dishes of Salt Fiſh,
purchas'd from the Cafpian Sea, were brought and fet upon the Cloaths
together with ſeveral Paſtrie Meats, dry'd Raiſins, Comfits, Almonds,
and Piſtaches, and other provocatives to drink. The repaft being
ended, ſeveral Buffons were brought in, who Sung and Danc'd after
the Turkish fashion, and made a hundred wry Mouths and ugly Faces.
Among the rest of the Divertiſements, there were two Men introduc'd,
that play'd one againſt another with each a Battoon in his hand, with a
piece of Linnen dipt in Naphta, ty'd to the end of the Stick, which caſt
forth a very clear brightnels in the dark; at the fame time four artificial
Whirle-Winds were made to rife one after another, which were all
hovering in the Air at once, and in a continual Agitation.
Three Hours after Midnight the Mafters of the Ceremonies came to
raife the Deputies to take leave of the King; and fo leading them to
the lower end of the Hall, after a profound reverence, they retir'd, not
one perſon beſide ſtirring out of his place, to the end they might have
time to take their Shoes without confufion. When they were gone, the
King diſmiſs'd the Court, and then it is that the croud is fo great, that
not one in twenty but lofes their own, and gets whoſe-ever Shoes he
can lay his hands on.
The Deputies and Father Raphael being upon their return home, by
that time they got half way,met an Officer belonging to the Athemadoulet,
who
1
32
A RELATION of the
who told Father Raphael that his Maſter expected the French Begzades
at his Houle by Ten a Clock next Morning, to treat them, by his Majefties
Order.
Father Raphael, Lalin, and Boulaye, were punctual to their time, and
no fooner did the Athemadoulet know of their arrival, but he came
down into his Hall of Audience, to receive them, where he had alfo
order'd a very fair Banquet to be ready for their entertainment. There
Father Raphael left them, while he went with the Athemadoulet's Secre-
tary, to Tranſlate the King of France's Letter into the Perfian Lan-
guage; which being finish'd, and he come again into the Hall, after
feveral Civilities paft on both fides, the Father and the Deputies return'd
to Zulpha.
The Merchant Deputies offended at the Honour which the Gentle-
men had receiv'd, would have gone in their Turn; but Father Raphael
told them, that it was not the Cuſtom in Perfia to viſit the Prime Mi-
nifter, without being fent for. In the Evening, Father Raphael, and
the Bgzades received new Orders to attend the King, but the King
ftirr'd not out that Evening, fo that their Journey was in vain.
The Merchants ftill perceiving the Honours which were done the
Gentlemen, and believing Father Raphael to be the cauſe of all, they
began to rail at him, and give him foul Language, and threaten'd to
write into France to give an accompt of his behaviour. Father Raphael
netled at the Language of the Deputies, told them, that he had done
what in him lay to procure them the fame Honours, which the others
had receiv'd, though they were fo little fenfible of it. That he would
continue his endeavours for the Advancement of their Affairs, though
not for their own fakes, yet for the fake of the Company, that had fent
them. Which anſwer, though it were fharp enough, and fhew'd that
the Father was angry, yet he did not forget, that they were his Coun
trymen, ſo that he ventur'd to carry them twice to the Prime Miniſter
of his own accord, contrary to the Cuſtom. The first time he was
not to be ſpoken with. The ſecond time, he made an Errant to him
with the three Deputies, to prefent him a Copy of the Letter from the
Directors of the Company, in the Perfian Language; at which time he
thew'd them the Deputies, acquainting him withal that thofe were
the Perſons with whom he was to treat in point of Trade. To which
the Athemadoulet reply'd, that he had no Commiffion from the King
to meddle with thofe Deputies, but only, to entertain the Begzade that
brought the King's Letter, which he had already done. Thereupon
the Father defir'd him he would be pleas'd to ſpeak to the King to nomi-
nate Commiffioners to treat with them, which the Athemadoulet pro-
mis'd to do. That day in the evening, a Meſſenger was fent to Father
Raphael, to acquaint him, that the King had appointed the Nazar to
treat with the Deputies the next day, and to know their demands. Of
which the Father gave the Deputies quick intelligence.
The next day, being the Firſt of September, Father Raphael fail'd not
to be with the Deputies very early in the Morning, to bring them to
the Nazar but he was very much furpriz'd to fee, that they would not
go altogether, but ftill look with an evil Eye one upon another, and
continued their former differences. To the end therefore that he might
fet things to rights, he went to the Nazar, and told him, that he
thought it would be the best way for the Merchants Deputies to come
first,
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
33
f
firſt, becauſe that they were the Perſons with whom he was chiefly to
Treat. The Nazar anfwer'd, that the King underſtood that they were
all five in the fame Commiflion joyntly. To which, when the Father
anfwer'd the fecond time, that it would be the beſt way to do as he had
propos'd; The Nazar with a Surly Countenance, why, What's the
matter now faid he to the Father; Are not you French-men alham'd to
be thus at odds one with another, and to give all the World, nay the
very Foot-boys occafion to difcourfe of your Divifions? What would
they have us think of them and their Commiſſion: Are they fo little afraid
of offending the King? Or, is their King more indulgent then the King
of Perfia, who would never pardon fuch faults in his Subjects? To this
rebuke the Father made no reply. Only he defir'd the Nazar, that he
might have two Horfe-men to attend the Deputies at Zulpha, telling the
Nazar not a word of his deſign to bring the Merchants an Hour fooner
then the Gentlemen. This fell out to the Fathers defire; For the Father
fent one of the Horſe-men to Zulpha, to the Gentlemen, with order to
drink with them, and not to be over hafty, but to bring them fair and
foftly along with him; with the other he made haft to the Merchant
Deputies, and cauſing them to double their pace, they got betimes to
the Nazar's Houſe, where they were civilly receiv'd. Dupont preſented
the Nazar with the Deputies Commiffion, tranflated into the Perfian
Language; after which they fell into a difcourfe, which lafted above
three quartes of an Hour, concerning the Cuftoms, Tolls, and Qua-
lity of the Merchants, and the juftnels of the French in their Dealing.
They had juſt finiſh'd their Difcourfe of Trade, when the Nazar was
advertiz'd, that the three Gentlemen were arriv'd; who thereupon
defir'd Father Raphael to go and receive them. The Father went and
waited upon them in, neatly chiding them for having ftay'd fo long,
and making the Nazar wait. Well faid he, now you are together, go
into that Cabinet, and write down your demands, and the Articles
your Commiffion. The Merchant Deputies, which had now dif-
cours'd with the Nazar what they had to fay, were well enough con-
tent to enter into a General Conference with the Gentlemen. Then
calling for Pen, Ink and Paper, they made a draught of their Demands,
the chief of which were, three Years Immunity from Cuſtoms and
Tolls, to begin from the time of the arrival of our Ships; and that
after that, they ſhould enjoy all the Priviledges and Favours granted to
other Nations. They alfo defir'd precedence above all other Nations
when they ſhould be call'd to Court, as they fuggefted, that they had
at the Court of the Grand Signior. And lastly, they requir'd a Houſe
for thofe that belong'd to the Company, to live in the City.
of
Theſe demands were dictated word for word by Father Raphael, to the
Nazars Secretary, in the Name of all the five Gentlemen; and becauſe
the Nazar's Secretary knew not how to pronounce them, the Father
undertook to write them in the Perfian Character; which being done
and the writing read in the hearing of the Deputies, the Nazar took
the Paper to preſent to the King.
Thus after a fair Banquet, accompany'd with Muſic, both Vocal
and Inftrumental, the Deputies were difmifs'd by the Nazar, who bid
them rely upon his care for that he would do them all the Favour that
lay in his pow'r, and give them his Majeſties Anſwer in a ſhort time.
The Deputies very well fatisfy'd with the Nazar's reception, fent him
F
after-
,
34
A RELATION of the
afterwards a Preſent, which was a Shame both to the Nation and the
Company, that pretended to fuch great and high things, and endea-
vour'd to fix an opinion of their Wealth and Grandeur among Strangers.
For they ſent him only a Tin Cup Enamel'd, and eight little Cales of
Perſpectives, or Looking-Glaffes, the whole not amounting to above
40 Crowns. They alfo made much fuch another Prefent, but meaner,
to the Mirzateker, conſiſting of about a Dozen Pair of Gilt Sciffars
for Women. We muſt ſpeak the Truth: For they were not a little
laught at for their ridiculous Prefents, which were the Scorn and
Contempt of thoſe that receiv'd them, when the Deputies were
gone.
To Father Raphael they prefented a Purfe, with 40 Tomans, or Six
Hundred Crowns in it, believing that he would never accept of it;
and indeed he refus'd it with ſcorn; not a little angry with them, that
they ſhould have fuch mean thoughts of him, as to believe him
Mercenary.
Two days after, the Nazar gave notice to the Father, that the King
had granted the French their Demands; and had order'd every one of
them a Calaat, or a Veft-Royal, and in refpect of Superiority, a Horſe
for Monfieur Lalin. That the Kings Anfwer and the Grant were both
ready for the Directors of the Company, according to their defire.
The King was then onward upon a journey to Mazandran, three
days Travel from Ifpahan, at one of his Palaces, call'd Tajabat. A
Pleaſant Situation, in the midſt of a great Valley, fhaded with Trees,
and full of Villages.
The Ninth of October, came a Letter from the Nazar, to Father Ra-
phael, fignifying the King's Pleafure, that both he and the Deputies
hould repair to Tajabat with all ſpeed. Thereupon the Father and they
made fuch haft, that in less than three days they got to Tajabat, where
the Nazar order'd them to lye in the Houfe of an Armenian Renegado.
The King fent them immediately eight or ten bottles of Wine, with
four Gold Diſhes, full of lovely Fruits, and Tapiftries for their
Dining Room. But theſe Preſents occafion'd new Quarrels; For there
being two Factions, and both living apart, there was a great difpute
who fhould have this prefent. Father Raphael, having done all
that poffible he could to reconcile the bufinefs, and not being able to
perfuade them, in a juft Paffion, bid them take their Swords and Piſtols,
and
go and decide the Quarrel in the Field. Till now, faid he, I have
done all I could to conceal your deteftable divifions from the Court,
which nevertheless, is but too well acquainted therewith: Is it your
deſign to publiſh your own Ignominy, and to make not only your felves,
but the whole Nation of the French ridiculous to the Perfians? At length
they were fo far reconcil'd, that one Room ferv'd them to Feed, and
confequently the fame Furniture. For the Father's reproofs had put
them a little out of Countenance.
The Seventeenth of October, the Mehemander came to the Deputies
Lodgings, and brought five Royal Vefts; The Richeft, which was of
Tiffue of Gold, was for Monfieur Lalin; the next, not altogether fo
rich, for Monfieur Boulaye; and the other three of a lower price, for
the Merchants; The value of the whole might amount to 600 Crowns,
for which the French Deputies moft generouſly gave the Officers that
brought them 25 or 36 Crowns, as a Gratuity. The Officers of the
Stable
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
35
Stable allo brought two Horfes for the Gentlemen, for which they
receiv'd fix Crowns in Gold, as a reward. I confefs, I fhould have been
aſham'd of ſuch a poorneſs of Spirit, at fuch a time as that.
At length alfo the Ragan or Patent for the Company was deliver'd
into the Hands of the Deputies, faithfully Tranflated by Father Raphael to
this Effect.
"That whereas the Merchants of the Kingdom of France, who are
"favour'd by the Favour extreemly Royal, and the Juftice exceffively
"Royal, being made conftant in the hope and participation in the
"time, have prefented their Petition, which is arriv'd at the Ear
"of the Minifters Commiffioners for the Court of Grandeur and high
"Fortune; Their Intentions and Demands have found the Vilage of
"Acceptation, and we have ftrictly commanded, that the Confervatours
"of Rights, Tolls and Priviledges, acknowledge them for exempt.
"and priviledg'd, during the ſpace of Three Years; and that there be
nothing demanded upon their Goods and Factories, conformable to
"the request of the Deputies, &c.
(C
The next day, the Mehemander Bachi, came early in the Morning to
attend the Deputies, and bring them with all (peed to the Court:
Where being admitted into the Garden, they met the King a Horſe-
back, and all the Court a Foot. The Athemadoulet held the King's
Anſwer to the King of France, in a Bag of Cloth of Gold, Seal'd with
the Kings Seal upon red Spanish Wax. The Sieur Lalin then, and the
reft of the Deputies were order'd to go neer and Kils the Kings Boot,
who kept his Grandeur, without ſpeaking a word. When they had
fo done, the Athemadoulet calling them to him, there, faid he, there is
the Anſwer for the Grand Cha, that is, for the King of the Kings of
France. The Deputies having made their Obeyfances to the King, the
whole Court took Horſe; and the King took the Road of Cachan; and
within an Hour, that Campaign, which look'd like a thick peopl'd
City, became as Defert as the most part of Perfia.
The Deputies, having read over the Patent, began to find many
defects, and Mariage would fain have follow'd the Court for amendments,
and would have perfuaded Lalin and Father Raphael to have gone along
with him. But Father Raphael over-perfuaded them to return firſt to
their Lodgings at Zulpha, and there to hear the Patent diftinctly read
over, and to confider better of it. When they came to Zulpha, and
that they had debated upon the meer Letter of the Patent, then they
were worſe mad then they were before. Then there were fo many
Cavils, fo many Difputes, fo many Exceptions, and fo many Expo-
fitions put upon the Words Conformably and Reasonably, that they muft
get a Horfe back immediately. Boulaye ftopp'd this fury for a while; So
that after many Difputes and Confultations, it was agreed, that Mariage,
as chief of the Negotiation, and Lalin, fhould follow the Court; and
that Boulaye, Breber, and Dupont, ſhould proceed forward to the Indies.
The Sieur L'Eftoile, and all the rest of the Franks, were of opinion,
that Lalin ſhould forthwith depart for France, with the King's Letter.
But their Counſel was not follow'd, and fo the Deputies divided them-
felves: Lalin and Mariage to follow the Court, which was then remov'd
as far as Afazandran: And the other three to pursue their Journey to
the East Indies. The two former fain would have had Father Raphael
have accompany'd them to the Court; but he fairly excus'd himself.
F 2
Neither
36
A RELATION of the
Neither would L'Eftoile permit his Son, to whom he allow'd 20 Tomans
a Year, to return to the Court, choofing rather to fend him to Bander
with the other three. Whereupon, the Seventeenth of November, they
fet forward upon their Journey.
Du Pont, without doubt, was the moft folid and judicious of all the
Merchants, but he took it fo to heart, to fee the dif-union among them,
that he fell into a languiſhing Diſeaſe at Ifpahan, and dy'd not far from
Schiras.
One
As for Lalin and Mariage, they left Ifpahan the Fifteenth of Decem-
ber, and arriv'd at Court foon after, where they lay a long time neg-
lected, their Divifions ftill continuing, which made them contempti-
ble to the Perfians, and ruin'd the Affairs of the Company.
Evening, the Nazar fent them a Flow'r, advifing them, that as that
Flow'r never chang'd; fo it became them not to vary in their Refolutions.
After a long and tedious ftay, Mariage obtain'd fome few impertinent
Alterations in his Patent; and permiffion to make Wine at Schiras, as
the English, Hollanders, and Portugueses had.
With theſe Alterations they both leave the Court; and Mariage
would certainly have accompany'd Lalin, who had an intention to fee
Ardevil, Tauris, and Kom, had he not been folicited to return to Zul-
pha, by a Young Dalilah, that had fmitten his heart. For by the means
of an old Woman, the Mother of one of his Lacqueys, he had de-
bauch'd a young Armenian Virgin, whom he kept privately to himself;
yet not fo privately, but the noife thereof was quickly fpread all over
Zulpha. All the Armenians were fcandaliz'd at it, and fent to feize the
Baud, to punish her, by their Laws, as the deferv'd. Mariage adver-
tiz'd thereof, flew out of his Lodging to her affiftance, and to protect
her from Juftice. But feeing the People in an uproar, and finding the
Stones to flye too thick about his Ears, he was forc'd to mind his own
fafety, and to ſeek for ſhelter in the next Houſe where he could be ad-
mitted. But the Buſineſs was not fo put up, for the Armenians, won-
dring to fee that a Deputy of an Illuftrious Company, who was come
to the Court of Perfia upon ſo ſerious an Affair, ſhould do ſo much wrong
to his Nation, by publickly appearing in ſo ſhameful an Action, and fo
unworthy of a Perſon in public Employment, that they refolv'd to proſe-
cute him all manner of ways. They were refolv'd, to that end, to have
fent into France an Exprefs, to have Complain'd to the King of his ill
Management and bad Behaviour. But Mariage at length reftor'd the
Armenian Girl which he had kept clofe lock'd up; after which time the
Armenians never look'd upon him but with corn and contempt.
Lalin being return'd to Ifpahan, departed thence the 22th of Novem-
ber, 1666. for Bander, with a Refolution, to Travel into the Indies.
But he fell fick at Bander, and thinking to return to Schiras, for the
Air's fake, he dy'd by the way at a Village call'd Bend-Ali. A Gen-
tleman endow'd with noble Qualities, and whofe Gentile and Generous
behaviour was an honour to his Nation.
The Thirtieth of the ſame November, Mariage alſo left Ifpahan, and
departed for Bander, with one Father Mercier, a Jefuite, whom he
took along with him as his Almoner, and Lewis L' Eftoile, his Kalmachi,
or Interpreter: There he ftay'd four Months for the arrival of the Ships,
but none coming, and the heats encreafing, he refolv'd to spend the
réft of the Year at Schiras. As for the Jefuit, and young L' Eftoile,
becauſe
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
37
becauſe there was no Converfe but with the people of the Country,
they return'd back to Ispahan.
Boulaye and Beber arriv'd at Suratte the firft of April, 1666. Being
come to the Bar, they fent to Father Ambroife, chief of the Miffion of
the Capuchins, who prefently attended them with a Sloop, which he
had obtain❜d of the Governour, and brought them home to the Capu-
chin's Houſe, where they ftay'd till they departed for Agra. Some-
time before was arriv'd there a Merchant of Aleppo, who had run him-
felf out at heels, and of a Maronite Chriftian was become a Roman
Catholick, in hopes to patch up his broken Fortune, being in truth a
meer Counterfeit, and a Hypocrite: For thefe Levantine Chriftians
feldom change their Religion, but upon fome motive of Intereft; and
when they have got a good Sum together, they prefently whip back
again into their own Country, and for a fmall piece of Money obtain
abfolution of their Patriarch. Thus feveral of the Religious Franks
that travel out of Europe into Aft are often deceiv'd, making a great
noife of their Converfion of the Levantines, when the Converfion, at
the bottom, is only an outward Converfion, and a meer piece of Gul-
lery. Among many others that I could relate, I will only mention
one, of a Francifcan, call'd Paul Stella, who coming with 400 Crowns,
or thereabouts, in his Pocket, for his fubfiftance, a Maronite ſmelt him
out, and under the pretence of giving him the Honour of his Conver-
fion to the Catholick Religion, never left him till he had fuck'd him
dry, and turn'd the Channel of his Money. This Maronite Merchant
before mention'd, whofe Name was Chelebi, fhew'd himſelf very zealous
for the Capuchins, and he had reafon enough; for the Capuchins of Aleppo
had been very ſerviceable to him, and had help'd him in his Affairs when
they were at the loweft ebb. They were overjoy'd at his arrival at Surat,
and gave it out immediately that it was he that had given them Money
for the building their Houle and Church. But when I came to look
over my Accompts, I found that the Money that had pay'd for the
Ground and a good thare of the building, came out of my Purle,
Father Ambroise having promis'd that I fhould be reimburs'd upon my
return to Paris. But I never heard more of my Money, nor indeed did
I ever look after it.
The reaſon why the Capuchins were willing that the Aleppo Merchant,
who never had disburs'd a Peny, fhould own the Expences of their
Houſe and Church, is this; becaule no Frangui Chriftian is permitted
in the Indies to enjoy the propriety of Houfes, or to make any reparati-
ons of thoſe which they hire, without the leave of the Governour of
the place. Both the English and Holland Companies are only Leffees to
the Indians; the Great Mogul having fuffer'd from the Chriftians in feve-
ral places, where under pretence of repairing or adorning certain
Houfes, which they poffets'd by way of propriety, they have fo well
fortifi'd them, that when the Governours have come to require any
Duties from them, they have made them good fo long, till they have
forc'd the Governours to yield to their demands.
So foon as the Deputies were landed at Surat, they prefently ſpread
abroad a report, that there were feven or eight Ships belonging to the
French Company that would fuddainly follow them. The Aleppo Merchant
was overjoy'd to hear the News, and was in great hopes, that by the
favour of the Capuchins, and the advantage which he had of ſpeaking
feve-
38
A RELATION of the
feveral of the Afiatick Languages, that the greateft part of the French
Merchandize would pass through his hands. Upon theſe hopes he
made great Treats, and prefented large Prefents to the Deputies, and
maintain'd their Servants at his own Charges. He found the De-
puties to be fufficiently covetous, but he was ftill in great expectations,
that his civil Entertainments, and the Preſents which they receiv'd
from him, would oblige them to acknowledge his kindneſs, and that
one day he ſhould find himſelf repay'd by the management of their bufi-
nels; but he was foully mistaken. For it coft him above 1500 Rupies,
part which he ſpent upon them himself at Surat, and partly what his
Nephew furnish'd them withall at Agra for their prefent occafions.
Three or four days after their arrival at Surat,the English Prefident fent
to viſit them by fome of his Council, and would have waited on them
himself, but that he lay then ill of the Gout. The Holland Commander
did the fame with his Council, fhewing all the civilities and kindneffes
that lay in his power; and a few days after invited them folemnly to a
great Feaft, with as many as they could bring along with them. In
the midſt of their Jollity the King's Health was fent about, and after
that, the Proſperity of the French Company, which oblig'd Boulaye to
begin another Health to the happy Progrefs of the Holland Company.
But when it came to Mr. Beber's turn to drink it, notwithſtanding all
that Boulaye, and the reft of the Company could fay to him, they
could not oblige him to pledge it. Nay, he did worfe then this, for
he threw the Glafs, Wine, and all at his Feet, and when he had fo
done, he rose in a heat from the Table, and after a pitiful manner left
the Company, and went home to his Lodging, though without any
attendance. The Hollanders were fo difcreet as to take little notice of
his folly, but remain'd very merry at the Table with Mr. Boulaye till
Midnight. But they could not forbear telling their Friends, that they
wonder'd, in regard there were fo many difcreet and ingenious Men in
France, that the Company ſhould make choice of fuch a Fool for the
management of fuch an important Affair as he was ſent about; and
that they foresaw he would do the Company no ſmall injury.
While the Deputies ſtay'd at Surat, the Governour of the place, at
the requeſt of Father Ambroise, entertain'd them, and fhew'd them all
the respect that could be fhew'd to Strangers. One day that they were
in Diſcourſe together, he told them, that if they would follow his
Counſel, he adviz'd them not to go to Court till their Ships were
arriv'd. But feeing that they were refolv'd to the contrary, he offer'd
them Money, Horſes, and Souldiers, to attend them, with Letters
of Recommendation to fome of the Grandees of the Court. The Cha-
bander, or Provoft of Merchants, made them the fame offers that the
Governour had done; all which they refus'd very obftinately. More
then this, they behav'd themſelves very ill, in reference to the Preſents
which the Governour and the Cha-Bander fent them, for they gave
their Servants that carry'd them not a Doight, which is look'd upon as a
very dirty action in the Indies. For the Indians never give their Ser-
vants any other Wages, then what they get by carrying Preſents from
their Maſters. And the more they have given them, the more Honour
it is, both for him that receives, and him that fends the Preſent.
The Deputies then being refolv'd for Agra, hir'd their Waynes, and
their Oxen to carry their Luggage, and five and twenty Souldiers for
their
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
93
their Convoy. They likewife made a great noife, of their being
honour'd from fo Great a King, and fo Noble a Company. Upon
which ſcore, they ought to have had five or fix Wains for their Baggage,
every one their Pallaquin and a Led-horſe, and every one a Flag with
their Arms or their Cyphers, which is the gentile way of Travelling
in India, and as I was always wont to travel. But they took but
five and twenty Souldiers, whereas they ought to have hir'd an hundred
and fifty at the rate they talk'd.
But inſtead of ſo doing, three Days Journey from Surat, Beber began
to quarrel with Boulaye, that they had too great a Train at their heels,
for which he blam'd the Adviſe of Father Ambroise and the Merchant
of Aleppo: That for his part he would pay for no more than four
Souldiers, and that if he would not fend the reft back, he ſhould pay
them himself. Upon which, they agreed to fend back the fix Souldiers
which the Governour had order'd to attend them as far as Brampour ;
upon their diſmiſſment, not giving them fo much as the Worth of a
Pipe of Tobacco.
}
>
When they came to Agra, the Nephew of Chelebi, the Aleppo
Merchant, fail'd not to wait upon them, and to offer them his fervice.
There was at that time a French Chirurgeon, whofe Name was James,
he fpake good Indian, and was married in the Country to the Daughter
of a Portugal: The Nahab, the King's Uncle and Grand Vizier, had a
great kindneſs for this Chirurgeon; and by his procurement it was
that the Deputies had Audience of Giafer-Kan, for fo was the Nahab
call'd. They requeſted of him, that by his favour they might prefent
a Letter from their King to the Great Mogul, as alfo that they might
be admitted to treat concerning the Settlement of a French Trade in the
Countrey. The Nahab told them, that he would fpeak to the King,
and take care that they fhould be admitted to their Audience in a little
time. With that he order'd them to be conducted to the Lodgings
appointed for them, which they found ready furnish'd with all neceffary
proviſion for the Belly, but their Lacqueys and Servants were to cook
it themſelves; for it is not here as it is in Perfia, where the Meat is fent
ready dreft out of the King's Kitchin to the Embaſſadors Table.
The Nahab, who underſtood that they had brought no Prefents,
neither for him, nor any of the Grandees of the Court, nor for
the King himſelf, was not over hafty to admit them to their Audience.
So that it was above a Month before the Deputies could fet Eyes upon
the Nahab again, though the Chirurgeon,' and other Franguis, us'd all
their Intereft in their behalf. Being very weary of this Delay, they
gave it out, that they could ftay no longer at Agra, in regard they
were to be at Surat upon the Arrival of the French Veffels. Upon
which falfe Report, the Nabab fent to them for the King their Mafter's
Letter, that he might prefent it to the Great Mogul himself. Upon this
Demand of their Letter, they were quite blank, not being acquainted
with the manner how the Kings of India receive thofe Letters which
are brought them by Embaffadors: For they never receive any with
their own hands, but fuch as come from the Grand Signior: All other
Letters, according to the Grandeur of the Kings that fend them, are
put into the hands of the Grand Officers of the Court, who prefent
them to the King: And the more potent the King is, from whom the
Letter comes, through the fewer hands it paffes before it is prefented
to
40
A RELATION of the
to the Great Mogul. For the prefent State of Europe and Asia is very
well known in the Court of the Great Mogul, and the Difference
between the Soveraigns of both, in reference to their Grandeur and
Puiffance. Neither is there a Stranger that enters into the Kingdom,
of whom the Governour of the Frontier Province does not give advice
to the Nahab ; and if he appear to be a perſon of Ingenuity, there's
no help for't, but he muſt go to Court, where he is carefs'd, on
purpoſe to get information of the Country from whence he comes.
But to return to the Deputies, they obftinately refuf'd to fend the
Letter to the Nahab: At which he was not a little troubl'd; fearing left
upon the Arrival of the French Veffels, it might be the occafion of a
Rupture, and hinder the conclufion of the Treaty of Commerce.
Moreover he was not a little jealous, left they ſhould ſeize upon the
Great Mogul's Veſſels in their Voyage to Mecca, as Hugh Lambert the
Holland Pyrat did, who took all the Baggage belonging to the Queen
of Vifapour, when he was going to Mecca and Medina. The Nahab
having made theſe Reflexions to himſelf, fo wrought with the King,
that he confented that the Deputies, contrary to cuftom, fhould be
admitted into his prefence, there to give the Letter into the Hands of
the Prime Miniſter, to be by him prefented to the King. This, as I faid
before, was an unuſual favour, and yet the Deputies were fo obftinate,
as to reject this Propofition, faying, that they would rather return
home, and carry back their Letters, then not prefent them to the King
themſelves. This obftinacy of theirs, to maintain their own conceited
humour againſt the Cuſtom of the Countrey, was very much blam'd
by all people, that admir'd at the patience of the Nabab, who at
length fent them word, they might take their own courfe, fince they
refußd the Honours which he would have done them. After that
the Deputies ſtaid ten or twelve days in the City, flattering themſelves,
that the Nahab would comply with their Folly; but they were deceiv'd.
For the Nahab offended at their idle carriage, took ſuch order, that
not one perfon living, either Merchant or other, went to vifit them
all the while. So that they refolv'd to return to Surat, in expectation
of their Ships.
*
When they left Agra, they went and lay two Leagues off from the
City in the Field, fetting up one Tent apiece, (and thoſe pitiful ones
Heaven knows) to ferve for them and their Servants, whereas they
might have lodg'd with more fecurity in a fair Inn that flood not far
off. Now it is the Cuſtom at the Great Mogal's Court, that every
Night fome Prince or great Lord keeps Guard in his turn for a Week
together, having under him five or fix thouſand Horſe, that beat the
Road for three or four Leagues round the place where the King quarters.
A Party of theſe Horſemen fcouting by the Deputies Tents, and
enquiring whoſe they were, one of the Servants reply'd, that they were
the Tents of the French Deputies: of which the Horfemen gave
immediate notice to their Captain, at that time the Grand Provoſt of
the Empire, A Perfon handfom, well endow'd, and a great Lover of
Strangers, who had raif'd himſelf by his Valour, as being an Abyffin
by Nation. So foon as he understood that they were the French Deputies,
he fent one of his principal Officers, with fifty Horfe, to defire them
to give them leave to guard them that Night, becauſe they were in no
fecurity, and for that if they came to any miſchief the Head of their
Captain
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
41
Captain muſt anſwer for it. But they very ill receiv'd the kind proffer
of the Provoſt, proudly anſwering, that they were ſtrong enough to
guard themselves, and the first that came near them thould know whe-
ther the French had Courage or no, adding withal, that if their Captain
were afraid, they would guard him, with a deal of other fcurrilous riffraff
which very much furpriz'd the Officers.
The next day they fet up their Tents about a quarter of a League far-
ther, becauſe they expected fomething to be brought them from Agra.
The Conteval or Grand Provoſt admiring they made fuch flow journeys,
and that they had now pitch'd in a more dangerous place then before,
fent the fame Horſemen with the fame proffer, or elſe that they would
be pleas'd to lye in an Inn where they might be fafe. Boulaye was of the
mind that fo kind an offer fhould not be refus'd: but Beber gave them
nothing but bad language; reviling their Captain, that he was afraid
they ſhould go and lye with his wives, offering if he pleas'd to go and
guard them. He spoke half Portugueſe, half Italian, which being a kind
of Lingua Franca, fome of the Horlemen made a fhift to underſtand him,
and having made a report to the Grand Provoſt of his Infolent Anſwer,
the Lord was not a little nettl'd at it, and therefore refolv'd to be re-
veng'd. About midnight fourfcore or a hundred Horſe came and cut
all the Cords of Bebers Tent, thinking to have let it fall about his ears.But
he found a way to quit himſelf by the affiftance of his Servant; and en-
deavour'd to elcape to the Houſe of a Dervich on the other fide of a ſmall
Rivolet, nere the place where the Tents were fet up. But the Moon
fhining as bright as day, he could not hide himſelf from the purſuit of
the Horſemen, who fhot at him, and with their Arrows wounded him
in three places, once in the thigh and twice in the buttocks.
Laye hearing the noife which the Horfemen made, peep'd out of his Tent,
and feeing fo many Horſemen in purſuit of Beber, was not a little daunt
ed. He was afraid of running the fame rifce; but not having long to
confider, he took his purfe of Duckets, and fled till he got about half a
league off, where he lay all night under a great Tree. But by the con-
fequence he found that the Horsemen had nothing to ſay to him, being
fatisfi'd when they faw Beber fall, as believing him dead. For had they
not thought him fo, they would never have left him, till they had quite
done his buſineſs. But to colour the buſineſs, that it might not ſeem
a point of revenge they broke open all Beber's Chefts; that it might feem
as if he had bin robb'd; but they found very little or nothing to enrich
themselves.
Boul-
So foon as B: ber's boy faw that the Horſemen were gone, he ran to the
Town for a Pallanquin to carry his Mafter thither. Being brought to
the Town they laid him in the Jefuits houfe, where Boulaye alfo arriv'd
not long after and took up his Quarters, to the great confolation of the
Jefuits, whole Revenues are but finall in thofe parts, where there are
no devout people to leave them Legacies. Their Ordinary was very
fparing; but it was fuch as the Deputies must be glad of. Though it
were a feast for Boulaye, who was not wont to make better chear.
Sheeps head, of his own purchaſe, ufually ferv'd him two meals. Which
made him ridiculous to the Franks, who liv'd after a more fplendid rate.
At Smyrna and Aleppo, when he was not invited by the Franguis, he had
recourfe to his Shceps tongues, or a cold piece of double Tripe, which
he carri'd to the poor Cabaretts of the Greeks, taking his Chopin of Wine
G
For a
to
42
A RELATION of the
to wath it down: and fuch was his good husbandry that what was left
was order'd to be fet up for his fupper. One day he had drank a little more
then he had bled, and the Franguis found him a fleep in the ftreet, about
a hundred paces from the Cabaret. They had fo much charity for him as
to remove him to his lodging, left other Nations fhould laugh at the
choice which they had made of an Envoy to fettle the Trade of fuch a
confiderable Company. As for Beber, who lov'd good Chear when it
coft him nothing, as being a true exemplar of covetoufneſs, he com-
plain'd of the Jefuits entertainment, though they out-run the Conſtable to
treat him like a Deputy. His man who had more wit than he,and plainly
faw what a trouble he was to his Hofts, made them a merry relation of
the Noble Table which his Mafter kept for him, how he had made pro-
viſion of a Barrel of Herrings; which when Invitations fail'd, he wa-
rily fed upon, rubbing his bread with the tail to give it a haut goust. For
my part, faid the Boy, I am but a poor Servant, yet I have made a ſhift
to spend an hundred and fifty Crowns which I had got in the fervice of
the Conful of Smyrna. 'Twas my misfortune to be inveigl'd out of his
ſervice, for I was with a Noble Mafter where I got Money; but in this
man's fervice I have eaten all that I had got before. Two days after I
arriv'd at Agra,and heard of Beber's being wounded and where he lay, and
went to give him a vifit. And as I never went unprovided in my travels
with all things neceffary, I had fome Oyntments and Plafters, which
were very ſerviceable to him.
It was an eafie thing to obferve that Boulaye was glad of the opportu
nity of Beber's being wounded, that he might have the fole honour of
giving the Letter to the King. For he pretended to be the true Envoy
from the King of France, and that Beber was only fent to bear him com.
pany. La Boulaye therefore believing that the bufinefs would take effect,
perfuaded the Chyrurgion already mention'd to folicit the Nahab who
had a kindneſs for him, fo cloſe, that thereby the Nahab permitted him
to bring the Letter. But Boulaye who thought he ſhould give it himſelf
to the King, was much furpriz'd when he ſaw that the Nahab, who had
got the Letter into his own power, gave it to one of the meanest Officers
of his Court, who by the Prime Miniſter's order, gave it to another,
and he to a third, who brought it back to the Nahab, who at length pre-
ſented it to the King, but not in the preſence of Boulaye.
And thus you fee the Effect of the ridiculous pride of the Deputies,
Boulaye was forc'd to ſtay in an outer Court, having two more to pafs
thorough before he came into the King's Quarter. Where, while he re-
main'd big with expectation, word was brought him, that the King
would return an Answer to the King his Mafter, fo foon as the Ships
ſhould be arriv'd; and to he was forc'd to go back to his Lodging with
the melancholy diſſatisfaction of a fruftrate hope.
The wounded Gentleman being new cur'd, but ftill very lame, de-
fir'd Audience of the Nabab, that he might have juftice for the mif
chief done him by an Affaffination and a Robbery. The Nahab readily
admitted him, limping when he came into his prefence worſe then
when he first left his bed. The firft Compliment he made was of the
Wounds he had receiv'd, and then he demanded fatisfaction for the lofs
of his Blood, and the Goods which had bin ftolen from him. The Na-
hab promis'd him to inform the King of the buſineſs, affuring him that
he ſhould have no wrong done him upon the high-way within the Ter-
ritories
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
43
ritories where he had to do. Four or five days after, the Nahab fent to
Beber to know how much the Lofs which he pretended to have receiv'd
amounted to Beber brought in an account of four and twenty thouſand
Roupies, or 12000 Crowns, and for the lofs of his Blood, he left it to the
Kings Generoſity.
His Accompt he made out thus:
Imprimis. A Note for the value of fix thouſand Roupies which he had.
lent à Merchant when he departed for Marfeilles,which Note was among
the Papers he had loft. As to that, the Nabab ask'd him whether the No-
taries in France did not make an Entry of fuch publick Acts as were fign'd
before them? Beber made anfwer, that he fhould never be paid, if he could
not produce the fame Paper that had bin taken from him, and that he
could not demand his Money without it. The Nabab replying, that
that was contrary to the Cuftom of all Nations, and that he knew it could
not be as he ſaid, added withal, that he ſhould take no care for his fatis-
faction in that particular. After that he read on.
Item. Five thouſand Roupies in Gold and Silver Money.
Item. Four thouſand Roupies in Gold Lace and Galoon to trim his
Clothes.
ī
Item. Two Diamond Rings at two thouſand one hundred Roupies.
Item. Two other Rings, a Topaz, and another of fea-green water,
which coft three hundred Roupies.
Item. His Clothes, his Linnen, and for a Cheft of Medicaments,
which might be worth 4000 Roupies, of which he had procur'd his Chi-
rurgeon to give in a Bill.
Item. A Chain of Gold valu'd at 500 Roupies. In all amounting to 24000
Roupies, as I faid before.
Two or three days after, the King caus'd an Order to be deliver'd to
him for the payment of his Money at the Treatury-Chamber. Upon
which Order, he agreed with a Merchant to be paid at Surat. And when
he was ready to depart, the King commanded 12000 Roupies to be paid
him for the lofs of his Blood. But that fum he never receiv'd. For be-
ing in hafte to be gone to Surat, and failing to prefent the Treasurer, he
drill'd him out fo long, that his patience was quite tir'd, and fo he was
fore'd to go without it.
I could never underſtand the Policy of the Great Mogul to pay Beber
the fum which he faid had bin taken from him; when the Nabab knew
to a thread what he had loft, and had given in an accompt thereof to the
King; the whole not amounting to 2000 Roupies. And as for the Fran-
guis, fo foon as they understood that he had demanded 4000 Roupies for
his Chirurgeons Cheft, they all cry'd out that it was a meer cheat. For
a few days before Beber arriv'd at Agra, the Chirurgeon had receiv'd 200
Roupies by the Charity of the Franks to return to Surat, and he fell fick
the next day that this Bill was preſented to the Nahab.
After the Mogul had read the King of France's Letter, the Nabab by
order of his Mafter, order'd a Lodging to be provided for the Deputies,
which overjoy'd the Jefuits, who were by that means rid of two very
troubleſome Guefts. As for Boulaye, in regard the King had fignifi'd his
pleaſure, that he would not return any answer to the King's Letter till
the arrival of the Ships, he never troubled himſelf any farther, but
ftaid till the waters were fallen, that he might go to Bengale, and from
thence to Golconda to fettle a Trade in thole parts. But Beber moil'd like
G
a borlo
44
A RELATION of the
>
a horſe, and did nothing but run to and fro, to know the King's pleafure
touching the fettlement of Trade. But the Nahab either laugh'd at him,
or took little notice of what he ſaid. For indeed by Beber's outward
appearance, and deportment, no man could make any other judgment
of him, but that he was a poor fpirited fellow, and one that knew not
what it was to live. For all the Europeans that travel into Perfia and the
Indies are always richly habited, nor would any of them keep Beber
company, who by his Habit look'd rather like a Footman, than a Depu-
ty of a Royal Company of Trade. At length a whim took him to
make himſelf a fuit of painted Calicut, after the French Fashion, the
like whereof had never been ſeen in the Country; the whole Suit not
ſtanding him in above 13 Livres and
13 Sous. For the trimming of his
new Suit he took off the Ribbands of his old Cloaths, which he was two
days lathering, and ſmoothing with a Taylers Goofe. When he had
got this rare Habit upon his back, he went to vifit the Nahab, who was
then attended by the Principal Lords of the Court. Who when they
faw him enter, fell all a gazing upon him, and ask'd one another whe-
ther that Frangui were turn'd Faquir, or a Dervich of Hoffen Mamout
which they ufually call the ragged Saint. For you muſt know, that all
the Faquirs or Derviches that are of this Order, never apparel themſelves
but with ſuch rags as they pick up in the ſtreets, and if they meet with
any pieces better than other, they make of them a kind of Galoon to
trim the reft. They also carry half Pikes, with a great company of
Tatters faſten'd to the end of them, to make a fhew of their beggery. Be-
ber's Habit very much furpriz'd the Nahab, and all others that beheld
him ſo ridiculouſly accouter'd. As he pafs'd one morning by my win-
dow, I bid him good morrow, telling him withal, that he look'd more
ſpruce and gay than he us❜d to do.
than he us❜d to do. He reply'd, that he had reafon ſo to
do, for that he had receiv'd Letters from Surat, by which he had advice,
that the Country people upon the Coaft of Cape St. John had decry'd
four Veffels out at Sea, which they could not make to be either English,
Or Hollanders, from whence he concluded that they were the Companies
ſhips; and that he was going to the Nahab with the News. But I pre-
vented him at that time,telling him that I had often obferv'd that rafcally
fort of people to come both to the English and Hollanders, with fuch kind of
Intelligence, on purpoſe to get Money; when indeed they had never
ſeen any fuch fight, and admonishing him not to believe Reports upon
fuch flight foundations. I ask'd him what date his Letters bore? he
told me, thirty days ago. Then, faid I, if the diſcovery had bin true,
the Nahab would have had notice of it in fourteen; and then he would
certainly have told you of it,or my felf; for it is but two days fince I took
my leave of him. Thereupon he took my counſel and refolv'd for Surat
in a few days.
Three days after that the Chirurgeon had given in his Bill for the
Cheft of Medicaments that he had loft among Beber's Baggage, he was
ſo touch'd in Conſcience, that he fell fick, and dy'd in two days. Upon
his death-bed he ask'd pardon of God for the Cheat which he had con-
fented to, to ask 4000 Roupies for that which was really worth but four
hundred; 200 of which he had receiv'd from the Charity of the Fran-
guis, the reſt upon the fale of a Horſe.
For my part, finding that Beber was refolv'd for Surat, I made what
haft I could out of Agra, to be quit of his company. But the fecond
day
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
45
day after my departure, having fet up my tent by a Rivers fide, juſt as I
was going to dinner I spy'd Beber coming, nor could I get rid of him
afterwards till I came to Surat. So that we were forc'd to travel toge-
ther, though he committed a thouſand Impertinencies by the way.
Among the reft, he put one trick upon the Chief of the Cheraffs or
Bankers at Brampour, not to be paffed over in filence.
In regard the ways were bad, and that he had but one pitiful weak
Chariot, and four weak Boys, which with the help of Oxen, were
hardly ftrong enough to help him out when he ftuck in the mire, he fel-
dom came to his journeys end till two or three hours after me.Now upon
the report that ran of the French fhips being feen out at Sea, and
the general belief that Beber would be one of the Principal Truſtees
of the Company, feveral, as I faid before, courted him, and fought to
engage his Friendſhip. Being arriv'd at Brampour, the Chief of the
Cheraffs, attended by a dozen of his fervants came to viſit us. Upon the
first acquaintance Beber told him that he wanted a Pallaquin to go to Su-
rat, whereupon the Cheraff civilly offered him his, and caus'd it to be
trimm'd up for his better accommodation. Beber thought that trimming
would have bin finifht in one day, when indeed it requir'd three or four.
The next day I order'd my Coach to be got ready, and order'd my Pal-
laquin to be carri'd away. Beber, who verily believ'd that the Compa-
ny's fhips were already in the Road of Surat, began to curfe and bann
the Cheraff, who prefently came to him and endeavour'd to appeaſe him
with good words. He told him, it could be no prejudice to him to ftay
a day or two, for by that time the Roads would be better, and he might
travel the fafter. But Beber, being tranſported with paffion, was fo
far from taking the Cheraffs reafons for fatisfaction, that ſnatching a
Cudgel out of his Waggoners hands that ſtood next to him, he gave
the Cheraff three or four good Licks cross the fhoulders. The Merchants
and other people that were in the Inn, were ftrangely ſurpriz'd at ſuch a
piece of rudeness, and ran out preſently, fome with Stones, and others
with Cudgels, making a hideous noife, and crying out, that they had
never feen the like. They took it for a moft enormous Crime, to ftrike
the Chief of the Cheraffs, above four core years old, whofe very age
ought to have bin protection enough from fuch an Affront. Good luck
it was for Beber, after fuch a rash action committed, that I was well
known at Brampour, having been there ten or twelve times, and in ſome
of my Travels having dealt for above 200000 Roupies. There were
none of the Cheraffs with whom I had not dealt by Letters of Exchange,
and very few Merchants or Brokers who had not had fome bufinels or
other upon my accompt. They cry'd out, fpeaking of me; See there the
Monfieur Franqui, with whom we have dealt ſo often, yet never heard
him give us an ill word. Another good chance he had to meet there
the Contevall's Lieutenant, and three Merchants of Surat; and thus be-
tween us, having difingag'd Beber out of the Brabble wherein he had
fo fillily bemir'd himself, we made him get into my Coach, and fo packt
him out of the City. I follow'd him two hours after: for had he ftaid
longer in Brampour, I believe the Faquirs and Derviches would have beat
out his brains. For he was no fooner gone, but a great number of that
fort of rabble came to the Inn, crying out, Where was that Dog of a
Cafer that had beaten the Cheraff. Thereupon, feeing the Multitude
encreaſe, I ſtole out of the Town, without faying a word, and rid on
till
46
A RELATION of the
till I got three leagues from Brampour, to an old Town call'd Badelpoura,
where I overtook Beber, who had hir'd a Coach made after the fafhion
of the Country. It was but reaſon, that I ſhould have my own Coach
to fleep in in the night: For though in all places where you come to lye
in the night, the Indians will offer you a little bed to lye on, yet in re-
gard the rains were but juſt over, the bedſteads were fo full of Punies,
that there was no refting. Thele Punies are ingender'd by the moiſture
which the rains, that fall for four months together, cauſe in thoſe Coun-
tries. Which being over, and the Sun recovering its wonted heat, the
women carry forth their beds every morning, and beating them well
with good big ſticks, never leave till the Punies fall to the ground, and
there turning up their bellies preſently dye. Theſe beds confift of four
feet and four round ftaves, as broad and as long as you pleaſe. To the
ftaves are faſten'd girths about four fingers broad, which are much more
commodious than the bottoms of our beds that are plank'd with Deal
or other wood. Over the girths they only lay a ſingle Coverlet or
Sheet, which is a manner of lying eafie enough, confidering the heat of
the Country.
The fourth day after our departure from Brampour, being near a great
Town call'd semqueles, in a flat Country, we perceiv'd all the Plain co-
ver'd with Tents. It appear'd to be the Camp of one of the chief Kans,
or Lords, whom the Great Mogull had fent with 50000 men againſt the
Rebel Raja Sevagi. This Lord, underſtanding who we were, very ci-
villy fent us Melons, and Mango's, and bid his Officers tell us withal,
that we were out of all danger, and might fafely purfue our journey.
Whatever I could fay to Beber, to perfwade him that it was but an act
of civility and good manners, to wait upon the Prince, I could by no
means engage him. I fceing his impertinency, fhifted my habit, and
fent one of my fervants to the Camp, to learn whether the Kan drank
Wine; and underſtanding that he did, I took a bottle of Spanish, and
another of Schirus Wine, and a ſmall pocket Piſtol delicately embel-
liſh'd with filver; and with this fmall Prefent away I went to wait upon
the General. Being come into his Prefence, I excus'd Beber, as not
being well, and immediately prefented him the little Piſtol, which he
took, and bid me charge, being defirous to try it. After he had ſhot it
off, faid he to his Lords that ſtood by, Now muft we confess thele Fran-
qui's to be ingenious. This man fees that I am going to the Wars, and
prefents me wherewithal to defend my life.
Then cafting his eyes
upon the little Hamper, where the Bottles were, he ask'd what it was?
They told him in his Ear. Oh, faid he, looking at the fame time upon
two or three Mim Bach's, or Colonels that were prefent, This Franqui
Gentleman has given me a bottle of Wine, well we muft drink it;
for I find I fhall pleaſe him in fo doing. When the Mollah's heard him
talk of Wine, they flunk away, which made the Kan laugh heartily.
Theſe are Agi's, quoth he; they have bin Pilgrims to Mecca, and never
drink Wine after they come home again. Having taken my leave, he
fent me a Pomerè, which is a kind of Scarf that may alfo ferve for a
Girdle. It was made of white Sattin with flow'rs of Gold, and might
be worth about a hundred Roupies. He that brought it, told me, I
fhould do the Kan a great kindneſs, to fend him another bottle of Wine:
thereupon I feat him two or three, which was all my ftore. He fent
me fix Horſemen to conduct us three days journey, till we had pafs'd a
great
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
4.7
great River that flows from the Mountains of the South, which waſh-
ing the City of Baroche, from whence it takes its Name, falls into the
Bay of Cambay
When we came to our laft ftage, which is a great Town, call'd Bar-
noli, from whence it is but 14 Leagues to Surat, Beber fent one of his
Hirelings to give notice thereof to Father Ambrofe. When the News
came, the Father went with the Aleppo Merchant, often already men-
tion'd, to borrow the English Prefident's Coaches: and there were about
15 or 16 more Coaches all in a train, with ſeveral Horſemen and Mer-
chant Banians that made haft to meet the Deputy. This happen'd
upon the firſt of November, 1666. They carri'd with them Provifion
enough to make merry, and every Banian had his Preſent ready. For
my part, I as foon as I had faluted the Father Capuchin, I went directly
to my Lodging, where I had left two Servants to take care of a Sum of
Money which I had receiv'd of the King of Perfia, unwilling to hazard
it upon the Road. For in whatever part of the Indies I came, I had
credit enough to buy without Money. I only gave my Bills for
payment
at Agra, Vilapour, Golconda, or Surat, where I generally left my Money,
as having receiv'd it there for the moſt part of the Lords or Kings of the
Country.
As for Beber, he was no Changeling, the follies that he committed
are too numerous to be related: but how he began the year 1667, is not
to be omitted.
M. Thevenet, upon his return from Madrafpatan and Golconda, lodg'd
in the Capuchins houfe. Beber going to vifit him, told him, that the
Capuchins were the Hollanders Spies, and that he had often advis'd
Father Ambrose to break with them, and not to go any more to their
Houſe. That while he frequented their Society, the French Company
would be fure to find fome obftacle in their Trade when the Ships ſhould
arrive; and that if the Hollanders had not been at Agra, they might have
done what they pleas'd with the King. That the hundred thouſand
Roupies which they had prefented to the King and Grandees of the Court,
had hinder'd them from obtaining what they defign'd. By which it
appear'd, he understood not the humour of the Hollanders; for they are
not fo liberal: nor would all their tricks, or preſents have any thing
avail'd them, the Great Mogul being defirous that all Nations ſhould be
welcome to his Dominions, eſpecially Merchants, as well they that
import little, as they that bring in much. M. 1hevenot told him, that
he had never obferv'd fo much of the Hollanders in all his travels; for if
it were truc, that they had fuch a defire to hinder the Trade of other
Nations, they would not afford them paffage in their Ships, or to put
their Goods aboard, as they often did. Moreover, they lend away many
times one or two Ships according to the quantity, laden all with ftran-
gers Goods, from Malipatan or Surat, in which Ships, there is not oft-
fo much as one Bale belonging to the Company. And this, added
he, is farther obfervable, That they afford their Freight cheaper then
the English, or any other Nation, who have Ships in thele parts. Thus ·
Monfieur Thevenot endeavour'd to convince M. Beber who would have
had Father Ambrofe have fallen out with the Hollanders. But he knew
better things then to difoblige perfons to whom he was fo much behold-
ing as he was every day. For every week they allow'd the houfe a
certain quantity of Bread and Meat, and upon Faft-days fent them Fish,
times
1
Eggs,
}
48
A RELATION of the
Eggs, Brandy, and Wine, which were no fuch unkindneſſes to be
quarrell'd with. Monfieur Thevenot at the fame time told Beber, that
he ſhould do well to repay Father Ambrofe the Money which he had
borrow'd to pay for the Coach which he had broken to ſerve him, as
alſo that which he had given the Seamen, for trying if they could
diſcover the Companies Vellels upon the Coaft. But he turn'd his deaf
ear to that diſcourſe, and would never be perfuaded to reimburſe the
Money which Father Ambrofe laid out for him. Monfieur Thevenot
perceiving his unwillingness, and preffing him to do things handſomly,
put
him into fuch a chafe, that he fell a fwearing after fuch a violent rate,
in a Parlour, that was parted only by a thin board from the place where
the Maſs was faid, that one of the Fryers, juft ready to go to the Altar,
came forth to defire him to leave his blafpheming. But Beber's infolence
took his admonition fo ill, that he very rudely beat the Fryer in Mr. The-
venot's prefence; fwearing, That had it not been out of reſpect to him,
he would have knockt him o' the head. The Capuchin being ſo inju-
riouſly us'd, came to Me, being hardly able to ftir his neck, by reaſon
of one of the blows that Beber had given him. I chaft his neck with
Oyl of Coco's, and wrapt it up warm: but we durft not ſpeak a word
of Beber's idle action, for fear of expofing our felves to the laughter of
the English and Hollanders, who would have made good ſport with it.
Beſides theſe Enormities, he put away his Servant that had fav'd his
Life, and kept his Wages. After that he went to lye at an Apothe-
caries houſe, whofe Name was Mouillon, who came from God, with a
good quantity of Portugal Wine, and kept a Tavern at Surat. While
he lay there he had a great Conteſt with the Merchant, who receiv'd
the 24000 Roupies, which the King had given him for the lofs which he
alleadg'd that he and his Chyrurgeon had fuftain'd. For the Merchant
would acknowledge the receipt of no more then 23900 Roupies, the
other Hundred being deducted for Fees of the Treaſury. He alfo main-
tain'd, That the Merchant had receiv'd the 12000 Roupies which the King
had allow'd him for the loſs of his Blood: but it was known that the
Grand Treaſurer would never pay that Money. Thus when he faw that
his Cheats were diſcover'd to all the World, he began to bethink him-
ſelf how to get away: and we obferv'd, that he would fain have quitted
Surat without noife. But there is fuch good Order taken both by Land
and Sea, that no perfon can go away without the knowledge and leave
of the Governour. For as the Countrymen that come from the other
fide of the water cannot return unless they fhew a mark in their hands
made with red Earth at the Cuſtom-houſe; neither Horfe nor Coach
can ftir without a Note from the Chabander, and another for the Ra-
dars, who lye fometimes two or three Leagues from the Town. Beber
nevertheleſs had fome affurance from his Vintner, that he might get
into a Boat, by bidding the Boatmen carry him to Reynel, a large Town
on the other fide of the water. The Maiter of the Boat ask'd him for
his Ticket, but Beber anſwer'd him with his Cudgel, forcing him for-
ward, and telling him, he was not to demand Billets of fuch a perfon as
he was.
As he was got half way the River a great number of Souldiers
hollow'd after the Boatmen, to row the Strangers back afhoar. But
Beber laid his hand upon his Sword, and compell'd the Boatmen to go
forward. That evening, Beber being return'd, the poor Boatmen were
apprehended, and baftinado'd till they were almoft maim'd. The
people
Negotiation of the Deputies, &c.
49
people cri'd out, that it was the Frangui that ought to be ſo ſerv'd, and not
the poor Watermen, who had done nothing but by conſtraint.
Thus did this Envoy behave himſelf both in Perfia and India, to the
great
hindrance of the French Nation. Now let us fee what became of
both Boulaye and Beber after all their Extravagancies.
The Sicur de la Boulaye, according to the accompt given by the Hollan-
ders that were at Agra, left the Town five or fix days after my departure.
Knowing I went to Surat, he had plaid his game fo well with me, that
he got a Hamper of twelve large bottles of Wine for 138 Roupies, though
they coft me more, for which he gave me a Note of his hand, that I
have ſtill in my cuftody, to be paid at Surat, upon the arrival of the
French Companies hips. From thence he travell'd to Patna, where he
taid nine or ten days, partly with the English, partly with the Hollan-
ders: from whence he departed for Daca, the Refidence of the Governour
of the Province. The Governour of the Province of Bengale was
then the Great Mogul's Uncle, whofe name was Cha-Eft-Kan, a potent
Prince, who has always under his Command thirty or forty thouſand
men.
But
At Patna, Boulaye had a project, that from thence he might eaſily pals
into China, and to that purpoſe he there embarqu'd with fome Perfian
Souldiers, who were going to lift themſelves under Cha-Eft-Kan.
after that, to this hour, it never could be certainly known what became
of him; but by all probable conjectures, it is verily believ'd, that the
Perſian Souldiers murder'd him and his little Slave, in hopes of fome
good booty. Of the truth whereof, the Obfervation that follows was
no ſmall evidence. About a quarter of a mile from Daca lies a Town,
where live feveral mungrel Portugal Officers, belonging to the Gover-
nour of Bengale, as Canoneers and Carpenters, and fome of the fame
Nation that ſerve in the Cavalry of Cha-Eft-Kan. There they have alſo
a ſmall Church very well built, where an Auftin Fryar officiates, to
whom, about three months after Boulaye's departure from Patna, a cer-
tain Perfian in the Habit of a Souldier, with two more companions,
brought two large Books, the one in Felio, and the other in Quarto to
fell. The Fryar, who was a mungrel alfo, understood no Latin; but
finding them not to be in the Portugal Language, would have ftopp'd
the Books as ftoln from the Hollanders, had not the Souldier been too
ftrong for him. Thele Books were thought to have been Boulaye's
who, to my knowledge, had two Chefts full, well bound, in reading
whereof he spent the greatest part of his time. His Avarice was his
Ruine; for had he taken a Bark by himſelf, as I did when I went from
Patna, and had oblig'd the Watermen to give him good fecurity, he
could have run no hazard. For my part I took one with four and twenty
men; and every one, knowing I never fpar'd for coft, gave me excellent
fecurity. Thefe Barks are little Galliots, which will undertake to carry
you to your journey's end, and name your own day. If you will lye
afhoar every evening, they will fet up your Tents; and ftop at any
Town or City to take in Provifions. I never made fo pleafant a Voy-
age in my
life, nor with leſs trouble. For in theſe Barks, there is a
Room where the Sun cannot come in, where you may repofe in the day
time, and fit in the cool Air on that fide from whence the Breez comes.
There is another place cover'd for your Kitchin; and another little
Garderobe for the private deeds of Nature. By the way Ikill'd great
H
ftore
50
A RELATION, &C.
ftore of large Geefe, Cranes, and Crocodiles, which I gave the Water-
men, who were very glad of them; for they fold them in the Towns
as they row'd along. The people in thofe quarters are very good natur'd
and officious. Dyet is little worth, as being the place where you may
buy a hundred Pullets for a Crown: and for three or four Pence,you may
buy a Fith of a prodigious length and bigneſs.
Beber's end was no lefs fad. For when the French Companies Ships
were arriv'd, M. Caron, who commanded them,and M. Rambot, with an
Armenian, who had the management of the chiefeft part of the buſineſs,
had been acquainted with what had pafs'd at Surat, between Beber and
the Capuchins. Prefently Affections and Interefts parted. Caron and
Pambos took Beber's part, the Armenian held for the Capuchins, which
was at length the ruin of Beber and Rambos. The Holland Commander
going aboard to vifit the Sieur Caron, upon his return would not permit
the Captain to ſtir out of his Cabin; fo that Rambos and the Armenian
took upon them to wait upon the Commander. Upon this Occafion
the Armenian took upon him to precede Rambos, and briskly threw him-
ſelf before the French-man; who being provok'd at the Affront, gave
the Armenian a fwinging cuff o' the Ear before all the company. To be
fhort, the Sieur Caron, Rambos, and Beber holding all together, the Ar-
menian found himfelf too weak to reſiſt: and in regard he had the
Management of the Cash, he was accus'd of Misbehaviour, and was
condemn'd to be hang'd. But becauſe they could not execute the Sen-
tence which they had given at Surat, they fent him away to the Council
Royal of the Inland of Madagascar, of which M. Mondevergue was chief,
who was fo far from confirming the Sentence given at surat, that he
admitted the Armenian to juſtifie himself; and finding that he was not
only innocent, but that he might be very useful to the Company, he
fent him back to Surat with more power then he had before. This
This put
Beber and Rambos into a fit of Defpair, to fee the perſon whom they
thought to have ruin'd, now above them. Thereupon they found a
way to get 12000 Roupies a piece for their Wages, which they pretended
to be due from the Company: and with that and 24000 Roupies which
Beber had of his own they Embarqu'd both together for God. Where,
being arriv'd, Beber dy'd foon after: But as for Rambos, he return'd home
again through Ipahan.
OBSERVA-
rts
set dh të të sh de de de de så så de få de❀❀❀❀❀❀
2
Het is H H H H H H H H H H H 45
KAKKARK
OBSERVATIONS
UPON THE
TRADE
OF THE
EAST INDIES.
Hat Nation which has a defign to fettle a Trade in the
Eaft-Indies, muſt be fure in the firſt place, to poffels
themſelves of a convenient place in that Country, to
carine their Ships, and fhelter themfelves during the
tempeftuous Seaſons. This want of a good Haven is
the reafon that the English have not made thofe advan-
tages which otherwile they might have done; becauſe
it is impoffible that any Veffel fhould remain in thoſe
Seas without being carin'd, or elfe eaten by the worms.
Therefore, becauſe it is a long way from Europe to the Eft-Indies, it
would be requifite to have a retreating place at the Cape of good Hope, to
take in frefli Water and Provifions, whether going or coming; but
eſpecially in their return, in regard that the Ships being then laden, can-
not take in Water for any long time.
The Road of the Iſland of St. Helen's, where the English have built
a Fort, is a very commodious place: and if the Water be not fo good
upon the North-fide, yet the Plain is an excellent ſpot of Ground to low,
with convenience of all things neceffary for human fupport.
This advantage the English and Dutch have depriv'd all other Nations
of, by their Forts upon the Cape of good Hope, and St. Helen's. And there-
fore fome River's mouth, near the Cape of good Hope, ought to be fought
for, for the fame purpole, which would be far more convenient then
the Dauphin Iſland, where there is no Trade but that of buying Cattel
for their Hides; which being a Trade of fo little confequence, would
ruin à Company to follow it.
The reaſon why I make this Propofal is, becauſe that in the year 1648,
two Portugal Veffels being bound from Lisbon to the East-Indies, and
refolving to touch at the Cape, to take in freth Water, miftook their juſt
Deptlis, fo that the Sea running high, they fell into a Bay, 18 or 20
Leagues from the Cape, upon the Coaft that looks to the Weft. In that
H 2
Bay
51
52
OBSERVATIONS upon the
Bay they found a River, whofe Water was very good, and the Blacks
of the Country brought them Refreshments of all forts of Fowl, Fish,
and Bullock's flesh. There they ftaid above 15 days, and before they
fet fail, they took two of the Negro's, which they carri'd along with
them to Goa, to teach them the Portuguese Language; on purpole to try
if they could diſcover by them any knowledge of the Trade of the
Country. The Dutch Commander at Surat defir'd me, to inform my
felf, when I went to Goa, what the Portugals had learnt from thofe two
Negro's. But one St, Amand, a French Ingeneer, who was Superviſor
of the Fortifications of Goa, told me, That he could not make them learn
one word of the Language; and that he could only gueſs by their figns,
that they had ſome knowledge of Ambergreece and Elephants Teeth.
The Portugals however made no queftion but to meet with Gold, if they
could find a way to trade higher up i' the Country. The Revolutions
of Portugal, and their Wars with Spain have hinder'd them from making
any more particular diſcovery of the Coaft. Which it were to be wish'd
the French would undertake, provided they gave no cauſe of jealouſie to
the Hollanders, of what they were going about.
There is alfo a neceffity of poffefling, or at leaft having the liberty
of fome place near Surat, to ride fafe in, and to waſh and tallow in, in
caſe they ſhould be ftaid by the Rain-Seafons. The reafon is, becauſe
that during that ill feafon, at what time it is impoffible to keep the Seas,
the Mogul jealous of his Fortreſs of Surat ſuffers no Foreign Veſſel in the
River, where nevertheless, the Ships being unladen, may ride fecurely
from the terrible Tempefts that laft for five Months.
The only fecure place for the Companies Veffels would be the Town
of Dia, belonging to the Portugals.
The advantage of the fituation is confiderable for feveral reaſons.
The circuit of the City contains almoſt 400 Houſes, and might be
capable to receive a greater number of people, where the Ships would
find all conveniencies during their stay. It is feated upon the Coaft
of Guzerat, upon a point of the Gulph of Cambaye, looking toward the
South-eaft. The form of it is almoft round; and above half the Circle
environ'd by the Sea. It is not commanded by any Hill, and the Por-
tugals have begun thoſe Fortifications, which might be eaſily finiſh'd.
It contains ſeveral Wells of very good Water, and a River which falls
into the Sea near the City, whofe Water is better then that of Surat, or
Souali, and the Harbour is very commodious for Shipping.
The Portugals, when they had firſt ſettl'd themſelves in the Indies,
kept there a Fleet compos'd of Galleys, Brigantines, and other light
Veffels, whereby they made themſelves Mafters, for a long time, of all
the Trade of the Places we have treated of. So that no Ship could
trade, without the Governour of Dia's Pafsport, who made it in the Name
of the Viceroy that liv'd at Goa. The Impofition, which the Ships paid,
was fufficient to maintain the Fleet and Garriſon, and to enrich the Go-
vernour befides.
When the Rain-Seaſons are over, that the wind fits at North and
North-eaft, you may fail from Dia to Surat in three or four Tides with
light Veffels; but great Ships that are laden muft fetch a compafs about
the Bank.
The City has no Land belonging to it, but what it ftands upon, yet
it would be no difficult thing to agree with the Raja, or Govervour of
the
Trade of the EAST-INDIES.
53
the Province, and to obtain as much as ſhould be fufficient for the Inha-
bitants.
Neither is the Land about it very fertile, and befides, the people are
the poorest in the whole Empire of the Mogul. Nevertheleſs the Country
is fo well ftor'd with Cattel, that an Ox or a Bufalo will not coft above
two Piafters.
The English and Hollanders make uſe of theſe Cattel to feed their
People, and to ſpare the Provifions of their Ships, while they ftay at
sonali.
But it is obfervable that the Bufalo's flesh in thofe parts caufes frequent
Dyfenteries, which the Bullocks flesh or Beef never does.
The Kaja that commands the Country has only the Title of Governour
for life. Which is common to moft of the Raja's in the Mogul's Em-
pire, whofe Anceftours were Lords of Provinces, where now their
Defcendants only enjoy the Titles of Governours.
Having thus got poffeffion of a good Poft; the next thing of Impor-
tance is to choole out two men confiderable for their Honefty, Prudence,
and Skill in Trade, who are to be allow'd the full of their Expences.
Thele two perfons are to ſerve the Company, the one in the nature
of a Prefident, with a Council, confifting of a certain number of perfons,
to affilt him. The other in the quality of a Broaker, who must be an
Idolater of the Country, and not a Mahumetan, in regard all the Work-
men he has to deal with are Idolaters.
Civility and Faith of Promiſe are altogether requifit to gain Credit
among ftrangers. And thefe particular qualities are requir'd in the
particular Broakers, who are under the Broaker-General in the Pro-
vinces where the Factories are ſettl'd.
Good Intelligence is neceffary for thefe two perfons, to underſtand
the alteration of Manufactures.
This alteration happens either through the craft and fubtilty of the
Workmen and the Merchants themſelves, or by the correſpondence of
the Broakers and Workmen.
Which alteration may caufe fo much dammage to the Company, that
the Broakers ſhall gain ten and twelve i' the hundred by it.
If the Preſident and Broaker-General combine with the particular
Broakers and Merchants, it will be a difficult thing for the Company to
avoid being deceiv'd, but if theſe two perſons are but faithful and honeſt,
the fraud may be easily remedi'd by changing the particular Broakers.
The Officers of a Company may be unfaithful to their Truft in this
reſpect:
When a Veffel arrives in Port, the Preſident for the Nation receives
the Company's Letters, and the Bills of Lading, upon which he calls
his Council, fends for the Broaker, and gives him a Copy of the ſaid
Bills.
The Broaker fhews them to three or four of the principal Merchants
of the Country, who are wont to buy by whole fale. If the Preſident
and the Broaker hold together for their own profit, the Broaker instead
of facilitating the fale as he ought to do, advises the Merchants to be
thie, and to offer only fuch a price: Then the Preſident ſends for the
Broaker and theſe two or three Merchants; and in the prefence of the
Council he asks the Merchants what they will give for the Goods in
the Bills of Lading mention'd. If the Merchants are refolute to give
no
T
1
54
the
OBSERVATIONS upon
проп
no more then fo much; The Prefident puts off the fale 15 days longer,
more or leſs, as he pretends himſelf prefs'd to fell. In the mean time
he fends for the Merchants feveral times for a fhew, and at length, to
avoid fufpicion, and to diſcharge himſelf, he asks the advice of the
Council, and as they approve, orders the delivery of the Goods to the
Merchant.
But though the Temptations be very great, to which theſe two Offi-
cers are fubject, by reafon of their pow'r, their frequent opportunities,
and their diſtance from their Superiours, the Company, befides their
being wary in their Election, may remedy thefe diforders by depriving
them of that pretence, which the Dutch Commanders and Broakers
have, of being conftrain'd to fell off preſently to the Merchants in grofs,
to avoid the expences of delay.
The Errour which the Hollanders commit in this refpect is, That their
Officers beſpeak every year upon Credit all the Goods which they have
occafion for in the Empire of the Mogul, according to the Orders which
they receive from Batavia.
up a
The credit of this Advance cofts them fometimes twelve, fometimes
fifteen per Cent; ſo that ſo ſoon as their laden Veffels are arriv'd in the
the Port where they are to be fold, they are oblig'd to fell them prefently
off at the Merchants rate firſt offer'd to their Broakers, to make
preſent ſtock to pay off their credit for the Goods beſpoke for their Ships
to carry back again, and to get more credit for the next year.
that which cheriſhes that confederacy between the Prefident, the Broaker
and the Merchant, who makes advantage enough of this neceflity of
felling.
1
This is
Whereas the better way were, for them that carry the fame Commo-
dities which the Hollanders do, to carry Money alfo to pay the Work-
men for the Goods beſpoken for the next year.
The Company making this advantage fhall not be put to pay that
great Intereft of 12 and 15 per cent.: and befides, they fhall have better
Goods, and better cheap. The Ships loading fhall be ready before they
arrive in Port; and being quick laden they may return before the bad
Seafon. Neither fhall the Company be put to fell their Goods at a low
price, becauſe their Broakers will have time to ftay for the coming of
Merchants from other parts; or elfe becauſe they have time enough to
fend them to other places, where they are fure of a quicker fale.
Obferve alſo, That it is far more profitable to carry to the Indies Gold
and Silver in Ingots, rather then ready coin'd; for being coin'd the
Money is valu'd only according to their Alloys, and there is always a
defalcation made for the charge of Coinage.
The Broaker alfo, if he be diſhoneſt, may combine with the Maſter
of the Mogul's Mint, which is fettl'd in feveral parts of the Empire, and
put a lower value upon the Gold and Silver then it deferves, by telling
the Prefident and Council, that upon the touch it appears to be no more
worth.
But it is an eafie thing to avoid this deceit, provided the Prefident be
a perſon of credit and prudence, by fending for one of the Refiners of
Gold and Silver, that live in the Country, who perfectly understand the
Touch of Metals, and to let him Effay the Gold and Silver before the
Broaker's face.
This is that which the Sieur walkenton did for the Holland Company
1
Trade of the EAST-INDIES.
5.5
in their Factory at Cafambazar, where he bought every year fix or ſeven
thouſand Bales of Silk. For by this Effay he found, that his Broaker
being in confederacy with the Mafter of the Mint, had cheated the
Company of one and a half and two per Cent. in the value of the Gold
and Silver which was brought him from Japan, as well coin'd as in barr,
to a very confiderable fum of Money.
The Broaker alfo may confederate with the Mafter of the Mint tọ
couzen the Merchant in weghing his Gold or Silver, by making uſe of
falſe Weights or Scales unduly pois'd.
But that fraud is eaſily avoided, if the Prefident and his Council will
be but ſo patient as to fee their Metal weigh'd themſelves, and take care
that the Weights be right, and the Scales true.
One of the most important Obfervations in reference to the Trade of
the Company, and difcipline of their Factories is this:
To prevent the Merchants or under-Merchants, Accomptants and
under-Accomptants, who officiate under the Commanders and Broakers,
from driving any particular Trade by themſelves, for they having a
familiarity with the men of Manufacture, and finding by the Letters of
Advice what Goods are likely to be moft vendible next year, buy them up
upon their own accompts, and find a way to lade them off in the Com-
pany's Veffels, to the great dammage of the whole, though to the great
gain of particular people,
The
And this the Prefident permits them to do, either for his own In-
tereft, or by connivance under the pretence of their finall Wages.
Captain of the Veffel alfo winks at what they do, becauſe he has a fpell
for loading and unloading. And becauſe theſe people having no great
Stocks, are defirous to put off their Goods with the first opportunities,
they give order to their Correfpondents to under-fell the Company ten
or twelve in the Hundred, which is the abfolute ruin of a Trade.
To remedy this diſorder there ought to be a Fifcal, or King's Proctor,
in every of the chief Factories belonging to the Company, to act in the
King's Name, and by his Authority.
He is to be independent from the Prefident and the Broaker, in the
Exercife of his Office; fo that he may have an eye,
fo that he may have an eye, as well upon their
behaviour, as upon the demeanour of the under Officers.
He ought to be a perfon of good Credit, refolute and vigilant; and
he muſt have a ſtrength of men correfpondent to his Employment, and
a Deputy to act under him.
He is to have good Information of the departure of all Ships when
they are once laden, and when they are ready to fet fail for the Port
whither they are bound. When he hears of the Arrival of any Ship,
he ought to go himſelf, or fend his Deputy with a fufficient Guard, to
take an Accompt of the Ship's Lading.
If it be a place near to which there are any fmall Islands,or by-Nooks,it
behoves him to take care that no Goods be privately convey'd afhoar
in thoſe private corners, where there are receivers a now ready: and
whatever he finds thus privately unladen he fhall have power to con-
fifcate.
He fhall alfo confifcate whatever he finds not Mark'd with the Com-
pany's Mark.
He may alfo difcharge any inferiour Officers to whom any fuch Bales
fhall
56
OBSERVATIONS upon the
ſhall belong; and for the ſuperiour Officers, he ſhall complain of them to
the Company.
He fhall have pow'r to open all private Letters, to inform himſelf of
Prohibited Goods, and Private Correſpondencies.
This Prohibition of Private Trading cannot be too feverely impos'd,
and it is obſerv'd with ſo much exactneſs in Holland, that when one of
the Company's Ships is ready to fet fail from Amsterdam, a Burgomaſter
gives the Captain and all the reft of the Seamen their Oaths, that they
ſhall be contented with their Wages, and meddle with nothing of
Trade.
All the Officers of the Factory ſhould be advanc'd by degrees, ſo that a
ſub-Accomptant may have hopes to be a Preſident; that the hopes of Ad-
vancement may oblige them to live with more credit, and cauſe them to
ſtudy to make themfelves more capable of all the Intrigues and Subtilties
of the Trade of the Country.
It is of great importance not to fhew any favour in this particular of
preferment, unleſs he have pafs'd through all particular Degrees and
Offices beforehand. And thus much concerning the Diſcipline of the
Factories.
O F
A
!
së së së së đà đë dë dhe të dë dë dë dë të
de
2
OF THE
COMMODITIES
WHICH ARE
Brought as well out of the Dominions of the GREAT MOGUL,
as out of the Kingdoms of Golconda and Vifapour, and other
neighbouring Territories; And alfo of the Weights and Prices
of the faid Commodities:
་་་
of their Silk.
1
Afembafar, a Village in the Kingdom of Bengala, fends
abroad every year two and twenty-thoufand Bales of
Silk; every Bale weighing a hunder'd pound. The
two and twenty Bales make two millions and two-
hunder'd-thousand pound, at fixteen ounces to the
pound. The Hollanders ufually carry away fix or
feven-thouſand Bales, and would carry away more,
did not the Merchants of Tartary, and the Mogul's
Empire oppoſe them: for they buy up as much as the Hollander; the reft
the Natives keep to make their Stuffs. This Silk is alfo brought into
the Kingdom of Guzerat, the greateſt part whereof comes to Amadabat,
and to Surat, where it is wrought up.
In the first place they make Carpets of Silk and Gold, others of Silk
and Silver, others all of Silk: for the Worsted Carpets are made at
Vettapour, fome twelve leagues from Agra.
In the fecond place they make Satins with ftreaks of Gold and Silver;
others plain with Taffata's after the fame faſhion.
In the third place they make Patoles, which are a fort of Silk-ftuff
very thin, but painted with all forts of Flowers, the manufacture
whereof is at Amadabat. They coft from eight Roupies to forty the piece.
This is a Commodity wherein the Dutch will not ſuffer any one of the
Hollanders to trade in particular: for they tranſport it to the Philippine-
Ilands, to the Iflands of Borneo, Java, Sumatra, and other neighbouring
Iſlands.
The raw-Silk of Kafembafar is yellowish, as are all the raw-Silks that
come from Perfia and Sicily; but the Natives of Kafembafar have a way
to whiten it, with a Lye made of the afhes of a Tree which they call
Adam's Fig-tree; which makes it as white as the Palestine Silk. The
Hollanders lend away all their Merchandize which they fetch out of Ben-
1
galas
57
58
The COMMODITIES of the
gala, by water, through a great Canal that runs from Kafembafar into
Ganges, for fifteen leagues together; from whence it is as far by water
down the Ganges to Ouguely, where they lade their Ships.
Of the Calicuts: and first of the painted Calicuts, call'd Chites.
لهم
CHifes
Hites or Painted Calicuts, which they call Calmendar, that is to ſay,
done with a Pencil, are made in the Kingdom of Golconda ; and
particularly about Malipatan. But there is made fo little, that though
a man ſhould employ all the Workmen that underſtand the Art of
weaving Calicuts, he would hardly find enough to make three Bales.
The Chites which are made in the Empire of the Great Mogul are all
printed; and nothing fo beautiful, neither for the figures nor the fine-
neſs of the Linnen. Thoſe which are made at Lahor, are the coarſeft,
and confequently the cheapest of all. They are fold by Corges, every
Corge confifting of twenty pieces, which colt from 16 to 30 Roupies.
The Chites which are made at Seronge, are fold from 20 to 50 Roupies
the Corge, or thereabouts.
Theſe Chites ferve for Coverlets for Beds, for Sofra's or Table-cloaths
after the Country-fafhion, Pillowbears, Handkerchiefs, but more efpe.
cially for Waſtcoats as well for the men as women in Perfia.
A
The fine Calicut-Chites are made at Brampour; and are us❜d for Hand-
kerchiefs by thoſe that Înuff Tobacco.
The women alſo, over all Afia, make Veils of theſe Calicuts, to wear
over their heads, and about their ſhoulders, which Veils are call'd Ormis.
The Bafta's or Calicuts painted red,blue,and black, are carri'd white to
Agra, and Amadabat, in regard thofe Cities are neareſt to the places
where the Indigo is made that is us'd in colouring. They coft from two
Roupies to 30 or 40 a-piece, according to the fineness and the quantity of
Gold at the ends, and fometimes upon the fides. The Indians have a
way to dip ſome of theſe Calicuts in a certain water that makes them
look like Water'd-Chamlets, which adds alſo to the price.
That fort which is fold for two Roupies, and ſo onward till ye come to
twelve, is tranſported to the Coaſt of Melinda, and it is the greateſt
Trade the Governour of Mofambique drives, who fells them to the Cafres,
that vend them again among the Abyffins, and into the Kingdom of Saba:
for thoſe people not underſtanding the ufe of Soap, need no more but
only to wash theſe Calicuts in water. That fort which is valu'd from
12 Roupies upward, is tranfported to the Philippine-Illands, the Iflands
of Borneo, Fava, Sumatra, and other adjacent places. Where the women
wear no other clothes, then a fingle piece of this Calicut. One part
whereof, without cutting it, ferves for a Petticoat, the other they
wind about their ftomachs and their heads.
vv
white Calicuts.
Hite Calicuts come partly from Agra, and about Labor, part
from Bengala: fome from Brouda, Baroche, Renonfari, and other
places. They are brought out of the Loom to Renonfari, and Baroche,
where they are whiten'd by reaſon of the convenience of their Meadows,
and the great ftore of Limons that grow thereabouts. For the Calicuts
are never ſo white as they ſhould be, till they are dipt in Limon-water.
The
Dominions of the Great Mogul, &c.
59
The Calicuts that come from Agra, Labor, and Bengala, are fold by the
Corge, and they are of feveral prices, from ſeventeen Roupies to three or
four-hunder'd, as the Merchant will have them wov'n.
The Calicuts that come from Renonfari,and Baroche,are one and twenty
cubiis long, new out of the Loom; but in the whitening they fhrink to
twenty cubits.
Those of Brouda twenty cubits from the Loom, and thrink in the
whitening to nineteen and a half.
All the Calicuts or Bafta's that come from theſe three Cities, are of two
for s: trime are broad, fome are narrow. The narrow are thoſe I have
already mention'd, the prices whereof are various, from two Mamoudi's
to fix.
The broad Bafta's are a cubit, and one third part wide; the whole
piece twenty cubits long. The ufual price of them is from five Mamoudi's
to twelve: but a Merchant being upon the place, may cauſe them to be
made much more large and fine, till they are worth five-hundred Ma
moudi´s a piece. I faw two pieces fold for a thouſand Mamoudi's.
The English bought one,and the Hollanders another,each Piece contain-
ing eight and twenty cubits.
ahamed Alibeg returning into Perfia out of India, where he had been
Emballidor, prefented Cha-Sef the ſecond with a Coco-nut, about the
bigneis of an Auftrich-egg, all befet with Pearls: and when 'twas open'd
there was taken out of it a Turbant that had fixty cubits of Calicut in
1.ngth to make it, the Cloath being fo fine, that you could hardly feel it
in your hand: For they will fpin their thread ſo fine, that the eye can
hardly diſcern it, or at leaſt it ſeems to be but a Cob-web.
Co
Twisted-Cotton.
Otton twiſted and untwiſted comes from the Provinces of Brampour
and Guzerat, Untwiſted Cotton is never tranſported into Europe,
being too cumberſome, and of little value; only they fend it to Ormus
Blfara, and fometimes to the Philippine-Iflands, and the Iflands of Sinde.
As for the twiſted Cottons, the Englife and Hollanders tranfport a good
quintity, not of the fineft, but of that fort which is pric'd from fifteen to
fitty Mamoudi's: It ferves for wieks for Candles, for Packſaddles, and for
the ground of Silk-ftuffs.
Indigo.
Ndigo comes from ſeveral parts of the Great Mogul's Empire; and
according to the diverfity of the places it differs in quality, and con-
fequently in price.
In the first place, it comes from the Territories of Biana, Indoua, and
Corfa,a day or two's journey from Agra: which is eſteem'd the beſt of all.
It is made allo eight days journey from Surat, in a Village called Sarquefs,
two leagues diſtance from Amadabat. Here the flat Indigo is made. There
is alfo Indigo little inferior in goodneſs and price, which comes from the
King of Golconda's Territories. The Mein of Surat, which contains
42 serre's, or 34 and a half of our pounds, is valu'd from 15 to 20
Roupies. They make as good as this at Baroche. That which is made up
about Agra is made up in half Balls, and is the most fought for in all India.
I 2
It
(60
.. The COMMODITIES of the
!
}
}
It is fold by the Mein, which in thofe places contains 66 Serres, or 51 and
three quarters of our pounds. The ufual price is from 36 to 40 Roupres.
There grows alfo Indigo fome 36 leagues from Brampour, about a great
Village call'd Raout, and round about the neighbouring Towns in the
road to Surat: Of which the Natives ufually make above a hunder’d-
thouſand Roupies.
There comes Indigo alfo from Bengala, which the Holland Company
tranſports for Malipatan. But they buy this indigo, and that of Brampour
and Amadabat, cheaper by 24 in the hunder'd, then that of Agra.
Indigo is made of an Herb which they fow every year after the rains are
over : which when it is grown up, is very like our Hemp. They cut it
three times a year; firft when it is about two or three foot high; and
they cut it within half a foot of the ground; the firft cutting far exceeds
the two latter. The fecond cutting is worfe then the first by ten or
twelve in the hunder'd. And the third worle then the fecond by 12 in the
hunder'd. The difference is found by breaking a piece of the Pafte, and
obſerving the colour. The colour of that Indigo which is made of the first
cutting, is a Violet-blue, but more brisk and lively than the two others :
and that which is made of the ſecond is more lively then the third.
This
When they have cut the Herb, they throw it into Pits which they
make with Lime, which becomes fo hard, that you would judg it to be
one intire piece of Marble. They are generally fourfcore or a hunder'd
paces in circuit; and being half full of water, they fill them quite up
with the Herb. Then they bruife and jumble it in the water till the leaf,
for the ſtalk is worth nothing, becomes like a kind of thick mud.
being done, they let it fettle for fome days; and when the letling is all at
the bottom, and the water clear above, they let out all the water. When
the water is all drain'd out, they fill feveral baskets with this flime, and
in a plain Field you fhall fee leveral men at work, every one at his own
basket, making up little pieces of Indigo flat at the bottom, at the top
fharp like an egg. Though at Amadabat they make their pieces quite flat
like a ſmall cake. Here you are to take particular notice, that the Mer-
chants, becauſe they would not pay custom for an unneceffary weight,
before they tranſport their Indigo out of Afta into Europe, are very careful
to cauſe it to be fifted, to ſeparate the duft from it, which they fell
afterwards to the Natives of the Countrey to dye their Calicuts. They
that fift this Indigo muft be careful to keep a Linnen-cloath before their
faces, and that their noftrils be well-ftopt, leaving only two little holes
for their eyes. Beſides, they muſt every half hour be fure to drink milk,
which is a great prefervative againſt the piercing quality of the duft.
Yet notwithſtanding all this caution, they that have fifted Indigo for
nine or ten days, thall fpit nothing but blew for a good while toge-
ther. Once I laid an Egg in the morning among the fifters, and when I
came to break it in the evening it was all blew within.
As they take the Pafte out of the Baskets with their Fingers dipt in
Oil, and make it into Lumps, or Cakes, they lay them in the Sun to dry.
Which is the reafon that when the Merchants buy Indigo, they burn
fome pieces of it, to try whether there be any duft among it. For the
Natives who take the Pafte out of the Baskets to make it into Lumps,
lay it in the Sand, which mixes with the Pafte, and fouls it. But when
the Merchants burn it, the digo turns to Ashes, and the Sand remains.
The Governours do what they can to make the Natives leave their
Knavery;
Dominions of the Great Mogul, &c.
61
Knavery; but notwithſtanding all their care, there will be fome
deceit.
;
Salt-Peter.
G
Reat ſtore of Salt-Peter comes from Agra and Patna; but the refin'd
I cofts three times more then that which is not. The Hollanders
-have fet up a Ware-Houſe fourteen Leagues above Patna, and when their
Salt-Peter is refin'd, they tranfport it by water by Ogueli. A Mein of
refin'd Salt-Peter is worth ſeven Mamoudi's.
Spice.
Cardamom, to us.
Ardamom, Ginger, Pepper, Nutmegs, Nutmeg-Flowers, Cloves
and Cinnamon, are all the different forts of Spices known to us.
I put Cardamom and Ginger in the first place, becauſe that Cardamom
grows in the Territories of Vifapour, and Ginger in the Dominions of
the Great Mogul. And as for other Spices, they are brought from other
Foreign parts to Surat, which is the grand Mart.
Cardamom is the moft excellent of all other Spices, but it is very
fcarce; and in regard there is no great ftore in the place where it grows,
it is only made ufe of in Afia, at the Tables of great Princes. Five
hundred pound of Cardamoms, are pric'd from a hundred to a hundred
and ten Rials.
L
Ginger is brought in great quantities from Amadabat, where there
grows more than in any other part of Afia; and it is hardly to be imagin'd
how much there is transported candited into Foreign parts.
Pepper is of two forts. There is a fort which is very fmall, another
fort much bigger; both which forts are diftinguiſh'd into finall and great
Pepper. The larger fort comes from the Coaft of Malavare; and Tati-
corin and Calicut are the Cities where it is brought up. Some of this
Pepper comes from the Territories of the King of ifapour, being vended
at Rejapour, a little City in that Kingdom. The Hollanders that purchaſe
it of the Malavares,do not give Money for it,but ſeveral forts of Commo-
dities in Exchange; as Cotten, Opium, Vermilion, and Quickfilver; and
this is the Pepper which is brought into Europe. As for the little Pepper
that comes from Bantam, Afchen, and fome other parts toward the Ealt,
there is none of it carried out of Afia, where it is fpent in vaft quantities,
eſpecially among the Mahumetans. For there are double the Grains of
finall Pepper in one pound, to what there are of the great Pepper; befides
that the great Pepper is hotter in the mouth.
The little Pepper that comes to Surat, has been fold fome years for
thirteen or fourteen Mamoudi's the Mein; and fo much I have feen the
English give for it, to tranfport it to Ormus, Balfara, and the Red Sea.
As for the great Pepper, which the Hollanders fetch from the Coaft of
Malavare, five hundred pound in truck brings them in not above thirty-
eight Reals; but by the Commodities which they give in Barter, they
gain Cent, per Cent.
The Nutmeg, the Nutmeg-Flow'r, the Clove, and Cinnamon, are the
only Spices which the Hollanders have in their own hands. The three firft
come from the Atolucca Iflands; the fourth, which is Cinnamon, from
the Ifland of Ceylan.
Tis
62
The COMMODITIES of the
'Tis obfervable of the Nutmeg, that the Tree which bears it is never
planted, which has been confirm'd to me by ſeveral perlons that have
liv'd ſeveral years in the Country. They related to me, that the Nut-
meg being ripe, feveral Birds come from the Iflands toward the South,
and devour it whole, but are forc'd to throw it up again before it be
digeſted. The Nutmeg then befmear'd with a viſcous matter, falling
to the ground takes root, and produces a Tree, which would never
thrive were it planted. This puts me in mind of making one obfèrvation
upon the Birds of Paradiſe. Theſe Birds being very greedy after Nut-
megs, come in flights to gorge themſelves with the pleafing Spice, at the
fealon, like Felfares in Vintage time; but the ftrength of the Nutmeg
fo intoxicates them, that they fall dead drunk to the Earth, where the
Emets in a fhort time eat off their Legs. Hence it comes, that the Birds
of Paradife are faid to have no Feet, which is not true however, for
I have ſeen three or four that had Feet; and a French Merchant fent
one from Aleppo as a Preſent to Lewis the Thirteenth that had Feet, of
which the King made great account, as being a very lovely Fowl.
But notwithſtanding all the Hollanders Projects, you may buy Cloves at
Macaffar without purchafing them of the Hollander; in regard the Iflan-
ders buy them of the Dutch Captains and Soldiers, which the Hollanders
have in thoſe places where the Cloves grow, giving them in exchange
Rice, and other neceffaries for the ſupport of life, without which they
would ſtarve, being very fadly provided for.
When the Natives of Macaffar are thus furnish'd of Cloves,they barter
them in Exchange for fuch Commodities as are brought them; fome-
times they give Tortoife-Shells in exchange, and Gold Duft, by which
the Merchant gains fix or feven in the hundred, being better than the
Money of the Ifland, though it be Gold, by reafon the King oft-
times enhances the value of it. The places where Cloves grow, are
Amboyna, Ellias, Seram, and Bouro.
The Iſlands of Banda allo, in number fix, viz. Nero, Lontour, Poulcay,
Rofeguin, and Grenapuis, bear Nutmegs in great abundance. The Inland
of Grenapuis is about fix Leagues in compals, and ends in a ſharp point
where there is a continual fire burning out of the earth. The Ifland
Damme, where there grows great store of Nutmegs, and very big, was
diſcover'd in the year 1647, by Abel Tasman, a Dutch Commander.
The Price of Cloves and Nutmegs, as I have known them fold to the
Hollanders at Surat, was as follows.
The Mein of Surat contains forty Serres, which make thirty-four of
our Pounds, at fixteen Ounces to the Pound.
A Mein of Cloves was fold for a hundred and three Mamoudi's and
a half.
A Mein of Mace was fold for a hundred and fifty-feven Mamoudi's and
a half.
Nutmegs for fifty-fix Mamoudi's and a half.
Cinnamon comes at prefent from the Island of Ceylan. The Tree
that bears it is very much like the Willow, and has three Barks. They
never take off but the firſt and ſecond, which is accounted the beſt. They
never meddle with the third, for ſhould the Knife enter that, the Tree
would dye. So that it is an art to take off the Cinnamon, which they
learn from their youth. The Cinnamon Spice is much dearer to the
Hollanders then people think; for the King of Ceylan, otherwife call'd
King
Dominions of the Great Mogul, &c.
63
King of Candy, from the name of his principal City, being a ſworn
Enemy to the Hollanders, fends his Forces with an intention to furprize
them, when they gather their Cinnamon; fo that they are forc'd to
bring feven or eight hundred men together to defend as many more that
are at work. Which great expence of theirs very much enhances the
price of the Cinnamon. There grows upon the Cinnamon Tree a
Certain fruit like an Olive, though not to be eaten. This the Portugals
૧.
1
re wont to put into a Caldron of Water, together with the tops of
the Branches, and boil'd it till the Water was all confum'd. When it
cold. the upper part became a Paſte like white Wax, of which they
de Tapers to fet up in their Churches, for no fooner were the Tapers
hed, but all the Church was perfum'd. Formerly the Portugals
ught Cinnamon out of other Countries, belonging to the Raja's about
Cochin. But the Hollanders have deftroy'd all thofe places, fo that the
Cinnamon is now in their hands. When the Portugals had that Coaſt,
the English bought their Cinnamon of them, and uſually paid for it by the
Mein fifty Mamoudi's.
Drugs that are brought to Surat, and brought from other Countries, with
the price of every one by the Mein.
Salt Armoniack,according to the ufual price, cofts by the Mein
Mamoudi's.
twenty
Borax, comes unrefin'd from Amadabat, as does Salt Armoniack, and
coits by the Mein thirty-five Mamoudi's.
Gum-Lack, ſeven Mamoudi's and a half.
Cum-Lack wafh'd, ten Mamoudi's.
Gum-Lack in fticks of Wax, forty Mamoudi's.
There are ſome of theſe Sticks that coft fifty or fixty Mamoudi's the
Mein, and more when they mix Musk in the Ġum.
Saffron of Surat, which is good for nothing but for colouring, four
Mamoudi's and a half.
Cumin White, eight Mamoudi's.
Cumin Black, three Mamoudi's.
Arlet fmall, three Mamoudi's.
Frankincenſe, that comes from the Coaft of Arabia, three Mamoudi's.
Myrrh, that which is good, call'd Mirra Gilet, thirty Mamoudi's.
Myrrh Bolti, which comes from Arabia, fifteen Mamoudi's.
Caffia, two Mamoudi's.
Sugar Candy, eighteen Mamoudi's.
Afutinat, a fort of Grain, very hot, one Mamoudi.
Annife-feed grofs, three Mamoudi's and a half.
Annife-feed fmall and hot, one Mamoudi and a half.
Oupelote, a Root, fourteen Mamoudi's.
Cointre, five Mamoudi's.
Auzerout, from Perfia, a hundred and twenty Mamoudi's.
Alloes Succotrine, from Arabia, twenty eight Mamoudi's.
Licorice, four Mamoudi's.
Lignum Aloes, in great pieces, two hundred Mamoudi's.
*
Lignum Aloes, in ſmall pieces, four hundred Mamoudi's.
Vez-Cabouli, a certain Root, twelve Mamoudi's.
There is a fort of Lignum Aloes very Gummy, which comes to,by the
Mein, four thouſand Mamoudi's.
Gum-
64
The COMMODITIES of the
Gum-Lake for the most part comes from Pega; yet there is fome alſo
brought from Bengala, where it is very dear, by reafon the Natives
fetch that lively Scarlet colour out of it, with which they paint their
Calicuts. Nevertheless, the Hollanders buy it, and carry it into Perfia
for the fame ufe of painting. That which remains after the colour is
drawn off, is only fit to make fealing Wax. That which comes from
Pegu is not fo dear, though as good for other Countries. The difference
is only this, that it is not fo clean in Pegu, where the Pifmires foul it, as
in Bengala, where it grows in a heathy place, full of Shrubs, where
thofe Animals cannot fo well come at it. The Inhabitants of Pegu never
make any ufe of ic in painting, being a dull fort of people, that are in
nothing at all induftrious.
The Women of Surat get their livings by cleanfing the Lake after the
Scarlet colour is drawn from it. After that they give it what colour
they pleaſe, and make it up into Sticks for fealing Wax. The English
and Holland Company carry away every year a hundred and fifty Chefts.
The price is about ten Pence the pound.
Powder'd Sugar is brought in great quantities out of the Kingdom of
Bengala; it caules alfo a very great Trade at Ougeli, Patna, Daca, and
other places. I have been told it for a very great certainty, by feveral
ancient people in Bengala, that Sugar being kept thirty years becomes
abfolute poiſon, and that there is no Venom more dangerous, or that
fooner works its effect. Loaf-Sugar is alfo made at Amadabat, where
they are perfectly skill d in refining it; for which reafon it is call'd Sugar
Royal. Theſe Sugar Loaves ufually weigh from eight to ten pound.
Opium is brought from Brampour, a Town of good Trade between
Agra and Sarat. The Hollanders buy great quantities, which they truck
for their Pepper.
Tobacco alfo grows in abundance round about Brampour; fometimes
there has been ſo much that the Natives have let vaft quantities rot upon
the ground, for want of gathering.
Coffee grows neither in Perfia nor in India, where it is in no requeſt;
but the Hollanders drive a great Trade in it, tranſporting it from Ormus
into Perfia, as far as Great Tartary, from Balfara into Chaldea, Arabia,
Mefopotamia, and the other Provinces of Turky. It was firft found out
by a Hermite, whofe name was Sheck-Siadeli, about twenty years ago,
before which time it was never heard of in any Author either ancient or
modern.
Pla
Deceits in Silk wares,
Lain Silk Wares may be alter'd in length, breadth, and quality. The
quality fhews it felf when they are of an even thread, when the
weight is equal, and when there is no Cotton thread in the Weft.
The Indians not having the art of gilding filver, put into their ſtrip'd
Wares threads of pure Gold,fo that you muſt count the quantity of Gold
threads to fee whether the Silk have its due number. And this allo you
muſt obſerve in your Silks wov'n with Silver. As for Taffata's, you are
only to mind whether the pieces be all of a fineness, and to fee by
unfolding fome of them, that there be nothing within to augment the
weight, and then weighing all the pieces by themſelves, to ſee that they
all agree.
The
Deceits in Indian Commodities.
65
The colours of thofe Carpets which are made in India, do not last lo
long as the colour of thofe which are made in Perfia; but for the work-
manſhip it is very lovely. The eye of the Broaker is to judge of the large-
nefs, beauty, and fineness of thofe Carpets which are wrought with Gold
and Silver, and whether they be fine and rich. But whether they bẹ
Carpets, or other Stuffs mix'd with Gold and Silver, it behoves the
Buyer to pull out fome of the Gold and Silver Threads, to fee whether
they be of the right value or no.
The
Deceits in the white Calicuts.
He deceits ufually put upon Calicuts, are in fineness, length, and
breadth. Every Bale may contain two hundred pieces, among
which they will juggle in five or fix or ten, leſs fine, or lefs white, fhorter
or narrower than according to the fcantling of the Bale, which cannot
be found out but by examining them piece by piece. The fineness is
difcern'd by the eye, the length and breadth by the meaſure. But the
Indians practife a more cunning way, which is to count the number of
threads which ought to be in the breadth, according to the fineness of
the feantling. When the number fails, it is either more tranfparent,
more narrow, or more courfe. The difference is ſometimes fo difficult
to be perceiv'd, that there is no way to find it out but by counting the
threads. And yet this difference in a great quantity comes to a great
deal. For it is nothing to coulen a Crown or two Crowns in a piece
that comes but to fifteen or twenty Crowns. Thole that whiten thefe
Calicuts, to fave charges of a few Limons, will knock the Calicuts
exceffively upon a Stone, which does fine Calicuts a great injury, and
lowers the price.
As for their Calicuts dy'd blew or black, you must take care that the
Workinen do not knock them after they are folded, to make them look
fleek; for many times when they come to be unfolded, you ſhall find
holes in the creaſes.
As for your painted and printed Calicuts, which are painted and
printed as they come out of the Loom, the Merchant must take care that
what he belpeaks be finish'd before the end of the Rains, for the thicker
the Water is where they are wafh'd, the more lively will the printed and
painted colours appear. It is cafie to diftinguish between the printed
and the painted Calicuts; and between the neatnels of the work: but
for the fineness and other qualities, they are not fo eaſily diſcern'd; and
therefore the Broaker muſt be more careful.
T
Cheats in Cotton.
He cheat in the weight is twofold. The firft, by laying them in
a moift place; and thrufting in the middle of every Skain fome-
thing to add to the weight. The fecond, in not giving good weight
when the Broaker receives it from the Workman, or Merchant that
delivers it.
There is but one cheat in the quality, that is by putting three or four
Skains, of a coarfer Commodity then that which is uppermoft, into
one Mein. Which in a great quantity mounts high, for there are fome
Cottons that are worth an hunder'dCrowns the Mein. These two cheats
K
being
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t
6.6
The COMMODITIES, &c.
being often us'd by the Holland-Company, there is no way but to weigh
your Commodity in the prefence of the Dutch-Commander, and his
Councel, and to examin every Mein Skain by Skain. When this is
done, they who are order'd to be at his examination, are oblig❜d to fix
Bale a ticket of the weight and quality: for if there be a faileur,
they who fix the ticket are engag'd to make good what is wanting.
to every
Deceits in Indigo.
I
Have told you, that when the Work-men have made up the Indigo
Pafte into lumps, with their fingers dipt in Oil, they lay them in
the Sun a drying. Now thofe that have a defign to cheat the Merchants,
dry them in the fand, to the end that the fand fticking to the Indigo,
thould encreaſe the weight. Sometimes they lay up their Paſte in moift
places, which makes it give, and confequently renders it more heavy.
But if the Governour of the place difcovers the cheat, he makes them
feverely pay for it and the beſt way of diſcovery is to burn fome pieces
of Indigo, for the fand will remain.
TH
Indian Broakers.
He Broakers are as it were the Mafters of the Indian Families; for
they have all Goods at their difpofal. The Work-men chooſe the
moſt aged and moft experienc'd, who are to endeavour equal advantages
for the whole Tribe they undertake for. Every evening that they return
from their buſineſs, and that, according to the cuftom of the Indians,
who make no Suppers, they have eaten fome little piece of fweet-meat,
and drank a glaſs of water, the eldeſt of the Tribe meet at the Broaker's
Houſe, who gives them an account of what he has done that day, and
then they confult what he is to do next. Above all things,' they caution
him to look to his hits, and to cheat, rather then be cheated.
1
FINI S.
CATALOGUS
LIBRORUM.
C
FOLI 0.
Atalogus Imprefforum Librorum Bibliotheca Bodleiana in Academia Oxo-
nienfi per Tho. Hide. Oxonii è Theatro Sheldoniano, 1674.
Charletoni (Gualteri) M. D. Exercitationes de Differentiis & nomini-
bus Animalium, quibus accedunt Mantiffa Anatomica & quædam de variis
Foffilium Generibus, deque Differentijs & nominibus Colorum. (Figuris)
Oxonia è Theatro Sheldoniano, 1677.
e
Ferrarij (7o. Bap.) Lexicon Geographicum, Vol. 2. Cum Additionibus Ant.
Bandrand. Ifenaci 1677.
Hiftoria & Antiquitates Univerfitatis Oxonienfis, Vol. 2. Oxonie è Theatro Shel
doniano. 1674.
Famblicus (Chalcidenfis) de Myfterijs Egyptiorum, G. L. Interprete & notis
Thoma Galei T. C. C. S. Oxonij è Theatro Sheldoniano. 1678.
e
Marmora Oxonienfia ex Arundelianis, Seldenianis, aliifque conflata; cum Com-
ment. Humphredi Prideaux, Seldeni & Lydiati annotationibus. Oxonijè Theatro
Sheldoriano
1676
Theatri Oxonienfis Enconia, five Comitia philologica, Jul. 6. Ann. 1677. Celebrata,
Ælfredi magni Anglorum Regis Vita, à Dom. Johanne Spelman confcripta, & anno-
tationibus illuftrata, Oxonij è Theatro Sheldoniano. 1678.
Dr. Henry Hammond's Sermons. 1675.
A Table of Ten Thouſand ſquare Numbers, by John Pell, D.D. 1672.
The Commentaries and Life of Julius Cafar, with the Notes of Clemens Ed
monis 1677.
Perock's (Edw.) Commentary on Micha and Malachi. Oxf. at the Theater. 1677.
Tavernier (Fo. Bapt.) Travels through Turkey into Perfia, and the Eaft-Indics,
(with Cuts) Lond. 1677.
Charas (Mofes) Royal Pharmacopoeia Galenical and Chymical. Lond. 1678.
Webster (John) Difplaying of fuppofed Witchcraft. 1677.
The Natural Hiftory of Oxford-fire, being an Effay towards the Natural Hiſtory
of England, by R. Plot, L. L. D.
Hugo. Grotij opera Theologica, Vol. 4. 1679.
Epifcopij opera, 1678.
An English Bible in Folio, now in the Prefs at the Theater in Oxford
Judge Hales Origination of Mankind, 1677.
H
QUARTO.
Iftoria Facobitarum in Egypto, Lybia, Nubia, Ethiopia tota, & parte Cypri
infulæ habitantium, per fof. Abudacuum, Oxonij è Theatro Sheldoniano.
Votum pro Pace Chriftiana, Aut. Andr. Sall, D. D. Oxonij è Theatro Shelde-
niano, 1678.
Lightfoot (Fo.) horæ Hebraica & Talmudice in Corinthios. Parifiiis 1677.
Joannis Bone (Cardinalis) Opera Theol. 1677.
Binchii (M. Joan.) Mellificium Theologicum. Amft. 1666.
Seldenus (Fo.) de Nummis. Londini 1675.
Mercurialis (Hier.) de Arte Gymnaſtica, (cumFiguris.). Amft. 1672.
Mofes Maimonides de Jure Pauperis & Peregrini oprd fideos. Heb. cum Notis
Hamph. Prideaux Oxon, 167ọi
Horrocess
Catalogus Librorum.
Horroccii (Jer.) opera Aftronomica, nec non Wallifii Exercitationes tres. 1678.
Paladius de Gentibus Indicis & Bragmanibus G. L. Londini 1665.
Ferrarij (Alex.) Euclides Catholicus. Londini 1676.
Teftamentum Græcum. Geneve.
Duporti Gnomologia Homerica. 1660.
Bonham's (Jofua) Sermon at the Vifitation held at Leicester, April 29. 1674.
Sermon Preached before the Artillery-Company, by William Durham.
Les Motifs de la Converſion à la Religion Reformée Du Francois de le Motte:
A Londres, 1675.
Pharmacopée Royale, Galenique et Chymique, par Moyfe Charas. Parif. 1676.
An English Bible, with the Liturgy, Apocrypha, and Singing Pfalms. Oxford at
the Theater, 1675. and in fmall 4°, 1679.
Cook (John) Sermon before the Mayor, Decemb. 19. 1675. on John 8.34. 1676.
Luzancy's Abjuration-Sermon at the Savoy, July 11. 1675. on John 8. 32. 1676.
Pell (John) Introduction to Algebra. 1658.
Senault (7o. Fr.) Chriftian Man. 1650.
A Sermon at the Marshal Turenne's Funeral, Decemb. 15. 1675. 2 Sam.3.32. 1677.
Tillotson's (70.) Sermon before the King, April 18. 1675. Pfal. 119.60. 1675.
Twifden's (Sir Roger) Hiftorical Vindication of the Church of England. 1675.
Wilkins (Fo.) Sermon before the King, March 7. 1669. on Prov. 13. 16, 17. 1674.
Sermon before the King, March 19. 1670. on Ecclefiaftes 12. 14. 1671.
Cole (Gilbert) Conferences againſt the Church of Rome. Oxford, at the Thea-
ter, 1674.
Alleffrey's (R.) Divine Authority of Scripture, a Sermon, 2 Tim. 3. 15. 1673.
Character of the Laſt Day, a Sermon before the King, 2 Pet. 3. 3. by John Fell Lord
Biſhop of Oxford. 1675.
Clarendon (Edward Earl) Survey of Hobs's Leviathan. Oxford,at the Theater, 1676.
OCTAV O.
Eftament English for Children: Printed at the Theater, Oxon. 1679.
Homeri Ilias Græcé Cum Scholiis Didymi. Oxonii è Theatro Sheldoniano.
Archimedes Arenarius cum notis Jo. Wallis. Oxonia è Theatro Sheldoniano. 1676.
Oughtred (Guil.) Opufcula hactenus inedita notis Fo. Wallefii. Oxonii è Theatro
Sheldoniano. 1677.
Engalenus (Seres) de Scorbuto. Haga-Com. 1658.
Grammar English and French, by the Meffieurs of the Port Royal. 1674.
Lydiati Canones Chronologici. Oxonii è Theatro Sheldoniano. 1675.
Mayern (Theod. Torq.) de Arthritide. Lond. 1676.
Gregory's Nomenclator. 1675.
Needham (Gualt.) De Formato Foetu. Londini, 1667.
Parei (David) Chronologia Sacra. Amft. 1641.
Ruarii, Grotii, &c. Epiftolæ. Amft. 1677.
Rhetore, Selecti. Gr. Lat. per Tho Gale. Oxonii è Theatro Sheldoniano. 1676.
Pfalterium Græcum juxta M.S. Alexandrin. cum verfione vulgata. Oxonii è Theatro
Sheldoniano. 1678.
Sandri (Chr.) Interpretationes Paradoxe Quatuor Evangel. Cofmop. 167c.
Hiftoria Ecclefiaftæ. Cofmop. 1669.
Smith (Tho.) De Ecclefiæ Græcæ Hodierno Statu Epiftola. Londini 1678.
Theocratus cum Scholiis Græcis, è Theatro Sheldoniano.
Georgii Diaconi Epitome Logices Ariftotelis Oxonii.
Art of Speaking, London, 1676.
Boyl (Rob.) againſt Tho. Hobs. Lond. 1674.
Of Effluviums. Lond. 1673.
Of Gems. Lond. 1672.
Barbets (Paul.) Chirurgery (with Cuts.) Lond. 1675.
Burnets (Gilb.) Myſtery of Iniquity. Lond. 1676.
Bafilius Valentinus of Natural and Supernatural things. Lond 1670.
Fourneil's Difcourfe, with the General Syftenie of the Carte Philofophy. Lond.
7/2
1670.
FINIŝ
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