ARTES
LIBRARY
1837)
SCIENTIA
VERITAS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
E-PLURIBUS UNUM
TUBBOR
SI QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAM
CIRCUMSPICE!
READING
ROOM
THIS BOOK
FORMS PART OF THE
ORIGINAL LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
BOUGHT IN EUROPE
1838 TO 1839
BY
ASA GRAY
4.90
2229
J
8848
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
COL
O F
ONY
MASSACHUSET'S BAY
FROM THE
FIRST SETTLEMENT THERE O F
IN 1628,
UNTIL ITS INCORPORATION
WITH THE
Colony of PLIMOUTH, Province of MAIN, &c.
BY THE
Charter of King WILLIAM and Queen MARRY
IN 1691.
LIBRARY
OF TRE
TYOY
By MR. HUTCHINSOVERSY
Lieutenant-Governor of the MASSACHUSET's Province.
i
Hiftoria, non oftentationi, fed fidei, veritatique componitur.
Plin. Epift. L. 7. E. 33.
THE SECOND EDITIO N.
LONDON:
Printed for M. RICHARDSON, in Pater-nofter Row.
M DCC LXV.
1765
CONTENTS.
THE
HE PREFACE,
Page 1.
CHAP. I. The Hiftory of the Colony of Maffachufets-Bay,
from the first Settlement until the Year
1660,
Page 1.
CHAP. II. Hiftorical Occurrences from the Restoration of
King Charles the 2d to the Year 1686, when
the Charter was vacated,
p. 209.
CHAP. III. From the Diffolution of the Charter in 1686,
until the Arrival of the Province Charter
in 1692,
P. 350.
CHAP. IV. The Ecclefiaftical Conftitution of the Colony,
and the Special Religious Cuſtoms, P. 417
CHAP. V. The Syftem or Body of Laws eſtabliſhed in
P. 435.
the Colony,
CHAP. VI. Of the original State of the Country with
respect to the Inhabitants and Soil, p. 456.
APPENDIX.
NUMB. I. The bumble Requeft of his Majefties loyall Sub-
jects the Governour and Company late gone for
New-England, to the rest of their Brethren
in and of the Church of England, p. 487.
a
NUME..
CONTENTS.
NUMB. II. Certain Propofals made by Lord Say, Lord
Brooke, and other Perfons of Quality, as con-
ditions of their removing to New-England,
with the Answers thereto,
P. 490.
NUMB. III. Copy of a Letter from Mr. Cotton to Lord
Say and Seal in the Year 1636, p. 496.
NUMB. IV. Copy of a Commiffion for regulating Planta-
P. 502.
tions,
NUMB. V. Copy of the General Courts Addrefs, the 6th
of September, 1638,
P. 507.
NUMB. VI. The Thefes of the first Class of Graduates at
Harvard College, in 1642,
P₁ 510.
NUMB. VII. Copy of the Determination of Arbitrators for
fettling the Line between New-Haven and
the Dutch, in 1650,
P. 514
NUMB. VIII. Copy of a Petition to the Parliament in
1651,
P. 516.
NUMB IX. Copy of a Letter to Oliver Cromwell in
1651, from the General Court of the Maf-
Jacbufets,
P. 529
NUMB. X. Copy of an Address to Oliver Cromwell,
in 1654,
P. 523.
NUMB, XI. Copy of a Letter from the Government of
the Colony of Rhode-fland, concerning the
Quakers,
P. 526,
NUMB. XII. Copy of a Letter from R. Cromwell, Protector,
&c. to the Governor and Magiftrates of the
Maffackufets Colony in New-England, p.528.
NUMB. XIII. The Court's Declaration of their Rights by
Charter, in 1661,
P. 529.
NUMB.
CONTENTS.
NUMB. XIV. Copy of a Letter to William Goffe, one of the
Regicides, from his Wife, in 1662, p. 532.
NUMB. XV. Copy of a Commiffion from King Charles the 2d
to Col. Nichols and others, in 1664, p. 535.
NUMB. XVI. Copy of the Addrefs of the Maſſachuſets Colony
to King Charles 2d, in 1664,
P. 537.
NUMB. XVII. Copy of a Letter from the Earl of Clarendon
to the Maffachufets Colony, in 1664, p. 544.
NUMB.XVIII.Copy of a Letter from King Charles the 2d, to
the Colony of New-Plimouth,in 1666, p. 546.
NUMB. XIX. Copy of a Letter from King Charles the 2d, to
the Maſſachuſets Colony, in 1666, p. 547.
NUMB. XX. Samuel Gorton's Defence against the Charges
upon him in Morton's Memorial, p. 549.
NUMB. XXI. Major Walley's Journal in the Expedition
against Canada in 1692.
P. 554.
The
( i )
44
.
THE
PRE
RE F
•
A CE.
HE repeated deftruction of ancient records
and papers, by fire in the town of Boſton,
firft inclined me to endeavour the prefer-
vation of fuch materials as remained proper for an
hiftory of the Maffachufets colony. Many fuch
came to me from my anceſtors, who, for four fuc-
ceffive generations, had been principal actors in pub-
lic affairs among the reft, a manufcript hiftory of
Mr. William Hubbard, which is carried down to
the year 1680, but after 16 50 contains but few facts.
The former part of it has been of great ufe to me:
It was fo to Dr. Mather in his hiftory, of which
Mr. Neale's is little more than an abridgement. I
made what collection I could of the private papers
of others of our firft fettlers, but in this I have not
had the fuccefs I defired. The defcendants of fome
of them are poffeffed of many valuable letters and
other manuſcripts, but have not leiſure or inclina-
tion to look into them themſelves, and yet will not
fuffer it to be done by others. I am obliged to no
perfon more, than to my friend and brother the
Reverend Mr. Mather, whofe library has been
open to me, as it had been before to the Reverend
Mr. Prince, who had taken from thence the greateſt
and moſt valuable part of what he had collected.
*
A
"
SEVERAL
१
II
The PREFACE.
SEVERAL gentlemen have given us encourage-
ment to expect from them an hiftory of the co-
lony. Mr. Prince gave us the chronology of two
or three years, and there left it. Mr. Prat, the
late chief juſtice of New York, has often men-
tioned to me his intention to prepare and publiſh
fuch an hiftory. Death has put it out of his
power.
Another gentleman, of the firſt character at the
bar, whoſe talents for it will not be called in queſ-
tion, has propoſed the fame thing. Want of lei-
fure for it has probably prevented.
I AM fenfible that whoever appears in print
fhould be able to difpofe his matter in fuch order,
and cloath it with fuch ftile and language, as fhall
not only inform but delight the reader; therefore
I would willingly have delivered over every thing
I have collected to a perfon of genius for fuch a
work. But feeing no profpect of its being done by
any other, I engaged in it myſelf, being very loth,
that what had coft me fome pains to bring together,
fhould be again fcattered and utterly loft.
I AM fenfible of many defects in this per-
formance, and that it ftands in need of all the
apologies I am capable of making for it. It can-
not be expected that the affairs of a colony fhould
afford much matter, interefting or entertaining
to the world in general. I write for the fake
of
my own countrymen, and even to many of them
I expect fome facts will be thought of too little
importance; and yet I have omitted many fuch as
have been judged proper for the prefs by former
hiftorians.
The PREFACE.
111
hiftorians. In general, we are fond of knowing
the minutia which relate to our own anceſtors.
There are other facts, which, from the nature of
them, will afford but a dull and heavy narration.
My chief defign is to fave them from oblivion.
ALL hiftorians profefs a facred regard to truth.
I have found fome difficulty in guarding againſt
every degree of prejudice, in writing the hiftory of
my own country. I hope, by fhunning one extreme,
I have not run upon the other.
THE Maſſachuſets colony may be confidered as
the parent of all the other colonies of New-Eng-
land. There was no importation of planters from
England to any part of the continent, northward
of Maryland, except to the Maſſachuſets, for more
than fifty years after the colony began. In the
firſt ten years, about twenty thouſand fouls had ar-
rived in the Maffachufets. Since then, it is fup-
poſed more have gone from hence to England than
have come from thence hither. Maffachufets-
Bay, New-Hampſhire, Connecticut, and Rhode-
Iſland, at this day, probably contain five hundred
thouſand fouls. A furprifing increaſe of ſubjects
of the Britiſh crown!
BARBADOS and the leeward iſlands owed very
much of their growth to the fupplies of lumber,
horfes and provifions, with which they were fur-
niſhed, at the beginning of their fettlements, from
this colony, in as great plenty as they defired.
A 2
THE
iv
The PREFACE,
5
THE addition of wealth and power to Great
Britain, in confequence of this firft emigration of
our anceſtors, exceeds all expectation.. They left
their native country with the ftrongeſt affurances
that they and their pofterity fhould enjoy the privi-
leges of free natural born English fubjects. May
the wealth and power of Britain ftill increaſe, in
proportion to the increaſe of her colonies; may
thofe privileges never be abufed; may they be
preſerved inviolate to the lateft pofterity.
CHAP.
(I)
OF THE
ARY
REIST OF MICAS
!
СНАР.
CHAP. I.
The Hiſtory of the Colony of Maſſachuſets-
Bay, from the firft Settlement until the
Year 1660.
T
HE difcovery of America by Columbus, and of
the northern continent by the Cabots, in the 15th
century, and the ſeveral voyages of Engliſh and
French, in the 16th, I pafs over, and begin with the
voyage made by Bartholomew Gofnold, an Engliſhman,
in the year 1602, to that part of North America fince cal-1602
led New-England. It is not certain that any European
had been there before. Hackluit mentions the landing of
fome of Sir H. Gilbert's men upon fome part of the con-
tinent; but, it is probable, that was farther eastward, upon
what is now called Nova-Scotia. Gofnold landed firſt on
the eaſtern coaft, which he calls Mavofhen*. After fome
commerce with the natives, he failed fouthward, and land-
ed upon one of the iſlands called Elizabeth iſlands +. He
gave them that name in honour to Q. Elizabeth, who was
living when he left England, and they have retained it
ever fince. He built a fort, and intended a ſettlement
upon the iſland, or the continent near it; but he could
not perfuade his people to remain there, and they all re-
turned to England before winter ‡.
* About 43 degrees North.
† A little Southward of Cape Cod. He gave the name alfo to
Martha's Vineyard.
‡ This I fuppofe is what Joffelyn, and no other author, calls the
first colony of New-Plimouth, for he ſays it was begun in 1602, and
near Narraganfet bay.
A 3
IN
2
THE HISTORY OF
1603 In 1603, De Monts obtained a patent from Henry the
4th of France, for all the country, from the 40th to the
1604 46th degree, by the name of Cadie or Acadie. In 1604
De Monts ranged along the fea coaft, from St. Lawrence to
Cape Cod, and to the fouth of it. He went far up Kene-
beck river, and into divers other rivers, bays and harbours §.
1606 IN 1606, King James, the firft, granted all the con-
tinent, from 34 to 45 degrees; which he divided into
two colonies, viz. the Southern, or Virginia, to certain
merchants of London; the Northern, or New-England,
to merchants of Plymouth.
1
1607 IN 1607, fome of the patentees of the Northern colony
began a fettlement at Sagahedoc. They laid the plan of
a great ftate. The prefident died the first winter, which
was extreme cold. Sir John Popham his brother, the
great promoter of the defign, and Sir John Gilbert the
admiral's brother, died the fame year in Europe, and the
1608 next year, 1608, the whole number which furvived the
winter returned to England. Their defign of a planta-
tion was at an end. Both English and French continued
their voyages to the coaft, fome for fishing, and fome for
trade with the natives; and fome feeble attempts were
made, by the French, towards plantations, but they were
1613 routed by the Engliſh in 1613. There was no ſpirit in the
people of either nation for colonizing. Favourable ac-
counts were publiſhed of the continent, by Capt. Smith
and others; but who would remove, and fettle in fo re-
mote and uncultivated a part of the globe, if he could live
tolerably at home*? The country would afford nó im-
#
§ He did not go into the Maffachufets bay, but ſtruck over from
fome part of the eastern shore to Cape Ann, and ſo to Cape Cod, and
failed further fouthward. Champ.
The following perfons were fent over to begin the colony, George
Popham, prefident; Rawleigh Gilbert, admiral; Edward Harlow,
mafter of the ordnance; Robert Davies, ferjeant major; Ellis Beft, mar-
fhal; Seaman, Secretary; James Davies commander of the fort
Gome Carew, fearcher; and about one hundred commonalty.
Quis porro, præter periculum horridi & ignoti maris, Afiâ aut
Africa aut Italiâ relictâ, Germaniam peteret informem terris, afperam
celo, triftem cultu afpectuq; nifi fi patria fit. Tac. de mor. Germ.
mediate
!
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
33
mediate ſubſiſtance, and therefore was not fit for indigent
perfons. Particular perfons or companies would have
been diſcouraged from fupporting a colony, by the long
continued expence and outfet, without any returnt. No
encouragement could be expected from the public. The
advantages of commerce from the colonies were not then
foreſeen, but have been fince learned by experience. Vir-
ginia in its infancy was ftruggling for life; and what its
fate would have been, if the fathers of it in England had
not ſeen the riſe and growth of other colonies near it, is
uncertaint. God in his providence bringeth good out of
evil. Bigotry and blind zeal prevailed, among chriſtians
of every fect or profeffion. Each denied to the other,
what all had a right to enjoy, liberty of conſcience. To
this we muft afcribe, if not the fettlement, yet at leaſt
the prefent flouriſhing ftate of North America. Perfecu-
tion drove one Mr. Robinſon and his church from Eng-
land to Holland, about the year 1608. They ftayed about
a year at Amſterdam, and then removed to Leyden. In
1617 they began to think of removing to America. They 1617
laid great ftrefs upon their peculiar tenets, but this did not
leffen their regard to morality. The manners of the
Dutch were too licentious for them. Their children
left them; fome became foldiers, and others failors, in the
Dutch fervice. In a few years their pofterity would have
been Dutch, and their church extinct. They were at a
loſs whether to remove to Guiana* or to Virginia, but the
majority were in favour of the latter. The Dutch la-
boured to perfuade them to go to Hudfon's river and
+ Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Maſon ſpent twenty thoufand
pounds each, in attempts for fettlement, and each of them thought it
adviſeable to give over their defigns and fit down with the lofs.
Whether Britain would have had any colonies in America at this
day, if religion had not been the grand inducement, is doubtful.
One hundred and twenty years had paffed, from the difcovery of the
northern continent by the Cabots, without any fucceſsful attempt.
After repeated attempts had failed, it feems lefs probable that any
fhould undertake in fuch an affair, than it would have been if no at-
tempt had been made.
* Sir Walter Rawleigh had raiſed the fame of Guiana about this time.
A 4
fettle
A
THE
THE HISTORY OF
•
fettle under their Weft-India company; but they had not
loft their affection for the Engliſh, and chofe to be under
their government and protection. They applied to the
Virginia company for a patent for part of the country.
To render it probable that their undertaking would not,
like all former, be abortive, they gave among others theſe
fpecial reafons: "That they were well weaned from the
delicate milk of their mother country, and inured to the
difficulties of a ſtrange land. That they were knit toge-
ther in a strict and facred bond, by virtue of which they
- held themſelves bound to take care of the good of each
other, and of the whole. That it was not with them as
with other men, whom fmall things could difcourage, or
fmall difcontents caufe to wifh themſelves at home again."
The Virginia company were very much pleaſed with the
application, and fome of the chief of them addreffed the
King to grant the petitioners liberty in religion, under the
great fal; but this was refufed. He promiſed to connive,
and not moleft them; but this would not do for them at
that time. They laid afide the defign for that year. In
16191619 they renewed their application and refolved to
venture, tho' they could not have a fpecial grant, from
the King, of liberty of confcience. They hoped their
remote fituation would put them out of danger of the ec-
clefiaftical courts. The affairs of the Virginia company
were in great confufion, and it was the latter end of the
year before the patent was granted. It was taken out,
under the company's feal, to John Wincob. He lived in
the family of the Countefs of Lincoln, and not removing
with the reft, they never took any benefit from the patent.
Mr. Wel on and other merchants of London engaged, fome
to adventure their money, and fome to go over with them.
They therefore made the neceffary preparations, and in
1620 July 1620 the principal of them went over to South-
hampton, where two fhips were ready to take them on
board. They failed the beginning of Auguft, but were
obliged, repeatedly, to put back, and to leave one of their
fhips behind, with part of their company at last. They in-
tended
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
5
tended for Hudfon's river or the coaft near to it; but the 1620
Dutch had bribed their pilot, and he carried them farther
northward, fo that they fell in about Cape Cod, and arri-
ved in that harbour the 11th of November. The har-
bour is good, but the country is fandy and barren. This
was difcouraging, but it was too late in the year to put to.
fea again. They coaſted about, in their boat, until they
found a place more agreeable to them for a plantation,
though not fo good a harbour. Here they brought their
ſhip, and determined to take up their abode. They gave
it the name of New-Plimouth. Capt. Smith happened
to give the name of Plimouth to the fame place, in 1614.
A very circumftantial account of the beginning and pro-
grefs of this colony, wrote by Mr. Edward Winflow, one
of the principal undertakers, is to be found among
Purchaſe's collections *.
THE project, of fettling America, revived again, and a
new patent was granted, bearing date Nov. 3d, 1620; in-
corporating the adventurers to the northern colony, by the
name of the Council for the affairs of New-England; the
1 bounds of the country were expreffed, between 40 and
48 deg. N.; Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John
Maſon were two of the moſt active members of this
council. All the fea coaft, at one time or other, has been
granted or pretended to be granted by this council, and
fome parts feveral times over, partly from defects in form
in preceding grants, and partly from
with the geography of the country.
within the bounds of the Maſſachuſets,
Mr. Weſton, who in the fummer of 1622, fent over two 1622
ſhips with 50 or 60 men, to begin a plantation at Weffa-
guffet, fince called Weymouth. They were fickly when
they arrived, and received neceffaries and refreſhment from
their neighbours at New-Plimouth. They were a diffo-
lute crew, foon brought themſelves to poverty, then rob-
bed the Indians and offered other abufes to them. The
Indians made their complaints to the colony of New-Pli-
unacquainted nefs
The firſt
The first grant,
was obtained by
* In 1629 they obtained a patent from the Council of Plimouth.
mouth;
6
THE HISTORY OF
1622 mouth; but the abufes continuing, the next year they
laid a plot for the deftruction of all Wefton's company.
The plot was diſcovered to the New-Plimouth people,
who fent fome of their men and prevented the execution
of it, by the furprizal of thoſe who were to be the
principal actors. Mr. Wefton coming over to vifit his
plantation, was caft away in Ipſwich bay, and ftripped by
the Indians of every thing but his fhirt. Being thus
rendered incapable of affording any relief to his colony,
it came to an end, after one year's continuance.
1
CAPTAIN Robert Gorges obtained a patent from the
council of Plimouth dated Dec. 13, 1622, 10 miles in
breadth, and 30 miles into the land, on the northeaſt fide
of Maffachufets bay. This was looſe and uncertain, and
no uſe ever made of it. He was fon to Sir Ferdinando,
and employed by the council, in 1623, as lieutenant-general,
to reſtrain interlopers and regulate all affairs. He made
fome attempts to revive Wefton's plantation, but returned
home, the fame year, without fuccefs. Francis Weft came
the fame year, as Vice-Admiral, but made no ſtay. The
1
It was this plantation, which gave occafion to the author of Hu-
dibras to make merry with New-England in general, for hanging a
bed rid weaver, inftead of a ufeful cobler. The Plimouth people,
their neighbours, allowed that there was fome foundation for the
ftory. Several had been concerned in a theft. The Indians infifted
that the ringleader fhould be put to death. They hanged one, who
was lefs culpable and not like to live, in his ftead. Others fay they
deceived the Indians, and hanged up one who died, of fickneſs or
famine, a little while before. Hubbard.
+ Robert Gorges conveyed his title to Sir William Brierton, who
afterwards became an adventurer in the Maſſachuſets corporation. He
acquainted the company, that he did not intend to conteft with them,
but defired a proportionable quantity of land might be affigned, for
the accommodation of his people and fervants. They gave him a
very reſpectful anfwer, but declined acknowledging his title by any
capitulation. They promiſed him land fufficient for the encourage-
ment of his defign, but he muſt take it as one of the company, &c.
Maff. Records, Feb. 1o, 1629. When the new charter in 1691 was
preparing, one Mr. Levet, as heir at law to Sir William, laid in a-
claim to the lands contained in this grant, but it met with no counte-
nance from the committee of Council. M. S.
Earl
MASSACHUSETS-B A Y.
7
Earl of Warwick had a patent for Maſſachuſets bay about
the fame time, but the bounds are not known.
IN 1624, Lyford, the miniſter of New-Plimouth, and 1624
one John Oldham, ftirred up a faction there, and were
baniſhed that colony. They began a fettlement at Nan-
taſket. The fame year, fome perfons, belonging to Dor-
cheſter in England, fent over fiſhermen and made necef-
fary provifion for a fifhery at Cape-Ann, and Roger
Conant §, who, with John Oldham, had left Plimouth,
and removed with the reft to Nantafket, was appointed
their overfeer. A grant was made by one of the Gorges,
it is not faid which, to Oldham and others, of part of
Maffachufets bay, which occafioned fome diſpute between
them and the Maffachufets grantees *.
龠
​IN 1625, one Capt. Wollafton, with about 30 perfons 1625
began a plantation near Wefton's. They gave it the name
of Mount Wollafton. It was known by that name fome
§ He lived until about 1680, and died at Beverly in the county of
Effex. He is always fpoken of, as a perfon of worth. The fuperior
condition of the perfons who came over with the charter, caft a fhade
upon him, and he lived in obſcurity. There are feveral of his de-
ſcendants remaining. Some of diſtinction, in the colony of Connecti-
cut. Governor's iſland in Bofton harbour, was called Conant's ifland.
* At the end of the firſt book of records of deeds for the county of
Suffolk, is the copy of a letter from the company in England to Capt.
John Endicott, dated Gravefend, 27th April, 1629, in the clofe of
which is thus written.
"I finde Mr. Oldham's graunt from Mr. Gorge, is to him and
John Dorrell, for all the lands within Mattachufett bay, betwene
Charls river and Aboufett river, containing in length, by a ftraight line,
5
miles up the faid Charls river into the maine land, north weft from
the border of the faid bay, including all creeks and poynts by the
way; and 3 miles in length, from the mouth of the aforefaid river of
Aboufett, up into the maine land, upon a ftraight line fouth weft, in-
cluding all creeks and ponds; and all the land, in breadth and length,
betwene the forefaid rivers, with all prerogatives, royal mines ex-
cepted. The rent reſerved, is 12 d. on every 100 acres of land that
fhall be uſed. William Blackfton, clerk, and William Jeffrys, gent.
authoriſed to put John Oldham in poffeffion. Having a fight of their
graunt, this I found, tho' I hold it voyde in law, yet his claime being
to this, you may, in your difcrefion, prevent him, by caufing fome.
to take poffeffion of the chief part thereof."
3
years
THE HISTORY OF
1
+
1625 years after, but, at length, the name was loft in that of
Braintree, of which town it is a part †. No mention is
made of a patent to Wollafton. One Morton, of Furnival's
inn, was of this company. He was not left in command,
but contrived to make himſelf chief, changed the name
of Mount Wollafton to Merry Mount, fet all the fervants
free, erected a may-pole, and lived a life of diffipation,
until all the ſtock, intended for trade, was confumed. He
was charged with furniſhing the Indians with guns and
ammunition, and teaching them the ufe of them. At
length, he made himſelf fo obnoxious to the planters in
all parts, that, at their general defire, the people of New-
Plimouth feized him by an armed force, and confined him,
until they had an opportunity of fending him to England.
1626In the fall of 1626, Roger Conant, and fome, if not all,
of his company removed from Cape-Ann to a neck of
land upon Naumkeak river. I find mention made of
planters at Winfimet about the fame time, who probably
removed there from fome of the other plantations. This
is all the account we have of any fettlements, or attempts.
for fettlements in the Maffachufets bay, until the year
1627. Mr. White, the minifter of Dorchefter, had en-
couraged Conant and his company to remain in New-
England, and promifed them men, provifions, &c.
1627 IN 1627, March 19, the Council of Plimouth fold to
Sir Henry Rofwell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcoat,
John Humphry, John Endicot, and Simon Whetcomb,
who lived about Dorchefter in England, their heirs and
affociates, all that part of New-England, three miles to
the fouth of Charles river, and three miles north of Merri-
mack river, from the Atlantick to the South Sea. All
the leffer grants which have been mentioned within thoſe
limits (the fettlement of the country being entirely ne-
glected by the grantees) were, without doubt, looked
upon to be forfeited or void. The conditions or tenor
of none of them appear at this day. It is very likely,
+ The particular hill which caufed the name of Mount, is in the
farm of John Quincy, Efq; late one of the council for the province.
เ
4
the
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
the three perfons, firſt named in this grant, had nothing 1627
more in view by the purchaſe, than a fettlement for trade
with the natives, or for fifhery, or other advantageous
purpoſes. As foon, as a colony for religion was pro-
jected, we hear no more of them *. The other three
remained. Mr. White managed a treaty, between Sir
Richard Saltonftall, Matthew Cradock and John Venn,
Efquires, and divers others in and about London, and
the original patentees. A purchaſe was made, and the
fame fummer Mr. Endicott, one of the original paten,
tees, was fent over to Naumkeak with planters and fer-
vants, and all the affairs of the colony committed to his
care. The patent, from the council of Plimouth, gave
a good right to the foil, but no powers of government.
A royal charter was neceffary. This paffed the feals,
March 4, 1628. Matthew Cradock was appointed the 1628
first governor, and Thomas Goffe, deputy governor.
Two days before, March 2d, fome affairs of the colony
requiring it, there had been a meeting of the company,
at which both governor and deputy are named as fuch.
The day, for the annual election of officers by charter,
* Some of the principal of the liberal fpeakers in parliament, be-
ing committed to the tower, others to other prifons, this took away
all hope of reformation of church government from many not affect-
ing epiſcopal juriſdiction, nor the ufual practice of the common prayers
of the church; thereof there were feveral forts, though not agreeing
among themſelves, yet all of like diſlike of thoſe particulars. Some
of the diſcreeter fort, to avoid what they found themſelves fubject to.
made uſe of their friends to procure, from the council for the affairs
of New England, to fettle a colony within their limits.-In a very
fhort time, numbers of people, of all forts, flocked thither in heaps;
that, at laft, it was efpecially ordered by the King's command, that
none fhould be fuffered to go without licence; fo that, what I long
before prophefied, when I could hardly get any for money to refide
there, was now brought to paſs. Ferd. Gorges Hift. of New-England.
}
+ His inftructions were dated London, May 30, 1628, and figned
by John Venn, Matthew Cradock, George Harwood, John Humphry,
Richard Perry, George Hewfon, Samuel Alderley, Thomas Stevens,
Jofeph Caxon, Thomas Webb, Increafe Nowell, Hugh Peters, John
White, and Abraham Palmer. His first letters from Naumkeak were
dated Sept. 13, 1628.
being
10
THE HISTORY OF
being the laſt Wedneſday in Eafter term, on the 13th of
1628 May 1628, Mr. Cradock was chofen governor by the
company, and Mr. Goffe deputy governor, and Sir
Richard Saltonftall, Ifaac Johnſon, Samuel Alderfey,
John Venn, John Humfrey, Simon Whetcomb, In-
creaſe Nowell, Richard Perry, Nathanael Wright, Sa-
muel Vaffall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Adams, Tho-
mas Hutchins, George Foxcroft, William Vaffall, Wil-
liam Pincheon, John Pocock, and Chriftopher Coulfon,
affiftants. William Burgis was chofen fecretary, in the
room of John Washburne. At this court it was deter-
mined, that every one of the company, who had fub-
fcribed fifty pounds, fhould have 200 acres of land af-
figned, and in proportion for a greater or leffer fum as
the first dividend. The names of all the adventurers,
and the fums fubfcribed, were fent over to Mr. Endi-
cot, who was appointed their governor in the plantation.
A fecond embarkation, of planters and fervants, had
been determined at a meeting April 30, to be made with
all ſpeed *. Four minifters were provided. Three of
them, Francis Higginson, Samuel Skelton, and Francis
Bright, were readily accepted by the company, and had
all due encouragement promiſed them; the fourth, Ralph
Smith, was required to give under his hand, that he would
not exerciſe his miniftry within the limits of the patent
without the expreſs leave of the governor upon the ſpot +.
* Mr. Endicot fent three brethren, Ralph, Richard and William
Sprague, to explore the country weftward. Between Miftick and
Charles rivers they find a body of Indians fettled, called Aberginians,
and one English houfe, thatched and poffeffed by Thomas Walford, a
fmith. The Indian name of the neck was Miſhawun, now Charles-
town. The firft travellers, with the confent of the Indians, took up
their abode there. Some of their pofterity remain there, and in other
parts of the colony to this day.
+ Mr. Bright, one of thefe minifters, is faid, by Hubbard, to have
been a conformist. He went, foon after his arrival, to Charlestown,
and tarried about a year in the country. Mr. Smith feems to have
been of the feparation in England, which occafioned the caution uſed
with him. He was a little while at Nantaſket, and went from thence
to Plimouth, where he was their minifter feveral years.
Five
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
It
Five ſhips were provided for this embarkation. Mr. 1628
Higginſon fays in his journal, that he failed from the
Ifle of Wight the 11th of May, and arrived at Cape-
Ann the 27th of June, and at Naumkeag the 29th.
They found at Naumkeag about 100 planters, 8 houſes,
befides a fair houſe built for Mr. Endicot. The old
and new planters together were about 300, of which,
100 removed to Charleſtown, where there was a houſe
built; the reft remained at Salem. Mr. Endicot had
correfponded with the fettlers at Plimouth, who fatis-
fied him, that they were right in their judgments of the
outward form of worſhip, being much like to that of
the reformed churches in France, &c. On the 20th
of July, Mr. Higginfon and Mr. Skelton, after fafting
and prayer, were firft elected by the company for their
minifters, the firft, teacher, the other, paftor; each of
them, together with three or four grave members, lay-
ing their hands on the other, with folemn prayer. No-
thing is faid of any church being then formed; but on
the 6th of Auguft, the day appointed for the choice and
ordination of elders and deacons, thirty perfons entered
into a covenant in writing, which is faid to be the be-
ginning of the church, and that the minifters were or-
dained or inſtituted anew. The repetition of this form
they probably thought neceffary, becauſe the people were
It
Mr. Hubbard, in his M. S. hiftory, remarks upon this occafion;
"It is certainly known, that the old non-conformifts and good old
puritans, of Queen Elizabeth's and King James's time, did in many
things not fymbolize with the feparatifts; the one endeavouring only
a reformation of fome corruptions retained or crept into the church
(as they thought) either before or after its reformed ftate; the other,
not contented therewith, flood, as fiffly, to maintain a neceffity of
difannulling their former church ſtate, as that like a veffel, once in-
fected with leprofy, it must be broken in pieces to be new caft.-
is affirmed, that Mr. Hilderſham adviſed Mr. Higginson and other mi-
nifters, looking this way, to agree upon their form of church govern-
ment before they came away from England; which counfel, if it had
been attended, might have prevented fome inconvenience that hath
fince fallen out, or, at leaft, have faved fome of the fucceeding mi-
nifters from the imputation of departing from their first principles,
becauſe they were not publickly declared in the beginning of things."
M. S. Hiſtory.
not
12
THE HISTORY OF
1628 not in a church ſtate before. It is difficult to affign any
other reaſon. Meffengers or delegates, from the church
of Plimouth, were expected to join with them, but con-
trary winds hindered them in their paffage, fo that they
did not arrive until the afternoon, but time enough to
give the right hand of fellowſhip. Two of the company,
John Brown, and Samuel Brown, one a lawyer, the
other a merchant, both men of good eftates, and of the
firſt patentees and of the council, were diffatisfied. They
did not like, that the common prayer and fervice of the
church of England fhould be wholly laid afide, and there-
fore drew off, with as many as were of their fentiments,
from the reſt, and ſet up a feparate fociety. This of-
fended the governor, who caufed the two members of his
council to be brought before him; and judging, that this
practice, together with fome fpeeches they had uttered,
tended to ſedition, he fent them back to England. The
heads of the party being removed, the oppofition ceafed +.
WHILST theſe things were doing in the colony, the
company in England were projecting a much larger em-
barkation, and the transfer of the corporation itſelf, from
Old England to New. Several gentlemen of figure and
eſtate, Iſaac Johnſon, John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley,
and divers others, who were diffatisfied with the arbitrary
proceedings both in church and ſtate, pleaſed themſelves
with the profpect of liberty in both, to be enjoyed in
America, and propofed to the company at London to re-
move with their families; but upon this condition only,
They applied to the company, upon their arrival in England, for
recompence for the damages they had fuftained, and the matter was
referred to Samuel Vaffall, William Vaffall, Simon Whetcomb and
William Pynchon, chofen by the complainants, and John White,
John Davenport, Ifaac Johnfon, and John Winthrop, chofen by the
company. The letters which the Browns had fent over to their pri-
vate friends, were flopped by the company in England, and opened
and publickly read, to prevent any prejudice to the plantation. Maff.
Rec. It does not appear, by the records, how the difpute was finally iffued.
"It is a principle, that every religion which is perfecuted, becomes
itſelf perfecuting; for affoon as, by fome accidental turn, it ariſes from
perfecution, it attacks the religion which perfecuted it," &c.
Spirit of Laws.
that
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
that the patent and charter fhould remove with them.
This propofal was firft communicated July the 28th, 1629.4629
A committee was appointed to confider of it, and to adviſe
with counſel learned in the law, and to make report.
The adventurers had been at great expence, without any
returns made to them, and hal no rational proſpect of
any profit from the plantation in the way they were in.
The principal objection feems to have aroſe, from a doubt
whether fuch a transfer was legal. The report of the
committee is not recorded. Mr. White, a counſellor at
law, was one of the company, and great ftrefs was laid
upon his opinion; and, on the 29th of Auguſt, it was
determined, by the general confent of the company,
that the government and patent fhould be fet:led in New-
England." It is evident from the charter, that the ori-
ginal deſign of it was to conftitute a corporation in Eng-
land, like to that of the Eaft-India and other great com-
panies, with powers to fettle plantations within the limits.
of the territory, under fuch forms of government and
magiftracy as ſhould be fit and neceffary. The firſt ſtep,
in fending out Mr. Endicot, appointing him a council,
giving him commiffion, inftructions, &c. was agreeable
to this conftruction of the charter.
<<
IN confequence of this new refolution, the members of
the corporation, which remained in England, were to re-
tain a fhare, in the trading ſtock and the profits of it, for
the term of ſeven years. The management of it was com-
mitted to five perfon, who were going over, viz. J.
Winthrop, Sir Richard Saltonftall, I. Johnſon, T. Dud-
ley, and J. Revel, and to five who were to remain, M.
Cradock, N. Wright, T. Eaton, T. Goffe, and J. Young,
and, at the expiration of the term, the ftock, with the
profits, was to be divided to each man, in proportion to
his adventure. All other powers and privileges were to
remain with the planters upon the fpot. We have no
account of any dividend ever made, nor indeed of any
trade ever carried on for the company. There was an-
other article; that one half the charge of fortifications and
B
ſupport
14
THE HISTORY OF
1629 fupport of the minifters fhould be paid out of the joint
ſtock, but no notice was taken of it in the colony.
THE 20th of October, at a general court of governor,
deputy and afſiſtants, and the generality, a new choice was
made of governor, &c. confifting of ſuch perſons as had
determined to go over with the patent. John Winthrop
was elected governor, John Humfrey deputy governor,
Sir Richard Saltonftall, Ifaac Johnfon, Thomas Dudley,
John Endicot, Increaſe Nowell, William Vaffall, William
Pynchon, Samuel Sharp, Edward Roffiter, Thomas Sharp,
John Revell, Mathew Cradock, Thomas Goffe, Samuel
Alderfey, John Venn, Nathaniel Wright, Theophilus
Eaton, and Thomas Adams, affiftants +. They did not
all go over. From time to time until the general em-
barkation,
+ I have endeavoured to obtain as particular account, as can be now
had, of the character and circumftances of the principal undertakers.
Mr. Winthrop, the governor, was of Groton in Suffolk, defcended
from reputable ancestors. One of them, Adam Winthrop, is faid to
have been an eminent lawyer, and alſo a great favourer of the gospel
in the reign of Henry the eighth. Mr. Winthrop was a juftice of
peace at the age of eighteen, and very early in life was exemplary for
his polite as well as grave and chriftian deportment. He had an eftate
of fix or ſeven hundred pounds a year, which he turned into money,
and embarked his all to promote the fettlement of New-England. It
is a very full evidence of the efteem he was in, that when many gen-
tlemen of character, ſome of them of noble alliance, were concerned
in the fame undertaking with him, he, by a general voice, was placed
at their head. He was eleven times chofen governor, and ſpent his
whole eſtate in the public fervice, the ftipend being fmall, and his
hoſpitality great, and his bayliff unfaithful. His fon and grandfon
were fucceffively governors of Connecticut colony. His great grand-
fon, John Winthrop, Efq; died in London about 12 or 14 years ago.
He was known there by the name of Governor Winthrop, a Fellow
of the Royal Society, and one volume of the Philofophical Tranfac-
tions is dedicated to him. And his pofterity have been ever fince re-
fpected and honoured, both in Connecticut and in the Maſſachuſets.
Mr. Winthrop was about forty-three years of age when he removed.
Mr. Dudley's father, Capt. Roger Dudley, loft his life in the fer-
vice of his country, leaving no other fon. Mr. Dudley, early in life,
engaged in the fame fervice. In 1597, he railed a company of vo-
lunteers, received a captaincy from Queen Elizabeth, went over to
France,
MASSACHUSET S-B A Y.
15
barkation, as any one declined, fome other perfon 1629
was chofen in his ftead. Firft Roger Ludlow was
chofen, instead of Samuel Sharp*. Whilft they were
at
France, and was at the fiege of Amiens under Henry the fourth.
After his return to England, he married a gentlewoman of good fa-
mily and eſtate, and fettled near Northampton, in the neighbourhood
of Mr. Dod, Hilderfham, and other celebrated puritan minifters, was
a devout attendant upon their miniftry, and (although he had been
an officer) became a fober non-conformist. Lord Say and Seal re-
commended him to the Earl of Northampton. The Earl when he
came to his eſtate, found it encumbered and entangled; but putting
his affairs under the care of Mr. Dudley, he, by his prudent manage-
ment, very happily extricated them. After which, leaving the fer-
vice of the Earl, he removed to Boston, where he became acquainted
with Mr. Cotton. He was foon defired to return to the Earl's family,
where he continued until he came to New-England. He was far ad-
vanced in life for fuch an undertaking, being fifty-four years of age.
He was chofen into the magistracy every year of his life afterwards,
four years governor, and often deputy governor. He married a fe-
cond time in his old age, and had a new fet of children; and it is
very remarkable, that he was a captain in 1597, and in 1764 two of
his grand children are living, viz. one elderly lady at New-London,
in Connecticut colony, the widow of John Winthrop, Efq; great
grandson of the firft governor, and another at Newbury in the Mafia-
chulets, Mrs. Atkins.
Mr. Humphrey was early engaged. He was one of the fix ori-
ginal patentees from the council of Plimouth. He was prevented
from coming over with the charter. He married the Lady Sufan,
daughter to the Earl of Lincoln, and brought her, with their children,
to New-England in 1632, and was immediately chofen an affiftant.
He fettled at Saugus, now Lynn, about 12 miles from Bofton. Ebe-
nezer Burril, Efq; late of the council, lived on part of his farm.
Upon an invitation from Lord Say he intended, in the year 1640, to
have removed to the Bahama iflands; but the island of Providence
being taken by the Spaniards, he gave over that defign. Soon after,
having met with great loffes by fire, and his eſtate being much im-
paired, he fold his plantation at Saugus to Lady Moody and returned
to England.
Sir Richard Saltonftall was the first named affociate to the fix ori-
nal patentees. Although he remained but a fhort time in New-
England, yet his heart was fet upon promoting the colony. He
fent
Samuel Sharp came over afterwards, and lived at Salem, but was
never reftored to the magistracy.
Maff. Rec.
B 2
15
THE HISTORY OF
1630 at Southampton, (March 18) Sir Bryan Janfen, Wil-
liam Coddington and Simon Bradstreet, were chofen in
the room of Mr. Wright, Eaton and Goffe, and yet
Sir
fent over two of his fons, one of which was chofen into the magi-
ftracy and continued in it, except while he was abfent in England,
until after the year 1680. Sir Richard was fon or grandfon of Sir
Richard Saltonftall, Lord Mayor of London in 1597. He lived many
years after his return to England. I have feen his name among the
commiffioners for the trial of Lilburn, or ſome other offender againſt
the ftate. By a will made in 1658, he gave a legacy to the college
in New-England. His great grandfon, Gurdon Saltonftall,
many years governor of Connecticut, and fome of his poſterity, in
that colony and the Maffachufets, are in efteem and honour to this
day. Sir John Foche, a city knight in King William's reign, mar-
ried his great grand daughter.
·
was
Mr. Johnſon, in a will uncancelled, and which remains on the
Maffachufets files, executed April 28, in the 5th of King Charles the
firſt, calls himſelf of Clipfham in the county of Rutland, fon of Abra-
ham Johnfon, Efq; and grandfon of Robert Johnfon. Doctor Cha-
derton was his mother's father. He had much the largeſt eftate of
any of the undertakers. It lay in Rutland, Northamptonshire and
Lincolnshire. He values his intereft, at that time, in the New-Eng-
land adventure, at fix hundred pounds. He had no children. After
providing for his lady, he gave a great number of legacies to his
friends, and to pious and charitable ufes; his lands he gave to his fa-
ther and brethren, To Mr. Cotton, from whom, to the praiſe of
God's grace, he acknowledges to have received much help and com-
fort in his fpiritual eſtate, he gave thirty pounds and a gown cloth.
The advowſon and right of patronage of the parish church of Clip-
fham, he gave to Mr. Dudley and Mr. Colton. He limitted his fu-
neral charges to 250 1. As providence ordered it, a fmall part of
that fum fufficed. His heart was fet on the New-England concern,
and he ordered his executors to carry on his fhare or part in it.
He made another will before his death, and appointed John Hamp-
den, Efq; one of his executors, with Winthrop and Dudley. Upon
his death-bed, he is faid to have rejoiced that he had lived to fee
a church of Chrift gathered in America, and profeffed that he
thought his life better ipent than in any other way. He was buried,
at his own request, in part of the ground upon Trimontain or
Bofton, which he had chofen for his lot, the fquare between School-
ftreet and Queen-ftreet. He may be faid to have been the idol of
the people, for they ordered their bodies, as they died, to be buried
round him; and this was the reafon of appropriating for a place
of burial, what is now called the old burying-place, adjoining to King's
chapel.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
17
Sir Bryan never came to New-England. Even after 1630
they had embarked, at a court on board the Arabella,
Mr. Dudley was chofen deputy governor, in the room of
Mr. Humfrey who ftaid behind. It is not matter of
wonder
chapel. He married the Lady Arabella, another daughter of the Earl
of Lincoln.
Mr. Endicot, the next named, was among the moſt zealous under-
takers, and the moſt rigid, in principles, as will appear in the courſe
of the hiſtory. This difpofition diftinguished him, more than his
other mental accompliſhments or his outward condition in life. I
have ſeen a letter, from the Secretary of Stare in King Charles the
fecond's time, wherein is this expreffion, "The King would take it
well, if the people would leave out Mr. Endicot from the place of
governor." Some of his pofterity remain at or near Salem.
Mr. Nowell was nephew to Alexander Nowell, Dean of St. Paul's
in Queen Elizabeth's reign, or elfe the Dean was his great uncle. He
was a ruling elder, fome time, of the church at Charleſtown; but
that place and a place in the civil order were thought, in that day,
not well to confift, and therefore he quitted it, chufing the places of
afſiſtant and ſecretary.
Mr. William Vaffall, as well as his brother Samuel Vaffall, were
gentlemen of good circumftances in England, but do not feem to have
been fully of the fame fentiment in matters of religion with the
planters in general; and altho' William came over with the firft com-
pany, yet he foon went back to England. He returned a few years
after to New-England, and fettled at Scituate in Plimouth colony, not
becauſe they were reputed more rigid than the Maffachufets people.
When Jamaica was taken, by Cromwell, he laid the foundation of
feveral fine eftates there, enjoyed by his pofterity to the prefent time.
Mr. Pynchon was a gentleman of learning as well as religion. He
laid the foundation of Roxbury, but foon removed to Connecticut river,
was the father of the town of Springfield, where his family hath flou-
rifhed ever fince.
Edward Roffiter was of a good family in the Weft of England. He
died the first year. His fon lived afterwards at Combe. His grand
fon Edward Roffiter, in the year 1682, was deacon of Mr. Jofeph
Alleine's church in Taunton. He fays in a letter, dated March 28,
1682, that his grandfather, a pious gentleman of good eftate, left
England for the fake of religion.
▼
Thomas Sharp and John Revell made but a fhort ftay in New-
England.
Mr. Eaton was an Eaft country merchant. His father was a mini-
fter in Coventry. He did not come to New-England until 1637.
And then fettled New-Haven colony, of which he was governor all
B 3
his
18
THE HISTORY OF
1630wonder that they difcovered fo great want of refolution.
It is ftrange that fo many perfevered. It fhews fome
little fortitude, in a man in health and vigour, who goes
through
his life after. His correfpondence, both with the governor of the
Maffachufets and with the Dutch governor of Manhadoes, or New-
York, diſcover a good underſtanding and virtuous mind.
Mr. Coddington was of Lincolnſhire, zealous to a great degree,
was afterwards the father of Rhode Iſland colony, where his zeal
abated, and he promoted a general toleration. He was many years
their governor, and would gladly have joined in confederacy with the
other colonies, but different fentiments upon religion prevented.
Mr. Bradftreet was of Emanuel College Cambridge, from whence
he removed to the family of the Earl of Lincoln as his fteward, and
afterwards he lived in the fame capacity with the Countess of War-
wick. He married one of Mr. Dudley's daughters, and, after her
death, a fifter of Sir George Downing. He lived to be the Neftor of
New-England, was born the beginning of the century in 1603, and
wanted but three or four years of compleating it. I fuppofe Sir Simon
Bradſtreet and Dudley Bradftreet, of the kingdom of Ireland, are de-
fcended from him.
Mr. Venn, commonly called colonel Venn, was in the deſign from
the beginning, and intended to have removed, but never did. Upon
the change of affairs in England he made a figure there, being one
of the members for the city in the long parliament, and among the
moſt active in the oppofition to the court, and was one of the King's
judges.
Mr. Cradock was more forward in advancing out of his fubftance
than any other, being generally the higheſt in all fubfcriptions. He
was an eminent merchant in London, and continued, divers years, to
carry on a trade in the colony by his fervants, but he never came over.
His fon or grandfon Samuel Cradock, was a diffenting minifter at
Wickambrook in 1690. George Cradock, Efq; now in publick pofts
in the colony, is deſcended from him.
I can give no account of the other affiftants.
Sir William Brereton was one of the company, and feems to havė
been preparing to come over, but he found employment alfo in the
long parliament and in the army, was at the head of the forces which
reduced Chefter. Several others, as Mr. Blackhouſe, Mr. Whichcote,
Captain Waller, Mr. Pocock, Mr. Harwood, and other perfons of
note, were of the company, and great promoters of the plantation.
Lincolnſhire contributed greatly, and more of our principal families
derive their origin from thence than from any part of England, unlefs
the city of London be an exception. The Countess of Warwick was
a benefactor. In 1634, the general court voted, "that there ſhould
be
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
19
through the fatigues of a long voyage, and fpends but a 1630
few months in a wildernefs, among Savages, and in a
climate more fevere than he had ever experienced. What
muft we think, then, of perfons of rank and good cir-
cumftances in life bidding a final adieu to all the conve-
niencies and delights of England, their native country,
and expofing themfelves, their wives and children, to
inevitable hardfhips and fufferings, in a long voyage
acroſs the Atlantick, to land upon a moft inhoſpitable
fhore, deftitute of any kind of building to fecure them
from the inclemency of the weather, and of moſt forts of
food to which they had been always ufed at their former
home? The ficknefs and mortality which prevailed the
firft winter, they did not forefee. It is an obſervation,
fince made, that moft parts of America have proved un-
healthy (except where the country is cleared) until
perfons have had a ſeaſoning in it.
ELEVEN fhips, which failed from different ports in
England, arrived in New-England before the end of
July. Six more arrived before the end of the year.
They brought above 1500 paffengers. The Arabella, on
board which was the governor and ſeveral of the affiftants,
left Yarmouth between the 7th and 10th of April. ´ On
the 7th the governor, and divers others on board, figned
a paper directed to their brethren of the church of Eng-
land, to remove fufpicions or mifconftructions, and to
afk their prayers. This paper has occaſioned a diſpute,
whether the first fettlers of the Maffachufets were of the
be letters of thankfulneſs figned by the court and fent to the Counteſs
of Warwick, Mr. Paynter, Mr. Wood, and others that have been
benefactors to this plantation." The Earl of Warwick, her fon, was
a patron of the colony, and was very able as well as willing to do kind
offices to it as long as he lived. Some of the minifters were of fami-
lies of diſtinction. Mr. Bulkley from Bedfordſhire, of an honourable
family there. Samuel Whiting, who was minifter of Lynn, married
a daughter of Oliver St. John. She came with him to New England.
John Shearman, minifter of Watertown, married a grand daughter of
Earl Rivers. Her father, Mr. Laume, was a gentleman of 1400l. a
year. She was alive in 1697, the mother of zo children.
B 4
church
20
THE HISTORY OF
Fal.
}
1630 church of England or not. However problematical it
may be, what they were while they remained in England,
they left no room for doubt after they arrived in Ame-
rica. The Arabella arrived at Salem the 12th of June *.
The common people immediately went ashore, and re-
galed themſelves with ftrawberries, which are very fine
in America, and were then in perfection. This might
give them a favourable idea of the produce of the coun-
try, but the gentlemen met with enough to fill them
with concern. The firft news they had, was of a gene-
ral confpiracy, a few months before, of all the Indians
as far as Naraghanfet, to extirpate the English. Eighty
perfons, out of about three hundred, had died in the
colony the winter before, and many of thofe that re-
mained were in a weak fickly condition. There was
not corn enough to have lafted above a fortnight, and
all other provifions were very fcant. They were obliged
to give all the fervants t, they had fent over, their li-
berty, that they might fhift for themfelves, although
they had coft from fixteen to twenty pounds a head.
They had not above three or four months to look out
proper places for fettlements, and to provide ſhelter
againſt the ſeverity of the winter. With this proſpect of
difficulties, great enough for them to encounter, fickness
began among them. Being deftitute of neceffary ac-
commodations, they dropped away one after another.
Among others, the lady Arabella, who, to ufe Mr. Hub-
bard's words, "came from a paradife of plenty and plea-
fure, in the family of a noble Earl, into a wilderneſs of
wants, and although celebrated for her many virtues, `yet
was not able to encounter the adverfity fhe was furrounded
with, and in about a month after her arrival fhe ended her
days at Salem where the first landed." Mr. Johnfọn, her
huſband, highly efteemed for his piety and wiſdom, over-
come with grief, furvived her a ſhort time only, and died
at Bofton the 30th September, to the great lofs of the
*Mafconomco, the Sagamore of Cape-Ann, came on board the
next morning after the governor's arrival to bid him welcome. Hub.
耸
​The whole number fent over was 180. This was a heavy lofs.
colony,
!
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
21
colony. Mr. Roffiter, another of the affiftants, died foon 1630
after. Before December they had loft two hundred of their
number, including a few who died upon their paffage.
THE governor and fome of the principal perfons left
Salem the 17th of June, and travelled through the woods
to Charleſtown, about 20 miles, to look out for a conve-
nient place for their chief town, which they had deter-
mined fhould be in fome part of the bay or harbour be-
tween Nantaſket and Cambridge. At first, they pitched
upon the north fide of Charles river, or rather northweft,
by the major voice; but a number of the principal gentle-
men having fixed their cottages (fhelters intended for one
winter only) upon the oppofite fide of the river, the go-
vernor and moſt of the affiftants removed to them in
November. They were, however, undetermined where
to build in the fpring. A fortified town, at leaſt paliſa-
doed, was thought neceffary to defend them againſt the
natives, and they could not agree upon the moſt conve-
nient place for that purpoſe.
THEY found, when they arrived, a few families fcatter-
ed about in ſeveral parts of the bay. Mr. Maverick, who
will often appear in the courſe of this hiftory, lived upon
Noddle's iſland, a grant or confirmation of which he after-
wards obtained from the court. He had built a ſmall
fort, and had four cannon mounted there. At a point up-
on Shawmut or Trimontaine, fince Bofton*, lived Mr.
Blaxton, who had left England, being diffatisfied there, and
not a thorough conformift; but he was more diffatisfied
with the non-conformity of the new-comers. He told
them, he came from England becauſe he did not like the
Lords Biſhops, but he could not join with them becauſe
he did not like the Lords Brethren. He claimed the
whole peninſula upon which Bofton is built, becauſe he
was the firft that flept upon it. He had a grant of a very
handſome lot there at the weft part of the town, but he
chofe, to quit all and removed to the fouthward, at or near
Said to be called fo from refpect to Mr. Cotton, minifter of Boflon
in England, who they expected to follow them.
what
22
THE HISTORY OF
1630 what is fince called Providence +, where he lived to old age.
There were alſo feveral families at Mattapan, fince called
Dorcheſter, or rather Dorcheſter neck; here † Mr. Ludlow
and Mr. Roffiter pitched, with two minifters, Mr. Warham
and Mr. Maverick. On the north of Charles river
(Charleſtown) were the remains of thoſe who had moved
the laſt year from Salem; here Mr. Nowell and fome of
his friends made their pitch, but confidered themſelves
and Boſton, at firft, as but one fettlement and one church,
with Mr. Wilfon for their minifter. When he went to
England in the ſpring, Charleſtown became a diftin&tchurch
and town, and took Mr. James for their minifter. Sir Ri-
chard Saltonftall chofe a place fome miles up Charles river,
which has taken the name of Watertown. His company
took Mr. Phillips for their minifter. Mr. Pynchon was
at the head of another company who fettled between Dor-
chefter and Bofton. Their town took the name of Rox-
bury. They had Mr. Elliot $ for their minifter. Medford
and Miſtick were then diftinct places, tho' not fo at pre-
fent. At Medford, which I take to have been a ſmall
village at the lower part of Miſtick river, now called
Neck of Land, where a creek alfo ran into Charles river,
it was intended a fettlement fhould be made for Mr. Cra-
dock and the people he was fending and had fent over.
Here, by his agents, he built feveral veffels of burden. At
theſe ſeveral places, together with Salem, the whole com-
pany were fettled for the first winter. They had little time
enough to provide their huts. As foon as December came,
their out-door work was over. On the 6th of December,
the governor and affiftants met, and agreed to fortify
the neck between Boſton and Roxbury, and orders were
given for preparing the materials; but at another meet-
ing, on the 21ft, they laid that defign afide, and agreed
+ One Mr. Blakeſtone, a minifter, went from Boſton, having lived
there 9 or 10 years, becauſe he would not join with the church. He
lives near Mr. Williams, but is far from his opinion. Lechford.
They arrived at Nantafket, the 30th of May, from Plymouth in
England.
He did not come over until 1631. Mr. Weld was his colleague.
|| Wood.
on
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
23
*
On a place about three miles above Charleſtown, and 1630
moſt of them engaged to build houses there the next
year.
The weather held tolerable until the 24th of De-
cember, but the cold then came on with violence. Such
a Chriſtmas eve they had never feen before. From that
time, to the 10th of February, their chief care was to
keep themſelves warm, and as comfortable in other re-
fpects as their fcant provifions would permit. The poorer
fort were much expofed, lying in tents and miferable
hovels, and many died of the fcurvy and other diftem-
pers. They were fo fhort of provifions, that many were
obliged to live upon clams, muffels and other thell-fish
with ground-nuts and acorns inftead of bread. One,
that came to the governor's houfe to complain of his
fufferings, was prevented, being informed that, even
there, the laft batch was in the oven. Some inftances are
mentioned of great calmness and refignation in this dif
trefs. A good man, who had afked his neighbour to
a difh of clanes, after dinner returned thanks to God who
had given them to fuck of the abundance of the ſeas and
of treaſure hid in the fands. They had appointed the
22d of February for a faft, but on the 5th, to their great
joy, the fhip Lyon, Capt. Pierce, one of the laſt year's
fleet, returned laden with provifions from England,
which were diſtributed according to the neceffities of the
people. They turned their falt into a thankfgiving.
IN the spring of 1631, they purfued their defign of a 1631
fortified town at Newtown. The governor fet up the
frame of a houſe; the deputy governor finifhed his houfe
and removed his family. About this time, Chicketawbut,
the chief of the Indians near Bofton, came to vifit the
governor and made high profeffions of friendſhip. The
apprehenfions of danger leffened by degrees, the deſign of
a fortified town went off in the fame proportion, until
it was wholly laid afide. The governor took down his
frame and carried it to Boſton. Mr. Dudley, the de-
puty, was offended, and perfifted for fome time in his
Firft called Newtown, fince Cambridge.
firft
£4
THE HISTORY OF
1631 firft determination of refiding at Newtown, but at length
removed to Roxbury.
THIS fcheme, of a fortified town, was well enough
while they were uncertain what the temper of the natives
would be. Their defign was to make improvements,
and to extend their fettlements in the feveral parts of the
country. Unless they were upon fuch terms with the
Indians, that they could do this with fafety, the colony
could not long fubfift. If they were upon fuch terms,
fortified towns were unneceffary *.
THE high price of provifions, this year in England,
impoverished the colony. Every bufhel of wheat meal
coft, including the freight, 14s. fterling; every buſhel
of peafe 10s. and Indian corn, imported from Virginia,
fold at 10st. Some were difcouraged and returned to
England, viz. Sir Richard Saltonftall, Thomas Sharpe,
&c. and never came back; but others, in hopes of bet-
ter times, went over to fetch their families and returned
with them, viz. Mr. Wilfon, Coddington ‡, &c. They
went in the Lyon, which brought their fupply. In the
fame fhip, Sir Chriftopher Gardner was fent home under
confinement. He was a knight of the fepulchre, but
concealed his true character, and came over laft year un-
der pretence of ſeparating himſelf from the world, and
living a life of retirement and devotion. He offered to
* Mr. Dudley ſays, they laid afide all thought of a fort, becauſe
upon any invafion when they ſhould retire to it, they muſt neceffa-
rily loſe their houſes. Letter to Countess of Lincoln. There was the
fame objection to a fortified town, if the inhabitants of other towns
and villages fhould retire to it.
It was the year 1633, before they knew they fhould be able to
raiſe Engliſh grain, if we may credit Johnſon. "This year, a ſmall
glean of rye was brought to the court, as the first fruits of Engliſh
grain, at which, this poor people greatly rejoiced to ſee the land
would bear it." Johnson 1633.
The following paragraph, in a letter to Mr. Cotton from Mr.
Coddington, London June 4, 1632, fhews with what zeal he had em-
barked in this undertaking. "I am, I thank God, in bodily health,
yet not enjoying that freedom of fpirit, being withheld from that place
which my foul defireth and my heart earnestly worketh after; neither,
I think, fhall I fee it till towards the next fpring, my wife being with
child, and all her friends unwilling fhe fhould go in that condition."
join
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
25
join to ſeveral of the churches, but he was fufpected to 1631
be an immoral man, and not received. He had a comely
young woman, who travelled with him. He called her
his coufin. For fome mifcarriages in the Maffachufets,
he fled to the Indians. They carried him to Plimouth,
having firſt uſed him pretty roughly. From thence he
was fent to Boſton. He joined afterwards, with Gorges,
Maſon and others, in complaints against the colony.
MR. Wilfon left the church on the fouth fide of the
river without a minifter. At his parting he recommended
them to the care of the governor, deputy-governor and
other godly and able chriftians, to carry on the worſhip of
God, on the Lord's day, by prophefying until his return.
So much of their attention was neceffary in order to
provide for their fupport, that little bufinefs was done by
the affiftants or by the general court. The removal of
the charter made many new regulations neceffary, which
were fettled by degrees. The first court of affiftants was
at Charleſtown, Aug. 23d, about two months after their
arrival. A beadle, a corporation officer, was appointed.
It was then ordered, that the governor and deputy for
the time being, fhould be juftices of the peace, four of
the then affiftants were alfo appointed juftices. All juf
tices whatſoever were to have the fame power, for re-
formation of abufes and puniſhing offenders, which juf-
tices have in England, but no corporal punishment to be
inflicted except by an affiftant. In high offences, the go-
vernor and affiftants fat as a court, as well as in civil
matters. There was a trial by a jury this year for mur-
der, and the perfon charged was acquitted. The firſt
general court was held the 19th of October, not by a
reprefentative, but by every one, that was free of the
corporation, in perfon. None had been admitted freemen
fince they left England. The governor and afſiſtants had
a great influence over the court. It was ordered, that,
for the future, the freemen fhould chufe the affiftants,
and the affiftants, from among themfelves, chufe the go-
vernor and deputy governor. The court of affiftants were
40 have the power of making laws and appointing offi-
fers.
26
THE HISTORY OF
1631 cers.
This was a departure from their charter. One
hundred and nine freemen were admitted at this court.
Maverick, Blackftone, and many more who were not of
any of the churches, were of this number. This was all
that was tranfacted, that was any thing material, the first
year. The next general court was the court of election
for 1631. The fcale was now turned, and the freemen
reſolved to chuſe both governor, deputy and affiftants, not-
withſtanding the former vote, and made an order, that, for
the time to come, none ſhould be admitted to the freedom
of the body politick but fuch as were church members *
THIS was a moſt extraordinary order or law, and yet
it continued in force until the diffolution of the govern-
ment, it being repealed, in appearance only †, after the
reftoration of King Charles the fecond. Had they been
deprived of their civil privileges in England by an act of
parliament, unless they would join in communion with
the churches there, it might very well have been the first
in the roll of grievances. But fuch were the requifites
to qualify for church memberſhip here, that the grievance
was abundantly greater.
THE ſcarcity of the former year excited the inhabitants
to make the greater improvements, by tillage, affoon as the
ſpring advanced, and it pleafed God to give them fuch fa-
vourable feaſons, that they had a very plentiful harveſt;
and Indian corn, which could not be purchaſed with
money
* None may now be a freeman of that company, unless he be a
church member among them. None have voice in elections of gover-
nor, deputy and affiftants, none are to be magiftrates, officers or jury-
men, grand or petit, but freemen. The minifters give their votes in
all elections of magiftrates. Now the most of the perfons at New-
England are not admitted of their church, and therefore are not free-.
men; and when they come to be tried there, be it for life or limb,
name or. eftate, or whatſoever, they must be tried and judged too by
thofe of the church who are, in a fort, their adverfaries. How equal
that hath been or may be, fome by experience do know, others may
judge. Lechford.
+ The minifter was to certify, that the candidates for freedom were
of orthodox principles and of good lives and converſations.
This however was mean diet, and diſtaſteful to Europeans in ge
neral. "The want of English grain, wheat, barley and rye, proved
a fore
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
27
money the year before, at the end of this year was made a 1631
tender in diſcharge of all debts, except money or beaver
had been ſpecially agreed for. Cattle were extremely dear,
a great part of what had been ſhipped from England being
dead, and a milch cow was valued at 25 to 30 1. fterling.
THE fame governor and deputy governor and fuch of
the affiftants of 1630, as were living and in the colony,
were re-elected for the year 1631. They continued to 163
make the fame choice for 1632, with the addition of
Mr. John Humfrey, who had been deputy governor in
England, but was prevented coming the first
year, and
John Winthrop, jun. the governor's eldeft fon, who, with
his wife, mother, and fome others of the family, arrived
in October the year before. They were frequently a-
larmed this year § by the Indians, which put them into
confufion; happy for them, that in this their feeble in-
fant ſtate they were only alarmed. A company of Eaftern
Indians called Tarretines, about an hundred in number,
affaulted the wigwams of the Sagamore of Agawam *.
They came by water in 30 canoes, flew feven Indians and
wounded two Sagamores who lived near Bofton, and
carried away captives one of their wives with divers
other Indians. The governor likewife received advice
from the governor of Plimouth of a broil between fome
Engliſh of that colony and fome of the Naraganfet In-
dians, who fet upon the English houfe at Sowamt; alſo
of motions made by the Pequods, which cauſed the
Dutch governor of Manhadoes to give notice to the Eng-
lifh to be upon their guard. A fhallop belonging to
Dorchefter having been miffing all the winter, it ap-
peared, this fummer, that the crew, cónfifting of five
men, had been fecretly murdered by the Eaftern Indians.
a fore affliction to fome ftomachs who could not live upon Indian
bread and water, yet were they compelled to it." Johnson.
‡Hubbard. This year, and this only, the affiftants chofen are
not named in the colony records.
§ There was an alarm in 1631 at Saugus or Lynn. Lieut. Walker,
then
upon the watch, was fhot through his cloaths by two arrows, but
by an immediate difcharge of a culverin it was fuppofed the Indians.
Withdrew. Johnfin, &c.
• Ipfwich.
3
In part of what is now Briftol.
However,
28
THE HISTORY OF
1632 However, the Sagamores, near Bofton, made profeffions
of friendship, and on the 5th of Auguft this year, Mianti-
nomo, one of the great Sachems of the Naraganfets, the
moftnumerous of all the Indians between Bofton and Hud-
fon's river, came down to Bofton, whether out of fear or
love they could not tell, to enter into a league of friendſhip
with the colony. He and his followers were invited to
attend the public worship, but three of them withdrew in
fermon time, and to fatisfy their hunger, broke into an
English houfe to get victuals. The Sagamore, who was
a very high ſpirited fellow, could hardly be perfuaded to
order them any corporal punishment; but he was fo
aſhamed of his attendants, that he ordered them out of
town, and followed them himſelf foon after.
1
THE French alfo occafioned fome uneaſy apprehenfions.
They had been drove from Accady by Sir Samuel Argall
in 1613. The people of New-Plimouth had fet up a
trading houſe, at Penobſcot, about the year 1627. Intelli-
gence was brought this year to the Maffachufets, that in
1630 or 1631 Sir William Alexander had fold the coun-
try of Nova Scotia to the French, and that the fort, with
all the ammunition and ftores, was delivered to them;
that Cardinal Richlieu had ordered fome companies there,
and that more were expected the next year with priests,
Jefuits, &c. This news alarmed the governor and council,
and put them upon confultations for their defence. They
determined to finish a fort which was begun at Bofton, to
build another at Nantaſket, and to haften the fettlement of
Agawam (Ipfwich,) it being one of the best places both
for paſture and tillage, left an enemy ſhould take poffeffion
and prevent them. Mr. Winthrop, the governor's fon, was
accordingly fent to begin a plantation there*. It appears
their
* The Tarratecn, or Eaſtern Indians, who had a ſpight againſt the
Indians of Agawam, and had attacked them and drove them from their
fettlement, intended miſchief against the English alfo, as appears by
the following account, preferved among the papers of Mr. Cobbett,
the minister of Agawam or Ipfwich:
At the first planting of Ipfwich, as a credible man informed me,
}
namely
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
29
that their apprehenfions of the French defigns, totike pof-
feffion of fome part or other of the coaft, were not ill
founded; for they fent a fhip, this year, to Penobſcot,
as a prelude to what was to come after. Governor Brad- 1632
ford of Plimouth gives this account of it.
". This year
"the houſe at Penobſcot is robbed by the French in this
<<
manner: While the mafter of the houſe, and part of
"the company with him, is come with one veffel
"to the weftward to fetch a fupply of goods brought
"<
over for us, a fmall French veffel, having a falfe Scot
"aboard, goes into the harbour, pretends they are newly
"come from fea, knows not where they are, that the
"veffel is very leaky, and defires they may haul her a-
"fhore and ſtop her leaks, making many French com-
plements and congées: And feeing but three or four
fimple men, who are fervants, and, by the Scotchman,
underſtanding the mafter and the rest of the company
ડ
૬.
86
6-C
ス
​"namely Quartermaster Perkins, the Tarrateens or Eafterly Indians
"had a defign to have cut them off at the firft, when they had but
"between 20 and 30 men, old and young, belonging to the place;
" and, at that inflant, moft of them gone into the bay about their
"occafions, not hearing of any intimations thereof. It was thus:
"One Robin, a friendly Indian, came to this John Perkins, then a
young man, living then in a little hut upon his father's iſland
on this fide of Jeoffry's neck, and told him, on fuch a Thurf-
day morning, carly, there would come four Indians, to draw
" him to go down the hill to the water fide, to truck with them,
which, if he did, he and all near him would be cut off, for there
were 40 birchin canoes would lie out of fight at the brow of the
hill, full of armed Indians for that purpoſe. Of this he forthwith
acquainted Mr. John Winthrop, who then lived there in a houſe
"near the water, who adviſed him, if ſuch Indians came, to carry
"it ruggedly towards them, and threaten to fhoot them if they
"would not be gone, and when their backs were turned, to ſtrike up
a drum he had with him befides his two muskets, and then dif-
charge them, that fo 6 or 8 young men, who were in the marfhes
"hard by a mowing, keeping their guns ready charged by them,
might take the alarm, and the Indians would perceive their plot
"was diſcovered and hafte away to fea again; which accordingly was
"fo acted and took like effect, for he told me, he prefently after
"difcerned 40 fuch canoes fhove off from under the hill and make as
"fait as they could to fea.”
"C
'
6:
46
C
* are
30
THE HISTORY OF
'
66
1632" are gone from home, fall to commending the guns and
"mufkets which lie on the racks by the wall fide, take
"them down to look on them, afking if they were
charged, and when poffeffed of them, one preſents a
loaded piece against the fervants, another a pistol,
they bid them not to ftir but deliver the goods, and
"made them help in carrying them all aboard, to the
"value of four or five hundred pounds fterling, prime
"co; three hundred weight of beaver, the reft in
"trading goods, as coats, rugs, blankets, &c. then ſet
"the fervants at liberty and go away with this taunting
"meffage, Tell your mafter, when he returns, that fome
"of the Ifle of Rhée gentlemen have been here."
It appears that the Maffachufets people took poffeffion
of the country at a very critical time. Richlieu, in all pro-
ba' ility, would have planted his colony nearer the fun, if
he could have found any place vacant. De Monts and
company had acquired a thorough knowledge of all the
coaft from Cape Sables beyond Cape Cod in 1604; in-
deed it does not appear that they then went round or to
the bottom of Maffachufets bay. Had they once gained
footing there, they would have prevented the Engliſh.
The frenchified court of King Charles the firft would,
at the treaty of Saint Germains, have given up any claim to
Maffachufts bay as readily as they did to Acadie; for
the French could make out no better title to Penobſcot,
and the other parts of Acadie, than they could to Maf-:
fachufets. The little plantation at New-Plimouth would
have been no greater bar to the French in one place
than in the other. The Dutch, the next year, would
have quietly poffeffed themſelves of Connecticut river,
unlefs the French, inftead of the English, had prevented
them. Whether the people of either nation would have
perfevered is uncertain. If they had done it, the late
conteft for the dominion of North America would have
been between France and Holland, and the commerce
of England would have borne a very different propor-
tion to that of the reft of Europe from what it does at
prefent.
7
THE
MASSACHUSETS-B A Y.
31
THE new fettlers were in perils alfo from their own 1632
countrymen. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Maſon,
two of the council of Plimouth, who with a view to the
advancement of their fortunes, had expended large fums
to little purpoſe in attempts to fettle colonies in New-
England, beheld the Maffachufets with an envious eye.
They intended, for themſelves, all that part of the co-
lony which lies to the Eastward of Naumkeag. Gar
diner and Morton*, to revenge the affronts they had
received, joined with them in a complaint to the King
in
but to
*Morton wrote the following letter to one Jeffries in New-Eng-
land: "My very good goffip! If I fhould commend myſelf to you,
you would reply with this proverb, propria laus fordet in ore,
leave impertinent falutes and really proceed, you fhall hereby under-
fſtand, that altho' when I was firft fent to England, to make com-
plaint againſt Anarias and the brethren, I effected the bufinefs but fu-
perficially (thro' the brevity of time) I have at this time taken delibe-
ration, and brought the matter to a better paſs, and it is brought about,
that the King hath taken the matter into his own hands. The Maſſa-
chufets patent, by an order of council, was brought in view, the pri-
vileges therein granted well fcanned, and at the council board, in pre-
fence of Sir R. Saltonftail and the reft, it was declared, for manifold
abuſes therein diſcovered, to be void. The King hath re-affumed the
whole bufinefs into his own hands, and given order, for a general go-
vernor for the whole territory, to be fent over. The commiffion is
paffed the privy feal, I faw it, and the fame was fent to my Lord
Keeper, to have it pafs the great feal, and I now ftay to return with the
governor, by whom all complainants fhail have relief. So that now,
Jonas being fet afhore, may ſafely cry, Repent ye cruel fchifmaticks,
repent, there are yet but 40 days. If Jove vouchfafe to thunder,
the charter and the kingdom of the feparatifts will fall afunder.-My
lord of Canterbury, with my lord privy feal, having caufed all Mr.
Cradock's letters to be viewed and his apology for the brethren par-
ticularly heard, protefted against him and Mr. Humfries that they
were a couple of impofturous knaves, fo that, for all their great
friends, they departed the council chamber in our view with a pair
of cold ſhoulders. I have ftaid long, yet have not loft my labour.
The brethren have found themfelves fruftrated, and I fhall fee my
defire upon mine enemies.— Of thefe things I thought good, by
fo convenient a meffenger, to give you notice, left you should think I
died in obfcurity, as the brethren vainly intended I fhould. As for
Ratcliffe, he was comforted by their lordships with the cropping of
Mr. Winthrop's ears, which fhews what opinion is held, amongst
them,
-
C 2
32
OF
THE HISTORY Y OF
66
.66
<<
'
י
1632 in council against the colony. At this time they failed
of fuccefs, and an order was made in council 19th of
January 1632, "declaring the fair appearances and great
hopes which there then were, that the country would
prove beneficial to the kingdom, as well as profitable
to the particular, perfons concerned; and that the ad-
"venturers might be affured, that if things fhould be
"carried on as was pretended when the patents were
granted and according as by the patent is appointed,
his Majefty would not only maintain the liberties and
privileges heretofore granted, but fupply any thing
"further which might tend to the good government,
profperity and comfort of the people there +."
1633 In the year 1633, the people ftill continued the admi-
niſtration of government in the fame hands. Fresh fup-
plies of inhabitants had been brought from England,
from time to time, in the courfe of the two former
years, but there were many who were willing to fee the
fuccefs of the first adventurers before they embarked
themfelves. The reports carried over were very encou-
raging, fo that, this year, there was a very great addi-
tion made, fhips arriving all fummer, in fome months
twelve or fourteen in a month; an exportation fo great
and of fuch fort of perfons, that it produced the follow-
ing order of the King in Council, 21ft February 1633.
"WHEREAS the board is given to underſtand of the
frequent tranſportation, of great numbers of his Ma-
jefty's fubjects out of this kingdom, to the plantation
them, of king Winthrop with all his inventions and his Amfterdam
and fantastical ordinances, his preachings, marriages and other abu-
five ceremonies, which exemplify his deteftation of the church of
England, and contempt of his Majefty's authority and wholfome laws.
1 reft your loving friend,
GL
2
May 1, 1634.
Thomas Morton."
Morton came to New-England again, in 1643, when this letter and
a book he had wrote, full of invectives, were produced against him.
He was truly called the accufer of the brethren. The court fined him
100l. He was poor and unable to pay it.. Nothing but his age
faved him from the whipping-poft. He went to Acamenticus, and
there died a year or two after.
+ Hubbard.
€
"" of
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
33
..
"of New-England, among whom divers perfons known 1633
"to be ill affected, difcontented not only with civil but
"ecclefiaftical government here, are obferved to reſort
"thither, whereby fuch confufion and diſtraction is al-
"ready grown there, efpecially in point of religion, as,
"befide the ruin of the faid plantation, cannot but highly
" tend to the fcandal both of church and ftate here. And
"whereas it was informed in particular, that there are,
"at this prefent, divers fhips, in the river of Thames,
"ready to fet fail thither, freighted with paffengers and
"provifions; it is thought fit and ordered, that ftay
"ſhould be forthwith made of the faid fhips until further
"order from this board. And the feveral mafters and
દ freighters of the fame fhould attend the board, on
"Wedneſday next in the afternoon, with a lift of the
. paffengers and proviſions in each fhip. And that Mr.
"Cradock, a chief adventurer in that plantation now
"preſent before the board, fhould be required to cauſe
"the letters patent for the ſaid plantation to be brought
"to this board*.”
MR. Hubbard fays, that this order was the effect of a
new complaint preferred by Gardiner, Morton and others,
of their hardships and fufferings from the feverity of the
government, and that fuch of the company as were in
England were called before the committee of council, and
delivered an anſwer in writing, and that, upon reading
thereof, it pleaſed God fo to work with the Lords of the
council and afterwards with the King's Majefty, that when
the whole matter was reported to him by Sir Thomas
Jermayne (one of the council who had been prefent at the
three days of hearing, and fpake much in commendation.
of the governor, both to the Lords and after to his Ma-
jefty) the King faid, he would have ſuch feverely puniſhed
as fhould abuſe his governor and the plantation, and the
defendants were difmiffed, with a favourable order for
their encouragement; being affured, from fome of the
council, that his Majefty did not intend to impofe the
ceremonies of the church of England upon them, for that
* Hubbard,
C 3.
it
34
THE HISTORY OF
!
1633 it was confidered, it was for the fake of freedom from thofe
things that people went over thither. It is certain, a ſtop
was not put to the emigration. There came over, amongſt
many others in this year 1633, Mr. Haynes of the civil
order, Mr. Cotton*, Mr Hooker, and Mr. Stone, three
of the most famous men of the religious order. Mr Cotton
is fuppofed to have been more inftrumental, in the fettle-
ment of their civil as well as ecclefiaftical polity, than any
other perfon: The church of Boston, by advice of the go-
vernor and council and of the elders in the colony, received
him for their teacher; to which office he was ordained
the 17th October. Mr. Thomas Leverett, an ancient
member of Mr. Cotton's church in England, was at the
fame time ordained a ruling elder. The circumſtances
and order of proceeding, in Mr. Cotton's ordination,
were intended as a precedent, and the congregational
churches in New-England have generally conformed
thereto ever fince. Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone, with
their friends, fettled at Newtown (Cambridget.)
IN
* Mr. Cotton's removal was haftened by letters miffive, which were
out againſt him to convent him before the high commiſſion court for
nonconformity. His friends adviſed him to keep clofe, until he had
an opportunity of embarking. MS. letter Sam, Whiting.
In the year 1633, the ſmall pox made terrible havock among the
Indians of Maffachufets. Whether or no their food and irregular
diet furniſhes greater quantities of the morbifick matter, than in more
temperate perfons, I leave to phyficians. They were deftitute of every
thing, proper for comfort and relief, and died in greater proportion
than is known among the English. John Sagamore of Winefimet,
and James of Lynn, with almoft all their people, died of the diftemper.
All writers agree, that, a few years before the Engliſh came to New-
Plimouth, a mortal contagious diftemper fwept away great numbers of
Indians, fo that fome tribes were in a manner extinct; the Maffachufets,
particularly, are faid by fome to have been reduced from thirty thouſand
to three hundred fighting men. The fmall pox proving fince fo
fatal to Indians, caufed fome to fuppofe that to have been the diftem-
but the Indians themſelves always gave a very different account,
per,
and, by their deſcription, it was a peftilential putrid fever. In one
of the voyages, collected by Purchas, it is faid to have been the
plague, and that fome of the Indians which recovered fhewed the ſcars
of the boil. An inftance of mortality among the Indians of Nan-
tucket,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
35
In the year 1634, they thought proper to give their 1634
governor fome refpite, Mr. Dudley being cholen in his
ſtead, and Roger Ludlow deputy governor.
MR. Haynes, who had lately come over, was chofen
to the place of affiftant. The governor and afſiſtants kept
the powers of government, both legiſlative and executive,
very much in their hands the three firſt years. The pec-
ple began to grow uneafy, and the number of freemen
being greatly multiplied, an alteration of the conftitution
feems to have been agreed upon or fallen into by a ge-
neral confent of the towns; for at a general court for
elections in 1634, twenty four of the principal inhabi-
tants appeared as the reprefentatives of the body of free-
men, and, before they proceeded to the election of ma-
tucket, in the year 1763, ftrengthens the probability of their account
of the diftemper itſelf and of the amazing effects of it.
In the beginning of October there were belonging to the iſland of
Nantucket about 320 Indians, of every age and fex, in 90 families.
A fever then began among them, and, before the end of January,
between 260 and 270 perſons had been ſeized with it, of which num-
ber 6 men and 9 women only recovered, and but 15 families and about
85 fouls remained, 15 of which had wintered in the ftraits of Belleifle
and escaped the diftemper. A phyfician of note ſuppoſed this morta-
lity to be occafioned by a dearth among the Indians the two preceding
years, fo that they had but little corn or any other farinaceous food,
and this year had been ſome months without, which cauſed, them to
fall upon their pompions, fquofhes, &c. before they were ripe; and
this food brought their blood into a putrid and broken ſtate.
It is re-
markable, that the English inhabitants were free from the diftemper,
and not one perſon died of it. The infection was fuppofed, by fome,
to be taken from an Irifh brigantine; but Mr. Timothy Folger, a fen-
fible gentleman of the iſland, from whom I received the foregoing ac-
count, affured me there was no room to fuppoſe ſo, or that it came
from abroad.
Our anceſtors fuppofed an immediate interpofition of providence in
the great mortality among the Indians, to make room for the fettle-
ment of the Engliſh. I am not inclined to credulity, but ſhould not
we go into the contrary extreme if we were to take no notice of the
extinction of this people in all parts of the continent? In fome, the
English have made ufe of means the most likely to have prevented it,
but all to no purpoſe. Notwithflanding their frequent ruptures with
the English, very few comparatively have perished by wars. They
wafte, they moulder away, and, as Charlevoix fays of the Indians of
Canada, they diſappear.
F
C 4
giftrates,
36
THE HISTORY OF
1634 giſtrates, the people afferted their right to a greater fhare
in the government than had hitherto been allowed them,
and refolved, "That none but the general court had
power to make and eſtabliſh laws, or to elect and appoint
officers, as governor, deputy governor, affiftants, treaſurer,
fecretary, captains, lieutenants, enfigns, or any of like mo-
ment, or to remove fuch upon miſdemeanour, or to fet out
the duties and powers of thefe officers-That none but
the general court hath power to raiſe monies and taxes,
and to difpofe of lands, viz. to give and confirm proprieties."
After theſe reſolutions, they proceeded to the election of
magiftrates. Then they further determined, "That there
ſhall be four general courts held yearly, to be fummoned
by the governor for the time being, and not to be diffolved
without the confent of the major part of the court-
That it fhall be lawful for the freemen of each plantation
to chufe two or three before every general court, to con-
fer of and prepare fuch bufinefs as by them fhall be
thought fit to confider of at the next court; and that fuch
perfons, as fhall be hereafter fo deputed by the freemen of
the feveral plantations to deal in their behalf in the affairs
of the commonwealth, fhall have the full power and voices
of all the faid freemen derived to them for the making
and eſtabliſhing of laws, granting of lands, &c. and to
deal in all other affairs of the commonwealth, wherein
the freemen have to do, the matter of election of magif-
trates and other officers only excepted, wherein every
freeman is to give his own voice."-And, to fhow their
refentment, they impofed a fine upon the court of affiftants
for going contrary to an order of the general court.
*
The freemen were fo increafed, that it was impracti-
cable to debate and determine matters in a body, it was
befides unfafe, on account of the Indians, and prejudicial
to their private affairs, to be fo long abfent from their
families and bufinefs; fo that this reprefentative body
was a thing of neceffity, but no provifion had been made
for it in their charter.
* Maff. Records.
THUS
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
37
毋
​THUS they ſettled the legiſlative body, which, except 1634
an alteration of the number of general courts which were
foon reduced to two only in a year, and other not very
material circumftances, continued the fame as long as the
charter lafted. This I fuppofe was the fecond houfe of
repreſentatives in any of the colonies. There was, as has
been obſerved, no exprefs provifion for it in the charter,
they fuppofed the natural rights of Engliſhmen, referved
to them, implied it. In Virginia, a houſe of burgeffes
met firſt in May 1620. The government in every co-
lony, like that of the colonies of old Rome, may be
confidered as the effigies parva of the mother ftare.
THERE was great diſturbance in the colony this year,
occafioned by Roger Williams, minifter of Salem. He
had been three or four years at Plimouth, and for fome
time was well efteemed, but at length advanced divers fin-
gular opinions, in which he did not meet with a concur-
rence, whereupon he defired a difmiffion to the church
of Salem, which was granted him. That church had
invited him, upon his first coming to New-England; but
the governor and council interpofed with their advice,
and prevented his fettlement at that time. He had re-
fuſed to join in communion with the church at Boſton,
becauſe they would not make a public declaration of their
repentance for holding communion with the church of
England whilst they lived there. He was charged with
divers exceptionable tenets, as "that it is not lawful for
a godly man to have communion, in family prayer or in
an oath, with fuch as they judge unregenerate, and there-
fore he refuſed the oath o. fidelity and taught others fo
to do that it is not lawful for an unregenerate man to
pray-that the magiftrate has nothing to do in matters of
the first table;" another tenet is added, which ought not
to have been ranked with the former, viz. "that to pu-
niſh a man for any matters of his confcience is perfecu-
tion." The magiftrates fent a fecond time to the church
of Salem to defire them to forbear calling him to office,
but they refufed to hearken to their advice, and proceeded
+ Hubbard.
to
38
THE HISTORY OF
1634 to ordain him, Mr. Skelton, their former minifter, dying
a little before. Mr. Williams caufed the church of Sa-
lem to fend their letters of admonition to the church at
Bofton, and to feveral other churches, accufing the ma-
giftrates, which were members of them, of divers heinous
offences, would admit no church to be pure but the
church of Salem; but at length, becauſe the members of
that church would not feparate not only from all the
churches in Old England, but from all in New-England
alfo, he ſeparated from them; and, to make compleat
work of it, he feparated from his own wife, and would
neither aſk a bleffing nor give thanks at his meals if his
wife was preſent, becauſe the attended the publick wor-
fhip in the church of Salem. But what gave juft occa-
fion to the civil power to interpofe, was his influencing
Mr. Endicot, one of the magiftrates and a member of
his church, to cut the cross out of the King's colours, as
being a relique of antichriftian fuperftition t. A writer
of the hiftory of thofe times queftions whether his zeal
would have carried him fo far, as to refufe to receive the
King's coin becauſe of the crofs upon it. Endeavours
were uſed to reclaim him, but to no purpofe, and at length
he was baniſhed the jurifdiction. He removed to the
fouthward, to look out for a new fettlement among the
Indians, and fixed upon a place called by them Moſhaw-
fick, but by him Providence . After all that has been
‡.
faid of the actions or tenets of this perfon while he was
in the Maffachufets, it ought for ever to be remembred
to his honor, that, for forty years after, inſtead of ſhew-
ing any revengeful refentment against the colony from
which he had been banifhed, he feems to have been con-
tinually employed in acts of kindneſs and benevolence,
giving them notice, from time to time, not only of every
*Hubbard.
Many of the militia refuſed to train with the mangled defaced
colours. This fcruple afterwards prevailed, and the cross was left out
of the colours, and generally condemned as unlawful.
The inhabitants have a veneration for a fpring which runs from
the hill into the river above the great bridge. The fight of this fpring
cauſed him to ſtop his canoe and land there.
9
motion
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
39
motion of the Indians over whom he had very great 1634
influence, but alſo of the unjuft defigns of the English
within the new colony, of which he himself had been
the founder and governor, and continued the
patron *.
MR.
* Mr. Calender, in his century fermon at Rhode Iſland, queſtions
Mr. Williams's ever profeffing himſelf a baptift: but Mr. Hubbard
fays, he was rebaptized at Providence by oné Holman, and that Mr,
Williams in return baptized him and ten more, but afterwards re-
nounced this baptiſm, not being able to derive the authority of it from
the apostles but through the minifters of the church of England, whom
he judged to be antichriftian. He refused communion with all chrif
tians of every profeffion, and conceived that God would raife up new
apofties, and expected to be one himſelf, but afterwards changed from
thefe principles, and would preach and pray with all that would hear
him without any diſtinction. In the year 1677, he publiſhed a defence
of fome fundamental doctrines of chriftianity against the quakers. Ia
1643 he went to England, and, by the intereft of Sir Henry Vane.
obtained from the Earl of Warwick a charter of incorporation of Pro-
vidence plantation in Narraghanſet bay. He feems to have been well
refpected in England. He brought a letter to the governor of Maſſa-
chufets bay, of which the following is a copy.
To the right worſhipful the governor and affiſtants and the reft
of our worthy friends in the plantation of Maſſachuſets bay.
Our much honour'd friends,
TAKING notice, fome of us, of long time, of Mr. Roger Williams
his good affections and confcience, and of his fufferings by our com-
mon enemy and oppreffors of God's people the prelates; as alfo of his
great induſtry and travels in his printed Indian labours in your parts
(the like whereof we have not feen extant from any part of America)
and in which reſpect it hath pleaſed both houſes of parliament to grant
unto him and friends with him a free and abfolute charter of civil
go.
vernment for thofe parts of his abode, and withal forrowfully refenting.
that amongſt good men (our friends) driven to the ends of the world,
exercifed with the trials of a wilderneſs, and who mutually give good
teftimony each of the other (as we obſerve you do of him and he abun
dantly of you) there fhould be fuch a diſtance. We thought it fit, upon
d.vers confiderations, to profefs our great defires of both your utmoft
endeavours of nearer cloung and of ready expreffing thoſe good af-
fections (which we perceive you bear each to other) in the actual
per
formance of all friendly offices. The rather becaufe of thoſe bad
neighbours you are likely to find too too near you in Virginia, and the
unfriendly vifits from the Weft of England and from Ireland. That
howsoever it may pleaſe the Moſt High to shake our foundations, yet
the
40
THE HISTORY OF
1634
MR. Endicot was fentenced by the court " for his rafh-
"nefs, uncharitablenefs, indifcretion, and exceeding the
"limits of his commiffion, to be fadly admonished, and
"alfo difabled for bearing any office in the common,
"wealth for the ſpace of a year next enfying." He
proteſted againſt the proceeding of the court, and an or-
der paffed for his commitment, but upon his fubmiffion
he was difmiffed.
MR. Winthrop's conduct had been fuch, from his firſt
affociating with the company in England until his being
dropped this year from his place of governor, that unleſs
the oftracifm of the ancient Greeks had been revived in
this new commonwealth, it was reaſonable to expect that
he fhould be out of all danger of fo much as the leaft
thought to his prejudice, and yet he had a little taſte of
what, in many other popular governments, their greateſt
benefactors have taken a large potion. After he was out
of the chair, he was queftioned in ſuch a manner, as ap-
pears to have been diſagreeable to him, concerning his
receipts and diſburſements for the publick during his ad-
miniftration. Having difcharged himſelf with great
honor, he concludes his declaration and account in theſe
words*:
the report of your peaceable and profperous plantations may be fome
refreſhings to
Cor. Holland
John Blackiftow
Ifaac Pennington
Miles Corbett
Your true and faithful friends
Oliver St. John
Gilbert Pickering
Robert Harley
John Gurdon
Northumberland
P. Wharton
Tho. Barrington
William Maſham
This letter produced a profeffion of readineſs to all offices of chriftian
love and mutual correfpondence; but, unless he could be brought to
lay down his dangerous principles of feparation, they faw no reafon
why to concede to him, or any fo perfwaded, free liberty of ingrefs
and egrefs, left the people ſhould be drawn away with fuch erroneous
opinions. He died in 1682, forty eight years after his banishment.
* He might have torn his books of accounts, as Scipio Africanus
did, and given the ungrateful populace this anfwer. A colony, now
in a flouriſhing eftate, has been led out and fettled under my direction.
My own fubftance is confumed. Spend no more time in harangues,
but give thanks to God.
"IN
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
4I
<6
"In all theſe things, which I offer, I refer myſelf to 1634
"the wisdom and juftice of the court, with this proteſta-
"tion, that it repenteth me not of my coft or labour be-
"ftowed in the fervice of this commonwealth, but do
"heartily bleſs the Lord our God, that he hath pleaſed
to honour me fo far, as to call for any thing he hath
"bestowed upon me for the fervice of his church and
"people here, the profperity whereof and his gracious
"acceptance fhall be an abundant recompence to me.
"I conclude with this one requeft (which in juftice
may not be denied me) that as it ftands upon record,
"that upon the diſcharge of my office I was called to ac-1
count, fo this my declaration may be recorded alſo,
"left hereafter, when I fhall be forgotten, fome blemiſh
may lye upon my pofterity, when there fhall be no-
thing to clear it.
..
r
66
>
Sept. 4, 1634 *.
JOHN WINTHROP.”
In the year 1635 †, there was a great addition made 1635
to the numbers of inhabitants; among others Mr. Vane,
afterwards Sir Henry Vane, was admitted to the freedom
of the colony on the 3d of March; and at the fame time
Mr. Harlakenden, a gentleman of good family and
eftate. There were many others, as Mr. Bellingham,
Mr. Dummer, of the magiftrates; Mr. R. Mather, Mr.
Norton, Mr. Shepard, and Mr. Peters, of the minifters,
who came over in this and the last year, determined to
take up their abode, and many other perfons of figure
*Mr. Winthrop, about this time, received a letter from the Earl of
Warwick, congratulating the fuccefs of the plantation, and offering
his affiftance in their proceedings. Hubbard.
+ Mr. Maverick, the minitter of Dorcheller, died the third of Feb-
ruary 1635, aged about 60. Hubbard.
In the fpring of 1634, they first turned their thoughts to fortifying
the harbour of Boſton. Mr. Winthrop, the governor, and 8 or 10
of the principal men, went down to what is now called caftle ifland in
a boat, the day being warm and pleafant, the winter as they fuppofed
breaking up, but they were furprized by a north-wefter, and the cold
fo great as to freeze all up, fo as that for a day and a night they could
not get off the iſland, and were forced to lodge upon the ground and
in heaps to prevent freezing. Johnfon.
and
42
THE HISTORY OF
1635 and diftinction were expected to come over, fome of which
are faid to have been prevented by exprefs order of the
King, as Mr. Pym, Mr. Hampden, Sir Arthur Halle-
rigg, Oliver Cromwell, &c. I know this is queftioned
by fome authors, but it appears plainly by a letter from
Lord Say and Seal to Mr. Vane, and a letter from Mr.
Cotton to the fame nobleman, as I take it, though his
name is not mentioned, and an anſwer to certain demands.
made by him, that his Lordſhip himſelf and Lord Brooke
and others were not without thoughts of removing to
New-England, and that feveral other perfons of quality
were in treaty about their removal alfo, but undetermined
whether to join the Maffachufets or to fettle a new co-
lony. By the charter, the number of affiftants might be
eighteen, but hitherto they had choſen a leſs number,
from 6 to 9, which left room, as any gentleman of dif
tinction came over, to admit him to a fhare in the go-
vernment without leaving out any of the former affiftants.
IT appears, by the demands juft mentioned, that fome
of the nobility and principal commoners of that day had,
what appears at this day to be very strange, apprehenfions
of the relation they fhould ftand in to Great Britain, after
their removal to America. Many of the propoſals were
fuch, as imply that they thought themfelves at full li-
berty, without any charter from the crown, to eſtabliſh
fuch fort of government as they thought proper, and to
form a new ſtate as fully to all intents and purpoſes as if
they had been in a ſtate of nature, and were making their
first entrance into civil fociety. The importance of the
colonies to the nation was not fully understood and con-
fidered. Perhaps the party, which then prevailed in
England, would have been content to have been rid of
the heads of what was deemed a faction in the govern-
ment, and to have had no further connexion with them.
Be that as it may, this fentiment, in perfons of fuch figure
and diſtinction, will in a great meaſure excuſe the ſame
miſtake which will appear to have been made by our firſt
fettlers, in many inftances in the courfe of our hiſtory.
The anſwer made to the demands feems not to have been
fatis-
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
43
fatisfactory, for thefe Lords and gentlemen, foon after, 1635
again turned their thoughts to Connecticut, where they
were expected to arrive every year, until after 1640*.
MR. Haynes was chofen governor for this year, and
Mr. Bellingham deputy governor, Mr. Dummer and
Mr. Haugh were added to the affiftants †. The inha-
bitants of the plantation, being fo much increaſed, found
it difficult to pitch upon convenient places for fettlements.
Mr. Hooker and Mr. Cotton were defervedly in high
eſteem; fome of the principal perfons were ftrongly at-
tached to the one of them, and fome to the other. The
great influence, which Mr. Cotton had in the colony,
inclined Mr. Hooker and his friends to remove to fome
place more remote from Boſton than Newtown. Beſides,
they alledged, as a reafon for their removal, that they
were ftraitened for room, and thereupon viewed divers
places on the fea-coaft, but were not fatisfied with them.
Three or four perfons, had, fome time before ‡, travelled
weftward into the country an hundred miles upon difco-
very, until they ſtruck a great river, which afterwards they
found to be Connecticut or the fresh river, where there
were many ſpots of interval land, and land in other refpects
to be defired for fettlement. The Dutch at the Manha-
dos had fome knowledge of this place, and had given
intimations of it to the people of new Plimouth with
whom they had commerce, but Plimouth government
kept their intelligence fecret §. A letter from Mr. Win-
flow of New-Plimouth Sept. 26, 1633, mentions their
having been up the river. They forbad the Dutch mak-
See the Appendix.
+ Mr. Ludlow aiming at the governor's place the year before, and
being diſappointed, had protefted against the choice; which fo offended
the freemen, that this year they left him out of the magiftracy. He
removed foon after to Connecticut.
!
In the year 1633. Theſe were John Oldham before-mentioned,
Samuel Hall and others. Hubbard.
The commiffioners of the united colonies, in a declaration against
the Dutch in 1653, fay, that "Mr, Winflow, one of the commiſſion-
ers for Plimouth, difcovered the fresh river when the Dutch had
neither trading houfe nor any pretence to a foot of land there.”
66
1
ing
44
THE HISTORY OF
1635 ing any ſettlements there, and ſet up a trading houſe them-
felves * The governor of the Maffachufets alfo, this
year 1635, fent a bark round the cape to the Dutch gover-
nor, to acquaint him that the King had granted the river
and country of Connecticut to his own fubjects, and de-
fired him to forbear building any where thereabouts.
This river Mr. Hooker and his friends pitched upon as
the most likely place to accommodate them. The lat-
ter end of the laſt year (1634) they intended to remove,
and applied to the court for leave t. Of 21 members of
the lower houſe, 15 were for their removal; but of the
magiftrates, the governor and two affiftants only were for
it, the deputy governor Mr. Winthrop and the reſt of
the affiftants againſt it; but ftill, as the lower houfe was
fo much more numerous than the upper, the major part
of the whole court was for it. This divifion was the oc-
cafion of firſt ſtarting the queftion about the negative
voice. The deputies or reprefentatives infifted that the
voice of a major part of the affiftants was not neceſſary.
The affiftants refufed to give up their right, and the bu-
finefs was at a ftand. The whole court agreed to keep a
day of humiliation and prayer, to feek the divine direction
in all the congregations in the colony, and to meet again
the next week after. At the opening of the court, Mr.
Cotton preached from Hag. II. 4. "Yet now be ftrong O
Zerubbabel, faith the Lord, and be ftrong O Joſhua the
fon of Jofedech the high priest, and be ftrong all ye people
of the land, faith the Lord, and work, for I am with you,
faith the Lord of hofts." His fermon was as pertinent to
the occafion as his text, and prevailed upon the deputies
to give up the point at that time. Here was a crifis,
when the patricians, if I may fo ftile them, were in dan-
ger of lofing great part of their weight in the govern-
It may feem a matter of lefs confequence than it
ment.
* Hubbard.
+ It was the general fenfe of the inhabitants, that they were all mu-
tually bound to one another by the oath of a freeman as well as the
original compact, ſo as not to be at liberty to ſeparate without the con-
fent of the whole.
+ Hubbard.
3
would
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
45
7
}
would have been, if the offie of affiſtant had by charter 1635
been hereditary or even for life; but the affiftants, aided
by the elders who had great influence with the people,
were in a good meaſure fecure of their places. It was
by the fame aid that they now carried the point againſt
the plebeians. There was no occafion for prodigies or
other arts of the prieſts of old Rome. A judicious dif-
courfe from a well chofen text was more rational, and had
a more lafting effect.
THERE were ſome circumftances very difcouraging;
particularly the neighbourhood of the Dutch on the one
fide, and fome intelligence received of the deſigns of the
Pequod* Indians on the other, and of their having killed
Capt. Stone and his company as he was going up the river;
but they could not be fatisfied until they had accompliſhed
their intentions and obtained the leave of the court.
THEY met with a new company, which arrived this year,
who purchaſed their eftates and fettled at Newtown in their
ftead, with Mr. Shepard for their minifter. They did not
take their departure until June the next year, and then
about an hundred perfons in the first company, fome of
them had lived in fplendour and delicacy in England, fet
out on foot to travel an hundred and twenty or thirty miles
with their wives and children, near a fortnight's journey,
having no pillars but Jacob's, and no canopy but the
heavens, a wilderness to go thro' without the leaft culti-
vation, in moſt places no path nor any marks to guide
them, depending upon the compaís to fteer by, many
hideous fwamps and very high mountains, befide five or
fix rivers or different parts of the fame winding river (the
Chickapi) not every where fordable, which they could
not avoid. The greateſt part of the lands, they were going
to, were evidently without the juriſdiction of the Maffa-
* I fuppofe the chief country of the Pequods to be at or near the
mouth of the river at Stonington, towards New-London, which is
fituated at the mouth of what was properly Pequod river. The chief
Sachem was called Tatobam, a very ftout fellow. Tatobam hated
the English, and was ever moving the other Indians to join with him
againft them. Winf. anf. to Gorton.
D
chufets,
46
THE HISTORY OF
1
1635 chufets; nevertheleſs they took a commiffion from the
authority of that colony to govern in Connecticut. There
are other inftances, which fhew that they fuppofed they
retained fome authority over their inhabitants, even
when out of the limits of the colony t.
3
+
THE Plimouth people, notwithſtanding the French
piracy in 1632, kept poffeffion of their houſe at Penob-
ſcot, and carried on trade with the Indians; but in 1635,
Roffillon, commander of a French fort at La Have upon
the Nova Scotia fhore, fent a French man of war to Pe-
nobſcot, which took poffeffion of the trading houſe and
all the goods. The French gave their bills for the goods,
and fent away all the men. The commander wrote to the
governor of Plimouth, that he had orders to difplace all
the Engliſh as far as Pemaquid, but to thofe welt-
ward he would fhew all courtesy. The Plimouth govern-
ment, who ſuppoſed they had good right to the place, were
not willing to put up the injury quietly, and hired a large
fhip of fome force, the Hope of Ipfwich in England,
Girling, commander, to difplace the French. Gir-
ling was to have two hundred pounds if he effected it.
A barque with 20 men was fent with him as a tender.
But the French, having notice of the defign, fortified the
place, and Girling having near ſpent his ammunition, fent
+ They were reduced to great extremity, the firft winter; their pro-
vifions being detained at the river's mouth, by the feverity of the wea-
ther, the ftream being frozen all the way. Some ſcattered down to-
wards the mouth of the river, others ventured thro' the woods back to
the Bay, one or two of whom periſhed. A few only remained to look
after the cattle, many of which were loft. Hubbard.
Several authors, and Douglafs among the relt, fuppofe this fettle-
ment to have been began by the more rigid brethren who feparated
from the reft. I question whether they had any grounds for their fup-
pofition. The peculiar tenets of Mr. Vane and Mrs. Hutchinfon did
not prevail until 1636. Mr. Hooker oppofed them.
"A copy of
Mr. Vane's expreffions at Roxbury, I defire to fee and receive by the
next meffenger.-I have heard my brother Eliot is come about to this
opinion; I have writ to him about it. I would fain come to a bandy,
where I might be a little rude in the buſineſs, for I do as verily be-
lieve it to be falſe, as I do believe any article of my faith to be true.
Hooker to Shepard.
2
the
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
47
the barque to the Maffachufets for aid. Two perfons 1635
came from Plimouth alfo to treat about it, and the court
agreed to affift their neighbours by a ſubſcription among
themſelves; but provifion was fo fcarce, that there could
not fufficient be had, fuddenly, to fit out an expedition
of an hundred men only; fo the matter was deferred to
a further time, and Girling returned, leaving the French
in poffeffion, which they continued until 1654.
THE fituation the colony was in at this time muſt have
given them a threatning profpect; the French on their
borders on one fide, the Dutch on the other, the Indians
in the midſt reſtrained only by want of union among
themſelves from breaking up all fettlements, they being
utterly defenceless.
ment.
THIS year Mr. Winthrop, jun. returned from England,
whither he had gone the year before, and brought a com-
miffion*, from the Lord Say and Seal, and Lord Brook
and others, to be their governor of their plantation at
Connecticut. A fort was built at the mouth of the river,
known by the name of Saybrook fort. He brought alfo
a number of men with arms ammunition and ftores, and
two thousand pounds in money to bring forward a fettle-
This commiffion interfered with the intended fet-
tlements by the Maffachufets; notwithstanding that, as
a number of the inhabitants of Watertown had poffeffed
themſelves of a fine piece of meadow at Weathersfield
below Hartford where Mr. Hooker and his company
fettled, the agents for the Lords, being well difpofed to
promote the general good, permitted thefe fettlers quietly
to enjoy their poffeffions. The fortrefs below truck
terror into the Indians, and quieted the minds of the
English. Plimouth was diffatisfied with being thus fup-
planted by the Maffachufets (the Dorchefter men as I
fuppofe having pitched upon the ſpot where Plimouth had
* How can we account for it that they fhou'd imagine they had a
right to fettle colonies and eftabliſh what form of government they
pleated? Ten years after, it might well enough be fuppofed, but this
was feveral years before the confufions in England began.
D 2
built
48
THE HISTORY OF
1
1635 built a trading houſe, and, as they alledged, had pur-
chafed the lands of the Indians) and demanded an hun-
dred pounds or part of the land. There was great dan-
ger of a warm contention between the two colonies, but
at length the Dorchefter men made fuch offers of fatis-
faction that Plimouth accepted them. The Dutch alfo
fent home to Holland for inftructions, intending to
maintain their claim to the river or the place where they
had poffeffion; but upon a treaty afterwards with the
commiffioners of the united colonies, they quitted all
claim to all parts of the river, refigning it up to the
Engliſh +.
SIR Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. Mafon, having been
at more expence and taken more pains than any other
members of the grand council of Plimouth, and per-
ceiving no profpect of any equivalent return, and fear-
ing from the great clamour in the nation against mo.
nopolies that they fhould e'er long be forced to reſign up
their grand charter, they entered this year upon a new
project, viz. to procure a general governor for the whole
country of New-England to be forthwith fent over, and
becauſe the Maffachufets charter ftood in their way they
endeavoured a revocation of it, that fo the whole from St.
Croix to Maryland might be brought under the fame form
of government. The fettlement of the Dutch at Manha-
dos, which lay within thofe limits, both then and at all
other times was confidered by the English court as an
intrufion, as indeed it was *. In June, letters were re-
ceived
+ Hubbard.
}
* In 1609 Henry Hudfon an Engliſhman, from fome miſunder-
ſtanding between the Eaft-India company and him, engaged in the
Dutch fervice. On his return from the ftraights and bay which bear
his name, he made the firſt diſcovery of Hudfon's river and went up
as far as Aurania (Albany) or near to it. The Dutch, a few years after,
built a ſmall houſe or fort there for the ſake of trade, pretending no
title to the country. It has been obferved, that the English who came
to New Plimouth intended in 1620 to have fettled there. Neglected
by the English court, the Dutch began a fettlement foon after. It has
been fometimes urged, that the line of the Maffachuſets charter
which extends to the South Sea or until it meets the fettlements of
fome other chriftian prince or ftate, was fo expreffed, from a particu-
曾
​lar
MASSACHUSETS-BA Y.
49
ceived from Lord Say, advifing that petitions had been 1635
prefered to the King and to the Lords of the council, by
the Duke of Lenox, Marquis of Hamilton and divers
other noblemen, together with Sir Ferdina do Gorges and
Capt. Mafon, but conceived to be the project of Sir F.
Gorges only. That, to the Lords, was as follows, viz.
May it pleaſe your Lordſhips,
66
"WHEREAS it pleaſed your Lordſhips to give orders
"to Sr Ferdinando Gorges to confer with fuch as were
chiefly intereſted in the plantation of New-England, to
"ref Ive whether they would refign wholly to his Majefty
"the patent of New-England, and to leave to his Majeſty
"and his council the fole management of the public
"affairs, with refervation of every man's right formerly
"granted; or whether they would ftand to the faid pa-
"tent, and profecute the buſineſs among themfelves, and
"have the faid patent renewed, with the reformation or
" addition of fuch things as fhould be found expedient.
"We whofe names are here underwritten, being intereft-
“ed in that bufi efs, do humbly fubmit to his Majeſty's
"pleaſure to do therewith as he pleafeth. But withal
"we humbly defire, that, upon our refignation of our
"faid patent, his Majefty being to difpofe of the whole
"country feverally and immediately from himfelf, thoſe
"divifions upon the fea-coaft, that are hereunder defigned,
1
<<
may be inftantly confirmed and beftowed by new grants
"from his Majefty unto us, to be holden of his Majefty,
paying the fifth part, &c. and with the privilege
66
lar regard to this Dutch fettlement, and that a line to extend to the
Spanish fettlements was too extravagant to have been intended; but
the Dutch were never allowed by the English to have any title to the
country, and at the time of granting the charter, there were only a
few ftragglers there. Cromwell and the parliament before him con-
fidered them as intruders, and blamed the English colonies that they
had not extirpated them. The geography of this part of America was
lefs underſtood than it is at prefent. A line to the Spaniſh fettlements
was imagined to be much fhorter than it really was. Some of Cham-
plain's people, in the beginning of the last century, who had been
but a few days on a march from Quebeck, returned with great joy,
fuppofing that from the top of a high mountain they had difcovered
the South-Sea.
D 3
of
50
THE HISTORY OF
66
૬૮
1635" of the faid patent and fuch further royalties as the Lord
"of Baltimore hath in his patent for the country of Ma-
"ryland; faving only, that we ſhould fubmit ourſelves
"to the general governor now prefently to be eſtabliſhed
by his Majeſty for the whole country, and after his
"deceaſe or other determination of his office, that then,
"from the Lords of his province; there may be an
"election of three by lot, which faid three perſons ſo
"fo elected fhall be prefented to the King, that out of
"the number, one may be chofen by his Majefty to
"fucceed in the place of the general governor, who
"fhall, in perfon, or by his fufficient deputy, refide in
"the country during the space of three years only,
and fo from three years to three years another gover-
nor to be choſen fucceffively, and the old governor to
"be left out of the lot of choice."
+
<<
THE propofed divifions of the twelve provinces were
as follows: The firft, was from St. Croix to Pemaquid;
the ſecond, from Pemaquid to Sagadehoc; the third,
contained the land between the rivers Amarafcoggin and
Kenebeck; the fourth, along the fea-coaft from Sagade-
hock to Piscataqua; the fifth, from Pifcataqua to
Naumkeak; the fixth, from Naumkeak, round the fea-
coaft by Cape Cod, to Naraganfet; the feventh, from
Naraganfet to the half-way bound betwixt that and Con-
necticut river, and fo fifty miles up into the country;
the eighth, from the half-way bound to Connecticut ri-
ver, and fo fifty miles into the country; the ninth, from
Connecticut river along the fea-coaft to Hudfon's river,
and fo up thirty miles; the tenth, from the thirty miles
end to crofs up forty miles eastward; the eleventh, from
the weft fide of Hudfon's river thirty miles up the coun-
try towards the 40th degree, where New England be-
ginneth; the twelfth, from the end of the 30 miles up
the ſaid river, northward thirty miles further, and from
thence to croſs into the land forty miles. And out of
every one of thefe provinces was 5000 acres to be grant-
ed to certain perfons there named, in lieu of fome former
grants made to each of them in thofe divifions which they
were
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
51
were now to furrender, and to hold to each man his 5000 1635
acres in fee of the Lord of the province. And the Lord
of every one of thofe twelve provinces was to fend the fame
year ten men, with the general governor, well provided.
To all which was added,
"IT is humbly deſired that your Lordships would be
pleafed to order thefe things following:
1. THAT the patent for the plantation of the Maffa-
chufets-Bay may be revoked, and that all thoſe who have
any other grants within any of thefe provinces, whether
they have planted or not upon any part of the fame, yet
they ſhall enjoy their lands, laying down their jura regalia,
if they had any, and paying fome reaſonable acknowledg-
ment as freeholders to the Lord of the province of whom
they are now to take new grants of their faid lands; and
in cafe any of their lands fhall be found, having exorbitant
bounds, to have been unlawfully obtained, they fhall be
reduced to a leffer proportion, as may be fit for the grantor
who is undertaker, under the direction of Sir Fe: dinando
Gorges. And if the grantee fhall be any ways refractory,
and refuſe to ſurrender and hold anew of the faid Lord
of the province, that then your Lordships will take order
by ſuch courſe, as law will permit, to make void the ſame.
2. THAT every river, which parts two provinces, fhall
equally belong half way over to the provinces they lie
contiguous unto.
3. THAT the iſlands upon the fea-coaft, or within the
river of any province being not here named, fhall belong
to the province they lie neareft unto.
4. THAT there is offered to your Lordships confide-
ration the building of a city for the feat of the governor;
unto which city forty thoufand acres of land may be al-
lotted befides the divifions above mentioned. And that
every one, who is to have any of thefe provinces, fhall
be at the charge of fending over with the governor ten
men, towards the building of the faid city, wherein every
fuch adventurer fhall not only have his fhare of the trade
and buildings, but alſo fhall have all other fruit of the
ten men's labour fent as aforefaid.
D 4
MOREOVER,
52
THE HISTORY OF
1635
MOREOVER, there is humbly dedicated, to the founda-
tion of a church in the faid city and maintainance of cler-
gymen to ferve in the faid church, 10,000 acres of land
near adjoining to the faid city.
66
66
""
THE petition to the King was of this form:
66
May it pleaſe your Majefty,
"IT is humbly defired by the Duke of Lenox, &c, an-
"cient patentees and adventurers in the plantation of
New-England, that forafmuch as they are now pre-
"fently to join in the furrender to your Majefty of the
grand patent of their corporation, that your royal Ma-
jefty will be graciouſly inclined to give order to your
attorney general, to draw feveral patents of fuch par-
"cels of land as by their mutual confent have been allot-
❝ted to them, and to have the fame patents prepared fit
"for your royal fignature, with fuch titles, privileges and
<
immunities as have been heretofore granted, either to
"them or to any other by your Majefty or by your
"late royal father King James of bleffed memory,
"with refervations of appeal to the governor or lieutenant
"of the territo: ies, in cafes reaſonable; that, they know-
ing their own intereft, may be the better able to plant
"and govern them to your Majeſty's honour, their parti-
"cular profit, and their people's civil government and
"faithful obedience to the laws of your facred Majeſty
April 6, 1635.
4 99
A COFY of fome grant or agreement concerning one of
the provinces to Capt. Mafon was fent over, figned Lenox,
Hamilton, Arundel and Surry, Carlifle, Stirling, Edward
Gorges, Ferd. Gorges. Attefted by Thomas Maydwell,
Not. Pub. It has been faid, that the Marquis of Hamilton
and the Earl of Stirling both, obtained the like inftruments,
and it is poffible all the others might alfo. It is not mate-
rial, at this day, whether they did or not. It is certain,
that above an hundred years are paft, and no poffeffion
taken, or improvements made by them or their affigns in
confequence thereof; and all the territory is either included
in other grants, fome made before this furrender, by the
* Gorges-Hubbard.
council
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
53
council itſelf, and fome made fince by the crown, or has 1635
been purchaſed of the natives, which, if done bonâ fide,
fo far as refpects the property, has been thought by fome
to be the beft title *.
In the year 1636, Mr. Vane was chofen governor, 1636
Mr. Winthrop deputy governor, and Mr. Harlakenden,
who came in the fame fhip with Mr. Vane, was added to
the affiftants. The people of the colony very early diſco-
vered that they were not without difpofition to novelty
and change. It was not merely out of policy to encou-
rage others, that they took early notice of fuch as came
over from year to year. Befides this motive, they were
eaſily captivated with the appearance only of wiſdom and
piety, profeffions of a regard to liberty and of a ſtrong
attachment to the public intereft. Mr. Haynes, who
ſeemed to ſtand moſt in the way of Mr. Winthrop, had
left the colony and was fettled at Connecticut, and Mr.
Winthrop would have had a good profpect of recovering
his former fhare of the people's favour, if Mr. Vane's
grave folemn deportment, although he was not then
above 24 or 25 years of age, had not engaged almoſt the
whole colony in his favour. There was a great friend-
ſhip between Mr. Cotton and him, which feems to have
continued to the laft t. He had great refpect fhewn him
at firft. He took more ftate upon him than any gover-
nor had ever done before. When he went, either to court
or to church, four ferjeants walked before him with their
halberds. His adminiftration for feveral months met
with great applaufe. Towards the end of the year, the
* Mention is made by Hubbard of a ftorm Aug. 15, 1635, which
by his deſcription was more violent than any that has ever happened
fince. Many houfes were blown down, and many more uncovered,
the Indian corn every where beat down to the ground fo as not to riſe
again: The tide rofe twenty feet perpendicular. At Naraganſet, the
Indians were obliged to betake themfelves to the trees, and yet many
of them were drowned, the tide of flood returning before the ufual
time for it.
† A ſmall houſe which he lived in, at the fide of the hill above
Queen-ftreet, he gave to Mr. Cotton, who made an addition to it af-
ter Mr. Vane went away, and lived and died there.
people
{
54
THE HISTORY OF
-
1636 people grew difcontented. He perceived it, and grew
weary of the government. Receiving letters from Lon-
don in December, urging his return home, he firſt com-
municated them to the council, and then called the ge-
neral court together to aſk their confent to his quitting the
adminiſtration. He declared to them the neceffity of his
departure, and fuch of the council, as had feen the let-
ters, affirmed that the reaſons were very urgent, but not
fit to be imparted to the whole court. The court took
1
time until the morning to confider, when one of the af-
fiftants lamenting the lofs of fuch a governor in a time of
fuch danger, both from French and Indians, the gover-
nor burst into tears and profeffed that how foever the caufes
propounded for his departure did concern the utter ruin
of his outward eftate, yet he would rather have hazarded
all than gone from them at fuch a time, if fomething elſe
had not preffed him more, viz. the inevitable danger of
God's judgments, which he feared were coming upon
them for the differences and diffentions which he faw
amongſt them, and the fcandalous imputation brought
upon himſelf, as if he fhould be the caufe of all, and
therefore he thought it was beft for him to give place for
a time. The court did not think fit to confent to his
going for fuch reafons. He found he had gone too får,
and recalled himſelf, profeffing that the reafons which
concerned his own eftate were fufficient to fatisfy him,
and therefore defired he might have leave; the other
paffage flipped from him out of paffion, not judgment.
Whereupon the court agreed that it was neceffary to give
way to his departure, and ordered another meeting of
the general court to make choice of a governor and de-
puty governor, and as it was in the midst of winter (15
December) the freemen had liberty to fend their votes in
writing, if they did not come in perfon. Some of the
church of Boston, loth to part with the governor, met
together and agreed that it was not neceffary, for the
reafons alledged, that the governor fhould depart, and
ſent ſome of their number to fignify as much to the court.
*In-cafe the deputy fhould be chofe governor as was expected.
The
**
IMASSACHUSETS-BAY.
55
$
The governor pretended to be overpowered, and expreffed 1636
himſelf to be fuch an obedient fon of the church, that
notwithstanding the licence of the court, yet without the
confent of the church he durft not go away. A great part
of the people, who were informed of this tranfaction,
declared their purpofe ftill to continue him; and it was
thought adviſeable, when the day appointed for election
came, to adjourn the court to May, the time of the annual
choice * Mr. Vane has been charged with as dark dif-
ſimulation, a few years after, in affairs of vaftly greater
importance; particularly, in the manner of giving his
teſtimony in the cafe of the Earl of Strafford.
THERE came over with Mr. Cotton, or about the fame
time, Mr. Hutchinſon, and his family, who had lived at
Alford in the neighbourhood of Boſton. Mr. Hutchin-
fon had a good eltate and was of good reputation. His
wife, as Mr. Cotton fays, "was well beloved, and all the
faithful embraced her conference and bleſſed God for her
fruitful difcourfes +." After fhe came to New England,
ſhe was treated with refpect, and much notice was taken of
her by Mr. Cotton and other principal perfons, and par-
ticularly by Mr. Vane the governor. Her hufband ferved
in the general court, feveral elections, as a repreſentative
for Boſton, until he was excufed at the defire of the
church. So much refpect feems to have increaſed her
natural vanity. Countenanced and encouraged by Mr.
Vane and Mr. Cotton, fhe advanced doctrines and opi-
nions which involved the colony in difputes and conten-
tions; and being improved, to civil as well as religious
purpoſes, had like to have produced ruin both to church
and ftate. The vigilance of fome, of whom Mr. Win-
throp was the chief, prevented, and turned the ruin from
the country upon herſelf and many of her family and
particular friends. Mr. Wheelwright, a zealous minifter,
of character for learning and piety, was her brother-in-
* Maff. records-Hubbard.
+ Anſwer to Bailey.
Mr. William Hutchinfon was difcharged from affifting at the par-
ticular courts at the requeſt of the church. Maff. Rec. Dec. 1636.
law
56
THE HISTORY OF
1636 law and firmly attached to her, and finally fuffered with
her. Beſides the meetings for public worship on the
Lord's day, the ftated lecture every Thurſday in Bofton,
and other occafional lectures in other towns, there were
frequent private meetings of the brethren of the churches
for religious exe cites. Mrs. Hutchinſon thought fit to
fet up a meeting of the fifters alfo, where the repeated the
fermons preached the Lord's day before, adding her re-
marks and expofitions. Her lectures made much noiſe,
and fixty or eighty principal women attended them. At
firſt, they were generally approved of. After fome time,
it appeared ſhe had diſtinguiſhed the minifters and mem-
bers of churches through the country; a fmall part of
them under a covenant of grace, the reſt under a cove-
nant of works. The whole colony was foon divided into
two parties; and however diftant one party was from the
other in principle, they were ftill more fo in affection.
The two capital errors, with which fhe was charged, were
thefe, "That the Holy Ghoft dwells perfonally in a juf
tified perfon; and that nothing of fanctification can help
to evidence to believers their juftification." From theſe
two, a great number of others were faid to flow, which
were enumerated and condemned at a fynod held the next
year. The minifters of the feveral parts of the country,
alarmed with thefe things, came to Bofton while the gene-
ral court was fitting, and fome time before the governor,
Mr. Vane, afked his difmiffion. Thy confer ed. with
Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright upon thoſe two points.
The laft, they both difclaimed, fo far as to acknowledge
that fanctification did help to evidence juftification; the
other, they qualified, at leaft by other words; they held
the indwelling of the perfon of the Holy Ghoft, but not
strictly a perfonal union, or as they exprefs it, not a com-
municating of perfonal proprieties. The governor not
only held with Mr. Cotton, but went further or was more
exprefs, and maintained a perfonal union. Mr. Winthrop,
the deputy governor, denied both, and Mr. Wilfon, the
other minifter of Boston, and many of the minifters in
the country, joined with him. A conference or difputa-
tion
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
57
π
tion was determined on, which they agreed fhould be 1636
managed in writing, as moſt likely to tend to the peace
of the church. When they could not find that the fcrip-
tures nor the primitive church, for the first 300 years,
ever uſed the term poros, or períon, of the Holy Ghoft,
they generally thought it was beft it ſhould be forborn, as.
being of human invention. Upon the other queſtion, Mr.
Cotton in a fermon, the day the court met, had acknow-
ledged that evident fanctification is a ground of juſtifi-
cation, and went on to ſay, that in cafes of ſpiritual de-
fertion, true defire of fanctification was found to be fancti-
fication, as divines ufually held; and further, if a man
was laid fo flat upon the ground, as that he could fee no
defires, but only as a bruifed reed did wait at the foot of
Chriſt, yet here was matter of comfort, for this was found
to be true fanctification in the root and principle of it.
Mr. Vane and he both denied that any of thefe or any de-
gree of fanctification could be evident without a concur-
rent fight of juftification *. The town and country were
diftracted with thefe fubtleties, and every man and wo-
man who had brains enough to form fome imperfect
conceptions of them, inferred and maintained fome other
point, fuch as thefe; "a man is juftified before he believes;
faith is no caufe of juftification; and if faith be before
juftification, it is only a paffive faith, an empty veffel,
&c. and affurance is by immediate revelation only."
The fear of God and love of our neighbour feemed to
be laid by and out of the queftion. All the church of
Bufton, except four or five, joined with Mr. Cotton. Mr.
Wilfon, the other minifter, and moſt of the minifters in
the country, oppofed him.
To increafe the flame, Mr. Wheelwright preached a
fermon (Jan. 19) in which, befides carrying antinomianifm
to the heighth, he made ufe of fome expreffions which
were laid hold of by the court as tending to fedition; for
which he was fent for and examined whilft Mr. Vane was
in office, but a full enquiry and determination was fuf-
pended until a more convenient time.
* Hubbard. ·
LIBRARY
GF THE
WHILST
58
THE HISTORY OF
1636
WHILST theſe contentions were thus increafing within,
the Pequods, the moft warlike of all the Indians, were
plotting deftruction from without. After Stone and his
company were murdered, they fent meffengers to Boſton
to make peace, pretending that the murder was com-
mitted by a few bad fellows who had fled to the Dutch.
Their ambaſſadors were courteouſly treated, and the terms
of peace were agreed on. In confidence of their fidelity,
John Oldham, of whom mention has been made before,
went in a ſmall bark to trade with the Indians at Block
Ifland. They murdered him, but fpared two boys and
two Naraganfet Indians who were of his company. The
murderers were diſcovered by the crew of a fmall veffel,
one Gallop mafter from Connecticut, which happened to
come upon them foon after the fact. Gallop had with
him only one man and two boys, and no arms except two
mufkets and two piftols. Altho' the deck was full of In-
dians who had guns, fwords, &c. yet, as they were then
not much uſed to them, they made but little reſiſtance,
and when he boarded the veſſel they jumped into the ſea.
and many of them were drowned.
of them were drowned. He found Oldham's
body not cold, his brains beat out and his limbs hacked
off. Block Inland was under the Naraganfet Indians, but
they denied their having any concern in the murder.
The murderers were ſheltered and protected by the Pe-
quods, who at the fame time furprized divers English
in Connecticut river. Theſe proceedings caufed the
Maffachuſets to fend fourfcore men, by water, under
Captain Endicot, who had inftructions to offer peace to the
Indians upon their delivering up the murtherers; if they
refuſed to do it, then to attack them. A great number
of them entered into fome fort of parley by a meffenger
and interpreter, keeping at a great diftance themſelves; but,
affoon as they knew the terms, they fled into the woods.
Winter was approaching, and Mr. Endicot thought it ad-
viſeable to return home in order to prepare for a more ge-
neral attack the next fummer. There were fome fevere
reflections caft upon him for not purfuing the enemy at
that time. The Pequods, in the winter, attempted an union
with
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
59
with the Naraganfets. There had been a fixed inveterate 1636
enmity between the two tribes, but on this occafion the
Pequods were willing to fmother it, their enmity against
the Engliſh being the ſtrongeſt of the two; and although
they had never heard the story of Polyphemé and Ulyffes,
yet they artfully urged that the English were come to
difpoffefs them of their country, and that all the Nara-
ganfets could hope for from their friendſhip, was, the favour
of being the laſt devoured; whereas, if the Indians would
unite, they might easily deftroy the English, or force them
to leave the country, without being expofed themfelves to
any hazard. They need not come to open battles: Firing
their houſes, killing their cattle, and lying in wait for
them as they went about their ordinary buſineſs, would
foon deprive them of all means of fubfifting. But the
Naraganlets * preferred the prefent pleafure of revenge
upon their mortal enemies, to the future happineſs of
themſelves and their pofterity †. They are faid to have
wavered at first, but at length Myantinomo, their chief
fachem, with 20 attendants went to Boſton, where all the
magiftrates and minifters were called together to receive
them, and a guard of 20 mufketeers fent to Roxbury to
attend them. They propofed to join in war againſt the
Pequods, and that neither English nor Indians fhould make
peace with them but utterly deftroy them. The governor,
for form fake, took time, until the next morning, to give
an answer, and then the following articles were agreed to.
1. A FIRM and perpetual peace betwixt them and the
English.
2. NEITHER party to make peace with the Pequods
without the confent of the other.
3. THAT the Naraganfets fhould not harbour any Pe-
quods.
4. THAT they fhould put to death or deliver up any
murderers of the English.
*The Naraganfet fachem, and Uncas, fachem of the Moheges,
fent to the English and offered their fervice to join with them againſt
the Pequods. Window's anfw. to Garten.
+ MS. Journal.
5. THAT
6o
THE HISTORY OF
1636 5. THAT they fhould return fugitive fervants.
6. THE English to give them notice when to go out
againſt the Pequods, and the Naraganfets to furnish guides.
7. FREE trade to be carried on between the parties.
8. None of the Naraganfers to come near the Engliſh
plantation, during the war with the Pequods, without
fome Englishman or Indian known to the English.
CUSHAMAQUIN, a fachem of the Maffachufets In-
dians, alfo became a party to the treaty.
INDIAN fidelity is proverbial in New-England, as Pu-
nick was in Rome. The Naraganfets are faid to have
kept to the treaty until the Pequods were deftroyed, and
then they grew infolent and treacherous.
TOWARDS the end of the year religious heats became
more violent, and the civil affairs more fenfibly affected by
them. The people of Boſton, in general, were in favour
of Mr. Vane the governor, the reft of the towns, in general,
for Mr. Winthrop the deputy governor. At a feffions of
the court in March, it was moved that the court of elections
for 1637 fhould not be held in Boſton but in Newtown
(Cambridge.) Nothing could be more mortifying to the
governor, and as he could not hinder the vote by a nega-
tive, he refufed to put the question. Mr. Winthrop the
deputy governor, as he lived in Bofton, excufed himſelf,
and the court required Mr. Endicot one of the affiftants
to do it. It was carried for the removal.
THE more immediate occafion of the court's refentment
againſt Boſton, was a petition figned by a great number of
the principal inhabitants of that town, together with fome
belonging to other towns, judging and condemning the
court for their proceedings against Mr. Wheelwright.
At this feffion, Mr. Vane the governor could not pre-
vent, a cenfure upon one Stephen Greenfmith, for faying
that all the minifters except Mr. Cotton, Mr. Wheel-
wright, and he thought Mr. Hooker preached a cove-
nant of works. He was required to make an acknow-
ledgment to the fatisfaction of the magiftrates and mini-
fters, was fined forty pounds, &c.*.
* Maff. Records.
AT
3
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
61
Ar the opening the court of election for 1637, which 1637
was not done until one a clock, (May 17th) a petition was
again offered, from many of the town of Bofton, which
the governor, Mr. Vane, would have had read, but Mr.
Winthrop the deputy governor oppofe it as being out
of order; this being the day, by charter for elections, and
the inhabitants all convened for that purpofe, if other
buſineſs was allowed to take up the time the elections
would be prevented; after the elections were over, the
petition might be read. The governor, and thole of his
party would not proceed unleſs the petition was read. The
time being far ſpent, and many perfons calling for elec-
tion †, the deputy governor called to the people to divide,
and the greater number ſhould carry it; which was done,
and the majority was for proceeding. Still the governor
refuſed, until the deputy governor told him they would
go on without him. This caufed him to fubmit. Mr. Win-
throp was chofen governor, Mr. Dudley deputy gover-
nor, Mr. Saltonſtall, ſon of Sir Richard, and Mr. Stough-
ton new affiftants; and Mr. Vane and his friends of the
fame perfuafion, Dummer, Haugh and Coddington, left
out of the magistracy. There was great danger of a vio-
lent tumult that day. The fpeeches on both fides were
fierce, and they began to lay hands on one another, but
the manifeft majority, on one fide, was a reftraint to the
other*. Bofton waited the event of this election of ma-
giftrates, before they would chufe their reprefentatives
for the other bufinefs of the general court, and the next
morning they choſe Mr. Vane, the late governor, Mr.
Coddington and Mr. Haugh. This election of Bofton
+ Mr. Wilſon, the minifter, in his zeal gat up upon the bough of a
tree (it was hot weather, and the election, like that of parliament men
for the counties in England, was carried on in the field) and there
made a ſpeech, advifing the people to lock to their charter.and tɔ
confider the prefent work of the day, which was defigned for the
chufing the governer, deputy governor and the rest of the affiftants for
the government of the commonwealth. His fpeech was well received
by the people, who preſently called out, Election, election, which
turned the ſcale. MS. Life of J. Wilſon.
* Hubbard-Maf. Records.
Ę
was
62
THE HISTORY OF
1
1637 was immediately determined, by the court, to be undue.
The reafon is not affigned in the record, but it is faid
this reaſon was given, that all the freemen were not no-
tified. A warrant iffued for a new choice, and Boſton
returned the fame men again, and then they were not re-
jected. The ferjeants, who uſed to attend Mr. Vane;
laid down their halberds and went home as ſoon as the
new governor was elected +, and they refuſed to attend
him to and from the meetings on the Lord's days as had
been ufual. They pretended, this extraordinary reſpect
was fhewn to Mr. Vane as a perfon of quality. The
court would have appointed others, but Mr. Winthrop
took two of his own fervants to attend him. Mr. Vane
profeffed himself ready to ferve the cauſe of God in the
meanest capacity. He was notwithſtanding much mor-
tified, and diſcovered his refentment. Although he had
fat at church among the magiftrates from his firſt arrival,
yet he, and thoſe who had been left out with him, placed
themſelves with the deacons, and when he was invited
by the governor to return to his place, he refufed it.
An extraordinary act, made by the general court this
feffion, very much heightened the difcontent. Many per-
fons of the favourite opinions in Bofton were expected
from England; a penalty therefore was laid on all perfons
who ſhould entertain, in their houſes, any ſtranger who
came with intent to refide, or fhould allow the uſe of any
lot or habitation above three weeks, without liberty from
one of the ftanding council or two other affiftants. The
penalty on private perfons was forty pounds, and twenty
pounds befides for every month they continued in the of-
fence. And any town, which gave or fold a lot to fuch
ftranger, was fubject to 100l. penalty, but if any inha-
bitant of fuch town fhould enter. his diffent with a ma-
giftrate, he was to be excufed his part of the fine. This
was a very fevere order, and was ſo diſliked by the people
of Boſton, that upon the governor's return from court they
* Hubbard.
The military companies elected their officers, otherwife h: court
would undoubtedly have appointed other ferjeants.
↑ Mall. Records.
all
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
63
all refuſed to go out to meet him or fhew him any re- 1637
ſpect *. Mr. Winthrop, however firm and refolute in the
execution of his office and fteady to his principles, yet
in private life behaved with much moderation. He was
obliging and condefcending to all, and by this means, in
a fhort time, recovered their affections and was in greater
eſteem than ever. Indeed, while Boſton thus flighted
him, the other towns increaſed their refpect; and in tra-
velling, the fame fummer, to Ipſwich, he was guarded from
town to town with more ceremony than he defired t.
MR. Vane, in company with Lord Leigh, fon of the Earl
of Marlborough, who came to fee the country, failed for
England the beginning of Auguft, where he had a much
larger field opened. The nation at that time was difpofed
to receive, very favorably, men of his genius and caft of
mind. The ſhare he had in the revolution there, and his un-
happy fate upon the reſtoration of King Charles the fecond,
are too well known to need any notice here. He came
into New-England under peculiar advantages. His father
was one of the privy council. He himſelf had the friend-
ſhip of the Lord Say and Seal, who was in the higheſt
efteem in the colony. He made great profeffions of re-
ligion, and conformed to the peculiar fcruples of that day.
I have ſeen a long letter wrote to him while he was on
fhip-board, by one of the paffengers in the fame fhip, ap-
plauding him for honouring God fo far as to fhorten his
hair upon his arrival in England from France, and urging
a compleat reformation by bringing it to the primitive
length and form. It was with much difficulty he could
obtain his father's conſent to come over, but his inclina-
tion was ſo ſtrong, that, at length, he had leave of abſence
for three years. It is faid, that the King being acquainted
with Mr. Vane's difpofition, commanded the father, who
had no great affection for the religion of New-England, to
* Mr. Cotton was fo diffatisfied with this law, that he fays, he in-
tended to have removed out of the jurifdiction to Quinnypiack, fince
called New-Haven; but finding the law was not improved to exclude
fuch perfons as he feared it would be, he altered his mind. Anf. to
Bailey.
† Hubbard.
E 2
gratify
64
THE HISTORY OF
1637 gratify him *. However this may have been, it was be-
lieved in New-England to be true, and, with the other
circumſtances mentioned, ftrongly recommended him. Part
of his buſineſs was the fettlement of Connecticut, in con-
junction with Mr. Winthrop the governor's fon, as agents
for Lord Say and Seal and Lord Brooke, &c +. The moft
valuable places for townſhips had been taken up before, by
people from the Maffachufets, as we have already obferved;
and the agents, not being willing to difturb them, contented
themſelves, at prefent, with the poffeffion of the mouth of
the river, and Mr. Vane was ſtopped, by the general defire
of the colony, in order to his being elected governor.
The adminiſtration of a young and unexperienced, but
obftinate and felf-fufficient, governor, could not but be dif-
liked by the major part of the people; and, at the next
election, they not only would not ſo much as chufe him an
affiftant, but made an order, that no man for the time to
come fhould be qualified for the place of governor, until he
had been, at leaft, one whole year in the country. A
letter, wrote from New-England, fhews the fenfe they had
of him after they had made trial. "Mr. Vane, coming
"from England a young gentleman, was prefently elected
દુઃ
governor, and before he was half warm in his feat, to
"fhow his fpirit, began to broach new tenets drawn from
"the lees of one Mr. Wheelwright, agitated with fuch vio-
"lence, as if they had been matters of that confequence
"that the peace and welfare of New-England must be
"facrificed, rather than they fhould not take place. Divi-
* Hubbard.
+ The Earl of Warwick obtained a grant of the fea coaft, from Nara-
ganfet river to the fouth-weft 40 leagues, to keep the breadth to the
fouth fea. This he affigned, in 1631, to Lord Say and Seal, Lord
Brook, Lord Rich, Charles Fiennes, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Richard
Saltonftall, Richard Knightly, John Pym, John Hampden, John Hum-
frey, and Herbert Pelham, Efq; Thefe, with their affociates, are the
noblemen and gentlemen often mentioned in private letters to be ex-
pected over every year; and Mr. Fenwick kept poffeffion, and would
not fuffer fettlements, until affairs in England had taken fuch a turn,
that perſons of their character had no occafion for an afylum.
I do not find this order in the records. It is mentioned by Mr.
Hubbard, who was then on the fpot.
"fions
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
65
"fions are always dangerous, never fafe, never more 1637
"dangerous than in a new fettled government. Yet this
66
<6
<<
man, altogether ignorant of the art of government,
"thinks it not enough to fet the houſe on fire, but muſt
"add oil to the flame, and fo far had the bandying of
"theſe things proceeded, that it was of God's great
mercy it ended not in our deftruction. It is fit that
fomething ſhould be faid of the man that put us into
"this danger. Truly, by his afpect, you would judge
"him a good man. Yet I am perfuaded he hath kindled
"thoſe ſparks among us, which many ages will not be
"able to extinguifh. But the wisdom of the ſtate put a
period to his government before he had run out his
"circuit. They were neceffitated to undo the work of
"their own hands, and leave a blemiſh upon that raſh un-
dertaking, for pofterity to defcant upon, and a caveat
"to
to us, that all men are not fit for government, and none
"fo dangerous, when he is up, as one that makes his
"affection his rule. But this difgrace took fo deep an im-
CC
66
"6
..
preffion, that partly from a fenfe of it, and partly from
"a conſciouſnefs how ill he had deferved of us through
"his heat of indifcretion, he exchanged New-England for
"Old." Lord Say and Seal fpeaking of him, after his ar-
rival in England, in a letter to Mr. Cotton, fays, “For
"the young man, Mr. Vane, whom your love followeth,
"and its well it doth fo, for he may be recovered, I have
not been wanting to do my endeavour to fhew him the
danger of his way, and what hath been the fad iſſue
"thereof in others; from whence I think it cometh, and
"whither Satan's aim is to drive it, as might have appeared
.
<<
to you by my letters, written to him unto New-England,
"when I first did perceive his delufions, if he had ſhewn
"my letters to you. I fhall be glad to do my beft to that
"end ftill; but I have not that frequent converfe with his
"family, now, as heretofore, whereof there are the moſt
"in Holland, and the reft will fhortly be there alſo *.”
E 3
THE
* After all that has been faid to the difadvantage of Mr. Vane's
character, it ought to be remembred to his honour, that notwithstand-
ing
66
THE HISTORY OF
1637 THE party in New-England loft their head. Mrs.
Hutchinfon, notwithstanding, continued her lectures.
The court, for the prefent, took no notice of her conduct,
nor
ing the flights put upon him by the colony, he fhewed a truly chriftian
fpirit of forgiveneſs; for when, in the year 1644, an attachment was
made of the effects of alderman Berkley of London, in the Maffachu-
fets colony, at the fuit of the Lady La Tour, and judgment given for
2000/. fterling and no appeal admitted, a heavy complaint was made
againſt the government, and they were threatened with the lofs of their
privileges, Sir H. Vane ftood their friend, and, by his great intereſt
with the parliament, appeafed their refeniment, and laid the ftorm
which was gathering and hung over them. MS. letter.
The author of the life and death of Sir Henry Vane, printed in
1662, fays" That it was fuggefted by the bishops to the then King
concerning him, that the heir of a confiderable family about his Ma-
jefty was grown into diſlike of the difcipline and ceremonies of the
church of England, and that his Majefty might do well to take fome
courſe about him. On this, the then bishop of London took him to
taſk, who ſeemed to handle him gently in the conference, but con-
cluded harſhly enough againſt him in the cloſe. In fine, feeing him-
felf on all hands in an evil cafe, he refolved for New-England. In
order to this, ftriking in with fome nonconformifts which intended that
way, his honourable birth, long hair, and other circumſtances of his
perfon, rendered his fellow travellers jealous of him as a ſpy to betray
their liberty rather than any way like to advantage their defign. But
he, that they thought at firft fight to have too little of Chrift for their
company, did foon after appear to have too much for them. For he
had not been long in New-England, but he ripened into more know-
ledge and experience of Chrift, than the churches there could bear
the teftimony of. Even New-England could not bear all his words,
though there was no King's court or King's chapel. Then he returns,
for Old England."
The following letter was wrote, by a perfon of quality, to a near
relation of Sir Henry Vane, about a week after his execution.
"Madam,
If I do, later than others, give you an account of the ſhare I have
in the lofs of your generous kinfman, it is becauſe I would not rudely
diſturb the motions of fo juft a forrow; but I hope that you are affured
I have fo real a concern in all that relates to you, that it was not ne-
ceffary, by an early hafte, to fend you an information of it. I have,
Madam, whilft I own a love to my country, a deep intereft in the
publick lofs which fo many worthy perfons lament. The world is
robbed of an unparallelled example of virtue and piety. His great
abilities made his enemies perfuade themſelves, that all the revolutions
1
in
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
67
nor of any erroneous opinions, but waited the determina- 1637
tion of the churches in a general council; accordingly a
fynod was appointed to be held at Newtown, the 30th of
Auguft, where were prefent, not only the minifters and
meſſengers of churches, but the magiftrates alfo, who,
Mr. Weld fays, (I fuppofe he was a member) were not
only hearers but fpeakers alfo, as they thought fit, Mr.
Cotton, although at the head of the minifters, was too
much a party to be proper for a moderator, and Mr.
Hooker and Mr. Bulkley were chofen. Three weeks were
ſpent in difputing, pro and con, and at length above four-
ſcore points or opinions, ſaid to have been maintained by
fome or other in the country, were condemned as erro-
neous, and the refult was figned by all the members but
Mr. Cotton. He had expreffed his diflike of moſt of
in the laft age were wrought by his influence, as if the world was
moved only by his engine. In him they lodged all the dying hopes,
of the party. There was no opportunity that he did not improve for
the advantage of his country. And when he was in his laſt and much
deplored ftate, he ftrove to make the people in love with that freedom
they had fo foolishly and lavishly thrown away. He was great in
all his actions, but to me he feemed greateft in his fufferings, when
his enemies feemed to fear that he alone ſhould be able to acquaint
them with a change of fortune. In his loweft condition, you have
feen him the terror of a great prince, ftrengthened by many potent
confederates and armies. You have feen him live in high eſtimation
and honour, and certainly he died with it. Men arrive at honours by
feveral ways. The martyrs, though they wanted the glittering crowns.
the princes of thoſe ages diſpenſed, have rich ones in every juſt man's
efteem.-Virtue, though unfortunate, fhines in fpite of all its enemies,
nor is it in any power to deface thofe lafting monuments your friend
hath raiſed, of his, in every heart that either knew him or held any
intelligence with his fame. But, Madam, I trefpafs too long upon
your patience. This is a fubject I am apt to dwell on, becauſe I can
never fay enough of it. I fhall now only defire you to make uſe of
that fortitude and virtue that raiſed your friend above the power and
malice of his enemies, and do not, by an immoderate forrow, deſtroy
that which was ſo dear to him, yourself, but live the lively reprefen-
tation of his virtue, the exercife of which hath made you always the
admiration of
Your humble fervant, &c.”
The 21ft June 1662.
Life of Sir H. Vane.
E. 4
them,
€8
THE HISTORY OF
1637 them, but declined condemning them all, maintaining,
that union to Chriſt preceded faith in him, but at the
fame time declared, that the other new opinions were he
retical, abfurd, and fome of them blafphemous, and
promiſed to bear teftimony against them. This general
agreement ftruck a damp upon the opinionifts, and gave
further life and vigor to the other party. Mr. Hooker
at firſt diſapproved of determining the points in contro-
verly by a fynod. He writes to Mr. Shepard of New-
town, April 8, 1636. (It ſhould be 37) "For your ge-
"neral fynod, I cannot yet fee either how reaſonable or
"how fuitable it will be for your turn, for the fettling
"and eſtabliſhing the truth in that honourable way as
"were to be deſired. My ground is this. They will be
"chief agents in the fynod who are chief parties in the
caufe, and for them only, who are prejudiced in the
"controverfy, to paſs fentence againſt cauſe or perſon,
"how improper! how unprofitable! My prefent thoughts
"run thus: That fuch conclufions which are moſt extra,
"moft erroneous, and cross to the common current,
fend them over to the godly learned to judge in our
our own country, and return their apprehenfions. I-
fuppofe the iſſue will be more uncontroulable. If any
"fhould fuggeft this was the way to make the clamour
"too great and loud, and to bring a prejudice upon the
&6
86
..
"
plantations, I fhould foon anſwer, there is nothing
"done in corners here but it is openly there related, and
"in fuch notorious cafes, which cannot be kept fecret, the
"most plain and naked relation ever caufeth the truth
"moſt to appear, and prevents all groundleſs and need-
lefs jealoufies, whereby men are apt to make things
"more and worfe than they are.
ALTHOUGH two of the elders were the moderators, or
prolocutors of the affembly, yet Mr. Winthrop feems to
have had a controuling power. An anonymous writer of
a manufcript, fent from New-England the fame year, gives
this account of it. "The fynod being met, much time is
fpent in ventilation and emptying of private paffions; at
Hubbard-Johnſon,
* length,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
69
65
''
66
t length, divers truths are concluded upon, as, the nature 1637
"of grace and faith, the neceffity of repentance and good
"works, the perfection of the fcriptures, and like truths of
"common allay were affented unto by common fuffrage:
"But when they came to the nature of the covenant, the
"qualifications preceding it, the uſe of it, the feal of the
Spirit, the Helenæs for which they ftrive, there they
"were as different as ever, refolved in nothing but this,
"that no one would be refolved by another; but therein
"was the wiſdom and excellent fpirit of the governor
"feen, filencing paffionate and impertinent ſpeeches as
"another Conftantine, defiring the divine oracles might be
"heard ſpeak and exprefs their own meaning, adjourning
"the affembly when he faw heat and paffion, ſo that,
through the bleffing of God, the affembly is diffolved,
"and jarring and diffonant opinions, if not reconciled,
yet are covered; and they who came together with
"minds exafperated, by this means depart in peace, and
promiſe, by a mutual covenant, that no difference in
opinion fhall alienate their affections any more, but
"that they will refer doubts to be refolved, by the great
"God, at that great day when we fhall appear at his tri-
"bunal." The fynod being thus over, the minds of the
people were prepared for a further proceeding againſt
the opinioniſts*. The court at their feffions, the 2d of
November, took notice of the petition, prefented and
called feditious, in March preceding. They expelled
two of their own members, Afpinwall and Coggeshall,
one for figning and the other for juftifying it, and fent
a warrant to the town of Boſton to return two other de-
puties in their room. The town agreed to fend them back,
but Mr. Cotton hearing of it, went to the meeting and
prevented it; and they chofe two others, one of which had
figned the petition, and was therefore diſmiſſed †. The
court then fent for Mr. Wheelwright, and requiring of
66
66
This fpiritual court did not pronounce particular perfons to be
hereticks, but it determined what was herefy, and made the way
plain for the fecular power to proceed.
+ Hubbard.
1
him
70
THE HISTORY OF
i
66
66
1637 him an acknowledgment of his offence, he refufed it
and juftified his conduct; but the court refolved, that it
tended to diſturb the civil peace, disfranchiſed and ba-
niſhed him, allowing 14 days to fettle his affairs, &ct.
MRS. Hutchinſon was next called to her trial, before
the whole court and many of the elders. An ancient
manuſcript, of the trial at large, having been preferved;
diſcovers nothing in her conduct but what might naturally
be expected from a high degree of enthuſiaſm. Her no-
tions of revelations do not feem to have been altogether
diſcountenanced by Mr. Cotton himſelf. Her ſentence
upon record ſtands thus: "Mrs. Hutchinſon, the wife
"of Mr. William Hutchinſon, being convented for tra-
ducing the minifters and their miniftry in the country,
"The declared voluntarily her revelations, and that the
"fhould be delivered and the court ruined with their
pofterity, and thereupon was banifhed; and, in the
mean while, was committed to Mr. Jofeph Weld
"(of Roxbury) until the court fhall difpofe of her."
Having received her fentence from the court, fhe had a
further trial to go through in the church. She was firſt
admonished. Mr. Cotton fays, that Mr. Davenport and
he imagined they had convinced her of her errors, and
ſhe preſented what was called a recantation under her
hand, but at the fame time profeffed that ſhe never was
of any other judgment than what fhe now held forth.
The recantation is not preferved. She had, no doubt,
fome fine ſpun diſtinctions, too commonly made ufe of
in theological controverfies, to ferve as a fubterfuge, if
there be occafion*; and perhaps, as many other enthu-
fiafts have done, fhe confidered herſelf divinely com-
miffioned for fome great purpoſe, to obtain which, fhe
might think thoſe windings, fubtleties and infinuations
+ Maff. Records.
<< Mrs.
Mr. Cotton, in a letter to Mr. Stone at Hartford, fays,
Hutchinſon, of whom you ſpeak, though fhe publickly revoked
"the errors, yet affirming her judgment was never otherwife, though
"her expreffions were contrary, he was excommunicated by the
"whole church, nem. con. Some other of the members, that joined
"with her, were gone away before," &c.
lawful,
?
จ
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
7፤
""
''
lawful, which will hardly confift with the rules of mo- 1637
rality. No wonder ſhe was immoderately vain, when
ſhe found magiſtrates and miniſters embracing the novel-
ties advanced by her. The whole church of Boſton, a
few members excepted, were her converts. At length,
the forfook the public affemblies, and fet up what the
called a purer worſhip in her own family. It is not pro-
bable ſhe was encouraged herein by Mr. Vane, who, fome
years after, fell into the fame practice in England. Mr.
Hooker, who had been charged by her with want of
foundneſs in the faith, in return expreffes himſelf with
fome acrimony concerning her. "The expreffion of
"providence againſt this wretched woman hath pro-
"ceeded from the Lord's miraculous mercy, and his bare
arın hath been diſcovered therein from first to laft, that
"all the churches may hear and fear. I do believe, ſuch :
"a heap of hideous errors, at once to be vented by fuch
"a felf-deluding and deluded creature, no hiftory can
"record; and yet, after recantation of all, to be caft
"out as unfavory falt that fhe may not continue a peſt
to the place, that will be for ever marvellous in the
eyes of all the faints. It will not get out of my mind
"and heart but there is a mystery in the cloſure and up-
"ſhot of this bufinefs; but he, that carries the wiſdom
"of the crafty headlong, is able to lay open that alſo in
"his feafon. At the first reading of your relation I
"could not but fufpect fo much, may be it is but my
"melancholick fufpicion, but thefe three things pre-
"fented themſelves, in open view, to my mind, I. That
"it was never intended fhe fhould be excommunicated.
2. That her recantation was ftill with fo much referva-
"tion, as finks the mind of fuch who would have made.
for her eſcape, viz. That our election is firſt evi-
"denced. 3. That this conceit is a neft egg to breed and
bring in many
many other falfe imaginations, if it be ſtretched
"to its breadth. Add alfo hereunto, that there is no odds
"from herſelf but only in fome expreffions and mifpri-
"fions that way, as fhe would have men think, and then
·66 you have the whole cauſe, where it was conceived in a
ઃઃ
..
66
166
way
6
66 nar-
$
"
THE HISTORY OF
72
1637" narrower compafs and under a double vizard, that
"the appearance of it may fuit every purpoſe as the
"occafion fits."
1.
MR. Hutchinfon, her huſband, fold his eftate and re-
moved, with his wife and family, firft to Aquidneck†
(Rhode Iſland) being one of the purchaſers of that iſland
from the Indians; where, by the influence of his wife §,
the people laid afide Mr. Coddington and three other ma-
giftrates, and chofe him for their fole ruler; but he dy-
ing, about the year 1642, and fhe being diffatisfied with
the people or place, removed to the Dutch country be-
yond New-Haven; and, the next year, fhe and all of
her family which were with her, being 16 perfons, were
killed by the Indians, except one daughter whom they
carried into captivity
THE
+ Canonicus, Chief Sachem of Naraganfet and Niantic, fold the
ifland to William Coddington and his affociates, March 29, 1637. MS.
§ Hubbard.
*For the falfhood of her declaration fhe was excommunicated.
Some writers mention the manner of her death, as being a remark-
able judgment of God for her herefies. Her partizans charged the
guilt of the murder upon the colony. Mr. Weld ſays, fhe was deli-
vered of as many unformed foetufes at a birth as fhe maintained errors,
and that another actress was delivered of a monfter, and that all the
women were feized with a violent vomiting and purging; ftories, as
credible as that of the Flanders Countefs, who is faid to have as many
children at a birth, as there are days in the year.
;
The author of a little tract, publiſhed in 1676, under the title of A
Glafs for the People of New-England, by S. G. (it feems by the language
and the malevolent fpirit to be Samuel Gorton) fays, "The next piece
of wickedneſs I am to mind you of, is your barbarous action committed
against Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, whom you firft impriſoned, then baniſhed,
and fo expofed her to that defolate condition that fhe fell into the hands
of the Indians, who murdered her and her family except one child
and, after that, made a notorious lie on the deſtroyed woman, which
Samuel Clark, prieſt of London, taking the lie out of his brother
Weld's fhort flory, muſt needs put into his book, called, God's Judg.
ments againſt herefy.-The woman before-mentioned, having been by
the prieſts and profeffors pumped and fifted to get fomething againſt
her, laying their fnares to entrap her, and taking their opportunity
when her husband and friends, as it was faid, were abfent, examined
and banished her.-So fhe goes by water, with many others, who
perceived they must go to pot next, and providentially fell in with
Rhode
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
73
THE Confuſion in the colony, occafioned by theſe reli- 1637
gious diſputes, was very great; and it appears, from
the letters then wrote from England, that they made
great noife there; but after all, it is highly probable that
if Mr. Vane had remained in England, or had not craftily
made uſe of the party which maintained theſe peculiar
opinions in religion, to bring him into civil power and.
authority and draw the affections of the people from
thoſe who were their leaders into the wilderneſs, thefe,
like many other errors, might have prevailed a fhort
time without any diſturbance to the ftate, and, as the
abfurdity of them appeared, filently fubfided, and pof-
terity would not have known that fuch a woman as Mrs.
Hutchinſon ever exifted t. We may ſuppoſe that they,
who from the beginning had gone along with her in her
errors, were not difpleafed at a good pretence for get-
ting rid of her without condemning themfelves. It is
1
Rhode Iſland, where they made a cave or caves, and in them lived
until the cold winter was paft, in which time it was known to the
profeffors where they were, and that they had bought the iſland of the
Indians. And the profeffors began to ftir and endeavour to bring the
ifland within the compafs of their patent; fo the poor moleſted wo-
man, it is like, let in fear, and thought he would go far enough
from their reach; fo going fouthward to feek a place to fettle upon,
where ſhe and her family might live in quietness, fell upon a piece of
land that was in controverfy between the Dutch and the Natives, and
the Natives, being in a heat, came upon them and were the execu-
tioners of what the New-England priefts, magiftrates and church.
members, were the occafion, through their wicked and cruel proceed-
ings, in forcing them to flee from their rage and fury.- -So, reader,
thou mayft fee the rage and envy of this profeffing generation; for
they impriſoned and banished this tenderly bred woman in or towards
winter, and, what with fears and toffings to and fro, the woman
miſcarried, upon which they grounded their abominable untruth.
Many witneffes might be produced to prove this, and to difprove their
abominable frequently told flander, and alſo printed by prieſts and
New-England profeffors and their confederates here in England."
† A great number of the principal inhabitants, moſt of them be-
ing difarmed and deprived of their civil privileges, removed. Mr.
Coddington and Dummer had been affiftants, Mr. Hutchinfon, Afpin-
wall and Coggefhall, reprefentatives; Rainsford, Sanford, Savage,
Eliot, Eafton, Bendall, Deniſon, were all perfons of diftinction.
About 60 were difarmed in Boſton befides.
difficult
i
74
THE HISTORY OF
1637 difficult to difcover, from Mr. Cotton's own account
of his principles, publiſhed ten years afterwards, in his
anſwer to Bailey, wherein he differed from her. Her
warm imagination was more wrought upon by the enthu-
fiaftic tenet than his placid temper. He feems to have
been in danger when the was upon trial. Mr. Dudley,
the Deputy governor, bore hard upon him; Hugh Peters
fhewed that he was well difpofed to bring him upon trial,
The other miniſters treated him coldly, but Mr. Win-
throp, whofe influence was now greater than ever, pro-
tected him. Not long after, in a fermon at a faft Dec.
13, 1638, he confeffed and bewailed the churches and
his own fecurity and credulity, by means whereof fo
many dangerous errors had fpread, and fhewed how he
came to be deceived; the errors being formed, in
words, fo near the truth which he had preached, and
the falfhood of the maintainers of them being fuch that
they ufually would deny to him what they had maintained
to others. His conduct, in this day of temptation, was
forgotten and he foon recovered; and, to his death, pre-
ferved the eſteem and reſpect of the whole colony.
MR. Wheelwright went to New-Hampſhire, and laid the
foundation of the town and church of Exeter; and after-
wards removed to Hampton, and from thence to Salif-
bury. He was reftored in 1644, upon a flight acknow-
ledgment. He was in England in 1658, and in favour
with Cromwell, as appears by a letter to the church at
Hampton. He lived to be the oldeft minifter in the
colony; which would have been taken notice of, if his
perfecutors had not remained in power*.
THE Court, to prevent tumults, required about fixty of
the inhabitants of Bofton to deliver up their arms and ammu-
nition of every fort, under penalty of 101. upon each per-
fon neglecting, and laid the like penalty upon every one of
them who fhould afterwards borrow any arms or ammu-
nition. And, at the fame time, made a law to punish
+ Hubbard.
*He died in 1680. His fon, grandfon, and great grandfon have
been of the council for the province,
any
MASSACHUSETS-B A Y.
75
any perfon by fine, impriſonment or banishment, who 1637
ſhould defame any court or any of their fentences.
A GREAT number removed out of the jurifdiction, fome
of them being baniſhed, fome disfranchifed; more to Rhode
Iſland than to any other place. In a fhort time, moft of
them were permitted to return and were reftored to their
former privileges. The moſt of thoſe errors, which were
condemned by the fynod, it's probable, they never would
have owned as their principles, and they appear rather to
be deduced, by fome of the fynod, as naturally following
from the capital opinions, than to have been advanced by
the opinioniſts themſelves; or perhaps may have been
unguardedly dropped by particular perfons, in the heat of
their difputes, or during an enthufiaftick frenzy; and in
others may have been the effect of a fond fancy for
para-
doxical tenets. They were charged indeed with principles
which admit and introduce all kinds of immorality, and
which make no diftinction between virtue and vice. So
are fatalifts and predeftinarians. Many of them were af-
terwards employed in pofts of honour and truft, were
exemplary in their lives and converfations, and their let-
ters and private papers fhew that they were pious and de-
vout, and with the name of antinomians paid the ſtricteſt
regard to moral virtue. The opinioniſts were puniſhed
for being deluded enthufiafts. The other fide were de-
luded alfo by a zeal, for the puniſhment, for the honour
of God, of fuch of his creatures as differed in opinion
from themſelves. It is evident, not only by Mrs. Hutchin-
fon's trial, but by many other public proceedings, that
inquifition was made into men's private judgments as
well as into their declarations and practice. Toleration
was preached againſt as a fin in rulers which would bring
down the judgments of heaven upon the land *.
THIS
* Mr Dudley died with a copy of verfes in his pocket, wrote with
his own hand. The following two lines made part of it:
Let men of God, in court and churches, watch
O'er fuch as do a toleration hatch.
This was the prevailing doctrine many years, and until their eves
were opened by a fresh perfecution coming upon themfelves from King
James.
76
THE HISTORY OF
1637 THIS unhappy controverfy did not take off the attention
of the government from their neceffary defence againſt
the Pequod Indians, who continued their hoftilities.
Governor Vane had fent Capt. Underhill, the winter be-
fore, to ſtrengthen the garrifon at Saybrook fort, which
they laid fiege to for ſeveral weeks together. The three co-
lonies, Maffachufets, Plimouth and Connecticut, agreed,
with their joint forces, to go into the Indian country and
attempt their entire deftruction. Maffachufets fent 160
men under the command of Capt. Stoughton. The num-
ber raiſed by each town gives us fome idea of the pro-
portion which the ſeveral ſettlements bore to one another
at this time *. Connecticut men being fettled near the
Indian country, it was expected they would be early in
action; the firft of the Maffachufets men that could be
raiſed were therefore ordered to march. This party con-
fifted of 40 men. Capt. Patrick +, who had the command
of them, by letters diſpatched from Providence, acquainted
Capt. Mafon the commander of the Connecticut men,
that he was haftening to join him. The body of the In-
dians were in two forts or inclofures, which on all fides
they had rendered as defenfible as they could by pallifa-
does, their ſkill in fortification carrying them no farther.
Saffacus, the chief fachem, was in one of them, and to that
the Engliſh intended. Capt. Maſon went with about 80
English (20 of which, under Capt. Underhill of the Maf-
fachufets, he had taken from Saybrook fort) and 100
James. This made his declaration for a general liberty of con-
fcience welcome, and they thanked the King for allowing to them
what they before thought themſelves bound in confcience to deny to
others.
* Boſton 26, Charleſtown 12, Roxbury 10, Dorchefter 13, Wey-
mouth 5, Hingham 6, Medford 3, Newbury 8, Ipfwich 17, Salem
18, Sangus (Lyn) 16, Watertown 14, Newtown 19, Marblehead 3.
+ Patrick had ferved in Holland, in the Prince of Orange's guard,
and was fent for to inftruct the people of the colony in military diſ-
cipline. In order to his being made a freeman, he was admitted a
member of the church at Watertown, but the ftrict manners of the
New-England men did not agree with a Dutch foldier. He foon re-
moved to the Dutch at New Netherland. He was fhot dead by a
Dutchman at Stamford in 1643. Hubbard.
river
MASSACHUSETS-BAŸ.
77
river Indians, by water, to the Náraganfets country, 1637
where 200 of that tribe joined him. He would gladly
have waited for Patrick's company, but was afraid the
friend Indians would attribute the delay to want of cou-
rage, and therefore, on the 24th of May, he began his
march for Saffacus's fort. The Naraganſet Indians were
ftruck with terror at the name of Saffacus, and endeavoured
to diffuade Maſon, but finding him determined, many of
them left him, and near an hundred of them went back
to Providence, where they reported that the Pequods had
killed all the Engliſh. This report was carried to Boſton,
and muſt have caufed great concern there .
Soon after,
one of Underhill's men fell lame, and the reft of the
company, wearied in travelling, being loaded with arms,
ammunition and provifions, and Saffacus's fort being
eight miles further diftant, they reſolved to attack the
Indians in the other which was called Miftick fort +. We-
quafh, originally a Pequod, who was born at Miſtick
but now lived with the Naraganfets, was their guide to
the deſtruction of his own countrymen and neareſt rela-
tions. They fent him forward to reconnoitre, and he re-
turned with intelligence, that the Pequods had taken great
ftore of baſs that day and were in a high feaſt, finging
dancing and bleffing their god § for that the English were
gone away. They had ſeen the veffels pafs by their river,
from Saybrook towards Naraganfet, and fuppofed they
were gone off. Some of the English advanced, and heard
the Indians at their revels until midnight. The next
* Connecticut river.
|| MS. letters
† A manufcript journal fays, that Underhill, upon his man's lame-
nefs, refolved that he and his company should go to Miftick, reading
God's mind by that providence; and that Mafon, unwilling to part,
conformed, but Hubbard fays, they were both of a mind for the
other reaſons mentioned. Underhill was one of the forwardeft of the
Boſton enthufiafts.
‡ Wequaſh became a chriſtian and an apoſtle among his own peo-
ple, travelling up and down to make converts; and when he died,
gave his foul to Chrift, and his only child to the English, hoping it.
would know more of Chrift than its poor father ever did. M. She-
pard's letter to London.
$ This may be the conjecture of the journalist.
F
morning
78
THE HISTORY OF
3
1637 morning (May 26) about break of day, after a march of
three or four miles from the place where they halted the
night before, they came within fight of the fort which was
upon a hill. Wequafh piloted them to the gate. The
centinel happened juft then to be gone into a wigwam to
light his pipe. The Indians were all in a deep fleep.
One of their dogs, bárking at the approach of the Eng-
lifh, cauſed a difcovery. The Indians within the fort
began their tremendous yell, and the Indians without,
who were in the Engliſh rear and afraid to come up, ſe-
conded them. No found that was ever made can be
more horrid than the Indian yell. The English imme-
diately fired into the fort, the palifadoes not being fo
clofe as to hinder the muzzles of their guns going be-
tween. Not being able eafily to enter at the gate, Mafon
went round to the other fide of the fort, where was ano-
ther opening or entrance barred with branches of forked
trees only; at which he entred, with thofe that were
with him. His lieutenant and the reft of the Engliſh
entred, at the fame time, by other parts. The Indians,
who had no arms but bows, tomahawks and Engliſh hat-
chets, made ftout refiftance at firft, and wounded many
of the English. Mafon intended to have ſpared the wig-
wams, but finding his men thus diftreffed, he entred one
of them, and, with a firebrand he found there, fet it on
fire. While he was doing it, an Indian was drawing his
bow and would undoubtedly have killed him, if his fer-
jeant, coming in, had not cut the bow-ftring with his
hanger. The fire ſpread to the reft of the wigwams, and
the Engliſh all retreated without the fort and furrounded
it. The Indians, fome climbed to the top of the palifa-
does to avoid the fire and fo expofed themfelves to the
Engliſh bullets, others forced their way out of the fort,
and if any of them brake through the Engliſh the allied
Indians were in a ring at fome little distance; fo that few
if any efcaped. There were about 60 or 70 wigwams in
the fort or incloſure, and, it was imagined, four or five
hundred Pequods men women and children. Three of
the English were flain, and many, both Engliſh and In-
dians
MASSACHUSETS-BAY;
79
dians their friends, wounded with arrows, and fome very 1637.
badly. The army was in diftrefs, notwithstanding their
victory. The morning was cold. They had no fort of
refreſhment, not fo much as water, nor any ſhelter for
their wounded. They had no intelligence of their vef-
fels, which had been ordered to come from Naraganfet to
Pequod river. Many Indians were in the woods, who
were not of the party in the fort. In the midſt of this
perplexity, they efpied their veffels at a diftance, failing
towards them. They then took up their wounded upon
mats faftened to poles, fome with the heads of the arrows
in their bodies, and marched to the veffels fix miles
through the woods and fwamps, the Indians lying in wait
at every convenient place, and, with their arrows, wound-
ing many more; but many of the Indians were flain in
their attempts upon the English. They put their wounded
into one of the barks, which fet fail the fame night and
reached Saybrook fort. Patrick came in a pinnace from
Providence to Naraganfet foon after the forces marched,
and, with the other veffels, went forward, taking Myon-
tinomo, the fachem of Naraganfet with them; but their
arrival was prevented by contrary winds until the morn-
ing of the action, after it was over. Moft of the Engliſh
and all the Indians marched through what was called
Nianticut's country, to Saybrook fort, their veffels alfo
arriving there the next day. The Indians, in alliance
with the Engliſh, had taken eighteen captives, ten males
and eight females, four of the males were difpofed of,
one to each of four fachems, the reft put to the ſword.
Four of the females were left at the fort, the other four
carried to Connecticut, where the Indians challenged them
as their prize; the Engliſh not agreeing to it they were
facrificed alfo to end the difpute. The policy, as well as
the morality of this proceeding, may well be queftioned.
The Indians have ever fhewn great barbarity to their
Engliſh captives, the English in too many inftances have
retaliated it. This has only enraged them the more.
Beſides, to deſtroy women and children, for the barbarity
of their hufbands and parents, cannot easily be juftified.
SAS-
F 2
80
THE HISTORY OF
1637
SASSACUs, the fachem, after the taking of Miſtick fort
and fo many of his warriors being flain, broke down his
own fort, burnt all their wigwams, put his goods into ca-
noes, and men, women and children forfook their country
and went away by land to Quinnipiack. The forces un-
der Capt. Stoughton arrived at Saybrook the latter end of
June. They purfued the Indians, meeting now and then
two or three at a time, whom they killed or took prifoners;
at length, they were informed of a great body of Indians
in a ſwamp*, which they furrounded. They feem to have
been of other tribes as well as Pequods. One of the fa-
chems came out with 99 men, women and children, and
delivered themſelves up to the Engliſh. Wampum he faid
he had none, nor had he ever killed any English. The
garment he had on, which was of black beaver fkin, he pre-
fented. An Indian was fent in to tell the reft, that if they
would come out and deliver up their arms and clear them-
felves from having murdered any Engliſh they ſhould fare
the better. After a fhort parley, they determined, that as
they had lived together they would die together. Twelve
of the murtherers were among them. They were about
eighty in all. The Engliſh fired upon them, and having
furrounded the fwamp all night, entered in the morning,
but found great part had eſcaped. Some of the Indians
had guns and fired upon the Engliſh. This is the firſt
account we have of their making ufe of guns. Saffacus
fled to the Mohawks, by whom it was reported he was
murdered. It is more probable, that he and his company
incorporated with them. Many of the captives were fent
to Bermudas and fold for flaves. The Pequod tribe was
wholly extinguiſhed. The Naraganfets took charge of
fome of them, and promiſed to pay the English for their
fervice; the few that remained never dared own they
'belonged to that tribe, but mixed with the Naraganfet and
other tribes. We have been more particular in relating
this action, it being the first between the Engliſh and In-
dians, many circumſtances not having been publiſhed be-
+
* Mr. Hubbard fays, near Fairfield or Stratford.
fore,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
81
fore, and the rest of the Indians being thereby brought 1637.
to be more afraid of the English, and reftrained from
open hoftilities near forty years together.
THIS year, 1637, a number of the Puritan minifters
in England wrote over to the minifters of New-England,
informing them of reports that they had embraced new
opinions which they diſliked formerly, and which they in
England ftill judged to be ground lefs and unwarrantable,
viz. "That a ftinted form of prayer and fet liturgy is un-
lawful. That the children of godly and approved chriftians
are not to be baptized until their parents be fet members
of fome particular congregations. That the parents them-
felves, though of approved piety, are not to be received
to the Lord's fupper until they be admitted fet members.
That the power of excommunication is in the body of the
church, though the minifter ſhould be of another mind.
That upon a minifter's being difmiffed, though unjustly,
from his particular congregation, he ceafeth to be a minifter.
That one minifter cannot perform a minifterial act in any
but his own congregation. That members of one'congre-
gation may not communicate in another." They add,
that letters in New-England had influenced many in
Old to leave their affemblies, becauſe of a ſtinted liturgy,
and to abſent themselves from the Lord's fupper becauſe
fuch as ought to be were not debarred from it." They
therefore requeſted that a feaſonable review might be
taken of the grounds and reafons that had fwayed, and fent
over, and if they were found to have weight they would
be ready to give the right hand of fellowship; if other wife
otherwiſe.
they would animadvert upon them, fo far as they varied
from the truth, &c. The famous puritan, John Dod,
joined in the requeft *. Mr. Hooker, upon the occafion
of this letter, writes thus to Mr. Shepard, "I confefs freely
to thee my fears that the first and fecond queftions,
"touching a ftinted form of prayer, will prove very hard
to make any handſome work upon; and I do fadly fuf-
ત pect a troubleſome anfwer may be returned to all the ar-
guments. This to yourfelf, wherein I crave filence."
*MS. original letters and papers.
66
<<
$6
:
F
AN
3
82
THE HISTORY OF
1637 AN anſwer was wrote by Mr. Cotton, and a more full
anſwer afterwards printed. In fome of the points, I fup-
poſe the two laft, the minifters in England were mifin-
formed. In fome of the others, particularly thofe which it
was thought moft difficult to anfwer, in a few years after
the clergy in England fully concurred with their brethren
in New England.
IN June 1637, two large fhips arrived from England
with paffengers. Mr. Eaton and Mr, Hopkins*, two
London merchants, `Mr. Davenport a miniſter of great
character for learning and piety, and many others of good
note and condition were of this company. Great pains
were taken to perſuade them to ſtay in the jurifdiction.
The court offered them any place they would pitch upon.
The town of Newbury offered to give up their fettlement
to them. Quinnipiack, and the country between that and
the Dutch, was reprefented as a very fruitful place and
well fituated for trade and navigation. They flattered
themſelves, but upon what grounds does not appear, that
there they ſhould be out of the reach of a general gover-
nor, with which the country was from time to time
threatned. Thefe were the reafons publickly given for
removing there. Befides, the principal men of the new
company would be at the head of the government there;
here, it was natural to expect, the old ftanders would be
confidered as their fuperiors. They laid the foundation
Mr. Hopkins had been a Turkey merchant in London, of good
credit and eſteem, but of puritan principles; and for the fake of an
undist rbed enjoyment of the worfhip of God, agreeable to thofe
principles, came to New-England. He married Mr. Eaton's daugh-
ter-in-law. When Mr. Eaton removed to New-Haven, Mr. Hopkins
went to Hartford, the chief town of Connecticut, and was choſen
their governor feveral years, at length, returned to England and was
chafen member of parliament, was warden of the fleet, a commif-
fioner of the navy and of the admiralty. He had, notwithstanding,
thoughts of returning to New-England, having an affection for the
country, but death put an end to thofe thoughts. He died at Lon-
don, in March 1657. He left a legacy to Harvard College, which
was unpaid until 1710, when it was received by virtue of a decree in
chancery.
of
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
83
of a flouriſhing colony, of which Quinnipiack, or New- 1637
Haven, was the chief town. They agreed among them-
felves upon a model of government in church and ſtate,
very like to that of the Maffachufets, and continued a
diftinct colony and government until the year 1665*, when
Connecticut and New-Haven, having three years before
been incorporated by a charter from King Charles the
fecond, united under one governor †. The people in the
Maffa-
2.
* Connecticut charter was brought over by Mr. Winthrop in 1662,
but New-Haven refuſed to fubmit to it. At a general meeting at
New-Haven, 4th Nov. 1662, Mr. Davenport being prefent infifted
1. That the colony of New-Haven was not within the patent.
That it was not lawful to join, and they unanimoufly concluded to
ftand to their own combination. Goffe's Journal. But in 1665, upon
commiffioners coming over to enquire into the ftate of the colonies,
they wifely changed their refolution, and of a colony became a county,
and fo have remained ever fince.
The heads of the combination or agreement were thefe, viz.
That none ſhall be admitted to any office in the government, civil
or military, or have a voice in any election, except he be a member
of one of the churches in New-England.
That all the freemen, without fummons, fhall yearly meet, the laſt
fourth day in May, and vote in the election of governor, deputy go-
vernor, magiftrates and other officers; fuch as cannot attend in perſon
may vote by proxy, or fend their votes fealed.
That there be a general court, confifting of governor, deputy go-
vernor and magiftrates, and two deputies for each plantation where
there is a church and freemen orderly admitted; every member of the
court to have a voice, and all determinations to be by the major vote
of the magiftrates and the major vote of the deputies. This court to
fit the laft fourth day of May in every year of courſe, and on other
occaſions to be fummoned by the governor, or in his abſence by the
deputy governor, or in the abſence of both by two magiftrates. To
declare, publiſh and eſtabliſh the laws of God the fupreme legislator,
and to make and repeal orders for fmaller matters not particularly de-
termined in ſcripture, according to the general rules of righteouſneſs.
To order all affairs of war and peace, and all matters relative to the
defending or fortifying the country. To receive and determine ali ap-
peals, civil or criminal, from any inferior courts, in which they are
to proceed according to fcripture light, and laws and orders agreeing
therewith.
That there be a court of magiftrates, to meet or be held twice every
year, to determine all weighty cauſes, civil or criminal, above thofe
F 4
limited
84
THE HISTORY OF
1637 Maffachuſets ſoon after reflected upon the favour of provi
dence, in not gratifying them with the continuance of this
company among them. It appeared that the Dutch were de-
figning to take poffeffion of this country, and they oppofed
the English in the fettlement even of New-Haven itſelf,
threatning hoftilities against them. Mr. Eaton, being a man
of good abilities, was a fit perfon to refift them; and,
finally,
limited to plantation courts, and to receive and try all appeals from
plantation courts. In this court, when the voices are equal, the go-
vernor, or in his abfence the deputy governor, fhall have a cafting
voice.
That there be a court in each plantation, in which there fhall be one
or more magiſtrates; the freemen to chufe two, three or four deputies
to affift the magiftrate for the trial of civil cauſes, not exceeding twenty
pounds, and criminal, the penalty not exceeding ſtocks, whipping, or
five pounds fine.
Their laws and judicial proceedings varied in very few circumftances.
from the Maffachufets; one indeed was a material one, that they had
no jury, neither in civil nor criminal cafes. All matters of fact, as
well as law, were determined by the court.
Mr. Davenport, the minifter who came over with Mr. Eaton, had
been a preacher of great note in Colman-street, London, and for his
noncompliance in ecclefiaftical matters abfconded and came over pri-
vately. Many of his principal hearers accompanied him, and formed
a church at New-Haven. Another company came from Kent, Suf-
folk, and Surry in England, among whom was Mr. William Leet, then
a young man (after Mr. Eaton's death, governor) and after the colonies
were united, fome time governor of Connecticut. Thefe, with Mr.
Whitfield their miniſter, choſe a place about 16 miles Eaſt of New-
Haven, fince called Guildford. Another company removed from Hart-
ford with Mr. Peter Prudden for their minifter, and fettled a little Weft
from New-Haven and called the place Milford. Brainford on the Eaſt,
and Stamford near forty miles Weft of New-Haven, were both fettled
by people who removed from Weathersfield on account of diſturbances
in the church there. Theſe towns, together with a plantation upon the
Eaft end of Long-Ifland called Southold, are faid to have been all that
were concerned in the combination which was firft formed. The co-
lony chofe their leader Mr. Eaton for their first governor, and con-
-tinued him every year until he died, which was 14 years after the foun-
dation. Their chief view was trade; and, to be better accommodated,
they built on ſmall houfe-lots near the fea, and fairer and more
commodious houſes than thofe in the other colonies. They built
veffels for foreign voyages, and fet up trading-houfes upon lands
which they purchaſed at Delaware bay for the fake of beaver, but
were
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
85
finally, in the year 1650, the other 'colonies uniting in 1637
the caufe with New-Haven, they were by treaty limited
to Greenwich, faid to be ten or twelve miles on a ftrait
line diftant from Hudfon's river. Indeed the fuffering
them to extend thus far was mere favour and indulgence,
but there had been a good correſpondence always kept
up between the Engliſh colonies and theſe intruders.
They had mutual trade and commerce, and although the
Dutch at that day, whatever they may now do, did not
efteem godliness to be the greateſt gain, yet their form of
worſhip, their principles as to difcipline and ceremonies
were more agreeable to the New-Englanders than thoſe
of the high party in England. New-Haven was a bar-
rier to the colony of Connecticut, and caufed its in-
creafe. To which we may add, that the Maſſachuſets,
by the removal of this company, were enabled to pro-
were unfuccessful, and their ftocks funk very faft, and in five or fix
years they were much exhauſted. Unwilling to give over, they ex-
erted themſelves, as a last effort, in building a fhip for the trade to
England, in which they put their whole ftock of money, plate, and
and all the proper goods they could procure, to make a more valu-
able adventure. In her went paffenger Mr. Grigfon, one of the ma-
giftrates, in order to folicit a patent, and eight or ten more confider-
able perfons, who, to uſe Mr. Cotton's expreffion, all went to heaven
by water, the hip never being heard of after their failing. The lofs
of this ſhip entirely broke them up as traders, and they turned to
huſbandry for their fupport. The manner of their fettlement, upon
fmall lots, was inconvenient for huſbandmen, and the foil was not
the beſt, ſo that they were much difcouraged and feveral projections
were made for their removal in a body. They made further pur-
chafes of large tracts' of land at Delaware bay, but were obſtructed
and difcouraged by oppofition from the Dutch. They had offers from
Ireland, after the wars were over, and were in treaty for the purchaſe
of lands there for a ſmall diftin&t province by themfelves, and when
Jamaica was conquered by Cromwell, propofals were made to them.
to remove there in a body; but as the first generation went off, and
the fecond came on with the attachment natural to the place of their
birth and education, they became more reconciled to their fituation,
and although they have never been remarkable for foreign commerce,
the firſt intention of the fettlement, yet their improvements in huf-
bandry have been equal to any of their neighbours. The ancient
colony of New-Haven is at this day a principal part of the colony of
Connecticut, on many accounts refpectable, and to be placed with
thofe of the first rank.
1
vide
86
THE HISTORY OF
1637 vide the better for the immediate acommodation of the
great number of paffengers which unexpectedly came
over the next year;
66
FOR in 1638, notwithstanding the clamour againſt the
1638 plantation was revived in England, and a defign was on
foot to revoke and annul the charter, there arrived about
20 fhips and three thouſand paffengers. Thefe fhips
were the more welcome to the colony, becauſe they were
afraid, that in confequence of the complaints againſt
them, a ftop would be put to any more paffengers com-
ing from England. In 1635, a commiffion had been
granted to feveral of the nobility, and great officers of
the crown for the regulation of the coloniest. The arch-
biſhop of Canterbury [Laud] kept a jealous eye over
New-England. One Burdett of Pifcataqua was his cor-
refpondent. A copy of a letter to the archbishop, wrote
by Burdett, was found in his ftudy, and to this effect, viz.
"That he delayed going to England, that he might
fully inform himſelf of the ſtate of the place as to alle-
giance, for it was not new diſcipline which was aimed
at, but fovereignty; and that it was accounted perjury
"and treafon, in their general court, to fpeak of appeals
"to the King." By the firft fhips which came this year,
a letter was brought from the archbishop to Burdett, ren-
dering him thanks for the care of his Majefty's fervice,
and affuring him, that he would take a time for the redrefs
of the diforders which he informed them of; but, by reaſon
of much bufinefs which lay upon them, they could
not at that time accompliſh his defire. This letter to
Burdett was, by fome means or other not mentioned,
fhewn to the governor of the Maffachufets. A quo war-
ranto had been brought by fome Sir John Banks, attor-
ney-general, a year or two before, againſt the governor,
deputy-governor and affiftants of the corporation of the
Maffachufets. This was never ferved upon any perfons in
New-England. Some, which were or had been of the
corporation, and who remained in England, appeared and
દુઃ
† Appendix,
dif
.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
87
diſclaimed the charter; and there was a determination, 1638
that the liberties and franchiſes of the corporation ſhould
be ſeized into the King's hands; but, it is faid, judgment
was never entered in form againſt the corporation*. It is
agreed, that there was an order of the King in council May
3d 1637, that the attorney-general be required to call for
the patent of the Maffachufets, and this year (1638) Mr.
Winthrop received a letter from Mr. Meautis, clerk of the
council, accompanied with an order from the Lords of the
council of April 4th 1638, requiring the governor, or any
other perſon who should have the letters patent in their
power or cuſtody, without fail to tranfmit the fame by
the return of the fhip which carried the order, and in cafe
of contempt their Lordships would move his Majefty to
re-affume into his hands the whole plantation. An anſwer
was drawn up and tranfmitt:d, as appears by the files of
the court t; in which, after profeffing their loyalty, they
fay, that they were never called to anfwer to the quo war-
ranto; if they had been, they ſhould have had a good plea
against it, that they came over with their families and
eftates, with his Majefty's licence and encouragement,
had greatly enlarged his dominions, and if their charter
ſhould be taken away they ſhould be forced to remove to
fome other place or return to their native country;
that the other plantations would be broke up, and the
the whole country fall into the hands of the French or
Dutch, and that all men would be difcouraged from fuch
undertakings in confidence of a royal grant; that the
common people, if caft off by his Majefty, might confe-
derate under fome new form of government, which would
be of evil example and might expofe the court to his Ma-
jefty's diſpleaſure; and for thefe reafons, they pray their
Lordships that they may be fuffered to live in this wil-
* Mr. Hubbard fays, judgment was given, &c. but the government
themſelves, in fome of their declarations in King Charles the fecond's
time, fay, that the process was never compleated.-Judgment was en-
tered againſt ſo many as appeared, and they which did not appear
were outlawed.
+ The records of the feffion take no notice of it. Appendix.
For being the occafion of it, by giving up the charter.
dernefs;
88
THE HISTORY OF
1638 derness; that their liberties may not be reftrained, when
others are enlarged; and that men of abilities may not be
hindred from coming to them, when they are encouraged
to go to other plantations. It was never known what
reception this anfwer met with. It is certain, that no
further demand was made. In a fhort time, the arch-
biſhop, and ſeveral other of the Lords of the council who
were preſent at this order, loft their authority and influ-
ence. They were as much perplexed, when called to ac-
count for their own conduct, as the colony could have been
for theirs, had it been more exceptionable than it was.
We may make fome conjectures what would have been the
confequence of taking away the charter at this time. It is
pretty certain, the body of the people would have left the
country. Two years after, meerly from a diffatisfaction
with the foil and the climate, many did remove, and many
more were on tiptoe and reſtrained only by the confidera-
tion of their engagements to ftand by and fupport one
another; but where they would have removed, is the
queftion. It would not have been to the French. This
would have been going further from the fun. They were
too far northward already. Beſides, they might well ex-
pect a heavier yoke under the romifh hierarchy, than
what they complained of under the proteftant. They
would not have removed to any plantation or territory
claimed by the King of England. What affurance could
they have of fecurity, for the enjoyment of privileges,
in any other part, ftronger than they had when they came
here? After they had fpent their ſubſtance, and many
that came with them their lives, in poffeffing and im-
proving a country, in confidence that they fhould enjoy
their charter privileges, they and their pofterity for ever,
they would not have trufted to promifes if any had been
made them a fecond time. It is moft likely they would
have gone to the Dutch at Hudfon's river. They had
always kept up a friendly correfpondence with them. In
their religious principles and form of worſhip and church
government, they were not very diftant from one another.
The Dutch were not generally very nice upon thofe points.
The
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
8.9
The only difficulty would have been, to have obtained 1638
thofe privileges in matters of government from the
Dutch, which they had from the English; and I think
the Dutch would have been politic enough to have grant-
ed them. If they had failed with the Dutch, ſuch was
their refolution, that they would have fought a vacuum
domicilium, (a favourite expreffion with them) in fome
part of the globe where they would, according to their ap-
prehenfions, have been free from the controul of any
European power. In their first migration, moft of them
could fay, omnia mea mecum porto. All the difference,
as to the ſecond would have been, that fo far as they had
leffened their fubftance, fo much lefs room would have
been neceffary for the tranſportation of what remained.
Such a ſcheme would have confifted very well with their
notions of civil fubjection, as we fhall fee in many in-
ftances. I do not fay their notions were juft. Allegiance
in an English born fubject is faid to be perpetual, and
to accompany him wherever he goes.
THE fame governor, deputy governor and affiftants
were chofen for 1638, as had been for 1637. The fet-
tlements were extended this year beyond Merrimack ri-
ver. Saliſbury and Hampton had a great quantity of falt
meadows. They were an inducement to people to fit
down there, although the upland was a light fandy ſoil
and not very inviting. Rowley and Sudbury were both
fettled this year alſo.
THE inhabitants of Lynn being defirous of larger ac-
commodations, many of them removed to Long Iſland,
near the weft end; Lord Stirling, by his agent there,
having fold or quit claimed to them a tract for a planta-
tion; but they were foon difturbed by the Dutch, and
fome of them were impriſoned under a pretence of an
affront offered to the Prince of Orange's arms, which
they had taken down from a tree where the Dutch had
hung them up. Not being able to keep their ground,
they removed to the eaft end, and fettled a church and
town (Southampton) and entered into a civil combination,
intending
*
90
THE HISTORY OF
་
}
1638 intending to be independent of any of the colonies. An
other diſtinct government was forming at the mouth of
Connecticut river by the agent of Lord Say and Seal
and Lord Brooke, who, with other perſons of diſtinction,
were ftill expected in New-England, and other compa-
nies who were intending to remove, intended likewife to
form into feparate governments. But this humour did not
laft long. In a few years, all the colonies found an union
or confederacy neceffary for their defence, not only againſt
the Indians, but againſt the French and Dutch; and there
could be no encouragement for ſmall bodies of men to fit
down any where, independant or unconnected. All that
had begun any fettlements between the Maffachufets and
the Dutch (the Rhode Iſlanders excepted, who were co-
vered, except on the fea, by the other colonies) joined
with Connecticut or New-Haven, and all to the eaſt-
ward, whether in New-Hampſhire, Province of Main
or the country further eaft, applied to the Maſſachuſets
that they might incorporate with them.
#
THE year 1638 was memorable for a very great earth-
quake throughout New-England. The fhake, by the
printed accounts of it, and from manufcript letters, ap-
pears to have been equal to that in 1727, the pewter in
many places being thrown off the fhelves, and the tops of
chimnies in fome places fhook down, but the noiſe,
though great, not fo furprizing as that of the laft men-
tioned. The courſe of it was from weft to eaft. This was
a remarkable æra. So long after the earthquake was as
common an expreffion with the people of New-England,
for many years, as it feems to have been heretofore with
the children of Ifrael t.
HARVARD College takes its date from the year 1638.
Two years before, the general court gave four hundred
pounds towards a public ſchool at Newtown, but Mr.
John Harvard, a worthy minifter of Charleſtown, dy-
ing this year and having given a great part of his eftate,
between ſeven and eight hundred pounds to the fame ufe,
↑ Johnſon.-Hubbard,
the
MASSACHUSET S-BAY.
91
the ſchool took the name of Harvard College by an
order of Court *.
IN 1639, the former governor and deputy governor 1
were continued, and the fame affiſtants, except Mr. Harla-
kenden, who died in the colony, and I fuppofe the laft year.
STRAITS and difficulties, at the beginning of the co-
lony, had produced induftry and good huſbandry, and
then they foon raiſed provifions enough for their own
ſupport, and an overplus for exportation. We hear but
little of trade for the firſt feven years, except a ſmall
traffick with the natives by barter of toys, and the few
utenfils, tools and cloathing they at first thought neceffary,
in exchange for furs and fkins. What the planters brought
with them confifted, principally, of materials for their
buildings, neceffary tools for their huſbandry, ſtock for
their farms, and cloathing for themſelves and families;
and thoſe who had more eftate than was fufficient for
theſe purpoſes, were country gentlemen and unacquaint-
ed with commerce, as Winthrop, Dudley, Bellingham,
Bradftreet, &c. and never employed themſelves in it,
(Mr. Winthrop built a fmall barque called the Bleffing,
which was employed to import corn from the fouthern
Indians when the colony was in want, but ſhe was ſoon
1639
* The firſt maſter of the college was Nathaniel Eaton, who was a
good ſcholar, but had not the other qualities requifite for the inftruc-
tion and government of youth. He was charged with avarice, in with-
holding neceffary or convenient commons, and with cruelty, in beat-
ing his ufher with a cudgel whilft two of his fervants held him out
by the legs and arms. His conduct having been enquired into by the
court, in 1639, he was thereupon difplaced, fined 100 marks and or-
dered to pay thirty pounds to Mr. Brifcoe whom he had cruelly beat.
After the fentence of the court, he was excommunicated from the
church at Cambridge. He complained that the church had enquired
into his cafe before, and fully understood it and paffed no cen-
fure upon him; but when they knew the opinion of the court, they
conformed to that. He went to Virginia. After the restoration he
was in England, conformed and had a living, and is faid to have re-
venged himſelf upon all nonconformifts, being greatly inftrumental in
their perfecutions. He was educated under Dr. Ames in Holland, and
known to Mr. Hooker whilft there, who fays he did not approve of
his fpirit, and feared the iffue of his being received here, &c. He was
fucceeded by Mr. Henry Dunftar, well esteemed for his learning, piety
and ſpirit of government.
2
caft
92
THE HISTORY OF
1639 caft away) and people in general turned their minds to
provide comfortable lodgings, and to bring under im- '
provement fo much land as would afford them neceffary
fupport, and this was enough to employ them. After a
few years, by hard labour and hard fare, the land pro-
duced more than was confumed by the inhabitants; the
overplus was fent abroad to the Weſt-Indies, the Wine-
Iflands, &c. Returns were made in the produce of the
refpective countries and in bullion, the moſt of which, to-
gether with the furs procured from the natives, went to
England to pay for the manufactures continually neceffary
from thence. As hands could be fpared from huſbandry
and labour in providing their houſes, they were taken off,
and fome employed in fawing boards, fplitting ftaves, fhin-
gles and hoops, others in the fishery, and as many as were
capable of it in building fmall veffels for the fishery and for
coafting and foreign trade. Thus gradually and inſenſibly
they ſeem to have fallen into that trade moft natural to
the country and adapted to their peculiar circumſtances,
without any premeditated ſcheme or projection for that
purpoſe. The primary views, in their removal, were the
enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. Merchants, and
others for the fake of gain when they faw a profpect of
it afterwards, came over and incorporated with them, and
cauſed a great increaſe of commerce, and led the legiſlators
to meaſures for the further improvement of it. For en-
couraging the fiſhery, an act was made, this year, to free
all eftates, employed in catching making or tranſporting
fish, from all duties and public taxes; and all perfons were
reftrained, by penalty, from ufing any cod or bafs fiſh for
manuring the ground; and all fishermen during the fea-
fon for buſineſs, and all fhip-builders, were by the fame.
act excufed from trainings. Sumptuary laws were made
for reſtraining excefs in apparel and other expences; a
fprit of induſtry and frugality prevailed; and thoſe who
lived in the next age ſpeak of this as the aurea ætas in
which religion and virtue flouriſhed: But it was not long
before many became diſcontented and encouraged pro-
jects for their removal.
9
IN
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
93
In the year 1640, Mr. Dudley was governor and Mr. 1640
Bellingham deputy governor; Mr. Winthrop, the former
governor, one of the affiftants; the reft the fame as the
last year. The importation of fettlers now ceaſed. The
motive to tranſportation to America was over, by the
change in the affairs of England. They, who then pro-
feffed to be able to give the beft account, fay, that in 298
ſhips, which were the whole number from the beginning
of the colony, there arrived* 21200 paffengers, men
women and children, perhaps about 4000 familiest.
Since which, more perfons have removed out of New-
England to other parts of the world than have come
from other parts to it; and the number of families, at
this day, in the four governments may be fuppofed to
be lefs rather than more than the natural encreafe of four
thouſand. This fudden ftop had a furprizing effect upon
the price of cattle. They had loft the greateft part of
what they intended for the firft fupply, in the paffage
from Europe. As the inhabitants multiplied, the de-
mand for the cattle increaſed, and the price of a milch
cow had kept from 25 to 30 l. but fell at once this year
to 5 or 61. A farmer, who could ſpare but one cow in
a year out of his ſtock, uſed to cloath his family with the
price of it at the expence of the new comers; when
this failed they were put to difficulties. Although they
judged they had 12000 neat cattle, yet they had but
about 3000 ſheep in the colony.
* Mr. Neale fuppofes this to be impoffible, but the number is not
great for fo many fhips. If we allow half of them for tranfporting
goods, and 140 fouls to each of the other, it will make the number.
Many of the fhips were large, in the first fleet eſpecially.
† A modeft computation then made of the whole charge of tranf-
portation of the perfons, their goods, the ftock of cattle, proviſions
until they could fupport themfelves, neceffaries for building, artillery,
arms and ammunition, amounts to 192,000 l. fterling. Johnfon. A dear
purchafe, if they had paid nothing before to the council of Plimouth,
and nothing afterwards to the fachems of the country. Well might
they complain, when the titles to their lands were called in queftion
by Sir Edmond Andros; their labour in clearing and improving them
was of more value than the lands after they were improved, and this
other expence might be out of the queftion.
G
}
THE
94
THE HISTORY OF
1641
$
THE year 1641 afforded not fo pleafing a profpect.
As foon as the country ceaſed to be neceffary, as an aſy-
lum for oppreffed people in England, fome of thofe who
had been the greatest benefactors there not only diſcou-
raged any further tranſportation, but endeavoured to in-
duce fuch as bad gone over to remove. Had the fame
changes happened in England fix or eight years fooner,
the continent of North America would in all probability
have been at this day in a far lefs flouriſhing eftate than
it is. Some of the principal men wavered, but others.
were more refolute, and determined not to forfake their
undertaking*.
LORD Say and Seal had turned his thoughts to a more
fouthern fettlement in the Bahama islands. He had en-
gaged Mr. Humfries, one of the affiftants of the Maff-
chufets colony, in the defign, with a promiſe of being the
governor of the new ſettlement. A new plan of govern-
ment was framed, wholly ariftocratical, and the magi-
ftracy to be hereditary; but exceptions being taken to
this form by the people, it was altered and brought
nearer to that of the Maffachufetst. Mr. Winthrop
(the
this
* Mr. Richard Salftonftall about this time, and I fuppofe upon
occafion, made a vow to God that he would not leave the country
whilst the ordinances of God continued there in purity. Some years
after, his wife was in a bad ftate of health and it was thought fhe
might have relief by phyficians in England. He applied to Mr. Cot-
ton, not to abfolve him, but to fatisfy his doubting confcience. Mr.
Cotton convinced him that the marriage vow was the most binding.
MS. J. Cotton.
+ It is obfervable that all the colonies, before the reign of King
Charles the fecond, Maryland excepted, fettled a model of govern-
ment for themſelves. Virginia had been many years diſtracted under
the government of prefidents and governors, with councils in whoſe
nomination or removal the people had no voice, until in the year
1620 a houſe of burgeffes broke out in the colony; the King nor
the grand council at home not having given any powers or directions
for it. The governor and affiftants of the Maffachufets at firft in-
tended to rule the people, and, as we have obferved, obtained their
confent for it, but this lafted two or three years only; and although
there is no colour for it in the charter, yet a houſe of deputies appeared
fuddenly, in 1634, to the furprize of the magiftrates and the difappoint-
ment
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
95
(the ufual governor and always confidered abroad as the 1641
head of the colony) had wrote to Lord Say, repreſent-
ing to his Lordſhip that it ſeemed evident that God had
chofen New-England to plant his people in, and that it
would
ment of their ſchemes for power.-Connecticut foon after followed the
plan of the Maffachufets.--New-Haven, altho' the people had the higheft
reverence for their leaders and for near 30 years in judicial proceeding
fubmitted to the magistracy (it muſt however be remembred that it was
annually elected) without a jury. yet in matters of legiflation the peo-
ple, from the beginning, would have their fhare by their reprefenta-
tives. New-Hampshire combined together under the fame form
with Maffachufets. Lord Say tempts the principal men of the
Maſſachuſets, to make them and their heirs nobles and abfolute go-
vernors of a new colony; but, under this plan, they could find no
people to follow them.-Barbadoes and the leward iflands, began in
1625, ftruggled under governors and councils and contending proprie-
tors for about 20 years. Numbers fuffered death by the arbitrary
fentences of courts martial, or other acts of violence, as one fide or
the other happened to prevail. At length, in 1645, the firft affem-
bly was called, and no reafon given but this, viz. That, by the grant
to the Earl of Carliſle, the inhabitants were to enjoy all the liberties,
privileges and franchifes of English fubjects, and therefore, as it is
alfo exprefsly mentioned in the grant, could not legally be bound or
charged by any act without their own confent. This grant, in 1627,
was made by Charles the firſt, a Prince not the most tender of the
fubjects liberties. After the reftoration there is no inftance of a co-
lony ſettled without a reprefentative of the people, nor any attempt
to deprive the colonies of this privilege, except in the arbitrary reign
of King James the fecond. The colonies, which are to be fettled
in the new acquired countries, have the fulleft affurance, by his Ma-
jefty's proclamation, that the fame form of government ſhall be eſta-
bliſhed there. Perhaps the fame eftablishment in Canada, and the
full privileges of British fubjects conferred upon the French inhabi-
tants there, might be the means of firmly attaching them to the Bri-
tiſh intereft; and civil liberty tend alfo to deliver them by degrees
from their religious flavery. The inhabitants of Acadie or Nova-
Scotia lived, above forty years after the reduction of Port Royal,
uader the government of their priests. No form of civil government
was eſtabliſhed, and they had no more affection for England than for
Ruffia. The military authority ferved as a watch to prevent confede-
racies or combinations. The people indeed chofe more or lefs depu-
ties from each canton or divilion, but their only bufinefs feems to
have been to receive orders from the governor, and to prefent peti-
tions to him from the people. Temporal offences, unleſs enormous,
and all civil controverfies were ordinarily adjudged and determined
by their fpiritual fathers. I aſked fome of the most fenfible of the
G 2
Acadians,
96
THE HISTORY OF
1641 would be difpleafing unto him that this work fhould be
hindered; and that fuch as had been well inclined,
if not with their perfons yet with their ſubſtance,
to encourage it, fhould defift and difcourage it by in-
finuating that there was no poffibility of fubfiftance there;
and added, that God would never have fent fo many of
his people thither, if he had not feen the place fufficient
to maintain them or intended to make it fo. His Lord-
ſhip anſwered, that he could not deny great part of
what was written, particularly the evidence of God's
owning his people in the country of New-England; but
alledged, that it was a place appointed for a prefent
refuge only, and a better place being now found out they
ought all to remove there §.
It is certain that a great part of the colony was under
great
doubts as to their fubfiftance. All could not be
traders. Much labour was neceffary to the clearing a
new country for pafture or tillage; after three or four
years improvement of a piece of ground, they found
they had exhaufted the goodneſs of the foil and were
obliged to go upon new improvements. They never
ufed fuch manure as would keep it in heart. The com-
mon practice, of manuring with fish, left the land in a
worfe ftate than it would have been in if they had uſed no
manure at all, or than any other manure, even lime,
would have left it. This caufed many of them to have
an unfavourable opinion of the country and to defpair of
obtaining a livelihood in it, and great numbers had de-
termined to remove. Some were perfuaded to alter their
refolution, but others perfifted. A church had been ga-
Acadians, what puniſhment the prieſts could inflict to anſwer the ends
of government. They anfwered me by another queſtion. What can
be a greater puniſhment than the forfeiture of our falvation? In no
part of the romiſh church the blind perfuafion, of the power of the
prieft to fave or damn, was ever more firmly riveted; and although
thefe Acadians have, for eight years paft, been ſcattered through the
English colonies, yet I never could hear of one apoftate or ſo much as
a wavering perfon among them all; and if the Canadians are treated
in the fame manner, they will probably remain under the fame infa-
tuation.
§ Hubbard.
thered
MASSACHUSET S-B A Y.
97
thered at Providence, and news came, that Mr. Sher- 1641
wood the paftor, with another minifter, had been fent
home prifoners by Carter the deputy governor, and that
the magistrates were inclined to perfecution. This is not
incredible, even in the year 1641, when they could not
have expected that theſe meaſures would be approved in
England, for Virginia perfifted in oppofition to the par-
liament many years after. Whilft fome in New-Eng-
land were difcouraged by this advice, others were the
more confirmed, looking upon it their duty to go over
and ftrengthen their brethren. Mr. Humfries had met
with great loffes by fire, the year before, and was de-
tained in New-England by his private affairs for this
year; but a company embarked with Capt. William
Pierce, who was of the firft fleet which came over with
the charter, and a very noted commander. Upon their
arrival at Providence, they found the iſland in the poffef-
fion of the Spaniards. They had fhot in under the com-
mand of the fort before they diſcovered their danger;
and in coming about, Pierce was flain from the fort, but
the veffel got clear and returned to New England, and
the defigns of the reft, of courfe, were at an end. The
Lords, and others concerned in this attempt to fettle the
Bahama iflands, fpent fixty thouſand pounds fterling,
which was entirely loft by the iſland's being taken *.
THE difficulties particular perfons were under, and the
difference of fentiment upon private affairs, had an in-
fluence upon the public affairs. The election this year
(1641), notwithstanding the great number of voters,
was determined in favour of Mr. Bellingham for gover-
nor, Mr. Winthrop being his competitor, by a majority
of fix votes only. Mr. Endicot was chofen deputy go-
vernor. It was difputed whether they had the majority,
and it was fome time, Mr. Hubbard fays, long, before
either of them were admitted to their places. The
choice feems not to have been agreeable to the general
court, for the first order they made, was to repeal a
* Hubbard.
G 3
ftanding
98
THE HISTORY OF
1641 ftanding law for allowing one hundred pounds annually
to the governor.
THE Court, this year, expecting great revolutions
were at hand in England, fent over, as their agents, two
of the minifters, Mr. Thomas Weld, and Mr. Hugh
Peters, and one of the reprefentatives, Mr. William
Hibbins, in order to eſtabliſh the intereft of the colony.
Their particular inftructions have not been preferved.
THIS year alfo, the plantation at Springfield, upon
Connecticut river, returned to the jurifdiction of the
Maffachufets. In the year 1636, as has been obferved,
the towns or fettlements on Connecticut river began. A
more particular account of the fettlement of that colony
will perhaps be expected. The inhabitants of the towns
of Roxbury, Dorchester, Cambridge and Watertown,
in the Maffachufets, laid the foundation of the colony
of Connecticut. Mr. William Pynchon, being the
principal perſon among thoſe from Roxbury who had
pitched upon a place higher up the river than the reft,
called by the Indians Agawam, he changed the name to
Springfield *. His manfion houfe was at a town, of
that name in England, near to Chelmsford in Effex.
Thoſe from Dorchefter pitched upon a place below, called
by the Indians Mattaneaug or Cufhankamaug. Mr.
Ludlow was the principal perfon who removed with
them. Mr Warham their minifter and the whole church
followed the next year. They called their fettlement
Windfor. The Cambridge people, with Mr. Hooker and
Mr. Stone their minifters, and Mr. Haynes who the year
+ Weld nor Peters ever returned to New-England. The firſt, as
appears by fome of his letters, had a living at Gate fend in the Biſhop-
rick of Durham. He went to Ireland with Lord Forbes, but came back
to England and was ejected in King Charles the fecond's reign. The
latter, by bufying himſelf too much with politicks, came to a tra-
gical end, which he would have been in no danger of if he had re-
turned to his church again. His wife, whom he married in New-
England, was fupported after his death by a collection of 301. a year
until 1571. MS. letter.
* At first they called the new fettlements by the names of the towns
they had left in the bay.
before
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
99
before had been governor at their head, were feated next 1641
below at a place called Suckiang, which they changed
into Hartford, the place of Mr. Stone's nativity in Eng-
land. A few miles below, there was another tract of in-
terval land called by the Indians Pauquiang, which thoſe
of Hartford intended to have included in their fettlement;
but a few of the Watertown people were too quick for them.
They gave it the name of Weathersfield. The commif-
fion, which they took from the Maffachufets, was of a
pretty extraordinary nature. The preamble to it acknow-
ledges, that the lands, which they intended to take pof-
feffion of, were without the commonwealth and body of
the Maffachufets, and that certain noble perfonages in
England, by virtue of a patent, challenged the jurifdic-
tion there; but their minds not being known as to a form
of government, and there being a neceffity that fome au-
thority ſhould be eſtabliſhed, they therefore appoint Ro-
ger Ludlow, Efq; &c *. with full power and authority
to hear and determine, in a judicial way, all matters in
difference between party and party, to inflict corporal pu-
niſhment, impriſonment and fines, and to make and de-
cree orders for the prefent as fhall be neceffary for the plan-
tation, relative to trading, planting, building, military
difcipline and defenſive war, if need require, and to convene
the inhabitants in general court if it fhall be thought meet.
The commiffion to continue no longer than one year, and
to be recalled if a form of government could be agreed
upon between the noble perfonages, the inhabitants, and
the commonwealth of the Maffachufets, &c.
THERE would be no accounting for this ftretch of
power were it not for a principle at that time generally
received, and which upon a queftion was determined fome
years after by the general court, fome of the members.
* The others were William Pynchon, Efq; John Steele, William
Swaine, Henry Smith, William Phelpes, William Weſtwood, and
Andrew Warner.
Mr. Ludlow, in a letter from Hartford, 1ft of the 8th Month, 1638,
to the Maffachufets general court, obferves they had defired that Con-
necticut would forbear excrcifing jurifdiction at Agawam.
G 4
diffenting,
100
THE HISTORY OF
1641 diffenting, that the oath of fidelity to the commonwealth
was binding even though the perfon fhould no longer
refide within the limits.
NOTWITHSTANDING this commiflion, they foon after
entered into an agreement or combination, by virtue of
which they called themfelves a body politick formed and
eſtabliſhed by mutual confent, and framed fuch laws and
conftitutions as they thought neceffary; the moft material
point in which they differed from the Maffachufets, was
the not making memberſhip of their churches neceſſary to
freedom in the civil government or to the holding any
offices therein. Upon the petition of Mr. Pynchon and
others to the court to receive them again, an order paffed
afferting the court's right, and a commiffion was granted
to Mr. Pynchon to hold courts there +, from whofe judg-
ments an appeal lay to the court of affiftants *.
THE
+ Maff. Records.
* George Fenwick, Efq; a worthy pious gentleman and of a good
family and eftate, came from England with defign to take poffeffion
of the lands upon Connecticut river for the Lords Say and Brook,
&c. The lands between Connecticut river and the Naraganfet coun-
try, fixty miles in length and breadth, were affigned by the council
of Plimouth, in 1635, to the Marquifs of Hamilton. The Lords Say,
&c. had a patent from the Earl of Warwick, including all that part of
New-England in America from Naraganfet river forty leagues upon a
ftrait line near the fea fhore towards the fouthweft, weft and by fouth
or weft, as the coaft lies towards Virginia, and all lands within the
breadth aforefaid, from the weſtern ocean to the fouth fea, ſo that
the two grants or claims interfered. The Connecticut people pur-
chafed the title of the Lords, of Mr. Fenwick, December 5, 1644.
The thoughts of removing were then at an end, and Fenwick joined
with the colony and was chofen an affiftant. The colony went on
exercifing the powers of government until the reſtoration, when
they applied, by Mr. Winthrop their agent, to King Charles II. in
1661, for a charter, which was granted in 1662, with as ample pri-
vileges as they could defire. Mr. Winthrop had been many years
an affiftant in the Maffachufets. He was fenfible of the defects
in the charter; and befides, this colony being in America at the
time of granting the charter, the powers granted them would na-
turally be better adapted to their circumftances. Mr. Winthrop, it
is faid, prefented the King with a ring which had been given by
Charles the firft to his grandfather, and that the King was much
pleafed
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
ΙΟΙ
THE fettlers at Pifcataqua, about the fame time, fub- 1641
mitted themſelves to the Maffachufets government. The
fubmiffion and agreement upon record is as follows:
66
"The 14th of the 4th month, 1641.
"WHEREAS fome Lords, Knights, Gentlemen and
"others did purchaſe, of Mr. Edward Hilton and fome
"merchants of Bristol, two patents, the one called We-
"cohamet or Hilton's point, commonly called or known
by the name of Dover or Northam, the other patent
"fet forth by the name of the fouth part of the river
Pafcataquack, beginning at the fea fide or near there-
"abouts, and coming round the faid land by the river
"fide unto the falls of Quamſcot, as may more fully ap-
pear by the faid grant. And whereas others alſo, re-
"fiding at prefent within the limits of both the faid
66
pleaſed with it. When they were finding fault with the Maffachufets,
they notwithſtanding eſtabliſhed another government, much of the
fame form and the fame fort of people. Rhode-Ifland about the fame
time obtained the like charter. Certain powers, affumed by the
Maffachufets, not mentioned in their charter, by theſe new charters
are exprefly granted to the two colonies. Had thefe applications been
delayed two or three years longer they would hardly have fucceeded.
Plimouth, which had as much reafon to expect ſuch a favour, never
could obtain it. They kept folliciting, one time after another, and
were amuſed with general promiſes of favour until they were compre-
hended in a commiffion to Sir Edmund Andros, which put an end to
their expectations.-Mr. afterwards Colonel Fenwick, above-men-
tioned, by his laft will, proved in Suffex in England, April 27, 1657,
gave five hundred pounds to the public ufe of the country of New-
England, if his loving friend Mr. Edward Hopkins fhould think fit,
and to be employed as he fhould order and direct. Mr. Hopkins died
a day or two before Colonel Fenwick, and by his will left at leaſt
2000l. to be employed for breeding youth at the grammar ſchool and
univerſity in New-England. The question was, whether the 500!.
mentioned in Mr. Fenwick's will, be not recoverable from the exe-
cutrix of the faid will. This was propoſed to Serjeant Maynard. Anf.
The difpofition to the charitable ufe being with condition of Mr. Hop-
kins's approvement, and Mr. Hopkins dying before the teftator, is
impoffible, and the charitable uſe becomes abfolute and ought now to
be performed. John Maynard. I never heard that any part of this
legacy was recovered. Mr. Hopkins's, or part of it, was decreed by
Lord Chancellor Cowper, as we have before obſerved, and the col-
lege eſtate in Hopkinton was purchaſed therewith. MS. letters.
66
grants,
102
THE HISTORY OF
1641" grants, have, of late and formerly, complained of the
"want of fome good government amongst them, and
"defired fome help in this particular from the jurifdiction
"of the Maffachufets bay, whereby they may be ruled
" and ordered according unto God both in church and
"common weal; and for avoiding of fuch unfufferable
"diforders whereby God hath been much diſhonoured
"amongst them, thefe gentlemen whoſe names are here
' fpecified, George Willys, gent. Robert Saltonftall,
t gent. William Whiting, Edward Holioke, Thomas
Makepeace, partners in the faid patent, do, in the be-
"half of the reft of the patentees, difpofe of the 'lands
"and jurifdiction of the premiſes as followeth; being
'
66
willing to further fuch a good work, have hereby, for
"themſelves and in the name of the reft of the patentees,
given up and fet over all that power or jurifdiction of
government of the faid people dwelling or abiding
"within the limits of both the faid patents unto the go-
"vernment of the Maffachufets bay, by them to be
66
'
<<
ruled and ordered in all caufes criminal and civil, as
"inhabitants dwelling within the limits of Maffachufets
government, and to be fubject to pay in church and
" commonwealth as the faid inhabitants of Maffachufets
Bay do, and no other; and the freemen of the ſaid two
patents to enjoy the like liberties as other freemen do
"within the faid Maffachufets government, and that
"there ſhall be a court of juftice kept within one of the
"two patents, which fhall have the fame power that the
"courts at Salem and Ipſwich have. Provided always,
❝and it is hereby declared, that one of the faid patents,
"that is to fay, that on the fouth fide of the river Pifca-
86
taquack, and in the other patent one third part of the
land with all improved land in the faid patent to the
"Lords and gentlemen and owners fhall be and remain,
"unto them their heirs and affigns forever, as their proper
"right, as having true intereft therein, faving the inte-
"reft of jurifdiction to the Maffachufets. And the faid
<<
patent of Wecohamet ſhall be divided, as formerly is ex-
"preffed, by indifferent men, equally chofen on both fides,
"whereby
ร
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
103
"whereby the plantation may be furthered and all occafion 1641
"of difference avoided. And this honoured court of the
"Maffachufets doth hereby promife to be helpful to the
"maintenance of the right of the faid patentees in both the
"patents all legal courfes in any part of their jurifdiction.
Subſcribed by the aforenamed gentlemen, in the pre-
"fence of the general court affembled, the day afore-
" written *.”
THE river of Newichewannock, or Pifcataqua, is faid to
have been firſt diſcovered by Capt. Smith or ſome employ-
ed by him in 1614 or 1615. De Monts, ten years before,
had been at Kennebeck and Saco, and fome leagues further
weftward along ſhore; but ftruck over from fome part of
Welles, by the deſcription he gives of the coaft, to Cape
Ann, which he calls Cape Louis, and from thence to Cape
Blanc, which muſt be Cape Cod. In the year 1623, ſeve-
ral gentlemen, merchants and others in the weft of Eng-
land, belonging to Bristol, Exeter, Dorchefter, Shrews-
bury, Plimouth, &c. having obtained patents from the
council of Plimouth for feveral parts of New-England, and
being encouraged by the plantation of New-Plimouth, and
the reports of fishermen who had made voyages upon the
coaft, projected and attempted a fishery about Pifcataqua,
and ſent over David Thompfon, together with Edward
Hilton and William Hilton, who had been fishmongers in
London, and fome others, with all neceffaries for their pur-
pofe. The Hiltons fet up their ſtages fome diſtance above
the mouth of the river, at a place fince called Dover. Some
others of the company, about the fame time, feized on a
place below at the mouth of the river, called Little Har-
bour, where they built the first houfe. Sir Ferdinando
Gorges and Capt. John Mafon were of this company, and
the place where this houſe was built with three or four
thouſand acres of land for a manor or lordſhip, by con-
fent of the rest of the undertakers, was affigned to Capt.
Mafon, and the houſe took the name of Maſon-hall +.
* Maff. Records.
The Chimney and part of the ftone wall were ftanding in the year
$680. Hubbard.
THESE
104
THE HISTORY OF
1641
THESE fettlements went on very ſlowly for feven years
after; and in 1631, when Edward Colcott * firft came
over, there were but three houfes in all that fide of the
country adjoining to Pifcataqua river. There had been
fome expence befides about falt works. The affairs of
the great council of Plimouth, from firft to laft, were
carried on in a confuſed manner. There have been fix
or feven feveral grants of the lands between Merrimack
and Kennebeck. Whether any of them, befides thoſe to
Gorges and the Maſſachuſets, are at this day of any va-
lidity I will not determine t. In 1629, Gorges and Ma-
fon are faid to have taken a patent together for all the
lands between the two rivers; and by mutual agreement,
and by a diftinct patent, all the lands from Pifcataqua to
Merrimack were affigned to Mafon . Gorges feems to
have laid no great ftrefs upon his title, for in 1639, he
obtained a patent under the great feal from King Charles
the firft. The Lord Say and Brooke, who were very ge-
neral adventurers, they purchaſed the Briſtol men's ſhare,
which was two thirds of the firft company's intereft.
Some perfons of Shrewsbury held the other third. Capt.
Wiggan was made the agent for the Shrewſbury men.
In the year 1630, Captain Neale, with three others,
came over to Pifcataqua to fuperintend the affairs of Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, Mafon, and the reft, but principally
to diſcover a new country, to which they gave the name
of Laconia, and which in Gorges's hiſtory is very pom-
pouſly deſcribed. Champlain, many years before this,
had given his own name to Lake Iroquois, and the Eng-
lifh, it may be, were informed by the Indians fomething
of the geography of the country, and of other lakes on
the back of New-England, and no doubt the rumour
was carried over to England. Neale spent three years in
fearching out his new country, but could not find it and
fo returned. Nothing elfe memorable is mentioned of
1
* He was afterwards chofe, by fome of the planters about Dover,
their head or governor. Hubbard.
+ Benighton's patent,
hold under it.
upon Saco river, was early, and divers perfons
+ Hubbard.
Neale,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
105
Neale, except that he forbad Wiggan fettling a point of 1641
land betwixt Dover and Exeter. Wiggan went on, and
determined to defend his right by the fword. The other
threatned as high, and from what might have happened,
the difputed land took the name of Bloody Point, which
it retains to this day. The Lords Say and Brooke alfo,
made Wiggan their agent for the term of ſeven years;
during which time the intereft was not greatly advanced,
the whole being fold to him, at the expiration of the
term, for fix hundred pounds.
SOON after the year 1631, one Mr. Williams came
over from England, fent alſo by Gorges and Maſon to
take care of their falt-works. Mr. Chadburne *, with
feveral other planters and traders, came over with him.
Thefe began the fettlement of Strawberry bank (Portf
mouth) and after Neale went away they are fuppofed either
to have entered into an agreement and to have chofen
Williams for their governor, who is faid to have been a
diſcreet fenfible man and a gentleman, or elſe he was ap-
pointed by the company in England. There was a grant
of a fum of money for building a parfonage houſe and a
chapel, and for a glebe of 50 acres of land to be annexed,
made by the inhabitants of Strawberry bank to Thomas
Walford and Henry Sherburn, church wardens, and
their fucceffors, &c. and this was figned by Francis Wil-
liams governor, Ambrofe Gibbons affiftant, and 18 in-
habitants, dated May 25, 1640. Williams foon after
removed to Barbados. The first who enterprized the
fettlement of Pifcataqua had fome religious as well as
civil views, and a puritan minifter Mr. Leveridge, a
worthy man, came over with Capt. Wiggan in 1633, but
not being fupported he removed to the fouthward and
was fucceeded by Mr. Burdet, who has not left fo good
a character. Not contented with his facred function, he
invaded the civil government, and thruft out Capt. Wig-
gan, and affumed the place of governor himſelf.
* Mr. Chadburne had the direction of the artificers who built what
was called the great houfe at Strawberry bank. His pofterity are
fettled on the other fide the river in the province of Main.
}
IN
4
106
THE HISTORY OF
1641
In the mean time, the Lords, and others concerned,
had prevailed upon feveral perfons of good eftates and
who made profeffion of religion, to tranfplant themſelves
and families to Pifcataqua, fo as to be able to make inha-
bitants enough for a confiderable township; and having
no charter commiffion or power of government from the
crown, they were under neceffity of entring into a com-
bination or agreement among themſelves, which was in
the following form:
"WHEREAS fundry miſchiefs and inconveniencies have
befallen us, and more and greater may, in regard of want
of civil government, his gracious Majefty having fettled no
order for us to our knowledge, we whofe names are under
written, being inhabitants upon the river Pifcataqua, have
voluntarily agreed to combine ourſelves into a body poli-
tic, that we may the more comfortably enjoy the benefit
of his Majeſty's laws; and do hereby actually engage our-
felves to fubmit to his royal Majefty's laws, together with
all fuch laws as fhall be concluded by a major part of the
freemen of our fociety, in cafe they be not repugnant to
the laws of England, and adminiftred in behalf of his
Majefty. And this we have mutually promiſed and en-
gaged to do, and ſo to continue till his excellent Majeſty
ſhall give other orders concerning us. In witneſs whereof
we have hereunto ſet our hands Octob. 22. in the 16th
year of the reign of our fovereign Lord Charles, by the
grace of God, King of Great-Britain, France and Ire-
land, defender of the faith, &c."
Signed by Thomas Larkham, Richard Waldron,
William Waldron, with thirty eight more.
ABOUT the fame time, viz. in 1638, Mr. Wheelwright,
the minifter who had been baniſhed from the Maffachu-
fets, with a number of perfons who adhered to him, began
a plantation on the fouth fide of the great bay up Pifcata-
qua river, to which they gave the name of Exeter. They
thought it neceffary likewife to form themſelves into a
body politic, in order to enable them to carry on the af-
fairs of their plantation. The inftrument which they de-
termined upon, was of the following form:
"WHEREAS
I
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
107
"WHEREAS it hath pleaſed the Lord to move the 1641
heart of our dread Sovereign Charles, &c. to grant licence
and liberty to fundry of his fubjects to plant themſelves in
the weſtern parts of America: We his loyal fubjects,
members of the church of Exeter, fituate and lying upon
the river Piscataqua, with other inhabitants there, con-
fidering with ourſelves the holy will of God and our own
neceffity, that we ſhould not live without wholfome laws
and civil government amongst us, of which we are altoge-
ther deftitute, do, in the name of Chrift and in the fight
of God, combine ourſelves together to erect and ſet up
among us fuch government as fhall be, to our beft difcern-
ing, agreeable to the will of God; profeffing ourſelves
ſubject to our Sovereign Lord King Charles, according to
the liberty of the Engliſh colony of the Maſſachuſets, and
binding ourſelves folemnly, by the grace and help of Chriſt
and in his name and fear, to fubmit ourſelves to all fuch
chriſtian laws as are eſtabliſhed in the realm of England,
to our beſt knowledge, and to all other fuch laws which
fhall upon good grounds be made and enacted among us
according to God, that we may live quietly and peaceably
together in all godliness and honefty. October 4, 1639,
John Wheelwright, William Wentworth, George Wal-
ton," with 32 more. Captain Underhill, an enthuſiaſt
who obtained his affurance, as he expreffed himſelf before
the church of Bofton, while he was taking a pipe of the
good creature tobacco, and who was at the fame time
a very immoral man, and for adultery had been excom-
municated, joined Mr. Wheelwright's company, and
played his card fo well, that he obtained the place of go-
vernor over them, and alfo over the other company at Do-
ver, they having quarrelled with Mr. Burdet the minifter,
who removed to York. There was a ſtrong party against
Underhill, which caufed great difturbance and confufion.
At the fame time they were as much divided in their ec-
clefiaftical affairs. They at Dover had one Mr. Knolles
for their minifter, but Mr. Larkham arriving there from
Northam near Barnftable in England, many people were
* Hubbard, &c.
taken
'
108
THE HISTORY OF
1641 taken with him and determined to difmifs Knolles; but
his party ſtood by him, and he and his company excom-
municated Larkham. He in return laid violent hands on
Knolles. The magiftrates took part, fome on one fide
and ſome on the other; but Larkham's party, being
weakeft, fent to Williams the governor below for affif-
tance, who came up with a company of armed men, beſet
Knolles's houſe, where Underhill the governor then was,
called him to account, fet a fine upon him and fome others
who had been concerned in the riot, and obliged them to
remove from the plantation. Knolles was a rigid antino-
mian; his practice was agreeable to his principles. He was
charged with being too familiar with fome of his female
domefticks, and found it neceffary to depart. Larkham,
a zealous churchman, foon followed him for an offence of
the fame nature*. Thus we fee three diftinct colonies and
independent governments formed upon Pifcataqua river.
DURING thefe tranfactions, the Maffachufets people
were enquiring into the bounds of their patent. In 1639,
they ſent perfons to find out the northermoft part of
Merrimack river. A line to run eaft, from three miles
north of the head of the river, will take in the whole of
New-Hampſhire †. They determined therefore that it
came within their jurifdiction, and from that time they
allowed plantations to be fettled, particularly at Hampton,
as readily as in any other part of the colony, and exer-
cifed jurifdiction over them; but they left thofe upon the
river to their liberty; and it was their inability to pre-
ferve order among themſelves which occafioned the ap-
plication and fubmiffion which has already been men-
tioned. At their feffion in October the court paffed the
following order:
* I have taken the principal facts, relative to the fettlement of Piſ-
cataqua, from Hubbard's and other original antient manufcripts.
+ The bounds in the charter being three miles fouth of Charles ri-
ver and all and every part thereof, and three miles north of Merri-
mack and all and every part thereof, and all lands within the limits
aforefaid in latitude and breadth, and in length and longitude, &c.
they ſuppoſed they had a right to ftreich their line eaft from the head
of Merrimack to the ocean.
"WHEREAS
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
109
"WHEREAS it appeareth that, by the extent of the 1641
"line according to our patent, the river of Pifcataquack
is within the jurifdiction of the Maffachufets, and con-
ference being had at feveral times with the faid people
"and fome deputed by the general court for the fettling
and eſtabliſhing of order in the adminiftration of juf-
"tice there; it is now ordered by the general court,
"holden at Boſton this 9th day of the 8th month 1641,
and with the confent of the inhabitants of the faid ri-
"ver, as followeth. Imprimis, That from henceforth
"the faid people, inhabiting there, are and fhall be ac-
"cepted and reputed under the government of the Maf-
"fachufets, as the reft of the inhabitants within the faid
juriſdiction are. Alfo, that they fhall have the fame
"order and way of adminiftration of juftice, and way of
66
keeping courts as is eſtabliſhed at Ipfwich and Salem *.
"Allo they fhall be exempted from all publick charges,
"other than thofe that thall arife for or from among
themſelves, or from any action or courfe that may be
"taken to procure their own good or benefit. Alfo
they fhall enjoy all fuch lawful liberties of fifhing, plant-
"ing and felling timber, as formerly they have enjoyed
ἐσ
ડેડ
in the fame river. Mr. Simon Broadftreet, Mr. Ifrael
"Stoughton, Mr. Samuel Simonds, Mr. William Tyng,
"Mr. Francis Williams, and Mr. Edward Hilton, or
€6 any four of them, whereof Mr. Broadftreet, or Mr.
"Stoughton to be one, thefe fhall have the famé power
that the quarter courts at Salem and Ipfwich have:
"Alfo, the inhabitants there are allowed to fend two de-
puties from the whole river to the court at Bofton.
"Alfo Mr. Broadftreet, Mr. Stoughton, and the reft of
the commiffioners, fhall have power at the court at
"Pifcataquack to appoint two or three to join with Mr.
"Williams and Mr. Hilton to govern the people as the
"magiftrates do here, till the next general court, or till
"the court take further order. It is further ordered,
દ
that until our commiffioners fhall arrive at Pifcata-
quack, thofe men who already have authority, by the
* Parts of the Maſſachuſets neareſt to Piscataqua.
H
* late
110
THE HISTORY OF
1641" late combination, to govern the people there, fhall
"continue in the fame authority and power, to be de-
"termined at the coming of the faid commiffioners, and
"not before." Although nothing is faid of Strawberry-
bank in the fubmiffion, yet all the fettlements ſeem to
have concurred, and Williams, the governor below, was
made one of the magiftrates.
1642
THE Maffachuſets, by thus extending its wing over
the inhabitants of New-Hampſhire, nouriſhed and che-
riſhed them for near 40 years; and to this muſt be attri-
buted the growth and the prefent flouriſhing ſtate of that
colony. The principal inhabitants, when the benefit was
recent, in 1680, made a public and grateful acknow-
ledgment of it. Upon this conftruction of the charter,
the whole province of Main is taken into the Maffachu-
fets as well as New-Hampſhire; but no application being
made by the people there, nothing was done concerning
them. Mr. Wheelwright and others, who had been ba-
niſhed from the Maffachufets, foon after removed to the
province of Main from New-Hampſhire.
MR. Winthrop was elected governor in 1642, and
Mr. Endicot deputy governor, and Mr. Thomas Flint*
added to the affiftants, together with Mr. Pynchon, who,
upon his removal to Springfield, had been left out whilft
the jurisdiction was doubtful.
THE college at Cambridge was this year put upon a
more refpectable footing than it had been. The gover-
nor, deputy governor and magiftrates, and the minifters
of the fix next adjacent towns, with the prefident, were
made a corporation for ordering and managing the affairs
of the college, and nine young gentlement, at a public
com-
* Mr. Flint was a gentleman of a fair eſtate in England, which he
laid out in forwarding the plantation, arriving in New England about
the year 1635. Johnson. A large tract of land, which he owned in
Concord, ftill retains the name of Flint's farm.
+ Moſt of them foon after went over to England, and before 1651
(as appears by a letter from Mr. Samuel Mather, who received a de-
gree the next year, and was a celebrated preacher in Dublin) made
fome figure there. Benjamin Woodbridge, the firft-born of Harvard-
College,
I
MASSACHUSET S-BAY.
III
1
commencement this year, received the degree of batche- 1642
lor of arts. The Thefis, with a particular account of
the whole proceeding, was publiſhed in England. I know
of but two copies extant, and as my chief defign is to
preſerve from oblivion every tranfaction, which pofterity
may think of any importance, I ſhall give it a place in
the appendix.
THERE
College, was fucceffor to Doctor Twiffe at Newberry; and though
inclined to prefbyterianifm, to ufe Mr. Mather's words, not malig-
nantly affected. George Downing went into the army, and was fcout-
mafter general of the English army in Scotland. He was afterwards in
great favour with Cromwell, who fent him ambaſſador to the States,
and upon the reſtoration he turned with the times, and was fent or kept
by the King in the fame employ, had the merit of betraying, fecuring
and fending over feveral of the regicides (he had been captain under
one of them, Col. Okey) was knighted and in favour at court, and died
in 1684. His character runs low with the beſt hiftorians in England;
it was much lower with his countrymen in New-England; and it be-
came a proverbial expreffion, to ſay of a falſe man who betrayed his
truft, that he was an arrant George Downing, Oliver Cromwell, when
he fent him agent or ambaffador to the States, in his letter of credence
fays, "George Downing is a perfon of eminent quality, and after a
long trial of his fidelity, probity and diligence in feveral and various
negotiations, well approved and valued by us. Him we have thought
fitting to fend to your Lordships, dignified with the character of our
agent," &c. (Milton's letters.) In his latter days he is faid to have been
very friendly to New-England, and when the colony was upon the
worft terms with King Charles the ſecond. An article of news from
England, in 1671, fays, "Sir George Downing is in the Tower, it is
faid becauſe he returned from Holland, where he was fent ambaffador,
before his time: As it is reported, he had no fmall abuſe offered him
there. They printed the fermons he preached in Oliver's time and drew
three pictures of him. 1. Preaching in a tub, over it was wrote, This I
was. 2. A treacherous courtier, over it, This I am. 3. Hanging on a
gibbet, and over it, This I fhall be." Prints of that fort were not fo
common in England in that day as they have been the laft twenty
years.
"Downing was fent to make up the quarrel with the Dutch, but
coming home in too great hafte and fear, is now in the prifon where
his maſter lay that he betrayed." MS. letter Lond. March 4, 1 1671-2.
By his mafter, no doubt Okey is intended. His fon was one of the
Tellers in the Exchequer in 1680. Sir George died in 1684. He
was brother-in-law to governor Bradſtreet, and kept up a correspondence
with him.
H 2
John
n
I 12
THE HISTORY OF
1642
}
THERE was a general defign this year, among the In-
dians, against the English. Miantinomo, the fachem
of the Naraganfets, was fuppofed to be the author and
chief promoter, and to have drawn many other fachems
to join with him. The Indians began to make uſe of
fire-arms, and had procured a great number, together
with powder and fhot, from English traders in the eaſtern
parts, as well as from the Dutch. A conftant watch
was ordered to be kept from fun-fet to fun-rifing, and a
place of retreat to be provided, in each plantation, for
the women and children and for the fecurity of ammu-
John Bulkley (fon of Peter Bulkley, minifter of Concord, who was
of a very reputable family, and had been efteemed for his learning
and piety in England) was a fettled minifter at Fordham in Effex, and
after his ejectment, in 1662, practifed phyfic in London.
Henry Saltonftall, who I fuppofe was a grandfon of Sir Richard Sal-
tơn tall, was a doctor of phyfic and a fellow of New college Oxford.
Nathanael Brewster was a fettled minifter in Norfolk, and of good
report.
Samuel Bellingham received the degree of doctor of phyfic at Ley-
den. Two others of the clafs, William Hubbard and John Wilfſon,
were miniſters ſettled in New England and in high efteem there. Seve-
ral of the fucceeding claffes went over to England foon after their
taking their batchelors degree. John Allen, whofe friends lived in
Suffolk. William Ames, who was fon of doctor Ames, fettled at Wren-
tham. Jeremiah Holland, who first fettled near London, but foon
after removed into Northamptonſhire, where he had a living of between
two and three hundred pounds a year. Jacob Ward, who had a fel-
lowſhip in Maudlin college Oxford. John Birden and Abraham Wal-
ver, who were both preachers in the counties where their friends lived;
and Sampfon Eyton, who I fuppofe left Harvard college before he had
his degree, was made a fellow in one of the univerſities in England.
Leonard Hoar went to Cambridge and took the degree of doctor in
phyfic. Mr. Mather writes very preffing for others to come over to
England, where they might be affured of encouragement and prefer-
ment.
*
Intelligence was given by fome of the Indians themfelves, and let-
ters were dispatched from New Haven and Connecticut to give ad-
vice. Under pretence of trade, in fmall companies at the English
houfes, while fome fecured the arms the others were to perpetrate the
maffacre; the time appointed for which was immediately after the
harveſt ſhould be over.
An Indian of Providence attempted a rape upon an English woman,
the wife of Nicholas Wood of Dorchefter, and was protected by Miar-
tinomo. This, if true, is a rare inftance.
nition.
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
113
*
nition. Beacons were erected and ordered to be fired 1642
upon an alarm, and all fmiths were required to lay afide
all other buſineſs until all the arms in the colony were
put into good order; for which payment was promiſed
by the government. Mr. John Leverett and Mr. Ed-
ward Hutchinfon + were fent to Miantinomo with articles.
of complaint, and to require him to come himſelf, or to
fend two of his chief counſellors to the governor in order
to give fatisfaction. Connecticut propofed to fall upon
the Indians immediately, and offered, if the Maſſachuſets
would fend 120 men to Saybrook, to join a proportion-
able number. But the Maffachufets court doubted whether
they had fufficient proofs of the defigns of the Indians to
juſtify a war. However, the governor with the magiftrates,
before the court met, thought it neceffary to difarm the
Indians within the colony, which they readily fubmitted to.
Miantinomo came in perfon to the court, and demanded
that his accuſers ſhould be brought face to face, and if
they failed in their proof that they ſhould fuffer the fame
puniſhment he would have deferved himſelf if he had
been guilty, viz. death. His behaviour was grave, and he
gave his anſwers with great deliberation and ſeeming inge-
nuity. He would never ſpeak but in the prefence of two
of his counſellors, that they might be witneffes of every
thing which paffed. Two days were ſpent in treaty. He
denied all he was charged with, and pretended, the re-
ports to his difadvantage were raised by Uncas, fachem
of the Mohegins, or fome of his people. He was willing
to renew his former engagements, that if any of the In-
dians, even the Nianticks, who he faid were as his own
flesh and blood, fhould do any wrong to the English, fo
as neither he nor they could fatisfy without blood, he would
deliver them up and leave them to mercy. The people of
Connecticut put little confidence in him, and could hardly
be kept from falling upon him, but were at laft pre-
vailed upon, by the Maffachufets, to defift for the prefent.
* Afterwards governor.
+ Son of the famous Mrs. Hutchinfon.
Records of the united colonies.
H 3
The
114
THE HISTORY OF
1642 The minds of men were filled with fear from thefe ru-
mours of a general confpiracy, and every noiſe in the
night was alarming. A poor man, in a ſwamp at Wa-
tertown*, hearing the howling of a kennel of wolves,
and expecting to be devoured by them, cried out for help,
which occafioned a general alarm through all the towns
near Bofton §. The Indians, being thus prevented from
furprizing the English, remained quiet t
THE Houfe of Commons this year paffed a memorable
refolve in favour of the Maffachufets colony, which was
tranfmitted to the governor by the clerk of the houſe, and
ordered by the court to be entered upon the publick re-
cords, that it might remain to pofterity.
"VENERIS 10 MARCH 1642.
WHEREAS the plantations in New-England have, by
the bleffing of the Almighty, had good and profperous
fuccefs, without any public charge to this ftate ‡, and
are now likely to prove very happy for the propagation
of the goſpel in thofe parts, and very beneficial and com-
modious to this kingdom and nation. The commons,
§ Hubbard.
*Sept. 19th, 1642.
+ One Darbyfield, an Irishman, with fome others travelled this
year
to the white hills, fuppofed to be the higheſt in theſe parts of Ame-
rica. They reported that they had been to the top, where is a plain
of 60 feet fquare; that on the weft fide is a very fleep precipice, and
all the country round about appeared like a level much beneath them.
The gliftering appearance of the rocks, as they came near them,
caufed an expectation of fomething valuable, but they found nothing.
Hubbard.
The growth of the feveral parts of the colony, at different periods,
will be thought by fome worth obferving. In 1642 a tax of 800!.
was apportioned as follows: Hingham 207. Weymouth 147. Brain-
tree 147. Dorcheſter 587. 10s. Roxbury 50l. Bofton 1207. Dedham
201. Concord 251. Watertown 557. Cambridge 677. 10s. Charles-
town 60% Salem 75 Lynn 457 Ipfwich 827. Newbury 30/
Saliſbury 127 10s. Hampton 5. Rowley 157. Sudbury 15 1. Med-
ford 107. Glocefter 6. 10 S.
I tranfcribe this part of the order with pleaſure. The merit of
our anceſtors, many of whom were perfonally known to the principal
members of parliament, was fresh in their remembrance. Length of
time has not leffened the merit. Confequences fo advantageous to the
nation have followed it, that in reaſon it ought to ftrike ftronger now
than it did then.
now
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
115
1
now affembled in Parliament, do for the better advance- 3642
ment of thoſe plantations and the encouragement of the
planters to proceed in their undertaking, ordain, that
all merchandizing goods, that by any perfon or perfons
whatſoever, merchant or other, fhall be exported out of
this kingdom of England into New-England to be ſpent,
uſed or employed there, or being of the growth of that
kingdom*, fhall be from thence imported hither, or ſhall
be laden or put on board any fhip or veffel for neceffaries
in paffing to and fro, and all and every the owner or
owners thereof ſhall be freed and diſcharged of and from
paying and yielding any cuftom, fubfidy, taxation, or
other duty for the fame, either inward or outward, ei-
ther in this kingdom or New-England, or in any port,
haven, creek, or other place whatſoever, until the Houſe
of Commons fhall take further order therein to the con-
trary. And all and fingular cuftomers, farmers and col-
lectors of cuſtoms, fubfidies and impofts, and other of-
ficers, minifters and fubjects whatſoever, are hereby re-
quired and injoined, that they and every of them, upon
the fhewing forth unto them this order, or a true copy
thereof under the hand of the clerk of the Houſe of Com-
mons, without any other writ or warrant whatſoever, do
make full, whole and entire, and due allowance and
clear diſcharge unto the faid owners of the faid goods.
and merchandize, their factors, fervants and agents, ac-
cording to the tenor and true meaning of this order.
H. ELSSING, Cler. Parl. D. Com,"
In the year 1642, letters came to Mr. Cotton of Boſton,
Mr. Hooker of Hartford, and Mr. Davenport of New-
Haven, figned by feveral of the nobility, divers members
of the houfe of commons, and fome minifters, to call them
or fome of them, if all could not come, to affift in the
affembly of divines at Weftminfter +. Such of the magi-
ftrates
*Inaccurately, for thofe colonies.
I have the original papers which accompanied thefe letters. The
following is an exact copy.
H 4
THE
116
THE HISTORY OF
1642 ftrates and minifters, as were near Bofton, met together,
and moſt of them were of opinion that it was a call of God,
but Mr. Hooker did not like the buſineſs, and thought it
` was not a fufficient call to go a thouſand leagues to confer
about matters of church government. Mr. Davenport
thought otherwife, but his church, having but one miniſter,
would not fpare him. Mr. Cotton thought it a clear call,
and would have undertaken the voyage if others would
have gone with him. Soon after, other letters were
received, which diverted them from any thoughts of
proceeding. Mr. Hooker was about that time pre-
J
1
paring
"THE expreffion of the defires of thofe honourable and worthy
perfonages, of both houfes of parlament, who call and with the pre-
fence of Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker and Mr. Davenport to come ovar
with all poffible ſpeed, all or any of them, if all cannot. The con-
dityon whearein the ftate of things in this kingdom doth now ftand,
wee fuppofe you have from the relations of others; wheareby you can-
not but understand how greate need there is of the healp of prayer
and improvement of all good meanes, from all parts for the featlinge
and compofeing the affairés of the church. Wee therefore prefent unto
you our earnest defires of you all. To fhewe whearein or howe many
wayes you may be uſeful would eafely bee done by us, and fownd by
you, weare you prefent with us. In all likelyhood you will finde op-
portunity enough to draw forth all that healpefullnefs that God
fhall affoard by you. And wee doubt not thefe advantages will be
futch, as will fully anfwer all inconveniencies your fealves, churches
or plantations may fuftaine in this your voyage and ſhort abfence from
them. Onely the fooner you come the bettar. Warwick
(
Nath. Fiennes
Gilbt Gerrard
Tho: Barrington
Richard Browne
Henry Martin
Oliver Cromwell
A. Hafelrig
Wm. Mafham
W. Say & Seale Ph. Wharton
Mandeville
Rob. Brooke
Wm. Stricland
Henry Darley
Valentine Walton
Willm Cawleys
John Gurdon
John Blakiston
Godfrey Roffeville
H. Ruthin
Ro. Cooke
Nath, Barnardifton Sam. Lake
Mart. Lumley
Ar. Goodwin
* Hubbard.
:
Tho: Hoyle
Cor: Holland
Anth. Stapley
Humfrey Salway
William Hay
J. Waftill
Gilbert Pickering Alex. Bence
Ol. St. John
Ifaac Pennington
John Francklyn Miles Corbett
Wm. Spurftowe."?
!
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
117
paring for the preſs a vindication of congregational 1642
churches, or rather framing a ſyſtem or plan of church
government, which he defigned for the New-England
churches, let the determination at Weſtminſter be what
it would. Had the churches of New-England appeared
there by their reprefentatives, or any of the principal
divines appeared as members of the affembly, greater ex-
ception might have been taken to their building after a
model of their own framing. Several perfons who came
from England, in 1643, made a mufter to fet up pref-
byterian government, under the authority of the affem-
bly at Weſtminſter; but a New-England affembly, the
general court, foon put them to the rout.
year
THE governor and deputy governor for the laſt
were re-elected in 1643. Samuel Symonds* and William 1643
Hibbins were added to the affiftants. The colony had
fo increaſed, that it was divided this year into four coun-
ties or fhires, Effex, Middleſex, Suffolk and Norfolk I.
A NEW fect, fpringing from the aſhes of the antinomi-
ans, made great diſturbance about this time. Samuel
Gorton, a citizen of London, who came from Bofton in
1636, was at the head of it. Mr. Cotton fays §, his
principles were the very dregs of familifm. It is certain
that he was artful enough to explain them in ſuch a man-
ner, that his judges in the Maffachufets were divided in
opinion whether they were heretical or no. He ftaid
not long in the Maffachufets, but went to Plimouth, and,
*Mr. Symonds was a gentleman of an ancient family and good
eftate in England. He came from Yeldham in Effex. Hubbard.
+ Mr. Hibbins was a principal merchant in the colony, but foon
after met with great loffes in his trade. I know of none of their de-
fcendants of the fame names in New-England.
TESSEX Contd. MIDDLESEX. SUFFOLK.
NORFOLK.
Saliſbury
Hampton
Salem
Linn
Charleſtown
Cambridge
Bofton
Roxbury
Enon (Wenham) Watertown
Dorchester
Haverhill
Ipfwich
Sudbury
Dedham
Exeter
Rowley
Concord
Braintree
Dover
Newbury
Woburn
Weymouth
Strawberry-Bank
Glocefter
Medford
Hingham
Chochichawick Linn Village
§ Bloody Tenet wafhed, &c.
Nantaſket (Hull)
p. 5 & 8.
(Portſmouth.)
diſturbing
113
THE HISTORY OF
1
1643 diflurbing the church there, he was whipped and required
to find fureties for his good behaviour, which not being
able to do he removed, Mr. Winflow fays was driven‡
to Rhode-Ifland. There he treated the court with con-
tempt, and by order of the governor, Mr. Coddington,
was firft impriſoned and afterwards whipped. From
Rhode-Ifland he went to Providence, where Roger Wil-
liams with his ufual humanity, although he diſliked bis
principles and behaviour, gave him shelter. Here he
found feveral of his own difpofition, fond of novelties
in religion, and they firſt fat down at Patuxet near Pro-
vidence; but ſome of the inhabitants there applied to the
Maffachufets that they and their lands might be received
into protection, and complained that Gorton and his
company, under pretence of purchaſe from the Indians,
were going about to deprive them of their eftates, of
which for feveral years they had been in the lawful pof-
feffion. The governor and three of the affiftants figned
what was called a warrant, or notification, to all the peo-
ple of Providence, requiring them to ſubmit to the ju-
rifdiction of the Maffachufets. This was dated in Octo-
ber 1642. Gorton fent a very contemptuous anfwer,
and told them they had no authority over the people of
Providence. But either for the fake of being more out
of the reach of the Maffachufets, or from difcord among
themſelves, Gorton and 11 more purchaſed of Miantino-
mo, the Naraganfet fachem*, a tract of land called Show-
amet and removed thither. The price they paid was 144
fathom of wampumt. Showamet was then claimed by
Plimouth government, as within their juriſdiction. Two
of the chief of the Indians who dwelt there and at Pa-
tuxet, and who were called fachems, Pomham and Sa-
chonoco, came to Bofton with their interpreter to com-
plain of Gorton and his company for taking their lands
from them, and offered to fubject, themfelves and their
† Answer to Gorton.
Pomham, a petty fachem who lived upon the lands, joined in
the fale, but alledged that he had no confideration for it. Winflow.
+ A fathom of wampum was one ftring of Indian beads, fix feet
or a fathom in length, which was valued at 5s. 8d. fterling.
country
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
119
country to the Maffachufets, which by an inftrument, under 1643
their hands, was accordingly done in the form following.
"THIS writing is to teftify, that we Pomham, fachem
"of Showamet, and Sachonoco, fachem of Patuxet, have
and by theſe prefents do voluntarily and without any
"conſtraint or perſuaſion, but of our own free motion, put
"ourſelves, our ſubjects, lands and eftates under the go-
"vernment and jurifdiction of the Maffachufets, to be
"governed and protected by them according to their juft
"laws and orders, fo far as we fhall be made capable
"of underſtanding them; and we do promife, for our-
"felves and our ſubjects and all our pofterity, to be true
"and faithful to the government and aiding to the main-
"tenance thereof to our beft ability; and from time to
"time to give ſpeedy notice of any confpiracy, attempt,
"or evil intention of any which we fhall know or hear of
againſt the fame, and do promiſe to be willing from
"time to time to be inftructed in the knowledge of the
"worſhip of God. In witnefs whereof, we have hereunto
put to our hands the 22d of the 4th month, 1643.
..
<6
66
The y mark
of Saconocho.
The mark
of
Pomham.
MIANTINOMO was likewife fent for to Boſton, but did
not make out his right to the Indian country to the fatis-
faction of the court. It does not appear that he relin-
quifhed it, and Gorton fays in his defence, that Pomham
and Sachonoco were the natural fubjects of Miantinomo
and influenced by the Maffachufets to withdraw from him.
He being the greatest and most powerful fachem in New-
England, it is probable that theſe were dependants upon him
or tributaries to him. Be that as it may, the Maffachufets
fent a meffage to Gorton and his company, acquainting
them that they were ftill within their jurifdiction by virtue
of the fubmiffion of Pomham and Sachonoco, and re-
quiring them to appear at the court of Boſton to anſwer
to complaints against them for injuries done to the Indians,
&c. and promifing them fafe-conduct, &c. This was dated
the 12th of the 7th month 1643. They fent back by the
meffenger a verbal anfwer, that they were out of the
Maffachufets
110
THE HISTORY OF
1643 Maffachufets jurifdiction, and would acknowledge fub-
jection to none but the ftate and government of Old Eng-
land. Upon the receipt of their anſwer, viz. on the 19th
of the fame month, another meffage was fent to acquaint
them, that the court had appointed commiffioners * to
hear and determine the controverfy upon the fpot, and if
they refuſed, to bring them to Bofton by force. After
ſome ſmall reſiſtance, Gorton and ſeveral others were taken
and carried to Boſton and impriſoned t. Being brought
before the court, the charge exhibited against them was
in the following words:
"UPON much examination, and ferious confideration
"of your writings, with your answers about them, we
do charge you to be a blafphemous enemy of the true
religion of our Lord Jefus Chrift and his holy ordi-
"nances,
66
The commiffioners were, Capt. George Cooke, Lieut. Hump.
Atherton, and Edward Johnſon, who had alfo military commiffions,
and 40 men to attend them. Cooke was afterwards a colonel in the
wars in Ireland. Johnson.
+ If we may give credit to Gorton's account, Mr. Ward, a miniſter,
came to the priſon window and called to him one of the prisoners who
had been his neighbour in Effex in England, and defired him, if he
had done or faid any thing he could with good confcience renounce,
that he would recant, and probably the court would be merciful; and
added, that this would be no difparagement, for the reverend Mr.
Cotton ordinarily preacheth that publickly one year, that the next
year he publickly repents of before the congregation, &c. Mr. Winf
low, in his anfwer, will not allow this to be true. This Mr. Ward
was author of The Simple Cobler of Agawam, and ſeveral other witty
performances. The ruling paffion would frequently fhew itfelf in in-
itances which would have been liable to fome exception in thoſe days
of great gravity, if his principles had not been orthodox and his ge-
neral behaviour ferious and guarded. Many of his witty facetious
turns are handed down to pofterity. A letter of his, I find among
Mr. Cotton's papers, difcovers fomething of his caft of mind.
"Salutum in Xto noftro.
Reverend and dear friend,
I was yesterday convented before the bifhop, I mean to his court,
and am adjourned to the next term. I fee fuch giants turn their backs,
that I dare not trust my own weak heart. I expect meaſure hard
enough, and muft furnish apace with proportionable armour. I lack
a friend to help buckle it on. I know none but Chrift himfelf, in
all our coaft, fit to help me, and my acquaintance with him is hardly
enough
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
121
"nances, and alſo of civil authority among the people 1643
"of God, and particularly in this jurifdiction."
THEIR writings were produced in evidence againſt
them; and they explained them, in fuch a manner, that
the governor, Mr. Winthrop, faid he could agree with
them in their anſwer, tho' he could not in their writings;
but Mr. Dudley ftood up, much moved, and ſaid he
would never conſent to it, while he lived, that they were
one with them in thoſe anſwers. The governor then aſked
Gorton what faith was? he anſwered, in the words of the
apoſtle, that faith is the fubftance of things hoped for,
and the evidence of things not feen; the governor told
him that was true, but he could fay more of faith than
that. He defired to be excuſed, and Mr. Bradstreet,
prudently enough, excepted to fuch queſtions, unleſs he
was free to ſpeak to them; and thereupon they were
difmiffed and remanded to prifon *. Their fen-
tences were cruel. Gorton ordered to be confined to
Charleſtown, there to be kept at work, and to wear fuch
bolts and irons as might hinder his eſcape; and if he
broke his confinement, or by fpeech or writing pub-
liſhed or maintained any of the blafphemous abomi-
nable herefies wherewith he had been charged by the
general court, or ſhould reproach or reprove the churches
of our Lord Jefus Chrift in thefe united colonies,
or the civil government, &c. that upon conviction
enough to hope for that affiftance my weak ſpirit will want and the
affaults of tentation call for. I pray therefore, forget me not, and be-
lieve for me alſo if there be fuch a piece of neighbourhood among
Christians. And fo blefling God with my whole heart, for my know-
ledge of you and immerited intereft in you, and thanking you en-
tirely for that faithful love I have found from you in many expreffions
of the best nature, I commit you to the unchangeable love of God
our Father in his fon Jefus Chrift, in whom I hope to reft for ever.
Stondon Mercy,
Dec. 13, 1631.
* Gerton.
Your's in all truth of heart,
Nath' Warde."
thereof,
122
THE HISTORY OF
1643 thereof, upon trial by a jury, he fhould fuffer death *.
The reft were confined to different towns, one in a town,
and upon the fame conditions with Gorton; their cattle
were feized and ordered to be fold, and the charge of
fetching them and the expence attending the trial and
impriſonment to be paid out of the proceeds, and the
overplus to be referved for their future maintenance
during their confinement †. As all who have publiſhed
any
* Gorton fays, they caft a lot for their lives, putting it to the ma-
jor vote of the court whether they ſhould live or die; and that God
in his providence ordered it by a majority of two votes only, in fa-
your of their lives.
+ After being confined one winter, they were banished the jurif-
diction and from the lands purchaſed of the Indians, upon pain of
death. Gorton foon after went to England and obtained an order from
the Governor in chief, the lord high admiral and commiffioners ap-
pointed by the parliament for the English plantations in America, di-
rected to the governor and affiftants of the Maffachufets, and to all
other governors and other inhabitants of New-England and all others
whom it may concern, requiring them to fuffer Gorton and the reft
quietly to enjoy their lands in Naraganfet bay, and to land at any
port in New-England in their way thither, &c. This order was fent
to the governor by Randall Holden, one of Gorton's adherents, who
with others arrived at Bofton, 13th Sept. 1646. Having defired leave
to land, the governor, Mr. Winthrop, anfwered that he could not
give them leave by his own authority, as it would difpenfe with an
order of the general court, but the council being to meet in two or
three days he would impart the order, and intimated that he ſhould
not trouble himſelf about them in the mean time. The council were
not all of a mind, but the majority agreed to fuffer them to pafs qui-
etly for the preſent, and that when the court met, further confidera-
tion fhould be had of their poffeffing the land they claimed. The.
court thought proper to fend Mr. Edward Winflow to England,
in order to give fatisfaction to the commiffioners for plantations. He
carried with him a remonftrance and petition against Gorton, and in
vindication of the colony, afferted their right by charter finally to de-
termine all cauſes, without admitting of appeals to England; and al-
ledged that the lands lay in Plimouth colony, and produced an act of
the commiffioners of the four colonies, of which Pimouth was one,
impowering the Maffachufets to proceed as they thought proper.
The commiffioners for plantations, in their anfwer, fay," they in-
tended not to encourage any appeals from their juftice, which it might
be very inconvenient to admit, nor to reftrain the bounds of their ju-
rifdiction to a narrower compafs, but they fuppofed the Naraganfet
bay (the thing in question) was without the bounds of their patent;
but
9
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
123
any thing concerning Gorton, except Mr. Calender 1643
in his century ſermon, fet him in an infamous light, it
will be but just to publiſh a letter which he wrote to Mr.
Morton, in 1669, vindicating himſelf from the charges
but as they had received advertiſement that the place was within the
patent of New-Plimouth, and the ground of their proceedings was
a joint authority from the four governments, of Maffachuſets, Pli-
mouth, Connecticut, and New. Haven, if theſe things fhould be proved,
it would much alter the ftate of the queftion; but at that diftance
theſe points could not be fettled, and muſt be left to be deter-
mined upon the place if there fhould be occafion, for there the
boundaries would be best known; and if it fhould appear that the
faid tract was within any of the New-England patents, they fhould
leave the fame and the inhabitants thereof to the jurifdiction of that
government under which they fell; nevertheleſs, inafmuch as the pe-
titioners had tranfplanted their families thither and fettled at great
charge, they commend it to the government within whofe jurifdiction
they fhall appear to be, not only not to remove them from the plan-
tations, but alſo to encourage them with protection and affiſtance and
in all fit ways, whilft they ſhould demean themſelves peaceably, &c.
Hubbard.
Gorton came again to Boſton in the fpring of 1648. The court,
upon his arrival, ordered that he ſhould be apprehended; but pro-
ducing a letter from the Earl of Warwick, defiring that he might have
liberty to return home, the court recalled the order and gave him a
week's liberty to provide for his departure.
After this time, the Gortonifts confidered how to make their peace,
and making their application in fober language, they remained un-
moleſted and quietly enjoyed their poffeffions at Showamet, to which,
in honour to their patron and benefactor, they gave the name of War-
wick, which it retains to this day; and the poſterity of feveral of
them are perfons of reputation and efteem in that colony.
Gorton publiſhed an account of his fufferings. Mr. Winflow, the
agent for the Maffachufets, anfwered him. In 1665 he preferred his
petition to the commiffioners, fent over by King Charles the fecond,
for recompence for the wrongs done him by the Maffachufets, al-
ledging that, befides his other fufferings, he and his friends had 80
head of cattle taken and fold. The Maffachufets in their anfwer
charge him with heretical tenets, both in religion and civil govern-
ment, and with an unjuft poffeffion of the Indian lands in the vici-
nity of the colonies for the fake of disturbing their peace; and add,
that the goods which they ſeized did not amount to the charge of
their profecution; but they do not fufficiently vindicate their fe:zing
their perfons or goods without the limits of their jurifdiction, and
conclude with hoping that his Majefty will excufe any circumftantial
error in their proceedings, &c.
againft
124
THE HISTORY OF
1643 againſt him in New-England's memorial which was firft
printed in that year †.
THE dangers to which the colonies in New-England
were expofed, from domeſtic and foreign enemies, first
induced them to think of an alliance and confederacy for
their mutual defence and fafety. Thofe of Aquidnick
or Rhode Iſland were willing enough to have joined with
the reft, but the Maffachufets refuſed to admit commif-
fioners from that colony, to treat with the commiffioners.
from the reft, upon the terms of the agreement. The
other four, fettled articles of confederation, May 19,
1643. They have been publiſhed at large by Doctor Ma-
ther, Mr. Neale, &c. and are in fubftance as follows:-
THE united colonies of New-England, viz. Maffa-
chufets, Plimouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, enter
into a firm and perpetual league, offenſive and defenſive.
EACH Colony to retain a diftinct and feparate jurifdic-
tion; no two colonies to join in one jurifdiction without
the confent of the whole; and no other colony to be re-
ceived into the confederacy without the like confent.
THE charge of all wars, offenfive or defenfive, to be
borne in proportion to the male inhabitants between 16
and 60 years of age in each colony.
UPON notice, from three magiftrates of any colony,
of an invaſion, the reft fhall immediately fend aid; the
Maffachufets 100, and each of the other 45 men, and
if a greater number be neceffary, the commiffioners to
meet and determine upon it.
Two commiffioners from each government, being
church members, to meet annually the firft Monday in
September the firft meeting to be held at Bofton, then
at Hartford, New-Haven and Plimouth, and to yearly
in that order, faving that two meetings fucceffively be
held at Boſton.
ALL matters, wherein fix fhall agree, to be binding
upon the whole; and if there be a majority, but under
fix, the matter in queftion to be referred to the general
court of each colony, and not to be obligatory unleſs
the whole agree to it.
† Appendix.
A pre-
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
125
A PRESIDENT, for preferving order, to be chofen by 1643
the commiffioners each year out of their number.
THE Commiffioners fhall have power to eſtabliſh laws
or rules of a civil nature and of general concern for the
conduct of the inhabitants, viz. relative to their beha-
viour towards the Indians, to fugitives from one colony
to another, and the like.
No colony to engage in war, except upon a fudden ex-
igency; and, in that cafe, to be avoided as much as
poffible, without the conſent of the whole.
If a meeting be fummoned upon any extraordinary
occafion, and the whole number of commiffioners do
not affemble, any four who fhall meet may determine
upon a war, when the cafe will not admit of delay, and
fend for the agreed proportion of men out of each ju-
rifdiction; but not lefs than fix fhall determine the
juſtice of the war, or have power to fettle bills of
charges, or make levies for the fame.
If any colony break any article of the agreement, or
any ways injure another colony, the matter fhall be con-
fidered and determined by the commiffioners of the other
colonies.
THESE articles were ratified by Maffachuſets, Connec
ticut and New-Haven, May 19, 1643. Plimouth com-
miffioners had not then full powers, but they acceded, at
the firſt meeting for buſineſs, September 7th following.
THIS Confederacy had been in agitation for feveral
years. In 1638, articles were drawn up which were re-
ferred until 1639. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hooker, from
Connecticut, tarried feveral weeks in the Maffachufets fol-
liciting it. They had reafon to expect trouble from the
Dutch, who kept a trading houfe at Hartford, after that
place was under the jurifdiction of Connecticut, and
broils frequently happened there, and the Dutch at Man-
hadoes were ready to have taken advantage of the leaſt
breach or alienation between the colonies; but, by rea-
fon of ſeveral obftructions from time to time, nothing
could be perfected until 1643, when commiffioners came
from all the feveral colonies to Bofton, whilſt the gene-
I
ral
>
$26
THE HISTORY OF
1643 ral court was fitting, viz. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hop-
kins from Hartford; Mr. Eaton and Mr. Grigfon from
New-Haven; befides Mr. Fenwick the governor of
Saybrook fort; Mr. Winflow and Mr. Collier from
Plimouth. The Maffachufets appointed Mr. Winthrop,
Mr. Dudley and Mr. Bradstreet of the magiftrates; Mr.
Hawthorne, Mr. Gibbons and Mr. Tyng of the deputies *.
ABOUT
•
This union fubfifted, with fome alterations, until the year 1686,
when all the charters were in effect vacated by a commiffion from
King James the fecond. For many years, commiffioners met annu-
ally in September, and occafionally at other times. In the latter part
of the union the meetings were triennial. A fpecial and principal
part of their bufinefs, after the firft years, was the care of goſpel-
izing the Indians. The fociety eſtabliſhed by the parliament for pro-
pagating the gospel in New-England among the Indians, of which we
Thall hereafter take further notice, made the commiffioners their cor-
refpondents and agents for difpenfing the charitable donations; and,
after a grant of a new charter by King Charles the fecond, the ſame
powers and trust. were continued. A particular account of all their
proceedings in this capacity is preferved in their records. This con-
federacy was acknowledged and countenanced by the authority in
England from its beginning until the refloration; and in letters from
King Charles the fecond, notice is taken of it without any exception
to the eſtabliſhment.
July 23, 1643, a veffel of about 100 tons, belonging to the Earl
of Warwick, arrived at Boſton from Trinadada, in order to tranſport
paffengers to people the ifland, but none could be prevailed upon to
remove. One Chaddock, fon to the governor of Bermudas, was
commander of this fhip. He was a looſe profligate man, and had a
crew like himſelf. Five or fix of them were blown up, by two bar-
rels of powder taking fire in the pinnace where they were, near the
caftle. Some time after, ftrange fights were feen about the caftle and
at Governor's iſland, in form like a man cafting out flame and fparks
of fire, and a voice was heard in feveral pars of the harbour, crying,
"Boy, boy, come away, come away;" of all which divers fober
perfons were eye and ear witneffes, and thefe fights and noiſes were
fuppofed to have a ſpecial reference to the place where the pinnace was
blown up. One of the men, it was faid, had been acquainted with the
black art.
From manuſcripts and printed accounts I could collect as many pro-
digies, in one part of the country and another, at different times, as
would fill a fmall volume; guns fired in the air, great quantities of
clay caft up in form of bullets out of the earth, and the like; but I
hall take no notice of any other than this, which is related by one of
the
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
127
ÁBOUT this time, much divifion and diſturbance in 1644
the colony was occafioned by the French of Acadie and
Nova-Scotia. It is neceffary to look back upon the ſtate
of thoſe countries. After Argall difpoffeffed the French
in 1613, they ſeem to have been neglected both by Eng-
lifh and French, until the grant to Sir William Alex-
ander in 1621. That he made attempts and began fet-
tlements in Nova-Scotia has always been allowed, the
particular voyages we have no account of. It appears
from Champlaint, that many French had joined with
the English or Scotch, and adhered to their intereſt.
Among the reft, La Tour was at Port Royal in 1630,
where out of ſeventy Scots, thirty had died the winter
before from their bad accommodations. La Tour, wil-
ling to be fafe, let the title be in which it would, Eng-
lifh or French, procured from the French King a grant
of the river St. John, and five leagues above and five
below, and ten leagues into the country; this was in
1627*. At the fame time he was connected with the
Scotch, and first obtained leave to improve lands and
build within the territory, and then, about the year
1630, purchaſed Sir William Alexander's title. La
Tour's title is faid to have been confirmed to him under
the beſt hiſtorians with great ſeriouſneſs, as if he had no doubt of
the truth of it. This turn of mind was not peculiar, at this time, to
the people of New England. It was prevalent in England. If the
New-Englanders exceeded, the new fcenes they had just entered upon,
may in fome meafure account for it. They had an ocean, a thouſand
leagues in extent, between them and all the delights of life which they
had once enjoyed. On their backs they had a wilderneſs without li-
mits. As foon as it was dark, their ears were filled with the roaring
of wolves and other favage beafts, or which was much worfe, the yells
of favage men. Where there was any gloom upon the mind, fuch a
icene muft tend to increaſe it.
↑ Hubbard.
† P. 283.
* This appears from a lift of the feveral grants made to La Tour,
communicated to governor Pownall by Monfieur D'Entremont a very
ancient French inhabitant of Acadie defcended from La Tour, and
who was removed to Bofton in 1756, and died in a few years after.
I a
the
128
THE HISTORY OF
1644 the great feal of Scotland †, and that he obtained alſo a
grant of a baronettage of Nova Scotia. Penobſcot, and
all the country weftward and fouthward, was at this
time in the poffeffion of the Engliſh.
IN 1632, La Tour obtained from the French King a
grant of the river and bay of St. Croix and iflands and
Jands adjacent, twelve leagues upon the fea and twenty
leagues into the land *. By the treaty of St. Germains,
the fame year, Acadie was relinquished by the Engliſh,
and La Tour became dependant upon the French alone.
In 1634, he obtained a grant of the ifle of Sables; an-
other of ten leagues upon the fea and ten into the land at
La Have; another of Port Royal the fame extent; and
the like at Menis, with all adjacent iſlands included in each
grant. Razilly had the general command, who appointed
Monfieur D'Aulney de Charnify his Lieutenant of that
part of Acadie weft of St. Croix, and La Tour of that
eaft. In confequence of this divifion, D'Aulney came, as
has been related, and difpoffeffed the Engliſh at Penob-
fcot in the year 1635. Razilly died foon after, and
D'Aulney and La Tour both claimed a general command
of Acadie and made war upon one another. D'Aulney,
by the French King's letter to him in 1638, was ordered
to confine himſelf to the coaft of the Etechemins, which
in all his writings he makes to be a part of Acadie. La
Tour's principal fort was at St. John's. As their chief
views were the trade with the natives, being fo near toge-
ther, there was a conſtant claſhing of intereft. In Novem-
ber 1641, La Tour fent Rochet, a proteftant of Rochel,
to Boſton from St. John's, with propoſals for a free trade
between the two colonies, and defiring affiftance againſt
D'Aulney; but not having fufficient credentials, the go-
vernor and council declined any treaty, and he returned.
The next year, October 6, there came to Bofton a fhallop
from La Tour, with his Lieutenant and 14 men, with letters
+ Hubbard. It is probable the cafe was not juſt as repreſented.
King Charles in 1625 confirmed Alexander's grant, under whom
La Tour fettled.
* The French commiffaries ſpeak of this grant as made to Razilly.
full
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
129
!
full of compliment, defiring aid to remove D'Aulney from 1644
Penobſcot, and renewing the propofal of a free trade.
They returned without any affurance of what was princi-
pally defired, but fome merchants of Boſton ſent a pinnace
after them to trade with La Tour at the river St. John.
They met with good encouragement, and brought letters
to the governor, containing a large ftate of the contro-
verly between D'Aulney and La Tour; but ftopping at
Pemaquid in their way home, they found D'Aulney upon
a vifit there, who wrote to the governor and ſent him a
printed copy of an arrêt he had obtained from France
againſt La Tour, and threatned, that if any veffels came
to La Tour he would make prize of them. The next
fummer (June 12) La Tour himſelf came to Boſton, in
a fhip with 140 perfons aboard, the mafter and crew
being proteftants of Rochel. They took a pilot out of
a Boſton veffel at fea, and coming into the harbour faw
a boat with Mr. Gibbon's lady and family, who were go-
ing to his farm. One of the Frenchmen, who had been
entertained at the houfe, knew her, and a boat being
manned to invite her aboard, fhe fled to Governor's Ifland
and the Frenchmen after her, where they found the go-
vernor and his family, who were all greatly furprized, as
was the whole colony when they heard the news *; for
had it been an enemy, he might not only have fecured the
governor's perfon, but taken poffeffion of the caftle op-
pofite to the iſland, there not being a fingle man at that
time to defend the place t. La Tour acquainted the go-
vernor, that this fhip coming from France, with fupplies
for his fort, found it blocked up by D'Aulney his old
enemy, and he was now come to Boſton to pray aid to
remove him. La Tour had cleared up his conduct, fo as
to obtain a permiffion under the hands of the Vice Admirał
and Grand Prior, &c. for this fhip to bring fupplies to
* The town was fo furprized, that they were all immediately in
arms, and three fhallops filled with armed men were fent to guard the
governor home.
+ This occafioned new regulations for the better fecurity of the
place. The caſtle was rebuilt in 1644, at the charge of the fix neighbour
ing towns. Johnson.
I
3
him,
130
THE HISTORY OF
1644 him, and in the permiffion he was ftiled the King's Lieu-
tenant General in Acadie. He produced alfo letters from
the agent of the company in France, advifing him to
look to himſelf and to guard against the defigns of D'Aul-
ney. The governor called together fuch of the magiftrates
and deputies as were near the town, and laid before them
La Tour's requeſt. They could not, conſiſtent with the
articles they had juft agreed to with the other govern-
ments, grant aid without their advice; but they did not.
think it neceffary to hinder any, who were willing to be
hired, from aiding him, which he took very thankfully;
but fome being difpleafed with thefe conceffions, the go-
vernor called a fecond meeting, where, upon a more full
debate, the firſt opinion was adhered to *. La Tour hired
four fhips of force, and took 70 or 80 volunteers into
his pay, with which affiftance he was fafely landed at his
fort, and D'Aulney fled to Penobſcot, where he ran his
veffels afhore; and although the commander of the ſhips
refuſed to attack him, yet fome of the foldiers joined with
La Tour's men in an affault upon fome of D'Aulney's
men, who had intrenched themfelves; but were obliged
to betake themſelves to flight, having three of their num-
ber flain. The fhips returned in about two months,
without any lofs. The governor excufed the proceeding
to D'Aulney, as not having interefted himſelf in the
quarrel between them, but only permitted La Tour, in
* Some of the magiftrates, deputies and elders, were much grieved
at this proceeding. A remonftrance to the governor was drawn up
and figned by Mr. Saltonſtall, Mr. Bradſtreet, and Mr. Symonds of
the magistrates, and Mr. Nath. Ward, Ezekiel Rogers, Nathanael
Rogers and John Norton of the elders; wherein they condemn the
proceeding, as impolitic and unjuft, and fet forth that they fhould
expoſe their trade to the ravages of D'Aulney, and perhaps the whole
colony to the refentment of the French King, who would not be im-
pofed upon by the diſtinction of permitting and commanding force to
affift La Tour; that they had no fufficient evidence of the juſtice of
his caufe, and in caufa dubiâ bellum non eft fufcipiendum; that La Tour
was a papiít attended by priefts, friars, &c. and that they were in the
cafe of Jehoshaphat who joined with Ahab an idolater, which act was
exprefly condemned in fcripture." Manufcript letters and original
papers
"
his
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
131
his diſtreſs, as the laws of chriftianity and humanity re- 1644
quired, to hire fhips and men for his money, without any
commiflion or authority derived from the government of
the colony. D'Aulney went to France, and, being expec-
ted to return the next fummer 1644, with a great force,
La Tour came again to Boſton, and went from thence to
Mr. Endicot, who was then governor and lived at Salem,
and who appointed a meeting of magiftrates and minifters
to confider his requeft. Moft of the magiftrates were of
opinion that he ought to be relieved as a diftreffed neigh-
bour, and in point of prudence, to prevent fo dangerous
an enemy as D'Aulney from ftrengthening himſelf in their
neighbourhood; but it was finally agreed, that a letter
ſhould be wrote to D'Aulney, to enquire the reaſon of his
having granted commiffions to take their people, and to
demand fatisfaction for the wrong he had done to them
and their confederates, in taking Penobſcot, and in making
prize of their men and goods at the Ifle of Sables; at the
fame time intimating, that altho' thefe people who went
the laſt year with La Tour, had no commiffion, yet if
D'Aulney could make it appear they had done him any
wrong (which they knew nothing of) fatisfaction ſhould
be made; and they expected he ſhould call in all his com-
miffions, and required his anfwer by the bearer. They
likewife acquainted him, that their merchants had entered
into a trade with La Tour, which they were refolved to
ſupport them in. La Tour being able to obtain nothing
further, returned to his fort.
SOME of the province of Maine going this fummer
(1644) from Saco to trade with La Tour, or to get in their
debts, put in at Penobſcot in their way, and were detained
priſoners a few days; but for the fake of Mr. Shurt of
Pemaquid, one of the company, who was well known to
D'Aulney, they were releaſed. La Tour afterwards pre-
vailed upon Mr. Wannefton, another of the company, to
attempt, with about twenty of La Tour's men, to take
Penobſcot, for they heard the fort was weakly manned and
in want of victuals. They went first to a farm houfe of
D'Aulney's about fix miles from the fort. They burned
I 4
the
*32
THE HISTORY OF
1
1644 the houſe and killed the cattle, but Wannefton being
killed at the door, the reft of them came to Boſton.
$
IN September, letters were received from D'Aulney,
informing that his mafter the King of France underftand-
ing that the aid allowed to La Tour, the laſt year, by
the Maſſachuſets, was procured by means of a commiffion
which he fhewed from the Vice-Admiral of France, had
given in charge that they fhould not be moleſted, but
good correfpondence fhould be kept with them and all
the English; and that, as ſoon as he had fettled fome af-
fairs, he intended to let them know what further com-
miffion he had, &c. Soon after, he fent a commiffioner,
ſuppoſed to be a friar, but dreffed in lay habit, with ten
men to attend him, with credentials and a commiffion un-
der the great feal of France, and copy of fome late pro-
ceedings againſt La Tour, who was profcribed as a rebel
and traitor, having fled out of France againſt ſpecial or-
der. The governor and magiftrates urged much a re-
conciliation with La Tour, but to no purpoſe. La Tour
pretended to be a Huguenot, or at leaſt to think favour-
ably of that religion, and this gave him a preference in
the esteem of the colony to D'Aulney; but às D'Aulney
feemed to be eſtabliſhed in his authority, upon propofals
being made by him of peace and friendſhip, the follow-
ing articles were concluded upon, viz.
"THE agreement between John Endicot, Efq; governor
"of New-England, and the reft of the magiftrates
66 there, and Monfieur Marie commiffioner of Mon-
"fieur D'Aulney, Knt. governor and lieut. general
"for his Majefty the King of France in Acadie, a
"province of New France, made and ratified at
"Bofton in the Maffachufets aforefaid, October 8,
" 1644.
"THE Governor and all the reft of the magiftrates
do promiſe to Mr. Marie, that they, and all the reſt
"of the Engliſh within the juriſdiction of the Maffachu-
"fets, fhall obferve and keep firm peace with Monfieur
"D'Aulney, &c. and all the French under his command
in Acadie. And likewife, the faid M. Marie doth pro-
"mife
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
133
"mife in the behalf of Monf. D'Aulney, that he and 1644
"all his people fhall alſo keep firm peace with the go-
"vernor and magiftrates aforefaid, and with all the in-
"habitants of the juriſdiction of the Maſſachuſets afore-
"faid; and that it fhall be lawful for all men, both the
"French and Engliſh, to trade with each other, ſo that if
any occafion of offence fhould happen, neither part fhall
attempt any thing againſt the other in any hoſtile man-
ner, until the wrong be firft declared and complained
"of, and due fatisfaction not given. Provided always,
"the governor and magiftrates aforefaid be not bound to
"reſtrain their merchants from trading with their hips
"with any perfons, whether French or others, wherefo-
66
66
ever they dwell. Provided alfo, that the full ratification
"and conclufion of this agreement be referred to the next
"meeting of the commiffioners of the united colonies
"of New-England, for the continuation or abrogation,
"and in the mean time to remain firm and inviolable.
""
THIS agreement freed the people from the fears they
were under of ravages upon their ſmall veffels and out
plantations. La Tour was fuffered to hire a veffel to carry
a fupply of provifions to his fort; which veffel he took
under his convoy and returned home*.
MR.
* The agreement made with D'Aulney was afterwards ratified by
the commiffioners of the united colonies, but he proved a very trouble-
fome neighbour notwithstanding. In 1645 he made prize of a veffel,
belonging to the merchants of Bofton going to La Tour with provi-
fions, and fent the men home (after he had ftripped them of their
cloaths and kept them ten days upon an ifland) in a ſmall old boat,
without either compaſs to ſteer by or gun to defend themſelves. The
governor and council diſpatched away a veffel with letters to expoſtu-
late with him upon this action, complaining of it as a breach of the
articles, and requiring fatisfaction; but he wrote back in very high and
lofty language, and threatned them with the effects of his maſter's dif-
pleaſure. They replied to D'Aulney, that they were not afraid of any
thing he could do to them; and as for his mafter, they knew he was
a mighty prince, but they hoped he was juſt as well as mighty, and
that he would not fall upon them without hearing their caufe, and if
he fhould do it, they had a God in whom to truft when all other help
failed. With this ſhip D'Aulney made an attempt the fame year upon
La Tour's fort while he was abfent, having left only 50 men in it;
but
1
134
THE HISTORY OF
1644. MR. Endicot was this year (1644) chofen governor,
and Mr. Winthrop deputy governor. Mr. Pynchon,
who, living very remote at Springfield, had been left out
of
but his lady bravely defended it, and D'Aulney returned difappointed,
and charged the Maffachufets with breach of covenant in entertaining
La Tour and fending home his lady. They excuſed themſelves in a
letter, by replying, that La Tour had hired three London fhips which
lay in the harbour. To this letter D'Aulney refuſed at first to return
any anfwer, and refuſed to fuffer the meffenger, Capt. Allen, to
come within his fort; but, at length, wrote in a high ftrain, de-
manding fatisfaction for his mill which had been burnt, and threatning
revenge. When the commiffioners met in September, they agreed to
fend Capt. Bridges to him, with the articles of peace ratified by them,
and demanding a ratification from him under his own hand. D'Aul-
ney entertained their meffenger with courteſy and all the ftate he
could, but refuſed to fign the articles, until the differences between
them were compofed; and wrote back, that he perceived their drift
was to gain time, whereas if their meffengers had been furniſhed with
power to have treated with him and concluded about their differences,
he doubted not all might have been compofed, for he ftood more
upon his honour than his intereft, and he would fit ftill until the
Spring expecting their anfwer. The general court, upon confidering
this anſwer, refolved to fend the deputy governor Mr. Dudley, Ma-
jor Deniſon and Capt. Hawthorn, with full powers to treat and de-
termine, and wrote to D'Aulney, acquainting him with their refo-
lution, and that they had agreed to the place he defired, viz. Penob-
ſcot or Pentagoet, and referred the time to him, provided it ſhould be
in the month of September. This was oppofed by fome, as too great
a condefcenfion, and they would have had him come to the English
ſettlement at Pemaquid; but his commiffion of lieutenant-general for
the King of France was thought by others to carry fo much dignity
with it, that it would be no diſhonour to the colony to go to his own
house; but it ſeems he was too good a huſband to put himself to the
expence of entertaining the meffengers, and wrote in anſwer that he
perceived they were now in earneft and defired peace, as he did alfo
for his part, and that he thought himfelf highly honoured by their
vote to fend fo many of their principal men to him; but defired he
might fpare them the labour, and he would fend two or three of his
to Bofton, in Auguft following (1646) to hear and determine, &c.
On the 20th of September, Meffrs. Marie, Lewis, and D'Aulney's fe-
cretary, arrived at Boiton in a ſmall pinnace, and it being Lord's day,
two officers were fent to receive them at the water fide and to con-
duct them to their lodgings without any noife, and after the public
worſhip was over, the governor fent Major Gibbons, with other
gentlemen and a guard, of mufketeers, to attend them to his houfe,
where
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
135
of the number of affiftants, was again restored †. The 1644
general court fhewed a prudent compliance with the
powers prevailing in England, and paffed the following
order.
WHEREAS the civil wars and diffentions in our na-
tive country, through the feditious words and carriages of
many evil affected perfons, caufe divifions in many places
where they were entertained. The next morning they began upon
bufinefs, and every day dined in public, and were conducted morn-
ing and evening to and from the place of treaty with great ceremony.
Great injuries were alledged on both fides, and after feveral days
fpent, an amnesty was agreed upon. One Capt. Cromwell had taken
in the Weſt Indies a rich fedan made for the Vice Roy of Mexico,
which he gave to Mr. Winthrop: This was fent as a prefent to
D'Aulney, and well accepted by his commiffioners, the treaty renewed,
and all matters amicably fettled. In the mean time, D'Aulney effec-
tually answered his main purpofe, for by his high language he kept
the colony from affifting La Tour, took his fort from him, with ten
thousand pounds fterling in furs and other merchandiſe, ordnance
ftores, plate, jewels, &c. to the great lofs of the Maffachufets mer-
chants, to one only of whom (Major Gibbons) La Tour was indebted
2500l. which was wholly loft. La Tour went to Newfoundland,
where he hoped to be aided by Sir David Kirk, but was difappointed,
and came from thence to Boſton, where he prevailed upon fome mer-
chants to fend him with four or five hundred pounds fterling in goods
to trade with the Indians in the bay of Fundy. He diſmiſſed the Eng-
lifh, who were fent in the veffel, and never thought proper to return
himſelf or render any account of his confignments. D'Aulney died
before the year 1652, and La Tour married his widow, and repof-
feffed himſelf, in whole or in part, of his former eftate in Nova Sco-
tia; and in 1691, a daughter of D'Aulney and a canonefs at St.
Omers dying, made her brothers and fillers La Tours her general le-
gatees. Under them, and by force of divers confirmations of former
grants made by Lewis the 14th, between the peace of Ryfwick and
that of Utrecht, D'Entremont aforementioned claimed a great part
of the province of Nova Scotia and of the country of Acadie. Of
part of thoſe in Nova Scotia he was poffeffed, when all the French
inhabitants were removed by order of admiral Bofcawen and general
Lawrence.
+ Feb. 26, 1644, the country's ammunition, for greater fecurity,
having been fent to Roxbury to be lodged in the houfe of the furveyor-
general, J. Johnſon, the houſe took fire by accident, at noon day, and
was foon blown up,. there being 17 barrels of powder in it, but no
other damage was done. Every one was ready to make their obſer-
vations, one was pretty obvious, viz. that there had not been due
care taken to pay for the powder. Hubbard.
of
136
THE HISTORY OF
1644 of government in America, fome profeffing themfelves
for the King, and others for the parliament, not con-
fidering that the parliament themſelves profeſs that they
ftand for the King and parliament againſt the malignant
papifts and delinquents in that kingdom. It is therefore
ordered, that what perſon foever ſhall by word, writing,
or action, endeavour to disturb our peace, directly or in-
directly, by drawing a party under pretence that he is
for the King of England and ſuch as join with him againſt
the parliament, fhall be accounted as an offender of a
high nature against this commonwealth, and to be pro-
ceeded with, either capitally or otherwife, according to
the quality and degree of his offence. Provided always,
that this fhall not be extended against any merchant
ftrangers and ſhipmen that come hither merely for mat-
ter of trade or merchandize, albeit they fhould come from
any of thoſe parts that are in the hands of the King and
fuch as adhere to him against the parliament, carrying
themſelves here quietly and free from railing or nouriſh-
ing any faction, mutiny or fedition amongst us as afore-
faid."
WE fhall find the authority here, acquiefcing under
every change of government in England. When we con-
fider the dependance of a colony upon its mother country,
nothing lefs is ordinarily to be expected *.
THE Indians, this year, were at war among themſelves.
Miantinomo, the great fachem of Naraganfet, not being
able to unite them all against the Engliſh, fhewed his re-
fentment againſt Uncas, fachem of the Mohegins, and the
two petty fachems, Pomham and Sachonoco, near Pro-
vidence; but in an action between the Naraganfets and
Mohegins, Miantinomo was, unfortunately for him,
taken prifoner. The court ordered ten men to ferve as
*Capt. Daniel Gookins, who came to New-England from Virginia,
was made free the 29th of the 3d month 1644. He was afterwards
an affiſtant and major-general of the colony, a zealous active man, but
rigid in his principles in church and ftate beyond moſt of thoſe who
came first from England. I find a perfon of his name, in Purchaſe,
among the principal perfons in Virginia.
a gar-
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
137
a garriſon in the country of the two petty fachems, and 1644
a ſtrong palifadoed houſe to be built there.
THE Commiffioners of the united colonies interpofed
between the Naraganfets and Mohegins, and by meffen-
gers recommended peace to both of them; offering, as
mediators and umpires, to fettle and determine their dif-
ferences. Yoncho, fachem of Munhanfet on Long-Iſland,
came to the commiffioners at Hartford, and defired that
he and his people might be preſerved from all injuries,
profeffing himſelf a friend both to the Engliſh and Dutch,
having been a tributary to the former ever fince the Pe-
quod war, and he and his people were received into pro-
tection *
Cutfhamach, fachem of the Maffachufets in
the neighbourhood of Boſton, having fubjected himſelf
formerly to the English; Paffaconaway and his fons, from
Merrimack, now came voluntarily and defired that they
alfo might be received upon the fame articles. The In-
dians more and more acquiring the ufe of fire-arms, the
commiffioners, this year, paffed an act, that no perfon
within any of the united colonies fhould directly or in-
directly fell any kind of arms or ammunition to an Indian,
under penalty of twenty for one; nor any fmith or other
perfon mend any gun or other weapon for an Indian, un-
der the like penalty +. There was a propofal likewife
made, among the commiffioners, for an exclufive trade
with the Indians, to be carried on by a company to con-
ſiſt of ſubſcribers from the feveral governments; each go-
vernment to have a diftinct committee to receive fubfcrip-
tions, take in ftock, &c. the whole to be under the re-
gulation of the commiffioners. This propofal was recom→
mended to the ſeveral general courts, but never agreed
* By an act of the commiffioners this year, Southampton upon Long
Inland was annexed to the jurifdiction of Connecticut, and Martha's
Vineyard to the jurifdiction of the Maffachufets.
Some of the people of Rhode Iſland applied to the commiffioners
this year, that their colony might be united to fome one of the other
colonies. The commiffioners approved of the propofal, provided the
major part of the inhabitants fhould join in the application, and re-
commended to Maffachufets or Plimouth in fuch cafe to receive them.
to.
138
THE HISTORY OF
1644 to. The Maffachufets was more confiderable than all
the other colonies together, and this alone was enough
to have prevented them from approving of fuch a mo-
tion t.
1645 THE next year, 1645, a meeting extraordinary of the
commiffioners was held at Bofton; when it was thought
neceffary to ſend meffengers to the fachems of Naraganfet
and Mohegin to require their appearance at Boſton, and
in the mean time to fufpend the wars between the two na-
tions. It ſeems to have been good policy not to have in-
terpofed in this quarrel, but the Engliſh were afraid of
the fuccefs of the Naraganfets, who, although they had, by
an accident, loft their chief fachem yet were much more
numerous than the Mohegins, and had divers other ftout
fachems, Pefficus, Canonicus, and others, to head their
armies; and as the Engliſh had generally efpouſed the
cauſe of the Mohegins, it was feared that as foon as they
were fubdued, if not in the courfe of the war, the Nara-.
ganfets and their allies would fall upon the plantations of
the Engliſh, againſt whom they were then in a peculiar
manner enraged for the death of Miantinomo their fa-
chem; for after Uncas had taken him prifoner, being
at a lofs how to difpofe of him, he carried him to Hart-
ford and left him with the English there, who kept him
under a guard. Uncas applied to the commiffioners for
advice. They gave it as their opinion, that Miantinomo
ought to be put to death for having procured a Pequod
to ſhoot Uncas, and for having been at the head of a
conſpiracy against the English; but they ordered Uncas
to carry him out of their jurifdiction, and to flay him
without that torture and cruelty ufually practifed by the
Indians upon their prifoners. This fentence was executed
accordingly, fome of the Engliſh inhabitants accompany-
ing the Indians to fee it performed.
AT firft, the Naraganfets gave kind words to the mef-
fengers from the English governments, but they foon
changed their tone and determined to have no peace with-
out Uncas's head. Mr. Williams, from Providence, gave
+ Records of united colonies.
notice
3
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
139
*
notice to the commiffioners, that the Naraganfets would 1645
fuddenly break out against the Engliſh. He himself had
always been their favourite, and they had ſettled a neu-
trality with the people of his colony. The commiſſioners
drew up a declaration, containing the foregoing with
other facts, which they apprehended fufficient to juſtify
them in making war against the Naraganfets, and deter-
mined to raiſe 300 men with all convenient ſpeed, and
that 40 fhould be diſpatched immediately from the Maf-
fachufets without waiting for the affembling of the gene-
ral court, which the governor confented to. The two
commiffioners from the Maffachufets + fent to the majors
of Suffolk and Middlefex for their affiftance in raifing
the 40 men, and at the fame time, left there fhould not
be a voluntary inliftment, they fent warrants to the con-
ſtables of the fix neareft towns, intimating the neceffity,
and requiring them to imprefs the 40 men and a number
of horfes to be ready in two days, which was done ac-
cordingly. An attempt having been made for volunteers
without fuccefs, the third day the whole number were
impreffed and fent away under Humphry Atherton their
leader, with fome horfes and two of the Maffachufets In-
dians for their guides, to wait at Mohegin for the Con-
necticut and New-Haven forces. The general court of
the Maffachufets met before the forces were out of the
jurifdiction. The deputies took no exception to the im-
preſs of men upon an emergency, although they had no
voice in it, but thought it neceffary that a commiffion
from the whole court fhould be fent after the men; but
the magiftrates refufed their confent, and the commif-
fioners oppofed the proceeding, left it ſhould weaken their
authority if any forces fhould be afterwards fent out by
them. A commiffion was likewife given to Major Gib-
bons to be general of the forces of the united colonies for
this expedition, and inftructions were given him, and
veffels were preparing to transport provifions and other
neceffaries. The news of an army of English preparing
* Maffachufets 190, Plimouth 40, Connecticut 40, New-Haven 30.
Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Pelham,
to
140
THE HISTORY OF
1645 to march, intimidated the Naraganfets, and brought them
to fubmit to peace upon the terms propofed to them.
Soon after the death of Miantinomo, the Naraganfets
had ſent a preſent of wampom to Mr. Winthrop, defiring
to keep peace with the English, and to revenge their
fachem's death upon Uncas and the Mohegins. Mr.
Winthrop refuſed to receive it upon thofe terms, but the
meffengers defired they might leave it, until they had
further adviſed with their fachems, which was allowed to
be done. The commiffioners being informed hereof,
thought it proper, by meffengers of their own, to return
the wampom. To return a belt received from the In-
dians, is looked upon by them as the higheſt evidence of
a refufal to comply with the propoſals made at fending
it. The meffengers however departed from their inftruc-
tions; for finding the Naraganfets difpofed to fubmit,
and that the fachem and others were coming to Boſton,
they brought back the wampom, and wrote to the com-
mander of the Connecticut forces and to the commander
of the men fent from Maffachufets, acquainting them
with the profpect of peace, &c. This action offended
the commiffioners, who did not intend the proceeding of
the forces should be retarded.
PESSACUS, with two other chief men of the Naragan-
fets, and Awafequan in behalf of the Nianticks, Janemo
the fachem being fick, within a few days after came to
Boſton, with a large number of Indians in their train.
The commiffioners affured them, that however the treaty
ſhould end, they fhould receive no injury, but ſhould ſtay
and return in fafety; and then reminded them of their
former treaty, by which they engaged not to enter into
war with Uncas or any other Indians without first ac-
quainting the English with the caufe thereof; notwith-
ftanding which, they had this fummer feveral times invaded.
Uncas, and had flain, wounded and taken priſoners feveral
of his people and done him much damage, and forced the
Engliſh according to their engagements to fend forces at
different times to defend him; that when they were fent
to by the Maffachufets, and had fair offer made, they
abufed
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
141
4
+
abuſed the meſſengers, threatned the colonies, and de- 1645
clared "let who will have begun the war we will conti-
nue it until we have Uncas his head."
THE fachems at firft charged Uncas with injuries, that
he had taken a ranfom for Miantinomo's life and then
flew him, and they were loth to acknowledge any breach
of covenant with the Engliſh. They offered to make
peace with Uncas for a year, or fome fhort time, but this
not being fatisfactory, they defired to know what was
expected from them. Whereupon the commiffioners told
them, that their breach of covenant was the caufe of all
the expence which the Engliſh had been at in preparing
for war, and it was reaſonable that they ſhould reimburſe
it; but the commiffioners, to fhew their moderation, de-
manded only 2000 fathoms of wampum (which was a ſum
far ſhort of their charges) to be paid at different periods,
and that they ſhould reftore to Uncas, his captives and
canoes, and make fatisfaction for deftroying his corn, &c.
keep perpetual peace with the English and all their allies
and fubjects, and give hoftages for the performance of
their engagements. Theſe were hard terms, and it was
with great reluctance that they finally fubmitted to them;
but they knew that part of the English forces was gone
into their country, and they were afraid that, even
whilſt the treaty was depending, hoftilities would be be-
gun; and finally, the 30th of Auguft 1645, they figned
to the agreement as the commiffioners had prepared it,
and left fome of their number* hoftages as a fecurity
for the performance of it +. The fmall English army,
which was ready to march, was difbanded, and the 4th of
* Peffacus's child, and a child of his brother, and two other children
of perfons of note. They attempted to fubftitute three or four chil
dren of the meaneft of the people, but were diſcovered. Rec. &c.
†They tried every way to avoid complying with the agreement.
Soon after, they reported that the Mohawks had fent their advice to
them to pay no peag, they would difcharge them from the fine.
When this would not do, they laid a ſcheme for carrying off a num-
ber of English children in order to redeem their own, but they were
afraid to execute it. Benedict Arnold's letter to Gov. Winthrop, May
29, 1646.
K
Sep-
2:142
THE HISTORY OF
1645 September, which had been appointed for a faft, was
now ordered to be obferved as a day of thankſgiving
*
ABOUT this time there was another ſtruggle for power
between the affiftants or magiftrates, and the deputies.
The latter could not bear their votes ſhould loſe their ef-
fect
*Uncas, the fachem of the Mohegins, was hated and envied by
the Naraganfets for his attachment to the Engliſh and the diftinguiſh-
ing favours fhewn him in return. In 1638, having entertained fome
of the Pequods after the war with them, and fearing he had given of
fence, he came to the governor at Boſton and brought a prefent which
was at firſt refuſed; but afterwards, the governor being ſatisfied that
he had no deſigns against the English, it was accepted, and he pro-
mifed to fubmit to fuch orders as he fhould receive from the English
concerning the Pequods, and alfo concerning the Naraganfets and
his behaviour towards them, and concluded his fpeech with theſe
words: "This heart (laying his hand upon his breaſt) is not mine
but your's. Command me any difficult fervice and I will do it; I'
have no men but they are all yours. I will never believe any Indian
against the Engliſh any more." He was difmiffed with a prefent, went
home joyful, carrying a letter of protection for himſelf and men
through the English plantations, and never was engaged in hoftilities
against any of the colonies, although he furvived Philip's war, and
died a very old man after the year 1680.
The Naraganfets failed in the payment of the wampum; and in
1646, meffengers were fent to them from the commiffioners, but Pef-
facus their chief fachem not attending, in 1647 the meffage was re-
peated, and he then pretended fickneſs and fent Ninigrate, a fachem
of the Nianticks, to act in his behalf, and told the meffenger that it
was true he had not kept his covenant, but added, that he entred into
it for fear of the army which he faw, and that he was told that if he
did not fet his hand to fuch and fuch things, the army fhould go
againſt the Naraganfets. When Ninigrate appeared, he asked how
the Naraganfets became indebted to the English in fo large a fum, and
being told that it was for the expence the Naraganfets had put them
to by their breach of covenant, he then pleaded poverty; but the
commiffioners infifting on the demand, he fent fome of his people
back to procure what he could, but brought 200 fathom only. They
gave him leave to go home and allowed him further time. The
whole was not paid until 1650, when Capt. Atherton, with twenty
men, was fent to demand the arrears, which was then about 300 fa-
thoms. Peffacus put him off fome time with dilatory anfwers, not
fuffering him to come into his prefence. In the mean while his people
were gathering together, but the Captain carrying his twenty foldiers
to the door of the wigwam, entered himſelf with his piftol in his hand,
leaving his men without, and feizing Peffacus by the hair of his head,
drew
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
143
fect by the non-concurrence of the former who were fo 1645
much fewer in number; but by the firmnefs of Mr. Win-
throp, the affiftants maintained their right at this time,
and (March 25, 1644) the deputies, not being able to
prevail, moved that the two houfes might fit apart, and
from that time votes were fent in a parliamentary way
from one houfe to the other, and the confent of both was
neceffary to an act of the court. This continued a fhort
time, without any further provifion, but finally, the ma-
giftrates confented, that in appeals from the lower courts
and all judicial proceedings, if the two houfes differed, the
major vote of the whole fhould determine. The deputies
alfo looked with envy upon the powers exerciſed by the
magiftrates in the recefs of the general court, and fent
up a vote or bill to join fome of their number with the
magiftrates, who fhould receive a commiffion from the
court, but this was refuſed as an innovation upon the
charter. The houſe then defired the magiftrates would
fufpend the exerciſe of their executive power until the
next feffion. They answered, that they must act as oc-
cafion required, according to the truſt repofed in them.
The ſpeaker told them they would not be obeyed. The
court broke up in this temper. But, difturbances hap-
pening with the Indians, it was called together again in a
fhort time, and the deputies voted that (falvo jure) for
the peace and fafety of the colony the governor and af-
fiftants ſhould take order for the welfare of the people;
in all fudden cafes which may happen within the jurif
diction, until the next feffion of the court. By agreement,
•
drew him from the midst of a great number of his attendants, threat-
ning, that if one of them offered to ftir he would diſpatch him. Pef-
facus prefently paid down what was demanded, and the English re-
turned in fafety. Ninigrate, after this, began to ftir up new troubles
from the Nianticks, but, upon fending Capt. Davis with a troop of
horfe into the Indian country, he was ftruck with a panick and would
not be feen by the English, until he had affurance of his life, and then
he readily complied with their demands; and they and the other In-
dians continued quiet many years, until by familiar intercourſe and the
ufe of fire-arms they became more emboldened, and engaged in the war
In 1675, which iffued in their total deftruction. Records of united colonies.
K 2.
all
>
144
THE HISTORY OF
1
1645 all the minifters were called in at the next feffion, in or-
der to give their opinion upon the point in difference.
They determined, that the governor, deputy governor,
and affiftants were invefted with the magiftratical power,
(the nature and extent of this power is left in the dark,) and
that they do not derive it from the people, who were
only to defign fuch perfons as they thought fit for the
exerciſe of thoſe powers. Several other points were re-
ferred to the minifters at the fame time, and all agreed
to by both houſes with ſome ſmall amendment
1
J
*
THE Controverſy between the two houſes at this time,
was occafioned by a difference in fentiment upon the
identity of a fwine, which was claimed by a poor wo-
man as having ftrayed from her fome years before, and
her title being difputed by a perfon of more confequence,
divided, not the court only, but the whole country.
The identity of Martin Guerre was not more controverted
in France. Pity and compaffion for the poor woman
prevailed with the common people againſt right. At laft,
thoſe magiſtrates who had been in favour of the other
fide, for the magiftrates were divided too, Dudley on
one fide and Bellingham the other, perfuaded the perfon
who they fuppofed had a good title, and who had reco-
vered below, to relinquish it, that the public peace might
be restored +.
MR. Dudley had the place of governor for 1645, and
Mr. Winthrop deputy governor. Herbert Pelham, Efq;‡
who arrived not long before, was added to the affiftants
in the room of Mr. Stoughton, who I fuppofe died this
year. Mr. Pelham being a gentleman diftinguiſhed by
his family, eftate, and the qualities of his mind, was alfo,
this first year of his arrival, chofen commiffioner for the
united colonies, Mr. Winthrop being the other.
* Maff. Records.
+ MS.
† Mr. Pelham was of the fame family with his Grace the Duke of
Newcaſtle. He tarried but a few years in New-England. It appears
by letters from England, that in 1650 he lived upon his eftate in the
country there. He was intruſted by the colony in their affairs in Eng-
land, relative to an encouragement for propagating the gofpel among
the Indians, and was a great promoter of that work.
3
IN
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
145
IN 1646, Mr. Winthrop was chofen governor, and Mr. 1646
Dudley deputy governor; Mr. Endicot and Mr. Pelham
commiffioners *.
A GREAT diſturbance was cauſed in the colony, this
year, by a number of perfons of figure, but of different
fentiments, both as to civil and eccleſiaſtical government,
from the people in general. William Vaffal, as we have
obferved, came over with the firft patentees and was one
of the affiftants in 1630, but foon after returned to Eng-
land, and in the year 1635 came back to New-England
and ſettled at Scituate in the colony of New-Plimouth.
He was a gentleman of a pleaſant affable difpofition, but
always oppofite to the government both in the Maffa-
chufets and Plimouth. Scituate in Plimouth is conti-
guous to Hingham in the Maffachufets, and Mr. Vaffal
had much influence in the latter colony as well as the for-
mer, and had laid a ſcheme for petitions of fuch as were
non-freemen to the courts of both colonies, and upon
the petitions being refuſed, to apply to the parliament,
pretending they were fubjected to an arbitrary power,
extrajudicial proceedings, &c. The two firft of the
Maffachufets petitioners were Samuel Maverick and Ro-
bert Child. Mr. Maverick, being in the colony at the
arrival of the charter, was made a freeman before the
law confining freedom to fuch only as were members of
churches was in force, but, being an epifcopalian, had
never been in any office. Child was a young gentle-
man, juft before come from Padua, where he ftudied
phyfic, and as was reputed, had taken the degree of doctor.
The principal things complained of by the petitioners
were,
ift. THAT the fundamental laws of England were not
owned by the colony as the baſis of their government
according to patent.
* The commiffioners hitherto had been choſen by the affembly, but
they being general officers, the freemen challenged a right of chufing
them, and the rather, becauſe ſome of the deputies had fome times
been chofen, which was not agreeable to the commiffioners of the
other governments, nor to the freemen themſelves.
K 3
ad. THE
146
THE HISTORY OF
1646 20. THE denial of thofe civil privileges, which the free-
men of the juriſdiction enjoyed, to fuch as were not mem-
bers of churches and did not take an oath of fidelity de-
viſed by the authority here *, although they were freeborn
Engliſhmen of fober lives and converfation, &c.
3d. THAT they were debarred from chriftian privi-
leges, viz. the Lord's fupper for themfelves, and bap-
tifm for their children, unleſs they were members of fome
of the particular churches in the country, though other-
wife fober, righteous and godly, and eminent for know-
ledge, not fcandalous in life and converſation, and mem-
bers of churches in England.
AND they prayed, that civil liberty and freedom might
be forthwith granted to all truly Engliſh, and that all
members of the church of England or Scotland, not
fcandalous, might be admitted to the privileges of the
churches of New-England; or, if theſe civil and religious
liberties were refuſed, that they might be freed from the
heavy taxes impofed upon them, and from the impreffes
made of them or their children or fervants into the war;
and if they failed of redreſs there, they fhould be under
a neceffity of making application to England to the ho-
nourable houſes of parliament, who they hoped would
take their fad condition into confideration, provide able
minifters for them, New-England having none fuch to
fpare, or elſe tranſport them to fome other place, their
eftates being wafted, where they may live like chriftians,
&c. But if their prayer fhould be granted, they hoped
to fee the then contemned ordinances of God highly
prized; the gofpel, then dark, break forth as the fun;
chriſtian charity, then frozen, wax warm; jealouſy of ar-
bitrary government banished; ftrife and contention abated;
and all buſineſs in church and ſtate, which for many years
had
gone backward, fuccefsfully thriving, &c.
T HE court, and great part of the country, were much
offended at this petition. A declaration was drawn up
* A motion was made in the court, in the year 1645, that all freemen
fhould be required to take the national covenant in conformity to the prac-
tice in England; but it was thought convenient to refer the confider-
ation of this motion. MS. I do not find it to have been reaffumed.
and
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
147
and publiſhed by order of court, in anſwer to the petition, 1646
and in vindication of the government; a proceeding which
at this day would not appear for the honour of the fupreme
authority. A parallel was attempted between the funda-
mental laws of England and thofe of the colony, which in
fome parts of it is liable to exception. The petitioners
were required to attend the court. They urged their
right of petitioning. They were told, they were not ac-
cuſed of petitioning but of contemptuous and feditious ex-
preffions, and were required to find fureties for their good
behaviour, &c. A charge was drawn up againſt them in
form; notwithſtanding which, it was intimated to them,
that if they would ingenioufly acknowledge their offence
they ſhould be forgiven; but they refuſed, and were fined
fome in larger, fome in leffer fums, two or three of the
magiſtrates diffenting, Mr. Bellingham * in particular de-
firing his diffent might be entred. The petitioners claimed
an appeal to the commiffioners for plantations in England,
but it was not allowed. Some of them refolved to go
home with a complaint. Their papers were feized, and
among them was found a petition to the right honourable
the Earl of Warwick, &c. commiffioners, from about
five and twenty non-freemen, for themfelves and many
thoufands more, in which they reprefent, that from the
pulpits they had been reproached and branded with the
names of destroyers of churches and commonwealths,
called
* Mr. Winthrop, who was then deputy governor, was active in the
profecution of the petitioners, and the party in favour of them had fo
much intereft as to obtain a vote to require him to anſwer in publick
to the complaints against him. Doctor Mather fays, he was most ir-
regularly called forth to an ignominious hearing before a vaft affembly,
to which," with a fagacious humility" he confented, although he
fhewed how he might have refuſed it. The refult of the hearing was
that he was honourably acquitted, &c.
+ This refers to a fermon preached by Mr. Cotton on a faft day, an
extract from which is publiſhed in the Magnalia, B. III. p. 29. wherein
he denounces the judgments of God upon fuch of his hearers as were
then going to England with evil intentions against the country, which
judgments the author obferves they did not efcape. One of the peti-
tioners hath obferved on the other fide, that Mr. Winflow's horfe died
K 4
in
148
THE HISTORY OF
1646 called Hamans, Judafes, fons of Korah, &c, and the
Lord intreated to confound them, and the people and
magiftrates ſtirred up againſt them by thoſe who were too
forward to ſtep out of their callings, fo that they had been
fent for to the court, and fome of them committed for re-
fufing to give two hundred pounds bond to ftand to the
fentence of the court, when all their crime was a petition
to the court, and they had been publickly uſed as male-
factors, &c. They then proceed to pray,
Ift. For fettled churches in New-England, according
to the reformation of England.
2d. THAT the laws of England may be eſtabliſhed, &c,
3d. THAT all Engliſh freeholders may enjoy fuch pri-
vileges there, as in England and the other plantations.
4th. THAT a general governor, or fome honourable
commiffioners may be appointed, &c.
5th. THAT the oath of allegiance may be taken by all,
and other covenants which the parliament fhall think moft
convenient and add their prayer, that their petition, for
which they had been puniſhed, may be confidered, and
that certain queries may be reſolved, as,
WHETHER the patent of the Maffachufets was confirmed
by parliament, and whether it was not neceffary it fhould be,
WHETHER the court may forfeit their charter, &c.
WHETHER if treafon be uttered in the pulpit or in the
court and not queftioned, the court do not confent, &c.
WHETHER it be not high treafon, as well in New-Eng-
land as in Ireland, to endeavour to fubvert the funda-
mental laws of England, to take away the liberties of the
English nation, to fay the Maffachuſets is a free ftate, &c.
WHETHER the oath of allegiance and the covenant be
not binding there.
WHETHER all Engliſh inhabitants, having lands, are
not freemen.
in his journey to Bofton, in order to take paffage to London, &c. It
may be of fervice to the world to record fignal inftances of divine
judgments upon heinous offenders againſt religion and morality. When
party fpirit or bigotry prevails, common accidents are often conftrued
extraordinary interpofitions of Providence.
WHETHER
MASSACHUSET S-BAY.
149
WHETHER the court hath power to confine in prifon, 1646
baniſh, impofe cenfures, impreſs perfons and goods for
an offenfive war, &c.
WHETHER the minifters may publickly vilify the
Engliſh nation, laws, &c. and not be queftioned.
WHETHER the petitioners ought to be hindered from
fettling in a church way, according to the churches in
England, &c.
MR. Winflow*, who had been chofen agent for the
colony to anſwer to Gorton's complaint, was now inftructed
to make defence againſt theſe petitioners; and by his pru-
dent management, and the credit and efteem he was in
with many of the members of parliament and principal
perſons then in power, he prevented any prejudice to the
colony from either of thefe applications.
IN 1647 and 1648, the fame governor and deputy go- 1647
vernor were continued, and the firft of thefe years Ro- 1648
bert Bridges + was added to the affiftants. The number
of males, in each of the four colonies, being carried in to
the commiſſioners in the year 1647, in order to proportion
the fum of 1043 l. 10s. 1d. expended for the general fer-
vice, it appeared that the Maffachufets part or pro-
portion of the fum was 670 l. 3 s. 4d. Plimouth's 1281.
13s. 4 d. Connecticut's 1401. 2s. 5d. and New-Ha-
ven's 1041. 11s. I.
MR. Coddington and Mr. Partridge, in behalf of the co-
lony of Rhode iſland, prefented a requeft to the commif-
fioner's at Plimouth in the year 1648, to be received into
the confederacy with the other united colonies of New-
England. The commiffioners returned an anſwer as
follows. "In as much as your preſent ftate and con-
"dition is full of confufion and danger, having much
diſturbance among yourſelves, and no fecurity from the
"Indians, the commiffioners defire therefore in feveral
* Mr. Peters and Mr. Weld were difmiffed from the agency and
defired to return home, but both of them choſe to remain in England,
+ All I find of Bridges is, "that he was an inhabitant of Lyn, a
magiftrate of able parts, and forward to improve them for the glory of
God and the good of his people," Johnson.
‡ Rec. unit. col.
re-
150
THE HISTORY OF
1648" reſpects to afford both advice and help; but upon pe-
"rufal of the ancient patent granted to New-Plimouth,
they find Rhode island, upon which your plantations
"are fettled, to fall within their line and bounds, which
"the honourable committee of parliament do not think
"fit to ftraiten or infringe, nor may we. If therefore
"yourſelves and the inhabitants of the moſt conſiderable
ર
part of them, upon a due confideration of Plimouth
patent and right, acknowledge yourſelves within that
jurifdiction, we fhall confider and adviſe how you may
"be accepted upon juft terms *, and with tender refpects
"to your convenience, and fhall after afford you the fame
advice, protection and help which other plantations with-
in the united colonies enjoy, which we hope in fundry
"refpects may tend to your comfort and fafety +."
THE first inftance, I find, of any perfon executed for
witchcraft was in June 1648. Margaret Jones of Charles-
town was indicted for a witch, found guilty and executed.
She was charged with having fuch a malignant touch,
that if fhe laid her hands upon man, woman or child in an-
ger, they were feized prefently with deafnefs, vomiting or
other fickneſs or fome violent pains. The hufband of the
woman, after ſhe was executed, had taken his paffage in a
fhip, which lay in Charles river bound to Barbados, well
ballafted, but with 80 horſes aboard, and being obſerved
to rowl on a fudden, as if ſhe would have overfet, an offi-
* Plimouth would have been foon fwallowed up in Rhode island,
from the great fuperiority of the latter. Befides, the principles of the
people of the two colonies were fo different, that a junction muſt have
rendered both miſerable.
·
An epidemical ficknefs paffed through the continent in the year
1647. English, French, Dutch and Indians were feized with it. It be-
gan with a cold accompanied with a light fever. Such as bled or uſed
coolling drinks generally died; thoſe who uſed cordials and ftrength-
ening things generally recovered. It extended to the Weft Indies.
In Barbados and St. Christophers each, five or fix thoufand died.
It was accompanied there with a great drought, which caufed an ex-
treme ſcarcity of all kinds, and occaſioned a demand for New-Eng-
land produce greater than had ever been known before. Hubbard.
A general diſorder of this kind has, at feveral different periods fince,
prevailed and paffed through the continent, and in fome inftances
about the fame time it has extended as far as Europe.
9
cer
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
151
}
cer was fent with a warrant to apprehend the man, and 1648
after he was committed to pifon the fhip ceafed her rowling,
which it is faid was never renewed afterwards. Such
was the credulity and infatuation of that day. Happy
would it have been, if this had been the only inftance of it.
Shall we wonder at the New-England magiftrates, when
we find ſuch characters as Lord Chief Juftice Hale, &c.
foon after chargeable with as great delufion?
In the beginning of 1649* (March) died Mr. Win- 1649
throp, the father of the country, in the 63d year of his age.
His death cauſed a general grief through the colony. He
ſpent his eftate and his bodily ftrength in the public fer-
vice, although he was remarkable for his temperance, fru-
gality and economy. His virtues were many, his errors
few, and yet he could not escape calumny and detraction,
which would fometimes make too great an impreffion upon
him. He was of a more catholic fpirit than fome of his
brethren, before he left England, but afterwards he grew
more contracted, and was difpofed to lay too great ftrefs
upon indifferent matters. He first propofed leaving off
the cuſtom of drinking one to another, and then procured
a law to prohibit it. He purfued, with great vehemence,
Mr. Vane's adherents. He might have fome political
views mixed with this inftance of his zeal. Some writers
fay, that upon his death-bed, when Mr. Dudly preffed him
to fign an order of baniſhment of an heterodox perſon, he
refufed, faying, "he had done too much of that work
already." Mr. Endicot fucceeded him in the place of gover-
nor, and Mr. Dudley took the place of deputy governor.
I fancy that about this time the fcrupulofity of the good
people of the colony was at the height. Soon after Mr.
Winthrop's death, Mr. Endicot, the moſt rigid of any of the
magiftrates, being governor, he joined with the other
affiſtants in an affociation againſt long hair†.
↑ Hubbard.
IN
* Mr. Thomas Shepard, miniſter of Cambridge, died the 25th of
Auguft 1649. He was of Emanuel College Cambridge.
+ "Forafmuch as the wearing of long-hair, after the manner of
Ruffians and barbarous Indians, has begun to invade New-England,
contrary
1
152
THE HISTORY OF
1649
In every age, indifferent things have been condemned
as finful, and placed among the greateſt immoralities. The
text againſt long hair, in Corinthians, as contrary to the
cuſtom in the apoſtle's day, induced our anceſtors to think
it criminal in all ages and all nations, and to look upon it
as one of the barbarifms of the Indians. I have wondered
that the text in Leviticus, "Ye fhall not round the cor-
ners of your heads," was never brought againſt ſhort hair.
The rule in New-England was, that none fhould wear their
hair below their ears. In a clergyman it was ſaid to be the
greater offence; they were in an eſpecial manner required
to go patentibus auribus. A few years before, tobacco
was prohibited under a penalty, and the fmoak of it, in
fome manufcripts is compared to the fmoak of the bot-
tomlefs pit. Some of the clergy fell into the practice of
fmoaking, and tobacco by an act of government "was fet
at liberty." In England, perriwigs came into uſe foon after
the reſtoration. In New-England, they were an eye-fore
for thirty years after, and did not generally obtain until
about the time of the revolution; and, even then, the ex-
contrary to the rule of God's word, which fays it is a fhame for a man
to wear long hair, as alfo the commendable cuftom generally of all the
godly of our nation, until within this few years.
We the magiftrates who have fubſcribed this paper (for the ſhewing
of our own innocency in this behalf) do declare and manifeft our dif
like and deteftation againſt the wearing of fuch long hair, as againſt a
thing uncivil and unmanly, whereby men doe deforme themfelves, and
offend fober and modeft men, and doe corrupt good manners. We doe
therefore earneſtly entreat all the elders of this jurifdiction (as often as
they ſhall ſee cauſe to manifeft their zeal againſt it in their publike ad-
miniſtrations, and to take care that the members of their reſpective
churches be not defiled therewith; that ſo, ſuch as ſhall prove obſtinate
and will not reforme themſelves, may have God and man to witneſs
against them. The third month roth day 1649.
(Harvard College Records.)
Jo. Endicott, governor
Tho. Dudley, dep. gov.
Rich. Bellingham
Richard Saltonftall
Increaſe Nowell
William Hibbins
Thomas Flint
Rob. Bridges
Simon Bradstreet."
ample
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
153
ample and authority of Dr. Owen, Dr. Bates, Mr. Alfop, 1649
Mr. Mede and other non-conforming minifters in Eng-
land, befides Spanhemius and other foreign proteſtant
divines, who wore wigs, were neceffary to remove all
fcruples concerning them. Beards were left off early in
New-England, and about the fame time they were in
Old. Leveret is the firft governor who is painted with-
out a beard. He laid it afide in Cromwell's court,
A DISPUTE between the colonies of the Maffachufets and
Connecticut, which began feveral years before, was this
year brought to an end. A duty+ had been laid by
Connecticut, upon all goods which were carried out of
the river, for the maintaining Saybrook fort at the mouth
of it. The inhabitants of Springfield, being within the
Maffachufets province, refufed to fubmit to the payment
of this duty. Connecticut, in 1646, laid the cafe before
the commiffioners of the united colonies, or rather thoſe
of Plimouth and New-Haven, the other two being par-
ties, the confideration whereof was referred to the next
meeting in 1647, when the Maffachufets urged, "That
Connecticut had no authority to lay a tax upon the inha-
bitants of another colony; that the fort was of no ufe to
them; that a demand of this tax had hindred the union
for feveral years; that the Maffachufets firft took poffef-
fion of the river and planted there, and had been at great
expence, nexer expecting this tax; that the Maffachufets
people had as good right to lay the fame tax for all goods
imported from Connecticut, to maintain the fort at Bof-
ton. "The Connecticut commiffioners urged "the prac-
tice of many places in Europe; that the fort was a fecu-
rity to the whole river, and that the reaſon of this cafe
was the fame, as if Connecticut fhould be at any expence
to make the river more navigable, Springfield furely would
not in that cafe refufe to pay any part of the charge."
The Maffachufets denied," that the fort was a fecurity
againſt any veſſel of force, and admitted that any expence,
which might make the river more ufeful to Springfield,
ought in proportion to be borne by the inhabitants thereof."
† 2 d. per buſhel on corn, and ros. per cwt. on beaver.
The
154
THE HISTORY OF
1649 The commiffioners of Plimouth and New-Haven deter-
mined, that the tax fhould be paid until the next meeting,
but they would then hear any further objections from the
Maffachufets against it. In 1648, among other things,
the Maffachufets infifted upon Connecticut's producing
their patent to fhew their authority. Connecticut urged
that the line had never been run by perfons in behalf of
the two governments, to afcertain whether Springfield
was within the Maffachufets juriſdiction or not. The
commiffioners, at this meeting, recommended the run-
ning the line, and ordered that, in the mean time, the
tax fhould continue. The Maffachufets reprefented,
that Mr. Fenwick was to have joined with them in run-
ning the line but failed them, and thereupon it was run
at their own charge; by which it appeared, that Wero-
noke (Weftfield) was within their patent, and had been
fo adjudged by the commiffioners; notwithſtanding this,
they were ready to join with their brethren of Connecticut
in another furvey if they would be at the charge, as the
Maſſachuſets had been before, and would alſo produce their
patent, as the Maffachufets had produced their patent.
Connecticut commiffioners denied that Mr. Fenwick
had promiſed to join in running the line, having only in
general terms promiſed to endeavour to clear Springfield
from being within the Maffachufets patent; and alledged,
that the running the line referred to, was a year before
this promiſe, and therefore propofed, that the foutherly
extent of the Maffachufets patent fhould be firſt agreed
upon and fettled, and then at a mutual charge the line be
run by fome ſkilful man chofen by each colony, &c. that
as for their patent, the Maffachufets knew the original
could not then be obtained, but they were ready to pro-
duce an authentic copy, &c.
UPON this, the Maffachufets commiffioners, to the
diſhonour of the colony, produced a law of their general
court, impofing a cuftom or duty upon the other colo-
nies, of the tenor following:
"WHEREAS the commiffioners for the united colonies
have thought it but juſt and equal, that Springfield a mem-
ber of this juridiction fhould pay cuftom or contribution
to
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
155
to the erecting and maintaining of Seabrooke fort, being 1649
of no force against an enemy of any ſtrength (before it
was burnt *) in the commiffioners own judgment expreffed
in their own order; which determination they have alfo
continued by an order at their laſt meeting at Plimouth
(though the faid fort was then demoliſhed by fire and the
paffage not fecured) contrary to a claufe provided on
Springfield behalf. And forafmuch as this juriſdiction
hath expended many thoufand pounds in erecting and
maintaining feveral forts, which others as well as ourfelves
have received the benefit of, and hath at preſent one
principal fort or caftle, of good force againſt an enemy of
confiderable ſtrength and well garrifoned and otherwiſe
furniſhed with fufficient ammunition, befides ſeveral other
forts and batteries whereby veffels and goods of all forts
are fecured: It is therefore ordered by this court and the
authority thereof, that all goods, belonging or any way
appertaining to any inhabitants of the jurifdiction of
Plimouth, Connecticut or New-Haven, that fhall be
imported within the caſtle, or exported from any part of
the bay, fhall pay fuch cuftom as hereafter is expreffed,
viz. all fkins of beaver, otter, moofe, &c. two pence
per ſkin, and all goods packed in hogfheads or otherwiſe
ten fhillings a ton, corn and meal two pence a buſhel, biſ-
cuit fix pence per hundred, on pain of forfeiture," &c. +
HAD the Maffachufets laid a duty on goods from Con-
necticut only, they might have had at leaſt a colour, per-
haps more than a colour, to juſtify them; but to extend
their refentment to the other two colonies for giving
judgment against them, no excufe can be framed for it.
It was a mere exertion of power, and a proof of their
great fuperiority, which enabled them, in effect, to de-
part from the union or combination whenfoever they
found it for their intereft; and if done by a fingle ma-
* In the midſt of winter 1647, the fort took fire, no body knew by
what means, and all the buildings and goods were deſtroyed, the da-
mage being a thousand pounds or more. Capt. Mafon, the com-
mander, with his wife and child, narrowly eſcaping with their lives.
Hubbard.
+ Records of united colonies.
giftrate
156
THE HISTORY OF
1
1649 giftrate would have been pronounced tyrannical and
靠
​op
preffive: But in all ages and countries, by bodies or com-
munities of men fuch deeds have been done, as moſt of
the individuals of which fuch communities confifted,
acting feparately, would have been aſhamed of.
THE union or confederacy had rendered the colonies
formidable to French and Dutch, as well as to the na-
tives, and a breach at this time would have given great
advantage to the enemies of New-England; the commif-
fioners of Plimouth and New-Haven therefore agreed
upon a final refult of the following tenor, viz. "That
they were in hopes, according to the advice given at Pli-
mouth, this controverſy might have been happily iſſued,
but they find that the Maffachufets line had not been fince
run, nor was the place where it fhould begin, agreed
upon; that the original patent or an exemplification there-
of is required from Connecticut, altho' Mr. Hopkins had
offered to fwear to the truth of a copy by him prefented;
and that the Maffachufets had impofed a burthenfome cuf-
tom as a return or retaliation, not upon Connecticut only,
the party intereſted, but upon Plimouth and New-Haven,
whofe commiffioners according to an article of the union
and at the requeſt of the Maffachufets had impartially
'confidered the matter in controverfy, and given their opi-
nion therein; therefore the commiffioners recommend it
to the general court of the Maffachufets, feriouſly to
confider whether fuch proceedings agree with the law of
love and the tenor and import of the articles of confe
deration; but in the mean time defire to be fpared in all
further agitations concerning Springfield +."
THE Confufions, at this time in England, were matter
of concern and grief to many people in the colonies.
There is no doubt that they concurred in fentiment, in
point of religion, with the prevailing party in England; but
I find ſcarce any marks of approbation of the tragical fcene
+ Records of united colonies.
It is probable the fort at Saybrooke was foon after flighted and the
garrifon diſcontinued, as we meet with no further controverfy con-
cerning it. The Maffachufets law was fufpended in 1650.
of
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
157
4
of which this year they received intelligence. Mr. Eaton, 1649
the worthy governor of New-Haven, in a letter to Mr.
Winthrop in 1648, writes thus, "I thank you for your
love and pains in that fad but weighty relation you have
"made concerning the ſtate of England. The ten con-
"fiderations you mention, are very obfervable, and call
"for our compaffion and prayers for them that feem not
"enough fenfible of their own danger." From Vir-
ginia, Mr. Harriſon, paftor of a congregational church *,
writes,that by their later letters they conceive the
"whole heavens are overshadowed, the Scots hang like
a black cloud (45000 in number) upon the borders,
"the King fled from the army to the Isle of Wight, the
agitators turned levellers, intending to bring in a kind
of parity among all conditions, none to have above
. 300, none under 10l. per annum, &c."
66
"s
A controverfy which had long fubfifted, between the 1650
colony of New-Haven and the Dutch at the Manhados,
was fettled by the commiffioners of the united colonies in
1650. The Dutch, who had built a fmall trading houſe
at Hudſon's river, foon after the Engliſh began the fettle-
ment of New-Plimouth, courted a correſpondence and
friendſhip with them; and, as a writer of that day ob-
ferves,
gave them a meſs of pottage for their birth-
ἐσ right," which they had craftily before deprived them
oft. They undoubtedly had a deſign to have poffeffed
themfelves of Connecticut river, and to have prevented
the Engliſh from obtaining any footing there. Thofe of
New-Plimouth had pitched upon a place for a houfe in
1632, when it was vacant, and in 1633, erected it,
* This was a church, founded by minifters fent from Maſſachuſets.
Mr. Harrifon came the latter end of 1648 to Bofton. He, and Mr.
Durand the elder, were both required to depart the country, by Sir
William Berkley, the governor of Virginia, who was a perfecutor of
this fmall church, confifling of 118 perfons only. Harriſon went to
England, and was made a doctor. The church is fuppofed to have
been diffolved or fcattered, as there never was any further account of
it. Hubbard.
+ Idem.
‡ Mr. Winflow's manufcript letter to governor Winthrop, Sept.
1633.
L
although
158
THE HISTORY OF
}
、
1650 although they were threatned by a party of Dutch whom
they then found there. Thoſe from the Maffachuſets,
in the years 1635 and 1636, made their principal fettle-
ment upon that part of the river where the Dutch had
their houfe*, and for many years made no attempts to
remove them, allowing them free liberty of trade with
Engliſh, and Indians. The Dutch alfo admitted any Eng-
lifh to fettle among them at the Manhadoes +. When
Mr. Eaton and his company fat down at New-Haven, the
Dutch, from the rapid increafe of the Engliſh colonies,
were alarmed, and charged them with encroachments,
although they themſelves had no pretence to any certain
boundary, and would fometimes challenge the country
from Cape Henlopen to Connecticut river, and at other
times as far as Cape Cod. The English, regardleſs of
this claim, went on extending their fettlements to Milford,
Stamford, and other places, until they were within a few
miles of Hudſon's river. Whether the Dutch had any
pretence of title or not, no doubt can be made that they
would have extirpated the Engliſh if it had been in their
power, but they were few in number. Once indeed,
being poffeffed of a ſhip of fome force, they fent her to
New-Haven and feized a Dutch veffel which lay in the
harbour and carried her away, the Engliſh having no naval
force nor fortifications on land to prevent it. At another
time, they fet up the arms of the States at or near Stam-
ford, and threatned to do the like at New-Haven; and
there were altercations for many years, firft between Kieft
the first Dutch governor, and afterwards Stuyvefant his
fucceffor, and Mr. Eaton the governor of New-Haven.
The Dutch had always reftrained the Engliſh, not fettled
among them, from trading with their Indians upon Hud-
fon's river. In 1648, the commiffioners paffed an order,
prohibiting any French or Dutch or other foreigners trad-
ing with the Indians within the jurifdiction of the united
colonies. This law, if carried into execution, muſt have
put an end to the Dutch trade at Hartford. In 1650,
* Hartford.
+ Mr. Willet, Baxter, and divers.other families.
while
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
159
while the commiffioners were fitting at Hartford, the 1650
Dutch governor (Stuyvefant came thither in order to
treat, and prefented his propofals in writing, dated
"New-Netherlands the 23d of September, N. S." being
the day they were delivered. He complained of the en-
croachments at Connecticut river as well as towards Hud-
fon's river; of the reception of fugitives; of the law de-
barring them from trade with the Indians; and of the
Engliſh, for ſelling goods too cheap to the Indians, and
fo ſpoiling the trade, &c. The commiffioners took no-
tice, that his propofals were dated at New-Netherlands,
and refuſed to treat, until he altered the name of the place
where they were dated. He offered, that if the English
would forbear ftiling the place Hartford, he would for-
bear ftiling it New-Netherlands, and date his propoſals
at Connecticut. They confented that he ſhould date at
Connecticut, but would not give up their own right to
date at Hartford. After ſeveral days fpent in meffages
from one to the other, the matters in difference were fub-
mitted to Mr. Bradftreet and Mr. Prince, appointed by
the commiffioners, and to Thomas Willet and George
Baxter, appointed by the Dutch governor. Their re-
fult was to be binding to both parties. The line, which
was fettled, ran northerly only 20 miles in length from
the fea, and afterwards as the Dutch and New-Haven
fhould agree, fo as not to come within 10 miles of Hud-
fon's river. This must be understood fo far as New-
Haven had jurifdiction *.
THE
*Accordingly we find that the Maffachufets, in the year 1659, fo
underſtood it, and made a grant of land oppofite to fort Aurania
(Albany), upon Hudfon's river; and a number of the principal mer-
chants in the colony were enterprizing a fettlement and a trade with
the Indians, which probably was laid afide upon the change of affairs
in England. The country itfelf, a few years after, was recovered
from the Dutch and granted to the Duke of York, too powerful a pro-
prietor to contend with about bounds. As this fettlement is the only
piece of evidence of any certain boundary to the New-Netherlands,
while in poffeffion of the Dutch, it is difficult to affign any fufficient
reaſon, why the colony of New-York fhould extend further upon the
colonies of Connecticut or Maffachufets than this agreement would
L &
carry
160
THE HISTORY OF
:
1650
THE fame governor and deputy governor were ret
elected for the year 1650. A corporation in England,
conftituted for propagating the gofpel among the Indians,
began this year their correfpondence with the commif-
fioners of the united colonies, who were employed as agents
for the corporation, as long as the union of the colonies.
continued. One profeffed defign of the colony charter
was the gofpelizing the natives. The long neglect of
any attempts this way cannot be excufed. The Indians
themſelves aſked, how it happened, if chriſtianity was of
fuch importance, that for fix and twenty years together
the Engliſh had faid nothing to them about it. The an-
fwer by the Engliſh was, that they repented they had not
done it long ago, telling the Indians withal, they were
not willing to hear, &c. Some of the Indians, who were
taken as fervants into Engliſh families, attained to fome
acquaintance with the principles of religion, and ſeemed
to have been affected with what they had been taught,
carry it. When the Maffachufets charter was granted, the Dutch had
no poffeffions at any diftance from Hudfon's river. Any grants or
patents of vaſt tracts or manors, made by the Dutch without poffeffion
or improvement, feem to be void both in law and equity, and would
have been as good if they had extended 200 miles from the river as
when they extended 20. Notwithstanding this fettlement, after the
Engliſh were poffeffed of New-Netherlands, Connecticut was diſturbed
in their poffeffions, and finally obliged to give up their claim to Long
Ifland, and to fubmit to a line of about 20 miles diftant from Hud-
fon's river, giving an equivalent for their fettled towns upon the Sound,
the jurifdiction as well as property whereof they retained, which
Douglafs fays, but without any authority, did not originally belong
to Connecticut. The line between the Maffachufets and New-York
ftill remains controverted.
* Mr. Willoughby, a gentleman from England, Capt. Wiggins,
who lived in Hew-Hampshire, and Edward Gibbons were this year
added to the affiftants. Wm. Hawthorn, the firſt ſpeaker upon record.
Edward Gibbons was one of Mr. Wollafton's plantation, and a very
gay young gentleman.when the Maffachufets people firft came to Sa-
lem, and happened to be there at Mr. Higginfon's and Mr. Skelton's
ordination and forming the church. He was fo much affected with
the folemnity of the proceeding, that he defired to be received into
their number. They had not fufficient knowledge of him, but encou-
raged him in his good intentions, and he afterwards joined to the
church in Bolton. Mather.
con-
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
161
✰
concerning their exiſtence after death and with the fears 1650
of the divine diſpleaſure. John, the fagamore of the Maf-
fachufets, would fometimes praiſe the Engliſh and their
God, "much good men, much good God," and when
he was ftruck with death fent for Mr. Wilſon, and de-
fired him to teach his fon to know the God of the English
after he was dead. Mention has alſo been made of We-
quafh the Pequod; but the firſt inſtance of an Indian,
who gave any hopes of becoming a real chriſtian, was that
of Hiacoomes, in the year 1643, at Martha's-Vineyard *.
Under the inftruction of Mr. Mayhew, he was induced
to forſake the Indian Pawaws, to attend the Engliſh aſ-
femblies, and, after fome years, became himſelf a preacher
to his own people. It was in the year 1646, that the
general court of the Maffachufets paffed the first act or
order to encourage the carrying the gospel to the Indians,
and it was then recommended to the elders to confider
how it might best be done. On the 28th of October,
four perfons, who are not named, made the firft vifit to
the Indian wigwams. Wabun, the fachem †, had notice
given him, and many Indians were gathered together.
None of the Engliſh were fufficiently fkilled in the In-
dian language to make a prayer in it, and the meeting
was opened with a prayer in English; but one of the
*Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket were not included in either of
the four New-England governments. The Earl of Stirling laid claim to
all the iſlands, between Cape Cod and Hudfon's river. James Forett,
agent for his Lordship, on the 10th of October 1641, grants, to
Thomas Mayhew of Watertown and Thomas Mayhew his fon, Nan-
tucket and two ſmall iſlands adjacent, and the 23d day of the fame
month, Martha's Vineyard and Elizabeth iflands; and agreeable to
the opinion of that day, of which we have given fo many inſtances,
grants the fame powers of government which the Maffachufets people
enjoyed by their charter. Mr. Mayhew was called the governor of
the iflands. The Duke of York, after his fecond grant in 1673, in-
cluded them in his commiſſion to his governors of New-York. The
grants of the foil of theſe iſlands could not vacate the right of the In-
dian fachems and proprietors; and, I fuppofe, moft of the prefent in-
habitants and proprietors derive their titles from Indian grants pofte-
rior to the grant to Lord Stirling, or to that made by his agent to Mr.
Mayhew and his fon.
f I take it, of thoſe who were afterwards called Natick Indians.
L 3
Com-
162
THE HISTORY OF
1650 company, in a diſcourſe in the Indian tongue, began with
the moral law and a brief explication of it, and the wrath
and curfe of God the juft portion of the breakers of this
law, and then informed them of the coming of Chriſt
into the world to recover mankind from fin, and the pu-
niſhment of it, his fufferings and death, refurrection and
afcenfion, and that he would come again at the end of
the world to be the judge of all men. They then entred
into a free converfation with the Indians, and deſired
them, upon any point which they did not underſtand, to
afk fuch queſtions as they thought proper, which was
done accordingly; and it became the conftant practice,
after a fermon, for as many of the Indians, as defired it,
to ftand up and propofe queſtions to the preacher.
This meeting gave fo much encouragement, that, on
the 11th of November, they paid the Indians another
vifit at the fame place, and found a greater number than
were prefent before. Two other meetings were held the
fame fall, and a particular account was tranfmitted to
England and published there with the title of "The day
breaking, if not the fun rifing of the gofpel with the In-
dians in New-England." Mr. Winflow being in Eng-
land, fought to obtain fubfcriptions for encouraging the
work. Mr. Eliot, a minifter in New-England, at the
fame time applied himſelf with zeal, equal to that of the
miffionaries of the Romish church; but inftead of adopt-
*
* In Col. Goffe's journal, one of King Charles's judges, who at
tended an Indian lecture in 166c, after 13 or 14 years inftruction, he
takes notice of the following queftions.
ift. In your text are thefe words, Save yourſelves from this untoward
generation; in other fcriptures it ftands, We can do nothing of our
felves: how can this be reconciled?
2d. You fay the word is the fword of the fpirit by which their hearts
were pricked. How fhall I take and ufe the fword of the fpirit to
pick my heart?
3d. What was the fin of Judas, or how did he fin in betraying
Chrift, feeing it was what God had appointed ?
•
4th. The anſwer to thofe converts was, Repent and be baptized, &c.
But ye do not fuffer us to be baptized; therefore I fear none of the
Indians fins are forgiven, and my heart is weary with that fear, for it's
faid in Matthew, Whofe fins ye bind on earth are bound in heaven.
ing
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
163
ing a favourite maxim of fome of that church, that ig 1650
norance is the mother of devotion, he endeavoured to
enlighten the underſtandings of the Indians, to draw them
from their favage, barbarous, and wandering way of life,
to civility, government and cohabitation; and it was a noted
faying of his, "that the Indians muſt be civilized as well
as (if not in order to their being) chriftianized." He ob-
tained from the court the grant of a tract of land, to which
he gave the Indian name of Noonanetum, (Rejoicing ;)
drew as many families there as he could, with defign to
make a fortified town; inftructed them in their huſbandry,
and excited them to induſtry and a prudent management
of their affairs; caufed fome of them to learn fuch trades,
as were moſt neceffary for them, fo as that they com-
pleatly built a houfe for publick worship, 50 feet in length
and 25 in breadth, which Mr. Wilfon, in one of his let-
ters, fays, "appeared like the workmanſhip of an Eng-
lifh houſewright." Befides this fettlement at Noonane-
tum, he vifited and preached to the Indians at Dorchef-
ter mills, Watertown, Concord, and as far as Pantucket
falls on Merrimack river; to the Indians alfo in the co-
lony of Plimouth, although Maffafoiet or Oufamequin,
and his fon, diſcountenanced the bringing the goſpel to
their tribe. The Naraganfet fachem treated with con-
tempt, a meſſage he fent to them, but the Nipnets de-
fired fome might be fent to teach them to pray to God.
Befides Mr. Winflow, Mr. Pelham and others forwarded
the collections in England, and July the 27th 1649, the
parliament paffed an act or ordinance for the advance-
ment of this good work; the following breviate whereof
was printed :
"WHEREAS the commons of England, affembled in
parliament, have received certain intelligence from divers
godly minifters and others in New-England, that divers
of the heathen natives, through the pious care of ſome
godly English who preach the gospel to them in their own
Indian language, not only of barbarous are become civil,
but many of them forfake their accuſtomed charms and
forceries and other fatanical delufions, do now call upon
L 4
the
1
164
THE HISTORY OF
1650 the name of the Lord, and give great teftimony of the
power of God drawing them, from death and darknefs,
to the life and light of the glorious gofpel of Jefus Chrift,
which appeareth, by their lamenting with tears their
mifpent lives; teaching their children what they are in-
ftructed themſelves; being careful to place them in godly
families and Engliſh fchools, betaking themfelves to one
wife, putting away the reft; and by their conftant prayers
to almighty God, morning and evening in their families,
expreffed in all appearance with much devotion and zeal
of heart. All which confidered, we cannot but, in be-
half of the nation we reprefent, rejoice and give glory to
God for the beginning of fo glorious a propagation of the
goſpel amongſt thofe poor heathen; which cannot be
profecuted with that expedition as is defired, unless fit
inftruments be encouraged and maintained to purfue it,
fchools and cloathing be provided, and many other ne-
ceffaries. Be it therefore enacted by this prefent parlia-
ment, that, for the furthering fo good a work, there fhall
be a corporation in England confifting of fixteen, viz. a
prefident*, treaſurer and fourteen affiftants, and that
William Steel, Efq; Herbert Pelham, Efq; James Sherley,
Abraham Babington, Robert Houghton, Richard Hut-
chinfon, George Dun, Robert Tomson, William Mullins,
John Hodgson, Edward Parks, Edward Clud, Richard
Lloyd +, Thomas Aires, John Stone, and Edward Win-
flow, citizens of London, be the first fixteen perfons, out
of whom, the faid fixteen perfons or the greater number
of them fhall chufe one of the faid fixteen to be preſident,
another to be treaſurer.-They, or any nine of them, to
appoint a common feal, And be it enacted, that a gene-
ral collection be made for the purpoſes aforefaid through
all England and Wales; and that the minifters read this
act, and exhort the people to a chearful contribution to
fo pious a work, Hen. Scobell, cleric. parlia.'
""
* William Steel, Efq; was the firſt preſident, and continued until
the restoration.
I fuppofe this should be Richard Floyd, who was chofen treaſurer
then or foon after. Thofe in Italicks had been in New-England.
James Sherley was a great friend to Plimouth colony.
LETTERS
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
165
LETTERS at the fame time were publiſhed from the 1650
two univerſities of Oxford and Cambridge, calling upon
the minifters of England and Wales, to ftir up their con-
gregations to a liberal contribution for the promotion of
fo glorious an undertaking.
THE purport of the firſt letter to the commiffioners,
from the corporation, was to acquaint them with Mr.
Winflow's determination to return to New-England,
which would be greatly prejudicial to the work, and to
intimate to them that he ought to be no fufferer by his
continuance in England. The commiffioners of the
Maffachufets propofed to make Mr. Winflow the agent
for the united colonies, but as he had gone over in the
ſervice of the Maffachufets only, the reft of the colonies
declined the propofal; and all that could be obtained,
was a letter, from the commiffioners to the corporation,
approving of Mr. Winflow's ſtay in England, and de-
firing that one hundred pounds fterling might be paid
him out of the collections *, with a promiſe, that if it
was not approved of as a proper charge, it fhould be re-
placed by the colonies †.
PROPOSALS
* I cannot find that either of the colonies have ever advanced any
confiderable fums for this fervice.
+ Great oppofition was made to the collection in England; and the
converfion of the Indians was reprefented as a mere pretence to draw
money from men of pious minds. It went on fo flowly, that an at-
tempt was made to raiſe a fum out of the army. Hugh Peters was
one of the collectors, but the corporation wrote to the commiffioners
that he not only refuſed to pay a penny himſelf, but difcouraged others,
becauſe, as they fuppofed, he had no hand in laying the plan. How-
ever fuch favourable accounts were, from time to time, publiſhed of
the fuccefs of the miffion, that, when King Charles came in, the
corporation was poffeffed of fix or ſeven hundred pounds per annum,
which was in danger of being all loft, being derived from the efia-
bliſhment of the parliament; but by the intereſt of ſome good men,
of whom the celebrated Robert Boyle was one, a new charter was
obtained, by which the eftate was fecured. Mr. Boyle was choſen
and continued many years the governor, and the commiffioners of
the united colonies were the correfpondents in New-England, until
the
?
166
THE HISTORY OF
f
:
1650 PROPOSALS had been made in the year 1648 to Mon-
fieur D'Aillebout, the governor of Canada, for a free com-
merce between the Maffachufers and that colony. The
French
•
་
the charter was vacated. After that, commiffioners were fpecially
appointed by the corporation, confifting of the principal gentlemen
of the civil order, and of the clergy in New-England, and vacancies
by death or otherwife have from time to time been filled up until the
prefent time. Perhaps no fund of this nature has ever been more
faithfully applied to the purpoſes for which it was raifed. If we
compare the requifites, to determine any one to be a convert in Mr.
Eliot's efteem, with thoſe of the popifh miffionaries, it is not ftrange
that their number hath exceeded his. Before the converts in New-
England were admitted to the ordinances, they were examined by
fome of the magiftrates as well as minifters. The confeflions of
many of them, as taken from their own mouths, were fent to Eng-
land and printed, and there approved of: And although the miſ-
fion began in 1646, it was the year 1651 before the first church was
gathered, viz. at Natick. Whereas, with the Romish priests, the
repetition of a Pater Nofter or Ave Maria, or perhaps the telling over
a few beads, made them fit fubjects of baptifm. Mr. Eliot, as has
been obferved, always infifted upon their being civilized and-be-
coming men, at the fame time they became chriftians. This was
naturam expellere, and it was with great reluctance they forfook any
of their favage cuſtoms. The French Coureurs de Bois, and others,
married among the Indians, and became favages themſelves, and the
priefts went into their country and dwelt among them, fuffered
them to retain their old cuſtoms and conformed to them themſelves.
However, the number of Indians in New-England, which have
from time to time made profeffion of Chriftianity, is far from in-
confiderable. In 1660.there were ten Indian towns, of fuch as were
called Praying Indians. (Goffe's journal.) Mr. Eliot mentions a
vifitation he made in 1670. He went down to the Indians at Mak-
tepos, I fuppofe what we now call Mashpee, where Richard Bourne,
a godly man, on the 17th of Auguft was ordained paftor to an In-
dian church which was gathered upon that day, and the Indians,
and fuch of their children as were prefent, were baptized. From
thence he paffed over to the Vineyard, where many were received
into the church, men and women, and they and their children bap-
tized, the facrament of the Lord's, fupper was adminiftred in the In-
dian church, and many of the English church defiring to join with
them, it was celebrated in both languages. Two teaching and
two ruling elders were ordained, and a foundation was laid for two
churches more, The teacher of the praying Indians at Nantucket
came to the Vineyard, and made report that there were about ninety
families that prayed unto God in that ifland; and advice was given,
ૐ
that
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
167
French profeffed to be greatly pleafed, and a correfpondence 1650
was kept up upon the fubject until the year 1650, when
the French governor fent an agent to Bofton in order to
fettle,
that fome of the most godly among them should join to the church
at the Vineyard, and after fome experience of their orderly walk,
fhould iffue forth into charch ftate among themfelves, and have
officers ordained. The Indians were very defirous of having Mr.
Mayhew for their pastor, but he declined it, conceiving that he
could ferve them better in the capacity he was in, of advising and
inftructing in the management of their church affairs, and was wil-
ling to die in the fervice of Jefus Chrift. Advice was given for
the fettling of fchools, and that all, who neglected fending their
children, fhould be liable to cenfure. Mr. Eliot then takes notice
of the state of the Indians in the Bay. Natick was the chief town,
where moſt of the Indian rulers dwelt, and where their courts were
held. There were two teachers, John and Anthony, and betwixt
forty and fifty communicants, and fundry more propoſed to join to
the church. Punkapog (now Stoughton) was the fecond town where
the fachems of the blood, as they term the chief royal line, had
their refidence and rights; which (in other parts) as Mr. Elliot ſays,
were moftly alienated to the Engliſh towns. I fuppofe the Indians
of Naponfet or Milton before this time had removed, and were fet-
tled with thofe of Punkapog, beyond or about the blue hills. Their
chief ruler and teacher was Ahauton. A family or two of his de-
ſcendants remain to this day.
Hafſunimefut, or as it is now pronounced Haffanemifco, were the
Indians next in order of dignity and antiquity; from thence came
ſome of the chief friends to praying to God. They lay upon Nich-
mug river, and were ftrict obfervers of the fabbath, and were judged
by all travellers, eſpecially fuch who had occaſion to lodge among
them, to be fincere in their religious profeffions. They had two
teachers, Annuweekin and Tuppukkoowelin, characterized found
and godly men. I fuppofe thofe, who are called Grafton Indians,
about eight or ten families, are all the remains of Haffanemifco.
Ogguonikongquamefut was the next praying town which bordered
upon Marlborough. The English meeting-houſe being, placed
within the line of the Indian town, caufed great difputes and dif-
couragements. Solomon, judged to be a ferious and found chrif-
tian, was their teacher. I fuppofe they are all diſperſed, if not
extinct.
Nafhope was the next. Tahattawans was called a Sachem of the
blood, a faithful zealous Chriftian was their ruler. Their minifter,
John Thomas, a godly understanding Chriftian, was their teacher.
Their town lay in that part of the country where the Maquas or
Mohawks hunted, and had been much-molefted and for a time was
deferted,
168
THE HISTORY OF
1650 fettle, not meerly trade, but a league or alliance, de-
fenfive and offenfive, between the government of Ca-
nada and the colonies of Maffachufets and Plimouth;
but being informed that all matters of that nature were
left
deſerted, but in 1670 the Indians returned and dwelt there, but are
now extinct.
Wamefut was another praying town upon Merrimack river where
Concord river falls into it. Their Sachem was Nomphon, a man of
a noble fpirit. This place had been ſo much moleſted by the Mo-
hawks, that, the year before, they joined with a body of northern
Indians and fome of Punkapog in an expedition against them, which
proved unfuccefsful. George was their teacher. They were not in
general much noted for their efteem for religion.
Pantucket, at the falls in Merrimack river, was the place of an-
other fet of praying Indians. The Pennicook Indians had come
down the river, and built a fort at Pantucket, and were great op?
pofers, and obftinately refuſed to pray to God; but being concerned
in the expedition against the Mohawks, they were moft of them cut
off, and fince that time the Pantucket Indians were, at leaſt ſeveral
of them, become praying Indians, and Jethro was fent to preach
Chrift to them.
Magunhukquok, where Simon was teacher, on the weft of Natick,
and Quanatuffet, which was under the care of the Haffanamiſco
teachers, are the two other towns mentioned. By this account, of
Mr. Eliot, we ſee the ſtate of the chriftianized Indians in 1670. The
greatest body of Indians, viz. Maffafoiets or Woofamequins, and
afterwards his fon Philip's or Metacom's fubjects, were ever averſe to
Chriſtianity, fo were the Naraganfets. Theſe two nations engaging
in war against the English in 1675, had drawn off fome of the
Indians of the praying towns to join with them, and occafioned
fears and jealoufies of all the reft, which caufed a great diſcou-
ragement; but the war being at an end in 1676, and the two other
nations, the Wamponoags and Naraganfets, the great enemies of
chriftianity, being wholly extirpated, the Indians which remained
in the Maffachufets and Plimouth have in general ever fince pro-
feffed to be Chriftians. In 1687, as appears by a letter of Dr. In-
creaſe Mather to Dr. Leufden at Utrecht, there were four Indian
´affemblies in Maffachufets, befides the principal church at Natick.
In Plimouth, befides the principal church at Maſhapee, there were
five affemblies in that vicinity, and a large congregation at Saco-
net. There were alſo fix different focieties, probably but ſmall,
with an Indian teacher to each, between the laft mentioned and
Cape Cod, all under the care of Mr. Treat, minifter of Eastham ;
One church at Nantucket, and three at Martha's Vineyard. There
were
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
169
left to the commiffioners of the united colonies, he re- 1650
turned to Canada, and the next year two gentlemen
were ſent with letters to the commiffioners, praying in
behalf of the French of Canada, and of the chriftian-
ized Indians in Acadie, the aid of the Engliſh againſt
the Indians of the Six Nations, urging, "That it was a
juft war, the Mohawks being breakers of the moft fo-
lemn leagues, perfidious and cruel; that it was a holy
war, the eaſtern Indians being perfecuted and cruelly
handled, becauſe of their profeffing the chriftian religion;
that it was of common concern, the Mohawks diſturb-
ing and interrupting the trade, both of English and
French, with other Indians." They promifed a due
confideration and allowance for the expence of the war.
If the Engliſh would not join in the war, it was then de-
fired that the French might have leave to inlift volun-
teers, and that they might be victualled for the fervice;
and if that could not be obtained, that, at leaſt, the French
might be allowed to pafs through the colonies, by wa-
ter and land, as occafion fhould require. Until theſe
points were fettled, they could not proceed upon the
were in all fix affemblies formed into a church ſtate, having officers
and the ordinances duly adminiftred, and fixteen affemblies which
met together for the worſhip of God. It does not appear that the
number of chriftians have fince decreaſed by the return of the In-
dians to paganiſm. The Indians themfelves are wafted, and their
tribes or nations every where in Maffachufets and Plimouth extinct,
except at Maſhapee, Martha's Vineyard, and Nantucket. At Maſha-
pee, and near it, are about eighty families; at the Vineyard about
eighty; and at Nantucket, where the last year were ninety families,
there are now but fifteen remaining. There is befides, a town of
Indians in the weſtern part of the province called Houffatonick In-
dians, who removed about thirty years ago from Hudfon's river,
who have a fettled English minifter or miffionary fupported by the
corporation; perhaps feventy or eighty families generally refide there.
They waſte away, as all other Indians have done, and there would
have been a more fenfible diminution of their numbers, if they had
not from time to time received additions from abroad of other nations,
or of ſuch of their own nation as did not at firft incline to remove
with them. Theſe with a few families at Natick and Grafton, and
a family or two together ſcattered here and there about the province,
are all the Indians at prefent within the province of Maffachufets-
Bay.
treaty
170
THE HISTORY OF
1650 treaty of commerce. The commiffioners having duly
weighed the propoſals, returned an anſwer, in ſubſtance
as follows, viz.
+
years
"THAT they were willing to admit that the French
and eaſtern Indians might have juſt grounds, to their
own fatisfaction, for war against the Mohawks. That they
looked upon all fuch Indians, as received the yoke of
Chriſt, with another eye than upon others who worship
the Devil *. That they defired, by all juſt means, to keep
peace, if it may be, with all men, even with theſe bar-
barians. That the Mohawks living at a distance from
the fea, have little intercourſe with thefe parts, but in
the war the English had with the Pequods, 14 or 16
before, the Mohawks fhewed a real refpect and had of-
fered no hoftilities fince. That the English engaged in
no war before they had full and fatisfying evidence that
it was juft, nor before peace, upon juft terms, had been of-
fered and refufed. That the Mohawks, not being fubject
to them, nor in league with them, they could not require
an account of their proceedings, and had no means of
information what they had to fay for themfelves. That
to make war with the Mohawks, would expofe the In-
dians who were neighbours to the English, fome of
whom profeffed chriſtianity, &c. That although they
were ready to perform all neighbourly offices of righte-
oufnefs and peace to the French colony, yet they could
neither permit volunteers to be taken up, nor the French
and eaſtern Indians to pafs thro' the English juriſdiction
to invade the Mohawks, left they fhould expofe, not the
Indians only, but the fmaller Engliſh plantations to dan-
ger. That the English were much diffatisfied with that
mifchievous trade the French and Dutch have had and ftill
continue, by felling guns, powder and fhot to all the In-
dians, which rendered them infolent, &c. That if all
other difficulties were removed, yet they had no fuch fhort
* But fuch Indians have generally been taught to treat the Engliſh,
as heretics, with greater cruelty, and it has been made more meri-
torious to extirpate them than if they had been infidels or the worſt of
idolaters.
9
and
MASSACHUSETS-BAY,
171
and convenient paffage, either by land or water, as might 1650
be had by Hudſon's river, to and beyond Aurania fort
poffeffed by the Dutch. That the commiffioners con-
ceived the French deputies might proceed to fettle a
trade; but if they thought proper to limit it under fuch
reftrictions, a fitter feafon for thefe treaties must be at-
tended, which the commiffioners would readily improve
whenfoever it prefented."
THE college at Cambridge became more and more an
object of attention, and in the year 1650 was made a
body corporate, by act of the general court, and received
a charter under the feal of the colony *.
1
י
MR.
Under this charter the college was governed until the year
1685, when the colony charter was vacated; faving that in 1673, by
an order of the general court, fome addition was made to the num-
ber of the corporation. Mr. Dudiey (who was a fon of the
college) when he received a commiffion for Prefident of the colony,
altered the title of the Prefident of the college for that of Rector;
but no attempts were made to take away the eftate or ftock of the
college, or to impofe officers difagreeable to the country in general,
but the government continued, in name at leaſt, under the former
corporation, who were Increaſe Mather, rector; John Sherman,
Nehemiah Hubbard, John Cotton, John Leveret and William Brattle,
as fellows, (the two laft were tutors alfo) and John Richards, trea-
furer. When Mr. Mather, the rector, went to England in 1688, in
his minutes of an intended petition to the King, he fays, "that when
the civil government was changed, the college was under the infpec-
tion of theſe perſons, and he fuppofed it continued fo, except that
Mr. Sherman was dead, in whofe room he prayed Mr. Samuel Sewall
might be appointed, and that the King would confirm the govern-
ment in their hands; but although theſe were in name the governors,
they were not always fo in fact." I find the following original order,
dated December the 9th, 1686.
"WHEREAS the monies, and other eftate, belonging to Harvard-
College in Cambridge, has been by us committed to the care and
management of John Richards, Efq; for the benefit of the faid
"college, it is ordered, that the produce thereof fhall, for this year
"1686, be difpofed of as followeth :
6.5
ft. There fhall be allowed to the prefent rector of the college,
as fome acknowledgment of the fervices which he has done for
"that fociety, the remainder of the income not difpofed under-
"neath.
"2d. The prefent tutors, Mr. John Leveret and Mr. William
"Brattle, ſhall for this year, beginning the laft commencement, be
" allowed
}
THE HISTORY OF
172
1651
MR. Endicot was chofen governor in the years 1651,
1652 and 1653, Mr. Dudley deputy governor +.
AT
"allowed each of them 401. befide what ſhall be due to them from
their feveral pupils.
3d. The fcholars of the houfe (for this year) fhall be Sir Gibbs,
Rogers, Mitchel and Dudley, who fhall be allowed each of them
at leaft 51. Sir Gibbs's penfion to be paid out of Mr. Webb's le-
"gacy, and Rogers's out of Capt. Keyn's legacy.
<c
હ
4th. Major Richards fhall be allowed for his care, in improving
"the college ftock, after the proportion of 1 1. for 100).
1
" J. Dudley,
"William Stoughton."
The prefident of the colony, and afterwards the governor, affumed
the whole authority when they thought fit. The rights of Magdalen
college Oxford invaded, juftly might alarm the whole nation, but
Harvard college was too inconfiderable, had the proceedings been
ever ſo arbitrary and oppreffive, to occafion any great notice. Mr.
Mather, the rector, went to England in 1688. No perfon was, ap-
pointed in his ftead. Sir E. Andros, the governor, wrote to Mr.
Samuel Lee, the miniſter of Briſtol in New-Plimouth colony, to de-
fire him to officiate at the commencement; but not receiving an an-
fwer in proper feafon (it feems the letter was delayed) Mr. William
Hubbard was appointed, and officiated accordingly. In 1692, upon
the arrival of the province charter, although by a clauſe in the charter
with a ſpecial view to the college, it was provided, that no grants,
&c. to any towns, colleges, fchools of learning, &c. fhould be pre-
judiced through defect of form, &c. but fhould remain in force as
at the time of vacating the colony charter; yet the prefident, and
many others with him, were defirous of a new charter, with ad-
ditional powers and privileges. An act, of the general court,
paffed for that purpoſe in 1692, incorporating the college on a larger
foundation than the former charter. Among other things, the
college was enabled to confer fuch degrees as are conferred by the
univerſities in Europe, whereas under the former charter no higher
degrees had been given than thofe of batchelors and mafters of arts.
This privilege was exerciſed in one inftance only, a diploma for à
doctorate, under the college feal, being prefented to Mr. Mather the
prefident. Before the expiration of three years the act of incorpo
ration was difallowed. Thoſe who interefted themfelves for the col-
lege were refolved upon further atteinpts; another provincial a&t
paffed in 1697, with fome variations, which before 1700 was like-
wife diſapproved; for at a feffion of the court, that year, a vote paffed
the council and houfe of reprefentatives approving the form of a
charter which they were willing the college fhould accept from the
King,
† In 1652, John Glover and Daniel Gookin were chofen affiftants,
8
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
173
Ar a feffions of the general court in October 1651, 1651
an act or order was paffed, impowering the town of
Boſton to chufe feven commiffioners to be prefented to
the
King, and I make no doubt the agents were inftructed to endeavour
to obtain a charter in fuch form. By this charter, the corporation
was to confiſt of a prefident, vice-prefident and fifteen fellows. It
may not be unacceptable to fome to have their names preferved. In-
creaſe Mather prefident, Samuel Willard vice prefident, James Allen,
Michael Wigglefworth, Samuel Torrey, Nehemiah Hobart, Peter
Thacher, Samuel Angier, John Danforth, Cotton Mather, Nehe-
miah Walter, Henry Gibbs, John White, Jonathan Pierpoint, and
Benjamin Wadsworth, together with the two fenior tutors refident at
college, were the firft corporation named in the charter. The college
was impowered to hold real eſtate to the amount of three thouſand
pounds per annum. The governor and the council were made the vi-
fitors. This application proved as ineffectual as the former. The
true reaſon, of the feveral failures, appears from a letter of Mr. Blaith-
wait to the prefident, dated 1ft June 1704, which ſays, "that the
only obſtruction to the paffing the charter was Sir Henry Afhurft's
refufing to allow of a claufe for a vifitation by the King or his go-
vernor." A letter from Lord Bellamont to Mr. Stoughton upon
this fubject deſerves notice.
"New-York, 31st May 98.
Sir, I received a letter from the reverend preſident of Harvard col-
lege, by Mr. White, fellow of the faid college, together with a copy
of an act of the affembly for incorporating the college. And I am of
opinion, that his Majefty will not give his royal approbation to that
act as it ftands worded, becauſe it differs very materially from the
terms of incorporation propofed by their excellencies the Lords Juf-
tices of England, viz. that the king and his governors fhould be the
viſitors, whereas the act of affembly vefts the power of vifitation of that
college as well in the council as governor, which his Majefty may pro-
bably think derogatory to his prerogative. And I am apprehenfive
alfo, that thofe noble Lords who, under the title of Lords Juftices of
England, lately exercifed the royal authority, will confirm his Majefty
that it will be a diminution to the prerogative of the crown, to make
the council co-ordinate in the power of viſitation with the King's gover-
nor.————For my own part I have a very great reſpect for the King's
prerogative, but I could wifh a way were found to fecure the ftatutes
or privileges of Harvard college against the capricious humour of fu-
ture governors, who, out of prejudice to the way of worship ufed
there, or for fome finifter ends, may be vexatious to the college.
There is great difference between the exercile of the prerogative in
M
Eng-
1
THE HISTORY OF
174
1651 court of affiftants, and being authorized by them and
fworn before them, or before the governor, they or any
five of them, or any three, together with one magiftrate,
might
England and in thefe remote parts of his Majefty's dominions. There,
the fubject, whenever that exercife is abuſed, has the King, the foun-
tain of juſtice, near at hand to recur to for redrefs. In theſe pro-
vinces, governors, I fear by what I have diſcovered fince my being in
America, are made bold and prefumptuous in breaking the laws and
governing arbitrarily, out of conceit that their being fo far from un-
der the eye of the government of England will be a fure cauſe of im-
punity to them. Therefore upon the whole matter, I muft in judg-
inent and confcience declare for a qualification of the power of a go-
vernor in the cafe of the vifitation of Harvard college, but what that
qualification fhould be, I muft leave to his Majefty's wisdom and good-
nefs to determine.
To the Honourable
Wm. Stoughton, Efq; &c.
I am,
Sir, your moſt humble fervant,
BELLAMONT.”
During theſe attempts, until advice of the reſpective acts being dif-
allowed, the college was governed conformable to them. While no
acts were in force, temporary orders paffed the general court from
time to time, impowering fuch perfons to act as a corporation as were
therein named. But in 1707, all proſpect of a new foundation being
gone, it was thought proper to refort to the old, and the charter of
1650 hath been conformed to ever fince. The feveral heads of the
college, from its firſt eſtabliſhment to this day, have been as follows.
Mr. Eaton, appointed in 1638, continued until 1640, when Mr.
Henry Dunftar was appointed, who, was fucceeded by Mr. Charles
Chauncy in 1654, who continued until 1671. Doctor Leonard Hoar
fucceeded Mr. Chauncy. Douglafs fays,, Mr. Hoar was a doctor of
phyfick from Cambridge in Old England. He was educated at Cam-
bridge in New England, and took his bachelor's degree in 1650, went
over to England in November 1653, was made a doctor at Cambridge,
and returned not long before he was elected July 30, 1672. The
ſtudents were too much indulged in their prejudices against him, and
he was obliged to refign March 15, 1674-5. His wife was daughter
to Lord Lifle. Mr. Urian Oakes, minifter of Cambridge, was his
fucceffor, and continued from April 7, 1675, until his death in 1681.
Mr. Mather was chofen by the corporation and confirmed by the
overſeers, and moderated at the mafters difputations, and conferred
the degrees at the commencement in 1681; bat his church in Boſton
being
MASSACHUSETS-B A Y.
175
might hear and determine all civil actions, not exceed- 1651
ing ten pounds in value, and all criminal actions where
the penalty or fine fhould not exceed forty fhillings,
the parties being fuch as were inhabitants of Boſton
neck or Noddle's iſland, or fuch as did not belong to
the jurifdiction; and the county court was not to take
cognizance of any fuch actions. This law was made
for one year, for trial. I do not find that it was re-
vived *.
""
THE
being unwilling to part with him, on April 20th 1682, Mr. John
Rogers was chofen and confirmed, but died in 1684, being fuddenly
feized the morning of commencement, July 1ft, and dying the next
day. Mr. William Hubbard of Ipfwick moderated at the publick
exercifes. Mr. Mathers fucceeded Mr. Rogers, and continued at the
head of the college until Sept. 6, 1701. Mr. Samuel Willard, by or-
der of court, officiated feveral years as vice-prefident, no prefident be-
ing appointed inftead of Mr. Mather, until Mr. John Leveret was by
the governor, at the head of the overfeers, declared prefident Ja-
nuary 14, 1707, and the college was put under his care,
agreeable
to the choice of the fellows of the houſe, approbation of the over-
feers, and votes of the council and affembly in their laft preceding
feffion. The governor directing him to govern that houſe and the
fcholars there with duty and allegiance to our Sovereign Lady the
Queen and obedience to her Majefty's laws." Mr. Leveret continued
in the prefidentſhip until his death in 1724. Mr. Benjamin Wadf-
worth, a minifter of one of the churches in Bofton fucceeded him. He
died in 1737, and was fucceeded by Mr. Holyoke, who continues in
the preſidentſhip at this time.-
* Not only the town of Boſton, but every town in the old colony,
were to many purpofes a corporate body; they might fue and be fued,
might chufe their own officers for managing what was called the pru-
dential affairs of the town, and the felectmen were judges of the breach
of the by-laws of the town, the penalty of which could not exceed
twenty fhillings. Under the new charter, the felectmen have no ju-
diciary power. They still are faid to manage the prudential affairs.
What is intended by the word prudential, when thus appropriated, is
not very eafy to determine. Be it what it may, all other town affairs
are determined in a general town meeting of all the inhabitants. The
inconveniency that muft arife from fuch a conflitution, where a town
confifts of a thouſand or fifteen hundred voters, are too many to be
enumerated, and too obvious to need it. There was a diſpoſition,
fifty years ago, in most of the principal inhabitants of Boften to be
M =
made
176
THE HISTORY OF
1651
THE Committee for the ſtate in England having im-
parted their mind to Mr. Winflow, the agent for the
colony, reſpecting the government of the feveral juriſ-
dictions in New-England, he acquainted Mr. Dudley
therewith and that an answer was expected. In confequence
of this advice, the court, at the feffions laſt mentioned,
agreed upon a petition to the parliament and another to
Cromwell, then general of the parliament forces in Eng-
land, &c. The addrefs and letters are preferved. By
Mr. Winflow's letter it appears, that it was expected
that all proceffes in the colony fhould be in the name of
the keepers of the liberties of England, or that there
fhould be an acknowledgment of the powers then in be-
ing by a renewal of the patent. It is certain, neither of
the two ways propoſed were complied with.
SIR Ferdinando Gorges had made attempts, for many
years, to fettle the province of Main, but to little purpoſe.
He was a zealous royalift, and neither he nor his defcendants,
who were in the fame intereft, could expect any favour
from the parliament. The colony feems to have been de-
ferted by the proprietors, and in the year 1651 the people
were in confufion, and the authority of the government was
at an end. In 1641, a charter had been granted by Sir Fer-
dinando to Acamenticus (York) making it a corporation,
confifting of a mayor, eight aldermen and a recorder, His
coufin Thomas Gorges was the first mayor. He lived about
half a mile above what is called Trafton's ferry near
Gorges point. The cellar of the houſe he dwelt in re-
mains to this day. He went to England in 1643. The
people of York fay, that he returned and died there. If
made a corporation. A plan was formed in order to be laid before
the general court of the province, which by the charter is im-
powered to make corporations. When the heads of it were pre-
fented at a town-meeting, a demagogue called out,
"It is a whelp
now, it will be a lion by and by, knock it in the head. Mr. Mode-
rator put the queftion." The people were prepared, and it was re-
jected by a great majority. Some of the beft men in the town, de-
fpairing of doing any fervice, would never be prefent in a town-meet-
ing afterwards.
fo,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
177
ſo, it muſt have been before 1651, or fome mention would 1651
have been made of him. The Maffachufets, who, as hath
been obſerved, claimed the province of Main as within the
bounds of their charter, took the opportunity of the con-
fufions there, and encouraged the difpofition which pre-
vailed in many of the inhabitants to fubmit to their jurif
diction, and in 1651 they appointed Mr. Bradftreet, Major
Deniſon and Capt. Hawthorn to treat with the gentlemen
of that province about the furrender thereof as in their
beft judgment and diſcretion ſhould ſeem meet. The next
year, 1652, Mr. Bradstreet and others were fent commiſ- 1652
fioners to fummon the inhabitants of Kittery to come in
and own their fubjection to the Maffachufets, as of right
belonging to them. The inhabitants accordingly affembled
Nov. 16, and agreed to fubmit, and about forty inhabitants
fubfcribed an inftrument of fubmiffion. The like was
done at Acamenticus the 22d of the fame month, and ſoon
after at Wells, Saco, and Cape Porpoife. To the inhabi-
tants of all theſe plantations larger privileges were granted
than to thofe of the other parts of the Maſſachuſets go-
vernment, for they were all freemen upon taking the oath,
whereas every where elfe none could be made free unleſs.
he was a church member. The province was made a
county, by the name of Yorkshire. The towns from that
time fent their deputies to the general court at Boſton*
THE trade of the province increafing, eſpecially with
the Weft-Indies, where the bucaneers or pirates at this
time were numerous; and part of the wealth which they
took from the Spaniards, as well as what was produced by
the trade, being brought to New-England in bullion,
it was thought neceffary for preventing fraud in money to
* This regulation of the province of Main, although the major
part of the inhabitants were brought to confent to it, yet it appears by
the records, which are ftill preferved in the regiſtry of the county of
York, that great oppofition was made to it by fome of the princi
pal perfons; and the government of the Maffachufets was feverely re-
proached by them, for ufing violent compulſory means in order to
reduce the province. They continued united to the Maffachufets
until 1665, when by King Charles's commiffioners they were fepa-
rated for a fhort time, as will hereafter be obſerved.
M 3
erec
178
THE HISTORY OF
1652 erect a mint for coining thillings, fix-pences and three-
pences, with no other impreffion at firft than NE on
the one fide, and XII. VI. or III. on the other; but in
October 1651, the court ordered, that all pieces of mo-
ney fhould have a double ring with this infcription, Mas-
SACHUSETS, and a tree in the centre on one fide, and
NEW-ENGLAND and the year of our Lord on the
other fide*. At the fame feffions, a committee or coun-
cil of trade was appointed after the example, as ex-
preffed in the order of the parliament of Great Britain,
*The first money being ftruck in 1652, the fame date was conti-
nued upon all that was ftruck for 30 years after, and although there
are a great variety of dies, it cannot now be determined in what years
the pieces were coined. No other colony ever prefumed to coin any
metal into money. It must be confidered, that at this time there was
no King in Ifrael. No notice was taken of it by the parliament, nor
by Cromwell, and having been thus indulged, there was a tacit allow-
ance of it afterwards even by King Charles the fecond, for more than
twenty years; and although it was made one of the charges againſt
the colony, when the charter was called in queftion, yet no great
ftrefs was laid upon it. It appeared to have been fo beneficial, that,
during Sir Edmund Androfs's adminiftration, endeavours were uſed
to obtain leave for continuing it, and the objections againſt it ſeem not
to have procceded from its being an encroachment upon the prero-
gative, for the motion was referred to the mafter of the mint, and the
report againſt it was upon mere prudential confiderations. It is certain
that great care was taken to preferve the purity of the coin. I don't
find, notwithſtanding, that it obtained a currency any where, otherwiſe
than as bullion, except in the New-England colonies. A very large
fum was coined. The mint mafter, John Hull, raiſed a large fortune
from it. He was to coin the money, of the juft allay of the then new
ferling English money, and for all charges which fhould attend melt-
ing, refining and coining, he was to be allowed to take fifteen pence out
of every twenty fhillings. The court were afterwards fenfible, that
this was too advantageous a contract, and Mr. Hull was offered a fum
of money by the court to releaſe them from it, but he refufed to do it.
He left a large perfonal eftate and one of the beft real eſtates in the
country. Samuel Sewall, who married his only daughter, received.
with her as commonly reported, thirty thoufand pounds in New-
England fhillings. "He was the fon of a poor woman, but dutiful
to and tender of his mother, which Mr. Wilfon, his miniſter, ob-
ferving, pronounced that God would bless him, and although he was
then poor, yet he should raiſe a great eftate." (Magnalia.)
who
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
179
'
who were to meet at Bofton or Charleſtown to receive 1652
propoſals for promoting trade, but nothing came from
this attemptt.
IN October 1651, hoftilities began between the Engliſh
and Dutch in Europe. The Dutch colony at Manhados
was in too feeble a flate, openly to annoy the Engliſh colo-
nies their neighbours, and therefore defired to preferve
peace in America. The English colonies carried on an
advantageous trade with the Dutch, and were for that
reaſon willing to continue friendſhip, and a correfpondence
was kept up between the ſubjects of the two nations.
In an addreſs from the general court to Cromwell, they
confider themſelves as at liberty to continue in peace
with the Dutch, and fuppofe their own act to be ne-
ceffary to bring them into a ftate of war, notwithſtand-
ing the two nations were at war in Europe*. But
in 1653, information was given by the Indians from feveral 1653
quarters, that the Dutch governor was privately foliciting
them to a general confederacy, in order totally to extirpate
+ Mafa. Records.
One Hugh Parfons of Springfield, was tried in 1652 for witchcraft,
and found guilty by the jury. The magiftrates refuſed to confent tỏ
the verdict, and the cafe as the law provided, came to the general court,
who determined that he was not legally guilty of witchcraft.
Mr. Cotton, the celebrated minifter of the church of Boſton and
the patriarch of New-England, died Dec. 23d 1652, in the 68th year
of his age. Mr. Hubbard gives this character of him. "His excel-
"lent learning and profound judgment, eminent gravity, chriſtian
"candour and fweet temper of fpirit, whereby he could very placidly
"bear thoſe who differed from him in their apprehenfions, made him
"moft defired whilft he was amongst them, and the more lamented
"when he was removed from hence. So equal a contention be-
tween learning and meekneſs, magnanimity and humility, is fel-
"dom feen in any one perfon." Upon his death-bed he ordered his
fon to burn all his papers relative to the religious difputes began in the
time of Sir Henry Vane's year. He had bundled them all up, with
an intention to do it himſelf, but death prevented his going into his
ftudy for that purpoſe. His fon, loth to destroy what appeared to him
valuable, made a cafe of confcience to Mr. Norton whether he was
bound to comply. Mr. Norton determined against the papers. (MS
Letters.) Mr. Cotton's life was publiſhed by his fucceffor Mr. Norton,
and afterwards by his grandfon Dr. Cotton Mather.
* Appendix.
M 4
the
180
THE HISTORY OF
1653 the English. The maffacre at Amboyna was then but
a late affair. A general alarm was fpread through
the colonies. An extraordinary meeting of the com-
miffioners was called at Bofton, April 19, " to confider
"of feveral rumours and reports gathered from the In-
"dians and others, that the Dutch had plotted with the
"Indians, and ſtirred them up to cut off the Engliſh."
The refult of this first meeting was, that although the
evidence was ſo ftrong, as that fome of the commiffio-
ners looked upon it to be full proof, yet they thought
it moſt expedient the Dutch governor fhould have op-
portunity of making anfwer; but before any meffage
could be fent, letters were received from him, denying
all which the Indians or any others had charged him with,
wondering the Engliſh would give credit to Indian tef-
timonies, and offering to come or fend, or to make an-
fwer to any deputies which might be fent thither. It
was thought proper to fend agents to him, viz. Francis
Newman, an affiftant of New-Haven, John Leveret
(afterwards governor of the Maffachufets) and William
Davis; and in a letter, fent by them from the com-
miffioners, the governor was told, "that he had made
uſe of Indian teftimonies againſt New-Haven in a caſe
of land, that Keift his predeceffor had done it in a cafe
of life, and that a Dutch governor and council at Am-
boyna had made a bloody ufe of the Japonefes con-
feffion (though extorted by torture) againſt Capt. Tow-
erfon and the English Chriftians there." The com-
miffioners demanded fatisfaction for paft injuries and ſe-
curity for the future. Whilft their agents were gone,
they determined what number of men fhould be raiſed,
if God fhould call them to war againſt the Dutch, viz.
500*, and appointed Capt. Leveret the commanding
officer, unlefs the Maffachufets fhould have fome weighty
objection against him. Notwithſtanding the offers made
by the Dutch governor in his letter, he refufed to fub-
mit to any examination into the affair by the agents or
* Maſſachuſets 333, Plimouth 60, Connecticut 65, New-Haven 42.
cams
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
181
*
commiffioners, any further than a committee of his own 1653
council fhould concur with them. They took the teſti-
mony of divers Indians and others, and returned to Boſton.
But however ftrong proofs there were, the commif-
fioners were divided in opinion, and a conference was
had before the Maffachufets general court and many of
the elders. A ſtate of the cafe was drawn by Mr. Eaton
on the one fide, and another by Mr. Deniſon on the
other, and the elders were defired to draw up their opi-
nion, which was, "That the proofs and prefumptions
of the execrable plot, tending to deftruction of fo many
of the dear faints of God, imputed to the Dutch gover-
nor and the fiſcal, were of fuch weight as to induce them
to believe the reality of it; yet they were not ſo fully
conclufive, as to clear up a prefent proceeding to war be-
fore the world, and to bear up their hearts with that ful-
nefs of perfuafion, which was meet, in commending the
cafe to God in prayer and to the people in exhortations,
and that it would be fafeft for the colonies to forbear the
ufe of the fword; but adviſed to be in a pofture of de-
fence and readineſs for action, until the mind of God
ſhould be more clearly known, either for a fettled peace
or more manifeft grounds of war." The deputies, by
their vote, expreffed a concurrence in fentiments with the
elders. On the 26th of May, letters were received from
Hartford and New-Haven, advifing that the Dutch go-
vernor was endeavouring, by prefents and other methods,
to engage the Mohawks and the Indians between Hud-
fon's river and Delaware to fall upon the English. A
meffenger arrived the fame day from Manhados, with a
long letter from the Dutch governor, complaining of en-
croachments and other grievances from the Engliſh, and
exculpating himself in general terms from any plots or
defigns against them. The commiffioners required fur-
ther fatisfaction and fecurity from him. Mr. Norice,
* The elders continued to be confulted in every affair of importance
as long as the charter continued. The fhare they had in temporal
affairs added to the weight they had acquired from their ſpiritual em-
ployments, and they were in high efteem,
teacher
182
THE HISTORY OF
"in
1653 teacher of the church at Salem," in the name of many
penfive hearts there," prefented their fenfe to the com-
miffioners in favour of a war, and the commiffioners them-
felves were all of the fame mind, except Mr. Bradstreet,
one of the Maffachufets commiffioners; Mr. Hawthorne,
the other, joining with thoſe of the three other colonies;
but their proceedings were interrupted by a declaration
fent in by the general court of the Maffachufets, "that
no determination of the commiffioners though they ſhould
all agree, fhould bind the general court to join in an of-
fenfive war which fhould appear to fuch general court to
be unjuſt." This declaration occafioned fuch altercations
between the Maffachufets general court and the commif-
fioners of the three other colonies at the next meeting, as
threatned a diffolution of the confederacy, which feems,
upon this occafion alfo, to have been prevented only by
the inferiority of the reft to the Maffachufets and their
inability to ſtand alone. Where ftates in alliance are
greatly difproportioned in ftrength and importance,
power often prevails over right. The government of
New-Haven were fo fenfible of their danger, that they
fent their agents to England, to make a reprefentation
of it to Cromwell, who ordered three or four fhips with
a fmall number of forces for the reduction of the Dutch,
and recommended to the Maffachufets colony to afford
their affiftance. The fhips were delayed, and did not ar-
rive at Bofton until the latter end of May or beginning
of June 1654. The governor called the affembly,
which met the 9th of June, and immediately came into
the following refolution: "The general court having
}
'
received and perufed a letter from his Highneſs the
"Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England,
"Scotland and Ireland, full of great and favourable refpect
to this colony, which they defire to keep in grateful
remembrance, and fhall be ready at all times, wherein
"they may with fafety to the liberty of their confciences,
"publick peace and welfare, to their utmoſt to attend
"to his Highness's pleafure. This court therefore de-
"clares, that though they underſtand that the colony is
64 105
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
183
"not in fuch a capacity as may be apprehended to fend 1653
"forth fuch numbers of men as might vigorously affift
"in that undertaking, yet do freely confent and give
"liberty to his Highneſs's commiffioners, Major Robert
Sedgewick† and Capt. John Leveret, to raiſe within
our jurifdiction the number of five hundred volunteers
to affift them in their enterprize against the Dutch,
"provided the perfons might be free from legal ‡ en-
66
66
66
r
gagements." The fhips had a very long paffage, fo
that the news of the peace with the Dutch, which was
figned the 5th of April, prevented their proceeding.
This occafioned the commander in chief to turn his
forces, together with thofe raiſed in the Maffachufets,
another way, and to diflodge the French from Penob-
fcot, St. John's, &c. where they met with no great re-
fiftance. It cannot be fuppofed that this was done with-
out inftructions from Cromwell §. It was a time of peace
between the two nations, but the Engliſh had good right
to the country, and the complaints of the French in Ĕu-
rope could not prevail upon Cromwell to give it up
again *. The peace with the Dutch, together with 1654
"the hopeful eftabliſhment of government in England,"
occafioned a publick thankſgiving in the Maffachufets
+ Sedgewick had been of the artillery company in London, after-
wards lived at Charleſtown in New-England, and was the first military
officer there, and in great repute. I fuppofe he died in England.
There were feveral perfons defcended from him, living in England a
few
years ago.
By legal engagements must be intended apprenticeſhip and other
fervitude, as well as proceffes from courts, &c.
§ The report in New-England was, that Sedgewick had only ver-
bal inftructions from fome of Oliver's fea commanders, and that this
was the reafon the country was fo eafily given up at the treaty of
Breda. Hubbard.
* Mr. Dudley deputy governor, died July 31ft 1653, in the 77th
year of his age, greatly lamented, being a principal founder of the
colony, and having recommended himſelf by great firmness and fide-
lity in the diſcharge of his truft; having never been out of the ma-
giftracy, and generally either governor or deputy governor. He was
zealous, beyond meaſure, against all forts of hereticks. At the next
election for 1654, Mr. Endicot was chofen deputy governor in Mr.
Dudley's ftead, Mr. Bellingham being chofen governor.
(Sept.
184
THE HISTORY
OF
1654 (Sept. 20th) and an order, paffed the laft year, prohi-
biting trade with the Dutch, was repealed. Stuyvefant,
the Dutch governor, in thefe negociations conducted
himſelf very artfully. New-Haven and Connecticut were
the two colonies with which he was immediately engaged
in controverſy. He might have been a match for one, if
not both thoſe colonies, but they were in alliance with the
Maffachufets. His all depended upon preferving the
friendship of that colony. He therefore kept up a conftant
correſpondence with Mr. Winthrop, and although he
would not concede to propofals for a joint trade with the
Six Nations, yet he encouraged trade beween the Maffa-
chufets and Manhados, and, what was more, he, as well as
his predeceffor Kieft, made great pretences to religion.
Kieft was a ſerious man. Plimouth fell in with Connec-
ticut and New-Haven, and the Maffachufets muſt have
done fo too, if the Dutch had committed any hoftilities.
Stuyvesant reſtrained his own people, but at the fame time
fecretly encouraged the Indians to fall upon the Engliſh,
The Naraganfets were numerous, the Maquas, or Six Na-
tions were more fo. A general union of the Indians,
which it was fuppofed he was endeavouring, muft have
been the ruin of the Englifh colonies; and although it
might be expected, that when they had rid themſelves of
the Engliſh, the Dutch would be in danger of the fame
fate, yet this was the leaſt and moſt remote danger of the
two. They were conftantly in fear of the Engliſh. Their
right to any part of the country had never been allowed
in England. They were often threatened by the colo-
nifts in America, as the Dutch governors mention in
their letters. Kieft complains to Winthrop, that ' fome of
the Engliſh had ſaid publickly,' “ that their countrymen
were fools to fuffer the Dutch to live there in the centre."
.
THE Maffachufets complied with Cromwell's propoſal
to extirpate the Dutch, notwithstanding their former fcru-
ples of the lawfulneſs of it. There must have been fome
other reafons, no doubt thofe I have mentioned, which
caufed them to be fo backward in joining with the other
colonies. They did not forfee what has finçe happened,
that
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
185
that the neighbourhood of the colonies of different na- 1654
tions would one time or other engage the powers in Eu-
rope in their reſpective defence and annoyance. Without
this, they had nothing to fear from either Dutch or
French. They were ten times as numerous as both, and
continually increafing in much greater proportion than
either of the other, whofe prefent or future interior force
could cauſe no great apprehenfions.
WHILST thefe difputes with the Dutch were depend-
ing, the Naraganfet Indians made attacks upon the Indians
of Long-Inland who were under the protection of the
English. This, together with the confpiracy which Ni-
nigrate the Naraganfet fachem was fuppofed to be in with
the Dutch governor, the commiffioners of the Engliſh
colonies (all but Mr. Bradſtreet) thought to be a fufficient
ground for making war against the Indians, and came
to a refolution in 1653, that 250 men fhould be forth-
with raiſed in the feveral colonies, but the Maffachuſets
general court refuſed to raiſe their quota. The hoftili-
ties between the Indians continuing until 1654, and many
upland Indians, as they were called, viz. Wampanoags,
Pocanoticks*, &c. being collected together, the com-
miffioners fent a meffenger to Ninigrate, who foon re-
turned with the following anfwer, which is here inferted
to fhew the authority the English affumed at that time
over the Indians, and the fenfe they ſtill retained of their
independancy.
ઃઃ
<<
"JONATHAN GILBERT returned 18 Sept. 1654, and
brought Ninigrate's anfwer in the words following:
Having acquainted him that the commiffioners were met
"at Hartford, and that they had perufed the letter feat to
"the governor of the Maffachufets, he anfwered, he knew
"nothing of any fuch letter, and made ftrange of it.
"CONCERNING his invading the Long-Iflanders, he
"anſwered; Wherefore fhould he acquaint the commif-
"fioners, when as the Long-Iflanders had begun with
"him and had flain a fachem's fon and fixty others of his
men, and therefore he will not make peace with the
Afterwards called Philip's Indians.
'
"Long-
186
THE HISTORY OF
}
1654" Long-Ilanders, but doth defire that the Engliſh will
"let him alone, and that the commiffioners would not
"requeft him to go to Hartford, for he hath done no
"hurt. What ſhould he do there? If your governor's
"fon was flain, and feveral other men, would you afk
“'counſel of another nation how and when to right your-
"felves? and added, that he would neither go nor fend
66 to Hartford.
66
"CONCERNING the upland Indians, his anfwer was,
"That they were his friends and came to help him
againſt the Long-Iflanders, which had killed feveral
❝of his men. Wherefore fhould he acquaint the com-
"miffioners with it, he did but right his own quarrel,
"which the Long-Iflanders began with him."
UPON the receipt of this anfwer, the commiffioners
agreed to raiſe forthwith 270 foot and 40 horſe out of
the feveral colonies, and gave a commiffion to Major Si-
mon Willard to command them, with inftructions" to
take as many of the faid forces as fhould be at the place
of rendezvous by the 13th of October, and to march with
them to Ninigrate, and to require his compliance with
the demands made upon him; and, if he refuſed, to com-
pel him to it; and, if it ſhould be neceffary, to fend im
mediately for the remainder of the forces, and a greater
number if neceffary." Willard marched with his men
into the Naraganfer country. Ninigrate with his men had
fecured themſelves in a fwamp, where it was not thought
adviſeable to attack them, and the forces returned with
no other fuccefs than the bringing off a number of the
Pequods, who had been left with the Naraganfets by the
Engliſh, ever fince the Pequod war, upon the promiſe of
an annual payment for each head. The commander made
it a part of his excufe, that the inftructions to him were
equivocal. But the commiffioners were offended at this
proceeding, and charged him with neglecting an oppor-
tunity of humbling the pride of Ninigrate, which fince
the return of the forces was greatly increaſed; and left
him to confider what fatisfaction was to be expected
from him, and thofe of his council who joined with
him.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
187
him *. It is to be obſerved, that Major Willard was a 1654
Maffachufets man, and although that colony had fo far
complied with the reft as to join in fending out the forces,
yet they ftill were defirous of avoiding an open war.
This was the fecond time of their preventing a general
war, contrary to the minds of fix of the commiffioners
of the other colonies †.
THE moſt remarkable occurrence in the colony, in the 1655
year 1655, was the trial and condemnation of Mrs. Ann
Hibbins for witchcraft. Her husband, who died in the
year 1654, was an agent for the colony in England, feveral
years one of the affiftants, and a merchant of note in the
town of Bofton; but loffes in the latter part of his life
had reduced his eftate, and increafed the natural crabbed-
nefs of his wife's temper, which made her turbulent and
quarrelfome, and brought her under church cenfures, and
at length rendered her fo odious to her neighbours as to
cauſe ſome of them to accuſe her of witchcraft. The jury
brought her in guilty, but the magiftrates refuſed to ac-
cept the verdict; fo the cauſe came to the general court,
where the popular clamour prevailed against her, and the
miferable old woman was condemned and executed.
Search was made upon her body for tetts, and in her
chefts and boxes, for puppets, images, &c. but there is
no record of any thing of that fort being found. Mr.
*Records of united colonies.
† Mr. Edward Winflow, who had been ſeveral years governor of
Plimouth colony, died May 8, 1655, on board the fleet which was
fent againſt Hifpaniola. He was fent to England agent for the Maf-
fachufets. He attained to fuch favour, as to be made one of Crom-
well's grand commiffioners in the expedition. He was a gentleman of
the best family of any of the Plimouth planters, his father Edward
Winflow, Efq; being a perfon of fome figure at Draughtwich in Wor-
ceſterſhire. An elegy, occafioned by his death, has much of the fpi-
rit of Thomas Saffin's epitaph, which I remember to have read in
Stepney church yard.
The eighth of May, weft from 'Spaniola's fhore
God took from us our grand commiſſioner,
Winflow by name, a man in chiefeſt truſt,
Whofe life was ſweet and converſation juſt,
Whoſe parts and wiſdom moſt men's did excell,
An honour to his place, as all can tell.
6
Beach,
188
THE HISTORY OF
1
1655 Beach, a minifter in Jamaica, in a letter to Doctor In-
creaſe Mather in the year 1684, fays, "You may remem-
"ber what I have fometimes told you your famous Mr.
"Norton once faid at his own table before Mr. Wilſon
"the paftor, elder Penn, and myfelf, and wife, &c. who
"had the honour to be his guests. That one of your ma-
"giftrates wives, as I remember, was hanged for a witch,
only for having more wit than her neighbours. It was
"his very expreffion, ſhe having, as he explained it, un-
happily gueffed that two of her perfecutors, whom ſhe
"faw talking in the ftreet, were talking of her; which,
proving true, coft her her life, notwithſtanding all he
"could do to the contrary, as he himſelf told us.
ઃઃ
66
cc-
وو
Ir fared with her as it did with Joan of Arc in France.
Some counted her a faint and fome a witch, and ſome ob-
ferved folemn marks of Providence fet upon thoſe who
were very forward to condemn her, and to brand others.
upon the like ground with the like reproach. This was
the fecond inftance upon record, of any perfon's being
executed for witchcraft in New-England +.
ABOUT this time, however inconfiftent it may feem with
the profeffed ecclefiaftical conftitution and the freedom of
every church, the general court, in feveral inftances, in-
terpofed their authority. They laid a large fine upon the
church at Malden, for chufing a minifter without the con-
fent and approbation of the neighbouring churches and
allowance of the magiftrates, and foon after, viz. in 1653,
they reftrained the north church in Boſton from calling
Mr. Powell to be their minifter, who had the character
of a well gifted, tho' illiterate man, and went fo far, as
to recommend to them Mr. Reyner who had been a mi-
nifter at New- Plimouth.
It was juftly obferved upon this occafion, that "let
"the experience of all reformed churches be confulted,
*Hubbard.
She was not executed until June 1656. She difpofed of her eftate
by will, executed May 27, 1656, and a codicil June 16. She ap-
pointed feveral of the principal gentlemen overfeers, and hoped they
would fhew her fo much refpect, as to fee her decently interred. There
was no forfeiture of goods for felony,
" and
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
189
"and it will appear, that diſorder and confufion in the 1655
"church will not be avoided by all the determinations,
"advice and counſel of fynods or other meffengers of
"churches, unless they be a little acuated by the civil
authority: All men are naturally fo wedded to their
"own apprehenfions, that, unless there be a coercive
power to reſtrain, the order and rule of the gofpel will
""
not be attended *.
66
<t
66
MR. Endicot was governor in 1655, and was annually
chofen until 1660, and Mr. Bellingham deputy governor
each year t. During this period, the trade of the colony
was in a flouriſhing ſtate, free admiffion being allowed
to all nations, and the veffels of the colony trading to
and from France, Holland, and other parts of Europe;
the importation of no commodities whatfoever being pro-
hibited, or under any clog or reſtraint. Notwithſtand-
ing the great variety of fectaries in England, there had
been no divifions of any confequence in the Maffachu-
fets; but from 1637 to 1656, they enjoyed, in general,
great quietnefs in their ecclefiaftical affairs, difcords in
particular churches being healed and made up by a fub-
miffion to the arbitrament of neighbouring churches, and
fometimes the interpofition of the civil power. The re-
putation, not only of the conſtitution of the churches, but
alſo of the New-England clergy had been for fome time
very great in England, and the opinions of Mr. Cotton,
Hooker, Davenport, and others, are cited as authorities.
by many English divines. The perfecution of the epif-
copalians by the prevailing powers in England, was evi-
dently from revenge for the perfecution they had fuffered
themſelves, and from political confiderations and the pre-
valence of a party, feeing all other opinions and profef-
fions, however abfurd, were tolerated, but in New-Eng-
* Hubbard.
+ Richard Ruffel and Thomas Danforth were chofen affiftants in
1659, the former of Charleftown; his fon, grandfon, and two of his
great grandfons have been fince of the council. The latter was of
Cambridge, and had a great fhare in managing the public affairs in the
moft difficult times. He left no male children.
N
land,
THE HISTORY OF
190
1655 land, it must be confeffed, that bigotry and cruel zeal
prevailed, and to that degree, that no opinions but their
own could be tolerated. They were fincere, but miſtaken
in their principles; and abfurd as it is, it is too evident,
they believed it to be for the glory of God to take away
the lives of his creatures for maintaining tenets contrary
to what they profeffed themfelves. This occafioned com-
plaints againſt the colony to the parliament and to Crom-
well, but without fuccefs *
MR. Winflow, the agent for the colony in England, be-
ing dead, Mr. Leveret, one of Cromwell's commiffioners
in the expedition to Acadie, was appointed in his ftead.
Cromwell had been very defirous of drawing off the New-
Englanders to people Ireland after his fucceffes there, and
the inhabitants of New-Haven had ferious thoughts of
removing but did not carry their defign into execution.
Jamaica being conquered, Cromwell renewed his invita-
tion to the colony of the Maffachufets to remove, and to
go and people that ifland; and it appears, by Mr. Leve-
ret's letters and a letter from the general court to Crom-
well, that he had it much at heart †. Cromwell forefaw
that
In 1655, a distemper went through the plantations in New-Eng-
land like to that in 1647. It was fo epidemical, that few were able to
vifit their friends at any diftance to perform the laft offices to them.
It was attended with a faint cough. Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, miniſter
of Ipſwich, died of it July 2d. He was fon of Mr. John Rogers, a
celebrated puritan preacher at Dedham in England, defcended from
the protomartyr in Queen Mary's reign. Hubbard.
+"At my prefenting your letter, of the firft of December 1656, to
his Highness, he was pleafed to enquire of New-England's condition,
and what news as to the buſineſs of Jamaica, to which I gave anfwer
according to the advice received. By his refent thereof, together with
what I had from him the 18th of November, he manifefteth a very
of
ftrong defire in him for fome leading and confiderable company
New-England men to go thither; for at that time he was pleafed to
exprefs, that he did apprehend the people of New-England had as
clear a call to tranfport themfelves from thence to Jamaica, as they
had from England to New-England, in order to their bettering their
outward condition, God having promifed his people fhould be the
head and not the tail; befides, that defign hath its tendency to the
overthrow of the man of fin: and withal was pleaſed to add, that
though
!
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
191
1
that the Weft-India planters would raife eftates, far fu- 1655
perior to thoſe of the inhabitants of the northern colonies,
and
though the people had been fickly, yet it was faid to be a climacterical
year, that others had been to view the place, as Mevis people, who
upon liking were gone down, and Chriftophers people were upon mo-
tion, and he hoped by what intelligence he had from Capt. Gookin,
that fome confiderable numbers would go from New-England. His
Highneſs was pleaſed to hear me in what I objected. As to the bet-
tering our outward condition, though we had not any among us that
had to boast, as fome particulars in other plantations, of raifing them-
ſelves to great eftates, yet take the body of the people and all things
confidered, they lived more comfortably like Englishmen than any of
the reft of the plantations; to which his Highnefs replied, that they
were more induſtrious, what then would they be in a better country;
to which I added, that there were more in New-England produced to
beſpeak us a commonwealth than in all the English plantations be-
fides, the which his Highneſs granted. I objecting the contrariety of
fpirits, principles, manners, and cuftoms of the people of New- Eng-
land to them that were at the iſland or in any other plantations that
could remove thither, fo not like to cement, his Highness replied,
that were there confiderable perſons that would remove from thence,
they ſhould have the government in their hands and be ftrengthened
with the authority of England, who might be capable of giving check.
to the ill and vicious manners of all. Whilft his Highneſs was pleaſed
to entertain me with theſe difcourfes, an honourable gentlemen of his
council came in, who hearing his Highnefs upon New-England, was
pleaſed to exprefs himſelf concerning New-England's rigidneſs and
perfecution; to which his Highneſs was pleaſed to anſwer very much
in the favour of them, that they acted like wife men, and God had
broken the deſigns of evil inftruments, bearing witneſs with them
againſt evil feducers which had rifen up among them, mentioning one
or two; to which that honourable gentleman replied, the miscarriage
of particular perſons proved not God's bearing witneſs againſt the
body of them that withdrew and departed from them for their rigid-
nefs; to which, with their favour, I replied, that if Rhode Iſland and
thofe parts were intended, that then God had born witneſs againſt them
in general as well as againſt particulars, which would appear by that
loofenefs and profaneneſs they were left to, fo that they had not only
declined chriftian religion but moral obſervations; to which the ho-
nourable gentleman was pleaſed to wave the credit thereof, and ex-
prefs, that if it were fo, he thought his Highneſs ought to animadvert
upon one and the other. Much more paffed in difcourfe, and his
Highnefs broke off with this, that he would not impofe any particu-
cular injunction upon me." Extract from J. Leveret's letter to gover-
nor Endicot, London 20 Dec. 1656.
N 2
The
192
THE HISTORY OF
1655 and though a mere worldly confideration was not proper
for him to urge, yet accompanied with the fulfilment of
a divine promiſe, that God's people fhould be the head
and not the tail, it was in character, and he artfully
enough joined it with the other confideration. But all
was infufficient to induce the people of New-England to
quit a country where they could live tolerably, and
were indulged with all the privileges they defired, and
we have no account of many families having removed.
A few accepted the invitation. Complaints were carried
to Cromwell from Rhode Island againſt the Maffachu-
fets, by Clark, Holmes and others, but Mr. Leveret,
:
“SIR,
The Court's letter to Oliver Cromwell.
We received by Capt. Gookin your Highnefs's propoſals for the re-
moval of fome of our's to the iſland of Jamaica, which, by our order,
were communicated to the people of this jurifdiction, in compliance
with your Highneſs's good and pious intentions of planting the place
with fuch as through the blefling of God may hopefully promote a de-
fign fo religious. But if, by the intelligence from thence of the mor-
tality of the English there, the motion here anfwereth not expectation,
may it pleaſe your Highness not to impute it to us as declining your
fervice, much leſs as difaccepting your favour and endeavours of pro-
moting what may conduce to our welfare, wherein we have always
found your Highneſs ready upon all occafions to teftify the fame; and
in particular by your gracious acceptance of our laſt by Capt. Leve-
ret, by whom we found ourſelves neceffitated to make our addreffes
to your Highness, that by your juft favour we might be ſupported,
without which, we have cauſe to fear, we cannot be fecure from the
clamours and calumnies of fome whofe endeavours may be to render
us obnoxious to your difpleafure.-We account it our duty, to our ut-
moft power, to advance your Highneſs's fervice, and if all other op-
portunities fhall be wanting, yet never to cease to prefent our requefts
to him that is able abundantly to recompence all your labours of love
to his, to preferve your Highness, long to continue you a happy in-
ftrument to carry on his work, overthrow the enemies of his truth,
and to enlarge the kingdom of his dear fon, in whom we are
Your Highness's moſt obliged fervants,
Jo. Endicot, gov.
Boſton, in New England,
the 24th October, 1656.
Rich. Bellingham, dep. gov.
Edward Rawſon, fecr.
In the name and with the confent
of the general court."
}
who
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
193
+
who was a captain of horfe under Cromwell, during 1655
fome part of the war, had much of his favour, and
though he could not prevent the Rhode Iſlanders from
being favourably received, for no fect could fail of an
advocate in Cromwell's court, yet he prevented ſo much
as an enquiry into the conduct of the Maffachufets. Nay,
Cromwell applauded the colony for baniſhing the evil fe-
ducers which had rifen up among them, of which Mr.
Wheelwright and Mrs. Hutchinſon were the chief, and
probably he had a view to them in particular. This
fame Mr. Wheelwright had been feveral years in Eng-
land, and lived in the neighbourhood of Sir Henry Vane,
who had been his patron in New-England and now took
great notice of him. Vane being difaffected to Cromwell,
it is not likely that Cromwell had any great eſteem for
Wheelwright, yet he fent for him by one of his guard*,
and after a very orthodox difcourfe, according to Mr.
Wheelwright's apprehenfions of orthodoxy, "and with-
out fhewing countenance to fectaries +," he exhorted
him to perfeverance against his oppofers, and affured him
their notions would vanifh into nothing. This meeting,
effectually engaged Mr. Wheelwright in Cromwell's fa-
<
*«I have lately been at London about five weeks. My Lord Pro-
tector was pleaſed to ſend one of his guard for me, with whom I hád
diſcourſe, in private, about the ſpace of an hour. All his fpeeches
feemed to me very orthodox and gracious, no way favouring fectaries.
He ſpake very experimentally to my apprehenfion of the work of God's
grace, and knowing what oppofition I met withal from fome whom I
ſhall not name, exhorted me to perfeverance, in theſe very words as
I remember, Mr. Wheelwright ftand faft in the Lord, and you ſhall
fee that theſe notions will vaniſh into nothing,' or to that effect. Many
men, efpecially the fectaries, exclaim againſt him with open mouths,
but I hope he is a gracious man. I ſaw the lord mayor and ſheriff
with their officers carry fundry of the fifth monarchy men to priſon,
as Mr. Can, Mr. Day with others who uſed to meet together in Col-
man ſtreet to preach and pray againſt the Lord protector and the preſent
power, &c." Mr. Wheelwright's letter to the church at Hampton, Ap.
20. 1658.
+ All that do not think as we do in religion, are fectaries. There
would be fome difficulty in determining who, upon this occafion, were
referred to as fectaries, if the fifth monarchy men had not been men-
tioned prefently after.
N 3
vour.
194
THE HISTORY OF
1655 vour. Leveret's and Wheelwright's letters, compared,
confirm a diftinguifhing part of Cromwell's character.
Befides the complaints from Rhode Iſland, Rigby, Gorges,
and Godfrey, who claimed lands by patents in the eaſtern
parts of New-England, made complaints to Cromwell
againſt the colony for ufurpation; and there were others
who envied the flouriſhing ftate of the colony; but by
means of Mr. Leveret's difcreet management, and the fa-
vourable opinion Cromwell had conceived, all attempts to
its prejudice were to no purpoſe *. He did not fhew like
favour to the other colonies.
1
CROMWELL feems to have been the firft who had a
true ſenſe of the importance of the colonies to their mo-
ther country. The expedition to Hifpaniola was by him
well intended, though by his fervants badly executed,
and his plan for enlarging the national intereſt in Ame-
rica no doubt extended further than the conqueſt of that
inland. Let us take a view of the ftate of the colonies at
that time. Barbados was then more populous than it is
at prefent. That ifland and the Caribbees were under the
fame government. Thefe with Virginia, Maryland and
Bermudas refuſed to acknowledge the parliament whilſt
the King lived, and it occafioned fome trouble to reduce
them after his death. They were all the colonies, except
New-England, which were fettled when Cromwell took
the government upon him. There were no lefs than three
different governors over Virginia during his fhort rule,
Digby, Bennet and Matthews. Barbados furrendered to
Sir George Ayfcough, upon condition that the govern-
ment fhould be by governor, council and affembly, and
Daniel Searl being appointed their governor continued
until the reſtoration. It was a rafh thing to refift the fu-
preme authority in England and gave great offence. Un-
Although his Highnefs and divers of the council are very cor-
dial friends to New-England, yet there are not wanting thofe wha
wait an opportunity of complaints coming againft you to ufher in
fomething elfe; the great privileges belonging to New-England being
matter of envy, as of fome in other plantations, fo of divers in Eng-
land who trade to thoſe places." Leveret's letter to Endicot,
til
}
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
195.
til then, all the colonies had been indulged in a free open 1655
trade to and from all parts of the world, unless the pri-
vileges granted to the Eaft-India company made an ex-
ception; but Cromwell obtained an act or ordinance of
the parliament, prohibiting the plantations from receiving
or exporting any European commodities, except in Eng-
lifh built fhips navigated by Engliſhmen, and all cor-
reſpondence was forbidden with any nation or colony not
fubject to England, and no alien was allowed to fet up a
factory or carry on a trade in the plantations. Virginia
made heavy complaints, that they were not allowed to
fend off their produce to, nor to import neceffaries from,
any foreign countries, whilft England alone (they faid)
could not take off their produce, nor could they at that
time be ſupplied from thence with all things neceffary for
them. But, however grievous this act might prove to the
other colonies, it is certain that thofe of New-England,
whether it was defigned to extend there or not, fuffered
nothing by it. In a letter to Cromwell, in 1654, the
Maſſachuſets ſeem to be under fears leaſt they fhould be
deprived of the privileges which had been indulged to
them by his predeceffors, and hope his Highneſs will be
no leſs propitious, and will not be difpleafed with them
for afferting their juft privileges, to the prejudice whereof
fome attempts had been made by the commanders of
fhips, eſpecially by fome armed with commiffion, which
though for fear of offending they had patiently endured,
yet they thought it not fafe to approve of fuch actings,
&c. If this letter had refpect to any attempts to regu-
late the trade, they were attempts which were foon given
over and cauſed little or no interruption, and they were
not only indulged in their trade to all parts, but that ex-
traordinary privilege of having their goods imported into
England, free from all cuftom which other fubjects were
liable to pay, feems to have been continued until the re-
ftoration. No wonder if they were envied by the other
colonies, and if the merchants in England were diffàtisfied
alfo with the continuance of the laft mentioned extraor-
dinary favour.
8
N 4
IN
169
THE HISTORY OF
1656
In the year 1656, began what has been generally, and
to not improperly, called the perfecution of the Quakers *.
1660 Two years before, an order had been made, that every
inhabitant who had in their cuftody any of the books of
John Reeves and Lodowick Muggleton, "who pretend
to be the two laft witneffes and prophets of Jefus Chrift,'
which books were faid to be full of blafphemies, ſhould
bring or fend them in to the next magiftrate, within one
month, on pain of ten pounds for each book remaining
in any perfon's hands after that time. No perfon appeared
profeffing the opinions of the quakers until July 1656,
when Mary Fisher † and Ann Auftin arrived from Bar-
bados. A few weeks after arrived in the fhip Speedwell
of London, Rober Lock mafter, nine more of thefe iti-
nerants, whofe names "after the flesh," the language they
ufed to the officers fent to make enquiry, were William
Brend, Thomas Thurfton, Chriftopher Holder, John
Copeland, Richard Smith, Mary Prince, Dorothy Waugh,
Sarah Gibbons, and Mary Witherhead. On the 8th of
September, they were brought before the court of affiftants,
and being examined, and each of them queftioned how they
could make it appear that God fent them, after a paufe
they answered, that they had the fame call which Abraham
had to go out of his country; to other queſtions they
gave rude and contemptuous anfwers, which is the reafon
affigned for committing them to prifon. A great number
of their books which they had brought over, with intent
to ſcatter them about the country, were feized and reſerved
* This fect made its first appearance in England, in the year 1652.
They foon ſpread themſelves into America.
Mary Fiſher travelled as far as Adrianople, and coming near the
grand vizier's camp, fhe procured a man to inform him that there was
an Engliſh woman had fomething to declare from the great God to the
great Turk. She was introduced, and delivered her meffage, &c.
New-England judged, by G. Bishop. She fared better among the Turks
than among chriftians.
† Mr. Neale fays they came from Rhode Island. I take this account
from the records of the fuperior court. See a letter from the prefident,
&c. of Rhode Iſland in the appendix, fhewing the fenfe they had of
the quakers at that time,
for
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
197
for the fire. Soon after this, as the governor was going 1656
from the public worship on the Lord's day to his own to
houſe, feveral gentlemen accompanying him. Mary Prince 1660
called to him from a window of the priſon, railing at and
reviling him, faying, Woe unto thee, thou art an oppreffor;
and denouncing the judgments of God upon him. Not
content with this fhe wrote a letter, to the governor and
magiftrates, filled with opprobrious ftuff. The governor
fent for her twice from the prifon to his houfe, and took
much pains to perfuade her to defift from fuch extrava-
gancies. Two of the minifters were prefent, and with
much moderation and tenderneſs endeavoured to con-
vince her of her errors, to which ſhe returned the groffeft
railings, reproaching them as hirelings, deceivers of
the people, Baal's priefts, the feed of the ferpent, of the
brood of Ishmael and the like.
THE Court paffed fentence of banishment against them
all, and required the mafter of the fhip in which they
came, to become bound with fureties, to the value of
five hundred pounds, to carry them all away*, and
cauſed them to be committed to prifon until the fhip
ſhould be ready to fail. At this time there was no fpe-
cial provifion by law for the punishment of quakers;
they came within a colony law against hereticks in ge-
neral. At the next feffions of the general court, the 14th
of October following, an act paffed, laying a penalty of
one hundred pounds upon the mafter of any veffel who
fhould bring a known quaker into any part of the colony,
and requiring him to give fecurity to carry him back
again; that the quaker fhould be immediately fent to
the houſe of correction and whipped twenty ftripes, and
afterwards kept to hard labour until tranſportation. They
alſo laid a penalty, of five pounds, for importing, and
the like for difperfing quakers books, and fevere penal-
ties for defending their heretical opinions. And the next
year, an additional law was made, by which all perfons
were fubjected to the penalty of forty fhillings for every
hour's entertainment given to any known quaker, and
* I cannot find what law they had for this.
any
198
THE HISTORY OF
1656 any quaker, after the first conviction, if a man was
to to lofe one ear, and a fecond time the other; a woman,
1660 each time to be feverely whipped; and the third time, man
or woman, to have their tongues bored through with a
red hot iron; and every quaker, who fhould become
fuch in the colony, were fubjected to the like puniſh-
ments. In May 1658, a penalty of ten fhillings was
laid on every perfon prefent at a quaker's meeting, and
five pounds upon every one fpeaking at fuch meeting.
Notwithſtanding all this feverity, the number of quaker's
as might well have been expected, increafing rather than
diminiſhing*, in October following, a further law was
made for puniſhing with death all quakers who ſhould
return into the jurifdiction after baniſhment†. That
fome provifion was neceffary againſt theſe people, fo far
as they were difturbers of civil peace and order, every
one will allow ; but fuch fanguinary laws againſt particu
lar doctrines or tenets in religion are not to be defended.
The most that can be faid for our anceſtors is, that they
tried gentler means at firft, which they found utterly inef
fectual, and that they followed the example of the authori
ties in moſt other ſtates and in moſt ages of the world, who,
with the like abſurdity, have fuppofed every perfon could
and ought to think as they did, and when the like cruelty
have puniſhed ſuch as appeared to differ from them.'
We may add, that it was with reluctance that theſe un-
natural laws were carried into execution, as we ſhall ſee
*This is the ordinary confequence of pity and compaffion for the
fufferers. And although it has been obſerved that perfecution tends to
frighten men from coming into a country, yet it was a characteriſtick
of this fect, at the beginning of it, to court perfecution, and to fub.
mit to death, with an infatuation equal to that of fome roman catho-
lic prieſts carrying their religion into China or Tartary.
Great oppofition was made to this law, the magiftrates were the
moft zealous, and in general for it; but it was rejected at first by the
deputies, afterwards, upon reconfideration, concurred by 12 againft
11, with an amendment that the trial fhould be by a fpecial jury.
Capt. Edward Hutchinfon and Capt. Thomas Clark, two of the
court, defired leave to enter their diffent against this law. New Eng-
land judged.
by
1
MASSACHUSET S-BA Y.
199
by a further account of proceedings. Nicholas Upfhall 1656
was apprehended in October 1656, fined twenty pounds, to
and banished for reproaching the magiftrates and fpeak- 1660
ing againſt the law made againſt quakers, and returning
in 1659 was imprifoned +. At the fame court, William
Robinfon, Marmaduke Stephenfon, Mary Dyer and
Nicholas Davis were brought to trial. The firft gave no
particular account of himfelf. Stephenſon had made a
public difturbance in the congregation at Boiton the 15th
of June before. He acknowledged himſelf to be one of
thoſe the world called quakers, and declared that in the
year 1656, at Shipton in Yorkſhire, as he was at plough
he faw nothing but heard an audible voice faying, "I
have ordained thee to be a prophet to the nations," &c.
DYER declared that fhe came from Rhode Island* to
vifit the quakers, that he was of their religion, which
fhe affirmed was the truth, and that the light within her
was the rule, &c.
DAVIS came from Barnstaple, he came into court with
his hat on, confeffed he had forfaken the ordinances and
reforted to the quakers. The jury found, "that they were
all quakers." Robinſon was whipped 20 ftripes for abufing
the court, and they were all banifhed on pain of death.
PATIENCE SCOT, a girl of about 11 years of age, came I
fuppofe from Providence, her friends lived there, and pro-
feffing herſelf to be one of thoſe whom the world in fcorn
calls quakers, was committed to priſon, and afterwards
brought to court. The record ftands thus. "The court
duly confidering the malice of Satan and his inftruments
by all means and ways to propagate error and difturb the
truth, and bring in confufion among us, that Satan is put
to his fhifts to make ufe of fuch a child, not being of the
years of difcretion, nor underſtanding the principles of
religion, judge meet fo far to flight her as a quaker, as
+ Nicholas Upfhall was a member of Bofton church, a very old
man. When he was banifhed, he went first to Plimouth, where peo-
ple were forbad entertaining him; but fome that were more com-
paffionate, prevailed upon the authority to fuffer him to tarry until the
fpring. New-England judged.
Her husband or fon, William Dyer, was fecretary of that colony.
only
200
THE HISTORY OF
1656 only to admonish and inſtruct her according to her capa
to city, and fo difcharge her, Capt. Hutchinfon undertak-
1660 ing to fend her home." Strange, fuch a child fhould be
impriſoned! it would have been horrible if there had
been any further feverity *.
ROBINSON, Stephenfon and Dyer, at the next general
court, were brought upon trial, and "for their rebellion,
fedition, and preſumptuous obtruding themſelves after ba-
niſhment upon pain of death," were fentenced to die; the
two first were executed the 27th of October †. Dyer,
upon the petition of William Dyer her fon, was reprieved,
on condition that ſhe departed the juriſdiction in 48 hours;
and if ſhe returned, to fuffer the fentence. She was car-
ried to the gallows, and ftood with a rope about her neck
until the others were executed. She was fo infatuated as
afterwards to return, and was executed June 1ft, 1660‡.
The court thought it adviſable to publifh a vindication
of their proceedings; they urge the example of England
in the proviſion made againſt jefuits, which might have
fome weight againſt a charge brought from thence, but in
every other part of their vindication, as may well be fup-
pofed from the nature of the thing, there is but the bare
*Biſhop fays, that they cut off the right ear of Holder, Cope-
land, and Rous in the prifon, and that Catherine Scott, mother of
Patience Scott, reproving them for a deed of darkneſs, they whipped
her ten ftripes; though they allowed her to be otherwife of blameleſs
converfation and well bred, being a minifter's daughter in England.
New-England judged.
+ Mr. Winthrop, the governor of Connecticut, laboured to prevent
their execution, and Col. Temple went to the court and told them,
"that if according to their declaration, they defired their lives ab-
fent, rather than their deaths prefent, he would carry them away and
provide for them at his own charge; and if any of them fhould re-
turn, he would fetch them away again. This motion was well
liked by all the magiftrates except two or three, and they propofed it
to the deputies the next day, but thoſe two or three magiftrates, with
the deputies, prevailed to have execution done. New-England judged.
Being asked what he had to fay, why fentence fhould not be ex-
ecuted. She anſwered, that the denied their law, came to bear wit-
neſs againſt it, and could not chufe but come and do as formerly.
This is the fame Mary Dyer, who in the year 1637 was baniſhed for
her familiftical tenets.
fhadow
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
201
ſhadow of reaſon. Chriftopher Holder, who had found 1656
the way into the jurifdiction again, was, at this court, ba- to
niſhed upon pain of death. At the fame court, ſeven 1660
or eight perfons were fined, fome as high as ten pounds,
for entertaining quakers; and Edward Wharton, for pi-
loting them from one place to another, was ordered to be
whipped twenty ſtripes and bound to his good behaviour.
Divers others were then brought upon trial, "for adhe-
ring to the curfed fect of quakers, not difowning them-
felves to be ſuch, refuſing to give civil reſpect, leaving
their families and relations, and running from place to
place vagabonds like," and Daniel Gold was fentenced to
be whipped thirty ftripes, Robert Harper fifteen, and
they, with Alice Courland, Mary Scott and Hope Clif-
ton, baniſhed upon pain of death; William Kingſmill
whipped fifteen ftripes, Margaret Smith, Mary Trafk
and Provided Southwick ten ftripes each, and Hannah
Phelps admoniſhed.
THE Compaffion of the people was moved, and many
reforted to the priſon by day and night, and upon a re-
preſentation of the keeper, a conftant watch was kept
round the priſon to keep people off*.
JOSEPH NICHOLSON and Jane his wife were alſo tried
and found quakers, as alfo Wendlock Chriftopherfon,
who declared in court, that the fcripture is not the word
of God; and Mary Standley, and all fentenced to ba-
niſhment, &c. as was foon after Benjamin Bellflower; but
John Chamberlain, though he came with his hat on,
yet, refufing directly to anfwer, the jury found him,
"much inclining to the curfed opinions of the quakers,'
and he eſcaped with an admonition.
NICHOLSON and his wife returned, and were appre-
hended, but upon their petition, had liberty with feveral
others then in prifon, to go for England. Chriftopherfon
returned alfo, and was fentenced to die. It is faid he de-
*The pillory ferved for a pulpit to George Fox. He preached to
the populace, and made fo many converts that they delivered him in
a tumultuous manner, and fet a clergyman, who had been inftrumental
in Fox's punishment, upon the fame pillory. Volt. letters.
fired
202
THE HISTORY OF
1
66
1656 fired the court to confider what they had gained by their
to cruel proceedings.
"For the laft man (fays he) that
1660"
was put to death here, are five come in his room,
"and if you have power to take my life from me, God
66 can raiſe up the faid principle of life in ten of his fer-
vants, and fend them among you in my room, that
you may have torment upon torment." He was or-
dered to be executed the fifth day fevennight after the
14th of March 1660, afterwards reprieved till the 13th
of June; but he was fet at liberty upon his requeſt to
the court, and went out of the juriſdiction.
..
BELLFLOWER afterwards, in court, renounced his
opinions, as alfo William King (Kingſmill I ſuppoſe) the
only inſtances upon record. Chamberlain was afterwards
apprehended again, and found a quaker, and committed
to cloſe prifon; but no further fentence appears.
IN September 1660, William Ledea was tried and
convicted of being a quaker, and fentenced to baniſhment,
&c. but returning and being apprehended, the general court
gave him liberty, notwithstanding, to go to England
with Nicholſon and others; but he refuſed to leave the
country, and was brought upon trial for returning into
the juriſdiction after fentence of baniſhment, acknow-
ledged himſelf to be the perfon, but denied their autho-
rity, and told the court, that, "with the fpirit they
called the devil, he worshipped God; that their mini-
fters were deluders, and they themselves murderers.
He was told that he might have his life and be at liberty
if he would. He answered, I am willing to die, I ſpeak
the truth. The court took great pains to perfuade him to
leave the country, but to no purpoſe. The jury brought
him in guilty, and he was fentenced to die, and fuffered
accordingly March 14th, 1660.
""
MARY WRIGHT, of Oyfter-bay, was tried at the court
in September 1660. She faid fhe came to do the will of
the Lord, and to warn them to lay by their carnal wea-
pons and laws against the people of God, told the court
they thirfted for blood. The court afked her what ſhe
* New-England judged.
would
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
203
would have them do, ſhe ſaid, "repent of your bloodſhed 1656
and cruelty and fhedding the blood of the innocent Win. to
Robinfon, Marmaduke Stephenſon, and Mary Dyer." She 1660
faid, her tears were her meat many days and nights before
The gave up
herſelf to this work of the Lord, but added,
that if ſhe had her liberty, fhe would be gone quickly.
Being found a quaker, ſhe was baniſhed.
EDWARD WHARTON, who had been whipped before,
was now indicted for being a quaker, convicted and fen-
tenced to impriſonment and afterwards to banishment.
Judah Brown and Peter Pierſon ſtood mute. They were
fentenced to be whipped at the cart's tail in Boſton, Rox-
bury and Dedham:
JOHN SMITH, of Salem, for making diſturbance at the
ordination of Mr. Higginfon, crying out,
"What you
are going about to fet up, our God is pulling down,"
was committed to prifon by order of the court.
*
PHILIP VERIN was alfo tried and imprifoned, Jofias
Southwick, firſt baniſhed and returning, whipped at the
cart's tail, and John Burftowe bound to his good behaviour.
Thefe are all who were tried by the court of affiftants, or
by the general court. Some at Salem, Hampton, Newbury
and other places, for diforderly behaviour, putting people
in terror, coming into the congregations and calling to the
miniſter in the time of public worship, declaring their
preaching, &c. to be an abomination to the Lord, and
other breaches of the peace, were ordered to be whipped
by the authority of the county courts, or particular magi-
firates. At Bofton, one George Wilſon, and at Cambridge,
Elizabeth Horton, went crying through the ftreets, that
the Lord was coming with fire and fword to plead with
them. Thomas Newhoufe went into the meeting-houſe
at Boſton with a couple of glass bottles, and broke them
before the congregation, and threatened, "Thus will the
Lord break you in pieces. Another time, M. Brewster
came in with her face fmeared and as black as a coal.
*
George Bishop mentions feveral who fuffered corporal puniſhment
by order of particular magiftrates or the county courts, of whom
I find no notice any where elfe. New-England judged.
Deborah
204
THE HISTORY OF
1656 Deborah Wilfon went through the ftreets of Salem, r ked
to as he came into the world*, for which fhe was well
1660 whipped. For thefe and fuch like difturbances, they might
be deemed proper fubjects either of a mad-houfe or houſe
of correction, and it is to be lamented that any greater
ſeverities were made ufe of. After all that may be faid
againſt theſe meaſures, it evidently appears, that they
proceeded not from perfonal hatred and malice againſt
fuch difordered perfons, nor from any private finifter
views, as is generally the cafe with unjuft puniſhments
inflicted in times of party rage and difcord, whether civil
or religious, but merely from a falſe zeal and an erro-
neous judgment. In fupport of their proceedings, they
brought ſeveral texts of the Old Teftament. "Come out
of her my people," &c. "If thy brother entice thee to
ferve other gods, thou shalt ſurely put him to death," and
"for fpeaking lies in the name of the Lord, his father
fhall thrust him through, when he prophecieth ;" and the
example of Solomon, who firſt laid Shimei under reſtraint,
and then for his breach put him to death; as alſo many
paffages of the New Teftament requiring fubjection to
magistrates, &c. and thus from a zeal to defend the holy
religion they profeffed, they went into meaſures directly
oppofite to its true fpirit, and the great defign of publiſh-
ing it to the world.
THAT I may finiſh what relates to the quakers, it must
be further obferved, that their friends in England folicited
and at length obtained an order from the King, Sept. 9th,
1661, requiring that a ſtop ſhould be put to all capital or
corporal puniſhment of thoſe of his fubjects called quakers,
and that fuch as were obnoxious fhould be fent to England.
* One of the fect apologizing for this behaviour faid, "If the
Lord did ftir up any of his daughters to be a ſign of the nakedneſs of
others, he believed it to be a great crofs to a modeft woman's fpirit,
but the Lord must be obeyed." Another quoted the command in
Ifaiah, cap. 20. R. Williams. One Faubord, of Grindleton, carried
his enthuſiaſm ftill higher, and was facrificing his fon in imitation of
Abraham, but the neighbours hearing the lad
cry, broke open
houſe and happily prevented it.
the
}
Whatever
MASSACHUSETS-BA Ỳ.
205
Whatever opinion they might have, of the force of orders 1656
from the crown controuling the laws of the colony, they to
prudently complied with this inftruction, and fufpended the 1660
execution of the laws againſt quakers, fo far as refpected
corporal puniſhment, until further order. Indeed, before
the receipt of this letter, but probably when they were in
expectation of it, all that were in prifon were diſcharged
and fent out of the colony. The laws were afterwards re-
vived fo far as refpected vagabond quakers, whofe puniſh-
ment was limited to whipping, and, as a further favour,
through three towns only. But there was little or no
room for carrying the laws into execution; for after thefe
firſt excurfions they became in general an orderly people,
fubmitting to the laws, except fuch as relate to the militia
and the ſupport of the ministry, and in their ſcruples as to
thoſe, they have, from time to time, been indulged. At
preſent they are eſteemed as being of good morals, friend-
y and benevolent in their difpofition, and I hope will ne-
ver meet with any further perfecution on account of their
peculiar tenets or cuftoms. May the time never come
again, when the government fhall think that by killing
men for their religion they do God good fervice*
FROM 1656 to 1660, I find but very few facts relative
to the public affairs of the colony worth tranfmitting to
pofterity. After the peace with the Dutch in Europe, the
trade between the English and Dutch colonies was revived,
and Stuyvefant, the Dutch governor, in 1657, wrote to the
*The author of the account of the European fettlements in North-
America, who is very erroneous in fome hiftorical facts which concern
the Maſſachuſets colony, but has many judicious obfervations which
run through his whole performance, fays upon the fubject of the New-
England perfecutions, "Such is the manner of proceeding of religious
parties towards each other; and in this refpect, the New-England
people are not worse than the rest of mankind, nor was their feverity
any juft matter of reflection upon that mode of religion which they
profefs. No religion whatſoever, true or falfe, can excufe its own
members, or accufe thofe of any other upon the fcore of perfecu-
tion." Vol. II. p. 185. It is a doctrine of Calvin, In bæreticos gladio
vindicandum eft, and the death of Servetus is generally laid to his
charge.
Q
com-
206
THE HISTORY OF
1656 commiffioners of the English colonies, that the limits.
to agreed and fettled in 1650, both upon the main and
1660 upon Long-Ifland, were ratified and confirmed by the
States General of the United Provinces, and deſired, that
the confirmation of the Lord Protector being ready,
time and place might be appointed for the exchange.
The commiffioners in their anſwer, let him know, that
they had ever conformed to that fettlement, altho' he had
not; but they faid nothing of the Protector's confirma-
tion. It does not appear that ever they fought for it.
Towards the end of this period, the changes in England
were fo frequent that it was prudence in the colonies to
take as little notice of them as might be, until there ap-
peared a proſpect of a lafting eſtabliſhment. An exprefs
acknowledgement of Richard Cromwell was expected
from the Maffachufets, but they declined it. An ori-
ginal letter from him to the governor, recommending
the cafe of Mr. Sewall a minifter, is all that appears upon
the records relative to him*
THE rapid increaſe of the Maffachufets colony, toge-
ther with the figure which many of the firſt ſettlers made
in England before their removal, and the correſpondence
which they maintained with their friends of great dif-
tinction there, many years after, eclipfed the colony of
New-Plimouth, whofe growth and progreſs would other-
wiſe have been thought confiderable. The fouthern part
* Sir Thomas Temple came firſt to New-England in 1657, having,
with others, obtained from Oliver a grant of lands in Acadie or Nova-
Scotia, of which he was made governor. He was recommended by
Nathaniel Fiennes, fon to Lord Say. Mr. Fiennes calls him his near
kinfman.
+ Mr. William Bradford, who had been many years governor of
Plimouth colony, died the 9th May 1657. He was in great eſteem.
Having taken notice of Mr. Winflow's elegy, for the fame reaſon we
cannot well omit three or four of the firft lines of Mr. Bradford's.
"The ninth of May about nine of the clock,
A precious one God out of Plimouth took ;
Governor Bradford then expired his breath,
Was call'd away by force of cruel death," &c.
Thefe will be fufficient, for a fpecimen of New-England poetry
that age.
3
of
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
207
of the colony in general, being of a light fandy foil, would 1656
have been incapable of ſupporting its inhabitants, were it to
not for the large bodies of falt meadow, the hay of which 1660
ferves for fodder for their cattle in the winter, and the
dung from it, being an excellent manure, produces good
crops of grain, with little labour in the fummer, light land
being eafily tilled. The northern parts, bordering upon
the Maffachufets, afford many good farms, particularly
the town of Bridgewater, which hath been famous for the
quality of the land and for good huſbandry. They were
few at firſt, and but little additions were made after the
Maffachufets was planted, except from their natural in-
creaſe; and yet before the year 1643, befides the town
of Plimouth, they had fettled Duxbury, Scituate, Taun-
ton, Rehoboth, Sandwich, Barnftable, Yarmouth, and
Eaſtham. Upon the death of Mr. Carver, their firft gover-
nor, foon after their arrival, they chofe in his ftead Mr.
Bradford, being a grave diſcreet man. They were ſo well
fatisfied with his adminiſtration, that they continued to
chufe him annually, until his death in 1657, except two
years when they chofe Mr. Winflow, and one year Mr.
Prince.
THEIR ecclefiaftical affairs were for divers years in dif-
couraging circumftances. They had expectations that Mr.
Robinſon their paftor, whom they had left with one half
his church in Holland, would follow them, but his death,
in 1624, put an end to their hopes. They were unfuc-
ceſsful in their attempts to fettle a minifter, the principles
of one and the manners of another were exceptionable,
and having ſeveral brethren among themſelves well gifted,
they choſe to continue without a minifter for fome time,
rather than to fettle one who was not exemplary in his
life, or who differed from them in points of doctrine or
church government. But in 1643, they had a fet of pious
learned minifters *; one of which, Mr. Chauncey, fome
Charles Chauncey,
* Mr. Hubbard gives the lift of their names.
Ralph Partridge, William Hooke, Nicholas Street, John Lothrop,
John Mayo, Edward Bulkley, William Leveridge, Richard Blinman,
John Miller, and Marmaduke Matthews.
0 24
years
203.
THE HISTORY OF
1656 years after, was chofen to the prefidentſhip of the college
to in the Maffachufets, and removed to Cambridge.
1660 THEY had many local laws. In criminal cafes they
took the Maffachufets for their pattern, but in civil mat-
ters they profeffed to take the common law for their rule,
more than was practifed in the Maffachufets.
#
AN exemplary piece of juftice is recorded to their ho
nour in the year 1633, when they cauſed three Engliſh-
men to be executed for the murder of an Indian near
Providence.
PLIMOUTH Colony adjoining to the Maffachuſets, fome
fhort diſputes fubfifted between them concerning bounds.
In order to ſettle the controverfy, commiffioners were
appointed in the year 1640, viz. John Endicot and
Ifrael Stoughton for the Maffachufets, and. William Brad-
ford and Edward Winflow for Plimouth. It was not then
effected. An obſervation had been taken by Nathanael
Woodward, in the year 1 638, upon part of Charles river,
41 degrees 59 minutes north latitude, the river ftill run-
ning fouthward; the perfons employed not being able
to proceed farther for want of provifions. In 1642, the
northern bounds of the Maffachufets were afcertained by
the fame Woodward, with Solomon Saffery *, and a
ftation fixed, which has fince been allowed to be the
Maffachufets corner 3 miles fouth of Charles river; and
from this corner, the lines between the Maffachufets and
the governments of Plimouth, Rhode-Ifland, and Con-
necticut have been run and confirmed by acts of the fe-
veral governments †.
* Douglafs fays, they were two obfcure failors who affifted in the
furvey, but they are called, in the record, two able mathematicians.
+ There has been a pretence ftarted or revived of late years, that
the Maffachufets had extended the foutherly part of Charles river to a
brook too small to be accounted a branch of it; but fuch pretences,
after fo many years acquiefcence, can have little weight; efpecially
if it be confidered, that what is now a ſmall brook, after the coun-
try has been opened and cleared of wood for an hundred years, may
probably have been a navigable ftream for canoes and boats at the
time of fixing the flation.
СНАР, 1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
209
CHA P. II.
Hiftorical Occurrences, from the Reftoration of
King Charles the Second, to the year 1686,
when the Charter was vacated.
INCE the year 1640, the people had been without 1660
SINCE
any apprehenfions of danger to their religious or
civil privileges. They prudently acknowledged ſub-
jection to the parliament, and afterwards to Cromwell,
fo far as was neceffary to keep upon terms, and avoid ex-
ception, and no farther. The addreffes to the parliament
and Cromwell fhew this to have been the cafe. After
Cromwell's death, during the frequent changes in the fu-
preme authority in England, they feem to have taken
part with none, but to have waited until fome fettlement
was made, which fhould have a profpect of ſtability *
I have no where met with any marks of difrefpect to the
memory of the late King, and there is no room to ſup-
pofe they were under difaffection to his fon, and if they
feared his reſtoration it was becauſe they expected a change
in religion, and that a perfecution of all non-confor-
mifts would follow itt. At the election in May, they
* I find this remark in an ancient manufcript, wrote about the year
1665, "When a packet of letters was fent by Mr. John Thurloe,
containing an exprefs order of the council, figned by Henry Lawrence
prefident, requiring and enjoining the governor and magiftrates of
the Maffachufets colony to proclaim Richard in theſe following terms,
that is to ſay, Lord Protector of the common-wealth of England,
Scotland and Ireland, and the territories thereunto belonging, they
did not obey the faid order. And fince his Majefty King Charles the
fecond was proclaimed in the Maffachufets, at Bofton and other places,
they have not failed, in all their courts and judicial proceedings
throughout the colony, to give that tribute of honour to his Majefty,
which in fuch like cafes is 'commonly rendered by the courts of law
at Weſtminiler.”
† They had undoubtedly a good opinion of the perfons in whoſe
hands the adminiftration then was; but the uncertainty of their con
tinuance in power was reafon enough for caution.
Q 3
could
210
THE HISTORY OF
1660 could have received no intelligence from England, to
enable them to make any certain judgment of affairs.
Mr. Endicot was then chofen governor, and Mr. Bel-
lingham deputy governor, both of them as fixed in their
principles as any of their brethren. The buſineſs of
this feffion of the general court went over, and nothing
paffed relative to affairs in England. On the 27th of
July, Capt. Pierce, a noted ſhipmafter in the trade between
England and the colony, arrived and brought the news.
of the King's being proclaimed. If they received at the
fame time the King's declaration from Breda, and de-
pended that a royal promife would be, as it always ought
to be, religiouſly complied with, they need not have been
under great concern about their public affairs either in
church or ftate. No advices were received from autho-
rity, and the King was not proclaimed in the colony *;
nor was any alteration made in the forms of their public
acts and proceedings. There was a feffion of the general
court in October, and a motion was made for an ad-
dreſs to the King, but it did not fucceed. Mr. Norton,
one of the minifters of Boſton, was very earneſt for it;
but rumours came by the way of Barbados, that the go-
vernment in England was in a very unfettled ftate, the
body of the people diffatisfied; that the Scotch had de-
manded Monk to be delivered up to them, that Lord
Fairfax was at the head of a great army, &c. and they
had ſeen ſo many changes in the courfe of a few months,
that they thought it was not very certain that an addreſs
to the King would not fall into the hands of the com-
mittee of fafety, council of ftate, or a junto with fome.
other title. On the 30th of November, a fhip arrived
from Bristol, which brought advices of the proceedings
of parliament, and that all matters were fully fettled.
They were alfo informed by letters from Mr. Leveret
their agent, and others, that petitions and complaints were
* This was the first inftance of the acceffion of a Prince to the throne
fince this colony had been planted, and perhaps the propriety and ne-
ceffity of this ceremony in the plantations were not fully understood
and confidered. I find nothing faid about it, until notice taken in
England of the neglect.
pre
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
211
1
preferred againſt the colony to the King in council, and 1660
to the parliament (a citation being pofted upon the ex-
change in London) by Maſon, Gorges and others. The
governor and affiftants met forthwith; called the general
court to convene the 19th of December; a very loyal
addreſs to the King was prefently agreed upon; and an-
other to the two houfes of parliament. Letters were fent
by Sir Thomas Temple, who was a conftant friend to
the colony, to Lord Mancheſter, Lord Say and Seal, and
other perfons of note, to pray them to intercede in behalf
of the colony. A moft gracious anfwer was given to
the addrefs, by the King's letter dated Feb. 15, 1660,
which was the first public act or order concerning them
after the reſtoration, except a few lines, the 23d of Ja-
nuary before, from fecretary Morice, to inclofe an or-
der for the apprehending two of the late King's Judges;
both letters it is probable by the fame fhip, which arrived
in May following.
BEFORE the receipt of this letter, the governor and
council, March 18th, took public notice of a book pub-
lifhed by Mr. Eliot not long before, intitled, The Chriftian
Commonwealth, &c. which they declare they find, on
perufal, full of feditious principles and notions in rela-
tion to all eſtabliſhed governments in the chriftian world;
eſpecially againſt the government eſtabliſhed in their na-
tive country. Upon confultation with the elders, their
cenfure was deferred until the general court met," that
Mr. Eliot might have the opportunity, in the mean time,
of making a public recantation."
t
Ar the next feffions, in May, Mr. Eliot gave into the
court the following acknowledgment under his hand.
UNDERSTANDING by an act of the honoured council,
that there is offence taken at a book publifhed in England
by others, the copy whereof was fent over by myself about
nine or ten years fince, and that the further confideration
thereof is commended to this honoured general court now
fitting at Bofton: Upon perufal thereof, I do judge my-
felf to have offended, and in way of ſatisfaction, not only
to the authority of this jurifdiction, but alſo to any others
that
O A
212
THE HISTORY OF
1660 that ſhall take notice thereof, I do hereby acknowledge
to this honoured court, that fuch expreffions as do too
manifeftly ſcandalize the government of England by
King, Lords, and Commons, as antichriftian, and juſtify
the late innovators, I do fincerely bear teftimony againſt,
and acknowledge it to be, not only a lawful, but eminent
form of government.
2d. ALL form of civil government, deduced from
fcripture, I acknowledge to be of God, and to be fub-
jected to, for confcience fake.-And whatfoever is in the
whole epiftle or book inconfiftent herewith, I do at once.
moſt cordially difown.
John Eliot."
THE books were ordered by the court to be called in,
and this acknowledgment to be poſted up in the principal
towns in the colony. When the times change, men gene-
rally fuffer their opinions to change with them; fo far, at
leaft, as is neceffary to avoid danger. Between the reigns
of Henry the feventh and James the firft, how many times
did the whole body of the clergy of England change or
fhift their opinions in matters of greater importance?
A DAY of public thankſgiving was appointed by au-
thority, to acknowledge the favour of heaven, in in-
clining the King graciously to accept and anfwer the ad-
dreſs made to him.
THEY were, notwithstanding, under no fmall degree of
fear, left the revolution of government in England ſhould
produce as great a change in the form of their government,
both in church and ftate. They were alarmed from all
quarters. Reports were fpread, that Virginia and the
islands were forbid trading with them, that three frigates
would foon be fent from England, and that a general go-
vernor over all the colonies was to come in one of them*.
The general vogue of people is, that a governor will be ſent over;
other rumours there are concerning you. I made bold to addrefs my-
felf to Lord Say and defired his favour. His lordship profeffed his
great refpect for the plantations, and thanked God he prayed for you
daily, promifing to improve his intereft, &c.-Epifcopacy, com-
mon prayer, bowing at the name of Jefus, fign of the crofs in baptifm,
the altar and organs are in ufe, and like to be more, The Lord keep
and preferve his churches, that there may not be fainting in a day of
trial." Leveret's letter to Maffa. Lond. 13th Feb. 1660.
At
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
213
At the fame feffions, in May, they paffed the following 1660
yote.
"FOR ASMUCH as the prefent condition of our affairs,
of the higheſt concernment, call for diligent and fpeedy
ufe of the beſt means, ferioufly to difcufs and rightly to
underſtand our liberty and duty, thereby to beget unity
amongſt ourſelves, in the due obfervance of obedience
and fidelity to the authority of England and our own
juft privileges: For the effecting whereof, it is ordered,
that Mr. Simon Bradstreet, Mr. Samuel Symonds, Ma-
jor-General Denifon, Mr. Danforth, Major William
Hawthorn, Capt. Thomas Savage, Capt. Edward John-
fon, Capt. Eleazer Lufher, Mr. Mather, Mr. Norton,
Mr. Corbett, and Mr. Mitchell*, be and hereby are a
committee, immediately after the diffolution or adjourn-
ment of the court, to meet together in Boſton, on ſecond
day next, at 12 of the clock, to confider and debate ſuch
matter or thing of publick concernment, touching our
patent, laws, privileges, and duty to his Majefty, as they
in their wisdom fhall judge moft expedient, and draw up
the refult of their apprehenfions, and prefent the fame to
the next feffion for confideration and approbation, that fo
(if the will of God be) we may fpeak and act the fame
thing, becoming prudent, honeft, confcientious and faith-
ful men t."
AN anfwer was drawn up, and accepted by the court,
at a feffion ſpecially appointed to receive the fame .
In the fhip which arrived from London the 27th of
July, there came paffengers Col. Whaley and Col. Goffe,
two of the late King's judges. Col. Goffe brought teſti-
monials from Mr. John Rowe, and Mr. Seth Wood, two
minifters of a church in Weftminſter. Col. Whaley had
been a member of Mr. Thomas Goodwin's church.
Goffe kept a journal or diary, from the day he left Weſt-
minster, May 4, until the year 1667; which, together
with feveral other papers belonging to him, I have in my
poffeffion. Almolt the whole is in characters or thort
*The four last named were minifters.
Majachufets Records.
↑ Appendix. No XIII.
hand,
214
THE HISTORY OF
1660 hand, not very difficult to decypher. The ftory of thefe
perfons has never yet been publiſhed to the world. It has
never been known in New-England. Their papers, after
their death, were collected, and have remained near an
hundred years in a library in Boſton. It muſt give fome
entertainment to the curious. They left London, before
the King was proclaimed. It does not appear, that they
were among the moft obnoxious of the judges; but as it
was expected vengeance would be taken of fome of them,
and a great many had fled, they did not think it ſafe to
remain. They did not attempt to conceal their perfons
or characters when they arrived at Bofton, but imme-
diately went to the governor, Mr. Endicot, who received
them very courteouſly. They were vifited by the prin
cipal perfons of the town; and among others, they take
notice of Col. Crown's coming to fee them: He was a
noted royaliſt. Although they did not diſguiſe themſelves,
yet they choſe to refide at Cambridge, a village about
four miles diftant from the town, where they went the
first day they arrived. They went publickly to meetings
on the Lord's days, and to occafional lectures, fafts, and
thankſgivings, and were admitted to the facrament, and
attended private meetings for devotion, vifited many
the principal towns, and were frequently at Boston, and
once, when infulted there, the perfon infulting them was
bound to his good behaviour. They appeared grave,
ferious and devout, and the rank they had fuftained com-
manded reſpect, Whaley had been one of Cromwell's
Lieut. Generals, and Goffe a Major-General. It is not
ftrange that they ſhould meet with this favourable recep-
tion, nor was this reception any contempt of the autho-
rity in England. They were known to have been two
of the King's judges; but King Charles the fecond was
not proclaimed, when the fhip that brought them left
London. They had the news of it in the channel.
The reports afterwards, by way of Barbados, were, that
all the judges would be pardoned but feven. The act
of indemnity was not brought over until the laft of No-
vember. When it appeared that they were not excepted,
}
fome
of
1
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
215
fome of the principal perfons in the government were 1660
alarmed; pity and compaffion prevailed with others.
They had affurances, from fome that belonged to the
general court, that they would ftand by them, but were
adviſed, by others, to think of removing. The 22d of
February, the governor fummoned a court of affillants
to confult about fecuring them, but the court did not
agree to it. Finding it unfafe to remain any longer, they
left Cambridge, the 26th following, and arrived at New-
Haven the 7th of March. One Capt. Breedan, who
had ſeen them at Bofton, gave information thereof upon
his arrival in England. A few days after their removal,
an hue and cry, as they term it in their diary, was
brought by the way of Barbados, and thereupon a war-
rant to fecure them iffued, the 8th of March, from the
governor and affiftants, which was fent to Springfield
and the other towns in the weſtern parts of the colony,
but they were beyond the reach of it *.
THE
* They were well treated at New-Haven, by the minifters and fome
of the magiftrates, and for fome days feem'd to apprehend themfelves
out of danger. But the news of the King's proclamation being
brought to New-Haven, they were obliged to abfcond. The 27th
of March, they removed to Milford, and appeared there in the day
time, and made themſelves known; but at night, returned privately
to New-Haven, and lay concealed in Mr. Davenport the minifter's
houſe until the 30th of April. About that time, news came to Botton.
that ten of the judges were executed, and the governor received a
royal mandate, dated March 5, 1660, to caufe Whaley and Goffe to
be fecured. This greatly alarmed the country, and there is no doubt
that the court were now in earneſt in their endeavours to apprehend
them; and to avoid all fufpicion, they gave commiffion and inftruc-
tion to two young merchants from England, Thomas Kellond and
Thomas Kirk, zealous royalifts, to go through the colonies, as far as
Manhados, in fearch of them. They had friends who informed them
what was doing, and they removed from Mr. Davenport's to the
houfe of one Jones, where they lay hid until the 11th of May, and
then removed to a mill, and from thence, on the 13th, into the
woods, where they met Jones and two of his companions, Sperry
and Burril, who firft conducted them to a place called hatchet-har
bour, where they lay two nights, until a cave or hole in the fide of a
hill was prepared to conceal them. This hill they called Providence
hill:
;
216
THE HISTORY OF
1661
THE proclaiming the King having been deferred until
Auguft 1661, the governor, upon intelligence from
England of what was doing there to the prejudice of the
colony,
hill; and there they continued, from the 15th of May to the 11th of
June, fometimes in the cave, and, in very tempeftuous weather, in a
houſe near to it. During this time, the meffengers went through
New-Haven to the Dutch fettlement, from whence they returned to
Boſton by water. They made diligent fearch, and had fuil proof
that the regicides had been feen at Mr. Davenport's, and offered great
rewards to Engliſh and Indians who fhould give information that they
might be taken, but, by the fidelity of their three friends, they re-
mained undiſcovered. Mr. Davenport was threatned with being
called to an account, for concealing and comforting traitors, and
might well be alarmed. They had engaged to furrender, rather than
the country or any particular perfons fhould fuffer upon their account;
and upon intimation of Mr. Davenport's danger, they generously re-
folved to go to New-Haven, and deliver themſelves up to the autho-
rity there. The miferies they had fuffered and were ftill expofed to,
and the little chance they had of finally eſcaping, in a country where
every ftranger is immediately known to be fuch, would not have
been fufficient to have induced them. They let the deputy governor,
Mr. Leete, know where they were, but he took no meaſures to fe-
cure them; and the next day, fome perfons came to them, to adviſe
them not to furrender. Having publickly fhewn themſelves at New-
Haven, they had cleared Mr. Davenport from the fufpicion of fill
concealing them, and, the 24th of June, went into the woods again
to their cave. They continued there, fometimes venturing to a houſe
near the cave, until the 19th of Auguft, when the fearch for them
being pretty well over, they ventured to the houſe of one Tomkins,
near Milford, where they remained two years, without fo much as
going into the orchard. After that, they took a little more liberty,
and made themfelves known to feveral perfons in whom they could
confide, and each of them frequently prayed, and alfo exercifed, as
they term it, or preached at private meetings in their chamber. In
1664, the commiffioners from King Charles arrived at Boſton. Upon
the news of it, they retired to their cave, where they tarried 8 or 10
days. Soon after, fome Indians, in their hunting, difcovered the
cave with the bed, &c. and the report being ſpread abroad, it was
not fafe to remain near it. On the 13th of October 1664, they re-
moved to Hadley, near an hundred miles diftant, travelling only by
night, where Mr. Ruffel, the minifter of the place, had previously
agreed to receive them. Here they remained concealed fifteen or
fixteen years, very few perfons in the colony being privy to it. The
laft account of Goffe, is from a letter, dated Ebenezer, the name they
gave their feveral places of abode, April 2d, 1679. Whaley had
been
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
217
colony, did not think proper to delay it any longer, 1661
and called the general court together the 7th of Au-
guft, when, after a great variety of forms for a pro-
clamation had been propofed, the following was agreed
to.
"FOR ASMUCH
been dead fome time before. The tradition at Hadley is, that two
perfons, unknown, were buried in the minifter's cellar. The mini-
fler was no ſufferer by his boarders. They received more or less re-
mittances every year, for many years together, from their wives in
England. Thofe few perfons who knew where they were, made
them frequent prefents. Richard Saltonftall, Efq; who was in the fe-
cret, when he left the country and went to England in 1672, made
them a prefent of fifty pounds at his departure; and they take notice
of donations from feveral other friends. They were in conſtant ter-
ror; though they had reaſon to hope, after fome years, that the en-
quiry for them was over. They read, with pleaſure, the news of
their being killed, with other judges in Switzerland. Their diary,
for fix or ſeven years, contains every little occurrent in the town,
church, and particular families in the neighbourhood. Theſe were
fmall affairs. They had indeed, for a few years of their lives, been
among the principal actors in the great affairs of the nation; Goffe
eſpecially, who turned the members of the little parliament out of the
houſe, and who was attached to Oliver and to Richard to the laft; but
they were both of low birth and education. They had very conftant
and exact intelligence of every thing which paffed in England, and
were unwilling to give up all hopes of deliverance. Their greateſt
expectations were from the fulfilment of the prophecies. They had
no doubt, that the execution of the judges was the laying of the wit-
neffes. They were much diſappointed, when the year 1666 had paffed
without any remarkable event, but flattered themſelves that the chrif-
tian æra might be erroneous. Their lives were miferable and conftant
burdens. They complain of being banished from all human fociety.
A letter from Goffe's wife, who was Whaley's daughter, I think
worth preferving. (Appendix.) After the fecond year, Gofe writes,
by the name of Walter Goldsmith, and fhe of Frances Goldſmith,
and the correfpondence is carried on, as between a mother and fon.
There is too much religion in their letters for the taste of the preſent
day; but the diftreffes of two perfons, under thefe peculiar circum-
ftances, who appear to have lived very happily together, are very
ftrongly defcribed.
Whilft they were at Hadley (Feb. 10, 1664) Dixwell, another of
the judges, came to them, but from whence, or in what part of Ame-
rica he firſt landed, is not known. The first mention of him in their
journal, is by the name of Col. Dixwell; but ever after, they call
•
him
218
THE HISTORY OF
1661
"FORASMUCH as Charles the fecond is undoubted
King of Great Britain and all other his Majefty's territo-
ries and dominions thereunto belonging, and hath been
fome time fince lawfully proclaimed and crowned accor-
dingly: We therefore do, as in duty we are bound, own
and acknowledge him to be our Sovereign Lord and
King, and do therefore hereby proclaim and declare his
facred Majefty Charles the fecond, to be lawful King of
Great-Britain, France and Ireland, and all other the ter-
ritories thereunto belonging.
God fave the King."
ނ
"C
AN
him Mr. Davids. He continued fome years at Hadley, and then re-
moved to New-Haven. He was generally fuppofed to have been one of
thoſe who were obnoxious in England, but he never difcovered who
he was, until he was on his death-bed. I have one of his letters,
figned James Davids, dated March 23d 1683. He married at New-
Haven, and left ſeveral children. After his death, his fon, who before
had been called Davids, took the name of Dixwell, came to Boſton,
and lived in good repute; was a ruling elder of one of the churches
there, and died in 1721, of the fmall-pox by inoculation. Some of
his grandchildren are now-living. Col. Dixwell was buried at New-
Haven. His grave ftone ftill remains with this infcription.
J. D.
Efq; deceafed March 18th, in the 82d year of his age, 1688.'
It cannot be denied, that many of the principal perfons in the co-
Jony greatly eſteemed theſe perfons for their profeffions of piery and
their grave deportment, who did not approve of their political con-
duct. Mr. Mitchell, the minifter of Cambridge, who fhewed them
great friendſhip upon their firſt arrival, fays in a manuſcript which he
wrote in his own vindication, "Since I have had opportunity, by
reading and diſcourſe, to look a little into that action for which thefe
men fuffer, I could never fee that it was juftifiable." After they were
declared traitors, they certainly would have been fent to England if
they could have been taken. It was generally thought they had left
the country; and even the confequence of their efcape was dreaded,
leaft when they were taken, thofe who had harboured them fhould
fuffer for it. Mr. Endicot, the governor, writes to the Earl of Man-
chefter, that he ſuppoſes they went towards the Dutch at Manhadoes,
and took fhipping for Holland; and Mr. Bradstreet, the then gover-
nor, in December 1684 writes to Edward Randolph," that after
their being at New-Haven, he could never hear what became of them."
Randolph, who was fent to fearch into the fecrets of the government,
could obtain no more knowledge of them, than that they had been
in the country, and respect had been fhewn them by fome of the ma-
gifirates. I am loth to omit an anecdote handed down through go-
vernor Leveret's family. I find Goffe takes notice in his journal of
Leveret's
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
219
1
An order paffed the court the fame day, and was poſted 1661
up in Bofton, forbidding all diforderly behaviour on the
occafion; declaring that no perfon might expect indul-
gence for the breach of any law, and "in a particular
manner, that no man fhould prefume to drink his Ma-
jefty's health*," which the order fays, "he hath in an
eſpecial manner forbid.'
دو
An addreſs to the King was likewife agreed to and
ordered to be ſent to England.
INTELLIGENCE arriving of further complaints againſt
the colony, and orders being received from the King,
that perſons ſhould be fent over to make anfwer, the go-
vernor called the court together again, the 31ft of De-
cumber, and Simon Bradstreet, one of the magiftrates,
and John Norton, one of the minifters of Bofton church,
were choſen agents for the colony, and inftructions given
them; the fum of which was, to reprefent the colony as
his Majeſty's loyal and obedient fubjects, to endeavour
to take off all ſcandal and objections, and to underſtand
his Majeſty's apprehenfions concerning them, to do no-
thing which might be prejudicial to the charter, and to
keep the court adviſed of thefe tranfactions and all oc-
currences t.
THESE
Leveret's being at Hadley. The town of Hadley was alarmed by the
Indians in 1675, in the time of publick worship, and the people were
in the utmoſt confufion. Suddenly, a grave elderly perfon appeared in
the midſt of them. In his mien and drefs he differed from the rest of
the people. He not only encouraged them to defend themſelves; but
put himſelf at their head, rallied, inftructed and led them on to en-
counter the enemy, who by this means were repulfed. As fuddenly,
the deliverer of Hadley difappeared. The people were left in con-
fternation, utterly unable to account for this ftrange phænomenon. It
is not probable, that they were ever able to explain it. If Goffe had
been then diſcovered, it muſt have come to the knowledge of thofe
perfons, who declare by their letters that they never knew what became
of him.
*Hoc eft ad noftros non leve crimen avos." Ovid.
† Mr. Pynchon writes to Mr. Davenport at New-Haven, March
26, 1662, "Our general court, after much agitation and oppofition,
have at laft fent two meffengers to England, Mr. N. and Mr. B.
jes
t
who went from Boſton 10th Feb. I pray God it may be for the
• best.
220
THE HISTORY OF
1661 THESE gentlemen engaged in the fervice with great
reluctance, Mr. Norton particularly. A fhip was ftopped
for them upon demurrage, and then difcharged,, and then
ftopped again. At length the committee, appointed to do
every thing neceffary for their difpatch in the recefs of
the court, engaged to make good all damages they
might ſuſtain by the detention of their perfons in England
or otherwife. They departed the 10th of February.
1662
THEIR reception in England was much more favourable
than was expected, their ſtay ſhort, returning the next fall
with the King's moft gracious letter, fome parts of which
cheared the hearts of the country; and they then looked
upon, and often afterwards recurred to them, as a confirma-
tion of their charter privileges, and an amnefty of all paſt
errors. The letter was ordered to be publiſhed, and, in
an order for a public thankſgiving, particular notice is
taken of "the return of their meffengers, and the conti-
nuance of the mercies of peace, liberties, and the gofpel*."
THERE
beft. The event is doubtful to me, feeing we have fo many falſe
friends and open enemies." The fears of the people, while they
were abfent, appear from many paffages in private letters, mentioning
reports that Mr. Bradftreet and Norton were detained in England,
that Mr. Norton was in the Tower, &c.
* Lord Say, who, upon the reſtoration, which he had been inftru-
mental in promoting, was made Lord Privy Seal, retained his friend-
fhip for the colony, as appears by the following letter.
"London 10th July 166г.
Gentlemen and honoured friends,
HAVING fo fafe a hand and fo true a friend to convey a line to you,
as the bearer Mr. Crowne, I was loth to omit writing, becauſe it may
be my laft, my glaſs being almoft run out, and I retiring home.-You
have had feveral appeared here againſt you, and have been examined
against you, as Captain Breedan and others, of whom, and about
what, this bearer can more particularly inform you than I will at this
time write; and I muft fay for Mr. Crowne, he hath appeared, both
here in the council and to the Lord Chamberlain and others, as really
and cordially for you as any could do, and hath allaied the ill opinion
of
your cruelty against the quakers, willingly neglected his paffage to
ftay here to ſerve you, and by his means and information of the ſtate
of your government, as now it is, I hope you will have no governor
put
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
221
THERE were fome things however in the King's letter 1662
hard to comply with; and although it was ordered to be
publiſhed, yet it was with this caution, that "inafmuch as
"the letter hath influence upon the churches as well as
"civil ftate, all manner of actings, in relation thereto,
"fhall be fufpended until the next general court, that fo
"all perfons concerned may have time and opportunity to
"confider what is neceffary to be done, in order to his
86
66
65
Majefty's pleaſure therein." The King exprefsly de-
clares, "We will preferve, and do hereby confirm the pa-
"tent and charter heretofore granted unto them by our
royal father of bleffed memory, and they ſhall fully en-
joy all the privileges and liberties granted unto them
"in and by the fame, and we will be ready to renew the
"fame charter to them, under our great feal of England,
"whenfoever they fhall defire it." His majefty's gra-
cious pardon to all his fubjects was likewife declared, for
all treafons, &c. during the late troubles, except to fuch as
ſtood attainted by act of parliament, if any fuch fhould
have tranſported themſelves thither; but then it was re-
quired, that all their laws fhould by reviewed, and ſuch
as were contrary or derogatory to the King's authority
and government fhould be annulled and repealed; that
the oath of allegiance fhould be duly adminiftred; that
the adminiſtration of juftice fhould be in the King's
name, that freedom and liberty fhould be given to all
fuch as defired to uſe the book of Common Prayer,
and perform their devotions in the manner eſtabliſhed in
England; and that they might not undergo any prejudice
put upon you but of your own liking; wherefore I must request you
will really own and accordingly requite Mr. Crowne his love, care
and pains for you, of which I have been an eye witnef. I have brought
him to the Lord Chamberlain and others, and have requested their
Lordſhips to affiſt him in your behalf. I have not been wanting, both
to the King and council, to advance your intereft; more I can-
not do, but earnestly to pray the Lord to ſtand with you and for you.
I remain your affured loving friend to ferve you, W. SAY & SEALE.
For his ever honoured friends, the governor
of the Maffachufets colony in New England,
for the time being, to be communicated to the
reft of the magiftrates and deputies there.
P
thereby,
222
THE HISTORY OF
1662 thereby, that all perfons of good and honeft lives and con-
verfations fhould be admitted to the facrament of the Lord's
fupper, according to the book of Common Prayer, and
their children to baptifm; that, in the choice of governor
and affiftants, the only confideration to be had, ſhould be
of the wifdom, virtue and integrity of the perfons to be
chofen, and not of any faction with reference to opinions
and outward profeffion; that all freeholders of compe-
tent eſtates, not vicious, &c. though of different per-
fuafions concerning church government, fhould have
their votes in the election of all officers civil and military,
and finally, that this letter fhould be publiſhed, &c.
HOWEVER reaſonable the feveral things required by
the King appear to us at this day *, yet many of them
were grievous to our ancestors. The agents met with
the fate of moft agents ever fincet. The favours they
had obtained, were fuppofed to be no more than might
well
1
* When the legiflator has believed it a duty to permit the exerciſe
of many religions, it is neceffary that he fhould enforce alſo a tolera-
tion amongst theſe religions themfelves. Spir. Laws,
† Mr. Davis, a merchant in Bofton, lately arrived from England,
writes to Mr. Davenport at New-Haven as follows," Mr. Norton
hath loft himself much in the eſteem of the generality, and will do
more. I was told that he declared to the court, if they complied not
with the King's letter, the blood that ſhould be ſpilt would lie at their
door.--Yefterday, half a dozen of the great church went to him, and
Mr. Wilſon, and elder Penn, in the name of themſelves and others, de-
firing that an affiftant might be chofen (intending Mr. Allen, I fuppofe,
whom the Lord appears much with, having given him large room in
the hearts of the people) but fome, I hear, have gone on the other fide
and oppoſed it."
Doctor Mather fays upon this occafion, "Such has been the jealous
difpofition of our New-Englanders about their dearly bought privi-
leges, and fuch alfo has been the various understanding of the people
about the extent of thofe privileges, that of all the agents which they
have fent over unto the court of England for now 40 years together, I
know not any one who did not, at his return, meet with fome very
froward entertainment among his countrymen. And there may be
the wiſdom of the holy and righteous God as well as the malice of
the evil one acknowledged in the ordering of fuch temptations. Of
theſe temptations, a confiderable fhare fell to Mr. Norton, con-
'cerning whom there were many who would not flick to fay, that he
A
*
had
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
223
well have been expected, and their merits were foon for- 1662
got; the evils which they had it not in their power to
prevent, were attributed to their neglect or unneceffary
conceffions. Mr. Bradstreet was a man of more phlegm,
and not fo fenfibly touched; but Mr. Norton was fo af
fected that he grew melancholy. He died fuddenly,
very foon after his return (April 5, 1653t.) The only
thing done at this feffion, in compliance with his Ma-
jefty's orders, befides making the letter public, was the
giving directions, that all writs, proceffes, &c. fhould
be in his Majesty's name.
A committee was afterwards
appointed, to confider what was proper to be done as to
the other parts, who were to report the next feffion;
and liberty was given to any of the reverend elders, to
any freemen, and to any other the inhabitants, to fend
in their thoughts, that fo, after ſerious confideration,
fomething might be agreed upon, "fatisfactory and ſafe,
conducing to the glory of God and the felicity of his
people.'
THE year 1662 was remarkable for a fynod or general
council of all the churches, held at Bofton in the month
of September, by order of the general court.
THE two questions referred to their decifion, and con-
cerning which the country was much divided in fenti-
ment, were theſe,
ift, WHO are the fubjects of Baptifm?
2d, WHETHER, according to the word of God, there
ought to be a confociation of churches, and what ſhould
be the manner of it?
had laid the foundation of ruin to all our liberties,' and his melancholy
mind imagined, that his best friends began therefore to look awry
upon him." Magnalia.
+ Upon his fudden death, the Quakers remarked, "John Norton,
chief priest in Boſton, by the immediate power of the Lord, was fmit-
ten; and as he was finking down by the fire-fide, being under juft
judgment, he confeffed the hand of the Lord was upon him, and fo
he died." Repreſent. to King and Parliament,
A drunken juftice, who had been a great perfecutor of the Quakers
in England, was threatned by Fox with divine punishment. The
juftice died of an apoplexy two days after. His death was not afcribed
to his intemperance, but to Fox's predictions. Volt. Lett.
Subito mori piis pariter atque impiis commune eft. Eraf. Epift.
P 2
THE
224
THE HISTORY OF
i
!
1662
1
THE refult of this fynod was printed, by order of the
general court, and is particularly mentioned by Doctor
Mather, Mr. Neal, and other writers*.
JOHN TOUTON, a French doctor and inhabitant of
Rochel in France, made application to the court, in be-
half of himſelf and other proteftants expelled from their
habitations, on account of their religion, that they might
have liberty to inhabit here, which was readliy granted to
them.
CAPTAIN Breedan, who, as we have before mentioned,
had been in England, and had complained of the govern-
ment for harbouring regicides, and had laid divers other
*It being part of the refult of this fynod, that the children of fuch,
as made a public profeffion of their faith, &c. although not in full com-
munion, might be admitted to baptifm, feveral of the members dif-
fented. Mr. Chauncey, the prefident of the college, and Mr. Daven-
port of New-Haven, oppofed it in print. Mr. Allen anſwered the
firft, and Mr. Richard Mather the other. His fon, Mr. Increaſe
Mather, a young gentleman about three and twenty, was with the
"I have
diffenters. He writes Mr. Davenport, October 21, 1662,
66
your writings ftill in my hands. I offered the fynod to read them,
"but Mr. Norton adviſed them not to fuffer me; whereupon, I let
"them have a copy of them, which was generally tranſcribed. I
"have given in your's and Mr. Street's teftimony, unto the gene-
"ral court, with a preface fubfcribed by Mr. Chauncey, Mr. Mayo,
* my brother, and myſelf, in the name of others of the diffenting
brethren in the fynod, wherein we declare, that we fully concur
"with what is inferted by yourſelf in thofe papers. Some of the
સર
6 C
court would fain have thrown them out without reading, but the
"major part were not fo violent. It was moved they might be printed.
"All the answer we could get, was, that we might do as we would.
"We count it a favour we were not commanded to be filent.-You
may fee which way things are like to be carried."
CC
st
Mr. Eleazer Mather, of Northampton, writes to Mr. Davenport of
New-Haven, 4th of 5th month 1662, "There was fcarce any of the
"congregational principles, but what were layen at, by fome or other
"of the affembly; as relations of the work of grace, power of vote
ing of the fraternity in admiffion, profeffion of faith and repent--
"ance not to be required of fuch as were baptized in the church, in
"reference to the baptifm of their children. Mr. Parker, of Newbury,
"was one of the great antagonists of the congregational way and
order, though it not being the work of the prefent fynod, his many
motions, to confider whether we were in the right ecclefiaftical
order, were not attended."
sr
things
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
225
things to its charge to render it obnoxious, returned to 1662
New-England this year, and behaved with great info-
lence in the face of the court, ufurping authority and
laying his commands on them, but he foon found they
had not loft their fpirit. They committed him to prifon
for his contemptuous carriage, and afterwards fined him
two hundred pounds †, and ordered that he become bound
in two hundred pounds with fureties, to be of good beha-
viour, ftanding committed until fentence be performed.
On the other hand, Ifaac Cole, the conſtable of Woburn,
being charged with having refuſed to publiſh the King's
letter, and Edward Converfe, one of the ſelectmen of
that town, with having ſpoken diſreſpectfully of it, as
tending to popery, procefs was ordered againſt them, and
they were held to answer for a high miſdemeanor; but
the facts charged against them not being proved, they
were acquitted.
THE ſevere acts of parliament againſt nonconformifts
cauſed ſome of them again to think of a place of refuge.
Several miniſters came over, and more intended to follow;
but New-England was threatned with a idſs of their pri-
vileges, and if the threat had been executed, they would
not not have been fecure in theſe remote parts ‡.
THE inhabitants upon Connecticut river being increaſed
to three townſhips, Springfield, Northampton, and Had.
† Afterwards, upon application from Sir Thomas Temple, feconded
by governor Winthrop of Connecticut, the fine was remitted or granted
to Sir Thomas Temple, to be difpofed of at his pleaſure.
(C
CC
$ "Here is come, with Woodgreene, one Mr. Davies, a rich mer-
"chant, and there came with him one Mr. Allen, a young man, a
very able teacher, recommended by Mr. Goodwin. He hath taught
here divers times fince he came. Many are expected this fummer.
"Mr. Bartlett, of Biddeford, and his fon, were fhipped for New-
"England; but an oath being required of them before they could get
"out of the harbour, they choſe to die in priſon rather than take it.
E. Mather's letter to Davenport, July 1662. Another MS. in 1662,
fays, "There is great talk of many minifters, with their congrega-
tions, coming over the next year, if room can be found for them.
"There was a general governor, and a major general chofen, and a
biſhop with a fuffragan; but Mr. Norton writes, that they are not
yet out of hopes to prevent it; the governor's name is Sir Robert
"Carr, a rank papilt.'
<<
"
"
P 3
ley,
226
THE HISTORY OF
1662 ley, at the feffions of the general court, in May 1662,
they were made a county by the name of Hampshire.
#663
A LETTER was fent, figned by the governor, in the
name of the general court, dated Oct. 20, 1663, to
Doctor John Owen, defiring him to come over, and
to accept the call or invitation which the firft church
in Boſton had given him, to become their teacher, in
the room of Mr. Norton; but he could not be prevailed
upon §.
1664 IN 1664, the people of New-England were furprized
with the appearance of a very large comet, which conti-
nued from the 17th of November, until the 4th of Fe-
bruary following. At first, it appeared in the eaft
bearded, afterwards, in the weft with a tail. They were
not alone in their opinion, that comets were omens of
great evils. So judicious a writer as Sleidan obferves,
that a comet was feen all the month of Auguft preceding
the October when Zuinglius was flain; he adds, that
the Queen-Mother of France died about the fame time.
One had appeared juft before Mr. Cotton's death. The
death of their aged governor, and the troubles the co-
lony met with the next year, from the King's commif-
fioners, tended to confirm people in their opinion.
The aurora borealis, and even eclipfes, in former ages
have been deemed prodigies and of ill oment.
}
1665
/
THE first profecution, I find upon record, of any of
the people called anabaptifts, was in the year 1665. Wil-
liam Turner, Thomas Gold, Edward Drinker, John
George, and Thomas Ofborne, were charged before the
governor and other magiftrates, with "gathering them-
$ Capt. Gookin, one of the affiftants, in a letter dated July 1666,
fays, "Doctor Owen, and ſome choice ones who intended to con.e
"with him in Mr. Pierce, are diverted, and that, not from hopcs
of better times there, but from fears of worſe here; which ſome
new counfels, there acting, gave them occafion for, fo that in all
probability, a new cloud is gathering, and a storm preparing for
66
us,
12
+ Cœlum vifum eft ardere plurimo igni, portentaque alia aut ob-
perfata oculis, aut vana exterritis oftentavere fpecies. Liv.
felves
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
227
felves into a pretended church ſtate*, in oppofition to the 1665
order of the churches in Chrift in the colony, and inter-
medling with thofe holy appointments of the Lord Jefus,
which are proper only to office truft." They confeffed
they had joined in a church ſociety, that they had been
rebaptized, and that one of them adminiftred the Lord's
fupper. They were admonished, and threatned that if
they continued to meet and practiſe contrary to the order
of the gospel, the court would proceed againſt them ac-
cording to their demerits. They perfevered notwithſtand-
ing, and were ſentenced by the court to be disfranchiſed, if
they were freemen; and if they ftill continued their prac-
tice, to be committed to prifon, upon conviction before one
magiftrate, until the general court ſhould take further order;
and fome time after, they were impriſoned and baniſhed. Ni-
timur in vetitum was verified in this proceeding, as it uſually
is in the like cafes. Severity made converts, and then it was
thought adviſeable to ceafe from further profecutions +.
The
This feverity was difagreeable to many. A petition to the court
was figned by Capt. Hutchinfon, Capt. Oliver, and others in 1668,
for favour to Thomas Gold and the reft, but it gave offence, and
ſome of the petitioners were obliged to acknowledge their fault; fome
expreffions in the petition being conftrued reproachful, and the chief
promoters were fined. Mr. Increaſe Mather writes to his brother
at Northampton, July 3d 1665, " In this town is lately congregated
a church of anabaptifls. They take advantage from the commif-
fioners, who declared that they would have liberty given to all forts
and fects of men."
† This was not the first appearance of antipædobaptifm in the co-
lony. Mr. Dunftar, the prefident of the college, made profeffion of
it, and was forced to quit his preſidentſhip. Mr. Chauncey, his fuc-
ceffor, held immerfion neceffary, but was content that the ordinance
fhould be adminiftred to infants, provided it was done in that way. In
Mr. Hooker's time, foon after the year 1640, it appears by his letters,
that
many were inclined that way, and he expreffes his apprehenfions
that the number would increaſe. "In 1544, one Painter, for re-
fufing to let his child be baptized, (his wife defiring it) was brought
before the court, where he declared their baptifm to be antichriftian.
He was fentenced to be whipped, which he bore without flinching,
and boaſted that God had affifted him. His neighbours gave him the
character of an idle lying fellow." (Hubbard.)
P 4
Mr.
228
THE HISTORY OF
1665 The baptifts in England were diftinguiſhed at this time
into three divifions. Such as look upon all who had not
"been baptized, after they came to adult age, as little
"better than heathens, and will not join in prayer with
"the moft eminent congregational minifters, if they
"were providentially in a family together. Others are
"fober, moderate men, and manifeft the power of god-
"linefs in their converfations, and thefe, upon our oc-
"cafional meetings we join hand in heart with, and call
"fome of them out to pray with us, and we would not
"have this difference in judgment between us make the
"leaſt breach in affection, for many of thofe, we look
upon to be eminent precious holy men. We have a
"third fort, but they are not many (and moſt of them
}
56
at London) that take into fellowſhip thofe that are
"godly, and defire to join with them, though they
"come not up to be baptized, and walk lovingly toge-
ther*." The first baptifts of the Maffachufets are re-
prefented, by the writers of that day, to have been of
the fame principles with thoſe firſt deſcribed. Some of
them were not fo. I have feen a letter, dated not many
years after this time, from Mr. Miles, the baptift minifter
at Swanzy, to one of the congregational minifters at
Boſton, which breathes the true fpirit of the gofpel, and
urges chriftian concord, charity and love, although they
did not agree in every point.
66
"C
Mr. Weftgate, who had been in New-England, writes from Harle-
ftone, 5th 2d month 1653, to Mr. Thomas Lake, a merchant of note
in Botton, Pray inform me, in your next, whether Mr. Cotton be
alive, and if he be dead, what fupply the church have in his ftead,
"and how the ftate of it ftands; and alfo the ftate of the other church
"in Boston, of which I can hear nothing. Inform me whether the
"number of thofe that oppofe baptizing of infants increaſe, and how
"it is taken by the magiftrates and churches, and who of Boſton
"church declare themfelyes that way."
When the proceedings against the congregation alifts in England
were complained of, they were told by Dr. Stillingfleet, that they
were juftified by the proceedings of their brethren in New-England,
against diffenters from the eſtabliſhed worship there. Still. mijch. of
Separation.
*Mr. Weftgate's letter to Mr. Increafe Mather.
IN
g-
1
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
229
In the year 1664, the line between the iviaffachufets 1665
and Plimouth was fully and amicably fettled and ran, by
a committee from each colony, their return being ac-
cepted by the general court of the Maffachufets, and or-
dered to be recorded; and there is no doubt the general
court of Plimouth colony accepted it likewife *.
FROM the reſtoration until the vacating the charter,
the colony never ftood well in England; the principal
perfons, both in church and ftate, were never without
fearful expectations of being deprived of their privileges.
The years 1664 and 1665 afforded them greater occafion
for fears than they had met with at any time before +.
In the fpring of 1664, intelligence was brought that ſe-
veral men of war were coming from England, and feve-
ral gentlemen of diſtinction aboard them. As foon as the
general court met in May, they ordered the captain of
the caſtle to give the ſpeedieft notice, upon fight of the
ſhips, to the governor and deputy governor, appointed
a committee to repair on board to prefent the refpects of
the court to the gentlemen, and to acquaint them, that
it was the defire of the authority of the place, that strict
orders fhould be given to the under officers and foldiers,
in their coming afhore to refreſh themſelves, at no time
to exceed a convenient number, and thofe without arms,
and to behave themſelves orderly, and to give no offence
to the people and laws of the place. This was no more
than a prudent precaution, confidering how ftrict the
laws were againſt all immoralities, the fenfe the magi-
*Although there have been difputes concerning this line fince the
prefent charter, between the proprietors of the towns in the county of
Plimouth and Suffolk which were bounded by the colony lines, yet the
flation from whence they then began to run, has never been doubted.
The committee fay in their return, "We all mutually agreed upon the
"firſt ſtation, having meaſured three miles foutherly of the fouthern-
"moft part of the faid river." Charles river being juſt before men-
tioned.
In the year 1664, the wheat through the colony was fpoiled by
blaſt or mildew. This is reprefented as a new or unuſual thing, but
continued more or lefs for divers years together, until the people were
difcouraged from fowing, but little wheat having been raifed fince,
except in the towns upon Connecticut river.
ftrates
230
THE HISTORY OF
1665 ftrates had of their obligations to execute them upon all
offenders without diſtinction, the certainty that the crews
of men of war would offend, and the danger of tumults,
quarrels and bloodshed, when they ſhould be brought to
punishment. Preparation was likewife made, for receiv-
ing and entertaining the gentlemen in the beſt manner.
A DAY of fafting and prayer * was appointed to be ob-
ferved throughout the juriſdiction, to implore the mercy,
of God to them under their many diftractions and troubles,
according as they ſhould ſtand in need. And apprehend-
ing it to be of great concernment, that the patent or
charter fhould be kept ſafe and ſecret, they ordered the
fecretary to bring it into court and to deliver it, together
with a duplicate, to four of the court †, who were directed
to difpofe of them as might be most fafe for the country.
THE fhips arrived, Saturday the 23d of July, with
Col. Richard Nichols and George Cartwright, Efq;t
who, together with Sir Robert Carr and Samuel Ma-
verick, Efq; had received a commiffion § from the King
for reducing the Dutch at the Manhados, vifiting the
colonies in New-England, hearing and determining all
matters of complaint, and fettling the peace and fecu-
rity of the country, any three or two of them to be a
quorum, Col. Nichols during his life being one.
their defire, the governor ordered a meeting of the coun-
cil on Tueſday the 26th. The commiffioners laid their
commiſſion before the council, with the King's letter of
the 23d of April, and part of an inftruction referring to
the reducing the Manhados, and propofed the raifing fuch
At
*This was their practice, upon every important occafion. Their
dependance upon thefe days, however, was not ſuch as cauſed them
to neglect any other means in their power for promoting the public
weal. Modern hiſtorians cenſure this conduct as weakneſs. Cato only
cenfured the ancient Romans for not joining their endeavours to their
prayers.. "Ubi focordiæ tete atque ignaviæ tradideris, nequicquam
deos implores, irati infeftique funt." Cato apud Saluß.
† Mr. Bellingham, Maj. Gen. Leveret, Capt. Clark, and Capt.
Johnfon.
+ Sir Robert Carr and Mr. Maverick arrived at Pifcataqua about the
fame time.
§ Appendix.
a num-
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
231
a number of men as the country could fpare, to begin 1665
their march on the 20th of Auguft, promifing, that if in
the mean time they could prevail by treaty or any nearer
affiftance, they would ftop the progrefs of raiſing or
marching the men.
THE Council gave their answer, that they would cauſe
the general court to affemble the 3d of Auguft and com-
municate the propofal to them. The commiffioners then
acquainted the council, that there were many more things
to fignify to them at their return from Manhados, and
the council was defired, in the mean time, further to con-
fider of his Majeſty's letter to the colony, June 28, 1662,
and to give a more fatisfactory anſwer than formerly.
The commiffioners then proceeded to the Manhados.
The
THE Court affembled at the time appointed. They
first refolved, "that they would bear faith and true alle-
giance to his Majesty, and adhere to their patent, fo dearly
obtained, and fo long enjoyed by undoubted right, in the
fight of God and men:" And then refolved to raife a
number, not exceeding two hundred men, at the charge of
the colony, for his Majesty's fervice against the Dutch.
The men were raifed, but the place furrendring upon ar-
ticles, no orders were given for them to march *.
court, in the next place, confidered of his Majefty's letter
of 1662, and repealed the law relating to the admiffion of
freemen, and, instead of it, provided another that allowed
English fubjects, being freeholders, rateable to a certain
value, certified by the minifter of the place to be orthodox,
and not vicious in their lives, to be made freemen, al-
though not members of the church. The other parts of
the letter were referred until the commiffioners return.
* Thomas Clark and John Pynchon, as commiffioners from the
Maffachufets, attended the King's commiffioners to Manhados. The
Manhados furrendered the 27th Aug. 1664; the inhabitants becoming
Engliſh fubjects, and being left in the enjoyment of their eftates and
many of their privileges. Stuyefant, the Dutch governor, alſo be-
coming fubject to the English government. I have the copy of a letter
fent to him from the Dutch West India company, requiring him to
come home and give a more fatisfactory account, by word of mouth,
than he had done by his letters.
7
THEY
232
THE HISTORY OF
1665 THEY agreed upon an addrefs to the King, fetting
forth the purchafe of the foil from the council of Pli-
mouth; the charter from King Charles the firft; the
great charge they had been at in tranfporting themfelves
and families; in purchafing lands of the natives, and
fettling the colony; his Majefty's explicit confirmation
of their privileges, &c. they then exprefs their grief, in
having four perfons fent over, one of them their known
and profeffed enemy *, with fuch extraordinary powers,
by means whereof they were like to be fubjected to the
arbitrary power of ftrangers, proceeding not by any efta-
bliſhed law but their own difcretion; and being thus
fubjected to complaints, appeals, and the determinations
of new judges, the government and adminiſtration would
be made void and of no effect; and although they had
but tafted of the words and actions of the gentlemen,
yet they had enough to fatisfy them, that the powers,
given by the commiffion, would be improved to the fub-
verfion of their all; that if things went on according to
the prefent appearance, they muft either feek new dwel-
lings or fink under intolerable burdens; the inhabitants
would be driven to they knew not what extremities, and
a hopeful plantation ruined; that if any profit was ex-
pected by the King, or by new rulers impofed upon them,
they would be difappointed, the country being poor and
but just affording fubfiftence; that if the people fhould
be drove out of the country (for to a coalition they would
never come) it would be hard to find another people that
would ftay long in it; that the body of the people was
fatisfied with the prefent government; that there was no
government under heaven, where there were no difcon-
tented perfons; that there were but few among them, and
fewer that had cauſe to be fo. They appeal to God, that
they came not into this wildernefs to feek great things
for themfelves, but for the fake of a quiet life. They
profefs their fubjection to his Majefty, and willingneſs to
teftify their dutiful affection in any righteous way; but
it was a grea: unhappinefs to be reduced to the hard cafe
/* Maverick.
"
+
of
MASSACHUSET S-BAY.
233
of having no other way of doing it, but by deftroying 1665
their own being, which nature taught them to preſerve,
or yielding up their liberties, far dearer to them than
their lives; which if they had had any reaſon to expect,
they would not have wandered from their fathers' houfes
to the ends of the earth; a royal donation from fo great a
Prince being the greateſt ſecurity in human affairs. They
fent letters, humbly to fue for favour, to feveral of the
nobility, and among others, to the Lord Clarendon, from
whom they had an unfavourable anſwer *.
THE Dutch being reduced, Nichols remained at New-
York, the other commiffioners returned to Boſton the
15th of February, and acquainted the governor and coun-
cil, that the next day they fhould go to Plimouth, to de-
liver the King's letter to that government, and defired
orders might be given to all the inhabitants to affemble
together the next election day; to which it was anſwered,
that all were at their liberty, but the reaſon of fuch a
motion they could not fee into, nor fhould they encou-
rage it, not only on account of the bufinefs of the feafon,
but becauſe the wives and children of a confiderable part
of the people, together with many aged perfons, muſt be
left expoſed to the rage of the natives. To which Cart-
wright replied, "that the motion was fo reafonable, that
he that would not attend to it was a traitor." This was
rough ufage, and could have no good confequences. The
commiffioners fent letters, in their own name, about the
country, to invite the people to affemble.
HAVING dispatched their bufinefs at Plimouth †, they
went to the Naraganfet country, and at Warwick, held
their
* Appendix.
His Majefties commiflioners propofitions to Plimouth jurifdiction.
WE were comaunded, particularly to recomend thefe thinges
to you from his Majeftye.
1. That all houſeholders, inhabitinge in your colonye, take the oath
of allegiance. And that your adminiftrations of juilice be in his Ma-
jeftyes name.
2. That all men of competent eftates and civill converfation, though
of different judgment, may be admitted to be freemen, and haue li
berty to chooſe and be choofen officers, both civill and military.
3. That
234
THE HISTORY OF
1665 their court, made enquiry into the titles of lands there,
and made divers determinations, which had no long effect,
and came privately and feparately to Bofton, the latter end
of
3. That all men and woemen, of orthodoxe opinions, competent
eftates, knowledge, civil liues and not fcandalous, may be admitted
to the facrament of the Lord's fupper, and their children to baptiſme
[if they defire it] either by admittinge them into the congregation al-
ready gathered, or permittinge them to gather themſelves into fuch con
gregations, where they may enjoy the benefit of the facrament, and that
difference in opinion may not breake the bonds of peace and charity,
4. That all lawes and expreffions in lawes, derogatory to his Ma
jefty, if any fuch haue beene made in thefe partes, in the laite trouble-
fome tymes, may be repealed, altered and taken off from the file.
The Courts anſwer.
1. To the first we confent; it haueing been the practiſe of this
court, in the firſt place to infert in the oath of fidelity, required of every
houſeholder, to be true and loyall to our foveraigne Lord the King,
his heires and fucceffors: alfoe to adminiſter all actes of juftice in his
Majeftyes name.
2. To the ſecond we alfoe confent; it haueing beene our conftant
practiſe, to admitt men of competent eftates, and civill converſation,
though of different judgments, yet beinge otherwife orthodoxe, to be
freemen, and to haue liberty to choofe and to be choofen officers, both
civill and military.
4. To the 4th we confent; that all lawes and expreffions of lawes,
derogatory to his Majeftye, [if any fuch be found amongst us, which
at preſent we are not conícious of] fhall be repealed, altered and taken
off the file.
3. To the 3d; we cannot but acknowledge it to be a high favour
from God and from our Soveraigne, that we may enjoy our confciences
in point of God's worship, the main end of tranfplanting ourselves
into theſe remote corners of the earth; and fhould moft heartily re-
joice, that all our neighbours, fo qualified as in that propofition.
would adjoine themſelves to our focieties according to the order of the
gofpel, for the enjoyment of the facraments to themſelves and theirs;
but if thro' different perfwafions, refpecting church government, it
cannot be obtained, we would not deny a liberty to any, according
to the propofition, that are truly confcientious, altho' differing from
us (eſpecially where his Majeftye commands it) they maintaining an
able preaching miniftry for carrying on of publick fabbath worship,
which, we doubt not, is his Majeftyes intent, and withdraw not from
paying their due proportions of maintenance to fuch minifters as are
orderly fettled in the places where they live, until they have one of
their owne, and that in fuch places, as are capable of maintaining the
Worship
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
235
of April, and fo prevented, defignedly as was fuppofed, 1665
that reſpect which was intended to have been fhewn them
at their arrival. Mr. Endicot, the governor, died the
15th of March 1665. Mr. Bellingham, the deputy go-
vernor, with ſome of the magiftrates affembled, as uſual,
the 2d of May, the day before the election, to prepare
for the buſineſs of the next day. The commiffioners de-
fired to ſpeak with them, which though at firſt they re-
fuſed, being no court, yet when it was urged by the
commiffioners, it was ſubmitted to. Five writings were
delivered, as part of their inftructions. The firſt, ex-
preffing "the great kindneſs of the King for the colony,
and his defire to advance a plantation, which had given
ſo good an example of fobriety and induftry to all others."
THE fecond, declaring, "that the King was fo far
from any thought of abridging, that he was very ready
to enlarge all the conceffions made by his royal father in
the charter, or to make any alterations for the profperity
of the colony.
THE third," that the principal end of their journey,
was, to remove all jealoufies the King might have of the
loyalty and affections of his good fubjects towards him,
or which they might have of his good opinion and con-
fidence in them, and his protection over them."
worſhip of God in two diftinct congregations. We being greatly in-
couraged by his Majeftyes gracious expreffions, in his letter to us, and
your honours further affurance of his royal purpoſe to continue our li-
berties, that where places, by reafon of our paucity and poverty are
uncapable of two, it is not intended, that fuch congregations as are
already in being fhould be rooted out, but their liberties preſerved,
there being other places to accommodate men of different perfwaſions,
in focieties by themſelves, which, by our knowne experience, tends
moft to the preſervation of peace and charity.
•
The league, between the 4 colonies, was not with any intent (that
ever we heard of) to caft off our dependance upon England, a thing
which we utterly abhorre; intreating your honours to believe us, for
we ſpeak as in the prefence of God.
New-Plimouth,
May 4, 1665.
By order of the general court for
the jurifdiction of New-Plimouth,
per me Nathanael Morton, fecr.
THE
236.
THE HISTORY OF
1
F
1665 THE fourth, that, by this means, the defigns of
wicked and feditious perfons would be difappointed, and
a foundation laid for mutual confidence and fatisfaction;
the King would look upon his colony of the Maffachu-
fets within the fame limits of affection, duty and obedience
to his perfon and government as Kent or Yorkshire,
and they again would have the fame confidence of his
care and protection as the others had, and all have great
reaſon to acknowledge the good effects, which by God's
bleffing would proceed from this commiffion." Thefe
were given as from his Majefty.
THE fifth, was a meffage of their own, "affuring the
council, in his Majefty's name, that whatever had been
granted by his royal predeceffor, or promifed by himſelf,
fhould to the utmoſt be made good; and defiring, they
might have no juft caufe to reprefent to his Majefty any
thing which might feem to come fhort of that juft duty
and allegiance, which might merit his Majefty's favour."
They then acquainted the council with the favourable re-
preſentation they had made to his Majefty, of the readi
nefs of the colony to have affifted in the expedition
againft the Dutch, if it had been neceffary *.
BEFORE there was an opportunity for an anfwer, they
acquainted the deputy governor, and the reft, with two
other inftructions; one "for publiſhing the letters which
had been ſent to the King, with the anſwers to them;"
the other, "for laying before the commiffioners a map
or plan of the colony, that they might hear and deter-
mine all claims 'made by fuch as bordered upon it."
They alſo complained of flanderous reports about the
country, that they were come to raiſe a revenue of 5000%.
a year for the King, to lay 12 d. per acre annual rent on
all improved lands, &c.
*Mr. Smith, in his hiftory of New York, fays, that Col. Nicolls
and Sir George Carterett, in their letter to the fècretary of ftate, com-
plain much of the backwardnefs of the Maffachufets. Two hun-
dred men, its certain, were raiſed and ready to march with great ex-
pedition.
As
3
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
237
As foon as the election was over, viz. on the 4th of 1665
May, theſe matters were laid, by the governor, before
the general court. The commiffioners were imme-
diately defired to communicate, to the court, the whole
which his Majefty had given in command to declare to.
them, that fo they might have their whole work before
them; but they replied, that they would not obſerve
that method, but when they had an anſwer to what
they had given in, they would then prefent them with
more work. The refufal itſelf was not ſo diſpleaſing as
the terms and manner in which it was expreffed and de-
livered.
THE 5th, the court gave their anſwer in fubftance as
follows; referving liberty to enlarge afterwards if there
ſhould be cauſe, viz.
"THAT they acknowledged, with all humble thanks,
his Majesty's grace and favour, in his letters and mef-
fages, and they would lay hold of every opportunity to
ſhew their duty and loyalty to him."
"THAT what relates to the Dutch being fully ac-
compliſhed, no further anſwer could be expected, only
an acknowledgment of the favourable reprefentation
which the commiffioners had made of the conduct of the
court."
"As to a map of the colony, it was preparing, and
they ſhould foon have fatisfaction therein."
"THAT his Majefty's letters had been laid before the
court, and fo had the papers received from the commif-
fioners, and copies were ſpread about the country, and
if the commiffioners defired any further publication, they
would endeavour their fatisfaction."
"THAT they were willing to adviſe with the commiſ-`
fioners upon the beſt way of putting a ſtop to all falſe ru-
mours, and finally, that their confidence of his Majeſty's
grace and favour and royal intentions to them, being fur-
ther cheriſhed by the commiffioners, would undoubtedly
draw from them more ample expreffions and demonftra-
tions of duty, loyalty and good affection to his Majefty,
according as by their patent they were bound.”
To
238
THE HISTORY OF
1665
A
To this anſwer, the commiffioners replied,
THAT to the preface, "they defired the court to im-
prove the liberty referved of enlarging, &c."
To the first bead, "That the opportunity, they ſeemed
fo willing to lay hold of, was now brought to their hands."
To the fecond, "That nothing further was neceffary.
To the third, "That many things of great moment
could not be iffued, until a perfect map was had."
To the fourth, "That they would not aggravate any
neglect, but they hoped, the general court, by practical
affertions of duty, would give his Majefty fatisfaction
upon the points contained in the letter of 1662, which
had fo long flept in fome hands."
To the fifth," They were fully perfuaded, the printing
the reſults and conclufions which ſhould be made on his
Majefty's part, and the part of the colony, would filence
all thofe falfe and malicious reports which they expected
fhould be enquired into."
To the conclufion, "That although their patent laid
them under peculiar obligation, yet it did not circum-
fcribe all that duty and allegiance which was due to his
Majefty from natural born fubjects, and which they them-
felves, in former papers, had more fully expreffed."
THE fame day, the commiffioners communicated other
parts of their inftructions, viz.
"THAT they fhould inform themfelves of the ſtate of
the neighbouring Indian Princes, and enquire what treaties
had been made between them and any of the King's fub-
jects, and if there had been any failure, on the part of
any of his Majefty's fubjects, the commiffioners fhould
take effectual courfe, that reparation and ſatisfaction be
made for any injury fuftained thereby, and ufe all ways
and means to let thofe Princes, and other Indians, know
of his Majefty's charge, &c."
THE Commiffioners informed the court of great com-
plaints received from the Naraganfet Indians, and defired
to be adviſed how they ſhould attain a true information,
that they might do juftice, and give the King a juft ac-
count, &c.
" THAT
MASSACHUSETS-BAY:
239
}
* THAT they ſhould make due inquiry, what progreſs 1665.
had been towards the foundation and maintenance of any
college or ſchools, for the education of youth and con-
verfion of infidels, the King having taken abundant fa-
tisfaction in the accounts he had received, of the deſigns
of the colony herein, which he hoped would draw a bleſ-
fing upon all their other undertakings."
"THAT they ſhould not give too eaſy an ear to cla-
mours or accufations againſt fuch as then were, or had
been, in places of government, except from men of equal
condition; and then they ſhould proceed to examine and
determine, according to the rules of juftice, without re-
ſpect of perfons or opinions,"
"THAT they fhould not receive any complaints againſt
a magiftrate, except for fomething done against equity or
against the charter; nor interrupt the courfe of juftice
between party and party, except the proceedings fhould
be exprefly contrary to the rules prefcribed by the charter;
or the matter, in difference, arofe from fome expreffion
or clauſe in ſome grant under the great feal. In thofe
cafes, to examine and proceed according to juſtice.
""
UPON the fubject of this inftruction, the commiffioners
acquainted the court, they had received many com-
plaints from the Engliſh of hard meaſure in ſeveral kinds,
one more eſpecially, which they offered to communicate,
and dared not refufe to examine it, but had fo much
reſpect to the authority in the feveral colonies, that they
would leave it to the choice of the court, whether it
fhould be heard at Providence in Rhode Iſland, or at
Bofton, either at that time, or after the commiffioners
return from the eastward, where they were going." This
referred to a criminal profecution againſt one John Por-
ter, jun. to whom they had granted a warrant of protec
tion as it was termed.
THAT, in due feafon, they fhould inquire how far
the particulars, required by the King's letter of 1662,
had been complied with," as firſt,
"THAT all perfons take the oath of allegiance."
Q2
2d, “THAT
240
THE HISTORY OF
1665 2d, "THAT all procefs, and adminiftration of juftice,
be performed in our name.
""
3d, "THAT fuch as defire to uſe the book of Common
prayer, be permitted fo to do, without incurring any pe-
nalty, reproach, or diſadvantage, it being very ſcandalous,
that any perfons fhould be debarred the exerciſe of their
religion according to the laws and cuſtoms of England,
by those who were indulged with the liberty of being of
what profeffion or religion they pleaſed.'
4th, "THAT perfons of good and honeft converfation
might enjoy the privilege, of chufing and being choſe
into places of government and the like."
The commiffioners defired they might be enabled to give
the King fuch information, as fhould be fully fatisfactory.
THE 8th of May they delivered three other writings,
as parts of their inftructions, viz.
"THAT they ſhould duly inquire, whether any per-
fons attainted of high treaſon, now refide there, or have
been entertained there, and by whom, and what is be-
come of them, and endeavour to cauſe them to be appre-
hended and fent to England."
"THAT they fhould take care that fuch orders be
eftabliſhed, as that the act of navigation be punctually
obſerved, it being of infinite concernment, and what the
hearts of the whole nation were fet upon, but had been
evaded, under pretence that acts made in the aſſembly
there, during the late rebellion, were in force, notwith-
ſtanding the act of parliament; an affertion the King
would not ſuffer to be made, but that all fuch acts of af-
fembly fhould be repealed, taken off the files, and no
more remain upon record; and that they fhould cauſe
justice to be done to Thomas Dean, who had been denied
it, in a proſecution upon the act of parliament."
THE Commiffioners defired a book of the colony laws,
that they might examine, &c. and that any laws, con-
trary to this act, might be declared null.
"THAT they fhould inform themfelves of the whole
frame and conſtitution of government, civil and ecclefiafti-
cal,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY,
241
""
cal, the yearly taxes and impofitions, the ſhipping, the 1665
militia, horfe and foot, fortified owns and forts, &c.'
THEY defired fome perfons might be appointed to draw
up an information of all thoſe particulars, to fatisfy his
Majefty's defires.
T
BEFORE the court gave anſwer to theſe papers, they
fent a meffage, May 9th, to the commiffioners, to ac-
quaint them, that the court apprehended their patent to
be greatly infringed by the warrant granted to John Por-
ter; upon which, the commiffioners defired a conference
with a committee, that the court might have better in-
formation, which was agreed to, and held the 11th.
THE Commiffioners afferted, that they were to be juſti-
fied by their commiffion in what they did, and that the
charter was not infringed. The committee urged, "that
the general court had full power and authority to make
laws, and provide for the execution of them; they were
very ready to give an account, to his Majefty, of all
their proceedings, whenfoever he required it; but it
would be an infuperable burden, if the colony muſt be
brought upon a level, and ſtand with every criminal upon
whom ſentence had been paffed, at the bar of another
tribunal, which their charter knew nothing of." The
commiffioners being aſked, "whether they propoſed a jury
ſhould pass upon thefe and the like cafes ?" they replied
No, theirs was a commiffion of oyer and terminer. "Whe-
ther they would admit of new evidence?" Yea. The
committee then further urged, "That they eſteemed it
their greateft unhappinefs, to be held to give up their
privileges by charter, and the rights of Engliſhmen, or
elfe be accounted among fuch as denied his Majefty's au-
thority." The commiffioners nevertheleſs infiited upon
their own authority, and required a fubmiffion to it. The
court then proceeded to give anſwer to the other inftruc-
tions, which had been communicated.
To that which relates to the Indians, called the 5th
inftruction, they fay, "that they have been too long ac-
quainted with the falfehood of the Naraganfet and other
Indians, to wonder that they ſhould complain of injuries,
Q 3
when
242
THE HISTORY OF
1665 when they themselves were the aggreffors; that all mat-
ters, relating to the Indians, had been managed by the
commiffioners of the united colonies, and their records
might be examined."
To the next or fixth inftruction, "That there is a fmali
college at Cambridge, from which, they might fay with-
out boafting, more than an hundred able preachers, phy-
ficians, and other uſeful perfons had iffued; for the par-
ticulars of the foundation and benefactions, they referred
to the prefident and fellows; that the country was well
provided with ſchools, that there was alfo at Cambridge
a fmall fabrick of brick for the ufe of the Indians, built
by the corporation in England, in which there were then
eight Indian ſcholars, one of which had been admitted
into college, that there were fix towns of Indians in the
jurifdiction profeffing the chriftian religion, that they had
fchools to teach the youth to read and write, and perfons
appointed to inftruct them in civility and religion, who
had orders to wait upon the commiffioners and fhew them
the towns and manner of life of the Indians, if it fhould
be defired."
That
To the propofition upon the 7th and 8th inftructions,
by which an offer is made of the choice of a place for
hearing and determining complaints, they fay,
hearing and determining appeals from their judgments is
inconfiftent with their charter; neverthelefs as they de-
fired to be doers of truth and righteoufnefs, and not to
fhun the light, if the commiffioners would be pleafed to
impart the complaints that had been brought againſt the
government, they hoped to be able to give fuch anfwer
as fhould fatisfy his Majefty that their actions had been
confonant to reafon and equity, and not fuch as evil
minded men had reprefented them."
To the ninth, touching his Majefty's letter of June
1662, they fay, That they had endeavoured formerly
to fatisfy his Majefty's expectations, &c. and now fur-
ther fay, touching the oath of allegiance, that, in Au-
guft laft, the court by a publick declaration expreffed
their refolution, God affifting, to bear faith and true al-
legiance
་
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
243
legiance to his Majefty, and to adhere to their patent the 1665
duties and privileges thereof; that many how in autho-
rity and alfo many of the common people had taken the
oath of allegiance before they left their native country,
and they had ordered that the oath in the form prefcribed
by the colony law fhould be taken by all freemen and all
other houſeholders *."
L
AND touching civil liberties, they obferved the qua-
lifications mentioned in his Majefty's letter t, orderly
evidenced to them, as appeared by their late law and
practice thereupon.
AND as to ecclefiaftical privileges, they had com-
mended to the miniftry and people here the word of the
Lord for their rule."
To the next or tenth inftruction, "That they knew
of no perfons attainted of high treafon, who had arrived
here, except Mr. Whaley and Mr. Goffe, and they before
the act of parliament, and they departed this jurifdiction
the February following, and a proclamation against them
coming foon after by way of Barbados, the court fent two
gentlemen, Mr. Kellond and Mr. Kirke, after them to
Connecticut and New-Haven to apprehend them."
To the eleventh inftruction they fay, "The act for
trade had been for fome years obferved here, that they
had been mifreprefented to his Majefty, the act not having
in any inftances that they knew of been greatly violated,
and fuch laws as appeared to be against it were repealed,
and that juftice had been done in the cafe of Thomas
Dean, as they would find upon enquiry.'
To the twelfth, "For the form of their conftitution
they refer to their patent, the annual ordinary charges of
*The oath was in this form. "Whereas I-A. B. am an inhabi-
tant within this jurifdiction, confidering how I ftand obliged to the
King's Majefty, his heirs and fucceffors, by our charter and the go-
vernment eſtabliſhed thereby, do fwear accordingly, by the great and
dreadful name of the ever-living God, that I will bear faith and true
allegiance to our fovereign Lord the King, his heirs and fucceffors.
So help me God.”
+ Orthodox in religion and not vicious in their lives.
1 By certificate from the miniſter.
Q4
govern.
244
THE HISTORY OF I
1665 government were about 1200 l. for their ecclefiaftical
conftitution, they had none impofed by civil authority;
all that was enjoined by that, was attendance on publick
worſhip on Lord's days and other occafional days. The
people who maintained, alfo chofe their minifters, whofe
adminiftrations were known, and they hoped confonant
to the word of God, and if any deviated, in fuch caſe,
they made uſe of a fynod and the civil authority. The
militia confifted of about four thoufand foot and four hun-
dred horſe, more might be in the lifts, but aged and un-
firm were excufed. They had a fort or keep, at the
entrance of Bofton harbour, with five or fix guns; two
batteries in the harbour, and one at Charleſtown. The
number of their fhips and veffels as follows; about eighty
from 20 to 40 tons, about forty from 40 to 100 tons,
and about a dozen ſhips above 100 tons.
THESE papers were delivered to the commiffioners on
the 16th of May, and on the 18th they made their reply.
"THEY were forry to find, by the court's anſwer to
the 7th and 8th inſtruction, that they put more value
upon their own conceptions, than the wifdom of the
King in interpreting the charter. The commiffioners
would reduce all the difcourfes upon this head to one.
queftion. Do you acknowledge his Majefty's commif-
fion wherein we are nominated commiffioners, to be of
full force to all the purpoſes therein contained ?"
To their answer to the 9th inftruction the commif-
fioners reply, "That the court had been fo far from en-
deavouring to give his Majefty fatisfaction, by obſerving
what he required, that they had even complained of his
Majefty for enjoining them, and for the commiffion given
to enquire whether they had obſerved them or not; that
they profeffed highly to prize the King's favour, and yet
in the fame paper refufe to do what the King required,
viz. that all who came into the colony fhould take the
oath of allegiance, making provifoes not expreffed in
their charter, and fo curtailing the oath. That the end
of the firft planters coming over, as the court expreffed
in their addreſs 1660, was liberty of confcience, and yet
it
༢.༡.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
245
it was denied to thofe for whom the King required it. That 1665
they had tentered the King's qualifications for freemen,
by fuffering none to be made fuch who were not church
members, unless they paid ten fhillings to a fingle rate,
which not one church member in a hundred did pay, and,
although they commend the word or the Lord to the
miniſtry and people for their rule, yet it was with a pro-
vifo that they have the approbation of the court. The
commiffioners fuppofed, the King and his council and
the church of England underſtood the word of God as
well as the Maffachufets corporation, They feared theſe
anfwers would highly offend the King, and adviſed to an
ingenuous and free confent to what he defired."
ON the 19th of May, the court, by a meffage to the
commiffioners, defired to be excuſed from a direct an-
fwer to the queftion, "whether they acknowledged his
Majefty's commiffion," &c. and chofe rather to plead
his Majesty's charter, and his ſpecial charge to the com-
miffioners not to difturb them in the enjoyment of it;
they were ready to give fuch an account of their pro-
ceedings, as that the commiflioners might be able to re-
preſent their perfons and actions to his Majefty.
THE Commiffioners, by a meffage on the 20th, infifted
on a direct answer to their queſtion, and on the 22d, the
court declared, that it was enough for them to give their
fenſe of the powers granted to them by charter, and that
it was beyond their line to determine the power, intent
or purpofe of his Majefty's commiffion.
ON the 23d the commiffioners informed the court,
that fince they had been pleaſed to fend them a more du-
bious anſwer than the former, that they might diſcharge
their duty to his Majefty, they intended to fit to-morrow
morning at the houſe of Capt. Thomas Breading, as his
Majefty's commiffioners, to hear and determine the cauſe
of Mr. Thomas Dean and others, against the governor
and company and Joshua Scottow merchant, defendants,
and that they thought proper to give this notice, and ex-
pected that they would appear, by their attorney, to an-
fwer to the complaint. They fent at the fame time a
fum-
246
THE HISTORY OF
1665 fummons to Jofhua Scottow. The court thereupon drew
up a declaration, which they fent to the commiffioners,
but they not receding from their purpoſe, when the time
appointed for their meeting was come, the court ordered
the declaration to be publiſhed by found of trumpet, in
the following words:
14
"WHEREAS in the debate and conference, had be
tween this court and Col. Richard Nichols, Sir Robert
Carr knight, George Cartwright and Samuel Maverick
efquires, his Majefty's honourable commiffioners, we
have pleaded only the maintenance of his Majesty's au-
thority, in the government of the people of this colony
according to the rules and preſcriptions of his charter un-
der the great feal of England, the full and peaceable en-
joyment whereof his Majefty hath given good affurance of
to all his loyal fubjects of this place, giving fpecial charge
to the above-named gentlemen not to diſturb us therein,
yet accounting it our duty to God and his Majefty, by
all lawful ways and means to give full fatisfaction unto
his Majefty, touching all fuch cafes and complaints againſt
us, as in his wiſdom and prudence he ſhall fee reaſon tò
take cognizance of; we have fundry times, in our con-
ferences both by word and writing, tendered unto the
abovefaid gentlemen our readiness to prefent unto them
a full and clear account of the grounds of our proceed-
ings in any cafe, matter, or complaint that themfelves
fhall fee meet to inquire intò, whereby they may be
enabled to repreſent the matter truly to his Majefty, his
Majeſty's letters to this colony of April 23d 1664 exprefsly
declaring this to be his principal end in fending hither the
abovefaid gentlemen in fuch a capacity, and that, for
fuch pious and good intentions as is therein more parti
cularly declared, and not in the leaft to infringe our char-
ter or any the privileges thereof.
"ALL this notwithstanding, the abovefaid gentlemen,
not refting fatisfied with thefe our tenders and propoſals
made unto them, (wherein we have endeavoured to an-
fwer his Majesty's juſt expectation) contrary to the ex-
prefs charge of his Majefty unto them, they have, by
【
war-
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
247
warrant under three of their hands, given protection to 1665
John Porter junior, an high offender againſt God, his
Majefty's authority, laws, and the peace of his good ſub-
jects here, (who breaking prifon made his eſcape out of
the hands of juftice) and that before any fignification to
the government of this place of any complaint made
againſt them, their fentence, or proceedings againſt the
faid Porter, and requiring all officers, as well military as
civil, to be obſervant to them therein. And although
this court have expreffed their fenſe of this act, in con-
junction with fome other of their propofals, to be an in-
fringement of our privileges granted us by his Majefty's
royal charter, yet they have not withdrawn their pro-
tection of the faid Porter, but have proceeded to ſum-
mon, as well the governor and company of this his Ma-
jefty's colony, as alfo particular perfons, to appear be
fore them to anfwer to the complaint of Thomas Dean
and others for injuftice done unto them. The fubmiffion
untó which proceedings of theirs being, as we apprehend,
inconfiftent with the maintenance of the laws and autho-
rity here, fo long enjoyed and orderly eſtabliſhed under
the warrant of his Majefty's royal charter, the uphold-
ing whereof being abfolutely neceffary for the peace and
well being of his Majefty's good fubjects hereThis
court doth therefore in his Majefty's name, and by his
authority to us committed by his royal charter, declare
to all the people of this colony, that in obfervance of their
duty to God and to his Majefty, and to the truft com-
mitted unto us by his Majefty's good fubjects in this co-
lony, we cannot confent unto, or give our approbation of,
the proceedings of the abovefaid gentlemen, neither can
it confift with our allegiance that we owe to his Majeſty,
to countenance any who fhall in fo high a manner go
acrofs to his Majesty's direct charge, or fhall be their
abettors or confentors thereunto. God fave the King.
Edward Rawfon, fecr."
By the court,
AFTER the publiſhing of this declaration, the commif-
fioners fent the following writing to the court.
"Gentlemen,
3
248
THE HISTORY OF
1665
1
"Gentlemen,
WE thought, when we received our commiffion and
inftructions, that the King and his council knew what
was granted to you in your charter, and what right his
Majefty had to give us fuch commiffion and commands.
And we thought the King, his Chancellor, and his Se-
cretary, had fufficiently convinced you that this commif
fion did not infringe your charter. But fince you will
needs mifconftrue all thefe letters and endeavours, and
that you will make uſe of that authority, which he hath
given you, to oppofe that fovereignty, which he hath
over you, we ſhall not lofe more of our labours upon you,
but refer it to his Majefty's wifdom, who is of power
enough to make himſelf to be obeyed in all his domi-
nions; and do affure you that we fhall not reprefent your
denying his commiffion in any other words than yourfelves
have expreffed it in your feveral papers, under your fe
cretary's hand. But for the better manifeftation of the
tranfactions between us, and for the fatisfaction of all
concerned in thefe parts, we defire that you will cauſe his
Majefty's commiffion to us, his Majefty's letters of June
28th 1662, of April 23d 1664, of February 25th 1564,
by Mr. Secretary Morrice, and all thofe papers we have
given into the court, and your's alfo, may be printed
and publiſhed.
る
​Richard Nichols,
May 24, 1665. Geo. Cartwright,
To the general court of his Majeſty's
colony of the Maffachufets."
Robert Carr,
Sam. Maverick,
THE Commiffioners, at the fame time, laid before the
court propoſals for amendments or alterations of the laws,
to the number of twenty fix.
THE Court, the fame day, acquainted the commiffioners
that they ſhould be ready, by writing or conference, when-
ever the commiffioners pleafed to lay before them the
grounds and reaſons of their claim and exercife of jurif
diction in the eaſtern country, that fo his Majefty might be
fatisfied of the true ftate of the controverſy; and that as
This refers to the Chancellor's letter,
his
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
249
his Majefty had directed his commiffioners to examine 1665
into the proceedings in the cafe of Thomas Dean and
caufe juftice to be done, the court had fummoned the
faid Dean before them, at nine of the clock the next day,
to make out the truth of his complaint to his Majefty,
and the commiffioners were defired to be prefent, that
they might underſtand the grounds of the faid complaint
and that juſtice may be done."
THE Commiffioners replied the 26th, "that they could
not havé imagined that the court, after interruption of
the authority committed by his Majefty to the commif-
fioners, would have affumed to themſelves the hearing of
the fame cafe wherein the governor and company are im-
pleaded, it being unheard of and contrary to all the laws
of Chriftendom that the fame perfons fhould be judges
and parties; and declared it contrary to his Majefty's will
and pleaſure that the cauſe ſhould be examined by any
ther perfons than themſelves."
THE Commiffioners broke off from any further con-
ference, and all, except Colonel Nichols, went to New-
Hampſhire and the province of Main, where they ap-
pointed juftices of the peace and exercifed divers acts of
government, and then returned to Bofton. The court
declared that their proceedings, at the eastward, tended
to the diſturbance of the public peace, and deſired a
conference with them concerning their doings there, but re-
ceived fuch an anſwer from Sir Robert Carr, as determined
them to put a stop to all further treaty. He told them,
amongſt other things, that the King's pardon to them,
for all their deeds during the late rebellion, was condi-
tional, and depended upon their future good behaviour,
and threatened the leaders or contrivers of their meaſures
with the punishment which fo many concerned in the re-
bellion had met with in England. They had no better
ſucceſs at Connecticut, that in the Maffachufets colony.
At Plimouth and Rhode-Iſland, they met with lefs oppo-
fition. They fat as a court at Providence and Warwick,
in the colony of Rhode-Iſland, and ſpent divers months in
the colony, examining into purchaſes and titles of lands
6
from
250
THE HISTORY OF
1665 from the Indians, hearing the complaints of Gorton and
his company against the Maffachulets, enquiring into the
proceedings of the executive powers of that colony, and
receiving all complaints which difcontented perfons were
ready to offer.
COL. NICHOLS, by his difcreet behaviour, gained the
eſteem of the people, and afterwards, whilft he was go-
vernor of New-York, kept up a friendly correfpondence
with the governor and company of the Maffachuſets.
Carr and Cartwright were men very unfit for fuch a truft,
and by their violent proceedings rendered themſelves
odious. Maverick feems to have been appointed, only
to increaſe the number and to be fubfervient to the others.
He had lived in the colony from its beginning. He
was always in oppofition to the authority. Upon the
reftoration, he went home to complain to the King,
was two or three years foliciting that commiffioners
might be appointed; at length, the meaſures againſt the
Dutch at New-York being agreed upon, the conduct
of that affair and this extraordinary power was commit
ted to the fame perfons. He was in the colony again
in 1667 with a meffage from Col. Nichols, which is
the laft account given of him. Sir Robert Carr went
first to Delaware and foon after home to England, and
died at Briſtol June 1ft 1667, the day after he landed*.
Cartwright in his paffage was taken by the Dutch,
ſtripped and very ill ufed. He had taken the minutes
of all their proceedings, and went home the moſt en-
raged; but the enemy took all his papers from him,
and he never could recover them. The principal per-
fons in the colony were afraid of further proceedings.
Capt. Gookins, one of the affiftants, writes to his friend
in 1666, “In all probability a new cloud is gathering
and a new ftorm preparing for us, which we expect
"every day.'
t
THE government of the colony, I imagine, will not be
thought culpable for refufing entirely to fubmit to the
abfolute authority of the commiffioners, which muſt have
* Morton's Memorial.
fu-
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
251
fuperfeded their charter; and if this authority had been 1665
ance admitted, they would have found it very difficult ever
after to have ejected it. Some part of their conduct may
appear extraordinary; particularly their refufing to make
the oath of allegiance neceffary, unleſs with reftrictions
and limitations; and to caufe all proceedings at law to be
more exprefsly in his Majefty's name and by his authority.
From fome original manufcripts, which difcover the lenti-
ments of fome perfons of influence amongst them upon the
nature of civil fubjection, their conduct in this and fome
former inftances may be pretty well accounted for.
THEY diftinguished civil fubjection, into neceffary and
voluntary. From actual refidence within any government,
neceffarily aroſe ſubjection, or an obligation to ſubmit to
the laws and authority thereof. But birth, was no neceffary
cauſe of fubjection. The fubjects of any prince or ſtate
had a natural right to remove to any other ſtate, or to an-
other quarter of the world, unleſs the ftate was weakned
and expoſed by ſuch remove, and even in that caſe, if they
were deprived of the right of all mankind, liberty of con-
fcience, it would juſtify a feparation, and upon their re-
moval, their fubjection determined and ceafed. The coun-
try to which they themſelves had removed, was claimed
and poffeffed by independent princes, whoſe right to the
lordship and fovereignty thereof had been acknowledged
by the Kings of England *. They therefore looked upon
themselves obliged, and accordingly, as appeared by their
records, actually had purchaſedt, for valuable confide-
rations, not only the foil, but the dominion, the lordship,
and fovereignty of thoſe princes, and without fuch pur-
*Bartholomew Sharp the buccaneer was tried in England for rob-
bery and piracy upon the Spaniards in South-America, and acquitted
becauſe he had a commiffion from the Indian Princes of Darien. Det.
of Scots Settlement.
+ Mr. Jofias Winflow the governor of Plimouth in a letter dated
May in 1676, fays "I think I can truly fay that before theſe prefent
troubles broke out, the English did not poffefs one foot of land in this
colony but what was fairly obtained by honeft purchaſe of the Indian
proprietors."
chafe
252
THE HISTORY OF
1665 chafe in the fight of God and men, they had no right or
title to what they poffeffed. The King, indeed, in imi-
tation of other Princes of Europe who laid claim to coun-
tries meerly from the difcovery of them, had granted this
country to certain of his fubjects, and the first planters
thought it proper to purchaſe the title of fuch grantees,
to prevent moleftation from them or from other ftates,
and they had alfo received a charter of incorporation from
the King, containing a mutual compact, from whence
aroſe a new kind of fubjection, to which they were held,
and from which they would never depart.
1
THIS was what they called voluntary civil fubjection,
arifing meerly from compact, and from thence it followed,
that whatſoever could be brought into queftion relative to
their fubjection must be determined by their charter.
The compact between the King and the city of London,
as contained in it's charter, was not the conftituting
caufe of fubjection in the inhabitants there, becaufe
they were refident, and from thence neceffary ſub-
jection remained, but when refidence, the fole grounds
of this neceffary ſubjection, ceaſes, then it becomes vo-
luntary and depends upon compact alone. By this com-
pact they acknowledged they were fo bound, that they
were not at liberty to fubject themſelves to, or to ſeek
protection from, any other prince, they were to pay a
fifth part of all filver and gold mines, they were to make
no laws repugnant to the laws of England; &c. but on
the other hand, they were to be governed by laws made
by themſelves, and by officers elected by themſelves, &c,
But however pleafing theſe principles were in fpecula-
tion, or whatever foundation they may have in nature,
yet they could not continue to practiſe upon them, nor
would they bear the teft when adopted by Engliſh ſub-
jects. In a fhort time, as we ſhall fee hereafter, they
were content fully to comply with the oath of allegiance
without qualifying it, and to give up other points, which
they had before infifted upon; and their pofterity, who
claim by birthright as well as charter, the peculiar pri-
vileges of Engliſhmen, and who enjoy the protection, are
very
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
253
very fenfible that they likewife owe the allegiance of
English fubjects, which by a general rule of law is not
confidered as local, but perpetual and unalienable *.
THE King's letter to New-Plimouth dated April 10, 1666
1666, highly approving their behaviour, may be ſeen in
the appendix. Mr. Maverick, who had been one of the
commiffioners, delivered to the governor a writing of the
fame date, faid to be copy of a letter to the Maffachufets
from the King, wherein he requires five perfons to be
fent to England to anſwer for the conduct of the colony,
and that Mr. Bellingham and Mr. Hawthorne be two of
the number. A fpecial court was called by the governor,
September 11th, to confider of this letter, and thoſe of the
elders who were in town were defired to be prefent to
give their advice. A letter was agreed upon to Mr. Se-
cretary Morice, wherein the court feem willing to doubt
of the genuineness of the King's letter, and excufe them-
felves from fending any perfons over, fuppofing the ableſt
among them could not declare their caufe more fully
than it had been already done ‡.
I WILL finiſh what relates to theſe commiffioners, with
a fhort account of a profecution commenced by one of
them againſt Arthur Mafon a conftable.
* July 15, 1665, Capt. Richard Davenport commander of the
caftle, being fatigued with labour, laid down upon his bed to reft,
and was ftruck dead with lightning. Three or four of the people
were hurt, a dog was killed at the gare. There was only a wainſcot
partition, between the room where the captain was killed and the
magazine of powder. Hubbard.
I Maverick delivered it to the governor, when he was fitting in a
court of affiftants for the trial of caufes, affirming it came under cover
with a letter from the King to Sir Robert Carr and the rest of the
commiffioners. Sup. Court Records.
Several perfons of Bofton, with John Appleton of Ipſwich, pe-
titioned the general court, praying them to comply with the King's
order, but they were cenfured for intermeddling; and fome of the
elders inclined that the two magiftrates fhould be fent, and thought
they ought to obey for confcience fake, but Mr. Mitchel oppofed it,
urging that if two might be fent for ten might, that the civil magi-
ftrate was the miniſter of God for the good of the people, and fo far
as his commands tended to their good they ought to obey, but none
would fay it was for the good of the colony to fend away their rulers.
Mr. Cobber's letter & MS. papers.
R
THE
1254
THE HISTORY OF ·
1666 THE commiffioners, with other gentlemen, meeting
fometimes at a public houſe called the Ship§ tavern, the
conſtable expected to find them there upon a Saturday
evening, which would have been a breach of law, but be-
fore he came, they had adjourned to Mr. Kellond's a
merchant, who lived oppofite to the tavern. Another
conftable, who had been at the tavern before, had been
beaten by them. Mafon, who had more courage and zeal,
went into the company with his ftaff, and told them he
was glad to fee them there, for if he had found them on
the other fide the ſtreet he would have carried them all
away, and added, that he wondered they fhould be fo un-
civil as to beat a conftable and abuſe authority. Sir Ro-
bert Carr faid, it was he that beat him, and that he would
do it again. Mafon replied, that he thought his Ma-
jeſty's commiffioners would not have beaten his Majefty's
officers, and that it was well for them that he was not the
conftable who found them there, for he would have car-
ried them before authority. Sir Robert afked, if he dare
meddle with the King's commiffioners? Yes, fays Ma-
fon, and if the King himſelf had been there I would have
carried him away; upon which Maverick cried out,
treafon! Maſon, thou fhalt be hanged within a twelve-
month. Sir Robert Carr ſpake to Sir Thomas Temple
and fome others of the company, to take notice of what
paffed, and the next day Maverick fent a note to Mr.
Bellingham the governor, charging Mafon with high
treafon for the words fpoken, and requiring the gover-
nor to fecure him. The governor appointed a time for
Maverick to come to his houſe and to oblige himſelf to
profecute the conftable, at the next court of affiftants, but
Maverick, inſtead of appearing, thought proper only to
fend another note, promifing to appear againſt the con-
ſtable and charge him home, and therefore required his
perfon fhould be fecured. The governor thought it ad-
vifeable to caufe Mafon to recognize, as principal, in five
hundred pounds, with two fufficient fureties in two hun-
§ The oppofite corner to what is called Clark's fhip-yard at the
north part of the town.
dred
J
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
255
dred and fifty each, for his appearance; but the day be. 1666
fore the court, Maverick fent another note to the gover-
nor, defiring to withdraw his charge, being "fatisfied
that although the words were rafh and inconfiderate, yet
there was no premeditated defign in. Mafon to offer any
injury to the King or his government." The governor re-
turned for anſwer, "that the affair was of too high a na-
ture for him to interpofe in, Mafon being bound over to
anfwer." Upon his appearance, a bill was laid before the
grand jury, wherein he was charged with malicioufly and
treaſonably uttering the treafonable words mentioned.
Accordingly to the liberty taken by grand juries at
that day, they only found that the words charged were
fpoken," and Mafon being brought upon trial and the
words fully proved, the court of affiftants fufpended
judgment, and referred the caufe to the next general court,
where it was refolved, that although the words were raſh,
infolent, and highly offenfive, yet, as his accufers and
witneffes all cleared him from any overt act, or evil in.
tended againſt the King, the court did not fee cauſe to
adjudge him a capital offender, but fentenced him to be
admonished in folemn manner by the governor. How-
ever trivial this anecdote may appear, yet there are cir-
cumſtances which throw fome light upon the character of
the commiffioners, as well as that of the governor and
the judiciary and minifterial powers of the government at
that time.
THE Commiffioners had prevailed on fome of the inha-
bitants of the towns in New-Hampſhire to fign a peti-
tion and complaint to his Majefty of the wrongs they had
fuftained from the Maffachufets, "who had ufurped the go-
vernment over them," but the inhabitants of Dover, in town
meeting, and Portfmouth and Exeter, by writings under
the hands of the town officers, declared their diffent, and all
the towns defired to be confidered as part of the Maffa-
chufets colony, as they had been for many years before t.
Three
Sup. Court Rec. * Portſmouth, Dover and Exeter.
+ The fecretary was ordered to iffue an attachment directed to the
conftables of Dover and Portfmouth to apprehend one Abraham
R 2
Corbet,
256
OF
THE HISTORY FOR?
1666 Three perfons † were alſo appointed to repair to the
province of Main, to fettle the peace of the towns there,
by bringing them to an orderly fubmiffion, which was
not immediately effected 1.
I HAVE endeavoured impartially to relate the proceed-
ings between the commiffioners and the colony. On the
one hand, I think it appears that the government had
not ſufficient excufe for not complying more fully with
what the King required of them by his letter in 1662.
Mr. Norton their agent, who knew the refolutions of the
King and his minifters, faw the neceffity of it. This
would, probably, have prevented fuch a commiffion from
iffuing. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that the
commiffion was a ſtretch of power, fuperfeding in many
reſpects the authority and powers granted by the charter,
and there appears in the conduct of the general court, upon
this occafion, not an obftinate perverfe fpirit, but a modeft
teady adherence to what they imagined, at leaft, to be their
juſt rights and privileges §. At the fame time they endea-
youred, not only by repeated humble addreffes, and pro-
feffions
Corbet, and to bring him before the governor or magiftrates at Boſton,
to anſwer for his tumultuous behaviour against the government, who
fined him zol. and bound him to his good behaviour.
+ Thomas Danforth, Eleazer Lufher, and John Leveret, Efqrs.
Ferdinando Gorges, grandfon to Sir Ferdinando, attempted a
fettlement in the province of Main under himſelf as Lord Proprietor,
foon after the reſtoration. He obtained a letter from King Charles
dated the 11th of January 1664, directed to the governor of the Maf-
fachufets colony, and council of New-England, requiring reftitution
to be forthwith made and quiet poffeffion delivered, or otherwiſe,
without delay, reafon be fhewn for the contrary. By their humble
addrefs they excufed themſelves from the delivery, and attempted to
give reafons for their conduct, but Mr. Gorges appointed officers in
feveral parts of the province, whofe authority was of fhort continu-
ance.
§ The King having recommended, by a letter Feb. 22d 1665, to
the governor and council, an expedition against Canada, the court
in their answer to Lord Arlington, July 17th 1666, fay that "having
confulted with Sir Thomas Temple, governor of Nova-Scotia, and
with the governor of Connecticut (Mr. Winthrop, who had lately
been in England) they concluded it was not feazable at prefent, as
well
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
257
feffions of loyalty, to appeafe his Majefty, but they pur- 1666
chafed a ſhip-load of mafts (the freight whereof coft them
fixteen hundred pounds fterling) and prefented to the
King, which he graciouſly accepted; and the fleet in the
Weft-Indies, being in want of provifions, a fubfcription
and contribution was recommended through the colony,
for bringing in provifions to be fent to the fleet for his
Majefty's fervice*. It appears, by the record, that fe-
veral towns had liberally fubfcribed, and it was recom-
mended to the reft not to fall fhort of what had been
done by thofe who had gone before them, but I and no
record of the whole amount. About two hundred and
fifty of the inhabitants of St. Chriftophers, which had
been taken by the French, arriving in the fpring of
1666, and more being daily expected, provifion was
made by the court for the relief and fupport of fuch as
were in neceffity. Upon the news of the great fire in
London, a collection was made through the colony for
the relief of fufferers. The amount of it cannot be
afcertained. I have a letter from Mr. Seaman and other
diffenting minifters in London, to Mr. Syms and Mr.
Shephard minifters of Charleſtown, advifing the receipt
of 1051. fterling collected in that church. If others
contributed in proportion, a large fum muft have been
raiſed.
THERE had been a prefs for printing at Cambridge for
near twenty years. The court appointed two perfons †,
in October 1662, licencers of the prefs, and prohibited the
publishing any books or papers which fhould not be fuper-
viſed by them, and in 1668 the fuperviſors having allowed
of the printing "Thomas a Kempis de imitatione Chrifti,"
well in refpect of the difficulty, if not impoffibility of a land march over
the rocky mountains, and howling defarts, about four hundred miles,
as the ftrength of the French there, according to reports."
*This was fo well received that a letter was fent to the general
court under the King's fign manual, dated the zift of April 1669, figni-
fying how well taken it was by his Majefty. So the letter expreffes
it.
+ Capt. Daniel Gookins and Mr. Jonathan Mitchell the minifter
of Cambridge.
R 3
the
258
THE HISTORY OF
1666 the court interpofed, "it being wrote by a popiſh mini-
fter, and containing fome things lefs fafe to be infufed
among the people," and therefore they commended to
the licencers a more full revifal, and ordered the prefs to
ftop in the mean time. In a conflitution leſs popular this
would have been thought too great an abridgment of the
fubject's liberty.
1666
FROM 1666 to 1670 Mr. Bellingham was annually
to chofen governor, and Mr. Willoughby deputy governor.
1670 Nova-Scotia and the rest of Acadie, which had been re-
fcued from the French by Cromwell, were reflored by
the treaty of Breda. The French made little progrels
in fettling this country. The only inconvenience the
Maffachufets complained of, until after the revolution,
was the encouragement given to the Indians to make their
inroads upon the frontiers. Sir Thomas Temple who,
with others had a grant of the country firft from Crom-
well, and afterwards from King Charles, thought he had
reaſon to complain, and the King's order was repeated
to him, to give up his forts to the French, fome pre-
tence being made for not complying with the firft order.
AFTER forty years, the greatest part of our firft emi-
grants had finiſhed their pilgrimage, and were arrived at
the place of their everlaſting abode. Some of them la-
mented their being born too foon, to fee New-England in
its moſt flouriſhing ſtate. This will be the cafe with
their pofterity for many generations yet to come. Mr.
Wilfon, the first minifter of Boſton church, died Au-
guft 7th.1667, in the 79th year of his age. He left an
amiable character, and is reprefented by his contempora-
ries, as one of the most humble, pious and benevolent
men of the age. He was fon of Doctor Wilfon, a pre-
bend of St. Paul's, Rochelter and Windfor, and rector
of Cliff, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. He married
a daughter of Lady Mansfield, and a near kinfwoman of
Sir William Bird. It was with much difficulty, that he
perfuaded her to go to New-England. After having fpent
one winter there without her, te returned to England to
fetch her. His life has been publiſhed by Dr. Mather.
I have
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
259
I have it in manuſcript by another hand. In both are 1666
related many inftances to fhew his prophetick fpirit. to
We may very well remark upon thofe fort of prophecies, 1670
Qui bene conjiciet, hunc vatem. Richard Mather, a learned
grave divine, and a miniſter of Dorchefter died the 22d
of April 1669, aged 73. Charles Chauncy batchelor of
divinity, the venerable learned prefident of the college,
died the 19th of February 1671, in his 80th year*. Be-
fides
*This is the Charles Chauncy of whom Rushworth in his collec-
tions for the year 1629 takes this notice, "Mr. Charles Chauncy,
miniſter of Ware, ufing fome expreffions in his fermon, that idolatry
was admitted into the church, that the preaching of the gospel would
be fuppreffed, that there is much atheifm, popery, arminianiſm and
herefy crept into the church; and this being looked upon to raiſe a
fear among the people that fome alteration in religion would enſue,
he was queftioned in the high commiffion, and by order of that court
the caufe was referred to the bishop of London, being his ordinary,
who ordered him to make a ſubmiſſion in Latin." A letter which he
wrote two years before to Mr. Cotton will be thought by ſome worthy
of being preferved.
t
Good Sir,
"Salutem in fonte falutis.
My kindeft refpects and most loving falutations to yourſelf and
your wife. The prefent convenience of a meffenger from Ware makes
me bold to trouble you with thefe few lines. I am now (by God's
good hand) vickar of Ware, and defire your best direction how I
may, with most profit and edification of my charge, proceed in the
Lord's work. I have a very large pariſh and a diffolute town to deal
with (as you may well guefs) and which is worſe, we have little go-
vernment in the place to affift us. The people have wanted inftruc-
tion for many years (fuch I mean as might build them up in the faith
and make them wife unto falvation) befides, the places round about me
are a barren wilderness, and fo muft undergo much oppofition. I
have already ſuſtained aliqua gravamina confcientiæ, to go thus far in
regard to the government and difcipline of our church, and am likely
to undergo more in the book of articles, which we are bound to read
publicly and to yield our affent unto; the article concerning the ordi-
nation of bishops and minifters doth fomewhat trouble me, as alſo
the ceremonies which we are bound unto, which though I forbear
myfelf, yet I know not how to avoid but that my curate muft uſe
if I will ftand here. I pray afford your wifeft advice herein. Hac
fub figillo.
R 4
I fhall
2
266.
THE HISTORY OF
1666 fides thefe, we are not to omit Jonathan Mitchell, the mi-
to nifter of Cambridge, who died the 9th of July 1668, in
1670 his 43d year, and is always fpoken of as one of the moſt
learned men and beſt preachers in his day. Mr. Daven-
port, who had been minifter of New-Haven from the
first fettlement of that colony, removed to Bofton about
the year 1667, to the great grief of his people, and
against the mind of many of the principal perfons of the
church in Bofton, which caufed them, fome time
after, to feparate from their brethren, and to form a new
fociety ever fince known by the name of the fouth
church. He died of the palfie March 16th 1670, in
the 73d year of his age t.
MR. Gorges's claim to the province of Main, fupported
by the acts of the commiffioners, had encouraged the peo-
ple to withdraw from their fubjection to the Maffachuſets;
but the province, according to fome accounts, was in the
utmoft confufion, and, in 1668, fome of the principal per-
fons applied to the general court of the Maffachufets to
reaffume the juriſdiction over them. The court always
thought it the part of good governors, as well as of good
judges, to amplify their juriſdiction; and "from a fenfe of
their duty to God and their King" publiſhed a declaration,
I fhall be glad to fee you at my poor vickarage, in tranfitu, and for
my part (if God permit) I will not fail to fee you once a year. I pray
falute Mr. Johnfon and Mr. Bellingham with their wives in my name,
and the reft of my chriftian friends in your town or family, and I
beseech you remember me unto the Lord in your prayers, and the
Lord give a bleffing to your perſon and labours.
Your's in the Lord with all hearty affection,
Ware, March 15, 1627.
Charles Chauncy."
*Mr. Thomas Thacher was the firft minifter of this church, and
Mr. Rainsford, brother to Lord Chief Juftice Rainsford, was the fift
ruling elder,
+ In 1667 the people at Cape Fear, being under diftreffing circum-
ftances, a general contribution, by order of court, was made through
the colony for their relief. Although this was a colony fubject to the
proprietary government of Lord Clarendon and others, yet the founda-
tion was laid, about the time of the refloration, by adventurers from
New-England, who fuppofed they had a right to the foil as firft oc-
cupants and purchafers from the natives, and, iffuing from the Mafa-
chufets, to the fame civil privileges, but they were disappointed as to.
both. MS,
res
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
261
1
requiring the inhabitants of the county of York to yield 1666
obedience to the laws of the colony, and to chufe officers, to
within the ſeveral towns, as they had done before the late 1670
interruption. As this proceeding was made one of the
grounds of complaint againſt the colony, a more parti-
cular account of it may not be improper.
(C
66
→
THE declaration of the court was of the form following.
"WHEREAS this colony of the Maffachufets, in-
"obfervance of the truft to them committed by his Ma-
"jeſty's royal charter, with the full and free confent and
"fubmiffion of the inhabitants of the county of York,
"for fundry years, did exercife government over the
people of that county; and whereas, about three years
now paft, fome interruption hath been made to the
"( peace of that place, and order there eſtabliſhed, by the
impofition of fome who, pretending to ferve his Ma-
jeſty's intereft with unjuſt aſperſions and reflections upon
"this government here eſtabliſhed by his royal charter,
"have unwarrantably drawn the inhabitants of that
county to fubmiffion unto offices that have no royal
"warranty, thereby infringing the liberty of our charter,
"and depriving the people now fettled of their juſt privi-
"leges; the effect whereof doth now appear to be, not
"only a differvice to his Majefty, but alfo reducing a
6
66
'
66
people that were found under an orderly eſtabliſhment
"to a confuſed anarchy: The premifes being duly con-
"fidered, this court doth judge meet, as in duty they
"ftand bound to God and his Majefty, to declare their
"refolution, again to exert their power of jurifdiction
"over the inhabitants of the faid county of York, and do
'
'
hereby accordingly, in his Majefty's name, require all
"and every of the inhabitants there fettled, to yield obe-
"dience to the laws of this colony as they have been or-
derly publiſhed, and to all fuch officers as fhall be there
legally eſtabliſhed by authority of his Majefty's royal
charter and the order of our commiffioners, whom this
court hath nominated and impowered to fettle all af-
"fairs neceffary for the government of the people there,
"and to keep a court this prefent fummer the firft Tuef-
"C
66
day
262
THE HISTORY OF
to
1666" day in July, at York town, as hath been formerly ac-
"cuſtomed, and, for that end, we have commanded our
1670" ſecretary to iffue out warrants to the inhabitants there,
"in their respective towns to meet to chufe jurors, both
"grand and petit, conftables and other officers for the
"fervice of that county as the law requireth; the faid
"warrant to be directed unto Nathanael Mafterfon, who
"is by this court appointed marshal of that court as for-
merly, and by him the faid warrants are to be delivered
"to the feveral conftables to be accordingly executed, a
"due obfervance whereof, with an orderly return to be
"made to the court to be held as aforefaid, is hereby re-
quired of all perfons refpectively concerned, as they
will anfwer the contrary at their peril.
<c
'
By the court, Edward Rawfon, fecr'y.
THE Commiffioners appointed were Major General Le-
veret, Mr. Edward Tyng*, Capt. Waldron t, and Capt.
Pike. They made return to the general court, who
gave them thanks for their good fervices, allowed and ap-
proved of what they had done, and ordered their pro-
ceedings to be entered upon their records as followeth.
"UPON receipt of this court's commiffion which is
"recorded in the laſt feffion, we preſently appointed
"Peter Wyer clerk of the writs, and hearing Maſterſon,
"appointed by the court, was imprifoned, we appointed
"another marfhal, by warrant under our hands, but the
"former marfhal being fet at liberty the other did not act.
"The court being by law to be kept in York the first
"
Tuefday of July 1668, being the 7th day of the month,
"we repaired to York upon Monday the 6th day. Mr.
Jocelin and feveral others, ftiled juftices of the peace,
"coming nigh to the ordinary where we were before the
"door, after falutes paffed, they told us they defired to
66
ſpeak with us in the morning. To their defires we
"complied and gave them a meeting, where we ac-
*Edward Tyng was afterwards an affiftant.
+ Richard Waldron was fpeaker of the deputies and reprefented
Dover.
"
Robert Pike was of Salisbury. He was afterwards one of the
council named in the province charter.
2
(C
quainted
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
263
"quainted them we were ready to hear what they had to 1666
"fay, but not as fent to treat with them about what we to
"had to do by virtue of the general court's commiffion. 1670
"They acquainted us that they had lately received, in a
"pacquet from Col. Nichols, his letter to the governor
"and magiftrates of the Maffachufets colony, which they
"defired us to read, and firft their commiffion, the which
"we read, and having read them, we told them that
"thofe concerned the general court and had been under
"their confideration, all but the letter from Col. Nichols,
"and that they had fent their declaration into the county,
"fo that we had nothing to fay, only that we did not un-
“derſtand that the commiffioners had power to make
(6 any fuch temporary fettlement, his Majesty having be-
"fore him the cafe, for that the Maffachufets had, in obe-
"dience, fent their reaſons why they did not deliver up
"the government of that country to Mr. Gorges, which
"was according to his Majefty's command. Then Mr.
Jocelin told us there was not above five or fix of a town
"for us; to which we replied, we ſhould fee by the returns
"made to the court's warrants or appearances, and fur-
"ther told them we muſt attend to our commiſſion, in
"6
K
proſecution, whereof we ſhould attend to his Majeſty's
"and the country's fervice, not our own, and if we met
"with oppofition we ſhould adviſe what to do. Many
"other things paffed, but with mutual refpect. They
"faid they must attend their commiffion. We parted
"and repaired to the meeting-houſe, and there opened
"the court by reading our commiffion publicly and de-
claring to the people wherefore we came, whereto there
was great filence and attention. Then, by the mar-
fhal, we called for the town returns to be brought in
"for the election of affociates*, and returns were made
"from five towns, the other two being hindred (as they
"faid) by the juftices, yet, in one of them, above half
"the electors fent in their votes. Whilft the court was
66
<<
*The affociates feem to be intended in the room of magiftrates,
and being joined with perfons appointed by the general court had the
fame power as the court of magiftrates or affiftants had in the colony.
bufy
264
THE HISTORY OF
¿C
ઃઃ
$666 "
bufy in opening, forting and telling the votes, the juf
t to "tices came, and without doors, by fome inftrument,
1670 "made proclamation that all fhould attend to hear his
Majefty's commands; upon which orders were given
"to the marshal, and accordingly he made proclamation,
"that if any had any command from his Majefty, they
coming and fhewing it to the court, the court was open
and ready to hear the fame. Thereupon thefe gentle-
5 men came in, and manifeſted their defire, that what
they had fhewn to us in private might be read in court
"to the people; to whom we replied, that the court
"was in the midft of their bufinefs in opening the returns
"of the county from the feveral towns of election, and
"fo foon as that was over, and after dinner, they ſhould
"have their defire granted; fo they left us, and we
proceeded to ſee who were chofen affociates, had the
"returns of the jurymen and their names entred, both
"the grand jury and that of trials, alfo of the con-
"ftables, but did not fwear any one, but adjourned the
"court and went to dinner; in which time we heard that
"the gentlemen were going to the meeting-houfe to fit
"as an affembly, they having before iffued out their
"warrants for the towns to fend their deputies, where-
"upon we fent to fpeak with them after dinner. They
"returned they would, provided we would not proceed
66 any further till we fpake with them. We fent them.
"word we did engage it. They fent us word they would
66
meet with us at the meeting-houſe, and preſently after
"their marfhal and Nathaniel Phillips went up and
down, and at all public places publifhed a paper or
"writing, whom meeting upon their return, it was de-
manded what, and upon what authority, they had
"publiſhed to the people to make a diſturbance, they
"anſwered, they publiſhed what they had in the King's
name; they were demanded to fhew their order or au-
6C
66
thority; they anfwered, that was for their fecurity;
"fo refufing to fhew it they were committed to the mar-
"fhal. Then we went to court, where we found the houſe
"full and the gentlemen to have taken up our feats, fo
65 room
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
265
.66
"room being made, we went up to them and told 1666
"them we expected other things than that they would to
"have put fuch an affront upon the court, nor fhould 1670
"motions hinder us from profecuting our commiffion;
"we could keep the court elſewhere. Some of the
"people began to fpeak, but we commanded filence, and
"the officer was commanded by us to clear the court,
"whereupon Mr. Jocelin ſpoke to fome nigh him to de-
part; fo they coming from their feat we came to pri-
"vate diſcourſe, and they infifted to have their commif-
"fion and the King's mandamus of 1666 to be read; we
"told them we would perform what we had promiſed
"when the court was ſet, ſo we repaired to our ſeat, and
"they being fet by us defired that their commiffion might
"be read, which was done, and the grounds of it ex-
preffed to be from the people's petitioning, who
were told that they could beſt give anfwer thereto,
"but faid nothing; then that part of the mandamus of
"1666, which they defired might be read, was read.
"After which they defired that Colonel Nichols's letter
"to the governor and magiftrates of the Maffachufets
66
<<
46
might be read, but, that not being concernment to
"them there, fave only for information of the juſtices of
"what had paffed from him to the governor and magi-
"ftrates to whom it was directed, it was refuſed; fome
"fhort account being publicly given, that that which
"had been read, for the matter, having been before un-
"der the confideration of the general court, they had
"the declaration of their intendments, in proſecution
"whereof we were commiffionated to keep court and
"fettle the country, which work we had begun, and,
"God willing, would profecute, to perform the truſt
"committed to us, and have declared to the people that
"we were not infenfible how that, at the time of the in-
"terruption of the government, in the year 1665, by
"fuch of the gentlemen of the King's commiffioners as
"were then upon the place, they had manifefted their
diſpleaſure, by telling the people that the Maſſachuſets
were traitors, rebels, and diſobedient to his Majesty,
"(
CC
3
"the
266
THE HISTORY OF
1666" the reward whereof, within one year, they faid, fhould
to "be retributed, yet we told them, that, through the
1670" good hand of God and the King's favour, the Maffa-
"chufets were an authority to affert their right of go-
"vernment there, by virtue of the royal charter derived
"to them from his Majefty's royal predeceffors, and that
"we did not doubt but that the Maffachufets colony's
"actings for the forwarding his Majefty's fervice, would
outſpeak other words, where there was nothing but
"words for themfelves or againft us. Which done, the
"gentlemen left us, and we proceeded to the work of
"the court, to impannel the grand jury, gave them their
"oaths and charge, and then, the affociates prefent, we
"called to take their oaths, one of them, viz. Mr.
66
66
Roger Plaiſted, expreffed publicly that he was fent by
"the town he lived in, accordingly he had applied him-
"felf to the major-general more privately, to know
"how we reaffumed the government, and how they
", were to ſubmit to it, which he now mentioned in public
"that he might render himſelf faithful to them that ſent
"him; to which he was anſwered in public as he had
"been in private, that we reaffumed the government by
"virtue of the charter, and that they were to have the
"like privileges with ourſelves in the other counties.
"We had alfo from Scarborough a paper prefented,
which we herewith prefent to the court. Then having
fworn the conftables prefent, impannelled the jury for
"trials, fworn them, and committed what actions were
"entred and profecuted to them, in which time the
66
<<
gentlemen fent to defire that at our leifure time they
might ſpeak with us; they were fent for and prefented
"us with a paper. After we had received it, we at-
"tended to fettle the bufinefs of the military officers and
"trained bands, and commiffionated for York, Job Al-
"cock lieutenant, Arthur Bragdon enfign; for Wells,
John Littlefield lieutenant, Francis Littlefield jun. en-
"fign; for Scarborough, Andrew Augur lieutenant; for
"Falmouth, George Ingerfield lieutenant; for Kittery,
"Charks Froft captain, Roger Plaifted lieutenant, John
Gaf-
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
267
1
66.
"Gaffingfley enfign; for Saco, Bryan Pendleton major; 1666
"and he to fettle Black-point. Mr. Knight of Wells, to
"the morning before we came away, being Thurſday the 1670
9th of July, came and took his oath in court to ſerve
"as an affociate. The court made an order for a county
૬૯ court to be held the 15th of September there at York,
"and for that end continued the commiffion to Capt.
"Waldron, Capt. Pike, and others, for the better
ſtrengthening the authority upon the place, as by their
"commiffion may appear. The affociates that are now
"in place are Major Pendleton, Mr. Francis Cotterell,
"Mr. Knight of Wells, Mr. Raynes of York, Mr.
Roger Plaiſted of Kit ery. Which is humbly fubmitted
to the honourable general court as the return of
66
•
66
"Your fervants
"The 23d of October 1668.
John Leveret
Edward Tyng
Richard Waldron."
THIS proceeding of the Maffachufets was reported and
publiſhed by Jocelyn * in a more unfavourable light, and
C.C
as
* The province of Main or the country of the Troquois (Iroquois)
"heretofore called Laconia or New Somerfetfhire, is a colony belong-
ing to the grandfon of Sir Ferdinando Gorges of Afhton Phillips in
"the county of Somerfet. The faid Sir Ferdinando Gorges did ex-
"pend in planting feveral parts of New-England above twenty thou-
"fand pounds fterling, and when he was between three and fourfcore
"
years of age, did perfonally engage in our royal maſter's ſervice,
"and particularly in the fiege of Bristol, and was plundered and im-
"prifoned feveral times, by reafon whereof he was difcountenanced
by the pretended commiffioners for foreign plantations, and his pro-
"vince encroached upon by the Maffachufets colony who affumed the
government thereof. His Majefty,, that now reigneth, fent over
"his commiflioners to reduce them within their bounds, and to put
"Mr. Gorges again into poffeffion. But there falling out a conteft
"about it, the commiffioners fettled it in the King's name (until the
"bufinefs fhould be determined before his Majefty) and gave com-
millions to the judge of their courts, and the juftices to govern and
"act according to the laws of England, and by fach laws of their
own as were no: repugnant to them. But, as foon as the commif-
fioners were returned for England, the Maffachufets enter the pro-
"vince in a hoſtile manner with a troop of horse and foot, and turned
"the judge and his aflitants off the bench, imprifoned the major or
66
RC
64
com-
1
268
THE HISTORY OF
1666 as an act of greater force and violence. Indeed, he does
to not pretend that there was any oppofition made by the
1670 inhabitants, but only by the particular perfons appointed
by the commiffioners to govern there, and it always ap-
peared to be the defire of a great part of the people to
live under the governor of the Maffachufets.
THE people of New-Hampſhire had continued in a
quiet and orderly ftate ever fince the year 1641. There
was no perfon who had any pretence to the powers of
government, Mafon having only a grant of the foil from
the council of Plimouth. Sir Ferdinando Gorges received
a royal charter, granting the fame royalties, privileges
and franchifes as are of right or ought to be enjoyed by
the bishop of Durham, in the county palatine of Durham,
with power to conftitute a deputy governor, a chancellor,
a treaſurer, a marfhal, a judge of admiralty, officers of
admiralty for ordering maritime affairs, mafter of ord-
nance, a fecretary, &c. and by repeatedly nominating
ſome ſuch officers and attempting to eſtabliſh a form of
government confifting of different perfons from thofe ap-
pointed by the Maffachufets, there were always two dif-
ferent parties and interefts kept alive in that province,
but New-Hampſhire had been fo long united to the Maf-
fachufets that the people of both colonies were of one
heart and mind in civil and religious affairs. The town
of Portſmouth fhewed an inftance of their great regard
to the public intereft, and in 1669 made a collection, as
it is termed in the inftrument prefented to the general
court, more probably a ſubſcription, of fixty pounds per
annum for the term of ſeven years, for the ufe of Har-
"commander of the militia, threatned the judges and fome others
"that were faithful to Mr. Gorges interefts. I could difcover many
"other foul proceedings, but, for fome reaſons which might be
given, I conceive it not convenient to make report thereof to vulgar
"ears," &c. Joffelyn's voyage to New-England, f. 199.
@c
This Mr. Joffelyn I take to be brother to the juſtice of peace men-
tioned in the report of the Maffachufets commiffioners. He writes
with acrimony, and in this account, as well as feveral other parts of
his voyages to New-England, difcovers a ftrong prejudice against the
people of the colony.
vard
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
269
\
vard college, to be paid into the hands of the overſeers, 1666
and they ſay they hoped to make it more *.
to
THE Colony, about this time, made a greater figure 1670
than it ever did at any other time. The report made by
the commiffioners to the King had produced no further
troubles from England. The plague, the fire of London,
the diſcontents among the people of England, cauſed by
their jealoufies of a defign to fubvert the conftitution there,
may well enough be ſuppoſed to have been the cauſe of a
refpite in favour of the people here. The Maffachufets go-
verned, without oppofition, the province of New-Hamp-
fhire and province of Main, and were beginning fettlements
even further eastward. The French were removed from
their neighbourhood on the one fide, and the Dutch and
Swedes on the other. Their trade was as extenſive as they
could with. No cuftom houfe was eſtabliſhed. The acts
of parliament of the 12th and 15th of King Charles the
fecond, for regulating the plantation trade, were in force,
but the governor, whofe bufinefs it was to carry them into
execution, was annually to be elected by the people, whofe
intereft it was that they fhould not be obferved. Some of
the magiſtrates and principal merchants grew very rich †,
and a ſpirit of induſtry and economy prevailed through
the colony. But a change of affairs came on foon after.
MR. Bellingham continued governor in 1671 and 1671
1672. Mr. Leveret was chofen deputy governor both to
thofe years, and in 1673, he fucceeded Mr. Bellingham 1673
in
*Boniface Burton, aged 113 years, died the 13th June 1669. Al-
manack for 1673.
April 4th 1671, Mr. Willoughby the deputy governor died. He
was a great oppofer of the perfecutions againſt the Baptifts. Elder
Penn died the 30th of September the fame year. He was a leading
man in church and town affairs. He is the fame perfon who was
choſen beadle in 1630.
+ Joffelyn, p. 180.
Mr. Bellingham died December 7th, 1672. He lived to be the
only furviving patentee named in the charter. It is always mentioned
as a part of his character, that he hated a bribe. He was bred a
lawyer, but, like fome much greater lawyers, made his laft will and
teftament in ſuch a manner, that after fome years difpute, the general
$
count
270
THE HISTORY OF
1671 in the place of governor, when Mr. Samuel Symonds
to was chofen deputy governor.
*
1673 THE ftrict union, which had been from the beginning,
between the civil and ecclefiaftical parts of the confti-
tution, was about this time in danger of being broke, or
greatly weakned. After Mr. Wilfon's death, the firft
church in Bofton invited Mr. Davenport, the minifter of
New-Haven, to fucceed him. He was then about 70,
had gone into the wilderneſs with perfons cloſely attached
to him, and remained with them about 30 years, and they
were extremely averfe to his leaving them; and befides,
he was at the head of a party more ftrict and rigid than
the body of the people of the country, for he had always
oppoſed the admitting to baptifm the children of any
who were not in full communion with one or other of the
churches. It is not ftrange that there fhould have been
a party of Boſton church which oppofed his fettlement.
The two parties in this church, the firſt in rank (although
the church of Salem was the oldeft) in the country, pro-
duced two parties, not in the other churches only, but
in the ftate alſo. A confiderable part of the church,
both for number and eftate, formed themfelves, as has
been obferved, into a ſeparate ſociety. Seventeen mini-
fters bore a public teftimony against the proceedings of
the three elders + of the first church in Bofton, viz. againſt
court thought it neceffary to fupply the defects of it, by making a dif-
pofition of his eftate themfelves. Mr. Leveret was among the junior
affiftants, but he had been long employed in public affairs and places
of great truft. Oliver Cromwell had made him one of his commif-
fioners in 1654, for the reduction of the Manhadoes. He was in
England at the reſtoration, and appeared an advocate for the colony.
Upon his return to New-England, foon after, he was chofen a mem-
ber for Boftön. In 1664 was chofen major-general, and in 1665 an
affiftant.
* John Allin, John Higgiufon, John Ward, John Wilſon, Edmund
Browne, Samuel Whiting fenior, Thomas Cobbet, John Sherman,
Samuel Phillips, Thomas Shepard, Increaſe Mather, Samuel Torrey,
Zechary Symmes, John Brocke, Edward Bulkley, Samuel Whiting
junior, John Hale.
+ Mr. John Davenport, Mr. James Allen, and tlie ruling elder
James Penn..
<
Mr.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
271
Mr. Davenport for leaving his church at New-Haven, 1671
contrary to his profeffed principles, and againſt all of to
them for communicating parcels only of letters from the 1673
church of New-Haven to the church in Bofton, by which
artifice the church was deceived, and made to believe the
church of New-Haven confented to his difmiffion, when
if the whole had been read, it would have appeared they
did not.
This teftimony was fent to the elders the day
before a public faft. An anfwer was given, in which the
elders deny, that the letters concealed would have been
evidence of the refuſal of the church of New-Haven to
confent to Mr. Davenport's leaving them and fettling at
Bofton, the church was only unwilling to make his dif
miffion their immediate act. Neither the church of New-
Haven, nor the elders of the church of Boſton can be
wholly juftified. There does not feem to have been that
fairneſs and fimplicity in their proceedings which the gof-
pel requires. The firſt church refuſed the invitation of
the new fociety to join with other churches in ordaining
their officers, &c. The minifters and members of churches
in the colony were engaged, fome on one fide and fome
on the other, and the contentions were fharp *; at length
the houſe of deputies efpouſed the cauſe of the firſt
church, and having at their feffion in May 1670 ap-
pointed a committee to enquire into the prevailing evils
which had procured or been the caufe of the difpleaſure
of God against the land, they reported among other
caufes, thefe that follow, viz. "Declenfion from the
* Before this, viz. in July 1669, a council had been called by Mr.
Bellingham the governor, fearing, as he fays in the order, "
a fud.
den tumult, fome pe fons attempting to fet up an ed fice for public
worship, which was apprehended by authority to be detrimental to the
public peace." Mr. Bellingham, it is evident, was warmly engaged
against the feceders, but the council thought it bett not to interpofe,
and if any perfon had offe: ded against the laws they advifed to pro-
ceed against them in a due courfe of law. They judged it meet to
declare, "that it was the duty of thoſe who were about to erect a new
meeting-houfe to obferve the laws and orders of the general court for
regulating prudential affairs, &c. and if they did not, they ſhould
have no countenance of authority in their proceedings."
S2
66
pri-
272
THE HISTORY OF
"C
66
1671" primitive foundation work, innovation in doctrine and
to worship, opinion and practice, an invafion of, the
1673 rights, liberties and privileges of churches, an ufurp-
"ation of a lordly and prelatical power over God's he-
"ritage, a fubverfion of goſpel order, and all this with
"a dangerous tendency to the utter devaftation of thefe
"churches, turning the pleaſant gardens of Chrift into
"a wilderneſs, and the inevitable and total extirpation
"of the principles and pillars of the congregational
"way; thefe are the leaven, the corrupting gangrene,
"the infecting fpreading plague, the provoking image
"of jealoufy fet up before the Lord, the accurfed thing
"which hath provoked divine wrath, and doth further
''
.
threaten deftruction." They then take notice of the
late tranſaction of churches and elders in conftituting the
third church in Boſton, as irregular, illegal, and dif-
orderly *.
66
SEVERAL of the minifters, at the next feffion of the
general court, prefented a petition or addrefs, acknow-
ledging the great goodneſs of God in favouring the land
for fo long a time with a godly and able magiftracy, and
defiring, that it might alfo be remembered that the people
were led forth into this wildernefs not only by the
hands of Mofes, but alfo of Aaron, viz. that reverend
miniftry which had tranſported the ark of the covenant,
the preſence of God in his ordinances, fettled in goſpel
order." This being premifed, they folemnly profeffed
that they ſtill adhered to the fafe and fober principles of
the congregational way, in oppofition to feparation, mo-
rellian or anarchical confufion and licentious toleration.
This profeffion they made, to vindicate their integrity
and innocency from the unjuft charge of innovation and
loud cry of apoftacy laid upon the generality of the mi-
*Mr. Flint, the minifter of Dorchefter, in his diary, whilft this
court was fitting, has this obfervation: "A fpirit of divifion, perfe-
"cuting and oppreffing God's minifters and precious faints, is the fin
"which is unfeen and none bears witneſs againft. It is a great fin
and threatens a fword of divine wrath. God's feers fear it, and
their bowels and compaflions are moved at it."
[
niftry,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
273
to
niftry, heightened by the reports of the committee choſen 167
by the houſe of deputies in their laft feffion, and the votes
of the major part of the houſe. They go on and fay, that 1673
"this charge evidently appears to be the tranſports of a
party, by inftancing the buſineſs of the third church, and
fo defigning to hinder the confummation of that work of
God, in the peaceable ſettlement thereof in actual and full
communion with other churches, and by miſrepreſenting
that weighty and worthy tranfaction, before inquiry had
been made into the ſtate of the cafe. Theſe things were
matters of great grievance, inafmuch as an antiminifterial
ſpirit had thereby been ftrengthened and emboldened, the
hearts and hands of thoſe who laboured in the miniſtry
weakened, the fpirits of many being filled with groundleſs
jealoufies and fufpicions against the miniftrations of the
elders. They made this humble repreſentation in hopes
of redreſs, either by being called upon publicly to vindi-
cate themſelves, or by the court's moving for a general
convention of churches by their elders and meffengers,
for the decifion of queftions and accommodation of dif-
ferences, or by fuch other means and meaſures as to the
wiſdom of the court fhould feem meet *."
THE Court took this address into their immediate con-
fideration, and having firft afferted their own authority,
and that the acts of the court were not liable to queſtion
by any, and that free debates were the indubitable right
of the court, they then acknowledged, that in an hour of
temptation ſuch acts may paſs in one court, as may, ac-
cording to principles of religion, prudence and ftate inte-
reft, be reviewed, and upon mature deliberation be rec-
tified in another; and in the cafe then under confidera-
tion, the court thought it their duty to declare, that fe-
veral expreffions in the votes referred to in the petition
appeared exceptionable; and, that the court might re-
move all juſt grounds of grievance in the hearts of the re-
*Signed by John Allin, Thomas Cobbet, William Hubbard, Sa-
muel Whiting, Samuel Whiting junior, John Sherman, Samuel Phillips,
Samuel Torrey, John Ward, John Higginson, Thomas Shepard, An-
tipas Newman, Edmund Browne, Thomas Thacher, Seaborn Cotton.
S 3
verend
274
THE HISTORY OF
1671 verend elders, and that their miniftry might not be made
to ineffectual by that antiminifterial fpirit that too much ran
1673 through the country, it was ordered, that all papers re-
ferring to the cafe fhould be accounted ufelefs, and not
be improved against the reverend elders, as having been
the cauſe of God's difpleafure against the country; and
whereas many had taken upon them to publifh the fecrets
of the court in that cafe, the court further declared, that
they knew no juft caufe of thofe fcandalizing reflections
indefinitely caft upon magiftrates, elders and churches,
either in reference to the new church in Bofton or other-
wife, and therefore, until they were further informed,
they judged them to be innocent, calumniated and mifre-
prefented. The court then profefs, that they will adhere
to the primitive ends of their coming over, and retain
the fober principles of the congregational way and the
practice of their churches," in their pureft and moſt
athletick conftitution *."
I HAVE been more particular in relating this tranfac
tion, becauſe it gives us a pretty good idea of the con-
nection between the civil and ecclefiaftical power, the
churches, notwithſtanding their claim to independency,
being liable to controul as oft as their proceedings were
diſapproved by the civil magiftrate, and on the other
hand, the magiftrates, who were annually elected, being
fometimes liable to be difplaced by the influence of the
clergy in elections, when their proceedings were fuppoſed
to'bear hard upon the liberties of the churches, for the
clergy ftill retained a great proportion of the weight they
had at the beginning. Indeed parishes were multiplied
in the colony, many of them fmall, and in new fettle-
ments. The ftipends to the minifters were leffened, and,
foon after this time, fome of them complained, as many
curates do in England, "that they prophecied in fack-
*This change of fentiments in the court was owing to the change
of perfons in the houſe of deputies, there being of fifty members, the
number of the houfe this year, twenty only who were of the houſe the
year before; and this is an evidence of the whole colony's being en-
gaged in this difpute.
cloth."
MASSACHUSETS-BAY,
275
cloth." Notwithstanding this, as long as the charter 1671
continued, their influence in the affairs of government
continued, as we ſhall have further occafion to obferve. 1673
THE war with the Indians, commonly called Philip's
war, endangered the very being of the colony, and it was
a queſtion with fome, whether the Indians would not
prevail to a total extirpation of the English inhabitants.
At the firft arrival of the Engliſh the Indians were treat-
ed with kindneſs, to obtain their friendſhip and favour;
but they having no acquaintance with fire-arms, the Eng-
liſh grew by degrees lefs apprehenfive of danger, finding
by means of corflets or armour, that they were not much
expofed to danger from bows and arrows of fo fimple con-
ſtruction as thoſe of the Indians. The quarrels which
the Indians had always been engaged in amongſt them-
ſelves were a further fecurity to the Engliſh, who on the
one hand endeavoured to reftrain them from an open war
with one another, and on the other to keep up fo much
contention as to prevent a combination, and to make an
appeal to the Engliſh, as umpires, neceffary from time to
time. The English, before their arrival, had fuch ideas
of the fachems, that at the first meetings refpect was
fhewn them, in fome proportion to what would have been
required by the Prince of a petty ftate in Europe; but
the baſe fordid minds of the beſt of them, and the little
authority they had over their own fubjects, foon rendered
them contemptible. At New-Plimouth, the governor in
the firſt treaty with Maffafoiet, in 1620, acquainted him
that King James confidered him as his good friend and ally.
This was too great an honour for Maffafoiet, he was con-
rent to acknowledge the King to be his fovereign. The
next year, the governor caufed the petty fachems to fign
an inftrument, in which they owned themfelves to be ſub-
ject to King James *. Subjects, was a word of which they
had
"Sept. 13. A. D. 1621. Know all men by theſe preſents, that
we whofe names are underwritten, do acknowledge ourſelves to be
the loyal fubjects of King James, King of Great Britain, France
S 4
and
276
THE HISTORY OF
*
1671 had no precife idea. For near forty years together,
they andrao great concern, or of no long continu-
1975 awe, m that colony, from the neighbouring Indians, Maffa-
Cufamequin always courting the friendſhip of the
Join
After his death + and the death of his eldeſt fon
turra of Alexander, Metacom or Philip his fecond
foreman of great fpirit, by his behaviour raifed fufpicions
of. de Bon against the English, but, appearing before the
come to Platooth in 1662, he expreffed his defire to con-
Home ha friendſhip, and promiſed, that he and his fucceffors
ould always to main faithful fubjects to the Kings of
ples lang sund chat he would never alienate his lands, and
at brunad. delender of the faith, &c. In witnefs whereof, and as
the same, we have ſubſcribed our names or marks as
Nattawahunt
Caunbatant
Chickatawbut
Quadaquina
Huttamoiden
Apannow."
Wenouder oldeft fon of Maffafoiet, foon after his father's death,
about gh, was fpected of plotting with the Naraganfets againſt
che Enelif. Mr. Jofas Winflow with eight or ten flout men armed,
cock. kim by forprize at a hunting houſe about fix miles diftant from
the Engliſh born, and carried him to the governor. This raiſed his
ladignāriou so that degree as to bring a fever upon him which put an
end to his life and plots together. Philip his brother a young lad fuc-
ceeded him. MS.
† Maſſaſoiet juſt before his death when he was treating for the fale
of fome of his lands at Swanfey, infifted upon it as a condition that the
Engliſh ſhould never attempt to draw off any of his people from their
religion to chriſtianity, and would not recede until he found the treaty
would break off if he urged it any further. Hubbard.
In 1662, when Maffafoiet's two fons were at Plimouth, the go-
vernor gave them their Engliſh names. The Indians in general were
fond of having names given to them. Their father never took an Eng-
lith name. Philip was charged by the English with being not only
haughty but perfidious and impious. They charged him with pride
and ambition, in afpiring to the fovereignty of a country which he
would have enjoyed as his inheritance if they had not prevented; with
perfidy in breaking promiſes made whilft under reſtraint and in the
power of thole to whom they were made; and with impiety in refufing
to receive his religion from his enemies.
*
=
}
never
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
277
never make war with any other Indians without the privity 1671
and allowance of the government of New-Plimouth *. to
The Indians within the Maffachufets bounds, were not un- 1673
der one general fachem, but divided into fmaller cantons.
Thefe, one after another, were brought to acknowledge
their fubjection to the Maffachufets government, particu-
larly in 1643, when danger was apprehended from the
Naraganfets, five fachems fubjected themfelves by the
fame inftrumentt. Befides rules and orders which they
were encouraged to make for their own government, for
any offence against the English they were puniſhed by the
Engliſh laws, and fo likewiſe for any capital or heinous of-
fence among themſelves. The cafe of a fquaw convicted
of adultery was referred to the elders, for advice whether
ſhe ſhould die or not. They were merciful to her, and
ſhe eſcaped with a fmart whipping. Notwithſtanding the
laws to reſtrain all perfons from felling guns or ammuni-
tion to the Indians, they were generally furnished with
both, and were become good markſmen.
IN 1670 the Pokanoket e Philip's Indians were again
fufpected by their frequent tommbling together, by fixing
up their guns, grinding their hatchets, and other prepara-
tions, and by infults offered to the Engliſh in different
However it may be queftioned whether this was a reaſonable re-
quifition, fome of the terms of it were plain and well understood.
+ We have and by thefe prefents do, voluntarily and without any
conſtraint or perfuafion, but of our own free motion, put ourſelves, our
fubjects, lands, and eſtates under the government and jurisdiction of
the Maſſachuſets, to be governed and protected by them according to
their juft laws and orders fo far as we ſhall be made capable of under-
ftanding them; and we do promife for ourſelves and all our fubjects
and all our pofterity, to be true and faithful to the ſaid government and
aiding to the maintenance thereof to our beft ability, and from time
to time to give ſpeedy notice of any confpiracy, attempt or evil inten-
tion of any, of which we ſhall know or hear of againſt the fame, and
we do promiſe to be willing, from time to time, to be inftructed in the
knowledge and worship of God. In witnefs whereof we have here-
unto put our hands the 8th of the first month 1643-4.
Cutchamacke
Maſkanomet
Nafhowanon
Squaw Sachem
Woffamegon.
places,
278
THE HISTORY OF
}
1671 places, to be meditating a general war. The government
to of Plimouth, in March, fent meffengers to them to inquire
1673 into the reaſon of this behaviour, and at the fame time
wrote to the Maffachufets, acquainting them therewith.
The governor and magiftrates, always averfe to an open
breach, immediately diſpatched their own meſſengers* to
Taunton, to prevent a war if poffible, which Plimouth
had intimated that they fhould be obliged to begin, if they
could not otherwiſe bring the Indians to reaſon. They
met at Taunton, the 13th of April, where the gover-
nor and two other of Plimouth gentlemen met with
them, and whilft they were in conference and examining
witneffes concerning the behaviour of the Indians, the
governor received a meffage from Philip, fignifying that
he was at three mile river, and that he deſired the gover-
nor to come up thither to ſpeak with him. The gover-
nor returned anſwers that he was at Taunton ready for a
treaty, and expected Philip to come to him, promifing
fecurity. Philip refuſed to move, until two of the go-
vernor's meffengers offer to remain as hoftages, and
then he declined coming to the town, and refolved to
go on as far as the mill, with all his men in arms, de-
firing the governor to come to him there. This return
was made to the governor, with further intelligence that
Philip was on the march with all his men in arms, and
foon after he appeared at the mill, placing centinels.
round a hill near to it, but fent no meffage into the town.
Some within the town were for attacking him, but the
Maffachufets commiffioners were afraid of the event and
would not confent to it. All agreed, that the governor
fhould not condefcend to go out to him. At length the
Maffachuſers commiffioners offered to go out and try to
perfuade him to come in. At first he was unwilling, and
his counſellors declared he fhould not go, but finally he
confented, provided his men might go with him, they to
C
ting
*William Davis, William Hudfon, and Thomas Brattle.
+ Mr. Prince. Mr. Jofias Winflow, and Conftant Southworth.
§ By old Roger Williams and fome others.
Mr. Williams and Mr. Brown.
be
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
279
be on one fide of the meeting-houfe, and the English on 1671
the other. Philip denied that he had any further pur- to
pofe in bringing his men together and arming them, than 1673
to defend himself from any attacks which might be made
by the Naraganfet Indians, fome of whom had been en-
gaged in quarrels with fome of his people; but, upon
enquiry, it appeared, that he was on better terms with
the Naraganfets than ever before, and plentiful evidence
being produced of his preparations both of ammunition
and provifions, and of parties of his men being deſtined
for the attack of Taunton, Seaconk, and other places,
he was confounded and made a full confeffion. Such im-
provement was made of it by the commiffioners that
they required of him fatisfaction for paft damages and
fecurity againſt future injuries. The first was not long
infifted on, but with refpect to the latter, he was pre-
vailed on to deliver up what Engliſh arms he then had
with him, being about 70 guns, and to promiſe to ſend
in the remainder in a few days. A writing was alfo
drawn up, which he confented to fign, acknowledging his
paft breach of faith, and promifing future fidelity*
THE lofs of fo many guns must have been grievous to
Philip, at a time when he only waited a good opportunity
of falling upon the Engliſh. His fubmitting to the ac-
know-
Taunton, 12th April 1671. Whereas my father, my brother,
and myſelf, have formerly fubmitted ourſelves, our country, and our
people unto the King's Majefty of England and colony of New-Pli-
mouth, by folemn covenant under our hands, but I having of late,
through my indifcretion and the naughtinefs of my heart, violated
and broken this my covenant with my friends, by taking up arms
with evil intent against them, and that groundleſsly, and being
now deeply fenfible of my unfaithfulneſs and folly, defire at this time
folemnly to renew my covenant with my ancient friends and my fa-
ther's friends above-mentioned, and do defire this may teftify to the
world against me, if ever I fhall again fail in my faithfulness towards
them (that I have now and at all times found fo kind to me) or any
other of the English colonies. And as a real pledge of my true in-
tention, for the future to be faithful and friendly, I do freely engage
to refign up to the government of New-Plimouth all my English arms,
to be kept by them for their fecurity, fo long as they fhall fee reafon.
For
280
THE HISTORY OF
1671 knowledgment in writing was of no confequence. The
to Indians, in general, will promife any thing required of
1673
them to remove an impending danger, or to procure an
immediate benefit, and they regard fuch promifes not a
minute longer than it is for their advantage to do it.
When Philip was at liberty he thought no more of his
engagements, the guns were not brought in, and he him-
felf refuſed to come to Plimouth, when required. Many
ftrange Indians reforted to him. On the 23d of Auguſt
Mr. Morton, fecretary, in the name of the court of Pli-
mouth, wrote to the Maffachuſets governor, to be com-
municated to the council, acquainting him that they had
fummoned Philip to appear on the 13th of September,
that, if he did not do it, they had determined, on the 20th
to fend out forces to reduce him to reaſon, unleſs better
reaſon fhould feaſonably appear to them, by the Maffa-
chufets advice, to prevent it; that it was a common cauſe,
and they ſhould well accept of affiftance; but it was
plainly intimated, that if aid fhould be refufed they
would engage alone. Philip happened to come to Boſton,
with his counſellors, the fame day the letter was received,
and reprefented his cafe fo favourably to the governor
and council, that, in their anfwer to Plimouth, they
urged that government to refer the difference between
Philip and them to commiffioners from the Maffachuſets
and Connecticut *. Plimouth declined this propoſal, and
infifted on Philip's appearance at the time propofed †,
but
For the true performance of the premiſes I have hereunto ſet my hand,
together with the reft of my council.
In the prefence of
Wm. Davis
Wm. Hudfon
Tho. Brattle.
The mark of Philip chief fachem P
The mark of Tacafoe V
The mark of Capt. Wifpaſh T
The mark of Woukaponkanet T
The mark of Nimrod L.
* At this time there was a breach in the union between the colonies
from fome mifunderftandings, but the next year 1672 it was healed, and
fome alterations made in the articles.
+ The nature of Philip's fubjection to the government of Plimouth
was enquired into, upon this occafion, by the Maffachufets. They
fay
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
281
but finally the Maffachufets declaring that there did not 1671
appear fufficient grounds for commencing hoftilities, to
Plimouth confented to give Philip further time until the 1673
26th, promiſed him fafe conduct, and defired com-
miffioners from Maffachufets and Connecticut to be pre-
ſent and give advice. Whilſt Philip was at Boſton he
engaged that he would not enter into a quarrel with Pli-
66
fay in their letter of the 8th of September, "We do not underſtand
"how far he hath ſubjected himſelf to you, but the treatment you
"have given him and proceedings towards him do not render him
“ ſuch a ſubject, as that, if there be not a prefent anſwering to fum-
"mons, there fhould preſently be a proceeding to hoftilities; and the
"fword once drawn and dipped in blood may make him as indepen-
"dent upon you, as you are upon him." Notwithstanding, that in
the treaties from time to time, the Indians have acknowledged them-
felves fubjects to the Kings of England, yet they ftill retained, in
their idea of fubjection, a degree of independency which Engliſh fub-
jects have no pretence to.
The Six Nations go no farther than to call
the great King their father. They never call themselves fubjects.
When Philip was at Bofton, in 1671, and the letters, which had been
received from Plimouth, were read to him, he expreffed himſelf be-
fore the governor and council as follows: "That his predeceffors had
"been friendly with Plimouth governors, and an engagement of that
nature was made by his father and renewed by his brother, and
"(when he took the government) by himſelf, but they were only
agreements, for amity and not for ſubjection any further, as he ap-
prehends; he defired to fee a copy of the engagement they ſpeak
"of, and that the governor of the Maffachufets would procure it
" for him.
He knew not that they were ſubjects. Praying Indians
were ſubjects to Maſſachuſets and had officers and magiftrates ap-
pointed, they had no fuch thing with them, and therefore were not
fubject." (Maſſachuſets files.) In the feveral treaties between the
Maffachufets and the Eaſtern Indians, from Sir William Phips's treaty
in 1693 down to the laft treaty of peace in 1749, the Indians have
always acknowledged fubjection to the crown of England; notwith-
ftanding fuch agreements, they have remained as independent of the
Maffachufets government as they were before any treaty was made
When they call the King their Sovereign, perhaps they
have no other idea than the Six Nations have when they call him Fa-
ther. It is indeed at this day of no other importance than a matter
of meer fpeculation, the eaſtern Indians, the fubject of theſe treaties,
if the remains of all their tribes were collected into one, not deferving
the name of a nation, and in a few years more they will be extinct.
66
"C
<3
with them.
mouth,
切
​1
282
THE HISTORY OF
1671 mouth, until he had firſt addreffed himſelf to the Maffa-
to chufets for advice and approbation.
1673
THE mediators met at Plimouth, and matters feemed
to be accommodated; Philip figned to fuch articles as it
was thought reaſonable he ſhould do, whichwere as follows:
"WE Philip and my council, and my fubjects, do
acknowledge ourſelves fubject to his Majefty the King
of England and the government of New-Plimouth, and
to their laws.
ઠંડ 2dly. I-am willing, and do promife, to pay unto the
government of Plimouth one hundred pounds in fuch
things as I have, but I would intreat the favour that I
might have three years to pay it in, forafmuch as I can-
not do it at prefent.
66
3dly. I do promiſe to fend unto the governor, or
whom he ſhall appoint, five wolves heads, if I can get
them, or as many as I can procure, until they come to
five wolves yearly.
<<
4thly. If any difference fall between the Engliſh and
myſelf and people, then I do promife to repair to the go-
vernor of Plimouth, to rectify the difference amongst us.
5thly. I do promife not to make war with any, but
with the governor's approbation of Plimouth.
.
"6thly. I promiſe not to diſpoſe of any of the lands
that I have at prefent, but by the approbation of the go.
vernor of Plimouth,
"For the true performance of the premiſes, I the faid
Sachem, Philip of Pawkamauket, do hereby bind myſelf
and fuch of my council as are prefent, ourfelves, our
heirs, our fucceffors, faithfully. In witnefs whereof we
I have hereunto fubfcribed our hands, the day and year
above written *.
"In the peſence of
the court and divers
of the gentlemen of
the Maffachuſets
and Connecticut."
The mark P of Philip the
Sachem of Pawkamauket
The mark of Uncompan
The mark of Wotokom
L
The mark 7 of Samkana.
THE
* There is no date to the printed articles in Mr. Hubbard's hiftory
of the war.
An
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
283
!
THE Engliſh have been charged, by con
acts of injuſtice to the Indians, when
them and occafioned the frequent
been many inftances of abuſes offered
fons among the Indians, by evil min
the inhabitants of fome parts of the
fuffered moft by Indian cruelties,
too ftrong prejudices, and, by
when brought upon trial, may
too favourable juries. We are
Indians as a race of beings by nɛ
born to fervitude. Philip was a
could not bear to fee the Englif
tending their fettlements over t'
tors; and although his father!
conveyed to them all that they
had fenfe enough, to difting
venant from one made unde
could never reft until he brou
in his deftruction. The eaſt
the attachment of thofe Indi
taken all opportunities of
against the Engliſh.
FROM 1671 to 1674* v
moment relating to the I
Philip was all this time ufi
An Englishman was found
body, in Dedham woods, in
dian, the fuppofed murderer,
2
rs, with 1671
ovoked to
re have 1673
ilar per-
men, and
ich have
een under
offenders,
quitted by
onfider the
to us, and
1 fpirit, and
limouth ex-
of his ancef
ime or other,
d of, yet he
voluntary co-
reffe, and he
ir which ended
been cauſed by
nch, who have
n to hoftilities
no tranfaction of 1674
is affirmed that to
to engage the In- 1676
dians.
een hot through the
he year 1671; an In-
1 impriſoned, whether
executed or not I do not find, but it kept the colony in an alarm for
ſome time.
* In May 1672, the union between the three colonies, being re-
newed by commiffioners, was ratified by the general court at
Boſton. They were to meet now but once in three years, unleſs upon
extraordinary occafions. The proportion of men for any general
ſervice was fettled for 15 years to come as follows, viz. Maffachufets
100, Plimouth 30, Connecticut 60.
May 28th 1672 War was proclaimed against the Dutch in Boſton,
in confequence of the King's declaration of war published in Eng-
land. This was the first inftance of any public declaration of war
in
284
THE HISTORY OF
1674 dians in all parts of New-England to unite against the
Engliſh. The Indians about Hadley confeffed fuch a plot.
The Naraganfets had engaged to bring four thoufand
men. This could not be done immediately. The
Engliſh were upon the watch. Some fire-arms had been
taken from the Indians. To provide fufficient arms, am-
munition and provifions, whilft under fufpicion, was a
work of time. They did not expect, to be prepared before
thoring of 1676, but Philip precipitated his own na-
and his allies into a war, before they were prepared.
Date was evident from the diftraction of the Indians in all
prns of New-England, upon the first news of the diftur-
ཨ-ཨིཏཾ བྷོཏིཛྫཱཛིཏཱ
in
and Crom
forces cam
merce con tim
Europe.
In the Dutch wars, in the time of the parliament
nd in the former war after the refloration, until
duce e Manhados, correfpondence and com-
heween the colonies, notwithſtanding the war in
March 2016
being of timb
the caftle at the entrance of Bofton harbour,
Gas earnt down by accident. A new fortress of
ftone was erected Aud on to be a ſtrong work.
In Auguft the fan gear advice came to Bofton that the Dutch, af
ter taking feveral fhips at Virginia, had poffeffed themfelves of New-
York, whilft Col. Lovelace the governor was at New-Haven, and
that the Dutch force was bound further northward. This intelligence
cauſed a great alarm in the colony. The caftle having been deſtroy-
ed not long before, Bofton was lefs capable of defence. The bet
preparations were made which could be made. The Dutch fleet re-
turned to Europe.
This acquifition was accidental, according to the account given by
the Dutch at New-York. Four Hollanders and three Zealanders
met off Martinico, one fide with French the other English colours,
and prepared to fight, until by hoifting their proper colours they
better understood one another. They then joined together and
agreed upon an expedition to Virginia and New-York. The Dutch
Guinea fleet was intended for the fame fervice, but thefe other fhips
faved them the trouble. MS. Account of a message from Hartford to
New-York.
A collection was made in 1672 for rebuilding Harvard-college,
amounting to 1895 1. 2s. 9d. The town of Bofton gathered
8001. of which rool. was given by Sir Thomas Temple, as true a
gentleman, fays Doctor Mather, as ever fat foot on the American
Strand.
A
bance
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
285
·
bance from Philip. They were amazed, not knowing 1674
which way to turn, fometimes ready to declare for the
Engliſh, as they had been uſed to do in the former con-
teſts with Philip, at other times inclining to join with
Philip, as firft or laft moſt of them did. The war was
hurried on by a piece of revenge, which Philip cauſed to
be taken upon John Saufaman, a praying Indian. He had
been bred up in the profeffion of the Chriftian religion,
was ſome time at the college, and afterwards employed
as a ſchoolmaſter at Natick, but, upon fome mifdemeanor,
fled to Philip, who made him his fecretary and chief
counfellor and confident. After remaining fome years
with Philip, Mr. Eliot the Indian evangelift, who had been
his fpiritual father, prevailed with him to return to the
chriſtian Indians at Natick, where he manifefted public
repentance for his apoftafy and became a preacher, and
conformed more to the English manners than any other
Indian. In the year 1674, Saufaman upon fome occafion
went to Namaſket, (Middleborough) where he fell into
company with fome of Philip's Indians, and with Philip
himſelf. There, he diſcovered, by feveral circumſtances,
that the Indians were plotting against the English. He
informed the governor what he had diſcovered, and told
him, that if he fhould be known to be the informer it
would cost him his life. It was not long after that Saufa-
man was met by three or four Indians upon a frozen pond,
they knocked him down and put him under the ice, leav-
ing his gun and hat upon the ice to make the world be-
lieve that he accidentally fell in and was drowned. When
the body was found and taken up, the wounds appeared
upon his head. An Indian happened to be upon an hill
at a diſtance, and faw the murder committed. He con-
cealed it for fome time, but at length diſcovered it. The
murderers were apprehended, tried upon the Indian's teſ-
timony and other circumftances, convicted and executed,
two of them denying the fact to the laft, the third, when
he came to die, confeffing he was a fpectator of the mur-
der committed by the other two. This trial was at Pli-
Τ
mouth
286
THE HISTORY OF
'1675mouth' in June 1675*. Philip, enraged to fee the imme-
diate actors brought to punishment by the English laws,
and expecting that it would be his own turn next, being
conſcious that the murderers were employed by him, took
no pains to exculpate himſelf, but gathered what ſtrangers
he could, and, together with his own men, marched them
up and down the country in arms. The English of Plimouth
ordered a military watch in every town, but took no other
notice of the Indians behaviour, hoping, that when Philip
faw no meaſures were uſed for apprehending him, the
threatened ſtorm would blow over, as it had done feveral
times before. But the Indians coming in to him from feve-
ral quarters, gave him freſh courage, and he behaved with
infolence, firſt threatening the Engliſh at Swanzey, then
killing fome of their cattle, and at length rifling their
houſes +. An Engliſhman was fo provoked, that he fired
upon an Indian and wounded him. June 24th, in the
morning, one of the inhabitants of Rehoboth was fired
upon by a party of Indians, and the hilt of his fword fhot
offs. The fame day in the afternoon, being a faft, as
Swanzey people were coming from publick worship, the
}
મ
* Mr. Winflow, governor of Plimouth, writes to Mr. Leveret,
the Maffachufets governor, July 4, 1675." I do folemnly profefs
we know not any thing, from us, that might put Philip upon theſe
motions, nor have heard that he pretends to have fuffered any
wrong from us, fave only, that we had killed fome Indians, and
intended to fend for himſelf for the murder of John Saufaman.
The last that was executed this week confeffed that he faw the other
two do the murder. Neither had we any thoughts to command
him in about it.” This action of Philip, in procuring the death of
Saufaman, has always been pronounced to be a moft heinous
crime. Philip no doubt confidered him as a traitor and renegade,
who had juftly forfeited his life. The Indians left murderers to
the revenge of relations and friends, but'puniſhed traitors by pub-
lic execution.
+ In 1671, he confeffed that he intended to provoke the Engliſh
to begin with him firft. At this time, a whimfical opinion pre-
vailed, that the fide which did the firſt execution would finally be
conquered.
1.4
j
† This is faid to be the firft gun. (Hubbord.')
Governor Winflow's letter 24th of June.
Indians
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
287
İndians attacked them, killed one and wounded others, 1675
and killed two men who were going for a furgeon, befet
a houſe, in another part of the town, and there murdered
fix more. The Maffachufets, before this, had determined
to raiſe 100 men for the affiftance of Plimouth; but, before
they marched, it was thought beft to fend meffengers to
Philip at Mount Hope *, to divert him from his defign if
poffible; but the meffengers feeing ſome of the Swanzey
men lying murdered in the road, did not think it ſafe to
go any further, and returned as fast as they could with
this intelligence to Boſton. On the 26th, a foot company
under Capt. Henchman, and a troop under Capt. Prentice,
marched from Boſton towards Mount Hope, and were
overtaken by another company of 110 volunteers under
Capt. Mofely †, and all arrived at Swanzey the 28th, where
they found Plimouth forces under Capt. Cudworth. They
made the miniſter's houſe, (Mr. Miles ) near the bridge,
their head-quarters. About a dozen of the troop went
immediately over the bridge, where they were fired upon
from out of the bushes, one killed and one wounded.
This action drew the body of the English forces after the
enemy, whom they purfued a mile or two until they took
to a fwamp, killing about half a dozen of them. Philip
thought it beft to quit his ftation at Mount Hope. A day
or two after, Major Savage§ being arrived with more forces
Philip's chief feat of government was at Mount Hope; but he
removed to other places for hunting and fifhing, particularly to
Namaſket or Middleborough; and he had a hunting houfe in
Taunton, near a fwamp or pond called the Fowling Pond, which
has been fince fet off from Taunton, and with other lands made a
town by the name of Raynham. In 1763, a jury which went to
view fome controverted bounds, were fatisfied that they had dif
covered the ruins of Philip's houfe, and the hearth where he used
to cook, covered over with earth, the coals remaining intire to that
time.
+ Mofely had been an old privateerer at Jamaica, probably of
fuch as were called Bucaneers.
page 228.
This was the Baptiſt minifter mentioned
§ Mr. Jofeph Dudley, then member for Roxbury, afterwards
governor of the province, accompanied him.
T 2
from
288
THE HISTORY OF
1675from Boston, and a general command, marched into the In-
dian towns* which they found deferted, with marks of great
hafte. They difcovered Philip's wigwam amongſt the
reft. They met with none of the enemy. The next
day, they returned to their head-quarters at Swanzey.. It
is not my defign to enter into every minute circum-
ftance of the wart. The Maffachufets government ſent
Capt. Hutchinfon as their commiffioner to treat with the
Naraganfets. It was thought convenient to do it fword
*They paffed through many fields of corn. Hubbard.
in
+ A letter to London mentions an inftance of heroifm in a maid
fervant of one Mr. Minot of Dorchefter. She was left at home,
upon a Lord's day in July, when an Indian came to the door, and
finding it fhut, attempted the window. When fhe perceived it,
fhe hid two young children ſhe had with her under two braſs kettles,
and ran up ſtairs and charged a musket; but the Indian was quicker
than fhe was, and fired firft, and miffed her. She fired, and fhot
him in the ſhoulder. He was not ſo diſabled as to give over his
defign; but ſhe had refolution enough, as he was entering the
window, to clap a fhovel full of live coals to his face, which
caufed him to flee, and marked him fo, that he was known when
found dead in the woods at five miles diftance. The fame letter
takes notice of Cornellis, a Dutchman, under fentence of death for
piracy, but pardoned on condition of enlifting.
"He purſued
Philip fo hard, that he got his cap, and now wears it. The
"neral finding him a brave man, fent him with a command of
"twelve men to fcout, with orders to return in three hours on
pain of death. He met 60 Indians haling their canoes_aſhore:
"he killed 13, and took 8 alive, and purfued the reft as far as he
“could for fwamps, and, on his return, burnt all the canoes.
"The exploit took up eight hours. A council of war was called,
"and Cornellis was again fentenced to die for breach of orders,
"but a fecond time received his pardon; and a ſhort time after
"'was fent out on the like defign, and brought in 12 Indians alive,
"and two ſcalps."
I
'We do judge that it will be of abfolute neceffity to put all
the Indian's, that are neighbouring to the English, to the teft of their
fidelity. If they defire our friendſhip, they must not harbour or
nourish any that are our declared enemies; but in cafe that Philip
or any of his men, women, or children be fled to them, that they
forthwith deliver them up, and alſo that they fend hostages for our
fecurity, and do join with, us in the purfuit and conqueft of their
and our enemy; this we judge to be just and equal, as well as
neceffary.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
289
-1675
in hand, therefore all the forces marched into the Nara-1
gaffet country. Connecticut, afterwards, fent two gen-
tlemen in behalf of that government, and on the 15th of
July, they came to an agreement with the Naraganfet In-
dians, who favoured Philip in their hearts, and waited only
a convenient opportunity to declare openly for him; but,
whilft the army was in their country, were obliged to
fubmit to the terms impofed upon them *.
As
neceffary. We have commiffioned Capt. Hutchinfon to repair to
Naraganfet Indians, who will bring a fmall party with him and
will have a view to the forces with you 'for his affiftance." General
court's letter to Maj. Savage. July 4, 1675.
C
* "Articles, covenant, and agreement had, made, and concluded
by and between Maj. Thomas Savage, Capt. Edward Hutchinſon,
and Mr. Jofeph Dudley, in behalf of the government of the Maſ-
fachufets colony, and Major Wait Winthrop and Mr. Richard
Smith in behalf of Connecticut colony, on the one party, and
Agamaug, Wampfh alias Corman, Taitfon, Tawagefon, coun-
fellors and attormies to Canonicus, Ninigret, Mattato ag, old Queen
Quaiapen, Quananfhit, and Pomham, the fix prefent fachems of
the whole Naragánfet country, on the other party, referring to
feveral differences and troubles lately arifen between them, and
for a final conclufion of fettled peace and amity between the faid
fachems, their heirs and fucceffors for ever, and the governors of
the faid Maffachufets and their fucceffors in the faid government for
ever.
ift, That all and every of the faid fachems fhall from time to
time carefully feize, and living or dead, deliver unto one or other
of the aboveſaid governments all and every of fachem Philip's
ſubjects whatſoever, that fhall come or be found within the pre-
cinct of any of their lands, and that with greateft diligence and
faithfulness.
zd. That they fhall, with their utmoſt ability, uſe all acts of hoſti-
lity againſt the faid Philip and his fubjects entering his lands, or any
other lands of the Engliſh, to kill and deſtroy the faid enemy, until
a ceffation from war with the faid enemy be concluded by both the
abovefaid colonies.
3d. That the faid fachems, by themſelves and their agents, fhall
carefully fearch out and deliver all ftolen goods whatſoever taken by
any of their ſubjects from the English, whether formerly or lately,
and fhall make full fatisfaction for all wrongs or injuries done to the
eftate of any of the ſubjects of the ſeveral colonies, according to
the judgment of indifferent men, in caſe of diffatisfaction between
the offenders and the offended parties, or deliver the offenders.
Τ
T 3
4t. T hat
290
THE HISTORY OF
1675 As foon as the treaty was finiſhed, the forces left the
Naraganfet country, and came to Taunton the 17th in
the evening. Hearing that Philip was in a ſwamp at Po-
caffet, the Maffachufets and Plimouth forces joined, and
arrived at the fwamp the 18th, which they reſolutely
entered. They found about one hundred wigwams empty.
The enemy had deferted them, and retired deeper into the
fwamp. The Engliſh followed, but, in diforder, which was
inevitable, penetrating a thick fwamp. They found they
were in danger one from another, every man firing at
every buſh he ſaw ſhake. Night coming on, it was ne-
ceſſary to retreat. They loft fifteen men. How many
they
4th. That all preparations for war, or acts of hoftility against any
of the English fubjects, fhall for ever for the future ceafe, together
with all manner of thefts, pilferings, killing of cattle, or any man-
ner of breach of peace whatſoever, fhall with utmost care be pre-
vented, and, inſtead thereof, their ftrength to be ufed, as a guard
round about the Naraganfet country, for the Engliſh inhabitants
fafety and fecurity.
5th. In token of the abovefaid fachems reality, in this treaty and
conclufion, and for the fecurity of the feveral English governments
and fubjects, they do freely deliver unto the abovefaid Gentlemen,
in behalf of the abovefaid colonies, John Wobequob, Weowchin,
Pewkes, Wenew, four of their near kinfmen and choice friends,
to be and remain as hoftages in feveral places of the Engliſh jurif-
diction, at the appointment of the honourable governors of the
abovefaid colonies, there to be civilly treated, not as prifoners, but
otherwiſe at their honours difcretion, until the abovefaid articles
are fully accompliſhed to the fatisfaction of the feveral governors,
the departure of any of them in the mean time to be accounted a
breach of the peace of thefe prefent articles.
6th. The faid gentlemen, in behalf of the governments to which
they do belong, do engage to every of the faid fachems and their
fubjects, that if they or any of them fhall feize and bring into
either of the abovefaid Engliſh governments, or to Mr. Smith, inha-
bitant of Naiaganfet, Philip fachem alive, he or they fo delivering
fhall receive for their pains forty trucking cloth coats; in cafſe
they bring his head, they fhall have twenty like good coats paid
them; for every living ſubject of faid Philip, fo delivered, the de-
liverer fhall receive two coats, and for every head one coat, as a
gratuity for their fervice herein, making it appear to fatisfaction
that the heads or perfons are belonging to the enemy, and that
they are of their feizure.
7th. The
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
291
1
they killed of the enemy is uncertain. It was an unfuc-1675
cefsful attempt, and the more unfortunate becaufe, as they
were afterwards informed, Philip was in ſuch diſtreſs, that
if they had followed him half an hour longer, he would
have furrendered himſelf and his men, which would have
put an end to the war t. This diſappointment encouraged
the Indians, in other patts of New-England, to follow
Philip's example, and begin their hoftilities againſt the
Engliſh. Some few had begun before. The Nipnet or
Nipmuck Indians had killed four or five people at Men-
don, in the Maffachuſets colony, the 14th of July. The
governor, and council, in hopes of reclaiming the Nipnets,
fent Capt. Hutchinſon with 20 horfemen to Quabaog
(Brookfield) near which place there was to be a great ren-
dezvous of thoſe Indians. The Inhabitants of Quabaog
7th. The faid fachems do renew and confirm unto the Engliſh in-
habitants or others, all former grants, fales, bargains, or convey-
ances of lands, meadow, timber, giafs, ftones, or whatever elfe
the Engliſh may have heretofore bought, or quietly poffeff d and
enjoyed, to be unto them and their heirs and affigns for ever, as
alfo all former articles made with the confederate colonies.
Laftly. The faid counſellors and attornies do premeditately, fe-
riouſly, and with good advice, covenant, conclude, and agree all
abovefaid folemnly, and call God to witness, they are and fhall re-
main true friends to the English governments, and perform the
abovefaid articles punctually, ufing their utmon endeavour, care,
and faithfulnefs therein. In witnefs whereof they have ſet their
hands and feals.
Petaquamfcot, July 15, 1675.
Signed, fealed, and delivered in the
prefence of us under-written, be-
ing carefully interpreted to the
faid Indians before fealing,
Daniel Henchman
Thomas' Prentice
Nicholas Page
{
Jofeph Stanton interpreter
2 Henry Hawlaws
Pecoq Bukows
Job Neff."
+ Mather's hiſtory of the war,
Tawageſon his mark C
Taytfon his mark
Agamaug his mark T
Wampfh alias Corman X
his mark
A letter from Boſton to London, Nov. 10, 1675, fays, that a bro-
ther of Philip's, a privy-counfellor and chief captain, who had been
educated at Harvard college, was killed in this fight.
T 4
had
292
THE HISTORY OF
X
1675had been deluded with the promiſe of a treaty, at a place
agreed upon, the 2d of Auguft. Some of the principal of
them accompanied Capt. Hutchinfon thither. Not finding
the Indians there, they rode forward four or five miles,
towards the Nipnets chief town. When they came to a
place called Meminimiffet, a narrow paffage between a
fteep hill and a thick fwamp, they were ambushed by two
or three hundred Indians, who fhot down eight of the
company, and mortally wounded three more, Capt. Hut-
chinfon * being one of the number. The reft eſcaped
through a by-path to Quabaog. The Indians flocked into
the town; but the inhabitants being alarmed, had all ga-
thered together in the principal houfe. They had the
mortification to fee all their dwelling-houſes, about twenty,
with their barns and outhouſes burnt. The houſe, where
they had affembled, was then furrounded, and a variety
of attempts made to fet fire to it. At length, the Indians
filled a cart with hemp and other combuftible matter,
which they kindled, and, whilft they were thruſting it
towards the houſe, a violent fhoyer of rain fell fuddenly
and extinguiſhed the fire +. Auguft 4th, Major Willard,
who had been fent after fome other Indians weftward,
heard of the diftrefs of Brookfield, when he was about 4
*
Capt. Hutchinfon was carried to Quabaog, and afterwards to
Marlborough, where he died the 19th of Auguft.
<<
*
'Capt. Hutchinfon had a very confiderable farm thereabouts,
"and had occafion to employ feveral of the Nipmug fachem's men
"in-tifling and ploughing the ground, and thereby he was known
by face to many of them. The fachems fent word they would
"fpeak with none but Capt. Hutchinfon himfelf, and appointed
"a meeting at fuch a tree, and fuch a time. The guide that
" conducted him, and thoſe that were with him, through the
woods, brought them to a fwamp, not far off the appointed
pláce, out of which thofe Indians ran all at once, and killed 16
men,and wounded feveral others, of which wounds Capt. Hut-
"chinfon afterwards died, whofe death is the more lamented in
"that his mother and feveral others of his relations died by the
" hands of the Indians, now above 30 years fince." Letter to
London, Nov. 10, 1675.
<<
<<
6 C
Fw 1
+ Habbad. Mr. Mather takes no notice of the rain, but fays
Willard came upon the Indians and prevented the execution.
2
OF
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.'
29
or 5 miles from Lancaster, which cauſed him, with 48 men,167
to alter his courfe, and the fame night he reached Brookfield,
after 30 miles march; and though the Indian fcouts dif-
covered him, and fired their alarm guns, yet the main
body, from their high joy, always accompanied with a hor-
rid noiſe, heard nothing of them. Willard joined the
befieged*, and the Indians immediately poured in all the
fhot they could, but without execution, and then quitted
the fiége, and deſtroyed all the horſes and cattle they
could find and withdrew to their dens. They were not
purſued, being much ſuperior in numbers. The Engliſh
were not yet uſed to fighting. A party likewife were ſent
from Springfield to the relief of Brookfield. Finding it
effected, they returned, meeting none of the enemy. Philip,
and his people, continued in the fwamp at Pocaffet until
the laft of July. After feveral fkirmishes with captain
Church and other parties, they eſcaped from the ſwamp,
notwithſtanding the Maffachufets forces kept their guards
round it, and went away to the weftward, without being
very cloſely purſued, the reaſon of which Mr. Hubbard
fays, it is better to fufpend than too critically to inquire
into.' The 5th of Auguft, Philip with about forty men,
beſides women and childen, joined the Nipmuck Indians in
a (wamp ten or twelve miles from Brookfield +. The
Indians
?
* MroMather fays, he fet upon the Indians, and cauſed them to
tuin their backs.
<t
"
3
+ Upon Friday being the 5th of this inftant (Auguft) Philip and
"his 'company came to us at this fwamp, fix miles from the fwamp
"where they killed our men. Philip brought with him about
forsylman,but women and children many more, the number I
cannotiglirPhilip's men were, about 30 of them, armed with
guns, the reft had bows and arrows. He obferved there were
aboutften of Philip's men wounded. Philip was conducted to
"the fampeby two Indians, one of them Caleb of Tatumafket,
beyond Mendon. The Indians told Philip, at his first coming,
"what they had done to the English at Quabaog; then he pre-
fented and gave to three fagamores, viz. John alias Apequinaſh,
Quananfit, and Mawtamps, to each of them about a peck of
unftrung wampom, which they accepted. Philip, as I under-
ftood, told Quabang and Nipmuck Indians, that when he firft
(6
66
"came
294
THE HISTORY OF
1675 Indians upon Connecticut river near Hadley, Hatfield, and
Deerfield, began their hoftilities about the fame time, as
alfo 'thofe at Penicook and other places upon Merrimack
river, ſo that, before the end of Auguft, the whole Maffa-
chufets colony was in the utmoft terror. Philip having
left Plimouth, and the Naraganfets not having engaged,
that colony was lefs affected. There were feveral fkir-
miſhes about Hatfield, viz. at Sugarloaf-hill, at Deerfield,
and Squakeag, (Northfield) the latter end of Auguſt and
beginning of September, in which the English, upon the
whole, were lofers. September the ift, Hadley was at
tacked upon a faft day, while the people were at church,
which broke up the fervice, and obliged them to ſpend
the day in a very different exerciſe *. The commanders in
that part of the country, not being able to do much fervice
by fending out parties, determined to garrifon the towns,
and to collect a magazine of provifions at Hadley. There
being about 3000 bushels of corn at Deerfield in ftacks,
Capt. Lothrop with 80 men was fent to guard it down in
(6
C
came towards the Nipmuck country, and left his own; he had
"in his company about 250 men, befides women and children,
including the Squaw fachem and her company; but, now they
"had left him, and fome of them were killed, and he was reduced
to 40 men, befides women and children. I heard alſo that Philip
"faid, if the English had charged upon him and his people at the
fwamp in his own country one or two days moie, they had been
"all taken, for their powder was almoft fpent; he alſo ſaid, that
"if the Engliſh had pursued him cloſely, as he travelled up to them,
"he muft needs have been taken." MS, narrative of George, a
chriftian Indian, taken prisoner in the ambuſhment of Capt. Hutchin-
Jon, &c.
^
1
191
Sept. 23d, an alarm was made in the town of Bofton, about ten
in the morning, tzoo' men were in arms 'before eleven, and all dif-
miffed before twelve. One that was upon guard at Mendon, 30
miles off, got drunk and fired his gun, the noife of which alarmed
the next neighbours, and foon fpread to Bofton." Letter to Lon-
j
don,
October 4th was' obferved as a folemn faft throughout the co-
lony with a very great fhew of outward penitence, and no queſtion
with much inward affection by very many; the governor himſelf be-
ginning the duty of the day with a moft heavenly prayer!" Letter to
Londen.
P. 219.
*
ने
}
+
G
carts,
MASSACHUSETS-BA Y.
295
carts, and were fet upon by feven or eight hundred Indians, 1675
and all the Engliſh but feven or eight were cut off. Capt.
Lothrop and his men fought bravely, but in the Indian
manner, betaking themſelves to trees, which, in ſo great a
diſproportion of numbers, muſt be inevitable deſtruction,
for many of the leffer party must be unguarded and ex-
pofed. Capt. Mofeley, who was quartered at Deerfield,
came out with his company too late to refcue Lothrop;
but, keeping his men together in a body, fought the whole
number of Indians for feveral hours, with the lofs of two
men only, until Major Treat, with about 160 Mohegin
Indians, came to his aid, and put the enemy to flight.
This was a heavy ftroke to the county of Effex, to which
moſt of Capt. Lothrop's company, being young men, be-
longed. A body of Indians, who had a fort about a mile
from Springfield, had hitherto profeffed great friendship
to the English; but Philip's Indians prevailed with them
to join in a plot for the deftruction of the town, and to
receive in the night three hundred of thofe Indians into
the fort. It was difcovered the night before by Top, a
Windfor Indian, which, although it faved the lives of many
of the inhabitants, yet was no fecurity for their dwellings,
thirty odd houſes, befides barnes, &c. being burnt before
forces came from Weftfield, Hadley, and other parts, to
repel the Indians *. The 19th of October, they came, with
**
all
They burned a farm houfe of Mr. Pynchon's, and another of
Mr. Purchas's, the latter end of September; their lois was esteemed
at a thousand pounds sterling each. Letter to London.
The Springfield Indians had lived in fo good correſpondence with
the English for 40 years, that more dependance was placed upon
them than upon any other Indians. This inftance of perfidy feems
to have increafed the jealoufies and fufpicions, which had before
begun, of the Indians round Bofton, viz. Punkapog, Natick, &c.
although many of them actually went out with the English forces
against the enemy,
At the feflions in October, the general court ordered," that no
perſon ſhall entertain, own, or countenance any Indian, under the
penalty of being a betrayer of this government." (This I fuppofe
was capital.)
ہے
"That
296
THE HISTORY OF
M
1675all the force and fury they cauld raiſe, upon Hatfield, but
were repulfed, the Connecticut' and Maffachufets forces
being, by good providence, at hand, fo as to prevent any
great lofs. This difcouraged them from continuing any
longer in that part of the country, and they withdrew to
the Naraganfets, their gencral rendezvous. Some ftrag-
glers remained until the end of November, and a few
+
"That a guard be fet at the entrance of the town of Boffon, and
that no Indian be fuffered to enter, upon any pretence, without a
guard of two musketeers, and not to lodge in town.
"That any person may apprehend an Indian, finding him in
town, or approaching the town, and that none be fuffered to come
in by water,'
The Natick Indians, and moft of the other Indians who had fub-
jected themſelves to the English government (Punkapog excepted)
were hurried down the Deer iſland, where they remained the winter.
They complained of their fufferings the e
All of the colour were
'
thought by many of the people worthy of death, and although
their age did not carry them that length, as to murder any of them
without the authority of government, as fome perfons have lately
done the Conestogoe Indians in Penfylvania, yet their clamour ſeems
to have prevailed on the authority to ufe greater feverity than
otherwife they would have done. "On the 10th of September,
at nine o'clock at night, there gathered together about forty men,
fome of note, and came to the houfe of Cant. James Oliver; two
or three of them went into his easy to to fpeak with him,
which was to defire him to be their leader, and they ſhould join to-
gether and go and break open the priſon, and take one Indian out
thence and hang him. Capt. Oliver, hearing their request, took
his cane and cudgelled them ftoutly, and fo for that time difmiffed
the company, which had he but in the leaft countenanced, it might
have been accompanied with ill events in the end." (Letter to Lon-
don) In a fhort time after, the fame poor Indian was executed, and
died protesting his innocence. Mr. Eliot the minifter, and fome
others, who had firmnefs enough to flem the popular current, in-
terceding for him to no purpofe. A curcumftance, at the execution
of this Indiar, fhews the great propriety of diftinguifhing them from
all the rest of the human race by the name of favages.
"Being
half alive and half dead, there came an Indian, a friend of his,
and with his knife made a hole in his breast to his heart, and
fucked out his heart's blood. Being asked his reafon therefore, his
anfwer was, Umh Umh nu, me be longer as I was before, me be
foftrong as he and me too, he be ver ftrong man before he die.”
Letter to London.
$
lurked
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
297
Jurked in the ſwamps all winter, doing now and then fome 1675
miſchief, enough to keep the inhabitants upon conftant
watch and guard. In November a party was fent out
under Capt. Henchman to Haffanimifco, (Grafton) Men-
don, and the towns thereabout. They returned without
any remarkable exploit.
THE Naraganfets *, contrary to their engagements, had
received and comforted Philip's Indians and others, the
enemies of the Engliſh. It was not doubted that fome of
that
*Before the Naraganfet expedition articles of war were agreed
upon by the general court, and were as follows:
"Laws and ordinances of war paffed by the general court of the
Maffachufets, for the better regulating their forces, and keeping their
foldiers to their duty, and to prevent profaneneſs, that iniquity may
be kept out of the land.
*
ift. Let no man prefume to blafpheme the holy and bleffed trinity,
God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghoſt, upon pain
to have his tongue bored with a hot iron.
zd. Unlawful oaths and execrations, and fcandalous acts in dero-
gation of God's honour, fhall be puniſhed with lofs of pay and other
puniſhment at difcretion.
3d. All thoſe who often and wilfully abſent themſelves from the
public worſhip of God and prayers, fhall be proceeded against at
diſcretion.
4th. Whosoever ſhall be convicted to do his duty negligently and
carelefly, fhall be punifhed at difcretion.
5th. No perfon fhall prefume to quarrel with his fuperior officer,
upon pain of cashiering and arbitrary punifhment; not to ftrike any
fuch upon pain of death.
6th. No commander or foldier fhall depart from his charge or cap-
tain without licence, upon pain of death.
7th. Every private foldier, upon pain of impriſonment, ſhall keep
filence when the army is to take lodging, or when it is marching,
or in battle, ſo as the officers may be heard, and their commands
executed.
8th. No man fhall refift, draw, lift, offer to draw or lift his weapon
againft his officer, correcting him orderly for his offence, upon pain
of death.
9th. No man fhall refift the provoſt marfhal, or any other officer,
in the executing his office, upon pain of death.
toth. No man fhall utter any words of fedition or mutiny, upon
pain of death.
11th. They that ſhall hear mutinous fpeeches, and not acquaint
their commander with them, fhall be punished with fome grievous
punishment.
12th. Drunken-
298
THE HISTORY OF
1675that nation had mixed with the others in their hoftilities.
If they fhould all openly engage in the fpring, there would
be no refifting them; fcattered in every part of the coun-
try, all the forces the English could raiſe would not be a
match for them. One company of foldiers after another had
wafted away in the year pafl. There was no great room
to hope for better fuccefs in the year to come. The
commiffioners of the united colonies therefore agreed, to
raiſe one thouſand men, and to march, in the winter, into the
Naraganfet country. The Maffachufets were to raiſe 527,
the other two colonies the remainder. Mr. Winflowt, the
12th. Drunkenneſs in an officer fhall be punished with lofs of
place and in a private foot foldier, with fuch puniſhment as a court
martial ſhall think fit.
13th. Rapes, ravishments and unnatural abufes, and adultery, fhall
be puniſhed with death.
14th. Fornication and other diffolute lafcivioufnefs, shall be punish-
ed with difcretion, according to the quality of the offence.
15th. Theft or robbery, fhall be punifhed with reftitution, and
otherwife with dilcretion.
}
16th. Muider, fhall be expiated with the death of the murderer.
17th. All foldiers coming to their colours to watch or be exerc:fed,
or to ſervice, ſhall come completely armed and them fixed, upon pain
of puniſhment.
}
18th. It any fhall negligently lofe, or finfully play away their arms
at dice or cards, or otherwife, they fhall be kept as pioneers or ſca-
vengers, till they furaish themfelves with as good arms.
$
19th. None fhall prefume to fpol, fell, or carry away any ammu-
nition committed unto him, upon pain of death.
A
zoth. No foldier fhall outftay his pass, without a certificate of the
occafion under the hand of a magiftrate, upon pain of lofing his pay.
By grievous punishment is meant difgracefully cashiering, the ftra-
pado, or riding the wooden horfe to fetch blood.
Arbitrary puniſhment, or puniſhment at difcretion, is meant not to
extend to life or limb."
$
+ Mr. Winflow had always fhewn great readiness to expofe himself
in the fervice. "Some refolute attempt for Philip's furprifal muft be
purin execution. Would to God I was with our men, fo as I might
not in the mean time be miffed at home, I fhould hope, by the
bleffing of God, to give a good account in a short time." Winflow
to Leveret, July 26, 1675. My perfon, I hear, has been much
threatened I have about 20 men at my houfe,' have fent away my
wife and children to Salem, that I may be lefs incumbered, have
ftankered my houfe, and refolve to maintain it as long as a man
will ftand by me." Id. July 4.
governor
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
299
governor of Plimouth, was pitched upon for the general, 1675
The 8th of December, the Maffachufets forces marched
from Boſton, and were ſoon after joined by Plimouth men.
Connecticut men joined them, the 18th, at Pettyquamfcot.
The evening and night were ftormy and the men had no
covering. At break of day, the 19th, they marched through
the fnow fourteen or fifteen miles, until one o'clock after-
noon, when they came to the edge of the fwamp where
the enemy lay. They had met with an Indian, who was
diſguſted with the reft, and offered himſelf as a pilot. The
Indians knew of the armament coming againſt them, and
had fortified themſelves with all the art and ftrength they
were capable of. The English fell in, fuddenly and unex-
pectedly, upon this feat of the enemy, and neither drew up
in any order of battle, nor confulted where or how to
affault. Some Indians appearing at the edge of the ſwamp,
they that were in the front of the army, in the march, fired
upon them. The Indians returned the fire and fled.
The whole army entered the ſwamp, following the Indians
to their fortress, which was upon a piece of upland in the
midſt of the ſwamp,, pallifadoed all round, and within a
hedge of near a rod thick. At one corner only, was a
gap the length of one log, where the breaftwork was not
above four or five feet high; but they had placed a block-
houſe over-againft this paffage. At this paffage, and no
where elſe, the Engliſh muſt enter. As it pleafed God to
order it, they fell in upon that part of the fort where the
paffage was. The captains entered, at the head of their
companies. The two firft, Johnfon and Davenport, were
hot dead at the entrance, as were many of their men.
Four other captains, Gardner, Gallop, Siely, and Marſhal
alfo loft their lives. As foon as the forces were entered,
they attacked the Indians in their places of fhelter, who
fought defperately, and beat the English out of the fort;
but, after two or three hours, the advantage of the English
was fuch, that they began to fire the wigwams, which were
five or fix hundred, and in many of them the Indian wo-
men and children perifhed, the men which were left alive
5
Hed
300
THE HISTORY OF
1675fled into a cedar fwamp at fome fmall diftance, without
any
neceffaries of life, or any fhelter from the cold and
ftorms, except the boughs of trees. The day being near
fpent, the Engliſh thought it high time to retire to their
quarters, 15 or 16 miles diftant, carrying dead as well as
wounded men with them. Many of the wounded men.
perifhe, by being expofed to this long march in a cold
night, who might otherwife have been faved. The num-
ber of killed and wounded amounted to 170 *. Some of
the enemy confeffed they loft 700 fighting men that day,
befides goo more who died of their wounds and the hard-
fhips to which they were expofed. The number of old
men, women and children, which perifhed by the fire, cold,
and famine, they could not tellt. The Indians took
poffeffion of the fort, the next day . The Engliſh made
no further attack §. They were fcant of provifions, the
weather
cc
Happy it was for them that Capt. Andrew Belcher (father of
the late governor Belcher) arrived that very evening at Mr. Smith's
with a veffel load of provifions, otherwife many muft have pe-
rifhed for want.' Church.
+ This is Mr. Hubbard's account. Mr. Mather fuppofes 1000
to have perifhed in the whole; that of the English 85 were killed,
and 145 wounded: When the Naraganfet Indians came to the
Quabaug Indians, and gave them an account of the fight, they
faid they had loft but 40 fighting men, and about 300 old men,
women, and children burnt in the wigwams. MS. letter.
‡ Mather.
§ The following letter dated Naragan fet 26th 11th month 1675,
which, though not figned, I take to be from Major Bradford of the
Plimouth forces, has never been published. It is lefs favourable
than the printed accounts.
-
"After a tedious march in a bitter cold night that followed Dec.
12th, we hoped our pilot would have led us to Pomham by break
of day; but, fo it came to pass, we were mifled, and fo miffed a good
opportunity. Dec. 13th, we came to Mr. Smith's, and that day
took 35 prifoners. Dec. 14th, our general went out with horfe
and foot, I with my company was left to keep garrifon. I fent
out 30 of my men to fcout abroad, who killed two Indians, and
brought in 4 prifoners, one of which was beheaded. Our army
came home at night, killed 7, and brought in 9 more, young
and
old. Dec. 15th, cam in John, a rogue, with pretence of peace,
and was diſmiſſed with this errand, that we might fpeak with
.3
Sachems.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
301
weather being extreme cold, delayed the veffels which had 1675
it on board. Some weeks were fpent doing nothing, ex-
cept that fome propoſals of peace were made on both fides,
which came to nothing. February the 5th, the army re-
turned to Boſton. There was a remarkable thaw in Ja-
nuary, which melted the fnow and opened the earth, fo
that the Indians could come at the ground-nuts, which
feems to have been all their provifions, fome from among
themſelves
Sachems. That evening, he not being gone a quarter of an hour,
his company, that lay hid behind a hill, killed two Salem men
within a mile of our quarters, and wounded a th rd that he is dead.
And at a houfe, three miles off, where I had ten men, they killed
two of them. Inftantly, Capt. Moſely, myſelf and Capt. Gardner
were fent to fetch in Major Appleton's company, that kept three
miles and an half off, and coming, they lay behind a ftone wall and
fired on us in fight of the garrifun. We killed the Captain that
killed one of the Salem men, and had his cap on. That night they
burned Jerry Bull's houfe, and killed 17. Dec. 16th, came that
news. Dec. 17th came news that Connecticut forces were at Peta-
quamfcot and had killed 4 Indians, and took 6 prifoners. That day,
we fold Capt. Davenport 47 Indians, young and old, for 8ol. in
money. Dec. 18th, we marched to Petaquamfcot with all our
forces, only a garrifon left; that night was very ftormy, we lay, one
thoufand, in the open field that long night. In the morning Dec.
19th, Lord's day at five o'clock, we marched. Between twelve and
one we came up with the enemy, and had a fore fight three hours.
We loft, that are now dead, about 68, and had 150 wounded, many
of which are recovered. That long ſnowy cold night, we had about
18 miles to our quarters, with about 210 dead and wounded. We
left 8 dead in the fort. We had but twelve dead when we came from
the fwamp, befides the eight we left. Many died by the way, and
as foon as they were brought in, fo that Dec. 20th, we buried in a
grave 34, next day 4, next day 2, and none fince here. Eight died
at Rhode-Iſland, i at Petaquamfcot, 2 loft in the woods and
killed, Dec. 20, as we heard fince; fome fay two more died.
By
the beft intelligence, we killed 300 fighting men, prifoners we
took, ſay 350, and above 300 women and children. We burnt above
500 houſes, left but 9, burnt all their corn, that was in baskets,
great ftore.
One fignal mercy that night, not be forgotten, viz.
that when we drew off, with fo many dead and wounded, they did
not purfue us, which the young men would have done, but the fa-
chems would not confent; they had but ten pounds of powder left.
Our general, with about forty, loft our way, and wandered till
feven
302
THE HISTORY OF
1675 themſelves, reporting that corn was fold for two fhillings
the pint. They took this opportunity to leave the Nara-
ganfet country. A general junction of the Indians was
thereupon expected, and every part of the English colo-
nies was in terror. The 10th of February feveral hun-
dred of the enemy affaulted Lancaſter, burnt the houſes,
>
and
We.
feven o'clock in the morning, before we came to our quarters.
thought we were within two miles of the enemy again, but Göd
kept us; to him be the glory. We have killed now and then one
firce, and burnt 200 wigwams more; we killed nine laſt Tueſday.
We fetch in their corn daily, and that undoes them. This is, as
near as I can, a true relation. I read the narrative to my officers.
in my tent, who all affent to the truth of it.
Monhegins and Pe-
quods proved very falfe, fired into the air, and fent word, before
they came, they would do fo, but got much plunder, guns and
kettles. A great part of what is written was attested by Joſhua
Teffe, who married an Indian woman, a Wampanoag. He shot 20
times at us in the ſwamp, was taken at Providence, Jan. 14, brought
to us the 16th, executed the 18th. A fad wretch, he never heard.
a fermon but once thefe 14 years. His father, going to recall him,
loft his head, and lies unburied.'
>).
This being fo important an expedition, I will add another letter,
from Mr. Dudley, afterwards governor, to governer Leveret.
Mr. Smith's, 21, 10. 1675.
May it pleaſe your honor,
The coming in of Connecticut force to Petaquamfcot, and fur-
prifal of fix and flaughter of 5 on Friday night, Saturday we
marched towards Petaquamfcot, though in the fnow, and in con-
junction, about midnight or later, we advanced; Capt. Mofely
in the van, after him Maffachufets, and Plimouth and Connecticut
in the rear; a tedious march in the fnow, without intermiffion,
brought us about two of the clock in the afternoon, to the entrance
of the fwamp, by the help of Indian Peter, who dealt faithfully with
us; our men, with great courage, entered the fwamp about 20
rods; within the cedar fwamp we found fome hundreds of wig-
wams, forted in with a breaftwork and flankered, and many ſmall
blockhouſes up and down, round about; they entertained us with
a fierce fight, and many thoufand fhot, for about an hour, when
our men valiantly fcaled the fort, beat them thence, and from the
blockhouſes. In which action we loft Capt. Johnfon, Capt. Dan-
forth, and Capt. Gardiner, and their lieutenants difabled, Capt.
Marſhall alfo flain, Capt. Seely, Capt. Mafon, diſabled, and many
other
}
i
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
303
and killed and captivated 40 perfons, the minifter's wife 1675
and children among the reft, he himſelf (Mr. Rowlandfon)
being abfent. Miſchief was done about the fame time at
Marlborough, Sudbury, and Chelmsford. The 21ft they
fell upon Medfield, where there were two or three hun-
dred foldiers, and yet they burned half the town down
and
other of our officers, infomuch that, by a freſh aſſault and recruit
of powder from their ftore, the Indians fell on again, recarried,
and beat us out of, the fort, but by the great refolution and courage
of the General and Major, we reinforced, and very hardly entered
the fort again, and fired the wigwams, with many living and dead
perfons in them, great piles of meal and heaps of corn, the ground
not admitting burial of their ſtore, were confumed; the number of
their dead, we generally fuppofe the enemy loft at least two hundred
men; Capt. Mofely counted in one corner of the fort fixty-four
men, Capt. Goram reckoned 150 at leaft: But, O! Sir, mine
heart bleeds to give your honor an account of our loft men, but
eſpecially our refolute Captains, as by account incloſed, and yet
not fo many, but we admire there remained any to return, a cap-
tive woman, well known to Mr. Smith, informing that there were
three thouſand five hundred men engaging us, and about a mile
diftant a thouſand in referve, to whom, if God had ſo pleaſed, we
had been but a morfel, after fo much difablement: fhe informeth,
that one of their fagamores was flain, and their powder ſpent,
cauſing their retreat, and that they are in a diftreffed condition for
food and houſes, that one Jofhua Tift, an Engliſhman, is their en-
courager and conductor. Philip was feen by one, credibly inform-
ing us, under a ſtrong guard. After our wounds dreffed, we drew
up for a march, not able to abide the field in the ftorm, and weary,
about two of the clock, obtained our quarters, with our dead and
wounded, only the General, Minifters, and fome other perfons
of the guard, going to head a ſmall ſwamp, loft our way, and re-
turned again to the enemy's quarters, a wonder we were not a prey
to them, and, after at leaſt thirty miles marching up and down,
in the morming recovered our quarters, and had it not been for the
arrival of Goodale next morning, the whole camp had perished;
the whole army, eſpecially Connecticut, is much difabled and un-
willing to march, with tedious ftorms, and no lodgings, and frozen
and fwollen limbs, Major Treat importunate to return at leaſt
to Stonington; our dead and wounded are about two hundred,
difabled as many; the want of officers, the confideration whereof
the General commends to your honor, forbids any action at
prefent, and we fear whether Connecticut will comply, at laft,
U 2
to
1
304
THE HISTORY OF
1
8675 and killed eighteen of the inhabitants. The 25th, they
burned feven or eight houfes at Weymouth.
This
feems to be their nearest approach to Bofton, between
fifteen and twenty miles diftant; at leaſt they did no
mifchief nearer.*
1676 MARCH was a troublefome month, the Indians
attacking North-Hampton and Springfield upon Con-
necticut river, Groton, Sudbury, and Marlborough, in
the Maffachufets, Warwick and Providence in Rhode-
Ifland colony, burning their houfes and barns, and deftroy-
ing the cattle, and many of the inhabitants. They killed
alfó eleven perfons of one family in Plimouth, (Mr. Clark's)
and on the 26th of March Capt. Pierce, of Scituate in that
colony, with 50 Engliſh, and 20 Indians of Cape Cod,
being drawn into an ambuſhment by a ſmall number of
the enemy, found themfelves furrounded by a great body
of Indians, who killed every Engliſhman and great part of
to any action. We are endeavouring, by good keeping and bil-
letting our men at feveral quarters, and, if poffible, removal of our
wounded to Rhode-Ifland, to recover the fpirit of our foldiers,
and fhall be diligent to find and underſtand the removals or
other action of the enemy, if God pleaſe to give us advantage
againſt them.
As we compleat the account of our dead, now in doing, the coun-
cil is of the mind, without recruit of men, we ſhall not be able to
engage the main body.
I am Sir, your honor's
I give your honor hearty thanks
for your kind lines, of which
I am not worthy.
humble fervant,
humble fervant,
Jofeph Dudley."
Since the writing of theſe lines, the General and Council have
jointly concluded to abide on the place, notwithstanding the defire
of Connecticut, only entreat that a ſupply of 200 may be fent us,
with fupply of commanders; and, whereas we are forced to gar-
rifon our quarters with at leaſt one hundred, three hundred men,
upon joint account of the colonies, will ferve, and no lefs, to ef-
fect the defign.
This is by order of the council.
Blunderbuffes and hand granadoes, and armour, if it may be,
and at least two armourers to amend arms.'
*The 23d of February, being a faſt day with the first Church
in Bofton, they were disturbed by an alarm, from a report that the
Indians were within ten miles of Bofton.
the
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
305
the friend Indians. The 28th of the month, they burned 1676
40 houſes, befides barns, at Rehoboth.
Where Philip
fpent the winter was never certainly known. Some con-
jectured that he went to the Mohawks, others that he
went to Canada, which his friends faid was his intention
in the fall. He knew the premium fet upon his head,
diſguiſed and concealed himself, fo that we hear but little
of him until he was killedt. His a fairs were now at the
higheſt flow, and thoſe of the Engliſh never at ſo low an
ebb. But preſently after, a fudden turn came on. The
beginning of April, the Connecticut men under George
Deniſon of Stonington, with fome friend Indians, killed
and took priſoners forty-four of the enemy, and before
the end of the month, the fame commander, with fixty-fix
volunteers Engliſh, and one hundred and twelve Pequod
Indians, took and flew feventy-fix more of the enemy,
without the lofs of one man in either of theſe exploits..
Between theſe two fucceſsful actions, happened a very
unfortunate one for the Maffachufets. April 20th, news
came to Boſton of the lofs of Capt. Wadfworth and 50
of his men, going to relieve Sudbury attacked by the
enemy. In May and June, the enemy appeared in various
parts of the colonies, but their vigor abated, their diftreffes,
for want of provifions and ammunition, increaſed, and at
the fame time the Mohawks fell upon them and killed 50
of them. It was commonly faid, that Philip fell upon a
party of Mohawks and killed them, and reported that they
were killed by the English, expecting by this means to
engage that nation in the war, but one that was left for
dead revived and efcaped to his countrymen, and in-
formed that, not the English, but Philip and his Indians
had been the murderers, which brought that revenge
upon the guilty, which, without this difcovery, would
* The captives afterwards reported that the English fought fo
valiantly that they flew 140 of the enemy. MS.
† The firft account of him I have met with, is in a MS, letter of
Mr. Cotton, of Plimouth, upon the return of an Indian ſpy, who
reported that Philip was with the Hadley Indians, &c, within half
a day's march of Albany.
U 3
have
306
THE HISTORY OF
1676 have been taken of thoſe who were innocent.
The
beginning of July, the Connecticut forces met with a party
of Indians in the Naraganfet country, purfued them into
a ſwamp, and killed and took eighty of them, without any
lofs except one or two friend Indians, and in their march
back 60 more of the enemy fell into their hands*. The
Maffachufets and Plimouth men in feveral parts of the
country, were likewife very fuccefsful from time to time,
killing and taking ſmall parties of Indians fcattered about
the country, and no commander was more fortunate than
Captain, afterwards Colonel, Church, of Plimouth colony.
He has publiſhed an account of his exploits. But Philip
was the object. Upon his life or death war or peace
depended. News was brought, that, after a year's abfence,
he had returned to Mount-Hope, his old quarters, and
that great numbers of Indians were flocking to him, with
intent to fall upon the neighbouring towns. The Maffa-
chufets and Plimouth, both, ordered their forces after
Philip. The former returned to Bofton, having miffed
Philip, but they killed and took 150 of the enemy, who
were now fo reduced that they were continually coming
in and furrendering themfelves upon promife of mercy.
Two hundred in one week came in to Plimouth. Philip
fled from one ſwamp to another, divers times very nar-
rowly escaping, lofing one chief counſellor after another
his uncle and fifter, and at laft his wife and fon were taken
prifoners. Being reduced to this miferable condition, he
was killed the 12th of Auguft, as he was flying from a
party under Capt. Church, out of a fwamp near Mount-
Hope. One of his own men, whom he had offended, and
who had deferted to the Engliſh, fhot him through the
*The brave actions of the Connecticut volunteers have not been
enough applauded. Denifon's name ought to be perpetuated. The
Naraganfet fight had enraged the Indians and made them defperate,
and the English plantations, after that, were in greater terror than
before, but this fuccefsful hunting them, and ferreting them out
of their burrows, funk and broke their ſpirits, and feems to have
determined the fate of English and Indians, which until then was
doubtful and uncertain.
heart.
;
MASSACHUSETS - BAY.
307
heart. Instead of his fcalp, he cut off his right hand, 1676
which had a remarkable fcar, well known to the Engliſh,
and it produced a handfome penny, many having the cu-
riofity to fee it. This was a finiſhing ſtroke, the parties
of Indians that remained being drove from one hole or
ſwamp to another, ſo that before winter they were all
killed, captivated, or forced to ſurrender themfelves, ex-
cept fome few, who were fuppofed to have fled to the
French, and others, to nations of foreign Indians. The
cruelties which had been exerciſed upon the Engliſh, were
urged in excufe for the treatment which the Indians re-
ceived, who were made prifoners or furrendered themſelves.
In all the promiſes of mercy, thofe, who had been principal
actors in any murders of the Engliſh, were excepted, and
none had any promife made of any thing more than
their lives. A great many, therefore, of the chiefs were
executed at Bofton and Plimouth, and moſt of the reft
were fold, and ſhipped off for flaves to Bermudas and
other parts. Every perfon, almoft, in the two colonies,
had loft a relation or near friend, and the people in gene-
ral were exasperated *; but all does not fufficiently excufe
this great feverity.
THE fame time that Philip began his hoftilities in
Plimouth colony, the Tarenteens, or Eaſtern Indians,
were infulting the Engliſh fettled in New Hampſhire and
the Province of Main. They began with robbing the
Engliſh, as they paffed in their boats and canoes, and plun-
dering their houſes of liquors, ammunition, and ſuch move-
ables as they could eafily carry off. In September (1765)
5
Mr. Increaſe Mather, in a letter to Mr. Cotton, 23d 5 mo.
1677, mentions an inftance of rage againſt two prifoners of the
Eaſtern Indians, then at Marblehead, a fishing town which goes be-
yond any other I have heard of. "Sabbath day was fe'nnight the
"women at Marblehead, as they came out of the meeting-houſe,
"fell upon two Indians that were brought in as captives, and in
a tumultuous way, very barbarously murdered them. Doubtlefs,
“if the Indians hear of it, the captives among them will be ferved
accordingly." The Indians had murdered fome of the fiſhermen
in the Eaſtern harbours of the province.
<<
U 4
they
308
THE HISTORY OF
1676 they came to the houſe of one Wakely, an old man, in
Caſco bay, and murdered him, his wife, and four children
and grand-children, and carried four more of his grand-
children away captives. They then fell upon Saco, and
killed thirteen men, and burned the houfes, killed fix men
and a woman at Black-point (Scarborough) and burned 20
houſes. They next fell upon Kittery, and killed two men.
Mr. Plaifted, lieutenant of the town, with 20 English, went
out to bury the dead, and was fet upon by the Indians.
He fought bravely, with feven of his men (the reft flying)
until he and his fon, and one more, were killed. The
other four eſcaped to the garrifon. They then came to-
wards Pifcataqua, making ſpoil upon the inhabitants on the
branches of that river, viz. at Oyſter river, Salmon-falls,
Dover, Exeter, &c. burning their houſes and barns, and a
mill belonging to Mr. Hutchinfon, a merchant in Boſton,
and killing more or lefs of the people in every place, to
the number of about fifty, in the whole. The govern-
ment's hands were full, from the attempts of Philip and
his accomplices, and during the fummer, nothing more was
done, than to commit the care of the Eaftern plantations to
the chief officers of the refpective regiments, to defend them
againſt the enemy; but in the fall, forces were drawn from
the other counties, in order to have marched into the
Eaſtern country, but were prevented by the ſeverity of the
weather, which fat in fooner than ufual. The Indians
in thoſe parts, at the fame time, fued for peace, and there
was a good proſpect of its being fettled; but the endea-
yours of Major Waldron to effect it were next year fruf-
trated. However, during the winter, and the next ſpring,
and the greatest part of the fummer, thofe plantations.
were at rest.
THE accounts which were tranfmitted to England of
the diſtreſſes of the colony, during the war, although they
might excite compaffion in the breaſts of fome, yet they
were improved, by others, to render the colony more ob-
noxious. A fine country, it was faid, was in danger of
being loft to England, by the penurioufhefs of thofe who
were
MASSACHUSETS - BAY.
309
were at the head of affairs, in not raiſing monies for the 1676
defence of it, and by their obftinacy in refufing to apply
to the King for relief. This appears as well by other
letters, as by one from Lord Anglefey to Mr. Leveret*,
"C
between
London, May 16, 1676.
* Sir,
I received your letter, intimating the troubles of that country,
unexpectedly brought upon you by the Indians, and as I thank
you for it, fo I with the continuance of your correfpondence and
informations, as often as occafion offers, having as great a fym-
pathy as any for your fufferings, and as warm inclinations, both
to adviſe and affift you, to my power, againſt your barbarous and
ungrateful enemies. But when I have faid this (as the beſt proof
of it) I must chide you and that whole people of New-England,
that (as if you were independent of our mafter's crown, needed
not his protection, or had deferved ill of him, as fome have not been
wanting to fuggeft and urge teftimony thereof) from the firſt
hour of God's ftretching out his hand against you to this time
(though we have fucceffive and frequent tidings (like Job's mef-
fengers) of the great devaftations and fpoils that are made by fire
and fword upon thofe plantations, which God hath fo fignally
bleffed, and made to flouriſh till now) you have not yet (as cer-
tainly became you) made your addreffes to the King's Majefty, or
fome of his minifters, for his perufal, that he might be authenti-
cally informed both of your enemies and your condition, by what
means you are brought low, and what are the moft proper and
hopeful remedies for your recovery.
I can write but by guefs, yet it is not altogether groundleſsly re-
ported, that the French do underhand affift and fupply your enemies,
that
you are divided among yourſelves, that you have not uſed or-
dinary providence, that you are too tenacious of what is neceffary
for
your preſervation, as if you kept your goods for your enemies,
and wanted hearts to make uſe of them yourſelves, that you are
poor and yet proud. This was not the ſpirit that carried you into
that wilderneſs and led you on there ever fince, building and plant-
ing for yourſelves and God. But thefe calamities may come upon
you to bring you to your firft poft, and to do your firft works, tho'
I would not willingly judge you therein.
It may not be fit for me to adviſe you what to do, till better in-
formed, but I know his Majefty hath a tender and compaffionate
heart for all his fubjects that are induftrious and orderly, and hath
power fufficient, as well as will, to help his colonies in diftrefs, as
others have experienced, and you may, in good time. He knows
how to deal with the French, either by the interpofition of their own
King,
310
THE HISTORY OF
1676 between whomthere was a friendly correfpondence kept
up. In Cromwell's court Mr. Leveret had been, perhaps,
upon a level with Mr. Annefly*. There feems to have
been no ground for the charge; neither men nor money
were wanting for the fervice. An application to England, for
men, was neceffary, and I meet with no papers which in-
timate that there was any thought of it in any perſons in
the colony. Fighting made foldiers. As foon as the in-
habitants had a little experience of the Indian way of
fighting, they became a match for them. An addition
to their numbers they did not want. Be that as it may, this
is certain, that as the colony was at firft fettled, fo it was
now preſerved from ruin without any charge to the mo
ther country. Nay, as far as I can judge from the mate-
rials I have, the collections made in the colony, after the
fire of London, for the relief of the fufferers there, and,
upon other occafions, for the relief of divers of the plan
tations, with other public donations, from the firſt ſettle-
ment until the charter was vacated, will not fall much, if
any thing, fhort of the whole fum that was bestowed upon
the colony, from abroad, during that time.
In the height of the diftrefs of the war, and whilft
the authority of the colony was contending with the
natives for the poffeffion of the foil, complaints were
King, or by authorizing and affifting you to right yourſelves againſt
them. He can ſend ſhips or men to help you, or furniſh you with
ammunition, as the cafe requires, or, by a general col-
lection, open the bowels and purſes of his people here towards you,
where there are many that mourn for your diftrefs, and will not only
be interceffors to the throne of grace, but to God's vicegerent alfo,
for your relief, if you are not wanting to yourſelves and failing in
that dutiful application which fubjects ought to make to their fove
reigns in fuch cafe.
If theſe hints may work any thouhgts of heart in you, that may
produce speedy and effectual councils for your re-eſtabliſhment, I
fhall rejoice that I have been your remembrancer, and ſhall promote
in the beſt manner I can your requefts to that end, being to you,
and the good people of that colony, an affectionate friend and
hearty well-wisher,
To my moft eſteemed friend
John Leverett, Efq; governor, &c.
*Afterwards Earl of Anglefey.
ANGLESEY.
making
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
311
making in England, which ftruck at the powers of 16
government, and an enquiry was fet on foot, which was
continued from time to time, until it finally iffued in a
quo warranto, and judgment thereupon againſt the charter.
In the fummer of 1676*. Edward Randolph was fent to
the Maffachufets with his Majefty's letter of March 10th,
1675-6, and copies of the petitions and complaints of
Mafon and Gorges +. The King commanded that agents
hould be fent over, to appear before him in fix months
after the receipt of the letter, fully inftructed and im-
powered to anſwer. The governor fummoned a ſpecial
court, to meet the 9th of Auguft. The elders which
were then in town were defired to attend, and to confider
of this queftion propofed to them by the court, viz.
"WHETHER the moft expedient manner of making
anfwer to the complaints of Mr. Gorges and Mr. Maſon,
about the extent of our patent line, be, by fending
agents or attornies to anſwer the fame, or to anfwer by
"writing only ?"
""
THEY foon agreed upon the following anfwer.
"It feems unto us the most expedient way of making an-
fwer unto the complaints of Mr. Gorges and Mr. Maſon,
about the extent of our patent line, to do it by appoint-
ment of agents, to appear and make anfwer for us, by
way of information at this time, and in this cafe, pro-
vided they be, with utmoſt care and caution, qualified as
"to their inftructions, by and according to which they may
negotiate that affair, with fafety unto the country, and
with all duty and loyalty unto his Majefty, in the pre-
fervation of our patent liberties.' The reafons for
The court determined
heir opinion were fubjoined.
* In the fpring of the year 1676, the Dutch took the fort at Pe-
obfcot from the French. Some veffels from New-England went
nd drove off the Dutch, but kept.no poffeffion.
† The letter was directed To the governor and Magiftrates
of the town of Bofton." Randolph was, befides, directed by the
Lords committee for trade, &c. to enquire into the ftate of the
olony. The feveral queries and his anſwers may be ſeen in the
ppendix.
according
7
312
THE HISTORY OF
1677 according to this advice.
}
*
William Stoughton and
Peter Bulkley + were chofen for the purpoſe. Soon
after their arrival in England, a hearing was had before
the Lords of the committee of the council, upon the
principal points of their agency, the claims of Gorges
and Maſon, in both which they were unfuccefsful. The
province of Main was confirmed to Gorges and his heirs,
both as to foil and government. To put an end to all fu-
rure diſputes, as well as to gratify many of the inhabi
tants of that province, John Ufher was employed by the
Maſſachuſets to purchaſe the right and intereſt of Gorges's
heirs, which he did for twelve hundred pounds fterling,
and affigned it over to the governor and company. This,
inftead of conciliating matters, gave further offence to
the crown. With refpect to Mafon's claim, it was de-
termined, that the Maffachufets had a right to three
miles North of Merrimack river, to follow the courſe
of the river, fo far as it extended, and that the expreffions
in the charter do not warrant the over-reaching thofe
bounds by imaginary lines or bounds §.
THE
* Mr. Stoughton was fecond fon of Mr. Ifrael Stoughton, one of
the first magiftrates of the colony. He was educated at Harvard
college, fome years a preacher, but never fettled in any parish.
A fermon of his at the election is in print. He came early into
the magiftracy (in 1671.)
+ Mr. Bulkley was fpeaker of the houfe of deputies, fon, I fup-
pofe, of the celebrated minifter of Concord, of the fame name. They
failed October 30, 1676.
The colony fuppofed they acquired, by the purchaſe, a right to
the jurifdiction, and confidered themſelves, in their corporate ca
pacity, Lords proprietors of the province of Main, as Lord Bal-
timore and the Penns do of Maryland and Pennfylvania. It
was made a queftion by fome, whether the right of jurifdiction,
in the heirs of Gorges, was fuch an intereft as could legally
be fold or deviſed. Since the incorporation by the new char
ter, it is of no great confequence which way it be determined.
§ The Maffachufets thought themſelves aggrieved by the deter
mination of his late Majefty in council, fettling the boundary les
favorably for them than they ever expected. The river Merri-
mack, which runs upon a Weſtern courfe as far as Dunftable,
afterwards turns to the Northward. It is not certain, that at the
time
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
313
THE Controverſy between the Maffachufets and Mr. 1677
Mafon having fubfifted fo many years, it may not be amifs
to fet his claim or pretence in its true light.
A copy
of a grant, made by the council of Plimouth, to Capt. John
Mafon, of all the lands between Naumkeak and Merri-
mack, dated March 9th, 1621, is the firſt, in order of time,
that has been produced. This grant was faid to be only
fealed, unwitneffed, no feifin endorfed, nor poffeffion ever
given with the grant, and no entry upon any record.
ANOTHER Copy of a grant, Auguft 10th 1622, of all
the lands from Merrimack to Sagadehoc, which, it was
faid, did not appear to have been figned, fealed, or wit-
neffed, by any order of the council.
ANOTHER grant, or copy of a grant, of part of the fame
lands, viz. all between the rivers Merrimack and Pifcata-
qua, to Captain John Maſon alone, dated Nov. 7, 1629.
There was,
time of the grant to the Maflachufets colony, in 1628, this alter-
ation of the courfe was known to the grantors, or to any Euro-
pean. It is certain, that a few years after our anceſtors came
over, evidence was taken and preſerved, that this river retained the
fame name among the natives from the mouth to the crotch,
and there feemed to be no intention in 1677, that Maffachufets
line fhould crofs the river. However, it was thought an equi-
table construction of the province charter, in 1738, that fo far as
the river kept a western courfe, and no farther, the province line
fhonld run the fame courfe, keeping the diftance of three miles
north of the river, but after that to run due weft.
befides, a mistake made to the prejudice of the province; for, in-
ftead of running as far as the river kept a western courfe (the
real intention of the royal determination) it ftops feveral miles.
fhort, at Patucket, where the river inclines to the fouth. Whereas
if the line had been continued to the bend, and then croffed the
river, or if the due weft ine had begun a few miles fhort of
Patucket, in either cafe, feveral miles in breadth, the whole
length of the line would have belonged to the Maffachufets,
which now falls to New-Hampshire. This, my Lord Wilmington,
who was then prefident of the council, affured me in the year 1741,
proceeded from a mifapprehenfion of the courfe of the river.
did not conceive that at Patucket the river inclined to the fouth-
ward, or that any lofs was occafioned to the Maffachufets.
New Hampſhire agent was better able to manage the controverfy
than the agents for the Maffachufets.
He
The
ANOTHER
1
314
THE HISTORY OF
1677
ANOTHER gtant in 1635, April 22d, of all the lands
between Naumkeag and Pifcataqua river*.
In all this confufion of grants, or copies of grants, the
greateſt ſtreſs is laid upon that of November 7th, 1629.
It is a ftrange thing that the council of Plimouth, unles
all thoſe grants, prior to the Maſſachuſets grant, had been
either deemed imperfect and invalid from the beginning,
or elſe refigned and thrown up, fhould grant the fame lands
to the Maffachufets, Mafon and Gorges both being
members, and the moſt active members of the council.
It is not eaſy to account for a grant of all the lands be
tween Merrimack and Pifcataqua to Mafon in 1629, when
three miles between thoſe two rivers had been granted the
year before to the Maffachufets. The grants which were
made, or pretended to be made, in 1635, were the ef
forts of a number of the members of the council, to ſecure
fome part of the dying intereft to themſelves and pofterity,
in which they all failed †.
*
Douglafs fays, v. 2. p. 26. That Mafon in 1635, and Gorges
in 1639, obtained royal patents, with powers of jurifdiction; but
Douglafs was under a Miſtake as to Mafon. About that time, as
has been before obſerved, it was intended a general governor
ſhould be ſent over, and Maſon was appointed, and received a
commiffion as governor over that part of the continent from Naum-
keag to Pifcataqua, but fubject to the general governor. The
defign of a general governor was laid afide, and we hear no more
of the commiffion to Maſon, which he never came to America to
publish. Ancient MS.
† An action was brought in Feb. 1682, at Portſmouth, againſt
one Wadley of Exeter, in which this grant of 1635 was princi-
pally relied on, and Mr. Chamberlayne, fecretary of the pro-
vince, and one Mr. Reynes made oath, that they had compar.d
the copy with the original, which did not appear to have been either
figned, fealed, or witneffed. The lands in queftion had been many
years occupied, and the plaintiff failed in his fuit. It was ob-
ferved, on the trial, that the council of Plimouth was to confift of
forty perfons, who had power of granting lands in New-England,
provided it was done by the major part of them, or the major part
of a lawful affembly of the faid council, and under their com
mon feal. Nothing of this app ared. The original
The original grant could
not be found in 1691, when Allen entered a caveat against the
Maffachufets charter. He pretended it was in New-England.
Hubbard MS.
SIR
MASSACHUSETS 315
·
BAY.
SIR William Jones, the attorney general, gave his 1677
opinion upon the whole cafe, which was tranfmitted to
the Maffachufets, and is as follows.
"THE cafe of the governor and company of Maffachuſets
Bay, in New-England, in America.
66
3d Nov. 14 Jac. The whole tract of New-England
was granted to 40 perfons, Lords and others, by the name
of the council of New-England, eſtabliſhed at Plimouth,
whereby power is given them to fet out lands and heredi-
taments to adventurers and planters, as ſhould, by a com-
miffion of furvey, and diftribution executed, be named.
66 19 Mar. 1628. The faid council grant the Maffa-
chufets colony to Rofwell and others.
66
4 Mar. 4 Car. I. The grant to Rofwell, &c. was,
by letters patent, confirmed to the faid proprietors and
others, their affociates, who were then incorporated, with
power of government granted to them, and of making
laws, not repugnant to the laws of England.
"The company, in purſuance of this grant of the
council of Plimouth and charter from the King, tranfport
themſelves and make a fettlement upon the faid lands,
diftributing the fame, from time to time, freely to adven-
turers and planters, without any rent reſerved to the com-
pany; yet to that, where the faid lands were poffeffed by
the natives, the planters did alfo purchaſe from them.
"May 1657. It is enacted by the laws of the place,
That any perfon, who had, by himſelf, his grantees or
affigns, before the law about inheritance 14 O&o. 1652,
poffeffed and occupied, as his or their proper right in fee
fimple, any houfes or lands there, and thould fo continue
without diſturbance, lett, fuits, or denial, legally made by
having the claims of any perfon thereto entered with the
recorder of the county, and fuch claim profecuted to effect
within 5 years next after the 20th of that prefent May
1657, every fuch proprietor, their heirs and affigns, fhall
for ever after enjoy the fame, without any lawful lett,
fuit, diſturbance, or denial, by any other claim of any
perfon or perfons whatfoever, any law or cuftom to the
contrary notwithſtanding.
"No
:
316
THE HISTORY OF
1677 "No claims made of the lands in queftion, within the
Time limited.
In 1635, the patent of 3d Nov. 14 Jac. furrendered.
"Mr. Mafon's title.
'
"2 Mar. 1621. Mr. Mafon, by grant from the council
at Plimouth, under their common feal, to his anceſtor John
Mafon, claims fome ten towns within the Maffachuſets
bounds of their patent, to be called Mariana, to hold to
him and his heirs, in fee and common focage, &c. fubject
to the exceptions in the grant to the grand council, yield.
ing a fifth part of all ore found to his Majefty, and another
firth part to the council, with a letter of attorney to the
chief officer there for the time being, for delivery of pof
feffion and feifin to the grantee Mafon, or his attorney.
"Note, the grant only fealed with the council feal,
unwitneffed, no feifin endorſed, nor poffeffion ever given
with the grant.
"10 Aug. 1622. The faid council grant, aliene, fell,
and confirm to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John
Maſon, their heirs and affigns, all the lands lying between
the rivers Merrimack and Sagadehoc.
"Note as in the Grant of 1621.
7 Nov. 1629. The faid council grant part of the pre-
miſes to Capt. John Maſon, ſingle, and his heirs, extend-
ing between the rivers of Merrimack and Piſcataqua.
"Note as above.
"1631. The fame council did again grant a fmall
parcel of the premiſes granted to Sir Ferdinando Gorges
and Capt. John Mafon, unto the faid Sir Ferdinando
and Capt. Mafon, with about fix or feven others, their
affociates, lying on both fides the river Pifcataqua, upon
which lands fome fettlements were made, and fome part
thereof divided between the faid grantees and adventurers
after 1631*.
If Maſon fuppofed any of the preceding grants to be in any
force, why should he take a grant of part of the lands only con-
tained in thoſe former grants, and take in affociates, and come to a
divifion with them?
}
April
MASSACHUSETS 317
.
BAY.
ነ
66
April 1635. Capt. John Mafon obtains a new grant 1677
from the faid great council, of all the lands from Naum-
keag river to Pifcataqua river, by the name of New
Hampſhire, at which time all that part of the lands, fo
granted, which are now contained within the bounds of
the Maſſachuſets, were actually diſtributed to and planted
by the inhabitants of that colony, by virtue of their grant
from the faid council.
"The whole matter in difference was referred to the
two Lord Chief Juſtices, by his Majeſty in council.
"They, after a folemn hearing of counſel on both fides,
reported unto his Majeſty:
"That as to the right of the foil of the province of
New-Hampſhire and Main, they could give no opinion,
not having proper parties before them, it appearing, that
not the Maffachufets, but the ter-tenants, had the right
of foil and whole benefit thereof, and yet were not fum-
moned to defend their titles.
"As to Mr. Mafon's right of government within the
foil he claimed, their Lordships, and indeed his own
counfel, agreed he had none *, the great council of Pli-
mouth, under whom he claimed, having no power to
transfer government to any.
"As to the bounds of the Maffachuſets colony, their
Lordships have, by their faid report, excluded thereout the
four towns of Dover, Portſmouth, Exeter and Hampton,
parcel of Mr. Mafon's claim, but determined the re-
mainder of his claim to be within their bounds." Which
report was confirmed by his Majefty in council.
•
"Ift Query. Whether Mr. Mafon's grants, being only
under the council of Plimouth's feal, unwitneffed, and
without any entry or record of them any where, without
feifin endorſed, and no poffeffion having ever gone along
Although Douglafs, as has been obferved, goes further, and
fays, that Aug. 19, 1635, King Charles, by patent, confirms the
grant called New-Hampshire, with power of government and jurif-
diction (as in the palatinate or bifhoprick of Durham) with power
of conferring honours," yet this is not probable. His heirs were
certainly unacquainted with it, or they would have made mention
of it before the King in council in 1691.
X
with
318
THE HISTORY OF
1677-with them, be valid in law to ouft about 50 years pof-
feffion, a title under the government of the Maffachufets,
and a purchaſe from the natives?
$
L
"I think it not good according to the law of England,
and New-England having no particular law of their own (to
my knowledge) which differs from the law of England,
as to the manner cf paffing lands, I do not fee how any
of theſe grants can be good.
"Or, admitting they be good in law,
"2d Quer. Whether Mr. Mafon be not stopped by
the law of the place, as above, having not made his claim
thereto within the time prefcribed?
"If Mr. Maſon's eftate do lie within the jurisdiction of
the affembly which made this law, and that this affembly
were rightly conftituted according to the powers given by
charter, I think Mr. Mafon was bound by this law, which
I look upon to be a reaſonable law, and agreeing in rea-
fon with the law of England.
"And if Mr. Mafon have right thereto,
3d Quer. Whether ought not that right to be tried
on the place, ten of the towns claimed by him remaining
within the Maffachufets by the chief juftices report?,
"I think his right ought to be tried upon the place,
for fo much thereof as lies within the Maffachufets jurif-
diction, liable to fuch appeal as the charter allows, if it
allows any.
"4th Quer. Or, if triable here, by what court can it
properly be fo, whether in one of the four courts at
Weftminster, or upon a'fpecial Commiffion, and how, in
your judgment, whether by jury or otherwife?
}
"It cannot properly be tried here by any of the four
courts, but according to the law of the place, if it lie
within any jurifdiction, and if within hone, the King may
erect courts, to proceed according to the law of England,
unless altered by the legislative power of the place.
"18 Sept. 1679.
*
W. JONES."
A
* Before 1691 Maſon's heirs had fold their title to Samuel Allen,
and nothing more was heard of it until 1737, after the determi-
nation
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
319
A commiffion was iffued by the crown for the govern- 1679
ment of New-Hampshire. The Maffachufets, thereupon,
forbore any further exerciſe of jurifdiction. The towns of
Salisbury, Amefbury and Haverhill, by their original
grants from the Maffachufets colony, extending more
than three miles from Merrimack, the Maffachufets con-
tinued to exerciſe juriſdiction over the whole of thoſe
towns, although, according to the determination, part of
them lay without the patent.
66
BESIDES this controverfy about bounds, the agents had
other complaints to anfwer. Randolph, who, the people
of New-England faid, "went up and down fecking to de-
vour them," returned to England, and reprefented the
colony as refufing any obedience to the acts for regulating
the trade of the plantations. A fhip, belonging to Mr.
Uther, put the owner afhore at fome English port, and
went over to Holland. Mr. Stoughton writes (1ft Dec.
1677) Randolph upon this news was full of buſineſs,
being employed, as he faid, by my Lord treaſurer, to
"make enquiry about it, in order to further proceedings,
But now we have intelligence as if that veffel were again
put into Plimouth, and had not been in Holland. If the
"either make her market here, or pay her duties before
"the go elſewhere, it may help to allay matters. The
"country's not taking notice of thefe acts of navigation to
"obferve them, hath been the most unhappy neglect that
"we could have fallen into, for, more and more every day,
66
66
agree-
nation of the controverfy between the Maffachufets and New-
Hampshire. A large tract of country, which always before was
fuppofed to be within the Maffachufets province, being left out of
it, John Tuffton, now a lieutenant colonel in the army, a defcend-
ant from Mafon, and who then took the name of Tufton Mafon
able to the, laft will of his ancestor, laid claim to it, as heir in tail
to the first grantee, and having fuffered a recovery, foid his intereft
to divers perfons, who now call themſelves proprietors, &c. Capt.
Mafon was a generous adventurer in a noble defign, the peopling a
new country, which has a tendency to multiply the human race.
Many of the firſt adventurers failed. Thoſe who came after faw
their errors, avoided them, and fucceeded. This has often been the
cafe with other great undertakings. The first undertakeis cught
not to be forgotten.
X 2
66 we
**
320
THE HISTORY OF
1677 "we find it moſt certain, that without a fair compliance
"in that matter, there can be nothing expected but a total
"breach, and the ftorms of difpleaſure that may be."
66
c6
THE Quakers alfo renewed their complaints againſt the
colony. In the diftrefs of the colony by the Indian war,
among other fins, which were the cauſe of it, the tolera-
tion fhewn to Quakers was thought to be one; the court
therefore made a law, "That every perfon, found at a
Quaker's Meeting, fhall be apprehended ex officio, by
"the conftable, and, by warrant from a magiftrate or
"commiffioner, fhall be committed to the houfe of cor-
"rection, and there have the difcipline of the houſe ap-
"plied to them, and be kept to work, with bread and
"water, for three days, and then releaſed, or elſe fhall
pay five pounds in money, as a fine to the country, for
"fuch offence, and all conftables neglecting their duty, in
"not faithfully executing this order, fhall incur the penalty
"of five pounds, upon conviction, one third whereof to
"the informer." I know of nothing which can be urged,
in any wife tending to excufe the feverity of this law, un-
lefs it be human infirmity, and the many inftances in
hiſtory of perfons, of every religion, being fully perfuaded
that the indulgence of any other was a toleration of im-
piety, and brought down the judgments of heaven, and
therefore juſtified perſecution *. This law loft the colony
many friends.
SEVERAL
At the fame time that this puniſhment was provided for quakers,
other provoking evils were enumerated, in the order following, viz.
1. Neglect of care of the children of church members. A reforma-
tion recommended to the elders and brethren.
2. Pride, in mens wearing long hair like womens hair, others
wearing borders of hair, and cutting, curling, and immodeſt laying
out their hair, principally in the younger fort. Grandjurors to pre-
fent, and the court to punish all offenders, by admonition, fine, or
correction, at difcretion.
3. Excefs in apparel, ftrange new faſhions, naked breaſts and arms,
and pinioned, fuperfluous ribbands on hair and apparel. The count
to fine offenders at difcretion.
4. Quakers meetings.
5. Prophanenefs,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
321
SEVERAL addreffes were made to the King, from the 1679
general court, whilft the agents were in England, and the
court made feveral laws to remove fome of the exceptions.
which were taken in England, particularly an act to puniſh
high treaſon with death; another, requiring all perfons,
above 16 years of age, to take the oaths of allegiance, on
pain of fine and impriſonment; "the governor, deputy
governor and magiftrates having first taken the fame,
without any reſervation, in the words fent to them by his
Majeſty's orders *." The King's arms were ordered to be
5. Prophanencfs, in perſons turni ngtheir backs upon the public
worſhip before the bleffing is pronounced. Officers of churches and
felectmen, to appoint perfons to fhut the meeting-houſe doors, or to
take any other meet way to attain the end.
6. Prophane curfing or fwearing.
If any perſon heard another
curſe or ſwear, and did not inform, he was made liable to the fame
penalty with the prophane perfon.
7. Tipling-houſes. Infpectors to be appointed, and if they did
not do their duty, they were to incur the penalty of the law againſt
tipling-houſes.
8. Breach of the fifth commandment. All inferiors in families
abfent at night, in corrupt company, without leave, admonished, and
fined, not exceeding 10s. for the firft offence, whipped, not exceed-
ing five ftripes, for all after offences.
9. Idlenefs. All idle perfons to be taken notice of by the con-
ftable, their names to be returned to the felectmen, who had power,
In caſe of obſtinacy, to fend them to the houſe of correction.
10. Oppreffion in fhopkeepers and merchants, by taking too
much for their goods, and in mechanicks, who required too much
for their labour. Every perfon who had been oppreffed in this way,
might apply to the grand-jury, or to the county court, who had
power to cauſe the offender to make twofold reftitution, and to fine
at difcretion.
11. A looſe and finful cuftom of riding from town to town, men
and women together, under pretence of going to lectures, but, re-
ally, to drink and revel in taverns, tending to debauchery and un-
chastity. All fingle perfons, being offenders, to be bound to their
good behavior, with fureties in 201. fine, or fuffer fine and im-
piifonment.
For moſt of theſe offences I have not feen any inftances of profe-
cution. Exceffive penalties, or penalties not adapted to the nature
of the offence, prevent profecutions. The multiplying laws, with
fuch penalties, in any government, tends to leffen the weight and
authority of the penal laws in general,
* Maff, Records.
X 3
carved
"
322
THE HISTORY OF
cc
..
1679 carved and put up in the court-houfe. But it was a more
difficult thing to conform to the acts of trade. They ac-
knowledge in their letter to the agents they had not done
it. They "apprehended them to be an invafion of the
"rights, liberties, and properties of the fubjects of his
Majefty in the colony, they not being reprefented in
parliament, and according to the ufual fayings of the
❝ learned in the law, the laws of England were bounded
"within the four feas, and did not reach America; how-
ever, as his Majefty had fignified his pleaſure that thoſe
acts ſhould be obferved in the Maffachufets, they had
"made provifion, by a law of the colony, that they
"fhould be strictly attended from time to time, although it
"greatly difcouraged trade, and was a great damage to his
..
Majefty's plantation." The paffing this law, plainly
Thews the wrong fenfe they had of the relation they stood in
to England *. The people of Ireland, about the fame
time, were under the fame mistake. Perhaps they had
not greater colour for an exemption from English acts of
parliament, than a colony of natural born ſubjects, depart-
ing the kingdom with the leave of their Prince. Particu-
lar perfons in Ireland, did penance for advancing and ad-
hering to theſe p:inciples. The whole colony of the
Maffachufets, fuffered the lofs of their charter, this being
This court being informed, by letters received this day from
"our meffengers, of his Majefty's expectation that the acts of trade
and navigation be exactly and punctually obferved by this
his Majesty's colony, his pleature therein not having been,
"before now, fignified unto us, either by exprefs from his Majefty,
" or any of his minifters of ſtate :
<
.
"It is therefore hereby ordered, and by the authority of this court
"enacted, That henceforth, all mafters of fhips, ketches, or other
* veffels, of greater or leffer burthen, arriving in or failing from
any of the ports in this jurifdiction, do, without coven or fraud,
yield faithful and conftant obedience unto, and obfervation of, all
"the faid acts of navigation and trade, 'on penalty of fuffering
"fuch forfeitures, lofs, and damage, as in the ſaid acts are particu-
larly expreffed, and the governor and council, and all officers
commiffioned and authorized by them, are hereby ordered and
"required to fee to the ftrict obfervation of the faid acts."
86
ONG
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
323
one great article of charge against it. I am glad I have 1679
this inftance of Ireland, and that fo fenfible a gentleman
as Mr. Molineux, the friend of Mr. Locke, engaged in
the caufe; for it may ferve as fome excufe for our ancef-
tors, that they were not alone in their miſtaken apprehen-
fions of the nature of their ſubjection, No prejudice can
be cauſed, by this mistake, against their pofterity.
They have indeed as high notions of the value of
Engliſh liberties as their anceſtors had, and, as a Britiſh-
colony, they humbly hope for all that tenderneſs and in
dulgence from a British parliament which the Roman
Senate, while Rome remained free, fhewed to Roman co-
lonies, but they are fenfible that they are coloniſts, and
therefore fubject to the controul of the parent ftate.
MR. Leveret continued governor, by annual election,
from his being first chofen in 1673, until his death, March
16th 1678. The weighty affairs of the war, and the
agency, during his adminiſtration, conducted with pru-
dence and ſteadineſs, caufed him to be greatly refpected *.
He was fucceeded by Simon Bradftreet (May 1679) who
was one of the firſt affiftants, and had continued to be an-
nually choſen an affiftant fifty years together, being about
feventy-fix years of age when he firft entered upon the
office of governor. A few months before, upon the
death of Mr. Symonds, Mr. Bradstreet fucceeded him as
deputy governor. Upon Mr. Bradstreet's being choſen
governor, Thomas Danforth came into the deputy gover-
nor's place, and they were continued in their reſpective
places, from year to year, until the diffolution of the
government.
}
* He died of the ftone. His only fun maintained but an indifferent
character. His grandfon, John Leveret, after fuftaining, in the civil
order, ſeveral honorable poſts, ſpeaker of the affembly, juftice of the
fuperior court, member of the council, one of the three commiffioners
with power of controlling the army fent againſt Port Royal, was, in
1707, chofen prefident of Harvard college, in which poft he conti-
nued until his death, having the character of a gentleman and
ſcholar, and alſo of a man of virtue and religion,
X 4
WHILST
324
THE HISTORY OF
1679
WHILST the agents were in England, days of fafting
and prayer, fome by the court, fome by the whole people,
were repeatedly appointed by authority, to implore the
divine bleffing upon their endeavours for obtaining favor
with the King, and the continuance of charter privileges,
and November 21ft 1678 was obſerved as a faft by all
the churches in the three colonies. A council or fynod
of the churches in the colony of Maſſachuſets, being con-
vened by order of court in May 1679, theſe two queftions
were referred for their confideration and anſwer.
QUEST. Ift. What are the reaſons that have provoked
the Lord to bring his judgments upon New-England?
QUEST. 2d. What is to be done, that fo thofe evils
may be removed?
I do not cenſure the authority of the colony for their
great anxiety on this occafion, or for ufing every proper
meaſure to obtain the fmiles of heaven, as well as the
favor of their earthly fovereign, and only remark, that we
have no evidence of any extraordinary degeneracy*. At
this time, Great-Britain, Scotland eſpecially, was fuffering
under a prince inimical to civil and religious liberty. New-
England therefore, without a miraculous interpoſition,
muſt have expected to fhare the fame judgments, and,
perhaps, had not greater reafon to make the two inquiries,
than either of the two kingdoms.
THE Complaint of Gorges and Mafon, and the uncer-
tainty of the event, reftrained the general court from any
attempt to hold poffeffion of the country Eaft ward of
Main. Upon the exchange of Surinam for New-York,
that country, and the iſlands and countries contained in
the former grant to the Duke of York, were granted anew,
and Major Andros, governor under the Duke, erected
* Mr. Neale fays, "the people began to grow intolerably licen-
"tious in their morals, that devout people obferved the judgments
"of God fcemed to follow them, blafting epidemical difeafes, un-
"common loffes by fea, &c. The fmall-pox, which is always
travelling about the world, then prevailed. There had been wars
with French and Dutch, and captures by the enemy might well
have been expected,
a fort
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
325
a fort, and eſtabliſhed a cuftom-houſe at Pemaquid, part 1679
of the territory between Kenebeck and St. Croix. Whilft
the Dutch were in poffeffion of New-York, this territory
had been neglected, and the inhabitants being without any
powers of government, the Maſſachuſets (in 1672) had
fent their commiffioners, who appointed and held courts,
and eſtabliſhed civil and military officers from Pemaquid
to Gorges, the fea-coaft being well inhabited, and the
fishery in a flouriſhng ftate, but upon the Duke's taking
poffeffion, by his governor, they laid afide their pretences
to jurifdiction.
THE agents were detained in England until the fall of
1679. They thought themſelves not at liberty to return,
without the King's exprefs leave. The popiſh plot
prevented an attention to plantation affairs, and it was
thought too great a hardship to detain them any longer.
Upon their repeated application they were diſmiſſed, and
arrived at Boſton, December 23d. They had obtained
nothing but time, a further opportunity for the colony
to comply with the requifitions made by the crown.
Affurances feem to have been given by the agents that
other perfons fhould be fent over to fupply their places,
and although, upon their return, no mark of difapproba-
tion of their conduct was ſhewn by the general court, but
a vote paffed thanking them for their pains, yet many
were diffatisfied, eſpecially with Mr. Stoughton, who they
thoughtto have been too compliant *. They brought with
them the King's letter of July 24, 1679, containing the
following requifitions.
1. THAT agents be fent over in fix months, fully in-
ftructed to anſwer and tranfact what was undetermined at
that time.
* Mr. Stoughton, perhaps, ever had the intereſt of his country at
heart, but in the purfuit of it governed himſelf by the rules which
Cicero, in one of his epiftles, preſcribes for a wife magiftrate.
Nunquam enim, præftantibus in republica gubernanda viris,
laudata eft in una fententia perpetua permanfio; fed ut in navi-
gando tempeftati obfequi artis eft, etiamfi portum tenere non queas;
cum vero id poffis mutata velificatione affequi, ftultum eft eum
tenere, cum periculo, curfum, quem ceperis, potius quam, eo com-
mutato, quo velis tandem pervenire." Ad Lentul.
2. THAT
326
THE HISTORY OF
1679
2. THAT freedom and liberty of confcience be given to
ſuch perſons as defire to ferve God in the way of the
church of England, fo as not to be thereby made ob-
noxious, or diſcountenanced from their fharing in the go-
vernment, much less that they, or any other his Majefty's
fubjects (not being papifts) who do not agree in the con-
gregational way, be by law fubjected to fines or for-
feitures, or other incapacities.
{
گھر
3. That no other diftinction be obſerved in making of
freemen, than that they be men of competent eftates,
rateable at 10s. according to the rules of the place, and
that fuch, in their turns, be capable of the magiftracy, and
all laws made void that obftruct the fame.
>
4. THAT the ancient number of eighteen affiftants be
henceforth obferved, as by charter *.
5. THAT all perfons coming to any privilege, truſt
or office, take the oath of allegiance.
6. THAT all military commiffions, as well as the pro-
ceedings of juftice, run in his Majefty's name.
7. THAT all laws repugnant to, and inconfiftent with,
the laws of England for trade, be aboliſhed.
8. WHILE Mr. Gorges's complaint was before the
council, the agents, without his Majeſty's permiffion, who
was fome time in treaty for the fame, bought Mr. Gorges's
intereſt in the province of Main, for 1200l. His Majeſty.
had heard of fome effects, of a fevere hand upon his fub-
jects there, and therefore required an affignment of the faid
province, on repayment of the faid 12001.
9. THAT, as for that part of New-Hampshire province
three miles North of Merrimack river, granted to Mr.
*They continued to limit themſelves to eight or ten affiftants. At
firſt, as has been obferved, it was done to leave room for perfons of
quality expected from England. Thofe expectations had long
ceafed. In a popular government, and where the magiftrates were
annually chofen, increafing the number would give a better chance
to aſpiring men. On the other hand, the greater the number of af-
fiftants the lefs the weight of the houfe of deputies, the election of
all officers depending upon the major vote of the whole court.
laft reafon might caufe the deputies to refuſe their conſent to an in-
creafe.
This
Mafon,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
327
Maſon, the government whereof remained vefted in his 1679
Majefty, defigning to fettle the fame to the fatisfaction
of his fubjects there, the Maffachufets recall all com-
miffions granted by them for governing there.
A compliance with the firft of thefe inftructions was
delayed. The reaſons affigned were, the danger of the
feas (Connecticut agent having been taken by the Alge-
rines) and the heavy debt of the colony*, which made it
almoft incapable of the expence.
As to the fecond and third, they had no laws to reſtrain
the inhabitants from chufing church of England men into
the magistracy, or other office, that law, confining the
privilege to church members, being long fince repealed,
and all proteftants of 10s. rateable eftate were capable of
being made freemen.
THE fourth, they complied with at the next election,
in 1680.
AND alſo with the fifth, fixth, and feventh, in manner
as has been mentioned.
THEY juftified their purchaſe of the province of Main,
at the defire of the inhabitants, and in favor to them; and
denied their having ever ufed any acts of feverity, and
were filent as to the re-conveying it.
THE 9th and laſt they had complied with, as we have
just mentioned.
THE first commiffion for the government of New-
Hampſhire, was to Mr. Cutt, ás prefident of the province.
The following letter was voted, by the new affembly,
at their first meeting, and fent to the governor of the
Maffachufets, to be communicated to the affembly there.
"PORTSMOUTH, in the province of New-Hampſhire,
March 25th, 1680.
ردا
**Much honored
"THE late turn of Providence made amongſt us by the
all ordering hand, háth given occafion for this prefent ap-
"plication, wherein we crave leave,as we are in duty bound,
"firft thankfully to acknowledge your great care of us, and
ઃ
* Cauſed by the late war,
❝ kindneſs
328
THE HISTORY OF
<<
CC
હ
1679 "kindneſs towards us, while we dwelt under your ſhadow,
owning ourſelves deeply obliged, that you were pleaſed,
upon our earneſt réqueft and fupplication, to take us
"under your government, and ruled us well, while we fo
"remained, fo that we cannot give the leaft countenance
"to thoſe reflections that have been'caft upon you, as if
• you had dealt injuriouſly with us. Secondly, that no
diffatisfaction with your government, but merely our
"fubmiffion to divine providence, to his Majefty's com-
"mands, to whom we owe allegiance, without any ſeeking
"of our own, or defires of change, was the only cauſe of
our complying with that prefent feparation from you
"that we are now under, but fhould have heartily rejoiced,
"if it had feemed good to the Lord and his Majefty to
"have fettled us in the fame capacity as formerly. Thirdly,
" and withal we hold ourſelves.bound to fignify, that it is
"our moſt unfeigned defire, that fuch a mutual corref
"pondence betwixt us may be fettled, as may tend to the
66
.
glory of God, the honor of his Majefty, whofe fubjects
"we all are, and the promoting the common intereft,
"and defence againſt the common enemy, that thereby
"our hands may be ftrengthened, being of ourſelves
"weak, and few in number, and that if there be opportu-
"nity to be any ways ferviceable unto you, we may fhew
"how ready we are thankfully to embrace the fame.
"Thus wishing the prefence of God to be with you in
"all adminiſtrations, and craving the benefit of your
prayers and endeavours for a bleffing upon the heads
"and hearts of us who are ſeparated from our brethren,
"we fubfcribe
66
JOHN CUTT, Prefident, at
the confent of the council
and general affembly."
Directed, to the honorable governor and council of the
Maffachufets-Bay, to be communicated to the general
court in Bofton.
This letter was read in general court, May 22d 1680,
and ordered to be recorded.
THE
MASSACHUSETS - BAY.
329
THE province of Main continued to be protected by 1690
the Maffachufets. After the purchaſe from Gorges, the
major part of the court were of opinion, that it fhould be
fold again to the higheſt bidder, towards reimburfing the
expence of defending it, which they computed at eight
thouſand pounds, and a committee was appointed for this
purpoſe, but this vote was reconfidered. However, there
was a neceffity of a different adminiſtration, from what
there had been formerly. Whilft the province was fup-
pofed to be included in the bounds of the Maffachufets
charter, the towns were reprefented in the general court,
and it was to all intents and purpoſes confidered as a county,
but the determination of 1667 had confined the Maffa-
chufets to three miles north or north eaft of Merrimack
river. The colony muft confider itſelf therefore in the
place of Gorges, invefted with the powers granted to him
by charter or patent. Accordingly, they appointed their
deputy governor Thomas Danforth, prefident of the pro-
vince of Main, to govern under the Maffachufets, the lords
proprietaries, and to be accountable to them, and thither he
repaired towards the end of 1679, together with Mr.
Nowell, &c. and there appointed officers, held courts, and
made provifion for adminiftring government in the form
preſcribed by the patent to Sir Ferdinando Gorges *.
RANDOLPH kept a continual watch upon the colony,
and went divers times to England with complaints, and
returned with freſh orders and powerst. In 1676, he
brought over the complaint of Mafon and Gorges. In 1678,
* The people of the province of Main were well contented, whilft
they enjoyed the privileges of the Maffachufets colony. To be-
come a province of that colony was difagreeable, and they never
cordially fubmitted. Although the Maflachufets accounted them-
felves a free ftate, yet this was no fecurity to the others that they
fhould be lefs arbitrarily governed than when a fingle perfon was the
proprietor. "In Auguft 1680, the deputy governor, Mr. Salton-
ftall, Nowell, &c. failed from Boſton with 60 foldiers, in a fhip and
floop, to fill the people at Cafco-bay, and prevent governor
Andros's ufurpation." MS. letter.
In a reprefentation of his fervices to the committee of council,
he fays he had made eight voyages to New-England in nine years.
2
he
330
THE HISTORY OF
1680 he came over with power from the commiffioners of the
cuſtoms, as an infpector and to make feizures and bring in-
formations for breaches of the acts of trade, but he was
generally if not always condemned in cofts, and it appears
by a repreſentation, he afterwards made to the commiffion-
ers, that he had been a great fufferer. He brought with
him alſo a commiffion to divers perfons, himſelf at the
head of them, to adminifter an oath to the governor
faithfully to execute the oath required by the act of trade*.
The governor, Mr. Leveret, did not take the oath in con-
ſequence of that commiffion. Randolph was in England
again in 1679+ and returned the latter part of the fame year.
THE governor, at the firft feffion after the receipt of
new orders from the King, took the oath, which was ad-
miniftred by the deputy governor in open court, not as
one of the commiffioners. Randolph went home again,
the next winter, to renew his complaints, and upon his re-
1681 turn to Bofton, in '1681, brought with him a commiffion
from the crown for collector and furveyor and fearcher of
the cuſtoms in New-England‡. He laid his commiffion be-
fore the general court and defired he might be aided in the
execution of his office with their countenance and autho-
* Edward Randolph, Thomas Savage, William Taylor, George
Curwin the elder, Thomas Brattle, Thomas Deane, James Whet-
comb, Richard Wharton, John Richards, Humphrey. Warren,
Thomas Kellond, John Hubbard, Humphrey Davy, and Samuel
Moſely, together with the members of the council, for the time be-
ing, were the commiffioners.
จาก
+ "Mr. Randolph yet waits to get the country better qualified
for his-reception. By a 'etter which he wrote to one of Bofton, in
the weft, who was fo ingenuous as to fend the very original to us,
we perceive great things' are upon the wheel, relating to us, in
his airy fancy. They were fuch as not to, be committed to paper,
but to be communicated in the fafer way of private difcourfe.
Bulkley's letter to Bradford, 16793
ད
}}
+ William Dyre, at the fame time, called himself fürveyor and
fearcher-general. I fuppofe this was the beginning of the office of
furveyor-general, his commiffion extending to New-York, but the
powers and duties of thefe offices were not then fully fettled.
Randolph did not chufe to acknowledge himſelf Dyre's inferior, or
fubject to his controul.
7
rity,
MASSACHUSETS - BAY.
331
}
rity, but, no notice being taken of his application, he fet up 1681
an advertiſement in the town-houſe, to acquaint all perfons
concerned that an office was erected, &c. This, he ſaid,
was taken down by the marshal, by order of the general
court or fome of the members, he therefore, in a letter to
the governor, demands the final refolution of the court,
whether, they will admit the faid patent to be in force or
not, that he might know how to govern, nimfelf. There
is no record of any refolution of the court herein. During
thefe, diftreffes of the colony there were two parties fubfift-
ing in the government, both of them agreed in the im-
portance of the charter privileges, but differing in opinion
upon the extent of them, and upon the proper meafures
to preſerve them. The governor, Mr. Bradstreet, was at
the head of the moderate party.. Randolph, in all his
letters, takes notice of it. The governor's fon in a letter
from New-London, April 1681, writes, "As to what you
(C
LA
보
​ſay about the change fome people expect this election, fo
"far as it concerns yourſelf it may be an advantage. Better
"the ruip, if it must be fo, under other hands than yours.
"Time will make it appear who have been the faithful
"and. wife confervators of New-England's liberties, and
"that the adored faviours of our interefts, many of them,
"have confulted very ill the intereft efpoufed by them."
Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Dudley, and William Brown of Sa-
lem, theſe fell in with the governor. The deputy governor,
Mr. Danforth, was at the head of the other party, the prin-
cipal members of the court with him were Major Gookins
of Cambridge, Peter Tilton of Hadley, Eliſha Cooke and
Eliſha Hutchinſon of Bofton. This party oppoſed the
fending over agents, the fubmitting to acts of trade, &c.
and were for adhering to their charter according to their
conftruction of it, and leaving the event. Gookins, be-
ing aged, defired a paper he drew up as his dying teftimony
might be, lodged with the court, containing the reaſons
of his opinion. He was a very zealous but an upright
man, and acted from principle. He feems to have
been the only magiftrate who a few years before oppofed
the
332
THE HISTORY OF
1
1681 the people in their rage against the Indians, friends and
enemies without diftinction, and expoſed himſelf to the
reproaches of his brethren in the magiftracy upon the
bench, as well as to hootings and offenfive language from
the populace as he paffed the streets. Tilton was one of
the moſt rigid, and was concerned in a paper, publiſhed
about that time, reprefenting the great apoftafy both of
magiftrates and minifters.
IN 1680+ a letter had been received under the King's fign
manual, charging the colony with neglecting to fend over
other agents in the room of thofe who had obtained leave
to return, and requiring that they be fent in three months
after the receipt of the letter, and that they come prepared
to answer the claim which Mafon had made to the lands
between Naumkeag and Merrimack. Immediately upon
the
Lord Culpeper governor of Virginia came to Bofton the 24th
of Auguft this year, in his return to England.
It appears by the records that the Hon. George Ruffell (I fuppofe
a younger brother to the celebrated Lord Ruffeil) was in New-
England in 1680, and prefented with the freedom of the colony.
Mr. Richard Saltonſtall, ſon of Sir Richard, returned this year after
many years abfence, and was again chofen firft affiftant, and fo
the two fucceeding years. He went back to England, before
683, and died at Hulme April 29th 1694. MS. letter.
He left
an eſtate in Yorkſhire. Mr. Saltonftall was related to Mr. Hamden,
who like his anceſtors was a true friend to New-England. In a
letter from Mr. Saltonftall's daughter, dated May 1694, I find
this little piece of English hiftory, "The court is altered as well
as other placès, Mr. H----n was to wait on mafter, and all looked
very ſmooth.
He asked him concerning the report he heard,
(this was a fecond time, not that mentioned in my other letter)
he faid no, no, there was nothing in it, he did not intend to re-
move him.
He kiffed hands, and, that night, a new commiffion
was granted to a young perfon under 30 years of age, who they
fay muſt go before all the grave judges. His virtues may be wrote
in a little room, but not his vices. A few days after, the arch-
biſhop was fent to tell him how will he was efteemed, but he
growing into years might like his eafe. If he would be Lord or
Earl, he fhould be either, or have any penfion. To the firft he
anfwered, that he would die a country gentleman of an ancient
family, as his was, and honor enough for him. For the fecond,
he
i
MASSACHUSETSASSACH
333
-BAY.
the receipt of this letter, the court chofe two agents, Mr.1681
Stoughton and. Mr. Nowell, and inftructions were drawn.
up, but both of them peremptorily refuſed to engage in
the affair; Mr. Stoughton, notwithſtanding the exceptions
fome had taken to his former conduct, being ftrongly urged
to it. As for Maſon's claim, it was looked upon as ground-
lefs and extravagant, and the court gave themfelves but
little concern about it further than to obſerve, that if he
had any pretence to the lands, his title would be fairly
tried upon the fpot, where by law and according to the
opinion of the attorney and folicitor general in 1677, it
ought to be tried. After this, Randolph brought to
Boſton the King's letter of October the 21ft 1681, t
complaining that the collector had not been able to exe-
cute his office to any effect, that attachments had been
brought against him and his officers for doing their
duty, that he had been obliged to depofit money
before he could bring an action againft offenders, that
*
+
he faid, he ſhould not take the King's money, and the King's
feryants want bread; he always fpake againft giving penfions to
others, and at fuch a time as this it was a great oppreffion.
While he had a roll and can of beer he would not take the King's
money. It is wondered at by many, confidering how ufeful he
was in the year 88 and following-but enough of this."
-
I hope the friendship fhewn by the family of Hamden to New-
England will excufe my inferting this anecdote, although it has
no relation to the affairs of the colony.
**In April 1681, Randolph fet up a proteft on the exchange
in Boston, against the acts of the court.
A
+"As for the large and particular account you are pleaſed to give
"me of the concerns of the country in general, your's was fent
"hither to me to my houfe here, by Mr. Randolph, where I have
"been for fome weeks, and do, intend to ftay fome weeks longer,
"fo that I doubt Mr. Randolph, by whom I fend this, will be gone
"e'er I come to London, but, when I fhall be there, I fhall en-
deavour to inform myfelf, the best I can, how matters doftand
as to your colony, and fhall do them the best fervice and friendly
"offices I can, and it will be very well and adviſeable, that, upon
"Mr. Randolph's arrival, matters relating to trade be ſo ſettled,
as that there be no further just complaints upon that account."
Sir George Dawning's letter to Governor Bradftret, Eaft-Hadley, Sept.
28. 1681.
~65
Y
appeals,
334
THE HISTORY OF
1681appeals, in matters relating to the revenue, had been re-
'fuſed, and that they had feized into their hands the moiety
of forfeitures belonging to his Majefty by law." It was
therefore required, "that fit perfons be fent over, without
delay, to anſwer thefe complaints, with powers to fubmit
to fuch regulations of government as his Majefty fhould
think fit, that reftitution be made of all monies levied
from the officers, that they be encouraged in putting the
acts of trade in execution, without charge, as in England,
that an account be given of forfeitures received, and that
appeals be allowed." The court denied the charge, and faid
in their anfwer, "that Mr. Randolph was acknowledged
collector, and his commiffion enrolled, that no fuits had
been countenanced against any officers, except where the
fubject had been unjustly vexed, that they knew of no
forfeitures, except a fine upon a mafter of a ſhip for abufing
the government, that they would encourage his officers,
and require no depofit for the future; but as to admitting
appeals, they hoped it would be further confidered."
However, the fending over agents could be no longer
delayed. At a court called in Feb. 1681, when his Ma-
jefly's letter by Randolph was read, they determined to
come to the choice of agents. Mr. Stoughton and Mr.
Dudley were chofen, the court being much divided.
Mr. Stoughton again utterly refuſed, and Mr. Richards*
was chofen in his ftead. The defign of taking away the
charter became every day more and more evident. Agents
impowered to fubmit to regulations of government, were,
in other words, agents impowered to furrender their charter.
However, the general court would have been glad to put
a more favorable conftruction upon it, it being inconfiftent
with his Majefty's repeated declarations, and therefore
they directed their agents not to do, or confent to any thing
that ſhould violate or infringe the liberties and privileges
granted by charter, or the government eſtabliſhed thereby.
A new matter of charge had been brought againſt them
* Mr. Richards was a wealthy merchant, of a fair character, and
one of the afftants.
th
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
335
in England, viz. the coining money. This they excufed, 1682
"it having began in the times of the late confufions, to
prevent frauds in the pieces of eight current among them,
and if they had trefpaffed upon his Majefty's prerogative,
it was through ignorance, and they humbly begged his
pardon." The other points of exception, were anfwered
as before mentioned. The agents failed May 31ft. A
public faft was appointed to be obferved June 22d, through
the colony, to pray for the prefervation of their charter
and fuccefs to the agency. Randolph was in England
not long after them, ready to diſcloſe every thing the
agents defired to conceal. The governor had defired
him to do nothing to the prejudice of the colony. He
promiſed, in his anſwer, that if they would make a full ſub-
miffion to his Majefly, he would endeavour to procure his
Majeſty's royal pardon, and the continuance of their pri-
vileges, fo far as that they fhould have liberty of conscience
and the free exercife of their religion, and that no money
fhould be raiſed without the confent of the people: for
other matters, their agents were moft proper to folicit*.
The agents, in their first letters to the general court, ac-
quainted them, "that his Majefty was greatly provoked
by their fo long neglecting to fend agents, and they de-
fired the court to confider whether it was beft to hazard all,
rather than fatisfy his Majefty as to the mode of ſubmiſſion
to the laws for regulating trade, fince they feriouſly in-
tended to ſubmit to the fubftance." They had not then been
heard before the council, but foon after, upon prefenting
the court's addrefs, they were commanded to fhew their
powers, and all their inftructions, not publicly, but to S.r
Lionel Jenkins, fecretary of ſtate, and it appearing, upon
perufal, that they did not contain fuch powers as had been
*In Feb. 1681, Randolph exhibited to the Lords of the council
articles of high mifdeme, nor against a faction of the general court
fitting in Bofton, viz, Thomas Danforth, Danici Gookin, Nathaniel
Saltonftall, Samuel Nowell, Richards, Davy, Gedney, and Appleton,
magiftrates, and Fifher, Cook, Brattle, Stoddard, Bathurit, Ilat-
horn, Wait, Johnfon, Hutcninfon, Sp.ague, Cakes, Holbrook,
Cushing, Hammond, and Pike, deputies.
Y 2
required,
336
THE HISTORY OF
1682 required, they were informed by Lord Radnor, that the
council, nem. con. had agreed to report to his Majefty,
that unleſs the agents fpeedily obtained fuch powers as
might make them capable to fatisfy in all points, a quo
warranto fhould proceed. The agents reprefented the
cafe of the colony as defperate, and left it to the court
to determine whether it was moft advifeable to fubmit to
his Majefty's pleaſure, or to fuffer a quo warranto to
iffue. Many cities had fubmitted. Bermudas* in the
plantations, and the city of London had refufed, and
quo warranto's had gone out, the determination of which
might enable the Maffachufets to judge what would be
prudent for them to do.†
* Bermudas was the fecond colony, for many years ſcarce de-
ſerving the name, Virginia being the firft. The charter bears date
the "29th June in the 13th year of King James 1614, by the name
of the governor and company of the city of London for the planta-
tion of the Somer Iflands." This charter never was removed to the
colony as that of the Maffachufets had been. The company conti-
nued to meet as a propriety in London.
propriety in London. A governor deputed by
the company, with a council and affembly, exerciſed fome degree
of legiſlative power in the iſlands, but the governor and company
in London had the power of making laws not repugnant, &c.
In 1663 a law was made by the company that every veffel, above five
tons, built in the iſland without exprefs leave of the company firſt
had and obtained, fhould be forfeited and fold for the uſe of the
company. The inhabitants made complaint of great oppreſſion, and
prayed for a diffolution of their charter, that a governor might be
appointed by the crown and the fubjects governed as they were in
Virginia and Barbados. True relation of the illegal proceedings of the
Somer lands company, &c. 1678.
'
+ Randolph was inceffant. June 14th 1682 he writes to the Earl
of Clarendon, "His Majefty's quo warranto againſt their charter
"and fending for Thomas Danforth and for Samuel Nowell, a
"late fanatick preacher and now a magiftrate, and Daniel Fiſher
"Elisha Cooke, deputies, to attend and anfwer the articles of
high miſdemeanors, I have now exhibited againſt them in my
papers fent Mr. Blaithwait, will make the whole faction tremble.
"If the party were confiderable enough to revolt upon his Ma-
jefty's refolution to fettle the plantation, their first work would
"be to call me to account for endeavouring openly the alteration
" of their conſtitution, which by their law is death.”
<<
5
UPON
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
337
UPON receipt of thefe advices, it was made a queftion, 1682
not in the general court only, but amongst all the inha-
bitants, whether to furrender or not. The opinions of
many of the minifters, and their arguments in fupport of
them, were given in writing, and, in general, it was
thought better to die by the hands of others, than by
their own. An addrefs was agreed upon by the general
court, another was prepared and fent through the colony
to be figned by the feveral inhabitants, which the agents
were to prefent or not, as they thought proper, and they
were inftructed to deliver up the deeds for the province
of Main, if required, and it would tend to preferve their
charter, otherwife not; and they were to make no con-
ceffions of any privileges conferred upon the colony by
the charter.
CRANFIELD, governor of New-Hampshire, being on 1683
a vifit at Boſton, adviſed to the agents waiting upon Lord
Hide, and tendering him an acknowlegement of 2000
guineas for his Majefty's private fervice, and, at the fame
time, promiſed to reprefent the colony in a favorable light.
The court agreed to the propofal, and fhewed him the
letter they wrote to the agents thereupon, but he, infa-
mouſly, repreſented the colony as rogues and rebels, and
made his game of them for making tuch an offer, and the
agents complained of their being ridiculed for the fham put
upon the country.* Upon the agents receiving this final
refolution of the court, their bufinefs was at an end.
It was immediately determined a quo warranto fhould go
against the charter, and that Randolph fhould be the
meffenger of death. The agents arrived at Boſton the
23d of October 1683, and the fame week Randolph ar-
The clergy turned the fcale for the last time. The balance
which they had held from the beginning, they were allowed to re-
tain no longer.
*
Truly Sir if you was here to fee how we are ridiculed by
our best friends at count for the fham Cranfield hath put upon you,
it would grieve you. I will affure you, whatever letters he hath
fhcwn you, his Majefty laſt night told my friend that he had re-
prefented us as difloyal rogues." Dudley to Bradftrect, Feb. 1682.
X 3
rived
338
THE HISTORY OF
1683rived with the quo warranto, and a declaration from the
King, that if the colony, before profecution, would make
full fubmiffion and entire refignation to his pleaſure, he
would regulate their charter for his fervice and their good,
and with no further alterations than fhould be neceſſary
for the fupport of his government there. Two hundred
copies of the proceedings againft the charter of London
were fent at the fame time, by advice of the privy council,
to be diſperſed through the province. The governor and
major part of the affiftants, defpairing of any fuccefs from
a defence, paffed the following vote: "The magiftrates
have voted, that an humble addrefs be fent to his Ma-
jefty by this ſhip, declaring that, upon a ferious con
"fideration of his Majefty's gracious intimations, in his
"former letters, and more particularly in his late declara-
"tion, that his pleaſure and purpoſe is only to regulate
66
66
66
< 6
1
our charter, in fuch a manner as fhall be for his fervice
"and the good of this his colony, and without any other
"alteration than what is neceffary for the fupport of his
government here, we will not prefume to contend with
"his Majefty in a courſe of law, but humbly lay ourſelves
at his Majefty's feet, in a fubmiffion to his pleaſure fo
❝ declared, and that we have refolved, by the next oppor-
tunity, to fend our agents, impowered to receive his
"Majefty's commands accordingly. And, for faving a
"default for non-appearance upon the return of the writ
"of quo warranto, that fome meet perfon or perſons be
appointed and impowered, by letter of attorney, to ap-
pear and make defence, until our agents may make their
appearance and fubmiffion, as above. The magiftrates
"have paffed this with reference to the confent of their
"brethren the deputies hereto. EDWARD RAWSON,
Secretary."
66
66
15th Nov. 1683.
११
+ The next day after Randolph arived, a terrible fire happened
in Bolton, in the licheft part of the town. Some of the people, in
their rage and jealoufy, fuppofed the town to be fet on fire by his
procurement. I find this infinuated in an interleaved almanack,
and other manufcripts.
THIS
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
339
¿
THIS lay in the houſe, under confideration, a fortnight, 1683
and was then paffed upon as follows:
"Nov. 30, 1683. The deputies confent not, but
"adhere to their former bills. WM. TORREY, Cler."
HAD this been made an act of the general court, it is
doubtful whether the conſequent adminiſtration of govern-
ment would have been lefs arbitrary than it was, upon the
judgment against the charter; but, upon the revolution,
they might have reaffumed their charter, as Rhode-Ifland*
and Connecticut did their reſpective charters, there having
been no judgment against themt.
A letter of attorney was fent to Mr. Humphrys, to ap-
pear and anſwer for the province. Addreffes were fent,
one after another, but to no purpofe. In September, a
fcire facias was received by Mr. Dudley and communicated
to the governor, who called a fpecial court. The time for
their appearance at Weſtminſter was paft before it was re-
* Rhode Iſland made a full furrender of their charter as appears
by the following advertiſement in the London gazette, Windfor
Sept. 13, 1684. "His Majefty has graciously received the addrefs
"of the colony of Rhode Iſland and Providence plantations in New-
England, humbly reprefenting, that upon the fignification of a
writ of quo warranto againſt their charter, they had refolved in
a general affembly not to ftand fuit with his Majefty, but wholly
to fubmit to his royal pleaſure themſelves and their charter,
"whereof his Majefty has thought fit to accept the furrender."
The order in council to the attorney general to bring writs of quo
warranto againſt Connecticut and Rhode Iſland was dated July 15,
1685.
<<
'
Connecticut had the offer of being annexed to Maffachufets or
New York. They prayed the continuance of their privileges, but
if they must lofe their charter they chofe to be annexed to Maffa-
chufets. This was conftrued a furrender,
+ However agreeable to law this diftinction might be, yet equity
does not feem to favour it. The charter of London was adjudged
forfeited upon a long argument of the greateſt lawyers in the nation.
The Maffachufets was decreed forfeited upon default of appearance.
Not only the charter of London but all the charters in the King's
dominions I fuppofe (undefs Bermudas is an exception) whether fur-
rendered or whether there had been judgment against them, were
re-affumed except that of the Maffachufets.
Y 4
ceived
340.
THE HISTORY OF
ceived in Boſton. No other anfwer, than another hum-
ble addrefs, was attempted. The cafe was defperate, and
judgment was entered up, copy of which was received
by Mr. Rawfon, July 2d 1685.
BEFORE any new government was fettled, K. Charles
1684died. Mr. Blaithwait wrote to the governor*, and re-
commended the proclaiming K. James, without delay.
This was done, with great ceremony, in the high ſtreet
in Boſton (April 20th.)
}
THERE were all the fypmtoms, notwithſtanding, of an
expiring conftitution. Several of the towns neglected to
The proceedings were in this form and order.
The firft fcire facias, directed to the ſheriff of Middleſex, bore teſt
16th Ap. 36 Car. zd, whereon a nichil returned.
Trin. 36 Car. 2d. an a', ſcir. fac. directed to the fame ſheriff, re-
turned 2d June 1683, whereon another nichill returned.
12th June 36 Car. 2d. the agent for the company moved by his
council for time, to fend to New-England for a letter of attorney
under the corporation feal, to appear and plead to thofe fcire
facias's, until Michaelmas term then next, when the court ordered
Mr. Attorney ſhould be attended therein, to fhew caufe the laft day
of that term why the defendants fhould not have time to appear.
Mr. Attorney moved againſt that order, and had it in fome part
ſet aſide, but waved it, and on hearing council of both fides it was
ordered.
18th June 84, That judgment be entered up for his Majefty as
of this term, but if defendants appear firſt day of next term and plead
to iffue, fo as to take notice of a trial to be had the fame term, then
the faid judgment by Mr. Attorney's confent to be fet afide, other-
wife the fame to ftand recorded.
On the first day of Michaelmas term following, the company's
agent retained counſel to move, and brought feveral merchants to
teſtify, in the court of chancery, that in the time given it was impof-
fible to have a letter of attorney returned from New-England, fo,
as they had not given time long enough to perform a matter, it was,
in effect, giving no time at all; for a time not ſufficient was equally
fatal to no time given.
To which the then Lord Keeper replied, that no time ought at
all to have been given, in regard that all corporations ought to have
attorneys in court at all times to appear for them upon all occafions.
And fo fet afide the order for time to appear and plead, and judgment
was entred as in the copy.
* He ſaid he did not write as to a government the charter being
vacated.
fend
:
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
341
fend their deputies in the year 1684. Little bufinefs was 1684
done at the court. The people, indeed, fhewed ſome re-
fentment againſt the magiftrates, who had been forward
for furrendering. Mr. Dudley, Richards and Brown
were dropped, Cooke, Johnfon and Hutchinfon chofe in
their ſtead. Mr. Bradstreet, the governor*, Mr. Stoughton,
Bulkeley, Saltonftall and Gidney had fewer votes than
ufual. There feems to have been as much indifference in
the legiſlature about public affairs in 1685, expecting 1685
every day to be fuperfeded.
THE election for 1686 was the 12th of May. Mr.1686
Dudley being left out, Mr. Stoughton, from complaifance
to him, refufed to ferve.+
THE 15th, the Rofe frigate arrived from England, with
a commiffion to Mr. Dudley, as prefident, and divers
others, gentlemen of the council, to take upon them the
adminiftration
* The governor had 690 votes, Danforth had 631 for governor.
MS.
† One Jofeph Redknap died at Bofton at the age of 110. He
came over at 60, had been a wine cooper in London.
(C
<<
‡ Mr. Dudley, when he found he could do his country no fervice
in his agency, that he might not wholly lofe his labour, took
meaſures to ferve himſelf, and had recommended himſelf to the
court when he was in London. After his return he kept up a
friendly correfpondence with Randolph, who warmly efpouſed
his intereft, and writes, July 18th, 84, to Col. Shrimpton-" No
"better news could have come to me, than to hear Mr. Dudley,
principally, was left out of the election, the fitter man to ſerve
"his King and country, in an honourable ſtation, for they have
"declared him fo," and again the 26th. "I am extremely fo-
"licitous that Mr. Dudley might have the fole government of
New-England, for no man better underſtands the conftitution
"of your country, and hath more loyalty and reſpect to his Ma-
"jefty's affairs, but I dare not openly appear in it, left it be
thought there is fome private defign in it, but I am, upon all
"occafions, hinting his merit to his friends."-But, however
obnoxious Mr. Dudley had rendered himſelf, yet he was, with
lefs reluctance, received as their chief ruler, at this time, from a
general expectation, which had obtained, of Kirk's being fent over
to take the government. Their agent (Humphries) had adviſed
them of the danger of it, and they expected fomething of the
fame tragedy he had been acting in the weft of England. Mr.
Rawfon, in a letter to Hinkley, July 1685, writes, that "Colonel
"C
Kirke,
་
342
THE HISTORY OF
1
*
adminiſtration of government. A copy of the commiffion
was prefented, and the following anfwer refolved upon by
the court, nemine contradicente.
66
"GENTLEMEN,
"WE have peruſed what you left with us, as a true
copy of his Majeſty's commiffion, fhewed to us the 17th
"inftant, impowering you for the governing of his Ma-
jefty's fubjects inhabiting this colony, and other places
"therein mentioned. You then applied to us, not as a
governor and company, but (as you were pleaſed to
"term us) fome of the principal gentlemen and chief in-
"habitants of the feveral towns of the Maffachufets,
cc
''
amongst other difcourfe, faying, it concerned us to con-
"fider what therein might be thought hard and uneaſy;
' upon perufal whereof, we find, as we conceive, Firſt,
"That there is no certain determinate rule for your ad-
"miniftration of juftice, and that which is, feems to be
"too arbitrary. Secondly, That the fubjects are abridged
"of their liberty, as Engliſhmen, both in the matters
"of legiflation and in laying of taxes, and indeed the
"whole unquestioned privilege of the fubject, transferred
upon yourſelves, there not being the leaſt mention of
"an affembly in the commiffion, and therefore we think
"it highly concerns you to confider whether fuch a com-
"miffion be ſafe for you or us; but if you are ſo ſatisfied
"therein, as that you hold yourfelves obliged thereby,
"and do take upon you the government of this people,
"although we cannot give our affent thereto, yet we hope
ck we fhall demean ourfelves as true and loyal fubjects to
66
his Majefty, and humbly make our addreffes unto God,
"and in due time to our gracious prince, for our relief.
May 20th 1686. By order, Edw. RAWSON, Sec'y.
THESE for Jofeph Dudley, Efq; and the reft of the
66
gentlemen named in his Majeſty's commiffion."
Kirke, whom his late Majefty appointed and defigned to be our
governor, is confirmed by his prefent Majefty, and is preparing to
fail with two frigates, and may be expected in 4 or 5 weeks." This
was before his and Jeffries's campaign, as King James called it, in
the wift; but after the news of the tragedies there, Rawfon
writes Our condition is awful.”
ΤΗΣ
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
343
THE Court appointed a committee to take into their 1686
cuftody fuch papers as referred to the charter, and titles
of land, by purchaſe from the Indians or otherwiſe, and
ordered the fecretary to deliver the fame, and adjourned
to the fecond Wedneſday in October.
THE 25th of May the prefident and council met, and
his Majefty's commiffion was publiſhed.
NEW Plimouth, Connecticut, and Rhode-Ifland, who
were lefs obnoxious, and had been more pliant than the
Maffachufets, were all to be in like degree fufferers, al-
though not included in Mr. Dudley's commiffion,* the
execution was only reſpited a few months.
WE have taken no notice of the affairs of New-Pli-
mouth fince the year 1676. Having conquered Philip's
country of Mount-Hope, now Bristol, it was confirmed to
that colony by K. Charles. The Maffachufets had applied
for it. Mr. Winflow, the governor of Plimouth, died in
1680, Dec. 18th, and was fucceeded by Thomas Hinkley,
who continued until that colony was included in the fame
commiffion with the Maffachufets, &c. It was agreed,
that the grand council of Plimouth could confer no powers
of government. They had nothing therefore to fupport
them at New-Plimouth, but the King's approbation, from
time to time, of their proceedings. It might then well be
expected that they fhould act with great caution, to avoid
giving offence. They had been amufed, from year to
year, with affurances that the King would grant them a
charter. Such an one as Connecticut had received they
prayed for. The name of the Maffachufets was odious.
The governor kept upon good terms with Randolph, who
engaged to do every thing in his power to obtain the
66
* I find the following paffage in a letter from Ireland, March 26th
1684. "Our laft packet from England brings us news of two
very loyal addreffes to his Majefty, one from New-Plimouth and
the other from Connecticut, which were both very graciouſly
reccived, by which I ſuſpect you, of the Maffachufets, are more
"whiggish, and your neighbours more toryish, to cxpreſs it in
"the language of late in ufe."
charter.
344
THE HISTORY OF
1686charter.*
They had orders to fend over a copy of their
patent, in order to form a new one, in which the Nara-
ganfet country was to be included; but, upon the quo
warranto coming over to Maffachufets, Mr. Blaithwait
wrote to the governor, Sept. 27th 1683,-" I must deal
"plainly with you. It is not probable any thing will be
"determined, in that behalf, until his Majefty do fee an
"iffue of proceedings in relation to the Maffachufets co-
ઃઃ lony, and that, upon regulating their charter, that colony
"be brought under fuch an actual dependance upon the
crown as becomes his Majeſty's fubjects. From hence
"it will be, that your patent will receive it's model; and
"although you may be affured of all you defire, yet it
"will be expected that, in acknowledgment of fo great
"favors, fuch proviſions may be inferted as are neceſſary
66
for the maintenance of his Majefty's authority." After
this, they could have no great reaſon to hope for fucceſs.
However, they continued their purfuit, and in Nov. 1683,
they forwarded another addreſs, wherein they congratu-
lated his Majefty upon his deliverance, in anſwer to their
prayers they hoped, from the late horrid confpiracyt,
and they had appointed the 15th inftant for a day of
folemn thankſgiving, for the falvation of his Majefty's
royal perfon from that and other hellish confpiracies.
They go on to pray his Majefty's favor, in granting them a
charter, having fent over a true copy of their patent from
the council of Plimouth. Randolph writes to the governor
of Plimouth the 4th of March following, that he had pre-
fented the addrefs, with the neceffary amendments, to his
Majeſty in council, that it would be printed, was graciouſly
received, and that they would find the benefit of it, in
diſpatch, and fettlement of their colony. Upon the death
of King Charles, they were diftinguiſhed by King James
from the other colonies, by a letter under his fign manual,‡
acquainting them with his acceffion to the throne, the
1
They fent over Mr. James Cudworth, as their agent, in 1681, to
follicit their patent, but he died foon after his arrival.
This must be the proteftant plot. I June 26th 1685.
great
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
345
great things the parliament had done, the defeat of Ar-1686
gyle, and the landing of Monmouth, and the care taken to
prevent his fuccefs, all to prevent any falfe and malicious
rumours that might be ſpread among his Majefty's fubjects
at that diſtance. An addrefs was fent to the King, upon
his acceffion, taking notice of the affurances they had re-
ceived from his royal brother, and praying that his
Majefty would fulfil them. This was the laſt effort*.
Connecticut kept more filent, inactive and reſerved, ſub-
mitting when compelled to it, and reaffuming their rights
as foon as they had opportunity for it†.
*
To
King Charles's grant, under his fign manual, of Philip's
country, is in theſe words, "We have taken into our royal confi-
deration, how that, by your loyalty and good conduct in that war,
you have been the happy inftruments to enlarge our dominions, and
to bring that new territory of Mount-Hope into a more immediate
dependance upon us. We are therefore graciously pleaſed to give
and grant, and do hereby give and grant unto you, the full and
entire property of the faid territory or fcope of land, commonly
called Mount-Hope, containing, by common eftimation, feven
thouſand acres, be the fame more or lefs, for the fole and proper
uſe and behoof of yourſelves and the reft of our faid colony of
New-Plimouth, to be holden of us, our heirs and fucceffors, as of
our caftle of Windfor in the county of Berks, yielding and paying,
&c. ſeven beaver ſkins each and every year, &c.",
This country of Mount-Hope, with feveral townships and parts.
of townfhips, always reputed part of the colony of New-Plimouth,
by a new line, never, until then, conceived by any perfon whatſo-
ever, was, in the year 1741, by commiffioners from New-York, &c.
determined to be within the bounds of Rhode-Ifland charter, and
this determination, perhaps, for want of proper evidence, which
might have been produced on the part of the Maffachufets, was
afterwards confirmed by his late Majefty in council.
In this and other controverfies about boundaries, it has been the
misfortune of the Maflachufets province to have been reprefented as
too great and powerful a province, that his Majefty's fmall province
of New-Hampſhire, the finall colony of Rhode-Iſland, were op-
preffed and born down, &c.
†The condition of the diffenters in England, in the latter part
of the reign of King Charles the 2d, had caufed many of them to
turn their thoughts again towards New-England. Divers per-
fons in England and Ireland, gentlemen, citizens and others,
being
3.46
THE HISTORY OF
1686 To avoid any interruption in relating the feveral ſteps
taken for vacating the charter, we have paffed over fome
events, the remembrance of which ſhould be preſerved.
1
THE Indians, at the eastward, continued their hoftilities,
after thoſe, at the weftward, were fubdued and difperfed.
In Auguſt 1676, they furprized the houſe of Mr. Ham-
mond, an ancient trader at Kenebeck, and, from thence,
croffed over to Arowfick iſland, were there was a large
houſe, with, what was there efteemed, a ſtrong fort, built
round it, belonging to Major Clark and Capt. Lake*, two
merchants of Bofton, who owned the iſland and great part
of the main land near to it. The Indians hid themfelves
in the night under the walls of the fort. When the cen
tinel left his ſtation at day-light, ſome of the Indians fol
lowed him in at the fort gate, whilſt the reſt ran to the
port holes, and fhot down every perfon they faw. Capt
Lake, finding the Indians had poffeffed themſelves of the
fort, efcaped with Capt. Davis and two others, at a back
door, to the waterfide, intending to paſs to another iſland
near to Arowfick. Capt. Lake was killed juſt as he landed.
His bones were, after fome time, found and brought to
being inclined to remove themſelves into foreign parts, where they
may enjoy, without interruption, the public exercife of chriftian
religion, according to what they apprehend of divine inftitution,
have prevailed with Mr. Blackwell to make your country a vifit,
and enquire whether they may be there welcome, and whether
they may reaſonably expect that liberty they promiſe themſelves,
and others, who will attend their motion." Letter from Dan. Coxe
to Gov. Bradstreet, London Oct. 1o. 1684. The alteration which
happened prefently after, in the public affairs of the colony, was
alone fufficient to difcourage this emigration. At the fame time,
fome of the proteftants in France, after a relation of their mifera-
ble ſtate in France, conclude a letter from Rochel 1ft October 1684
New-England, the country where you live, is in great eſteem,
I, and a great many other proteftants, intend to go there. Tell us,
if you pleaſe, what advantage we can have, and particularly the
peafants, who are ufed to the plough. If fomebody at your country
would fend a fhip here to fetch over French protestants, he would
make great gain.
CC
·
""
Capt. Lake was the anceſtor of the late Sir Bibie Lake.
† Davis was afterwards of the council for Maflachufets province.
Boſton.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
347
Boſton. Davis was wounded, but made his eſcape, as did1686
At theſe two houfes, fifty three English
the other two.
were killed and taken. The news of this ftroke broke
up all the plantations at and near Kenebeck, the inhabi-
tants tranfporting themſelves to Pifcataqua and Bofton, or
fome other place of fecurity. This brought the Indians
further weftward, to Cafco, Spurwinck, Black-point, Wells,
and Cape Nidduck, within the bounds of York, at all which
places they did more or leſs mifchief. Mugg, a noted
Indian, well known to the Engliſh, was at the head of
the enemy. The priſoners, by his means, were treated
with more humanity and courteſy than had been known,
and he fent one or two of them to Pifcataqua, in order to
ranfom their friends; but the goods fent for their ranfom
were feized by other Indians. Mugg himfelf came to
Pifcataqua, and afterwards to Bofton, where, in behalf of
Madockawando and Cheberrina, fachems of Penobſcot,
he entered into treaty with the governor and council,
Nov. 13th 1676. This was the firſt treaty with any of
the Tarrateens, or eaſtern Indians. They promiſed to
ceafe all acts of hoftility, to return the captives, to do
their utmoſt to repair the damage fuftained by the Engliſh,
to buy no powder or ammunition of any other than per-
fons deputed by the governor, provided they could have a
fupply in that way, and to account all other eaftern Indians
in the number of their enemies, who did not affent to the
fame covenant and agreement."
No mention is made of
any ſubjection to the government of the colony, or to the
King of England, but they are confidered as a free inde-
pendent people. The treaty is at large in Mr. Hubbard's
hiftory of the war. The Indians continued, notwithſtand-
ing, to do mischief on the eaſtern frontier in 1677, when
Major Andros, by virtue of his commiffion from the Duke
of York, having placed forces at Pemaquid, the Indians
made overtures of peace and friendſhip, and, as a proof
of their fincerity, brought in 15 English captives, and they
continued for fome time quiet. An attack was made upon
*He had lived, from a child, in English families.
7
the
348
THE HISTORY OF
1686the weſtern frontiers, by 40 or 50 Indians ſaid to be
river Indians*, but whether Connecticut or Hudſon's river
is not mentioned. This was the 19th of September 1677.
They furprized many of Hatfield, as they were raifing a
houſe and unarmed, and killed and carried away about
twenty, and the next day took three or four more from
Deerfield.
By the advice of the governor of New-York, com-
miffioners were fent, about this time, from the Maffachu-
fets and Connecticut, to the Maqua's, to fecure their
friendſhip to the Engliſh intereft in general and to engage
them againſt the Tarrateens, or eaftern Indians, who had
been their ancient enemies. I fuppofe this was the first
treaty between the Mohawks, or Five Nations, and the
Maffachufets colony‡.
IN
* The Indians which originally belonged to Connecticut river, after
Philip's war, removed to a place called Scatacook, and were known
by the name of Scatacook Indians, and when there have been trea-
ties with the Six Nations, more or lefs of thefe Indians have gene-
rally been prefent. They proved a heavy fcourge to the county of
Hampshire, joining with the French and Canada Indians, and fuffi-
ciently revenged themſelves of the Engliſh. Being well acquainted
with moſt of the houſes upon Connecticut river for 40 years, before
their removal, they ſerved as pilots in the frequent invafions during
King William's and Queen Ann's wars.
A
+ Pynchon and Richards were fent to Albany in 1677, in order to
demand the delivery of fome eaftern Indians among the Mohawks,
but governor Andios perfuaded them to defift.
In 1680, the people were greatly furprized with the appearance
of a comet, firſt diſcovered the 18th of November, and yifible the
10th of February, after which, for a few days it could be difcerned
by teleſcopes. "Dec. 16th, its appearance is very terrible, for,
though the head be fmall, yet the tail is near 30° in length, and
afcends almoft to our zenith, growing continually broader, and
is brighteft on the fides, eſpecially the fouth, the middle being
confiderably darker than the fides." Interleav'd Almanack.
Aug, 17th 1682, another comet appeared, and continued until the
15th of September, "The head or ftar much bigger than that
of 1680, and of a dim colour, though the coma, or blaze, was
much fmaller, not even extending above 15" in length." Idem.
It was the general opinion, that any unufual appearances in the
heavens were prefages of calamities coming upon the world.
Nov.
}
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
349
1
In the year 1685, Mr. Hinkley, governor of Plimouth, 1686
fent, to the corporation in England, an account of the
praying Indians then in that colony. They amounted
to 1439, befides boys and girls under 12 years old, which
were ſuppoſed to be more than three times that number *.
Nov. 27, 1676, “A fire broke out in Boſton about 5 in the morn-
ing, at one Wakefield's houſe, by the Red Lion, by a candle care-
lefly fet, which ſo prevailed, that it burnt down about 45 dwelling-
houſes, the north meeting-houſe, and ſeveral warehouſes; the wind
was at fouth-east when it began, and blew hard; foon after it veered
fouth, and brought fo much rain, as much prevented further mif-
chief, without which, all that end of the town had probably been
laid in afhes, and Charleſtown alfo endangered, by the flakes of fire
which were carried over the river." Id.
Aug. 8, 1679, about midnight a terrible fire began at one
Grofs's houſe, the fign of the three mariners, near the dock in
Boſton. All the warehoufes, and a great number of dwelling houſes,
with veffels then in the dock, were confumed. It continued till near
noon the next day; the most woeful defolation that Bofton ever
faw; eighty odd dwelling-houfes, and feventy odd warehouſes, with
fèveral veffels and their lading confumed to afhes. The whole lofs
computed to be two hundred thouſand pounds." Id.
* The particular places where theſe Indians then lived were,
At Pawmet Billingſgate and Eaſtham or Nauſet
At Manamoyet
At Sackatucket and Nobfcuffet
At Matakeeſee
At Skarnton or Scanton
At Mashpee
At Suckaneffet
At Monamet
At Saltwater Pond
At Namaſket and Titicut
At Namatakeeſet
At Moxiffet
!
At Cooxit
At Seconet
14
72a
264
115
121
70
51
141
72
110
90
70
40
85
120
go
1439
Z
CHAP.
350
THE HISTORY OF
1686
CHA P. III.
From the diffolution of the charter in 1686,
until the arrival of the province charter in 1692.
M grievous
R. Dudley's fhort adminiſtration was not very
grievous *. The houſe of
The houſe of deputies, indeed, was
intirely laid afide; but the people, the time being ſhort,
felt little or no effect from the change.
•
MR.
"I have forbore writing to your grace, until I have been
fome time in the place, to fee how the people here would demean
themſelves under this new government. At my firft arrival, I met
with outward expreffions of joy and fatisfaction, and many feemed
well pleaſed at the change, having been ftruck with a panick fear,
upon the apprehenfions of Col. Kirk's coming hither to be their
governor; but finding a commiffion directed to a gentleman amongst
themſelves, the then governor and company, growing hardy, be-
gan, by their minifters, to tempt Mr. Dudley not to accept of
his Majefty's commiffion to be prefident, hoping thereby to con-
tinue the government amongst themfelves; but that failing them,
they adjourned the meeting of their general affembly to the 2d of
October next, and broke up with hopes, that, either by fome un-
happy accidents in the affairs of ftate at home, or fome diffention,
raifed by their artifices among the members in this new govern-
ment, they might prevail fo far as to diffolve this conftitution,
and reaffume the government, which to accompliſh, they are very
folicitous.---Of a prefident and 18 members of the council, there
is only myſelf, fince Mr. Mafon's departure for England, that is
of the church of England. It was never intended, that the charge
fhould be fupported by myſelf and fome few others of our commu-
nion. I humbly reprefent to your grace, that the three meeting-
houfes in Bofton might pay twenty fhillings a week each, out of
their contributions, towards defraying of our church charges, that
fum being lefs per annum than each of their minifters receive.
Thus much relating to the affairs of our church. That of our
ſtate little differs. Moft part of our chief officers, as juftices of
peace, &c. are congregational men, not above three church of
England men are officers in the militia, fo that, in the main, I can
only affure your Grace, that the perfons only, and not the govern-
ment, is changed." Rand. letter to Abp. of Cant.
+
Mr.
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
351
MR. Dudley, having made Randolph trumpeter of his 1686
attachment to the prerogative and anſwered his ends, foon
after grew cool towards him. Randolph, in return, vilified
Dudley, in a great number of letters he wrote to London
about a month after his arrival; which letters, or the copies,
are preſerved. Mr. Stoughton was Mr. Dudley's chief
confident. He was not fufpected, by the body of the people,
of being unfriendly, or of want of ftrong attachment to the
religious principles and to the ecclefiaftical conftitution of
the country, and his compliance, in taking a fhare in the ad-
miniftration, was charitably fuppofed to be, at leaft in part,
for the fake of keeping out oppreffors and tyrants. Mr.
Dudley profeffed as great an attachment to the intereſt of
the colony as Mr. Stoughton, and was very defirous of
•
Mr. Dudley's commiffion made him prefident of the council for
Maffachuſets Bay, New-Hampſhire and Main, and the Naragan-
fet country, or King's province, William Stoughton was named
deputy prefident, Simon Bradstreet, Robert Mafon, John Fitz-Win-
throp, John Pynchon, Peter Bulkley, Edward Randolph, Wait
Winthrop, Richard Wharton, John Ufher, Nathanael Saltonftall,
Bartholomew Gidney, Jonathan Tyng, Dudley Bradftreet, John
Hinks, and Edward Tyng were named of the council, not by fepa-
rate warrants, or by mandamus, but all in one commiffion.
Befides the prefident, Stoughton, Bulkley, Pynchon, Gidney,
and Tyng had been of the affiftants before. N. Saltonftall, who
was alfo in the commiffion, appeared once to excufe himſelf, having
a few days before taken the oath of affiftant. The governor, Mr.
Bradſtreet, was alfo named, and the prefident, with the council,
waited upon him at his houſe, the 14th of May, immediately upon
opening the commiffion; but he made feveral excufes, and did not
accept. His fon, Dudley Bradſtreet, alſo refuſed.
+ Randolph writes to one of the nobility, by Mr. Dudley when
he went to England agent for the colony, "Major Dudley is a great
oppofer of the faction, againſt which I have now articled to his
"Majefty." October 27, 1686, he writes to the Archbishop of
Canterbury.
"I have taken care to inform myſelf how the money
"fent over here for evangelizing the Indians is difpofed of. Here
are feven perfons, called commiffioners, or trustees, who have
"the fole management of it, the chief of which are, Mr. Dudley
our prefident, a man of a baſe, ſervile, and antimonarchical prin-
ciple, Mr. Stoughton of the old leaven, Mr. Richards, a man
not to be trufted in public bufinefs, Mr. Hinkley, a rigid inde-
pendent, and others like to thefe." &c.
66
"<
Za 2
retaining
352
THE HISTORY OF
1686 retaining their favour. A letter, the day he demanded the
government, to Mr. Mather, then the minifter of the
greateſt influence in the colony, is a proof of it*. The
people were not fo charitable as to believe him fincere.
However, there was no moleftation to the churches of
the colony, but they continued both worſhip and difci-
pline as before. The affairs of the towns were likewife
managed in the fame manner as formerly.
*
THEIR Courts of juftice were continued upon the former
plan, Mr. Stoughton being at the head of them. Trials
were by juries as ufual. Even in the court of admiralty,
the trials were by juries; but, as the jurors were returned
by the marshal, very different verdicts were given, from
what would have been given, under the former admi-
niftration. The prefident, as ordinary, took all matters
of wills and adminiftrations into his own hand. In general,
the former laws and established cuftoms, fo far as related
to judicial proceedings, feem to have been their rule,
although the government which framed them was dif
folved. Mr. Dudley confidered himſelf, as appointed to
preferve the affairs of the colony from confufion until a
governor arrived, and a rule of adminiftration fhould be
more fully fettled. The neceffity of the thing juftified
the former magiftrates in continuing, fo long as they did,
to exerciſe authority, although the judgment againft the
charter had been declared in form; otherwife, under the
،
* "Reverend and dear Sir,
f
"Frofe this morning with full intention to wait on you by
eight of the clock, before I had your letter to put me forward,
"and am forry to find you from home. I am very folicitous, what-
"foever be the iffue of the prefent hurry, for my dear mother at
<<
*
Cambridge, and cannot be happy if it do not flouriſh.~ I never
"wanted your favour and advice fo much as now, and would play
"an opportunity with you this evening if poffible. Sir, for the
things of my foul I have thefe many years hung upon your lips,
and ever fhall; and in civil things am defirous you may know
"with all plainnefs my reafons of procedure, and that they may
be fatisfactory to you. I am,
"From your own houfe,
May 17th, 86.
#
H
3
Sir, your Servant,
J. DUDLEY."
fame
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
353
fame adminiſtration in England, which had caufed their 1686
charter to be vacated, they would undoubtedly have been
called to anfwer, But their authority was weak. Mr.
Dudley writes to his friend Randolph, Sept. 1685. "I
66
fuppofe it cannot be thought expedient or fafe to let the
"government here be at fuch ftrange uncertainties, as it
"muft needs be, until his Majefty's pleaſure be known.'
""
CONNECTICUT, Plimouth, and Rhode Iſland continued
their former adminiftration. Mr. Dudley had fome dif-
pute with Plimouth governor concerning the admiralty
jurifdiction, which he claimed as vice-admiral of New-
England; but it remained undetermined.
DECEMBER 19, 1686, Sir Edmund Andros arrived
at Nantaſket, in the Kingfisher, a 50 gun fhip, with com-
miffion from king James for the government of New-
England. He was lefs dreaded than Kirk, but he was
known to be of an arbitrary difpofition. He kept a
correfpondence with the colony, whilft he was governor of
New-York. His letters, then, diſcovered much of the
dictator. The depreffed ftate of the colony prevented a
proper return. He landed at Bofton the 20th, and his
commiffion was published the fame day.
~
THE beginning of his adminiftration gave great en-
couragement. He made high profeffions of regard to
the public good and the welfare of the people, both of
merchants and planters, directed the judges to adminiſter
juftice according to the cuftom of the place, ordered the
former eſtabliſhed rules to be obſerved, as to rates and
raxes, and that all the colony laws not inconfiftent with
his commiffion fhould be in force.
THE major part of his council were men, who although
they had been of the moderate party, yet they wished the
public intereft, and would have been glad to have con-
tinued under the old form of government. With a good
Thare of firmness of mind they might have been ferviceable
for long as they were permitted to hold their places in
council. But their behavior under the old charter dif-
covered they had more of the willow than of the oak in
Z 3
their
354
THE HISTORY OF
1687their conftitutions. Perhaps, if they had been lefs pliable,
they would have foon been difplaced, and others more in-
clined to oppreffion appointed in their ftead. Sir Edmund
had no affection for them. Palmer, Brockholt, Mafon,
Ufher, and Randolph of the council, together with Weſt,
Bullivant, Graham †, and others, who were not of the
council, were his confidents and adviſers. Soon after his
arrival there appears, by fome loofe minutes, to have been
a pretty full meeting of the council. Many of them re-
turned home, and a few only who lived at or near Boſton
attended conſtantly, and fome of thofe complained, that the
governor had always three or four of his creatures to fay
yes to every thing he propofed, after which no oppofition
was allowed. Nero concealed his tyrannical difpofition
* There are no public records from the diffolution of the old char-
ter government in 1686, until the reſtoration of it in 1689. If
there was any book of records, it was fecreted or deftroyed. I can-
not find, upon any of the files, a liſt of Sir Edmund's council. By
accident, I met with a list of their names upon a defenfive leaf of
an old colony law book, which lift I fuppofe to be genuine, viz.
Maf. Jofeph Dudley
M. Wm. Stoughton
N. Ham. Robert Mafon
N. Y. Anth. Brockholt
Plim. Tho. Hinkley
R. Ill. Walter Clark
Con. Robert Treat
C. John Fitz Winthrop
N. Y. Francis Nicholfon P. Wm. Bradford
N. Y. Frederick Philipfe
N. Y. Anthony Baxter
M. John Pinchon
C. Wait Winthrop
M. Richard Wharton.
N. Y. Henry Courtland
M. John Uther
M. Barth. Gidney
M. Jona. Tyng
N. H. John Hinks
M. Edward Tyng
P. Barnabas Lothrop
P. Daniel Smith
Edw. Randolph
P. John Sprague
P. John Walley
P. Nath. Clark
John Cothill
R. Walter Newberry
R. John Greene
R. Richard Arnold
R. John Alborow
M. Samuel Shrimpton
N. Y. John Young
N. Y. Nich. Bayard
N. Y. John Palmer
M. Wm. Brown
R. Richard Smith
C. John Allin.
after the revolution,
a Jefuit's college at
and that Palmer and
Douglafs fays, that
† Jacob Leifler writes to Mr. Bradfreet,
that Col. Dongan, in his time, had created
New-York, under colour of a grammar fchool,
Graham fent their fons thither for education."
"Sir Edmund Andros was a bigotted papift." I have met with
no evidence of it.
1
Randolph to Blaithwait, May 21, 1687, " His Excellency
"has to do with a perverſe people. Here is none of the council
"at hand, except Mr. Mafon and-myſelf, Mr. Brockholt and Mr.
"Ufher, who appear lively for his Majefty's intereft.”
more
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
.355
more years than Sir Edmund and his creatures did months. 1687
It was not long before the caſe of fome who apprehended
themſelves oppreffed came under confideration: one of the
council told them, that they muſt not think the privileges
of Engliſhmen would follow them to the end of the world.
This gave an alarm through the government, and it was
never forgotten.
ONE of the first acts of power, after the change of go-
vernment, was the reftraint of the prefs. Randolph was
the licenfer. There was not fo much room to complain
of this proceeding as if the preſs had been at liberty before.
It only changed its keeper, having been long under re-
ftraint during the former adminiftration. A reftraint upon
marriages was more grievous. None were allowed to
marry except they entered into bonds with fureties to the
governor, to be forfeited in cafe there fhould afterwards
appear to have been any lawful impediment. Magiftrates
ftill continued to join people in matrimony. Other
proviſion could not immediately be made. There was
but one epifcopal minifter in the country. His name
was Ratcliffe. Sir Edmund confidered the congregational
minifters as mere laymen. Randolph wrote to the biſhop
of London, "I prefs for able and fober minifters, and
"we will contribute largely to their maintenance; but
"one thing will mainly help, when no marriages fhall
"hereafter be allowed lawful but fuch as are made by the
"minifters of the church of England."
THERE had been very few inftances of even occaſional
affemblies for religious worship according to the rites and
ceremonies of the church of England for more than fifty
years. When the commiffioners for King Charles were
at Boſton in 1665, they had a chaplain with them; but
there was no houfe for public worship. Moft of the in-
habitants who were upon the ſtage in 1686 had never
· feen a church of England affembly. About that time, a
fmall number of perfons formed themſelves into a fociety
which had increafed, if we may give credit to Randolph,
Ꮓ
Zi 4
in
356°
THE HISTORY OF
4
རྩ་
1687in 1686, to near 400 perfons*. The agents in England,
and the general court in their anfwers to the complaints
against them in 1677, had declared that no perfons Thould
be hindered from performing divine fervice according to
the church of England +. This was enough to prèvent
any open difcouragement even whilft the charter govern
ment continued. When the governor and many of the
council were members of the church of England, it might
well be expected, that they would countenance and en-
courage the eſtabliſhment and growth of that church.
They did not ftop there. The people were menaced,
that their meeting-houfes fhould be taken from them, and
that public worſhip in the congregational way ſhould not
be tolerated. Randolph had the infolence to reprove and
threaten the governor of Plimouth for exacting taxes from
the quakers for the ſupport of the miniſtry in that colony
$
* I have fome time fince humbly reprefented unto your Grace
a neceffity of having a church built in Boſton, to receive thoſe of
"the church of England. We have at prefent near 400 perfons
"who are daily frequenters of our church, and as many more
"would come over to us; but fome being tradefmen, and others
of mechanick profeffions, are threatened by the congregational
men to be arreſted by their creditors, or to be turned out of
"their work, if they offer to come to our church." Rand. letter to
Abp. of Cant. Of. 27, 1686.
+ "A difpute happened at the grave of one Lilly. He left the
ordering of his funeral to his executors. They forbad Mr. Rat-
cliffe, the epifcopal minifter, performing the fervice for burial.
Nevertheless he began., Deacon Fiairey interrupted him, and a
ftop was put to his proceeding. Frairey was complained of, and
befides being bound to his good behaviour for twelve months, it
was thought the procefs would cost him 100 marks." J. Moodey's
letter to Mather, 8 Feb. 88.
}
Among other complaints against Sir Edmund, this was one,
That the fervice of the church of England had been forced into
their me ting-houfes." This was an equivocal expreffion. Sir
Edmund had made ufe of a meeting-houfe for the church ſervice,
againft the wills of the proprietors, but after their fervice was
over, and compelled no congregationalist to join' with him. In-
deed he threatened to, fhut up the doors if he was refuffed, and to
punih any man who gave two pence towaids the fupport of á non-
conformint minifter. Narrative, &•
before
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
357
before the authority was fuperfeded *. But it was not 1687
long before the people were freed from their fears of per-
fecution, by King James's proclamation for a general tole-
ration. The defign was feen by fome, but the greater
part:fwallowed the bait. Several churches had agreed to
fet apart days of thankſgiving for his Majefty's gracious
declaration for liberty of confcience. The governor for-
bad-them. The reafon is not mentioned. It muſt be
ſuppoſed to have been this, that he looked upon it to be
the royal-prerogative to appoint fuch days. He told them
they fhould meet at their peril, and that he would fend
foldiers to guard their meeting-houfes. Many congre-
gations agreed to addrefs the King. Some perfons, who
fuppofed popery to be at the bottom, ftrongly oppoſed
the addreffes. The late deputy governor was at the head
of them t.
،،
SWEARING
*" Perhaps it will be as reaſonable to move that your colony
"ſhould be rated to pay our minifter of the church of England,
who now preaches in Boſton, and you hear him not, as to make
"the quakers pay in your colony." Rand. letter to Hinkley, June
22, 1686. The late governor of Plimouth, Mr. Hinkley, com-
plained of this, as one great grievance, that not being allowed to
make rates for the fupport of the miniftry, the people would fink
into barbarifm. Sir Edmund writes to him, March 5, 1687, "I
"am very much furprized you ſhould iffue forth fo extraordinary
a warrant as is now brought to me, under your hand and feal,
“ dated the 12th of December paft, fo much mistaken and affuming
"(for payment of your minifter) extrajudicially to command dif
"trefs to be made on the goods of his Majefty's fubjects. Out of
regard to you, I have put a ftop to the execution thereof, that
neither the conftable nor you may be expofed. Hoping you will
"be mindful of the ftation you are in, for his Majefty's fervice,
and the quiet of his fubjects, that they be not amufed or trou-
"bled by miſtaken notions, or clandeftine illegal practices." &c.
Mr. Willard, writes to Mr. Mather, July 10, 1688, "Difcourage-
ments upon the hearts of the minifters increaſe, by reaſon that
"a licentious people take the advantage of a liberty to with-hold
"maintenance from them."
<<
Referring to an addrefs to his Majefty, I do humbly pro-
pound and defire, that no mention be made of the proclamation for
a general toleration. There will be no need of touching upon it in
the leaſt, and I am affured many dangerous rocks will be fhunned
thereby.
358
THE HISTORY OF
1687 SWEARING by the book, which had never been prac-
tifed, was now introduced, and fuch as fcrupled it were
fined and impriſoned.
THE fees to all officers, under the charter, had been
very low. They are generally fo where they are eſta
bliſhed by the people. Under the new adminiſtration, they
were exorbitant. Fifty fhillings was the common fee for
probate of a will. The governor was the fupreme ordinary,
and acted by himfelf*, except a few months whilft he was
at New-York and in the eaſtern country, when Mr. Dud-
ley was his deputy +. It was a great burden upon widows
and children who lived remote, to be obliged to come to
Boſton for every part of buſineſs relative to the fettlements
of eftates. The fees of all other officers were complained
of as oppreffive. The harpies themfelves quarrelled about
their fhare of the prey. Randolph, who from his com-
miffion of fecretary, expected all the clerkfhips in the
country, complains that Weft, who feems at first to have
been a deputy only, ran away with a thouſand a year
of
his dues t
BUT
thereby. For my own part, I do more dread the confequences
thereof than the execution of thoſe penal laws, the only wall againſt
popery. We may, without breach of charity, conclude the popish
counfels are laid deep. Time will fhew more. God Almighty
bring them to nought." Danforth to Mather, 8 Nov. 87.
Douglafs fays, "they were not politicians fufficient to penetrate
into the wicked and pernicious contrivance of that toleration."
V. I p. 440.
*He introduced the forms uſed in the fpiritual courts, in proving
wills, granting adminiſtrations, &c. which forms have been retained
in the feveral counties ever fince. Before his time, both probates
of wills and granting adminiftrations, in point of form, were very
loofe and uncertain.
+ There was a commiffion or deputation to Mr. Hinkley, to be
judge of the prerogative court for Plimouth colony, and I ſuppoſe
others to Connecticut, Rhode-Ifland, and New-Hampſhire, but wills
were fe to Bofton for final probate, and in like manner admini-
Arations, if the eftate exceeded 50l. Hinkley to Blaithwait.
Randolph farmed his office to Weft, which caufed the laſt men-
tioned to exact much greater fees than the former had done.
Hinkly's letter to Blaithwait, June 28, 1687.
Randolph's
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
359
BUT the greateſt profit aroſe from patents for lands. 1687
The charter being vacated, the people were told that their
titles to their eftates were of no value. The expreffion in
vogue was that "the calf died in the cow's belly." Be-
fides, the general court had not made their grants under
the feal of the colony. This was reprefented as a notable
defect, which poffeffion and improvement could not heal.
However, it was made public that all who would acknow-
ledge the infufficiency of their title derived from the for-
mer government, by petitioning for new patents, ſhould be
quieted upon reaſonable terms. The fees for the patents
varied according to circumftances both of perfons and
eſtates. In the complaint to King James it is aliedged, that
the fees of fome amounted to fifty pounds. Prudence
was uſed. Mens titles were not queftioned all at once.
Had this been the cafe, according to the computation then
made, all the perfonal eftate in the colony would not have
paid the charge of the new patents. Some that had been
moft attached to the old adminiftration were among the
first who were threatened. I find a petition of Samuel
Sewall, who had been a magiftrate (afterwards chief juſtice)
for confirmation of his title to a valuable ifland in Bofton
harbour (Hog iſland.) In a letter to a friend, a ſhort time
after, he laments his compliance. There are many hun-
"Weft
Randolph's own letters fhew this to have been the cafe.
extorts what fees he pleaſes, to the great oppreffion of the people,
and renders the prefent government grievous. I have wrote you
the want we have of two or three honeft attornies, if any fuch
thing in nature. We have but two, one is Mr. Weit's creature,
came with him from New-York, and drives all before him; he alfa.
takes extravagant fees, and for want of more the country cannot
avoid coming to him. I have wrote Mr. Blaithwait the great ne-
ceffity of judges from England. I know there are fome loyal gen-
tlemen and able lawyers who have not practice. The judges with
us, being now three, have three hundred and ninety pounds a year
between them all, befides their fees, which they make very con-
fiderable to them. Now two will ferve our occafions. They ought
to be of the council, and their falaries made up four hundred pounds
a year apiece, they well deferve it." Randolph to Povey, Jan. 24,
∙1687.
dred
360
THE HISTORY OF
1687dred petitions of the fame kind upon the files. Some
favorites looked with an envious eye upon fome of the
beſt eftates, eſpecially where the property was in a town
or company. A petition of Capt. Hutchinfon and others
labored, although their title was originally derived from
the Indian fachems and proprietors, and the lands had been
long poffeffed and improved. One of the beft iflands in
New-England, in Plimouth harbour, called Clark's ifland,
from the name of the perfon who first landed there, had
been appropriated for the benefit of the poor of the town.
This was granted to Nathaniel Clark, who had been fecre-
tary of that colony, and was afterwards of Sir Edmund's
council, and one of his greateſt tools*, Randolph petitioned
for half an acre of land, to be taken out of the common in
Boſton, for a houfe lot. The anſwer given to it does not
appear. In the latter part of the adminiftration, petitions
multiplied greatly, and property became every day more
and more precarious t. This was not the only invasion of
८
C
their
*«Awful and confiderable changes have attended poor Pli-
"mouth fince your departure from the 'Gurnet, by reafon of the
motions about Clark's ifland. The committee chofen about that
affair were at fo much charge as neceffitated our people to engage,
"by fre and voluntary fubfcriptions, to reimburfe them, and to
"vote the fecuring fome lands till the money was paid to them.
"For this, Lorkin tetches the committce with a writ, charging
"that they had refolved and raiſed money upon his Majesty's fub-
jects contrary to law, and the town-clerk, godly deacon Fance,
for calling for the vote, and M, Wifwall, for writing the ra
per, paid three pounds, fev n fhillings cach, befides expences,
and all nine are bound over to the fliperior court at Boflon,
"where they are like to be confiderably fined, befides all cofts
"&c. J. Cotton's letter to "Mather, Plimouth, July 9,
"
r
ex
" of court,
1688.
I find the following letter on this fubject, from the 1 te governor
to a perſon of note.
اله
Honoured Sir,
"I have been fo interrupted fince you was here, that I have
not begun any matter of argument to prove our sight and title to
our lands, nor can it well be done, until all their objections be
known, nor do I think I can add any thing which is not in your
own thoughts. The brief heads that are in my prefent thought
alf
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
зба
their property. The governor, with four or five of his 1687
council, laid what taxes they thought proper. This the
people complained of as their greateft grievance. They
thought themselves intitled to the liberties and immunities
of free and natural born Engliſh ſubjects, and that confe-
quently no monies ought to be raiſed from them but by
to*
2
are as followeth. ft. The grant of the council of Plimouth to the
fix gentlemen and their affociates. 2dly. The King's confirmation
them and twenty more, and their affigns, impowering them,
in general court, to difpofe of the lands to the best advantage of
the people and plantation, which we have done, and know not
how to do it better, if it was to be done again. A fecond right and
title is our purchaſe from the Indians of their right, which certainly
was fomething. 3dly. Our poffeffion and improvement for almoft
fixty years. If this will not give right to land in a wilderneſs, where
neither the King nor any Chriſtian had ever any property, I know
not what will. The only objection infifted upon, that I hear of, is
that our lands were not granted under the feal of the company.
Anf. Nor was it neceffary that fo it ſhould be. ft. Our patent doth
not require it, but leaves the manner of difpofing to our liberty;
nor is there any law of England that requires us here, in this cafe,
to grant lands under the feal of the company, nor is it neceffary for
proprietors of lands in England fo to do. It is true, where land is
conveyed by deed, a feal is effential; but it may be done as well by
livery and feifin, without deed or other writing, as the law books
tell us: and copyholders in England have no other evidence for
their lands but the court roll, or a copy of it. When William the
conqueror made himſelf mafter of the land, he gave a great part of
it to his nobles and followers, but without any feal, for there was
none ufed in England many fcores if not hundreds of years after,
which fhew's it is no ftrange thing to convey land without feal. And
if there fhould have been an error or omiffion, yet ſeeing the grantor
and grantees judged it good, and refted fatisfied therein, who fhall
queſtion it, or hath any thing to do with it?
I am,
Sir, your willing fervant in what may,
S. B."
"In point of equity. Our great fufferings, first and laſt, and loſs
of ſo many lives to maintain our own right and the King's intereft,
and the vast charge we have been at in private and public buildings
and improvements, ought to have a juft confideration. Would it
not feem a ftrange thing, that a piece of ground in the wilderneſs,
not worth five fhillings, but by buildings, &c. worth five hundred
pounds, thould become the King's, I know not how. We may be
ſure ſo juſt a prince will never allow it,'
મ
29
their
362
THE HISTORY OF
1687their repreſentatives. They had no hopes of a reftitution
of their charter privileges in general; but they hoped that,
even under ſo arbitrary a prince, they ſhould be allowed a
houſe of repreſentatives. This was among the first things
they applied for. King James affured their agent, he
would take as much care of New as of Old England, and
no doubt he intended to bring his fubjects, in both, under
the fame regulation. The charges of government, over
and above the fees of the feveral officers, were not ex-
ceffive. Under the charter, the falaries were below the
dignity of the offices, the higheſt allowance to the gover-
nor not exceeding one hundred pounds per annum. What
falary Sir Edmund received does not appear. The fecond
year of his adminiftration, the public charge was greatly in-
creaſed by a war with the Indians. There was a general fub.
miffion to the taxes, and the affeffments were proportioned
upon the inhabitants of the towns by officers chofen by
themselves. It is probable, this was the reafon of conti
nuing to the towns fome of their privileges. Every town
was fuffered to meet once a year to chooſe their officers;
but all meetings at other times, or for other purpoſes, were
ftrictly forbidden. An intire new model of government was
intended, but there was not time to perfect it. There are
minutes of a great number of bills, paffed the council and
approved by the governor, but the bills themfelves are loft.
The old laws of the colony feem to have continued the
rule for the adminiftration of juftice, except where they
were fuperfeded by any new edicts. Mr. Dudley and
Mr. Stoughton were two of the judges of the fuperior
court, and neither of them difpofed to go to the extremes
"Let me adviſe not to reprefent any thing by way of complaint
to his Majefty; for that, I fear, will do us more hurt than good.
My letter by Belcher may be of ufe, to fhew our friends why we
fupplicate his Majefty to confirm us in our poffeffions, and to
grant us the fame privileges which other of his plantations are
not denied, viz. a general affembly, without which our condition
is little inferior to abfolute flavery." Danforth to Nowell, 22d
04.88.
>
which
?
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
363
which fome others of the council wished for *. The law 1687
proceedings were more formal than they had been.
THE monies, applied for the propagation of the goſpel
among the Indians, amounted to fix or feven hundred
pounds fterling per annum, which continued to be intruſted
with fome of the old magiftrates and miniſters. Mr.Boyle†,
who had been long governor of the corporation in Eng-
land, was a very moderaté churchman, and moſt of the
members were diffenters, or favourers of the cauſe. The
archbishop of Canterbury promiſed Randolph ‡ that a com-
miffion fhould be directed to fome perfons to audit and
report the accounts of that money. The legality of fuch
a commiffion, it being contrary to the charter of the cor-
poration, might have been queftioned, perhaps, with as good
reafon as the legality of the royal order, which his grace
and the fix bishops foon after very juſtly refuſed to obey.
One would think, that merely a difference of place ſhould
not make the fame meaſure, towards Engliſh fubjects, ap-
pear reaſonable in the one cafe, and abitrary and oppreffive
<<
* "His excellency tries all ways to bring the people to quit. rents.
A little time will try what our new judges, Dudley and Stough-
ton, will fay, when either Indian purchaſes, or grants from the
general court are queftioned before them." Randolph's letter to
Povey, May 21, 1687.
+ Mr. Boyle died in 1692, and was fucceeded by Mr. Thompſon,
‡ "The poor Indians (thoſe who are called minifters) come and
"complain to Mr. Radcliffe, our minifter, that they have nothing
"allowed them. We have ſpoken to the commiffioners to have
"fome allowance for them. All we can get is the promife of a
"coarfe coat againft winter; and they would not fuffer Aaron, an
"Indian preacher, who can read English very well, to have a
"bible with the common prayer in it, but took it away from him.
"I humbly prefume to remind your grace of your promife to me
"when in England, that a commiffion fhould be directed to fome
perfons here, unconcerned, to audit and report their accounts of
"that money. We want good ſchoolmafters, none here being
"allowed of but of ill principles. The money now converted unto
private or worfe ufes, will be fufficient to fet up good and public
"fchools, and provide a maintenance for our minifter, who now
"lives upon a fmall contribution. We are yet forced to meet
"in his own houfe." Rand. Octob. 28, 1686. to Archbishop of
Canterbury.
in
364
THE HISTORY OF
1687in the other. The archbishop either altered his fentiments,
<<
or was diverted by greater affairs from purfuing his defign.
1688 THE Indians upon the frontiers, in the fummer of 1688,
renewed their hoftilities. A garrifon had been kept at
Pemaquid, but it was no fecurity to the fcattered fettle-
ments upon the frontiers. The governor, from a preju-
dice againſt the late adminiſtration, by whom, without
fufficient grounds for it, he fuppofed the Indians had
been treated with too great feverity, if not injuftice,
refolved to try mild meaſures, and endeavour to win
them by good words and fmall courtefies. Randolph,
writes to William Penn, Nov. 9, 1688, "This barba-
rous people, the Indians, were never civilly treated
"by the late government, who made it their buſineſs to
"encroach upon their lands, and by degrees to drive
"them out of all. That was the grounds and the be-
"ginning of the laft war. His excellency has all along
"taken other meaſures with them. I hope the proclama-
"tion and the Indians confidence in the governor's favor
"to fuch as fhall fubmit, may put a stop to their preſent
❝rage.
Caftine, a Frenchman, who lived among the
Indians at Penobſcot, made profeffion of friendſhip to the
Engliſh; but was fufpected to be a falſe friend, and to
ftir up the Indians against them. His trading-houſe was
plundered this year, whilft he was abfent from it, which
he rightly charged upon the Engliſh. The Indians in-
formed fome of their captives that Caftine furniſhed every
Indian who engaged against the English with a pound of
powder, two pounds of lead, and a quantity of tobacco.
Some cattle, belonging to the inhabitants of North Yar-
mouth, having been killed by the Indians, a juftice of
peace, Blackman, ſeized a party of 18 or 20 Indians
at or near Saco. Reprifals were made the 5th Sept. and
one Henry Smith and his family taken at New Dartmouth;
and the next day Edward Taylor and his family were
taken from the fame place, and all carried to Taconnett, up
Kenebeck river, where they found nine captives taken from
the lower parts of the river. The Indians killed divers
""
•
of
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
365
of theſe captives in their frolicks, as appcars by Smith's 1688
examination, who made his eſcape from them*. Sir Ed-
mund was then at New-Yorkt. Upon his return to Boften,
he ordered the Indians, which Blackman had feized, to be
releaſed. The Indians returned feveral English captives in
exchange. The 20th of October he published a proclama-
tion commanding the Indians to fet at liberty his Majefty's
fubjects, lately taken by them, and that fuch Indians, as
had been actually concerned in the murder of any of his
Majeſty's fubjects, fhould furrender themfelves by the
11th of November, to anſwer for their crimes, or other-
wife be purſued and proceeded againſt with the utmoſt fe-
verity, and all that were innocent were allowed to live
near the Engliſh towns if they defired it, and all perfons
were to take notice and conform themſelves accordingly.
The Indians treated the proclamation with contempt. The
English, being laid under reſtraint, were more unfafe than
if war had been publicly declared.
THE people in general, as has been obferved, were pa-
tient under the new government. There are a few inftances
of proſecution for contempt of, or oppofition to, the au-
thority. One John Gold of Topsfield was tried and con-
victed, by verdict of a jury, of treaſonable words, what
they were is not mentioned, and fined fifty pounds, &c.
Mr. Appleton of Ipſwich, who had been an àiliftant, and
Mr. Wife the minifter of that town, were impriſoned ‡.
Mr. Neale fuppofes the first blood to be ſhed, afterwards, at
North-Yarmouth.
Mafon, one of his council, died, in the journey to York with
Sir Edmund, at Efopus:
That
This was the punishment for remonftrating, in an addrefs,
against the taxes as a heavy grievance, fuch an addreſs being pre-
ferred about this time. The felectmen of Ipfwich voted,
"inafmuch as it is against the privilege of Engliſh ſubjects to have
"money railed, without their own confent in an affembly or par-
liament, therefore they will petition the King, for liberty of an
રા. affembly, before they make any rates." Sir Edmund caufed them
to-be imprisoned and fined, fome 20, fome 30, and fome 50l. as the
judges, by him inftructed, ſhould fee "meit to determine.
-Nor-
xative of New-England miferies, &c.
A a
Mr.
366
THE HISTORY OF
1688 Mr. Wife, after the revolution, brought an action againft
Mr. Dudley, chief judge, for denying him the benefit of
the habeas corpus act. Mr. Mather, one of the minifters
of Bofton, had been a very active perfon in diffuading from
the furrender of the charter, and publiſhed reafons againſt
it. Randolph frequently mentions him, in his letters, as a
factious perfon. He behaved with fo much prudence, as
to give no room to take hold of any part of his conduct.
A forged letter was therefore forwarded, in his name, by
way of Barbados, directed to a perſon in Amfterdam, but
intercepted and fhewn by Randolph to Sir Lionel Jenkins,
who was reflected upon in the letter. There were many
paffages in favor of Ferguſon, Lord Shaftſbury, Oates, &c.
all which must have made the writer obnoxious to the
King and his minifters, and raiſed a prejudice againſt the
country. Sir Lionel either fufpected the forgery, or
treated the thing with contempt, aſking whether it was
that ftar-gazer* wrote it, fo that Randolph miffed his aim.
Mr. Mather, two or three years after, being informed of
the danger he had been in, exculpated himſelf in a letter
to a friend, and charged the forgery upon Randolph or his
brother. This letter coming to Randolph's knowledge,
he brought an action of defamation againſt Mr. Mather,
and laid his damage at five hundred pounds. The jury
gave the defendant cofts. But Randolph, I know not how,
was bringing a new action for the fame defamation. Mr.
Mather's friends adviſing him of it, he kept concealed to
avoid the ſervice of the writ. About this time, ſome of
the principal men of the colony flattered themſelves, that
they might obtain a partial relief, by a reprefentation of
their grievances to the King, and Mr. Mather was thought
a proper perſon to be their agent or meffenger, and he em-
barked in the night and in difguife. The fervice of Ran-
dolph's writ would have prevented his voyage+.
* Mr. Mather had juſt before publiſhed a diſcourſe upon comets.
+ Mr. Mather failed in April 1688. Some of his church carried
him aboard in the night in diſguiſe.
THERE
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
367
THERE feems to have been but little room to hope 1688
for fuccefs. King James was making daily advances to-
wards defpotifm in England. It was not likely that he
fhould confent to any degree of liberty in the colonies.
Sir Edmund knew too well the difpofition of his maſter,
to give himſelf any concern about the complaints preferred
againſt him. There were two perfons in London at that
time, who had been affiſtants under the charter, Samuel
Nowel and Elifha Hutchinſon. They joined with Mr.
Mather in a remonftrance to the King. One of the new
council, Richard Wharton, fenfible of the diftreffes of the
country, concurred with the others alſo, as appears by his
letters, but all was to no purpoſe. At first indeed a report
was agreed upon, by the committee for foreign plantations,
in which an affembly was mentioned, but Lord Sunderland
ftruck out that claufe, with his own hand, before the re-
port was prefented*. The inhabitants of Cambridge
made a particular application†, and Mr. Hinkley, the late
k
* Narrative of miferies, &c.
+ Cambridge addreſs was in the following words.
"To the King's moft excellent Majefty,
governor
"The petition and addreſs of John Gibſon, aged about 87, and
George Willow, aged 86 years, as alfo on behalf of their neigh-
"bours the inhabitants of Cambridge in New-England, in most
"humble wife fheweth,
"That your Majeſty's good fubjects, with much hard labour
"and great diſburſements, have fubdued a wilderneſs, built our
"houfes, and planted orchards, being encouraged by our indubi-
"table right to the foil, by the royal charter granted unto the
"firft planters, together with our firft purchaſe of the natives, as
"alfo, by fundry letters and declarations fent to the late governor
"and company, from his late Majefty your royal brother, affuing
us of the full enjoyment of our properties and poffeffions, as
"is, more eſpecially, contained in the declaration fent when the
quo warranto was iffued out againſt our charter.
But we are
"neceffitated to make this our moan and complaint to your ex-
cellent Majefty, for that our title is now queftioned to our
lands, by us quietly poffeffed for near 60 years, and without which
we cannot fubfift. Our humble addrefs to our governor Sir
"Edmund Andros, fhewing our juft title, long and peaceable
"poffeffion, together with our claim of the benefit of your Ma-
A a z
jefty's
368
THE HISTORY OF
1688
governor of Plimouth petitioned in behalf of that colony.
The fum of the application made by the agents was con-
tained in the following heads, viz.
"THAT his Majefty's fubjects in New-England may
"be quieted in the poffeffion of all property both in houſes
"and lands, as they enjoyed them, before the government
"was changed, on the 24th May 1686, and that the
"ancient records there fettled for title of lands may be
"confirmed.
<<
..
"THAT there be liberty of conſcience in matters of
religion, that their former methods of fwearing in
giving evidence may be allowed, and that all their
meeting-houſes may be left free to them, according to
"the intention of the builders thereof.
<<
"THAT no laws may be made nor monies raiſed there
"without the confent of a general affembly, as it is in the
"other plantations.
"THAT all townſhips may have liberty to affemble
"and manage the bufinefs of their feveral precincts, as
"under the former government, and have power to re-
"ceive and difpofe of all voluntary contributions.
"THAT the college at Cambridge in New-England
"the revenues thereunto belonging, be confirmed in the
" hands of a prefident and fellows as formerly."
'
This application meeting with no fuccefs, the agents
preferred the following petition.
<<
jeſty's letters and declarations, affuring all your good fubjects
that they fhall not be molefted in their properties and poffef-
"fions, not availing.
<<
Royal Sir. We are a poor people, and have no way to pro-
cure money to defend our caufe in the law, nor know we of
friends at court, and therefore unto your royal Majefty, as the
publick father of all your ſubjects, do we make this our humble
"addreſs for relief, befeeching your Majefty graciously to pafs
your royal act, for the confirmation of your Majefty's fubjects
"here in our poffeffions, to us derived from our late governor and
company of this your Majefty's colony. We now humbly caft
ourfelves and the diftreffed condition of our wives and children
"at your Majefty's feet, and conclude with that faying of Queen
Efther, if we perish, we perish." Narrative of N. E. miferies.
65
6
" To
71
1
MASSACHUSETS - BAY.
369
"To the right honorable the Lords Committee for 1679
"trade and plantations.
"THE humble petition of Increaſe Mather, Samuel
"Nowell, and Eliſha Hutchinſon, fheweth,
"THAT fince your Lordships feem to be of opinion,
"that his Majefly will not at prefent grant an affembly to
"be held within his dominion of New-England, for the
making of laws or raiſing of money, the petitioners
"humbly conceive, that it will be much for his Majefty's
"fervice and the peaceable government of his fubjects
there, that, until his Majefty fhall be graciouſly pleaſed
..
(C
66
to grant an affembly, the council fhould confift of fuch
"perfons as fhall be confiderable proprietors of lands
"within his Majeſty's dominions, and that, the counties.
being continued as at prefent, each county may have
one, at leaſt, of fuch of the inhabitants of the fame to be
"members thereof. And that no acts may pafs for law
"but fuch as have or fhall be voted by the manifeft con-
"fent of the major part of the council. And that all laws
"fo made may, by printing, be publiſhed for the general
"inftruction of all the inhabitants.
"Your petitioners therefore moft humbly pray, that your
"Lordships would be pleafed favorably to report the fame
ઃ to his Majefty for his gracious direction and order there-
"in, and your petitioners as in duty bound fhall pray, &c."
HOWEVER modeft thefe defires may appear to us, at
this day, who are in the poffeffion of fuch ample privi-
leges, yet they could not prevail in the reign of King
James. The folicitations in England had not the leaſt in-
fluence upon meaſures in New-England *.
WRITS of intrufion were brought againſt fome of the
principal perfons in the colony, who refuſed to petition
for patents. Col. Shrimpton hired Deer-ifland of the town
of Bofton, the rent was appropriated to the fupport of
a ſchool. An action was commenced for recovering
June 21, 1688, Randolph writes, with an air of triumph, that
they were as abitrary as the great Turk,
A a 3
poffeffion.
370
THE HISTORY OF
1688 poffeffion*. Befides the real oppreffions from this arbitrary
adminiſtration, many groundleſs jealoufies were raiſed,
which increaſed the terror of the people. Caftine, it was
intimated, was robbed with the privity of the authority, in
order to incenfe the French and Indians †. Upon the firft
infurrection of the Indians, the inhabitants began to fortify
and garrifon their houſes. Sir Edmund ordered them to
defift. An Indian who came in to Sudbury, affirmed to
the people there, that the Indians underſtood, from the
governor, that the French and Irish would take poffeffion
of Boſton in the fpring. A Penicook Indian affirmed, that
the Maquas or Mohawks had fent a meffenger to inform
the Penicook tribe, that Sir Edmund had hired them to
fight againſt the English. Thefe idle ftories were ſpread
about the country. The Mohawks, it is true, made peace
with the French, under the influence of Sir Edmund.
The clofe connection between the courts of England and
France at this time well accounts for it.
THE Indians neglected to comply with the governor's
order to deliver up the murderers. They continued
their hoftilities, he, thereupon, raiſed a fmall army of
feven or eight hundred men‡, and, in the beginning of
November, marched at the head of them, through froft
and fnow, into the eaſtern country. This meaſure was
*Befides the general exception to all titles, that they were de-
rived from a grantor which had no title, in the cafe of towns there
was this further, that they were not capable of taking any eftate.
Sir Edmund had given orders to Pipon, commander of the fort
at Pemaquid, to range the coaft as far as St. Croix. This appears
by a letter from Pipon to the governor, and the whole was included
in Sir Edmund's commiffion. But Dr. Mather gives this rea-
fon for doing it at this time. "A parcel of French wines had been
feized at the eastward, and at the inftance of the French ambaſ-
fador, an order had been obtained to restore them.
A new line
was fuppofed to be then made for the province to evade the order.
This line took in Caftine's country. He thereupon fled, and his
arms and goods were brought to Pemaquid. And this brought
on the war.
Theſe men were impreffed into the ſervice.
this had been the ufual way of raiſing men.
do not meet with it along the grievances.
Under the charter,
This is the reaſon we
univerfally
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
371
univerfally condemned, the men were expoſed to extreme 1688
hardſhips, without any profpect of fervice, the Indians
taking care to keep out of their reach. Some of his ene-
mies charged him with a defign to ftarve or freeze the
men, but other perfons, who were more candid, acknow-
ledged that he readily took to himſelf his full fhare of the
hardſhips of the campaign, and that he was a kind and
good general to the men under his command. Notwith-
ſtanding his care, many died with hardſhips, more, it was
thought, than the whole number of Indians at that time.
in hoftility. Not one Indian was killed. They all fled into
their more remote dens, where they remained the whole
winter. Beſides the fort at Pemaquid, Sir Edmund built
a fort at Pejypfcot falls, and another at Sheepfcote, and
placed garrifons in them, and, upon his return to Bofton,
left the command of the country with Anthony Brock-
holt, one of his council and favorites.
IN the fummer of 1688*, the governor received a new
commiffion, which was publiſhed, with great parade, from
the balcony of the town-houfet. And foon after, he re-
* Several letters mention the arrival from England, about this
time, of John Palmer, who had been of Sir Edmund's council,
both in New-England and New-York, with a commiffion or ap-
pointment for chief judge of the fupreme court,
† New-York was included in this commiffion. He went thither
foon after. Mr. Smith fuppofes Dongan to have continued until
the revolution. His commiffion was undoubtedly fuperfeded by
this new commiffion to Andros; who took the adminiſtration upon
him in the fummer of 1688. Mr. Blaithwait writes to Randolph,
March 11, 1687-8, "Sir, I am to thank you for your's of the
23d of November, and would not fail to anfwer the chief parti-
culars. If the union of all New-England under one governor be
acceptable on your fide the water, what will the joining and an-
nexing to the fame governmenment be, of all the Engliſh terri-
tories in America, from Delaware-bay to Nova-Scotia. This is
already determined by his Majefty, and a commiffion is in hand,
conftituting Sir Edmund Andros governor alfo of New-York, as
united to New-England. And for the two Jerfeys, fcire facias's
are expediting towards their union. This, befides other advan-
tages, will be terrible to the French, and make them proceed with
more caution than they have lately done."
A a 4
ceived
372
THE HISTORY OF
>
1688 ceived the joyful news of the birth of a prince, and or-
dered a general thankſgiving through his government.
The fufpicions concerning this birth, were tranfmitted with
the news, and very eafily received by the people in general*.
1689 DURING the winter of 88, there was no account received
in New-England of the landing of the Prince of Orange.
Something tranſpired by way of Virginia, as the fpring
opened. The rumour brought the governor from Pena-
quid to Bofton. Soon after his arrival, viz. April 16th,
he writes to Brockholt. "There's a general buzzing
"among the people, great with expectation of their old
*There was fpecial command given to the minifters. The pro-
clamation and order were as follows.
.66
By his Excellency,
A proclamation for a general thankfgiving for her Majeſty's
being fafely delivered of a Prince.
}
"WHEREAS I have received certain information of her Ma-
jefty's being fafely delivered of a Prince, which being a great
bleffing beſtowed on their Majefties and all his Majefty's do-
minions, I have therefore thought fit, and do, with the advice of
the council, order that there be a general thankfgiving for the
fame, to be obſerved within the city of New-York and dependencies
on Sunday the fecond day of September next coming, and fourteen
days after in all other parts of this dominion. Of which, all mi-
nifters, officers, and perfons, are to take notice and conform them-
felves accordingly. Given at New-York, the four and twentieth
day of Auguſt, in the fourth year of his Majefty's reign, annoq;
Dom. 1688.
By his Excellency's command,
JOHN WEST, D. fecr'y.
"Vera copia, Benj. Bullivant."
}
God fave the King.
E. ANDROS.
"Suffolk, fs. To Mr. Cotton Mather, minifter in Boſton.
New-England. S
"In his Majefty's name, you are hereby required to caufe the
above-written proclamation to be publickly read in the congrega-
tion, on the next Lord's day after you ſhall receive it, and that you
do then and there publickly ftir up your hearers to the folemn work
of the day, as is required by the fame, and hereof you are not to
fail. Given under my hand and, feal at Boſton, the first day of
September, in the fourth year of his Majefty's reign, King
James the fecond, of England, &c. and in the year of our Lord
$688.
"9
1
BENJ. BULLIVANT.
charter,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
373
66
charter, or they know not what; hope, that all magif- 1689
" trates and officers will be careful not to be wanting in
"their duty, and particularly truft, that the foldiers be in
good order, and diligent to avoid furprize, and fee they
"have provifions fitting duly ferved out, and, if occafion,
"more than the ordinary allowance," &c.-A few days
before, one Mr. Winflow came from Virginia, and brought
a printed copy of the Prince of Orange's declaration.
Upon his arrival he was impriſoned by Juftice Foxcroft
and others, "for bringing a traiterous and treaſonable libel
into the country," as the mittimus expreffed it. Winflow
offered two thouſand pounds bail, but it could not be ac-
cepted. A proclamation was iffued, charging all officers
and people to be in readineſs to hinder the landing of any
forces which the Prince of Orange might fend into thoſe
parts of the world. The old magiftrates and heads of the
people filently wiſhed, and fecretly prayed, for fucceſs to
the glorious undertaking, and determined quietly to wait
the event. The body of the people were more impatient.
The flame, which had been long fmothered in their
breafts, burſt forth with violence, Thurſday the 18th of
April, when the governor and fuch of the council as had
been moſt active, and other obnoxious perfons, about fifty
in the whole, were feized and confined, and the old ma-
giftrates were reinftated. This was certainly a raſh pre-
cipitate proceeding. Little or no inconvenience could ariſe
from a few days delay. The revolution in England could
not, at any time, have been effected without rifque to all
perfons there who moved in it. Their lives depended on
the fuccefs of the attempt. But the fate of New-England
depended upon that of Old. If the Prince fucceeded, they
might have affumed the government without any hazard.
If he failed, had they remained quiet, they would have
been in no worſe ſtate than before; but the confequence
of an infurrection would have been death to the principal
actors, and a ſtill harder flavery than before to all the
reft of the inhabitants. An anonymous letter, directed
to the governor of Plimouth, gives a more circumftan-
·
tial
374
THE HISTORY OF
1
:
1689 tial account of this revolution, than any that has yet
been printed.
65
" Hond Sir,
"BOSTON, April 22d, 89.
"The confideration of my fending you a blank, where-
"in only the declaration was incloſed, ſeems to deſerve
"check, and conſtrains me to an apology, not having fo
"much as liberty granted me by the meffenger to write
two or three lines, whereby you might have underſtood
"the preſent ſtate of things, which, by this time, you are
doubtless acquainted with; but left it fhould prove
otherwiſe, I have taken the pains to give a brief account.
"I knew not any thing of what was intended, until it
was begun, yet being at the north end of the town,
"where I faw boys running along the ſtreets, with clubs
"in their hands, encouraging one another to fight, I began
"to miſtruſt what was intended, and, haſting towards the
"town-dock, I foon faw men running for their arms,
"but before I got to the red lion, I was told that Capt.
"George and the mafter of the frigate were feized and
*
fecured in Mr. Colman's houſe, at the north end, and
"when I came to the town-dock, I underſtood that Bulli-
"vant and fome others of them were laid hold of, and
"then, immediately, the drums began to beat, and the
"people haftened and ran, fome with, and fome for arms.
"Young Dudley + and Colonel Lidget, with fome diffi-
"culty, attained to the fort. The governor immediately
"fent Dudley on an errand, to requeſt the four miniſters ‡,
"Mr. Joyliffe § and one or two more, to come to him at
"the fort, pretending that, by theim, he might ftill the
"people, not thinking it fafe for him to go to them.
* The Rofe.
+ Mr. Dudley, his father, was abfent, holding court in the
Naraganfet country. Some of Providence went out and feized him.
He was brought to Roxbury and a guard placed round his houfe,
to fecure him, as the order expreffes it, againſt violence. He was
afterwards committed to prifon.
‡ Mr. Allen, Moody, Willard, and Cotton Mather.
§ A perfon who had been many years a leading man in town af-
fairs in Boſton.
"They
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
375
"They returned for anfwer, that they did not think it 1689
"fafe for them to go to him. Now, by this time, all the
perfons whom they concluded not to be for their fide,
"were feized and fecured, except fome few who had hid
"themſelves, who afterwards were found, and dealt by as
"the reft. The governor, with Palmer, Randolph, Lid-
get, Weft, and one or two more, were in the fort. All
"the companies were foon rallied together at the town-
"houfe, where affembled Capt. Winthrop *, Shrimpton*,
"C
'
Page, and many other fubftantial men, to confult
"matters; in which time the old governor‡ came among
"them, at whofe appearance there was a great fhout by
"the foldiers. Soon after, the jack was fet up at the fort,
"and a pair of colours at beacon-hill, which gave notice
"to fome thoufand foldiers on Charleſtown fide that the
controverfy was now to be ended, and multitudes would
"have been there, but that there was no need.
66
66
(6
66
c
The fri-
gate, upon the news, put out all her flags and pendants,
"and opened all her ports, and with all ſpeed made ready
"for fight, under the command of the lieutenant, he
fwearing that he would die before ſhe ſhould be taken,
although the captain ſent to him, that if he fired one ſhot,
or did any hurt, they would kill him, whom they had
"feized already; but the lieutenant, not regarding, kept
"thoſe refolutions all that day. Now, about four of the
"clock in the afternoon, orders were given to go and de-
"mand the fort, which hour the foldiers longed for, and
"had it not been juft at the nick, the governor and all the
"crew had made their efcape on board the frigate, a
"barge being fent for them, but the foldiers, being ſo near,
got the barge. The army divided and part came up
"on the back fide of the fort, part went underneath the
"hill to the lower battery or fconce, where the red coats
66
'เ
were, who immediately upon their approach retired up
to the fort to their mafter, who rebuked them for not
firing
** They were both of them of Sir Edmund's council.
+ He married prefident Dudley's fifter.
Other accounts fay, that he and the old magiftrates were guard-
ed by the militia with great formality.
376
THE HISTORY OF
1689" firing on our foldiers, and, as I am informed, beat
"fome of them. When the foldiers came to the battery
"or fconce, they prefently turned the great guns about
86
and pointed them againſt the fort, which did much
"daunt thoſe within, and the foldiers were fo void of fear,
"that, I prefume, had thofe within the fort been refolute
to have loft their lives in fight, they might have killed
"an hundred of us at once, being fo thick together before
"the mouths of the cannon of the fort, all laden with ſmall
"fhot, but God prevented it. Then they demanded a
"furrender, which was denied, until Mr. Weft and
"another ſhould firft go to the council, and, after their
"return, we ſhould have an anſwer, whether to fight or
"no. Upon their return, they came forth from the fort*,
" and went diſarmed to the town-houſe, and from thence,
"fome to the clofe gaol, and the governor, under a guard,
"to Mr. Ufher's houſe. The next day they fent the
"two colonels to demand of him the furrender of the
"caſtle, which he refolved not to give, but they told him, if
"he would not give it preſently, under his hand and ſeal,
" he would be expofed to the rage of the people, and fo
" left him; but he ſent and told them that he would, and
"did fo, and they went down, and it was furrendered to
"them with curfings, and they brought the men away
" and made Capt. Fairweather commander in it. Now,
by the time that the men came back from the caſtle, all
"the guns, both in ſhips and batteries, were brought to
"bear againſt the frigate, which were enough to have
"fhattered her in pieces at once, refolving to have her. It
EC
<6
is incident to corrupt nature to lay the blame of our
" evil deeds any where rather than on ourſelves, fo Capt.
George caft all the blame now upon that devil Randolph,
"for had it not been for him he had never troubled this
"good people, earnestly folliciting that he might not be
"constrained to furrender the fhip, for by fo doing both
* Mr. John Nelfon, a young gentleman of Bofton, at the head
of the foldiers, demanded the fort the fecond time, and then
the governor came down and furrendered himſelf and the fort.
Neale,
"himfelf
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
377
" himſelf and all his men would loſe their wages, which 1689
"otherwiſe would be recovered in England, giving leave
"to go on board and ftrike the topmafts and bring the
"fails on ſhore, and fo he did. The country people came
"armed into the town, in the afternoon, in fuch rage and
"heat, that it made us all tremble to think what would
"follow; for nothing would fatisfy them, but that the go-
vernor muſt be bound in chains or cords, and put in a
more fecure place, and that they would fee done before
they went away; and, to fatisfy them, he was guarded
"by them to the fort."
66
(C
The former governor, Mr. Bradſtreet*, with feveral
of the magiftrates chofen in 1686, and fome of the princi-
pal merchants and other principal inhabitants, being con-
vened at the town-houſe, figned the following meffage to Sir
Edmund Andros, which was the first public act done by them
"At the town-houſe in Boſton, April 18, 1689.
"SIR, Ourſelves and many others, the inhabitants of
this town and places adjacent, being furprized with the
people's fudden taking arms, in the firft motion whereof
we were wholly ignorant, being driven to it by the preſent
accident, are neceffitated to acquaint your excellency, that,
for the quieting and fecuring the people inhabiting this
country from the imminent danger they many ways lie
open and expoſed to, and tendering your own ſafety, we
judge it neceffary, that you forthwith deliver up the go-
vernment and fortifications, to be preferved and difpofed
according to order and direction of the crown of England,
which fuddenly is expected may arrive †, promifing all
* Mr. Bradſtreet was eighty-feven years of age, had been fixty
years a magiftrate. His venerable preſence was neceffary, but his
time for bufinefs was over. Mr. Fofter, a wealthy merchant, who
had not been many years from London, was among the moſt active,
and there are more original papers of his hand writing than of
other perfon's.
any
† Ã circular letter was drawn up, to have been fent, in the name
of the Prince of Orange, to confirm all governors in their places.
That to New-England was stopped, by a reprefentation from Mr.
Mather, the agent, to Mr. Jephfon, fecretary to the Prince.
1
fecurity
2
378
THE HISTORY OF
*
1689. fecurity from violence to yourſelf, or any of your gentle-
men or foldiers, in perfon or eftate, otherwife, we are aſ-
fured, they will endeavour the taking of the fortifications
by ftorm, if any oppofition be made.
To Sir Edmund Andros, Knight.
William Stoughton S. Bradftreet
Wait Winthrop
Thomas Danforth,
John Richards
Eliſha Cooke,
If. Addington
Sam. Shrimpton
Wm. Browne
Barth. Gedney
John Fofter
Peter Serjeant
David Waterhouſe
Adam Winthrop
*
J. Nelfon."
HOWEVER
* Mr. Nelfon was a gentleman of good family and a near relation
to Sir Thomas Temple, an enemy to the tyrannical government of
Andros, but an Epifcopalian in principle, and of a gay free temper,
which prevented his being allowed any fhare in the adminiſtration
after it was fettled, although he was at the head of the party that
demanded the furrender of the fort. He went not long after upon a
trading voyage to Nova Scotia, where he was taken by a party of
French or Indians and carried to Quebec. Notwithstanding the
flight put upon him, yet fuch was his regard for his country that
he ran very great rifque of his life in an attempt to give intelligence
of the defigns of the French. The following letter, remaining upon
the Maſſachuſets files, ought to be made public to do honor to
his memory.
Auguft 26, 1692.
"About 14 days ago arrived two men of war and fix merchant
fhips from France, which came furnished with recruits of pro-
vifion, ammunition, 30 more great guns, 24 paterarocs, one mor
tar and 30 fhells.- A little before the arrival of theſe ſhips, Ma-
dockawando, f the Penobſcot fachem, came here, who made and re-
ceived divers compliments, prefented the governor with five Eng
lifh captives, and received from him prefents encouraging him and
the reft to continue the war, but all gave but little fatisfaction to
the Indians, who expected greater recompence. They would often
diſcourſe their diſcontent, to fome of us who underſtand their lan-
guage. I was in hopes to make fome improvement of their difcon-
tent, by propofing the fettlement of a trading houfe up Penobscot
river at Negas. They were glad of the propofal, and it is the
only means of recovering our intereft with thefe eaſtern Indians.
I promiſed to fend my thoughts thereon to yourfelves, of which
I would
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
379
HOWEVER exceptionable the firſt rifing of the people 1689
might be, yet this meaſure of the magiftrates and other
gentlemen feems to have been neceffary. It is difficult to
conceive
I would have you to confider, &c.-Madockawando gave daily ad-
vice of all their reſults, he is certainly well aff &ted towards us. Two
days ago he was diſpatched from hence, with orders to get together
all the Indians he can, they make account of two or three hundred,
they are to remain at Penobſcot until the two men of war join them,
who are preparing themfelves as well as they can, adding to their
number 200 Canadians, fo that, in all, they will have above
400, who, with the Indians, are to affault Wells, Ifles of Shoals
and Pifcataqua. The defign is dangerous if you ſhould be
fhould be unpro-
vided, I have therefore improved my utmoft endeavours to give
you this intelligence. By money, and a promife of good reward
from yourſelves, I have corrupted two Frenchmen, viz. Arnaud Du
Vignon and Francis Albert to be bearers of this letter, and alſo to
be guides to two Dutchmen and two Engliſhmen, who promiſe to be
with you in 22 days. I pray that they may be contented. I have
furniſhed them with 13 French crowns which it is juft fhould be
allowed to my wife. My charge is, otherwife, great here, there
being fo many of my poor countrymen to relieve, &c.
men of war, which come from hence, are, the one a great Dutch
fquare ſtern ſhip of about 500 tons, takes in fix guns from hence, fo that
he will have in all 38 guns, &c. the other is a French frigate of 34
guns, who is the admiral, They take at Port Royal and along the
coaft, all the ſmall veffels, fhallops, boats, &c. to land their men.
You will do well to prepare, for their reception, a good firefhip,
and other means neceffary, according as your prudence fhall di-
rect.—I recommend myſelf unto your prayer, and remain gentlemen
your humble fervant,
The two
J. NELSON.
Auguft 27th, The fhips of war go from hence in 12 or 15 days,
their voyage probably to St. John's and Penobſcot will coft them a
month's time more, fo that you may expect them in about 6 or 7
weeks hence. After their attempt upon your coaft, they are to
cruize for about a month, &c. fo that all concerned in ſhipping muſt
take care to their affairs. Let no public talk be made of this letter,
for, by the eſcape of fome prifoners, the report will come hither
greatly to my damage.---Excufe my broken manner of writing.
I am forced to do it as I can get opportunity, and that is in my bed
becauſe of the often coming in and out of the man that attends me.
who once furprized me and took from me my inkhorn, but in all
things elfe I am well treated. So are all the rest according as the
country affords, &c.
The
380
THE HISTORY OF
1689 conceive in what other way the people could have been
quieted. Had they been left to themſelves, the confe-
quences muſt have been terrible. Some who had been
the moſt firm in fupport of the charter were afraid, how-
ever, of being called to account for their concern in this
action *
&
A
The letters came to Springfield the 23d of September, and a day
or two after to Bofton. The Frenchmen, not long after, by fome
means or other were retaken and carried to Canada, where they
were puniſhed as deferters. Before their execution they confeffed
the whole. Mr. Nelfon was carried out with them, in expectation
of the fame fate. They were ſhot before his eyes.
He was fent
back to prifon and foon after to France, but, on his paffage,
prevailed with a fellow paffenger to convey intelligence of a fecond
defign, of 12 men of war and 2000 troops, which were every day
expected at Canada, to make a defcent upon the English colonies
from Pifcataqua to Carolina. He was confined in France, in a
fmall hole, for two years, without opportunity of feeing any perfon
but a fervant who brought his victuals to a grate. A gentleman,
who had taken notice of the perfon who carried the victuals from
day to day, had the curiofity to enquire what prifoner was
there, and to fpeak to him at the grate, and to afk if he
could do him any fervice. Mr. Nelſon defired no other favo rthan to
have a letter fent to England, to inform Sir Purbeck Tempje of his
condition, which was done, and, foon after, a demand was made of
his releaſe or exchange. He was then looked upon as a perfon of
fome importance. He was fent to the Baftile, and, juft before the
peace of Ryfwick, was allowed to go to England, upon his parole,
and fecurity given by a French gentleman for his return. The peace
being concluded and he intending to return, was forbad to do it by
King William, but, to prevent any trouble to his friend, he went
contrary to order, and furrendered him felf. Being difcharged,
upon his return to England he was brought into trouble there for
going back to France contrary to the King's order, but at length
returned to his family after ten or eleven years abſence.
*Mr. Danforth the deputy governor, writes to Plimouth April
zoth, "Their enterprize herein was without the privity of thoſe who,
"when begun, judged themfelves obliged to endeavour the pre-
"vention of bloodſhed, and, thereupon, did give their ſenſe and
" advice to the governor, Sir Edmund, as they apprehended very
"neceflary.I yet fear what the confequences will be, and
"heartily pray that no bitter fruit may fpring forth from this
"root. We have need of God's pity and pardon, and fore do
"apprehend
}
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
381
A long declaration was read from the balcony or 1689
gallery of the town-houſe. This is printed at large
in Neale and other writers. There would be room to
doubt whether this declaration was not a work of time,
and prepared beforehand, if it did not appear, by the ftile
and language, to have been the performance of one of the
minifters of the town of Bofton, who had a remarkable
talent for very quick and fudden compofures; befides, it
was not printed until feveral days after, and perhaps was
corrected and enlarged. Indeed, it fully appears from
many private letters, ftill preſerved, one of the beſt ſorts of
evidence of the truth of hiftorical facts of this nature, that
none of the magiftrates were privy to the rifing of the
people, and, in the people themfelves, it feems to have
been fudden, and without any previouſly concerted plan.
THE next day, April 19th, an order was figned by moſt
of the perfons who fubfcribed the advice to Sir Edmund,
and alfo by Wm. Johnſon of Woburn, and James Ruffell
of Charleſtown, directed to John Pipon, commander of the
caſtle, and accompanied with an order from the late governor,
to deliver the fort and ſtores to Capt. Fairweather, which
was complied with. The 20th, the tumult being abated,
the new council began to confider what form of government
they ſhould eſtabliſh, in the room of that which was dif
folved. They first invited divers other perfons to join
with them, who were required to ſign an approbation of
the advice given to Sir Edmund, and, being thus ftrength-
ened, they took the title of "A council for the ſafety of
the people, and confervation of the peace." Thoſe who
apprehend it will be wifdom to hatten our addrefs, to thoſe that
are now fupreme in England, for pardon of ſo great an irruption,
"and for a favourable fettlement under the fanction of royal autho-
"rity." And in a letter to Increaſe Mather, July 30th,
"The an-
"tient magiftrates and elders, although they had ftrenuouſly adviſed
to further waiting for orders from England, and difcouraged any
attempts of that nature, fo far as they had opportunity, yet were
they now compelled to affift with their piefence and councils
"for the preventing of bloodſhed, which had most certainly been
"the iffue, if prudent councils had not been given to both parties."
† Mr. Mather.
<<
"
B b
thus
382
THE HISTORY OF
1
1689 thus affociated with the firft mentioned, were James Ruf
fell, John Phillips, Penn Townſend, Jofeph Lynde, John
Joyliffe, Eliakim Hutchinſon, Nath. Oliver, John Eyre,
Jeremiah Dummer, Wm. Johnſon, John Hawthorne, An-
drew Belcher, Richard Sprague, James Parker, Dudley
Bradſtreet, Nath. Saltonftall, Richard Dummer, Robert
Pike, John Smith, Edmund Quincy, William Bond, and
Daniel Pierce. They chofe Mr. Bradstreet their prefi-
dent, Ifaac Addington clerk of the council, and Wait Win-
throp commander in chief of the militia, and appointed
officers in the feveral ports for entering and clearing
veffels, and John Fofter and Adam Winthrop, two of
their number, ftewards or treaſurers.
{
THEY Continued to pafs orders, from time to time, for
the regulation of the inhabitants; but the authority was
weak, and there was a neceffity of a further fettlement.
They were careful to avoid reaffuming their charter.
Befides the exceptions that might be taken whilſt the
decree againſt it ſtood in full force, there were many who
were defirous of a fettlement from England, fenfible of
the defects in the charter; and when the governor and
affembly, afterwards addreffed, for the reftitution of it, they
defired fuch further privileges as were neceffary. They
had, no doubt, received advice of the convention called by
the Prince of Orage, and in imitation of it, on the fecond
of May, they recommended to the feveral towns in the
colony to meet, and depute perfons, not exceeding two
for each town, except Bofton four, to form an affembly,
to fit the ninth of the fame month. Sixty-fix perfons met,
and preſented a declaration to the prefident and former
magiftrates in particular*, taking no notice of fuch as had
affociated with them; but upon receiving an anfwer in
writing, they defired the whole council to continue in
their ſtation until the 22d inftant, at which time it was
agreed there ſhould be a meeting of the repreſentatives of
*They declare the governor, deputy governor, and affiftants
chofen and fworn in 1686, according to charter rights, and the
deputies then fent by the freemen of the feveral towns, to be the go-
vernment now fettled in the colony. Records.
all
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
383
all the towns in the colony, at Bofton, who were to be 1689
ſpecially inftructed by their towns. Letters had been ſent
to Plimouth and to Connecticut *, to acquaint the principal
gentlemen there, with what had been done at Boſton.
Both thoſe colonies were content the governor ſhould be
confined at Bofton, and both reaffumed their old form of
government. Nothing paffed relative to New-Hampshire
or Rhode-lfland. As foon as the news reached New-York,
Nicholſon, the lieutenant-governor, difpatched the follow-
ing letter, directed to Simon Bradstreet and Wait Win-
throp, Efquires, and others.
* Plimouth imitated the Maffachufets in fecuring one of the council
who was within that colony, as appears by the following declaration.
A declaration of fundry of the inhabitants of Plimouth, Ap. 22,
1689. "Whereas we have not only juſt ground to fufpect, but are
"well affured that Nath. Clark hath been a real enemy to the peace
"and proſperity of this people, and hath, by lying and falfe informa-
"tion to the late governor, caufed much trouble and damage to this
"place, endeavouring to deprive us of our lands, and expofing us
to the unjuft feverity of perfons ill affected to us, whereby a con-
"fiderable part of our eftates is unrighteoufly extorted from us, to
"the great prejudice of our families, and the lofs of many neceffary
comforts; and he perfifting, from time to time, in his malicious
forging complaints against one or other of us, whereby we are in
"continual hazard of many further great inconveniences and mif-
"chiefs. We do therefore ſeize upon his perfon, refolving to ſecure
" him for the hands of justice to deal with him according to his de-
"merit." MS.
Mr. Treat, the governor of Connecticut, gives this account of their
proceedings, in his letter to their agent, jsn. 6, 1689. "In the be-
ginning of May laft, upon the amazing reports and tidings of the re-
volution of the government in the Mafiachufets, and feizing of the
governor and fo many of his council, and that part of the country
up in arms before we knew any thing of it, but the news did foon
fly like lightning, and foon after, our men in moft places gave out,
that they would no longer obey us, or fubmit to Sir Edmund's go-
vernment; at the fame time, the eaſtern Indians went on in their
barbarous cruelties in murdering our countrymen at the eastward;
and we had, by letters from New-York and Long-Ifland, caution
given us of feveral pickaroons that were on the coaft to alarm us on
the fea board; the true and real grounds of the procedure of the
colony in affuming the government was, falus populi eft fuprema
lex,"
Bb 2
"Gentlemen,
:
384
THE HISTORY OF
1689
"Gentlemen,
NEW-YORK, 1689, 1ft May.
“It was an extraordinary furprize to us to hear of
"the confufions the inhabitants at Boſton have occafioned,
"by taking that part of the government to themſelves,
"and that they have feized upon the perfon of his excel-
"lency and ſeveral of the officers. We cannot imagine,
"that any fuch actions can proceed from any perſon of
quality amongſt them, but rather promoted by the rabble,
"and that for the fafety of his excellency's perfon thoſe
"meaſures have been taken; but hope, and doubt not, be-
"fore this time, the fury of thofe perfons may be allayed,
"and that his excellency and the reft of the officers may
"be reſtored to their former ftations, or at leaſt have
liberty to come hither. For this part of the govern-
"ment, we find the people in general inclined to peace and
quietnefs, and doubt not the people will remain in their
"duties. We do not queftion but you will fend us a ſpeedy
"anfwer, the matter being of fo great confequence, tend-
"ing to the peace and quietnefs of us all, which if you
"do, we remain your friends and fervants,
Fra. Nicholfon
Frederick Flypfe
N. Bayard
S. Courtland."
The
* The inhabitants of New York, having never experienced any
great degree of liberty, there would have been no grounds of fears
of a revolt, if it had not been for the example of New-England. From
their firſt ſubjection to England, the government had been the fame,
and the Dutch governors who preceded were not lefs abfolute
than the English. Upon the news from Bolton, Capt. Nichol-
fon, the lieutenant governor, propoſed to admit part of the trained
bands to watch and ward by turns within the fort, under their
own officers, and offered to apply the money arifing from the
customs, to the fortifying the city, and making it defenfible againſt
a foreign enemy. Jacob Leifler, a captain of the trained bands,
happened to have a fhip juft arrived with wines, the duties whereof
would have amounted to one hundred pounds, which he refufed to
pay, the collector being a papift, and there being no legal au-
thority to receive it." Soon after he excited the people upon the
66
eaft
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
385
The following anfwer was returned.
"Gentlemen,
BOSTON, 11th May, 1689.
"In anſwer to yours of the firſt of May inſtant, giving
"an account of your having received the general intelli-
gence of the revolution occurring here, expreffing your
"hopes that before this time the fury of the people may
*
be allayed, and that Sir Edmund Andros and the reft of
"the officers may be reſtored to their former ftations, or
One
1689
east end of Long Iſland to march to New-York, in order to take
poffeffion of the fort, to prevent its being delivered up to fo-
reigners. When they came within twelve miles of the city, being
about eighty in number, they fent three of their leaders to the
lieutenant governor, who, having convened his council, gave them
fuch anfwers as induced them and the rest of the company to return
home. A rumor was foon after ſpread, of a defign to maffacre the
inhabitants, during the public worship in the Dutch church, upon a
Sunday. The Friday before the day for the fuppofed execution, the
people rofe, and feemingly compelled Leifler to head them.
Hall went as their leader to the fort. The guard, confifting of the
trained bands, readily admitted them. Leifler followed, and took
the command of the men. This was the 31st of May. The fame
evening they fent for the keys from the lieutenant governor, who
was obliged to deliver them. The trained band confifting of fix
companies, the captain of each company was to command h's day
according to their order. When it came to Leifler's turn, the 3d
of June, he caufed an alarm, and the people being all brought to-
gether, a declaration was prepared in writing ready to be figned,
"that with their lives and fortunes they would defend the proteftant
religion, and keep the fort for King William and Queen Mary,
until their Majefties further order." The people then chofe a com-
mittee, who affumed the name of a "committee of fafety." They
appointed Leifler captain of the fart. The lieutenant governor with-
drew. In his abfence, Leifler takes upon him the adminiftration,
and, after fome time, calls himſelf lieutenant governor, and chooſes
a council. The province continued in great confufion, until the ar-
rival of governor Slaughter with a commiffion from King William and
Queen Mary. Leifler held the poffeffion of the fort again the governor,
longer than he could juftify himſelf in fo doing. His enemies took
the advantage of it, and he was tried, condemned, and executed as
a traitor. The party rage which was raifed on this occafion, was
kept up many years after in New-York, and defcended to the pofte.
rity of each fide.
Bb 3
€ 28
386
THE HISTORY OF
:
66
56
66
1689" at leaſt may have liberty to come to you. We perceive
you have not a particular account how things are at
prefent, circumftanced with us, there being no other
form of government than a committee for fafety of the
"people and confervation of the peace, the foldiers ftill
continuing in arms. And the people are fo well fatisfied
"in the juſtifiableneſs of their late action, that they con-
"tinue their ſpirit and refolution, to purfue what they have
·66 put forth in their public declaration printed, which is
"here incloſed, as alſo a printed copy of the advice given
by ourſelves and others unto Sir Edmund, which will
"fhew the neceffity of our then interpofing. And we
..
have no other ftation than to intend the common fafety
"and confervation of the peace, and it is not in our power
"to fet any perfons at liberty who are confined and kept
"by
by the foldiers. This being all the prefent anſwer we
can make to you, if accepted, we remain,
66
"Gentlemen, your friends and fervants,
"To Capt. Fran. Nicholſon,
"Fred. Phillips, Nich. Bayard,
and Steph. Cortland, Efqrs."
S. Bradstreet
Wait Winthrop.
THE reprefentatives of 54 towns met at Bofton, on
the 22d of May *. They foon discovered a defire to re-
affume the charter. The major part of the council were
against it. Two days were fpent in difputes. The pco-
ple without doors were alſo much divided in fentiments.
On the 24th, the governor and magiftrates, chofen in 1686,
figned a paper, declaring their acceptance of the care and
government of the people, according to the rules of the
charter, for the confervation of the peace and fafety of
the people, until, by direction from England, there be an
orderly fettlement of government, provided an addition
ſhould be made of fit perfons to affift them, as was defired,
and that what had been before done be allowed, and the
ftewards be reimburfed: This they did for the fatisfaction
* Each town gave inft uctions to their members whether to re-
affume or not, Forty of the fifty-four were for re-affumption of the
cnarter,
of
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
387
of the people, and from the prefent neceffity, but they did 1689
not intend, nor would be underſtood to intend, an aſſump-
tion of the charter government. Their declaration was
accepted by the reprefentatives, notwithstanding its being
qualified in the conclufion of it *. The next day, Mr.
Winthrop, and moft of the other gentlemen who had acted
as members of the council, and who had a ſtrong party in
favour of their continuing fo to act, generously quitted all
claim to it, in confidence, as they exprefs it, that the peo-
ple will be inviolably preferved in their obedience to the
directions expected from England, and that the perfons of
all the gentlemen confined ſhould be well treated, and
promiſed to endeavour to pacify the people, who were dif-
fatisfied on their account, and to promote the public tran-
quility, as far as fhould be in their power.
THE 26th (being Sunday) a fhip arrived from England,
with advice of the proclaiming King William and Queen
Mary. This was the moſt joyful news ever received in
New-England. The fears of the people of any very bad
confequences from their late actions, were now over. On
the 29th, the proclamation was publiſhed in Bofton, with
greater ceremony than had been known, the governor and
council, civil and military officers, merchants of the town,
and principal gentlemen of the town and country being
on horfeback, the regiment of the town, and many com-
panies of horſe and foot from the country, appearing in
arms; a grand entertainment was prepared in the town-
houſe, and wine was ferved out to the foldiers.
THE 5th of June, the reprefentatives of the feveral
towns, upon a new choice, affembled at Boſton. The
council immediately propofed to them to exhibit articles.
againſt the gentlemen feized by the people, or elſe to con-
fent to their inlargement, upon fecurity given; but this
was not agreed to t. The next day, the repreſentatives
urged
*By this declaration all the gentlemen who had joined the governor
and affiftants chofen in 1686 were excluded from the new council.
↑ Some days after, Sir Edmund, by letter, demanded an imme-
diate releaſe of himſelf and the other perfons concerned in govern-
B b 4
ment,
388
THE HISTORY OF
1689urged to the council, to take upon them the part they
ought to bear in the government, according to the charter,
until orders ſhould be received from England, and declared
"they could not proceed to act in any thing of public con-
cerns, until this was conceded." An acceptance was voted,
this declaration being given as the reafon of the vote.
By theſe ſteps, the change was made from the unlimited
power of Sir Edmund and four of his council, to the old
government, which had continued above fifty years; but
the weight and authority did not return with the form.
They were ſcrupulous of their power themſelves, and
made an apology, in an addrefs to the crown, for caufing
certain pirates to be executed. They found it very difficult
to raiſe men, and continue them in fervice, for the defence
of the province. Several contemptuous pamphlets againſt
them were publifhed with impunity. Thirty years before,
the authors of the like would have been guilty of a capital
offence. And although the firſt advices, received after-
wards from England, gave them fome grounds to expect a
re-eſtabliſhment of government in the old form, yet thefe
advices were foon fucceeded by others which caufed them to
defpair of it. Mr. Mather, the agent in England, waited
the event of the prince of Orange's expedition., Soon
after the withdraw of King James, Mr. Mather was intro-
duced
ment, or under his charge, then in cuftody, or under reftraint. The
27th June the reprefentatives refolved that Mr. Jofeph Dudley, Sir
Edmund Andros. Mr. Edward Randolph, Mr. John Palmer, Mr. John
Weft, Mr. James Graham, Mr. George Farwell, and Mr James Sher-
lock, were not bailable, and fent up feveral heads of charges against
them.
*"We are far from willingly doing any thing arbitrary; but the
long want of directions from England for fettlement of government
doth weaken our hands." Gov. Bradfireet's letter to Sir H. Afpurft,
D&. 26, 89.
"The long delay of orders from England referring to the per-
fons confined upon the revolution, and want of confirmation of the
government, hath given occafion to divers ill defigning men, who
were taken off from their employment and ways of unjust gain,
studiously to employ themfelves in oppofing and undervaluing
authority, which hath emboldened others to thofe practices which
hath
MASSACHUSETS-BA Y.
389
duced to the Prince of Orange, by Lord Wharton, and 689
prevented the circular letter before mentioned, for con-
firming governors, being fent to New-England. The 14th
of March, Lord Wharton introduced him again to the
King*, when, after humbly congratulating his Majesty's
acceffion, Mr. Mather implored his Majefty's favour to
New-England. The King promiſed all the favour in his
power; but hinted what had been irregular in their former
government. Whereupon Mr. Mather undertook that,
upon the first word, they ſhould reform any irregularities
they ſhould be adviſed of, and Lord Wharton offered to be
their guarantee. The King then faid, that he would
give orders that Sir Edmund Andros fhould be removed,
and called to account for his mal-adminiftration, and that
the King and Queen fhould be proclaimed by the former
magiftrates. Mr. Mather was a faithful agent, and was
unwearied in fecuring friends for his country. Befides
ſeveral of the nobility and principal commoners, he had
engaged the whole body of the diffenting minifters, whoſe
weight, at that time, was far from inconfiderable.
THE family of Afhurſt had always been friendly to
New-England. The firft addreffes after the reftoration,
were fent to Mr. Afhurſt, Mr. Leveret, and Mr. Richard
Hutchinfon, to be delivered to the King. Sir Henry
Afhurft, a member of parliament, was more particularly
engaged at this time by Mr. Mather, who defired that
he might be impowered by the colony to appear as their
agent. Mr. Hampden, another member, alfo fhewed
great friendship. The houfe of commons voted the
taking away the charters of the plantations to be a
grievance t, and a bill paffed the houſe for reftoring
charters,
hath rendered them criminals of the highest nature, by committing
felonies, piracies, and murders, and thereby common enemies to man-
kind, and ncceffitated us to draw the iword of juſtice againſt them,
and bring them to trial and condemnation, and to execute fome, to
deter others, &c. which we truft will not be offenfive to his Majelly.
Bradfreet's letter to Afturft, Jan 29, 1689-40
*King William and Queen Mary were proclaimed 13th Feb.
す
​At a committee of grievances, Martis 5° Martii 1688, refolved
nem.
390
THE HISTORY OF
1689charters, and the New-England charters were exprefly
mentioned; but whilft the bill lay in the houfe of Lords,
the parliament, fooner than expected, was prorogued, the
King going to Ireland. The King, from the beginning,
diſcovered a defign to reſerve the appointment of the go-
vernor to himſelf. It was in vain, after lofing this chance in
parliament, to try for the reſtoration of the old charter.
A new charter, with as many of the old privileges as could
be obtained, was all that could be hoped for. In the mean
time, application was made, for expreſs power and autho-
rity to be granted to the colony to exerciſe government
according to the old charter, until a new could be fettled.
This was obtained *. At the fame time an order was fent,
commanding
nem. con. that it is the opinion of this committee, that the late pro-
fecutions of quo warrantos against the cities, two univerfities, the
towns corporate, boroughs and cinq ports, and the plantations, and
the judgment thereupon, and the furrenders of charters to the vio-
lation of their ancient right, are illegal and grievances. By the
houfe. "Refolved, that this houfe doth agree with the faid com-
mittee in faid refolve, and that the late profecution of quo war-
rantos againſt the cities, two univerfities, the towns corporate,
boroughs and cinq ports, and plantations, and judgment thereupon,
and the furrenders of charters to the violation of their ancient
rights, are illegal and a grievance." MS.
* WILLIAM R.
1
Trufty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Whereas we are
informed by feveral addreffes from the colony of the Maffachufets
bay, and particularly by the addrefs coming to us in the name of
the governor and council and convention of the repreſentatives of
the p.ople of the faid colony, that they had joyfully received the
notice of our happy acceflion to the throne of theſe kingdoms, and
caufed the proclamation thereof to be iffued throughout the faid ter-
ritory: We have therefore thought fit hereby to fignify our royal
approbation of the fame, and gracious acceptance of your readiness
in performing that which was neceffary, on your parts, for the pre-
fervation of the peace and quiet of our faid colony. And whereas
you give us to underſtand, that you have taken upon you the pre-
fent care of the gevernment, until you fhould receive our order
therein; we do hereby authorize and impower you to continue,
in our name, your care in the adminiſtration thereof and preferva-
tion of the peace, until we fhall have taken fuch refolutions and
given fuch directions for the more orderly fettlement of the faid go-
vernment,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
39r
commanding the delivery of the fails taken from the Rofe 1688
frigate, and another order for Sir Edmund Andros, and
the other perfons, to be ſent to England*. Mr. Mather
intended
vernment, as fhall moft conduce to our fervice, and the fecurity
and fatisfaction of our fubjects within that our colony. And ſo we
bid you farewell. Given at our court in Whitehall, the 12th day
of Auguft, 1689, in the first year of our reign.
Colony of Maffachufets.
* WILLIAM R.
By his Majefty's Command,
SHREWSBURY,
Whereas Sir Edmund Andros, knt. late governor of our dominion
of New-England, has been feized by fome people in Bofton, and
is under cloſe confinement there, together with Edward Randolph,
John Trefry, and divers other fubjects, who have humbly requeſted
us, that they be either fet at liberty, or fent in fafe cuftody inte
England, to anfwer before us what may be objected againſt them:
We do hereby will and require that the faid Sir Edmund Andros,
Edward Randolph, John Trefry, and others our fubjects that have
been in like mannar feized by the faid people of Boſton, and ſhall
be at the receipt of theſe our commands detained there under confine-
ment, be forthwith fent on board the firit fhip bound hither, to an-
fwer before us what may be objected against them, and that you take
care that they be civilly ufed in their paffages from New-England,
and fafely conveyed to our royal prefence. Given at our court at
Whitehall this 30th day of July, 1689, in the first year of our reign.
By his Majefty's command,
NOTTINGHAM.
To fuch as, for the time being, take care for preferving the peace
and adminiftring the laws in our colony of the Maffachufets-bay
in New-England, in America.
Of all that were concerned in the late government, Mr. Dudley
felt most of the people's refentment. Opprellion is lefs grievous from
a ftranger, than one of our own country. Danforth writes to I. Ma-
ther, "Mr. Dudley is in a peculiar manner the object of the peo-
ple's difpleafure, even throughout all the colonies where he hath fat
judge; they deeply reſent his correſpondence with that wicked man
Randolph for overturning the government. The governor and
council, though they have done their utmost to procure his enlarge-
ment, yet can't prevail, but the people will have him in the jayl,
and when he hath been by order turned out, by force and tumult
they fetch him in again," &c. Mr. Dudley to C. Mather, June 1
"I am told, that this morning is the laft opportunity for rolling
away the ftone from the mouth of this fepulchre, where I am buried
alive, in which I yet trouble you for your affillance." To governor
Bradstreet,
392
THE HISTORY OF
1
1689intended to have returned to New-England with thefe or-
ders; but his fon being taken with the fmall-pox at Deal,
prevented his embarking. Letters arrived in England,
preſently after the King's order to the old magiftrates,
from Sir Edmund Andros, Mr. Dudley, &c. complaining
of their ufage. Nicholſon and Ufher came to London
alfo with their complaints, and the Indians falling upon
Pifcataqua about the fame time, it was imputed to the re-
volution in the Maffachuſets, and the friends of New-
England were afraid the powers would be recalled *,
a governor fent over without delay.
and
THE letters did not arrive in New-England until very
late in the year, but came very opportunely to calm the
commotions which had very much increaſed there. Sir
Edmund, his fervant having enticed the centinel to drink,
and then to fuffer him to be upon guard in his ftead,
efcaped from the caftle, and went to Rhode-Iſland, where
Major Sanford ftopped him, and ſent him back to the caſtle
again. The firft opportunity after the arrival of the
King's
Bradftreet, Sept. 12th, "After twenty weeks unaccountable im-
prifonment, and many barbarous ufages offered me therein, the laſt
feven weeks whereof are upon account of your letters to me, I have
now to complain, that on Monday, the whole day, I could be allowed
no victuals till nine of the clock at night, when the keeper's wife
offered to kindle her own fire to warm fomething for me, and the
corporal exprefly commanded the fire to be put out. I may be eafily
oppreffed to death.-God will hear them that complain to him.-I
pray your directions for your oppreffed kinfman, J. D."
*Nath. Mather's letter to Increaſe Mather, &c.
† Leifler, at New-York, was greatly alarmed at Sir Edmund's
efcape. He writes to the Maffachufets governor from New-York,
Sept. 3d. "The eſcape of Sir Edmund, and his arrival at Rhode-
Inland, where Col. Dongan did, the fame day, land fome of his
people, and himſelf not far off, caufed a jealouſy in us of a bad de-
gn. In this interim of time arrived here Mr. John Emerfon, John
Leverett, William Brattle, Thomas Maccarty, and John Perry, from
the ferry, after watch fet in the night well armed, and, as reported,
went into a tavern, where doors and windows were fhut, a man on
horfeback was diſpatched poft out of the town, made us all believe
them of Sir Edmund's people, and he himſelf not far off. I fent
for
}
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
393
King's order, he, with Mr. Dudley and feveral others, 1689
embarked for England *. The general court thought it
adviſeable to ſend over two of their members to join with
Sir Henry Ashhurft and Mr. Mather in maintaining their
charges againſt their oppreffors, as well as in foliciting the
reſtoration of the charter, with fuch additional privileges as
ſhould be thought proper, viz. Eliſha Cooke, and Thomas
Oakes †, both of them affiftants. Mr. Cooke was a gentle-
man of good underſtanding, and had been well educated,
had always adhered ftiffly to the old charter, and when
all the reſt of the affiftants declined reaffuming it, he alone
was in favour of itt. Mr. Oakes was a man of lefs confe-
quence, but attached to the fame fide, having been fome
time a repreſentative of the town of Bofton, and not of
the affiftants when they refuſed to reaffume. They were
inftructed, among other things, to follicit in parliament, or
elſewhere, the confirmation of their ancient charter, and
for the ftrangers of whom I demanded a pafs; they faid they had
one, but loft it; they knew no body but Major Brockholt and Capt.
Locker, two known papists, whereby I fufpected them to be really
of Sir Edmund's people, and beat the drum. I fent twelve fol-
diers to fearch the houfe for their portmanteaus, two were brought
and owned to be theirs. I found about forty letters, moſt of them
directed to diſapprovers of our actions, which caufed me to alarm
the town, by which arlarm I got immediately about five hundred
men courageously armed, and, while the committee read the let-
ters, I fent out parties to fearch for ftrangers, and for the men of
the houſe where they arrived, being perfons who never joined with
us to watch and fortify, nor armed in any alarm. The letters being
read, and nothing found, we fufpected that thofe of confequence
were gone, and fo remained upon our guard. In the morning Mr.
Lawrence perufed a letter from his grand-child, wherein the cha-
racters of the faid gentlemen were difcovered; upon which flender
proof and my charity, I ventured to releafe the faid gentlemen,
who confeffed we had juft caufe to fufpect them, all things falling
out as they did."
The four perfons first named belonged to the college at Cambridge.
* The beginning of February.
† Mr. Oakes was not chofen affiſtant until May, after they em-
barked,
This appears from the files of the court.
6
all
1
394
THE HISTORY OF
1689and all its rights and privileges, civil and facred, and, if
there fhould be opportunity, to endeavour the obtaining
fuch farther privileges as might be of benefit to the colony.
The agents difagreed, and by this means, certain articles in-
tended againft Sir Edmund were never figned by them *.
He
* Mr. Mather ſaid, that the Earl of Monmouth told him they had
cut the throat of their country in not doing it; but Mr. Cooke's ex-
cufe was, Sir John Somers's advice, which he faid was againſt doing
it. An enquiry into the conduct of Sir Edmund and the reft it was
defigned fhould be avoided, and this was the reafon of Sir John
Somers's advice to Mr. Cooke. "When the agents first appeared
before the council, Sir Edmund, Dudley, Randolph, &c. had no-
tice to be preſent alfo, and came prepared with a charge against the
colony, for rebellion againſt lawful authority, for imprifoning the
King's governor, &c. Sir John Somers thereupon ſaid, that the agents
were upon the defenfive part, and were ready to answer any com-
plaints. Sir Robert Sawyer, who had brought the quo warranto
then declaimed largely against the colony for thofe deeds by which
he ſuppoſed the charter forfeited; but, in the clofe, to prevent an
anfwer, acknowledged that what he faid was foreign to the prefent
´cafe, and one of the lords faid, let us keep to the matter before us.
The agents were then required to give the reafons of the oppofiton
to Sir Edmund and his authority. They began with his proclama-
tion, and other endeavours to stifle the news of the prince's landing,
and the impriſonment of the perfon who brought over the declara-
tion. Lord prefident (Marquis of Carmarthen) asked who impriſoned
Sir Edmund and the reft? Sir John Somers replied, The country,
my Lord, oppreffed by an arbitrary government, did there as we did
here, rofe as one man, took the opportunity of the news of the re-
volution in England to free themſelves from the yoke they were un-
der. Lord prefident. You fay it was the country and the people,
that is no body, let us fee A B and C, the perfons that will make it
their cafe. Here is a charge against the King's governor, but no
body has figned the paper. Sir J. Somers. My Lord, we are here, in
behalf of the country, to manage their concerns, and not in the
behalf of any particular perfons. One of the agents then whiſpered
Sir John, that if that was a tick, they would fign the paper im-
mediately; but he replied no, we are in our way, and have fol-
lowed the direction of the board, and if they will bring us off thus
they may.
One of the Lords faid, I perceive the revolution was
there as it was here, by the unanimous agreement of the people;
for who feized and imprisoned the late lord chancellor? Who feized
and imprisoned the lord fuch and fach, naming feveral, and fe-
cured
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
395
He obtained, ſome time after, the government of Virginia, 1689
where he died. Mr. Dudley was appointed chief juſtice
of New-York, and the latter end of the year 1690, was
at Boſton, in his way to his poft. Nicholfon endeavoured
for the government of New-York, but had not intereſt to
carry it, and was appointed lieutenant governor of Vir-
ginia, under Lord Howard of Effingham *.
THE war with the Indians, which began before the
revolution of government, continued all the year after.
Madockawando, fachem of the Penobſcots, who came into
Pemaquid, was fent to Bofton, where he arrived just about
the time the governor was confined. The authority
treated him kindly, and ſent him home, and at the fame
time wrote to St. Caftine, and defired him to ufe his in-
fluence over the Indians, and offered him fafe conduct, if
he inclined to come to Bofton. Madockawando had pro-
miſed his intereft for redemption of the captives which had
cured the garrifon of Hull? &c. I think we underſtand the matter
well enough, and fee no reaſon why we may not go forward with
the proof. Another lord fpake to the fame purpoſe, and faid the
people were to be commended for what they had done; but lord
prefident applied himielf to the agents, and faid, gentlemen, here
has been a pretty deal of time ſpent, my lords will give his Ma-
jefty a true and impartial account of what has been faid on both
fides, and wait his Majefty's further pleaſure, and you may with-
draw for the prefent. The next day Sir Edmund and the rest were
diſcharged from any further attendance, and a report being made
to his Majefty in council, the fame was approved, and the matter
was ordered to be difmiffed on both fides." (Mr. Cooke's letter.)
Thus the agents were diverted, by their own council, from purſuing
their inftructions, and fupporting a charge which had been prepared
and offered to the Lords of the council. It was well known, that
it would be moſt agreeable to have no enquiry made. Lord pre-
fident's own arbitrary actions, whilft Earl of Danby, for which no
fatisfaction had been given, would have ftared him in the face, and
it would not have well confifted with the oblivion intended for what
had paft at home, to have been very ftri& in enquiring into tyranny
in the colonies.
* He wrote to the Maffachufets authority, to enquire into the
ftate of the Indian war, and with an air of boafting concludes his let-
ter, "From him who has the honour to be their Majefties lieute-
nant governor and commander in chief of the colony of Virginia,
F. Nicholfon."
been
{
396
THE HISTORY OF
}
1689been taken, and for putting an end to the war; but both
he and Caftine deceived the government. Madocka™
wando proved a moft virulent enemy.
THE Indians of Penicook, upon Merrimack river, in the
fpring of the year 1689, profeffing great friendship to Ma-
jor Waldron, of Quochecho*, were civilly treated by him,
and one of their chiefs were lodged in his garrifon. The
Indian, in the night, opened the gate to a great number of
Saco and Penicook Indians, who lay hovering round it.
They killed the major and twenty-two others, and carried
away twenty-nine captives, and plundered and burnt the
neighbouring houfes. The authority at Boſton were
equally anxious for the protection and defence of the
people, as if they had been within the colony, and ſent
out forces for their relief.. Intelligence arrived, foon after,
of miſchief done in feveral parts of the county of York,
or province of Main, and, on the 22d of Auguſt, the fort
at Pemaquid, the command of which (being garrifoned by
14 men only) was given to one Weemes, an officer Sir
Edmund had left there, was befieged by the Indians. It
was fo fituated as to be overlooked from a rock near to it t.
From thence the Indians galled the garrifon to fuch de-
gree, that the next day they capitulated upon terms, which
were kept with Indian faith, fome of the men being
butchered, and the others carried captive. There were no
hopes of fecurity by fea or land, the French from Quebec
inftigating the Indians, and joining parties with them, and
the French from Acadie, by their fmall privateers, infeſt-
ing the coafts, and taking many veffels. In the winter,
therefore, the general court were meditating an attempt
both upon Port-Royal and Quebec. Sir William Phips
* In New Hampſhire.
came
† Both Engliſh and French have fell into the like miſtake, in the
cuation of feveral forts, built fince that time.
Sir William Phips was a New-England man, born at Pemaquid
in 1650, where he kept theep until he was eighteen years old, then
was an apprentice to a ſhip carpenter. When he was free, he fet up
his trade, and built a fhip at Sheepfcote. After that, he followed
the fea, and hearing of a Spaniſh wreck near the Bahamas, he gave
fuch
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
397
came to New-England in the fummer of 1689. He was 1639
thought the fifteft perfon for the command of the forces.
Eight fmall veffels, with feven or eight hundred men, was
thought a fufficient force for Port Royal.
THE fleet failed the 28th of April, and returned the 30th 1690
of May. The fort at Port-Royal being in no capacity to
ftand a ſiege, furrendered with little or no refiftance. Sir
William took poffeffion (as appears by his journal) of the
whole fea coaft from Port-Royal to Penobſcot and the
New-England fettlements. The plunder was thought equal
to the whole expence. But this was conjecture. The acqui-
fition was ſo eafy that the court were confirmed in the pro-
fecution of their defign upon Canada. Befides, the ravages
began upon the frontiers by French and Indians, as foon as
the ſpring opened, made it appear more neceffary than
ever. Cafco fort, with above 100 perfons, was befieged*
and taken, whilft the forces were gone to Port-Royal.
There was a ftill further inducement, they hoped to re-
fuch an account of it in England, that in 1683, he was appointed
commander of one of the King's frigates, the Algier Rofe of 18
guns, and went in fearch of it, but failed. Soon after, being fitted
out by the Duke of Albemarle upon a fecond voyage, he was more
fuccefsful, and brought home a treaſure of near three hundred
thousand pounds, his own fhare being about fixteen thousand pounds
only. The King knighted him. He was foon after appointed
high fheriff of New-England, which he accepted with a view to
ferve his country, under a tyrannical government, but he could do
no fervice, and was in England again in 1688. King James, about
the time of his abdication, offered him the government of New.
England. It was not a time to accept of it. Sir William had the
character of an honeſt man. His education was very low. He was
of a hafty temper, and being a fout man, he would uſe his cane
and fift after he was governor.
Some inftances of this fort with a
captain of a man of war and a collector occafioned complaints
against him in England, which he was fent for to anfwer, and fo
far juftified or excufed his paft conduct, that he was returning to
his government, when he fell fick and died, and was buried
in St. Mary Woolnoth church, London. By a feries of for-
tunate incidents, rather than by any uncommon talents, he
rofe from the lowest condition in life to be the first man in his
Country.
* May 17th.
CC
commend
398
THE HISTORY OF
1690 commend themſelves to the King's favour, and to obtain
the eſtabliſhment of their government. A fmall veffel had
been ſent to England exprefs, the beginning of April, with
a repreſentation of the expoſed ſtate of the colony, and the
neceffity of the reduction of Canada, and praying for a
fupply of arms and ammunition, and a number of the King's
frigates to attack the French by fea, whilft the colony
forces fhould march by land and perform their parts *.
}
2
1
*
govern-
"The confideration of the premiſes, hath
put the
ment here upon fending a veffel on purpofe to give their Majeflies
and moſt honorable privy council a true information of the pre-
fent condition of thefe their Majefties colonies. Sundry planta-
tions eaſterly, in the province of Maine, are utterly ruinated and de-
populated. The war was begun there the fummer 1688, and about
700 foldiers then levied in this colony by Sir Edmund, and fent
thither, the charge whereof is not yet defrayed.---Laft fummer we
had as great a number, or more, in conftant pay; the whole of
the rates already made amount to more than twenty thoufand
pounds. This people are now fo very poor, that many profefs they
have not corn for their families, and thofe to whom wages are due,
cry, that if they have them not, they and their families muſt ſtarve.
There being now wars between Holland and France, fome are
fearful left the Hollanders fhould effay the poffeffing themſelves of
Canada, and though it is hopeful they may prove better neighbours
than the French, yet, confidering the damage that will thereby
be-fuftained by the crown of England, in lofs of fiſhery, maft-
ing, furs, &c. it were better to expend two or three thouſand
pounds for the gaining that place, than that the French, or Dutch
either, fhould have it.----This fmall veffel, coming upon this
fole errand and bufinefs, to ferve their Majeſties intereſt, muſt
not be permitted to return empty. We have confidence, that,
may their Majefties have a true information, they will judge the
prefent war made by the French and Indians upon their fubjects
here, to be more their Majefties concern than their fubjects, and
will not fuffer them to fink and perifh under fo heavy a burden,
but will order to be fent out of the King's ftore four or five hundred
barrels of powder, with fhot proportionable, and four or five thou-
fand fuzees, our guns being many of them loft in the war.----
You may affure their Majefties that it will encourage their fubjects
here, with all alacrity of mind, to ſerve their Majesties there-
with, for reducing the French in Canada to their Majesties obe-
dience, if their Majefties fhall give orders for a fuitable number
of frigates to attack them by fea."-Dep. Gov. Danforth's letter to
Sir H. Afhurft, April 1, 1690.
But
t
MASSACHUSETS - BAY.
399
ļ
But their hands were too full in England to give any at- 1690
tention to this propofal. The Maffachufets, however,
determined to proceed, and Connecticut and New-York
engaged to furniſh a body of men.
Two thouſand were
expected to march by Lake Champlain and attack Mont-
real, at the ſame time that the forces by fea ſhould be be-
fore Quebec. It was late in the feafon to undertake this
great affair, but they tarried longer than otherwiſe they
would have done, in expectation of the ftores they had fent
for to England. None arriving, the 9th of Auguft the
fleet failed from Nantaſket. There were between thirty
and forty veffels, great and ſmall, the largeſt of 44 guns
and 200 men, perhaps not of fuperior ftrength to a fixth
rate man of war, the whole number of men about two
thouſand. They did not arrive before Quebec until the
5th of October. Great dependence was had upon a divifion
of the French force, but it happened, moft unfortunately,
that the forces defigned againſt Montreal had retreated,
and the news of it had reached Montreal before the fleet
arrived at Quebec, fo that Count Frontenac, the French
general, was able to employ the whole ſtrength of Canada
againſt this little army*. This muſt have ſtruck a damp
upon
* When a plan is thus formed, confifting of various parts, upon
the due execution of every one of which the fuccefs of the whole
depends, it must give great pain to men, who have not loft all
feeling, not to have it in their power to perform the parts affigned
them, and much greater to have been guilty of neglect or un-
faithfulneſs. It is difficult, at this day, to aſcertain the cauſe of
the New-York and Connecticut forces failing. A letter from
Boſton to London, Nov. 24th 1590, fays, "That the enemy had
notice of our coming, very long before we could get at them,
and whereas we had laid in beforehand, that the five nations of
the weſtern Indians, with a party of Engliſh from Connecticut and
Albany, fhould, by land, alarm the French quarters about Mont-
real; it fell out that, when thefe were upon their march, fome
that therein ferved the French interefts, by their wiles, decoyed
them into a retreat that proved unlucky for us.” The diſtracted
ftate of the government of New-York, one party determined to
ruin the public intereft if the other had engaged in it, muſt have
contributed to this difappointment. Leifler writes in a rage
:
C c z
to
400
THE HISTORY OF
1690 upon the fpirits of the English forces, and they could have
but little hopes of fucceeding. Le Hontan, a French
writer, fays, the general was at Montreal when he heard
the news of the fleet's being in the river, and that, if the
Engliſh had made their defcent before his arrival at Que-
bec, or two days after, they would have carried the place
without ftriking a blow, there not being 200 French in
the city, which lay open and expoſed on all hands, but
that they loft three days in confulting, before they
came to a refolution. Succefs is wiſdom with mankind in
general. From the ill fucceſs of this undertaking, both
Engliſh and French writers have treated it with ridicule
and peculiar contempt. The next morning after the fleet
arrived, Sir William fent a fummons afhore. If it was too
pompous, the anſwer was too infolent. The Engliſh were
called hereticks and traytors, and told, that if it had not
been for the revolution, New-England and Canada would
have been all one. The French ſay the Major who car-
ried the fummons was threatned with a gibbet, and had
like to have fwooned. No notice is taken of this in the
Engliſh journals. And it is not likely to be true.
An
to governor Bradſtreet, Sept. 15th 1690, "I have ufed all arguments.
and means poffible to reinforce for Canada, but by Major Win-
throp's treachery and cowardice, with the reft of his tools, hath
rendered the work altogether impracticable, his errand being fo
far effected as to leave us in a weaker ſtate than he found us.
Nevertheleſs, we deſpair not in the leaft fo to maintain that poſt,
that it fhall defy him and all his affailants ever to dare attempt-
ing fuch lewd unaccountable practices in fuch a rebellious manner,
as his keeping a garrifon in Livingston's houfe, pofting centinels.
to challenge the grand rounds, and other crimes, not only to
ftop our proceedings to pafs the lake, but to anſwer the ambitious.
ends of the confederates united therein to divert our forces
another way.----Good God! how monftrous is it, under pretence
of general affiftance, to cover their particular interefts and bring
to pass fuch treacherous purpoſes. Mr. Livingſton, that betrayer
of the province and arch confederate with yourfelves, being willing
to have expofed us to the remaining inhabitants; however, God
be thanked, we had thofe that made early provifion against thefe
devices," &c.
Thus Winthrop's character feems to have been made a facrifice
to Leifler's vanity and madnefs.
attempt
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
401
attempt was made to land the next day (the 7th) but the 1690
violence of the wind prevented. The 8th, they landed
all the effective men, amounting to between twelve and
thirteen hundred *. They were fired upon from the
woods by French and Indians, and marched in diforder,
and did not attempt to croſs Charles river, which lay be-
tween them and the town. Night overtook them. Upon
examining a deferter, he gave them fuch an account of the
ftrength of the French, as difcouraged them from ad-
vancing any farther. The fhips were drawn up the next
evening before the town. They did little damage to the
enemy, but were much ſhattered by the cannon from their
batteries. The forces continued afhore until the 11th,
rather upon the defenfive, when they embarked with
pre-
cipitation. A council of war was called the next day, and
propoſals were made for another attempt, after a few days
refreſhment for the men; but tempestuous weather came
on, which drove fome of the veffels from their anchors
and ſcattered the whole fleet, and they made the beſt of
their way back to Bofton, where Sir William arrived the
19th of November. Some of the fleet were blown off to
the Weft-Indies, one was loft upon Anticofta, and two or
three were wrecked or never heard of. It appears by
manuſcript letters, that about two hundred men were loft
by the enemy and ficknefs t. The fmall-pox, which pre-
vailed in Boſton before they failed, had got into the army.
Many died of the camp difeafe after their return, and
ſpread the infection among the inhabitants of Boſton.
This was was a humbling ftroke to New-England. The
return of the New-York and Connecticut forces was the
moſt viſible cauſe of the difappointment. Walley, who had
the command of the land forces, gave in a journal of his
proceedings to the general court. His conduct was cenfured
by particular perfons, but there was no public enquiry.
left
•
*Le Hontan makes them three times that number, and that they
300 dead on the ſpot.
+ Sir William fays, in his repreſentation to King William, that
he did not lofe above 30 men by the enemy,
Сс3
THE
"
402
THE HISTORY OF
!
1690 THE government was utterly unprepared for the return
of the forces. They feem to have prefumed, not only
upon fuccefs, but upon the enemy's treaſure to bear the
charge of the expedition. The foldiers were upon the
point of mutiny for want of their wages +. It was utterly
impracticable to raife, in a few days, fuch a fum of money
as would be neceffary. An act was paffed for levying the
fum, but the men could not ftay until it fhould be brought
into the treasury. The extreme difficulty, to which the
government was thus reduced, was the occafion of the first
bills of crèdit ever iffued in the colonies, as a ſubſtitute in
the place of money*. The debt was paid by paper notes
from two fhillings to ten pounds denomination, which notes
were to be received, for payment of the tax which was to
be levied, and all other payments in the treafury. This
was a new experiment. They had better credit than
King James's leather money in Ireland, about the fame
time. But the notes would not command money, nor any
commodities at money price. Sir William Phips, it is faid,
exchanged a large fum, at par, in order to give them credit.
The foldiers, in general, were great fufferers, and could get
no more than twelve or fourteen fhillings in the pound.
As the time of payment of the tax approached, the credit
of the notes was raifed, and the government allowing five
per cent. to thofe who paid their taxes in notes, they be-
came better than money. This was gain to the poffeffor,
but it did not reftore to the poor foldier what he had loft
by the diſcount. Sir William Phips, after a few weeks
}
+ Arma tenenti, omnia dat, qui jufta negat.
¿
tarry
Mr.
* Barbadoes was the first which followed the example.
Woodbridge, a New-England man, was the projector. Their bills
fan folow, that the island was in confufion, and they foon abolished
them. All the colonies upon the continent, Nova-Scotia excepted,
have, firft or laft, with very different fuccefs, gone into the fame
fubftitute. It may be made a query, whether the project of a land
bank in England in the reign of King Williamh, which entirely failed,
was not taken from this expedient of New England.
The government, encouraged by the restoration of credit to their
bills, afterwards iffued others for charges of government.
They
obtained
1.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
403
tarry in Boſton, embarked for England, to follicit an ex- 1690
pedition from thence againit Canada, the government, at
the fame time, fending their humble addreſs to their
Majefties, fhewing the neceffity of it.
WHILST the forces were gone to Canada, and the event
uncertain, the Indians pretended to be diſpoſed to peace.
obtained good credit at the time of their being iffued. The charges of
government were paid in this manner from year to year. Whilft the
fum was ſmall, filver continued the meafure, and bills continued their
value. When the charges of government encreaſed, after the
fecond expedition to Canada in 1711, the bills likewife en-
creaſed, and in the fame or greater proportion the filver and
gold were fent out of the country. There being a cry of ſcarcity
of money in 1714, the government caufed 50,000l. to be iffued,
and in 1716, 100,000l. and lent to the inhabitants, to be paid in
at a certain period, and in the mean time to paſs as money.
Lands
were mortgaged for fecurity. As foon as the filver and gold
were gone and the bills were the fole inftrument of commerce,
pounds fhillings and pence were altogether ideal, for no poffible
reafon could be affigned why a bill of twenty fhillings fhould
bear a certain proportion to any one quantity of filver more than
another: Sums in bills were drawing into the treafury from time
to time by the taxes, or payment of the loans, but then other
fums were continually iffuing out, and all the bills were paid
and received without any diftinction either in public or private
payments, fo that, for near forty years together, the currency
was in much the fame ftate, as if an hundred thousand pounds
fterling had been ftamped in pieces of leather or paper of various
denominations, and declared to be the money of the government,
without any other fanction than this, that, when there fhould be
taxes to pay, the treafury would receive this fort of money, and
that every creditor fhould be obliged to receive it from his debtor.
Can it be fuppofed that fuch a medium could retain its value ?
In 1702, 6s. 8d. was equal to an ounce of filver. In 1749, 50S.
was judged equal to an ounce of filver. I faw a five filling bill
which had been iffued in 1690 and was remaining in 1749, and
was then equal to eight pence only in lawful money, and fo re-
tained but about one eighth of its original value. Such was the
delufion, that not only the bills of the Maffachufets government
paffed as money, but they received the bills of the government of
Connecticut, New-Hampſhire and Rhode Iſland alfo as a currency.
The Maffachufets bills paffed alfo in thoſe governments.
In 1749
bills of credit were aboliſhed, and un'efs the evils which they oc-
cafioned fhould be forgotten, the government, it must be prefumed,
will never iſſue any more.
CC 4
Major
404
THE HISTORY OF
1690 Major Pike and Major Hutchinſon †, two of the aſſiſtants,
were appointed to treat with them at Wells, but nothing
was done. On the 29th of November, fix of the chiefs,
viz Edgeremet, Toqualmot, Watombamet, Naitumbuit,
Walombee, and John Hawkins *, brought in ten captives,
and in behalf of the Penicook, Winnapiffiaukee, Offapy,
Pigwacket, Amafcoggin, Pejepfcot, Kenebeck Indians,
and all adjacent places, within the territories of thoſe
Sagamores, agreed upon a truce until the firſt of May en-
fuing, upon which day they were to meet at the houſe of
lieutenant Storer, in Wells, and to bring in all the English
captives, and to fettle articles for a firm and lafting peace.
This agreement was made at Sagadehoc, with Capt. john
Alden, appointed by the governor and council for that
purpoſe. In confequence of this truce, the land enjoyed
reft for the winter.
1691 AT the day appointed, Mr. Danforth, the deputy
governor, and ſeveral others, with a proper guard, re-
paired to Wel's, but no Indians appeared. Capt. Con-
verſe went out, and meeting with fome of them, they
came in, bringing two captives with them, and promifed
in twenty days to bring in all the reft.
The deputy
governor returned diſappointed, and a freſh ſupply of 3,5
men were ſent to Storer's houfe, where they were ſcarcely
arrived, when, on June 9th, an attack was made upon the
garrifon by 200 Indians, with Moxus, a noted Sachem, at
their head; but the fortunate arrival of theſe recruits pre-
vented the enemy from fucceeding. Divers were killed
at Berwick, Exeter and Cape Nidduck.
A fmall army
was fent into the eaſtern country by fea, which landed at
Maquoit, and marched to Pejepfcot, but met with none of
+ Grandfon to Mrs. Hutchin fon.
* The laſt received his name from the English, his Indian name
not mentioned, The others are names of dignity, it being their
cuſtom when one chief dies to give the name to his fucceffor in office,
though not of his family. There were an Edgeremet and Narctom-
buit at the treaty of Falmouth in 1749. Toxus has been the name
of a Norridgewock chief for divers fucceffions. Perhaps from the
fume caufe that the Pharaohs and Ptolemies kept up thofe names in
Egypt, a reſpect for them that firſt bore them.
the
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
405
the enemy. As the Engliſh were re-embarking, they w ee 1691
attacked by a great body of Indians. Their veffels were
aground. Engliſh and Indians kept firing all night. The
Indians were, by this army, diverted from going over to the
Inles of Shoals, which they intended to have done. The
frontiers were unmolefted after this, until the 28th of Sep-
tember, when 7 people were killed and taken at Berwick,
and the next day, between 20 and 30 at Sandy-beach;
and in October, a family was deftroyed at Rowley, and
another at Haverhill. On the 25th of January, the town
of York was deſtroyed. Moſt of the houfes were un-
guarded. A gun, fired by the Indians, caufed many of the
inhabitants to run to their doors. They found themſelves
ſurrounded with Indians; about 50 of the Engliſh were
killed upon the fpot, and near an hundred captivated.
The minifter, Shubael Dummer, who was in great eſteem,
was shot dead, as he was mounting his horfe at his door,
and his wife and family made prifoners. They fet fire to
the houſes, four fortified houfes only holding out againſt
them, viz. Alcock's, Prebles's, Harman's, and Norton's.
A party of men were fent from Portſmouth, but too late
to give relief.
of
WHILST the colony was thus diftreffed within themſelves,
their enemies in England took the advantage of their di-
ftreffes, and uſed them as an argument against the reftitu
tion of the charter, imputing all to the bad adminiftration
government. The difference between their agents alfo
increaſed. Mr. Wiſwall, a miniſter of Plimouth colɔny, a
gentleman of piety and learning, was in Bofton when Mr.
Cooke and Oakes were about to embark, and he was de-
fired to go with them. He had no credentials. He
joined in politicks with Mr. Cooke, rather than with Mr..
Mather. The people of Plimouth were extremely deſirous
of continuing a feparate government, but if that could not
be obtained, they chofe to be annexed to the Maſſachuſets,
rather than New-York. When Mr. Slaughter was ap-
pointed governor of New-York, Plimouth was put into
his commiffion, but by the induſtry and difcreet application
of
1
406
THE HISTORY OF
1691 of Mr. Mather, the commiffion was altered *. An order,
after this, was iffued to the Lords chief juftices, Holt
and Pollexfen, and the attorney and follicitor general†,
to draw up a new charter for the Maffachufets, and Pli-
mouth was included in it. When Mr. Wifwall underſtood
this, he oppoſed it, in hopes of obtaining a ſeparate grant.
This offended the follicitor general, and he ftruck out
Plimouth,
* Connecticut, to remove all exception, obtained the opinion of
three great lawyers upon the cafe of that colony, which was as follows.
"The corporation of Connecticut colony in New-England, not
having under their public feal furrendered their charter, and there be-
ing no furrender upon record, only, when it was propofed to them, by
the late King James, that they should take their choice, whether they
would be under the governor of New-York or of Boston, they
humbly prayed, that they might fill enjoy the privilege of chufing
their own governor according to their charter, but, if the King
was refolved otherwife they faid they had rather be under Bolton
than under New-York. After which, Sir Edmund Andros did,
by a commiffion from the late King James, invade the liberty of
the people in that colony, and exercife a government over them
contrary to their charter, which they moft unwillingly fubmitted
to. But fince the late happy revolution in England, the people
of Connecticut have chofen a governor and affiftants according to
their charter, and doubt not but that they have a legal right to
their former privileges.
Qu. Whether the charter belonging to Connecticut in New-
England is, by means of their involuntary fubmiffion to Sir Ed-
mund Andros's government, void in law fo as that the King may
fend a governor to them contrary to their charter privileges, when
there has been no judgment entered against their charter nor any
furrender thereof upon record.
I am of opinion, that fuch fubmiffion as is put in this cafe doth
not invalidate the charter, or any of the powers therein which were
granted under the great feal, and that the charter, not being furren-
dered under the common feal, and that furrender duly enrolled of
record, nor any judgment entered of record against it, the fame re-
mains good and valid in law, and that the corporation may lawfully
execute the powers and privileges thereby granted, notwithstanding
fuch ſubmiſſion and appointment of a governor as aforefaid.
zd. Aug. 1690
ED. WARD.
I am of the fame opinion; as this matter is ftated there is no
ground of doubt.
I am of the fame opinion.
Treby and Somers.
GEO. TREBY.
J. SOMERS.
"
The
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
407
Plimouth, and it was again intended they fhould be an- 1691
nexed to New-York. When this news reached the colony
of Plimouth, many people were alarmed, yet their general
court perfifted in defiring Sir Henry Afhurft, their agent,
to apply for a feparate charter, without fignifying, that
they chofe to be joined to the Maffachufets, rather than to
New-York, nor could they raiſe any money, the people
about Briſtol, Dartmouth, &c. pretending that there were
no hopes of any charter for them, nor the Maſſachuſets
neither. The fentiments of many of the best men in the
colony were known to Mr. Mather, otherwiſe, it is not
improbable, Plimouth would finally have been included in
New-York commiffion, although near 300 miles diftant *.
"WHEN
The proceedings against Rhode Iſland having been very near the
fame with thoſe againſt Connecticut, the fame opinion would ferve to
justify them in reaffuming their charter. The refufal of the Maffa-
chufets houfe of deputies to comply with the demands of an arbitrary
Prince, and to make the like fubmiffion which the other two colonies
had done, caufed a judgment against their charter, and however
equitable a re-affumption might have been, yet they were barred from
a lawful claim to it.
* Your fervice in keeping us from New-York, and all other inti-
mations for the good of this colony is thankfully received, and it
would have been well pleafing to myſelf and fundry others of the
moft thinking men, who are defirous of fupporting the miniftry
and ſchools of learning, to have been annexed to Bofton, yet the
greatest part of the people, and of our deputies, are moft defirous
of obtaining a charter for themfelves, it poffible to be procured,
though, fo far as I can difcern, they had much rather be annexed
to the Maffachufets than to New-York, yet are not willing to
have it mentioned, left it fhould divert any endeavours for ob-
taining a distinct charter for themfelves. It was voted, that two
hundred pounds fhould be raiſed by a voluntary contribution. On
trial made, though fome particular men and towns did contribute
liberally, yet others, by reafon of the great charge of the war,
and partly being difcouraged by fome leading men, telling them
that they would but throw away their money, that they would
never be like to obtain a charter, nor you neither for the Maf.
fachufets, thereby, the fum propofed fell confiderably fhort, and
by the courts order, the whole fum not being raiſed, none was
to be ſent. Not being in a capacity to make rates for the
equal defraying the charge, I fee little or no likelihood of obtain-
irg
408
THE HISTORY OF
1691 WHEN Mr. Mather found it impoffible to obtain the
reſtitution of the old charter, his next care was to preſerve
as many of the privileges contained in it as he could.
Sir Henry Afhurft joined with him in all his meaſures.
Mr. Cooke was for the old charter, or none at all. Mr.
Oakes, the other agent, joined with Mr. Cooket. It was
doubtful whether they had authority, by their inftructions,
to follicit for any other. In the first draught of a new
charter, the governor only was referved to the King, the
deputy governor and council, and other officers, were to
be chofen by the people, and the governor had no nega-
tive in any cafe. This draught was made by the attorney
general, according to what he took to be the King's mind,
as expreffed in council. It was prefented at the council
board the 8th of June 1691 when it was objected, that,
*
>
66
by
ing a charter for us, unless their Majefties out of their royal
bounty and clemency graciously pleafe to grant it, fub forma pau-
peris, to their poor but loyal fubjects of this colony. J. Hinkley to
Mather, Octob. 16. 1691. The charter was complete before this
letter could arrive.
+ Mr. Oakes, however, figned
the petition for a new charter, al-
though Mr. Cooke refuſed.
* Whilft the Maffachufets agents were folliciting a charter for
that colony, a project was fet on foot, by Doctor Cox, for forming
a grand colony or ftate, more extenfive than all the other colonies
together. The original draught of a charter has this entry upon
it, "In the council chamber at Whitehall, the 22d of Auguft
1690. The right honorable the lords of the committee for trade
and foreign plantations, are pleafed to refer the confideration of this
draught of a grant, to Mr. Attorney general, who is defired to con-
fider how far the fame is confifting with law, and to report his
opinion thereupon to the committee, William Blathwait."
report of the Attorney. general runs thus, May it pleaſe your
lordſhips, in obedience to your order of reference, I have perafed
this draught, and I conceive their Majefties may erect fuch a corpo-
ration (as is here purported) and enable them to purchaſe ſuch lands
But the claufe of confif-
and exerciſe government in the fame.
..
The
cating the fhips and goods of their Majefties fubjects, who fhall
trade to fuch place without the company's permiffion, will not be
good in law. Alfo fome claufes, particularly about the oaths and
courts and officers, need be more clearly and intelligibly penned.
Geo. Treby, Aug. 25th 1690."
By
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
409
"by fuch a charter as this, the King's governor would be 1690
made a governor of clouts," and an order paffed for pre-
paring the heads of another draught. When they were
prepared, a copy was given to Mr. Mather, with an order
from their Lordships, that "if the agents were not fatisfied
therewith, they ſhould bring in their objections to the
attorney general." Mr. Mather was fo diffatisfied, that
he declared he would fooner part with his life than con-
fent
By this charter, certain perfons were to be made a corporation,
capable in law to plead and be impleaded, &c. and to acquire and
purchaſe lands goods and chattels of the feveral natives and other
inhabitants of that part of the continent of America, lying and
being in breadth from 36 1-half degrees of north latitude, which
is the northerly bounds of Carolina, to 46 1-half degrees of north
latitude, and in length from the pacifick ocean, otherwiſe called the
fouth fea, unto the wefterly bounds of the Engliſh colonies of New-
York, New-Jerſey, Penfylvania, Maryland and the heads of the
great rivers, in a certain ridge of mountains, feparating the colony
of Virginia from the reft of the continent, which runs into the
bay of Chefipeak and from thence into the atlantic ocean, to-
gether with all iſlands, lakes, quarries, mines, &c. and all appur-
tenances whatſoever, to hold ufe and to give grant and difpofe of
the fame, in as ample manner as any other corporation within the
realm of England might or could do.
The governor, deputy-governor, and affiftants, were to be annu-
ally chofen by the company in England.
They had power to caufe to be tranſported ſubjects and ſtrangers,
alfo goods, chattels, and merchandize.
None were to inhabit or dwell within the bounds of the patent,
or to trade with the natives, without leave of the corporation.
All who ſhould go thither, or be born there, to have the liberty of
free and natural born fubjects.
Power to establish provinces, counties, cities, towns, diftricts
and jurifdictions, as fhould be thought fit.
Under their common feal in the King's name, to appoint judges,
juftices, fheriffs, conſtables, and all other officers civil and military.
By fuch commanders, governors and officers as fhould be ap-
pointed by the corporation to erect forts, &c. to affemble and put
in warlike pofture the inhabitants, and to encounter by fea and land
all perfons invading, annoying, &c.
A general court eftablished, each city or borough to fend two
members, with power to make laws, &c. for the royal approbation,
to raiſe taxes for the ſupport and defence of the colony.
Free liberty of confcience to all the inhabitants.
* Mather's Narrative.
410
THE HISTORY OF
¡
1691 fent to them. He was told "the confent of the agents
was not defired; the agents of New-England were not
plenipotentiaries from a fovereign ftate; if they declared
they would not fubmit to the King's pleaſure, his Majefty
would fettle the country, and they might take what would
follow." Sir Henry Afhurft, with Mr. Mather, drew up,
notwithſtanding, their objections against the minutes, in-
fifting upon the King's promife, and that charters might as
well be refufed to be reftored to any of the corporations in
England, where they had been taken away, as to New-Eng-
landt. The objections were prefented to the attorney gene-
t
ral
+ Mr. Hampden, upon this occafion, defired the opinion of Mr.
Hooke, a counſellor of note, which he gave as follows;
"There are two parties which follicit the affairs of New-England.
1. Thoſe who labour for an union of the whole territory under a
captain-general, who fhould govern by commiffion from the King,
without any refpect to former charters.
Against this party, it is juftly objected, that a people, who,
fome years fince, left their native country for the fake of their con-
fciences, and adventured to inhabit a wilderness, which had juſt
before been ſwept of its inhabitants by a dreadful plague, who had
added fo many of the heathen to the inheritance of our bleffed
Savior, which no other chriftian planters have done, who have added
fo great a territory to the English empire, and are ſo uſeful to all
other Engliſh plantations, who, rather than break with England,
fubmitted to the Turkish commiffion of Sir Edmund Andros, and
who have maintained civility beyond any other people on carth,
I fay, that fuch a people should have their whole conftitution
overturned by a new fort of government, would be hard and un-
reafonable. That for the prefent government to do all this, by
taking advantage of the arbitrary and justly exploded proceedings
of the last reign, would be fcandalous and dishonorable.
2. The other party, labour to have the feveral charters of the re-
fpective colonies reftored.
Againſt them, it is juftly objected, that a bare reſtoration of their
charters, and eſpecially of the Maffachufets, would be of no fervice
at all, as appears both from the charter itſelf and the practice of
that colony, who have hardly purfued the terms thereof in any
one inftance, which hath given colour to evil minded men to give
them diſturbance.
1. As to the charter itſelf, that colony, fhould they have their
charter, would want,
1. Power
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
411
ral and laid before the council, and a copy fent to the King 1691
in Flanders, but all had no effect. The King approved of
the minutes, and difliked the objections made to them, and
the charter was drawn up by Mr. Blaithwait* according to
them. The only queflion with the agents was, whether
to ſubmit to this new fettlement, or to fignify to the mi-
nifters of ſtate that they had rather have no charter at all.
Mr. Cooke continued firm to his firft principles, and as he
would never take any one ſtep towards obtaining the
charter, fo he utterly refuſed to accept of it, when granted,
ift. Power to call a parliament, or felect affembly, for there,
many thouſand freemen have, thereby, an equal right to fit in their
general affembly.
2. Power to lay taxes and raiſe money, eſpecially on inhabitants
not being of the company, and ftrangers coming to or trading
thither.
4. They have not any admiralty.
5. Nor have they power to keep a prerogative court, prove
wills, &c.
6. Nor to erect courts of judicature, eſpecially chancery courts.
2. The deficiency of their charter appears from their practice,
wherein they have not had any reſpect thereto, but, having uſed the
aforefaid powers without any grant, they have exerciſed their charter
powers, alfo, otherwife than the charter directed.
1. They have made laws contrary to the laws of England.
2. Their laws have not been under their feal.
3. They have not uſed their name of incorporation.
4. They have not uſed their feal in their grants.
5. They have not kept their general courts, nor,
6. Have they obferved the number of affiftants appointed by the
charter.
A middle way, therefore, feems moft defirable, viz. that new
charters be granted to the refpective colonies, wherein the former to
be recited, and the proceedings againſt them reſpectively, and a
new grant made, in terminis, by the words grant and confirm, and
reciting the deficiency in the former charter, all thofe powers may
be veſted in the government of the Maffachufets for the time being;
and the colonies which have no charters to be annexed to the
Maffachufets colony," &c.
* The charter has been faid to have been drawn up by Sir John
Somers, a miſtake from his having drawn the firſt which was re-
fufed; others faid it was done by Mr. Locke. There are ſo many
inaccuracies as are not to be accounted for, if done by either of thofe
great 'men. It is more probable they fhould come from Mr.
Blathwayt.
and
412
THE HISTORY OF
1691 and he endeavoured to prevent the colony from accept-
ing it alſo t. Mr. Wifwall's principles and conduct were
the fame with Mr. Cooke's, and he endeavoured to pre-
judice the colony of Plimouth against the charter, as
+ Hon. Sir,
London, Nov. 4. 1691.
The foregoing went by Capt. Blower, foon after which, Mr.
Blathwayt prepared the draught of the charter, which was agreed
to by the lords of the committee, and afterwards by them re-
ferred to the Lords of the council and there alfo pafled, fo as the
dedimus was figned by the lords of the great feal October the 4th,
that fo the feal might be affixed when they pleafed, but a ftop
was put thereto for fome time, and it was given out, that there
would be no further proceeding therein till the King's return to
court, who was then expected the firft fair wind, which was not
til the 19th day, but fome being reftlefs and impatient till that
matter was made irretrievable, got it to pafs the great fal about
two days before, and the commiffion and inftructions for the go-
vernment were then faid to be alfo prepared, though his Majefty
has not yet declared who ſhall be the governor, and lieutenant
or deputy governor, and I am informed, that it will be a week
at leaft before he will, there being feveral that now move for it
befides Sir William, and, it's fid, there are no less than twenty
that lay in for the government of New-York. I have, herewith,
fent a copy of the charter, which, in fome things, you will find
comes fhort of the minutes, and the province of New-Hampshire
left out, and notwithstanding the country of Nova-Scotia, &c. is
therein granted, yet an after-claufe thereby takes away all the right
to the foil to the eastward of Sagadehock. Had any petition come
from New-Hampshire, refpecting their defire to be continued under
the Maffachuſets, in all probability it had been granted them, but
the contrary being affirmed, and that they defired to be diftinct,
gave the advantage to Mr. Allen, to gain his point, which doubt-
Tefs will be much to their prejudice.- -When the court fhall
have the charter before them, they will then fee how far it
anfwers their defire and expectation, and know what they have to
truto, whom I pray God to direct for the beſt. It must be re-
membered, that you have no plenipotentiaries for you here, and if
any thing faid or done here, by any employed by you, fhould be
conftrued as obliging of you, you know how far you have obliged
yourſelves by your commiffions aud inftructions to them. I hope
you have been careful not to perpetuate any public revenue, or any
officers falary or ftipend, nor large fees, &c. Mr. Cooke's letter to
Gov. Bradstreet.
the
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
413
other did that of the Maffachuſets.* The nomination of 1690
the officers referved to the crown was left, for the firſt
time, to the agents, or rather to Mr. Mather, who was
confidered as inftar omnium. +
SIR WILLIAM PHIPS was the perfon recommended for
governor. He had been chofen by the colony an affift-
ant, the year before, and was acceptable to the people in
general. Mr. Stoughton had been appointed deputy-
"I do believe Plimouth's filence, Humphries negle, and
the raſhneſs and imprudence of one at leaft who went from New-
England in difguife by night, hath not a little contributed to our
general difappointment.-Plimouth, the Maffachufets as far weft
as the Narraganfet country, and northward 3 miles beyond Merri-
mack river, the province of Mayne, and the 'ads from Sagade-
hoc eattward, as far as the eafternmoft extent of Acadia or Nova-
Scotia, are clapt into one province, under fuch reftrictions as I be-
lieve will not be very acceptable to thofe inhabitants who muſt loſe
their ancient names.
There are in the new charter 28 counfellors
(of which 4 for Plimouth) a governor and deputy, all nominated
by one, who acts as if he were a fole plenipotentiary. The
governor, deputy and fecretary are to be nominated and continued,
only durante bene placito. Sir W. P. hath one that labours hard
for his advancement.-I only reflect on New-England's condition,
under this juncture of providence, much like that of the Jews,
under Cyrus afcending the throne of their oppreffor. At his firft
appearance, they were in hope to rebuild their city and fan&tuary,
but were deprived of their expected privileges all his days,
by ill-minded counfellors.- -All the frame of heaven moves upon
one axis, and the whole of New-England's intereft feems defigned
to be loaden on one bottom, and her particular motions to be
concentrick to the Maſſachuſets tropick. You know who are wont
to trot after the Bay horfe. Your diftance is your advantage, by
which you may obferve their motions. Yet let me mind you of
that great ſtatefman, Ecclef. vii. 14. Few wife men rejoice at their
chains.-Doubtlefs it would be accounted hypocrify before God,
and ground of defpair among men, to fee any perfon receive and
entertain the prefent and undeniable evidences of his diſappoint-
ment, with the ufual teftimonies and compliments attending the
defire accomplished. Wifwall to Hinkley, Nov. 5. 1691.
+ Pray let me, by eight o'clock, have the names you would
have for governor, deputy and affiftants, that I may give them to
my lord prefident," &c. Sir H. Ajburft to I. Mather, Sept. 3, 91.
Dd
prefident
1
414
THE HISTORY OF
1691 prefident by King James, and although he had not re-
covered his intereft fo far, with the people, as to obtain a
vote for an affiſtant, yet he ſtood well with many perſons
of influence, particularly with Mr. Mather, the fon, who
wrote to his father in favour of him.† Mr. Addington,
the ſecretary, was at that time fecretary to the colony.
The emoluments of that office were fmall, compared with
the duty, and fo he was in lefs danger of a competitor.
The 28 counſellors were perfons of the beſt characters in
the feveral parts of the colonies, of which, by the charter,
they were to be inhabitants or proprietors. Several, who
had been of the affiftants chofen by the people, were left
out of the number, Mr. Cooke in particular, alfo Thomas
Danforth, William Browne, William Johnſon, John Smith,
Thomas Oakes, and Jeremiah Swayne. All theſe, except
Mr. Browne, who was fuppofed to have been too com-
pliant with Sir Edmund, were rigidly attached to the old
charter, and Mr. Mather, no doubt, expected they would
appear in oppofition to the acceptance of the new; for,
however extraordinary it may appear, the people of the
country were far from being unanimous in fubmitting to
it, expecting, that if it ſhould be refuſed, they might main-
tain their right to their old privileges. They thought it
would be a fingular hard cafe, that the effects of the late
defpotiſm muſt be felt by them alone, of all their Ma-
jefties fubjects; all other charters, whether there had been
judgments againſt them, or whether there had been a
furrender.only, being, by one means or other, reſtored.
But, it was faid, there was this difference between the
cafe of the Maffachufets and most of the other charters.
In general, there was no room for legal exception to the
powers exerciſed by the corporations, but the Maffachuſets
charter not being intended, when it was granted, for fuch
government as is neceffary to be exerciſed in a colony
1
+ Mr. Stoughton is a real friend to New-England, and willing
to make any amendment for the mifcarriages of the late govern-
ment. I wish that you might be able to do any thing to restore
him to the favour of his country." Cotton to Increafe Mather.
remote
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
415
འ
remote from its mother country, a reverſion of the former 1691
judgment would have been of no fervice; and Sir George
Treby declared to Mr. Mather, Sir John Somers and the
two Lords chief juftices being preſent and affenting to it,
that "if the judgment against the charter fhould be re-
verfed, and the government fhould exercife thofe powers
which, before the quo warranto, they had done, a new
writ would iffue out against them in Weftminſter-hall, and
there would be a judgment againſt them, and fuch an one,
as that there would be no room for a writ of error." By
the old charter, it was faid, they had power to impriſon
or inflict puniſhment, in criminal cafes, according to the
courſe of corporations in England, but that, unleſs capital
cafes be expressly mentioned, the power would not reach
them; that no power was given to erect judicatories or
courts for probate of wills, or with admiralty jurifdiction,
nor any power to conſtitute a houfe of deputies or repre-
fentatives, nor to impofe taxes on the inhabitants, nor to
incorporate towns, colleges, fchools, &c. which powers and)
privileges had been, notwithſtanding, ufurped. Whether
many of the corporations in England had not deviated as
much from their original conftitution, and whether par-
ticular perfons are not punishable for ufurpations, and not
the corporation itſelf extinguifhed or diffolved, as was
urged in the cafe of the city of London, it is not neceffary
to determine. Seventy years practice under a new charter,
in many respects to be preferred to the old, has taken
away, not only all expectation, but all defire of ever re-
turning to the old charter. We do not envy the nèigh-
bouring governments which retained, and have ever fince
practifed upon, their ancient charters. Many of the moſt
fenfible men in thofe governments, would be glad to be
under the fame conftitution that the Maffachufets province
happily enjoys.
general1692
SIR William Phips arrived at Boſton, with the charter,
the 14th of May 1692. He iffued writs for a general
affembly, which met the 8th of June following.
D d z
ALTHOUGH
416
THE HISTORY OF
1692 ALTHOUGH a party was formed which oppofed a fub-
miffion to the charter, yet a majority of the court wifely
and thankfully accepted it, and appointed a day of folemn
thankſgiving to Almighty God, for "granting a fafe
arrival to his excellency the governor and the Rev. Mr.
Increaſe Mather, who have induftriouſly endeavoured the
ſervice of this people, and have brought over with them
a fettlement of government, in which their Majefties have
graciouſly given us diftinguishing marks of their royal
favour and goodness."
SIR William arrived juſt at the beginning of as ftrange
an infatuation as any people were ever under. A con-
fiderable number of innocent perfons were facrificed to
the distempered imagination, or perhaps wicked hearts,
of fuch as pretended to be bewitched. But having pro-
ceeded as far as I propofed, I leave the relation of this
unfortunate affair, and other tranfactions and occurrences
fince the prefent charter, to be communicated to the
public by fome abler pen.
CHAP.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
412
CHA P. IV.
The Ecclefiaftical Conftitution of the Colony, and
the ſpecial Religious Cuſtoms.
T was one great defign of the firſt planters of the
Maffachuſets colony, to obtain, for themſelves and
I
their pofterity, the liberty of worshipping God in
fuch manner, as appeared to them to be moft agreeable
to the facred fcriptures. Whilft they remained in Eng-
land, they continued in the communion of the church,
fuch of them excepted as were excluded from it for non-
conformity to fome of the ceremonies. With fome of the
ceremonial parts of worship, they were all more or leſs
diffatisfied. The canons or laws of the church, and the
rigid execution of them, they accounted a grievous burden.
The form of government in the church, was not a general
fubject of complaint. They were very careful to diſtin-
guifh themſelves, from the Brownifts and other feparatifts.
Had they remained in England, and the church been
governed with the wiſdom and moderation of the preſent
day, they would have remained, to uſe their own expref-
fion," in the bofom of that church where they had re-
ceived their hopes of falvation."* They were of the
fame ftamp with Doctor Prefton, Doctor Sibbs, Mr. Hil-
derfham, Rogers, Dod and other old puritans, who tho'
called nonconformifts, yet, I fuppofe, never ſeparated, but
refrained from fuch ceremonies and fuch parts of the liturgy
only, as they fcrupled to ufe. However, they did not fup-
pofe the form of epifcopal government to be enjoined by
divine authority, fo as to make it unlawful to fubmit to, or
to eſtabliſh any other form. They knew very well, that
* The ſon of one of the firſt miniſters, in a preface to a fermon
preached foon after the revolution, remarks" that if the bishops
in the reign of King Charles the first had been of the fame (pirit
with thofe in the reign of King William, there would have been
no New-England,”
Dd 3
upon
418
THE HISTORY OF
1
་
upon their arrival in America, they would be no longer
fubject to any diocefan in England, but they took no mea
fures for the eſtabliſhment of epifcopacy, under any re-
ftrictions or limitations by royal or national authority.
They muft, however, have fuppofed fome form or other
of church government would be neceffary, but they were
far from being determined what it ſhould be. * Mr. Hil-
derſham adviſed them to agree upon it before they left
England, but it was neglected; perhaps it was impracticable.
They knew how far Mr. Endicot had proceeded in form-
ing the firſt church, and how much it refembled the con-
ſtitution of the feparatifts at Plimouth, and foon after the
news of it, one company who were defigned for New-
England, formed themſelves into a church in the new hof-
pital at Plimouth, and John Warham and John Maverick
were chofen and ordained their minifters. Both of them
had before been ordained by biſhops. The feparatifts uſed
to boaft, that "if the old puritans were fecure of the magif-
trate's ſword and might go on with his good licence, they
would ſhake off the prelate's yoke, and draw no longer in
fpiritual communion with all the profane in the land, and
though they then preached and wrote against the feparatiſts,
yet if they were in a place where they might have their
liberty, they would do as they did."+ The inconveniences
we fuffer under one extreme, it must be allowed, carry us in-
fenfibly into the other. The New-England puritans, when
at full liberty, went the full length which the feparatifts
did in England. It does not follow, that they would have
done fo if they had remained in England. Upon their re-
moval, they fuppofed their relation both to the civil and
ecclefiaftical government, except fo far as a fpecial referve
was made by their charter, was at an end, and that they had
right to form fuch new model of both as beſt pleaſed them.
In the form of worship, they univerfally followed the New-
Plimouth church. I find a common prayer book among
the lift of books prefented by William Backhouſe for the
ufe of the minifters, but it was never made uſe of in any
* Hubbard. † Robinfon-Bradford.
church
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
419
church. The first notice, after the charter, of any ſtep
towards forming themfelves into a church eſtate was, upon
occafion of great fick nefs and mortality, about a month after
their arrival, when the governor, at Charleſtown, wrote to
Mr. Johnſon at Salem, to ſet apart a day to humble them-
felves and feek God in his ordinances, and folemnly to enter
into covenant with him, and as they lived in three* diſtinct
places and had men of ability in each, they might become
three diſtinct bodies. At Charleſtown, the governor, de-
puty-governor, Mr Johnfon, who had removed from Salem,
and the miniſter, Mr. Wilfon, on the 30th of July, the faſt
day, entred into a church covenant; two days after, they
allowed five more to join them, and fo others, from time
to time, and at length, they, in form, chofe Mr. Wilſon for
their miniſter and ordained him ;† but all joined in a pro-
teftation, that it was not a renouncing of the miniftry he
received in England, but that it was as a confirmation, in
confequence of their election. In the other plantations,
they formed themſelves into diftinct churches, one after
another, but ſeem to have had no fettled ſcheme or plan
of church government, until Mr. Cotton § came over, in
1633. His praife was in all the churches, as the prin-
cipal projector of the plan of government of the New-
England churches, which, from that time, took the name
of congregational. This was called the middle way be-
tween browniſm and presbyterianiſm, || and is faid to be
diftinguiſhed by four characteriſticks, viz.
ift. THE fubject matter of the visible church, viz.
faints by calling, fuch as are acquainted with the principles
of religion, and who profefs their faith, and the manner
* Mr. Prince fuppofes the three to be Dorcheſter, Charleſtown and
Salem. Salem had been in a church ftate a year before.
† Auguft 30th.
Mr. Prince has taken no notice of this circumftance mentioned
by Hubbard.
§ Whatever Mr. Cotton delivered was foon put into an order of
court, if of a civil, or fet up as a practice in the church, if of an
ecclefiaftical concernment. Hubbard.
|| Hubbard.
D d 4
how
420
THE HISTORY OF
how they were brought to the knowledge of God by faith
in Chrift, either viva voce, or elfe by a publick de-
claration thereof made by the elders, as it has been deli-
vered to them in private although, if fuch profeſſion be
fcandalized by an unchriftian converfation, it is not to be
regarded.
2d. THE conftitutive part of a particular visible church
ought to be, a reftipulation or mutual covenanting, to walk
together in their chriftian communion, according to the
rule of the gospel.
3d. No church ought to be of larger extent or grea-
ter number than may ordinarily meet together in one place,
for the enjoyment of all the fame numerical ordinances.
and celebrating all divine worſhip, nor fewer, ordinarily,
than conveniently may carry on church work.
4th. THAT there is no jurifdiction to which particular
churches are or ought to be ſubject, by way of authoritative,
cenfure, nor any other church power, extrinfical to ſuch
churches, which they ought to depend upon any other
fort of men for the exercife of.
{
THESE are faid to be the principles, upon which
a platform of church government was formed.
AN odious fenfe had been affixed to the name of inde-
pendents, which feems to have been the reaſon why it
was avoided, rather than any material diftinction in the
conftitution of the churches, which appears, or can be
inferred, from either of thofe characteriſticks; but the
platform, agreed upon and publiſhed in 1648, although it
does not own that dependance which fhall fubject any one
church to any other, or even to the whole united toge
ther, yet it profeffes a relation which one church hath to
another*, and connects them together by certain rules to
be
* We may fee fomething of the relation the churches confidered
themselves in, one to ano her, before the platform in 1647, by the
following letter from the church of Salein to the church of Dor-
chefter.
Salem, 5th m°. 39.
"Reverend and dearly beloved in the Lord. We thought it our
bounden duly to acquaint you with the names of fuch perfons as
have had the great cenfure paft upon them in this our church,
with
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
421
be obferved as the terms or conditions upon which fuch
connection is to continue, and, upon the irregular walk
or demeanor of any one church, they are no longer to
remain members of the fame body, and the other churches
are not to admit them to their fellowſhip or communion.
And, although it was the buſineſs of a fynod, or general
council of all the churches, to debate and determine mat-
ters of religion, and to give directions relating to the
worſhip of God and the good government of the church,
"which were to be received with reverence and fub-
miffion," yet the fynod was to exerciſe no church cenfures
by way of difcipline, nor any act of church authority or
jurifdiction, further than was done at the firſt council of
the apoftles, elders, and whole church, as recorded in the
15th chapter of Acts, which was declared to be a prece-
爵
​with the reaſons thereof, befeeching you in the Lord, not only
to read their names in public to your's, but alfo to give us the
like notice of any dealt with in like manner by you, that fo we
may, walk towards them accordingly, for fome of us, here, have
had communion ignorantly with ſome of other churches, 2 Thef.
We can do no less than have fuch noted as diſobey the
iii. 14.
truth.
Roger Williams and his wife,
John Throgmorton and his wife,
Thomas Olney and his wife,
Stukeley Weftcot and his wife,
Mary Holliman,
Widow Reeves,
Thefe wholly refuſed to hear
the church, denying it, and
all the churches in the Bay,
to be true churches, and (ex-
cept two) are all re-baptized.
John Elford, for obftinacy, after divers fins he food guilty of
and proved by witnefs-William James for pride, and divers
other evils, in which he remained obftinate- -John Talby for
much pride, and unnaturalnefs to his wife, who was lately ex-
ecuted for murdering her child-William Walcot for refufing to
bring his children to the ordinance, neglecting willingly family
duties, &c.
Thus, wifhing the continued enjoyment of both the ftaves, beauty
and bands, and that your fouls may flouriſh as watered gardens, rett
Your's in the Lord Jefus,
For the church of Chrift
in Dorcheſter.
HUGH PETERS,
by the church's order
and in their name.'
"
fet meetings to order.
"Of late divers of the miniftry have had
church matters, by which it is conceived they bend towards
prefbyterian rule." Lechford, 1641.
7
1
dent.
422
THE HISTORY OF
dent. All this provifion may appear but a weak band of
fociety, and, one would think, that merely being rejected
from a fociety, which, it is to be prefumed, after fufficient
caufe given for fuch rejection, there would remain no
great fondness for continuing with, would be no great
puniſhment. But this conftitution of church government
was adapted to the conftitution of civil government, both
as popular as can well be conceived, and notwithſtanding
an acknowledgment or declaration from both, of feparate
and diftinct rights, yet each was aiding and affifting to the
other*. By the laws eftablished in the colony, no man
could
A conftant watch was kept over the churches by the magiftrates,
and when any contention er diforder arofe in a church, it was
recommended to fome of the neighbouring churches, to enquire into
the caufes thereof. The following order of the civil government
thews in what manner they proceeded.
“At a council held at Bofton, the 5th of Sept. 1656.
The council being informed of the uncomfortable differences
that of late have fallen out in the church of Chrift at Sudbury,
notwithstanding feveral endeavours to compofe the fame, which yet
have been fruitleis, out of their tender care to preferve and procure
peace and unity amongst them, lately wrote to the faid church, in
an amicable way,, to advife and counfel them forthwith to call in
to their help fuch council from the neighbouring churches as the
rule prefcribes, from whofe labours, through the bleffing of God, a
bleffing might have been expected, which too great a part of that
church, as they understood by th ir letter, is far from inclining unto,
The council, judging it to be their duty to take an effectual courſe
for the healing of their breaches, do therefore defire and order,
that the churches of Chriſt in Cambridge, Watertown and Concord,
do each of them, refpectively, fend two meffengers to meet at ſaid
Sudbury, on the 7th day of Q&tober next, by 8 of the clock in the
morning, to confider and advife in the premifes, viz. to endeavour
to compofe and fettle the diftractions at Sudbury, to give their
judgments in the cafes of differences there; and it is expected and
defired that the church of Sudbury, and all perfons concerned
therein, give this council, at the time and place aforefaid, the op-
portunity of meeting with them, to declare what ſhall concern them-
felves, or the council fhall fee caufe to enquire of them, in reference
to this buſineſs; making their return to the council of this jurifdic-
tion, what fuccefs their endeavours, through the bleffing of Chrift,
hath procured, and whofe the fault hath been, or is, that fo, if
neceffity
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
423
could have a ſhare in the adminiftration of civil govern-
ment, or give his voice in any election, unless he was a
member of one of the churches*. No church could be
gathered without the allowance of the magiftrates, con-
fifting of and elected by members of the churches; and
a minifter, for preaching to fuch a fociety, was liable to a
penalty. Mr. Matthews, a minifter, about the year 1650,
was fined ten pounds for this offence. A law was made
in 1638, that if any perfon ftood excommunicated fix
months, they ſhould be liable to fine, impriſonment, or
baniſhment, as the court of affiftants fhould determine;
but this law approached too nigh to the ecclefiaftical laws
neceffity require, fuch further courfe may be taken therein, as may
moſt conduce to the glory of God, the uniting their hearts to unity
in truth and peace, according to the rule of the gofpel. And it is
ordered, that Lieut. Goodenow, or fuch as he ſhall appoint, ſhall
take care for the entertainment of the faid council and all per-
fons concerned therein. [This was very agreeable to
• the procura-
tion,' the canonical term for the provision made by a church for the arch-
deacon at his vifitation.] And it is ordered, that the faid council
fhall have liberty to adjourn to fome other place, if they fhall fee
cauſe. By order of the council,
EDWARD RAWSON, Secr'y."
"Mafter Peters went from Salem, on foot, to Dover, to appeaſe
the difference between Mafter Larkham and Mafter K-
He
went by the fending of the governor and aſſiſtants. Mafter Wilfon
went to Green's harbour, &c. and at another time, Mafter Wilſon,
Mafter Mather, and others, heard the difference between Mafter
Hooke and Mafter Doughty, at New Taunton.
"It may be, it will be faid they did theſe things by way of love
and friendly advice. Grant this. But were not the counſelled
bound to receive good counfel? If they would not receive it, was
not the magiftrate ready to affift, and to enforce peace and obedi-
ence? Lechford.
<<
Every church hath power of government in and by itſelf, and
no church or officer have power over one another, but by way of
advice or counſel, faving that the general court now and then over-
rule fome church matters." Id,
* This law was difpenfed with in favour of Mr. Humphries,
who lived at Lynn, where no church was gathered, nor was he a
member of any other church, yet was an affiſtant ſeveral years. Mr.
Cotton fays they fuppofed he would have been a member if he had
had opportunity for it.
in
424
THE HISTORY OF
卞
​in England, fo much complained of, to continue long in
force, and in 1639 it was repealed. But the first laws
ſeem to deprive an excommunicated perfon, and alſo a
whole church, if feparated from the reft, of all civil pri-
vileges, although the platform does not fuppofe deprivation
of civil rights and authority to be the neceffary confe-
quence, yet even by the platform, all others were to
forbear to eat and drink with excommunicated perfons."
Whilft they remained in this ſtate, they would have very
little chance for a public poft where all the electors were
church members*.
6.
THE elders or minifters, although they were not con-
fidered as one of the eftates, yet no matters of great weight
or moment, whether of a religious or civil nature, were
determined without their advice, and a formal reference
to them; (in early times they were generally preſent in
the courts) and they were thus naturally led to uſe their
influence with their people, to acquiefce in and approve of
the meaſures, which they themselves had been confulted
upon and adviſed to.
BUT however defective this conſtitution may appear in
theory, we fhall feldom meet with an inftance where there
has been fo fteady and fo general an adherence to the
principles upon which it was founded, and fo much har-
mony fubfifting, not only in particular churches, but be-
tween one church and another, for fifty years together.
In general, the ordination of minifters was by impofi-
tion of the hands of their brethren in the miniftry, but
fome churches, perhaps to preſerve a more perfect in-
dependency, called for the aid of no miniſters of any other
churches, but ordained their minifters by the impofition
of the hands of fome of their own brethren.† The ordi-
* In 1637, when Mr. Winthrop the governor had been very
active in the baniſhment of many of the members of Boſton church,
for adhering to Mrs Hutchinfon, fome of thoſe which remained,
preffed the elders very hard to call the governor to anfwer, as an
offender againſt the church, for what he had done in the ftate, but
the elders did not think proper to comply. Magnalia.
This is faid by Bailey to be Brownifm. Doct. of Brownifts.
nation
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
425
nation at Salem, Auguſt 29th 1660, was performed in this
manner, as I find minuted by a gentleman then juſt ar-
rived from England, who was prefent. * "The church
<<
66
a
at Salem kept this day as a faft, for the ordaining a
"teacher and a ruling elder. Mr. Higginfon preached
"in the morning, continuing until one o'clock, then broke
"off for one hour, then, the congregation being affembled
"again, they went to the work of the ordination, which
was thus-firſt Mr. Higginſon, who was to be ordained
"teaching elder, prayed; after prayer, Major Hathorne
private member, being, it feems, defired by the church,
"ftood up and fpake to the brethren of the church that
"they fhould now, if they did continue in the mind they
were in before as to the choice of Mr. Higginfon for
"their paftor, declare their confent by filence; and then
fpake to Mr. Higginfon to declare his acceptance, and
"then ſpake to the meffengers of the churches that were
"fent to be prefent, and to all others, to ſpeak if they
"knew any weighty reafons against their proceeding to
“ordination, and then, none ſpeaking, Major Hathorne and
"two of the deacons of the church, laying their hands
Mr. Higginſon's head, pronounced words of ordi-
"nation and prayed over him, and then Major Hathorne
"exhorted the church in a few words to remember their
"duty, &c. towards him whom they had ordained to be
"their paftor. Then Mr. Higginfon did after the fame
"manner as is before expreffed, proceed to the ordination
of Mr. Brown for the ruling elder, which being done,
they fung a pfalm and concluded with prayer. After
"the exercife, I was invited to the elder's houſe, where
was good company and good cheer.”
on
* I have ſeen an account of an ordination about the year 1640, of
Mr. Hooke, at Taunton, then Cohannet, in Plimouth colony, by the
choolmafter and one of the brethren, an hufbandman, although Mr.
Vilfon and Mr. Mather, two minifters, were prefent, but the
eneral practice was otherwife, and at this day an ordination by the
ay brethren, although it might not be condemned as invalid, yet
ould be generally diſapproved and diſcountenanced.
1
MOST
骨
​426
THE HISTORY OF
. Most of the churches, not all, had one or more ruling
elder. In matters of offence, the ruling elder, after the
hearing, aſked the church if they were fatisfied; if they
were not, he left it to the paſtor or teacher to denounce
the fentence of excommunication, fufpenfion or admoni-
tion, according as the church had determined. Matters of
offence, regularly, were firft brought to the ruling elder
in private, and might not otherwiſe be told to the church.
It was the practice, for the ruling elders to give public
notice of fuch perfons as defired to enter into church fel-
lowſhip with them, and of the time propofed for admit-
ting them, if no fufficient objection was offered; and when
the time came, to require all perfons who knew any juſt
grounds of objection to fignify them. Objections were fre-
quently made, and until they were heard and determined,
the ruling elder feems to have moderated in the church,
but the churches confent to the admiffion was afked by the
paſtor or teacher, who alſo rehearſed and propoſed the
church covenant and declared them members. When a
miniſter preached to any other than his own church, the
ruling elder of the church, after the pfalm fung, faid pub-
licly, "if this preſent brother hath any word of exhorta-
tion for the people at this time, in the name of God, let
him fay on."* The ruling elder always read the pfalm.
When the member of one church defired to receive the
facrament at another, he came to the ruling elder who
propofed his name to the church for their confent. At
the communion they fat with the minifter. I find nothing
further relating to this officer in their public aſſemblies.
They were confidered, without doors, as men for advice
and counſel in religious matters, they viſited the fick, and
had a general infpection and overfight of the conduct of
their brethren. Every thing which I have mentioned as
the peculiar province of the ruling elder, fo far as it is in
itfelf neceffary or proper, may with propriety enough be
performed by the minifter. It is not ftrange, therefore,
that this office in a courſe of years funk into almoſt an
entire defuetude in the churches. Indeed the multiplying
unneceffary
* Lechford.
MASSACHUSETS-BAY,
427
unneceffary and mere nominal officers, or officers whoſe
duties and privileges are not with certainty agreed upon
and determined, feems rather to have a natural tendency
to difcord and contention than to harmony and peace.
WE meet with nothing peculiar, in the beginning of the
churches, relative to the office of deacons. Mention
is made of the duty of deaconeffes or widows, who were
"to fhew mercy with chearfulnefs, and to minifter to the
fick and poor brethren," but I find no inftance of any
fpecially chofen or appointed to this ſervice.
THE minifters of the feveral churches, in the town of
Boſton, have ever been fupported by a free weekly con-
tribution. I have ſeen a letter from one of the principal
miniſters of the colony, expreffing ſome doubts of the law-
fulness of receiving a fupport in any other way. In the
country towns, compulfory laws were found neceffary; and
in the year 1654 the county courts were impowered to
affefs upon the inhabitants of the feveral towns which neg-
lected the fupport of the miniſtry, a fum fufficient to make
up the defect.t
IN Bofton, after prayer and before finging, it was the
practice, for ſeveral years, for the minifter to read and ex-
pound a chapter. Whether it was becauſe this carried the
ſervice to too great a length, or any other reafon could be
given for it, in a few years it was laid afide, except when
it came in place of a fermon. Exceptions, may we not
† In 1644 one Briscoe a tanner of Watertown, publiſhed a book
against the fupport of minifters by tithes or taxes, and reproached
the miniſters who took falaries in that way. The minifters thought
him, who denied the authority of the civil magiftrate to provide
for the fupport of minitters, fufte potius crudiendum quam argumenre,
and therefore they left it to the magiftrates to defend the caufe, who
convened the tanner before them and brought him to an acknow-
ledgment, if not to a fenfe of his error. Hubbard.
To preach a fermon which was not compofed by the preacher
himfelf, was looked upon, if not criminal, yet highly difreputable.
One Mr. Bond having taken this liberty, and being difcovered,
preſently after removed to Barbados. MS.
fay
428
THE HISTORY OF
1
fay cavils, have been made, by fome learned ferious mini-
fters, againſt reading the fcriptures, as part of the divine
fervice, without an expofition. The other parts of reli-
gious public worship, and the manner of adminiftring the
facraments, not differing from what is at this day the
practice of the churches of New-England and of the church
of Scotland, it is unneceffary to take any notice of them.
FROM a facred regard to the religion of the chriftian
fabbath, a fcruple arofe of the lawfulnefs of calling the
first day of the week Sunday, and they always, upon any
occafion, whether in a civil or religious relation to it,
ftiled it either the Lord's-day or the Sabbath. As the
exception to the word Sunday was founded upon its fu-
perftitious idolatrous origin, the fame fcruple naturally
followed, with refpect to the names of all the other days'
of the week, and of moft of the months, which had the
fame origin; accordingly, they changed Monday, Tueſday,
&c. into the fecond and third days of the week, and in-
ftead of March and April, ufed the firft and fecond months,
and inſtead of the third Tueſday in May, the language
was, the third third day of the third month, and fo of the
reft.* All their records and other writings are dated in
the common form, which they brought from England
with them, until the year 1636, when Mr. Vane was go-
vernor, but after that, the alteration feems to have been
very ftrictly obferved, in all public and private writings
and difcourfe, for many years together. In the interregnum,
it much obtained in England, but the fcruple, there, went
off at once, upon the reftoration, here, it abated, and it
continues fcarce any where, at this day, except among the
people called Quakers. Perhaps, the great diflike to fome.
other peculiarities of that people caufed the decline of
that cuftom in the colony, and made them confider the
fingularity, in the fame light with fome others of the fame
nature, which they condemned.t
•
*This was a fcruple of the Brownifts.
THAT
They began the Sabbath the evening of the laft day of the week.
It was fome time before this caftom was fettled. Mr. Hooker,
i'm
}
1
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
429
1
THAT every thing approaching to an acknowledgment
of the authority of the pope, and his power of canoniza-
tion, might be avoided, they never ufed the addition of
faint when they ſpake of the apoſtles and the ancient fa-
thers of the chriſtian church, and even the uſual names
of places were made to conform. The Inland of Saint
Chriſtophers was always wrote Chriftophers, and, by the
fame rule, all other places to which faint had been prefixed.
If any exception was made, an anfwer was ready: Abra-
ham, Ifaac, and Jacob had as good right to this appellation
as Peter, James, and John.
THEY laid afide the faſts and feaſts of the church of
England, and appointed frequently, as occafion required,
days of falling and thankſgiving; but, befides thefe occa-
fional fafts and thankſgivings, they conftantly, every fpring,
appointed a day for fafting and prayer to implore the di-
vine bleffings upon their affairs in the enfuing year; and
in the fall, a day of thankſgiving and public acknowledg-
ment of the favors conferred upon them in the year pait.
If they more readily fell into this practice from the ex-
ample of the people of God of old, yet they might well
have been juftified without any example. It has continued
without interruption, I fuppofe, in any one inftance, down
to this day. This is a cultom to which no devout perfon
of any fect will take exception. By a law of the colony,
every perſon abſenting himſelf from the public worſhip, on
thefe days, without fufficient excufe, was liable to five
fhillings fine. It would have been as well, perhaps, if
this proviſion had been omitted.
THESE were the principal of the special ecclefiaftical or
religious cuſtoms. There were fome attempts to intro-
in a letter without date, but wrote about the year 1640, fays,
"The queftion touching the beginning of the fabbath is now on
"foot among us, hath once been fpoken to, and we are to give
"in our arguments each to the other, fo that we may ripen our
thoughts touching that truth, and if the Lord will it may more
"Mr. Huit
fully appear." And in another letter, March 1640,
"hath not anfwered our arguments against the beginning the
"fabbath at morning."
Ee
duce
430
THE HISTORY OF
t
›
!
}
duce fingularities into fome of the churches, particularly,
Mr. Davenport, of New-Haven, who afterwards removed
to Bofton, required all his congregation to ftand up
whilft the text was naming; the principal reafon which
was given for it being, that it was the word of God, and
defervéd peculiar honor*; and Mr. Williams, of Salem,
required all the women of his congregation to wear veils ;
but neither of thefe cuftoms fpread, or were of any long
continuance. It was obferved, as to the latter, that fo un-
couth an appearance, contrary to the practice of the Eng-
lifh nation, would probably draw more eyes than if they
were dreffed like other women. Mr. Cotton, of Boſton,
happening to preach at Salem, foon after this cuftom began,
he convinced his hearers, that it had no fufficient founda-
tion in the fcriptures: The married women had no pre-
tence to wear veils as virgins, neither married nor un-
married would chufe to do it from the example of Tamar
the harlot, nor need they do it for fuch purpoſes as Ruth
did in her widowhood. His fermon had fo good an effect,
that they were all afhamed of their veils, and never ap-
peared covered with them afterwards +.
DURING the fifty years the charter continued, there
were very few inftances of any fociety of chriftians differing,
profeffedly, in doctrine, difcipline, or form of worſhip
from the eſtabliſhed churches. The number of baptifts was
fmall. The quakers came over in fmall parties; but not-
withſtanding the ftrange delufion they were under in
courting perfecution, and the imprudence of the authority
in gratifying this humor, as far as their utmoft wiſhes
could carry them, as has been obferved in the course of
the hiftory, yet they were never numerous enough to
form a fociety of any confequence, except upon the bor-
*"At Quinnipyack (New-Haven) Mr. Davenport preached in
the forenoon, that men must be uncovered and ſtand up at the reading
the text, and in the afternoon the affembly jointly practifed it.
Mr. Hooker to Shepard, March 20, 1640.
+ Hubbard. Mr. Cotton, when he was in England, thought
more favourably of this cuftem. He mentions the old countefs of
Lincoln her always coming to church veiled.
ders
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
431
ders of Rhode Island*. Nor was there any epifcopal
church in any part of the colony, until the charter was
vacated.
THE teft, which we have juft mentioned, went a great
way towards producing this general uniformity. He that
did not conform, was deprived of more civil privileges than
a nonconformift is deprived of, by the teft in England.
Both the one and the other muſt have occafioned much
formality and hypocrify. The myfteries of our holy re-
ligion have been proftituted to mere fecular views and ad-
vantages. Befides this teft, another reafon may be affigned.
As good, if not better lands than any in the colony lay
contiguous to it, and men, of different opinions, chofe to
remove where they might enjoy both civil and religious
liberty, rather than remain and be deprived of either. In
this way, birth and quick growth were given to a neigh-
bouring colony, which admitted perfons of all religions,
and gave equal privileges to all, and as foon as what they
called a fetary ſprang up in the Maffachufets colony, it
was tranfplanted to Rhode-Ifland.
I SHALL finish what I have to ſay upon the ecclefiaftical
conftitution of the colony with a fhort fummary of the
platform, as I find it prepared by a very fenfible divine†,
who made a figure in the colony foon after the platform
was eſtabliſhed.
1. "ECCLESIASTICAL policy, church government, or
church difcipline, is nothing else but that form and order,
which is to be obferved in the church of Chrift upon
earth, both for the conſtitution of it, and all the admini-
ftrations which therein are to be performed, the parts of
which are all of them defcribed in the word of God, and
it is not left in the power of any to alter, add, or diminiſh
any thing therein.
2. THERE is a catholic vifible church, viz. the company
of thoſe who profefs the chriftian faith, whether in church
The fanguinary laws were of fhort continuance, otherwife the
number of quakers would have increaſed.
+ Mr. Hubbard.
Ee 2
order
432
THE HISTORY OF
order or not; but there is no political catholic church,
the ftate of the members of the vifible church, 'fince the
coming of Chrift, being only congregational.
3. A CONGREGATIONAL church, by the inftitution of
Chrift, is a part of thevifible church, confifting of a company
of faints by calling, united into one body by an holy cove-
nant, for the publick worthip of God, and the mutual
edification one of another, in the fellowship of the Lord
Jefus, the matter of which, as to its qualification, ought
to confift of fuch perfons as have attained the knowledge
of the principles of religion, who are free from gros
fcandal, and, with the profeffion of their faith and repent-
ance, walk in blameleſs obedience to the word of God
as to its quantity, it ought not to be of greater number
than may ordinarily meet together conveniently in one
place, nor fewer than may conveniently carry on church
work. The form of fuch a church is an agreement, con-
fent, or viſible covenant, whereby they give themſelves
unto the Lord, to the obferving the ordinances, of Chrift
together in the fame fociety.
4. THE fraternity or brotherhood of fuch a church is
the firft fubject of all ordinary church power, which is
either a power of office, or of privilege. But the power
of privilege is in the brethren, formally and immediately,
the other is in them no otherwife than that they defign
the perfons unto office, who only are to act and exercife
that power..
5. THE ordinary officers of the church are fuch as con-
cern their fpiritul and moral, or temporal and natural
good. Of the firit of which are paftors, teachers, ruling
elders, Tim. v. 17. In the laft mentioned, molt of the
churches in New England, as many of the congregational
churches elſewhere, are not fo well agreed, accounting
ruling elders ſhould be able to teach.
6. Ir is in the power of the churches to call their own
officers, and reinove them from their office again, if there
fall out juft caufe, yet fo as the advice of neighbour
churches, where it may conveniently be done, be firft had.
They
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
433
They who are to officiate ought to be tried and proved
before they be elected. 1 Tim. v. 22.
7. ELDERS are to be ordained by impofition of hands,
which is to be performed by the elders of the fame church,
if it be furnished with any, or thofe of neighbour churches,
and it may be done by fome of the brethren deputed
thereunto, which latter is alfo difapproved by Dr. Horn-
beck, the learned profeffor of divinity at Leyden, from
Numb. viii. 10.
8. THE power of government, in a congregational
church, ought to proceed after the manner of a mixed
adminiftration; for, in an organick church, no act can be
confummate without the confent both of the elders and
brethren, ſo as the power of government or rule in the
elders prejudice not the power of privilege in the brethren,
nor the power of privilege in them prejudice the power
of rule feated in the elders, feeing both may fweetly agree.
together.
9. FOR the maintenance of the minifters of the church,
all that are taught, are to communicate to him that teach-
eth, in all good things; and in caſe of neglect, the magif
trate ought to fee that the miniftry be duly provided for.
10. FOR the admiffion of members, there ought to be
either a perfonal relation in public, or by the elders, ac-
quainting the church what fatisfaction they have re cived
from the perfons in private. The things, wherein fatif
faction is required, are faith and repentance, which ought
to be found in all church members.
11. WHERE members of churches are called to remove
from one church to another, it is convenient, for order
fake, that it be done by letters of recommendation or of
difmiffion.
12. THE cenfures of the church, which are for the
preventing, removing, or healing offences, are excom-
munication or admonition, wherein the church ought to
proceed according to the rule, Matt. xviii. 15, 16, 17.
wherein the offence is to be brought to the church by the
mouth of the elders.
Ee 3
13. PAR-
434
THE HISTORY OF
13. PARTICULAR churches, although they are diftin&t,
and have not one power over another, yet, becauſe they
are united unto Chrift, not only as a myftical but as a po-
litical head, they ought to have communion one with an-
other, by way of mutual care, confultation, admonition,
and participation in the fame ordinances.
14. SYNODS, orderly affembled and rightly proceeding
according to the pattern of Acts xv. are the ordinance of
Chrift, and, if not abfolutely neceffary to the being, yet
neceffary to the well-being of churches, for the eſtabliſh-
ment of peace and truth therein. And many churches
may fo affemble together by their meffengers and elders.
And their directions and determinations, fo far as confo-
nant to the word of God, are to be received with reverence
and fubmiffion, not only for their agreement therewith,
without which they bind not at all, but alſo for the power
whereby they are made, as an ordinance of God appointed
thereunto in his-word.
15. CHURCH government and civil government may
very well ftand together, it being the duty of the magif-
trate to take care of matters of religion, and to improve
his civil authority for obferving the duties commanded in
the firft as well as the fecond table, feeing the end of
their office is not only the quiet and peaceable life of the
fubject in matters of righteoufnefs and honefty, but alſo
in matters of godlinefs. 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2."
AFTER all that may be faid in favor of the conſtitution,
the ftrength of it lay in the union, declared in the laft
article, with the civil authority. The ufual way of de-
ciding differences and controverfies in churches, it is true,
was by a council, confifting of the elders and other meffen-
gers of neighbouring churches, and where there was a
general agreement in fuch councils, the contending parties
generally acquiefced; but if the council happened to differ
in apprehenfions among themfelves, or if either of the
contending parties were contumacious, it was a common
thing for the civil magiftrate to interpoſe and put an end
to the difpute.
CHAP
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
435
CHA P. V.
The Syftem or Body of Laws eſtabliſhed in the
Colony.
T the first meeting of the court of affiftants, at
Charleſtown, Aug. 23d, 1630, they eſtabliſhed
rules of proceeding in all civil actions, and inftituted
fubordinate powers for punifhing offenders. The fu-
preme authority being in the court of affiftants, they re-
ſolved upon frequent meetings for the due execution of it.
As it was neceffary for every family to provide lodgings
before winter, the first law propoſed and paſſed was for
the regulating the price of wages of workmen, under a
penalty to him that gave, as well as to him who received,
more than the limited price*. They proceeded to other
laws for puniſhing idleness and encouraging induftry; and,
as they were in the midſt of ſavages, much more numerous
than themſelves, they obliged every man to attend military
exerciſes, and limited the bounds of their plantations that
none might be more expoſed than was neceſſary.
In civil actions, equity, according to the circumſtances
of the cafe, feems to have been their rule of determining.
The judges had recourſe to no other authorities, than the
reaſon and underſtanding which God had given them.
In puniſhing offences, they profeffed to be governed by
the judicial law of Mofes, but no farther than thofe laws
were of a moral nature.
WHILST they were thus without a code or body of
laws, and the colony but just come to its birth, their fen-
tences ſeem to be adapted to the circumftances of a large
family of children and ſervants, as will appear from the
following, which, from amongst many others of the fame
fort, I have taken out of the public records.
*Carpenters, joiners, bricklayers, fawyers, and thatchers not
more than 2 s. per day, &c.
E e 4
Jofias
436
THE HISTORY OF
Jofias Plaistowe, for ftealing four baſkets of corn from
the Indians, is ordered to return them eight baſkets, to be
fined five pounds, and hereafter to be called by the name
of Jofas, and not* Mr. as formerly he used to be..
Captain Stone, for abufing Mr. Ludlow, and calling him
jufta's, is fined an hundred pounds, and prohibited coming
within the patent without the governor's leave, upon pain
of death
Serjeant Perkins, ordered to carry forty turfs to the
fort, for being drunk.
...
Edward Palmer, for his extortion, in taking two pounds
thirteen fhillings and four pence for the wood work of
Bofton ftocks, is fined five pounds, and ordered to be
fet one hour in the ftocks.
i
Captain Loyel, admonished to take heed of light carriage.
Thomas Petit, for fufpicion of flander, idleness, and
ftubbornne's, is cenfured to be feverely whipped, and to
be kept in hold.
Catherine, the wife of Richard Cornifh, was found fufpi-
cious of incontinency, and ferioufly admonished to take heed.
Daniel Clarke, found to be an immoderate drinker, was
fined forty fhillings.
John Wedgewood, for being in the company of drunk-
ards, to be fet in the flocks.
John Kitchin, for fhewing books which he was com-
manded to bring to the governor, and forbidden to fhew
them to any other, and yet fhewed them, was fined ten
fhillings.
Robert Shorthofe, for fwearing by the blood of God,
was fentenced to have his tongue put into a cleft ftick,
and to ftand fo for the fpace of half an hour.
*
Great numbers of the like kind might be added.
They were very careful that no title or appellation fhould be
given where it was not due, not more than half a dozen of the prin-
cipal ge teen took the title of efquire, and in a lift of 100 free-
men you will not find above 4 or 5 diftinguifh d by Mr. although
they were generally men of fome fubftance. Good-man and good-
wife were common appellations.
IN
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
437
N
In the year 1634, the plantation was greatly increaſed,
fettlements were extended more than 30 miles from the.
capital town, and it was thought high time to have known
eſtabliſhed laws, that the inhabitants might no longer be
fubject to the varying uncertain judgments, which other-
wife would be made concerning their actions. The mini-
fters, and ſome of the principal laymen, were confulted
with, about a body of laws, fuited to the circumſtances of
the colony civil and religious. Committees, confifting of
magiftrates and elders, were appointed almost every year,
for 12 or 14 years together; and whilft they were thus
fitting a code, particular, laws, which were of greateſt
neceffity, from time to time, were enacted; and in the
year 1648, the whole, collated together, were ratified by
the court, and then first printed.
MR. Bellingham, of the magiftrates, and Mr. Cotten,
of the clergy, had the greateft fhare in this work.
LET us confider the character f our new planters, the
ftate and condition they were in before they left England,
and after their arrival in America, and we fhall fee the
fource of the peculiarities in their laws and cuftoms. It
has been observed, that they were diffatified not only
with the ceremonies, but alfo with the rigid difcipline, at
that time, of the church of England: In this indeed they
were not fingular, the principal commoners, great part
of the clergy, and many of the n bilty, were of the fame
fentiments. They muft have had very tender and fcru-
pulous minds, or they would not have banished themſelves
from their dear country, friends, and acquaintance, and
launched into an unknown world, rather than fubmit to
any thing against their judgments and confciences. They
profeffed a facred regard to the word of God, in the old
and new teftament, as a fufficient rule of conduct, and that
they were obliged to follow it. They looked upon the
obſervation of the firit, as well as fecond table neceffary to
be enjoined; and, as the conftitution of their churches
would not admit of ecclefiaftical courts, provifion muſt be
made for the punishment of many offences here, by the
civil
¡
438
THE HISTORY OF
civil magiftrate, which are not offences by the common
law. Whether every breach of the laws of the firſt as
well as fecond table has not fuch a tendency, by mere ex-
ample, to diſturb the peace of civil fociety, as that provi-
fion for the puniſhment thereof is neceffary, by fome au-
thority or other, I need not determine: They thought it
had, and, upon this principle, they did not choofe fuch pu-
niſhments for crimes, as were merely in proportion to their
affecting the ſafety or peace of fociety, a principle, upon
which the nations of Europe have been more and more
modelling their criminal laws for feveral ages paft, but
annexed greater penalties to fome immoralities and im-
pieties than had been known in the country they left,
determined many others to deſerve the notice of the civil
magiftrate, which would have efcaped it in England, and
perhaps judged fome actions criminal, which to minds.
lefs fcrupulous would have appeared indifferent *. The
generality of the colony being very near upon a level,
more than common provifion was neceffary to enforce
a due obedience to the laws, and to eſtabliſh and pre-
ſerve the authority of the government; for, although
fome amongst them had handſome fortunes, yet in general
their eftates were ſmall, barely fufficient to provide them
houſes and neceffary accommodations; a contempt of au-
thority was therefore next to a capital offence. The
country being new and uncultivated, the utmoſt induſtry,
oeconomy, and frugality were neceffary to their fubfiftence,
and laws, with heavy penalties, to enforce the obfervance of
them. They were in the midft of favages, whofe numbers.
were much greater than their own, and were under con-
tinual alarms and apprehenfions of danger, and a ſtrict dif-
* The character, which the colony acquired by the ftrictneſs and
feverity of their laws, induced many perfons of pious minds to
come over themfelves, and others to fend their children for educa-
tion, many of whom remained here. Pennfilvania, by a greater lati-
tude in their fyftem, have drawn inhabitants in much greater pro-
portion. Our anceſtors valued themſelves upon being a colony for
religion. Penn had no other motive to found his colony than human
policy.
cipline
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
439
cipline could not be difpenfed with. If we add, that they
were at their full liberty, the troubles in England taking
off, from the colonies, the attention of the ſeveral fuccef-
hions of fupreme power there, for near thirty years toge-
ther; from all thefe circumstances, we may pretty well ac-
count for all the peculiarities in the laws of the colony.
IN that branch of law, more efpecially, which is dif
tinguiſhed by the name of crown law, they profeffed
to have no regard to the rules of the common law of
England. They intended to follow Moles's plan, as has
been obferved, but no farther than it was of a moral
nature, and obligatory upon all mankind, and perhaps
they did not, in many inftances, err in judgment upon
the morality of actions, but their grand miftake lay, in
fuppofing certain natural punishments, in every ftate,
alike proportioned to this or that particular kind of
offence, and which Mofes had obferved; whereas fuch
puniſhments are and ought to be governed by the par-
ticular conſtitutions and circumftances of the ſeveral king-
doms and ſtates where they are applied; and although
they were undoubtedly well fitted to the ftate of the
ancient Ifraelites, and the great end of puniſhment, viz.
the preventing the like offences, could not, it may be, have
been otherwife fo well effected, yet they were by no means
tive
* They did not go the length of the Brownifts, who are faid to
have held, "that no prince nor ftate on the earth hath any legiſla-
power, that God alone is the law iver, that the greateſt ma-
giftrate hath no other power but to execute the laws of God fet
down in fcripture, that the judicial laws of Mofes bind at this day
all the nations of the world, as much as ever they did the Jews."
Baylie.
Roger Williams faid, that although they profeffed to be bound
by fuch judicials only, as contained in them moral equity, yet they
extended this moral equity to fo many particulars, as to take in the
whole judicial law, no leís than the rigideft Brownifts." Idem.
Although they did not go to this extreme, it must be allowed they
did not keep within the limits they profeffed as their rule. They
were charged with holding it to be the duty of the magiftrate to
kill all idolaters and hereticks, even whole cities, men, women,
children, from the command of the Ifraelites to root out the Canaan-
iles. Idem.
7.
7
and
obligatory
440
THE HISTORY OF
obligatory upon other ftates whofe conftitutions or circum-
ftances differed; and other ſtates have, therefore, continually
more or lefs varied from them.Idolatry, was the fin
which eafily befet the Ifraelites, and it was neceffary to
make it a capital offence. Perhaps, if it fhould be thought
proper to prohibit idolatry in China, at this day, the fame
penalty might be neceffary, and yet not fo in New-England.
MURDER *, fodomy, witchcraft, arfon, and rape of a
child under ten years of age, were the only crimes made
capi al in the colony which were capital in England, and
yet, from the miltaken principle I have juſt mentioned,
their laws were more fanguinary than the English laws;
for many offences were made capital here, which were not
fo there. The firſt in order, being a breach of the firſt
command in the decalogue, was the worfhip of any other
God befides the Lord God. Perhaps a roman catholic,
for the adoration of the hoft, might have come within
this law. After the miferable. Indians fubmitted to the
English laws, fpecial provifion was made, by another law,
that if any of them fhould powow or perform outward
worſhip to their falfe gods, the powower (who was their
prieſt) ſhould be fined five pounds, and others prefent
twenty fhillings each. The Indians have been punished,
upon the latter law, but I never met with an inftance of a
profecution of any Englishman, upon the former.
To blafpheme the holy name of God, Father, Son, or
Holy Ghoft, with direct, exprefs, prefumptuous, or high-
handed blafphemy, either by wilful or obftinate denying
the true God, or his creation or government of the world,
curfing God, or reproaching the holy religion of God, as
il it was a politic. device to keep ignorant men in awe, or
to uter any other kind of blafphemy of the like nature
and degree, was alto made capital.
MAN-fte ling, froin Exodus xxi. 16. was alfo capital.
* Homicide was either murder, excufable homicide, or juſtifiable,
They did not make the diftinction of manslaughter from murder.
The benefit of the clergy was of popith extract, and burning in the
hand with a cold iron appeared to them a ridiculous ceremony.
So
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
441
•
}
So was adultery with a married woman, both to the
man and woman, although the man was fingle, and ſe-
veral have fuffered death upon this law *. Male adultery
with an unmarried woman, was not capital.
He who was convicted of wilful perjury, with intent
to take away the life of another, was to fuffer death, from
Deut. xix 16. This crime may well enough be denomi-
nated murder, and yet, a wilful perjury, by which a man's
life is in fact taken away, was never made capital in Eng-
land. Many offences are made fo, which feem to be in-
ferior in their guilt and confequences to the public. The
difficulty of conviction may be one reaſon, and the dif
couragement, it would fometimes be, to witneffes to give
their teftimonies, another and ſtronger reaſon, in vindica-
tion of the common law. In this inftance, the Maffachu-
fets law agreed, I take it, with the civil law, the laws of
Scotland at this day, and of many other ftates in Europe.
"A CHILD above fixteen years of age. that curfed or
fmote his father or mother, unleſs provoked by cruelty
and in its own defence, or unchriftianly neglected in its
education, and alſo a ſtubborn and rebellious fon, according
to Deut. xxi. 20. upon conviction, were to fuffer death.
There have been feveral trials upon this law. I have met
-
* Philo places the command againſt adultery before that againſt
murder. -There was a pretty extraordinary inftance of a pro-
fecution for adultery in the year 1663. Mr. N. P. a young mer-
chant, had been intimate with a married lady of one of the firit
families in the country.
After her huſband's death he married
her. After they had lived together three or four years, a profe-
cution was began against both of them, for adultery in the life-
time of the firit husband. They were both committed to prifon,
and feparately brought upon trial for their lives. The court and
jury were favourable to the hufbard, and acquitted him of a capi-
tal offence, probably becauf: he was not at the time charged a
married man. The wife likewife met with a favourable jury, and
they found her alfo not guilty; but the court, who thought other-
wife, refufed the verdict, and the caufe was carried before the gc-
neral court, where the very narrowly efcaped, the whole court de-
termining that there was proof of a crime which approached very
near to adultery, but in favor of life the was diſcharged.
with
442
THE HISTORY OF
14
with one conviction, but the offender was reſcued from
the gallows by order of the King's commiffioners in 1665*.
HIGH treafon is not mentioned t. Before they had
agreed upon the body of laws, the King's authority, in
England, was at an end. Confpiracy to invade their own
commonwealth, or any treacherous perfidious attempt to
alter and fubvert, fundamentally, the frame of their polity
and government was made a capital offence.
RAPE, it was left to the court to puniſh with death or
other grievous punishment, at difcretion. No judge
would defire to have a capital punishment left to his dif-
cretion, and it may be doubted whether, in any cafe, it can
be of public utility.
SEVERAL offences were capital upon a fecond con-
viction, as the returning of a romiſh prieſt into the jurif
*In the firft draught of the laws by Mr. Cotton, which I have
feen corrected with Mr. Winthrop's hand, divers other offences
were made capital, viz.
Prophaning the Lord's day in a careless or fcornful neglect or
contempt thereof. Numbers xv. 30 to 36.
Reviling the magiftrates in highest rank, viz. the governor and
council. Exod. xxii. 18. 1 Kings xxii. 8, 9, 44.
Defiling a woman efpoufed. Deut. xxii. 23 to 26.
Inceft within the Levitical degrees.
The pollution mentioned in Levit. xx. 13 to 16.
Lying with a maid in her father's houfe, and keeping it fecret
antil fhe was married to another. Exod. xxi. 16.
The punishment by death, is erafed from all thefe offences by
Mr. Winthrop, and they are left to the difcretion of the court to
inflict other, puniſhment fhort of death.
From the fame prejudice in favor of Ifraelitiſh cuſtoms, a fond-
nefs arofe, or at leaft was increaſed, for fignificant names for chii-
dren. The three firft that were baptized in Boſton. church were,
Joy, Recompence, and Pity. The humour ſpread. The town of
Dorchefter, in particular, was remarkable for fuch names, Faith,
Hope, Charity, Deliverance, Dependance, Preferv d, Content, Pru-
dent, Patience, Thankful, Hate-evil, Holdfaft, &c. Many of
which at this day are retained in families, in remembrance of their
ancestors.
+ In 1678, when complaints were made against the colony, it
was by law made capital.
Rape was not capital by the Jewish law, and for that reafon it
was not fo for many years by the colony law.
diction,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
443
diction, after banifhment upon the first conviction. The
law was the fame with respect to quakers alſo.
THE denial of either of the books of the old and new
teftament, which were all enumerated, to be the written
and infallible word of God, was either baniſhment or
death, for the fecond offence, at the difcretion of the
court, and, what is very extraordinary, an inhabitant who
was guilty of this offence upon the high feas, was made
liable to the penalty.
BURGLARY and theft, in a houſe or fields, on the Lord's
day, were capital upon a third conviction. Theſe were
all the offences which they made capital.
LARCENY or theft, was punishable by fine or whipping,
and reftitution of treble the value, and theft-boot, by a
forfeiture of the value of the goods to the government.
THE penalty of drunkenneſs, was ten fhillings, exceffive
drinking, three fhillings and four pence, tippling above half
an hour, half a crown, profane curfing and fwearing, ten
fhillings, and if more than one oath at a time, twenty fhillings.
` I HAVE ſeen a letter, dated about the year 1660, where-
in a gentleman writes to his friend in London, that "he
had lived feveral years in the country, and never faw a
perfon drunk, nor never heard a profane oath."
THE penalty of profanation of the fabbath, was ten
fhillings *.
FORNICATION, might be punished by enjoining mar-
riage, by fine or corporal punishment; and a freeman, for
this offence, might be disfranchifed upon conviction †.
IDLENESS, was no fmall offence; common fowlers,
tobacco-takers, and all other perfons who could give no
good account how they fpent their time, the conftables
were required to prefent to the next magiftrate, and the
* When exception was taken in England to the laws, that, re-
lative to the Sabbath, reftraining perfons from walking in the ſtreets
or fields, was one; but although their charter was in danger, they
refuſed to make any alteration in the law.
† Exodus xxii. 16, 17. caufed fome doubt whether fine or cor-
poral puniſhment was to be inflicted for fornication. I have feveral
manufcripts on both fides the queſtion.
felectmen
444
THE HISTORY OF
felectmen of every town were required to overfee the fa-
milies, and to diftribute the children into claffes, and to
take care that they were employed in fpinning and other
labour, according to their age and condition.
CONTEMPT of authority, was punished with great fe-
verity, by fine, imprifonment, or corporal punishment.
LESSER offences, as all breaches of the peace, and
alfo every offence contra benos mores, where there was no
determinate penalty, the court, before which the offence
was tried, puniſhed at diferetion.
THEY had a law against flavery, except prifoners taken
in war. Negroes were brought in very early among them*.
Some judicious perfons are of opinion, that the permiffion
of flavery has been a publick mifchief.
THEIR laws concerning marriage and divorce were
fomewhat fingular. I fuppofe there had been no inftance
of a marriage, lawfully celebrated, by a layman in Eng-
land, when they left it. I believe there was no inftance of
marriage by a clergyman after they arrived, during their
charter, but it was always done by a magiftrate, or by per-
fons pecially appointed for that purpofe, who were con-
fined to particular towns or diftricts. If a minifter hap-
pened to be prefent, he was defired to pray. It is difficult
to affign a reafon for fo fudden a change, eſpecially as there
was no eſtabliſhed form of the marriage covenant, and it
muſt have been adminiftred, many times, in the new plan-
tations, by perfons not the moft proper for that purpoſe,
confidering of what importance it is to fociety, that a fenfe
of this ordinance, in fome degree facred, fhould be main-
tained and preferved t. At this day, marriages are folem
nized by the clergy, and altho' the law admits of its being
done by a juftice of peace, yet not one in many hundred
is performed by thent.
*
IN
Joffelyn mentions three or four blacks in Mr. Maverick's fa-
mily at Noddle's-Ifland in 1638.
† The Scotch writers tell us, that by their laws it is not neceffary
marriages fhould be celebrated by a clergyman, that the confent of
parties, fignified before a magiftrare, or only before two witneffes,
and without confum:nation, will make a marriage valid.
The publication of the banns was very early required, and no
magiftrate,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
445
1
In matters of divorce, they left the rules of the canon
law out of the queftion; with refpect to fome of them pru-
dently enough. I never heard of a feparation, under the
firſt charter, a menfa et thoro. Where it is practifed, the
innocent party often fuffers more than the guilty. In
general, what would have been cauſe for ſuch a ſeparation
in the fpiritual courts, was fufficient, with them, for a
divorce a vinculo. Female adultery was never doubted
to have been ſufficient caufe; but male adultery, after
fome debate and confultation with the elders, was judged
not fufficient. Deſertion a year or two, where there was
evidence of a determined deſign not to return, was always
good caufe; fo was cruel ufage of the huſband. Confan-
guinity, they fettled in the fame degrees as it is fettled in
England, and in the Levitical laws. It is faid, a man may
give his wife moderate correction without expoſing him-
felf to any penalty in the law; our legiflators had more
tender fentiments of this happy ftate, and a man who
ftruck his wife, was liable to a fine of ten pounds or cor-
poral puniſhment: A woman who ftruck her huſband,
was liable to the fame penalties*.
magiftrate, or other perfon ſpecially authorized to join perfons in
marriage, had authority to do it before the parties had been pub-
liſhed according to law. The fame law was renewed under the
province charter, and after more than an hundred years experience,
has been found very beneficial; there have been inſtances, but they
are rare, of young people going to New-Hampſhire, where li-
cences to marry are granted by the governor. As thefe inftances
have been, many of them, not for the moſt reputable cauſes, their
example has had but little influence. Perhaps, in a few years, the
people of England will be equally well fatisfied with the provifion
made by the late marriage act, and no body will be at the pains of a
journey to Scotland, to avoid conformity to it. Upon Mr. Dudley's
being appointed prefident of the colony, &c. in 1686, he publiſhed
an order of council, authorizing and impowering miniſters and
juftices of the peace, the order fays, " to confummate marriages,”
after three feveral times publication or licence from the prefident or
deputy.
*This feems to leave the wife to the mercy of the husband, who
ordinarily muft have paid the fine himself, or fuffer her to be
whipped.
F f
IN
446
THE HISTORY OF
In teftamentary matters, the county courts had jurif-
diction by law *. In the beginning, they fo far followed
the civil law, as to confider real eftates as mere bona, and
they did not confine themſelves to any rules of diſtribu-
tion then in ufe in England, and which, afterwards, were
more fully eſtabliſhed by the ftatute of diftributions. They
confidered the family and eſtate in all their circumftances.
and fometimes affigned a greater portion to one branch
than another; fometimes they fettled all upon the widow;
in other cafes, affigned the whole eftate to the adminiftra-
tors, or to any relation who would.undertake to fupport
or provide for the family, and pay certain fums to the
children when they came to age or marriage. All this
ſeems to be neceffary in a new plantation, where molt
people foon ſpent what little perfonal eftate they had, in
improvement upon their lands. When they eftabliſhed a
general rule, they conformed very near to the rules re-
fpecting perfonal eftate in England, only they gave the
eldeſt ſon a double portion †, and in the real eftate, the
widow generally was confidered for her dower only, but
fill, according to the circumftances of the eftate and fami-
ly, the court would confider the widow, and allow her a
greater or leffer part, and enjoin her to take care of the
children unable to provide for themfelves, in proportion
to what the received. They had no law for the diftribu-
tion of the eftares of perfons dying infolvent; however, as
executors and adminiftrators were not held to prefer in
payment one debt to another, whether by judgment, bond,
or fimple contract; the ufual way was, for a creditor of an
infolvent perfon to apply to the general court, to appoint
´commiffioners to examine the claims, and alſo to diſcover
the eftate by examining upon oath, &c. and each creditor
*In the reign of Henry the feventh, it was faid by Fineux, that
the jurifdi&tion of the fpiritual court in matters teftamentary was
but lately introduced by cuftom.
+ From Deuteronomy xxi. 17. This law of Mofes extended as
well to real as perfonal eftate, and perhaps had as great weight as
either the civil law, or the peculiar circumftances of a new coun-
try.
6
Was
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
447
was paid in proportion*. The common law was altered
with reſpect to fee-fimple eſtates, and they defcended to
every child. It ſeems very natural to fuppofe, that eſtates
in fee-tail would defcend in like manner, except fo far as
the entail limited or cut the fee, as in gavelkind all the
fons take as heir of the body. Notwithſtanding this, the
conftruction of a general tail was fuch, that the heir at
common law took as heir of the body, to the exclufion of
the other children. Traitors and felons might difpofe of
their eſtates, real and perſonal, by will, after fentence, and
if they died inteftate, diftribution was made as in other
cafes, there being no forfeitures. They held their lands,
as of the manor of Eaft-Greenwich, in the county of Kent,
in free and common focage, and not in capite, nor by
knight fervice. They ftrangely fuppofed that focage-
tenure included all the properties and cuſtoms of gavel-
kind, one of which is, the father to the bough, the fon
to the plought." God having forbad the alienation of lands
from one tribe to another in the commonwealth of Ifrael,
fo among the firft laws of the colony it was provided, "that
no free inhabitant of any town fhould fell the lands allotted
to him in the town, but to fome one or other of the free
inhabitants of that town, unleſs the town gave confent, or
refuſed to give what others offered without fraud." This
law could not continue long in force. All the valuable
ends were anſwered by making lands liable to pay taxes
upon them to the town where they lay, though the lands
be not the property of the inhabitants.
THEY made provifion, by temporary laws, for the
charges of government. This was done for divers years
in the most equitable way, by affeffing every inhabitant in
proportion to the profits of his whole eftate real and
per-
* About the year 1680, a law was made to enable the county courts
to appoint commiffioners to examine claims to the eftates of pertons
dying infolvent, and to diftribute in proportion to the creditors.
66
+ "As to what is objected against perfons condemned making
wills, &c. we conceive it to be according to our patent and its
original, viz. that of Eaft-Greenwich, according unto which,
as we conceive, notwithſtanding the father's crime, yet the chil-
"dren are to poffefs the eftate." ~ Majja. Records.
Ff 2
fonal,
448
THE HISTORY OF
1
fonal, and his income by any ways and means whatſoever.
This is practicable only in cafes where the taxes are not
very heavy. By impofts, excifes, and other duties, taxes
are infenfibly paid, which if proportionably laid upon
every individual, and paid in one fum out of an annual
income, would be thought intolerable. The clergy, at all
times, have been exempt from all taxes for their perfons
or eftates under their own improvement, not merely be-
cauſe this was agreeable to the Levitical law *, but becauſe
they depended upon the people from year to year for their
fupport, and whatever was added to their annual expence
by a tax, fo much muſt have been added by the people to
enable their minifters to pay it. After the year 1645, im-
pofts and exerciſes were introduced. Where the officers are
annually elected by the people, one great objection againſt
fuch duties, viz. the influence fuch officers may have upon
the peoples liberty, in other elections, can have no place.
THEIR military laws, at first, were more fevere, every
perfon being required to appear in arms, in order for mi-
litary exercile, once every month. Some few perfons in
public office were, only, excepted. This was afterwards
leffened to eight times in a year, and at length to four.
Every inhabitant was to be furniſhed with arms and am-
munition. A few months actual fervice againſt the Indian
enemy in Philip's war, made better foldiers, than all their
exerciſe at home had done in forty years.
UPON the divifion of the colony into regiments, colo-
nels and lieut. colonels were appointed to each regiment.
This laſted but a ſhort time; ever after they had one field
officer only to every regiment, a ferjeant major; and a
major general for the whole. He was chofen by the free-
men. The officers of the feveral companies, ordinarily,
were choſen by the companies refpectively, and prefented
to the general court for their approbation,
Ir may not be amifs to add a brief account of their
legiſlative and judiciary forms, and fome fpecial customs,
Upon occafion of fome difputes with the clergy at Rome, a
memorial was preſented, in which was this maxim, "That the
clergy ought to contribute to the fupport of the ſtate, let the old
teſtament fay what it will." Spirit of Laws.
THE
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
449
THE magiftrates or affiftants, and the deputies or re-
preſentatives of the people, at firft, fat together in one
room, and, for feveral years voted together, without any
diſtinction, the major part of the whole number determin-
ing the vote, for in 1635, when the general court was
ordered, for time to come, to be held twice a year only,
it was at the fame time refolved, that inafmuch as in thofe
courts held by the magiftrates and deputies, there might
arife fome difference of judgment in doubtful cafes, there-
fore no law, order, or fentence ſhould país as an act of the
court, without the confent of the greater part of the ma-
giſtrates on the one part, and the greater number of the
deputies on the other part, and for want of fuch accord,
the cauſe or order was to be fufpended, and if either party
thought it fufficiently material, a committee was to be
cholen, one half by the magiftrates, and one ha'f by the
deputies, which committee might chufe an umpire, and by
them the caufe was to be determined. This was a pru
dent precaution on the part of the magiftrates; for their
number being limited, and the number of deputies increaf-
ing in proportion as new towns were planted, with out fuch
provifion, the magiftrates would, in a few years, have loſt
all their weight in the legislative part of the government/
There is no record of the general court's firting and act-
ing, in diftinct and feparate houfes, until the year 1644. In
the charter, as has been obferved, there was no mention
of a houſe of reprefentatives; a general court was to con-
fift of the magiftrates and freemen, and this occafioned
the difpute whether there was a negative voice in each
part of the legislative body, but at length it was agreed,
that, in matters of legiſlation, they ſhould act diftinct and
feparate, and that no legislative act fhould be valid that
was not approved by the major part of each houſe.
THE judicial power, both in civil and criminal matters,
was at firſt exercifed by the court of affiftants, except in
cafes cognizable by a juftice of peace. In divers cafes of
violent death, juries of inqueft were impanelled by the
governor, and a jury was alfo impanelled for trial of any
perfons charged by the jury of inqueft. I find but one
Ff 3
inftance
450
THE HISTORY OF
inftance of trial by jury in any cafe, except murder, and
that was in an action of affault and battery, until Novem-
ber 1633, when it was ordered that procefs fhould be
directed by the ſecretary to the beadle, to warn 24 jurors,
14 days before the court, who were to be named by the
fe retary. In 1634, an order or law was made, that no
trial ſhould paſs upon any for life or death, without a jury
regularly chofen by the freemen. Grand juries were firft
eſtabliſhed by law in September 1635. At the firſt court
afterwards, an hundred offences were prefented.
THE Colony increaſing, and the fettlements extending
remote from the capital, it was foon found neceffary to
make a divifion into fhires or counties, and courts were
held in each county, in fome four in a year, in others two,
in Yorkſhire or the province of Main, but one. Theſe
courts were held by the magiftrates who lived in each
county, or any other magiftrates who would attend, toge-
ther with fuch other perfons as the freemen of the county,
from time to time, fhould nominate, and the general court
approve of, ſo as to make five in all, any three to hold a
court. They had power to determine all civil caufes *, and
all criminal, the penalty not extending to life, member, or
baniſhment. Grand and petit juries were fummoned to at-
tend them. Appeals, from them, lay to the court of aſſiſtants
and from thence to the general court. The higher offences
againſt law were cognizable by the affiftants only, except
upon application, by appeal or petition, to the general court.
In all actions, civil or criminal, in which any ftranger was
a party or interefted, who could not ftay, without damage,
to attend the ordinary courts of juftice, the governor or
deputy governor, with any two magiftrates, had power to
call a special court, to hear and determine the caufe, either
civil or criminal, if triable in a county court; the record of
the proceedings to be tranfmitted to the records of the
courts of affiftants. In divers towns, a petty court was
eſtabliſhed for ſmall debts and trefpaffes under twenty
Thillings: And in every town the felectmen, who were
annually chofen by the town, had power to hear and
* At firſt in civil caufes they were limited to ten pounds.
determine
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
451
determine all offences againſt the by-laws of the town, the
penalty of which could not extend beyond twenty fhillings,
and the by-laws could not extend to matters criminal in
their nature, but were limited to the regulation of their
buildings, fences, streets, &c. to the preventing nufances,
and to other matters tending to the convenience and ac-
commodation of the inhabitants,
THE ftar-chamber, high-commiffion, as well as all the
ecclefiaftical courts, were in their zenith when our an-
ceſtors left England; but they brought away no affection
for them. A difcontented attorney, who publiſhed in
1642, a little pamphlet relative to New-England, fays,
that in their general courts and quarter-feffions, they
exerciſed all the powers of parliament, king's-bench, com-
mon-pleas, chancery, high-commiffion, ftar-chamber, and all
other the courts of England, and in divers inftances put to
death, baniſhed, fined, cut off ears, whipt and impriſoned
for ecclefiaftical and civil offences." It will appear from
their ecclefiaftical conftitution, and the profeffed indepen-
dency of the churches, that there was no room for the ex-
erciſe of great part of the powers of the fpiritual courts.
ALL cauſes which, in England, would have fallen within
the jurifdiction of the high court of admiralty, were like-
wife heard and determined in the courts of common law.
There were divers inftances of trials, condemnations, and
*This was one Thomas Lechford, who left England about the
year 1637, being diffatisfied, as he fays, with the ecclefiaftical go-
vernment, and having made himfelf obnoxious by his oppofition to
epifcopacy. When he came to New-England, he fays, he found
every church-member a bishop, and not inclining to become one
himself, he could not be admitted a freeman among them, but was
very active in cenfuring their proceedings in civil and ecclefiaftical
matters. The court took the advantage of an offence of another na◄
ture, his going to the jury, and pleading with them out of court, and
debarred him from pleading any man's caufe befides his own, and at
the fame time admonished him not to prefume to meddle beyond
.what he ſhould be called to by the court. Being deprived of the
means of fupporting himſelf, he returned to England in 1641, a
zealous epifcopalian. Epifcopacy being declining there, he had
room to indulge the ruling paffion, by attacking Old-England and
New in the fame piece, to which he gave the title of Plain Dealing.
Ff 4
executions
1
452
THE HISTORY OF
!
executions for piracies, murders, and other felonies com-
mitted upon the high feas. I imagine, the neceffity of the
thing, that juſtice might be done, muſt have been the plea
for, this extraordinary proceeding. To have fent fuch of-
fenders to England, where they might have had a trial, to
the legality of which no exception could have been made,
would have been much more regular, and the expence at-
tending it muſt have been matter of little weight, when
compared with the putting men to death, where the autho
rity for it was but doubtful, if even that may be ſaid in
favor of it.
THEIR judicial proceedings were in as fummary a way,
as could well confift with the prefervation of any tolerable
degree of method or order. They feem to have not much
regarded forms in books of entries. Writs and proceffes
were not in the King's name, and were very concife. I
find a writ in 1650 in this form:
"To the Marſhal or his Deputy.
You are required to attach the goods or lands of
William Stevens to the value of one hundred pounds, ſo
as to bind the fame to be refponfible at the next court at
Bofton, 29th of the 5th month, to anſwer the complaint
of Mr. James Aftwood in an action of debt, to the value
of fifty pounds, upon a bill of exchange, and fo make a
true return hereof under your hand. Dated 29th 2d mo.
1650.
per curiam,
Wm. Afpinwall.”
THEY did not trouble themſelves with pleas in abatement.
They made no alteration upon the feveral changes of go-
vernment in England. There is no room to fuppofe, that
the omiffion of his majefty's name proceeded from difaffec-
tion, or that they imagined themſelves altogether indepen-
dent. So far as their dependence was expreffed in their char-
ter, it could not be diſputed. The reaſonable and neceſſary
connexion, between a colony and the ſtate from which it
fprings, perhaps, was not fully underſtood. They were not
long afraid of any checks or reftraints from the powers at
home. After a few years the authority of the king in Eng-
land was at an end. The houſe of commons, in 1642,
paffed
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
453
paffed a refolve, which fhews the colony to have been a fa-
vorite. Both Oliver and Richard Cromwell, during their
protectorates, wrote to the government in a ftile more pro-
per for one ally to another, than for the head of a fove-
reign ftate to one of its branches or dependances.
FOR more than the ten firft years, the parties fpake
for themfelves, for the moft part; fometimes, when it was
thought the cauſe required it, they were affifted by a patron,
or man of fuperior abilities, but without fee or reward.
<s
WHERE there was fo much of equality in the circum-
ftances of the inhabitants, and once a year every office ex-
pired, it is not ſtrange, that every order of men ſhould be
fond of acquiring and retaining their full fhare of power
and authority; and although it had been a known rule in
the conftitution they came from, that matters of evidence
were determinable by the jury, and points of law, ordina-
rily by the court, and the general court was fo fenfible of
the expediency of this rule, that in 1642, they paſſed a
temporary law or order, “that in all trials between party
" and party, the jury fhall find matter of fact, with da-
mages and cofts, according to their evidence, and the
judges are to declare the fentence upon it, or they may
"direct the jury to find according to the law," yet the
jury feldom found a fpecial verdict, which, a contempo-
rary writer fays, was the caufe of many inconveniencies*.
I do not find that this law was ever revived. It was
a very common thing, for the court to refuſe to re-
ceive the verdict of the jury, and, in this cafe, the cauſe
was carried before the general court. The jury fome-
times gave their verdict, that there were ftrong grounds
of fufpicion, but not fufficient evidence to convict.
court would give fentence upon this verdict, and puniſh
for many offences which, by the evidence upon trial, the
party appeared to them to have been guilty of, although
he was not convicted of the particular crime he was charged
with. Secundum allegata et probata was a rule of pro-
ceeding to which they did not confine themfelves †.
The
IN
* Lechford, p. 28.
Mr. Hinkley, governor of Plimouth, writing to Mr. Stoughton for
advice,
$454
THE HISTORY OF
IN criminal profecutions, regularly, a bill was to be
found by a grand jury, in which they were not very
formal. Sometimes the bill would be indorfed, that the
jury had ſtrong grounds of fufpicion, but not fufficient
evidence to put upon trial. I have met with inftances of
one of the court ftanding up, after a verdict of the petty
jury of not guilty, in a capital trial, and charging the pri
foner, in open court, with burglary and theft, which were
not capital, and a new trial ordered upon fuch charge.
The court would fometimes afk the party charged, whe-
ther they would be tried by bench or jury?
An attorney-general was not an eſtabliſhed officer. On
fome occafions, a perſon has been ſpecially authorized to
bring informations for the king or government*. The trea-
furer, as receiver-general for the colony, took care for the
recovery of public dues. In criminal matters, a ſpirit of
virtue produced informers, without reproach to their cha-
racters.
OATHS were adminiftred, with no other ceremony than
holding up the hand. This was fufficient to diftinguifh
a witneſs from the reft of the court. Kiffing, or laying the
hand upon the book, was fcrupled, as an idolatrous cere-
mony, and it has never fince been practifed in the govern-
ment, nor the other governments in New-England, except
when ſpecial commiffions from England, to take depofitions
to be uſed in fome of the courts of law there, have made.
it neceffary. There is no law to enjoin this, or reſtrain
any other mode. Oaths are faid to be, generally, admini-
ftred according to the religion he that fwears holds to be
true. The Chriftian is fworn upon the gofpels, the Jew
you
advice, in 1681, he anfwers him: "The teftimony you mention
against the pritoner, I think, is clear and fufficient to convict him;
but in cafe your jury fhould not be of that mind, then, if
hold
yourſelves ftri&ly obliged by the laws of England, no other verdict,
but not guilty, can be brought in; but, according to our practice in
this jurifdiction, we ſhould punish him with fome grievous punish-
ment, according to the demerit of his crime, though not found ca-
•pital."
*Sup, court's records.
upon
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
455
upon the old teftament*, and the Mahometan upon the
alcoran. To have the fear of God before our eyes is all
that is effential, and this is more likely to be produced by
a due gravity and folemnity, at the adminiftration on his.
part who adminifters the oath, as well as he who takes it,
than by any particular ceremony. Gentlemen who come
among us, from other parts of the Britiſh dominions, ap-
prove of this form, and it is kept up now more from the
decency of it, than from any religious fcruples.
For the first twenty years, they uſed too little formality
in their deeds and conveyances of the titles to lands; but
in the year 1651, it was thought neceffary to order, that
no eſtate of inheritance ſhould paſs, unleſs it was expreffed
in the deed or conveyance" to have and to hold to the
grantee and his heirs for ever," or words to that effect;
and ſo no eſtate tail, except expreffed "to the heirs male
of the body lawfully begotten for ever, or to the grantee
for life, or term of years," &c.
As early as the year 1640, they made provifion for a
public regiſtry, and no mortgage, bargain, fale, or grant
of any realty was good, where the granter remained in pof-
feffion, against any perfons, except the granter and his heirs,
unleſs the fame was acknowledged before a magiftrate, and
recorded; and all grants that had been before made were to
be acknowledged and recorded, within one month after the
end of October that year, if the party was within the jurif-
diction, if not, within three months after their return, other-
wife to be void, except as aforefaid.
EVERY marriage, birth, and death was likewife regif
tred, firft in the town, and, at the end of the year, carried
by the town clerk, or clerk of the writs, as he was then
called, to the county regiſter; and every neglect was
puniſhed with twenty fhillings fine.
*It is faid by fome writers, that fwearing by the book took its
rife from the Jews, who laid their hands upon the old teftament; but
our first planters, who were not ignorant of this cuſtom among the
Jews, attributed it to their proneneſs to idolatry.
Cum, ut mos Græcorum eft, jurandi causâ, ad aras accederet.”
Cic. pro L. C. Balbo.
CHAP
#56
THE HISTORY OF
CHA P. VỊ.
Of the original State of the Country, with refpect
TH
to the Inhabitants and Soil.
HE Maffachufets firft planters diftinguifhed the na-
tives by four divifions, eaſtern, weſtern, northern,
and fouthern. The eaſtern people, had the general name
of Tarrateens or Tarrenteens; they had their refidence
at Kennebeck, and the other rivers in the province of
Main, and country eaft of it, and were part of the In-
dians called by the French Abenakis. The feveral fubdi-
vifions of thefe Tarrenteens or Abenakis, according to
the rivers where they dwelt or generally refided, as St.
John's, Penobscot, Norridgewock, Amerifcoggin, Saco,
&c. were not known to the Engliſh until many years after*.
There was great enmity between the Tarrenteens and
Aberginians, or Indians of Maffachufets Bay, who although
they had been formerly a great people, yet were ſo re-
duced, that, upon alarms, they wouly fly to the English
houses as to afylums, where the Tarrenteens durft not
purſue them. The French traders were better known
than the English to thefe Tarrenteens, and early planted
prejudices againſt the English, which could never be eradi-
cated. Theſe were the Indians who firſt uſed fire arms,
which, with ammunition, they obtained from the French.
The ſecond year after the Maffachufets planters arrived,
the Tarrenteens deftroyed fome of the English who went
to trade with them, and pretended that they were drowned;
but the truth being difcovered, fome of the Indians con-
cerned in the murder were taken and hanged. Although
they refrained from open hoftilities for above forty years,
• * The Indians of the river St. François, viz. the Arefaguntacooks
and Weweenocks, were a colony of the Abenakis, removed from the
caftern parts of New-England for the fake of French neighbourhood,
They fixed at firft upon, the falls of Chaudiere, but foon after removed
to St. François, Charlevoix,
5
yet
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
457
any
The
yet they kept no great correfpondence with, nor fhewed
affection for, the Engliſh colonies, but at all times
were attached to the French, who ſpeak of them as the
moſt mild and docile of any of the Indian tribes.
weſtern Indians went by the general name of Mohawks
and under this name were included all the Indians weſt-
ward of Quinnipiack (New-Haven) although the Indians
of Hudſon's river t, the Moheganders or Mackhanders,
were people of a different nation and language. The
name of Mohawks ftruck terror into the Indians who lived
eaſt of them.
THE fouthern Indians were divided into many diſtinct
nations or tribes. Thole upon Long-Iſland and the main
land oppofite upon the fea coaft, were accounted among
the moſt favage. The Maffachufets Indians had but
little knowledge of them. There was another ſubdivi-
fion, by the name of the River Indians, who had feated
themſelves in feveral commodious places upon the banks
of Connecticut river. The next to them were called
Mohegins, between Connecticut river and the Pequod
river, and upon fome of the higher branches of the laſt-
mentioned river. Then came the Pequods, feated be-
tween and about New-London and Stonington, near to
the fea coaft. Theſe were fuppofed to be among the moſt
warlike, active, and daring, and made the Naraganfets,
though more numerous, ftand in awe of them, and would
have made the Engliſh do fo likewife, if they had been
owners of English arms, and underſtood how to uſe them.
They were reprefented to have been under greater pre-
judices against the English, from the beginning, than any
other tribe. Next to the Pequods were the Naraganfets,
who lived along the fea coaft from Stonington round point
Judith, and on what is called the Naraganfet bay. They
confifted of feveral leffer principalities, but all united
*Mohawks they were called by the Indians of New-England, which
fignifies Canibals, from the Indian word moho, to eat. R. Williams.
The Indians called by the French Loups (Wolves) moved from
Hudfon's river. Charlevoix.
1
under
1
458
THE HISTORY OF
under one general ruler, called the chief fachem †, to whom
all the others owed fome kind of fealty or ſubjection. The
Nianticks were included, and confidered as a branch of the
Naraganfets. The Naraganfets muft have been very nu
merous. None of the Indians were fuppofed to increaſe,
but to be continually decreaſing, not in the English colo-
nies only, but among the French in Canada alfo, and yet
in 1675, at the beginning of Philip's war, it was generally
agreed that the Naraganfet tribe confifted of 2000 fight-
ing men. They were the moſt curious coiners of the
wampompeag‡, and fupplied the other nations with money,
pendants, and bracelets; alfo with tobacco-pipes of ftone,
fome blue and fome white; they furnished the earthen
veffels and pots for cookery and other domeftic ufes.
They were confidered as a commercial people, and not
only began a trade with the English for goods for their
own conſumption, but foon learned to fupply other diſtant
nations at an advanced price, and to receive bever and
other furs in exchange, upon which they made a profit
alfo. The Pequods jeered them for their indifpofition to
war, and called them a nation of women.
* Canonicus and Miantinomy were confidered as having equal
authority, until the latter was killed. R. Williams.
The ancient Indians among the Naragan fets reported, when the
Engliſh firſt arrived, that they had in former times a fachem called
Tafhtaffuck, incomparably greater than any in the whole land in
power and ſtate, that he had only two children, a fon and a daugh-
ter, and not being able to match them according to their dignity,
he joined them together in matrimony, and that they had four fons,
of which Canonicus, who was fachem when the English came, was
the eldeft. MS. This is the only piece of Indian hiftory, or tra-
dition of any fort from the ancestors of our firft Indians, I have
ever met with.
The people of New Plimouth, in the year 1627, began a trade
with the Dutch at Manhados, and there they had the first knowledge
of wampompeag, and their acquaintance therewith occafioned the
Indians of theſe parts to learn to make it. Hubbard. It is not pro-
bable the New-England Indians had any inftrument of commerce.
The English could not have been ſeven years among them without
difcovering it. Argentum & aurum pro pitii an irati dii negaverint
dubito. Tac.
THE
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
459
THE Wamponoags were next to the Naraganfets. Their
fachem was Maffafoiet or Woofamequin, whofe chief ſeat
was fometimes at Pokanocket* or Sowam, and at other
times at Namaſket, now Middleborough. The Nipnets,
who were feated upon fome leffer rivers and lakes or large
ponds, more within the continent, where Oxford now is,
and towns near it, were fuppofed to be tributaries to
Maffafoie". The Indians upon Cape Cod, although not
confidered as part of the Wamponoags, yet were fuppofed
to be alfo under fome kind of fubjection to Maffafoiet.
However, it is certain, that when Philip, the ſon of
Maffafoiet, had engaged almoſt all the other Indians of the
country in war with the Engliſh, his folicitations could not
prevail with thoſe of Manamet to join him, but they adhered
to the Engliſh, and were a defence to Sandwich, and the
towns further upon the cape. There feems to have been
two cantons or fachemdoms of the cape Indians, one ex-
tending from Eel river in Plimouth, to the fouth ſhore of
the cape, and comprehended what are now called the
Mashpee Indians, and then extended upon the cape to the
eaftern part of Barnſtable, and as far weftward as Wood's-
* Briſtol.
+ I received this account of the Cape Indians from the Reverend
Mr. Hawley, a worthy miffionary to the Mashpee tribe, who are
the principal body of Indians now remaining in New-England.
The town of Mashpee confifts of 65 wigwams, befides 9 wigwams
at a place called Scanton, and 4 at Sockanoffet, in the bounds of
Falmouth, who are likewiſe under Mr. Hawley's charge. In 1648
Papmunnuck fold lands to the people of Barnftable, as being
the chief of this tribe. They have not preferved a fucceffion of
fachems, but for many years paft have affected government in
imitation of the form of government in the English townships.
However, the great grandfon of this Papmunnuck they confidered
as the chief ſpeaker in 1761. He died that year. Another of his
deſcendants is now a ſchoolmafter near fourſcore years of age. But
fome deny that Papmunnuck was their chief, and make Tooken-
chofen the fachem. There are as many adult perfons of this tribe
as there were fourfcore years ago, but not fo many children and
youth Complaints are made of the practice of the parents, in
binding out their children as fervants in Engliſh families, and fome
late attempts have been made by the government to reſtrain or re-
gulate this practice.
hole,
460
THE HISTORY OF
hole, and divers petty fachems or fagamores were com-
prehended in this divifion, of which Mashpee was one;
the eaſtern part of the cape from Nobfkuffet or Yarmouth
made another fachemdom, the capital of which was Naufit,
or Eaſtham: Thefe were known to the people of New-
Plimouth by the name of Naufit Indians. The Indians
upon Nantucket, and thofe upon Martha's Vineyard, are
ſuppoſed to have been diftinct and feparate tribes, having
their own fachems and fagamores. The Nantucket In-
dians were a large body.
THE feveral fcattered tribes from the Pockanockets to
Piscataqua river, were called the Northern Indians, and
by fome Aberginians. There were many diftinct ſettle-
ments upon the leffer channels of Pifcataqua or Newi-
chewannock river. Merrimack alſo had its receptacles,
from the mouth fifty miles or more, as Wainoofet, Patucket,
Amoskeag, Penicook, &c. and Newbury falls was a noted
plantation, there being plenty of fish there at all feafons.
And for the fame reaſon, and becauſe of the great plenty
of ſhell fish, at Agawam (Ipfwich) there was a noted tribe
with their fachem. Naumkeag (Salem and Marblehead)
and Saugus (Lynn) made another divifion. Saugus Indians
had a diftinct fachem, known by the English name of
George, who lived forty years or more after the Engliſh
came there.
Ar Maffachufets, near the mouth of Charles river,
there uſed to be a general rendezvous of Indians. That
circle, which now makes the harbours of Boſton and
Charleſtown, round by Malden, Chelſea, Nantafket, Hing-
ham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorcheſter, was the capital
of a great fachem*, much reverenced by all the planta-
upon
a
*The tradition is, that this fachem had his principal feat
fmall hill or rifing upland, in the midst of a body of faltmarſh in the
townſhip of Dorchefter, near to a place called Squantum, and it is
known by the name of Maffachufets hill, or mount Maffachufets to
this day. The blue hills, fo called, in the township of Milton, &c.
are called in Capt. Smith's map in 1614, Chevi hills, but they were
called before Maffachufets mount. Prince Charles changed the name,
and alſo gave the name of Charles's river to what had been before
called Maffachufets river.
tions
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
461
tions of Indians round about, and to him belonged Na-
ponfet (Dorchefter Mills now Milton) Punkapog (Stough-
ton) Weffaguffet (Weymouth) and feveral places upon
Charles river, where the natives were feated. At Miftick
a Sagamore was feated, upon a creek which meets with the
mouth of Charles river.
It is not poffible to make a juft computation of the
number of Indians within the limits of New-England. It
is agreed that they looked with a jealous eye upon the
Engliſh planters, and, when it was too late, repented that
they had not, by a general union, difcouraged and pre-
vented the firſt attempts of fettlements among them.
THE life of hunters and fiſhermen is faid to be averfe to
human fociety, except among the members of fingle fami-
lies. The accounts which have been tranſmitted of the na-
tives, at the first arrival of the Europeans, reprefent them
to have been as near to a ftate of nature as any people
upon the globe † and deftitute of moft of the improve-
ments which are the uſual effects of civil fociety. Some
writers § tell us, that huſbands and wives, parents and chil-
dren, lived always in one room or wigwam, without any
apartments, and made no privacy of thofe actions which
nature teaches even fome irrational animals ‡, to be aſhamed
of in public. All agree, that a young woman was not
leſs eſteemed for having accompanied with a man, their
ufual practice being to live together upon trial, before they
took one another for huſband and wife . We hear of no
inftances
|].
+ Salluft's defcription of the Aborigines of Italy fuits very well
for our natives-"Genus hominum agrefte, fine legibus, fine im-
perio, liberum atque folutum."
§ Mr. Shepard's clear Sun-fhine of the Gospel, 1648.
The Elephant, the deer, &c. who never couple but in fecret.
Champlain, who lived a whole winter, about 1615, among the
Algonquins, fays, they have a fort of marriage; when a young
girl arrived to eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen or fifteen years,
The would have fuitors in proportion to her charms, who would
apply to her father and mother; although, often enough, except
among the difcreeter fort, the girls would not stay for their con-
G g
fent.
462
THE HISTORY OF
1
inſtances of refined conjugal affection. The fuperior
ftrength of the man to that of the woman, inſtead of being
employed in the moſt laborious fervices neceffary for their
mutual fupport, was made ufe of to keep the wife in fub-
jection, and oblige her to every kind of drudgery, not only
to the carrying her children upon her back in all their re-
moves, but to the carrying their proviſions and packs of
every kind, in their huntings and other marches. The
women not only provided bark and ſtakes, the materials
of their houfes or cabins, but were the houfewrights who
built them, and as often as the family moved, for the fake
of fiſhing or hunting, the women took down the houſes
and carried them on their backs. They planted, hoed
and gathered the corn, and provided barns (holes in the
ground cieled with the rind of trees) for the reception of
it. Not to mention their employments in providing ſhell-
fiſh and other fiſh for the family, bearing burdens, of wood
and water, dreffing their food, &c. The men commended
themſelves for keeping their wives employed, and con-
demned the English hufbands for fpoiling good working
creatures. A family feems, neceffarily, to carry an idea of
government, but parents had no authority over their
children,
fent. The enamoured Indian tenders to his miftrefs a few belts,
chains, or bracelets of wampom. If the girl likes him the will
receive the preſent, and he comes and lodges with her three or
four nights, without faying one word, where they enjoy the fruits
of their affections. If, after a week or fortnight ſpent in this
manner, they cannot agree, which is very often the cafe, the quits
her lover, who leaves his wampon and other prefents made her.
Diſappointed, he feeks another miftrefs, and the another humble
fervant, and continue fo to do until two meet together who are
agreeable each to the other. There are fome who pafs their
youth thus with many fuch huſbands, who have not the fole pof-
feffion, for, as foon as it is night, the young women, although
married, run from one wigwam to another and take what they
like; but no violence is offered to the women, all depending on
their confent. The husband takes the like liberty, without
raifing any jealoufy, or but little, between them, nor is it any
damage or lofs of reputation to them, fuch being the cuftom of
the country." Did ever any other people, in this refpect, approach
aearer to the brutal part of the creation?
•
1
463
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
children. The Storgée in the parent might be obferved
towards their young. No return was made on the part of
the child, but, affoon as it was capable, it was as ready
to reſiſt and oppofe its parent as any other perſon.
EVERY nation or tribe had one whom they acknow-
ledged as the head or chief. The fon fucceeded to the
father. If no fon, the Queen ruled; if no Queen, the
next of kin of the blood royal *. They gave the title of
Sachem to the chief, and fometimes that of Sagamore.
Some fuppofe thefe two titles to be indifferently uſed, others
that the Sagamores had a fmall territorry †, and perhaps
were, in fome degree, dependant upon a Sachem. There
were ſeveral Sagamores in the Maffachuſets bay, Sagamore
George at Saugus or Lynn, John at Medford, Paffacona-
way at Merrimack, his fon at Wechufet, Shawanon at Na-
fhaway, and many others. Maffafoiet, the chief of the Wom-
panoag Indians, was always called Sachem, fo was Myanti-
nomo, chief of the Naragan fets, and Saccus of the Pequods.
WHAT power and authority the Sachems and Sagamores
had it is more difficult to determine ‡. Murder, and a bare
attempt upon the life of their chief, are faid to have been
capital offences. Such a malefactor, being apprehended,
(an eſcape to another nation was not very difficult) the
Sachem called fome of his wifeft men together, and the
offender being pronounced guilty, his brains were beat out
*Wood's Prospect.
t "The inferior Sachems and fubjects plant and remove at
the pleaſure of the higheft and fupreme Sachems, and I humbly
conceive that it pleafeth the Moft High to make uſe of fuch a bond
of authority over them, without which they could not long fubfift
in human focieties, in this wild condition wherein they are."
Rog. Williams's letter to Maffa. Gov. 12. 3d mo. 1656.
The earliest writers reprefent the Sachem as ruled by the
people, rather than a ruler of them, and that he held the reins no
longer than he pleafed the people, and, when they thought proper,
refigned them to one that was more worthy, and as quietly betook
himſelf to a private condition as if he had never known any other.
Some tribute was paid to fupport the prince. Cutfhamoquin, a
Sachem, complained to Mr. Elliot, that fome of his fubjects, after
they became chriftians, were more flack in their tribute af corn, &c.
than they were before.
Gg 2
wit h
464
THE HISTORY OF
with a tomahawk. Other puniſhments they had not. We
hear of no laws. Where they had no idea of property,
but few laws were neceffary. They had nothing to loſe,
worth even any corporal puniſhment, much leſs the life of
a fubject, where they were not over-ftocked. Of perfonal
injuries and affronts every man was his own avenger; they
had no religion which forbad rendering evil for evil. Mili-
tary authority they had none; every man fought and ran
away at his pleaſure; for this reafon, they never could
ftand a body of English, and their wars between themſelves
were extremely precarious: Uncas, with an inferior num-
ber of Mohegins, and of no repute, beat Myantinomo at
the head of the Naraganfets, who held the Mohegins in
contempt. Their arms were bows and arrows, their cap-
tains only carried a fpear. Their bowftrings.were made of
Mooſe finews. Their arrows were pointed with a ſmall flat
ftone, of a triangular form, the baſis of which they faſtened
with a leathern ftring into a cleft made in the end of a
young ftick of elder wood; and, fimple as they were, they
did execution upon naked bodies. Many of thefe ftones,
or heads of arrows, are found, to this day, in the earth, in
places where the Indians uſed to refort. After the arrival of
the English, they made the heads of their arrows of brafs,
faftened them to a ſmall ſtick 6 or 8 inches long, formed
to fix into the end of the pithy elder, which they bound
round to strengthen it. They feldom miffed their mark,
when they aimed at a beaſt or bird, running or flying. In
their wars they are faid to have always engaged in a looſe
diforderly manner, and as foon as their artillery was ſpent,
to have taken to their heels. The Mohawks fecured their
bodies againſt the arrows of other Indians by a covering of
feahorſe ſkins. Their principal weapon was the toma-
hawk, a club two or three feet long, with a knob at the
end; fince they knew the ufe of iron, improved by the
addition of a fharp pointed hatchet oppofite to the knob.
Roger Williams fays it was their conftant practice to ftrike
off the heads of their dead enemies, at which they were
very expert.
1
5
THEY
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
465
4
THEY were remarkable for firmwell compacted bodies,
ſtrong and active, capable of enduring the greateſt hard-
fhips and fatigues, regardleſs of cold, whilft travelling in
the ſeverity of winter*. Having made holes in the ice,
they would fit round them, upon their naked bottoms,
catching pickrel, breams, pearch, and other freshwater fish.
A ſmall pouch of parched corn, ground or rather pounded
into meal, and called Nuichicke, which is well enough
tranſlated Nocake †, would fupport them ſeveral days in
their travelling, when they could get no other provifions;
and fometimes they were deftitute even of this; but after
abſtinence they never failed of a proportionable indulgence,
the first opportunity they had for it, and would make up
at one meal for all they had miffed. Their cloathing was
of the ſkins of wild beafts; after the Engliſh came, they
began to uſe woollen, and in a few years wholly laid afide
fkins. One of their old garments of fkins would pur-
chaſe a new one of woollen, and a good quantity of ſtrong
water or fack into the bargain. The men threw a light
mantle or covering over them, and although they wore a
fmall flap, called Indian breeches, yet they were not over
nice in concealing their nudities ‡. The women were more
They were at a loſs what could induce the Engliſh to leave
England and come to America. The most probable conjecture
they could make was, that the Engliſh wanted fewel at home and
came over for the fake of the wood. When they had burnt up
the wood near the fettlements, they removed to a new place for
the fake of firing." R. Williams. The fame author fays, that
he has known them run between eighty and an hundred miles
in a fummer's day and back again within two days.
"The in-
habitants of Formofa have been feen to out-run horfes in their full
fpeed. The Chineſe alledge, as the caufe of their ſwiftneſs, that,
till the age of 14 or 15, their knees and loins are bound exceed-
ing tight." Du Halde. The Americans are bound in this manner
the first year or two only.
+ The Indian corn boiled, after being a little broken, they called
Nafaump. The English call it Samp. Boiled with clams it
makes a favory diſh.
Champlain fays, the men in Canada generally threw afide all
covering in the fummer, and that the women and girls were no
more moved at feeing them in that faſhion than if they had nothing
frange. p. 273.
G g 3.
modeft,
466
THE HISTORY OF
modeft, and wore a coat of cloth or fkins, wrapt like a
blanket, about their loins, and reaching down to their
hams, which they never put off in company, and if the
huſband had a mind to fell the wife's beaver petticoat, he
muſt have provided another of fome other fort, before he
could prevail with her to part with it. In winter, the old
men fometimes wore a fort of trouffes of fkins, faftened
under their girdles with buttons. Their fhoes without
heels, which they called Mockaffins*, were cut out of a
mooſe's hide. Their ornaments were pendants in their
ears, carved of bone, fhells and ftone, in the form of birds,
beaſts or fishes; belts of wampompeag upon their arms
and hanging down over their fhoulders. Their hair was
cut into various forms and ſtuck with feathers. Upon their
cheeks, and in many parts of their bodies, fome of them,
by incifions, into which they conveyed a black unchange-
able ink, made the figures of bears, deer, moofe, wolves,
eagles, hawks, &c. which were indelible, and generally
lalted as long as they lived t.
THEIR food, in winter, was birds and beafts of all forts,
fish from the ponds, and ſhell-fiſh. In fummer, they had
fish from the fea, but no way to fave that or their meat
from putrefaction; berries of all forts, green corn, beans‡,
and fquafhes. They boiled their victuals in earthen pots;
their ſpits were ſticks faftened in the ground, cleft a-top,
where they fixed their meat, and placed them round a fire,
until they had fufficiently toasted it. The earth was their
table; trenchers, napkins, or knives, they knew not the ufe
of. Salt they had none, nor bread §. Indian corn boiled
was the neareſt akin to bread. They had no fet meals, eat
* The Virginians had the fame name for fhoes.
Since they have been furniſhed with paints from Europe, they
daub their faces with vermilion, and ſometimes with blue, green,
and other colours.
Beans, called in Europe French beans, are, undoubtedly, na-
In Canada the
tural to the country, as much as Indian corn.
French called them beans of Brazil, when they firſt found them
amongst the natives.
§ The Indians of Canada mixed up their Indian meal and water
into a cake, which they dried by the fire. Champ.
when
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
467
when they were hungry as long as victuals lafted, and be-
ing improvident, not caring for the morrow, they and
their families would fometimes keep a faft of two or three
days together. Water was their only drink *. Their
houfhold furniture was very ſmall. A fkin or mat was
their bed, they never uſed a chair or ſtool, always fitting
on the ground. A few earthen and wooden veffels an-
fwered all the purpoſes of a family. As they had no
metals of any kind, what few tools they had were of ſtone.
their hatchet and chizzel are kept as curiofities; the former
fomewhat in ſhape like an iron hatchet, faving that, inſtead
of an eye for the handle, it had a neck, where they faften-
ed a withe. Their arts and manufactures lay in a very
narrow compaſs. Their fkins they dreffed by fcraping and
rubbing, and ſometimes ftained or coloured them with odd
fort of embroideries. They had a fort of cordage or
lines, from the wild Indian hemp, with which they made
nets 30 or 40 feet long, for taking Sturgeon. They had
two forts of canoos, one of pine or chefnut trees, which
they burned hollow, and then fcraped the infide with clam
ſhells and oyster fhells, and hewed the outfide with ſtone
hatchets. Thoſe were generally two feet wide, and about
20 feet long; the other fort were made of the bark or rind
of the birch tree, with knees or ribs, and though eaſily
Tobacco was in general uſe. This refreſhed their ſpirits.
+ At this day, when hundreds of them are at a conference with
any of the English governments, they all fit upon the ground, with
their elbows upon their knees.
Roger Williams fays he knew an old fquaw, many years after all
the reft of the Indians ufed iron hoes for their corn, who was fuper-
ftitiouſly attached to the clam fhell and would never uſe an Engliſh
hoe, though three times more work might have been done with it
in the fame time.
"The Samogitians are fo given to fuperftition, that whereas it
was the old cuftom of that country to till the ground with wooden
ploughs and coulters, and that the governor of one of their pro-
vinces brought them the uſe of iron plough ſhares for the eaſe of
the labourer, and that fome years after, by an unuſual distemper of
the air, they had a dear year or two, they threw away their iron..
plough fhares and fell to the old wooden ones again, attributing a
kind of Divinity to the one and unluckinefs unto the other." Howel.
Gg 4
broken
468
THE HISTORY OF
broken upon the rocks or fhore, yet were tight and fecure
againſt the waves. Some of thefe were very neat, and the
moft ingenious of any part of their manufactures *.
THEY that fpeak moſt favorably, give but an indifferent
idea of the qualities of their minds. Mr. Wilfon ſpeaks
of them, but with compaffion, as the moſt fordid and
contemptible part of the human fpecies. Mr. Hooker
fays, they are the verieft ruins of mankind upon the face
of the earth. Perhaps, the Indians about the Maffachufets
bay were fome of the loweſt of the American nations.
We hear nothing of that formality and order in their coun-
fels, but little of thofe allegories and figures in their
fpeeches and harangues, which the French obferved among
the Iroquois and other nations, at the beginning of their
acquaintance with them. Indeed, in their difcourfes to-
gether upon any matter which they deemed important,
they feldom used any fhort colloquiumis, but each ſpake
his mind at large without interruption, the reft of the
company giving attention, and when he had finiſhed fome
other gave as large an anſwer. They fhewed courteſy to
the English at their firft arrival, were hofpitable, and made
fuch as could eat their food welcome to it, and readily in-
ftructed them in planting and cultivating the Indian corn,
and fome of the Engliſh who loft themſelves in the woods,
and muft otherwife have perifhed by famine, they relieved
and conducted home. Their manner was to come into the
Engliſh houſes without knocking, and to fit down without
ceremony. R. Williams compared the Quakers to them.
There was no trading with them but for ready pay. He
that truſted them loft his debt and his cuftomer.
*
1
"I have feen a native go into the woods with his hatchet,
carrying only a basket of corn with him, and ftones to ftrike fire.
When he had felled his tree (being a chefnut) he made him a little
houfe or shed of the bark of it, he puts fire and follows the burn-
ing it with fire in many places, his corn he boils, and hath the
brook by him, and fometimes angles for a little fifh; but fo he
continues burning and hewing, until he hath, within ten or
twelve days (lying there at his work alone) finiſhed his boat."
R. Williams.
THE
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
469
THE principle or perfuafion that all things ought to
be in common might caufe hofpitality, where the like
was expected in return, without any great degree of virtue.
Some appearances there were of compaffion, gratitude, and
friendſhip, and of grief at the death or diftrefs of their
children or near relations. Some degree of theſe focial
affections is infeparable from human nature.
Vices they
had many. They were falfe, malicious, and revengeful.
The leaft injury cauſed in them a deadly hatred, which
could never be allayed. They were infinitely cruel to
their enemies, cutting and mangling their bodies, and then
broiling them alive upon hot embers, and inflicting the
moſt exquifite torments they could invent. They were
not known to feed upon the flesh of their enemies after
the Engliſh came among them t. The men were lazy and
idle, never employing themſelves about any other buſineſs
than what was of abfolute neceffity for their fupport, and
fuch as the women were not capable of. More dirty, foul,
and fordid than fwine, being never ſo clean and ſweet as
when they were well greafed . Drunkards they were
not, but the only reafon was they had nothing that would
* An Indian gift is a proverbial expreffion, fignifying a preſent
for which an equivalent return is expected.
+ Champlain fays the Algonquins took the heart of one of their
enemies killed in battle, cut it into pieces, and gave it to his bro-
ther and ſeveral other prifoners to cat, who took it into their mouths,
but would not fwallow it.
A journal of a French officer in Canada, which was taken on
board a ſmall veffel in the Weſt Indies, gives an account of a feaſt
made by ſome of the Indians who were at the taking of Fort Wil-
liam Henry, at which they facrificed fome of the Engliſh priſoners,
boiled their fleſh, and forced the other prifoners to eat it.
I have feen a great half-naked Indian fitting at a ſmall diſtance
from the governors and commiffioners of feveral of the colonies, in
the midst of a conference, picking lice from his body for half an
hour together, and cracking them between his teeth.---One of the
laws our Indians made, upon their firft pretences to civility, laid a
ſmall penalty upon fuch as cracked lice with their teeth. The Hot-
tentots had the fame tafte. "They plead in excufe the law of re-
taliation, and urge that it is no fhame to eat thoſe that would eat
them."
Kolben's voya.
&c.
intoxicate
470
THE HISTORY OF
intoxicate them. Affoon as they had a tafte of the Engliſh
fack and ftrong waters, they were bewitched with them,
and by this means more have been deftroyed than have
fell by the fword. The English women had nothing to
fear, as to any attempt upon their honor. The fame obfer-
vation is made of the Canada Indians, with refpect to the
French women. La Hontan, a French author, who has
given a different account, is charged with a fondnefs for
embelliſhing his memoirs, and being very credulous.
They had their choice among their own women.
We
have but little reafon to wonder that fo few Engliſhmen
incline to cohabit with Indian women.
THEY had fome fports and games with which they fome-
times diverted them elves. Football was the chief, and
whole cantons would engage one against 'another. Their
goals were upon the hard fands, as even and firm as a
board, and a mile or more in length, their ball not much
larger than a hand-ball, which they would mount in the
air with their naked feet, and fometimes would be two days
together before either fide got a goal. They had two prin-
cipal games of chance, one they called puim, this was much
the fame with a game Charlevoix mentions among the Mia-
mis, which he calls jeu des pailles, or the game of ſtraws.
They took a number of packets of ſmall ſticks or ſtraws,
unequal in number, but near of a fize, and ſhuffling them
together, he, to whofe lot the higheft number fell, was the
forwardeſt in the game. Another game they called hub-
bub, the fame the French called jeu de plat, the game of
the diſh among the Hurons. They took five fmall pieces.
of bone, flatter than a die and longer, black on the one fide
and white on the other, theſe they put into a ſmall wooden
tray or platter, and giving it a ftroke on the ground the
bones all flew into the air, and the gamefters whiſk their
hands to and fro among the bones, and then ſmite them-
felves on the breaft and thighs, crying out, hub, hub, hub,
fo as to be heard at a great diſtance. According as the
bones happened to be more or lefs of one colour, ſo they
won or loft. Whilſt any one continued to win he held
the
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
471
Be-
the tray, and upon his lofing, gave it to the next. The
Negroes in Guinea have a game of the fame fort, which
they call paw-paw. Shooting at marks was a diverſion for
their children, as foon as they were capable of drawing a bow.
Swimming, running, and wreſtling they were, as early, ac-
cuſtomed to. Their hunting and fishing, being all they
did, which could be called labor, for their maintenance or
fupport, ferved alfo as diverfions. Deer, Moofe, and Bears
were their chief objects; Wolves, Wild Cats, Raccoons,
Otters, Muſquaſhes, and even Bevers, were not much re-
garded, until the English, from the value they fet upon
their ſkins or furs, encouraged the purſuit of them.
fides their bows, they had other devices to take their game,
fometimes by double hedges a mile or two in length, and
a mile wide at one end, and made narrow, by degrees, un-
til they came to a gap of about fix feet, against which
they lay hid to ſhoot the Deer, as they came through in
the day-time, and, at night, they fet Deer-traps, being
fprings made of young trees. They had their
They had their traps alſo
for Bevers and Otters. Their ordinary fifhing was with
hooks and lines. They made their hooks of bones, their
lines of wild hemp, ftronger and neater than the Engliſh
lines. They had a way of taking Sturgeon by lighting
a torch made of birch bark, which waving to and fro by
the fide of their canoe, would delight the Sturgeon, and
cauſe them to come tumbling and playing, throwing up
their white bellies, into which the Indians ftruck their
fpears or darts +. The Sturgeons backs were impenetrable.
They had grand fiſhings at the feveral falls of the rivers,
at moſt of which a canton or company of Indians had their
chief refidence, and at fixed ſeaſons the feveral neighbour-
ing cantons met by turns, partly for recreation, and partly
*
Douglas fays they had no threads, of flax, hemp or any other
herbs, but the earliest accounts of the Maffachufet Indians
affert the contrary, and Champlain fays that it was part of the em-
ployment of the Indian women of Canada to twift the wild hemp
and make it into nets for fishing.
+ The natives of the Canary iſlands happened to hit upon the fame
way of taking fish.
to
472
THE HISTORY OF
to make provifion for the year. During thefe meetings,
all that came were at home, and had all things in common,
and thoſe who had entertained their neighbours expected
the like kindneſs.
RELIGION they had as little as can well be imagined.
Some notions they had of a future ftate. A Mahometan
paradife, where they were to folace themſelves in fruit-
ful corn-fields and fine flowery meads, with pleaſant ri-
vers to bathe in; curious wigwams, provided for them
without any labor of their own; hunting, fowling, and fish-
ing without any wearinefs or pains to moleft them; but at
the door was a fnarling animal, who denied a peaceful en-
trance to all unworthy of it. This caufed them to bury
the bows and arrows of the deceaſed with their bodies, to
affright or repel Cerberus, and good ftore of wampompag
to purchaſe fome peculiar favors or privileges +. Their
enemies, and others unworthy the joys of elyzium, they
configned to an eternal habitation and place of torment.
However warm fome of their imaginations might be, it is
agreed that in general no people had greater fears of death
difcovered by the diftrefs and defpair of the dying perfon,
and the fighs and groans of the furviving parents or near
friends, who mourned without hope. Idolatry there were
* Wood's profpect.
no
+ They fuppofed the fouls of all great and good men and women
went away to the fouth-weft. A fouth-west wind ordinarily makes
fair pleaſant weather. In the fpring and fummer, near the fea, in
the afternoon it frequently fucceeds a raw wind from the ſouth to the
fouth-eaft, blowing from the fea all the forenoon. In the country from
whence this pleaſant wind came, they concluded the divinity would
chufe to refide. R. Williams. This agrees exactly with the accounts
the firft Eaft India voyagers give of the Japanefe.
↑ Amongst Mr. Eliot's manufcrtpts I found the following ſtory.
"This fpring time in the year 1653, being fundry days at Pau-
Bucket, and fpending a fabbath among them, there was a woman
at the meeting who had a ſmall bright brafs image of a man about
her neck, hanging by a ftring faftened about the neck of the image,
I obferved it, but thought little of it; afterwards when I thought
to have gone away, my horfe had run and gone homeward, as
they found by his footing, whereupon I fent fome after my
horfe, and purpofed to have gone on foot after till they met me
with my horfe. Many being gathered together to take leave
* of
་
:
MASSACHUSETS - BAY.
473
no figns of among them. They acknowledged a God,
whom they mentioned by the word Ketan; he gave them
rain in time of drought, and fair weather after great rains.
Upon him they had their first dependence for recovery
from fickneſs, but if he failed them they applied to their
powows, which, it is moft likely, brought upon them the
charge
of me, among the reft there was that woman with an image about
her neck; I asked her why ſhe wore it there, the roundly and
readily anſwered me, I pray unto it. Why, fays I, do you account
that to be your God? She as readily anfwered me yes. At which
I marvelled, having never feen the like before at any place I ever
came to. I therefore declared to her and to the company about
us the greatnefs of the fin of idolatry. I urged the fecond com-
mandment. I fhewed how much idols fhould be demoliſhed. I
defired her to give it to me that I might demoliſh it, but ſhe re-
fuſed. I offered her half a crown for it, but he was not willing.
Perceiving it was tied with a riding knot, I flipped the knot and
flipped off the image; then fhe fwelled with anger and cried.
I prefently gave her half a crown, which he took but was not pa-
cified. I told the company, the firft pond I came to I would ĉaſt
it in. When I departed, the woman girt up her loins and ran after
me; when I perceived it, I asked her whither fhe went, fhe an-
fwered, whither I went, and ſhe would not leave me fo long as I
had her God about me. It began to rain, which was fome dif
couragement to my going forward; then I confidered that this
act of mine, in taking away and abolishing the idol, was neither fo
proper nor fo valid as it would be if the rulers and fachems fhould
do it. I refolved to return, and did fo and the woman after me.
When I came to the wigwam, there being four fachems prefent
which prayed to God, I defired them all to come together. Being
come, I told them that feeing the rain had driven me back, God
would not have me yet to go, but fomewhat effe is to be done
about this idol and the fin of idolatry, and becauſe the woman
is not content with what I have done I do commit the matter and
the idol unto you to judge. So I laid it upon the ground before
them where they fat, and went to confer with the company.
When they had fat about half an hour in confultation, they de-
fired the company to come before them, which they did. They
faid they had agreed upon their judgments. 1ft, That the act in
taking away the idol was well done. 2dly, That one man fhould
be appointed to demolish the idol, and three others for witneffes
that it was done. 3dly, They adjudged the idolatrefs to be a great
finner, yet as it was the first time, and fhe had done it ignorantly,
therefore they would fpare her, yet they did all one after another
reprove her very folemnly. After execution was done upon the
I
idol,
474
THE HISTORY OF
charge of worſhipping the Devil. The powows the
English called their priests. We have many idle ftories of
the intercourſe they had with the Devil. Their craft was
in danger from the preachers of the gospel, who condemned
their cheats and juggles as diabolical, and they were great
oppofers of the gofpel, and threatned the new converts with
death and deftruction, and many were fo intimidated that
the powows were fuppofed to have fafcinated or be
witched them. Paffaconaway, a great fagamore upon
Merrimack river, was the moſt celebrated powow in the
country. He made the Indians believe ftrange things;
that he could make water burn, rocks move and trees dance,
and metamorphofe himſelf into a flaming man; that in win-
ter he could raiſe a green leaf out of the afhes of a dry one,
and produce a living fnake from the ſkin of a dead onet.
idol, one declared that he underſtood there were fome more idols
like to that, in other houfes. I requested the fachems to fend for
thofe alſo. The officer or conftable went well guarded, and pre-
fently brought a bright brafs image or feraphim with his wings
fpread, to the fachems, who prefently paffed the fame judgment
they had done upon the former, and it was executed accordingly.
-I afked, how it fhould come to paſs that there fhould be fuch
idolatry here, and in no place elfe that I had heard of. They
rendered this reafon. That being the moft northerly place that I
refort to, fome of thofe Indians have commerce with the Indians
that are yet more northerly, who have commerce with thoſe
whom the French teach to pray to fuch idols, therefore they
think the idols and idolatry come from them.
The Oqui of the Algonquins, or French Indians, was the fame with
the powow of the Engliſh Indians. Champlain ſays, that what
caufed it to be fuppofed they intended the Devil, was that when
they faw a man do any thing extraordinary, or have any extra-
ordinary qualities, as a brave warrior, or a furious fellow to the
degree of madness, they called him Oqui. That ſome of theſe
Oqui's undertook to heal the fick, cure the wounded, and to fore-
tell future events. The Oqui's perfuaded the fick to caufe feafts
to be made that they might have a fhare in them, and to perform
many ceremonies in hopes of a ſpeedy cure. Sometimes the phy-
fician acquired reputation by the fudden reftoration of the patient,
but if they were very ill the horrid noiſe and diſturbance the Oqui
made, was much more likely to kill than cure.
They had a tradition that a crow brought the first grain of In-
dian
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
475
WHEN the powow was fent for in any malady, after
a hideous bellowing and groaning, he made a ftop, and all
the auditors with one voice uttered a fhort note, and then
the powow renewed his roaring, fmiting his naked breaſt
and thighs, and jumping about until he foamed at the
mouth. The patients were frequently cured of imagi-
nary diftempers, by thefe ridiculous pranks, and fuch in-
ſtances of recovery worked upon the credulity of the Indi-
ans, fo far as to make them to fuppofe the powows could
heal them and poifon them when they pleafed. The lat-
ter was the eaſieſt, and it is not unlikely that they had
enough of the Devil in them to do it, in order to carry on
the fraud and raiſe their characters. Theſe poor deluded
creatures were foon convinced that the Engliſh medicines
had a healing virtue beyond all the charms of the powows *.
There is a noted inftance of Mr. Winflow, the governor
of Plimouth, his reviving old Maffafoiet, by the help of a
dofe of Mithridate, when given over by his own phyſicians.
Mr. Mayhew vifiting the fon of Towanquattick, a Saga-
more at Martha's Vineyard, who was ill of a fever, and
whom the powows pronounced a dead man, let him blood,
and he foon recovered +. Many of the powows became
converts to Mr. Eliot and Mr. Mayhew; among the reft,
Paffaconnaway, the Sagamore already mentioned. Some of
the converts gave this account," that when any of the
"Indians fell into a strange dream, wherein Chepian ap-
dian corn, and although this bird often robbed their fields, not one
Indian in an hundred would kill them. R. Williams.
*
"I find, by God's bleffing on fome means ufed in phyfick and
chirurgery, they are already convinced of the folly of powowing,
and are eaſily perfuaded to give it over, as a finful and diabolical
practice." Mr. Eliott's letter, Nov. 12, 1648.
+ Their ſweatings in their hot houſes was a more rational remedy
than the powowing. By theſe they are faid to have eaſily got rid
of the French diſeaſe. The Six Nations make uſe of a plant, which
they pretend is a ſpecific for that diftemper, but make a ſecret of it,
I will mention an inftance of their fagacity. Obferving that the
mufquafh fed freely upon the hemlock without hurt, they took
out the ftomach of the animal, dried and pulverized it, and gave
it to their children who had eaten of the plant, and found it to be
an antidote for the poifon.
"peared
476
THE HISTORY OF
23
ἐσ peared unto them as a ferpent, the next day they tell
"the other Indians of it, and, for two days after, the reſt
"of the Indians dance and rejoice for what they tell them
"about this ferpent, and fo they become their powows.
Being aſked what theſe powows do, and what uſe they
are of, they faid, "their principal employment was to cure
"the fick, by certain odd geftures and beating themſelves,
"and then they fhall pull out the ficknefs by applying their
"hands to the fick perfon, and fo blow it away. This
account was given to Mr. Eliot, who made this inference,
"fo that their pòwows are great witches, having fellowſhip
" with the old Serpent, to whom they pray, and by whofe
"means they heal fick perfons," &c. Some of them were
jugglers, and without arriving to any great degree of
fection, they might raiſe the admiration of the generality
of their blockish countrymen. However, the contempo-
raries of the aboriginals all fay, that, beſides the Ketan, or
their good fpirit, they had fome notion of an evil fpirit,
which is fometimes called Chepian, but generally Abamo-
cho *; lord of thoſe infernal regions to which they con-
figned their enemies. Mr. Mayhew, in a letter dated in
1650, relates a converſation between Hiacoomes a chriſtian
Indian, and Myoxco, a chief man of a place at the Vine-
yard. Myoxco demanded how many Gods + the English
per-
* "The Indians who had never feen any man blacker than
themfelves, happened to fpy a Negro a top of a tree who had loft
his way, ran to the next plantation to inform the Engliſh that
they had feen Abamocho, and to intreat their affiftance to conjure
him down. The English went out and found the poor wandering
black and conducted him to his mafter.' Wood.
Query, Whether it was not as natural for them to have taken the
firft white man they faw for Abamocho, as the firft black, their
own colour being a medium between both.
Mr. Eliot, in tranflating the bible, could find no Indian word
for God. In the prayers and fermons made by the Indians in their
own language, they have been taught to ufe the word Jehovah,
or the English words God or Lord. R. Williams ufes the Indian
word Manitoo, by which word they feem rather to have expreffed
their admiration at any thing which excelled, whether animate or
inanimate,
worshipped,
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
477
worthipped, and being answered, one, he reckoned up
about 37 principal gods he had; and fhall I, faid he,
throw away thefe 37 gods for one? *
THE Indians of Canada, according to Charlevoix, had
an infinite number of genii, or fubaltern fpirits, good and
bad, who had their particular worſhip. Very circum-
ftantial accounts have been published, by the French
writers, of the religious rites and ceremonies of the nor-
thern Indians, their feaſts and fafts, their priests, and even
their nuns or veftal virgins'; which accounts have either
been too cafily received, or elfe the northern differed
much from the more fouthern Indians, who, at beft, gave
themſelves but little concern upon any poi: t of religion.
A deep enquiry into futurity could not confift with that
indolent ſtate of mind, which they made the fummit of all
happiness. An Indian convert difcourfing with Wcofama-
quin, the great Sachem, he enquired of the convert, what
worldly good things he had gained by his new religion;
and not receiving a fatisfactory anfwer, gave himſelf no
further thought about it. Mr. Mayhew † fays, that upon
the firſt propoſals of religion to them, they generally made
thefe three enquiries. 1. What earthly riches they ſhould
f
Roger Williams fays that when they faw one man excell
others in wiſdom, valour, ftrength, &c. they would cry cut, he
is a god. And when they heard of the English ups houfes, and
manner of plowing their fields, they pronounced that they were
gods. By their eatern, weftern, fouthern, and northern goċs,
which the fame author fpeaks of, they probably intended no more
than the chief fagamores of the feveral places to which fouls
went. This is very confiftent with the grofs notions they had of a
future ftate.
I began to fufpect, from this inftance of plurality of gods, fome-
thing like the mythology of the ancients. Romulus in cœlo cum diis
agit ævum. Cic. But I have no where met with any evidence of
their making any of their doceafed heroes the objects of their religious
worship, nor fo much as preferving the remembrance of their names;
and it is probable the Indian run over a number of names to impofe
upon Mr. Mayhew, or to get rid of his importauity, and that, from
this authority only, other writers have mentioned a plurality of
Gods.
↑ His letter to the corporation, 1650.
Hh
get.
478
THE HISTORY OF
get. 2. What approbation they ſhould have from other
lagamores and governors. 3. How they fhould come off
from the powows *.
MANY people pleaſed themſelves with a conjecture, that
the Indians in America were the defcendants of the ten
tribes of Ifrael. There was as little affinity between the
Indian and the Hebrew language, as between the languages
of any two nations upon the earth, and the New-England
Indians had no one cuftom peculiar to the Ifraelites, except
that of the feparation of the women on certain occafions.
This cuftom obtained among moft of the nations upon the
continent. The French ſpeak of others, viz. that, at cer-
tain repafts, they never make uſe of knives; it is not pro-
bable they ever had any to'ufe, on any occafion, until they
were brought to them from Europe; they called the firſt
English knifemen: That they never break the bones of
the beafts they eat, and that, in fome of their fongs, you
may diftinguish the word Hallelujah. One Capt. Crom-
well, a rich bucanier, who died at Boſton about 1646,
affured governor Dudley, that he had feen Indians to the
fouthward circumcifed. This increaſed the faith of many†.
The authors of the univerfal hiftory feem to have as little.
grounds for the conjecture, that the Indians are the pofte-
rity of the ancient Scythians, and that Maffachuſets, a com-
pound Indian word, might be derived from Mafagetes.
•
* R. Williams fays that when he had difcourfed of the creation,
of the foul, of the danger of it, and the faving of it, they affented;
but when he spake of the refurrection of the body, they cried out,
we will never believe this.
†Their greafing their hair is called, by R. Williams, anoint-
ing their heads.
They are faid to call the feven ftars the Bear. This would
be very frange, if there was any evidence of their calling them
fo, when the firft European arrived. So remarkable a conftella-
tion must have been always diftinguished by them. A Bear
being fo common an animal with them, they probably were ac-
quainted with the name of the contellation being the fame with
that of the animal, from their moft early converfe with the English
or French,
OUR
+
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
479
OUR anceſtors attempted to account for the first peo-
pling America, confiftent with the facred hiftory of the
creation, but were obliged to leave the matter in the fame
uncertainty, as all others have done who have ſince made
the like attempt.
The language of the Indians, from Pifcataqua to Con-
necticut, was fo nearly the fame, that they could tolerably
well converfe together. It was obferved, that without the
greatest difficulty, they could not be brought to pronounce
the letters L or R. For Lobfter, they faid Nobftan. The
Tarrenteens founded the R eafily. Labials they uſed with
freedom. It is obferved of the weſtern Indians, particu-
larly the fix nations, that they have no labials in all their
language, and they and the Nipnets, who lived little more
than 100 miles from them, could not better understand
one another than the English and Chineſe.
AT the beginning, our planters promifed themfelves
great things from the foil, and imagined they were rich,
having the property of fo great an extent of territory.
The general court allowed no more than zoo acres of land,
in the firſt dividend, for 50 pounds fterling advanced for the
plantation. Mr. Johnfon, in a will made in 1629, fuppofes
his intereft, as a proprietor, worth fix hundred pounds fter-
ling*, but many years hadnot paffed, before an ingenious
writer + obferved, that the planters had found, by experi-
ence, that their improved lands were of no greater value
(in many places not fo great) than the labour and expence
in fubduing them. Several accounts of the opinions, which
at firſt prevailed, both of the foil and climate, have been
preferved. Wood, a writer of a fertile imagination, who
lived in the country four years, which, from fome paffages
in his hiſtory, appear to have been before the year 1636, or
the Pequod war, fays, "The foil is, for the general, a warm
* In 1716, feveral gentlemen joined in the purchaſe of about
500,000 acres of land in the eaſtern country, called the Pejepicot
purchaſe. The whole confideration was no more than about one
hundred pounds fterling, Douglass.
† Mr. Hubbard,
Hh 2
"kind
480
THE HISTORY OF
1.
r
kind of earth, there being little cold fpewing land, no
"moorish fenns, no quagmires, the loweft grounds be the
"marfhes, over which, every full and change, the fea flows;
"theſe marſhes be rich ground and bring plenty of hay,
"of which the cattle feed, and like as it they were fed
"with the best up-land hay in New-England, of which
"likewife there is great ſtore, which grows commonly be-
"tween the marshes and the woods. This meadow ground
"lies higher than the marshes, whereby it is freed from
"the overflowing of the feas, and befides this, in many
places where the trees grow thin, there is good fodder
"to be got amongst the woods. There be likewife in di-
"vers places near the plantations great broad meadows,
"wherein grow neither fhrub nor tree, lying low, in which
places grows as much grafs as may be thrown out with
"a fcyth, thick and long, as high as a man's middle, fome
as high as the ſhoulders, ſo that a good mower may cut
"three load in a day. Many object this is but coarſe fod-
❝ der.
True it is, that it is not fo fine to the eye as
Engliſh grafs, but, being made into hay, the cattle eat
"it as well as lea hay, and like as well with it. The worſt
"that can be faid againſt the meadow grounds is, that
"there is but little edifh or after pafture, which may pro-
"cced from the late mowing, more than any thing elſe †.
"For
(6
66
66
* This account is much too favorable. Take the faltmarsh of
the ſeveral parts of the country, one acre with another will not
-produce more than three quarters of a load of hay. Cattle, remote
from the fea, muft have falt, and a little falt hay would undoubtedly
be grateful, and black cattle and horfes and fheep may be kept
alive through the winter with falt hay, but all creatures pref r Eng-
lifh hay when they can have both. The natural upland grafs of the
country commonly called Indian grafs, is poor fodder, perhaps not
better, if fo good as barley ftraw.
1
+ I conclude, from this account, that they had then no hay of
Engliſh graís. Land of a tolerable quality, where Engliſh grafs,
a name given to all imported graffes, has been mowed, we now
And by experience, will afford after feed until the fevere froſts
burn the grafs and caufe it to wither. It has been made a
queftion, whether the feed of the white clover is not in the earth
in
MASSACHUSETS-BAY.
481
"For the more upland grounds, there be different kinds,
"in fome places clay, fome gravel, fome a red fand, all
"which are covered with a black mould, in fome places
66
a foot deep, in others not fo much. Such is the rank-
"nefs* of the ground, that it muſt be ſown the firſt year
"with Indian corn, which is a foaking grain, before it
"will be fit to receive English feed. For the natural foil,
In all parts of the country, and our farmers affirm, and there
is no doubt of the fact, that if they break up new ground in the
woods, where no dung has ever been fpread, and lay it down
the next or the fame year, and give it a thin coat of ashes, the
white honey fuckle comes in as thick as if the feed had been fown.
Some connoiffeurs fay, that the plant and flower differ from the
English honey fuckl. Athes will, certainly, in fome of our im-
proved lands, bring in this fort of grafs, when barn dung, or fea
manure, will bring in other forts of English grafs in the fame
feld. On the other hand, in travelling the woods where no cattle
has been, and where the foil has been fo good that the brakes
and Indian graſs have been four or five feet high, I have fearched
for English grafs without being able to find a fpire of any fort.
Some have fuppofed that the pigeons, which come down to the
plantations in infinite numbers, and other birds of paffage, ſcatter
the feeds in their dung through the continet. There is a tradi-
ton, that the grafs called fowl meadow grafs, which is fuperior to
any other grafs of the fresh water meadows, was firft brought to the
meadows in Dedham, by a large flight of wild fowls, and that
from thence the grafs and the meadows, where it was first dif-
covered, and from whence it has been communicated to many parts
of the country, took their names. I do not find the obfervation
any where made that, at the beginning of the English fettlements,
the European grafs came into ground which had been broke up,
before any feed was fown. On the other hand, it is not probable
that the feeds of all that great variety of graffes, diftinct from what
is called wild or Indian grafs with which our fields abound, was
ever imported or fown among us,
* Rather the roughness of the ground. The Indian corn re
quiring frequent plowings, what are now called horfe hoeings, be-
fides hoeing and hilling by hand, the land is pulverized, and there
will be fine tilth neceflary for English grain the next year. Indian
corn is likewife gathered late, after the frafts fet in, and, if the
corn has been well tended, there will be no grafs or weeds when the
frots break up in the fpring, immediately after which it ſhould be
ploughed for the English grain.
Hh 3
482
THE HISTORY OF
66
<<
"I prefer it before the counties of Surry or Middlefex,
which, if they were not enriched with continual manur-
"ings, would be lefs fertile than the meaneft grounds in
"New-England; wherefore, it is not impoffible, nor
"much improbable, that, upon improvements, the foil
may be as good in time, as England. If any man doubt
"of the goodness of the ground, let him comfort himſelf
"with the cheapnefs of it; fuch bad land in England, I
"am fure, will bring in flore of good money. There hath
as good Engliſh corn grown there as can be defired,
efpecially rye, oats and barley; There hath been no
great trial of wheat and beans, only thus much I affirm,
that thefe two grains grow well in gardens."
«Ε
66
..
THIS author's account of the country is not unfavor-
able. An anonymous manufcript which was fent to Eng-
land in the beginning of the year 1637, gives us a diffe-
rent idea.
"THE foil, it is, for the natrue of it, mixed; the upland,
rather participates of fand than clay, yet our rye likes it
not, an argument it is both cold and barren, yet I find
"fome of it manured to yield fome increaſe, but not to
"anſwer expectation; the low lands are, for the moſt part,
"covered with underwoods, the foil, which is a mixture of
"clay and fand, feems to have been fattened by the conti-
"nual fall of leaves from the trees growing thereon. This
"fol is like your woodland in England, beſt at firſt, yet
"afterwards grows more barren. This raifed the report
"of fo rich a foil, but we* that came after found, by dear
66
experience, that affection, not judgment, was the author
❝ of it; for, after five or fix years, it grows barren beyond
belief; and whereas, after the land in England proves
fertile for grafs, this yields none at all, but, like the land
about Dunſtable, puts on the face of winter in the time
of fummer. I do believe, that if we had marl, lime, or
other manure, this barrennefs might, in part, be cured,
¿
T
* I fuppofe he means the Maffachufets planters who came after
Plimouth men.
" buta
MASSACHUSETS - BAY.
483
:
"but, as yet, we are deftitute of thefe fupplies. The na-
"tural coldness confutes the opinion of thofe, who did con-
"ceive it to be originally fertile, and experience confirms
"this to be true, for beans, millet, and fitches and roots,
"which delight in a cold foil, profper here alike. For
"the prefent, we make a fhift to live, but hereafter, when
our numbers increaſe, and the fertility of the foil doth
"decreaſe, if God diſcover not means to enrich the land,
"what fhall become of us I will not determine, but, it is
"probable, we must either difband ourselves, like
"beafts ftreightened in their pasture, and fo be liable to
"deftruction from the natives (I mean the Pequods) or elſe,
"continuing together, be made the fubject of fome fearful
"famine and the mifery that accompanieth it. Hay, we
"have here of the low lands, fuch as it is, which, in my
"opinion, is inferior in goodness to our reed and fedge in
<c
'
England, for it is fo devoid of nutritive vertue, that our
"beafts grow loufy with feeding upon it, and are much
out of heart and liking; befides, it breeds among them.
fundry diſeaſes which we know not how to cure. Some
"have learned to make better provifion, by burning the
grafs when it is near ripe, and fo fuffering a new crop to
ſpring out of the aſhes of the old. This they cut down,
"before it be half ripe, and make it into hay, but this
proves like your after meath in Old England, not fit to
labour with, yielding a faint nourishment, which brings.
our cattle fo low, and many times to difeafes of which
they hardly ever recover.
[C
66
દુઃ
A gentlewoman, a few years after, in another manu-
fcript, fends the following account. "When I remember
"the high commendations fome have given of the place,
" and find it inferior to the reports, I have thought the
"reaſon thereof to be this, that they wrote furely in
ftrawberry time.-When I have thought again of the
mean reports, and find it far better than thole reports,
"I have fancied the eyes of the writers were fo fixed on
"their old Engliſh chimney tops, that the finoke put them
..
Hh4
OWL
484
THE HISTORY OF
6 out.
66
.
The air of the country is fharp, the rocks many,
"the trees innumerable, the grafs little, the winter cold,
"the fummer hot, the gnats in fumm r biting, the wolves
at midnight howling, &c. Look upon it, as it hath the
means of grace, and, if
you pleate, you may call it a
"Canuan.I perceive fome among you have imagined
they might enlarge their eftates by coming here, but I
"am taught that great men muft look to be lofers, unleſs
they reckon that gain which, by the glorious means of
life, comes down from heaven. Men (by what I hear)
"of your rank and worth, will be welcome on New-
England's coafts; he only can adviſe you beft, who can
"lead you to his place," &c.
66
'
..
..
66
MR. Hubbard, whofe manufcript hiſtory was wrote
about 1680, could make a better judgment.
66
"As for the foil, it is, for the general, more mountain-,
"ous and hilly than otherwife, and, in many places, very
rocky and full of ftones, yet intermingled with many
"plains and valleys, fome of which are fandy and inclinable
to barrenness, efpecially thofe which abound with pitch
pines, and there are many fuch, as likewife many fwamps
"or boggy places, full of fmall bushes and underwoods.
"But here and there, are many rich and fruitful fpots of
66
'
66
land, fuch as they call interval land, in level and cham-
"pain grounds, that oftentimes are overflown by the chan-.
"nels of water which run befide them, which is ſuppoſed
"to enrich the foil that is fo watered*. The fatnefs of
"the earth washed by the rains, and melting of the fnow
from the furface of the higher parts of the country,
*The two great rivers, Connecticut and Hudson's river, are
moft remarkable for large tracts of this interval land, which are fo
often overflowed as to need no other manure, the waters in a freſhet
Iringing down fo much muck from the mountains, like the waters
of the Nile, as to keep the ground in good heart to bear a crop
of wheat every year. Sometimes, a great frefhet, in the months
of June and July, is prejudicial to the crops upon the mowing
and pasture land, for that feafon, making the grais foul' and dif-
agaceable to the cattle,
66
DY
being
}
MASSACHUSETS - BAY.
485
#
..
being, by thoſe floods, caft upon the levels which lie by the
"fides of thoſe greater ftreams. In many fuch places, their
"land hath been known to be fown or planted full forty
66
66
years together, without any confiderable abatement of
"the crop, never failing of thirty or forty bufhels per acre.
"But for the generality of the foil, it is of a lighter fort
"of earth, whofe fruitfulnefs is more beholden to the in-
"fluence of the heavens, advantage of the feaſon, ſkill and
induftry of the tiller, than to the ftrength of its own
66 temper. Such as came hither firft upon difcovery,
"chanced to be here in the first part of the fummer,
"when the earth was newly adorned with its beſt attire
"of herbs and flowers, flourishing with fuch early fruits
"as weather beaten travellers are wont to refresh them-
"felves with beholding; as ftrawberries, goofeberries, raf-
"berries, cherries, and whorts, as they obferved who
"firft landed about Martha's Vineyard, from whence they
"promiſed themſelves and their fucceffors a very flourish-
ing country, as they did who landed firft upon the coaft
"of Florida. All forts of grain fown in the fpring, are
"found to grow pretty naturally here. The cold oft-
"tim s proves fo extream, as to kill that which is com-
"mitted to the ground before winter *."
From thefe
•
Cur farmers, by fowing their feed early, the ground being
prepared in ridges to throw off the rains and meiting nows, raite
winter wheat and rye with good fucceis. The great difcourage-
ment has been the blaft. An idle opinion obtained among the .
vulgar, that fince the execution of the Quakers, about a century
pat, wheat has always blafled. Generally, between the firit
and the tenth of July, it has been obferved, that the dew,
called the honey dew, falling upon the wheat (the mining efter
being hot and calm) caufes the ruft or blaft. Ordinarily, if the
wheat be fown early, it will be fo forward, by this time, that the
grain will not fuffer by it. The spring or fommer grain, being
Tater before it is ripe, is, in general, the most expoled. Sir Henry
Frankland, feveral years ago, imported from Litbon the ferd of fum-
mer wheat, which ripens there in twelve weeks, and the flower of
it is in great efteem. This fort has been lefs fubject to blah than
any other. It ripens in the Mallachults about 16 weeks from
the ſowing:
feveral
£
486
THE HISTORY OF, &c..
feveral accounts, fome judgment may be made of the opi-
nion our forefathers had formed of the country. Expe-
rience convinced many of them, that the value of the land
when cleared, would make but poor wages for their labor
in clearing it. It is a happy thing, that a fondneſs for
freeholds to tranfmit to pofterity, with privileges annexed
to them, excited fo many of the first planters of America
to hard labor, and fupported them under hard fare. A
great part of this vaft continent, filled with wild beafts and
favage men fcarcely fuperior to them, now affords the
neceffaries and conveniences of a civilized life, equal to the
like tracts of improved country in other parts of the
globe. Hiftory affords us no inftance of fo great im-
provements in fo fhort a time. The fame paffion ſtill
continues, and affords a profpect of the like happy effect
for ages yet to come.
A natural hiſtory of the country will afiord a volume
of itſelf, and it is a work much wanted, and would enter-
tain the curious. The botanical part would be very uſe-
ful. I have not leifure, and if I had, I have not a genius
for fuch an undertaking. I wish fome perfon, who has
both the one and the other, would undertake it.
>.
1
APPENDIX
( 487 )
APPENDIX.
Ρ Ρ Ε
NUMBER
I.
The humble Reqveft of his Majefties loyall Subjects,
the Governour and the Company late gone for
New-England; to the rest of their Brethren in
and of the Church of England.
Reverend FATHERS and BRETHREN,
T
}
HE generall rumour of this folemne enterprife,
wherein ourselves with others, through the pro-
vidence of the Almightie, are engaged, as it may
fpare us the labour of imparting our occafion unto you, fo
it gives us the more incouragement to ftrengthen ourſelves
by the procurement of the prayers and bleffings of the
Lord's faithful fervants: For which end wee are bold to
have recourfe unto you, as thofe whom God hath placed
neareſt his throne of mercy; which as it affords you the
more opportunitie, fo it impofeth the greater bond upon
you to intercede for his people in all their ftraights; we
beleech you therefore by the mercies of the LORD JESVS
to confider us as your Brethren, ftanding in very great
need of your helpe, and earneftly imploring it. And how-
foever your charitie may have met with fome occafion of
difcouragement through the mifreport of our intentions,
or through the difaffection, or indifcretion, of fome of us,
or rather amongst us: for wee are not of thoſe that
dreame of perfection in this world; yet we defire you
would be pleafed to take notice of the principals, and
body of our company, as thofe who efteeme it our honour
to call the Church of England, from whence wee rife, our
deare
4.8
APPENDIX.
1
f
deare Mother, and cannot part from our native countrie,
where the Ipecially refideth, without much ſadneſs of heart,
and many tears in our eyes, ever acknowledging that fuch
hope and part as we have obtained in the common falva-
tion, we have received in her bofome, and fuckt it from
her breasts: wee leave it not therefore, as loathing that
milk wherewith we were nourished there, but bleffing God
for the parentage and education, as members of the fame
body, thall alwayes rejoice in her good, and unfainedly
grieve for any forrow that shall ever betide her, and while
we have breath, fyncerely defire and indeavour the conti-
nuance and abundance of her welfare, with the inlargement
of her bounds in the kingdome of CHRIST JESVS.
Be pleaſed therefore Reverend FATHERS & BRETHREN
to helpe forward this worke now in hand; which if it
profper, you ſhall bee the more glorious, howsoever your
judgment is with the LORD, and your reward with your
GOD. It is an ufuall and laudable exerciſe of your charity,
to recommend to the prayers of your congregations the
neceffities and fìraights of your private neighbours: Doe
the like for a Church fpringing out of your owne bowels.
Wee conceive much hope that this remembrance of us,
if it be frequent and fervent, will bee a moft profperous
gale in our fa:les, and prouide fuch a paffage and wel-
come for us, from the God of the whole earth, as both
we which ſhall finde it, and yourſelves, with the reſt of our
friends, who fhall heare of it, fhall be much inlarged to
bring in fuch daily returnes of thanksgivings, as the
fpecialties of his Providence and Goodnes may juſtly
challenge at all our hands. You are not ignorant, that the
Spirt of GOD ftirred up the Apoftle Paul to make conti-
nuall mention of the Church of Philippi (which was a
Colonie of Rome) let the fame Spirit, we beleech you, put
you in mind, that are the Lord's Remembrancers, to pray
for us without ceafing (who are a weake Colony from
yourſelves) making continuall request for us to GoD in
all your prayers.
WHAT
APPENDIX.
489
WHAT we intreat of you that are the minifters of God,
that we crave at the hands of all the reſt of cur Brethren,
that they would at no time forget us in their private foli-
citations at the throne of Grace.
If any there be, who through want of cleare intelli-
gence of our courfe, or tenderneffes of affection towards
us, cannot conceive fo well of our way as we could defire,
we would intreat fuch not to de pile us, nor to defert us in
their prayers and affections, but to consider rather, that
they are ſo much the more bound to expreffe the bowels of
their compaffion towards us, remembring alwaies that both
Nature and Grace, doth binde us to relieve and reſcue
with our utmoſt and ſpeedieft power, fuch as are deare
unto us, when wee conceive them to be running uncom-
fortable hazards.
WHAT goodnes you fhall extend to us in this or any
other Chriftian kindneffe, wee your Brethren in CHRIST
JESVS fhall labour to repay in what dutie wee are or
thall be able to performe, promifing, fo farre as Gon fhall
enable us, to give him no reft on your behalfes, wiſhing
our heads and hearts may be as fountains of tears for
your everlaſting welfare, when wee fhall be in our poore
Cottages in the wilderneffe, over-fhadowed with the fpiric
of fupplication, through the manifold neceflities and tribu-
lations which may not altogether unexpectedly, nor, we
hope, unprofitably befall us. And fo commending you to
the Grace of GOD in CHRIST, wee fhall ever reft,
Your affured Friends and Brethren,
From Farmouth, aboord
the Arabella, April 7, 1630.
Io: Winthrope, Gov.
Charles Fines,
George Phillips.
&c.
· Rich: Saltonfall.
Ifaac Johnson.
Tho: Dudley.
William Coddington.
&c.
NUMBER II.
490
APPENDIX.
NUMBER II.
Certain Propofals made by Lord Say, Lord Brooke,
and other Perfons of quality, as conditions of
their removing to New-England, with the
anfwers thereto.
DEMAND I.
T
HAT the common-wealth fhould.
confift of two diftinct ranks of men,
whereof the one fhould be for
them and their heirs, gentlemen of the country, the other
for them and their heirs, freeholders.
ANSWER. TWO diftinct ranks we willingly acknow-
ledge, from the light of nature and fcripture; the one of
them called Princes, or Nobles, or Elders (amongſt whom
gentlemen have their place) the other the people. Here-
ditary dignity or honours we willingly allow to the former,
unlefs by the fcandalous and bafe converfation of any of
them, they become degenerate. Hereditary liberty, or
eftate of freemen, we willingly allow to the other, unleſs
they alſo, by fome unworthy and flaviſh carriage, do dif-
franchize themſelves.
DEM. 2. That in thefe gentlemen and freeholders, af
fembled together, the chief power of the common-wealth
fhall be placed, both for making and repealing laws.
ANS. So it is with us.
DEM. 3. That each of thefe two ranks fhould, in all
public affemblies, have a negative voice, fo as without a
mutual confent nothing fhould be eftablished.
ANS. So it is agreed among us,
DEM. 4. That the first rank, confifting of gentlemen,
fhould have power, for them and their heirs, to come to
the parliaments or public affemblies, and there to give their
free votes perfonally; the fecond rank of freeholders fhould
have the fame power for them and their heirs of meeting
and voting, but by their deputies.
ANS
APPENDIX.
491
ANS. Thus far this demand is practifed among us.
The freemen meet and vote by their deputies; the other
rank, give their votes perfonally, only with this difference,
there be no more of the gentlemen that give their votes
perfonally, but fuch as are chofen to places of office, either
governors, deputy governors, councellors, or affiftants.
All gentlemen in England have not that honour to meet
and vote perfonally in Parliament, much lefs all their
theirs. But of this more fully, in an anſwer to the ninth
and tenth demand.
DEM. 5. That for facilitating and difpatch of bufinefs,
and other reaſons, the gentlemen and freeholders ſhould fit
and hold their meetings in two diftinét houſes.
ANS. We willingly approve the motion, only as yet it
is not fo practifed among us, but in time, the variety and
diſcrepancy of fundry occurrences will put them upon a
neceffity of fitting apart.
DEM. 6. That there fhall be fet times for theſe meet-
ings, annually or half yearly, or as fhall be thought fit by
common confent, which meetings fhould have a fet time
for their continuance, but fhould be adjourned or broken
off at the difcretion of both houſes.
ANS. Public meetings, in general courts, are by char-
ter appointed to be quarterly, which, in this infancy of the
colony, wherein many things frequently occur which need
fettling, hath been of good ufe, but when things are more
fully fettled in due order, it is likely that yearly or half
yearly meetings wil' be fufficient. For the continuance
or breaking up of thefe courts, nothing is done but with
the joint confent of both branches.
DEM. 7. That it fhall be in the power of this parlia-
ment, thus conftituted and affembled, to call the governor
and all publick officers to account, to create new officers,
and to determine them already fet up: and, the better to
flop the way to infolence and ambition, it may be ordered
that all offices and fees of office fhall, every parliament,
determine, unleſs they be new confirmed the laſt day of
every feffion.
ANS.
492
APPENDIX.
ANS. This power to call governors and all officers to
account, and to create new and determine the old, is fettled
already in the general court or parliament, only it is not
put forth but once in the year, viz. at the great and general
court in May, when the governor is chofen.
DEM. 8. That the governor fhall ever be chofen out of
the rank of gentlemen.
ANS. We never practice otherwife, chufing the gover-
nor either out of the affiftants, which is our ordinary
courle, or out of approved known gentlemen, as this year +
Mr. Vane.
DEM. 9. That, for the prefent, the Right Honorable
the Lord Viſcount Say and Seale, the Lord Brooke, who
have already been at great diſburſements for the public
works in New England, and fuch other gentlemen of ap-
proved fincerity and worth, as they, before their perfonal
remove, fhall take into their number, fhould be admitted
for them and their heirs, gentlemen of the country. But,
for the future, none fhall be admitted into this rank but
by the content of both houfes.
ANS. The great diſburſements of theſe noble perſon-
eges and worthy gentlemen we thankfully acknowledge,
becaufe the fafety and prefence of our brethren at Con-
necticut is no fmall bleffing and comfort to us. But, though
that charge had never been difburfed, the worth of the
honorable perfons named is fo well known to all, and our
need of ſuch ſupports and guides is fo fenfible to ourſelves,
that we do not doubt the country would thankfully ac-
cept it, as a fìngular favor from God and from them, if
he ſhould bow their hearts to come into this wilderneſs and
help us. As for accepting them and their heirs into the
number of gentlemen of the country, the cuftom of this
country is, and readily would be, to receive and acknow-
ledge, not only all fuch eminent perfons as themfelves and
the gentlemen they ſpeak of, but others of meaner eftate,
fo be it is of fome eminency, to be for them and their heirs,
gentlemen of the country. Only, thus ftandeth our cafe.
Though we receive them with honor and allow them
pre-eminence
† 1636.
4
APPENDIX.
493
pre-eminence and accommodations according to their con-
dition, yet we do not, ordinarily, call them forth to the
power of election, or adminiftration of magiftracy, until
they be received as members into fome of our churchès,
a privilege, which we doubt not religious gentlemen will
willingly defire (as David did in Pfal. xxvii. 4.) and chrif-
tian churches will as readily impart to ſuch deſirable per-
fons. Hereditary honors both nature and fcripture doth
acknowledge (Ecclef. xix. 17.) but hereditary authority
and power ftandeth only by the civil laws of fome com-
monwealths, and yet, even amongst them, the authority
and power of the father is no where communicated, to-
gether with his honors, unto all his pofterity. Where God
bleffeth any branch of any noble or generous family, with
a fpirit and gifts fit for government, it would be a taking
of God's name in vain to put fuch a talent under a bufhel,
and a fin againſt the honor of magiſtracy to negleft fuch
in our public elections. But if God fhould not delight
to furniſh ſome of their pofterity with gifts fit for magif
tracy, we ſhould expofe thent rather to reproach and pre-
judice, and the commonwealth with them, than exalt
them to honor, if we ſhould call them forth, when God
doth not, to public authority.
DEM. 10. That the rank of freeholders fhall be made up
of fuch, as fhall have fo much perfonal eftate there, as fhall
be thought fit for men of that condition, and have con-
tributed, fome fit proportion, to the public charge of the
country, either by their difburfements or labors.
ANS. We muft confefs our ordinary practice to be
otherwife. For, excepting the old planters, i.e. Mr. Hum-
phry, who himſelf was admitted an affiftant at London,
and all of them freemen, before the churches here were
eſtabliſhed, none are admitted freemen of this common-
wealth but fuch as are first admitted members of fome
church or other in this country, and, of fuch, none are ex-
cluded from the liberty of freemen. And out of ſuch
only, I mean the more eminent fort of fuch, it is that
our magiſtrates are chofen. Both which points we ſhould
I i
willingly
494
APPENDIX.
willingly perfuade our people to change, if we could make
it appear to them, that fuch a change might be made ac-
cording to God; for, to give you a true account of the
grounds of our proceedings herein, it feemeth to them,
and alfo to us, to be a divine ordinance (and moral) that
none ſhould be appointed and chofen by the people of God,
magiftrates over them, but men fearing God (Ex. xviii. 21.)
chofen out of their brethren (Deut. xvii. 15.) faints (1 Cor.
vi. 1.) Yea, the apoftle maketh it a fhame to the church,
if it be not able to afford wife men from out of themſelves,
which ſhall be able to judge all, civil matters between their
brethren (ver. 5.) And Solomon maketh it the joy of a
commonwealth, when the righteous are in authority, and
the calamity thereof, when the wicked bear rule.
Prov. xxix. 2.
OBJ. If it be faid, there may be many carnal men
whom God hath invefted with fundry eminent gifts of
wiſdom, courage, juftice, fit for government.
ANS. Such may be fit to be confulted with and em-
ployed by governors, according to the quality and ufe of
their gifts and parts, but yet are men not fit to be truſted
with place of ſtanding power or fettled authority. Ahito-
phel's wiſdom may be fit to be heard (as an oracle of God)
but not fit to be trufted with power of fettled magiftracy,
left he at laft call for 12000 men to lead them forth againſt
David, 2 Sam. xvii. 1, 2, 3. The beſt gifts and parts,
under a covenant of works (under which all carnal men
and hypocrites be) will at length turn afide by crooked
ways, to depart from God, and, finally, to fight againſt
God, and are therefore, herein, oppofed to good men
and upright in heart, Pfal. cxxv. 4, 5.
OBJ. If it be faid again, that then the church eſtate
could not be compatible with any commonwealth under
heaven.
ANS. It is one thing for the church or members of the
church, loyally to fubmit unto any form of government,
when it is above their calling to reform it, another thing to
chufe a form of government and governors difcrepant
from
APPENDIX.
495
courts.
}
from the rule. Now, if it be a divine truth, that none are
to be truſted with public permanent authority but godly
meh, who are fit materials for church fellowſhip, then
from the fame grounds it will appear, that none are ſo fit
to be trufted with the liberties of the commonwealth as
church members. For, the liberties of the freemen of
this commonwealth are fuch, as require men of faithful
integrity to God and the ftate, to preferve the fame. Their
liberties, among others, are chiefly theſe. 1. To chufe
all magiftrates, and to call them to account at their general
2. To chufe fuch burgeffes, every general court,
as with the magiftrates fhall make or repeal all laws.
Now both theſe liberties are ſuch, as carry along much
power with them; either to eftabliſh or fubvert the com-
monwealth, and therewith the church, which power, if it
be committed to men not according to their godliness;
which maketh them fit for church fellowſhip, but
according to their wealth, which, as fuch, makes them
no better than wordly men, then, in cafe worldly men
ſhould prove the major part, as foon they might do, they
would as readily fet over us magiftrates like themſelves;
fuch as might hate us according to the curfe, Levit.
xxvi. 17. and turn the edge of all authority and laws
againſt the church and the members thereof, the main-
tenance of whofe peace is the chief end which God aimed
at in the inftitution of Magistracy. 1 Tim. ii. 1. 2.
A
1
ii ż
NUMBER III.
2
496
APPENDIX.
NUMBER III.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. COTTON to Lord
SAY and SEAL in the Year 1636.
Right honourable,
W
HAT your Lordship writeth of Dr. Twiffe his
works de fcientiâ media, and of the ſabbath, it did
refreſh me to reade, that his labors of fuch arguments were
like to come to light; and it would refreſh me much more
to ſee them here: though (for my owne particular) till I
gett fome releaſe from fome conftant labors here (which
the church is defirous to procure) I can get litle, or noe
oppertunity to reade any thing, or attend to any thing, but
the dayly occurrences which preffe in upon me continually,
much beyond my ftrength either of body or minde. Your
Lordſhips advertiſement touching the civill ftate of this
colony, as they doe breath forth your fingular wiſdome,
and faithfulneſs, and tender care of the peace, fo wee have
noe reaſon to misinterprite, or undervalue your Lordships
eyther directions, or intentions therein. I know noe man
under heaven (I fpeake in Gods feare without flattery)
whoſe counſell I fhould rather depend upon, for the wife
adminiſtration of a civill ftate according to God, than upon
your Lordship, and fuch confidence have I (not in you)
but in the Lords prefence in Chrift with you, that I fhould
never feare to betruſt a greater commonwealth than this
(as much as in us lyeth) under fuch a perpetuâ dicaturâ
as your Lordship fhould prefcribe. For I nothing doubt,
but that eyther your Lordship would prefcribe all things
according to the rule, or be willing to examine againe,
and againe, all things according to it. I am very apt to
believe, what Mr. Perkins hath, in one of his prefatory
pages to his golden chaine, that the word, and fcriptures
of
APPENDIX.
497
of God doe conteyne a fhort upolupofis, or platforme,
not onely of theology, but alfo of other facred fciences,
(as he calleth them) attendants, and handmaids thereunto,
which he maketh ethicks, eoconomicks, politicks, church-
government, prophecy, academy. It is very fuitable to
Gods all-fufficient wifdome, and to the fulnes and per-
fection of Holy Scriptures, not only to preſcribe perfect
rules for the right ordering of a private mans foule to ever-
lafting bleffednes with himfelfe, but alſo for the right or-
dering of a mans family, yea, of the commonwealth too,
fo farre as both of them are fubordinate to fpiritual ends,
and yet avoide both the churches ufurpation upon civill
jurifdictions, in ordine ad fpiritualia, and the common-
wealths invafion upon ecclefiafticall adminiftrations, in
ordine to civil peace, and conformity to the civill ftate.
Gods inftitutions (fuch as the government of church and
of commonwealth be) may be cloſe and compact, and co-
ordinate one to another, and yet not confounded. God
hath fo framed the ſtate of church government and ordi-
nances, that they may be compatible to any common-wealth,
though never ſo much difordered in his frame.
But yet
when a commonwealth hath liberty to mould his owne
frame (Scripture plenitudinem adoro) I conceyve the fcrip-
ture hath given full direction for the right ordering of
the fame, and that, in ſuch ſort as may beſt mainteyne the
euexia of the church. Mr. Hooker doth often quote a
faying out of Mr. Cartwright (though I have not read it
in him) that noe man faſhioneth his houfe to his hangings,
but his hangings to his houfe. It is better that the com-
monwealth be faſhioned to the fetting forth of Gods houſe,
which is his church: than to accommodate the church
frame to the civill ftate. Democracy, I do not conceyve.
that ever God did ordeyne as a fitt government eyther for
church or commonwealth. If the people be governors,
who ſhall be governed? As for monarchy, and arifto-
cracy, they are both of them clearely approoved, and
directed in fcripture, yet fo as referreth the foveraigntie
I i 3
to
498
APPENDIX.
R
to himfelfe, and fetteth up Theocracy in both, as the beſt
forme of government in the commonwealth, as well as
in the church.
The law, which your Lordship inftanceth in [that
none ſhall be chofen to magiftracy among us but a church
member] was made and enacted before I came into the
country; but I have hitherto wanted fufficient light to
plead againſt it. ft. The rule that directeth the choice
of fupreame governors, is of like æquitie and weight in all
magiftrates, that one of their brethren (not a ftranger)
fhould be fet over them, Deut. 17. 15. and Jethroes
counfell to Mofes was approved of God, that the judges,
and officers to be fet over the people, fhould be men
fearing God, Exod. 18. 21. and Solomon maketh it the
joy of a commonwealth, when the righteous are in autho-
rity, and their mourning when the wicked rule, Prov. 29.
21. Jab 34. 30. Your Lordship's feare, that this will
bring in papal excommunication, is iuft, and pious: but
let your Lordship be pleafed againe to confider whether the
.confequence be neceffary. Turpius ejicitur quam non
admittitur: non-memberſhip may be a juft caufe of non-
admiffion to the place of magiftracy, but yet, ejection out
af his memberſhip will not be a juft caufe of ejecting him out
of his magiftracy. A godly woman, being to make choice
of an huſband, may juftly refufe a man that is eyther caft
out of church fellowship, or is not yet receyved into it,
but yet, when ſhee is once given to him, fhee may not
reject him then, for fuch defect. Mr. Humfrey was
chofen for an affiftant (as I heare) before the colony came
over hither and, though he be not as yet ioyned into,
church fellowſhip (by reafon of the unfetlednes of the con-
gregation where he liveth) yet the commonwealth doe ftill
continue his magiftracy to him, as knowing he waiteth
for oppertunity of enioying church fellowship fhortly.
When your Lordfh p doubteth, that this corfe will draw
all things under the determination of the church, in ordine,
ad fpiritualia (feeing the church is to determine who fhall
1
be
AP. PE N.D IX.
499
be members, and none but a member may have to doe
in the government of a commonwealth) be pleaſed (I pray
you) to conceyve, that magiftrates are neyther chofen to
office in the church, nor doe governe by directions from
the church, but by civill lawes, and thoſe enacted in ge-
nerall corts, and executed in corts of iuftice, by the gover-
nors and affiſtants. In all which, the church (as the church)
hath nothing to doe: onely, it prepareth fitt inftruments
both to rule, and to chooſe rulers, which is no ambition
in the church, nor difhonor to the commonwealth, the
apoftle, on the contrary, thought it a great difhonor and
reproach to the church of Chrift, if it were not able to
yield able judges to heare and determine all caufes amongſt
their brethren, 1 Cor. 6. 1. to 5. which place alone ſeem-
eth to me fully to decide this queſtion: for it plainely
holdeth forth this argument: It is a fhame to the church
to want able judges of civill matters (as v. 5.) and an auda-
cious act in any church member voluntarily to go for judg-
ment, otherwhere than before the faints (as v. 1.) then it
will be noe arrogance nor folly in church members, nor
prejudice to the commonwealth, if voluntarily they never
chooſe any civill judges, but from amongst the faints, fuch
as church members are called to be. But the former is cleare:
and how then can the latter be avoyded. If this therefore
be (as your Lordship rightly conceyveth one of the maine
objections if not the onely, one) which hindereth this com-
monwealth from the entertainment of the propofitions of
thoſe worthy gentlemen, wee intreate them, in the name
of the Lord Jefus, to confider, in meeknes of wifdome,
it is not any conceite or will of ours, but the holy counſell
and will of the Lord Jefus (whom they feeke to ſerve as
well as wee) that overruleth us in this cafe: and we truſt
will overrule them alfo, that the Lord onely may be exalted
amongſt all his fervants. What pittie and griefe were it,
that the obfervance of the will of Chrift ſhould hinder
good things from us!
But your Lordſhip doubteth, that if fuch a rule were
neceffary, then the church eftate and the best ordered
commonwealth
I i 4
500
APPENDIX..
:
commonwealth in the world were not compatible. But let
not your Lordship fo conceyve. For, the church fubmitteth
itfelfe to all the lawes and ordinances of men, in what com-
inonwealth foever they come to dwell. But it is one thing,
to fubmit unto what they have noe calling to reforme:
another thing, voluntarily to ordeyne a forme of govern-
ment, which to the beſt difcerning of many of us (for I
fpeake not of myfelfe) is exprefsly contrary to rule. Nor
neede your Lordship feare (which yet I fpeake with ſub-
miſſion to your Lordships better judgment) that this corfe
will lay fuch a foundation, as nothing but a mere demo-
cracy can be built upon it. Bodine confeffeth, that though
it be ſtatus popularis, where a people choofe their owne
governors; yet the government is not a democracy, if it
be adminiftred, not by the people, but by the governors,
whether one (for then it is a monarchy, though elective)
or by many, for then (as you know) it is ariftocracy. In
which refpect it is, that church government is iuftly de-
nyed (even by Mr. Robinſon) to be democratical, though
the people chooſe their owne officers and rulers.
Nar neede wee feare, that this courfe will, in time, caft
the commonwealth into diftractions, and popular con-
fufions. For (under correction) thefe three things doe not
undermine, but doe mutually and ftrongly mainteyne one
another (even thofe three which wee principally aime at)
authority in magiftrates, liberty in people, purity in the
church. Purity, preferved in the church, will preferve
well ordered liberty in the people, and both of them
eftabli h well-ballanced authority in the magiftrates. God
is the author of all theſe three, and neyther is himfelfe the
God of confuſion, nor are his wayes the wayes of con-
fufion, but of peace.
What our brethren (magiftrates or minifters, or leading
freeholders) will answer to the rett of the propofitions, I
fhall better underſtand before the gentlemans returne from
Connecticutt, who brought them over. Mean while two
of the pricipall of them, the generall cort hath already
condefcended
Į
APPENDIX.
501
condefcended unto. 1. In eſtabliſhing a ſtanding councelt,
who, during their lives, fhould affift the governor in ma-
naging the chiefeſt affayres of this little ftate. They have
chofen, for the prefent, onely two (Mr. Winthrope and Mr.
Dudley) not willing to chooſe more, till they fee what fur-
ther better choyfe the Lord will fend over to them, that fo
they may keep an open doore, for fuch defireable gentle-
men as your Lordſhip mentioneth, 2. They have graunted
the governor and affiftants a negative voyce, and referved
to the freemen the like liberty alfo. Touching other
things, I hope to give your Lordſhip further account,
when the gentleman returneth.
He being now returned, I have delivered to him an
anſwer to the reft of your demands*, according to the
mindes of fuch leading men amongst us, as I thought
meete to confult withall, concealing your name from any,
except 2 or 3, who alike doe concurr in a joynt defire of
yeilding to any fuch propofitions, as your Lordship de-
mandeth, ſo faṛre as with allowance from the word they
may, beyond which I know your Lordſhip would not re-
quire any thing.
Now the Lord Jefus Chrift (the prince of peace) keepe
and bleſs your Lordship, and difpofe of all your times and
talents to his beſt advantage: and let the covenant of his
grace and peace reft upon your honourable family and
pofterity throughout all generations.
Thus, humbly craving pardon for my boldneffe and
length, I take leave and reft,
Your Honours to ferve in Chrift Jefus,
* Appendix No II.
J. C.
NUMBER IV.
502
APPENDIX.
*
NUMBER IV.
Copy of a commiffion for regulating Plantations.
CHARLES, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland,
France and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, &c.
To the right reverend father in God, our right trufty and
well beloved counſellour, William, by the providence of
God, Archbishop of Canterbury, primate and metropoli-
tan of all England; to our right trufty and well beloved
counfellour, Thomas Lord Coventry, Lord Keeper of
our great feal of England; to our right reverend father
in God, our right trufty and well beloved counfellour,
Richard, by the providence of God, Archbishop of York,
primate and metropolitan of England; to our right trufty
and well beloved coufin and counfellour, Richard Earle
of Portland, and high treaſurer of England; Henry Earle
of Mancheſter, keeper of our privy feal; Thomas Earle
of Arundell and Surrey, Earle Marſhall of England;
Edward Earle of Dorfet, chamberlaine to our moſt dear
confort the Queen; and to our trufty and well beloved
counfellour Francis Lord Cottington, chamberlaine and
under treaſurer of our Exchequer; Thomas Edmunds,
Knt. treaſurer of our houfhold, John Cook, Knt. one of
our principall fecretaries of ftate; and Francis Windebank,
another of our principall fecretaries of flate, GREETING.
W
HEREAS divers of the fubjects of us and of our
late dear father King James, of famous memory,
late, of England, King, by vertue of our royall authority,
granted not only to enlarge the territories of our empire,
but more especially to propagate the gofpel of our Lord
Jefus Chrift, having, with their exceeding induſtry and
charge, deduced great numbers of the people of England
into
یر
1
APPENDIX.
503
into feveral colonies, in ſeverall places of the world, either
altogether defert and unpeopled, or enjoyed by falvage
and barbarous nations, voyd of all manner of knowledge
of Almighty God, wee, being graciouſly pleafed to pro-
vide for the eaſe and tranquility of the faid fubjects, and re-
pofeing affured confidence in your fidelity, wiſdom, juſtice
and providence, do conftitute you, our faid archbiſhop of
Canterbury, &c. or any five or more of you, our councel-
lours, and to you, or to any five or more of you, do com-
mit and give power of protection and government, as well
over the faid Engliſh colonies already planted, as over all
fuch other colonies, which by any of our people of Eng-
land, hereafter, fhall be deduced into any other like parts
whatſoever, and power to make laws, ordinances and con-
ftitutions, concerning either the ftate public of the faid co-
lonies, or utility of private perfons and their lands, goods,
debts and fucceffion within the precincts of the fame, and
for ordering and directing of them, in their demeanours to-
wards forreigne princes and their people, and likewiſe to-
wards us and our fubjects, as well within any forreigne
parts whatſoever beyond the feas, as during their voyages,
or upon the feas, to and from the fame.
AND for relief and fupport of the Clergy, and the rule
and cure of the foules of our people living in thofe parts,
and for configning of convenient maintenance unto them
by tythes, oblations and other profits accrewing, according
to your good difcretion, with the advice of two or three
of our biſhops, whom you fhall think fitt to call unto your
confultations, touching the diftribution of fuch mainte-
nance unto the clergy, and all other matters ecclefiafticall,
and to inflict puniſhment on all offenders or violaters of
conftitutions and ordinances, either by impriſonments or
other reftraints, or by lofs of life or members, according as
the quality of the offence fhall require, with power alfo
(our royall affent being firft had and obtained) to remove
all governors and prefidents of the faid colonies (upon juft
cauſe appearing) from their feveral places, and to appoint
་་
others
1
504
APPENDIX.
others in their ſtead, and alfo to require and take account
of them touching their office and government, and whom
you ſhall find delinquents, you fhall punish, either by de-
priving them of their feverall places and provinces over
which they are appointed, or by pecuniary mulets and pe-
nalties, according to the qualities of the offences; and
power alſo to ordain temporal judges and civill magiftrates
to determine of civill caufes, with fuch powers, in fuch a
forme, as to you or any five or more of you fhall feem ex-
pedient; and alfo to ordain judges, magiftrates and of-
ficers for and concerning courts ecclefiafticall, with fuch
power and ſuch a forme, as to you or any five or more of
you, with the advice of the bishops fuffragan to the arch-
biſhop of Canterbury for the time being, fhall be held
meet; and power to conftitute and ordaine tribunals and
courts of juſtice, both ecclefiafticall and civill, with fuch
power and in them forme of judicature, and manner of
proceſs and appeals from and to the faid courts, in all cafes
and matters as well criminal as civill, both perfonall, reall
and mixt, and touching the determination pertaining to any
courts of justice, ecclefiafticall and civill, to judge thereof
and determine; provided nevertheless, the faid laws, or-
dinances and conftitutions fhall not be put in execution,
untill our royall affent, expreffed under our figne at leaſt,
be firſt thereunto had and obtained, the which our royall
affent fo obtained, together with the faid laws, ordinances
and conſtitutions, being publiſhed and proclaimed in the
provinces in which they are to be executed, the faid laws,
ordinances and conftitutions, from thenceforth, ſhall be in
force in law; and we do hereby will and command all
fons whom it fhall concern, inviolably to keep and obferve
the fame. Notwithſtanding, it may and fhall be lawful for
you, and every five and more of you, with our royal af-
fent, the ſaid laws, ordinances and conftitutions, (tho' ſo
published and proclaimed as aforefaid) to alter, revoke
and appeal, and other new laws, &c. in forme aforefaid,
from time to time, to make and publifh as aforefaid, and
per-
to
APPENDIX.
505
to new and growing evills and perills to apply new reme-
dies, in fuch manner, and fo often as unto you fhall appear
to be neceffary and expedient.
KNOW YEE alfo, that wee do conftitute you the faid
Archbiſhop of Canterbury, &c. and every five or more of
you, our committees, according to your good diſcretions,
to hear and determine all complaints, at the entrance and
fuit of the party grieved, whether it be against the whole.
colonies themſelves or any governor or officer of the
fame, or whether complaint touching wrongs exhibited
and depending, either between the whole bodies of the co-
lonies, or any private member thereof, and to fummon
the perfons before you, and they or their procurators or
agents being on both fides heard, finally to determine
thereof, according to juftice. GIVING moreover and grant-
ing to you and any five or more of you, that if it fhall ap-
pear, than any officer or governor of the faid colonies,
Thall injuriously intend and ufurp upon the authority, power
and poffeffions of any other, or fhall unjustly wrong one
another, or ſhall not fupprefs all rebells to us, or fuch as
ſhall not obey our commands, that then it fhall be lawful
(upon advice with ourſelf first had) for the cauſes afore-
faid, or upon any other juſt reafon, to remand and cauſe
the offender to returne into England, or into any other
place, according as in your good difcretions you fhall
think juft and neceffary.
AND wee do furthermore give unto you, or any five or
more of you, letters patents and other writeings what-
foever, of us or of our royall predeceffors granted, for or
concerning the planting of any colonies, in any countries,
provinces, iſlands or territories whatſoever, beyond the
feas, and if, upon view thereof, the fame fhall appear to
you, or any five or more of you, to have been furrepti-
tiouſly and unduly obtained, or that any privileges or li-
berties therein granted, be hurtful to us, our crown or
prerogative royall, or to any foreign princes, to cauſe the
fame, according to the laws and cultoms of our realm.
}
of
A
$
5·06
APPENDIX.
of England, to be revoked, and to do all other thing
which fhall be neceffary, for the wholeſome government
and protection of the faid colonies and our people therein.
abideing.
WHEREFORE, Wee command you, that you diligently
intend the premiſes, at fuch times and places as yourſelves.
for that purpoſe ſhall appoint, charging alfo and firmely
commanding all prefidents of provinces within the afore-
faid colonies, now planted or to be planted, and all and
every the faid colonies themſelves, and all other perſons
whom it doth concerne, that they attend you in the pre-
miſes, and be obedient to your commands touching the
fame, ſo often as they fhall be thereunto commanded, at
their peril. IN WITNESS whereof, wee caufed theſe our
letters to be made patent. Withefs ourſelf at Weſtminſter,
28 day of April, in the tenth year of our reign.
1
!
NUMBER V
APPENDIX.
507
NUMBER V.
Copy of the General Courts Addreffe, the 6th of
September 1638.
To the Right Honourable the Lords Commiffioners for
foreigne Plantations.
The humble Petition of the Inhabitants of the Maffachufets
in New-England, of the Generall Court there affembled,
the 6th day of September, in the 14th yeare of the
Reigne of our Soveraigne Lord King CHARLES.
W
HEREAS it hath pleafed your Lordships, by or-
der of the 4th of April laft, to require our patent
to be fent unto you, wee do hereby humbly and fincerely
profeffe, that wee are ready to yield all due obedience to
our foueraigne Lord the King's majefty, and to your
Lordſhips under him, and in this minde wee left our na
tive countrie, and according thereunto, hath been our
practice ever fince, fo as wee are much grieved, that your
Lordſhips fhould call in our patent, there being no caufe
knowne to us, nor any delinquency or fault of ours expreffed
in the order fent to us for that purpoſe, our government
being according to his Majeftyes grant, and wee not
anſwerable for any defects in other plantations, &c.
THIS is that which his Majefties fubjects here doe be-
lieve and profeffe, and thereupon wee are all humble fuitors
to your Lordships, that you will be pleafed to take into
further confideration our condition, and to affoord us the
liberty of fubjects, that we may know what is layd to our
charge; and have leaive and time to anſwer for ourielves
before we be condemned as a people unworthy of his Ma-
jefties favour or protection; as for the quo warranto, men-
tioned in the faid order, wee doe affure your Lordships
2
508
ΑΡΡΕΝ DIX
wee were never called to anſwer to it, and if wee had,
wee doubt not but wee have a fufficient plea to put in.
It is not unknowne to your Lordships, that we came in
to theſe remote parts with his Majefties licence and en-
couragement, under his great feale of England, and in the
confidence wee had of that affurance, wee have tranſported
our families and eftates, and here have wee built and
planted, to the great enlargement and fecuring of his Ma-
jefties dominions in thefe parts, fo as if our patent ſhould
now be taken from us, we fhall be looked on as runnigadoes
and outlawed, and fhall be enforced, either to remove to
fome other place, or to returne into our native country
againe; either of which will put us to unfupportable ex-
tremities, and thefe evils (among others) will neceffarily
follow. (1.) Many thoufand fouls will be expofed to
ruine, being layd open to the injuries of all men. (2.) If
wee be forced to defert this place, the reft of the plantations
(being too weake to fubfift alone) will, for the moſt part,
diffolve and goe with us, and then will this whole country
fall into the hands of the French or Dutch, who would
fpeedily imbrace fuch an oppertunity. (3.) If we fhould
loofe all our labour and cofts, and be deprived of thoſe
liberties which his Majefty hath granted us, and nothing
layd to our charge, nor any fayling to be found in us in
point of allegiance (which all our countrymen doe take
notice of and will juftify our faithfulneſs in this behalfe)
it will difcourage all men heereafter from the like under-
takings upon confidence of his Majeftyes royal grant.
Laftly, if our patent be taken from us (whereby wee fup-
poſe wee may clay me intereft in his Majeftyes favour
and protection) the common people here will confeive
that his Majelty hath caft them off, and that, heereby,
they are freed from their allegiance and fubjection, and,
thereupon, will be ready to confederate themſelves under
a new government, for their neceffary fafety and fubfift-
ance, which will be of dangerous example to other plan-
tations, and perillous to ourfelves of incurring his Ma-
jeftyes difpleafure, which wee would by all means avoyd.
UPON
APPENDIX.
500
UPON theſe confiderations wee are bold to renew our
humble fupplications to your Lordships, that wee may be
fuffered to live here in this wilderneſs, and that this
poore
plantation, which hath found more favour from God than
many others, may not finde leffe favour from your Lord-
fhips; that our liberties fhould be reftreyned, when others
are enlarged, that the dcore fhould be kept ſhutt unto us,
while it ftands open to all other plantations, that men of
ability ſhould be debarred from us, while they give incou-
ragement to other colonies.
WEE dare not queſtion your Lordships proceedings;
we only defire to open our griefes where the remedy is to
be expected: If in any thing we have offended his Ma-
jefty and your Lordfhips, wee humbly proftrate ourſelves
at the footstool of fupreame authority; let us be made the
object of his Majeftyes clemency, and not cut off, in our
first appeal, from all hope of favour. Thus, with our
earnest prayers to the King of Kings for long life and
profpereety to his facred Majefty and his royall family,
and for all honour and welfare to your Lordships, wee
humbly take leave.
THIS is a true copie compared with the original on file,
as attefted.
EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary.
;
1
Kk
NUMBERVI.
1
510
APPENDIX.
;
NUMBER VI.
The Thefes of the firft Clafs of Graduates at
Harvard College, in 1642*.
Spectatiffimis Pietate, et Illuftriffimis Eximia Virtute Viris,
D. Iohanni Winthropo, inclytæ Maffachuſetti Coloniæ
Gubernatori, D. Johanni Endicotto, Vice-
Gubernatori, D. Thom. Dudleo, D. Rich.
Bellinghamo, D. Iohan. Humphrydo,
D. Ifrael. Stoughtono.
Nec non Reverendis pientiffimifque viris Ioanni Cottono,
Ioan. Wilfono, Ioan. Davenport, Tho. Weldo, Hugoni
Petro, Tho. Shepardo, Collegij Harvardenfis,
nov. Cantabr. inſpectoribus fideliffimis,
cæterifque Magiftratibus, & Ecclefia-
rum ejufdem Coloniæ Prefbyteris,
vigilantiffimis.
Has Theſes Philologicas, & Philofophicas, quas, Deo duce,
Præfide Henrico Dunftero, palam pro virili propugnare
conabuntur (honoris & obfervantiæ grantia) dicant
confecrantque in artibus liberalibus
initiati Adolefcentes.
Benjamin Woodbrigius | Henricus Saltonftall
Georgius Downingus Iohannes Bulkleius
Gulielmus Hubbardus
J
Ioannes Wilfonus
Nathaniel Bruſterus
Samuel Bellinghamus
Tobias Bernardus.
Thefes
* From the year 1642 to the year 1764, inclufive, 2124 perfons
have received degrees at Harvard College, about 40 of which were
honorary degrees, the remainder were conferred upon fuch as had
been admitted ftudents there. In July laft, 1091 of the perfons
graduated remained alive, the eldest of whom received his degree
of Bachelor of Arts in 1698. The falary of the Prefident, from
the firft foundation, has been, annually, granted by the government
of the colony and province, befides annual grants which have been
made, for many years paft, to the feveral profeffors and inftructors,
where the foundations have been infufficient. The charge
of
APPENDIX.
511
L
Thefes Philologicas.
GRAMMATICAS.
INGUARUM Scientia eft utiliffima.
Literæ non exprimunt quantum vocis organa efferunt.
3. Hæbræa eft Linguarum Mater.
4. Confonantes & vocales Hæbreorum funt coætaneæ.
5. Punctationes chatephatæ fyllabam proprie not efficiunt.'
6. Linguarum Græca eft copiofiffima.
7. Lingua Græca eft ad accentus pronuncianda.
8. Lingua Latina eft eloquentiffima.
三
​of the feveral buildings alfo, except the firft hóufe built princi-
pally by the legacy of Mr. Harvard, Stoughton-Hall, by lieu-
tenant governor Stoughton, and the Chapel by Mrs. Holden, has
always been born by the government. he library, confifting of
five or fix thouſand volumes, many of them by the mofl cele-
brated authors, grew out of donations from charitable benefactors,
unleſs any ſmall purchaſes have been made out of the college
ftock. This valuable library, together with the apparatus, and the
whole of the college, in which they were placed, were confumed
by fire, in January 1764. Very generous prefents have been
fince made, towards the library, but, as yet, far fhort of pro-
curing one, equal to the former. Of the many benefactors to
the college, the family of Hollis ftands the firt upon the lift.
Mr. Thomas Hollis of London, who died in 1731, founded two
profefforfhips, one of divinity and the other of mathematicks and
natural philoſophy. He gave an apparatus for experimental phi-
lofophy, and made great and frequent additions to the library.
Several other branches of the family have given bountifully to
the college, particularly the prefent Mr. Hollis of Gray's Inn,
who, befides his donations to the former library, has given largely
towards the new library now collecting. The general court, having
cauſed a new college to be built in the year 1763, which coſt
between four and five thousand pounds fterling, it has taken the
name of Hollis-Hall, in grateful remembrance of the benefactions
of this worthy family. I fuppofe the donation of Thomas Han-
cock, Efq; late of Bofton deceafed, who gave one thousand pounds
fterling towards founding a profefforfhip for the oriental languages,
is the next in value. His executor and refiduary legatee, Mr. John
Hancock, being informed of his teftator's intention to have given
five hundred pounds fterling more, towards the library, generously
gave the fame fum for the fame purpoſe.
-
Kk 2
RHETORICAS.
1
512
APPENDIX.
R
RHETORICA S.
HETORICA fpecie differt a Logica.
In Elocutione perfpicuitati cedit ornatus, ornatui copia.
3. Actio primas tenet in pronunciatione.
4. Oratoris eft celare Artem.
U
LOGICAS.
NIVERSALIA non funt extra intellectum.
Omnia Argumenta non funt relata.
3. Caufa fine qua non eft feculiaris caufa a quatuor
reliquis generalibus.
4. Caufa et effectus funt fimul tempore.
5. Diffentanea funt æque nota.
6. Contrarietas eft tantum inter duo.
7. Sublato relato tollitur correlatum.
8. Genus perfectum æqualiter communicatur fpeciebus.
9. Teftimonium valet quantum teftis.
10. Elenchorum doctrina in Logica non eft neceffaria.
11. Axioma contingens eft, quod ita verum eft, ut ali-
quando falfum effe poffit.
12. Præcepta Artium debent effe kata pantos, kath' auto,
kath' olou proton.
P
Thefes Philofophicas.
ETHICAS.
HILOSOPHIA practica eft eruditionis meta.
Actio virtutis habitum antecellit.
3. Voluntas eft virtutis moralis fubjectum.
4. Voluntas eft formaliter libera.
5. Prudentia virtutum difficillima.
6. Frudentia eft virtus intellectualis & moralis
7. Juftitia mater omnium virtutum.
8. Mors potius fubeunda quam aliquid culpæ perpetrandum.
9. Non injufte agit nifi qui libens agit.
10. Mentiri, poteft qui verum dicit.
11. Juveni modeftia fummum ornamentum.
7
PHYSICAS.
1
APPENDIX.
513
1
C
PHYSICAS.
ORPUS naturale mobile eft fubjectum Phyficæ.
Materia fecunda non poteft exiftere fine forma.
3. Forma eft accidens.
4. Unius rei non eft nifi unica forma conftitutiva.
5. Forma eft principium individuationis.
6. Privatio non eft principium internum.
7. Ex meris accidentibus non fit fubftantia.
8, Quicquid movetur ab alio movetur.
9. In omni motu movens fimul eft cum mobili.
10. Cœlum non movetur ab intelligentijs.
11. Non dantur orbes in cœlo.
12. Quodlibet Elementum habet unam ex primis qualita-
tibus fibi maxime propriam.
13. Putredo in humido fit a calore externo.
14. Anima non fit ex traduce.
15. Vehemens fenfibile deftruit fenfum.
O
METAPHISICA S.
MNE ens eft bonum.
Omine creatum eft concretum.
3. Quicquid æternum idem & immenfum.
4. Bonum Metaphyficum non fufcipit gradus.
1
Kk 3
NUMBER VII.
514
APPENDIX.
NUMBER VII.
Copy of the determination of arbitrators for fettling
the line between New-Haven and the Dutch,
in 1650.
ARTICLES of agreement made and concluded at Hart-
ford, upon Connecticut, Sept. 19, 1650, betwixt the
delegates of the honored commiffioners of the united
Engliſhe colonies, and the delegates of Peter Stuyvefant,
governor generall of Newe-Netherlands.
Concerning the bounds and lymits betwixt the Engliſhe
united Collonies and the Dutch province of New-
Netherlands, wee agree and determine as followeth.
ΤΗ
1. THAT upon Long-Ifland, a Line, run from the
weftermoſt part of Oyfter-bay, and fo in a
ftreight and direct line to the fea, fhall be the bounds be-
tweene the Englithe and Dutch there; the eafterly part to
belonge to the English, the weftermoft part to the Dutch.
2. THE bounds, upon the maine, to begin upon the
weft fide of Greenwich bay, being about four miles from
Stamford, and ſo to run a weſterly line 20 miles up into
the country, and after, as it fhall be agreed by the two
governments of the Dutch and Newe-Haven, provided
the faid line runn not within tenn miles of Hudfon's river.
And it is agreed, that the Dutch fhall not, at any tyme
hereafter, build any houfe or habitation within fix miles of
the faid line, the inhabitants of Greenwich to remain (till
further confideration thereof be had) under the govern-
ment of the Dutch.
3. That the Dutch ſhall hould and enioy all the lands
in Hartford, that they are actually in poffeffion off, knowne
;
or
1
APPENDIXPP
515
.
or fett out by certaine merkes and boundes, and all the
remainder of the faid lands, on both fides of Connecticut
river, to be and remaine to the Engliſh there.
AND it is agreed, that the aforefaid bounds and lymyts,
both upon the iſland and maine, fhall be obferved and
kept inviolable, both by the Engliſhe of the united
collonies and all the Dutch nation, without any encroach-
ment or moleftation, until a full determination be agreed
upon in Europe, by mutual confent of the two ſtates of
England and Holland.
AND in teftimony of our joint confent to the feveral
foregoing conditions, wee have hereunto fett our hands
this 19th day of 7ber, 1650.
Symon Bradſtreete
Tho: Prence
Tho: Willet
Theo: Baxter.
}
Kk 4
NUMBER VIII,
A
515
A. P PENDIX.
1
NUMBER VIII.
Copy of a petition to the Parliament in 1651.
To the moſt honourable the parliament of the common-
wealth of England, the fupreme authoritie, Greeting.
THE humble petition of the general court of the
Maffachuſetts-Bay in New-England.
T
HERE coming to our handes, not long fince, a
printed proclamation, prohibiting Trade with Vir-
ginea, Barbados, Bermuda and Antego, of which
we were obfervant (though to the great loffe and
prejudice of the whole colonie) about the end thereof we
found, that the parliament had given power to the counfaile
of Atate to place governors and commiffioners (without
exception) in all the colonies of the English in America,
wherein we finding ourfelves comprehended as wrapped
up in one bundle with all the other colonies; our cafe be-
ing different from all other English colonies in America
for ought we know or have heard: Alfo fince receiving
information by Mr. Window our agent, that it is the par-
liaments pleature that we fhould take a new patent from
them, and keep our courts, and iffue our warrants in their
names, which we have not ufed either in the late Kinges
time or fince, not being able to difcerne the need of fuch
an injunction: Thefe thinges make us doubt and fear
what is intended towards us. Let it therefore pleas you,
most honourable, we humbly entreat, to take notice,
hereby, what were our orders, upon what conditions and
with what authority we came hither, and what we have
done fince our coming. We were the firft moovers and
undertakers of foe great an attempt, being men able enough
to live in England with our neighbours, and being helpfull
to others, and not needing the help of any for outward
thinges,
1
APPENDIX.
517
thinges, about three or four and twenty years fince, ſeeing
juſt cauſe to feare the perfecution of the then biſhops and
high commiffion, for not conforming to the ceremonies
then preffed upon the confciences of thofe under their
power, we thought it our ſafeſt courſe to get to this out-
fide of the world, out of their view and beyond their
reach. Yet before we refolved upon foe great an under-
taking, wherein ſhould be hazarded not only all our eſtates
but alfoe the lives of ourſelves and our pofterity, both in
the voyage at fea (wherewith we were unacquainted) and
in coming into a wilderness uninhabited (unless in fome
few places by heathen barbarous Indians) we thought it
neceffary to procure a patent from the late King, who then
ruled all, to warrant our removall and prevent future in-
conveniencies, and foe did. By which patent, liberty and
power was granted to us to live under the government of
a governour, magiftrates of our owne chufing, and under
laws of our owne making (not being repugnant to the
lawes of England) according to which patent we have go-
verned ourſelves above this twenty-three years, we coming
hither at our proper charges, without the help of the ftate,
an acknowledgment of the freedome of our goods from
cuſtom, and having expended, firſt and laſt, in our tranſ-
portation, building, fencinge, warre with the Indians,
fortifying, fubduing the earth in making it fit for culture,
divers hundereth of thousand poundes; and have now made
the place foe habitable that we are enabled to live in a
mean and low condition, and alfoe to furnifh other places
with corne, beife, pork, maftes, clapboord, pipe ftaves,
fish, beaver, otter, and other commodities, and hoped that
our pofterity ſhould reape the fruit of our labours, and en-
joy the liberties and privileges we had obteined for them,
and for which we have payd foe dear and run foe great
hazards. And for our carriage and demeanour to the ho-
nourable parliament, for theſe ten years, fince the first be-
ginning of your differences with the late King and the
warre that after enfuied, we have conftantly adheared to
you, not withdrawing ourfelves in your weakest condition
and
!
518
APPENDIX.
2
and doubtfulleft times, but by our fafting and
prayers for
your good fucceffe, and our thankſgiving after the fame was
attained, in dayes of folemnity fet apart for that purpoſe,
as alfoe by our fending over ufeful men (others alfoe going
voluntarily from us to help you) who have been of good
uſe and done good acceptable fervices to the army, de-
claring to the world heerby, that fuch was the duty and
love we beare unto the parliament, that we were ready
to rife and fall with them; for which we have fuffered the
hatred and threats of other Engliſh colonies, now in re-
bellion against you, as aifoe the loffe of divers of our
fhippes and goods, taken by the King's party that is dead,
by others commiffioned by the King of Scotts, and by the
Portugalls. All which if you fhall pleas juftly and favour-
ably to confider, we cannot but hope, but that, as you have
formerly conferred many favours upon us, foe it fhall goe
noe worſe with us, than it did under the late King; and
that the frame of our government fhall not be changed,
and enftead of governour and magiftrates yearly by our-
felves chofen, have other impofed upon us againſt our
wills; wherein if our hopes fhould deceave us (which God
forbid) we shall have cauſe to fay we have fallen into hard
times, and fit downe and figh out our too late repentance
for our coming hither, and patiently bear what ſhall be
impofed upon us; our adverfity in fuch a cafe being the
greater, becauſe ſome of us are too old, and all our eftates
growne too weake (except a very few) to feek out a new
corner of the world to inhabit in. But, as we faid before,
we hope that this moft honourable parliament will not caft
fuch as have adheared to you and depended upon you,
as we have done, into foe deep defpaire, from the fear of
which we humbly defire to be ſpeedily freed by a juſt and
gracious anſwer; which will freſhly bind us to pray and
ufe all lawfull endeavours for the bleffing of God upon
you and the prefent government.
WE will conclude, moft honourable, our humble peti-
tion with the heartie acknowledgments of the goodnes of
God towards us, who hath put into your hearts graciouſly
tq
!
APPENDIX.
519
!
to conferre upon us ſo many undeferved favours and great
privileges, from tyme to tyme, in helping on the great
work of God here amongſt us, in taking off the cuſtomes
from us, in enlarging your fund of bountie towards us
for the propagating of the gofpel amongſt the natives
with us, which work God profpereth beyond expectation
in fo few years; in doing us that juftice in ſtopping all ap-
peals from hence to you, in fending over many fervants
to us, in vouchsafeing to have a tender care over us upon
all occafions; for theſe, and for all other manifold encou-
ragements receaved. from the moft honourable court of
parliament, as we are bound to praiſe and magnify the
name of our good God, fo we acknowledge it our bounden
dutie, not only to be heartilie thankfull to the moſt ho-
nourable court, but ever to pray, that the Lord (if it be his
good pleaſure) will fo eſtabliſh you the fupreame authoritie
of that commonwealth, that, all your enemies being fub-
dued, you may rule in peace and profperitie, to his glorie
and your owne comfort here on earth, and everlastinglie
raigne with him in glorie hereafter, which are the earneſt
defires and fervent prayers of
Moft honourable,
Your humble fervants,
ง
L
J. E.
T. D.
Ed. R.
In the name and of the court.
1
NUMBER IX.
520
APPENDIX.
1
NUMBER IX.
Copy of a Letter to OLIVER CROMWELL in
1651, from the General Court of the
Maffachufets.
To the right honorable his Excellence the Lord
General CROMWEEL.
Right Honble.
WE
EE acknowledge ourſelves in all dutie bound, not
only to take due notice of that tender care and
undeſerved reſpect your excellence hath, upon all occa-
fions, vouchfafed unto the poor defpifed colonie of the
Maffachufets in New-England, but alſo to acknowledge
ourſelves ever obliged to ferve you, and to improve that
intereft which, through grace, we have obtained in Jehovah,
the God of armies, to profper you and your great and godly
undertakings to his glorie and your everlaſting comfort.
YOUR readines, right honorable, to doe us good, hath
occafioned theſe lines to be prefented to your excellence,
to the end that no priuat information may occafion your
honor (contrarie to your aymes and ends) to preiudice this
colonie, by inviting over many of the inhabitants thereof
to be tranſplanted into Ireland; wherein, although we
verilie beleeve that your honor aymes at the glorie of God
and the welfare of this people, yet (with fauor) we conceave
it will tend to the contrarie, for theſe reaſons following.
FIRST, We did profeffe, we came into theſe remote
partes of the earth to enioy the liberties of the gofpel in
their puritie, which, hitherto, we have (through the grace
of Chrift) had, without reftraint, thefe 23 years and above.
So that there is no folid ground for any defect therein, that
we know, that fhould occafion a remoue.
SECONDLIE,
{
APPENDIX.
521
SECONDLIE, God hath bleffed the countrey with plentie
of food of all kindes, generallie through the land, info-
much that there are many thouſands of bushels of graine,
and other proviſions, of beef, pork, &c. yearly tranſported
to other places. And where there be any poore people
through age, or weaknes, or loffes by fire or other hand of
God upon them or their eftates, the churches or towns, or
both, doe contribute to their wants. So that povertie can-
not, truely, be alleaged to be a ground of remouall.
THIRDLIE, We know not a more healthie place in the
whole world, for the general, than this land. Therefore,
there can be no ground of remouing for want of health.
FOURTHLIE, We know not any countrey more peace-
able and free from warre, for the prefent, through the
mercy of God. What our unthankfullnefs may bring
upon us, the juft God onlie knowes; but we defire the
Lord fo to guide us, that we may not provoke the eyes
of his jelofie against us. Soe that we may conceave there
is no juft ground of remouall in that refpect.
FIFTHLIE, God is pleafed hitherunto to maintayne
unto us all his ordinances both in church and common-
wealth, whereby, fpreading errors in judgement are fup-
preffed, and prophanenes and wickednes in practice punish-
ed according to rule and the beft light God is pleafed to
vouchfafe unto us. So that we cannot fee ground of re-
moueall for any defect in thefe particulars.
SIXTHLIE, God hath made this colonie to be inftru-
mentall in the converfion of fome of the natiues amongst
us, and many more are hopefull to fubmitt to the gofple
and beleeve in Chriſt Jeſus. And that worke is brought
to this perfection alreadie, that fome of the Indians them-
felves can pray and prophefie, in a comfortable manner, to
the reft, with great gravitie, reverence and zeale, and can
write and read English and Indian comfortably. And
many ſcores of them affemble together upon their lecture
days, and are well affected to the gofple. So that although
this may not feeme to be an argument fuficient to hinder
fome from removing, yet it might be a juft ground of
con-
522
APPENDIX.
confideration for many to turne their backs upon fo hope-
full and glorious a worke.
LASTLIE, The great noife and general report of fo
many invited, and intending to tranfplant themſelves into
Ireland, hath occafioned fome difcouragement and weaken-
ing to the whole bodie of the colonie, and neceffarilie brings
an ill report upon the land, as if defective in that which
make for a people's comfortable fubfiftance, which cannot
be but difhonourable to our good God, who hath done
fo much for us as he hath done, and conſequentlie not
comfortable to fuch amongst us as have occafioned it.
YET, notwithſtanding (right honourable) it is not our
purpoſe, in laying down theſe reafons before your excel-
lence, to hinder any families or perfons to remoue to any
partes of the world where God calleth them. And there
is a law, long fince eſtabliſhed amongst us, that granteth
fuch a libertie. But our intent onlie is to let your excel-
lence underſtand the ftate and condition of this people,
that God may have his due praiſes, and that your honor
may not be wronged (by particular information) of the ſtate
of this colonie; that, accordingly, your excellence may act
as you ſhall, for the future, in your wiſdome, ſee meete.
FURTHERMORE, we humbly petition your excellence
to be pleaſed to fhew us what fauor God fhall be pleaſed
to direct you unto on our behalfe, to the moſt honorable
parliament, unto whom we have now preſented a petition.
The copy of it, verbatim, we are bold to fend herewith,
that, if God fo pleaſe, we may not be hindered in our
comfortable proceedings in the worke of God heere in this
wildernes. Wherein, as for other fauors, we ſhall be
bound to pray, that the Captain of the hoaft of Ifraell may
be with you and your whole army, in all your great enter-
prifes, to the glorie of God, the fubduing of his and your
enemies, and your everlafting peace and comfort in Jefus
Chriſt. In whom we are, Right Honble,
Your moft obliged fervants,
J. E.
NUMBER X.
APPENDIX.
523
NUMBER X.
Copy of an Addrefs to OLIVER CROMWELL,
in 1654.
I Th
May it pleaſe your Highness,
T hath beene no fmal comfort to us poor exiles, in
theſe utmoſt ends of the earth (who fometimes felt
and often feared the frownes of the mighty) to have had
the experience of the good hand of God, in raifinge up
fuch, whofe endeavours have not beene wantinge to our
welfare amongſt whom, we have good caufe to give your
highneſs the first place: who by a continued feries of fa-
vours have obliged us, not only while you moved in a
lower orbe, but fince the Lord hath called your highneſs
to fupreame authority, whereat we rejoice and fhal pray
for the continuance of your happy government, that under
your fhadow notly ourfelves, but all the churches may
find reft and peace. The affurance of your highneſs's
endeavours for that end wee have lately received by Major
Sede wick and Capt. Leveritt, for, notwithſtanding the
urgent and important occafions wherewith your highneſs
is preffed, yet your goodnefs hath compelled you to be
mindful of us, and to give fuch royal demonftration of
your grace and favour, far beyond what we dared to ex-
pect or defire, upon intelligence of our condition prefented
to your highneſs by fome private friends, whofe well mean-
inge to us, muft excufe their miſtake; which hath made us
confident, that. our attendance to your pleaſure, in fur-
niſhinge the faid gentlemen with voluntiers, for your
highneſs's fervice against the Dutch at the Manhatas, will
be acceptable with whom alfo, in complyance with our
nation, ever fince wee heard of the warr, we have de-
barred ourſelves of all commerce; and have beene exer-
ciſed with ſerious and conſcientious thoughts of our duty
in
524
APPENDI X.
in this juncture of affaires; the refult whereof was in May
1653, That it was moft agreeable to the goſpel of peace
which we profefs, and fafelt for thefe colonyes, at this fea-
fon, to forbeare the uſe of the fword; and though fome
of the other colonyes feemed to be of another mind, yet
there wanted the concurrence of fuch a number of the
commiffioners to act accordingly, without whofe confent
foregoinge (by the articles of our confederation) no warr
may be undertaken. Wee have nothing to add, to what
was then under confideration, to put us upon that under-
taking, in reference to our own intereft, which we ought
to underſtand and fhould attend, equally with our friends.
not more concerned than ourfelves; wherein if wee
fhould be mistaken, wee hope wee fhall not be loofers with
God or good men, by our tenderneſs in a cafe of fuch
importance, and fufpendinge our actings, till wee fee cleare
and fatisfyinge grounds of our undertakings, fo highly
tendinge to the violation of our peace, the almoſt onely
bleffinge remaining to us, of all our outward comforts;
the loffe whereof, with the neceffary confequents, would
add fuch weight to our other fufferings as might over-
whelme us in forrow, and in that refpect, render us of all
men moſt miſerable; which wee are affured is fo far from
your gracious intentions, that wee have no doubt, but the
liberty wee have taken, of the waies propofed by your
highness, to take that which is in our underſtandinge, the
moſt conſiſtent with our peace and welfare; will be moſt
acceptable to your highneſs, and indeed wee cannot but
acknowledge it a gracious providence of God, and a high
favour and gentlenefs in your highness towards us, that
when the object of your defire was our good, the meanes
to attaine that end ſhould no way prefs us: for, with all
readineſs, wee haue confented the faid gentlemen may
raiſe 500 voluntiers, armed and furniſhed for your ſervice,
within our juriſdiction, which is a large proportion out of
our ſmall numbers, eſpecially at this feafon of the year,
wherein the preffinge occafions of harveft doe call for all
our hands to attend that fervice, leaft the following winter
puniſh
APPENDIX.
525
puniſh us for our neglect: Yet have wee willingly run
this hazzard, that wee might, in fome meaſure, manifeſt
our devotion to your fervice, in what wee may. Sir, be
pleaſed to beleeve us, that our harts and our affections to
your highneſs are fincere, and that wee fhould account it
our unhappineſs, and ranke it amongſt our greateſt ſuffer-
ings, to incurr your highness's difpleaſure, though wee
ſhould never feele the effects thereof. If, therefore, our
underſtandings have in any thing miſlead us, we moſt hum-
bly crave your pardon, and that your highneſs be pleated
to retaine us in your good opinion and favour, and wee
ſhall ever pray the Lord, your protector in all your dangers,
that hath crowned you with honor after your long fervice,
to lengthen your daies, that you may long continue Lord
Protector of the 3 nations, and of the churches of Chrift
Jefus. In whom we are,
24th Auguft,
1654.
Sir,
Your Highness's
devoted fervants,
The General Court of the Maffatuſets.
!
NUM.
526
APPENDIX.
NUMBER XI.
Copy of a letter from the government of the Co-
lony of Rhode-Ifland, concerning the Quakers.
Much honoured Gentlemen,
PL
LEASE you to understand, that there hath come to
our view a letter fubfcribed by the honour'd gentle-
men commiffioners of the united coloneys, the contents.
whereof are a requeft concerning certayne people caled
quakers, come among us lately, &c.
་
OUR defires are, in all things poffible, to purfue after
and keepe fayre and loving corefpondence and entercourfe
with all the colloneys, and with all our countreymen in
New-England; and to that purpoſe we have endeavoured
(and fhall ftill endeavour) to anfwere the defires and re-
quefts from all parts of the countrey, coming unto us, in
all juſt and equall returnes, to which end the coloney have
made ſeaſonable provifion to preferve a juſt and equal en-
tercourſe between the coloneys and us, by giving juftice to
any that demand it among us, and by returning fuch as
make eſcapes from you, or from the other coloneys, being
fuch as fly from the hands of juftice, for matters of crime
done or committed amongst you, &c. And as concerning
thefe quakers (fo caled) which are now among us, we have
no law among us whereby to punifh any for only declaring
by words, &c. their mindes and underſtandings con-
cerning the things and ways of God, as to falvation and an
eternal condition. And we, moreover, finde, that in thoſe
places where theſe people aforefaid, in this coloney, are
moſt of all fuffered to declare themfelves freely, and are
only opofed by arguments in difcourfe, there they leaft
of all defire to come, and we are informed that they be-
gin to loath this place, for that they are not oppofed by
the civill authority, but with all patience and meeknes are
fuffered
1
3
APPENDIX.
527
fuffered to ſay over their pretended revelations and admo-
nitions, nor are they like or able to gain many here to
their way; and ſurely we find that they delight to be per-
fecuted by civill powers, and when they are foe, they are
like to gaine more adherents by the confeyte of their pa-
tient fufferings, than by confent to their pernicious fayings.
And yet we conceive, that their doctrines tend to very
abſolute cutting downe and overturning relations and civill
government among men, if generally received. But as to
the dammage that may in likelyhood accrue to the neigh-
bour colloneys by their being here entertained, we con-
ceive it will not prove fo dangerous (as elfe it might) in
regard of the courſe taken by you to fend them away out
of the countrey, as they come among you. But, however,
at prefent, we judge it requifitt (and doe intend) to com-
mend the confideration of their extravagant outgoings
unto the generall affembly of our coloney in March next,
where we hope there will be fuch order taken, as may, in
all honeſt and contientious manner, prevent the bad effects
of their doctrines and endeavours; and foe, in all courtious
and loving refpects, and with defire of all honeft and fayre
commerce with you, and the reſt of our honoured and be-
loved countreymen, we reft
Yours in all loving refpects to ferve you,
From Providence, at the
court of trials, held for
Benedict Arnold, Pref.
William Baulfton,
the coloney, Oct. 1 3th,
1657.
Randall Howldon,
Arthur Fenner,
William Feild.
To the much honoured, the Generall Court, fitting at
Boſton, for the Colloney of Maffachuffitts.
L12
NUM
g
528
APPENDIX.
NUMBER XII.
Copy of a letter from R. CROMWELL, Protector,
&c. to the Governor and Magiſtrates of the
Maffachuſets Colony in New-England.
Loveing Friends,
WE
E being given to underſtand, that Henry Sewall
of Rowley in Meffey-Tufick bay in New-Eng-
land, dyed about foure years fince, poffeffed of an eſtate
of lands and goods in the colony aforefaid, and that the
faid eftate did and ought to defcend and come to his only
fonn Henry Sewall, minifter of North Baddeſly, in our
county of Southampton in England, who now purpofeing
to make a voyage into New-England, there perfonally
to make his clayme to the faid eftate, hath defired our
lycence for his abſence, as alſo our letters recommendatory
unto you, that when (by the helpe of God) he ſhall be
arrived in New-England, he may have ſpeedy juftice and
right done him concerning the faid eftate, that foe he may
the fooner returne to his minifteriall charge at North-
Baddeſly. And he being perfonally knowne to us to be
laborious and induftrious in the work of the miniftry, and
very exemplary for his holy life and good converſation,
we doe earneſtly defire, that when he ſhall make his ad-
dreffes to you, he may receive all lawful favour and
furtherance from you, for the ſpeedy diſpatch of his buſi-
nefs according to juſtice and equity, that foe he may the
more expeditiously returne to his faid charge, where
(through the bleffing of God) his labours in the goſpell
may be further uſefull and profittable; which we fhall ef-
teeme as a particular reſpect done to us, and ſhall be ready
to acknowledge and returne the fame upon any occafion
wherein we may procure or further your good and wel-
fare, which we heartily wifh and pray for, and reft
Your very louing friend,
Whitehall, the 23d
of March, 1658.
RICHARD P.
APPENDIX.
529
NUMBER XIII.
The Court's Declaration of their Rights by
Charter, in 1661.
At the Seffions of the Generall Court, held at Boſton
the 10th of June, 1661. The Anfwer of the Com-
mittee unto the Matters propoſed to their Confideration
by the honourable Generall Court.
1.
WE
ift, Concerning our Liberties:
E conceive the patent (under God) to be the
firft and mayne foundation of our civil polity
here, by a governour and company, according as is therein
expreft.
2. The governor and company are, by the patent, a
body politique in fact and name.
3. This body politique is vefted with power to make
freemen, &c.
4. Theſe freemen have power to chooſe annually a
governor, deputy governor, affiftants, and their felect
repreſentatives or deputies.
5. This government hath alfo power to fett up all forts
of officers, as well fuperiour as inferiour, and point out
their power and places.
6. The governor, deputy governor, affiftants, and ſelect
reprefentatives or deputies, have full power and authoritie,
both legiſlative and executive, for the government of all
the people here, whether inhabitants or ftrangers, both
concerning ecclefiaftical and civil, without appeals, except-
ing law or lawes repugnant to the lawes of England.
!
L13
7. This
1
.530
APPENDI X.
1
7. This government is priviledged, by all fitting means,
(yea if neede be) by force of armes, to defend themfelves
both by land and fea, againft all fuch perfon or perfons as
fhall, at any time, attempt or enterpriſe the deſtruction, in-
vafion, detriment, or annoyance of the plantation, or the
inhabitants therein, befides other privileges, mentioned in
the patent, not here expreffed, &c.
3. We conceive any impofition prejudiciall to the coun-
try, contrary to any juft law of ours (not repugnant to the
lawes of England) to be an infringement of our right.
2d, Concerning our dutyes of allegiance to our
foueraigne lord the King.
1. We ought to uphold, and to our power mainteyne
this place, as of right belonging to our foueraigne lord the
King, as holden of his Majeftyes manor of Eaft Green-
wich, and not to fubject the fame to any foreigne prince
or potentate whatſover.
2. We ought to endeavour the prefervation of his
Majeftyes royall perfon, realmes and dominions, and, fo
farr as lyeth in us, to difcover and prevent all plotts and
confpiracies againſt the fame, &c.
3. We ought to feeke the peace and profperitie of our
King and nation, by a faithfull difcharge in the govern-
ing of this people committed to our care, &c.
Firſt. By punishing all fuch crimes (being breaches of
the first and fecond table) as are committed againſt the
peace of our foueraigne lord the King, his royall crowne
and dignity..
Second, In propagating the gofpell, defending and up-
holding the true chriftian or proteftant religion, according
to the faith given by our Lord Chrift in his word: Our
dread foueraigne being ftyled defender of the faith, &c,
The
f
AP PENDIX.
531
The premiffes confidered, it may well ftand with the
loyalty and obedience of ſuch ſubjects, as are thus privi-
ledged by their rightfull foueraigne (for himſelf, his heirs
and fucceffors for ever) as caufe fhall require, to pleade
with their prince againſt all-fuch as fhall at any time en-
deavour the violation of their privileges.
We further judge, that the warrant and letter from the
King's Majefty for the apprehending of Colonell Whalley
and Colonell Goffe, ought to be diligently and faithfully
executed by the authority of this court,
And alſo that the generall court may doe fafely to de-
clare, that in cafe, for the future, any legally obnoxious and
flying from the civil juftice of the ftate of England, fhall
come over to thefe parts, they may not here expect
fhelter.
By the order and confent of the committee.
Boſton,
∙10 4 mo. 1661.
THOMAS DANFORTH.
The court allowes and approves of the report of the
committee.
This is a true copie taken out of the courts booke of
records, as atteſts
"
:
:
?
EDW. RAWSON, Secr.
L14
NUM-
532
APPENDIX,
!
i
NUMBER
XIV.
Copy of a letter to WILLIAM GOFFE, one of
the Regicides, from his Wife, in 1662.
I
My dearest Hart,
Have been excedingly refreſht with your choyce and
precious letter of the 29th May, 1662. Thofe fcrip-
tures you mention, through mercy, with many others,
are a great fupport and comfort to me in this day of my
great affliction. Through grace I doe experience the
Lords prefence in fupporting and providing for mee and
mine, in this evill day. The prefervation of yourſelfe and
my deare father, next to the light of his own countenance,
is the choyceft mercy that I enjoy, For, to heare of your
wellfare gives, as it were, a new life to me. Ah! what am
I, poore worme, that the great God of heaven and earth
fhould continue fuch merceys to mee and mine, as I at this
day enjoy. Many others have loft their deare youke-
fellowes, and out of all hopes to fee them in this life; but
that is not my condition, as yet, bleffed be his holy name,
for he hath made mee hope in his word. 10 Zech. 9. And
I will fow them among the people, and they shall remember
me in farr countreys, and they shall live with their children
and turne againe.- Perfecution begins to be high heere,
the bishops courts are up as high as ever. But, wee have
the promiſes of a faithfull God to live upon, and he hath
faid, To you it is given not only to beleeve, but to fuffer.
He hath alfoe promifed to lay noe more upon his poore
people than he will give ftrength to beare. Oh my hart!
I doe, with my whole foule, bleffe the Lord for his un-
fpeakeable goodnes to you and your deare friend, in that
he hath been pleafed to appeare foe eminently for your
prefervation. He brings to the grave, and raiſes up againe.
Oh that the experience that wee have dayly of his good-
nes may make us truft him for the future. Wee have
feene
APPENDIX.
533
feene that word in the 5th of Job, in fome meaſure, made
good to you. Reade the 12th verfe; from the 11th to
the end of the chapter, there is much comfort to thoſe
in our condition; as alfoe in 91 Pfal. O my deare, let us
henceforth make the Lord our refuge and our truft, and
then he fhall cover thee with his feathers, and be a fan&tu-
ary to thee, wherefoever he fhall caft thee. I mention
theſe ſcriptures becauſe I have found comfort in them, and
I hope thou wouldeſt doe foe too. I fhall now give you
an account of your family, as farre as I dare. Through
mercy, I and your little ones are in reaſonable health, only
Betty and Nan are weakely, and I feare will be lame a
little, the others are very lufty. I am yet with my aunt,
but how ſoon ſhe may be forft to give up houſekeeping
I know not (for ſhe is warned in to the bishops court) and
wee ſhall be difperft; but I hope the Lord will provide for
us, as he hath done hitherto.-Oh my deare, lett our
truſt be in the Lord alone. I do hartily with myſelfe with
thee, but that I feare it may bee a meanes to diſcover thee,
as it was to--and therefore I fhall forbeare attempt-
ing any fuch thing for the prefent, hoping that the Lord
will, in his owne time, returne thee to us againe; for he
hath the harts of all in his hands, and can change them
in a moment. I rejoyce to heere, that you are fo willing
to be at the Lords difpofall; indeed, we are not our owne,
for wee are bought with a price, with the precious blood
of the Lord Jefus: And, therefore, let us comfort our-
felves with this, though we fhould never meete in this
world againe, yet I hope, through grace, wee fhall meete
in heaven, and foe ever be with the Lord, and it will not
be in the power of men to part us. My dear, I know
you are confident of my affection, yet give me leave to tell
thee, thou art as deare to me as a huſband can be to a
wife, and, if I knew any thing that I could dog to make
you happy, I fhould doe it, if the Lord would permitt,
though to the loffe of my life. As for newes, I fhall
forbeare writeing of any, for I know not much, and you
may heare it from better hands. My unkle Burket is
dead,
1
534
APPENDIX.
dead, and my mother is with her. My brother John is
gon beyond fea, but I know not whither. His father-in-
law is dead. My dear, my aunt and many others are very
kinde to mee, foe that, through mercy, I have noe want
of food and rayment, though in a meane way. The Lord
is pleaſed to fuite my minde to my condition, and to give
mee ftrength, in fome meaſure, to take paines with my
children, which I look upon as a great mercy. I know not
whether I may ever have another opportunity to fend to
you this feafon or noe, which makes me the longer now;
for I ſhall not fend but by thoſe I judge to be faithfull, and,
I being in the country, I may not heare of every opportu-
nity; and, though it is an unfpeakeable comfort to mee to
heare of thy wellfare, yet I earneſtly beg of thee not to
fend too often, for feare of the worſt; for they are very
vigilant here to find out perfons. But this is my comfort,
it is not in the power of men to act their owne will. And
now, my dear, with 1000 tears, I take my leave of thee,
and recommend thee to the great keeper of Ifraell, who
neither flumbers nor fleepes, who, I hope, will keepe thee,
and my deare friend with thee, from all your enemies,
both ſpirituall and temporall, and in his owne time return
you with fafety to your family. Which is the dayly prayer
of thy affectionate and obedient wife, till death,
་
F..
Many freinds here defire to be remembered to you. It
will not be convenient to name them. I am fure you
have a ſtock of prayers going for you here, which you
and I reape the benefitt of. My humble duty prefented
to you know who.
Fredrick, and the rest of thy deare babes that can ſpeakë,
prefent their humble duty to thee, talke much of thee,
and long to ſee thee.
My humble duty to my dear father, and tell him I pray
for him with my whole hart; but I am foe bad a ſcribe
I dare not write to him. Pray be private and carefull
who you truft.
NUM-
APPENDIX.
535
NUMBER XV.
Copy of a Commiffion from King CHARLES the
Second, to Col. Nichols and others, in 1664.
CHARLES the 2d, by the Grace of God King of England,
Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c.
To all whom thefe prefents fhall come, Greeting.
WHE
HEREAS we have received feveral addreffes from
our fubjects of feveral colonies in N. E. all full of
duty and affection, and expreffions of loyalty and allegiance
to us, with their humble defires that we would renew their
feveral charters, and receive them into our favourable
opinion and protection; and feveral of our colonies there,
and other our loving fubjects, have likewife complained of
differences and difputes arifen upon the limits and bounds
of their feveral charters and jurifdictions, whereby un-
neighbourly and unbrotherly contentions have and may
arife, to the damage and difcredit of the English intereft:
And that all our good fubjects refiding there, and being
planters within the feveral colonies, do not enjoy the liber-
ties and privileges granted to them, by our feveral char-
ters, upon confidence and affurance of which they tranf-
ported themſelves and their eftates into thofe parts. And
we having received fome addreffes from the great men and
natives of thoſe countries, in which they complain of
breach of faith, and acts of violence and injuftice, which
they have been forced to undergoe from our fubjects,
whereby not only our government is traduced, but the re-
putation and credit of chriftian religion brought into pre-
judice and reproach, with the gentiles and inhabitants of
thofe countries who know not God, the reduction of
whom to the true knowledge and feare of God is the moſt
worthy and glorious end of all thofe plantations. Upon
all which motives, and as an evidence and manifeftation of
our fatherly affection towards all our fubjects in thoſe
feveral colonies of New-England (that is to fay, of the
Maffachufets
536
APPENDIX.
Maffachuſets, Connecticut, New-Plimouth, Road-Iſland,
and Providence plantation, and all other plantations within.
that tract of land, known under the appellation of New-
England) and to the end we may be truly informed of the
ſtate and condition of our good fubjects there, that ſo we
may the better know how to contribute to the further
improvement of their happineſs and profperity.
KNOW yee therefore, that wee repofing ſpecial truft and
confidence in the fidelity, wifdome, and circumfpection of
our trufty and well-beloved Colonel Richard Nichols, Sir
Robert Carre, Knt. George Cartwright, Efq; and Samuel
Maverick, Efq; of our fpecial grace, certain knowledge, and
mere motion, have made, ordained, conftituted, and ap-
pointed, and by theſe prefents do make, ordain, conftitute,
and appoint the faid Colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert
Carre, George Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick, our Com-
miffioners, and do hereby give and grant unto them, or any
three or two of them, or of the furvivors of them, of whom
wee will the ſaid Colonel Richard Nichols, during his life,
fhall be alwaies one, and upon equal divifions of opinions,
to have the cafting and decifive voice, in our name to vifit
all and every the feveral colonies aforefaid, and alſo full
power and authority to heare and receive, and to examine
and determine, all complaints and appeales in all caufes and
matters, as well military as criminal and civil, and proceed
in all things for the providing for and fettling the peace
and fecurity of the faid country, according to their good
and found diſcretions, and to fuch inftructions as they or
the furvivors of them have, or fhall from time time re-
ceive from us in that behalfe; and from time to time, as
they fhall find expedient, to certify us or our privy counfel,
of their actings and proceedings, touching the premiffes.
And for the doing thereof, or any other matter or thing
relateing thereunto, thefe prefents, or the inrolment thereof,
fhall be unto them a fufficient warrant and difcharge in
that behalf. In witnefs whereof, wee have caufed thefe
our letters to be made patent. Witneſs ourſelfe at Weft-
minſter, the 25th day of April, in the fixteenth yeare of
our reigne.
NUM-
!
APPENDIX,
537
NUMBER XVI.
Copy of the Addreſs of the Maſſachuſets Colony
to King CHARLES the 2d, in 1664.
To the KINGS moft Excellent MAJESTIE,
The humble fupplication of the General Court of the
Maffachuſett Colony in New-England.
DREAD SOVERAIGNE,
FF your poor ſubjects, who have removed themſelves,
into a remote corner of the earth to enjoy peace with
God and man, doe, in this day of their trouble, proftrate
themſelves at your royal feet, and beg your favour, we
hope it will be graciouſly accepted by your Majeftie.
And that, as the high place you fuftein on earth doth
number you here among the gods, fo you will imitate
the God of heaven, in being ready to maintain the cauſe
of the afflicted, and the right of the poor, and to receive
their cries and addreffes to that end. And we humbly
beseech your majeftie, with patience and clemency, to
heare and accept our plain difcourfe, thô of fomewhat
greater length than would be comely in other or leffer
cafes. Wee are remote, and can fpeake but ſeldom, and
therefore crave leave to fpeake the more at once.
fhall not largely repeat, how that the firſt undertakers for
this plantation, having, by confiderable fumms, purchaſed
the right thereof, granted to the counſel eſtabliſhed at
Plimouth by King James, your royal grandfather, did after
obtain a patent, given and confirmed to themſelves, by your
royal father, King Charles the firſt, wherein it is granted
to them, and their heirs, affigns, and affociates for ever;
not only the abfolute ufe and propriety of the tract of
land therein mentioned, but alſo full and abfolute power of
governing all the people of this place, by men chofen from
among themſelves, and according to fuch lawes as they ſhall,
Wee
7
from
538
APPENDIX.
!
from time to time, fee meet to make and eſtabliſh, being
not repugnant to the lawes of England (they paying only
the fifth part of the oare of gold and filver that fhall here
be found, for and in refpect of all duties, demands, ex-
actions, and ſervice whatfoever) as in the ſaid patent is more
at large declared. Under the encouragement and fecurity
of which royal charter, this people did, at their own
charges, tranfport themfelves, their wives and families,
over the ocean, purchaſe the lands of the natives, and plant
this colony, with great labour, hazards, coft, and difficul-
ties, for a long time wreſtling with the wants of a wilder-
nes, and the burdens of a new plantation; having alſo, now
above 30 yeares, enjoyed the aforefaid power and privi-
ledge of government within themfelves, as their undoubted
right in the fight of God and man. And having had,
moreover, this further favour from God, and from your
Majeftie, that wee have received feveral gracious letters
from your royal felfe, full of expreffions tending to con-
firme us in our enjoyments, viz. in your Majefties letter
bearing date the 15th day of February 1660, you are
pleaſed to confider New-England as one of the chiefeſt of
your colonies and plantations abroad, having enjoyed and
grown up in a long and orderly eſtabliſhment; adding this
royal promiſe, Wee ſhall not come behind any of our royal
predeceffors in a juſt encouragement and protection of all
our loving fubjects there. In your Majefties letter of the
28th of June, 1662, fent us by our meffengers, befides
many other gracious expreffions, there is this [Wee will
preferve and do hereby confirme the patent and charter
heretofore granted unto them by our royal father of
bleffed memory, and they fhall freely enjoy all the privi-.
ledges and liberties granted unto them in and by the fame.]
As for fuch particulars, of a civil and religious nature,
which are fubjoined in the faid letter, wee have applyed
ourſelves to the utmost to fatisfy your Majeftie, fo far as
doth confift with confcience of our duty toward God, and
the juft liberties and priviledges of our patent. Wee are
further bound, with humble thankfulneſs, to acknowledge.
•
?
your
APPENDIX.
539
your Majeſties gracious expreffions in your laſt letter wee
have received, dated April 23, 1664, as (beſides other.
inftances thereof) That your Majeftie hath not the leaſt,
intention or thought of violating, or, in the leaft degree,
infringing the charter heretofore granted by your royal fa-
ther, with great wifdom, and upon full deliberation, &c.
BUT what affliction of heart muſt it needs be unto us,
that our fins have provoked God to permit our adverfaries
to fet themſelves againſt us by their miſinformations, com-
plaints, and folicitations (as fome of them have made it
their worke for many yeares) and thereby to procure a
commiffion under the great feal, wherein 4 perfons (one of
them our knowne and profeffed enemy) are impowered to
heare, receive, examine, and determine all complaints and
appeals, in all cauſes and matters, as well military as crimi-
nal and civil, and to proceed in all things, for fettling this
country, according to their good and found diſcretions, &c.
Whereby, inſtead of being governed by rulers of our owne
chooſing, (which is the fundamental privilege of our patent)
and by lawes of our owne, wee are like to be ſubjected to
the arbitrary power of ftrangers, proceeding not by any
eſtabliſhed law, but by their own difcretions. And where-
as our patent gives a fufficient royal warrant and diſcharge
to all officers and perfons for executing the lawes here made
and publiſhed, as is therein directed, wee fhall now not
be diſcharged, and at reft from further moleftation,
when wee have fo executed and obferved our lawes, but
be liable to complaints and appeales, and to the determi-
nations of new judges, whereby our government and ad-
miniftrations will be made void and of none effect. And
thô wee have yet had but a little tafte of the words or
actings of theſe gentlemen, that are come over hither in
this capacity of commiffioners, yet we have had enough to
confirme us in our feares, that their improvement of this
power, in purſuance of their commiffion (fhould the fame
proceed) will end in the fubverfion of our all. We ſhould.
be glad to hope that your Majefties inftructions (which
they have not yet been pleaſed to impart unto us) may
1
put
540
APPENDIX.
put fuch limitations to their bufines here, as will take off
much of our feare; but according to the prefent appear-
ance of things we thus fpeake.
In this cafe (dread foveraigne) our refuge under God,
is your royal felfe, whom wee humbly addreffe ourſelves
unto, and are the rather emboldned therein, becauſe your
Majefties laft gracious letter doth encourage us to fuggeft
what, upon the experience we have had, and obfervation
we have made, we judge neceffary or convenient for the
good and benefit of this your plantation, and becauſe we
are well perfwaded that had your Majeftie a full and right
information of the ftate of things here, you would find ap-
parent reaſon to put a stop to thefe proceedings, which are
certainly differvient to your Majefties intereft, and to the
profperity and welfare of this place.
If theſe things go on (according to the prefent appear-
ance) your fubjects here will either be forced to feeke new
dwellings, or finke and faint under burdens that will be to
them intollerable. The vigour of all new endeavours in
the feveral callings and occupations (either for merchandize
abroad, or further fubduing this wilderneſs at home) will
be enfeebled, as we perceive it already begins to be, the
good of converting the natives obftructed, the inhabitants
driven to we know not what extremities, and this hopeful
plantation in the iffue ruined. But whatever becomes of
us, we are fure the adverſary cannot countervail the Kings
damages. It is indeed a grief to our hearts, to ſee your
Majeftie put upon this extraordinary charge and coſt about
a buſineſs, the product whereof can never reimburſe the
one halfe of what will be expended upon it. Impofed
rulers and officers will have occafion to expend more than
can be raiſed here, fo as nothing will returne to your Ma-
jefties exchequer; but instead thereof, the wonted bene-
fit by cuftomes, exported and imported into England from
hence, will be diminiſhed by the difcouragement and dimi-
nution of mens endeavours in their feveral occupations; or
if the aime ſhould be to gratify fome particular gentlemen
by livings and revenues here, that will alſo fail, where
nothing
}"
1
APPENDIX.
541
nothing is to be had, the King himſelf will be a loofer, and
fo will the cafe be found to be here; for fuch is the poverty
and meannes of the people of this country (by reaſon of
the length and coldnes of the winters, the difficulty of
fubduing a wilderneffe, defect of a ftaple commodity,
the want of money, &c.) that if, with hard labour, men
get a fubfiftence for their families, tis as much as the ge-
nerality are able to do, paying but very fmal rates towards
the publick charges, and yet, if all the country hath ordi-
narily raiſed by the year for all the charges of the whole
government were put together, and then doubled or tre-
bled, it would not be counted, for one of theſe gentle-
men, a confiderable accommodation.
Ir is true, that the eſtates men have, in conjunction with
hard labour and vigorous endeavors in their feueral places,
do bring in a comfortable fubfiftence for fuch a mean peo-
ple (we dare not diminish our thankfulnes to God that he
provides for us in a wilderneſs as he doth) yet neither will
the former ftand if the latter be difcouraged, nor will both
ever anſwer the ends of thofe that need or feeke great
things. We perceive there have been great expectations
of what is to be had here, raiſed by fome mens informa-
tions, but thofe informations will prove fallacious, difap-
pointing them that have relyed upon them. And, if the
taking of this courſe ſhould drive the people out of the
country (for to a coalition, therein, they will never come) it
will be hard to find another people, that will ſtay long or
ſtand under any confiderable burden in it, feeing it is not
a country where men can ſubfift without hard labour and
great frugality.
THERE have alfo been high reprefentations of great
divifions and difcontents amongst us, and of a neceffity of
fending commiflioners to relieve the aggrieved, &c. where-
as, it plainly appeares, that the body of this people are
unanimouſly ſatisfied in the prefent government, and ab-
horrent from change, and that what is now offered will,
inſtead of relieving, raife up fuch grievances as are in-
tolerable. Wee fuppofe there is no government under
M m
heaven,
542
APPENDIX.
heaven, wherein fome difcontented perfons may not be
found; and if it be a fufficient accufation against a govern-
ment, that there are fome fuch, who will be innocent?
Yet, thrô the favour of God, there are but few amongſt us
that are malecontent, and fewer that have caufe to be fo.
SIR, the allknowing God knows our greateſt ambition
is to live a poor and quiet life, in a corner of the world,
without offence to God or man. Wee came not into this
wilderness to feeke great things to ourſelves, and if any
come after us to feeke them heere, they will be difappointed.
Wee keep ourſelves within our line, and meddle not with
matters abroad; a juft dependence upon, and fubjection to
your Majeſtie, according to our charter, it is far from our
hearts to difacknowledge. Wee fo highly priſe your
favourable afpect (thô at this great diftance) as wee would
gladly do any thing, that is within our power, to purchaſe
the continuance of it. Wee were willing to teftify our
affection to your Majefties fervice, by anſwering the pro-
pofal of your honourable commiffioners, of which wee
doubt not but they have already given your Majeſtie an
account. Wee are carefully ftudious of all due fubjection
to your Majeſtie, and that not only for wrath, but for con-
fcience fake. And fhould divine providence ever offer an
opportunity, wherein wee might, in any righteous way,
according to our poor and mean capacity, teftify our duti-
ful affection to your Majeftie, we hope, we ſhould moft
gladly imbrace it. But it is a great unhappines to be re-
duced to fo hard a cafe, as to have no other teftimony
of our ſubjection and loyalty offered us but this, viz. to
deſtroy our owne being, which nature teacheth us to pre-
ferve, or to yield up our liberties, which are far dearer to
us than our lives, and which, had we had any feares of
being deprived of, wee had never wandred from our fa-
thers houſes into theſe ends of the earth, nor laid our
labours and eftates therein; befides engaging in a moft ha-
zardous and difficult warre, with the moft warlike of the
natives, to our great charge, and the loffe of fome of the
lives of our deare friends. Neither can the deepeſt in-
vention
APPENDIX.
543
vention of man find out a more certain way of confiftence,
than to obtain a royal donation from fo great a prince,
under his great feal, which is the greateft fecurity that
may be had in humane affaires.
ROYAL SIR, it is in your power to fay of your poor
people in New-England, they fhall not die. If we have
found favour in the fight of our king, let our life be given
us at our petition (or rather that which is dearer than life,
that we have ventured our lives, and willingly paffed thrô
many deaths to obtain) and our all at our requeſt. Let our
government live, our patent live, our magiftrates live,
our lawes and liberties live, our religious enjoyments live,
fo fhall we all yet have further caufe to fay, from our
hearts, let the King live for ever. And the bleffing of
them that were ready to perifh fhall come upon your Ma-
jeftie; having delivered the poor that cried, and fuch as
had none to helpe them. It was an honour to one of
your royal anceſtors that he was called the poor mans
king. It was Job's excellency, when he fat as King among
his people, that he was a father to the poor. They are a
poor people (deftitute of outward favour, wealth, and
power) who now cry unto their Lord the King. May
your Majeſtie pleafe to regard their caufe, and maintain
their right: It will ftand, among the marks of lafting
honour, to after generations. And wee and ours fhall have
lafting caufe to rejoice, that we have been numbred among
your Majeſties
Moft humble fervants
25th of October, 1664
·
and fuppliants.
M m 2
NUM
.. 1
544
APPENDIX.
1
!
·
NUMBER
XVII.
Copy of a letter from the Earl of CLARENDON
to the Maffachufets Colony, in 1664.
I
Mr. GOVERNOUR and GENTLEMEN,
HAVE received yours of the 7th of November, by
the hands of Mr. Afhurft, a very fober and diſcreet
perfon, and did (by his communicating it to me) perufe
the petition* you had directed to his Majefty, and I do
confeffe to you, I am fo much a friend to your colony,
that if the fame had been communicated to no body but
my ſelf, I ſhould haue diffwaded the prefenting the fame
to his Majefty, whọ, I doubt, will not think himſelf well
treated by it, or the fingular care he hath expreffed of his
fubjects in thoſe parts fufficiently acknowledged; but fince
I found by your letter to my lord Chamberlaine and Mr.
Boyle, that you expected fome effect from your petition,
upon conference with them wee all agreed not to hinder
the delivery of it, though I have read to them and Mr.
Afhurft, euery word of the inftructions the commiffioners
haue; and they all confeffed that his Majefty could not
expreffe more grace and goodneffe for that his plantation,
nor put it more out of their power, in any degree to in-
vade the liberties and privileges granted to you by your
charter; and therefore wee were all equally amazed to find
that you demand a revokation of the commiffion and
commiffioners, without laying the leaſt matter to their
charge of crymes or exorbitances: What fenfe the King
hath of your addreffe to him, you will I prefume heare
from himſelf, or by his direction; I fhall only tell you,
that as you had long cauſe to expect that the King would
fend commiffioners thither, fo that it was abfolutely necef-
fary he ſhould do ſo, to compoſe the differences amongſt
yourſelves, of which he received complaint, and to do
* N°. XVI.
juſtice
APPENDIX.
545
juftice to your neighbours, which they demanded from
his royall hands. I know not what you meane by faying,
the commiffioners have power to exercife government
there altogether inconfiftent with your charter and privi-
leges, fince I am fure their commiffion is to fee and pro-
uide for the due and full obfervation of the charter, and
that all the priviledges granted by that charter may be
equally enjoyed by all his Majefties fubjects there: I know
they are exprefly inhibited from intermedling with, or in-
ſtructing the adminiſtration of juftice, according to the
formes obferued there; but if in truth, in any extraordinary
cafe, the proceedings there haue been irregular, and againſt
the rules of juftice, as fome particular cafes, particularly
recommended to them by his Majefty, feeme to be, it
cannot be preſumed that his Majefty hath or will leaue his
fubjects of New-England without hope of redreffe by an
appeale to him, which his ſubjects of all his other king-
domes haue free liberty to make. I can fay no more to
you but that it is in your owne power to be very happy,
and to enjoy all that hath been granted to you; but it will
be abfolutely neceffary that you performe and pay all that
reverence and obedience which is due from ſubjects to their
King, and which his Majefty will exact from you, and
doubts not but to find from the beft of that colony, both
in quality and in number. I have no more to add, but
that I am,
Worcefter-Houfe,
15 March 1664.
Gentlemen,
Your affectionate ſervant,
CLARENDON C.
NUM-
M m 3
546
APPENDIX.
NUMBER XVIII. -
Copy of a letter from King CHARLES the 2d,
to the Colony of New-Plimouth, 1666.
CHARLES, R.
T
RUSTY and well beloved, we greet you well,
Having received fo full and fatisfactory an account
from our commiffioners, both of the good reception you
have given them, and alſo of your dutifulneſs and obedi-
ence to us, We cannot but let you know how much we
are pleaſed therewith; judging that refpect of yours to-
wards our officers, to be the true and natural fruit which
demonftrates what fidelity and affection towards us is rooted
in your hearts. And although your carriage doth, of it-
ſelf, moſt juſtly deſerve our praiſe and approbation, yet it
feems to be fet off with the more luftre, by the contrary
deportment of the colony of the Maffachufets, as if, by
their refractoriness, they had defigned to recommend and
heighten the merit of your compliance with our directions,
for the peaceable and good government of our fubjects in
thoſe parts. You may therefore affure yourſelves, that
we ſhall never be unmindful of this your loyal and dutiful
behaviour, but fhall, upon all occafions, take notice of it
to your advantage; promifing you our conftant protection
and royal favour, in all things that may concern your fafety,
peace, and welfare. And fo we bid you farewell. Given
at our court at Whitehall, the 10th day of April, 1666, in
the eighteenth year of our reign.
By his Majefty's command,
WILL. MORRICE,
NUM-
APPENDIX.
547
NUMBER
XIX.
Copy of a letter from King CHARLES the 2d.
to the Maffachufets Colony, in 1666.
CHARLES,
R.
IS Majefty hauing received a full information, from
his commiffioners who were fent by him into New-
England, of their reception and treatment in the feuerall
colonyes and prouinces of that plantation, in all which
they have receiued great fatisfaction, but only that of the
Maffachufets; and he hauing likewife been fully informed
of the accompt fent hither by the counfell of the Maſſa-
chufets, under the hand of the prefent gouernor, of all
the paffages and proceedings which haue been there be-,
tween the faid commiffioners and them from the time of
their firft coming ouer; upon all which it is uery euident
to his Majefty, notwithſtanding many expreffions of great
affection and duty, that thoſe who gouern the collony of
the Maffachufets doe beleiue, that the commiffion giuen by
his Majefty to thofe commiffioners, upon fo many and
waighty reafons, and after fo long deliberation, is an appa-
rent uiolation of their charter, and tending to the diffolu-
tion of it, and that in truth they doe, upon the matter, be-
lieue that his Majefty hath noe jurifdiction ouer them, but
that all perfons muft acquieffe in ther judgments and de-
terminations how unjuft foeuer, and cannot appeale to his
Majefty, which would bee a matter of fuch a high con-
fequence as euery man difcernes where it muſt end. His
Majefty therefore, upon due confideration of the whole
matter, thinks fit to recall his fayd commiffioners, which he
hath at this preſent done, to the end hee may receiue from
them a more particular account of the ftate and condition
of thoſe his plantations, and of the particular differences
and debates they haue had with thofe of the Maffachufets,
that fo his Majefty may pafs his final judgment and deter-
mination thereupon. His Majefty's exprefs command and
charge is, that the gouernor rnd councell of the Maſa-
chufets doe forthwith make choice of fiue or four per-
fons
M m 4
548.
APPENDIX.
fons to attend upon his Majefty, whereof Mr. Richard
Bellingham and Major Hathorn are to be two, both which
his Majefty commands upon their allegiance to attend, the
other three or two to be fuch as the counfell fhall make
choice of; and if the fayd Mr. Bellingham bee the prefent
gouernor, another fitt perfon is to be deputed to that of
fice till his return, and his Majefty will then, in perſon,
hear all the allegations, fuggeftions, or pretences to right or
fauour that can be made on the behalf of the fayd colony,
and will there make it appear how farr hee is from the
leaſt thought of inuading or infringing, in the leaft degree,
the royall charter granted to the faid colony; and his
Majefty expects the appearance of the fayd perfons as
foon as they can poffibly repair hither, after they haue'
notice of this his Majefty's pleafure; and his further
command is that there may bee noe alterations with refe-
rence to the government of the prouince of Mayne, till
his Majefty hath heard what is alledged on all fides, but
that the fame continue as his Majeftyes commiffioners
haue left the fame, until his Majefty fhall further deter-
mine; and his Majefty further exprefly charges and com-
mands the gouernor and counfell there, that they imme-
diately fet all fuch perfons at liberty, who haue been or
are impriſoned, only for petitioning or applying them-
felues to his Majefty's commiffioners. And for the better
prevention of all differences and difputes upon the bounds
and limits of the feveral colonyes, his Majeftys pleaſure
is, that all determinations made by his Majefty's fayd
commiffioners with reference to the faid bounds and limits
may ſtill continue to bee obferved, till upon a full repre-
fentation of all pretences, his Majefty fhall make his own
final determination; and particularly the prefent tempo-
rary bounds fet by the commiffioners between the colonyes
of New Plymouth and Rhoad-Ifland, untill his Majefty
fhall find caufe to alter the fame. And his Majefty expects
that full obedience be giuen to this fignification of his plea-
fure, in all particulars. Giuen at the court at Whitehall,
the oth day of April, 1666, in the eighteenth year of hist
Majesty's reign.
WILL. MORRICE.
i
NUM-
APPENDIX.
549
NUMBER
XX.
SAMUEL GORTON's defence againſt the charges
upon him in Morton's Memorial.
1
NATHANIEL MORTON,
Underſtand you have lately put forth a book of records.
-But this I know, that I am unjustly enrolled, be-
caufe I was never free, nor member incorporate, in your
body, or any of your territories; therefore I may not re-
frain to make a ſhort return, only as it concerns myſelf.
AND 1ft. Your peremptory judging of one you know
not, for I am a ftranger to you.-
My 2d word concerns your eminency, in affuming au-
thority to canonize and put into the number of faints fuch
men, when they are dead, who, in their life time, were
perfecutors, eſpecially, you having acknowledged them to
be fuch yourself; as allo to thruft down. under your feet,
and make as bruit beaſts, having only hope in this preſent
life, fuch as are known to be fearers of God, worſhipping
him inftanftly, day and night; tho' they be not acknow-
ledged to be fuch, by fome particular fectaries as yourſelf.
A 3d word I have to ſay concerns your record: Miſtake
me not, I meddle not with your records further than they
concern myſelf. I then affirm, that your record is fetched
from him who is a lyar from the beginning-In that you
declare I have fpoken words (or to that effect) that there
is no ftate nor condition of mankind after this life. I do
verily believe that there is not a man, woman, or child,
upon the face of the earth, that will come forth and ſay,
that ever they heard any fuch words come from my
mouth; and I appeal to God, the judge of all fecrets, that
there was never ſuch a tho't entertained in my heart.-
5
AND
550
APPENDIX.
1
AND whereas you fay, I am become a fordid man in
my life; I dare be fo bold as to lay my converfation among
men to the rules of humanity, with any minifter among
you, in all the paffages of my life which God hath bro't
me thro', from my youth unto this day, that it hath been
as comely and innocent as his. Whofe ox or whofe afs
have I taken, or when or where have I lived upon other
mens labours, and not wrought with my own hands, for
things honeft in the fight of men, to eat my own bread?
A 4th word I have to fay to your pamphlet, concerns
the ftuff, as you fottifhly and contemptuously call it. You
may be ashamed to put pen to paper, to publiſh any thing
to the world in fhew of religion, not acknowledging the
letter of the fcripture, but deriding it rather,-
FOR the reft of thofe expreffions which you charge
upon us, you fallly apply them. We never called fermons
of falvation, tales; nor any ordinances of the Lord an abo-
mination or vanity; nor holy minifters, necromancers: We
honour, reverence, and practice thefe things. And, how-
ever you term me a belcher out of errors, I would have
you know, that I hold my call to preach the gofpel of
Chrift, not inferiour to any minifter in this countrey, tho'
I was not bred up in the fchools of humane learning, and
I blefs God that I never was; leaft I had been drowned
in pride and ignorance, thro' Ariftotle's principles, and other
heathen philofophers, as millions are, and have been, `who
ground their preaching of the gofpel upon humane princi
ples, to the falfifying of the word of God, in the ruin of
mens fouls.
Yet this I doubt not of, but that there hath
been as much true ufe made of the languages, within this
20 years paft, in the place where I live, as hath been in
any church in New-England: I know the manner of your
preaching very well.
WHEN I was laft in England, thro' importunity I was
perfwaded to ſpeak the word of God publickly, in divers
and eminent places as any were then in London, as alſo about
London, and places more remote; many times the minifters
of
APPENDIX.
55*
•
of the place being hearers, and fometimes many together,
at appointed lectures in the countrey. I have spoken in
the audience of all forts of people and perfonages, under
the title of a bishop or a King; and was invited to ſpeak
in the preſence of fuch as had the title of excellency; and
was lovingly embraced wherever I came, in the word ut-
tered, with the moſt eminent chriftians in the place; and
for leave-taking at our departure, not unlike the ancient
cuftom of the faints, on record in the holy fcripture; and
I dare fay, as evident teftimony of God's power, going
forth with his word fpoken, manifefted, as ever any in
New England had; publickly and immediately after the
word delivered, the people giving thanks to God that ever
fuch a word came to be uttered among them; with intreaty
for ſtay and further manifeftation, in as eminent places as
are in England; where myfelf did know that doctors of
note had formerly preached, and, at that time, ſuch as had
more honour put upon them than, ordinarily, preachers
have, who gave me the call thither, in way of loving and
chriftian fellowſhip, the like abounding in the hearers:
Therefore, I know not with what New-England is lea-
vened or fpirited. Indeed once in London, 3 or 4 malig-
nant perfons caufed me to be fummoned before a com-
mittee of parliament, becauſe I was not a univerſity man:
I appeared, and my accufers alfa; one of them a fchool-
mafter in Chrift's hofpital, another or two, elders of inde-
pendent or ſeparated churches; who were queſtioned what
they had againſt me. They faid I had preached. Divers of
the committee anſwered, that was true, they had heard me.
The chairman afked of my accufers, what I had faid?
They could not repeat any thing, but faid they were fure
I had made the people of God fad. But the fum of all their
accufation was bro't out in a book, which they faid con-
tained divers blafphemies: The book was only that which
was printed at the proceedings of the Maffachufets againſt
myſelf and others. The honoured committee took the
book, and divers of them looked upon it, and found no
fuch thing there, as they ignorantly fuggefted; And, tho'
my
552
APPENDIX.
my adverfaries could fay nothing, but only vent their
fpleen, crying out upon blafphemy; yet the chairman and
divers of the board, knights and other gentlemen, quef-
tioned me about my call to preach, and other principal
points of religion, and I answered to all of them according
to my knowledge and confcience. Then my accufers defired
Mr. Winflow might be called forth, whom they had pro-
cured to appear there, whom they thought would oppofe
me ftrongly, with refpect to that book: When he came
out of the crowd (for there was a multitude of people, the
place being ſpacious) he fpake judiciously and manlike, de-
firing to be excufed, for he had nothing to fay to me in
that place, his buſineſs with me lay before another commit-
tee of parliament; which gave the table good fatisfaction.
My anſwers and arguments were honourably taken by the
chairman and the reft of the committee, and myſelf dif-
miffed as a preacher of the gospel. Shortly after, emi-
nent preachers, living remote from London, then prefent,
fent unto me kind gratulations, for my arguments uſed, and
anfwers given before that committee. Which act of that
committee I take to be as good an human call to preach,
as any of your minifters have; and other call I know
none they have. And, for a human call, I think mine
to be as good as the degrees in the ſchools, or to pass un-
der the hands and ceremonies of a titular biſhop, or under
the natural hands of a titular elderſhip, or to have the
call of a people, by the power of ftipend or contribution,
without one of which no contract-all which I account as
human, at the beſt.
A 5th word I have to fay, is in that you fend your
reader to a book printed by Mr. Edward Winflow, for a
more full and perfect intelligence. Mr. Winflow, and my-
felf had humanlike correfpondency in England, and before
the honourable committee which he referred himſelf to, as
above: and, not to wrong the dead, I ſaw nothing to the
contrary, but that I had as good acceptation in the eyes of
that committee as himſelf had; altho' he had a greater
charter
APPENDIX.
553
charter and larger commiffion, out of theſe parts, than my-
felf then had; and, however he was a man of more eminent
parts than myſelf, yet the goodneſs and juſtice of my cauſe
did equalize myſelf unto him, in thoſe occafions, both in
the minds and demeanors of our fuperiors. I do profeſs
I do not know or remember any particulars in that book
he then put forth :-I faw it in London, but read little of
it; and when I came over into theſe parts, my ancient ac-
quaintance and friend, Mr. John Brown, difcourfing with
me about thofe affairs in England, told me he had read
fuch a book, printed or put forth by Mr. Winſlow: I told
him I had ſeen it, but read very little of it. Mr. Brown,
you know, was a man approved of among you, an aſſiſtant
in your government, a commiffioner for the united colo-
nies, &c. who thus fpake unto me in our diſcourſe (I will
not pervert nor alter a word of the will or words of the
dead) I fay, he affirmed thus unto me, That he would
maintain, that there were 40 lies printed in that book.
Warwick, June 30, 1669.
per me,
SAMUEL GORTON.
*
+
NUM-
3
554
APPENDIX
NUMBER XXI.
Major WALLEY'S Journal in the Expedition
againſt Canada in 1692.
►
A narrative of the proceedings to Canada, foe far as
concerned the land army.
HAV
AVING paffed the isle of Percey, and being put
back by a contrary wind, it was defigned there to
have landed our fouldiers, to have fettled our companys,
to have called a council of warr, to have made and de-
clared fuch orders as was neceffary for regulating our forces,
but by feveral of our fhips and veffels being drove out of
the harbour by a ſtorm, they came not in again feaſonably,
and foe what was intended was prevented.
UPON the 23d of Sept. wee came to an anchor at Tar-
rafack*, a council of warr was called, fuch orders and ordi-
nances made as was judged neceffary, and ordered to be
publiſhed in every veffel, and at the head of each com•
pany, which orders are upon record, and may be feen.
UPON the 27th of Sept. being about 25 leagues from
Cabeck †, I went aboard each veffel in the fleet, that had
fouldiers, to take care that they might be all ready and
fixt for the ſervice, not knowing how foon there might be
occafion; and whereas there had been complaints, that,
aboard feveral of the veffels, the fouldiers and others had
near a third part of their allowance taken off without or-
der, I then gave orders that their full allowance might be
given them.
UPON the 5th O&t. wee came up with the Ifle of Or-
leans, the whole fleet together, and having promifed our
men, that they ſhould with the first convenience be landed
to refreſh themſelves, and not having opportunity before,
thought it might doe well to doe it then, propofing to the
council that wee might then fettle the companys, that wee.
+ Quebeck...
* Tadoufack.
might
APPENDIX.
555
might then fecure the iland, gaine intelligence, and upon
our informations to draw up fuch conclufions as were ne-
ceffary, and not to have appeared in fight of the town un-
till wee were fully ready to fall upon them; but it was
over-ruled by the council, and agreed we ſhould take the
advantage of the tide, and be in fight of the town by day-
light, which was accordingly done.
UPON the 6th Oct. it was concluded that a ſummons
fhould be ſent afhore, and, while the anſwer was coming,
to put ourſelves in the beſt poſture wee could for landing;
but by that time the meffenger was returned wee found
the tides did not fute, and that it would be too late to land
that night. It was alfoe then agreed upon, that the army
ſhould land at the north fhore, at the place we after
landed at; that the ſmall veffels, that had guns, fhould take
in the ammunition, provifion, field pieces, fhovels, fpades,
and other neceffarys for the fouldiers, (that tide or the next
they were to come up to Charles river, that lyes by the
town,) that the fhips boats fhould come into the river to
be helpfull to carry the fouldiers over, and the fouldiers
to be ready by the river when they came, that fo they
might be helpful each to other, as there had been occaſion;
that the field pieces fhould come in thofe veffels to be
landed on the other fide the river; it was alfoe agreed
that, when wee were over the river, the men of warr were
to fail up with the town, and when they perceived wee
were upon the hill, efpecially if we then fired a houfe,
they were then to land 200 men under their guns, and
were to make a brifk and refolute charge to enter the
town; alfoe agreed that Shute and others of the larger
veffels that were not men of warr, were to goe beyond
the town, that the enemy might thinke we had another
army to land there; alfoe agreed that wee fhould have
two miniſters and three chirurgeons afhore.
THESE things being thus agreed on, on the next
morning being the 7th Oct. wee attempted to land our
men, but by a ſtorm were prevented, few of the boats be-
ing able to row a head, and found it would endanger our
men
556
APPENDIX.
men and wett our armes, at which time the veffel Capt.
Savage was in went afhore, the tide fell, left them dry, the
enemy came upon them, they manfully defended them-
felves. I went aboard feveral veffels, and, though with fome
difficulty, caufed fome fmall veffels that had guns to weigh,
and fent fome boats that endeavoured to help them, or if
no other way to bring off the men, but the weather and
fhoals were fuch they could do them noe good; the enemy
were awed by fome guns from Sir William, that the ſhott
flew among the thickeſt of them, alfoe by fome guns from
Capt. Eldridge. At the tides coming in they floated and
all gott off ſafe. That night, aboard Sir William's fhip,
the French priſoners informed us of a place about two
miles beyond the town, that would be more commodious
for landing the army, which I then thought might be beſt,
(but Capt. Davis faith fince, wee fhould not a mended our
felves) but it was faid the council of warr had determined
the place, and wee had not time to call them together then,
and it would be fafeft to attend order.
THE next day, being the 8th Oct. as foon as the bad
weather was over, and the tides fuited, wee landed our
men, which confidering how farr many of our veffels were
from the fhoar, and the helps wee had, never more men
were landed in lefs time; but the flatts lay off foe we were
forced to go into the water, fome up to the knees, and
fome near as high as their wafts upon the flatts. I drew up
the whole army, which confifted of between 12 and 1300
men, cauſed four companys to be drawn out as forlorns,
though the ground would not admitt the forlorn and main
battle to be far the one from the other; this being done,
I ordered the forlorns to advance, and to march, at their
open order, towards the upland, and by this time the tide
was upon the ground wee ſtood on: The forlorn were no
fooner advanced a few rods, before there was firing from
both fides; upon one wing fome of our men faw the ene-
my in the buſhes, and fired firſt, but upon the other wing,
and in moft places, the enemy had the firft fhot at us; and
from a village over a creek on our right wing, there was
✓ a
APPENDIX.
557
a party gauled us confiderably; upon the charge our officers
and fouldiers fhewed courage and refolution enough, yet
fome having given an order to fire and fall off, but judging
under the prefent circumftances, ordered the whole body
to fhoot and run up at once, which they did with one
conſent, that it was hard to ſay which company went up
firft or fafteft; upon which, the enemy having generally
made a ſecond fhott, they gave way at once, and by the
convenience of ſwamps and bufhes, they had an opportunity
to run away and fecure themſelves, but yet in partys out
of every corner of a fwamp or thicket they kept firing
upon us; wee continued our chafe and march towards the
town, and killed fome of the enemy as wee went. Being
informed that the enemy had fired at our men out of a
barn, and judging there were fome in it, I ordered it to be
fired; we come up with a houſe where was a hogfhead of
claret fett at the door, and feeing our fouldiers gather
about it, leaft it were poifoned, or might otherwiſe harm
our men or hinder our march, I ordered the head to be
knocked out; drawing nearer the town and finding the
army too much fcattered, and not knowing but wee might
be met withall by a force from the town, I drew up a good
part of our forces and marcht on; wee continued our
march until it was dark, two thirds of the army took up
their stand by a creek, where was a houfe and fome other
fhelter, with the other part I advanced about a quarter of
a mile, that we might the better fecure the fhoar and to
fee our veffels that were to come into the river; there wee
took up our quarters, placed our out guards and ſenti-
nels, and did what was neceffary for fecuring ourſelves and
taking notice of the motion of the enemy; wee then took
the advantage of the Houſe, barn, hay and ſtraw, that
thofe that were not upon duty might keep themfelves as
warm as they could. Making enquiry what damage wee
had received from the enemy, or done to them, found wee
had not above four killed outright at our landing, nor leſs
than 60 officers and fouldiers wounded, and it was judged
we had killed 20, fome fay 30 of the enemy, and fince,
N n
hive
558
APPENDIX.
have been informed their hofpital is full of wounded men,
and it is faid they had not less than 7 or 800 men that lay
undiscovered to take the advantage at our landing; all
things confidered, it was a great mercy wee had no more
damage done us. The fame evening, having information
of a Frenchman that had furrendered himfelf and was
with the other part of the army, I fent for him and ftrictly
examined him, feverely threatned him if I caught him in a
lye, told him wee had taken other French prifoners, and if
he told us any thing that was falfe wee fhould foon find it.
He told us wee ſhould cut him in pieces if he told us any
thing but what was truth; he informed that there were
about 600 men that were in the fwamp at our coming.
afhore, that there was a captain and other officers killed, be-
fides others that he faw, that the French had goo men from
the town, more, upon their march towards us, that they
were over the river, but feeing wee had landed our men foe
fuddainly, and beaten the French off the ground, and were
marching towards the town, that they retreated, marcht
back to the town, or at least to the other fide of the river:
He faid the Earl of Frontenack was come down, the go-
vernor of Mount Royal and the intendant; that a great
many fouldiers came into Cabeck on the Thurfday before,
a great many with the governor upon Fryday, and morewith
the governor of Mount Royal on Saturday, and many
fince: He alfoe faid he was a fouldier of Mount Royal that
had run away, and that they were ſeeking after him (which
wee after found true) He alfoe faid, he came by the in-
formation by a Mount Royal fouldier, that he had mett
withall, which acquainted him they had loft but 50 fouldiers
at Mount Royall, and added, that he had heard fome French
officers, at the next houſe to that wee then were at, ſay,
that they had not lefs than 3000 men in the town; he
alfoe faid, that at the moft convenient place of the fouldiers
goeing over they had planted 8 guns. All which, after-
wards, we had confirmed. That others might not be
difcouraged, wee told him he was fent by the enemy to
tell us a parfel of lies, but he faid he had told us nothing
but what we fhould find true.
AFTER
APPENDIX.
559.
AFTER this, I fent for the rest of the forces to come
over, that wee might not be too much ſcattered, and fent
for the majors and captains, and fuch as belonged to the
council of warr, to confider and conclude what was farther
to be done; after fome difcourfe, it was concluded by the
whole, that, for as much as the veffels were not come up
the river with our ſupplyes of provifion, ammunition, and
other neceffaries, neither the boats for tranſporting our
men, that, as matters were thus circumftanced, wee were
not in a capacity to advance, but hoped the veffels would
be in with the tide, that was before day, and that if they
came, wee would be ready to be helpfull to defend them,
as we expected help from them; but the winds prevented
their coming, as the mafters after faid. Before day, con-
trary to order, and without my knowledge, they landed
the fix field pieces, at the point near which the army lay,
which greatly clogg'd us, and would a made our paffidge
over the river very difficult. In the evening, wee fee
Capt. Gilbert weigh anchor, and the fhips of warr fail up
to the town, and the feveral fhips plying their guns upon
the town, and the town upon them, with utmoft diligence;
but the reafon of their going before the land army were
over the river, we underſtood not till afterwards. The
cold of the night, and our fouldiers not having opportunity
to dry themſelves until the next day, proved very preju-
ditiall to them. Upon the 9th of October, Sir William's
ſhip returned from the town, being, as wee were informed,
very much difinabled, having been very fmartly engaged
with the town, alfoe were informed, that the men of warr
had not powder enough left for two rounds apeice; but,
however, fuppofing they had fecured and would fupply us
with what was promifed, and reckning it was aboard the
fmall veffels that were to come into the river, we ftill ex-
pected their coming in, and that day advanced nearer the
town, where wee had better fhelter for the men, and a
better place for our defence, where we placed out our
guards, and put ourfelves in the beſt poſture we could to
defend ourſelves and offend our enemies, if they had come
upon
Nn 2
5.60
APPENDIX.
upon us; fent out partys to gain intelligence and make
diſcovery, and what provifion came within our reach was
killed for the ufe of the army; our provifions being fo much.
in the maſters of the veffels power, and not in the commif-
fary generals order and difpofe, proved a great damidge,
by reafon hereof, fome fouldiers were provided for and
others wanted, and all the rum that could be procured, to
refreſh the fouldiers, was only about 60 gallons, which
was fpared from Sir William's fhip, the reft either had it
not, or would not own they had.
OUR fouldiers dried themſelves, gott what refreſhment
they could, and hoped the veffels might come in the
evening tide, wee feeing more and more need of them,
being more and more fenfible of the enemies ftrength, and
our own men, many, growing fick and unfitt for fervice.
But the veffels not coming, we ftood upon our guard that
night, but found it exceeding cold, it freezing that night
foe that the next morning the ice would bear a man. That
night I called a council, demanded their opinion what was
to be done, for it would be to no purpoſe to lye there; one
in behalf of fundry others faid, that they had been together
confidering thereof, and that for as much as we had not fuit-
able fupplys of provifions afhore, little or no ammunition
to recruit if there fhould be occafion, that our men were,
many, fick and wearied, that they had the difficultys of the
river to deal with, neither boats nor veffels to help us in
our going over, that we had 8 great guns and 1000 men at
the river fide that were ready for us, after that, a ſteep
bank and narrow paffage to win, up or through which wee
fhould not a been able to have carried our great guns, nei-
ther could wee have carried them over, where wee might
have had them for uſe, without the help of our boats or
veffels, after all this a well fortified town with three times
our number of men within to encounter with, having but
one chirurgeon afhore, though three were ordered, the in-
creaſing cold weather, the enemy being capable and had a.
fair opportunity, had we gone over, by reafon of their men
on our backs and guns by Charles river, to cut off all fup-
串
​plys
APPENDIX.
55
plys and preventing our fending off foe much as a wounded
man; after fome diſcourſe on theſe matters it was con-
cluded, as I underſtood, by the whole, that I fhould goe
on board that morning to Sir William, and acquaint him
with our difficultys and difappointments, and that it was
their agreement, if he were willing, that the army fhould
get aboard that night or before day, and that they fhould
reft and refreſh themſelves a day or two, and if they found
they had ammunition fuitable, they were ready to land at
any other place, or under the guns at the town, if the coun-
fel ſhould foe conclude; there was that day two men to
each gun fent afhore, a barrel of powder for the great
guns, and half a barrel beſides, and 100 wt. of bullets or
fomething more.
THE 10th, before noon, I went aboard to Sir William,
acquainted him how matters went aſhore, and of the deſire
and conclufion of the officers; he faid he could a been glad
we had been capable to have proceeded, but confented to
their coming aboard, and faid the boats fhould be fent a-
fhore before day; after I had been aboard a while, wee
heard guns goe off afhore and perceived our out guards
were charged by the enemy; I was going off, but, per-
ceiving it was foon over, ftaid a while, and in the after-
noon went aſhore again, found our guards and fome ſcouts
had been engaged by the enemy; Major Savage fent re-
liefs as was neceffary, but being informed that the enemy
might be 1000 men over the river, he fent Capt. Corwin
with orders that the fouldiers fhould make an orderly re-
treat, for if the enemy were numerous it were better to
prepare to meet them in the plain fields than among the
fwamps; wee had 4 men wounded, one died of his wounds,
and, through haft in the retreat, a ſmall drummer left his
drum behind him; they did confiderable damage to the
enemy, but could not give a certain and particular account
thereof, they fired feveral houſes and barns, and returned,
but the enemy fee no caufe to follow them. That night
wee kept a very strong and ftrict watch, I acquainted the
fouldiers of their coming aboard; after midnight feveral of
Nn 3
the
562
APPENDIX.
the commanders defired we might remove our army nearer
to the place where we were to goe off, accordingly wee
filently marched off the ground, carryed back our guns;
when I had taken care that wee had left none behind, I
went to the place where they were ordered to march,
found our fouldiers too many of them upon the beach.
ready to goe off if there had been an opportunity; I caufed
them to be drawn up upon the upland adjoining, and put
them in a pofture for fervice if they had been attacked by
the enemy, for wee were within fight and hearing of the
town. Before day the boats began to row afhore, but foe
many of our men drew off without orders, that they might
be ready to get in with the firft, I forefeeing the confufion
that was like to be, and perceiving there would not be
time before it was light to get all off, I fent the boats all
away and would not let any goe off at that time.
THE 11th day, being foe near as to hear them calling
one to another at the town, their drumming and ringing
before day, and other noiſes in the woods, that wee had
reaſon to thinke they intended that day to come out againſt
us with their whole ftrength; in the morning they fired
feveral great guns at us but did us no harm, our men all
that day ftanding to their arms, drums beating, colours
flying, fair in fight of the town, we faw feveral of the ene
my not far from us, and many on the other fide of the
river, befides what was in the town; it is faid that Capt.
Davis* reckoned, what they had in the town and that
alarmed us and guarded their fhoars, they were more then
4000 men; they fent out 7 or 800 freſh men dayly to alarm
us and to watch our motions. Defigning to goe off that
night, and there being like to be a good opportunity, I
called feveral of the officers and acquainted them that I
was defigned to fend three parties of fouldiers to beat up
the fwamps that were round us, and beat off thefe fpies
that we had reafon to judge lay near us, accordingly or-
dered three 16 files to be detached out of the feveral compa-
nies, and fent them out commanded by Capt. Barnet, and
Capt. Minot, and that party that was fent out upon our
Davis was then a prifoner at Quebec, taken at Cafco bay.
right
APPENDIX.
563
right wing were foon engaged; fent Capt. March forth-
with, who had a good company, and they then foon made
the enemy give back, but they continued firing briſkly at
each other; I fent out feveral companys to relieve them,
in the mean time not knowing but this party might have
been fent to occafion the drawing off a great part of our
forces, and they might have a greater ftrength near us,
wherefore I fent out to make difcovery, and ftood ready
with the rest of the army to fight them if they had come
up with us. The fouldiers were ordered to keep firing
at the enemy, in and about the ſwamps near us and where
they ſaw the enemy until it was dark, which accordingly
they did.
Ir then growing near night, 1 ordered the fick men to
be carried aboard, which might be done by day light, be-
cauſe two or three boats might goe off well enough un-
fufpected. That day, Alexander Smart came afhore with
a commiffion to be mafter gunner, and had 52 ſeamen un-
der his command for to attend the guns. A little before
night, I called him, and acquainted him that the army was
to goe off that night, and gave him a charge about the guns,
in particular ordered that three guns fhould goe off before
any men went, or with the first, the other ſhould be let
alone to the laſt, and kept for to defend the foldiers if
there had been occafion, and to be put aboard the laſt boats,
which might be foon done; he made me anfwer, that though
he was the laft man aboard, he would fee all the guns off;
I parted with him then, and never fee him afterwards that
I knew of; I then acquainted Major Savage and other
officers, that we would draw off half each regiment at a
time, and he ſhould draw off half his regiment firft, and or-
dered that thofe that went in the first boats fhould be help-
ful to draw down thofe three guns that were to goe first
aboard, which they did, and concluded they were gone
aboard. It growing very dark, notwithſtanding I had or-
dered the officers to keep the fouldiers to their arms, many
precipitately and diforderly drew down to the beach, four
times more than had leave, and a very great noife was
made,
564
APPENDIX.
made, which I was much troubled at, and was willing to
go down to fee if I could ftill them; I called to Major
Ward, ordered him he ſhould do what he could to keep the
fouldiers to their arms, and not to move without order,
which he foon found too hard for him to doe; I ordered
fome fouldiers to keep the reft from crowding down until
thoſe were gone off that were upon the flats; I called to
them to be filent, but either of theſe were little regarded,
for the crowd and the noife both increaſed; the feamen
calling out for fuch fouldiers as belonged to their veffels,
and the fouldiers for fuch boats as came from the veffels
they belonged to, hundreds in the water up to the knees
and higher, preffing into boats, the feamen and they con-
tending, by reafon whereof I fee boats were like to be five
times longer a loading than they needed; I faw à necef-
fity of my going off to the boats, went aboard a ſmall
boat belonging to Mr. Winfer, commanded filence, or-
dered the boats to take the men in, as they came, and to
carry them to the firft veffels they came at, which was not
minded by many, but as I was forced to goe from boat to
boat and fee it done, for otherways fome of the feamen
would throw the fouldiers overboard if they did not belong
to them, or the fouldiers would have preffed into boats to
have funk them, After my being at the point not leſs than
three hours, the men were moft off, and every thing ftill
quiet, the boats were all gone, I began to think, becauſe I
fee none a coming they thought the men were all off, I
queftioned how many men were upon the point, fome faid
150, we judged about 100 or 120, I told them I would fee
if
any boats were coming, rowed off and heard ſeveral boats
rowing, went to them and ordered them to haften to the
fhoar; and though I thought there might be enough to take
off all the meri, yet they thould rather have too many than
want, I told them I would go to the next veffels that had
boats aboard and fend them away, which I did with all
fpeed. Being now well fatisfied our men were fafe off, I
went on board Sir William's fhip, I acquainted how mat-
ters were told him I hoped the guns were off, for did not
>
fee
APPENDIX.
565
fee them when I came away; he made anfwer, he quef-
tioned, for the mafter gunner had been aboard long before,
and could not give account they were off, immediately
came one of the gunners aboard, with a gun, and ſaid that
the guns were all off. I then being ſatisfied that both men
and guns were all off, I went to my cabbin, to take my reſt,
having had but little for 3 days and nights before. Soon af-
ter Mr. Dearing came aboard, who came off in the laſt
par-
fel of boats, and acquainted ſome of the officers and divers
others, that there was five of the guns afhore, that they had
been under water, but appeared when he came away; they
did not acquaint Sir William nor myſelf of it, until the
next morning, for wee had come off undiſcovered, and
there was four or five hours time that they might been
eafily and fafely fetcht, but that was neglected; they fent
in the morning, but then it was too late.
THE 12th day a council was called, feveral, but not all
the commanders aboard, they difcourfed of landing at the
town, or at Orleance, many of the officers declared that
many of their men were fick and unfitt for fervice; how-
ever, it was agreed that the men ſhould have a day or two's
time to refreſh themſelves, and to inquire what capacity
wee were in for a further attempt, and fome time fhould
be ſpent on Monday in prayer, to feek God's direction, but
the weather prevented our meeting, and wee neceffitated
to weigh and fall down to Orleance, many veffels drove
from their anchors, and were in danger of being drove on
upon the town; wee then fent afhore about our captives,
but winds and weather after proved fuch, as wee had never
opportunity to come together, but the whole fleet were
fcattered, and fuch exceeding hard cold and windy weather
fett in for 3 weeks or a month together, as I never was in
fo much together.
THIS narrative given into the honourable council of the
Maffachuſetts, this 27th Nov. 1690.
P. JOHN WALLEY.
THE
566
APPENDIX.
ར
THE land army's failing, the enemy's too timely in
telligence, lyeing 3 weeks within 3 days fail of the place,
by reafon whereof they had opportunity to bring in the
whole ftrength of their country, the fhortnefs of our am-
munition, our late fetting out, our long patlidge, and
many fick in the army, theſe may be reckned as fome of
the reaſons of our diſappointment.
SOME queftion our courage, that wee proceeded no
further; as things were circumftanced, others would a
queftioned our prudence, if wee had; were it a fault, it
was the act of a council of warr; we must undergoe the
cenfures of many: In the mean time, our confciences doe
not accuſe us, neither are we moft, yea allmoft all, of us,
afraid or aſhamed to anſwer our actions, before any that
can or fhall call us to an account for the fame, nor un-
willing to give any farther fatisfaction to any reaſonable
men that ſhall defire it.
Bofton, the 27th Nov. 1690.
JOHN WALLEY.
THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
Form 9584
GRADUATE LIBRARY
DATE DUE
BOUND IN LIBRARY,
JAN
}